{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_59607/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_59607","id":"gutenberg_59607","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/59607","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Category: Sociology","Magic","Mythology","Religion","Superstition"],"text":"Produced by Susan Skinner, RichardW, and the Online\nDistributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This\nfile was produced from images generously made available\nby The Internet Archive)\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nThe Golden Bough, a Study in Magic and Religion, 12 volumes, Third\nEdition, by Frazer, James George. Part I. The Magic Art and the\nEvolution of Kings, Vol. I.\n\n\n\n\n THE GOLDEN BOUGH\n\n A STUDY IN MAGIC AND RELIGION\n\n _THIRD EDITION_\n\n\n PART I\n\n THE MAGIC ART\n AND THE EVOLUTION OF KINGS\n\n\n VOL. I\n\n\n\n\n[Illustration]\n\n MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED\n LONDON \u00b7 BOMBAY \u00b7 CALCUTTA \u00b7 MADRAS\n MELBOURNE\n\n THE MACMILLAN COMPANY\n NEW YORK \u00b7 BOSTON \u00b7 CHICAGO\n DALLAS \u00b7 SAN FRANCISCO\n\n THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.\n TORONTO\n\n[Illustration: _The Golden Bough._\n\nJ. M. W. TURNER, Pinxit.]\n\n\n\n\n THE MAGIC ART\n\n AND THE EVOLUTION OF KINGS\n\n BY\n\n SIR JAMES GEORGE FRAZER\n\n D.C.L., LL.D., LITT.D.\n\n FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE\n PROFESSOR OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL\n\n IN TWO VOLUMES\n\n VOL. I\n\n MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED\n ST. MARTIN\u2019S STREET, LONDON\n\n 1917\n\n\n\n\n\u201c_Nec indigeste tamquam in acervum congessimus digna memoratu: sed\nvariarum rerum disparilitas, auctoribus diversa confusa temporibus,\nita in quoddam digesta corpus est, ut quae indistincte atque promiscue\nad subsidium memoriae annotaveramus in ordinem instar membrorum\ncohaerentia convenirent. Nec mihi vitio vertas, si res quas ex lectione\nvaria mutuabor ipsis saepe verbis quibus ab ipsis auctoribus enarratae\nsunt explicabo, quia praesens opus non eloquentiae ostentationem sed\nnoscendorum congeriem pollicetur: et boni consulas oportet, si notitiam\nvetustatis modo nostris non obscure modo ipsis antiquorum fideliter\nverbis recognoscas, prout quaeque se vel enarranda vel transferenda\nsuggesserint. Apes enim quodammodo debemus imitari, quae vagantur\net flores carpunt, deinde quicquid attulere disponunt ac per favos\ndividunt et sucum varium in unum saporem mixtura quadam et proprietate\nspiritus sui mutant._\u201d\n\n MACROBIUS, _Saturnalia, Praefatio_.\n\n\n COPYRIGHT\n\n _Third Edition March 1911_\n\n _Reprinted July 1911, 1913, 1917_\n\n\n\n\n TO\n\n MY FRIEND\n\n WILLIAM ROBERTSON SMITH\n\n IN\n\n GRATITUDE AND ADMIRATION\n\n{vii}\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nWhen I originally conceived the idea of the work, of which the first\npart is now laid before the public in a third and enlarged edition, my\nintention merely was to explain the strange rule of the priesthood or\nsacred kingship of Nemi and with it the legend of the Golden Bough,\nimmortalised by Virgil, which the voice of antiquity associated with\nthe priesthood. The explanation was suggested to me by some similar\nrules formerly imposed on kings in Southern India, and at first I\nthought that it might be adequately set forth within the compass of\na small volume. But I soon found that in attempting to settle one\nquestion I had raised many more: wider and wider prospects opened out\nbefore me; and thus step by step I was lured on into far-spreading\nfields of primitive thought which had been but little explored by my\npredecessors. Thus the book grew on my hands, and soon the projected\nessay became in fact a ponderous treatise, or rather a series of\nseparate dissertations loosely linked together by a slender thread\nof connexion with my original subject. With each successive edition\nthese dissertations have grown in number and swollen in bulk by the\naccretion of fresh materials, till the thread on which they are strung\nat last threatened to snap under their weight. Accordingly, following\nthe hint of a friendly critic, I decided to resolve my overgrown book\ninto its elements, and to publish separately the various disquisitions\nof which {viii} it is composed. The present volumes, forming the first\npart of the whole, contain a preliminary enquiry into the principles\nof Magic and the evolution of the Sacred Kingship in general. They\nwill be followed shortly by a volume which discusses the principles of\nTaboo in their special application to sacred or priestly kings. The\nremainder of the work will be mainly devoted to the myth and ritual of\nthe Dying God, and as the subject is large and fruitful, my discussion\nof it will, for the sake of convenience, be divided into several parts,\nof which one, dealing with some dying gods of antiquity in Egypt and\nWestern Asia, has already been published under the title of _Adonis,\nAttis, Osiris_.\n\nBut while I have thus sought to dispose my book in its proper form as a\ncollection of essays on a variety of distinct, though related, topics,\nI have at the same time preserved its unity, as far as possible, by\nretaining the original title for the whole series of volumes, and by\npointing out from time to time the bearing of my general conclusions\non the particular problem which furnished the starting-point of the\nenquiry. It seemed to me that this mode of presenting the subject\noffered some advantages which outweighed certain obvious drawbacks. By\ndiscarding the austere form, without, I hope, sacrificing the solid\nsubstance, of a scientific treatise, I thought to cast my materials\ninto a more artistic mould and so perhaps to attract readers, who\nmight have been repelled by a more strictly logical and systematic\narrangement of the facts. Thus I put the mysterious priest of Nemi,\nso to say, in the forefront of the picture, grouping the other sombre\nfigures of the same sort behind him in the background, not certainly\nbecause I deemed them of less moment but because the picturesque\nnatural surroundings of the priest of Nemi among the wooded hills of\nItaly, the very mystery which enshrouds him, and not least the haunting\nmagic of Virgil\u2019s verse, all combine to shed a glamour on the tragic\nfigure with the Golden Bough, which fits him to {ix} stand as the\ncentre of a gloomy canvas. But I trust that the high relief into which\nhe has thus been thrown in my pages will not lead my readers either\nto overrate his historical importance by comparison with that of some\nother figures which stand behind him in the shadow, or to attribute\nto my theory of the part he played a greater degree of probability\nthan it deserves. Even if it should appear that this ancient Italian\npriest must after all be struck out from the long roll of men who have\nmasqueraded as gods, the single omission would not sensibly invalidate\nthe demonstration, which I believe I have given, that human pretenders\nto divinity have been far commoner and their credulous worshippers\nfar more numerous than had been hitherto suspected. Similarly, should\nmy whole theory of this particular priesthood collapse\u2014and I fully\nacknowledge the slenderness of the foundations on which it rests\u2014its\nfall would hardly shake my general conclusions as to the evolution of\nprimitive religion and society, which are founded on large collections\nof entirely independent and well-authenticated facts.\n\nFriends versed in German philosophy have pointed out to me that my\nviews of magic and religion and their relations to each other in\nhistory agree to some extent with those of Hegel. The agreement is\nquite independent and to me unexpected, for I have never studied the\nphilosopher\u2019s writings nor attended to his speculations. As, however,\nwe have arrived at similar results by very different roads, the partial\ncoincidence of our conclusions may perhaps be taken to furnish a\ncertain presumption in favour of their truth. To enable my readers to\njudge of the extent of the coincidence, I have given in an appendix\nsome extracts from Hegel\u2019s lectures on the philosophy of religion. The\ncurious may compare them with my chapter on Magic and Religion, which\nwas written in ignorance of the views of my illustrious predecessor.\n\nWith regard to the history of the sacred kingship which {x} I have\noutlined in these volumes, I desire to repeat a warning which I have\ngiven in the text. While I have shewn reason to think that in many\ncommunities sacred kings have been developed out of magicians, I am\nfar from supposing that this has been universally true. The causes\nwhich have determined the establishment of monarchy have no doubt\nvaried greatly in different countries and at different times: I make no\npretence to discuss or even enumerate them all: I have merely selected\none particular cause because it bore directly on my special enquiry;\nand I have laid emphasis on it because it seems to have been overlooked\nby writers on the origin of political institutions, who, themselves\nsober and rational according to modern standards, have not reckoned\nsufficiently with the enormous influence which superstition has exerted\nin shaping the human past. But I have no wish to exaggerate the\nimportance of this particular cause at the expense of others which may\nhave been equally or even more influential. No one can be more sensible\nthan I am of the risk of stretching an hypothesis too far, of crowding\na multitude of incongruous particulars under one narrow formula, of\nreducing the vast, nay inconceivable complexity of nature and history\nto a delusive appearance of theoretical simplicity. It may well be that\nI have erred in this direction again and again; but at least I have\nbeen well aware of the danger of error and have striven to guard myself\nand my readers against it. How far I have succeeded in that and the\nother objects I have set before me in writing this work, I must leave\nto the candour of the public to determine.\n\n J. G. FRAZER.\n\n CAMBRIDGE,\n _5th December 1910_.\n\n{xi}\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION OF _THE GOLDEN BOUGH_\n\n\nFor some time I have been preparing a general work on primitive\nsuperstition and religion. Among the problems which had attracted my\nattention was the hitherto unexplained rule of the Arician priesthood;\nand last spring it happened that in the course of my reading I came\nacross some facts which, combined with others I had noted before,\nsuggested an explanation of the rule in question. As the explanation,\nif correct, promised to throw light on some obscure features of\nprimitive religion, I resolved to develop it fully, and, detaching it\nfrom my general work, to issue it as a separate study. This book is the\nresult.\n\nNow that the theory, which necessarily presented itself to me at first\nin outline, has been worked out in detail, I cannot but feel that in\nsome places I may have pushed it too far. If this should prove to have\nbeen the case, I will readily acknowledge and retract my error as soon\nas it is brought home to me. Meantime my essay may serve its purpose as\na first attempt to solve a difficult problem, and to bring a variety of\nscattered facts into some sort of order and system.\n\nA justification is perhaps needed of the length at which I have dwelt\nupon the popular festivals observed by European peasants in spring, at\nmidsummer, and at harvest. It can hardly be too often repeated, since\nit is not yet generally recognised, that in spite of their fragmentary\ncharacter the {xii} popular superstitions and customs of the peasantry\nare by far the fullest and most trustworthy evidence we possess as to\nthe primitive religion of the Aryans. Indeed the primitive Aryan, in\nall that regards his mental fibre and texture, is not extinct. He is\namongst us to this day. The great intellectual and moral forces which\nhave revolutionised the educated world have scarcely affected the\npeasant. In his inmost beliefs he is what his forefathers were in the\ndays when forest trees still grew and squirrels played on the ground\nwhere Rome and London now stand.\n\nHence every enquiry into the primitive religion of the Aryans should\neither start from the superstitious beliefs and observances of the\npeasantry, or should at least be constantly checked and controlled\nby reference to them. Compared with the evidence afforded by living\ntradition, the testimony of ancient books on the subject of early\nreligion is worth very little. For literature accelerates the advance\nof thought at a rate which leaves the slow progress of opinion by word\nof mouth at an immeasurable distance behind. Two or three generations\nof literature may do more to change thought than two or three thousand\nyears of traditional life. But the mass of the people who do not read\nbooks remain unaffected by the mental revolution wrought by literature;\nand so it has come about that in Europe at the present day the\nsuperstitious beliefs and practices which have been handed down by word\nof mouth are generally of a far more archaic type than the religion\ndepicted in the most ancient literature of the Aryan race.\n\nIt is on these grounds that, in discussing the meaning and origin of\nan ancient Italian priesthood, I have devoted so much attention to the\npopular customs and superstitions of modern Europe. In this part of my\nsubject I have made great use of the works of the late W. Mannhardt,\nwithout which, indeed, my book could scarcely have been written.\nFully recognising the truth of the principles which I have {xiii}\nimperfectly stated, Mannhardt set himself systematically to collect,\ncompare, and explain the living superstitions of the peasantry. Of\nthis wide field the special department which he marked out for himself\nwas the religion of the woodman and the farmer, in other words, the\nsuperstitious beliefs and rites connected with trees and cultivated\nplants. By oral enquiry, and by printed questions scattered broadcast\nover Europe, as well as by ransacking the literature of folk-lore, he\ncollected a mass of evidence, part of which he published in a series\nof admirable works. But his health, always feeble, broke down before\nhe could complete the comprehensive and really vast scheme which he\nhad planned, and at his too early death much of his precious materials\nremained unpublished. His manuscripts are now deposited in the\nUniversity Library at Berlin, and in the interest of the study to which\nhe devoted his life it is greatly to be desired that they should be\nexamined, and that such portions of them as he has not utilised in his\nbooks should be given to the world.\n\nOf his published works the most important are, first, two tracts,\n_Roggenwolf und Roggenhund_, Danzig, 1865 (second edition, Danzig,\n1866), and _Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, Berlin, 1868. These little works were put\nforward by him tentatively, in the hope of exciting interest in his\nenquiries and thereby securing the help of others in pursuing them.\nBut, except from a few learned societies, they met with very little\nattention. Undeterred by the cold reception accorded to his efforts\nhe worked steadily on, and in 1875 published his chief work, _Der\nBaumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarst\u00e4mme_. This was followed in\n1877 by _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_. His _Mythologische Forschungen_,\na posthumous work, appeared in 1884.\n\nMuch as I owe to Mannhardt, I owe still more to my friend Professor\nW. Robertson Smith. My interest in the early history of society was\nfirst excited by the works of {xiv} Dr. E. B. Tylor, which opened up\na mental vista undreamed of by me before. But it is a long step from a\nlively interest in a subject to a systematic study of it; and that I\ntook this step is due to the influence of my friend W. Robertson Smith.\nThe debt which I owe to the vast stores of his knowledge, the abundance\nand fertility of his ideas, and his unwearied kindness, can scarcely be\noverestimated. Those who know his writings may form some, though a very\ninadequate, conception of the extent to which I have been influenced by\nhim. The views of sacrifice set forth in his article \u201cSacrifice\u201d in the\n_Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica_, and further developed in his recent work,\n_The Religion of the Semites_, mark a new departure in the historical\nstudy of religion, and ample traces of them will be found in this\nbook. Indeed the central idea of my essay\u2014the conception of the slain\ngod\u2014is derived directly, I believe, from my friend. But it is due to\nhim to add that he is in no way responsible for the general explanation\nwhich I have offered of the custom of slaying the god. He has read\nthe greater part of the proofs in circumstances which enhanced the\nkindness, and has made many valuable suggestions which I have usually\nadopted; but except where he is cited by name, or where the views\nexpressed coincide with those of his published works, he is not to be\nregarded as necessarily assenting to any of the theories propounded in\nthis book.\n\nThe works of Professor G. A. Wilken of Leyden have been of great\nservice in directing me to the best original authorities on the Dutch\nEast Indies, a very important field to the ethnologist. To the courtesy\nof the Rev. Walter Gregor, M.A., of Pitsligo, I am indebted for some\ninteresting communications which will be found acknowledged in their\nproper places. Mr. Francis Darwin has kindly allowed me to consult\nhim on some botanical questions. The manuscript authorities to which\nI occasionally refer are answers to a list of ethnological questions\nwhich I am circulating. Most {xv} of them will, I hope, be published\nin the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_.\n\nThe drawing of the Golden Bough which adorns the cover is from the\npencil of my friend Professor J. H. Middleton. The constant interest\nand sympathy which he has shewn in the progress of the book have been a\ngreat help and encouragement to me in writing it.\n\nThe Index has been compiled by Mr. A. Rogers, of the University\nLibrary, Cambridge.\n\n J. G. FRAZER.\n\n TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,\n _8th March 1890_.\n\n{xvii}\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION OF _THE GOLDEN BOUGH_\n\n\nThe kind reception accorded by critics and the public to the first\nedition of _The Golden Bough_ has encouraged me to spare no pains to\nrender the new one more worthy of their approbation. While the original\nbook remains almost entire, it has been greatly expanded by the\ninsertion of much fresh illustrative matter, drawn chiefly from further\nreading, but in part also from previous collections which I had made,\nand still hope to use, for another work. Friends and correspondents,\nsome of them personally unknown to me, have kindly aided me in\nvarious ways, especially by indicating facts or sources which I had\noverlooked and by correcting mistakes into which I had fallen. I thank\nthem all for their help, of which I have often availed myself. Their\ncontributions will be found acknowledged in their proper places. But I\nowe a special acknowledgment to my friends the Rev. Lorimer Fison and\nthe Rev. John Roscoe, who have sent me valuable notes on the Fijian and\nWaganda customs respectively. Most of Mr. Fison\u2019s notes, I believe,\nare incorporated in my book. Of Mr. Roscoe\u2019s only a small selection\nhas been given; the whole series, embracing a general account of the\ncustoms and beliefs of the Waganda, will be published, I hope, in the\n_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_. Further, I ought to add\nthat Miss Mary E. B. Howitt has kindly allowed me to make some extracts\n{xviii} from a work by her on Australian folklore and legends which I\nwas privileged to read in manuscript.\n\nI have seen no reason to withdraw the explanation of the priesthood\nof Aricia which forms the central theme of my book. On the contrary,\nthe probability of that explanation appears to me to be greatly\nstrengthened by some important evidence which has come to light\nsince my theory was put forward. Readers of the first edition may\nremember that I explained the priest of Aricia\u2014the King of the\nWood\u2014as an embodiment of a tree-spirit, and inferred from a variety\nof considerations that at an earlier period one of these priests had\nprobably been slain every year in his character of an incarnate deity.\nBut for an undoubted parallel to such a custom of killing a human god\nannually I had to go as far as ancient Mexico. Now from the _Martyrdom\nof St. Dasius_, unearthed and published a few years ago by Professor\nFranz Cumont of Ghent (_Analecta Bollandiana_, xvi. 1897), it is\npractically certain that in ancient Italy itself a human representative\nof Saturn\u2014the old god of the seed\u2014was put to death every year at his\nfestival of the Saturnalia, and that though in Rome itself the custom\nhad probably fallen into disuse before the classical era, it still\nlingered on in remote places down at least to the fourth century after\nChrist. I cannot but regard this discovery as a confirmation, as\nwelcome as it was unlooked for, of the theory of the Arician priesthood\nwhich I had been led independently to propound.\n\nFurther, the general interpretation which, following W. Mannhardt,\nI had given of the ceremonies observed by our European peasantry in\nspring, at midsummer, and at harvest, has also been corroborated by\nfresh and striking analogies. If we are right, these ceremonies were\noriginally magical rites designed to cause plants to grow, cattle\nto thrive, rain to fall, and the sun to shine. Now the remarkable\nresearches of Professor Baldwin Spencer and Mr. F. J. Gillen {xix}\namong the native tribes of Central Australia have proved that these\nsavages regularly perform magical ceremonies for the express purpose of\nbringing down rain and multiplying the plants and animals on which they\nsubsist, and further that these ceremonies are most commonly observed\nat the approach of the rainy season, which in Central Australia answers\nto our spring. Here then, at the other side of the world, we find an\nexact counterpart of those spring and midsummer rites which our rude\nforefathers in Europe probably performed with a full consciousness\nof their meaning, and which many of their descendants still keep up,\nthough the original intention of the rites has been to a great extent,\nbut by no means altogether, forgotten. The harvest customs of our\nEuropean peasantry have naturally no close analogy among the practices\nof the Australian aborigines, since these savages do not till the\nground. But what we should look for in vain among the Australians we\nfind to hand among the Malays. For recent enquiries, notably those of\nMr. J. L. van der Toorn in Sumatra and of Mr. W. W. Skeat in the Malay\nPeninsula, have supplied us with close parallels to the harvest customs\nof Europe, as these latter were interpreted by the genius of Mannhardt.\nOccupying a lower plane of culture than ourselves, the Malays have\nretained a keen sense of the significance of rites which in Europe have\nsunk to the level of more or less meaningless survivals.\n\nThus on the whole I cannot but think that the course of subsequent\ninvestigation has tended to confirm the general principles followed and\nthe particular conclusions reached in this book. At the same time I am\nas sensible as ever of the hypothetical nature of much that is advanced\nin it. It has been my wish and intention to draw as sharply as possible\nthe line of demarcation between my facts and the hypotheses by which I\nhave attempted to colligate them. Hypotheses are necessary but often\ntemporary bridges built to connect isolated facts. If my light bridges\nshould sooner or later {xx} break down or be superseded by more solid\nstructures, I hope that my book may still have its utility and its\ninterest as a repertory of facts.\n\nBut while my views, tentative and provisional as they probably are,\nthus remain much what they were, there is one subject on which they\nhave undergone a certain amount of change, unless indeed it might\nbe more exact to say that I seem to see clearly now what before was\nhazy. I mean the relation of magic to religion. When I first wrote\nthis book I failed, perhaps inexcusably, to define even to myself my\nnotion of religion, and hence was disposed to class magic loosely\nunder it as one of its lower forms. I have now sought to remedy this\ndefect by framing as clear a definition of religion as the difficult\nnature of the subject and my apprehension of it allowed. Hence I have\ncome to agree with Sir A. C. Lyall and Mr. F. B. Jevons in recognising\na fundamental distinction and even opposition of principle between\nmagic and religion. More than that, I believe that in the evolution\nof thought, magic, as representing a lower intellectual stratum, has\nprobably everywhere preceded religion. I do not claim any originality\nfor this latter view. It has been already plainly suggested, if not\ndefinitely formulated, by Professor H. Oldenberg in his able book _Die\nReligion des Veda_, and for aught I know it may have been explicitly\nstated by many others before and since him. I have not collected the\nopinions of the learned on the subject, but have striven to form my own\ndirectly from the facts. And the facts which bespeak the priority of\nmagic over religion are many and weighty. Some of them the reader will\nfind stated in the following pages; but the full force of the evidence\ncan only be appreciated by those who have made a long and patient study\nof primitive superstition. I venture to think that those who submit to\nthis drudgery will come more and more to the opinion I have indicated.\nThat all my readers should agree either with my definition {xxi} of\nreligion or with the inferences I have drawn from it is not to be\nexpected. But I would ask those who dissent from my conclusions to make\nsure that they mean the same thing by religion that I do; for otherwise\nthe difference between us may be more apparent than real.\n\nAs the scope and purpose of my book have been seriously misconceived by\nsome courteous critics, I desire to repeat in more explicit language,\nwhat I vainly thought I had made quite clear in my original preface,\nthat this is not a general treatise on primitive superstition, but\nmerely the investigation of one particular and narrowly limited\nproblem, to wit, the rule of the Arician priesthood, and that\naccordingly only such general principles are explained and illustrated\nin the course of it as seemed to me to throw light on that special\nproblem. If I have said little or nothing of other principles of equal\nor even greater importance, it is assuredly not because I undervalue\nthem in comparison with those which I have expounded at some length,\nbut simply because it appeared to me that they did not directly bear\non the question I had set myself to answer. No one can well be more\nsensible than I am of the immense variety and complexity of the\nforces which have gone towards the building up of religion; no one\ncan recognise more frankly the futility and inherent absurdity of any\nattempt to explain the whole vast organism as the product of any one\nsimple factor. If I have hitherto touched, as I am quite aware, only\nthe fringe of a great subject\u2014fingered only a few of the countless\nthreads that compose the mighty web,\u2014it is merely because neither my\ntime nor my knowledge has hitherto allowed me to do more. Should I live\nto complete the works for which I have collected and am collecting\nmaterials, I dare to think that they will clear me of any suspicion of\ntreating the early history of religion from a single narrow point of\nview. But the future is necessarily uncertain, and at the best {xxii}\nmany years must elapse before I can execute in full the plan which I\nhave traced out for myself. Meanwhile I am unwilling by keeping silence\nto leave some of my readers under the impression that my outlook on\nso large a subject does not reach beyond the bounds of the present\nenquiry. This is my reason for noticing the misconceptions to which I\nhave referred. I take leave to add that some part of my larger plan\nwould probably have been completed before now, were it not that out of\nthe ten years which have passed since this book was first published\nnearly eight have been spent by me in work of a different kind.\n\nThere is a misunderstanding of another sort which I feel constrained\nto set right. But I do so with great reluctance, because it compels me\nto express a measure of dissent from the revered friend and master to\nwhom I am under the deepest obligations, and who has passed beyond the\nreach of controversy. In an elaborate and learned essay on sacrifice\n(_L\u2019Ann\u00e9e Sociologique_, Deuxi\u00e8me Ann\u00e9e, 1897\u20131898), Messrs. H. Hubert\nand M. Mauss have represented my theory of the slain god as intended to\nsupplement and complete Robertson Smith\u2019s theory of the derivation of\nanimal sacrifice in general from a totem sacrament. On this I have to\nsay that the two theories are quite independent of each other. I never\nassented to my friend\u2019s theory, and so far as I can remember he never\ngave me a hint that he assented to mine. My reason for suspending my\njudgment in regard to his theory was a simple one. At the time when\nthe theory was propounded, and for many years afterwards, I knew of no\nsingle indubitable case of a totem sacrament, that is, of a custom of\nkilling and eating the totem animal as a solemn rite. It is true that\nin my _Totemism_, and again in the present work, I noted a few cases\n(four in all) of solemnly killing a sacred animal which, following\nRobertson Smith, I regarded as probably a totem. But none even of these\nfour cases included the {xxiii} eating of the sacred animal by the\nworshippers, which was an essential part of my friend\u2019s theory, and\nin regard to all of them it was not positively known that the slain\nanimal was a totem. Hence as time went on and still no certain case\nof a totem sacrament was reported, I became more and more doubtful\nof the existence of such a practice at all, and my doubts had almost\nhardened into incredulity when the long-looked-for rite was discovered\nby Messrs. Spencer and Gillen in full force among the aborigines\nof Central Australia, whom I for one must consider to be the most\nprimitive totem tribes as yet known to us. This discovery I welcomed\nas a very striking proof of the sagacity of my brilliant friend, whose\nrapid genius had outstripped our slower methods and anticipated what\nit was reserved for subsequent research positively to ascertain. Thus\nfrom being little more than an ingenious hypothesis the totem sacrament\nhas become, at least in my opinion, a well-authenticated fact. But from\nthe practice of the rite by a single set of tribes it is still a long\nstep to the universal practice of it by all totem tribes, and from that\nagain it is a still longer stride to the deduction therefrom of animal\nsacrifice in general. These two steps I am not yet prepared to take.\nNo one will welcome further evidence of the wide prevalence of a totem\nsacrament more warmly than I shall, but until it is forthcoming I shall\ncontinue to agree with Professor E. B. Tylor that it is unsafe to make\nthe custom the base of far-reaching speculations.\n\nTo conclude this subject, I will add that the doctrine of the\nuniversality of totemism, which Messrs. Hubert and Mauss have\nimplicitly attributed to me, is one which I have never enunciated or\nassumed, and that, so far as my knowledge and opinion go, the worship\nof trees and cereals, which occupies so large a space in these volumes,\nis neither identical with nor derived from a system of totemism. It is\npossible that further enquiry may lead me to regard as {xxiv} probable\nthe universality of totemism and the derivation from it of sacrifice\nand of the whole worship both of plants and animals. I hold myself\nready to follow the evidence wherever it may lead; but in the present\nstate of our knowledge I consider that to accept these conclusions\nwould be, not to follow the evidence, but very seriously to outrun it.\nIn thinking so I am happy to be at one with Messrs. Hubert and Mauss.\n\nWhen I am on this theme I may as well say that I am by no means\nprepared to stand by everything in my little apprentice work,\n_Totemism_. That book was a rough piece of pioneering in a field that,\ntill then, had been but little explored, and some inferences in it\nwere almost certainly too hasty. In particular there was a tendency,\nperhaps not unnatural in the circumstances, to treat as totems, or as\nconnected with totemism, things which probably were neither the one nor\nthe other. If ever I republish the volume, as I hope one day to do, I\nshall have to retrench it in some directions as well as to enlarge it\nin others.\n\nSuch as it is, with all its limitations, which I have tried to indicate\nclearly, and with all its defects, which I leave to the critics to\ndiscover, I offer my book in its new form as a contribution to that\nstill youthful science which seeks to trace the growth of human\nthought and institutions in those dark ages which lie beyond the\nrange of history. The progress of that science must needs be slow and\npainful, for the evidence, though clear and abundant on some sides,\nis lamentably obscure and scanty on others, so that the cautious\nenquirer is every now and then brought up sharp on the edge of some\nyawning chasm across which he may be quite unable to find a way. All\nhe can do in such a case is to mark the pitfall plainly on his chart\nand to hope that others in time may be able to fill it up or bridge\nit over. Yet the very difficulty and novelty of the investigation,\ncoupled with the extent of the intellectual prospect which suddenly\nopens {xxv} up before us whenever the mist rises and unfolds the\nfar horizon, constitute no small part of its charm. The position of\nthe anthropologist of to-day resembles in some sort the position\nof classical scholars at the revival of learning. To these men the\nrediscovery of ancient literature came like a revelation, disclosing to\ntheir wondering eyes a splendid vision of the antique world, such as\nthe cloistered student of the Middle Ages never dreamed of under the\ngloomy shadow of the minster and within the sound of its solemn bells.\nTo us moderns a still wider vista is vouchsafed, a greater panorama\nis unrolled by the study which aims at bringing home to us the faith\nand the practice, the hopes and the ideals, not of two highly gifted\nraces only, but of all mankind, and thus at enabling us to follow the\nlong march, the slow and toilsome ascent, of humanity from savagery to\ncivilisation. And as the scholar of the Renaissance found not merely\nfresh food for thought but a new field of labour in the dusty and faded\nmanuscripts of Greece and Rome, so in the mass of materials that is\nsteadily pouring in from many sides\u2014from buried cities of remotest\nantiquity as well as from the rudest savages of the desert and the\njungle\u2014we of to-day must recognise a new province of knowledge which\nwill task the energies of generations of students to master. The study\nis still in its rudiments, and what we do now will have to be done\nover again and done better, with fuller knowledge and deeper insight,\nby those who come after us. To recur to a metaphor which I have\nalready made use of, we of this age are only pioneers hewing lanes and\nclearings in the forest where others will hereafter sow and reap.\n\nBut the comparative study of the beliefs and institutions of mankind\nis fitted to be much more than a means of satisfying an enlightened\ncuriosity and of furnishing materials for the researches of the\nlearned. Well handled, it may become a powerful instrument to expedite\nprogress if it lays bare certain weak spots in the foundations on which\nmodern {xxvi} society is built\u2014if it shews that much which we are\nwont to regard as solid rests on the sands of superstition rather than\non the rock of nature. It is indeed a melancholy and in some respects\nthankless task to strike at the foundations of beliefs in which, as\nin a strong tower, the hopes and aspirations of humanity through long\nages have sought a refuge from the storm and stress of life. Yet sooner\nor later it is inevitable that the battery of the comparative method\nshould breach these venerable walls, mantled over with the ivy and\nmosses and wild flowers of a thousand tender and sacred associations.\nAt present we are only dragging the guns into position: they have\nhardly yet begun to speak. The task of building up into fairer and more\nenduring forms the old structures so rudely shattered is reserved for\nother hands, perhaps for other and happier ages. We cannot foresee, we\ncan hardly even guess, the new forms into which thought and society\nwill run in the future. Yet this uncertainty ought not to induce us,\nfrom any consideration of expediency or regard for antiquity, to spare\nthe ancient moulds, however beautiful, when these are proved to be\nout-worn. Whatever comes of it, wherever it leads us, we must follow\ntruth alone. It is our only guiding star: _hoc signo vinces_.\n\nTo a passage in my book it has been objected by a distinguished scholar\nthat the church-bells of Rome cannot be heard, even in the stillest\nweather, on the shores of the Lake of Nemi. In acknowledging my blunder\nand leaving it uncorrected, may I plead in extenuation of my obduracy\nthe example of an illustrious writer? In _Old Mortality_ we read how\na hunted Covenanter, fleeing before Claverhouse\u2019s dragoons, hears the\nsullen boom of the kettledrums of the pursuing cavalry borne to him\non the night wind. When Scott was taken to task for this description,\nbecause the drums are not beaten by cavalry at night, he replied in\neffect that he liked to hear the drums sounding there, and {xxvii}\nthat he would let them sound on so long as his book might last. In the\nsame spirit I make bold to say that by the Lake of Nemi I love to hear,\nif it be only in imagination, the distant chiming of the bells of Rome,\nand I would fain believe that their airy music may ring in the ears of\nmy readers after it has ceased to vibrate in my own.\n\n J. G. FRAZER.\n\n CAMBRIDGE,\n _18th September 1900_.\n\n{xxix}\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\u2014THE KING OF THE WOOD \u2022\u00a0Pp. 1\u201343\n\n \u00a7 1. _Diana and Virbius_, pp. 1\u201324.\u2014The lake and sanctuary of Diana\n at Nemi, 1\u20136; the character of Diana at Nemi, 6\u20138; rule of succession\n to the priesthood, 8\u201310; legends of its origin, 10 _sq._; features of\n the worship of Diana at Nemi, 12\u201314; Diana\u2019s festival on the 13th of\n August, 14\u201317; the companions of Diana, Egeria, 17\u201319; Virbius, 19\u201321;\n unhistorical character of the traditions, 21\u201323; antiquity of the\n grove, 23 _sq._\n\n \u00a7 2. _Artemis and Hippolytus_, pp. 24\u201340.\u2014Hippolytus at Troezen,\n 24\u201328; hair-offerings to Hippolytus and others, 28\u201332; graves of\n Apollo and Artemis at Delos, 33\u201335; Artemis a goddess of the wild life\n of nature, 35\u201338; Hippolytus the consort of Artemis, 38\u201340.\n\n \u00a7 3. _Recapitulation_, pp. 40\u201343.\u2014Virbius the consort of Diana, 40\n _sq._; the leafy bust at Nemi, 41\u201343.\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\u2014PRIESTLY KINGS \u2022\u00a0Pp. 44\u201351\n\n Priestly kings in ancient Italy, Greece, and other parts of the world,\n 44\u201348; divinity of Spartan and other early kings, 48\u201351; magical\n powers of early kings, 51.\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\u2014SYMPATHETIC MAGIC \u2022\u00a0Pp. 52\u2013219\n\n \u00a7 1. _The Principles of Magic_, pp. 52\u201354.\u2014The Law of Similarity\n and the Law of Contact or Contagion, 52 _sq._; the two principles\n misapplications of the association of ideas, 53 _sq._; Sympathetic\n Magic in its two branches, Homoeopathic or Imitative Magic, and\n Contagious Magic, 54.\n\n \u00a7 2. _Homoeopathic or Imitative Magic_, pp. 55\u2013174.\u2014Magical images to\n injure enemies, 55\u201370; magical images to procure offspring, 70\u201374;\n simulation of birth at adoption and circumcision, 74\u201377; magical\n images to procure love, 77 _sq._; homoeopathic magic in medicine,\n 78\u201384; homoeopathic magic to ensure the food supply, 85 _sqq._;\n magical ceremonies (_intichiuma_) in Central Australia for the\n multiplication of the totems, 85\u201389; use of {xxx} human blood in\n Australian ceremonies, 89\u201394; suggested origin of circumcision and\n of other Australian initiatory rites, particularly the extraction\n of teeth, 95\u2013101; certain funeral rites designed to ensure rebirth,\n 101\u2013105; rites to secure rebirth of animals and plants, 105 _sq._;\n general theory of magical (_intichiuma_) and initiatory rites in\n Australia, 106\u2013108; homoeopathic magic in fishing and hunting,\n 108\u2013111; negative magic or taboo, 111\u2013113; examples of homoeopathic\n taboos, 113\u2013117; homoeopathic taboos on food, 117\u2013119; magical\n telepathy, 119 _sq._; telepathy in hunting, 120\u2013126; telepathy\n in war, 126\u2013134; various cases of homoeopathic magic, 134 _sq._;\n homoeopathic magic to make plants grow, 136\u2013144; persons influenced\n homoeopathically by plants, 144\u2013147; homoeopathic magic of the dead,\n 147\u2013150; homoeopathic magic of animals, 150\u2013157; homoeopathic magic\n of inanimate things, 157\u2013159; homoeopathic magic of iron, 159 _sq._;\n homoeopathic magic of stones, 160\u2013165; homoeopathic magic of sun,\n moon, and stars, 165 _sq._; homoeopathic magic of the tides, 167\n _sq._; homoeopathic magic of grave-clothes and city sites in China,\n 168\u2013170; homoeopathic magic to avert misfortune, 170\u2013174.\n\n \u00a7 3. _Contagious Magic_, pp. 174\u2013214.\u2014Supposed physical basis of\n sympathetic magic, 174 _sq._; effect of contagious magic in fostering\n cleanliness, 175; contagious magic of teeth, 176\u2013182; contagious magic\n of navel-string and afterbirth or placenta, 182\u2013200; afterbirth or\n navel-string a seat of the external soul, 200 _sq._; contagious magic\n of wounds and spilt blood, 201\u2013205; contagious magic of garments,\n 205\u2013207; contagious magic of footprints and other bodily impressions,\n 207\u2013214.\n\n \u00a7 4. _The Magician\u2019s Progress_, pp. 214\u2013219.\u2014Elevation of public\n magicians to the position of chiefs and kings, 214\u2013216; rise of\n monarchy essential to the emergence of mankind from savagery, 216\u2013219.\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\u2014MAGIC AND RELIGION \u2022\u00a0Pp. 220\u2013243\n\n Affinity of magic to science, 220 _sq._; its fatal flaw, 221 _sq._;\n relation of magic to religion, definition of religion, 222\u2013224;\n opposition of principle between magic and science on the one side\n and religion on the other, 224\u2013226; hostility of religion to magic\n in later history, 226; confusion of magic and religion in early\n times and among savages, 226\u2013231; confusion of magic and religion in\n modern Europe, 231\u2013233; confusion of magic and religion preceded by\n an earlier age in which magic existed without religion, 233 _sq._;\n universality of the belief in magic among the ignorant classes at\n the present day, 234\u2013236; resulting danger to civilisation, 236\n _sq._; change from magic to religion following the recognition of the\n inefficacy of magic, 237\u2013240; the early gods viewed as magicians,\n 240\u2013242; difficulty of detecting the fallacy of magic, 242 _sq._\n\n\n CHAPTER V.\u2014THE MAGICAL CONTROL OF THE WEATHER \u2022\u00a0Pp. 244\u2013331\n\n \u00a7 1. _The Public Magician_, pp. 244\u2013247.\u2014Two types of man-god, the\n religious and the magical, 244 _sq._; rise of a class of public\n magicians a step in social and intellectual progress, 245\u2013247. {xxxi}\n\n \u00a7 2. _Magical Control of Rain_, pp. 247\u2013311.\u2014Importance of the magical\n control of the weather, especially of rain, 247; rain-making based on\n homoeopathic or imitative magic, 247 _sq._; examples of rain-making\n by homoeopathic or imitative magic, 247\u2013251; stopping rain by fire,\n 252 _sq._; rain-making among the Australian aborigines, 254\u2013261;\n belief that twins control the weather, especially the rain, 262\u2013269;\n the rain-maker makes himself wet, the maker of dry weather keeps\n himself dry, 269\u2013272; rain-making by means of leaf-clad girls or boys\n in south-eastern Europe and India, 272\u2013275; rain-making by means of\n puppets in Armenia and Syria, 275 _sq._; rain-making by bathing and\n sprinkling of water, 277 _sq._; beneficial effects of curses, 279\u2013282;\n rain-making by women ploughing, 282\u2013284; rain-making by means of the\n dead, 284\u2013287; rain-making by means of animals, especially black\n animals, 287\u2013292; rain-making by means of frogs, 292\u2013295; stopping\n rain by rabbits and serpents, 295 _sq._; doing violence to the\n rain-god in order to extort rain, 296\u2013299; compelling saints in Sicily\n to give rain, 299 _sq._; disturbing the rain-god in his haunts, 301\n _sq._; appealing to the pity of the rain-gods, 302 _sq._; rain-making\n by means of stones, 304\u2013309; rain-making in classical antiquity, 309\n _sq._\n\n \u00a7 3. _The Magical Control of the Sun_, pp. 311\u2013319.\u2014Helping the sun\n in eclipse, 311 _sq._; various charms to make sunshine, 312\u2013314;\n human sacrifices to the sun in ancient Mexico, 314 _sq._; sacrifice\n of horses to the sun, 315 _sq._; staying the sun by means of a net or\n string or by putting a stone or sod in a tree, 316\u2013318; accelerating\n the moon, 319.\n\n \u00a7 4. _The Magical Control of the Wind_, pp. 319\u2013331.\u2014Various charms\n for making the wind blow or be still, 319\u2013323; winds raised by wizards\n and witches, 323\u2013327; fighting the spirit of the wind, 327\u2013331.\n\n\n CHAPTER VI.\u2014MAGICIANS AS KINGS \u2022\u00a0Pp. 332\u2013372\n\n Magic not the only road to a throne, 332 _sq._; danger of too\n simple and comprehensive theories, 332 _sq._; discredit which such\n theories have brought on mythology, 333 _sq._; magic only a partial\n explanation of the rise of kings, 334; social importance of magicians\n among the aborigines of Australia, 334\u2013337; social importance of\n magicians in New Guinea, 337 _sq._; magical powers of chiefs and\n others in Melanesia, 338\u2013342; evolution of chiefs or kings out of\n magicians, especially out of rain-makers, in Africa, 342\u2013352; kings\n in Africa and elsewhere punished for drought and dearth, 352\u2013355;\n power of medicine-men among the American Indians, 355\u2013360; power of\n medicine-men among the pagan tribes of the Malay Peninsula, 360 _sq._;\n development of kings out of magicians among the Malays, 361 _sq._;\n magical virtue of regalia, 362\u2013365; magical powers of kings among the\n Aryan races, 366\u2013368; touching for the King\u2019s Evil, 368\u2013371; general\n conclusion, 371 _sq._\n\n\n CHAPTER VII.\u2014INCARNATE HUMAN GODS \u2022\u00a0Pp. 373\u2013421\n\n Conception of gods slowly evolved, 373 _sq._; decline of magic,\n 374; conception of incarnate human gods an early stage of religious\n history, 374\u2013376; {xxxii} incarnation either temporary or\n permanent, 376 _sq._; temporary incarnation of gods in human form in\n Polynesia, Fiji, Bali, and Celebes, 377\u2013380; temporary deification\n of sacrificer in Brahman ritual, 380; the new birth, 380 _sq._;\n temporary incarnation or inspiration produced by drinking blood,\n 381\u2013383; temporary inspiration produced by sacred tree or plant, 383\n _sq._; inspired sacrificial victims, 384 _sq._; divine power acquired\n by temporary inspiration, 385 _sq._; human gods in the Pacific,\n 386\u2013389; human gods in ancient Egypt, Greece, and Germany, 389\u2013392;\n human gods in Africa, 392\u2013397; divinity of kings in Madagascar, 397\n _sq._; divinity of kings and men in the East Indies, 398\u2013400; divine\n kings and men in Burma, Siam, and Tonquin, 400\u2013402; human gods in\n India, 402\u2013407; pretenders to divinity among Christians, 407\u2013410;\n transmigrations of human divinities, especially of the divine Lamas,\n 410\u2013412; incarnate human gods in the Chinese empire, 412\u2013415; divine\n kings of Peru and Mexico, 415 _sq._; divinity of the emperors of China\n and Japan, 417 _sq._; divinity of early kings, 417 _sq._; divinity of\n Egyptian kings, 418\u2013420; conclusion, development of sacred kings out\n of magicians, 420 _sq._\n\n\n APPENDIX.\u2014HEGEL ON MAGIC AND RELIGION \u2022\u00a0Pp. 423\u2013426\n\n{p1}\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I\n\nTHE KING OF THE WOOD\n\n\n    \u201c_The still glassy lake that sleeps_\n      _Beneath Aricia\u2019s trees\u2014_\n    _Those trees in whose dim shadow_\n      _The ghastly priest doth reign,_\n    _The priest who slew the slayer,_\n      _And shall himself be slain._\u201d\n\n    MACAULAY.\n\n\n\u00a7 1. _Diana and Virbius_\n\n[Sidenote: The lake of Nemi.]\n\nWho does not know Turner\u2019s picture of the Golden Bough? The scene,\nsuffused with the golden glow of imagination in which the divine mind\nof Turner steeped and transfigured even the fairest natural landscape,\nis a dream-like vision of the little woodland lake of Nemi\u2014\u201cDiana\u2019s\nMirror,\u201d as it was called by the ancients. No one who has seen that\ncalm water, lapped in a green hollow of the Alban hills, can ever\nforget it. The two characteristic Italian villages which slumber on\nits banks, and the equally Italian palace whose terraced gardens\ndescend steeply to the lake, hardly break the stillness and even the\nsolitariness of the scene. Dian herself might still linger by this\nlonely shore, still haunt these woodlands wild.\n\n[Sidenote: Its tragic memories]\n\nIn antiquity this sylvan landscape was the scene of a strange and\nrecurring tragedy. In order to understand it aright we must try to form\nin our minds an accurate picture of the place where it happened; for,\nas we shall see later on, a subtle link subsisted between the natural\nbeauty of the spot and the dark crimes which under the mask of religion\nwere often perpetrated there, crimes which after the lapse of {p2} so\nmany ages still lend a touch of melancholy to these quiet woods and\nwaters, like a chill breath of autumn on one of those bright September\ndays \u201cwhile not a leaf seems faded.\u201d\n\n[Sidenote: The Alban hills.]\n\nThe Alban hills are a fine bold group of volcanic mountains which rise\nabruptly from the Campagna in full view of Rome, forming the last spur\nsent out by the Apennines towards the sea. Two of the extinct craters\nare now filled by two beautiful waters, the Alban lake and its lesser\nsister the lake of Nemi. Both lie far below the monastery-crowned top\nof Monte Cavo, the summit of the range, but yet so high above the plain\nthat standing on the rim of the larger crater at Castel Gandolfo, where\nthe Popes had their summer palace, you look down on the one hand into\nthe Alban lake, and on the other away across the Campagna to where, on\nthe western horizon, the sea flashes like a broad sheet of burnished\ngold in the sun.\n\n[Sidenote: The sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis.]\n\nThe lake of Nemi is still as of old embowered in woods, where in spring\nthe wild flowers blow as fresh as no doubt they did two thousand\nsprings ago. It lies so deep down in the old crater that the calm\nsurface of its clear water is seldom ruffled by the wind. On all sides\nbut one the banks, thickly mantled with luxuriant vegetation, descend\nsteeply to the water\u2019s edge. Only on the north a stretch of flat ground\nintervenes between the lake and the foot of the hills. This was the\nscene of the tragedy. Here, in the very heart of the wooded hills,\nunder the abrupt declivity now crested by the village of Nemi, the\nsylvan goddess Diana had an old and famous sanctuary, the resort of\npilgrims from all parts of Latium. It was known as the sacred grove of\nDiana Nemorensis, that is, Diana of the Wood, or, perhaps more exactly,\nDiana of the Woodland Glade.\u200b[1] Sometimes the lake and grove were\ncalled, after the nearest town, the lake {p3} and grove of Aricia.\u200b[2]\nBut the town, the modern Ariccia, lay three miles away at the foot of\nthe mountains, and separated from the lake by a long and steep descent.\nA spacious terrace or platform contained the sanctuary. On the north\nand east it was bounded by great retaining walls which cut into the\nhillsides and served to support them. Semicircular niches sunk in\nthe walls and faced with columns formed a series of chapels, which\nin modern times have yielded a rich harvest of votive offerings. On\nthe side of the lake the terrace rested on a mighty wall, over seven\nhundred feet long by thirty feet high, built in triangular buttresses,\nlike those which we see in front of the piers of bridges to break\nfloating ice. At present this terrace-wall stands back some hundred\nyards from the lake; in other days its buttresses may have been lapped\nby the water. Compared with the extent of the sacred precinct, the\ntemple itself was not large; but its remains prove it to have been\nneatly and solidly built of massive blocks of peperino, and adorned\nwith Doric columns of the same material. Elaborate cornices of marble\nand friezes of terra-cotta contributed to the outward splendour of the\nedifice, which appears to have been further enhanced by tiles of gilt\nbronze.\u200b[3] {p4}\n\n[Sidenote: Wealth and popularity of the shrine.]\n\nThe great wealth and popularity of the sanctuary in antiquity are\nattested by ancient writers as well as by the remains which have come\nto light in modern times. In the civil war its sacred treasures went\nto replenish the empty coffers of Octavian,\u200b[4] who well understood\nthe useful art of thus securing the divine assistance, if not the\ndivine blessing, for the furtherance of his ends. But we are not told\nthat he treated Diana on this occasion as civilly as his divine uncle\nJulius Caesar once treated Capitoline Jupiter himself, borrowing three\nthousand pounds\u2019 weight of solid gold from the god, and scrupulously\npaying him back with the same weight of gilt copper.\u200b[5] However, the\nsanctuary at Nemi recovered from this drain on its resources, for two\ncenturies later it was still reputed one of the richest in Italy.\u200b[6]\nOvid has described the walls hung with fillets and commemorative\ntablets;\u200b[7] and the abundance of cheap votive offerings and copper\ncoins, which the site has yielded in our own day, speaks volumes for\nthe piety and numbers, if not for the opulence and liberality, of\nthe worshippers. Swarms of beggars used to stream forth daily from\nthe slums of Aricia and take their stand on the long slope up which\nthe labouring horses dragged well-to-do pilgrims to the shrine; and\naccording to the response which their whines and importunities met with\nthey blew kisses or hissed curses after the carriages as they swept\nrapidly down hill again.\u200b[8] {p5} Even peoples and potentates of the\nEast did homage to the lady of the lake by setting up monuments in\nher sanctuary; and within the precinct stood shrines of the Egyptian\ngoddesses Isis and Bubastis, with a store of gorgeous jewellery.\u200b[9]\n\n[Sidenote: Roman villas at Nemi.]\n\nThe retirement of the spot and the beauty of the landscape naturally\ntempted some of the luxurious Roman nobles to fix their summer\nresidences by the lake.\u200b[10] Here Lucius Caesar had a house to\nwhich, on a day in early summer, only two months after the murder\nof his illustrious namesake, he invited Cicero to meet the assassin\nBrutus.\u200b[11] The emperors themselves appear to have been partial to a\nretreat where they could find repose from the cares of state and the\nbustle of the great city in the fresh air of the lake and the stillness\nof the woods. Here Julius Caesar built himself a costly villa, but\npulled it down because it was not to his mind.\u200b[12] Here Caligula had\ntwo magnificent barges, or rather floating palaces, launched for him\non the lake;\u200b[13] and it was while dallying in the woods of Nemi that\nthe sluggard Vitellius received the tidings of revolt which woke him\nfrom his dream of pleasure and called him to arms.\u200b[14] Vespasian had\na monument dedicated to his honour in the {p6} grove by the senate and\npeople of Aricia: Trajan condescended to fill the chief magistracy of\nthe town; and Hadrian indulged his taste for architecture by restoring\na structure which had been erected in the precinct by a prince of the\nroyal house of Parthia.\u200b[15]\n\n[Sidenote: Diana as the mistress of wild animals.\n\nDiana as the patroness of cattle.\n\nAnalogy of St. Leonhard in Germany.]\n\nSuch, then, was the sanctuary of Diana at Nemi, a fitting home for\nthe \u201cmistress of mountains, and forests green, and lonely glades,\nand sounding rivers,\u201d as Catullus calls her.\u200b[16] Multitudes of her\nstatuettes, appropriately clad in the short tunic and high buskins of\na huntress, with the quiver slung over her shoulder, have been found\non the spot. Some of them represent her with her bow in her hand or\nher hound at her side.\u200b[17] Bronze and iron spears, and images of\nstags and hinds, discovered within the precinct,\u200b[18] may have been\nofferings of huntsmen to the huntress goddess for success in the\nchase. Similarly the bronze tridents, which have also come to light at\nNemi, were perhaps presented by fishermen who had speared fish in the\nlake, or maybe by hunters who had stabbed boars in the forest.\u200b[19]\nThe wild boar was still hunted in Italy down to the end of the first\ncentury of our era; for the younger Pliny tells us how, with his usual\ncharming affectation, he sat meditating and reading by the nets, while\nthree fine boars fell into them.\u200b[20] Indeed, some fourteen-hundred\nyears later boar-hunting was a favourite pastime of Pope {p7} Leo the\nTenth.\u200b[21] A frieze of painted reliefs in terra-cotta, which was\nfound in the sanctuary at Nemi, and may have adorned Diana\u2019s temple,\nportrays the goddess in the character of what is called the Asiatic\nArtemis, with wings sprouting from her waist and a lion resting its\npaws on each of her shoulders.\u200b[22] A few rude images of cows, oxen,\nhorses, and pigs dug up on the site may perhaps indicate that Diana\nwas here worshipped as the patroness of domestic animals as well as\nof the wild creatures of the wood.\u200b[23] In like manner her Greek\ncounterpart Artemis was a goddess not only of game but of herds. Thus\nher sanctuary in the highlands of north-western Arcadia, between Clitor\nand Cynaethae, owned sacred cattle which were driven off by Aetolian\nfreebooters on one of their forays.\u200b[24] When Xenophon returned from\nthe wars and settled on his estate among the wooded hills and green\nmeadows of the rich valley through which the Alpheus flows past\nOlympia, he dedicated to Artemis a little temple on the model of her\ngreat temple at Ephesus, surrounded it with a grove of all kinds of\nfruit-trees, and endowed it not only with a chase but also with a\nsacred pasture. The chase abounded in fish and game of all sorts,\nand the pasture sufficed to rear swine, goats, oxen, and horses; and\non her yearly festival the pious soldier sacrificed to the goddess\na tithe both of the cattle from the sacred pasture and of the game\nfrom the sacred chase.\u200b[25] Again, the people of Hyampolis in Phocis\nworshipped Artemis and thought that no cattle throve like those which\nthey dedicated to her.\u200b[26] Perhaps then the images of cattle found in\nDiana\u2019s precinct at Nemi were offered to her by herdsmen to ensure her\nblessing on their herds. In Catholic Germany at the present time the\ngreat patron of cattle, horses, and pigs is St. Leonhard, and models\nof cattle, horses, and pigs are dedicated to him, sometimes in order\nto ensure the health and increase of the flocks and herds through the\ncoming year, sometimes in order to {p8} obtain the recovery of sick\nanimals.\u200b[27] And, curiously enough, like Diana of Aricia, St. Leonhard\nis also expected to help women in travail and to bless barren wives\nwith offspring.\u200b[28] Nor do these points exhaust the analogy between\nSt. Leonard and Diana of Aricia; for like the goddess the saint heals\nthe sick; he is the patron of prisoners, as she was of runaway slaves;\nand his shrines, like hers, enjoyed the right of asylum.\u200b[29]\n\n[Sidenote: Nemi an image of Italy in the olden time.]\n\nSo to the last, in spite of a few villas peeping out here and there\nfrom among the trees, Nemi seems to have remained in some sense an\nimage of what Italy had been in the far-off days when the land was\nstill sparsely peopled with tribes of savage hunters or wandering\nherdsmen, when the beechwoods and oakwoods, with their deciduous\nfoliage, reddening in autumn and bare in winter, had not yet begun,\nunder the hand of man, to yield to the evergreens of the south, the\nlaurel, the olive, the cypress, and the oleander, still less to those\nintruders of a later age, which nowadays we are apt to think of as\ncharacteristically Italian, the lemon and the orange.\u200b[30]\n\n[Sidenote: Rule of succession to the priesthood of Diana at Nemi.]\n\nHowever, it was not merely in its natural surroundings that this\nancient shrine of the sylvan goddess continued to be a type or\nminiature of the past. Down to the decline of Rome a custom was\nobserved there which seems to transport us at once from civilisation\nto savagery. In the sacred grove there grew a certain tree round which\nat any time of the day, and probably far into the night, a grim figure\nmight be seen to prowl. In his hand he carried a drawn sword, and he\nkept peering warily about him as if {p9} at every instant he expected\nto be set upon by an enemy.\u200b[31] He was a priest and a murderer; and\nthe man for whom he looked was sooner or later to murder him and hold\nthe priesthood in his stead. Such was the rule of the sanctuary. A\ncandidate for the priesthood could only succeed to office by slaying\nthe priest, and having slain him, he retained office till he was\nhimself slain by a stronger or a craftier.\n\n[Sidenote: The priest who slew the slayer.]\n\nThe post which he held by this precarious tenure carried with it\nthe title of king; but surely no crowned head ever lay uneasier, or\nwas visited by more evil dreams, than his. For year in year out, in\nsummer and winter, in fair weather and in foul, he had to keep his\nlonely watch, and whenever he snatched a troubled slumber it was at\nthe peril of his life. The least relaxation of his vigilance, the\nsmallest abatement of his strength of limb or skill of fence, put him\nin jeopardy; grey hairs might seal his death-warrant. His eyes probably\nacquired that restless, watchful look which, among the Esquimaux of\nBering Strait, is said to betray infallibly the shedder of blood; for\nwith that people revenge is a sacred duty, and the manslayer carries\nhis life in his hand.\u200b[32] To gentle and pious pilgrims at the shrine\nthe sight of him might well seem to darken the fair landscape, as\nwhen a cloud suddenly blots the sun on a bright day. The dreamy blue\nof Italian skies, the dappled shade of summer woods, and the sparkle\nof waves in the sun, can have accorded but ill with that stern and\nsinister figure. Rather we picture to ourselves the scene as it may\nhave been witnessed by a belated wayfarer on one of those wild autumn\nnights when the dead leaves are falling thick, and the winds seem\nto sing the dirge of the dying year. It is a sombre picture, set to\nmelancholy music\u2014the background of forest shewing black and jagged\nagainst a lowering and stormy sky, the sighing of the wind in the\nbranches, the rustle of the withered leaves under foot, the lapping of\nthe cold water on the shore, and in the foreground, pacing to and fro,\nnow in twilight and now in gloom, a dark figure with a glitter {p10}\nof steel at the shoulder whenever the pale moon, riding clear of the\ncloud-rack, peers down at him through the matted boughs.\n\n[Sidenote: Possibility of explaining the rule of succession by the\ncomparative method.]\n\nThe strange rule of this priesthood has no parallel in classical\nantiquity, and cannot be explained from it. To find an explanation we\nmust go farther afield. No one will probably deny that such a custom\nsavours of a barbarous age, and, surviving into imperial times, stands\nout in striking isolation from the polished Italian society of the\nday, like a primaeval rock rising from a smooth-shaven lawn. It is the\nvery rudeness and barbarity of the custom which allow us a hope of\nexplaining it. For recent researches into the early history of man have\nrevealed the essential similarity with which, under many superficial\ndifferences, the human mind has elaborated its first crude philosophy\nof life. Accordingly, if we can shew that a barbarous custom, like\nthat of the priesthood of Nemi, has existed elsewhere; if we can\ndetect the motives which led to its institution; if we can prove that\nthese motives have operated widely, perhaps universally, in human\nsociety, producing in varied circumstances a variety of institutions\nspecifically different but generically alike; if we can shew, lastly,\nthat these very motives, with some of their derivative institutions,\nwere actually at work in classical antiquity; then we may fairly infer\nthat at a remoter age the same motives gave birth to the priesthood\nof Nemi. Such an inference, in default of direct evidence as to how\nthe priesthood did actually arise, can never amount to demonstration.\nBut it will be more or less probable according to the degree of\ncompleteness with which it fulfils the conditions I have indicated. The\nobject of this book is, by meeting these conditions, to offer a fairly\nprobable explanation of the priesthood of Nemi.\n\n[Sidenote: Legend of the origin of the Nemi worship: Orestes and the\nTauric Diana.\n\nThe King of the Wood.]\n\nI begin by setting forth the few facts and legends which have come\ndown to us on the subject. According to one story the worship of Diana\nat Nemi was instituted by Orestes, who, after killing Thoas, King of\nthe Tauric Chersonese (the Crimea), fled with his sister to Italy,\nbringing with him the image of the Tauric Diana hidden in a faggot of\nsticks. After his death his bones were transported from Aricia to Rome\nand buried in front of the temple of Saturn, on the {p11} Capitoline\nslope, beside the temple of Concord. The bloody ritual which legend\nascribed to the Tauric Diana is familiar to classical readers; it is\nsaid that every stranger who landed on the shore was sacrificed on her\naltar. But transported to Italy, the rite assumed a milder form. Within\nthe sanctuary at Nemi grew a certain tree of which no branch might be\nbroken. Only a runaway slave was allowed to break off, if he could, one\nof its boughs. Success in the attempt entitled him to fight the priest\nin single combat, and if he slew him he reigned in his stead with the\ntitle of King of the Wood (_Rex Nemorensis_). According to the public\nopinion of the ancients the fateful branch was that Golden Bough which,\nat the Sibyl\u2019s bidding, Aeneas plucked before he essayed the perilous\njourney to the world of the dead. The flight of the slave represented,\nit was said, the flight of Orestes; his combat with the priest was a\nreminiscence of the human sacrifices once offered to the Tauric Diana.\nThis rule of succession by the sword was observed down to imperial\ntimes; for amongst his other freaks Caligula, thinking that the priest\nof Nemi had held office too long, hired a more stalwart ruffian to\nslay him; and a Greek traveller, who visited Italy in the age of the\nAntonines, remarks that down to his time the priesthood was still the\nprize of victory in a single combat.\u200b[33] {p12}\n\n[Sidenote: Chief features of the worship of Diana at Nemi.\n\nImportance of fire in her ritual.\n\nDiana as Vesta.]\n\nOf the worship of Diana at Nemi some leading features can still be made\nout. From the votive offerings which have been found on the site, it\nappears that she was conceived of especially as a huntress, and further\nas blessing men and women with offspring, and granting expectant\nmothers an easy delivery.\u200b[34] Again, fire seems to have played a\nforemost part in her ritual. For during her annual festival, held on\nthe thirteenth of August, at the hottest time of the year, her grove\nshone with a multitude of torches, whose ruddy glare was reflected by\nthe lake; and throughout the length and breadth of Italy the day was\nkept with holy rites at every domestic hearth.\u200b[35] Bronze statuettes\nfound in her precinct represent the goddess herself holding a torch\nin her raised right hand;\u200b[36] and women whose prayers had been heard\nby her came crowned with wreaths and bearing lighted torches to the\nsanctuary in fulfilment of their vows.\u200b[37] Some one unknown {p13}\ndedicated a perpetually burning lamp in a little shrine at Nemi for the\nsafety of the Emperor Claudius and his family.\u200b[38] The terra-cotta\nlamps which have been discovered in the grove\u200b[39] may perhaps have\nserved a like purpose for humbler persons. If so, the analogy of the\ncustom to the Catholic practice of dedicating holy candles in churches\nwould be obvious.\u200b[40] Further, the title of Vesta borne by Diana at\nNemi\u200b[41] points clearly to the maintenance of a perpetual holy fire\nin her sanctuary. A large circular basement at the north-east corner\nof the temple, raised on three steps and bearing traces of a mosaic\npavement, probably supported a round temple of Diana in her character\nof Vesta, like the round temple of Vesta in the Roman Forum.\u200b[42] Here\nthe sacred fire would seem to have been tended by Vestal Virgins, for\nthe head of a Vestal in terra-cotta was found on the spot,\u200b[43] and the\nworship of a perpetual fire, cared for by holy maidens, appears to have\nbeen common in Latium from the earliest to the latest times.\u200b[44] Thus\nwe know that among the ruins of Alba the Vestal fire was kept burning\nby Vestal Virgins, bound to strict chastity, until the end of the\nfourth century of our era.\u200b[45] There were Vestals at {p14} Tibur\u200b[46]\nand doubtless also at Lavinium, for the Roman consuls, praetors, and\ndictators had to sacrifice to Vesta at that ancient city when they\nentered on or laid down their office.\u200b[47]\n\n[Sidenote: Diana\u2019s festival on August 13 converted by the Christian\nChurch into the festival of the Assumption of the Virgin on August 15.\n\nThe Virgin Mary seems to have succeeded Artemis and Diana as the\npatroness of the ripening fruits.\n\nSurvivals of Diana\u2019s festival in Italy, Sicily, and Scandinavia.\n\nThe Virgin Mary and the goddess Anaitis.]\n\nAt her annual festival, which, as we have just seen, was celebrated all\nover Italy on the thirteenth of August, hunting dogs were crowned and\nwild beasts were not molested; young people went through a purificatory\nceremony in her honour; wine was brought forth, and the feast consisted\nof a kid, cakes served piping hot on plates of leaves, and apples still\nhanging in clusters on the boughs.\u200b[48] The Christian Church appears to\nhave sanctified this great festival of the virgin goddess by adroitly\nconverting it into the festival of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin\non the fifteenth of August.\u200b[49] The discrepancy of two days between\nthe dates of the festivals is not a fatal argument against their\nidentity; for a similar displacement of two days occurs in the case of\nSt. George\u2019s festival on the twenty-third of April, which is probably\nidentical with the ancient Roman festival of the Parilia on April\ntwenty-first.\u200b[50] On the reasons which prompted this conversion of\nthe festival of the Virgin Diana into the festival of the Virgin Mary,\nsome light is thrown by a passage in the Syriac text of _The Departure\nof My Lady Mary from this World_, which runs thus: \u201cAnd the apostles\nalso ordered that there should be a commemoration of the blessed one\non the thirteenth of Ab [that is, August; another MS. reads the 15th\nof Ab], on account of the vines bearing bunches (of grapes), and on\naccount of the trees bearing fruit, that clouds of hail, bearing stones\nof wrath, might not come, and the trees be broken, and their fruits,\nand the vines with their clusters.\u201d\u200b[51] Here the festival of {p15}\nthe Assumption of the Virgin is definitely said to have been fixed on\nthe thirteenth or fifteenth of August for the sake of protecting the\nripening grapes and other fruits. Similarly in the Arabic text of the\napocryphal work _On the Passing of the Blessed Virgin Mary_, which is\nattributed to the Apostle John, there occurs the following passage:\n\u201cAlso a festival in her honour was instituted on the fifteenth day of\nthe month Ab [that is, August], which is the day of her passing from\nthis world, the day on which the miracles were performed, and the time\nwhen the fruits of trees are ripening.\u201d\u200b[52] Further, in the calendars\nof the Syrian Church the fifteenth of August is repeatedly designated\nas the festival of the Mother of God \u201cfor the vines\u201d;\u200b[53] and to this\nday in Greece the ripening grapes and other fruits are brought to the\nchurches to be blest by the priests on the fifteenth of August.\u200b[54]\nNow we hear of vineyards and plantations dedicated to Artemis, fruits\noffered to her, and her temple standing in an orchard.\u200b[55] Hence\nwe may conjecture that her Italian sister Diana was also revered as\na patroness of vines and fruit-trees, and that on the thirteenth of\nAugust the {p16} owners of vineyards and orchards paid their respects\nto her at Nemi along with other classes of the community. We have just\nseen that wine and apples still hanging on the boughs formed part of\nthe festal cheer on that day; in an ancient fresco found at Ostia a\nstatue of Diana is depicted in company with a procession of children,\nsome of whom bear clusters of grapes;\u200b[56] and in a series of gems the\ngoddess is represented with a branch of fruit in one hand and a cup,\nwhich is sometimes full of fruit, in the other.\u200b[57] Catullus, too,\ntells us that Diana filled the husbandman\u2019s barns with a bounteous\nharvest.\u200b[58] In some parts of Italy and Sicily the day of the\nAssumption of the Virgin is still celebrated, like Diana\u2019s day of old,\nwith illuminations and bonfires; in many Sicilian parishes the corn is\nthen brought in sacks to the churches to be blessed, and many persons,\nwho have a favour to ask of the Virgin, vow to abstain from one or\nmore kinds of fruit during the first fifteen days of August.\u200b[59] Even\nin Scandinavia a relic of the worship of Diana survived in the custom\nof blessing the fruits of the earth of every sort, which in Catholic\ntimes was annually observed on the festival of the Assumption of the\nVirgin.\u200b[60] There is no intrinsic improbability in the view that for\nthe sake of edification the church may have converted a real heathen\nfestival into a nominal Christian one. Similarly in the Armenian\nChurch \u201caccording to the express evidence of the Armenian fathers of\nthe year 700 and later, the day of the Virgin was placed on September\nthe fifteenth, because that was the day of Anahite, the magnificence\nof whose feast the Christian doctors hoped thereby to transfer to\nMary.\u201d\u200b[61] This Anahite or Anaitis, as the Greeks called her, the\nArmenian predecessor of the Virgin Mary, was a great Oriental goddess,\n{p17} whose worship was exceedingly popular not only in Armenia but in\nthe adjoining countries. The loose character of her rites is plainly\nindicated by Strabo, himself a native of these regions.\u200b[62]\n\n[Sidenote: The 13th of August a harvest festival among the Celts of\nGaul.]\n\nAmong the ancient Celts of Gaul, who, to judge by their speech, were\nnear kinsmen of the ancient Latins, the thirteenth of August appears\nto have been the day when the harvest was dedicated to the harvest-god\nRivos.\u200b[63] If that was so, we may conjecture that the choice of a day\nin mid-August for the solemn celebration of the harvest-home dates from\nthe remote time when the ancestors of the Celtic and Italian peoples,\nhaving renounced the wandering life of the huntsman and herdsman,\nhad settled down together in some land of fertile soil and temperate\nclimate, where harvest fell neither so late as after the cool rainy\nsummers of the North nor so early as before the torrid and rainless\nsummers of southern Europe.\n\n[Sidenote: Egeria, water-nymph and wife of Numa.]\n\nBut Diana did not reign alone in her grove at Nemi.\u200b[64] Two lesser\ndivinities shared her forest sanctuary. One was Egeria, the nymph of\nthe clear water which, bubbling from the basaltic rocks, used to fall\nin graceful cascades into the lake at the place called Le Mole, because\nhere were established the mills of the modern village of Nemi. The\npurling of the stream as it ran over the pebbles is mentioned by Ovid,\nwho tells us that he had often drunk of its water.\u200b[65] {p18} Women\nwith child used to sacrifice to Egeria, because she was believed, like\nDiana, to be able to grant them an easy delivery.\u200b[66] Tradition ran\nthat the nymph had been the wife or mistress of the wise king Numa,\nthat he had consorted with her in the secrecy of the sacred grove, and\nthat the laws which he gave the Romans had been inspired by communion\nwith her divinity.\u200b[67] Plutarch compares the legend with other tales\nof the loves of goddesses for mortal men, such as the love of Cybele\nand the Moon for the fair youths Attis and Endymion.\u200b[68] According\nto some, the trysting-place of the lovers was not in the woods of\nNemi but in a grove outside the dripping Porta Capena at Rome, where\nanother sacred spring of Egeria gushed from a dark cavern.\u200b[69] Every\nday the Roman Vestals fetched water from this spring to wash the temple\nof Vesta, carrying it in earthenware pitchers on their heads.\u200b[70] In\nJuvenal\u2019s time the natural rock had been encased in marble, and the\nhallowed spot was profaned by gangs of poor Jews, who were suffered\nto squat, like gypsies, in the grove. We may suppose that the spring\nwhich fell into the lake of Nemi was the true original Egeria, and that\nwhen the first settlers moved down from the Alban hills to the banks\nof the Tiber they brought {p19} the nymph with them and found a new\nhome for her in a grove outside the gates.\u200b[71] The remains of baths\nwhich have been discovered within the sacred precinct,\u200b[72] together\nwith many terra-cotta models of various parts of the human body,\u200b[73]\nsuggest that the waters of Egeria were used to heal the sick, who may\nhave signified their hopes or testified their gratitude by dedicating\nlikenesses of the diseased members to the goddess, in accordance with\na custom which is still observed in many parts of Europe.\u200b[74] To this\nday it would seem that the spring retains medicinal virtues.\u200b[75]\n\n[Sidenote: Virbius, the male companion of Diana.]\n\nThe other of the minor deities at Nemi was Virbius. Legend had it that\nVirbius was the young Greek hero Hippolytus, chaste and fair, who\nlearned the art of venery from the centaur Chiron, and spent all his\ndays in the greenwood chasing wild beasts with the virgin huntress\nArtemis (the Greek counterpart of Diana) for his only comrade. Proud of\nher divine society, he spurned the love of women,\u200b[76] and this proved\nhis bane. For Aphrodite, stung by his scorn, inspired his stepmother\nPhaedra with love of him; and when he disdained her wicked advances she\nfalsely accused him to his father Theseus. The slander was believed,\nand Theseus prayed to his sire Poseidon to avenge the imagined wrong.\nSo while Hippolytus drove in a chariot by the shore of the Saronic\nGulf, the sea-god {p20} sent a fierce bull forth from the waves. The\nterrified horses bolted, threw Hippolytus from the chariot, and dragged\nhim at their hoofs to death.\u200b[77] But Diana, for the love she bore\nHippolytus, persuaded the leech Aesculapius to bring her fair young\nhunter back to life by his simples. Jupiter, indignant that a mortal\nman should return from the gates of death, thrust down the meddling\nleech himself to Hades. But Diana hid her favourite from the angry god\nin a thick cloud, disguised his features by adding years to his life,\nand then bore him far away to the dells of Nemi, where she entrusted\nhim to the nymph Egeria, to live there, unknown and solitary, under\nthe name of Virbius, in the depth of the Italian forest. There he\nreigned a king, and there he dedicated a precinct to Diana. He had a\ncomely son, Virbius, who, undaunted by his father\u2019s fate, drove a team\nof fiery steeds to join the Latins in the war against Aeneas and the\nTrojans.\u200b[78] Virbius was worshipped as a god not only at Nemi but\nelsewhere; for in Campania we hear of a special priest devoted to his\nservice.\u200b[79] Horses were excluded from the Arician grove and sanctuary\nbecause horses had killed Hippolytus.\u200b[80] It was unlawful to touch his\nimage. Some thought that he was the sun.\u200b[81] \u201cBut the {p21} truth is,\u201d\nsays Servius, \u201cthat he is a deity associated with Diana, as Attis is\nassociated with the Mother of the Gods, and Erichthonius with Minerva,\nand Adonis with Venus.\u201d\u200b[82] What the nature of that association was we\nshall enquire presently. Here it is worth observing that in his long\nand chequered career this mythical personage has displayed a remarkable\ntenacity of life. For we can hardly doubt that the Saint Hippolytus\nof the Roman calendar, who was dragged by horses to death on the\nthirteenth of August, Diana\u2019s own day, is no other than the Greek hero\nof the same name, who after dying twice over as a heathen sinner has\nbeen happily resuscitated as a Christian saint.\u200b[83]\n\n[Sidenote: The legends of Nemi invented to explain the ritual.\n\nTradition that the grove of Nemi was dedicated by a Latin dictator.]\n\nIt needs no elaborate demonstration to convince us that the stories\ntold to account for Diana\u2019s worship at Nemi are unhistorical. Clearly\nthey belong to that large class of myths which are made up to explain\nthe origin of a religious ritual and have no other foundation than\nthe resemblance, real or imaginary, which may be traced between it\nand some foreign ritual. The incongruity of these Nemi myths is\nindeed transparent, since the foundation of the worship is traced now\nto Orestes and now to Hippolytus, according as {p22} this or that\nfeature of the ritual has to be accounted for. The real value of such\ntales is that they serve to illustrate the nature of the worship by\nproviding a standard with which to compare it; and further, that they\nbear witness indirectly to its venerable age by shewing that the true\norigin was lost in the mists of a fabulous antiquity. In the latter\nrespect these Nemi legends are probably more to be trusted than the\napparently historical tradition, vouched for by Cato the Elder, that\nthe sacred grove was dedicated to Diana by a certain Egerius Baebius\nor Laevius of Tusculum, a Latin dictator, on behalf of the peoples\nof Tusculum, Aricia, Lanuvium, Laurentum, Cora, Tibur, Pometia, and\nArdea.\u200b[84] This tradition indeed speaks for the great age of the\nsanctuary, since it seems to date its foundation sometime before 495\nB.C., the year in which Pometia was sacked by the Romans and disappears\nfrom history.\u200b[85] But we cannot suppose that so barbarous a rule\nas that of the Arician priesthood was deliberately instituted by a\nleague of civilised communities, such as the Latin cities undoubtedly\nwere. It must have been handed down from a time beyond the memory\nof man, when Italy was still in a far ruder state than any known to\nus in the historical period. The credit of the tradition is rather\nshaken than confirmed by another story which ascribes the foundation\nof the sanctuary to a certain Manius Egerius, who gave rise to the\nsaying, \u201cThere are many Manii at Aricia.\u201d This proverb some explained\nby alleging that Manius Egerius was the ancestor of a long and\ndistinguished line, whereas others thought it meant that there were\nmany ugly and deformed people at Aricia, and they derived the name\nManius from _Mania_, a bogey or bugbear to frighten children.\u200b[86] A\nRoman satirist uses the name Manius as typical of the beggars who lay\nin wait for pilgrims on the Arician slopes.\u200b[87] These differences of\nopinion, together with the discrepancy between Manius Egerius of Aricia\nand Egerius Laevius of Tusculum, as well as the resemblance of both\nnames to the mythical Egeria,\u200b[88] excite {p23} our suspicion. Yet the\ntradition recorded by Cato seems too circumstantial, and its sponsor\ntoo respectable, to allow us to dismiss it as an idle fiction.\u200b[89]\nRather we may suppose that it refers to some ancient restoration or\nreconstruction of the sanctuary, which was actually carried out by the\nconfederate states.\u200b[90] At any rate it testifies to a belief that\nthe grove had been from early times a common place of worship for\nmany of the oldest cities of the country, if not for the whole Latin\nconfederacy.\u200b[91]\n\n[Sidenote: Evidence of the antiquity of the grove.]\n\nAnother argument of antiquity may be drawn from some of the votive\nofferings found on the spot, such as a sacrificial ladle of bronze\nbearing Diana\u2019s name in archaic Greek letters,\u200b[92] and pieces of\nthe oldest kind of Italian money, being merely shapeless bits of\ncopper, unstamped and valued by weight.\u200b[93] But as the use of such\nold-fashioned money {p24} survived in offerings to the gods long after\nit vanished from daily life,\u200b[94] no great stress can be laid on its\noccurrence at Nemi as evidence of the age of the shrine.\n\n\n\u00a7 2. _Artemis and Hippolytus_\n\n[Sidenote: Origin of the Arician myths of Orestes and Hippolytus.]\n\nI have said that the Arician legends of Orestes and Hippolytus, though\nworthless as history, have a certain value in so far as they may help\nus to understand the worship at Nemi better by comparing it with the\nritual and myths of other sanctuaries. We must ask ourselves, Why\ndid the authors of these legends pitch upon Orestes and Hippolytus\nin order to explain Virbius and the King of the Wood? In regard to\nOrestes, the answer is obvious. He and the image of the Tauric Diana,\nwhich could only be appeased with human blood,\u200b[95] were dragged in to\nrender intelligible the murderous rule of succession to the Arician\npriesthood. In regard to Hippolytus the case is not so plain. The\nmanner of his death suggests readily enough a reason for the exclusion\nof horses from the grove; but this by itself seems hardly enough\nto account for the identification. We must try to probe deeper by\nexamining the worship as well as the legend or myth of Hippolytus.\n\n[Sidenote: Worship of Hippolytus at Troezen.\n\nHippolytus a mythical being of the Adonis type.]\n\nHe had a famous sanctuary at his ancestral home of Troezen, situated\non that beautiful, almost landlocked bay, where groves of oranges and\nlemons, with tall cypresses soaring like dark spires above the garden\nof the Hesperides, now clothe the strip of fertile shore at the foot\nof the rugged mountains. Across the blue water of the tranquil bay,\nwhich it shelters from the open sea, rises Poseidon\u2019s sacred island,\nits peaks veiled in the sombre green of the pines. On this fair coast\nHippolytus was worshipped. Within his sanctuary stood a temple with an\nancient image. His service was performed by a priest who held office\nfor life: every year a sacrificial festival was held in his honour; and\nhis untimely fate was yearly mourned, with weeping and {p25} doleful\nchants, by unwedded maids, who also dedicated locks of their hair in\nhis temple before marriage.\u200b[96] His grave existed at Troezen, though\nthe people would not shew it.\u200b[97] It has been suggested, with great\nplausibility, that in the handsome Hippolytus, beloved of Artemis, cut\noff in his youthful prime, and yearly mourned by damsels, we have one\nof those mortal lovers of a goddess who appear so often in ancient\nreligion, and of whom Adonis is the most familiar type. The rivalry\nof Artemis and Phaedra for the affection of Hippolytus reproduces,\nit is said, under different names, the rivalry of Aphrodite and\nProserpine for the love of Adonis, for Phaedra is merely a double of\nAphrodite.\u200b[98] Certainly in the _Hippolytus_ of Euripides the tragedy\nof the hero\u2019s death is traced directly to the anger of Aphrodite at\nhis contempt for her power, and Phaedra is nothing but a tool of the\ngoddess. Moreover, within the precinct of Hippolytus at Troezen there\nstood a temple of Peeping Aphrodite, which was so named, we are told,\nbecause from this spot the amorous Phaedra used to watch Hippolytus\nat his manly sports. Clearly the name would be still more appropriate\nif it was Aphrodite herself who peeped. And beside this temple of\nAphrodite grew a myrtle-tree with pierced leaves, which the hapless\nPhaedra, in the pangs of love, had pricked with her bodkin.\u200b[99]\nNow the myrtle, with its glossy evergreen leaves, its red and white\nblossom, and its fragrant perfume, was Aphrodite\u2019s own tree, and legend\nassociated it with the birth of Adonis.\u200b[100] At Athens also Hippolytus\nwas intimately associated with Aphrodite, for on the south side of the\nAcropolis, looking towards Troezen, a barrow or sepulchral mound in\nhis memory was shewn, and beside it stood a temple of Aphrodite, said\nto have been founded by Phaedra, which bore the name of the temple of\nAphrodite at {p26} Hippolytus.\u200b[101] The conjunction, both in Troezen\nand in Athens, of his grave with a temple of the goddess of love is\nsignificant. Later on we shall meet with mounds in which the lovers of\nthe great Asiatic goddess were said to lie buried.\n\n[Sidenote: The divine mistresses of Hippolytus associated with oaks.]\n\nIf this view of the relation of Hippolytus to Artemis and Aphrodite is\nright, it is somewhat remarkable that both his divine mistresses appear\nto have been associated at Troezen with oaks. For Aphrodite was here\nworshipped under the title of Askraia, that is, she of the Fruitless\nOak;\u200b[102] and Hippolytus was said to have met his death not far from a\nsanctuary of Saronian Artemis, that is, Artemis of the Hollow Oak, for\nhere the wild olive-tree was shewn in which the reins of his chariot\nbecame entangled, and so brought him to the ground.\u200b[103]\n\n[Sidenote: Orestes at Troezen.]\n\nIt may not be without significance that Orestes, the other mythical\nhero of Nemi, also appears in the legendary history of Troezen. For\nat Troezen there was a temple of Wolfish Artemis, said to have been\ndedicated by Hippolytus, and in front of the temple stood a sacred\nstone upon which nine men, according to the legend, had cleansed\nOrestes from the guilt of his mother\u2019s murder. In the solemn rite they\nmade use of water drawn from the Horse\u2019s Fount; and as late as the\nsecond century of our era their descendants dined together on certain\nset days in a building called the Booth of Orestes. Before the building\nthere grew a laurel-tree which was said to have sprung on the spot\nwhere the things used in purifying the matricide were buried. The old\ntraveller Pausanias, to whom we owe so much of our knowledge of ancient\nGreece, could not learn why {p27} Hippolytus dedicated a temple to\nWolfish Artemis; but he conjectured that it might have been because he\nextirpated the packs of wolves that used to scour the country.\u200b[104]\n\n[Sidenote: Hippolytus in relation to horses and wolves.]\n\nAnother point in the myth of Hippolytus which deserves attention is\nthe frequent recurrence of horses in it. His name signifies either\n\u201chorse-loosed\u201d or \u201chorse-looser\u201d;\u200b[105] he consecrated twenty horses to\nAesculapius at Epidaurus;\u200b[106] he was killed by horses; the Horse\u2019s\nFount probably flowed not far from the temple which he built for\nWolfish Artemis; and horses were sacred to his grandsire Poseidon, who\nhad an ancient sanctuary in the wooded island across the bay, where\nthe ruins of it may still be seen in the pine-forest.\u200b[107] Lastly,\nHippolytus\u2019s sanctuary at Troezen was said to have been founded by\nDiomede, whose mythical connexion both with horses and wolves is\nattested. For the Veneti, at the head of the Adriatic, were famed for\ntheir breed of horses, and they had a sacred grove of Diomede, at the\nspot where many springs burst forth from the foot of a lofty cliff,\nforming at once the broad and deep river Timavus (the modern Timao),\nwhich flows with a still and tranquil current into the neighbouring\nsea. Here the Veneti sacrificed a white horse to Diomede; and\nassociated with his grove were two others, sacred to Argive Hera and\nAetolian Artemis. In these groves wild beasts were reported to lose\ntheir ferocity, and deer to herd with wolves. Moreover, the horses of\nthe district, famed for their speed, were said to have been branded\nwith the mark of a wolf.\u200b[108] Thus Hippolytus was associated with the\nhorse in many ways, and this association may have been used to explain\nmore features of the Arician ritual than the mere exclusion of the\nanimal from the sacred grove.\u200b[109] {p28} To this point we shall return\nlater on. Whether his relation to wolves was also invoked to account\nfor any other aspect of the worship at Nemi we cannot say, since the\nwolf plays no part in the scanty notices of that worship which have\ncome down to us.\u200b[110] But doubtless, as one of the wild creatures of\nthe wood, the beast would be under the special care of Diana.\n\n[Sidenote: Hair offered before marriage to Hippolytus and others.]\n\nThe custom observed by Troezenian girls of offering tresses of their\nhair to Hippolytus before their wedding brings him into a relation with\nmarriage, which at first sight seems out of keeping with his reputation\nas a confirmed bachelor. According to Lucian, youths as well as maidens\nat Troezen were forbidden to wed till they had shorn their hair in\nhonour of Hippolytus, and we gather from the context that it was their\nfirst beard which the young men thus polled.\u200b[111] However we may\nexplain it, a custom of this sort appears to have prevailed widely both\nin Greece and the East. Plutarch tells us that formerly it was the wont\nof boys at puberty to go to Delphi and offer of their hair to Apollo;\nTheseus, the father of Hippolytus, complied with the custom,\u200b[112]\nwhich lasted down into historical times.\u200b[113] Argive maidens, grown to\nwomanhood, dedicated their tresses to Athena before marriage.\u200b[114] On\nthe same occasion Megarian girls poured libations and laid clippings of\ntheir hair on the tomb of the maiden Iphinoe.\u200b[115] At the entrance to\nthe temple of Artemis in Delos the grave of two maidens was shewn under\nan olive-tree. It was said that long ago they had come as pilgrims\nfrom a far northern land with offerings to Apollo, and dying in the\nsacred isle were buried there. The Delian virgins before marriage\nused to cut off a lock of their hair, wind it on a spindle, and lay\nit on the maidens\u2019 grave. The young men did the same, except that\nthey twisted the down of their first beard round a wisp of grass or a\ngreen shoot.\u200b[116] In some places it was Artemis who {p29} received\nthe offering of a maiden\u2019s hair before marriage.\u200b[117] At Panamara in\nCaria men dedicated locks of their hair in the temple of Zeus. The\nlocks were enclosed in little stone boxes, some of them fitted with a\nmarble lid or shutter, and the name of the dedicator was engraved on\na square sinking in the stone, together with the name of the priest\nfor the time being. Many of these inscribed boxes have been found of\nlate years on the spot. None of them bear the names of women; some of\nthem are inscribed with the names of a father and his sons. All the\ndedications are to Zeus alone, though Hera was also worshipped with him\nat Panamara.\u200b[118] At Hierapolis, on the Euphrates, youths offered of\ntheir beards and girls of their tresses to the great Syrian goddess,\nand left the shorn hair in caskets of gold or silver, inscribed with\ntheir names, and nailed to the walls of the temple.\u200b[119] The custom of\ndedicating the first beard seems to have been common at Rome under the\nEmpire.\u200b[120] Thus Nero consecrated his first beard in a golden box,\nstudded with costly pearls, on the Capitol.\u200b[121]\n\n[Sidenote: Such offerings intended to communicate strength and\nfertility.\n\nEgyptian practice.]\n\nSome light is perhaps thrown on the meaning of these practices by two\nancient Oriental customs, the one Egyptian, the other Phoenician. When\nEgyptian boys or girls had recovered from sickness, their parents used\nto shave the children\u2019s heads, weigh the hair against gold or silver,\nand give the precious metal to the keepers of the sacred beasts, who\nbought food with it for the animals according to their tastes. These\ntastes varied with the nature of the beast, and the beast varied with\nthe district. Where hawks were worshipped, the keepers chopped up\nflesh, and calling the birds in a loud voice, flung the gobbets up\ninto the air, till the hawks stooped and caught them. Where cats, or\nichneumons, or {p30} fish were the local deities, the keepers crumbled\nbread in milk and set it before them, or threw it into the Nile. And\nsimilarly with the rest of the divine menagery.\u200b[122] Thus in Egypt the\nofferings of hair went to feed the worshipful animals.\n\n[Sidenote: Syrian practice; sacrifice of chastity regarded as a\nsubstitute for the sacrifice of hair.]\n\nIn the sanctuary of the great Phoenician goddess Astarte at Byblus\nthe practice was different. Here, at the annual mourning for the\ndead Adonis, the women had to shave their heads, and such of them as\nrefused to do so were bound to prostitute themselves to strangers\nand to sacrifice to the goddess with the wages of their shame.\u200b[123]\nThough Lucian, who mentions the custom, does not say so, there are\nsome grounds for thinking that the women in question were generally\nmaidens, of whom this act of devotion was required as a preliminary\nto marriage.\u200b[124] In any case, it is clear that the goddess accepted\nthe sacrifice of chastity as a substitute for the sacrifice of\nhair.\u200b[125] Why? By many people, as we shall afterwards see, the hair\nis regarded as in a special sense the seat of strength; and at puberty\nit might well be thought to contain a double portion of vital energy,\nsince at that season it is the outward sign and manifestation of the\nnewly-acquired power of reproducing the species. For that reason, we\nmay suppose, the beard rather than the hair of the head is offered\nby males on this occasion. Thus the substitution permitted at Byblus\nbecomes intelligible: the women gave of their fecundity to the goddess,\nwhether they offered their hair or their chastity. But why, it may be\nasked, should they make such an offering to Astarte, who was herself\nthe great goddess of love and fertility? What need had she to receive\nfecundity from {p31} her worshippers? Was it not rather for her to\nbestow it on them? Thus put, the question overlooks an important side\nof polytheism, perhaps we may say of ancient religion in general. The\ngods stood as much in need of their worshippers as the worshippers in\nneed of them. The benefits conferred were mutual. If the gods made\nthe earth to bring forth abundantly, the flocks and herds to teem,\nand the human race to multiply, they expected that a portion of their\nbounty should be returned to them in the shape of tithe or tribute. On\nthis tithe, indeed, they subsisted, and without it they would starve.\nTheir divine bellies had to be filled, and their divine reproductive\nenergies to be recruited; hence men had to give of their meat and\ndrink to them, and to sacrifice for their benefit what is most manly\nin man and womanly in woman. Sacrifices of the latter kind have too\noften been overlooked or misunderstood by the historians of religion.\nOther examples of them will meet us in the course of our enquiry. At\nthe same time it may well be that the women who offered their hair to\nAstarte hoped to benefit through the sympathetic connexion which they\nthus established between themselves and the goddess; they may in fact\nhave expected to fecundate themselves by contact with the divine source\nof fecundity. And it is probable that a similar motive underlay the\nsacrifice of chastity as well as the sacrifice of hair.\n\n[Sidenote: Hair offered to rivers as sources of fertility.\n\nDelos and Delphi as centres of fertilisation and of fire.]\n\nIf the sacrifice of hair, especially of hair at puberty, is sometimes\nintended to strengthen the divine beings to whom it is offered by\nfeeding or fertilising them, we can the better understand, not only\nthe common practice of offering hair to the shadowy dead,\u200b[126] but\nalso the Greek usage of shearing it for rivers, as the Arcadian boys of\nPhigalia did for the stream that runs in the depths of the tremendous\nwoody glen below the city.\u200b[127] For next perhaps to rain and sunshine,\nnothing in nature so obviously contributes to fertilise a country as\nits rivers. Again, this view may set in a clearer light the custom of\nthe Delian youths and maidens, {p32} who offered their hair on the\nmaidens\u2019 tomb under the olive-tree. For at Delos, as at Delphi, one\nof Apollo\u2019s many functions was to make the crops grow and to fill\nthe husbandman\u2019s barns; hence at the time of harvest tithe-offerings\npoured in to him from every side in the form of ripe sheaves, or,\nwhat was perhaps still more acceptable, golden models of them, which\nwent by the name of the \u201cgolden summer.\u201d\u200b[128] The festival at which\nthese first-fruits were dedicated may have been the 6th and 7th of the\nharvest-month Thargelion, corresponding to the 24th and 25th of May,\nfor these were the birthdays of Artemis and Apollo respectively.\u200b[129]\nIn Hesiod\u2019s day the corn-reaping began at the morning rising of the\nPleiades, which then answered to our 9th of May,\u200b[130] and in Greece\nthe wheat is still ripe about that time.\u200b[131] In return for these\nofferings the god sent out a sacred new fire from both his great\nsanctuaries at Delos and Delphi, thus radiating from them, as from\ncentral suns, the divine blessings of heat and light. A ship brought\nthe new fire every year from Delos to Lemnos, the sacred island of the\nfire-god Hephaestus, where all fires were put out before its arrival,\nto be afterwards rekindled at the pure flame.\u200b[132] The fetching of\nthe new fire from Delphi to Athens appears to have been a ceremony of\ngreat solemnity and pomp. All the chief Athenian magistrates repaired\nto Delphi for the purpose. The holy fire blazed or smouldered in a\nsacred {p33} tripod borne on a chariot and tended by a woman who was\ncalled the Fire-bearer. Soldiers, both horse and foot, escorted it;\nmagistrates, priests, and heralds accompanied it; and the procession\nmoved to the music of trumpet and fife.\u200b[133] We do not know on what\noccasion the fire was thus solemnly sent from Delphi to Athens, but we\nmay conjecture that it was when the Pythaists at Athens, watching from\nthe hearth of Lightning Zeus, saw lightning flash over Harma on Mount\nParnes, for then they sent a sacrifice to Delphi and may have received\nthe fire in return.\u200b[134] After the great defeat of the Persians at\nPlataea, the people of that city extinguished all the fires in the\ncountry, deeming them defiled by the presence of the barbarians. Having\ndone so they relit them at a pure new fire fetched by a runner from the\naltar of the common hearth at Delphi.\u200b[135]\n\n[Sidenote: The graves of Apollo and Artemis at Delos.]\n\nNow the maidens on whose grave the Delian youths and damsels laid their\nshorn locks before marriage, were said to have died in the island after\nbringing the harvest offering, wrapt in wheaten straw, from the land\nof the Hyperboreans in the far north.\u200b[136] Thus they were in popular\nopinion the mythical representatives of those bands of worshippers who\nbore, year by year, the yellow sheaves with dance and song to Delos.\nBut in fact they had once been much more than this. For an examination\nof their names, which are commonly given as Hekaerge and Opis, has led\nmodern scholars to conclude, with every appearance of probability, that\nthese maidens were originally mere duplicates of Artemis herself.\u200b[137]\nPerhaps indeed we may {p34} go a step farther. For sometimes one of\nthis pair of Hyperboreans appears as a male, not a female, under the\nname of the Far-shooter (Hekaergos), which was a common epithet of\nApollo.\u200b[138] This suggests that the two were originally the heavenly\ntwins themselves, Apollo and Artemis, and that the two graves which\nwere shewn at Delos, one before and the other behind the sanctuary of\nArtemis, may have been at first the tombs of these great deities, who\nwere thus laid to their rest on the spot where they had been born.\nAs the one grave received offerings of hair, so the other received\nthe ashes of the victims which were burned on the altar.\u200b[139] Both\nsacrifices, if I am right, were designed to strengthen and fertilise\nthe divine powers who made the earth to wave with the golden harvest,\nand whose mortal remains, like the miracle-working bones of saints\nin the Middle Ages, brought wealth to their fortunate possessors.\nAncient piety was not shocked by the sight of the tomb of a dead god.\nThe grave of Apollo himself was shewn at his other great sanctuary of\nDelphi,\u200b[140] and this perhaps explains its disappearance at Delos.\nThe priests of the rival shrines may have calculated that one tomb\nsufficed even for a god, and that two might prove a stumbling-block to\nany but the most robust faith. Acting on this prudent conviction, they\nmay have adjusted their respective claims to the possession of the holy\nsepulchre {p35} by leaving Apollo to sleep undisturbed at Delphi, while\nhis grave at Delos was dexterously converted into the tomb of a blessed\nvirgin by the easy grammatical change of _Hekaergos_ into _Hekaerge_.\n\n[Sidenote: Hippolytus and Artemis.\n\nArtemis a goddess of the wild life of nature.\n\nArtemis not originally regarded as a virgin.\n\nArtemis a goddess of childbirth.\n\nThe Ephesian Artemis.]\n\nBut how, it may be asked, does all this apply to Hippolytus? Why\nattempt to fertilise the grave of a bachelor who paid all his devotions\nto a barren virgin? What seed could take root and spring up in so\nstony a soil? The question implies the popular modern notion of Diana\nor Artemis as the pattern of a straight-laced maiden lady with a\ntaste for hunting. No notion could well be further from the truth.\nTo the ancients, on the contrary, she was the ideal and embodiment\nof the wild life of nature\u2014the life of plants, of animals, and of\nmen\u2014in all its exuberant fertility and profusion. As a recent German\nwriter has admirably put it: \u201cFrom of old a great goddess of nature\nwas everywhere worshipped in Greece. She was revered on the mountain\nheights as in the swampy lowlands, in the rustling woods and by the\nmurmuring spring. To the Greek her hand was everywhere apparent. He saw\nher gracious blessing in the sprouting meadow, in the ripening corn,\nin the healthful vigour of all living things on earth, whether the\nwild creatures of the wood and the fell, or the cattle which man has\ntamed to his service, or man\u2019s own offspring from the cradle upward.\nHer destroying anger he perceived in the blight of vegetation, in the\ninroads of wild beasts on his fields and orchards, as well as in the\nlast mysterious end of life, in death. No empty personification, like\nthe earth conceived as a goddess, was this deity, for such abstractions\nare foreign to every primitive religion; she was an all-embracing power\nof nature, everywhere the object of a similar faith, however her names\ndiffered with the place in which she was believed to abide, with the\nemphasis laid on her gloomy or kindly aspect, or with the particular\nside of her energy which was specially revered. And as the Greek\ndivided everything in animated nature into male and female, he could\nnot imagine this female power of nature without her male counterpart.\nHence in a number of her older worships we find Artemis associated\nwith a nature-god of similar character, to whom tradition assigned\n{p36} different names in different places. In Laconia, for instance,\nshe was mated with the old Peloponnesian god Karneios, in Arcadia more\nthan once with Poseidon, elsewhere with Zeus, Apollo, Dionysus, and so\non.\u201d\u200b[141] The truth is, that the word _parthenos_ applied to Artemis,\nwhich we commonly translate virgin, means no more than an unmarried\nwoman,\u200b[142] and in early days the two things were by no means the\nsame. With the growth of a purer morality among men a stricter code\nof ethics is imposed by them upon their gods; the stories of the\ncruelty, deceit, and lust of these divine beings are glossed lightly\nover or flatly rejected as blasphemies, and the old ruffians are set\nto guard the laws which before they broke. In regard to Artemis, even\nthe ambiguous _parthenos_ seems to have been merely a popular epithet,\nnot an official title. As Dr. Farnell has well pointed out, there was\nno public worship of Artemis the chaste; so far as her sacred titles\nbear on the relation of the sexes, they shew that, on the contrary,\nshe was, like Diana in Italy, specially concerned with the {p37} loss\nof virginity and with child-bearing, and that she not only assisted\nbut encouraged women to be fruitful and multiply; indeed, if we may\ntake Euripides\u2019s word for it, in her capacity of midwife she would\nnot even speak to childless women. Further, it is highly significant\nthat while her titles and the allusions to her functions mark her out\nclearly as the patroness of childbirth, we find none that recognise\nher distinctly as a deity of marriage.\u200b[143] Nothing, however, sets\nthe true character of Artemis as a goddess of fecundity, though not of\nwedlock, in a clearer light than her constant identification with the\nunmarried, but not chaste, Asiatic goddesses of love and fertility, who\nwere worshipped with rites of notorious profligacy at their popular\nsanctuaries.\u200b[144] At Ephesus, the most celebrated of all the seats of\nher worship,\u200b[145] her universal motherhood was set forth unmistakably\nin her sacred image. Copies of it have come down to us which agree\nin their main features, though they differ from each other in some\ndetails. They represent the goddess with a multitude of protruding\nbreasts; the heads of animals of many kinds, both wild and tame, spring\nfrom the front of her body in a series of bands that extend from the\nbreasts to the feet; bees, roses, {p38} and sometimes butterflies,\ndecorate her sides from the hips downward. The animals that thus appear\nto issue from her person vary in the different copies of the statue;\nthey include lions, bulls, stags, horses, goats, and rams. Moreover,\nlions rest on her upper arms; in at least one copy, serpents twine\nround her lower arms; her bosom is festooned with a wreath of blossoms,\nand she wears a necklace of acorns. In one of the statues the breast of\nher robe is decorated with two winged male figures, who hold sheaves in\nboth hands.\u200b[146] It would be hard to devise a more expressive symbol\nof exuberant fertility, of prolific maternity, than these remarkable\nimages. No doubt the Ephesian Artemis, with her eunuch priests and\nvirgin priestesses,\u200b[147] was an Oriental, whose worship the Greek\ncolonists took over from the aborigines.\u200b[148] But that they should\nhave adopted it and identified the goddess with their own Artemis is\nproof enough that the Grecian divinity, like her Asiatic sister, was at\nbottom a personification of the teeming life of nature.\n\n[Sidenote: Hippolytus the male consort of Artemis.]\n\nTo return now to Troezen, we shall probably be doing no injustice\neither to Hippolytus or to Artemis if we suppose that the relation\nbetween them was once of a tenderer nature {p39} than appears in\nclassical literature. We may conjecture that if he spurned the love of\nwomen, it was because he enjoyed the love of a goddess.\u200b[149] On the\nprinciples of early religion, she who fertilises nature must herself\nbe fertile, and to be that she must necessarily have a male consort.\nIf I am right, Hippolytus was the consort of Artemis at Troezen, and\nthe shorn tresses offered to him by the Troezenian youths and maidens\nbefore marriage were designed to strengthen his union with the goddess,\nand so to promote the fruitfulness of the earth, of cattle, and of\nmankind. It is some confirmation of this view that within the precinct\nof Hippolytus at Troezen there were worshipped two female powers named\nDamia and Auxesia, whose connexion with the fertility of the ground\nis unquestionable. When Epidaurus suffered from a dearth, the people,\nin obedience to an oracle, carved images of Damia and Auxesia out of\nsacred olive wood, and no sooner had they done so and set them up than\nthe earth bore fruit again. Moreover, at Troezen itself, and apparently\nwithin the precinct of Hippolytus, a curious festival of stone-throwing\nwas held in honour of these maidens, as the Troezenians called them;\nand it is easy to show that similar customs have been practised in many\nlands for the express purpose of ensuring good crops.\u200b[150] In the\nstory of the tragic death of the youthful Hippolytus we may discern an\nanalogy with similar tales of other fair but mortal youths who paid\nwith their lives for the brief rapture of the love of an immortal\ngoddess. These hapless lovers were probably not always mere myths, and\nthe legends which traced their spilt blood in the purple bloom of the\nviolet, the scarlet stain of the anemone, or the crimson flush of the\nrose were no idle poetic emblems of youth and beauty {p40} fleeting\nas the summer flowers. Such fables contain a deeper philosophy of the\nrelation of the life of man to the life of nature\u2014a sad philosophy\nwhich gave birth to a tragic practice. What that philosophy and that\npractice were we shall learn later on.\n\n\n\u00a7 3. _Recapitulation_\n\n[Sidenote: Virbius the male consort of Diana.]\n\nWe can now perhaps understand why the ancients identified Hippolytus,\nthe consort of Artemis, with Virbius, who, according to Servius,\nstood to Diana as Adonis to Venus, or Attis to the Mother of the\nGods. For Diana, like Artemis, was a goddess of fertility in general,\nand of childbirth in particular.\u200b[151] As such she, like her Greek\ncounterpart, needed a male partner. That partner, if Servius is right,\nwas Virbius. In his character of the founder of the sacred grove and\nfirst king of Nemi, Virbius is clearly the mythical predecessor or\narchetype of the line of priests who served Diana under the title of\nKings of the Wood, and who came, like him, one after the other, to\na violent end.\u200b[152] It is natural, therefore, to conjecture that\nthey stood to the goddess of the grove in the same relation in which\nVirbius stood to her; in short, that the mortal King of the Wood had\nfor his queen the woodland Diana herself.\u200b[153] If the sacred tree\nwhich he guarded with his life was supposed, as seems probable, to be\nher special embodiment, her priest may not only have worshipped it as\nhis goddess but embraced it as his wife. There is at least nothing\nabsurd in the supposition, since even in the time of Pliny a noble\nRoman used thus to treat a beautiful beech-tree in another sacred grove\nof Diana on the Alban hills. He embraced it, he kissed it, he lay\nunder its shadow, he poured wine on its trunk. Apparently he took the\ntree for the goddess.\u200b[154] The custom of physically marrying men and\nwomen to trees is still practised in India and other {p41} parts of the\nEast.\u200b[155] Why should it not have obtained in ancient Latium?\n\n[Sidenote: Summary of results.]\n\nReviewing the evidence as a whole, we may conclude that the worship\nof Diana in her sacred grove at Nemi was of great importance and\nimmemorial antiquity; that she was revered as the goddess of woodlands\nand of wild creatures, probably also of domestic cattle and of the\nfruits of the earth; that she was believed to bless men and women\nwith offspring and to aid mothers in childbed; that her holy fire,\ntended by chaste virgins, burned perpetually in a round temple within\nthe precinct; that associated with her was a water-nymph Egeria who\ndischarged one of Diana\u2019s own functions by succouring women in travail,\nand who was popularly supposed to have mated with an old Roman king\nin the sacred grove; further, that Diana of the Wood herself had a\nmale companion, Virbius by name, who was to her what Adonis was to\nVenus, or Attis to Cybele; and, lastly, that this mythical Virbius was\nrepresented in historical times by a line of priests known as Kings of\nthe Wood, who regularly perished by the swords of their successors, and\nwhose lives were in a manner bound up with a certain tree in the grove,\nbecause so long as that tree was uninjured they were safe from attack.\n\n[Sidenote: The double-headed bust at Nemi probably a portrait of the\nKing of the Wood and his successor.]\n\nA curious monument of the ill-fated dynasty appears to have come\ndown to us in a double-headed bust which was found in the sanctuary\nat Nemi. It represents two men of heavy and somewhat coarse features\nand a grim expression. The type of face is similar in both heads, but\nthere are marked differences between them; for while the one is young\nand beardless with shut lips and a steadfast gaze, the other is a man\nof middle life with a tossed and matted beard, wrinkled brows, a wild\nanxious look in the eyes, and an open grinning mouth. But perhaps the\nmost singular thing about the two heads are the leaves with scalloped\nedges which are plastered, so to say, on the necks of both busts and\napparently also under the eyes of the younger figure. The leaves have\nbeen interpreted as oak leaves, and this interpretation, which is not\nfree from doubt, is confirmed by the resemblance to an oak leaf which\nthe {p42} moustache of the older figure clearly presents when viewed\nin profile. Various explanations of this remarkable monument have\nbeen proposed; but the most probable theory appears to be that the\nolder figure represents the priest of Nemi, the King of the Wood, in\npossession, while the other face is that of his youthful adversary and\npossible successor. This theory would explain the coarse heavy type of\nboth faces, which is neither Greek nor Roman but apparently barbarian;\nfor as the priest of Nemi had always to be a runaway slave, he would\ncommonly be a member of an alien and barbarous race. Further, it would\nexplain the striking contrast between the set determined gaze of the\nyounger man and the haggard, scared look of the older; on the one\nface we seem to read the resolution to kill, on the other the fear to\ndie. Lastly, it would explain very simply the leaves that cling like\ncerements to the necks and breasts of both; for we shall see later on\nthat the priest was probably regarded as an embodiment of the tree\nwhich he guarded, and human representatives of tree spirits are most\nnaturally draped in the foliage of the tree which they personate. Hence\nif the leaves on the two heads are indeed oak leaves, as they have been\nthought to be, we should have to conclude that the tree which the King\nof the Wood guarded and personated was an oak. There are independent\nreasons for holding that this was so, but the consideration of them\nmust be deferred for the present.\u200b[156]\n\n[Sidenote: A wider survey required to solve the problem of Nemi.]\n\nClearly these conclusions do not of themselves suffice to explain the\npeculiar rule of succession to the priesthood. But perhaps the survey\nof a wider field may lead us to {p43} think that they contain in germ\nthe solution of the problem. To that wider survey we must now address\nourselves. It will be long and laborious, but may possess something\nof the interest and charm of a voyage of discovery, in which we shall\nvisit many strange foreign lands, with strange foreign peoples, and\nstill stranger customs. The wind is in the shrouds: we shake out our\nsails to it, and leave the coast of Italy behind us for a time.\n\n{p44}\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II\n\nPRIESTLY KINGS\n\n\n[Sidenote: The two questions to be answered.]\n\nThe questions which we have set ourselves to answer are mainly two:\nfirst, why had Diana\u2019s priest at Nemi, the King of the Wood, to slay\nhis predecessor? second, why before doing so had he to pluck the\nbranch of a certain tree which the public opinion of the ancients\nidentified with Virgil\u2019s Golden Bough? The two questions are to some\nextent distinct, and it will be convenient to consider them separately.\nWe begin with the first, which, with the preliminary enquiries, will\noccupy this and several following volumes. In the last part of the book\nI shall suggest an answer to the second question.\n\nThe first point on which we fasten is the priest\u2019s title. Why was he\ncalled the King of the Wood? Why was his office spoken of as a kingdom?\n\n[Sidenote: Priestly kings in ancient Italy and Greece.\n\nTraditional origin of these priestly kings.]\n\nThe union of a royal title with priestly duties was common in ancient\nItaly and Greece. At Rome and in other cities of Latium there was\na priest called the Sacrificial King or King of the Sacred Rites,\nand his wife bore the title of Queen of the Sacred Rites.\u200b[157] In\nrepublican Athens the second annual magistrate of the state was\ncalled the King, and his wife the Queen; the functions of both were\nreligious. For example, the king superintended the celebration of\nthe Eleusinian mysteries, the Lenaean festival of Dionysus, and the\ntorch-races, which were held at several of {p45} the great Athenian\nfestivals. Moreover, he presided at the curious trials of animals and\ninanimate objects, which had caused the death of a human being. To\nhim in short were assigned, in the words of Plato, \u201cthe most solemn\nand most truly ancestral rites of the ancient sacrifices.\u201d\u200b[158] Many\nother Greek democracies had titular kings, whose duties, so far as\nthey are known, seem to have been priestly, and to have centred round\nthe Common Hearth of the state.\u200b[159] For example, in Cos the King\nsacrificed to Hestia, the goddess of the hearth, the equivalent of\nthe Italian Vesta; and he received the hide and one leg of the victim\nas his perquisite.\u200b[160] In Mytilene the kings, of whom there were\nseveral, invited to banquets at the Common Hearth those guests whom the\nstate delighted to honour.\u200b[161] In Chios, if any herdsman or shepherd\ndrove his cows, his sheep, or his swine to pasture in a sacred grove,\nthe first person who witnessed the transgression was bound to denounce\nthe transgressor to the kings, under pain of incurring the wrath of\nthe god and, what was perhaps even worse, of having to pay a fine to\nthe offended deity.\u200b[162] In the same island the king was charged\nwith the duty of pronouncing the public curses,\u200b[163] a spiritual\nweapon of which much use was made by the ancients.\u200b[164] Every eighth\nyear the King at Delphi took part in a quaint {p46} ceremony. He sat\nin public distributing barley-meal and pulse to all who chose to\napply for the bounty, whether citizens or strangers. Then an image\nof a girl was brought to him, and he slapped it with his shoe. After\nthat the president of the Thyiads, a college of women devoted to the\norgiastic worship of Bacchus, carried away the image to a ravine and\nthere buried it with a rope round its neck. The ceremony was said to\nbe an expiation for the death of a girl who in a time of famine had\nbeen publicly buffeted by the king and, smarting under the insult,\nhad hanged herself.\u200b[165] In some cities, such as Megara, Aegosthena,\nand Pagae, the kingship was an annual office and the years were dated\nby the kings\u2019 names.\u200b[166] The people of Priene appointed a young man\nking for the purpose of sacrificing a bull to Poseidon at the Panionian\nfestival.\u200b[167] Some Greek states had several of these titular kings,\nwho held office simultaneously.\u200b[168] At Rome the tradition was that\nthe Sacrificial King had been appointed after the abolition of the\nmonarchy in order to offer the sacrifices which before had been offered\nby the kings.\u200b[169] A similar view as to the origin of the priestly\nkings appears to have prevailed in Greece.\u200b[170] In itself the opinion\nis not improbable, and it is borne out by the example of Sparta,\nalmost the only purely Greek state which retained the kingly form of\ngovernment in historical times. For in Sparta all state sacrifices were\noffered by the kings as descendants of the god.\u200b[171] One of the two\nSpartan kings held {p47} the priesthood of Zeus Lacedaemon, the other\nthe priesthood of Heavenly Zeus.\u200b[172] Sometimes the descendants of\nthe old kings were allowed to retain this shadowy royalty after the\nreal power had departed from them. Thus at Ephesus the descendants\nof the Ionian kings, who traced their pedigree to Codrus of Athens,\nkept the title of king and certain privileges, such as the right to\noccupy a seat of honour at the games, to wear a purple robe and carry a\nstaff instead of a sceptre, and to preside at the rites of Eleusinian\nDemeter.\u200b[173] So at Cyrene, when the monarchy was abolished, the\ndeposed King Battus was assigned certain domains and allowed to retain\nsome priestly functions.\u200b[174] Thus the classical evidence points\nto the conclusion that in prehistoric ages, before the rise of the\nrepublican form of government, the various tribes or cities were ruled\nby kings, who discharged priestly duties and probably enjoyed a sacred\ncharacter as reputed descendants of deities.\n\n[Sidenote: Priestly kings in various parts of the world.]\n\nThis combination of priestly functions with royal authority is familiar\nto every one. Asia Minor, for example, was the seat of various great\nreligious capitals peopled by thousands of sacred slaves, and ruled by\npontiffs who wielded at once temporal and spiritual authority, like\nthe popes of mediaeval Rome. Such priest-ridden cities were Zela and\nPessinus.\u200b[175] Teutonic kings, again, in the old heathen days seem\nto have stood in the position, and to have exercised the powers, of\nhigh priests.\u200b[176] The Emperors of China offer public sacrifices,\nthe details of which are regulated by the ritual books.\u200b[177] The\nKing of Madagascar was {p48} high-priest of the realm. At the great\nfestival of the new year, when a bullock was sacrificed for the good\nof the kingdom, the king stood over the sacrifice to offer prayer and\nthanksgiving, while his attendants slaughtered the animal.\u200b[178] In\nthe monarchical states which still maintain their independence among\nthe Gallas of Eastern Africa, the king sacrifices on the mountain tops\nand regulates the immolation of human victims;\u200b[179] and the dim light\nof tradition reveals a similar union of temporal and spiritual power,\nof royal and priestly duties, in the kings of that delightful region\nof Central America whose ancient capital, now buried under the rank\ngrowth of the tropical forest, is marked by the stately and mysterious\nruins of Palenque.\u200b[180] Among the Matabeles the king is high-priest.\nEvery year he offers sacrifices at the great and the little dance,\nand also at the festival of the new fruits, which ends the dances. On\nthese occasions he prays to the spirits of his forefathers and likewise\nto his own spirit; for it is from these higher powers that he expects\nevery blessing.\u200b[181]\n\n[Sidenote: Divinity of kings.\n\nThe Spartan kings supposed to be attended by Castor and Pollux, who\nwere thought to manifest themselves in certain electric lights.]\n\nThis last example is instructive because it shews that the king is\nsomething more than a priest. He prays not only to the spirits of his\nfathers but to his own spirit. He is clearly raised above the standard\nof mere humanity; there is something divine about him. Similarly we may\nsuppose that the Spartan kings were thought not only to be descended\nfrom the great god Zeus but also to partake of his holy spirit. This is\nindeed indicated by a curious Spartan belief which has been recorded\nby Herodotus. The old historian tells us that formerly both of the\nSpartan kings went forth with the army to battle, but that in later\ntimes a rule was made that when one king marched out to fight the other\nshould stay at home. \u201cAnd accordingly,\u201d says {p49} Herodotus, \u201cone of\nthe kings remaining at home, one of the Tyndarids is left there too;\nfor hitherto both of them were invoked and followed the kings.\u201d\u200b[182]\nThe Tyndarids are, of course, the heavenly twins Castor and Pollux, the\nsons of Zeus; and it should be remembered that the two Spartan kings\nthemselves were believed to be descended from twins\u200b[183] and hence\nmay have been credited with the wondrous powers which superstition\noften associates with twins.\u200b[184] The belief described by Herodotus\nplainly implies that one of the heavenly twins was supposed to be in\nconstant attendance on each of their human kinsmen the two Spartan\nkings, staying with them where they stayed and going with them wherever\nthey went; hence they were probably thought to aid the kings with their\nadvice in time of need. Now Castor and Pollux are commonly represented\nas spearmen, and they were constantly associated or identified,\nnot only with stars, but also with those lurid lights which, in an\natmosphere charged with electricity, are sometimes seen to play round\nthe masts of ships under a murky sky.\u200b[185] Moreover, similar lights\nwere observed by the ancients to glitter in the darkness on the points\nof spears. Pliny tells us that he had seen such lambent flames on the\nspears of Roman sentinels {p50} as they paced their rounds by night in\nfront of the camp;\u200b[186] and it is said that Cossacks riding across\nthe steppes on stormy nights perceive flickerings of the same sort at\ntheir lance-heads.\u200b[187] Since, therefore, the divine brothers Castor\nand Pollux were believed to attend the Spartan kings, it seems not\nimpossible that they may have been thought to accompany the march of a\nSpartan army in a visible form, appearing to the awe-stricken soldiers\nin the twilight or the darkness either as stars in the sky or as the\nsheen of spears on earth. Perhaps the stories of the appearance of the\nheavenly twins in battle, charging on their milk-white steeds at the\nhead of the earthly chivalry, may have originated in similar lights\nseen to glitter in the gloaming on a point here and there in the long\nhedge of levelled or ported spears; for any two riders on white horses\nwhose spearheads happened to be touched by the mystic light might\neasily be taken for Castor and Pollux in person. If there is any truth\nin this conjecture, we should conclude that the divine brothers were\nnever seen in broad day, but only at dusk or in the darkness of night.\nNow their most famous appearance was at the battle of Lake Regillus,\nas to which we are expressly told that it was late in the evening of a\nsummer day before the fighting was over.\u200b[188] Such statements should\nnot be lightly dismissed as late inventions of a rhetorical historian.\nThe memories of great battles linger long among the peasantry of the\nneighbourhood.\n\n[Sidenote: The divinity of kings in early society.]\n\nBut when we have said that the ancient kings were commonly priests\nalso, we are far from having exhausted the religious aspect of their\noffice. In those days the divinity that hedges a king was no empty form\nof speech, but the expression of a sober belief. Kings were revered,\nin many cases not merely as priests, that is, as intercessors between\nman and god, but as themselves gods, able to bestow upon their subjects\nand worshippers those blessings which are commonly supposed to be\nbeyond the reach of mortals, and are sought, if at all, only by prayer\nand sacrifice {p51} offered to superhuman and invisible beings. Thus\nkings are often expected to give rain and sunshine in due season, to\nmake the crops grow, and so on. Strange as this expectation appears\nto us, it is quite of a piece with early modes of thought. A savage\nhardly conceives the distinction commonly drawn by more advanced\npeoples between the natural and the supernatural. To him the world is\nto a great extent worked by supernatural agents, that is, by personal\nbeings acting on impulses and motives like his own, liable like him to\nbe moved by appeals to their pity, their hopes, and their fears. In a\nworld so conceived he sees no limit to his power of influencing the\ncourse of nature to his own advantage. Prayers, promises, or threats\nmay secure him fine weather and an abundant crop from the gods; and\nif a god should happen, as he sometimes believes, to become incarnate\nin his own person, then he need appeal to no higher being; he, the\nsavage, possesses in himself all the powers necessary to further his\nown well-being and that of his fellow-men.\n\n[Sidenote: Sympathetic magic.]\n\nThis is one way in which the idea of a man-god is reached. But there\nis another. Along with the view of the world as pervaded by spiritual\nforces, savage man has a different, and probably still older,\nconception in which we may detect a germ of the modern notion of\nnatural law or the view of nature as a series of events occurring in an\ninvariable order without the intervention of personal agency. The germ\nof which I speak is involved in that sympathetic magic, as it may be\ncalled, which plays a large part in most systems of superstition. In\nearly society the king is frequently a magician as well as a priest;\nindeed he appears to have often attained to power by virtue of his\nsupposed proficiency in the black or white art. Hence in order to\nunderstand the evolution of the kingship and the sacred character with\nwhich the office has commonly been invested in the eyes of savage or\nbarbarous peoples, it is essential to have some acquaintance with the\nprinciples of magic and to form some conception of the extraordinary\nhold which that ancient system of superstition has had on the human\nmind in all ages and all countries. Accordingly I propose to consider\nthe subject in some detail.\n\n{p52}\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nSYMPATHETIC MAGIC\n\n\n\u00a7 1. _The Principles of Magic_\n\n[Sidenote: The two principles of Sympathetic Magic are the Law of\nSimilarity and the Law of Contact or Contagion.]\n\nIf we analyse the principles of thought on which magic is based,\nthey will probably be found to resolve themselves into two: first,\nthat like produces like, or that an effect resembles its cause;\nand, second, that things which have once been in contact with each\nother continue to act on each other at a distance after the physical\ncontact has been severed. The former principle may be called the Law\nof Similarity, the latter the Law of Contact or Contagion. From the\nfirst of these principles, namely the Law of Similarity, the magician\ninfers that he can produce any effect he desires merely by imitating\nit: from the second he infers that whatever he does to a material\nobject will affect equally the person with whom the object was once\nin contact, whether it formed part of his body or not. Charms based\non the Law of Similarity may be called Homoeopathic or Imitative\nMagic.\u200b[189] Charms based on the Law of Contact or Contagion may be\ncalled Contagious Magic. To denote the first of these branches of magic\nthe term Homoeopathic is perhaps preferable, for the alternative term\nImitative or Mimetic suggests, if it does not imply, a conscious agent\nwho imitates, thereby limiting the scope of magic too narrowly. For\nthe same principles {p53} which the magician applies in the practice\nof his art are implicitly believed by him to regulate the operations\nof inanimate nature; in other words, he tacitly assumes that the Laws\nof Similarity and Contact are of universal application and are not\nlimited to human actions. In short, magic is a spurious system of\nnatural law as well as a fallacious guide of conduct; it is a false\nscience as well as an abortive art. Regarded as a system of natural\nlaw, that is, as a statement of the rules which determine the sequence\nof events throughout the world, it may be called Theoretical Magic:\nregarded as a set of precepts which human beings observe in order to\ncompass their ends, it may be called Practical Magic. At the same time\nit is to be borne in mind that the primitive magician knows magic\nonly on its practical side; he never analyses the mental processes on\nwhich his practice is based, never reflects on the abstract principles\ninvolved in his actions. With him, as with the vast majority of men,\nlogic is implicit, not explicit: he reasons just as he digests his food\nin complete ignorance of the intellectual and physiological processes\nwhich are essential to the one operation and to the other. In short,\nto him magic is always an art, never a science; the very idea of\nscience is lacking in his undeveloped mind. It is for the philosophic\nstudent to trace the train of thought which underlies the magician\u2019s\npractice; to draw out the few simple threads of which the tangled skein\nis composed; to disengage the abstract principles from their concrete\napplications; in short, to discern the spurious science behind the\nbastard art.\n\n[Sidenote: The two principles are misapplications of the association of\nideas.]\n\nIf my analysis of the magician\u2019s logic is correct, its two great\nprinciples turn out to be merely two different misapplications of\nthe association of ideas.\u200b[190] Homoeopathic magic is founded on the\nassociation of ideas by similarity: contagious magic is founded on the\nassociation of ideas by contiguity. Homoeopathic magic commits the\nmistake of assuming that things which resemble each other are the same:\ncontagious magic commits the mistake of assuming that things which have\nonce been in contact with {p54} each other are always in contact. But\nin practice the two branches are often combined; or, to be more exact,\nwhile homoeopathic or imitative magic may be practised by itself,\ncontagious magic will generally be found to involve an application of\nthe homoeopathic or imitative principle. Thus generally stated the\ntwo things may be a little difficult to grasp, but they will readily\nbecome intelligible when they are illustrated by particular examples.\nBoth trains of thought are in fact extremely simple and elementary. It\ncould hardly be otherwise, since they are familiar in the concrete,\nthough certainly not in the abstract, to the crude intelligence not\nonly of the savage, but of ignorant and dull-witted people everywhere.\nBoth branches of magic, the homoeopathic and the contagious, may\nconveniently be comprehended under the general name of Sympathetic\nMagic, since both assume that things act on each other at a distance\nthrough a secret sympathy, the impulse being transmitted from one to\nthe other by means of what we may conceive as a kind of invisible\nether, not unlike that which is postulated by modern science for a\nprecisely similar purpose, namely, to explain how things can physically\naffect each other through a space which appears to be empty.\n\n[Sidenote: Table of the branches of Sympathetic Magic.]\n\nIt may be convenient to tabulate as follows the branches of magic\naccording to the laws of thought which underlie them:\u2014\n\n    Sympathetic Magic (_Law of Sympathy_)\n        Homoeopathic Magic (_Law of Similarity_)\n        Contagious Magic\u200b[191] (_Law of Contact_)\n\nI will now illustrate these two great branches of sympathetic magic by\nexamples, beginning with homoeopathic magic. {p55}\n\n\n\u00a72. _Homeopathic or Imitative Magic_\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images among the American Indians.]\n\nPerhaps the most familiar application of the principle that like\nproduces like is the attempt which has been made by many peoples in\nmany ages to injure or destroy an enemy by injuring or destroying an\nimage of him, in the belief that, just as the image suffers, so does\nthe man, and that when it perishes he must die. A few instances out of\nmany may be given to prove at once the wide diffusion of the practice\nover the world and its remarkable persistence through the ages. For\nthousands of years ago it was known to the sorcerers of ancient\nIndia, Babylon, and Egypt, as well as of Greece and Rome,\u200b[192] and\nat this day it is still resorted to by cunning and malignant savages\nin Australia, Africa, and Scotland. Thus the North American Indians,\nwe are told, believe that by drawing the figure of a person in sand,\nashes, or clay, or by considering any object as his body, and then\npricking it with a sharp stick or doing it any other injury, they\ninflict a corresponding injury on the person represented.\u200b[193] For\nexample, when an Ojebway Indian desires to work evil on any one, he\nmakes a little wooden image of his enemy and runs a needle into its\nhead or heart, or he shoots an arrow into it, believing that wherever\nthe needle pierces or the arrow strikes the image, his foe will the\nsame instant be seized with a sharp pain in the corresponding part of\nhis body; but if he intends to kill the person outright, he burns or\nburies the puppet, uttering certain magic words as he does so.\u200b[194]\nSo when a Cora Indian {p56} of Mexico wishes to kill a man, he makes\na figure of him out of burnt clay, strips of cloth, and so forth, and\nthen, muttering incantations, runs thorns through the head or stomach\nof the figure to make his victim suffer correspondingly. Sometimes the\nCora Indian makes a more beneficent use of this sort of homoeopathic\nmagic. When he wishes to multiply his flocks or herds, he models a\nfigure of the animal he wants in wax or clay, or carves it from tuff,\nand deposits it in a cave of the mountains; for these Indians believe\nthat the mountains are masters of all riches, including cattle and\nsheep. For every cow, deer, dog, or hen he wants, the Indian has to\nsacrifice a corresponding image of the creature.\u200b[195] This may help\nus to understand the meaning of the figures of cattle, deer, horses,\nand pigs which were dedicated to Diana at Nemi.\u200b[196] They may have\nbeen the offerings of farmers or huntsmen who hoped thereby to multiply\nthe cattle or the game. Similarly when the Todas of Southern India\ndesire to obtain more buffaloes, they offer silver images of these\nanimals in the temples.\u200b[197] The Peruvian Indians moulded images of\nfat mixed with grain to imitate the persons whom they disliked or\nfeared, and then burned the effigy on the road where the intended\nvictim was to pass. This they called burning his soul. But they drew a\ndelicate distinction between the kinds of materials to be used in the\nmanufacture of these images, according as the victim was an Indian or a\nViracocha, that is, a Spaniard. To kill an Indian they employed maize\nand the fat of a llama, to kill a Spaniard they used wheat and the fat\nof a pig, because Viracochas did not eat llamas and preferred wheat to\nmaize.\u200b[198] {p57}\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images among the Malays.]\n\nA Malay charm of the same sort is as follows. Take parings of nails,\nhair, eyebrows, spittle, and so forth of your intended victim, enough\nto represent every part of his person, and then make them up into his\nlikeness with wax from a deserted bees\u2019 comb. Scorch the figure slowly\nby holding it over a lamp every night for seven nights, and say:\n\n    \u201c_It is not wax that I am scorching,_\n    _It is the liver, hearty and spleen of So-and-so that I scorch._\u201d\n\nAfter the seventh time burn the figure, and your victim will die. This\ncharm obviously combines the principles of homoeopathic and contagious\nmagic; since the image which is made in the likeness of an enemy\ncontains things which once were in contact with him, namely, his nails,\nhair, and spittle. Another form of the Malay charm, which resembles the\nOjebway practice still more closely, is to make a corpse of wax from\nan empty bees\u2019 comb and of the length of a footstep; then pierce the\neye of the image, and your enemy {p58} is blind; pierce the stomach,\nand he is sick; pierce the head, and his head aches; pierce the breast,\nand his breast will suffer. If you would kill him outright, transfix\nthe image from the head downwards; enshroud it as you would a corpse;\npray over it as if you were praying over the dead; then bury it in the\nmiddle of a path where your victim will be sure to step over it. In\norder that his blood may not be on your head, you should say:\n\n    \u201c_It is not I who am burying him,_\n    _It is Gabriel who is burying him._\u201d\n\nThus the guilt of the murder will be laid on the shoulders of the\narchangel Gabriel, who is a great deal better able to bear it than\nyou are.\u200b[199] In eastern Java an enemy may be killed by means of a\nlikeness of him drawn on a piece of paper, which is then incensed or\nburied in the ground.\u200b[200] Among the Minangkabauers of Sumatra a man\nwho is tormented by the passion of hate or of unrequited love will\ncall in the help of a wizard in order to cause the object of his hate\nor love to suffer from a dangerous ulcer known as a _tinggam_. After\ngiving the wizard the necessary instructions as to the name, bodily\nform, dwelling, and family of the person in question, he makes a puppet\nwhich is supposed to resemble his intended victim; and repairs with\nit to a wood, where he hangs the image on a tree that stands quite\nby itself. Muttering a spell, he then drives an instrument through\nthe navel of the puppet into the tree, till the sap of the tree oozes\nthrough the hole thus made. The instrument which inflicts the wound\nbears the same name (_tinggam_) as the ulcer which is to be raised on\nthe body of the victim, and the oozing sap is believed to be his or\nher life-spirit. Soon afterwards the person against whom the charm is\ndirected begins to suffer from an ulcer, which grows worse and worse\ntill he dies, unless a friend can procure a piece of the wood of the\ntree to which the image is attached.\u200b[201] {p59}\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images in Torres Straits and Borneo.]\n\nThe sorcerers of Mabuiag or Jervis Island, in Torres Straits, kept\nan assortment of effigies in stock ready to be operated on at the\nrequirement of a customer. Some of the figures were of stone; these\nwere employed when short work was to be made of a man or woman. Others\nwere wooden; these gave the unhappy victim a little more rope, only,\nhowever, to terminate his prolonged sufferings by a painful death.\nThe mode of operation in the latter case was to put poison, by means\nof a magical implement, into a wooden image, to which the name of the\nintended victim had been given. Next day the person aimed at would\nfeel chilly, then waste away and die, unless the same wizard who had\nwrought the charm would consent to undo it.\u200b[202] If the sorcerer\npulled off an arm or leg of the image, the human victim felt pain in\nthe corresponding limb of his body; but if the sorcerer restored the\nsevered arm or leg to the figure, the man recovered. Another mode of\ncompassing a man\u2019s death in Torres Straits was to prick a wax effigy\nof him or her with the spine of a sting-ray; so when the man whose\nname had been given to the waxen image next went afishing on the reef\na sting-ray would sting him in the exact part of his body where the\nwaxen image had been pierced. Or the sorcerer might hang the effigy\non the bough of a tree, and as it swayed to and fro in the wind the\nperson represented by it would fall sick. However, he would get well\nagain if a friend of his could induce the magician to steady the figure\nby sticking it firmly in the sandy bottom of the sea.\u200b[203] When the\nLerons of Borneo wish to be revenged on an enemy, they make a wooden\nimage of him and leave it in the jungle. As it decays, he dies.\u200b[204]\nMore elaborate is the proceeding adopted by the Kenyahs of Borneo in\nsimilar circumstances. The operator retires with the image to a quiet\nspot on the river bank, and when a hawk appears in a certain part of\nthe sky, he kills a fowl, smears its blood on the image, and puts a\nbit of fat in the mouth of the figure, saying, \u201cPut fat in his mouth.\u201d\nBy that he means, \u201cMay {p60} his head be cut off, hung up in an enemy\u2019s\nhouse, and fed with fat in the usual way.\u201d Then he strikes at the\nbreast of the image with a small wooden spear, throws it into a pool of\nwater reddened with red earth, and afterwards takes it out and buries\nit in the ground.\u200b[205]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images in Japan and China.]\n\nIf an Aino of Japan desires to compass the destruction of an enemy, he\nwill make a likeness of him out of mugwort or the guelder-rose and bury\nit in a hole upside down or under the trunk of a rotten tree, with a\nprayer to a demon to carry off the man\u2019s soul or to make his body rot\naway with the tree. Sometimes an Aino woman will attempt to get rid of\nher husband in this fashion by wrapping up his head-dress in the shape\nof a corpse and burying it deep in the ground, while she breathes a\nprayer that her husband may rot and die with the head-dress.\u200b[206] The\nJapanese themselves are familiar with similar modes of enchantment.\nIn one of their ancient books we read of a rebellious minister who\nmade figures of the heir to the throne with intent, no doubt, to do\nhim grievous bodily harm thereby; and sometimes a woman who has been\ndeserted by her lover will make a straw effigy of the faithless gallant\nand nail it to a sacred tree, adjuring the gods to spare the tree and\nto visit the sacrilege on the traitor. At a shrine of Kompira there\nstood a pine-tree studded with nails which had been thus driven in\nfor the purpose of doing people to death.\u200b[207] The Chinese also are\nperfectly aware that you can harm a man by maltreating or cursing an\nimage of him, especially if you have taken care to write on it his\nname and horoscope. This mode of venting spite on an enemy is said to\nbe commonly practised in China. In Amoy such images, roughly made of\nbamboo splinters and paper, are called \u201csubstitutes of persons\u201d and may\nbe bought very cheap for a cash or so apiece at any shop which sells\npaper articles for the use of the dead or the gods; for the frugal\nChinese are in the habit of palming off paper imitations of all kinds\nof valuables on the simple-minded ghosts and gods, who take them in all\ngood faith for the genuine articles. As {p61} usual, the victim suffers\na hurt corresponding to the hurt done to his image. Thus if you run a\nnail or a needle into the eyes of the puppet, your man will go more or\nless blind; if you stick a pin in its stomach, he will be doubled up\nwith colic; a stab in the heart of the effigy may kill him outright;\nand in general the more you prick it and the louder you speak the\nspell, the more certain is the effect. To make assurance doubly sure\nit is desirable to impregnate the effigy, so to say, with the personal\ninfluence of the man by passing it clandestinely beforehand over him\nor hiding it, unbeknown to him, in his clothes or under his bed. If\nyou do that, he is quite sure to die sooner or later.\u200b[208] Naturally\nthese nefarious practices are no new thing in the Chinese empire.\nThere is a passage in the Chinese _Book of Rewards and Penalties_\nwhich illustrates their prevalence in days gone by. There, under the\nrubric \u201cTo hide an effigy of a man for the purpose of giving him the\nnightmare,\u201d we read as follows: \u201cThis means hiding the carved wooden\neffigy of a man somewhere with intent to give him the nightmare.\nKong-sun-tcho having died suddenly some time after he had succeeded to\nthe post of treasurer, he appeared in a dream to the governor of his\ndistrict and said unto him: \u2018I have been the victim of an odious crime,\nand I am come, my lord, to pray you to avenge me. My time to die had\nnot yet come; but my servants gave me the nightmare, and I was choked\nin my sleep. If you will send secretly some dauntless soldiers, not one\nof the varlets will escape you. Under the seventh tile of the roof of\nmy house will be found my image carved of wood. Fetch it and punish the\ncriminals.\u2019 Next day the governor of the district had all the servants\narrested, and sure enough, after some search, they found under the\naforesaid tile the figure of a man in wood, a foot high, and bristling\nall over with nails. Bit by bit the wood changed into flesh and uttered\ninarticulate cries when it was struck. The governor of the district\nimmediately reported to the prefect of the department, who condemned\nseveral of the servants to suffer the extreme rigour of the law.\u201d\u200b[209]\n{p62}\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images in Australia.]\n\nWhen some of the aborigines of Victoria desired to destroy an enemy,\nthey would occasionally retire to a lonely spot, and drawing on the\nground a rude likeness of the victim would sit round it and devote\nhim to destruction with cabalistic ceremonies. So dreaded was this\nincantation that men and women, who learned that it had been directed\nagainst them, have been known to pine away and die of fright.\u200b[210]\nOn the Bloomfield River in Queensland the natives think they can doom\na man by making a rough wooden effigy of him and burying it in the\nground, or by painting his likeness on a bull-roarer; and they believe\nthat persons whose portraits are carved on a tree at Cape Bedford will\nwaste away.\u200b[211] When the wife of a Central Australian native has\neloped from him and he cannot recover her, the disconsolate husband\nrepairs with some sympathising friends to a secluded spot, where a\nman skilled in magic draws on the ground a rough figure supposed to\nrepresent the woman lying on her back. Beside the figure is laid a\npiece of green bark, which stands for her spirit or soul, and at it\nthe men throw miniature spears which have been made for the purpose\nand charmed by singing over them. This barken effigy of the woman\u2019s\nspirit, with the little spears sticking in it, is then thrown as far as\npossible in the direction which she is supposed to have taken. During\nthe whole of the operation the men chant in a low voice, the burden of\ntheir song being an invitation to the magic influence to go out and\nenter her body and dry up all her fat. Sooner or later\u2014often a good\ndeal later\u2014her fat does dry up, she dies, and her spirit is seen in the\nsky in the form of a shooting star.\u200b[212]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images in Burma, and Africa.]\n\nIn Burma a rejected lover sometimes resorts to a sorcerer and engages\nhim to make a small image of the scornful fair one, containing a piece\nof her clothes, or of something which she has been in the habit of\nwearing. Certain charms or medicines also enter into the composition\nof the doll, which is then hung up or thrown into the water. As a\n{p63} consequence the girl is supposed to go mad.\u200b[213] In this\nlast example, as in the first of the Malay charms noticed above,\nhomoeopathic or imitative magic is blent with contagious magic in the\nstrict sense of the word, since the likeness of the victim contains\nsomething which has been in contact with her person. A Matabele who\nwishes to avenge himself on an enemy makes a clay figure of him and\npierces it with a needle; next time the man thus represented happens\nto engage in a fight he will be speared, just as his effigy was\nstabbed.\u200b[214] The Ovambo of South-western Africa believe that some\npeople have the power of bewitching an absent person by gazing into a\nvessel full of water till his image appears to them in the water; then\nthey spit at the image and curse the man, and that seals his fate.\u200b[215]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images in ancient India.]\n\nThe ancient books of the Hindoos testify to the use of similar\nenchantments among their remote ancestors. To destroy his foe a man\nwould fashion a figure of him in clay and transfix it with an arrow\nwhich had been barbed with a thorn and winged with an owl\u2019s feathers.\nOr he would mould the figure of wax and melt it in a fire. Sometimes\neffigies of the soldiers, horses, elephants, and chariots of a hostile\narmy were modelled in dough, and then pulled in pieces.\u200b[216] Again,\nto destroy an enemy the magician might kill a red-headed lizard with\nthe words, \u201cI am killing So-and-so,\u201d smear it with blood, wrap it in\na black cloth, and having pronounced an incantation burn it.\u200b[217]\nAnother way was to grind up mustard into meal, with which a figure was\nmade of the person who was to be overcome or destroyed. Then having\nmuttered certain spells to give efficacy to the rite, the enchanter\nchopped up the image, anointed it with melted butter, curds, or\nsome such thing, and finally burnt it in a sacred pot.\u200b[218] In the\nso-called \u201csanguinary chapter\u201d of the _Calica Puran_ there occurs the\nfollowing passage: \u201cOn {p64} the autumnal _Maha-Navami_, or when the\nmonth is in the lunar mansion _Scanda_, or _Bish\u00e1c\u00e1_, let a figure be\nmade, either of barley-meal or earth, representing the person with whom\nthe sacrificer is at variance, and the head of the figure be struck\noff; after the usual texts have been used, the following text is to\nbe used in invoking an axe on the occasion: \u2018Effuse, effuse blood; be\nterrific, be terrific; seize, destroy, for the love of _Ambica_, the\nhead of this enemy.\u2019\u201d\u200b[219]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images in modern India.]\n\nIn modern India the practices described in these old books are still\ncarried on with mere variations of detail. The magician compounds the\nfatal image of earth taken from sixty-four filthy places, and mixed\nup with clippings of hair, parings of nails, bits of leather, and so\non. Upon the breast of the image he writes the name of his enemy; then\nhe pierces it through and through with an awl, or maims it in various\nways, hoping thus to maim or kill the object of his vengeance.\u200b[220]\nAmong the Nambutiris of Malabar a figure representing the enemy to\nbe destroyed is drawn on a small sheet of metal, gold by preference,\non which some mystic diagrams are also inscribed. The sorcerer then\ndeclares that the bodily injury or death of the person shall take\nplace at a certain time. After that he wraps up the little sheet in\nanother sheet or leaf of metal (gold if possible), and buries it in\na place where the victim is expected to pass. Sometimes instead of a\nsmall sheet of metal he buries a live frog or lizard enclosed in a\ncoco-nut shell, after sticking nails into its eyes and stomach. At the\nsame moment that the animal dies the person expires also.\u200b[221] Among\nthe Mohammedans of Northern India the proceeding is as follows. A\ndoll is made of earth taken from a grave or from a place where bodies\nare cremated, and some sentences of the Coran are read backwards over\ntwenty-one small wooden pegs. These pegs the operator next strikes into\nvarious parts of the body of the image, which is afterwards shrouded\nlike a corpse, carried to a graveyard, and buried in the name of the\nenemy whom it is intended to injure. The man, it is {p65} believed,\nwill die without fail after the ceremony.\u200b[222] A slightly different\nform of the charm is observed by the B\u00e2m-Margi, a very degraded sect\nof Hindoos in the North-West Provinces. To kill an enemy they make an\nimage of flour or earth, and stick razors into the breast, navel, and\nthroat, while pegs are thrust into the eyes, hands, and feet. As if\nthis were not enough, they next construct an image of Bhairava or Durga\nholding a three-pronged fork in her hand; this they place so close\nto the effigy of the person to whom mischief is meant that the fork\npenetrates its breast.\u200b[223] To injure a person a Singhalese sorcerer\nwill procure a lock of his intended victim\u2019s hair, a paring of his\nnails, or a thread of his garment. Then he fashions an image of him and\nthrusts nails made of five metals into the joints. All these he buries\nwhere the unfortunate man is likely to pass. No sooner has he done so\nthan the victim falls ill with swelling or stiffness of joints, or\nburning sensations in the body, or disfigurements of the mouth, legs,\nand arms.\u200b[224]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images among the Arabs of North Africa.]\n\nSimilar enchantments are wrought by the Moslem peoples of North Africa.\nThus an Arabic treatise on magic directs that if you wish to deprive\na man of the use of his limbs you should make a waxen image of him,\nand engrave his name and his mother\u2019s name on it with a knife of\nwhich the handle must be made of the same wax; then smite the limb of\nthe image which answers to the particular limb of the man which you\ndesire to disable; at the same moment the limb of flesh and blood will\nbe paralysed.\u200b[225] The following is another extract from the same\ntreatise: \u201cTo injure the eyes of an enemy, take a taper and fashion it\ninto the likeness of him whom you would harm. Write on it the seven\nsigns, along with the name of your enemy and the name of his mother\nand gouge out the two eyes of the figure with two points. Then put it\nin a pot with {p66} quicklime on which you must throw a little _ch\u00e2rib\nel h\u2019am\u00e2m_, and bury the whole near the fire. The fire will make your\nvictim to shriek and will hurt his eyes so that he will see nothing,\nand that the pain will cause him to utter cries of distress. But do not\nprolong the operation more than seven days, for he would die and you\nwould have to answer for it at the day of the last judgment. If you\nwish to heal him, withdraw the figure and throw it into water. He will\nrecover, with God\u2019s leave.\u201d\u200b[226]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images in ancient Egypt and Babylon.]\n\nNowhere, perhaps, were the magic arts more carefully cultivated,\nnowhere did they enjoy greater esteem or exercise a deeper influence\non the national life than in the land of the Pharaohs. Little wonder,\ntherefore, that the practice of enchantment by means of images was\nfamiliar to the wizards of Egypt. A drop of a man\u2019s blood, some\nclippings of his hair or parings of his nails, a rag of the garment\nwhich he had worn, sufficed to give a sorcerer complete power over\nhim. These relics of his person the magician kneaded into a lump of\nwax, which he moulded into the likeness and dressed after the fashion\nof his intended victim, who was then at the mercy of his tormentor.\nIf the image was exposed to the fire, the person whom it represented\nstraightway fell into a burning fever; if it were stabbed with a knife,\nhe felt the pain of the wound.\u200b[227] Thus, for instance, a certain\nsuperintendent of the king\u2019s cattle was once prosecuted in an Egyptian\ncourt of law for having made figures of men and women in wax, thereby\ncausing paralysis of their limbs and other grievous bodily harm. He\nhad somehow obtained a book of magic which contained the spells and\ndirections how to act in reciting them. Armed with this powerful\ninstrument the rogue had shut himself up in a secret chamber, and\nthere proceeded to cast spells over the people of his town.\u200b[228] In\nancient Babylonia also it was {p67} a common practice to make an image\nof clay, pitch, honey, fat, or other soft material in the likeness of\nan enemy, and to injure or kill him by burning, burying, or otherwise\nill-treating it. Thus in a hymn to the fire-god Nusku we read:\n\n    _\u201cThose who have made images of me, reproducing my features,_\n    _Who have taken away my breath, torn my hairs,_\n    _Who have rent my clothes, have hindered my feet from treading the\n        dust,_\n    _May the fire-god, the strong one, break their charm.\u201d_\u200b[229]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images in Babylon and Egypt for the discomfiture of\ndemons]\n\nBut both in Babylon and in Egypt this ancient tool of superstition,\nso baneful in the hands of the mischievous and malignant, was also\npressed into the service of religion and turned to glorious account\nfor the confusion and overthrow of demons. In a Babylonian incantation\nwe meet with a long list of evil spirits whose effigies were burnt by\nthe magician in the hope that, as their images melted in the fire, so\nthe fiends themselves might melt away and disappear.\u200b[230] Every night\nwhen the sun-god Ra sank down to his home in the glowing west he was\nassailed by hosts of demons under the leadership of the arch-fiend\nApepi. All night long he fought them, and sometimes by day the powers\nof darkness sent up clouds even into the blue Egyptian sky to obscure\nhis light and weaken his power. To aid the sun-god in this daily\nstruggle, a ceremony was daily performed in his temple at Thebes. A\nfigure of his foe Apepi, represented as a crocodile with a hideous face\nor a serpent with many coils, was made of wax, and on it the demon\u2019s\nname was written in green ink. Wrapt in a papyrus case, on which\nanother likeness of Apepi had been drawn in green ink, the figure was\nthen tied up with black hair, spat upon, hacked with a stone knife,\nand cast on the ground. There the priest trod on it with his left foot\nagain and again, and then burned it in a fire made of a certain plant\nor grass. When Apepi himself had thus been effectually disposed of,\nwaxen effigies of each of his principal demons, and of their fathers,\nmothers, and children, were {p68} made and burnt in the same way. The\nservice, accompanied by the recitation of certain prescribed spells,\nwas repeated not merely morning, noon, and night, but whenever a storm\nwas raging, or heavy rain had set in, or black clouds were stealing\nacross the sky to hide the sun\u2019s bright disc. The fiends of darkness,\nclouds, and rain felt the injuries inflicted on their images as if they\nhad been done to themselves; they passed away, at least for a time, and\nthe beneficent sun-god shone out triumphant once more.\u200b[231]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images in Scotland.]\n\nFrom the azure sky, the stately fanes, and the solemn ritual of ancient\nEgypt we have to travel far in space and time to the misty mountains\nand the humble cottages of the Scottish Highlands of to-day; but at\nour journey\u2019s end we shall find our ignorant countrymen seeking to\nattain the same end by the same means and, unhappily, with the same\nmalignity as the Egyptian of old. To kill a person whom he hates, a\nmodern Highlander will still make a rude clay image of him, called a\n_corp chre_ or _corp chreadh_ (\u201cclay body\u201d), stick it full of pins,\nnails, and broken bits of glass, and then place it in a running stream\nwith its head to the current. As every pin is thrust into the figure\nan incantation is uttered, and the person represented feels a pain in\nthe corresponding part of his body. If the intention is to make him\ndie a lingering death, the operator is careful to stick no pins into\nthe region of the heart, whereas he thrusts them into that region\ndeliberately if he desires to rid himself of his enemy at once. And as\nthe clay puppet crumbles away in the running water, so the victim\u2019s\nbody is believed to waste away and turn to clay. In Islay the spell\nspoken over the _corp chre_, when it is ready to receive the pins, is\nas follows: \u201cFrom behind you are like a ram with an old fleece.\u201d And\nas the pins are being thrust in, a long incantation is pronounced,\nbeginning \u201cAs you waste away, may she waste away; as this wounds you,\nmay it wound her.\u201d Sometimes, we are told, the effigy is set before\na blazing fire on a door which has been taken off its hinges; there\nit is toasted and {p69} turned to make the human victim writhe in\nagony. The _corp chre_ is reported to have been employed of late years\nin the counties of Inverness, Ross, and Sutherland. A specimen from\nInverness-shire may be seen in the Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford.\u200b[232]\nIt is remarkable, however, that in the Highlands this form of magic\nhas no power over a man who has lost any of his members. For example,\nthough Ross-shire witches made a clay figure of \u201cDonald of the Ear,\u201d\nthey could not destroy him, because he had lost an ear in battle.\u200b[233]\nA similar form of witchcraft, known as \u201cburying the sheaf,\u201d seems\nstill to linger in Ireland among the dwellers in the Bog of Ardee. The\nperson who works the charm goes first to a chapel and says certain\nprayers with his back to the altar; then he takes a sheaf of wheat,\nwhich he fastens into the likeness of a human body, sticking pins in\nthe joints of the stems and, according to one account, shaping a heart\nof plaited straw. This sheaf he buries in the devil\u2019s name near the\nhouse of his enemy, who will, it is supposed, gradually pine away as\nthe sheaf decays, dying when it finally decomposes. If the enchanter\ndesires his foe to perish speedily, he buries the sheaf in wet ground,\nwhere it will soon moulder away; but if on the other hand his wish is\nthat his victim should linger in pain, he chooses a dry spot, where\ndecomposition will be slow.\u200b[234] However, in Scotland, as in Babylon\nand Egypt, the destruction of an image has also been employed for the\ndiscomfiture of fiends. When Shetland fishermen wish to disenchant\ntheir boat, they {p70} row it out to sea before sunrise, and as the day\nis dawning they burn a waxen figure in the boat, while the skipper\nexclaims, \u201cGo hence, Satan.\u201d\u200b[235]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images to procure offspring in America and Africa.]\n\nIf homoeopathic or imitative magic, working by means of images, has\ncommonly been practised for the spiteful purpose of putting obnoxious\npeople out of the world, it has also, though far more rarely, been\nemployed with the benevolent intention of helping others into it. In\nother words, it has been used to facilitate childbirth and to procure\noffspring for barren women. Thus among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait\na barren woman desirous of having a son will consult a shaman, who\ncommonly makes, or causes her husband to make, a small doll-like image\nover which he performs certain secret rites, and the woman is directed\nto sleep with it under her pillow.\u200b[236] Amongst the many ceremonies\nwhich a Thompson Indian girl of British Columbia had formerly to\nperform at puberty was the following. She had to run four times in\nthe morning, carrying two small stones which had been obtained from\nunderneath the water. These were put in her bosom; and as she ran,\nthey slipped down between her body and her clothes and fell to the\nground. While she ran, she prayed to the Dawn that when she should be\nwith child she might be delivered as easily as she had been delivered\nof these stones.\u200b[237] Similarly among the Haida Indians of the Queen\nCharlotte Islands a pregnant woman would let round stones, eels,\nchips, or other small objects slip down over her abdomen for the sake\nof facilitating her delivery.\u200b[238] Among the Nishinam Indians of\nCalifornia, when a woman is childless, her female friends sometimes\nmake out of grass a rude image of a baby and tie it in a small basket\nafter the Indian fashion. Some day, when the woman is from home, they\nlay this grass baby in her hut. On finding it she holds it to her\nbreast, pretends {p71} to nurse it, and sings it lullabies. This is\ndone as a charm to make her conceive.\u200b[239] The Huichol Indians of\nMexico believe in a certain Mother who is the goddess of conception\nand childbirth, and lives in a cave near Santa Catarina. A woman\ndesirous of offspring deposits in this cave a doll made of cotton\ncloth to represent the baby on which her heart is set. After a while\nshe goes back to the cave, puts the doll under her girdle, and soon\nafterwards is supposed to be pregnant.\u200b[240] With a like intent Indian\nwomen in Peru used to wrap up stones like babies and leave them at\nthe foot of a large stone, which they revered for this purpose.\u200b[241]\nAmong the Makatisses, a Caffre tribe of South Africa, a traveller\nobserved a woman carefully tending a doll made out of a gourd, adorned\nwith necklaces of glass beads, and heavily weighted with iron ore.\nOn enquiry he learned that she had been directed by the medicine-man\nto do this as a means of obtaining a child.\u200b[242] Among the Basutos\nchildless wives make rude effigies of clay, and give them the name\nof some tutelar deity. They treat these dolls as if they were real\nchildren, and beseech the divinity to whom they have dedicated them to\ngrant them the power of conception.\u200b[243] In Anno, a district of West\nAfrica, women may often be seen carrying wooden dolls strapped, like\nbabies, on their backs as a cure for sterility.\u200b[244] In Japan, when a\nmarriage is unfruitful, the old women of the neighbourhood come to the\nhouse and go through a pretence of delivering the wife of a child. The\ninfant is represented by a doll.\u200b[245] The Maoris had a household god\nwhose image was in the form of an infant. The image was very carefully\nmade, generally life-size, and adorned with the family jewels. Barren\nwomen nursed it and addressed it in the most endearing terms in order\nto become mothers.\u200b[246]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images to procure offspring in the Eastern\nArchipelago.]\n\nAmong the Battas of Sumatra a barren woman, who would become a mother,\nwill make a wooden image of a {p72} child and hold it in her lap,\nbelieving that this will lead to the fulfilment of her wish.\u200b[247]\nIn the Babar Archipelago, when a woman desires to have a child, she\ninvites a man who is himself the father of a large family to pray on\nher behalf to Upulero, the spirit of the sun. A doll is made of red\ncotton, which the woman clasps in her arms as if she would suckle it.\nThen the father of many children takes a fowl and holds it by the legs\nto the woman\u2019s head, saying, \u201cO Upulero, make use of the fowl; let\nfall, let descend a child, I beseech you, I entreat you, let a child\nfall and descend into my hands and on my lap.\u201d Then he asks the woman,\n\u201cHas the child come?\u201d and she answers, \u201cYes, it is sucking already.\u201d\nAfter that the man holds the fowl on the husband\u2019s head, and mumbles\nsome form of words. Lastly, the bird is killed and laid, together with\nsome betel, on the domestic place of sacrifice. When the ceremony is\nover, word goes about in the village that the woman has been brought to\nbed, and her friends come and congratulate her.\u200b[248] Here the pretence\nthat a child has been born is a purely magical rite designed to secure,\nby means of imitation or mimicry, that a child really shall be born;\nbut an attempt is made to add to the efficacy of the rite by means of\nprayer and sacrifice. To put it otherwise, magic is here blent with\nand reinforced by religion. In Saibai, one of the islands in Torres\nStraits, a similar custom of purely magical character is observed,\nwithout any religious alloy. Here, when a woman is pregnant, all the\nother women assemble. The husband\u2019s sister makes an image of a male\nchild and places it before the pregnant woman; afterwards the image\nis nursed until the birth of the child in order to ensure that the\nbaby shall be a boy. To secure male offspring a woman will also press\nto her abdomen a fruit resembling the male organ of generation, which\nshe then passes to another woman who has borne none but boys. This, it\nis clear, is imitative magic in a slightly different form.\u200b[249] In\nthe seventh month of a woman\u2019s {p73} pregnancy common people in Java\nobserve a ceremony which is plainly designed to facilitate the real\nbirth by mimicking it. Husband and wife repair to a well or to the bank\nof a neighbouring river. The upper part of the woman\u2019s body is bare,\nbut young banana leaves are fastened under her arms, a small opening,\nor rather fold, being left in the leaves in front. Through this opening\nor fold in the leaves on his wife\u2019s body the husband lets fall from\nabove a weaver\u2019s shuttle. An old woman receives the shuttle as it\nfalls, takes it up in her arms and dandles it as if it were a baby,\nsaying, \u201cOh, what a dear little child! Oh, what a beautiful little\nchild!\u201d Then the husband lets an egg slip through the fold, and when it\nlies on the ground as an emblem of the afterbirth, he takes his sword\nand cuts through the banana leaf at the place of the fold, obviously\nas if he were severing the navel-string.\u200b[250] Persons of high rank in\nJava observe the ceremony after a fashion in which the real meaning of\nthe rite is somewhat obscured. The pregnant woman is clothed in a long\nrobe, which her husband, kneeling before her, severs with a stroke of\nhis sword from bottom to top. Then he throws his sword on the ground\nand runs away as fast as he can.\u200b[251] According to another account,\nthe woman is wrapt round with white thread; her husband cuts it with\nhis sword, throws away an oblong white gourd, dashes a fowl\u2019s egg to\nthe ground, rolls along a young coco-nut on which the figures of a man\nand woman have been painted, and so departs in haste.\u200b[252] Among some\nof the Dyaks of Borneo, when a woman is in hard labour, a wizard is\ncalled in, who essays to facilitate the delivery in a rational manner\nby manipulating the body of the sufferer. Meantime another wizard\noutside the room exerts himself to attain the same {p74} end by means\nwhich we should regard as wholly irrational. He, in fact, pretends\nto be the expectant mother; a large stone attached to his stomach by\na cloth wrapt round his body represents the child in the womb, and,\nfollowing the directions shouted to him by his colleague on the real\nscene of operations, he moves this make-believe baby about on his body\nin exact imitation of the movements of the real baby till the infant is\nborn.\u200b[253]\n\n[Sidenote: Simulation of birth at adoption, and after supposed death.]\n\nThe same principle of make-believe, so dear to children, has led other\npeoples to employ a simulation of birth as a form of adoption, and even\nas a mode of restoring a supposed dead person to life. If you pretend\nto give birth to a boy, or even to a great bearded man who has not a\ndrop of your blood in his veins, then, in the eyes of primitive law\nand philosophy, that boy or man is really your son to all intents and\npurposes. Thus Diodorus tells us that when Zeus persuaded his jealous\nwife Hera to adopt Hercules, the goddess got into bed, and clasping\nthe burly hero to her bosom, pushed him through her robes and let him\nfall to the ground in imitation of a real birth; and the historian adds\nthat in his own day the same mode of adopting children was practised\nby the barbarians.\u200b[254] At the present time it is said to be still in\nuse in Bulgaria and among the Bosnian Turks. A woman will take a boy\nwhom she intends to adopt and push or pull him through her clothes;\never afterwards he is regarded as her very son, and inherits the\nwhole property of his adoptive parents.\u200b[255] Among the Berawans of\nSarawak, when a woman desires to adopt a grown-up man or woman, a great\nmany people assemble and have a feast. The adopting mother, seated\nin public on a raised and covered seat, allows the adopted person to\ncrawl from behind between her legs. As soon as he appears in front he\nis {p75} stroked with the sweet-scented blossoms of the areca palm,\nand tied to the woman. Then the adopting mother and the adopted son\nor daughter, thus bound together, waddle to the end of the house and\nback again in front of all the spectators. The tie established between\nthe two by this graphic imitation of childbirth is very strict; an\noffence committed against an adopted child is reckoned more heinous\nthan one committed against a real child.\u200b[256] In Central Africa \u201cthe\nBahima practise adoption; the male relatives always take charge of a\nbrother\u2019s children. When a man dies his brother takes any children of\nthe deceased and places them one by one in his wife\u2019s lap. Then he\nbinds round her waist the thong used for tying the legs of restive cows\nduring milking, just as is done after childbirth. The children are then\nbrought up with his own family.\u201d\u200b[257] In ancient Greece any man who\nhad been supposed erroneously to be dead, and for whom in his absence\nfuneral rites had been performed, was treated as dead to society till\nhe had gone through the form of being born again. He was passed through\na woman\u2019s lap, then washed, dressed in swaddling-clothes, and put out\nto nurse. Not until this ceremony had been punctually performed might\nhe mix freely with living folk.\u200b[258] In ancient India, under similar\ncircumstances, the supposed dead man had to pass the first night after\nhis return in a tub filled with a mixture of fat and water; there he\nsat with doubled-up fists and without uttering a syllable, like a child\nin the womb, while over him were performed all the sacraments that were\nwont to be celebrated over a pregnant woman. Next morning he got out\nof the tub and went through once more all the other sacraments he had\nformerly partaken of from his youth up; in particular, he married a\nwife or espoused his old one over again with due solemnity.\u200b[259]\n\n[Sidenote: Simulation of birth among the Akikuyu.]\n\nAmongst the Akikuyu of British East Africa every member of the tribe,\nwhether male or female, has to go {p76} through a pretence of being\nborn again. The age at which the ceremony is performed varies with the\nability of the father to provide the goat or sheep which is required\nfor the due observance of the rite; but it seems that the new birth\ngenerally takes place when a child is about ten years old or younger.\nIf the child\u2019s father or mother is dead, a man or woman acts as proxy\non the occasion, and in such a case the woman is thenceforth regarded\nby the child as its own mother. A goat or sheep is killed in the\nafternoon and the stomach and intestines are reserved. The ceremony\ntakes place at evening in a hut; none but women are allowed to be\npresent. A circular piece of the goat-skin or sheep-skin is passed over\none shoulder and under the other arm of the child who is to be born\nagain; and the animal\u2019s stomach is similarly passed over the child\u2019s\nother shoulder and under its other arm. The mother, or the woman who\nacts as mother, sits on a hide on the floor with the child between\nher knees. The sheep\u2019s or goat\u2019s gut is passed round her and brought\nin front of the child. She groans as if in labour, another woman cuts\nthe gut as if it were the navel-string, and the child imitates the\ncry of a new-born infant. Until a lad has thus been born again in\nmimicry, he may not assist at the disposal of his father\u2019s body after\ndeath, nor help to carry him out into the wilds to breathe his last.\nFormerly the ceremony of the new birth was combined with the ceremony\nof circumcision; but the two are now kept separate.\u200b[260] In origin we\nmay suppose that this curious pretence of being born again regularly\nformed part of the initiatory rites through which every Kikuyu lad and\nevery Kikuyu girl had to pass before he or she was recognised as a\nfull-grown member of the tribe;\u200b[261] for in many parts of the world\na simulation of death and resurrection has been enacted by candidates\non such occasions as well as on admission to the membership of certain\nsecret societies.\u200b[262] The intention of the mock birth {p77} or mock\nresurrection is not clear; but we may conjecture that it is designed,\non the principles of homoeopathic or imitative magic, either to impart\nto the candidate the powers of a ghost or to enable him to be reborn\nagain into the world whenever he shall have died in good earnest.\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images to procure love.]\n\nMagical images have often been employed for the amiable purpose of\nwinning love. Thus to shoot an arrow into the heart of a clay image\nwas an ancient Hindoo mode of securing a woman\u2019s affection; only the\nbow-string must be of hemp, the shaft of the arrow must be of black\n_ala_ wood, its plume an owl\u2019s feather, and its barb a thorn.\u200b[263]\nNo doubt the wound inflicted on the heart of the clay image was\nsupposed to make a corresponding impression on the woman\u2019s heart.\nAmong the Chippeway Indians there used to be few young men or women\nwho had not little images of the persons whose love they wished to\nwin. They pricked the hearts of the images and inserted magical\npowders in the punctures, while they addressed the effigies by the\nnames of the persons whom they represented, bidding them requite their\naffection.\u200b[264] Ancient witches and wizards melted wax in the fire in\norder to make the hearts of their sweethearts to melt of love.\u200b[265]\nAnd as the wound of love may be inflicted by an image, so by an image\nit may be healed. How that can be done is told by Heine in a poem\nbased on the experience of one of his own schoolfellows. It is called\n_The Pilgrimage to Kevlaar_, and describes how sick people offer waxen\nmodels of their ailing members to the Virgin Mary at Kevlaar in order\nthat she may heal them of their infirmities. In the poem a lover,\nwasting away for love and sorrow at the death of his sweetheart, offers\nto the Virgin the waxen model of a heart with a prayer that she would\nheal his heart-ache.\u200b[266] Such customs, still commonly {p78} observed\nin some parts of Catholic Europe, are interesting because they shew\nhow in later times magic comes to be incorporated with religion. The\nmoulding of wax images of ailing members is in its origin purely\nmagical: the prayer to the Virgin or to a saint is purely religious:\nthe combination of the two is a crude, if pathetic, attempt to turn\nboth magic and religion to account for the benefit of the sufferer.\n\n[Sidenote: Magical images to maintain domestic harmony.]\n\nThe natives of New Caledonia make use of effigies to maintain or\nrestore harmony between husband and wife. Two spindle-shaped bundles,\none representing the man and the other the woman, are tied firmly\ntogether to symbolise and ensure the amity of the couple. They are\nmade up of various plants, together with some threads from the\nwoman\u2019s girdle and a piece of the man\u2019s apron; a bone needle forms\nthe axis of each. The talisman is meant to render the union of the\nspouses indissoluble, and is carefully treasured by them both. If,\nnevertheless, a domestic jar should unfortunately take place, the\nhusband repairs to the family burying-ground with the precious packet.\nThere he lights a fire with a wood of a particular kind, fumigates\nthe talisman, sprinkles it with water from a prescribed source, waves\nit round his head, and then stirring the needle in the bundle which\nrepresents himself he says, \u201cI change the heart of this woman, that she\nmay love me.\u201d If the wife still remains obdurate, he ties a sugar-cane\nto the bundle, and presents it to her through a third person. If she\neats of the sugar-cane, she feels her love for her husband revive. On\nher side she has the right to operate in like manner on the bundle\nwhich represents herself, always provided that she does not go to the\nburying-ground, which is strictly forbidden to women.\u200b[267]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic in medicine.]\n\nAnother beneficent use of homoeopathic magic is to heal or prevent\nsickness. In ancient Greece, when a man died of dropsy, his children\nwere made to sit with their feet in water until the body was burned.\nThis was supposed to prevent the disease from attacking them.\u200b[268]\nSimilarly, on {p79} the principle of water to water, among the natives\nof the hills near Rajamahall in India, the body of a person who has\ndied of dropsy is thrown into a river; they think that if the corpse\nwere buried, the disorder would return and carry off other people.\u200b[269]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic treatment of jaundice\n\nHomoeopathic treatment of St. Anthony\u2019s fire.\n\nHomoeopathic virtue of crossbills.]\n\nThe ancient Hindoos performed an elaborate ceremony, based on\nhomoeopathetic magic, for the cure of jaundice. Its main drift was\nto banish the yellow colour to yellow creatures and yellow things,\nsuch as the sun, to which it properly belongs, and to procure for the\npatient a healthy red colour from a living, vigorous source, namely a\nred bull. With this intention, a priest recited the following spell:\n\u201cUp to the sun shall go thy heart-ache and thy jaundice: in the colour\nof the red bull do we envelop thee! We envelop thee in red tints, unto\nlong life. May this person go unscathed and be free of yellow colour!\nThe cows whose divinity is Rohini, they who, moreover, are themselves\nred (_rohinih_)\u2014in their every form and every strength we do envelop\nthee. Into the parrots, into the thrush, do we put thy jaundice, and,\nfurthermore, into the yellow wagtail do we put thy jaundice.\u201d While he\nuttered these words, the priest, in order to infuse the rosy hue of\nhealth into the sallow patient, gave him water to sip which was mixed\nwith the hair of a red bull; he poured water over the animal\u2019s back\nand made the sick man drink it; he seated him on the skin of a red\nbull and tied a piece of the skin to him. Then in order to improve his\ncolour by thoroughly eradicating the yellow taint, he proceeded thus.\nHe first daubed him from head to foot with a yellow porridge made of\nturmeric or curcuma (a yellow plant), set him on a bed, tied three\nyellow birds, to wit a parrot, a thrush, and a yellow wagtail, by means\nof a yellow string to the foot of the bed; then pouring water over\nthe patient, he washed off the yellow porridge, and with it no doubt\nthe jaundice, from him to the birds. After that, by way of giving a\nfinal bloom to his complexion, he took some hairs of a red bull, wrapt\nthem in gold leaf, and glued them to the patient\u2019s skin.\u200b[270] The\n{p80} ancients held that if a person suffering from jaundice looked\nsharply at a stone-curlew, and the bird looked steadily at him, he\nwas cured of the disease. \u201cSuch is the nature,\u201d says Plutarch, \u201cand\nsuch the temperament of the creature that it draws out and receives\nthe malady which issues, like a stream, through the eyesight.\u201d\u200b[271]\nSo well recognised among bird-fanciers was this valuable property of\nthe stone-curlew that when they had one of these birds for sale they\nkept it carefully covered, lest a jaundiced person should look at it\nand be cured for nothing.\u200b[272] The virtue of the bird lay not in its\ncolour but in its large golden eye, which, if it do not pass for a\ntuft of yellow lichen, is the first thing that strikes the searcher,\nas the bird cowers, to escape observation, on the sandy, flint-strewn\nsurface of the ground which it loves to haunt, and with which its drab\nplumage blends so well that only a practised eye can easily detect\nit.\u200b[273] Thus the yellow eye of the bird drew out the yellow jaundice.\nPliny tells of another, or perhaps the same, bird, to which the Greeks\ngave their name for jaundice, because if a jaundiced man saw it, the\ndisease left him and slew the bird.\u200b[274] He mentions also a stone\nwhich was supposed to cure jaundice because its hue resembled that of\na jaundiced skin.\u200b[275] In modern Greece jaundice goes by the name of\nthe Golden Disease, and very naturally it can be healed by gold. To\neffect a perfect cure all that you have to do is this. Take a piece\nof gold (best of all an English sovereign, since English gold is the\npurest) and put it in a measure of wine. Expose the wine with the gold\nto the stars for three nights; then drink three glasses of it daily\ntill it is used up. By that time the jaundice will be quite washed out\nof your system. The cure is, in the strictest sense of the word, a\nsovereign one.\u200b[276] {p81} A Wend cure for jaundice, like the modern\nGreek one, is to drink a glass of water in which a gold coin has been\nleft overnight.\u200b[277] A remedy based on the principle of contraries is\nto look steadily at pitch or other black substances.\u200b[278] In South\nRussia a Jewish remedy for jaundice is to wear golden bracelets.\u200b[279]\nHere the great homoeopathic principle is clearly the same as in the\npreceding cases, though its application is different. In Germany\nyellow turnips, gold coins, gold rings, saffron, and other yellow\nthings are still esteemed remedies for jaundice, just as a stick of\nred sealing-wax carried on the person cures the red eruption popularly\nknown as St. Anthony\u2019s fire, or the blood-stone with its blood-red\nspots allays bleeding.\u200b[280] Another popular remedy in Germany for the\nred St. Anthony\u2019s fire and also for bleeding is supplied by the common\ncrossbills. In this bird \u201cafter the first moult the difference between\nthe sexes is shewn by the hens inclining to yellowish-green, while\nthe cocks become diversified by orange-yellow and red, their plumage\nfinally deepening into a rich crimson-red, varied in places by a\nflame-colour.\u201d\u200b[281] The smallest reflection may convince us that these\ngorgeous hues must be endowed with very valuable medical properties.\nAccordingly in some parts of Bavaria, Saxony, and Bohemia people keep\ncrossbills in cages in order that the red birds may draw the red St.\nAntony\u2019s fire and the inflammation of fever to themselves and so\nrelieve the human patient. Often in a peasant\u2019s cottage you may see the\nred bird in its cage hanging beside a sick-bed and drawing to itself\nthe hectic flush from the cheeks of the hot and restless patient, who\nlies tossing under the blankets. And the dried body of a crossbill has\nonly to be placed on a wound to stop the bleeding at once. It is not\nthe colour only of the feathers which produces this salutary effect;\nthe peculiar {p82} shape of the bill, which gives the bird its English\nand German name, is a contributory cause. For the horny sheaths of the\nbill cross each other obliquely, and this formation undoubtedly enables\nthe bird to draw diseases to itself more readily than a beak of the\ncommon shape could possibly do. Curious observers have even remarked\nthat when the upper bill crosses the lower to the right, the bird\nwill attract the diseases of men, whereas if the upper bill crosses\nthe lower to the left, it will attract the diseases of women. But I\ncannot vouch for the accuracy of this particular observation. However\nthat may be, certain it is that no fire will break out in a house\nwhere a crossbill is kept in a cage, neither will lightning strike the\ndwelling; and this immunity can only be ascribed to the protective\ncolouring of the bird, the red hue of its plumage serving to ward off\nthe red lightning and to nip a red conflagration in the bud. However,\nthe poor bird seldom lives to old age; nor could this reasonably be\nexpected of a creature which has to endure so much vicarious suffering.\nIt generally falls a victim to one or other of the maladies of which\nit has relieved our ailing humanity. The causes which have given the\ncrossbill its remarkable colour and the peculiar shape of its bill have\nescaped many naturalists, but they are familiar to children in Germany.\nThe truth is that when Jesus Christ hung on the cross a flight of\ncrossbills fluttered round him and tugged with their bills at the nails\nin his hands and feet to draw them out, till their feathers, which were\ngrey before, were all bedabbled with blood, and their beaks, which\nhad been straight, were twisted awry. So red have been their feathers\nand twisted their beaks from that day to this.\u200b[282] Another cure\nprescribed in Germany for St. Anthony\u2019s fire is to rub the patient with\nashes from a house that has been burned down;\u200b[283] for it is easy to\nsee that as the fire died out in that house, so St. Anthony\u2019s fire will\ndie out in that man.\n\n[Sidenote: The shrew-mouse and the shrew-ash.\n\nHomoeopathic prescriptions to make the hair grow.]\n\nA curious application of homoeopathic magic to the {p83} cure of disease\nis founded on the old English superstition that if a shrew-mouse runs\nover a beast, be it horse, cow, or sheep, the animal suffers cruelly\nand may lose the use of its limb. Against this accident the farmer\nused to keep a shrew-ash at hand as a remedy. A shrew-ash was prepared\nthus. A deep hole was bored in the tree, and a shrew-mouse was thrust\nin alive and plugged in, probably with some incantations which have\nbeen forgotten.\u200b[284] An ancient Indian cure for a scanty crop of\nhair was to pour a solution of certain plants over the head of the\npatient; this had to be done by a doctor who was dressed in black and\nhad eaten black food, and the ceremony must be performed in the early\nmorning, while the stars were fading in the sky, and before the black\ncrows had risen cawing from their nests.\u200b[285] The exact virtue of\nthese plants has escaped our knowledge, but we can hardly doubt that\nthey were dark and hairy; while the black clothes of the doctor, his\nblack food, and the swarthy hue of the crows unquestionably combined to\nproduce a crop of black hair on the patient\u2019s head. A more disagreeable\nmeans of attaining the same end is adopted by some of the tribes of\nCentral Australia. To promote the growth of a boy\u2019s hair a man with\nflowing locks bites the youth\u2019s scalp as hard as he can, being urged\nthereto by his friends, who sit round watching him at his task, while\nthe sufferer howls aloud with pain.\u200b[286] Clearly, on the principle\nof capillary attraction, if I may say so, he thus imparts of his own\nmature abundance to the scarcity of his youthful friend.\n\n[Sidenote: Various homoeopathic remedies.]\n\nOne of the great merits of homoeopathic magic is that it enables the\ncure to be performed on the person of the doctor instead of on that\nof his victim, who is thus relieved of all trouble and inconvenience,\nwhile he sees his medical man writhe in anguish before him. For\nexample, the peasants of {p84} Perche, in France, labour under the\nimpression that a prolonged fit of vomiting is brought about by the\npatient\u2019s stomach becoming unhooked, as they call it, and so falling\ndown. Accordingly, a practitioner is called in to restore the organ to\nits proper place. After hearing the symptoms he at once throws himself\ninto the most horrible contortions, for the purpose of unhooking his\nown stomach. Having succeeded in the effort, he next hooks it up again\nin another series of contortions and grimaces, while the patient\nexperiences a corresponding relief. Fee five francs.\u200b[287] In like\nmanner a Dyak medicine-man, who has been fetched in a case of illness,\nwill lie down and pretend to be dead. He is accordingly treated like\na corpse, is bound up in mats, taken out of the house, and deposited\non the ground. After about an hour the other medicine-men loose the\npretended dead man and bring him to life; and as he recovers, the sick\nperson is supposed to recover too.\u200b[288] A cure for a tumour, based\non the principle of homoeopathic magic, is prescribed by Marcellus of\nBordeaux, court physician to Theodosius the First, in his curious work\non medicine. It is as follows. Take a root of vervain, cut it across,\nand hang one end of it round the patient\u2019s neck, and the other in the\nsmoke of the fire. As the vervain dries up in the smoke, so the tumour\nwill also dry up and disappear. If the patient should afterwards prove\nungrateful to the good physician, the man of skill can avenge himself\nvery easily by throwing the vervain into water; for as the root absorbs\nthe moisture once more, the tumour will return.\u200b[289] The same sapient\nwriter recommends you, if you are troubled with pimples, to watch for\na falling star, and then instantly, while the star is still shooting\nfrom the sky, to wipe the pimples with a cloth or anything that comes\nto hand. Just as the star falls from the sky, so the pimples will fall\nfrom your body; only you must be very careful not to wipe them with\nyour bare hand, or the pimples will be transferred to it.\u200b[290] {p85}\n\n[Sidenote: Sympathetic magic to ensure the food supply.]\n\nFurther, homoeopathic and in general sympathetic magic plays a great\npart in the measures taken by the rude hunter or fisherman to secure an\nabundant supply of food. On the principle that like produces like, many\nthings are done by him and his friends in deliberate imitation of the\nresult which he seeks to attain; and, on the other hand, many things\nare scrupulously avoided because they bear some more or less fanciful\nresemblance to others which would really be disastrous.\n\n[Sidenote: Systematic use of sympathetic magic in Central Australia.]\n\nNowhere is the theory of sympathetic magic more systematically carried\ninto practice for the maintenance of the food supply than in the barren\nregions of Central Australia. Here the tribes are divided into a number\nof totem clans, each of which is charged with the duty of propagating\nand multiplying their totem for the good of the community by means of\nmagical ceremonies and incantations. The great majority of the totems\nare edible animals and plants, and the general result supposed to be\naccomplished by these magical totemic ceremonies or _intichiuma_, as\nthe Arunta call them, is that of supplying the tribe with food and\nother necessaries. Often the rites consist of an imitation of the\neffect which the people desire to produce; in other words, their magic\nis of the homoeopathic or imitative sort.\n\n[Sidenote: _Intichiuma_, or magical ceremonies for the increase of the\ntotemic animals and plants in Central Australia.\n\nWitchetty grub ceremony.\n\nEmu ceremony.\n\nHakea flower ceremony.\n\nKangaroo ceremony.\n\nGrass seed ceremony.]\n\nThus among the Arunta the men of the witchetty grub totem perform a\nseries of elaborate ceremonies for multiplying the grub which the other\nmembers of the tribe use as food. One of the ceremonies is a pantomime\nrepresenting the fully-developed insect in the act of emerging from the\nchrysalis. A long narrow structure of branches is set up to imitate\nthe chrysalis case of the grub. In this structure a number of men, who\nhave the grub for their totem, sit and sing of the creature in its\nvarious stages. Then they shuffle out of it in a squatting posture,\nand as they do so they sing of the insect emerging from the chrysalis.\nThis is supposed to multiply the numbers of the grubs.\u200b[291] Again, in\norder to multiply emus, which are an important article of food, the men\nof the emu totem in the Arunta tribe proceed as follows. They clear\na small spot of level ground, and opening veins in their arms they\nlet the {p86} blood stream out until the surface of the ground, for a\nspace of about three square yards, is soaked with it. When the blood\nhas dried and caked, it forms a hard and fairly impermeable surface,\non which they paint the sacred design of the emu totem, especially the\nparts of the bird which they like best to eat, namely, the fat and the\neggs. Round this painting the men sit and sing. Afterwards performers,\nwearing head-dresses to represent the long neck and small head of the\nemu, mimic the appearance of the bird as it stands aimlessly peering\nabout in all directions.\u200b[292] Again, men of the hakea flower totem\nin the Arunta tribe perform a ceremony to make the hakea tree burst\ninto blossom. The scene of the ceremony is a little hollow, by the\nside of which grows an ancient hakea tree. In the middle of the hollow\nis a small worn block of stone, supposed to represent a mass of hakea\nflowers. Before the ceremony begins, an old man of the totem carefully\nsweeps the ground clean, and then strokes the stone all over with his\nhands. After that the men sit round the stone and chant invitations to\nthe tree to flower much and to the blossoms to be filled with honey.\nFinally, at the request of the old leader, one of the young men opens\na vein in his arm and lets the blood flow freely over the stone,\nwhile the rest continue to sing. The flow of blood is supposed to\nrepresent the preparation of the favourite drink of the natives, which\nis made by steeping the hakea flower in water. As soon as the stone\nis covered with blood the ceremony is complete.\u200b[293] Again, the men\nof the kangaroo totem in the Arunta tribe perform ceremonies for the\nmultiplication of kangaroos at a certain rocky ledge, which, in the\nopinion of the natives, is full of the spirits of kangaroos ready to go\nforth and inhabit kangaroo bodies. A little higher up on the hillside\nare two blocks of stone, which represent a male and female kangaroo\nrespectively. At the ceremony these two blocks are rubbed with a stone\nby two men. Then the rocky ledge below is decorated with alternate\nvertical stripes of red and white, to indicate the red fur and white\nbones of the kangaroo. After that a number of young men sit on the\nledge, open veins in {p87} their arms, and allow the blood to spurtle\nover the edge of the rock on which they are seated. This pouring out\nof the blood of the kangaroo men on the rock is thought to drive out\nthe spirits of the kangaroos in all directions, and so to increase the\nnumber of the animals. While it is taking place, the other men sit\nbelow watching the performers and singing songs which refer to the\nexpected increase of kangaroos.\u200b[294] In the Kaitish tribe, when the\nheadman of the grass seed totem wishes to make the grass grow, he takes\ntwo sacred sticks or stones (_churinga_) of the well-known bull-roarer\npattern, smears them with red-ochre, and decorates them with lines and\ndots of down to represent grass seed. Then he rubs the sticks or stones\ntogether so {p88} that the down flies off in all directions. The down is\nsupposed to carry with it some virtue from the sacred stick or stone\nwhereby the grass seed is made to grow. For days afterwards the headman\nwalks about by himself in the bush singing the grass seed and carrying\none of the sacred bull-roarers (_churinga_) with him. At night he hides\nthe implement in the bush and returns to camp, where he may have no\nintercourse with his wife. For during all this time he is believed to\nbe so full of magic power, derived from the bull-roarer, that if he had\nintercourse with her the grass seed would not grow properly and his\nbody would swell up when he tasted of it. When the seed begins to grow,\nhe still goes on singing to make it grow more, but when it is fully\ngrown he brings back the sacred implement to his camp hidden in bark;\nand having gathered a store of the seed he leaves it with the men of\nthe other half of the tribe, saying, \u201cYou eat the grass seed in plenty,\nit is very good and grows in my country.\u201d\u200b[295]\n\n[Sidenote: Manna ceremony.]\n\nA somewhat similar ceremony is performed by men of the manna totem\nin the Arunta tribe for the increase of their totem. This manna is\na product of the mulga tree (_Acacia aneura_), and resembles the\nbetter-known sugar-manna of gum trees. When the men of the totem wish\nto multiply the manna, they resort to a great boulder of grey rock,\ncuriously streaked with black and white seams, which is thought to\nrepresent a mass of manna deposited there long ago by a man of the\ntotem. The same significance is attributed to other smaller stones\nwhich rest on the top of the boulder. The headman of the totem begins\nthe ceremony by digging up a sacred bull-roarer (_churinga_), which\nis buried in the earth at the foot of the boulder. It is supposed to\nrepresent a lump of manna and to have lain there ever since the remote\n_alcheringa_ or dream time, the farthest past of which these savages\nhave any conception. Next the headman climbs to the top of the boulder\nand rubs it with the bull-roarer, and after that he takes the smaller\nstones and with them rubs the same spot on the boulder. Meantime the\nother men, sitting round about, chant loudly an invitation to the dust\nproduced by {p89} the rubbing of the stones to go out and generate a\nplentiful supply of manna on the mulga-trees. Finally, with twigs of\nthe mulga the leader sweeps away the dust which has gathered on the\nsurface of the stone; his intention is to cause the dust to settle on\nthe mulga-trees and so produce manna.\u200b[296]\n\n[Sidenote: Euro ceremony.\n\nCockatoo ceremony.]\n\nAgain, in a rocky gorge of the Murchison Range there are numbers of\nlittle heaps of rounded, water-worn stones, carefully arranged on beds\nof leaves and hidden away under piles of rougher quartzite blocks. In\nthe opinion of the Warramunga tribe, these rounded stones represent\neuros, that is, a species of kangaroo. According to their size they\nstand for young or old, male or female euros. Any old man of the euro\ntotem who happens to pass the spot may take the stones out, smear\nthem with red ochre and rub them well. This is supposed to cause the\nspirits of euros to pass out from the stones and to be born as animals,\nthus increasing the food supply.\u200b[297] Again, in the Warramunga tribe\nMessrs. Spencer and Gillen saw and heard a ceremony which was believed\nto multiply white cockatoos to a wonderful extent. From ten o\u2019clock\none evening until after sunrise next morning the headman of the white\ncockatoo totem held in his hand a rude effigy of the cockatoo and\nimitated the harsh cry of the bird, with exasperating monotony, all\nnight long. When his voice failed him, his son took up the call and\nrelieved the old man until such time as his father was rested enough to\nbegin again.\u200b[298]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic or imitative character of these rites.\n\nUse of human blood in these ceremonies.]\n\nIn this last ceremony the homoeopathic or imitative character of the\nrite is particularly plain: the shape of the bird which is to be\nmultiplied is mimicked by an effigy, its cry is imitated by the human\nvoice. In others of the ceremonies just described the homoeopathic\nprinciple works by means of stones, which resemble in shape the edible\nanimals or plants that the natives desire to increase. We shall see\npresently that the Melanesians similarly attribute fertilising virtues\nto stones of certain shapes.\u200b[299] Meantime it {p90} deserves to be\nnoticed that in some of these Australian rites for the multiplication\nof the totemic animals the blood of the men of the totem plays an\nimportant part. Similarly in a ceremony performed by men of the\nDieri tribe for the multiplication of carpet-snakes and iguanas the\nperformers wound themselves and the blood that drips from their wounds\nis poured on a sandhill in which a mythical ancestor is believed to\nbe buried and from which carpet-snakes and iguanas are confidently\nexpected to swarm forth.\u200b[300] Again, when the headman of the fish\ntotem in the Wonkgongaru tribe desires to make fish plentiful, he\npaints himself all over with red ochre, and, taking little pointed\nbones, goes into a pool. There he pierces his scrotum and the skin\naround the navel with the bones, and sits down in the water. The blood\nfrom the wounds, as it mingles with the water, is supposed to give\nrise to fish.\u200b[301] In all these cases clearly a fertilising virtue\nis ascribed to human blood. The ascription is interesting and may\npossibly go some way to explain the widely-spread custom of voluntary\nwounds and mutilations in religious or magical rites. It may therefore\nbe worth while, even at the cost of a digression, to enquire a little\nmore closely into the custom as it is practised by the rude savages of\nAustralia.\u200b[302]\n\n[Sidenote: Blood poured into graves.\n\nBlood given to the sick and aged\n\nBlood used by an avenging party.]\n\nIn the first place, then, the Dieri custom of pouring blood over the\nsupposed remains of the ancestor in his sandhill closely resembles the\ncustom observed by some of the Australian aborigines at the graves of\ntheir relatives. Thus among the tribes on the River Darling several\nmen used to stand by the open grave and cut each other\u2019s heads with a\nboomerang, and then hold their bleeding heads over the grave so that\nthe blood dripped on the corpse at the bottom of it. If the deceased\nwas highly esteemed, the bleeding was repeated after some earth had\nbeen thrown on the corpse.\u200b[303] Among {p91} the Arunta it is customary\nfor the women kinsfolk to cut themselves at the grave so that blood\nflows upon it.\u200b[304] Again, at the Vasse River, in Western Australia,\nbefore the body was lowered into the grave, the natives used to gash\ntheir thighs, and at the flowing of the blood they all said, \u201cI have\nbrought blood,\u201d and they stamped the foot forcibly on the ground,\nsprinkling the blood around them; then wiping the wounds with a wisp of\nleaves, they threw it, all bloody, on the dead man. After that they let\nthe body down into the grave.\u200b[305] Further, it is a common practice\nwith the Central Australians to give human blood to the sick and aged\nfor the purpose of strengthening them; and in order that the blood may\nhave this effect it need not always be drunk by the infirm person, it\nis enough to sprinkle it on his body. For example, a young man will\noften open a vein in his arm and let the blood trickle over the body\nof an older man in order to strengthen his aged friend; and sometimes\nthe old man will drink a little of the blood.\u200b[306] So in illness\nthe blood is sometimes applied outwardly as well as inwardly, the\npatient both drinking it and having it rubbed over his body; sometimes\napparently he only drinks it. The blood is drawn from a man or woman\nwho is related to the sufferer either by blood or marriage, and the\nnotion always is to convey to the sick person some of the strength\nof the blood-giver.\u200b[307] In the Wiimbaio tribe, if a man had nearly\nkilled his wife in a paroxysm of rage, the woman was laid out on the\nground, and the husband\u2019s arms being tightly bound above the elbows,\nthe medicine-man opened the veins in them and allowed the blood to flow\non the prostrate body of the victim till the man grew faint.\u200b[308] The\nintention of thus bleeding the man over the woman {p92} was apparently\nto restore her to life by means of the blood drawn from her assailant.\nAgain, before an avenging party starts to take the life of a distant\nenemy, all the men stand up, open veins in their genital organs with\nsharp flints or pointed sticks, and allow the blood to spurtle over\neach other\u2019s thighs. This ceremony is supposed to strengthen the men\nmutually, and also to knit them so closely together that treachery\nhenceforth becomes impossible. Sometimes for the same purpose blood is\ndrawn from the arm and drunk by the men of the avenging party, and if\none of them refuses thus to pledge himself the others will force his\nmouth open and pour the blood into it. After that, even if he wishes\nto play the traitor and to give the doomed man warning, he cannot do\nso; he is bound by a physical necessity to side with the avengers whose\nblood he has swallowed.\u200b[309]\n\n[Sidenote: Blood of circumcision and subincision; uses made of it.\n\nAnodynes based on the principle of homoeopathic magic.]\n\nFurther, it is worth while to notice some uses made of human blood in\nconnexion with the ceremonies of circumcision and subincision, which\nall lads of the Central Australian tribes have to undergo before\nthey are recognised as full-grown men. For example, the blood drawn\nfrom them at these operations is caught in a hollow shield and taken\nto certain kinsmen or kinswomen, who drink it or have it smeared on\ntheir breasts and foreheads.\u200b[310] The motive of this practice is\nnot mentioned, but on the analogy of the preceding customs we may\nconjecture that it is to strengthen the relatives who partake of\nthe blood. This interpretation is confirmed by an analogous use in\nQueensland of the blood drawn from a woman at the operation which in\nthe female sex corresponds to subincision in the male; for that blood,\nmixed with another ingredient, is kept and drunk as a medicine by any\nsick person who may be in the camp at the time.\u200b[311] Moreover, it is\ncorroborated by a similar use of the foreskin which has been removed at\ncircumcision; for among the southern Arunta this piece of skin is given\nto the younger brother of the circumcised lad and he swallows {p93}\nit, in the belief that it will make him grow strong and tall.\u200b[312]\nIn the tribe at Fowler\u2019s Bay, who practise both circumcision and\nsubincision, the severed foreskin is swallowed by the operator,\u200b[313]\nperhaps in order to strengthen the lad sympathetically. In some tribes\nof North-West Australia it is the lad himself who swallows his own\nforeskin mixed with kangaroo flesh; while in other tribes of the same\nregion the severed portion is taken by the relations and deposited\nunder the bark of a large tree.\u200b[314] The possible significance of\nthis latter treatment of the foreskin will appear presently. Among the\nKolkodoons of Cloniny, in Northern Queensland, the foreskin is strung\non twine made of human hair, and is then tied round the mother\u2019s neck\n\u201cto keep off the devil.\u201d\u200b[315] In the Warramunga tribe the old men\ndraw blood from their own subincised urethras in presence of the lads\nwho a few days before have undergone the operation of subincision. The\nobject of this custom, we are told, is to promote the healing of the\nyoung men\u2019s wounds and to strengthen them generally.\u200b[316] It does\nnot appear that the blood of the old men is drunk by or smeared upon\nthe youths; seemingly it is supposed to benefit them sympathetically\nwithout direct contact. A similar action of blood at a distance may\npartly explain a very singular custom observed by the Arunta women at\nthe moment when a lad is being subincised. The operation is performed\nat a distance from, but within hearing of, the women\u2019s camp. When the\nboy is seized in order to be operated on, the men of the {p94} party\nraise a loud shout of \u201cPirr-rr.\u201d At that sound the women immediately\nassemble in their camp, and the boy\u2019s mother cuts gashes across the\nstomach and shoulders of the boy\u2019s sisters, her own elder sisters, an\nold woman who furnished the boy with a sacred fire at circumcision, and\nall the women whose daughters he would be allowed to marry; and while\nshe cuts she imitates the sound made by the men who are subincising her\nson. These cuts generally leave behind them a definite series of scars;\nthey have a name of their own (_urpma_), and are often represented by\ndefinite lines on the bull-roarers.\u200b[317] What the exact meaning of\nthis extraordinary ceremony may be, I cannot say; but perhaps one of\nits supposed effects may be to relieve the boy\u2019s pain by transferring\nit to his women-kind. In like manner, when the Warramunga men are\nfighting each other with blazing torches, the women burn themselves\nwith lighted twigs in the belief that by so doing they prevent the\nmen from inflicting serious injuries on each other.\u200b[318] The theory\nfurther receives some support from certain practices formerly observed\nby the natives inhabiting the coast of New South Wales. Before lads had\ntheir noses bored, the medicine men threw themselves into contortions\non the ground, and after pretending to suffer great pain were delivered\nof bones, which were to be used at the ceremony of nose-boring. The\nlads were told that the more the medicine men suffered, the less pain\nthey themselves would feel.\u200b[319] Again, among the same natives, when a\nwoman was in labour, a female friend would tie one end of a cord round\nthe sufferer\u2019s neck and rub her own gums with the other end till they\nbled,\u200b[320] probably in order to draw away the pain from the mother to\nherself. For a similar reason, perhaps, in Samoa, while blood was being\ndrawn from a virgin bride, her friends, young and old, beat their heads\nwith stones till they bled.\u200b[321]\n\n[Sidenote: Fertilising virtue attributed to blood of circumcision and\nsubincision.\n\nFertilising virtue attributed to foreskin.\n\nBelief of the Central Australian tribes in the reincarnation of the\ndead.]\n\nLastly, in some tribes the blood shed at the circumcision {p95} and\nsubincision of lads is collected in paper bark and buried in the bank\nof a pool where water-lilies grow; this is supposed to promote the\ngrowth of the lilies.\u200b[322] Needless to say, this rude attempt at\nhorticulture is not prompted by a simple delight in contemplating these\nbeautiful bright blue flowers which bloom in the Australian wilderness,\ndecking the surface of pools by countless thousands. The savages feed\non the stems and roots of the lilies; that is why they desire to\ncultivate them.\u200b[323] In this last practice a fertilising virtue is\nclearly attributed to the blood of circumcision and subincision. The\nAnula tribe, who among others observe the custom, obviously ascribe\nthe same virtue to the severed foreskin, for they bury it also by the\nside of a pool.\u200b[324] The Warramunga entertain the same opinion of\nthis part of the person, for they place the foreskin in a hole made by\na witchetty grub in a tree, believing that it will cause a plentiful\nsupply of these edible grubs.\u200b[325] Among the Unmatjera the custom\nis somewhat different, but taken in connexion with their traditions\nit is even more significant. The boy puts his severed foreskin on a\nshield, covers it up with a broad spear-thrower, and then carries it\nin the darkness of night, lest any woman should see what he is doing,\nto a hollow tree in which he deposits it. He tells no one where he has\nhidden it, except a man who stands to him in the relation of father\u2019s\nsister\u2019s son. Nowadays there is no special relation between the boy\nand the tree, but formerly the case seems to have been different.\nFor according to {p96} tradition the early mythical ancestors of the\ntribe placed their foreskins in their _nanja_ trees, that is, in\ntheir local totem centres, the trees from which their spirits came\nforth at birth and to which they would return after death.\u200b[326]\nIf, as seems highly probable, such a custom as that recorded by the\ntradition ever prevailed, its intention could hardly be any other\nthan that of securing the future birth and reincarnation of the owner\nof the foreskin when he should have died and his spirit returned to\nits abode in the tree. For among all these Central tribes the belief\nis firmly rooted that the human soul undergoes an endless series of\nreincarnations, the living men and women of one generation being\nnothing but the spirits of their ancestors come to life again, and\ndestined to be themselves reborn in the persons of their descendants.\nDuring the interval between two incarnations the souls live in their\n_nanja_ spots or local totem centres, which are always natural objects\nsuch as trees or rocks. Each totem clan has a number of such totem\ncentres scattered over the country. There the souls of the dead men\nand women of the totem, but of no other, congregate during their\ndisembodied state, and thence they issue and are born again in human\nform when a favourable opportunity presents itself.\u200b[327] It might\nwell be thought that a man\u2019s new birth would be facilitated if, in his\nlifetime, he could lay up a stock of vital energy for the use of his\ndisembodied spirit after death. That he did, apparently, by detaching\na portion of himself, namely the foreskin, and depositing it in his\n_nanja_ tree, or rock, or whatever it might be.\n\n[Sidenote: Circumcision perhaps intended to ensure reincarnation.\n\nSubincision possibly also designed to secure rebirth.]\n\nIs it possible that in this belief and this practice we have the long\nlost key to the meaning of circumcision? In other words, can it be\nthat circumcision was originally intended to ensure the rebirth at\nsome future time of the circumcised man by disposing of the severed\nportion of his body in such a way as to provide him with a stock of\nenergy on which his disembodied spirit could draw when the critical\nmoment of reincarnation came round? The conjecture is confirmed by\nthe observation that among the Akikuyu of {p97} British East Africa\nthe ceremony of circumcision used to be regularly combined with a\ngraphic pretence of rebirth enacted by the novice.\u200b[328] If this should\nprove to be indeed the clue to the meaning of circumcision, it would\nbe natural to look for an explanation of subincision along the same\nlines. Now we have seen that the blood of subincision is used both\nto strengthen relatives and to make water-lilies grow. Hence we may\nconjecture that the strengthening and fertilising virtue of the blood\nwas applied, like the foreskin at circumcision, to lay up a store of\nenergy in the _nanja_ spot against the time when the man\u2019s feeble ghost\nwould need it. The intention of both ceremonies would thus be to ensure\nthe future reincarnation of the individual by quickening the local\ntotem centre, the home of his disembodied spirit, with a vital portion\nof himself. That portion, whether the foreskin or the blood, was in a\nmanner seed sown to grow up and provide his immortal spirit with a new\nbody when his old body should have mouldered in the dust.\n\n[Sidenote: Knocking out of teeth in Australia perhaps practised for the\nsame purpose.\n\nExtraction of teeth associated with rain.]\n\nPerhaps the same theory may serve to explain another initiatory rite\npractised by some of the Australian aborigines, namely, the knocking\nout of teeth. This is the principal ceremony of initiation amongst\nthe tribes of eastern and south-eastern Australia; and it is often\npractised, though not as an initiatory rite, by the Central tribes,\nwith whom the essential rites of initiation are circumcision and\nsubincision.\u200b[329] On the hypothesis here suggested, we should expect\nto find the tooth regarded as a vital part of the man which was\nsacrificed to ensure another life for him after death. The durability\nof the teeth, compared to the corruptible nature of the greater part\nof the body, might be a sufficient reason with a savage philosopher\nfor choosing this portion of the corporeal frame on which to pin his\nhope of immortality. The evidence at our disposal certainly does not\nsuffice to establish this explanation of the rite; but there are some\nfacts which seem to point in that direction. In the first {p98} place,\nthe extracted tooth is supposed to remain in sympathetic connexion with\nthe man from whom it has been removed; and if proper care is not taken\nof it, he may fall ill.\u200b[330] With some Victorian tribes the practice\nwas for the mother of the lad to choose a young gum-tree and to insert\nher son\u2019s teeth in the bark, at the fork of two of the topmost boughs.\nEver afterwards the tree was held in a sense sacred. It was made known\nonly to certain persons of the tribe, and the youth himself was never\nallowed to learn where his teeth had been deposited. When he died, the\ntree was killed by fire.\u200b[331] Thus in a fashion the tree might be\nsaid to be bound up with the life of the man whose teeth it contained,\nsince when he died it was destroyed. Further, among some of the\nCentral tribes the extracted tooth is thrown away as far as possible\nin the direction of the spot where the man\u2019s mother is supposed to\nhave had her camp in the far-off legendary time which is known as the\n_alcheringa_.\u200b[332] May not this be done to secure the rebirth of the\nman\u2019s spirit in that place? In the Gnanji tribe the extracted tooth is\nburied by the man\u2019s or woman\u2019s mother beside a pool, for the purpose\nof stopping the rain and increasing the number of water-lilies that\ngrow in the pool.\u200b[333] Thus the same fertilising virtue is ascribed to\nthe tooth which is attributed to the foreskin severed at circumcision\nand to the blood drawn at subincision. Why the drawing of teeth should\nbe supposed to stop rain, I cannot guess. Curiously enough, among\nthe Central tribes generally, the extraction of teeth has a special\nassociation with rain and water. Thus among the Arunta it is practised\nchiefly by the members of the rain or water totem; and it is nearly if\nnot quite obligatory on all the men and women of that totem, whereas\nit is merely optional with members of the other clans. Further, the\nceremony is always performed among the {p99} Arunta immediately after\nthe magical ceremony for the making of rain.\u200b[334] In the Warramunga\ntribe the knocking out of the teeth generally takes place towards the\nend of the wet season, when the water-holes are full, and the natives\ndo not wish any more rain to fall. Moreover, it is always performed\non the banks of a water-hole. The persons to be operated on enter the\npool, fill their mouths with water, spit it out in all directions, and\nsplash the water over themselves, taking care to wet thoroughly the\ncrown of the head. Immediately afterwards the tooth is knocked out. The\nChingilli also knock out teeth towards the close of the wet season,\nwhen they think they have had enough of rain. The extracted tooth is\nthrown into a water-hole, in the belief that it will drive rain and\nclouds away.\u200b[335] I merely note, without attempting to account for,\nthis association between the extraction of teeth and the stopping of\nrain.\n\n[Sidenote: Extraction of tooth used to determine a man\u2019s country and\ntotem.\n\nBelief in reincarnation among the natives of the Pennefather River in\nQueensland.]\n\nThe natives of the Cape York Peninsula in Queensland use the extraction\nof the tooth to determine both a man\u2019s totem and the country to which\nhe belongs. While the tooth is being knocked out, they mention the\nvarious districts owned or frequented by the lad\u2019s mother, her father,\nor other of her relatives. The one which happens to be mentioned at\nthe moment when the tooth breaks away is the country to which the lad\nbelongs in future, that is, the country where he will have the right\nto hunt and to gather roots and fruits. Further, the bloody spittle\nwhich he ejects after the extraction of the tooth is examined by the\nold men, who trace some likeness between it and a natural object,\nsuch as an animal, a plant, or a stone. Henceforth that object will\nbe the young man\u2019s _ari_ or totem.\u200b[336] Some light is thrown on this\nceremony by a parallel custom which the natives of the Pennefather\nRiver in Queensland observe at the birth of a child. They believe that\nevery person\u2019s spirit undergoes a series of reincarnations, and that\nduring the interval between two {p100} successive reincarnations the\nspirit stays in one or other of the haunts of Anjea, the being who\ncauses conception in women by putting mud babies into their wombs.\nHence, in order to determine where the new baby\u2019s spirit resided since\nit was last in the flesh, they mention Anjea\u2019s haunts one after the\nother while the grandmother is cutting the child\u2019s navel-string; and\nthe place which happens to be mentioned when the navel-string breaks\nis the spot where the spirit lodged since its last incarnation. That\nis the country to which the child belongs; there he will have the\nright of hunting when he grows up. Hence, according to the home from\nwhich its spirit came to dwell among men, a child may be known as a\nbaby obtained from a tree, a rock, or a pool of fresh water. Anjea,\nwith whom the souls of the dead live till their time comes to be born\nagain, is never seen; but you may hear him laughing in the depths of\nthe woods, among the rocks, down in the lagoons, and along the mangrove\nswamps.\u200b[337] Hence we may fairly infer that the country assigned to a\nman of the Cape York Peninsula at the extraction of his tooth is the\none where his spirit tarried during the interval which elapsed since\nits last incarnation. His totem, which is determined at the same time,\nmay possibly be the animal, plant, or other natural object in which\nhis spirit resided since its last embodiment in human form, or perhaps\nrather in which a part of his spirit may be supposed to lodge outside\nof his body during life. The latter view is favoured by the belief\nof the tribe of the Pennefather River, whose practice at childbirth\nso closely resembles that of the Cape York natives at puberty; for\nthe Pennefather people hold that during a man\u2019s life a portion of his\nspirit lodges outside of his body in his afterbirth.\u200b[338] However that\nmay be, it seems probable that among the Cape York natives the custom\nof knocking out the tooth is closely associated with a theory of {p101}\nreincarnation. Perhaps the same theory explains a privilege enjoyed by\nthe Kamilaroi tribe of New South Wales. They claimed a superiority over\nthe surrounding tribes, and enforced their claim by exacting from them\nthe teeth knocked out at puberty. The exaction of this tribute might\nhave passed for a mere assertion of suzerainty, were it not that the\nKamilaroi knocked out their own teeth also.\u200b[339] Perhaps the extracted\nteeth were believed to secure to their present possessors a magical\ncontrol over their former owners, not only during life but after death,\nso that armed with them the Kamilaroi could help or hinder the rebirth\nof their departed friends or enemies.\u200b[340]\n\n[Sidenote: Australian initiatory rites meant to secure rebirth.\n\nCertain funeral rites also intended to ensure reincarnation.\n\nAustralian funeral ceremonies intended to ensure the reincarnation of\nthe dead.]\n\nThus, if I am right, the essential feature in all the three great\ninitiatory rites of the Australians is the removal of a vital part\nof the person which shall serve as a link between two successive\nincarnations by preparing for the novice a new body to house his\nspirit when its present tabernacle shall have been worn out. Now, if\nthere is any truth in this suggestion, we should expect to find that\nmeasures to ensure reincarnation are also taken at death and burial.\nThis seems in fact to be done. For, in the first place, the practice of\npouring the blood of kinsmen and kinswomen into the grave is obviously\nsusceptible of this explanation, since, in accordance with the\nAustralian usages which I have cited, the blood might well be thought\n{p102} to strengthen the feeble ghost for a new birth. The same may be\nsaid of the Australian custom of depositing hair with the dead,\u200b[341]\nfor it is a common notion that the hair is the seat of strength.\u200b[342]\nAgain, it has been a rule with some Australian tribes to bury their\ndead on the spot where they were born.\u200b[343] This was very natural\nif they desired the dead man to be born again. Further, the common\nAustralian practice of depositing the dead in trees\u200b[344] may, in\nsome cases at least, have been designed to facilitate rebirth; for\ntrees are often the places in which the souls of the dead reside, and\nfrom which they come forth to be born again in human shape. Thus the\nUnmatjera and Kaitish tribes bury very aged women and decrepit old men\nin the ground; but the bodies of children, young women, and men in the\nprime of life are laid on platforms among the boughs of trees; and in\nregard to children we are definitely told that this is done in the hope\nthat \u201cbefore very long its spirit may come back again and enter the\nbody of a woman\u2014in all probability that of its former mother.\u201d\u200b[345]\nFurther, the Arunta, who bury their dead, are careful to leave a low\ndepression on one side of the mound, in order that the spirit may pass\nout and in; and this depression always faces towards the dead man\u2019s or\nwoman\u2019s camping-ground in the _alcheringa_ or remote past, that is,\nthe spot which he or she inhabited in spirit form.\u200b[346] Is not this\ndone to let the spirit rid itself of its decaying tabernacle and repair\nto the place where in due time it will find a new and better body?\nIn this connexion the final burial rites in the Binbinga, Anula, and\nMara tribes are worthy of remark. Among these people the bones of the\ndead are, after a series of ceremonies, deposited in a hollow log, on\nwhich the dead man\u2019s totem is painted. This log is then placed, with\nthe {p103} bones, in the boughs of a tree beside a pool, so that if\npossible it overhangs the water. For about three wet seasons the father\nand son of the deceased, who placed the log there, are alone allowed\nto eat water-lilies out of that pool, and no woman is permitted to go\nnear the spot. There the bones of the dead man remain till the log rots\nand they fall into the water or are carried away by a flood. When the\nburial rites are all over, the spirit of the deceased returns to its\n_mungai_ spot, that is, to the place where it dwells in the interval\nbetween two successive incarnations. Sooner or later it will be born\nagain.\u200b[347] These rites seem, therefore, clearly to be a preparation\nfor the new birth.\n\n[Sidenote: Belief in reincarnation and measures taken to secure it\namong other peoples.\n\nReincarnation among the Bagishu of Mount Elgon.\n\nReincarnation among the tribes of the Lower Congo.\n\nReincarnation in India.\n\nReincarnation among the Hurons.\n\nReincarnation among the ancient Greeks.]\n\nAs the belief in reincarnation is shared by many peoples besides the\nAustralians, it is natural to suppose that funeral rites intended to\nfacilitate the rebirth of the deceased may be found in other parts of\nthe world. Elsewhere I have cited examples of these rites:\u200b[348] here\nI will add a few more. It is especially the bodies of dead infants\nwhich are the object of such ceremonies; for since their lives have\nbeen cut prematurely short, it seems reasonable to give their souls\na chance of beginning again and lengthening out their existence on\nearth to its natural close. But it is not always dead babies only whom\nthe living seek thus to bring back to life. For example, we read that\nround about Mount Elgon in East Africa \u201cthe custom of throwing out the\ndead is universal among all the clans of Bagishu, except in the case\nof the youngest child or the old grandfather or grandmother, for whom,\nlike the child, a prolonged life on earth is desired. .\u00a0.\u00a0. When it is\ndesired to perpetuate on the earth the life of some old man or woman,\nor that of some young baby, the corpse is buried inside the house\nor just under the eaves, until another child is born to the nearest\nrelation of the corpse. This child, male or female, takes the name of\nthe corpse, and the Bagishu firmly believe that the spirit of the dead\nhas passed into this new child and lives again on earth. The remains\nare then dug up and thrown out into the open.\u201d\u200b[349] Similarly among\nthe {p104} tribes of the Lower Congo \u201ca baby is always buried near\nthe house of its mother, never in the bush. They think that, if the\nchild is not buried near its mother\u2019s house, she will be unlucky and\nnever have any more children. It is believed that the only new thing\nabout a child is its body. The spirit is old and formerly belonged to\nsome deceased person, or it may have the spirit of some living person.\nThey have two reasons for believing this. The child speaks early of\nstrange things the mother has never taught it, so that they believe the\nold spirit is talking in the child. Again, if the child is like its\nmother, father, or uncle, they think it has the spirit of the person\nit resembles, and that that person will soon die. Hence a parent will\nresent it if you say that the baby is like him or her.\u201d\u200b[350] Thus it\nappears that the argument for the pre-existence of the human soul,\nwhich Plato and Wordsworth\u200b[351] drew from reminiscence, is fully\naccepted by some negro tribes of West Africa. In the Bilaspore district\nof India \u201ca still-born child, or one who has passed away before the\n_Chhatti_ (the sixth day, the day of purification) is not taken out of\nthe house for burial, but is placed in an earthen vessel (a _ghar\u0101_)\nand is buried in the doorway or in the yard of the house. Some say that\nthis is done in order that the mother may bear another child.\u201d\u200b[352]\nIt is said that among the Kondhs of India, on the day after a death,\nsome boiled rice and a small fowl are taken to the place where the body\nwas burned; there the fowl is split down the breast and placed on the\nspot, after which it is eaten and the soul of the departed is invited\nto enter a new-born child.\u200b[353] On the fifth day after a death the\nGonds perform the ceremony of bringing back the soul. They go to the\nriverside and call aloud the name of the deceased. {p105} Then they\nenter the river, catch a fish or an insect, and taking it home place\nit among the sainted dead of the family, believing that the spirit of\ntheir lost one has thus been brought back to the house. Sometimes the\nfish or insect is eaten in order that the spirit which it contains may\nbe born again as a child.\u200b[354] When a baby died within a month or two\nof birth, the Hurons did not dispose of its little body like those of\ngrown people by depositing it on a scaffold; they buried it beside\nthe road in order, so they said, that the child might enter secretly\ninto the womb of some woman passing by and be born again into the\nworld.\u200b[355] Some of the ancient rules observed with regard to funerals\nin the Greek island of Ceos have been ingeniously explained by Mr. F.\nB. Jevons as designed to secure the rebirth of the departed in one of\nthe women of the family.\u200b[356] The widespread custom of burying the\ndead in the house was perhaps instituted for the same purpose,\u200b[357]\nand the ancient Greek practice of sacrificing to the dead man at the\ngrave on his birthday may possibly have originated in the same train of\nthought.\u200b[358] For example, sacrifices were annually offered on their\nbirthdays to Hippocrates by the Coans, to Aratus by the Sicyonians, and\nto Epicurus by his disciples.\u200b[359]\n\n[Sidenote: Rites to procure the rebirth of edible animals and plants.]\n\nNow too we can fully understand the meaning of the bloody ritual in the\nceremonies for the multiplication of the totem animals and plants. We\nhave seen that a strengthening and fertilising virtue is attributed to\nhuman blood. What {p106} more natural than that it should be poured out\nby the men of the totem on the spot in which the disembodied spirits\nof the totem animals or plants are waiting for reincarnation? Clearly\nthe rite seems intended to enable these spirits to take bodily shape\nand be born again, in order that they may again serve as food, if not\nto the men of the totem clan, at least to all the other numbers of the\ntribe. Later on we shall find that the attempt to reincarnate the souls\nof dead animals, in order that their bodies may be eaten over again,\nis not peculiar to the Australian savages, but is practised with many\ncurious rites by peoples in other parts of the world.\n\n[Sidenote: General theory of _intichiuma_ and initiatory rites in\nAustralia.\n\nCannibalism in Australia.\n\nAustralian totemism not a religion.\n\nPresent function of totemism in Central Australia.]\n\nTo sum up briefly the general theory to which the foregoing facts have\nthus far led us, I would say that just as the _intichiuma_ rites of\nthe Australians are, for the most part, magical ceremonies intended to\nsecure the reimbodiment of the spirits of edible animals and plants, so\ntheir initiatory rites may perhaps be regarded as magical ceremonies\ndesigned mainly to ensure the reincarnation of human souls. Now the\nmotive for procuring the rebirth of animals and plants is simply the\ndesire to eat them. May not this have been one motive for attempting\nto resuscitate the human dead? It would seem so, for all the tribes on\nthe Gulf of Carpentaria who have been examined by Spencer and Gillen\neat their dead,\u200b[360] and the ceremonies and traditions of the Arunta\nindicate that their ancestors also ate the bodies of their fellow\ntribesmen.\u200b[361] In this respect the practice of the Binbinga tribe\nis particularly instructive. For among them the bodies of the dead\nare cut up and eaten, not by men of the same tribal subclass as the\ndeceased, but by men belonging to the subclasses which compose the\nother intermarrying half of the tribe.\u200b[362] This is exactly analogous\nto the practice which at present prevails as to the eating of the totem\nanimal or plant among all these central and northern tribes. Among them\neach clan that has an edible animal or plant for its totem is supposed\nto provide that animal or {p107} plant for all the other clans to eat;\nand similarly among the Binbinga the men of any particular subclass\ndo actually provide their own bodies for the members of the other\nintermarrying half of the tribe to devour. And just as in the far past\nthe members of a totem clan appear to have subsisted regularly (though\nnot exclusively, and perhaps not even mainly) on their totem animal\nor plant,\u200b[363] so at a remote time they seem regularly to have eaten\neach other. Thus the Wild Dog clan of the Arunta has many traditions\nthat their ancestors killed and ate Wild Dog men and women.\u200b[364]\nSuch traditions probably preserve a true reminiscence of a state of\nthings still more savage than the present practice of the Binbinga. At\nthat more or less remote time, if we may trust the scattered hints of\ncustom and legend which are the only evidence we have to go upon, the\nmen and women of a totem clan, in defiance of the customs of a later\nage, regularly cohabited with each other,\u200b[365] ate their totems,\nand devoured each other\u2019s dead bodies. In such a state of things\nthere was no sharp line of distinction drawn, either in theory or in\npractice, between a man and his totem; and this confusion is again\nconfirmed by the legends, from which it is often difficult to make out\nwhether the totemic ancestor spoken of is a man or an animal.\u200b[366]\nAnd if measures were taken to resuscitate both, it may well have been\nprimarily in order that both might be eaten again. The system was\nthoroughly practical in its aim; only the means it took to compass\nits ends were mistaken. It was in no sense a religion, unless we are\nprepared to bestow the name of religion on the business of the grazier\nand the market-gardener; for these savages certainly bred animals and\nplants, and perhaps bred men, for much the same reasons that a grazier\nand a market-gardener breed cattle and vegetables. {p108} But whereas\nthe methods of the grazier and market-gardener rest upon the laws of\nnature, and therefore do really produce the effects they aim at, the\nmethods of these savages are based on a mistaken conception of natural\nlaw, and therefore totally fail to bring about the intended result.\nOnly they do not perceive their failure. Kindly nature, if we may\npersonify her for a moment, draws a veil before their eyes, and herself\nworks behind the veil those wonders of reproduction which the poor\nsavage vainly fancies that he has wrought by his magical ceremonies\nand incantations. In short, totemism, as it exists at present among\nthese tribes, appears to be mainly a crude, almost childlike attempt\nto satisfy the primary wants of man, especially under the hard\nconditions to which he is subject in the deserts of Central Australia,\nby magically creating everything that a savage stands in need of,\nand food first of all. But to say so is not to affirm that this has\nbeen the purpose, and the only purpose, of Australian totemism from\nthe beginning. That beginning lies far behind us in the past, and is\ntherefore necessarily much more obscure and uncertain than the function\nof totemism as a fully developed system, to which alone the preceding\nremarks are applicable.\n\nOur examination of the magical rites performed by the Australians for\nthe maintenance of the food supply has led us into this digression. It\nis time to pass to ceremonies practised for the same purpose and on the\nsame principles by peoples in other parts of the world.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic or imitative magic in fishing and hunting.]\n\nThe Indians of British Columbia live largely upon the fish which abound\nin their seas and rivers. If the fish do not come in due season,\nand the Indians are hungry, a Nootka wizard will make an image of a\nswimming fish and put it into the water in the direction from which the\nfish generally appear. This ceremony, accompanied by a prayer to the\nfish to come, will cause them to arrive at once.\u200b[367] The islanders\nof Torres Straits use models of dugong and turtles to charm dugong\nand turtle to their destruction.\u200b[368] {p109} The Toradjas of Central\nCelebes believe that things of the same sort attract each other by\nmeans of their indwelling spirits or vital ether. Hence they hang up\nthe jawbones of deer and wild pigs in their houses, in order that the\nspirits which animate these bones may draw the living creatures of the\nsame kind into the path of the hunter.\u200b[369] In the island of Nias,\nwhen a wild pig has fallen into the pit prepared for it, the animal\nis taken out and its back is rubbed with nine fallen leaves, in the\nbelief that this will make nine more wild pigs fall into the pit, just\nas the nine leaves fell from the tree.\u200b[370] In the East Indian islands\nof Saparoea, Haroekoe, and Noessa Laut, when a fisherman is about to\nset a trap for fish in the sea, he looks out for a tree, of which the\nfruit has been much pecked at by birds. From such a tree he cuts a\nstout branch and makes of it the principal post in his fish-trap; for\nhe believes that just as the tree lured many birds to its fruit, so the\nbranch cut from that tree will lure many fish to the trap.\u200b[371]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic or imitative magic in fishing and hunting.\n\nHomoeopathic or imitative magic in fishing and hunting.]\n\nThe western tribes of British New Guinea employ a charm to aid the\nhunter in spearing dugong or turtle. A small beetle, which haunts\ncoco-nut trees, is placed in the hole of the spear-haft into which the\nspear-head fits. This is supposed to make the spear-head stick fast in\nthe dugong or turtle, just as the beetle sticks fast to a man\u2019s skin\nwhen it bites him.\u200b[372] When a Cambodian hunter has set his nets and\n{p110} taken nothing, he strips himself naked, goes some way off, then\nstrolls up to the net as if he did not see it, lets himself be caught\nin it, and cries, \u201cHillo! what\u2019s this? I\u2019m afraid I\u2019m caught.\u201d After\nthat the net is sure to catch game.\u200b[373] A pantomime of the same sort\nhas been acted within living memory in our Scottish Highlands. The Rev.\nJames Macdonald, now of Reay in Caithness, tells us that in his boyhood\nwhen he was fishing with companions about Loch Aline and they had had\nno bites for a long time, they used to make a pretence of throwing\none of their fellows overboard and hauling him out of the water, as\nif he were a fish; after that the trout or silloch would begin to\nnibble, according as the boat was on fresh or salt water.\u200b[374] Before\na Carrier Indian goes out to snare martens, he sleeps by himself for\nabout ten nights beside the fire with a little stick pressed down on\nhis neck. This naturally causes the fall-stick of his trap to drop down\non the neck of the marten.\u200b[375] Among the Galelareese, who inhabit a\ndistrict in the northern part of Halmahera, a large island to the west\nof New Guinea, it is a maxim that when you are loading your gun to go\nout shooting, you should always put the bullet in your mouth before\nyou insert it in the gun; for by so doing you practically eat the game\nthat is to be hit by the bullet, which therefore cannot possibly miss\nthe mark.\u200b[376] A Malay who has baited a trap for crocodiles, and is\nawaiting results, is careful in eating his curry always to begin by\nswallowing three lumps of rice successively; for this helps the bait to\nslide more easily down the crocodile\u2019s throat. He is equally scrupulous\nnot to take any bones out of his curry; for, if he {p111} did, it seems\nclear that the sharp-pointed stick on which the bait is skewered would\nsimilarly work itself loose, and the crocodile would get off with the\nbait. Hence in these circumstances it is prudent for the hunter, before\nhe begins his meal, to get somebody else to take the bones out of his\ncurry, otherwise he may at any moment have to choose between swallowing\na bone and losing the crocodile.\u200b[377]\n\n[Sidenote: Negative magic or taboo.]\n\nThis last rule is an instance of the things which the hunter abstains\nfrom doing lest, on the principle that like produces like, they should\nspoil his luck. For it is to be observed that the system of sympathetic\nmagic is not merely composed of positive precepts; it comprises a very\nlarge number of negative precepts, that is, prohibitions. It tells you\nnot merely what to do, but also what to leave undone. The positive\nprecepts are charms: the negative precepts are taboos. In fact the\nwhole doctrine of taboo, or at all events a large part of it, would\nseem to be only a special application of sympathetic magic, with its\ntwo great laws of similarity and contact.\u200b[378] Though these laws {p112}\nare certainly not formulated in so many words nor even conceived in\nthe abstract by the savage, they are nevertheless implicitly believed\nby him to regulate the course of nature quite independently of human\nwill. He thinks that if he acts in a certain way, certain consequences\nwill inevitably follow in virtue of one or other of these laws; and\nif the consequences of a particular act appear to him likely to prove\ndisagreeable or dangerous, he is naturally careful not to act in that\nway lest he should incur them. In other words, he abstains from doing\nthat which, in accordance with his mistaken notions of cause and\neffect, he falsely believes would injure him; in short, he subjects\nhimself to a taboo. Thus taboo is so far a negative application of\npractical magic. Positive magic or sorcery says, \u201cDo this in order that\nso and so may happen.\u201d Negative magic or taboo says, \u201cDo not do this,\nlest so and so should happen.\u201d The aim of positive magic or sorcery is\nto produce a desired event; the aim of negative magic or taboo is to\navoid an undesirable one. But both consequences, the desirable and the\nundesirable, are supposed to be brought about in accordance with the\nlaws of similarity and contact. And just as the desired consequence is\nnot really effected by the observance of a magical ceremony, so the\ndreaded consequence does not really result from the violation of a\ntaboo. If the supposed evil necessarily followed a breach of taboo, the\ntaboo would not be a taboo but a precept of morality or common sense.\nIt is not a taboo to say, \u201cDo not put your hand in the fire\u201d; it is\na rule of common sense, because the forbidden action entails a real,\nnot an imaginary evil. In short, those negative precepts which we call\ntaboo are just as vain and futile as those positive precepts which we\ncall sorcery. The two things are merely opposite sides or poles of one\ngreat disastrous fallacy, a mistaken conception of the association of\nideas. Of that fallacy, sorcery is the positive, and taboo the negative\npole. If we give the general name of magic to the whole erroneous\nsystem, both theoretical and practical, then taboo may be defined as\nthe negative side of practical magic. To put this in tabular form:\u2014\n{p113}\n\n    Magic\n        Theoretical (Magic as a pseudo-science)\n        Practical (Magic as a pseudo-art)\n            Positive Magic or Sorcery\n            Negative Magic or Taboo\n\n[Sidenote: Taboos to be observed in fishing and hunting on the\nprinciple of sympathetic magic.\n\nSpinning tabooed in certain cases on the principle of homoeopathic\nmagic.\n\nTaboos observed in the search for camphor on the principle of\nhomoeopathic magic.\n\nTaboos observed by hunters on the principle of homoeopathic magic.]\n\nI have made these remarks on taboo and its relations to magic because\nI am about to give some instances of taboos observed by hunters,\nfishermen, and others, and I wished to shew that they fall under the\nhead of Sympathetic Magic, being only particular applications of that\ngeneral theory. Thus, it is a rule with the Galelareese that when you\nhave caught fish and strung them on a line, you may not cut the line\nthrough, or next time you go a-fishing your fishing-line will be sure\nto break.\u200b[379] Among the Esquimaux of Baffin Land boys are forbidden\nto play cat\u2019s cradle, because if they did so their fingers might in\nlater life become entangled in the harpoon-line.\u200b[380] Here the taboo\nis obviously an application of the law of similarity, which is the\nbasis of homoeopathic magic: as the child\u2019s fingers are entangled\nby the string in playing cat\u2019s cradle, so they will be entangled by\nthe harpoon-line when he is a man and hunts whales. Again, among the\nHuzuls, who inhabit the wooded north-eastern slopes of the Carpathian\nMountains, the wife of a hunter may not spin while her husband is\neating, or the game will turn and wind like the spindle, and the hunter\nwill be unable to hit it.\u200b[381] Here again the taboo is clearly derived\nfrom the law of similarity. So, too, in most parts of ancient Italy\nwomen were forbidden by law to spin on the highroads as they walked,\nor even to carry their spindles openly, because any such action was\nbelieved to injure the crops.\u200b[382] Probably the notion was that the\n{p114} twirling of the spindle would twirl the corn-stalks and prevent\nthem from growing straight. So, too, among the Ainos of Saghalien a\npregnant woman may not spin nor twist ropes for two months before her\ndelivery, because they think that if she did so the child\u2019s guts might\nbe entangled like the thread.\u200b[383] For a like reason in Bilaspore, a\ndistrict of India, when the chief men of a village meet in council,\nno one present should twirl a spindle; for they think that if such a\nthing were to happen, the discussion, like the spindle, would move in\na circle and never be wound up.\u200b[384] In the East Indian islands of\nSaparoea, Haroekoe, and Noessa Laut, any one who comes to the house\nof a hunter must walk straight in; he may not loiter at the door, for\nwere he to do so, the game would in like manner stop in front of the\nhunter\u2019s snares and then turn back, instead of being caught in the\ntrap.\u200b[385] For a similar reason it is a rule with the Toradjas of\nCentral Celebes that no one may stand or loiter on the ladder of a\nhouse where there is a pregnant woman, for such delay would retard the\nbirth of the child;\u200b[386] and in various parts of Sumatra the woman\nherself in these circumstances is forbidden to stand at the door or on\nthe top rung of the house-ladder under pain of suffering hard labour\nfor her imprudence in neglecting so elementary a precaution.\u200b[387]\nMalays engaged in the search for camphor eat their food dry and take\ncare not to pound their salt fine. The reason is that the camphor\noccurs in the form of small grains {p115} deposited in the cracks of\nthe trunk of the camphor-tree. Accordingly it seems plain to the Malay\nthat if, while seeking for camphor, he were to eat his salt finely\nground, the camphor would be found also in fine grains; whereas by\neating his salt coarse he ensures that the grains of the camphor will\nalso be large.\u200b[388] Camphor hunters in Borneo use the leathery sheath\nof the leaf-stalk of the Penang palm as a plate for food, and during\nthe whole of the expedition they will never wash the plate, for fear\nthat the camphor might dissolve and disappear from the crevices of\nthe tree.\u200b[389] Apparently they think that to wash their plates would\nbe to wash out the camphor crystals from the trees in which they are\nimbedded. In Laos, a province of Siam, a rhinoceros hunter will not\nwash himself for fear that as a consequence the wounds inflicted on the\nrhinoceros might not be mortal, and that the animal might disappear\nin one of the caves full of water in the mountains.\u200b[390] The chief\nproduct of some parts of Laos is lac. This is a resinous gum exuded\nby a red insect on the young branches of trees, to which the little\ncreatures have to be attached by hand. All who engage in the business\nof gathering the gum abstain from washing themselves and especially\nfrom cleansing their heads, lest by removing the parasites from their\nhair they should detach the other insects from the boughs.\u200b[391] Some\nof the Brazilian Indians would never bring a slaughtered deer into\ntheir hut without first hamstringing it, believing that if they failed\nto do so, they and their children would never be able to run down their\nenemies.\u200b[392] Apparently they thought that by hamstringing the animal\nthey at the same stroke deprived their foemen of the use of their legs.\nNo Arikara Indian would break a marrow bone in a hut; for {p116} they\nthink that were he to do so their horses would break their legs in\nthe prairie.\u200b[393] Again, a Blackfoot Indian who has set a trap for\neagles, and is watching it, would not eat rosebuds on any account; for\nhe argues that if he did so, and an eagle alighted near the trap, the\nrosebuds in his own stomach would make the bird itch, with the result\nthat instead of swallowing the bait the eagle would merely sit and\nscratch himself. Following this train of thought the eagle hunter also\nrefrains from using an awl when he is looking after his snares; for\nsurely if he were to scratch with an awl, the eagles would scratch him.\nThe same disastrous consequence would follow if his wives and children\nat home used an awl while he is out after eagles, and accordingly they\nare forbidden to handle the tool in his absence for fear of putting him\nin bodily danger.\u200b[394]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic taboos and contagious taboos.]\n\nAll the foregoing taboos being based on the law of similarity may be\ncalled homoeopathic taboos. The Cholones, an Indian tribe of eastern\nPeru, make use of poisoned arrows in the chase, but there are some\nanimals, such as armadillos, certain kinds of falcons, and a species of\nvulture, which they would on no account shoot at with these weapons.\nFor they believe that between the poisoned arrows which they use and\nthe supply of poison at home there exists a sympathetic relation of\nsuch a sort that if they shot at any of these creatures with poisoned\nshafts, all the poison at home would be spoilt, which would be a great\nloss to them.\u200b[395] Here the exact train of thought is not clear; but\nwe may suppose that the animals in question are believed to possess a\npower of counteracting and annulling the effect of the poison, and that\nconsequently if they are touched by it, all the poison, including the\nstore of it at home, would be robbed of its virtue. However that may\nbe, it is plain that the superstition rests on the law of contact, on\nthe notion, namely, that things which have once been in contact remain\nsympathetically in contact with each other always. The poison with\nwhich the hunter wounds an animal has once {p117} been in contact with\nthe store of poison at home; hence if the poison in the wound loses its\nvenom, so necessarily will all the poison at home. These may be called\ncontagious taboos.\n\n[Sidenote: Foods tabooed on the principle of homoeopathic magic.\n\nMalagasy taboos on food based on the principle of homoeopathic magic.\n\nCaffre and Zulu taboos on food based on the principle of homoeopathic\nmagic.]\n\nAmong the taboos observed by savages none perhaps are more numerous\nor important than the prohibitions to eat certain foods, and of such\nprohibitions many are demonstrably derived from the law of similarity\nand are accordingly examples of negative magic. Just as the savage\neats many animals or plants in order to acquire certain desirable\nqualities with which he believes them to be endowed, so he avoids\neating many other animals and plants lest he should acquire certain\nundesirable qualities with which he believes them to be infected. In\neating the former he practises positive magic; in abstaining from the\nlatter he practises negative magic. Many examples of such positive\nmagic will meet us later on;\u200b[396] here I will give a few instances\nof such negative magic or taboo. For example, in Madagascar soldiers\nare forbidden to eat a number of foods lest on the principle of\nhomoeopathic magic they should be tainted by certain dangerous or\nundesirable properties which are supposed to inhere in these particular\nviands. Thus they may not taste hedgehog, \u201cas it is feared that this\nanimal, from its propensity of coiling up into a ball when alarmed,\nwill impart a timid shrinking disposition to those who partake of it.\u201d\nAgain, no soldier should eat an ox\u2019s knee, lest like an ox he should\nbecome weak in the knees and unable to march. Further, the warrior\nshould be careful to avoid partaking of a cock that has died fighting\nor anything that has been speared to death; and no male animal may on\nany account be killed in his house while he is away at the wars. For it\nseems obvious that if he were to eat a cock that had died fighting, he\nwould himself be slain on the field of battle; if he were to partake\nof an animal that had been speared, he would be speared himself; if\na male animal were killed in his house during his absence, he would\nhimself be killed in like manner and perhaps at the same instant.\nFurther, the Malagasy soldier must eschew kidneys, because in the\nMalagasy language the word for kidney is the same as that {p118} for\n\u201cshot\u201d; so shot he would certainly be if he ate a kidney.\u200b[397] Again,\na Caffre has been known to refuse to eat two mice caught at the same\ntime in one trap, alleging that were he to do so his wife would give\nbirth to twins; yet the same man would eat freely of mice if they were\ncaught singly.\u200b[398] Clearly he imagined that if he ate the two mice\nhe would be infected with the virus of doublets and would communicate\nthe infection to his wife. Amongst the Zulus there are many foods which\nare similarly forbidden on homoeopathic principles. It may be well to\ngive some specimens of these prohibitions as they have been described\nby the Zulus themselves. \u201cThere is among the black men,\u201d they say,\n\u201cthe custom of abstaining from certain foods. If a cow has the calf\ntaken from her dead, and the mother too dies before the calf is taken\naway, young people who have never had a child abstain from the flesh\nof that cow. I do not mean to speak of girls; there is not even a\nthought of whether they can eat it; for it is said that the cow will\nproduce a similar evil among the women, so that one of them will be\nlike the cow when she is in childbirth, be unable to give birth, like\nthe cow, and die together with her child. On this account, therefore,\nthe flesh of such a cow is abstained from. Further, pig\u2019s flesh is not\neaten by girls on any account; for it is an ugly animal; its mouth is\nugly, its snout is long; therefore girls do not eat it, thinking if\nthey eat it, a resemblance to the pig will appear among their children.\nThey abstain from it on that account. There are many things which are\nabstained from among black people through fear of bad resemblance; for\nit is said there was a person who once gave birth to an elephant, and a\nhorse; but we do not know if that is true; but they are now abstained\nfrom on that account, through thinking that they will produce an evil\nresemblance if eaten; and the elephant is said to produce an evil\nresemblance, for when it is killed many parts of its body resemble\nthose of a female; its breasts, for instance, are just like those of a\nwoman. Young people, {p119} therefore, fear to eat it; it is only eaten\non account of famine, when there is no food; and each of the young\nwomen say, \u2018It is no matter if I do give birth to an elephant and live;\nthat is better than not to give birth to it, and die of famine.\u2019 So it\nis eaten from mere necessity. Another thing which is abstained from is\nthe entrails of cattle. Men do not eat them, because they are afraid\nif they eat them, the enemy will stab them in the bowels. Young men do\nnot eat them; they are eaten by old people. Another thing which is not\neaten is the under lip of a bullock; for it is said, a young person\nmust not eat it, for it will produce an evil resemblance in the child;\nthe lip of the child will tremble continually, for the lower lip of a\nbullock moves constantly. They do not therefore eat it; for if a child\nof a young person is seen with its mouth trembling, it is said, \u2018It\nwas injured by its father, who ate the lower lip of a bullock.\u2019 Also\nanother thing which is abstained from is that portion of the paunch of\na bullock which is called _umtala_; for the _umtala_ has no _villi_, it\nhas no pile; it is merely smooth and hard. It is therefore said, if it\nis eaten by young people, their children will be born without hair, and\ntheir heads will be bare like a man\u2019s knee. It is therefore abstained\nfrom.\u201d\u200b[399]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical telepathy]\n\nThe reader may have observed that in some of the foregoing examples of\ntaboos the magical influence is supposed to operate at considerable\ndistances; thus among the Blackfeet Indians the wives and children of\nan eagle hunter are forbidden to use an awl during his absence, lest\nthe eagles should scratch the distant husband and father;\u200b[400] and\nagain no male animal may be killed in the house of a Malagasy soldier\nwhile he is away at the wars, lest the killing of the animal should\nentail the killing of the man.\u200b[401] This belief in the sympathetic\ninfluence exerted on each other by persons or things at a distance\nis of the essence of magic. Whatever doubts science may entertain as\nto the possibility of action at a distance, magic has none; faith in\ntelepathy is one of its first principles. A modern advocate of the\ninfluence of mind upon mind at a distance would have no difficulty in\n{p120} convincing a savage; the savage believed in it long ago, and\nwhat is more, he acted on his belief with a logical consistency such as\nhis civilised brother in the faith has not yet, so far as I am aware,\nexhibited in his conduct. For the savage is convinced not only that\nmagical ceremonies affect persons and things afar off, but that the\nsimplest acts of daily life may do so too. Hence on important occasions\nthe behaviour of friends and relations at a distance is often regulated\nby a more or less elaborate code of rules, the neglect of which by the\none set of persons would, it is supposed, entail misfortune or even\ndeath on the absent ones. In particular when a party of men are out\nhunting or fighting, their kinsfolk at home are often expected to do\ncertain things or to abstain from doing certain others, for the sake\nof ensuring the safety and success of the distant hunters or warriors.\nI will now give some instances of this magical telepathy both in its\npositive and in its negative aspect.\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in hunting among the Dyaks, Chams, Hottentots,\netc.]\n\nIn Laos when an elephant hunter is starting for the chase, he warns his\nwife not to cut her hair or oil her body in his absence; for if she cut\nher hair the elephant would burst the toils, if she oiled herself it\nwould slip through them.\u200b[402] When a Dyak village has turned out to\nhunt wild pigs in the jungle, the people who stay at home may not touch\noil or water with their hands during the absence of their friends; for\nif they did so, the hunters would all be \u201cbutter-fingered\u201d and the prey\nwould slip through their hands.\u200b[403] In setting out to look for the\nrare and precious eagle-wood on the mountains, Cham peasants enjoin\ntheir wives, whom they leave at home, not to scold or quarrel in their\nabsence, for such domestic brawls would lead to their husbands being\nrent in pieces by bears and tigers.\u200b[404] A Hottentot woman whose\nhusband is out hunting must do one of two things all the time he is\naway. Either she must light a fire and keep it burning till he comes\nback; or if she does not choose to do that, she must go to the water\n{p121} and continue to splash it about on the ground. When she is tired\nwith throwing the water about, her place may be taken by her servant,\nbut the exercise must in any case be kept up without cessation. To\ncease splashing the water or to let the fire out would be equally fatal\nto the husband\u2019s prospect of a successful bag.\u200b[405] In Yule Island,\nTorres Straits, when the men are gone to fetch sago, a fire is lit and\ncarefully kept burning the whole time of their absence; for the people\nbelieve that if it went out the voyagers would fare ill.\u200b[406] At the\nother end of the world the Lapps similarly object to extinguish a brand\nin water while any members of the family are out fishing, since to do\nso would spoil their luck.\u200b[407]\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in hunting among the Koniags, Esquimaux and\nCalifornian Indians.]\n\nAmong the Koniags of Alaska a traveller once observed a young woman\nlying wrapt in a bearskin in the corner of a hut. On asking whether\nshe were ill, he learned that her husband was out whale-fishing, and\nthat until his return she had to lie fasting in order to ensure a good\ncatch.\u200b[408] Among the Esquimaux of Alaska similar notions prevail.\nThe women during the whaling season remain in comparative idleness, as\nit is considered not good for them to sew while the men are out in the\nboats. If during this period any garments should need to be repaired,\nthe women must take them far back out of sight of the sea and mend them\nthere in little tents in which just one person can sit. And while the\ncrews are at sea no work should be done at home which would necessitate\npounding or hewing or any kind of noise; and in the huts of men who\nare away in the boats no work of any kind whatever should be carried\non.\u200b[409] When the Esquimaux of Aivilik and Iglulik are away hunting on\nthe ice, the bedding may not be raised up, because they think that to\ndo so would cause the ice to crack and drift off, and so the men might\nbe lost. And among these people in the winter, {p122} when the new moon\nappears, boys must run out of the snow-house, take a handful of snow,\nand put it into the kettle. It is believed that this helps the hunter\nto capture the seal and to bring it home.\u200b[410] When the Maidu Indians\nof California were engaged in driving deer into the snares which they\nhad prepared for them, and which consisted of fences stretched from\ntree to tree, the women and children who were left behind in the\nvillage had to observe a variety of regulations. The women had to keep\nquiet and spend much of the time indoors, and children might not romp,\nshout, jump over things, kick, run, fall down, or throw stones. If\nthese rules were broken, it was believed that the deer would become\nunmanageable and would jump the fence, so that the whole drive would be\nunsuccessful.\u200b[411]\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in hunting among the Gilyaks, Jukagirs, etc.]\n\nWhile a Gilyak hunter is pursuing the game in the forest, his children\nat home are forbidden to make drawings on wood or on sand; for they\nfear that if the children did so, the paths in the forest would become\nas perplexed as the lines in the drawings, so that the hunter might\nlose his way and never return. A Russian political prisoner once taught\nsome Gilyak children to read and write; but their parents forbade them\nto write when any of their fathers was away from home; for it seemed\nto them that writing was a peculiarly complicated form of drawing, and\nthey stood aghast at the idea of the danger to which such a drawing\nwould expose the hunters out in the wild woods.\u200b[412] Among the\nJukagirs of north-eastern Siberia, when a young man is out hunting, his\nunmarried sister at home may not look at his footprints nor eat certain\nparts of the game killed by him. If she leaves the house while he is\nabsent at the chase, she must keep her eyes fixed on the ground, and\nmay not speak of the chase nor ask any questions about it.\u200b[413] When\na Nuba of north-eastern Africa goes to El Obeid for the first time, he\ntells his wife not to wash or oil herself and not to wear pearls {p123}\nround her neck during his absence, because by doing so she would draw\ndown on him the most terrible misfortunes.\u200b[414] When Bushmen are out\nhunting, any bad shots they may make are set down to such causes as\nthat the children at home are playing on the men\u2019s beds or the like,\nand the wives who allow such things to happen are blamed for their\nhusbands\u2019 indifferent marksmanship.\u200b[415]\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in hunting: supposed disastrous effect of wife\u2019s\ninfidelity.]\n\nElephant-hunters in East Africa believe that, if their wives prove\nunfaithful in their absence, this gives the elephant power over his\npursuer, who will accordingly be killed or severely wounded. Hence if\na hunter hears of his wife\u2019s misconduct, he abandons the chase and\nreturns home.\u200b[416] If a Wagogo hunter is unsuccessful, or is attacked\nby a lion, he attributes it to his wife\u2019s misbehaviour at home, and\nreturns to her in great wrath. While he is away hunting, she may not\nlet any one pass behind her or stand in front of her as she sits; and\nshe must lie on her face in bed.\u200b[417] The Moxos Indians of eastern\nBolivia thought that if a hunter\u2019s wife was unfaithful to him in his\nabsence he would be bitten by a serpent or a jaguar. Accordingly, if\nsuch an accident happened to him, it was sure to entail the punishment,\nand often the death, of the woman, whether she was innocent or\nguilty.\u200b[418] An Aleutian hunter of sea-otters thinks that he cannot\nkill a single animal if during his absence from home his wife should be\nunfaithful or his sister unchaste.\u200b[419]\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in the search for the sacred cactus.]\n\nThe Huichol Indians of Mexico treat as a demi-god a species of cactus\nwhich throws the eater into a state of ecstasy. The plant does not\ngrow in their country, and has to be fetched every year by men who\nmake a journey of forty-three days for the purpose. Meanwhile the\nwives at home contribute to the safety of their absent husbands by\nnever walking fast, much less running, while the men are on the road.\nThey also do their best to ensure the benefits which, in the shape of\nrain, {p124} good crops, and so forth, are expected to flow from the\nsacred mission. With this intention they subject themselves to severe\nrestrictions like those imposed upon their husbands. During the whole\nof the time which elapses till the festival of the cactus is held,\nneither party washes except on certain occasions, and then only with\nwater brought from the distant country where the holy plant grows.\nThey also fast much, eat no salt, and are bound to strict continence.\nAny one who breaks this law is punished with illness, and, moreover,\njeopardises the result which all are striving for. Health, luck, and\nlife are to be gained by gathering the cactus, the gourd of the God of\nFire; but inasmuch as the pure fire cannot benefit the impure, men and\nwomen must not only remain chaste for the time being, but must also\npurge themselves from the taint of past sin. Hence four days after the\nmen have started the women gather and confess to Grandfather Fire with\nwhat men they have been in love from childhood till now. They may not\nomit a single one, for if they did so the men would not find a single\ncactus. So to refresh their memories each one prepares a string with\nas many knots as she has had lovers. This she brings to the temple,\nand, standing before the fire, she mentions aloud all the men she has\nscored on her string, name after name. Having ended her confession,\nshe throws the string into the fire, and when the god has consumed it\nin his pure flame, her sins are forgiven her and she departs in peace.\nFrom now on the women are averse even to letting men pass near them.\nThe cactus-seekers themselves make in like manner a clean breast of all\ntheir frailties. For every peccadillo they tie a knot on a string, and\nafter they have \u201ctalked to all the five winds\u201d they deliver the rosary\nof their sins to the leader, who burns it in the fire.\u200b[420]\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in the search for camphor.\n\nTelepathy in hunting, fishing, and trading.\n\nTelepathy in New Guinea.\n\nTelepathy in the Kei Islands.]\n\nMany of the indigenous tribes of Sarawak are firmly persuaded that\nwere the wives to commit adultery while their husbands are searching\nfor camphor in the jungle, the camphor obtained by the men would\nevaporate.\u200b[421] {p125} Husbands can discover, by certain knots in\nthe tree, when their wives are unfaithful; and it is said that in\nformer days many women were killed by jealous husbands on no better\nevidence than that of these knots. Further, the wives dare not touch\na comb while their husbands are away collecting the camphor; for if\nthey did so, the interstices between the fibres of the tree, instead\nof being filled with the precious crystals, would be empty like the\nspaces between the teeth of a comb.\u200b[422] While men of the Toaripi\nor Motumotu tribe of eastern New Guinea are away hunting, fishing,\nfighting, or on any long journey, the people who remain at home must\nobserve strict chastity, and may not let the fire go out. Those of them\nwho stay in the men\u2019s club-houses must further abstain from eating\ncertain foods and from touching anything that belongs to others. A\nbreach of these rules might, it is believed, entail the failure of the\nexpedition.\u200b[423] Among the tribes of Geelvink Bay, in north-western\nNew Guinea, when the men are gone on a long journey, as to Ceram\nor Tidore, the wives and sisters left at home sing to the moon,\naccompanying the lay with the booming music of gongs. The singing takes\nplace in the afternoons, beginning two or three days before the new\nmoon, and lasting for the same time after it. If the silver sickle of\nthe moon is seen in the sky, they raise a loud cry of joy. Asked why\nthey do so, they answer, \u201cNow we see the moon, and so do our husbands,\nand now we know that they are well; if we did not sing, they would be\nsick or some other misfortune would befall them.\u201d\u200b[424] On nights when\nthe moon is at the full the natives of Doreh, in north-western New\nGuinea, go out fishing on the lagoons. Their mode of proceeding is to\npoison the water with the pounded roots of a certain plant which has\na powerful narcotic effect; the fish are stunned by it, and so easily\ncaught. While the men are at work on the moonlit water, the people on\nthe shore must {p126} keep as still as death with their eyes fixed on\nthe fishermen; but no woman with child may be among them, for if she\nwere there and looked at the water, the poison would at once lose its\neffect and the fish would escape.\u200b[425] In the Kei Islands, to the\nsouth-west of New Guinea, as soon as a vessel that is about to sail\nfor a distant port has been launched, the part of the beach on which\nit lay is covered as speedily as possible with palm branches, and\nbecomes sacred. No one may thenceforth cross that spot till the ship\ncomes home. To cross it sooner would cause the vessel to perish.\u200b[426]\nMoreover, all the time that the voyage lasts three or four young girls,\nspecially chosen for the duty, are supposed to remain in sympathetic\nconnexion with the mariners and to contribute by their behaviour to the\nsafety and success of the voyage. On no account, except for the most\nnecessary purpose, may they quit the room that has been assigned to\nthem. More than that, so long as the vessel is believed to be at sea\nthey must remain absolutely motionless, crouched on their mats with\ntheir hands clasped between their knees. They may not turn their heads\nto the left or to the right or make any other movement whatsoever. If\nthey did, it would cause the boat to pitch and toss; and they may not\neat any sticky stuff, such as rice boiled in coco-nut milk, for the\nstickiness of the food would clog the passage of the boat through the\nwater. When the sailors are supposed to have reached their destination,\nthe strictness of these rules is somewhat relaxed; but during the whole\ntime that the voyage lasts the girls are forbidden to eat fish which\nhave sharp bones or stings, such as the sting-ray, lest their friends\nat sea should be involved in sharp, stinging trouble.\u200b[427]\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in war.\n\nTelepathy in war among the Dyaks.]\n\nWhere beliefs like these prevail as to the sympathetic connexion\nbetween friends at a distance, we need not wonder that above everything\nelse war, with its stern yet stirring appeal to some of the deepest\nand tenderest of human {p127} emotions, should quicken in the anxious\nrelations left behind a desire to turn the sympathetic bond to the\nutmost account for the benefit of the dear ones who may at any moment\nbe fighting and dying far away. Hence, to secure an end so natural\nand laudable, friends at home are apt to resort to devices which will\nstrike us as pathetic or ludicrous, according as we consider their\nobject or the means adopted to effect it. Thus in some districts\nof Borneo, when a Dyak is out head-hunting, his wife or, if he is\nunmarried, his sister must wear a sword day and night in order that he\nmay always be thinking of his weapons; and she may not sleep during\nthe day nor go to bed before two in the morning, lest her husband or\nbrother should thereby be surprised in his sleep by an enemy.\u200b[428] In\nother parts of Borneo, when the men are away on a warlike expedition,\ntheir mats are spread in their houses just as if they were at home, and\nthe fires are kept up till late in the evening and lighted again before\ndawn, in order that the men may not be cold. Further, the roofing of\nthe house is opened before daylight to prevent the distant husbands,\nbrothers, and sons from sleeping too late, and so being surprised by\nthe enemy.\u200b[429] While a Malay of the Peninsula is away at the wars,\nhis pillows and sleeping-mat at home must be kept rolled up. If any\none else were to use them, the absent warrior\u2019s courage would fail and\ndisaster would befall him. His wife and children may not have their\nhair cut in his absence, nor may he himself have his hair shorn.\u200b[430]\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in war among the Sea Dyaks.]\n\nAmong the Sea Dyaks of Banting in Sarawak the women strictly observe an\nelaborate code of rules while the men are away fighting. Some of the\nrules are negative and some are positive, but all alike are based on\nthe principles of magical homoeopathy and telepathy. Amongst them are\nthe following. The women must wake very early in the morning and open\nthe windows as soon as it is light; otherwise their absent husbands\nwill oversleep themselves. The women may not oil their hair, or the\nmen will slip. The women may neither sleep nor doze by day, {p128} or\nthe men will be drowsy on the march. The women must cook and scatter\npopcorn on the verandah every morning; so will the men be agile in\ntheir movements. The rooms must be kept very tidy, all boxes being\nplaced near the walls; for if any one were to stumble over them, the\nabsent husbands would fall and be at the mercy of the foe. At every\nmeal a little rice must be left in the pot and put aside; so will the\nmen far away always have something to eat and need never go hungry. On\nno account may the women sit at the loom till their legs grow cramped,\notherwise their husbands will likewise be stiff in their joints and\nunable to rise up quickly or to run away from the foe. So in order to\nkeep their husband\u2019s joints supple the women often vary their labours\nat the loom by walking up and down the verandah. Further, they may not\ncover up their faces, or the men would not be able to find their way\nthrough the tall grass or jungle. Again, the women may not sew with a\nneedle, or the men will tread on the sharp spikes set by the enemy in\nthe path. Should a wife prove unfaithful while her husband is away, he\nwill lose his life in the enemy\u2019s country. Some years ago all these\nrules and more were observed by the women of Banting, while their\nhusbands were fighting for the English against rebels. But alas! these\ntender precautions availed them little; for many a man, whose faithful\nwife was keeping watch and ward for him at home, found a soldier\u2019s\ngrave.\u200b[431]\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in war among the Shans, the Timorese, and the\nToradjas.]\n\nAmong the Shans of Burma the wife of an absent warrior has to observe\ncertain rules. Every fifth day she rests and does no work. She fills an\nearthen goblet with water to the brim and puts flowers into it every\nday. If the water sinks or the flowers fade, it is an omen of death.\nMoreover, she may not sleep on her husband\u2019s bed during his absence,\nbut she sweeps the bedding clean and lays it out every night.\u200b[432] In\nthe island of Timor, while war is being waged, the high-priest never\nquits the temple; his food is brought to him or cooked inside; day and\nnight he must keep the fire burning, for if he were to let it die out,\ndisaster would befall the warriors and would continue so {p129} long as\nthe hearth was cold. Moreover, he must drink only hot water during the\ntime the army is absent; for every draught of cold water would damp the\nspirits of the people, so that they could not vanquish the enemy.\u200b[433]\nAmong the Toradjas of Central Celebes, when a party of men is out\nhunting for heads, the villagers who stay at home, and especially the\nwives of the head-hunters, have to observe certain rules in order\nnot to hinder the absent men at their task. In the first place, the\nentrance to the _lobo_ or spirit-house is shut. For the spirits of\ntheir fathers, who live in that house, are now away with the warriors,\nwatching over and guarding them; and if any one entered their house in\ntheir absence they would hear the noise and return and be very angry at\nbeing thus called back from the campaign. Moreover, the people at home\nhave to keep the house tidy: the sleeping-mats of the absent men must\nbe hung on beams, not rolled up as if they were to be away a long time:\ntheir wives and next-of-kin may not quit the house at night: every\nnight a light burns in the house, and a fire must be kept up constantly\nat the foot of the house-ladder: garments, turbans, and head-dresses\nmay not be laid aside at night, for if the turban or head-dress were\nput off the warrior\u2019s turban might drop from his head in the battle;\nand the wives may sew no garments. When the spirit of the head-hunter\nreturns home in his sleep (which is the Toradja expression for a\nsoldier\u2019s dream) he must find everything there in good order and\nnothing that could vex him. By the observance of these rules, say the\nToradjas, the souls of the head-hunters are \u201ccovered\u201d or protected. And\nin order to make them strong, that they may not soon grow weary, rice\nis strewed morning and evening on the floor of the house. The women too\ngo about constantly with a certain plant of which the pods are so light\nand feathery that they are easily wafted by the wind, for that helps to\nmake the men nimble-footed.\u200b[434] {p130}\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in war among the Galelareese and the Kei\nIslanders.]\n\nWhen Galelareese men are going away to war, they are accompanied down\nto the boats by the women. But after the leave-taking is over, the\nwomen, in returning to their houses, must be careful not to stumble or\nfall, and in the house they may neither be angry nor lift up weapons\nagainst each other; otherwise the men will fall and be killed in\nbattle.\u200b[435] Similarly, we saw that among the Chams domestic brawls\nat home are supposed to cause the searcher for eagle-wood to fall a\nprey to wild beasts on the mountains.\u200b[436] Further, Galelareese women\nmay not lay down the chopping knives in the house while their husbands\nare at the wars; the knives must always be hung up on hooks.\u200b[437]\nThe reason for the rule is not given; we may conjecture that it is\na fear lest, if the chopping knives were laid down by the women at\nhome, the men would be apt to lay down their weapons in the battle or\nat other inopportune moments. In the Kei Islands, when the warriors\nhave departed, the women return indoors and bring out certain baskets\ncontaining fruits and stones. These fruits and stones they anoint and\nplace on a board, murmuring as they do so, \u201cO lord sun, moon, let the\nbullets rebound from our husbands, brothers, betrothed, and other\nrelations, just as raindrops rebound from these objects which are\nsmeared with oil.\u201d As soon as the first shot is heard, the baskets are\nput aside, and the women, seizing their fans, rush out of the houses.\nThen, waving their fans in the direction of the enemy, they run through\nthe village, while they sing, \u201cO golden fans! let our bullets hit,\nand those of the enemy miss.\u201d\u200b[438] In this custom the ceremony of\nanointing stones, in order that the bullets may recoil from the men\nlike raindrops from the stones, is a piece of pure homoeopathic or\nimitative magic; but the prayer to the sun, that he will be pleased to\ngive effect to the charm, is a religious and perhaps later addition.\nThe waving of the fans seems to be a charm to direct the bullets\ntowards or away from their {p131} mark, according as they are discharged\nfrom the guns of friends or foes.\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in war among the Malagasy.]\n\nAn old historian of Madagascar informs us that \u201cwhile the men are at\nthe wars, and until their return, the women and girls cease not day\nand night to dance, and neither lie down nor take food in their own\nhouses. And although they are very voluptuously inclined, they would\nnot for anything in the world have an intrigue with another man while\ntheir husband is at the war, believing firmly that if that happened,\ntheir husband would be either killed or wounded. They believe that\nby dancing they impart strength, courage, and good fortune to their\nhusbands; accordingly during such times they give themselves no rest,\nand this custom they observe very religiously.\u201d\u200b[439] Similarly a\ntraveller of the seventeenth century writes that in Madagascar \u201cwhen\nthe man is in battle or under march, the wife continually dances and\nsings, and will not sleep or eat in her own house, nor admit of the\nuse of any other man, unless she be desirous to be rid of her own; for\nthey entertain this opinion among them, that if they suffer themselves\nto be overcome in an _intestin war_ at home, their husbands must\nsuffer for it, being ingaged in a _forreign expedition_; but, on the\ncontrary, if they behave themselves chastely, and dance lustily, that\nthen their husbands, by some certain sympathetical operation, will be\nable to vanquish all their combatants.\u201d\u200b[440] We have seen that among\nhunters in various parts of the world the infidelity of the wife at\nhome is believed to have a disastrous effect on her absent husband.\nIn the Babar Archipelago, and among the Wagogo of East Africa, when\nthe men are at the wars the women at home are bound to chastity, and\nin the Babar Archipelago they must fast besides.\u200b[441] Under similar\ncircumstances in the islands of Leti, Moa, and Lakor the women and\nchildren are forbidden to remain inside of the houses and to twine\nthread or weave.\u200b[442] {p132}\n\n[Sidenote: Telepathy in war among the natives of West Africa.\n\nTelepathy in war among the American Indians.\n\nTelepathy in war among the Kafirs of the Hindoo Koosh.]\n\nAmong the Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast the wives of men who\nare away with the army paint themselves white, and adorn their persons\nwith beads and charms. On the day when a battle is expected to take\nplace, they run about armed with guns, or sticks carved to look like\nguns, and taking green paw-paws (fruits shaped somewhat like a melon),\nthey hack them with knives, as if they were chopping off the heads of\nthe foe.\u200b[443] The pantomime is no doubt merely an imitative charm, to\nenable the men to do to the enemy as the women do to the paw-paws. In\nthe West African town of Framin, while the Ashantee war was raging some\nyears ago, Mr. Fitzgerald Marriott saw a dance performed by women whose\nhusbands had gone as carriers to the war. They were painted white and\nwore nothing but a short petticoat. At their head was a shrivelled old\nsorceress in a very short white petticoat, her black hair arranged in\na sort of long projecting horn, and her black face, breasts, arms, and\nlegs profusely adorned with white circles and crescents. All carried\nlong white brushes made of buffalo or horse tails, and as they danced\nthey sang, \u201cOur husbands have gone to Ashanteeland; may they sweep\ntheir enemies off the face of the earth!\u201d\u200b[444] Among the Thompson\nIndians of British Columbia, when the men were on the war-path,\nthe women performed dances at frequent intervals. These dances\nwere believed to ensure the success of the expedition. The dancers\nflourished their knives, threw long sharp-pointed sticks forward, or\ndrew sticks with hooked ends repeatedly backward and forward. Throwing\nthe sticks forward was symbolic of piercing or warding off the enemy,\nand drawing them back was symbolic of drawing their own men from\ndanger. The hook at the end of the stick was particularly well adapted\nto serve the purpose of a life-saving apparatus. The women always\npointed their weapons towards the enemy\u2019s country. They painted their\nfaces red and sang as they danced, and they prayed to the weapons to\npreserve their husbands and help them to kill many foes. Some had {p133}\neagle-down stuck on the points of their sticks. When the dance was\nover, these weapons were hidden. If a woman whose husband was at the\nwar thought she saw hair or a piece of a scalp on the weapon when she\ntook it out, she knew that her husband had killed an enemy. But if she\nsaw a stain of blood on it, she knew he was wounded or dead.\u200b[445] When\nthe men of the Yuki tribe of Indians in California were away fighting,\nthe women at home did not sleep; they danced continually in a circle,\nchanting and waving leafy wands. For they said that if they danced all\nthe time, their husbands would not grow tired.\u200b[446] Among the Haida\nIndians of the Queen Charlotte Islands, when the men had gone to war,\nthe women at home would get up very early in the morning and pretend\nto make war by falling upon their children and feigning to take them\nfor slaves. This was supposed to help their husbands to go and do\nlikewise. If a wife were unfaithful to her husband while he was away\non the war-path, he would probably be killed. For ten nights all the\nwomen at home lay with their heads towards the point of the compass to\nwhich the war-canoes had paddled away. Then they changed about, for\nthe warriors were supposed to be coming home across the sea. At Masset\nthe Haida women danced and sang war-songs all the time their husbands\nwere away at the wars, and they had to keep everything about them in\na certain order. It was thought that a wife might kill her husband by\nnot observing these customs.\u200b[447] In the Kafir district of the Hindoo\nKoosh, while the men are out raiding, the women abandon their work in\nthe fields and assemble in the villages to dance day and night. The\ndances are kept up most of each day and the whole of each night. Sir\nGeorge Robertson, who reports the custom, more than once watched the\ndancers dancing at midnight and in the early morning, and could see\nby the fitful glow of the {p134} woodfire how haggard and tired they\nlooked, yet how gravely and earnestly they persisted in what they\nregarded as a serious duty.\u200b[448] The dances of these Kafirs are said\nto be performed in honour of certain of the national gods, but when\nwe consider the custom in connexion with the others which have just\nbeen passed in review, we may reasonably surmise that it is or was\noriginally in its essence a sympathetic charm intended to keep the\nabsent warriors wakeful, lest they should be surprised in their sleep\nby the enemy. When a band of Carib Indians of the Orinoco had gone on\nthe war-path, their friends left in the village used to calculate as\nnearly as they could the exact moment when the absent warriors would be\nadvancing to attack the enemy. Then they took two lads, laid them down\non a bench, and inflicted a most severe scourging on their bare backs.\nThis the youths submitted to without a murmur, supported in their\nsufferings by the firm conviction, in which they had been bred from\nchildhood, that on the constancy and fortitude with which they bore the\ncruel ordeal depended the valour and success of their comrades in the\nbattle.\u200b[449]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic at making drums.\n\nVarious applications of homoeopathic magic.]\n\nSo much for the savage theory of telepathy in war and the chase.\nWe pass now to other cases of homoeopathic or imitative magic.\nWhile marriageable boys of the Mekeo district in British New Guinea\nare making their drums, they have to live alone in the forest and\nto observe a number of rules which are based on the principle of\nhomoeopathic magic. The drums will be used in the dances, and in order\nthat they may give out a resonant sonorous note, great care must be\ntaken in their construction. The boys may spend from two days to a week\nat the task. Having chosen a suitable piece of wood, they scrape the\noutside into shape with a shell, and hollow out the inside by burning\nit with a hot coal till the sides are very thin. The skin of an iguana,\nmade supple by being steeped in coco-nut milk, is then stretched over\nthe hollow and tightened with string and glue. All the time a boy is at\nwork on his drum, he must carefully avoid {p135} women; for if a woman\nor a girl were to see him, the drum would split and sound like an old\ncracked pot. If he ate fish, a bone would prick him and the skin of the\ndrum would burst. If he ate a red banana it would choke him, and the\ndrum would give a dull stifled note; if he tasted grated coco-nut, the\nwhite ants, like the white particles of the nut, would gnaw the body\nof the drum; if he cooked his food in the ordinary round-bellied pot,\nhe would grow fat and would not be able to dance, and the girls would\ndespise him and say, \u201cYour belly is big; it is a pot!\u201d Moreover, he\nmust strictly shun water; for if he accidentally touched it with his\nfeet, his hands, or his lips before the drum was quite hollowed out,\nhe would throw the instrument away, saying: \u201cI have touched water;\nmy hot coal will be put out, and I shall never be able to hollow out\nmy drum.\u201d\u200b[450] A Highland witch can sink a ship by homoeopathic or\nimitative magic. She has only to set a small round dish floating in\na milk-pan full of water, and then to croon her spell. When the dish\nupsets in the pan, the ship will go down in the sea. They say that once\nthree witches from Harris left home at night after placing the milk-pan\nthus on the floor, and strictly charging a serving-maid to let nothing\ncome near it. But while the girl was not looking a duck came in and\nsquattered about in the water on the floor. Next morning the witches\nreturned and asked if anything had come near the pan. The girl said\n\u201cNo,\u201d whereupon one of the witches said to the others, \u201cWhat a heavy\nsea we had last night coming round Cabag head!\u201d\u200b[451] If a wolf has\ncarried off a sheep or a pig, the Esthonians have a very simple mode of\nmaking him drop it. They let fall anything that they happen to have at\nhand, such as a cap or a glove, or, what is perhaps still better, they\nlift a heavy stone and then let it go. By that act, on the principle of\nhomoeopathic magic, they compel the wolf to let go his booty.\u200b[452]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic applied to make plants grow.\n\nMagic at sowing and planting.]\n\nAmong the many beneficent uses to which a mistaken {p136} ingenuity has\napplied the principle of homoeopathic or imitative magic, is that of\ncausing trees and plants to bear fruit in due season. In Th\u00fcringen the\nman who sows flax carries the seed in a long bag which reaches from his\nshoulders to his knees, and he walks with long strides, so that the bag\nsways to and fro on his back. It is believed that this will cause the\nflax to wave in the wind.\u200b[453] In the interior of Sumatra rice is sown\nby women who, in sowing, let their hair hang loose down their back, in\norder that the rice may grow luxuriantly and have long stalks.\u200b[454]\nSimilarly, in ancient Mexico a festival was held in honour of the\ngoddess of maize, or \u201cthe long-haired mother,\u201d as she was called. It\nbegan at the time \u201cwhen the plant had attained its full growth, and\nfibres shooting forth from the top of the green ear indicated that\nthe grain was fully formed. During this festival the women wore their\nlong hair unbound, shaking and tossing it in the dances which were the\nchief feature in the ceremonial, in order that the tassel of the maize\nmight grow in like profusion, that the grain might be correspondingly\nlarge and flat, and that the people might have abundance.\u201d\u200b[455] It\nis a Malay maxim to plant maize when your stomach is full, and to see\nto it that your dibble is thick; for this will swell the ear of the\nmaize.\u200b[456] And they say that you should sow rice also with a full\nstomach, for then the ears will be full.\u200b[457] The eminent novelist,\nMr. Thomas Hardy, was once told that the reason why certain trees in\nfront of his house, near Weymouth, did not thrive, was that he looked\nat them before breakfast on an empty stomach.\u200b[458] More elaborate\nstill are the measures taken by an Esthonian peasant woman to make her\ncabbages thrive. On the day when they are {p137} sown she bakes great\npancakes, in order that the cabbages may have great broad leaves; and\nshe wears a dazzling white hood in the belief that this will cause the\ncabbages to have fine white heads. Moreover, as soon as the cabbages\nare transplanted, a small round stone is wrapt up tightly in a white\nlinen rag and set at the end of the cabbage bed, because in this way\nthe cabbage heads will grow very white and firm.\u200b[459] Among the Huzuls\nof the Carpathians, when a woman is planting cabbages, she winds many\ncloths about her head, in order that the heads of the cabbages may also\nbe thick. And as soon as she has sown parsley, she grasps the calf of\nher leg with both hands, saying, \u201cMay it be as thick as that!\u201d\u200b[460]\nAmong the Kurs of East Prussia, who inhabit the long sandy tongue of\nland known as the Nehrung which parts the Baltic from a lagoon, when a\nfarmer sows his fields in spring, he carries an axe and chops the earth\nwith it, in order that the cornstalks may be so sturdy that an axe will\nbe needed to hew them down.\u200b[461] For much the same reason a Bavarian\nsower in sowing wheat will sometimes wear a golden ring, in order that\nthe corn may have a fine yellow colour.\u200b[462] The Malagasy think that\nonly people with a good even set of teeth should plant maize, for\notherwise there will be empty spaces in the maize cob corresponding to\nthe empty spaces in the planter\u2019s teeth.\u200b[463]\n\n[Sidenote: Dancing and leaping high as a charm to make the crops grow\nhigh.]\n\nIn many parts of Europe dancing or leaping high in the air are approved\nhomoeopathic modes of making the crops grow high. Thus in Franche-Comt\u00e9\nthey say that you should dance at the Carnival in order to make the\nhemp grow tall.\u200b[464] In the Vosges mountains the sower of hemp pulls\nhis nether garments up as far as he can, because he imagines that\nthe hemp he is sowing will {p138} attain the precise height to which\nhe has succeeded in hitching up his breeches;\u200b[465] and in the same\nregion another way of ensuring a good crop of hemp is to dance on\nthe roof of the house on Twelfth Day.\u200b[466] In Swabia and among the\nTransylvanian Saxons it is a common custom for a man who has sown hemp\nto leap high on the field, in the belief that this will make the hemp\ngrow tall.\u200b[467] All over Baden till recently it was the custom for\nthe farmer\u2019s wife to give the sower a dish of eggs or a cake baked\nwith eggs either before or after sowing, in order that he might leap\nas high as possible. This was deemed the best way of making the hemp\ngrow high. For the same purpose some people who had sown hemp used to\ndance the hemp dance, as it was called, on Shrove Tuesday, and in this\ndance also the dancers jumped as high as they could. In some parts\nof Baden the hemp seed is thrown in the air as high as possible, and\nin Katzenthal the urchins leap over fires in order that the hemp may\ngrow tall.\u200b[468] Similarly in many other parts of Germany and Austria\nthe peasant imagines that he makes the flax grow tall by dancing or\nleaping high, or by jumping backwards from a table; the higher the leap\nthe taller will the flax be that year. The special season for thus\npromoting the growth of flax is Shrove Tuesday, but in some places\nit is Candlemas or Walpurgis Night (the eve of May Day). The scene\nof the performance is the flax field, the farmhouse, or the village\ntavern.\u200b[469] In {p139} some parts of Eastern Prussia the girls dance\none by one in a large hoop at midnight on Shrove Tuesday. The hoop is\nadorned with leaves, flowers, and ribbons, and attached to it are a\nsmall bell and some flax. Strictly speaking, the hoop should be wrapt\nin white linen handkerchiefs, but the place of these is often taken by\nmany-coloured bits of cloth, wool, and so forth. While dancing within\nthe hoop each girl has to wave her arms vigorously and cry \u201cFlax grow!\u201d\nor words to that effect. When she has done, she leaps out of the hoop,\nor is lifted out of it by her partner.\u200b[470] In Anhalt, when the sower\nhad sown the flax, he leaped up and flung the seed-bag high in the air,\nsaying, \u201cGrow and turn green! You have nothing else to do.\u201d He hoped\nthat the flax would grow as high as he flung the seed-bag in the air.\nAt Quellendorff, in Anhalt, the first bushel of seed-corn had to be\nheaped up high in order that the corn-stalks should grow tall and bear\nplenty of grain.\u200b[471] When Macedonian farmers have done digging their\nfields, they throw their spades up into the air, and catching them\nagain, exclaim, \u201cMay the crop grow as high as the spade has gone!\u201d\u200b[472]\n\n[Sidenote: Plants and trees influenced homoeopathically by a person\u2019s\nact or state.\n\nFertilising influence supposed to be exercised on plants by pregnant\nwomen or by women who have borne many children.\n\nBarren women supposed to make the fruit-trees barren.]\n\nThe notion that a person can influence a plant homoeopathically by\nhis act or condition comes out clearly in a remark made by a Malay\nwoman. Being asked why she stripped the upper part of her body naked in\nreaping the rice, she explained that she did it to make the rice-husks\n{p140} thinner, as she was tired of pounding thick-husked rice.\u200b[473]\nClearly, she thought that the less clothing she wore the less husk\nthere would be on the rice. Among the Minangkabauers of Sumatra, when a\nrice barn has been built a feast is held, of which a woman far advanced\nin pregnancy must partake. Her condition will obviously help the rice\nto be fruitful and multiply.\u200b[474] Among the Zulus a pregnant woman\nsometimes grinds corn, which is afterwards burnt among the half-grown\ncrops in order to fertilise them.\u200b[475] For a similar reason in Syria\nwhen a fruit-tree does not bear, the gardener gets a pregnant woman to\nfasten a stone to one of its branches; then the tree will be sure to\nbear fruit, but the woman will run a risk of miscarriage,\u200b[476] having\ntransferred her fertility, or part of it, to the tree. The practice\nof loading with stones a tree which casts its fruit is mentioned by\nMaimonides,\u200b[477] though the Rabbis apparently did not understand it.\nThe proceeding was most probably a homoeopathic charm designed to load\nthe tree with fruit.\u200b[478] In Swabia they say that if a fruit-tree does\nnot bear, you should keep it loaded with a heavy stone all summer, and\nnext year it will be sure to bear.\u200b[479] The custom of tying stones\nto fruit-trees in order to ensure a crop of fruit is followed also\nin Sicily.\u200b[480] The magic virtue of a pregnant woman to communicate\nfertility is known to Bavarian and Austrian peasants, who {p141} think\nthat if you give the first fruit of a tree to a woman with child to\neat, the tree will bring forth abundantly next year.\u200b[481] In Bohemia\nfor a similar purpose the first apple of a young tree is sometimes\nplucked and eaten by a woman who has borne many children, for then the\ntree will be sure to bear many apples.\u200b[482] In the Z\u00fcrcher Oberland,\nSwitzerland, they think that a cherry-tree will bear abundantly if its\nfirst fruit is eaten by a woman who has just given birth to her first\nchild.\u200b[483] In Macedonia the first fruit of a tree should not be eaten\nby a barren woman but by one who has many children.\u200b[484] The Nicobar\nIslanders think it lucky to get a pregnant woman and her husband to\nplant seed in gardens.\u200b[485] The Greeks and Romans sacrificed pregnant\nvictims to the goddesses of the corn and of the earth, doubtless in\norder that the earth might teem and the corn swell in the ear.\u200b[486]\nWhen a Catholic priest remonstrated with the Indians of the Orinoco on\nallowing their women to sow the fields in the blazing sun, with infants\nat their breasts, the men answered, \u201cFather, you don\u2019t understand\nthese things, and that is why they vex you. You know that women are\naccustomed to bear children, and that we men are not. When the women\nsow, the stalk of the maize bears two or three ears, the root of the\nyucca yields two or three {p142} basketfuls, and everything multiplies\nin proportion. Now why is that? Simply because the women know how to\nbring forth, and know how to make the seed which they sow bring forth\nalso. Let them sow, then; we men don\u2019t know as much about it as they\ndo.\u201d\u200b[487] For the same reason, probably, the Tupinambas of Brazil\nthought that if a certain earth-almond were planted by the men, it\nwould not grow.\u200b[488] Among the Ilocans of Luzon the men sow bananas,\nbut the sower must have a young child on his shoulder, or the bananas\nwill bear no fruit.\u200b[489] When a tree bears no fruit, the Galelareese\nthink it is a male; and their remedy is simple. They put a woman\u2019s\npetticoat on the tree, which, being thus converted into a female, will\nnaturally prove prolific.\u200b[490] On the other hand the Baganda believe\nthat a barren wife infects her husband\u2019s garden with her own sterility\nand prevents the trees from bearing fruit; hence a childless woman is\ngenerally divorced.\u200b[491] For a like reason, probably, the Wajagga of\nEast Africa throw away the corpse of a childless woman, with all her\nbelongings, in the forest or in any other place where the land is never\ncultivated; moreover her body is not carried out of the door of the\nhut, but a special passage is broken for it through the wall,\u200b[492] no\ndoubt to prevent her dangerous ghost from finding its way back.\u200b[493]\n\n[Sidenote: Taboos based on the belief that persons can influence\nvegetation homoeopathically by their acts or states.]\n\nThus on the theory of homoeopathic magic a person can influence\nvegetation either for good or for evil according to the good or the bad\ncharacter of his acts or states: for example, a fruitful woman makes\nplants fruitful, a barren woman makes them barren. Hence this belief\nin the noxious and infectious nature of certain personal qualities or\naccidents {p143} has given rise to a number of prohibitions or rules\nof avoidance: people abstain from doing certain things lest they\nshould homoeopathically infect the fruits of the earth with their\nown undesirable state or condition. All such customs of abstention\nor rules of avoidance are examples of negative magic or taboo.\u200b[494]\nThus, for example, arguing from what may be called the infectiousness\nof personal acts or states, the Galelareese say that you ought not to\nshoot with a bow and arrows under a fruit-tree, or the tree will cast\nits fruit even as the arrows fall to the ground;\u200b[495] and that when\nyou are eating water-melon you ought not to mix the pips which you\nspit out of your mouth with the pips which you have put aside to serve\nas seed; for if you do, though the pips you spat out may certainly\nspring up and blossom, yet the blossoms will keep falling off just as\nthe pips fell from your mouth, and thus these pips will never bear\nfruit.\u200b[496] Precisely the same train of thought leads the Bavarian\npeasant to believe that if he allows the graft of a fruit-tree to fall\non the ground, the tree that springs from that graft will let its\nfruit fall untimely.\u200b[497] The Indians of Santiago Tepehuacan suppose\nthat if a single grain of the maize which they are about to sow were\neaten by an animal, the birds and the wild boars would come and devour\nall the rest, and nothing would grow. And if any of these Indians has\never in his life buried a corpse, he will never be allowed to plant\na fruit-tree, for they say that the tree would wither. And they will\nnot let such a man go fishing with them, for the fish would flee from\nhim.\u200b[498] Clearly these Indians imagine that anybody who has buried\na corpse is thereby tainted, so to say, with an infection of death,\nwhich might prove fatal to fruits and fish. In Nias, the day after a\nman has made preparations for planting rice he may not use fire, or the\ncrop would be parched; he may not spread his mats on the ground, or the\nyoung plants would droop towards the earth.\u200b[499] {p144} When the Chams\nof Cochinchina are sowing their dry rice-fields and desire that no\nrain should fall, they eat their rice dry instead of moistening it, as\nthey usually do, with the water in which vegetables and fish have been\nboiled. That prevents rain from spoiling the rice.\u200b[500]\n\n[Sidenote: Persons influenced homoeopathically by plants.\n\nPeople supposed to be influenced homoeopathically by the nature of the\ntimber of which their houses are built.]\n\nIn the foregoing cases a person is supposed to influence vegetation\nhomoeopathically. He infects trees or plants with qualities or\naccidents, good or bad, resembling and derived from his own. But on the\nprinciple of homoeopathic magic the influence is mutual: the plant can\ninfect the man just as much as the man can infect the plant. In magic,\nas I believe in physics, action and reaction are equal and opposite.\nThe Cherokee Indians are adepts in practical botany of the homoeopathic\nsort. Thus wiry roots of the catgut plant or devil\u2019s shoestring\n(_Tephrosia_) are so tough that they can almost stop a ploughshare in\nthe furrow. Hence Cherokee women wash their heads with a decoction\nof the roots to make the hair strong, and Cherokee ball-players wash\nthemselves with it to toughen their muscles. To help them to spring\nquickly to their feet when they are thrown to the ground, these Indian\nball-players also bathe their limbs with a decoction of the small rush\n(_Juncus tenuis_), which, they say, always recovers its erect position,\nno matter how often it is trampled down. To improve a child\u2019s memory\nthe Cherokees beat up burs in water which has been fetched from a\nroaring waterfall. The virtue of the potion is threefold. The voice\nof the Long Man or river-god is heard in the roar of the cataract;\nthe stream seizes and holds things cast upon its surface; and there\nis nothing that sticks like a bur. Hence it seems clear that with the\npotion the child will drink in the lessons taught by the voice of the\nwaters, will seize them like the stream, and stick fast to them like\na bur. For a like reason the Cherokee fisherman ties the plant called\nVenus\u2019 flytrap (_Dionaea_) to his fishtrap, and he chews the plant and\nspits it on the bait. That will be sure to make the trap and the bait\ncatch fish, just as Venus\u2019 flytrap catches and digests the insects\nwhich alight on it.\u200b[501] {p145} The Kei islanders think that certain\ncreepers which adhere firmly to the trunks of trees prevent voyagers at\nsea from being wafted hither and thither at the mercy of the wind and\nthe waves; the adhesive power of the plants enables the mariners to go\nstraight to their destination.\u200b[502] It is a Galelareese belief that\nif you eat a fruit which has fallen to the ground, you will yourself\ncontract a disposition to stumble and fall; and that if you partake\nof something which has been forgotten (such as a sweet potato left in\nthe pot or a banana in the fire), you will become forgetful.\u200b[503] The\nGalelareese are also of opinion that if a woman were to consume two\nbananas growing from a single head she would give birth to twins.\u200b[504]\nThe Guarani Indians of South America thought that a woman would become\na mother of twins if she ate a double grain of millet.\u200b[505] In Vedic\ntimes a curious application of this principle supplied a charm by\nwhich a banished prince might be restored to his kingdom. He had to\neat food cooked on a fire which was fed with wood which had grown out\nof the stump of a tree which had been cut down. The recuperative power\nmanifested by such a tree would in due course be communicated through\nthe fire to the food, and so to the prince, who ate the food which\nwas cooked on the fire which was fed with the wood which grew out\nof the tree.\u200b[506] Among the Lku\u00f1gen Indians of Vancouver Island an\ninfallible means of making your hair grow long is to rub it with fish\noil and the pulverised fruit of a particular kind of poplar (_Populus\ntrichocarpa_). As the fruit grows a long way up the tree, it cannot\nfail to make your hair grow long too.\u200b[507] At Allumba, in Central\nAustralia, there is a tree to {p146} which the sun, in the shape of a\nwoman, is said to have travelled from the east. The natives believe\nthat if the tree were destroyed, they would all be burned up; and that\nwere any man to kill and eat an opossum from this tree, the food would\nburn up all his inward parts so that he would die.\u200b[508] The Sundanese\nof the Indian Archipelago regard certain kinds of wood as unsuitable\nfor use in house-building, especially such trees as have prickles or\nthorns on their trunks. They think that the life of people who lived\nin a house made of such timber would be thorny and full of trouble.\nAgain, if a house is built of trees that have fallen, or lost their\nleaves through age, the inmates would die soon or would be hard put to\nit to earn their bread. Again, wood from a house that has been burnt\ndown should never be used in building, for it would cause a fire to\nbreak out in the new house.\u200b[509] In Java some people would not build a\nhouse with the wood of a tree that has been uprooted by a storm, lest\nthe house should fall down in like manner; and they take care not to\nconstruct the upright and the horizontal parts (the standing and lying\nparts, as they call them) of the edifice out of the same tree. The\nreason for this precaution is a belief that if the standing and lying\nwoodwork was made out of the same tree, the inmates of the house would\nconstantly suffer from ill health; no sooner had one of them got up\nfrom a bed of sickness than another would have to lie down on it; and\nso it would go on, one up and another down, perpetually.\u200b[510] Before\nCherokee braves went forth to war the medicine-man used to give each\nman a small charmed root which made him absolutely invulnerable. On the\neve of battle the warrior bathed in a running stream, chewed a portion\nof the root and spat the juice on his body in order that the bullets\nmight slide from his skin like the drops of water. Some of my readers\nperhaps doubt whether this really made the men bomb-proof. There is a\nbarren and paralysing spirit of scepticism abroad at {p147} the present\nday which is most deplorable. However, the efficacy of this particular\ncharm was proved in the Civil War, for three hundred Cherokees served\nin the army of the South; and they were never, or hardly ever, wounded\nin action.\u200b[511] Near Charlotte Waters, in Central Australia, there is\na tree which sprang up to mark the spot where a blind man died. It is\ncalled the Blind Tree by the natives, who think that if it were cut\ndown all the people of the neighbourhood would become blind. A man\nwho wishes to deprive his enemy of sight need only go to the tree by\nhimself and rub it, muttering his wish and exhorting the magic virtue\nto go forth and do its baleful work.\u200b[512]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of the dead.\n\nHomoeopathic magic of the dead employed by burglars for the purpose of\nconcealment.]\n\nIn this last example the infectious quality, though it emanates\ndirectly from a tree, is derived originally from a man\u2014namely, the\nblind man\u2014who was buried at the place where the tree grew. Similarly,\nthe Central Australians believe that a certain group of stones at\nUndiara are the petrified boils of an old man who long ago plucked them\nfrom his body and left them there; hence any man who wishes to infect\nhis enemy with boils will go to these stones and throw miniature spears\nat them, taking care that the points of the spears strike the stones.\nThen the spears are picked up, and thrown one by one in the direction\nof the person whom it is intended to injure. The spears carry with\nthem the magic virtue from the stones, and the result is an eruption\nof painful boils on the body of the victim. Sometimes a whole group\nof people can be afflicted in this way by a skilful magician.\u200b[513]\nThese examples introduce us to a fruitful branch of homoeopathic magic,\nnamely to that department of it which works by means of the dead; for\njust as the dead can neither see nor hear nor speak, so you may on\nhomoeopathic principles render people blind, deaf, and dumb by the use\nof dead men\u2019s bones or anything else that is tainted by the infection\nof death. Thus among the Galelareese, when a young man goes a-wooing\nat night, he takes a little earth from a grave and strews it on the\n{p148} roof of his sweetheart\u2019s house just above the place where her\nparents sleep. This, he fancies, will prevent them from waking while he\nconverses with his beloved, since the earth from the grave will make\nthem sleep as sound as the dead.\u200b[514] Burglars in all ages and many\nlands have been patrons of this species of magic, which is very useful\nto them in the exercise of their profession. Thus a South Slavonian\nhousebreaker sometimes begins operations by throwing a dead man\u2019s\nbone over the house, saying, with pungent sarcasm, \u201cAs this bone may\nwaken, so may these people waken\u201d; after that not a soul in the house\ncan keep his or her eyes open.\u200b[515] Similarly, in Java the burglar\ntakes earth from a grave and sprinkles it round the house which he\nintends to rob; this throws the inmates into a deep sleep.\u200b[516] With\nthe same intention a Hindoo will strew ashes from a pyre at the door\nof the house;\u200b[517] Indians of Peru scatter the dust of dead men\u2019s\nbones;\u200b[518] and Ruthenian burglars remove the marrow from a human\nshin-bone, pour tallow into it, and having kindled the tallow, march\nthrice round the house with this candle burning, which causes the\ninmates to sleep a death-like sleep. Or the Ruthenian will make a flute\nout of a human leg-bone and play upon it; whereupon all persons within\nhearing are overcome with drowsiness.\u200b[519] The Indians of Mexico\nemployed for this maleficent purpose the left fore-arm of a woman who\nhad died in giving birth to her first child; but the arm had to be\nstolen. With it they beat the ground before they entered the house\nwhich they designed to plunder; this caused every one in the house to\nlose all power of speech and motion; they were as dead, hearing and\nseeing everything, but perfectly powerless; some of them, however,\nreally slept and even snored.\u200b[520] In Europe similar properties were\n{p149} ascribed to the Hand of Glory, which was the dried and pickled\nhand of a man who had been hanged. If a candle made of the fat of a\nmalefactor who had also died on the gallows was lighted and placed\nin the Hand of Glory as in a candlestick, it rendered motionless all\npersons to whom it was presented; they could not stir a finger any\nmore than if they were dead.\u200b[521] Sometimes the dead man\u2019s hand is\nitself the candle, or rather bunch of candles, all its withered fingers\nbeing set on fire; but should any member of the household be awake,\none of the fingers will not kindle. Such nefarious lights can only be\nextinguished with milk.\u200b[522] Often it is prescribed that the thief\u2019s\ncandle should be made of the finger of a new-born or, still better,\nunborn child; sometimes it is thought needful that the thief should\nhave one such candle for every person in the house, for if he has one\ncandle too little somebody in the house will wake and catch him. Once\nthese tapers begin to burn, there is nothing but milk that will put\nthem out. In the seventeenth century robbers used to murder pregnant\nwomen in order thus to extract candles from their wombs.\u200b[523] An\nancient Greek robber or burglar thought he could silence and put to\nflight the fiercest watchdogs by carrying with him a brand plucked from\na funeral pyre.\u200b[524]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of the dead employed for various\npurposes.]\n\nAgain, Servian and Bulgarian women who chafe at the restraints of\ndomestic life will take the copper coins from the eyes of a corpse,\nwash them in wine or water, and give the liquid to their husbands\nto drink. After swallowing it, the husband will be as blind to his\nwife\u2019s peccadilloes as the dead man was on whose eyes the coins were\nlaid.\u200b[525] When a {p150} Blackfoot Indian went out eagle-hunting,\nhe used to take a skull with him, because he believed that the skull\nwould make him invisible, like the dead person to whom it had belonged,\nand so the eagles would not be able to see and attack him.\u200b[526] The\nTarahumares of Mexico are great runners, and parties of them engage in\nraces with each other. They believe that human bones induce fatigue;\nhence before a race the friends of one side will bury dead men\u2019s bones\nin the track, hoping that the runners of the other side will pass over\nthem and so be weakened. Naturally they warn their own men to shun the\nspot where the bones are buried.\u200b[527] The Belep of New Caledonia think\nthat they can disable an enemy from flight by means of the leg-bone of\na dead foe. They stick certain plants into the bone, and then smash it\nbetween stones before the skulls of their ancestors. It is easy to see\nthat this breaks the leg of the living enemy and so hinders him from\nrunning away. Hence in time of war men fortify themselves with amulets\nof this sort.\u200b[528] The ancient Greeks seem to have thought that to\nset a young male child on a tomb would be to rob him of his manhood by\ninfecting him with the impotence of the dead.\u200b[529] And as there is no\nmemory in the grave the Arabs think that earth from a grave can make a\nman forget his griefs and sorrows, especially the sorrow of an unhappy\nlove.\u200b[530]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of animals.]\n\nAgain, animals are often conceived to possess qualities or properties\nwhich might be useful to man, and homoeopathic or imitative magic\nseeks to communicate these properties to human beings in various ways.\nThus some Bechuanas wear a ferret as a charm, because, being very\ntenacious of life, it will make them difficult to kill.\u200b[531] Others\n{p151} wear a certain insect, mutilated, but living, for a similar\npurpose.\u200b[532] Yet other Bechuana warriors wear the hair of a hornless\nox among their own hair, and the skin of a frog on their mantle,\nbecause a frog is slippery, and the ox, having no horns, is hard to\ncatch; so the man who is provided with these charms believes that he\nwill be as hard to hold as the ox and the frog.\u200b[533] Again, it seems\nplain that a South African warrior who twists tufts of rats\u2019 hair among\nhis own curly black locks will have just as many chances of avoiding\nthe enemy\u2019s spear as the nimble rat has of avoiding things thrown at\nit; hence in these regions rats\u2019 hair is in great demand when war is\nexpected.\u200b[534] In Morocco a fowl or a pigeon may sometimes be seen\nwith a little red bundle tied to its foot; the bundle contains a charm,\nand it is believed that as the charm is kept in constant motion by\nthe bird, a corresponding restlessness is kept up in the mind of him\nor her against whom the charm is directed.\u200b[535] When a Galla sees a\ntortoise, he will take off his sandals and step on it, believing that\nthe soles of his feet are thereby made hard and strong like the shell\nof the animal.\u200b[536] The Wajaggas of Eastern Africa think that if they\nwear a piece of the wing-bone of a vulture tied round their leg they\nwill be able to run and not grow weary, just as the vulture flies\nunwearied through the sky.\u200b[537] The Esquimaux of Baffin Land fancy\nthat if part of the intestines of a fox is placed under the feet of a\nbaby boy, he will become active and skilful in walking over thin ice,\nlike a fox.\u200b[538] One of the ancient books of India prescribes that\nwhen a sacrifice is offered for victory, the earth out of which the\naltar is to be made should be taken from a place where a boar has been\nwallowing, since the strength of the boar will be in that earth.\u200b[539]\n{p152} When you are playing the one-stringed lute, and your fingers are\nstiff, the thing to do is to catch some long-legged field spiders and\nroast them, and then rub your fingers with the ashes; that will make\nyour fingers as lithe and nimble as the spiders\u2019 legs\u2014at least so think\nthe Galelareese.\u200b[540] As the sea-eagle is very expert at seizing fish\nin its talons, the Kei islanders use its claws as a charm to enable\nthem to make great gain on their trading voyages.\u200b[541] The children\nof the Baronga on Delagoa Bay are much troubled by a small worm which\nburrows under their skin, where its meanderings are visible to the eye.\nTo guard her little one against this insect pest a Baronga mother will\nattach to its wrist the skin of a mole which burrows just under the\nsurface of the ground, exactly as the worm burrows under the infant\u2019s\nskin.\u200b[542] To bring back a runaway slave an Arab of North Africa will\ntrace a magic circle on the ground, stick a nail in the middle of it,\nand attach a beetle by a thread to the nail, taking care that the sex\nof the beetle is that of the fugitive. As the beetle crawls round and\nround it will coil the thread about the nail, thus shortening its\ntether and drawing nearer to the centre at every circuit. So by virtue\nof homoeopathic magic the runaway slave will be drawn back to his\nmaster.\u200b[543] The Patagonian Indians kill a mare and put a new-born boy\nin its body, believing that this will make him a good horseman.\u200b[544]\nThe Lku\u00f1gen Indians of Vancouver\u2019s Island believe that the ashes of\nwasps rubbed on the faces of warriors going to battle will render the\nmen as pugnacious as wasps, and that a decoction of wasps\u2019 nests or of\nflies administered internally to barren women will make them prolific\nlike the insects.\u200b[545]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of snakes and other animals.]\n\nAmong the western tribes of British New Guinea, a {p153} man who has\nkilled a snake will burn it and smear his legs with the ashes when\nhe goes into the forest; for no snake will bite him for some days\nafterwards.\u200b[546] The Baronga of Delagoa Bay carry the powdered ashes\nof a serpent in a little bag as a talisman which guards them from\nsnake-bites.\u200b[547] Among the Arabs of Moab a woman will give her infant\ndaughter the ashes of a scorpion mixed with milk to drink in order to\nprotect her against the stings of scorpions.\u200b[548] The Cholones of\neastern Peru think that to carry the poison tooth of a serpent is a\nprotection against the bite of a serpent, and that to rub the cheek\nwith the tooth of an ounce is an infallible remedy for toothache and\nface-ache.\u200b[549] In order to strengthen her teeth some Brazilian\nIndians used to hang round a girl\u2019s neck at puberty the teeth of an\nanimal which they called _capugouare_, that is \u201cgrass-eating.\u201d\u200b[550]\nWhen a thoroughbred mare has drunk at a trough, an Arab woman will\nhasten to drink any water that remains in order that she may give birth\nto strong children.\u200b[551] If a South Slavonian has a mind to pilfer and\nsteal at market, he has nothing to do but to burn a blind cat, and then\nthrow a pinch of its ashes over the person with whom he is higgling;\nafter that he can take what he likes from the booth, and the owner\nwill not be a bit the wiser, having become as blind as the deceased\ncat with whose ashes he has been sprinkled. The thief may even ask\nboldly \u201cDid I pay for it?\u201d and the deluded huckster will reply, \u201cWhy,\ncertainly.\u201d\u200b[552] Equally simple and effectual is the expedient adopted\nby natives of Central Australia who desire to cultivate their beards.\nThey prick the chin all over with a pointed bone, and then stroke it\ncarefully with a magic stick or stone, which represents a kind of rat\nthat has very long whiskers. The virtue of these whiskers naturally\npasses into the representative stick or {p154} stone, and thence by an\neasy transition to the chin, which, consequently, is soon adorned with\na rich growth of beard.\u200b[553] When a party of these same natives has\nreturned from killing a foe, and they fear to be attacked by the ghost\nof the dead man in their sleep, every one of them takes care to wear\nthe tip of the tail of a rabbit-kangaroo in his hair. Why? Because the\nrabbit-kangaroo, being a nocturnal animal, does not sleep of nights;\nand therefore a man who wears a tip of its tail in his hair will\nclearly be wakeful during the hours of darkness.\u200b[554] The Unmatjera\ntribe of Central Australia use the tip of the tail of the same animal\nfor the same purpose, but they draw out the sympathetic chain one link\nfarther. For among them, when a boy has undergone subincision and is\nleading a solitary life in the bush, it is not he but his mother who\nwears the tip of the nocturnal creature\u2019s tail in order that he may\nbe watchful at nights, lest harm should befall him from snakes and so\nforth.\u200b[555] The ancient Greeks thought that to eat the flesh of the\nwakeful nightingale would prevent a man from sleeping; that to smear\nthe eyes of a blear-sighted person with the gall of an eagle would\ngive him the eagle\u2019s vision; and that a raven\u2019s eggs would restore the\nblackness of the raven to silvery hair. Only the person who adopted\nthis last mode of concealing the ravages of time had to be most careful\nto keep his mouth full of oil all the time he applied the eggs to his\nvenerable locks, else his teeth as well as his hair would be dyed raven\nblack, and no amount of scrubbing and scouring would avail to whiten\nthem again.\u200b[556] The hair-restorer was in fact a shade too powerful,\nand in applying it you might get more than you bargained for.\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of animals among the Cherokees and other\nAmerican Indians.]\n\nThe Huichol Indians of Mexico admire the beautiful markings on the\nbacks of serpents. Hence when a Huichol woman is about to weave or\nembroider, her husband catches a large serpent and holds it in a\ncleft stick, while the woman strokes the reptile with one hand down\nthe whole length of its back; then she passes the same hand over her\nforehead {p155} and eyes, that she may be able to work as beautiful\npatterns in the web as the markings on the back of the serpent.\u200b[557]\nAmong the Tarahumares of Mexico men who run races tie deer-hoofs to\ntheir backs in the belief that this will make them swift-footed like\nthe deer.\u200b[558] Cherokee ball-players rub their bodies with eel-skins\nin order to make themselves as slippery and hard to hold as eels; and\nthey also apply land-tortoises to their legs in the hope of making\nthem as thick and strong as the legs of these animals. But they are\ncareful not to eat frogs, lest the brittleness of the frog\u2019s bones\nshould infect their own bones. Moreover, they will not eat the flesh\nof the sluggish hog-sucker, lest they should lose their speed, nor the\nflesh of rabbits, lest, like the rabbit, they should become confused\nin running. On the other hand, their friends sprinkle a soup made of\nrabbit hamstrings along the path to be taken by their rivals, in order\nto make these rivals timorous in action. Moreover, the ball-players\nwill not wear the feathers of the bald-headed buzzard, for fear of\nthemselves becoming bald, nor turkey feathers, lest they should suffer\nfrom a goitrous growth on the throat like the red appendage on the\nthroat of a turkey.\u200b[559] The flesh of the common grey squirrel is\nforbidden to Cherokees who suffer from rheumatism, because the squirrel\neats in a cramped position, which would clearly aggravate the pangs of\nthe rheumatic patient.\u200b[560] And a Cherokee woman who is with child\nmay not eat the flesh of the ruffed grouse, because that bird hatches\na large brood, but loses most of them before maturity. Strict people,\nindeed, will not allow a woman to taste of the bird till she is past\nchild-bearing.\u200b[561] When a Cherokee is starting on a journey on a\ncold winter morning he rubs his feet in the ashes of the fire and\nsings four verses by means of which he can set the cold at defiance,\nlike the wolf, the deer, the fox, and the opossum, whose feet, so the\nIndians think, are never frost-bitten. After each verse he imitates\nthe cry and action of the animal, thus homoeopathically identifying\nhimself with the creature. The {p156} song he sings may be rendered,\n\u201cI become a real wolf, a real deer, a real fox, and a real opossum.\u201d\nAfter stating that he has become a real wolf, the songster utters a\nprolonged howl and paws the ground like a wolf with his feet. After\ngiving notice that he has become a real deer, he imitates the call and\njumping of a deer. And after announcing his identification, for all\npractical purposes, with a fox and an opossum, he mimicks the barking\nand scratching of a fox and the cry of an opossum when it is driven to\nbay, also throwing his head back just as an opossum does when it feigns\ndeath.\u200b[562] Some Cherokees are said to drink tea made of crickets in\norder to become good singers like the insects.\u200b[563] If the eyes of a\nCherokee child be bathed with water in which a feather of an owl has\nbeen soaked, the child will be able, like the owl, to keep awake all\nnight. The mole-cricket has claws with which it burrows in the earth,\nand among the Cherokees it is reputed to be an excellent singer.\nHence when children are long of learning to speak, their tongues are\nscratched with the claw of a live mole-cricket in order that they may\nsoon talk as distinctly as the insect. Grown persons also, who are\nslow of speech, may acquire a ready flow of eloquence, if only the\ninside of their throat be scratched on four successive mornings with\na mole-cricket.\u200b[564] The negroes of the Maroni river in Guiana have\na somewhat similar cure for stammering. Day and night the shrieks of\na certain species of ape resound through the forest. Hence when the\nnegroes kill one of these pests, they remove its larynx and make a\ncup out of it. If a stammering child drinks out of such a cup for\na few months, it ceases to stammer.\u200b[565] Cherokee parents scratch\nthe hands of their children with the pincers of a live red crawfish,\nresembling a lobster, in order to give the infants a strong grip, like\nthat of the crawfish.\u200b[566] This may help us to understand why on\nthe fifth day after birth a Greek child used to receive presents of\noctopuses and cuttle-fish from its friends and relations.\u200b[567] For the\nnumerous arms, legs, and tentacles of {p157} these creatures seem well\ncalculated to strengthen the grip of a baby\u2019s hands and to impart the\npower of toddling to its little toes.\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of inanimate things.]\n\nOn the principle of homoeopathic magic, inanimate things, as well\nas plants and animals, may diffuse blessing or bane around them,\naccording to their own intrinsic nature and the skill of the wizard to\ntap or dam, as the case may be, the stream of weal or woe. Thus, for\nexample, the Galelareese think that when your teeth are being filed you\nshould keep spitting on a pebble, for this establishes a homoeopathic\nconnexion between you and the pebble, by virtue of which your teeth\nwill henceforth be as hard and durable as a stone. On the other hand,\nyou ought not to comb a child before it has teethed, for if you do,\nits teeth will afterwards be separated from each other like the teeth\nof a comb.\u200b[568] Nor should children look at a sieve, otherwise they\nwill suffer from a skin disease, and will have as many sores on their\nbodies as there are holes in the sieve.\u200b[569] In Samaracand women\ngive a baby sugar candy to suck and put glue in the palm of its hand,\nin order that, when the child grows up, his words may be sweet and\nprecious things may stick to his hands as if they were glued.\u200b[570]\nThe Greeks thought that a garment made from the fleece of a sheep that\nhad been torn by a wolf would hurt the wearer, setting up an itch or\nirritation in his skin. They were also of opinion that if a stone which\nhad been bitten by a dog were dropped in wine, it would make all who\ndrank of that wine to fall out among themselves.\u200b[571] Among the Arabs\nof Moab a childless woman often borrows the robe of a woman who has had\nmany children, hoping with the robe to acquire the fruitfulness of its\nowner.\u200b[572] The Caffres of Sofala, in East Africa, had a great dread\nof being struck with anything hollow, such as a reed or a straw, and\ngreatly preferred being thrashed with a good thick cudgel or an iron\nbar, even though it hurt very much. For they thought that if a man\n{p158} were beaten with anything hollow, his inside would waste away\ntill he died.\u200b[573] In eastern seas there is a large shell which the\nBuginese of Celebes call the \u201cold man\u201d (_kadj\u00e2wo_). On Fridays they\nturn these \u201cold men\u201d upside down and place them on the thresholds of\ntheir houses, believing that whoever then steps over the threshold\nof the house will live to be old.\u200b[574] Again, the Galelareese think\nthat, if you are imprudent enough to eat while somebody is sharpening\na knife, your throat will be cut that same evening, or next morning at\nlatest.\u200b[575] The disastrous influence thus attributed, under certain\ncircumstances, to a knife in the East Indies, finds its counterpart in\na curious old Greek story. A certain king had no child, and he asked a\nwise man how he could get one. The wise man himself did not know, but\nhe thought that the birds of the air might, and he undertook to enquire\nof them. For you must know that the sage understood the language of\nbirds, having learned it through some serpents whose life he had saved,\nand who, out of gratitude, had cleansed his ears as he slept. So he\nsacrificed two bulls, and cut them up, and prayed the fowls to come and\nfeast on the flesh; only the vulture he did not invite. When the birds\ncame, the wise man asked them what the king must do to get a son; but\nnone of them knew. At last up came the vulture, and he knew all about\nit. He said that once when the king was a child his royal father was\ngelding rams in the field, and laid down the bloody knife beside his\nlittle son; nay, he threatened the boy with it. The child was afraid\nand ran away, and the father stuck the knife in a tree, either a sacred\noak or a wild pear-tree. Meanwhile, the bark of the tree had grown\nround the knife and hidden it. The vulture said that if they found the\nknife, scraped the rust off it, and gave the rust, mixed with wine,\nto the king to drink for ten days, he would beget a son. They did so,\nand it fell out exactly as the vulture had said.\u200b[576] In this story a\nknife {p159} which had gelded rams is supposed to have deprived a boy\nof his virility merely by being brought near his person. Through simple\nproximity it infected him, so to say, with the same disability which it\nhad already inflicted on the rams; and the loss he thus sustained was\nafterwards repaired by administering to him in a potion the rust which,\nhaving been left on the blade by the blood of the animals, might be\nsupposed to be still imbued with their generative faculty.\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of iron.\n\nHomoeopathic magic of stones.\n\nOaths upon stones.]\n\nThe strengthening virtue of iron is highly appreciated by the Toradjas\nof Central Celebes, only they apply it externally, not internally, as\nwe do in Europe. For this purpose the people of a village assemble\nonce a year in the smithy. The master of the ceremonies opens the\nproceedings by carrying a little pig and a white fowl round the\nsmithy, after which he kills them and smears a little of their blood\non the forehead of every person present. Next he takes a doit, a\nchopping-knife, and a bunch of leaves in his hand, and strikes with\nthem the palm of the right hand of every man, woman, and child, and\nties a leaf of the _Dracaena terminalis_ to every wrist. Then a little\nfire is made in the furnace and blown up with the bellows. Every one\nwho feels sick or unwell now steps up to the anvil, and the master of\nthe ceremonies sprinkles a mixture of pigs\u2019 blood, water, and herbs on\nthe joints of his body, and finally on his head, wishing him a long\nlife. Lastly, the patient takes the chopping-knife, heats it in the\nfurnace, lays it on the anvil, and strikes it seven times with the\nhammer. After that he has only to cool the knife in water and the iron\ncure is complete. Again, on the seventh day after a birth the Toradjas\nhold a little feast, at which the child is carried down the house\nladder and its feet set on a piece of iron, in order to strengthen its\nfeeble soul with the strong soul of the iron.\u200b[577] At critical times\nthe Mahakam Dyaks of Central Borneo seek to strengthen their souls\n{p160} by biting on an old sword or setting their feet upon it.\u200b[578]\nAt initiation a Brahman boy is made to tread with his right foot on\na stone, while the words are repeated, \u201cTread on this stone; like a\nstone be firm\u201d;\u200b[579] and the same ceremony is performed, with the\nsame words, by a Brahman bride at her marriage.\u200b[580] In Madagascar\na mode of counteracting the levity of fortune is to bury a stone at\nthe foot of the heavy house-post.\u200b[581] The common custom of swearing\nupon a stone may be based partly on a belief that the strength and\nstability of the stone lend confirmation to an oath. Thus the old\nDanish historian Saxo Grammaticus tells us that \u201cthe ancients, when\nthey were to choose a king, were wont to stand on stones planted in\nthe ground, and to proclaim their votes, in order to foreshadow from\nthe steadfastness of the stones that the deed would be lasting.\u201d\u200b[582]\nThere was a stone at Athens on which the nine archons stood when they\nswore to rule justly and according to the laws.\u200b[583] A little to the\nwest of St. Columba\u2019s tomb in Iona \u201clie the black stones, which are so\ncalled, not from their colour, for that is grey, but from the effects\nthat tradition says ensued upon perjury, if any one became guilty of it\nafter swearing on these stones in the usual manner; for an oath made on\nthem was decisive in all controversies. Mac-Donald, king of the isles,\ndelivered the rights of their lands to his vassals in the isles and\n{p161} continent, with uplifted hands and bended knees, on the black\nstones; and in this posture, before many witnesses, he solemnly swore\nthat he would never recall those rights which he then granted: and this\nwas instead of his great seal. Hence it is that when one was certain\nof what he affirmed, he said positively, I have freedom to swear this\nmatter upon the black stones.\u201d\u200b[584] Again, in the island of Arran\nthere was a green globular stone, about the size of a goose\u2019s egg, on\nwhich oaths were taken. It was also endowed with healing virtue, for it\ncured stitches in the sides of sick people if only it was laid on the\naffected part. They say that Macdonald, the Lord of the Isles, carried\nthis stone about with him, and that victory was always on his side when\nhe threw it among the enemy.\u200b[585] Once more, in the island of Fladda\nthere was a round blue stone, on which people swore decisive oaths, and\nit too healed stitches in the side like the green stone of Arran.\u200b[586]\nWhen two Bogos of eastern Africa have a dispute, they will sometimes\nsettle it at a certain stone, which one of them mounts. His adversary\ncalls down the most dreadful curses on him if he forswears himself, and\nto every curse the man on the stone answers \u201cAmen!\u201d\u200b[587] In Laconia\nan unwrought stone was shewn which, according to the legend, relieved\nthe matricide Orestes of his madness as soon as he had sat down on\nit;\u200b[588] and Zeus is said to have often cured himself of his love for\nHera by sitting down on a certain rock in the island of Leucadia.\u200b[589]\nIn these cases it may have been thought that the wayward and flighty\nimpulses of love and madness were counteracted by the steadying\ninfluence of a heavy stone.\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of special kinds of stones.]\n\nBut while a general magical efficacy may be supposed {p162} to reside in\nall stones by reason of their common properties of weight and solidity,\nspecial magical virtues are attributed to particular stones, or kinds\nof stone, in accordance with their individual or specific qualities of\nshape and colour. For example, a pot-hole in a rocky gorge of Central\nAustralia contains many rounded boulders which, in the opinion of the\nWarramunga tribe, represent the kidneys, heart, tail, intestines, and\nso forth of an old euro, a species of kangaroo. Hence the natives jump\ninto the pool, and after splashing the water all over their bodies rub\none another with the stones, believing that this will enable them to\ncatch euros.\u200b[590] Again, not very far from Alice Springs, in Central\nAustralia, there is a heap of stones supposed to be the vomit of two\nmen of the eagle-hawk totem who had dined too copiously on eagle-hawk\nmen, women, and children. The natives think that if any person caught\nsight of these stones he would be taken very sick on the spot; hence\nthe heap is covered with sticks, to which every passer-by adds one\nin order to prevent the evil magic from coming out and turning his\nstomach.\u200b[591] The Indians of Peru employed certain stones for the\nincrease of maize, others for the increase of potatoes, and others\nagain for the increase of cattle. The stones used to make maize grow\nwere fashioned in the likeness of cobs of maize, and the stones\ndestined to multiply cattle had the shape of sheep.\u200b[592]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of stones in New Caledonia.]\n\nNo people perhaps employ stones more freely for the purposes of\nhomoeopathic magic than the natives of New Caledonia. They have stones\nof the most diverse shapes and colours to serve the most diverse\nends\u2014stones for sunshine, rain, famine, war, madness, death, fishing,\nsailing, and so forth. Thus in order to make a plantation of taro\nthrive they bury in the field certain stones resembling taros, praying\nto their ancestors at the same time. A stone marked with black lines\nlike the leaves of the coco-nut palm helps to produce a good crop of\ncoco-nuts. To make bread-fruit grow they use two stones of different\nsizes representing the unripe and the ripe fruit respectively. {p163}\nAs soon as the fruit begins to form, they bury the small stone at the\nfoot of the tree; and later on, when the fruit approaches maturity,\nthey replace the small stone by the large one. The yam is the chief\ncrop of the New Caledonians; hence the number of stones used to foster\nits growth is correspondingly great. Different families have different\nkinds of stones which, according to their diverse shapes and colours,\nare supposed to promote the cultivation of the various species of\nyams. Before the stones are buried in the yam field they are deposited\nbeside the ancestral skulls, wetted with water, and wiped with the\nleaves of certain trees. Sacrifices, too, of yams and fish are offered\nto the dead, with the words, \u201cHere are your offerings, in order that\nthe crop of yams may be good.\u201d Again, a stone carved in the shape of\na canoe can make a voyage prosperous or the reverse according as it\nis placed before the ancestral skulls with the opening upwards or\ndownwards, the ceremony being accompanied with prayers and offerings\nto the dead. Again, fish is a very important article of diet with the\nNew Caledonians, and every kind of fish has its sacred stone, which is\nenclosed in a large shell and kept in the graveyard. In performing the\nrite to secure a good catch, the wizard swathes the stone in bandages\nof various colours, spits some chewed leaves on it, and, setting it up\nbefore the skulls, says, \u201cHelp us to be lucky at the fishing.\u201d\u200b[593]\nIn these and many similar practices of the New Caledonians the magical\nefficacy of the stones appears to be deemed insufficient of itself to\naccomplish the end in view; it has to be reinforced by the spirits of\nthe dead, whose help is sought by prayer and sacrifice. Moreover, the\nstones are regularly kept in the burial-grounds, as if to saturate them\nwith the powerful influence of the ancestors; they are brought from\nthe cemetery to be buried in the fields or at the foot of trees for\nthe sake of quickening the fruits of the earth, and they are restored\nto the cemetery when they {p164} have discharged this duty. Thus in New\nCaledonia magic is blent with the worship of the dead.\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of stones in Melanesia.]\n\nIn other parts of Melanesia a like belief prevails that certain sacred\nstones are endowed with miraculous powers which correspond in their\nnature to the shape of the stone. Thus a piece of water-worn coral on\nthe beach often bears a surprising likeness to a bread-fruit. Hence\nin the Banks Islands a man who finds such a coral will lay it at the\nroot of one of his bread-fruit trees in the expectation that it will\nmake the tree bear well. If the result answers his expectation, he will\nthen, for a proper remuneration, take stones of less-marked character\nfrom other men and let them lie near his, in order to imbue them with\nthe magic virtue which resides in it. Similarly, a stone with little\ndiscs upon it is good to bring in money; and if a man found a large\nstone with a number of small ones under it, like a sow among her\nlitter, he was sure that to offer money upon it would bring him pigs.\nIn these and similar cases the Melanesians ascribe the marvellous\npower, not to the stone itself, but to its indwelling spirit; and\nsometimes, as we have just seen, a man endeavours to propitiate the\nspirit by laying down offerings on the stone.\u200b[594] But the conception\nof spirits that must be propitiated lies outside the sphere of magic,\nand within that of religion. Where such a conception is found, as here,\nin conjunction with purely magical ideas and practices, the latter may\ngenerally be assumed to be the original stock on which the religious\nconception has been at some later time engrafted. For there are strong\ngrounds for thinking that, in the evolution of thought, magic has\npreceded religion. But to this point we shall return presently.\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of precious stones.]\n\nThe ancients set great store on the magical qualities of precious\nstones; indeed it has been maintained, with great show of reason, that\nsuch stones were used as amulets long before they were worn as mere\nornaments.\u200b[595] Thus the Greeks gave the name of tree-agate to a stone\nwhich exhibits tree-like markings, and they thought that if two {p165}\nof these gems were tied to the horns or neck of oxen at the plough,\nthe crop would be sure to be plentiful.\u200b[596] Again, they recognised\na milk-stone which produced an abundant supply of milk in women if\nonly they drank it dissolved in honey-mead.\u200b[597] Milk-stones are used\nfor the same purpose by Greek women in Crete and Melos at the present\nday;\u200b[598] in Albania nursing mothers wear the stones in order to\nensure an abundant flow of milk.\u200b[599] In Lechrain down to modern times\nGerman women have attempted to increase their milk by stroking their\nbreasts with a kind of alum which they call a milk-stone.\u200b[600] Again,\nthe Greeks believed in a stone which cured snake-bites, and hence was\nnamed the snake-stone; to test its efficacy you had only to grind\nthe stone to powder and sprinkle the powder on the wound.\u200b[601] The\nwine-coloured amethyst received its name, which means \u201cnot drunken,\u201d\nbecause it was supposed to keep the wearer of it sober;\u200b[602] and two\nbrothers who desired to live at unity were advised to carry magnets\nabout with them, which, by drawing the twain together, would clearly\nprevent them from falling out.\u200b[603] In Albania people think that if\nthe blood-stone is laid on a wound it will stop the flow of blood.\u200b[604]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of the sun, the moon, the stars, and the\nsea.\n\nHomoeopathic magic of the setting sun.\n\nHomoeopathic magic of the pole-star.]\n\nAmongst the things which homoeopathic magic seeks to turn to account\nare the great powers of nature, such as the waxing and the waning moon,\nthe rising and the setting sun, the stars, and the sea. Elsewhere I\nhave illustrated the homoeopathic virtues ascribed to the waxing and\nthe waning moon:\u200b[605] here I will give an Arab charm of the {p166}\nsetting sun. When a husband is far away and his wife would bring him\nhome to her, she procures pepper and coriander seed from a shop that\nfaces the east, and throws them on a lighted brasier at sunset. Then\nturning to the east she waves a napkin with which she has wiped herself\nand says: \u201cLet the setting sun return having found such and such an\none, son of such and such a woman, in grief and pain. May the grief\nthat my absence causes him make him weep, may the grief that my absence\ncauses him make him lament, may the grief that my absence causes him\nmake him break the obstacles that part us and bring him back to me.\u201d If\nthe charm is unsuccessful, she repeats it one day at sunrise, burning\nthe same perfumes. Clearly she imagines that as the sun goes away in\nthe west and comes back in the east, it should at its return bring the\nabsent one home.\u200b[606] The ancient books of the Hindoos lay down a\nrule that after sunset on his marriage night a man should sit silent\nwith his wife till the stars begin to twinkle in the sky. When the\npole-star appears, he should point it out to her, and, addressing the\nstar, say, \u201cFirm art thou; I see thee, the firm one. Firm be thou with\nme, O thriving one!\u201d Then, turning to his wife, he should say, \u201cTo me\nBrihaspati has given thee; obtaining offspring through me, thy husband,\nlive with me a hundred autumns.\u201d\u200b[607] The intention of the ceremony is\nplainly to guard against the fickleness of fortune and the instability\nof earthly bliss by the steadfast influence of the constant star. It is\nthe wish expressed in Keats\u2019s last sonnet:\u2014\n\n    _Bright star! would I were steadfast as thou art\u2014_\n    _Not in lone splendour hung aloft the night._\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of the tides.]\n\nDwellers by the sea cannot fail to be impressed by the sight of its\nceaseless ebb and flow, and are apt, on the {p167} principles of that\nrude philosophy of sympathy and resemblance which here engages our\nattention, to trace a subtle relation, a secret harmony, between its\ntides and the life of man, of animals, and of plants. In the flowing\ntide they see not merely a symbol, but a cause of exuberance, of\nprosperity, and of life, while in the ebbing tide they discern a real\nagent as well as a melancholy emblem of failure, of weakness, and of\ndeath. The Breton peasant fancies that clover sown when the tide is\ncoming in will grow well, but that if the plant be sown at low water\nor when the tide is going out, it will never reach maturity, and that\nthe cows which feed on it will burst.\u200b[608] His wife believes that the\nbest butter is made when the tide has just turned and is beginning\nto flow, that milk which foams in the churn will go on foaming till\nthe hour of high water is past, and that water drawn from the well or\nmilk extracted from the cow while the tide is rising will boil up in\nthe pot or saucepan and overflow into the fire.\u200b[609] The Galelareese\nsay that if you wish to make oil, you should do it when the tide is\nhigh, for then you will get plenty of oil.\u200b[610] According to some\nof the ancients, the skins of seals, even after they had been parted\nfrom their bodies, remained in secret sympathy with the sea, and\nwere observed to ruffle when the tide was on the ebb.\u200b[611] Another\nancient belief, attributed to Aristotle, was that no creature can die\nexcept at ebb tide. The belief, if we can trust Pliny, was confirmed\nby experience, so far as regards human beings, on the coast of\nFrance.\u200b[612] Philostratus also assures us that at Cadiz dying people\nnever yielded up the ghost while the water was high.\u200b[613] A like fancy\nstill lingers in some parts of Europe. On the Cantabrian coast of Spain\nthey think that persons who die of chronic or acute disease expire\nat the moment when the tide begins to recede.\u200b[614] In Portugal, all\nalong the coast of Wales, and on some parts of the coast of Brittany,\n{p168} a belief is said to prevail that people are born when the tide\ncomes in, and die when it goes out.\u200b[615] Dickens attests the existence\nof the same superstition in England. \u201cPeople can\u2019t die, along the\ncoast,\u201d said Mr. Peggotty, \u201cexcept when the tide\u2019s pretty nigh out.\nThey can\u2019t be born, unless it\u2019s pretty nigh in\u2014not properly born till\nflood.\u201d\u200b[616] The belief that most deaths happen at ebb tide is said\nto be held along the east coast of England from Northumberland to\nKent.\u200b[617] Shakespeare must have been familiar with it, for he makes\nFalstaff die \u201ceven just between twelve and one, e\u2019en at the turning o\u2019\nthe tide.\u201d\u200b[618] We meet the belief again on the Pacific coast of North\nAmerica among the Haidas of the Queen Charlotte Islands. Whenever a\ngood Haida is about to die he sees a canoe manned by some of his dead\nfriends, who come with the tide to bid him welcome to the spirit land.\n\u201cCome with us now,\u201d they say, \u201cfor the tide is about to ebb and we\nmust depart.\u201d\u200b[619] At the other extremity of America the same fancy\nhas been noted among the Indians of Southern Chili. A Chilote Indian\nin the last stage of consumption, after preparing to die like a good\nCatholic, was heard to ask how the tide was running. When his sister\ntold him that it was still coming in, he smiled and said that he had\nyet a little while to live. It was his firm conviction that with the\nebbing tide his soul would pass to the ocean of eternity.\u200b[620] At Port\nStephens, in New South Wales, the natives always buried their dead at\nflood tide, never at ebb, lest the retiring water should bear the soul\nof the departed to some distant country.\u200b[621]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic of grave-clothes in China.]\n\nTo ensure a long life the Chinese have recourse to certain complicated\ncharms, which concentrate in themselves the magical essence emanating,\non homoeopathic principles, from times and seasons, from persons and\nfrom things. The vehicles employed to transmit these happy influences\n{p169} are no other than grave-clothes. These are provided by many\nChinese in their lifetime, and most people have them cut out and sewn\nby an unmarried girl or a very young woman, wisely calculating that,\nsince such a person is likely to live a great many years to come, a\npart of her capacity to live long must surely pass into the clothes,\nand thus stave off for many years the time when they shall be put to\ntheir proper use. Further, the garments are made by preference in a\nyear which has an intercalary month; for to the Chinese mind it seems\nplain that grave-clothes made in a year which is unusually long will\npossess the capacity of prolonging life in an unusually high degree.\nAmongst the clothes there is one robe in particular on which special\npains have been lavished to imbue it with this priceless quality.\nIt is a long silken gown of the deepest blue colour, with the word\n\u201clongevity\u201d embroidered all over it in thread of gold. To present an\naged parent with one of these costly and splendid mantles, known as\n\u201clongevity garments,\u201d is esteemed by the Chinese an act of filial\npiety and a delicate mark of attention. As the garment purports to\nprolong the life of its owner, he often wears it, especially on festive\noccasions, in order to allow the influence of longevity, created by\nthe many golden letters with which it is bespangled, to work their\nfull effect upon his person. On his birthday, above all, he hardly\never fails to don it, for in China common sense bids a man lay in a\nlarge stock of vital energy on his birthday, to be expended in the\nform of health and vigour during the rest of the year. Attired in the\ngorgeous pall, and absorbing its blessed influence at every pore, the\nhappy owner receives complacently the congratulations of friends and\nrelations, who warmly express their admiration of these magnificent\ncerements, and of the filial piety which prompted the children to\nbestow so beautiful and useful a present on the author of their\nbeing.\u200b[622]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic applied to the sites of cities in China.]\n\nAnother application of the maxim that like produces {p170} like is seen\nin the Chinese belief that the fortunes of a town are deeply affected\nby its shape, and that they must vary according to the character of\nthe thing which that shape most nearly resembles. Thus it is related\nthat long ago the town of Tsuen-cheu-fu, the outlines of which are like\nthose of a carp, frequently fell a prey to the depredations of the\nneighbouring city of Yung-chun, which is shaped like a fishing-net,\nuntil the inhabitants of the former town conceived the plan of erecting\ntwo tall pagodas in their midst. These pagodas, which still tower above\nthe city of Tsuen-cheu-fu, have ever since exercised the happiest\ninfluence over its destiny by intercepting the imaginary net before\nit could descend and entangle in its meshes the imaginary carp.\u200b[623]\nSome thirty years ago the wise men of Shanghai were much exercised\nto discover the cause of a local rebellion. On careful enquiry they\nascertained that the rebellion was due to the shape of a large new\ntemple which had most unfortunately been built in the shape of a\ntortoise, an animal of the very worst character. The difficulty was\nserious, the danger was pressing; for to pull down the temple would\nhave been impious, and to let it stand as it was would be to court a\nsuccession of similar or worse disasters. However, the genius of the\nlocal professors of geomancy, rising to the occasion, triumphantly\nsurmounted the difficulty and obviated the danger. By filling up two\nwells, which represented the eyes of the tortoise, they at once blinded\nthat disreputable animal and rendered him incapable of doing further\nmischief.\u200b[624]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic to avert threatened misfortune.]\n\nSometimes homoeopathic or imitative magic is called in to annul an\nevil omen by accomplishing it in mimicry. The effect is to circumvent\ndestiny by substituting a mock calamity for a real one. At Kampot, a\nsmall seaport of Cambodia, a French official saw one morning a troop\nof armed guards escorting a man who was loaded with chains. They\npassed his house and went away towards the country, preceded by a man\nwho drew lugubrious sounds from a gong, and followed by a score of\nidlers. The official thought it must be an execution and was surprised\nto have heard nothing {p171} about it. Afterwards he received from\nhis interpreter the following lucid explanation of the affair. \u201cIn\nour country it sometimes happens that a man walking in the fields\nhas nothing but the upper part of his body visible to people at a\ndistance. Such an appearance is a sign that he will certainly die\nsoon, and that is what happened last evening to the man you saw. Going\nhomewards across the plain he carried over his shoulder a bundle of\npalms with long slender stems ending in fan-like tufts of leaves. His\nfamily, returning from their work, followed him at a distance, and\nsoon they saw his head, shoulders, and arms moving along the road and\ncarrying the branches, while his body and legs were invisible. Struck\nwith consternation at the sight, his mother and wife repaired in all\nhaste to the magistrate and implored him to proceed against the man\nafter the fashion customary in such cases. The magistrate replied that\nthe custom was ridiculous, and that he would be still more ridiculous\nif he complied with it. However, the two women insisted on it so\nvehemently, saying it was the only way to avert the omen, that he\ndecided to do as they wished, and gave them his word that he would\nhave the man arrested next morning at sunrise. So this morning the\nguards came to seize the poor man, telling him that he was accused of\nrebellion against the king, and without listening to his protestations\nof innocence they dragged him off to court. His family pretended to be\nsurprised and followed him weeping. The judges had him clapped into\nirons and ordered him to instant execution. His own entreaties and the\nprayers of his family being all in vain, he begged that the priests\nof the pagoda might come and bear witness to his innocence and join\ntheir supplications to those of his friends. They came in haste, but\nreceiving a hint how the wind lay they advised the condemned man to\nsubmit to his fate and departed to pray for his soul at the temple.\nThen the man was led away to a rice-field, in the middle of which a\nbanana-tree, stripped of its leaves, had been set up as a stake. To\nthis he was tied, and while his friends took their last leave of him,\nthe sword of the executioner flashed through the air and at a single\nstroke swept off the top of the banana-tree above the head of the {p172}\npretended victim. The man had given himself up for dead. His friends,\nwhile they knocked off his irons, explained to him the meaning of it\nall and led him away to thank the magistrates and priests for what they\nhad done to save him from the threatened catastrophe.\u201d The writer who\nreports the case adds that if the magistrates had not good-naturedly\nlent themselves to the pious fraud, the man\u2019s family would have\ncontrived in some other way to impress him with the terror of death in\norder to save his life.\u200b[625]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic to avert threatened misfortune.]\n\nAgain, two missionaries were journeying not long ago through Central\nCelebes, accompanied by some Toradjas. Unfortunately the note of a\ncertain bird called _teka-teka_ was heard to the left. This boded\nill, and the natives insisted that they must either turn back or pass\nthe night on the spot. When the missionaries refused to do either, an\nexpedient was hit upon which allowed them to continue the journey in\nsafety. A miniature hut was made out of a leafy branch, and in it were\ndeposited a leaf moistened with spittle and a hair from the head of one\nof the party. Then one of the Toradjas said, \u201cWe shall pass the night\nhere,\u201d and addressing the hair he spoke thus: \u201cIf any misfortune should\nhappen through the cry of that bird, may it fall on you.\u201d In this way\nthe evil omen was diverted from the real men and directed against\ntheir substitute the hair, and perhaps also the spittle, in the tiny\nhut.\u200b[626] When a Cherokee has dreamed of being stung by a snake, he is\ntreated just in the same way as if he had really been stung; otherwise\nthe place would swell and ulcerate in the usual manner, though perhaps\nyears might pass before it did so. It is the ghost of a snake that has\nbitten him in sleep.\u200b[627] One night a Huron Indian dreamed that he had\nbeen taken and burned alive by his hereditary foes the Iroquois. Next\nmorning a council was held on the affair, and the following measures\n{p173} were adopted to save the man\u2019s life. Twelve or thirteen fires\nwere kindled in the large hut where they usually burned their prisoners\nto death. Every man seized a flaming brand and applied it to the naked\nbody of the dreamer, who shrieked with pain. Thrice he ran round the\nhut, escaping from one fire only to fall into another. As each man\nthrust his blazing torch at the sufferer he said, \u201cCourage, my brother,\nit is thus that we have pity on you.\u201d At last he was allowed to escape.\nPassing out of the hut he caught up a dog which was held ready for\nthe purpose, and throwing it over his shoulder carried it through the\nwigwams as a sacred offering to the war-god, praying him to accept the\nanimal instead of himself. Afterwards the dog was killed, roasted,\nand eaten, exactly as the Indians were wont to roast and eat their\ncaptives.\u200b[628]\n\n[Sidenote: Homoeopathic magic to avert misfortune in Madagascar.]\n\nIn Madagascar this mode of cheating the fates is reduced to a regular\nsystem. Here every man\u2019s fortune is determined by the day or hour of\nhis birth, and if that happens to be an unlucky one his fate is sealed,\nunless the mischief can be extracted, as the phrase goes, by means\nof a substitute. The ways of extracting the mischief are various.\nFor example, if a man is born on the first day of the second month\n(February), his house will be burnt down when he comes of age. To take\ntime by the forelock and avoid this catastrophe, the friends of the\ninfant will set up a shed in a field or in the cattle-fold and burn it.\nIf the ceremony is to be really effective, the child and his mother\nshould be placed in the shed and only plucked, like brands, from the\nburning hut before it is too late. Again, dripping November is the\nmonth of tears, and he who is born in it is born to sorrow. But in\norder to disperse the clouds that thus gather over his future, he has\nnothing to do but to take the lid off a boiling pot and wave it about.\nThe drops that fall from it will accomplish his destiny and so prevent\nthe tears from trickling from his eyes. Again, if fate has decreed\nthat a young girl, still unwed, should see her children, still unborn,\ndescend before her with sorrow to the grave, she can avert the calamity\nas follows. She kills a grasshopper, wraps it in a rag to represent a\nshroud, and mourns over it like {p174} Rachel weeping for her children\nand refusing to be comforted. Moreover, she takes a dozen or more other\ngrasshoppers, and having removed some of their superfluous legs and\nwings she lays them about their dead and shrouded fellow. The buzz of\nthe tortured insects and the agitated motions of their mutilated limbs\nrepresent the shrieks and contortions of the mourners at a funeral.\nAfter burying the deceased grasshopper she leaves the rest to continue\ntheir mourning till death releases them from their pain; and having\nbound up her dishevelled hair she retires from the grave with the\nstep and carriage of a person plunged in grief. Thenceforth she looks\ncheerfully forward to seeing her children survive her; for it cannot be\nthat she should mourn and bury them twice over. Once more, if fortune\nhas frowned on a man at his birth and penury has marked him for her\nown, he can easily eraze the mark in question by purchasing a couple of\ncheap pearls, price three halfpence, and burying them. For who but the\nrich of this world can thus afford to fling pearls away?\u200b[629]\n\n\n\u00a7 3. _Contagious Magic_\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic working by contact, not resemblance.\n\nMagical sympathy between a man and the severed portions of his person,\nsuch as his hair or nails.\n\nBeneficial effect of this superstition in causing the removal of\nrefuse.]\n\nThus far we have been considering chiefly that branch of sympathetic\nmagic which may be called homoeopathic or imitative. Its leading\nprinciple, as we have seen, is that like produces like, or, in other\nwords, that an effect resembles its cause. The other great branch of\nsympathetic magic, which I have called Contagious Magic, proceeds upon\nthe notion that things which have once been conjoined must remain ever\nafterwards, even when quite dissevered from each other, in such a\nsympathetic relation that whatever is done to the one must similarly\naffect the other.\u200b[630] Thus the logical basis of Contagious Magic,\nlike that of Homoeopathic Magic, is a mistaken association of ideas;\nits physical basis, if we may speak of such a thing, {p175} like the\nphysical basis of Homoeopathic Magic, is a material medium of some\nsort which, like the ether of modern physics, is assumed to unite\ndistant objects and to convey impressions from one to the other. The\nmost familiar example of Contagious Magic is the magical sympathy\nwhich is supposed to exist between a man and any severed portion of\nhis person, as his hair or nails; so that whoever gets possession\nof human hair or nails may work his will, at any distance, upon the\nperson from whom they were cut. This superstition is world-wide;\ninstances of it in regard to hair and nails will be noticed later on\nin this work.\u200b[631] While like other superstitions it has had its\nabsurd and mischievous consequences, it has nevertheless indirectly\ndone much good by furnishing savages with strong, though irrational,\nmotives for observing rules of cleanliness which they might never\nhave adopted on rational grounds. How the superstition has produced\nthis salutary effect will appear from a single instance, which I will\ngive in the words of an experienced observer. Amongst the natives of\nthe Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain \u201cit is as a rule necessary for\nthe efficiency of a charm that it should contain a part of the person\nwho is to be enchanted (for example, his hair), or a piece of his\nclothing, or something that stands in some relation to him, such as\nhis excrements, the refuse of his food, his spittle, his footprints,\netc. All such objects can be employed as _panait_, that is, as a medium\nfor a _papait_ or charm, consisting of an incantation or murmuring\nof a certain formula, together with the blowing into the air of some\nburnt lime which is held in the hand. It need hardly, therefore, be\nsaid that the native removes all such objects as well as he can. Thus\nthe cleanliness which is usual in the houses and consists in sweeping\nthe floor carefully every day, is by no means based on a desire for\ncleanliness and neatness in themselves, but purely on the effort\nto put out of the way anything that might serve an ill-wisher as a\ncharm.\u201d\u200b[632] I will now illustrate the principles of Contagious Magic\nby examples, beginning with its application to various parts of the\nhuman body. {p176}\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of teeth in Australia.]\n\nAmong the Australian tribes it was a common practice to knock out\none or more of a boy\u2019s front teeth at those ceremonies of initiation\nto which every male member had to submit before he could enjoy the\nrights and privileges of a full-grown man.\u200b[633] The reason of the\npractice is obscure; a conjecture on this subject has been hazarded\nabove.\u200b[634] All that concerns us here is the evidence of a belief\nthat a sympathetic relation continued to exist between the lad and his\nteeth after the latter had been extracted from his gums. Thus among\nsome of the tribes about the river Darling, in New South Wales, the\nextracted tooth was placed under the bark of a tree near a river or\nwater-hole; if the bark grew over the tooth, or if the tooth fell into\nthe water, all was well; but if it were exposed and the ants ran over\nit, the natives believed that the boy would suffer from a disease of\nthe mouth.\u200b[635] Among the Murring and other tribes of New South Wales\nthe extracted tooth was at first taken care of by an old man, and then\npassed from one headman to another, until it had gone all round the\ncommunity, when it came back to the lad\u2019s father, and finally to the\nlad himself. But however it was thus conveyed from hand to hand, it\nmight on no account be placed in a bag containing magical substances,\nfor to do so would, they believed, put the owner of the tooth in great\ndanger.\u200b[636] The late Dr. Howitt once acted as custodian of the teeth\nwhich had been extracted from some novices at a ceremony of initiation,\nand the old men earnestly besought him not to carry them in a bag in\nwhich they knew that he had some quartz crystals. They declared that\nif he did so the magic of the crystals would pass into the teeth, and\nso injure the boys. Nearly a year after Dr. Howitt\u2019s return from the\nceremony he was visited by one of the principal men of the Murring\ntribe, who had travelled some two hundred and fifty miles from his home\nto fetch back the teeth. This man explained that he had been {p177}\nsent for them because one of the boys had fallen into ill health,\nand it was believed that the teeth had received some injury which had\naffected him. He was assured that the teeth had been kept in a box\napart from any substances, like quartz crystals, which could influence\nthem; and he returned home bearing the teeth with him carefully wrapt\nup and concealed.\u200b[637] In the Dieri tribe of South Australia the teeth\nknocked out at initiation were bound up in emu feathers, and kept by\nthe boy\u2019s father or his next-of-kin until the mouth had healed, and\neven for long afterwards. Then the father, accompanied by a few old\nmen, performed a ceremony for the purpose of taking all the supposed\nlife out of the teeth. He made a low rumbling noise without uttering\nany words, blew two or three times with his mouth, and jerked the teeth\nthrough his hand to some little distance. After that he buried them\nabout eighteen inches under ground. The jerking movement was meant\nto shew that he thereby took all the life out of the teeth. Had he\nfailed to do so, the boy would, in the opinion of the natives, have\nbeen liable to an ulcerated and wry mouth, impediment in speech, and\nultimately a distorted face.\u200b[638] This ceremony is interesting as a\nrare instance of an attempt to break the sympathetic link between a man\nand a severed part of himself by rendering the part insensitive.\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of teeth in Africa, Europe, America, etc.\n\nTeeth of mice and rats.]\n\nThe Basutos are careful to conceal their extracted teeth, lest these\nshould fall into the hands of certain mythical beings called _baloi_,\nwho haunt graves, and could harm the owner of the tooth by working\nmagic on it.\u200b[639] In Sussex some forty years ago a maid-servant\nremonstrated strongly against the throwing away of children\u2019s cast\nteeth, affirming that should they be found and gnawed by any animal,\nthe child\u2019s new tooth would be, for all the world, like the teeth of\nthe animal that had bitten the old one. In proof of this she named\nold Master Simmons, who had a {p178} very large pig\u2019s tooth in his\nupper jaw, a personal defect that he always averred was caused by his\nmother, who threw away one of his cast teeth by accident into the\nhog\u2019s trough.\u200b[640] A similar belief has led to practices intended, on\nthe principles of homoeopathic magic, to replace old teeth by new and\nbetter ones. Thus in many parts of the world it is customary to put\nextracted teeth in some place where they will be found by a mouse or a\nrat, in the hope that, through the sympathy which continues to subsist\nbetween them and their former owner, his other teeth may acquire the\nsame firmness and excellence as the teeth of these rodents. Thus in\nGermany it is said to be an almost universal maxim among the people\nthat when you have had a tooth taken out you should insert it in a\nmouse\u2019s hole. To do so with a child\u2019s milk-tooth which has fallen out\nwill prevent the child from having toothache. Or you should go behind\nthe stove and throw your tooth backwards over your head, saying,\n\u201cMouse, give me your iron tooth; I will give you my bone tooth.\u201d After\nthat your other teeth will remain good. German children say, \u201cMouse,\nmouse, come out and bring me out a new tooth\u201d; or \u201cMouse, I give you a\nlittle bone; give me a little stone\u201d; or \u201cMouse, there is an old tooth\nfor you; make me a new one.\u201d In Bavaria they say that if this ceremony\nbe observed the child\u2019s second teeth will be as white as the teeth of\nmice.\u200b[641] Amongst the South Slavonians, too, the child is taught to\nthrow his tooth into a dark corner and say, \u201cMouse, mouse, there is a\nbone tooth; give me an iron tooth instead.\u201d\u200b[642] Jewish children in\nSouth Russia throw their cast teeth on the roof with the same request\nto the mouse to give them an iron tooth for a tooth of bone.\u200b[643] Far\naway {p179} from Europe, at Raratonga, in the Pacific, when a child\u2019s\ntooth was extracted, the following prayer used to be recited:\u2014\n\n    \u201c_Big rat! little rat!_\n    _Here is my old tooth._\n    _Pray give me a new one._\u201d\n\nThen the tooth was thrown on the thatch of the house, because rats make\ntheir nests in the decayed thatch. The reason assigned for invoking\nthe rats on these occasions was that rats\u2019 teeth were the strongest\nknown to the natives.\u200b[644] In the Seranglao and Gorong archipelagoes,\nbetween New Guinea and Celebes, when a child loses his first tooth, he\nmust throw it on the roof, saying, \u201cMouse, I give you my tooth; give\nme yours instead.\u201d\u200b[645] In Amboyna the custom is the same, and the\nform of words is, \u201cTake this tooth, thrown on the roof, as the mouse\u2019s\nshare, and give me a better one instead.\u201d\u200b[646] In the Kei Islands, to\nthe south-west of New Guinea, when a child begins to get his second\nteeth, he is lifted up to the top of the roof in order that he may\nthere deposit, as an offering to the rats, the tooth which has fallen\nout. At the same time some one cries aloud, \u201cO rats, here you have\nhis tooth; give him a golden one instead.\u201d\u200b[647] Among the Ilocans of\nLuzon, in the Philippines, when children\u2019s teeth are loose, they are\npulled out with a string and put in a place where rats will be likely\nto find and drag them away.\u200b[648] In ancient Mexico, when a child was\ngetting a new tooth, the father or mother used to put the old one\nin a mouse\u2019s hole, believing that if this precaution were not taken\nthe new tooth would not issue from the gums.\u200b[649] A different and\nmore barbarous {p180} application of the same principle is the Swabian\nsuperstition that when a child is teething you should bite off the\nhead of a living mouse, and hang the head round the child\u2019s neck by a\nstring, taking care, however, to make no knot in the string; then the\nchild will teethe easily.\u200b[650] In Bohemia the treatment prescribed is\nsimilar, though there they recommend you to use a red thread and to\nstring three heads of mice on it instead of one.\u200b[651]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of teeth: teeth of squirrels, foxes,\nbeavers, etc.\n\nTeeth thrown towards the sun.]\n\nBut it is not always a mouse or a rat that brings the child a new and\nstronger tooth. Apparently any strong-toothed animal will serve the\npurpose. Thus when his or her tooth drops out, a Singhalese will throw\nit on the roof, saying, \u201cSquirrel, dear squirrel, take this tooth\nand give me a dainty tooth.\u201d\u200b[652] In Bohemia a child will sometimes\nthrow its cast tooth behind the stove, asking the fox to give him an\niron tooth instead of the bone one.\u200b[653] In Berlin the teeth of a fox\nworn as an amulet round a child\u2019s neck make teething easy for him,\nand ensure that his teeth will be good and lasting.\u200b[654] Similarly,\nin order to help a child to cut its teeth, the aborigines of Victoria\nfastened to its wrist the front tooth of a kangaroo, which the child\nused as a coral to rub its gums with.\u200b[655] Again, the beaver can\ngnaw through the hardest wood. Hence among the Cherokee Indians, when\nthe loosened milk tooth of a child has been pulled out or has dropped\nout of itself, the child runs round the house with it, repeating four\ntimes, \u201cBeaver, put a new tooth into my jaw,\u201d after which he throws the\ntooth on the roof of the house.\u200b[656] In Macedonia, a child carefully\nkeeps for a time its first drawn tooth, and then throws it on the roof\nwith the following invocation to the crow:\u2014 {p181}\n\n    \u201c_O dear crow, here is a tooth of bone,_\n    _Take it and give me a tooth of iron instead,_\n    _That I may be able to chew beans_\n    _And to crunch dry biscuits._\u201d\u200b[657]\n\nWe can now understand a custom of the Thompson Indians of British\nColumbia, which the writer who records it is unable to explain. When\na child lost its teeth, the father used to take each one as it fell\nout and to hide it in a piece of raw venison, which he gave to a dog\nto eat. The animal swallowed the venison and the tooth with it.\u200b[658]\nDoubtless the custom was intended to ensure that the child\u2019s new teeth\nshould be as strong as those of a dog. In Silesia mothers sometimes\nswallow their children\u2019s cast teeth in order to save their offspring\nfrom toothache. The intention is perhaps to strengthen the weak teeth\nof the child by the strong teeth of the grown woman.\u200b[659] Amongst the\nWarramunga of Central Australia, when a girl\u2019s tooth has been knocked\nout as a solemn ceremony, it is pounded up and the fragments placed in\na piece of flesh, which has to be eaten by the girl\u2019s mother. When the\nsame rite has been performed on a man, his pounded tooth must be eaten\nin a piece of meat by his mother-in-law.\u200b[660] Among the heathen Arabs,\nwhen a boy\u2019s tooth fell out, he used to take it between his finger and\nthumb and throw it towards the sun, saying, \u201cGive me a better for it.\u201d\nAfter that his teeth were sure to grow straight, and close, and strong.\n\u201cThe sun,\u201d says Tharafah, \u201cgave the lad from his own nursery-ground a\ntooth like a hailstone, white and polished.\u201d\u200b[661] Thus the reason for\nthrowing the old teeth towards the sun would seem to have been a notion\nthat the sun sends hail, from which it naturally follows that he can\nsend you a tooth as smooth and white and hard as a hailstone. Among the\npeasants of the Lebanon, when a child loses a milk tooth, he throws it\n{p182} towards the sun, saying, \u201cSun, sun, take the ass\u2019s tooth and give\nme the deer\u2019s tooth.\u201d They sometimes say jestingly that the child\u2019s\ntooth has been carried off by a mouse.\u200b[662] An Armenian generally\nburies his extracted teeth at the edge of the hearth with the prayer:\n\u201cGrandfather, take a dog\u2019s tooth and give me a golden tooth.\u201d\u200b[663]\nIn the light of the preceding examples, we may conjecture that the\ngrandfather here invoked is not so much the soul of a dead ancestor as\na mouse or a rat.\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of navel-string and afterbirth among the\nMaoris and the aborigines of Australia.]\n\nOther parts which are commonly believed to remain in a sympathetic\nunion with the body, after the physical connexion has been severed,\nare the navel-string and the afterbirth, including the placenta. So\nintimate, indeed, is the union conceived to be, that the fortunes of\nthe individual for good or evil throughout life are often supposed\nto be bound up with one or other of these portions of his person,\nso that if his navel-string or afterbirth is preserved and properly\ntreated, he will be prosperous; whereas if it be injured or lost, he\nwill suffer accordingly. Thus among the Maoris, when the navel-string\ndropped off, the child was carried to a priest to be solemnly named\nby him. But before the ceremony of naming began, the navel-string was\nburied in a sacred place and a young sapling was planted over it.\nEver afterwards that tree, as it grew, was a _tohu oranga_ or sign of\nlife for the child.\u200b[664] In the Upper Whakatane valley, in the North\nIsland of New Zealand, there is a famous _hinau_ tree, to which the\nMaoris used to attach the navel-strings of their children; and barren\nwomen were in the habit of embracing the tree in the hope of thereby\nobtaining offspring.\u200b[665] Again, among the Maoris, \u201cthe placenta\nis named _fenua_, which word signifies land. It is applied by the\nnatives to the placenta, from their supposing it to be the residence\nof the child: on being discharged it is immediately buried with {p183}\ngreat care, as they have the superstitious idea that the priests, if\noffended, would procure it; and, by praying over it, occasion the death\nof both mother and child, by \u2018praying them to death,\u2019 to use their\nown expression.\u201d\u200b[666] Again, some of the natives of South Australia\nregarded the placenta as sacred and carefully put it away out of reach\nof the dogs,\u200b[667] doubtless because they thought that harm would come\nto the child if this part of himself were eaten by the animals. Certain\ntribes of Western Australia believe that a man swims well or ill,\naccording as his mother at his birth threw the navel-string into water\nor not.\u200b[668] Among the Arunta of Central Australia the navel-string\nis swathed in fur-string and made into a necklace, which is placed\nround the child\u2019s neck. The necklace is supposed to facilitate the\ngrowth of the child, to keep it quiet and contented, and to avert\nillness generally.\u200b[669] In the Kaitish tribe of Central Australia the\npractice and belief are similar.\u200b[670] In the Warramunga tribe, after\nthe string has hung round the child\u2019s neck for a time, it is given to\nthe wife\u2019s brother, who wears it in his armlet, and who may not see the\nchild till it can walk. In return for the navel-string, the man makes a\npresent of weapons to the infant\u2019s father. When the child can walk, the\nfather gives fur-string to the man, who now comes to the camp, sees the\nchild, and makes another present to the father. After that he keeps the\nnavel-string for some time longer, and finally places it in a hollow\ntree known only to himself.\u200b[671] Among the natives on the Pennefather\nriver in Queensland it is {p184} believed that a part of the child\u2019s\nspirit (_cho-i_) stays in the afterbirth. Hence the grandmother takes\nthe afterbirth away and buries it in the sand. She marks the spot by a\nnumber of twigs which she sticks in the ground in a circle, tying their\ntops together so that the structure resembles a cone. When Anjea, the\nbeing who causes conception in women by putting mud babies into their\nwombs, comes along and sees the place, he takes out the spirit and\ncarries it away to one of his haunts, such as a tree, a hole in a rock,\nor a lagoon, where it may remain for years. But sometime or other he\nwill put the spirit again into a baby, and it will be born once more\ninto the world.\u200b[672]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of navel-string in New Guinea, Fiji, the\nCaroline Islands, and the Gilbert Islands.]\n\nIn the Yabim tribe of German New Guinea the mother ties the\nnavel-string to the net in which she carries the child, lest any\none should use the string to the child\u2019s hurt.\u200b[673] \u201cIn some parts\nof Fiji the navel-string of a male infant is planted together with\na cocoanut, or slip of a bread-fruit tree, and the child\u2019s life is\nsupposed to be intimately connected with that of the tree. Moreover,\nthe planting is supposed to have the effect of making the boy a good\nclimber. If the child be a girl, the mother or her sister will take\nthe navel-string to the sea-water when she goes out fishing for the\nfirst time after the childbirth, and she will throw it into the sea\nwhen the nets are stretched in line. Thus the girl will grow up into a\nskilful fisherwoman. But the queerest use I ever saw the string put to\nwas at Rotuma. There it has become almost obligatory for a young man,\nwho wants the girls to respect him, to make a voyage in a white man\u2019s\nvessel; and mothers come alongside ships anchored in the roadstead and\nfasten their boy\u2019s navel-string to the vessel\u2019s chain-plates. This\nwill make sure of a voyage for the child when it has grown up. This,\nof course, must be a modern development, but it has all the strength\nof an ancient custom.\u201d\u200b[674] In Ponape, one of the Caroline Islands,\nthe {p185} navel-string is placed in a shell and then disposed of in\nsuch a way as shall best adapt the child for the career which the\nparents have chosen for him. Thus if they wish to make him a good\nclimber, they will hang the navel-string on a tree.\u200b[675] In the\nGilbert Islands the navel-string is wrapt by the child\u2019s father or\nadoptive father in a pandanus leaf, and then worn by him as a bracelet\nfor several months. After that he keeps it most carefully in the hut,\ngenerally hanging under the ridge-beam. The islanders believe that\nif the navel-string is thus preserved, the child will become a great\nwarrior if it is a boy, or will make a good match if it is a girl. But\nshould the bracelet be lost before the child is grown up, they expect\nthat the boy will prove a coward in war, and that the girl will make\nan unfortunate marriage. Hence the most anxious search is made for the\nmissing talisman, and if it is not to be found, weeks will pass before\nthe relations resign themselves to its loss. When the boy has grown to\nbe a youth and has distinguished himself for the first time in war, the\nbracelet containing the navel-string is taken by the villagers, on a\nday fixed for the purpose, far out to sea; the adoptive father of the\nlad throws the bracelet overboard, and all the canoes begin to catch as\nmany fish as they can. The first fish caught, whether large or small,\nis carefully preserved apart from the rest. Meantime the old women at\nhome have been busy preparing a copious banquet for the fishermen. When\nthe little fleet comes to shore, the old woman who helped at the lad\u2019s\nbirth goes to meet it; the first fish caught is handed to her, and she\ncarries it to the hut. The fish is laid on a new mat, the youth and his\nmother take their places beside it, and they and it are covered up with\nanother mat. Then the old woman goes round the mat, striking the ground\nwith a short club and murmuring a prayer to the lad\u2019s god to help him\nhenceforth in war, that he may be brave and invulnerable, and that he\nmay turn out a skilful fisherman. The navel-string of a girl, as soon\nas she is grown up, is thrown into the sea with similar ceremonies; and\nthe ceremony on land is the same except that the old woman\u2019s prayer\nis {p186} naturally different; she asks the girl\u2019s god to grant that\nshe may have a happy marriage and many children. After the mat has\nbeen removed, the fish is cooked and eaten by the two; if it is too\nlarge to be eaten by them alone, the remainder is consumed by friends\nand relations. These ceremonies are only observed for the children of\nwealthy parents, who can defray the cost. In the case of a child of\npoorer parents the bracelet containing the navel-string simply hangs up\ntill it disappears in one way or another.\u200b[676]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of navel-string and afterbirth in the\nMoluccas.]\n\nAmong the Galelareese, to the west of New Guinea, the mother sometimes\nkeeps the navel-string till the child is old enough to begin to play.\nThen she gives it as a plaything to the little one, who may take it\naway; otherwise the child would be idiotic. But others plant the\nnavel-string with a banana-bush or a coco-nut.\u200b[677] The Kei islanders,\nto the south-west of New Guinea, regard the navel-string as the brother\nor sister of the child, according as the infant is a boy or a girl.\nThey put it in a pot with ashes, and set it in the branches of a tree,\nthat it may keep a watchful eye on the fortunes of its comrade.\u200b[678]\nIn the Babar Archipelago, between New Guinea and Celebes, the placenta\nis mixed with ashes and put in a small basket, which seven women,\neach of them armed with a sword, hang up on a tree of a particular\nkind (_Citrus hystrix_). The women carry swords for the purpose of\nfrightening the evil spirits; otherwise these mischievous beings might\nget hold of the placenta and make the child sick. The navel-string is\nkept in a little box in the house.\u200b[679] In the Tenimber and Timorlaut\nislands the placenta is buried in a basket under a sago or coco-nut\npalm, which then becomes the property of the child. But sometimes it is\nhidden in the forest, or deposited in a hole under the house with an\noffering of betel.\u200b[680] In the {p187} Watubela islands the placenta\nis buried under a coco-nut, _mangga_, or great fig-tree along with\nthe shell of the coco-nut, of which the pulp had been used to smear\nthe newborn child.\u200b[681] In many of the islands between New Guinea\nand Celebes the placenta is put in the branches of a tree, often in\nthe top of one of the highest trees in the neighbourhood. Sometimes\nthe navel-string is deposited along with the placenta in the tree,\nbut often it is kept to be used as medicine or an amulet by the\nchild.\u200b[682] Thus in Ceram the child sometimes wears the navel-string\nround its neck as a charm to avert sickness;\u200b[683] and in the islands\nof Leti, Moa, and Lakor he carries it as an amulet in war or on a\nfar journey.\u200b[684] We cannot doubt that the intention of putting the\nplacenta in the top of a tall tree is to keep it, and with it the\nchild, out of harm\u2019s way. In the islands of Saparoea, Haroekoe, and\nNoessa Laut, to the east of Amboyna, the midwife buries the afterbirth\nand strews flowers over it. Moreover, resin or a lamp is kept burning\nfor seven or three nights over the buried afterbirth, in order that\nno harm may come to the child. Some people, however, in these islands\nsolemnly cast the afterbirth into the sea. Being placed in a pot and\nclosely covered up with a piece of white cotton, it is taken out to\nsea in a boat. A hole is knocked in the pot to allow it to sink in the\nwater. The midwife, who is charged with the duty of heaving the pot\nand its contents overboard, must look straight ahead; if she were to\nglance to the right or left the child whose afterbirth is in the pot\nwould squint. And the man who rows or steers the boat must make her\nkeep a straight course, otherwise the child would grow up a gad-about.\nBefore the pot is flung into the sea, the midwife disengages the piece\nof white cotton in which it is wrapt, and this cloth she takes straight\nback to the house and covers the baby with it. In these islands it is\nthought that a child born with a caul will enjoy in later years the\ngift of second sight\u2014that is, that he will be able to see things which\nare hidden from common eyes, such as devils and evil spirits. But if\nhis parents desire to prevent {p188} him from exercising this uncanny\npower, they can do so. In that case the midwife must dry the caul in\nthe sun, steep it in water, and then wash the child with the water\nthrice; further, when the child is a little older, she must grind the\ncaul to powder, and give the child the powder to eat with its pap. Some\npeople keep the caul; and if the child falls ill, it is given water\nto drink in which the caul has been steeped.\u200b[685] Similarly in the\nLuang-Sermata islands a child born with a caul is counted lucky, and\ncan perceive and recognise the spirits of his ancestors.\u200b[686] A caul,\nit may be said, is merely the f\u0153tal membrane which usually forms part\nof the afterbirth; occasionally a child is born with it wrapt like a\nhood round its head.\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of the placenta in Celebes.]\n\nIn Parigi, a kingdom on the coast of Central Celebes, the placenta\nis laid in a cooking-pot, and one of the mother\u2019s female relations\ncarries the pot wrapt in white cotton and hidden under a petticoat\n(_sarong_) to a spot beneath the house or elsewhere, and there she\nburies it. A coco-nut is planted near the place. Going and coming the\nwoman is led by another, and must keep her eyes fast shut, for if\nshe looked right or left the child would squint, \u201cbecause she is at\nthis time closely united with a part of the child, to wit its older\nbrother, in other words the placenta.\u201d On her return to the house she\nlies down on her sleeping-mat, still with closed eyes, and draws a\npetticoat over her head, and another woman sprinkles her with water.\nAfter that she may get up and open her eyes. The sprinkling with\nwater is intended to sever her sympathetic connexion with the child\nand so prevent her from exercising any influence on it.\u200b[687] Among\nthe Tolalaki of Central Celebes turmeric and other spices are put on\nthe placenta, {p189} which is then enclosed in two coco-nut shells\nthat fit one on the other. These are wrapt in bark-cloth and kept in\nthe house. If the child falls ill, the coco-nut shells are opened and\nthe placenta examined. Should there be worms in it, they are removed\nand fresh spices added. When the child has grown big and strong, the\nplacenta is thrown away.\u200b[688] Among the Toboongkoo of Central Celebes\nthe afterbirth is placed in a rice-pot with various plants, which are\nintended to preserve it from decay as long as possible; it is then\ncarefully tied up in bark-cloth. A man and a woman of the family carry\nthe placenta away; in doing so they go out and in the house four times,\nand each time they enter they kiss the child, but they take care not to\nlook to the right or the left, for otherwise the child would squint.\nSome bury the placenta, others hang it on a tree. If the child is\nunwell, they dig up the placenta or take it down from the tree, and\nlay bananas, rice of four sorts, and a lighted taper beside it. Having\ndone so, they hang it up on a tree if it was previously buried; but\nthey bury it if it was formerly hung up.\u200b[689] The Tomori of Central\nCelebes wash the afterbirth, put it in a rice-pot, and bury it under\nthe house. Great care is taken that no water or spittle falls on the\nplace. For a few days the afterbirth is sometimes fed with rice and\neggs, which are laid on the spot where it is buried. Afterwards the\npeople cease to trouble themselves about it.\u200b[690] In southern Celebes\nthey call the navel-string and afterbirth the two brothers or sisters\nof the child. When the infant happens to be a prince or princess, the\nnavel-string and afterbirth are placed with salt and tamarind in a new\nrice-pot, which is then enveloped in a fine robe and tightly corded up\nto prevent the evil spirits from making off with the pair of brothers\nor sisters. For the same reason a light is kept burning all night, and\ntwice a day rice is rubbed on the edge of the pot, for the purpose,\nas the people say, of giving the child\u2019s little brothers or sisters\nsomething to eat. After a while this feeding, as it is called, takes\nplace at {p190} rarer intervals, and when the mother has been again\nbrought to bed it is discontinued altogether. On the ninth day after\nthe birth a number of coco-nuts are planted, with much ceremony, in\na square enclosure, and the water which was used in cleansing the\nafterbirth and navel-string is poured upon them. These coco-nuts are\ncalled the contemporaries of the child and grow up with him. When the\nplanting is done, the rice-pot with the navel-string and afterbirth is\ncarried back and set beside the bed of the young prince or princess,\nand when his royal highness is carried out to take the air the rice-pot\nwith his two \u201cbrothers\u201d goes out with him, swathed in a robe of state\nand screened from the sun by an umbrella. If the prince or princess\nshould die, the afterbirth and navel-string are buried. Among common\npeople in South Celebes these parts of the infant are generally buried\nimmediately after the birth, or they are sunk in the deep sea, or hung\nin a rice-pot on a tree.\u200b[691]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of the placenta and navel-string in Timor,\nSavou, and Rotti]\n\nIn the island of Timor the placenta is called the child\u2019s companion\nand treated accordingly. The midwife puts it in an earthen pot and\ncovers it with ashes from the hearth. After standing thus three days\nit is taken away and buried by a person who must observe silence in\ndischarging this duty.\u200b[692] In Savou, a small island to the south-west\nof Timor, the afterbirth is filled with native herbs, and having been\ndeposited in a new pot, which has never before been used, is buried\nunder the house to keep off evil spirits. Or it is put in a new basket\nand hung in a high toddy palm to fertilise it, or thrown into the sea\nto secure a good catch of fish. The person who thus disposes of the\nafterbirth may not look to the right or the left; he must be joyous\nand, if possible, go singing on his way. If it is to be hung on a tree,\nhe must climb nimbly up, in order that the child may always be lucky.\nThese islanders ascribe a similar fertilising virtue to a caul. It is\ndried and carefully kept in a box. When rice-stalks turn black and the\nears refuse to set, a man will take the box containing the caul and run\nseveral {p191} times round the rice-field, in order that the wind may\nwaft the genial influence of the caul over the rice.\u200b[693] In Rotti,\nan island to the south of Timor, the navel-string is put in a small\nsatchel made of leaves, and if the father of the child is not himself\ngoing on a voyage, he entrusts the bag to one of his seafaring friends\nand charges him to throw it away in the open sea with the express wish\nthat, when the child grows up and has to sail to other islands, he\nmay escape the perils of the deep. But the business of girls in these\nislands does not lie in the great waters, and hence their navel-strings\nreceive a different treatment. It is their task to go afishing daily,\nwhen the tide is out, on the coral reefs which ring the islands. So\nwhen the mother is herself again, she repairs with the little satchel\nto the reef where she is wont to fish. Acting the part of a priestess\nshe there eats one or two small bagfuls of boiled rice on the spot\nwhere she intends to deposit the dried navel-string of her baby\ndaughter, taking care to leave a few grains of rice in the bags. Then\nshe ties the precious satchel and the nearly empty rice-bags to a stick\nand fastens it among the stones of the reef, generally on its outer\nedge, within sight and sound of the breaking waves. In doing so she\nutters a wish that this ceremony may guard her daughter from the perils\nand dangers that beset her on the reef\u2014for example, that no crocodile\nmay issue from the lagoon and eat her up, and that the sharp corals and\nbroken shells may not wound her feet.\u200b[694]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of the placenta in Flores, Bali, and Java.]\n\nIn the island of Flores the placenta is put in an earthen pot, along\nwith some rice and betel, and buried by the father in the neighbourhood\nof the house, or else preserved in one of the highest trees.\u200b[695] The\nnatives of Bali, an island to the east of Java, believe firmly that\nthe afterbirth is the child\u2019s brother or sister, and they bury it in\nthe courtyard in the half of a coco-nut from which the kernel has not\nbeen {p192} removed. For forty days afterwards a light is burned, and\nfood, water, and betel deposited on the spot,\u200b[696] doubtless in order\nto feed the baby\u2019s little brother or sister, and to guard him or her\nfrom evil spirits. In Java the afterbirth is also called the brother\nor sister of the infant; it is wrapt in white cotton, put in a new pot\nor a coco-nut shell, and buried by the father beside the door, outside\nthe house if the child is a boy, but inside the house if the child is\na girl. Every evening until the child\u2019s navel has healed a lamp is\nlit over the spot where the afterbirth is buried. If the afterbirth\nhangs in a rice-pot in the house, as the practice is with some people,\nthe lamp burns under the place where the rice-pot is suspended. The\npurpose of the light is to ward off demons, to whose machinations the\nchild and its supposed brother or sister are at this season especially\nexposed.\u200b[697] If the child is a boy, a piece of paper inscribed with\nthe alphabet is deposited in the pot with his placenta, in order that\nhe may be smart at his learning; if the child is a girl, a needle and\nthread are deposited in the pot, that she may be a good sempstress,\nand water with flowers in it is poured on the spot where the placenta\nis buried, in order that the child may always be healthy; for many\nJavanese think that if the placenta is not properly honoured, the child\nwill never be well.\u200b[698] Sometimes, however, women in the interior\nof Java allow the placenta, surrounded with fruits and flowers and\nilluminated by little lamps, to float down the river in the dusk of the\nevening as an offering to the crocodiles, or rather to the ancestors\nwhose souls are believed to lodge in these animals.\u200b[699]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of placenta and navel-string in Sumatra.]\n\nIn Mandeling, a district on the west coast of Sumatra, the afterbirth\nis washed and buried under the house or put in an earthenware pot,\nwhich is carefully shut up and thrown {p193} into the river. This is\ndone to avert the supposed unfavourable influence of the afterbirth\non the child, whose hands or feet, for example, might be chilled by\nit. When the navel-string drops off, it is preserved to be used as\na medicine when its former owner is ill.\u200b[700] In Mandeling, too,\nthe midwife prefers to cut the navel-string with a piece of a flute\non which she has first blown, for then the child will be sure to\nhave a fine voice.\u200b[701] Among the Minangkabau people of Sumatra the\nplacenta is put in a new earthenware pot, which is then carefully\nclosed with a banana leaf to prevent the ants and other insects from\ncoming at it; for if they did, the child would be sickly and given\nto squalling.\u200b[702] In Central Sumatra the placenta is wrapt in\nwhite cotton, deposited in a basket or a calabash, and buried in the\ncourtyard before the house or under a rice-barn. The hole is dug by a\nkinsman or kinswoman according as the baby is a boy or a girl. Over the\nhole is placed a stone from the hearth, and beside it a wooden spoon is\nstuck in the ground. Both stone and spoon are sprinkled with the juice\nof a citron. During the ceremony _koemajen_ is burned and a shot fired.\nFor three evenings afterwards candles are lighted at the spot,\u200b[703]\ndoubtless to keep off demons. Among the Battas of Sumatra, as among so\nmany other peoples of the Indian Archipelago, the placenta passes for\nthe child\u2019s younger brother or sister, the sex being determined by the\nsex of the child, and it is buried under the house. According to the\nBattas it is bound up with the child\u2019s welfare, and seems, in fact, to\nbe the seat of the transferable soul, of whose wanderings outside of\nthe body we shall hear something later on.\u200b[704] The Karo Battas even\naffirm {p194} that of a man\u2019s two souls it is the true soul that lives\nwith the placenta under the house; that is the soul, they say, which\nbegets children.\u200b[705]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of placenta and navel-string in Borneo,\nIndia, and Assam.\n\nContagious magic of placenta and navel-string in the Patani States,\nChina, and Japan.]\n\nIn Pasir, a district of eastern Borneo, the afterbirth is carefully\ntreated and kept in an earthen pot or basket in the house until the\nremains of the navel-string have fallen off. All the time it is in\nthe house candles are burned and a little food is placed beside the\npot. When the navel-string has fallen off, it is placed with the\nplacenta in the pot, and the two are buried in the ground near the\nhouse. The reason why the people take this care of the afterbirth is\nthat they believe it able to cause the child all kinds of sickness and\nmishaps.\u200b[706] The Malas, a low Telugu caste of Southern India, bury\nthe placenta in a pot with leaves in some convenient place, generally\nin the back yard, lest dogs or other animals should carry it off;\nfor if that were to happen they fancy that the child would be of a\nwandering disposition.\u200b[707] The Khasis of Assam keep the placenta in\na pot in the house until the child has been formally named. When that\nceremony is over, the father waves the pot containing the placenta\nthrice over the child\u2019s head, and then hangs it to a tree outside\nof the village.\u200b[708] In some Malayo-Siamese families of the Patani\nStates it is customary to bury the afterbirth under a banana-tree, the\ncondition of which is thenceforth regarded as ominous of the child\u2019s\nfate for good or ill.\u200b[709] A Chinese medical work prescribes that\n\u201cthe placenta should be stored away in a felicitous spot under the\nsalutary influences of the sky or the moon, deep in the ground, and\nwith earth piled up over it carefully, in order that the child may be\nensured a long life. If it is devoured by a swine or dog, the child\nloses its intellect; if insects or ants eat it, the child becomes\nscrofulous; if crows or magpies swallow it, {p195} the child will have\nan abrupt or violent death; if it is cast into the fire, the child\nincurs running sores.\u201d\u200b[710] The Japanese preserve the navel-string\nmost carefully and bury it with the dead in the grave.\u200b[711]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of placenta and navel-string in Africa,\nespecially among the Baganda.]\n\nAmong the Gallas of East Africa the navel-string is carefully kept,\nsewn up in leather, and serves as an amulet for female camels, which\nthen become the child\u2019s property, together with all the young they give\nbirth to.\u200b[712] The Baganda believe that every person is born with a\ndouble, and this double they identify with the afterbirth, which they\nregard as a second child. Further, they think that the afterbirth has a\nghost, and that the ghost is in that portion of the navel-string which\nremains attached to the child after birth. This ghost must be preserved\nif the child is to be healthy. Hence when the navel-string drops off,\nit is rubbed with butter, swathed in bark-cloth, and kept through life\nunder the name of \u201cthe twin\u201d (_mulongo_). The afterbirth is wrapt up\nin plantain leaves and buried by the child\u2019s mother at the root of a\nplantain tree, where it is protected against wild beasts. If the child\nbe a boy, the tree chosen is of the kind whose fruit is made into beer;\nif the child be a girl, the tree is of the kind whose fruit is eaten.\nThe plantain tree at whose root the afterbirth is buried becomes sacred\nuntil the fruit has ripened and been used. Only the father\u2019s mother may\ncome near it and dig about it; all other people are kept from it by\na rope of plantain fibre which is tied from tree to tree in a circle\nround about the sacred plantain. All the child\u2019s secretions are thrown\nby the mother at the root of the tree; when the fruit is ripe, the\nfather\u2019s mother cuts it and makes it into beer or cooks it, according\nto the sex of the child, and the relatives of the father\u2019s clan then\ncome and partake of the sacred feast. After the meal the father must\ngo in to his own wife, for should he neglect to do so, and should some\nother member of the clan have sexual relations with his wife first, the\nchild\u2019s spirit would leave it and go into the other woman. Further,\n{p196} the navel-string plays a part at the ceremony of naming a\nchild, the object of which among the Baganda is to determine whether\nthe child is legitimate or not. For this purpose the navel-string (the\nso-called \u201ctwin\u201d) is dropped into a bowl containing a mixture of beer,\nmilk, and water; if it floats, the child is legitimate and the clan\naccepts it as a member; if it sinks, the child is disowned by the clan\nand the mother is punished for adultery. Afterwards the navel-string\nor \u201ctwin\u201d (_mulongo_) is either kept by the clan or buried along with\nthe afterbirth at the root of the plantain tree. Such are the customs\nobserved with regard to the afterbirth and navel-string of Baganda\ncommoners. The king\u2019s navel-string or \u201ctwin,\u201d wrapt in bark-cloths and\ndecorated with beads, is treated like a person and confided to the care\nof the Kimbugwe, the second officer of the country, who has a special\nhouse built for it within his enclosure. Every month, when the new moon\nfirst appears in the sky, the Kimbugwe carries the bundle containing\nthe \u201ctwin\u201d in procession, with fife and drums playing, to the king,\nwhile the royal drum is beating in the royal enclosure. The king\nexamines it and hands it back to him. After that, the minister returns\nthe precious bundle to its own house in his enclosure and places it\nin the doorway, where it remains all night. Next morning it is taken\nfrom its wrappings, smeared with butter, and again set in the doorway\nuntil the evening, when it is swathed once more in its bark-cloths and\nrestored to its proper resting-place. After the king\u2019s death his \u201ctwin\u201d\nis deposited, along with his jawbone, in the huge hut which forms his\ntemple. The spirit of the dead king is supposed to dwell in these two\nrelics; they are placed on the da\u00efs when he wishes to hold his court\nand when he is oracularly consulted on special occasions.\u200b[713]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of navel-string and afterbirth in America.]\n\nThe Incas of Peru preserved the navel-string with the greatest care,\nand gave it to the child to suck whenever it fell ill.\u200b[714] In ancient\nMexico they used to give a boy\u2019s {p197} navel-string to soldiers, to\nbe buried by them on a field of battle, in order that the boy might\nthus acquire a passion for war. But the navel-string of a girl was\nburied beside the domestic hearth, because this was believed to inspire\nher with a love of home and a taste for cooking and baking.\u200b[715]\nAlgonquin women hung the navel-string round the child\u2019s neck; if he\nlost it, they thought the child would be stupid and spiritless.\u200b[716]\nAmong the Thompson Indians of British Columbia the navel-string was\nsewed up by the mother in a piece of buckskin embroidered with hair,\nquills, or beads. It was then tied to the broad buckskin band which\nextended round the head of the cradle on the outside. Many thongs hung\nfrom it, each carrying fawn\u2019s hoofs and beads that jingled when the\ncradle was moved. If the navel-string were lost, they looked on it as a\ncalamity, for they believed that in after years the child would become\nfoolish or would be lost in the chase or on a journey.\u200b[717] Among the\nKwakiutl Indians of British Columbia the afterbirth of girls is buried\nat high-water mark, in the belief that this will render them expert\nat digging for clam. The afterbirth of boys is sometimes exposed at\nplaces where ravens will eat it, because the boys will thus acquire\nthe raven\u2019s prophetic vision. The same Indians are persuaded that the\nnavel-string may be the means of imparting a variety of accomplishments\nto its original owner. Thus, if it is fastened to a dancing mask,\nwhich is then worn by a skilful dancer, the child will dance well.\nIf it is attached to a knife, which is thereafter used by a cunning\ncarver, the child will carve well. Again, if the parents wish their\nson to sing beautifully, they tie his navel-string to the baton of a\nsinging-master. Then the boy calls on the singing-master every morning\nwhile the artist is eating his breakfast. The votary of the Muses\nthereupon takes his baton and moves it twice down the right side and\ntwice down the left side of the boy\u2019s body, after which he gives the\nlad some of his food to eat. That {p198} is an infallible way of making\nthe boy a beautiful singer.\u200b[718] Among the Cherokees the navel-string\nof an infant girl is buried under the corn mortar, in order that the\ngirl may grow up to be a good baker; but the navel-string of a boy is\nhung up on a tree in the woods, in order that he may be a hunter. Among\nthe Kiowas the navel-string of a girl is sewn up in a small beaded\npouch and worn by her at her belt as she grows to womanhood. If the\ngirl\u2019s mother ever sells the belt and pouch, she is careful to extract\nthe navel-string from the pouch before the bargain is struck. Should\nthe child die, the pouch containing her navel-string would be fastened\nto a stick and set up over her grave.\u200b[719]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of navel-string and afterbirth in Europe.\n\nChild\u2019s guardian spirit associated with the chorion.]\n\nEven in Europe many people still believe that a person\u2019s destiny is\nmore or less bound up with that of his navel-string or afterbirth. Thus\nin Rhenish Bavaria the navel-string is kept for a while wrapt up in\na piece of old linen, and then cut or pricked to pieces according as\nthe child is a boy or a girl, in order that he or she may grow up to\nbe a skilful workman or a good sempstress.\u200b[720] In Berlin the midwife\ncommonly delivers the dried navel-string to the father with a strict\ninjunction to preserve it carefully, for so long as it is kept the\nchild will live and thrive and be free from sickness.\u200b[721] In Beauce\nand Perche the people are careful to throw the navel-string neither\ninto water nor into fire, believing that if that were done the child\nwould be drowned or burned.\u200b[722] Among the Ruthenians of Bukowina\nand Galicia, the owner of a cow sometimes endeavours to increase its\nmilk by throwing its afterbirth into a spring, \u201cin order that, just as\nthe water flows from the spring, so milk may flow in abundance from\nthe udders of the cow.\u201d\u200b[723] Some German peasants think that the\nafterbirth of a cow must be hung up in an apple-tree, otherwise the cow\nwould not have {p199} a calf next year.\u200b[724] Similarly at Cleveland in\nYorkshire, when a mare foals, it is the custom to hang up the placenta\nin a tree, particularly in a thorn-tree, in order to secure luck with\nthe foal. \u201cShould the birth take place in the fields, this suspension\nis most carefully attended to, while as for the requirements of such\nevents at the homestead, in not a few instances there is a certain tree\nnot far from the farm-buildings still specially marked out for the\nreception of these peculiar pendants. In one instance lately, I heard\nof a larch tree so devoted, but admittedly in default of the thorn; the\nold thorn-tree long employed for the purpose having died out.\u201d\u200b[725]\nAgain, in Europe children born with a caul are considered lucky;\u200b[726]\nin Holland, as in the East Indies, they can see ghosts.\u200b[727] The\nIcelanders also hold that a child born with a caul will afterwards\npossess the gift of second sight, that he will never be harmed by\nsorcery, and will be victorious in every contest he undertakes,\nprovided he has the caul dried and carries it with him.\u200b[728] This\nlatter belief explains why both in ancient and modern times advocates\nhave bought cauls with the hope of winning their cases by means of\nthem.\u200b[729] Probably they thought that the spirit in the caul would\nprove an invincible ally to the person who had purchased its services.\nIn like manner the aborigines of Central Australia believe that their\nsacred sticks or stones (_churinga_) are intimately associated with the\nspirits of the dead men to whom they belonged, and that in a fight a\nman who carries one of these sticks or stones will certainly vanquish\nan adversary who has no such talisman.\u200b[730] Further, it is an ancient\nbelief in Iceland that the child\u2019s guardian spirit or a part of its\nsoul has its seat in the chorion or foetal membrane, which usually\nforms part of the afterbirth, but is known as the caul when the child\n{p200} happens to be born with it. Hence the chorion was itself known\nas the _fylgia_ or guardian spirit. It might not be thrown away under\nthe open sky, lest demons should get hold of it and work the child harm\nthereby, or lest wild beasts should eat it up. It might not be burned,\nfor if it were burned the child would have no _fylgia_, which would\nbe as bad as to have no shadow. Formerly it was customary to bury the\nchorion under the threshold, where the mother stepped over it daily\nwhen she rose from bed. If the chorion was thus treated, the man had\nin after life a guardian spirit in the shape of a bear, an eagle, a\nwolf, an ox, or a boar. The guardian spirits of cunning men and wizards\nhad the shape of a fox, while those of beautiful women appeared as\nswans. In all these forms the guardian spirits formerly announced their\ncoming and presented themselves to the persons to whom they belonged;\nbut nowadays both the belief and the custom have changed in many\nrespects.\u200b[731]\n\n[Sidenote: Afterbirth or navel-string a seat of the external soul.]\n\nThus in many parts of the world the navel-string, or more commonly\nthe afterbirth, is regarded as a living being, the brother or sister\nof the infant, or as the material object in which the guardian spirit\nof the child or part of its soul resides. This latter belief we have\nfound among the aborigines of Queensland, the Battas of Sumatra, and\nthe Norsemen of Iceland. In accordance with such beliefs it has been\ncustomary to preserve these parts of the body, at least for a time,\nwith the utmost care, lest the character, the fate, or even the life\nof the person to whom they belong should be endangered by their injury\nor loss. Further, the sympathetic connexion supposed to exist between\na person and his afterbirth or navel-string comes out very clearly in\nthe widespread custom of treating the afterbirth or navel-string in\nways which are supposed to influence for life the character and career\nof the person, making him, if it is a man, a swift runner, a nimble\nclimber, a strong swimmer, a skilful hunter, or a brave soldier, and\nmaking her, if it is a woman, an expert fisher, a cunning sempstress,\na good cook or baker, and so forth. Thus the beliefs and usages {p201}\nconcerned with the afterbirth or placenta, and to a less extent with\nthe navel-string, present a remarkable parallel to the widespread\ndoctrine of the transferable or external soul and the customs founded\non it. Hence it is hardly rash to conjecture that the resemblance is\nno mere chance coincidence, but that in the afterbirth or placenta we\nhave a physical basis (not necessarily the only one) for the theory and\npractice of the external soul. The consideration of that subject is\nreserved for a later part of this work.\u200b[732]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic exemplified in the sympathetic connexion\nsupposed to exist between a wound and the weapon which inflicted it.\n\nBacon on the custom of anointing the weapon in order to heal the wound.\n\nEast Anglian practice of anointing the weapon instead of the wound.]\n\nA curious application of the doctrine of contagious magic is the\nrelation commonly believed to exist between a wounded man and the agent\nof the wound, so that whatever is subsequently done by or to the agent\nmust correspondingly affect the patient either for good or evil. Thus\nPliny tells us that if you have wounded a man and are sorry for it, you\nhave only to spit on the hand that gave the wound, and the pain of the\nsufferer will be instantly alleviated.\u200b[733] In Melanesia, if a man\u2019s\nfriends get possession of the arrow which wounded him, they keep it\nin a damp place or in cool leaves, for then the inflammation will be\ntrifling and will soon subside. Meantime the enemy who shot the arrow\nis hard at work to aggravate the wound by all the means in his power.\nFor this purpose he and his friends drink hot and burning juices and\nchew irritating leaves, for this will clearly inflame and irritate the\nwound. Further, they keep the bow near the fire to make the wound which\nit has inflicted hot; and for the same reason they put the arrow-head,\nif it has been recovered, into the fire. Moreover, they are careful\nto keep the bow-string taut and to twang it occasionally, for this\nwill cause the wounded man to suffer from tension of the nerves and\nspasms of tetanus.\u200b[734] Similarly when a Kwakiutl Indian of British\nColumbia had bitten a piece out of an enemy\u2019s arm, he used to drink\nhot water afterwards for the purpose of thereby inflaming the wound\nin his foe\u2019s {p202} body.\u200b[735] Among the Lku\u00f1gen Indians of the same\nregion it is a rule that an arrow, or any other weapon that has wounded\na man, must be hidden by his friends, who have to be careful not to\nbring it near the fire till the wound is healed. If a knife or an arrow\nwhich is still covered with a man\u2019s blood were thrown into the fire,\nthe wounded man would suffer very much.\u200b[736] In the Yerkla-mining\ntribe of south-eastern Australia it is thought that if any one but\nthe medicine-man touches the flint knife with which a boy has been\nsubincised, the boy will thereby be made very ill. So seriously is\nthis belief held that if the lad chanced thereafter to fall sick and\ndie, the man who had touched the knife would be killed.\u200b[737] \u201cIt is\nconstantly received and avouched,\u201d says Bacon, \u201cthat the anointing of\nthe weapon that maketh the wound will heal the wound itself. In this\nexperiment, upon the relation of men of credit (though myself, as\nyet, am not fully inclined to believe it), you shall note the points\nfollowing: first, the ointment wherewith this is done is made of divers\ningredients, whereof the strangest and hardest to come by are the moss\nupon the skull of a dead man unburied, and the fats of a boar and a\nbear killed in the act of generation.\u201d The precious ointment compounded\nout of these and other ingredients was applied, as the philosopher\nexplains, not to the wound but to the weapon, and that even though the\ninjured man was at a great distance and knew nothing about it. The\nexperiment, he tells us, had been tried of wiping the ointment off the\nweapon without the knowledge of the person hurt, with the result that\nhe was presently in a great rage of pain until the weapon was anointed\nagain. Moreover, \u201cit is affirmed that if you cannot get the weapon, yet\nif you put an instrument of iron or wood resembling the weapon into\nthe wound, whereby it bleedeth, the anointing of that instrument will\nserve and work the effect.\u201d\u200b[738] Remedies of the {p203} sort which\nBacon deemed worthy of his attention are still in vogue in the eastern\ncounties of England. Thus in Suffolk if a man cuts himself with a\nbill-hook or a scythe he always takes care to keep the weapon bright,\nand oils it to prevent the wound from festering. If he runs a thorn or,\nas he calls it, a bush into his hand, he oils or greases the extracted\nthorn. A man came to a doctor with an inflamed hand, having run a\nthorn into it while he was hedging. On being told that the hand was\nfestering, he remarked, \u201cThat didn\u2019t ought to, for I greased the bush\nwell arter I pulled it out.\u201d If a horse wounds its foot by treading on\na nail, a Suffolk groom will invariably preserve the nail, clean it,\nand grease it every day, to prevent the foot from festering. Arguing\nin the same way, a Suffolk woman, whose sister had burnt her face with\na flat-iron, observed that \u201cthe face would never heal till the iron\nhad been put out of the way; and even if it did heal, it would be sure\nto break out again every time the iron was heated.\u201d\u200b[739] At Norwich\nin June 1902 a woman named Matilda Henry accidentally ran a nail into\nher foot. Without examining the wound, or even removing her stocking,\nshe caused her daughter to grease the nail, saying that if this were\ndone no harm would come of the hurt. A few days afterwards she died of\nlockjaw.\u200b[740] Similarly Cambridgeshire labourers think that if a horse\nhas run a nail into its foot, it is necessary to grease the nail with\nlard or oil and put it away in some safe place, or the horse will not\nrecover. A few years ago a veterinary surgeon was sent for to attend a\nhorse which had ripped its side open on the hinge of a farm gatepost.\nOn arriving at the farm he found that nothing had been done to the\nwounded horse, but that a man was busy trying to pry the hinge out of\nthe gatepost in order that it might be greased and put away, which, in\nthe opinion of the Cambridge wiseacres, would conduce to the recovery\nof the {p204} animal.\u200b[741] Similarly Essex rustics opine that, if a\nman has been stabbed with a knife, it is essential to his recovery\nthat the knife should be greased and laid across the bed on which the\nsufferer is lying.\u200b[742] So in Bavaria you are directed to anoint a\nlinen rag with grease and tie it on the edge of the axe that cut you,\ntaking care to keep the sharp edge upwards. As the grease on the axe\ndries, your wound heals.\u200b[743] Similarly in the Harz mountains they say\nthat if you cut yourself, you ought to smear the knife or the scissors\nwith fat and put the instrument away in a dry place in the name of\nthe Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. As the knife dries,\nthe wound heals.\u200b[744] Other people, however, in Germany say that you\nshould stick the knife in some damp place in the ground, and that your\nhurt will heal as the knife rusts.\u200b[745] Others again, in Bavaria,\nrecommend you to smear the axe or whatever it is with blood and put it\nunder the eaves.\u200b[746]\n\n[Sidenote: Further extensions of this case of contagious magic.]\n\nThe train of reasoning which thus commends itself to English and\nGerman rustics, in common with the savages of Melanesia and America,\nis carried a step further by the aborigines of Central Australia, who\nconceive that under certain circumstances the near relations of a\nwounded man must grease themselves, restrict their diet, and regulate\ntheir behaviour in other ways in order to ensure his recovery. Thus\nwhen a lad has been circumcised and the wound is not yet healed, his\nmother may not eat opossum, or a certain kind of lizard, or carpet\nsnake, or any kind of fat, for otherwise she would retard the healing\nof the boy\u2019s wound. Every day she greases her digging-sticks and never\nlets them out of her sight; at night she sleeps with them close to her\nhead. No one is allowed to touch them. Every day also she rubs her body\nall over with grease, as in some way this is believed to help her son\u2019s\nrecovery.\u200b[747] Another {p205} refinement of the same principle is due\nto the ingenuity of the German peasant. It is said that when one of\nhis pigs or sheep breaks its leg, a farmer of Rhenish Bavaria or Hesse\nwill bind up the leg of a chair with bandages and splints in due form.\nFor some days thereafter no one may sit on that chair, move it, or\nknock up against it; for to do so would pain the injured pig or sheep\nand hinder the cure.\u200b[748] In this last case it is clear that we have\npassed wholly out of the region of contagious magic and into the region\nof homoeopathic or imitative magic; the chair-leg, which is treated\ninstead of the beast\u2019s leg, in no sense belongs to the animal, and the\napplication of bandages to it is a mere simulation of the treatment\nwhich a more rational surgery would bestow on the real patient.\n\n[Sidenote: Sympathetic connexion between a wounded person and his spilt\nblood.\n\nA sympathetic connexion is supposed to exist between a person and his\nclothes, so that any injury done to the clothes is felt by the man.\n\nContagious magic of clothes.\n\nPrussian custom of beating the garments which a thief has dropped.]\n\nThe sympathetic connexion supposed to exist between a man and the\nweapon which has wounded him is probably founded on the notion that the\nblood on the weapon continues to feel with the blood in his body. For\na like reason the Papuans of Tumleo, an island off German New Guinea,\nare careful to throw into the sea the bloody bandages with which their\nwounds have been dressed, for they fear that if these rags fell into\nthe hands of an enemy he might injure them magically thereby. Once\nwhen a man with a wound in his mouth, which bled constantly, came to\nthe missionaries to be treated, his faithful wife took great pains to\ncollect all the blood and cast it into the sea.\u200b[749] Strained and\nunnatural as this idea may seem to us, it is perhaps less so than the\nbelief that magic sympathy is maintained between a person and his\nclothes, so that whatever is done to the clothes will be felt by the\nman himself, even though he may be far away at the time. That is why\nthese same Papuans of Tumleo search most anxiously for the smallest\nscrap which they may have lost of their scanty garments,\u200b[750] and\nwhy other Papuans, travelling through the thick forest, will stop and\ncarefully scrape from a bough any clot of red pomade which {p206} may\nhave adhered to it from their greasy heads.\u200b[751] In the Wotjobaluk\ntribe of Victoria a wizard would sometimes get hold of a man\u2019s opossum\nrug and tie it up with some small spindle-shaped pieces of casuarina\nwood, on which he had made certain marks, such as likenesses of his\nvictim and of a poisonous snake. This bundle he would then roast slowly\nin the fire, and as he did so the man who had owned the opossum rug\nwould fall sick. Should the patient suspect what was happening, he\nwould send to the wizard and beg him to let him have the rug back.\nIf the wizard consented, \u201che would give the thing back, telling the\nsick man\u2019s friends to put it in water, so as to wash the fire out.\u201d In\nsuch cases, we are told, the sick man would feel cooled and would most\nlikely recover.\u200b[752] In Tanna, one of the New Hebrides, a man who had\na grudge at another and desired his death would try to get possession\nof a cloth which had touched the sweat of his enemy\u2019s body. If he\nsucceeded, he rubbed the cloth carefully over with the leaves and twigs\nof a certain tree, rolled and bound cloth, twigs, and leaves into a\nlong sausage-shaped bundle, and burned it slowly in the fire. As the\nbundle was consumed, the victim fell ill, and when it was reduced to\nashes, he died.\u200b[753] In this last form of enchantment, however, the\nmagical sympathy may be supposed to exist not so much between the man\nand the cloth as between the man and the sweat which issued from his\nbody. But in other cases of the same sort it seems that the garment\nby itself is enough to give the sorcerer a hold upon his victim. The\nwitch in Theocritus, while she melted an image or lump of wax in order\nthat her faithless lover might melt with love of her, did not forget to\nthrow into the fire a shred of his cloak which he had dropped in her\nhouse.\u200b[754] In Prussia they say that if you cannot catch a thief, the\nnext best thing you can do is to get hold of a garment which he may\nhave shed in his flight; for it {p207} you beat it soundly, the thief\nwill fall sick. This belief is firmly rooted in the popular mind. Some\nseventy or eighty years ago, in the neighbourhood of Berend, a man was\ndetected trying to steal honey, and fled, leaving his coat behind him.\nWhen he heard that the enraged owner of the honey was mauling his lost\ncoat, he was so alarmed that he took to his bed and died.\u200b[755] But in\nGermany it is not every stick that is good enough to beat an absent man\nwith. It should be a hazel rod cut before sunrise on Good Friday. Some\nsay it should be a one-year-old hazel-sapling, and that you should cut\nit with three strokes, looking to the east, in the name of the Father,\nthe Son, and the Holy Ghost. Others think the best time for cutting the\nrod is at the new moon on a Tuesday morning before sunrise. Once you\nhave got this valuable instrument, you have only to spread a garment on\na mole-hill or on the threshold, and to lay on with hearty goodwill,\nmentioning the name of the person whom you desire to injure. Though he\nmay be miles off, he will feel every whack as if it descended on his\nbody.\u200b[756]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic may be wrought on a man through the\nimpressions left by his body in sand or earth, particularly through his\nfootprints.\n\nContagious magic of footprints.]\n\nAgain, magic may be wrought on a man sympathetically, not only through\nhis clothes and severed parts of himself, but also through the\nimpressions left by his body in sand or earth. In particular, it is a\nworld-wide superstition that by injuring footprints you injure the feet\nthat made them. Thus the natives of south-eastern Australia think that\nthey can lame a man by placing sharp pieces of quartz, glass, bone,\nor charcoal in his footprints. Rheumatic pains are often attributed\nby them to this cause. Seeing a Tatungolung man very lame, Mr. Howitt\nasked him what was the matter. He said, \u201cSome fellow has put _bottle_\nin my foot.\u201d He was suffering from rheumatism, but believed that an\nenemy had found his foot-track and had buried in it a piece of broken\nbottle, the magical influence of which {p208} had entered his foot.\nOn another occasion Mr. Howitt\u2019s party was followed by a number of\nstrange natives who looked with great interest at the footprints of the\nhorses and camels. A black fellow with Mr. Howitt was much alarmed, and\ndeclared that the strangers were putting poison in his footsteps.\u200b[757]\nThe Wyingurri, a tribe on the border of western Australia, have a\nmagical instrument made of resin and rats\u2019 teeth which they call a\nsun, because it is supposed to contain the solar heat. By placing it\non a man\u2019s tracks they think they can throw him into a violent fever,\nwhich will soon burn him up.\u200b[758] In the Unmatjera tribe of Central\nAustralia, when a boy has been circumcised he must hide in the bush,\nand if he should see a woman\u2019s tracks he must be very careful to jump\nover them. For if his foot were to touch them, the spirit of the louse\nwhich lives in the woman\u2019s hair would go to him, and his head would be\nfull of lice.\u200b[759] In New Britain it is thought that you can cause the\nsickness or death of a man by pricking his footprints with the sting\nof a sting-ray.\u200b[760] The Maoris imagine that they can work grievous\nharm to an enemy by taking up earth from his footprints, depositing\nit in a sacred place, and performing a ceremony over it.\u200b[761] In\nSavage Island a common form of witchcraft was to take up the soil on\nwhich an enemy had set his foot, and to carry it to a sacred place,\nwhere it was solemnly cursed, in order that the man might be afflicted\nwith lameness.\u200b[762] The Galelareese think that if anybody sticks\nsomething sharp into your footprints while you are walking, you will\nbe wounded in your feet.\u200b[763] In Japan, if a house has been robbed by\nnight {p209} and the burglar\u2019s footprints are visible in the morning,\nthe householder will burn mugwort on them, hoping thereby to hurt the\nrobber\u2019s feet so that he cannot run far, and the police may easily\novertake him.\u200b[764] Among the Karens of Burma some people are said to\nkeep poison fangs for the purpose of killing their enemies. These they\nthrust into the footprints of the person whom they wish to destroy,\nand soon he finds himself with a sore foot, as if a dog had bitten\nit. The sore rapidly grows worse till death follows.\u200b[765] Peasants\nof northern India commonly attribute all sorts of pains and sores to\nthe machinations of a witch or sorcerer who has meddled with their\nfootprints.\u200b[766] For example, with the Chero, a Dravidian race of\nlabourers in the hill country of Mirzapur, a favourite mode of harming\nan enemy is to measure his footprints in the dust with a straw and\nthen mutter a spell over them; that brings on wounds and sores in his\nfeet.\u200b[767] Such magical operations have been familiar to the Hindoos\nfrom of old. In the _Kausika Sutra_, a book of sorcery, it is directed\nthat, while your foe is walking southward, you should make cuts in his\nfootprint with the leaf of a certain tree or with the blade of an axe\n(it is not quite clear which is to be used); then you must tie dust\nfrom the footprint in the leaf of a certain tree (_Butea frondosa_)\nand throw it into a frying-pan; if it crackles in the pan, your enemy\nis undone.\u200b[768] Another old Hindoo charm was to obtain earth from\nthe footprint of a beleaguered king and scatter it in the wind.\u200b[769]\nThe Herero of South Africa take earth from the footprints of a lion\nand throw it on the track of an enemy, with the wish, \u201cMay the lion\nkill you.\u201d\u200b[770] The Ovambo of the same region believe that they can\nbe bewitched by an enemy through the dust or sand {p210} of their\nfootprints. Hence a man who has special reason to dread the spite of a\nfoe will carefully efface his footprints with a branch as fast as he\nmakes them.\u200b[771] The Ewe-speaking people of West Africa fancy they can\ndrive an enemy mad by throwing a magic powder on his footprints.\u200b[772]\nAmong the Shuswap and Carrier Indians of North-west America shamans\nused to bewitch a man by taking earth from the spot on which he had\nstood and placing it in their medicine-bags; then their victim fell\nsick or died.\u200b[773] In North Africa the magic of the footprints is\nsometimes used for more amiable purposes. A woman who wishes to attach\nher husband or lover to herself will take earth from the print of his\nright foot, tie it up with some of his hairs in a packet, and wear the\npacket next her skin.\u200b[774]\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic of footprints in Europe.]\n\nSimilar practices prevail in various parts of Europe. Thus in\nMecklenburg it is thought that if you drive a nail into a man\u2019s\nfootprint he will fall lame; sometimes it is required that the nail\nshould be taken from a coffin.\u200b[775] A like mode of injuring an enemy\nis resorted to in some parts of France.\u200b[776] It is said that there\nwas an old woman who used to frequent Stow in Suffolk, and she was a\nwitch. If, while she walked, any one went after her and stuck a nail\nor a knife into her footprint in the dust, the dame could not stir a\nstep till it was withdrawn.\u200b[777] More commonly, it would seem, in\nGermany earth from the footprint is tied up in a cloth and hung in the\nchimney smoke; as it dries up, so the man withers away or his foot\nshrivels up.\u200b[778] The same practice and the same belief are said to\nbe common in Matogrosso, a province of Brazil.\u200b[779] A Bohemian {p211}\nvariation of the charm is to put the earth from the footprint in a\npot with nails, needles, broken glass, and so forth, then set the pot\non the fire and let it boil till it bursts. After that the man whose\nfootprint has been boiled will have a lame leg for the rest of his\nlife.\u200b[780] Among the Lithuanians the proceeding is somewhat different.\nThey dig up the earth from the person\u2019s footprint and bury it, with\nvarious incantations, in a graveyard. That causes the person to sicken\nand die.\u200b[781] A similar practice is reported from Mecklenburg.\u200b[782]\nThe Esthonians of the island of Oesel measure the footprint with a\nstick and bury the stick, thereby undermining the health of the man\nor woman whose foot made the mark.\u200b[783] Among the South Slavs a\ngirl will dig up the earth from the footprints of the man she loves\nand put it in a flower-pot. Then she plants in the pot a marigold, a\nflower that is thought to be fadeless. And as its golden blossom grows\nand blooms and never fades, so shall her sweetheart\u2019s love grow and\nbloom, and never, never fade.\u200b[784] Thus the love-spell acts on the\nman through the earth he trod on. An old Danish mode of concluding\na treaty was based on the same idea of the sympathetic connexion\nbetween a man and his footprints: the covenanting parties sprinkled\neach other\u2019s footprints with their own blood, thus giving a pledge of\nfidelity.\u200b[785] In ancient Greece superstitions of the same sort seem\nto have been current, for it was thought that if a horse stepped on the\ntrack of a wolf he was seized with numbness;\u200b[786] and a maxim ascribed\nto Pythagoras forbade people to pierce a man\u2019s footprints with a nail\nor a knife.\u200b[787]\n\n[Sidenote: The contagious magic of footprints is used by hunters for\nthe purpose of running down the game.]\n\nThe same superstition is turned to account by hunters in many parts\nof the world for the purpose of running down the game. Thus a German\nhuntsman will stick a nail taken from a coffin into the fresh spoor\nof the quarry, {p212} believing that this will hinder the animal from\nescaping.\u200b[788] The aborigines of Victoria put hot embers in the tracks\nof the animals they were pursuing.\u200b[789] Hottentot hunters throw into\nthe air a handful of sand taken from the footprints of the game,\nbelieving that this will bring the animal down.\u200b[790] Thompson Indians\nused to lay charms on the tracks of wounded deer; after that they\ndeemed it superfluous to pursue the animal any further that day, for\nbeing thus charmed it could not travel far and would soon die.\u200b[791]\nSimilarly, Ojebway Indians placed \u201cmedicine\u201d on the track of the first\ndeer or bear they met with, supposing that this would soon bring the\nanimal into sight, even if it were two or three days\u2019 journey off; for\nthis charm had power to compress a journey of several days into a few\nhours.\u200b[792] Ewe hunters of West Africa stab the footprints of game\nwith a sharp-pointed stick in order to maim the quarry and allow them\nto come up with it.\u200b[793] If Esthonian peasants find a wolf\u2019s dung on\na beast\u2019s tracks, they burn it and scatter the ashes to the wind. This\ngives the wolf a pain in his stomach and makes him lose his way.\u200b[794]\nThe Aino think that hares bewitch people. Hence if one of them sees the\ntrack of a hare in the snow near his hut, he should carefully scoop it\nup with a water-ladle and then turn it upside down, saying as he does\nso that he buries the soul of the hare under the snow, and expressing\na wish that the animal may sicken and die.\u200b[795] In order to recover\nstrayed cattle, the Zulus take the animals\u2019 dung and earth from their\nfootprints and place both in the chief\u2019s vessel, round which a magic\ncircle is drawn. Then the chief says: \u201cI have now conquered them. Those\ncattle are now here; I am now sitting upon them. I do not know in what\nway they will escape.\u201d\u200b[796] {p213}\n\n[Sidenote: Contagious magic wrought through the impressions of other\nparts of the body.\n\nContagious magic of imprints.]\n\nBut though the footprint is the most obvious it is not the only\nimpression made by the body through which magic may be wrought on a\nman. The aborigines of south-eastern Australia believe that a man may\nbe injured by burying sharp fragments of quartz, glass, and so forth in\nthe mark made by his reclining body; the magical virtue of these sharp\nthings enters his body and causes those acute pains which the ignorant\nEuropean puts down to rheumatism.\u200b[797] Sometimes they beat the place\nwhere the man sat with a pointed stick of the he-oak (_Casuarina\nleptoclada_), chanting an appropriate song at the same time; the stick\nwill enter his person and kill him, provided the place operated on is\nstill warm with the heat of his body.\u200b[798] At Delena, in British New\nGuinea, a man will sometimes revenge himself on a girl who has rejected\nhis love by thrusting the spine of a sting-ray into the spot where she\nhas been sitting; afterwards he puts it in the sun for a day or two and\nfinally heats it over a fire. In a couple of days the girl dies.\u200b[799]\nThe natives of Tumleo, an island off German New Guinea, efface the\nmarks they have left on the ground where they sat, lest magic should\nbe wrought on them thereby.\u200b[800] Before they leave a camping-place\nsome of the natives of German New Guinea are careful to stab the ground\nthoroughly with spears, in order to prevent a sorcerer from making any\nuse of a drop of sweat or any other personal remains which they may\nchance to leave behind.\u200b[801] We can now understand why it was a maxim\nwith the Pythagoreans that in rising from bed you should smooth away\nthe impression left by your body on the bed-clothes.\u200b[802] The rule was\nsimply an old precaution against magic, forming part of a whole code\nof superstitious maxims which {p214} antiquity fathered on Pythagoras,\nthough doubtless they were familiar to the barbarous forefathers of the\nGreeks long before the time of that philosopher.\u200b[803] To ensure the\ngood behaviour of an ally with whom they have just had a conference,\nthe Basutos will cut and preserve the grass on which the ally sat\nduring the interview.\u200b[804] Probably they regard the grass as a hostage\nfor the observance of the treaty, since through it they could punish\nthe man who sat on the grass if he should break faith. Moors who write\non the sand are superstitiously careful to obliterate all the marks\nthey made, never leaving a stroke or a dot in the sand when they have\ndone writing.\u200b[805] Another of the so-called maxims of Pythagoras bade\npeople in lifting a pot always to smooth away the imprint it left on\nthe ashes.\u200b[806] So in Cambodia they say that when you lift a pot from\nthe fire you should not set it down on the ashes; but that, if you must\ndo so, you should be careful, in lifting the pot from the ashes, to\nefface the impression it has made. Otherwise they think that want will\nknock at your door.\u200b[807] But this seems to be an afterthought, devised\nto explain a rule of which the original meaning was forgotten. The old\nnotion probably was that a magician could sympathetically injure any\nperson who ate out of a pot by means of the impression which the pot\nhad left on the ashes; or, to be more explicit, contagious magic was\nsupposed to work through the impression of the pot to the pot itself,\nthrough the pot to the meat contained in it, and finally through the\nmeat to the eater.\n\n\n\u00a74. _The Magician\u2019s Progress_\n\n[Sidenote: Public and private magic. The public magician who practises\nhis art for the good of the whole community, enjoys great influence and\nmay rise to be a chief or king.]\n\nWe have now concluded our examination of the general principles of\nsympathetic magic. The examples by which I have illustrated them have\nbeen drawn for the most part from what may be called private magic,\nthat is from magical {p215} rites and incantations practised for the\nbenefit or the injury of individuals. But in savage society there is\ncommonly to be found in addition what we may call public magic, that\nis, sorcery practised for the benefit of the whole community. Wherever\nceremonies of this sort are observed for the common good, it is obvious\nthat the magician ceases to be merely a private practitioner and\nbecomes to some extent a public functionary. The development of such\na class of functionaries is of great importance for the political as\nwell as the religious evolution of society. For when the welfare of\nthe tribe is supposed to depend on the performance of these magical\nrites, the magician rises into a position of much influence and repute,\nand may readily acquire the rank and authority of a chief or king. The\nprofession accordingly draws into its ranks some of the ablest and most\nambitious men of the tribe, because it holds out to them a prospect\nof honour, wealth, and power such as hardly any other career could\noffer. The acuter minds perceive how easy it is to dupe their weaker\nbrother and to play on his superstition for their own advantage. Not\nthat the sorcerer is always a knave and impostor; he is often sincerely\nconvinced that he really possesses those wonderful powers which the\ncredulity of his fellows ascribes to him. But the more sagacious he\nis, the more likely he is to see through the fallacies which impose on\nduller wits. Thus the ablest members of the profession must tend to\nbe more or less conscious deceivers; and it is just these men who in\nvirtue of their superior ability will generally come to the top and win\nfor themselves positions of the highest dignity and the most commanding\nauthority. The pitfalls which beset the path of the professional\nsorcerer are many, and as a rule only the man of coolest head and\nsharpest wit will be able to steer his way through them safely. For\nit must always be remembered that every single profession and claim\nput forward by the magician as such is false; not one of them can be\nmaintained without deception, conscious or unconscious. Accordingly\nthe sorcerer who sincerely believes in his own extravagant pretensions\nis in far greater peril and is much more likely to be cut short in his\ncareer than the deliberate impostor. The honest wizard always expects\nthat his charms and {p216} incantations will produce their supposed\neffect; and when they fail, not only really, as they always do, but\nconspicuously and disastrously, as they often do, he is taken aback: he\nis not, like his knavish colleague, ready with a plausible excuse to\naccount for the failure, and before he can find one he may be knocked\non the head by his disappointed and angry employers.\n\n[Sidenote: Tendency of supreme power to fall into the hands of the\nablest and most unscrupulous men.]\n\nThe general result is that at this stage of social evolution the\nsupreme power tends to fall into the hands of men of the keenest\nintelligence and the most unscrupulous character. If we could balance\nthe harm they do by their knavery against the benefits they confer by\ntheir superior sagacity, it might well be found that the good greatly\noutweighed the evil. For more mischief has probably been wrought in the\nworld by honest fools in high places than by intelligent rascals. Once\nyour shrewd rogue has attained the height of his ambition, and has no\nlonger any selfish end to further, he may, and often does, turn his\ntalents, his experience, his resources, to the service of the public.\nMany men who have been least scrupulous in the acquisition of power\nhave been most beneficent in the use of it, whether the power they\naimed at and won was that of wealth, political authority, or what not.\nIn the field of politics the wily intriguer, the ruthless victor, may\nend by being a wise and magnanimous ruler, blessed in his lifetime,\nlamented at his death, admired and applauded by posterity. Such men,\nto take two of the most conspicuous instances, were Julius Caesar and\nAugustus. But once a fool always a fool, and the greater the power in\nhis hands the more disastrous is likely to be the use he makes of it.\nThe heaviest calamity in English history, the breach with America,\nmight never have occurred if George the Third had not been an honest\ndullard.\n\n[Sidenote: The elevation of magicians to power tends to substitute a\nmonarchy for that primitive democracy, or rather oligarchy of old men\nwhich is characteristic of savage society; and the rise of monarchy\nseems to be an essential condition of the emergence of mankind from\nsavagery.]\n\nThus, so far as the public profession of magic affected the\nconstitution of savage society, it tended to place the control of\naffairs in the hands of the ablest man: it shifted the balance of power\nfrom the many to the one: it substituted a monarchy for a democracy, or\nrather for an oligarchy of old men; for in general the savage community\nis ruled, not by the whole body of adult males, but by a council of\n{p217} elders. The change, by whatever causes produced, and whatever\nthe character of the early rulers, was on the whole very beneficial.\nFor the rise of monarchy appears to be an essential condition of the\nemergence of mankind from savagery. No human being is so hidebound by\ncustom and tradition as your democratic savage; in no state of society\nconsequently is progress so slow and difficult. The old notion that the\nsavage is the freest of mankind is the reverse of the truth. He is a\nslave, not indeed to a visible master, but to the past, to the spirits\nof his dead forefathers, who haunt his steps from birth to death, and\nrule him with a rod of iron. What they did is the pattern of right, the\nunwritten law to which he yields a blind unquestioning obedience. The\nleast possible scope is thus afforded to superior talent to change old\ncustoms for the better. The ablest man is dragged down by the weakest\nand dullest, who necessarily sets the standard, since he cannot rise,\nwhile the other can fall. The surface of such a society presents a\nuniform dead level, so far as it is humanly possible to reduce the\nnatural inequalities, the immeasurable real differences of inborn\ncapacity and temper, to a false superficial appearance of equality.\nFrom this low and stagnant condition of affairs, which demagogues and\ndreamers in later times have lauded as the ideal state, the Golden\nAge, of humanity, everything that helps to raise society by opening a\ncareer to talent and proportioning the degrees of authority to men\u2019s\nnatural abilities, deserves to be welcomed by all who have the real\ngood of their fellows at heart. Once these elevating influences have\nbegun to operate\u2014and they cannot be for ever suppressed\u2014the progress\nof civilisation becomes comparatively rapid. The rise of one man to\nsupreme power enables him to carry through changes in a single lifetime\nwhich previously many generations might not have sufficed to effect;\nand if, as will often happen, he is a man of intellect and energy\nabove the common, he will readily avail himself of the opportunity.\nEven the whims and caprices of a tyrant may be of service in breaking\nthe chain of custom which lies so heavy on the savage. And as soon as\nthe tribe ceases to be swayed by the timid and divided counsels of the\nelders, and yields to the direction of a single strong and resolute\nmind, it {p218} becomes formidable to its neighbours and enters on a\ncareer of aggrandisement, which at an early stage of history is often\nhighly favourable to social, industrial, and intellectual progress. For\nextending its sway, partly by force of arms, partly by the voluntary\nsubmission of weaker tribes, the community soon acquires wealth and\nslaves, both of which, by relieving some classes from the perpetual\nstruggle for a bare subsistence, afford them an opportunity of devoting\nthemselves to that disinterested pursuit of knowledge which is the\nnoblest and most powerful instrument to ameliorate the lot of man.\n\n[Sidenote: Intellectual progress dependent on economic progress, which\nis often furthered by conquest and empire.]\n\nIntellectual progress, which reveals itself in the growth of art and\nscience and the spread of more liberal views, cannot be dissociated\nfrom industrial or economic progress, and that in its turn receives\nan immense impulse from conquest and empire. It is no mere accident\nthat the most vehement outbursts of activity of the human mind have\nfollowed close on the heels of victory, and that the great conquering\nraces of the world have commonly done most to advance and spread\ncivilisation, thus healing in peace the wounds they inflicted in war.\nThe Babylonians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Arabs are our witnesses in\nthe past: we may yet live to see a similar outburst in Japan. Nor, to\nremount the stream of history to its sources, is it an accident that\nall the first great strides towards civilisation have been made under\ndespotic and theocratic governments, like those of Egypt, Babylon,\nand Peru, where the supreme ruler claimed and received the servile\nallegiance of his subjects in the double character of a king and a god.\nIt is hardly too much to say that at this early epoch despotism is the\nbest friend of humanity and, paradoxical as it may sound, of liberty.\nFor after all there is more liberty in the best sense\u2014liberty to think\nour own thoughts and to fashion our own destinies\u2014under the most\nabsolute despotism, the most grinding tyranny, than under the apparent\nfreedom of savage life, where the individual\u2019s lot is cast from the\ncradle to the grave in the iron mould of hereditary custom.\n\n[Sidenote: Benefits rendered to civilisation by magic.]\n\nSo far, therefore, as the public profession of magic has been one of\nthe roads by which the ablest men have passed to supreme power, it has\ncontributed to emancipate mankind {p219} from the thraldom of tradition\nand to elevate them into a larger, freer life, with a broader outlook\non the world. This is no small service rendered to humanity. And when\nwe remember further that in another direction magic has paved the way\nfor science, we are forced to admit that if the black art has done much\nevil, it has also been the source of much good; that if it is the child\nof error, it has yet been the mother of freedom and truth.\n\n{p220}\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\n\nMAGIC AND RELIGION\n\n\n[Sidenote: Magic like science postulates the order and uniformity of\nnature; hence the attraction both of magic and of science, which open\nup a boundless vista to those who can penetrate to the secret springs\nof nature.]\n\nThe examples collected in the last chapter may suffice to illustrate\nthe general principles of sympathetic magic in its two branches,\nto which we have given the names of Homoeopathic and Contagious\nrespectively. In some cases of magic which have come before us we have\nseen that the operation of spirits is assumed, and that an attempt\nis made to win their favour by prayer and sacrifice. But these cases\nare on the whole exceptional; they exhibit magic tinged and alloyed\nwith religion.\u200b[808] Wherever sympathetic magic occurs in its pure\nunadulterated form, it assumes that in nature one event follows another\nnecessarily and invariably without the intervention of any spiritual or\npersonal agency. Thus its fundamental conception is identical with that\nof modern science; underlying the whole system is a faith, implicit but\nreal and firm, in the order and uniformity of nature. The magician does\nnot doubt that the same causes will always produce the same effects,\nthat the performance of the proper ceremony, accompanied by the\nappropriate spell, will inevitably be attended by the desired results,\nunless, indeed, his incantations should chance to be thwarted and\nfoiled by the more potent charms of another sorcerer. He supplicates\nno higher power: he sues the favour of no fickle and wayward {p221}\nbeing: he abases himself before no awful deity. Yet his power, great\nas he believes it to be, is by no means arbitrary and unlimited. He\ncan wield it only so long as he strictly conforms to the rules of his\nart, or to what may be called the laws of nature as conceived by him.\nTo neglect these rules, to break these laws in the smallest particular\nis to incur failure, and may even expose the unskilful practitioner\nhimself to the utmost peril. If he claims a sovereignty over nature,\nit is a constitutional sovereignty rigorously limited in its scope and\nexercised in exact conformity with ancient usage. Thus the analogy\nbetween the magical and the scientific conceptions of the world is\nclose. In both of them the succession of events is perfectly regular\nand certain, being determined by immutable laws, the operation of which\ncan be foreseen and calculated precisely; the elements of caprice, of\nchance, and of accident are banished from the course of nature. Both\nof them open up a seemingly boundless vista of possibilities to him\nwho knows the causes of things and can touch the secret springs that\nset in motion the vast and intricate mechanism of the world. Hence\nthe strong attraction which magic and science alike have exercised on\nthe human mind; hence the powerful stimulus that both have given to\nthe pursuit of knowledge. They lure the weary enquirer, the footsore\nseeker, on through the wilderness of disappointment in the present by\ntheir endless promises of the future: they take him up to the top of\nan exceeding high mountain and shew him, beyond the dark clouds and\nrolling mists at his feet, a vision of the celestial city, far off, it\nmay be, but radiant with unearthly splendour, bathed in the light of\ndreams.\n\n[Sidenote: The fatal flaw of magic lies not in its general assumption\nof the uniformity of nature, but in its misapprehension of the\nparticular laws which govern the sequence of natural events.]\n\nThe fatal flaw of magic lies not in its general assumption of a\nsequence of events determined by law, but in its total misconception\nof the nature of the particular laws which govern that sequence. If\nwe analyse the various cases of sympathetic magic which have been\npassed in review in the preceding pages, and which may be taken as\nfair samples of the bulk, we shall find, as I have already indicated,\nthat they are all mistaken applications of one or other of two great\nfundamental laws of thought, namely, the association of ideas by\nsimilarity and the {p222} association of ideas by contiguity in space\nor time. A mistaken association of similar ideas produces homoeopathic\nor imitative magic: a mistaken association of contiguous ideas produces\ncontagious magic. The principles of association are excellent in\nthemselves, and indeed absolutely essential to the working of the human\nmind. Legitimately applied they yield science; illegitimately applied\nthey yield magic, the bastard sister of science. It is therefore a\ntruism, almost a tautology, to say that all magic is necessarily false\nand barren; for were it ever to become true and fruitful, it would\nno longer be magic but science. From the earliest times man has been\nengaged in a search for general rules whereby to turn the order of\nnatural phenomena to his own advantage, and in the long search he has\nscraped together a great hoard of such maxims, some of them golden and\nsome of them mere dross. The true or golden rules constitute the body\nof applied science which we call the arts; the false are magic.\n\n[Sidenote: Relation of magic to religion.\n\nReligion defined: it is a propitiation or conciliation of superhuman\npowers which are believed to control nature and man. Thus religion\ncomprises two elements, a theoretical and a practical, or faith and\nworks, and it does not exist without both. But religious practice need\nnot consist in ritual; it may consist in ethical conduct, if that is\nbelieved to be well-pleasing to the deity.]\n\nIf magic is thus next of kin to science, we have still to enquire how\nit stands related to religion. But the view we take of that relation\nwill necessarily be coloured by the idea which we have formed of\nthe nature of religion itself; hence a writer may reasonably be\nexpected to define his conception of religion before he proceeds to\ninvestigate its relation to magic. There is probably no subject in the\nworld about which opinions differ so much as the nature of religion,\nand to frame a definition of it which would satisfy every one must\nobviously be impossible. All that a writer can do is, first, to say\nclearly what he means by religion, and afterwards to employ the word\nconsistently in that sense throughout his work. By religion, then, I\nunderstand a propitiation or conciliation of powers superior to man\nwhich are believed to direct and control the course of nature and of\nhuman life.\u200b[809] Thus defined, religion consists of two elements, a\ntheoretical and a practical, namely, a belief in powers higher than\nman and an attempt to propitiate or please them. Of the two, belief\nclearly comes first, since we must believe in the existence of a divine\nbeing before we can attempt to please {p223} him. But unless the belief\nleads to a corresponding practice, it is not a religion but merely a\ntheology; in the language of St. James, \u201cfaith, if it hath not works,\nis dead, being alone.\u201d\u200b[810] In other words, no man is religious who\ndoes not govern his conduct in some measure by the fear or love of\nGod.\u200b[811] On the other hand, mere practice, divested of all religious\nbelief, is also not religion. Two men may behave in exactly the same\nway, and yet one of them may be religious and the other not. If the\none acts from the love or fear of God, he is religious; if the other\nacts from the love or fear of man, he is moral or immoral according\nas his behaviour comports or conflicts with the general good. Hence\nbelief and practice or, in theological language, faith and works are\nequally essential to religion, which cannot exist without both of them.\nBut it is not necessary that religious practice should always take\nthe form of a ritual; that is, it need not consist in the offering of\nsacrifice, the recitation of prayers, and other outward ceremonies.\nIts aim is to please the deity, and if the deity is one who delights\nin charity and mercy and purity more than in oblations of blood, the\nchanting of hymns, and the fumes of incense, his worshippers will best\nplease him, not by prostrating themselves before him, by intoning his\npraises, and by filling his temples with costly gifts, but by being\npure and merciful and charitable towards men, for in so doing they\nwill imitate, so far as human infirmity allows, the perfections of the\ndivine nature. It was this ethical side of religion which the Hebrew\nprophets, inspired with a noble ideal of God\u2019s goodness and holiness,\nwere never weary of inculcating. Thus Micah says:\u200b[812] \u201cHe hath shewed\nthee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but\nto do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God?\u201d And\nat a later time much of the force by which {p224} Christianity conquered\nthe world was drawn from the same high conception of God\u2019s moral nature\nand the duty laid on men of conforming themselves to it. \u201cPure religion\nand undefiled,\u201d says St. James, \u201cbefore God and the Father is this,\nTo visit the fatherless and widows in their affliction, and to keep\nhimself unspotted from the world.\u201d\u200b[813]\n\n[Sidenote: By assuming the order of nature to be elastic or variable\nreligion is opposed in principle alike to magic and to science, both of\nwhich assume the order of nature to be rigid and invariable.\n\nClaim of Egyptian and Indian magicians to control the gods.]\n\nBut if religion involves, first, a belief in superhuman beings who\nrule the world, and, second, an attempt to win their favour, it\nclearly assumes that the course of nature is to some extent elastic\nor variable, and that we can persuade or induce the mighty beings who\ncontrol it to deflect, for our benefit, the current of events from the\nchannel in which they would otherwise flow. Now this implied elasticity\nor variability of nature is directly opposed to the principles of\nmagic as well as of science, both of which assume that the processes\nof nature are rigid and invariable in their operation, and that they\ncan as little be turned from their course by persuasion and entreaty\nas by threats and intimidation. The distinction between the two\nconflicting views of the universe turns on their answer to the crucial\nquestion, Are the forces which govern the world conscious and personal,\nor unconscious and impersonal? Religion, as a conciliation of the\nsuperhuman powers, assumes the former member of the alternative. For\nall conciliation implies that the being conciliated is a conscious or\npersonal agent, that his conduct is in some measure uncertain, and\nthat he can be prevailed upon to vary it in the desired direction by\na judicious appeal to his interests, his appetites, or his emotions.\nConciliation is never employed towards things which are regarded as\ninanimate, nor towards persons whose behaviour in the particular\ncircumstances is known to be determined with absolute certainty. Thus\nin so far as religion assumes the world to be directed by conscious\nagents who may be turned from their purpose by persuasion, it stands\nin fundamental antagonism to magic as well as to science, both of\nwhich take for granted that the course of nature is determined, not\nby the passions or caprice of personal beings, but by the operation\nof immutable laws acting mechanically.\u200b[814] In {p225} magic, indeed,\nthe assumption is only implicit, but in science it is explicit. It is\ntrue that magic often deals with spirits, which are personal agents of\nthe kind assumed by religion; but whenever it does so in its proper\nform, it treats them exactly in the same fashion as it treats inanimate\nagents, that is, it constrains or coerces instead of conciliating\nor propitiating them as religion would do. Thus it assumes that all\npersonal beings, whether human or divine, are in the last resort\nsubject to those impersonal forces which control all things, but which\nnevertheless can be turned to account by any one who knows how to\nmanipulate them by the appropriate ceremonies and spells. In ancient\nEgypt, for example, the magicians claimed the power of compelling even\nthe highest gods to do their bidding, and actually threatened them\nwith destruction in case of disobedience.\u200b[815] Sometimes, without\ngoing quite so far as that, the wizard declared that he would scatter\nthe bones of Osiris or reveal his sacred legend, if the god proved\ncontumacious.\u200b[816] Similarly in India at the present day the great\nHindoo trinity itself of Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva is subject to the\nsorcerers, who, by means of their spells, exercise such an ascendency\nover the mightiest deities, that these are bound submissively to\nexecute on earth below, or in heaven above, whatever commands their\nmasters the magicians may please to issue.\u200b[817] There is a saying\neverywhere current in {p226} India: \u201cThe whole universe is subject to\nthe gods; the gods are subject to the spells (_mantras_); the spells to\nthe Brahmans; therefore the Brahmans are our gods.\u201d\u200b[818]\n\n[Sidenote: Hostility of religion to magic in history.]\n\nThis radical conflict of principle between magic and religion\nsufficiently explains the relentless hostility with which in history\nthe priest has often pursued the magician. The haughty self-sufficiency\nof the magician, his arrogant demeanour towards the higher powers,\nand his unabashed claim to exercise a sway like theirs could not but\nrevolt the priest, to whom, with his awful sense of the divine majesty,\nand his humble prostration in presence of it, such claims and such a\ndemeanour must have appeared an impious and blasphemous usurpation of\nprerogatives that belong to God alone. And sometimes, we may suspect,\nlower motives concurred to whet the edge of the priest\u2019s hostility. He\nprofessed to be the proper medium, the true intercessor between God\nand man, and no doubt his interests as well as his feelings were often\ninjured by a rival practitioner, who preached a surer and smoother road\nto fortune than the rugged and slippery path of divine favour.\n\n[Sidenote: This hostility comparatively late: at an earlier time magic\nco-operated, and was partly confused, with religion.\n\nConfusion of magic and religion in Melanesia.]\n\nYet this antagonism, familiar as it is to us, seems to have made its\nappearance comparatively late in the history of religion. At an earlier\nstage\u200b[819] the functions of priest and sorcerer were often combined\nor, to speak perhaps more correctly, were not yet differentiated from\neach other. To serve his purpose man wooed the good-will of gods or\nspirits by prayer and sacrifice, while at the same time he had recourse\nto ceremonies and forms of words which he hoped would of themselves\nbring about the desired result without the help of god or devil. In\nshort, he performed religious and magical rites simultaneously; he\nuttered prayers and incantations almost in the same breath, knowing\nor {p227} recking little of the theoretical inconsistency of his\nbehaviour, so long as by hook or crook he contrived to get what he\nwanted. Instances of this fusion or confusion of magic with religion\nhave already met us in the practices of Melanesians and of other\npeoples.\u200b[820] So far as the Melanesians are concerned, the general\nconfusion cannot be better described than in the words of Dr. R. H.\nCodrington:\u2014\u201cThat invisible power which is believed by the natives to\ncause all such effects as transcend their conception of the regular\ncourse of nature, and to reside in spiritual beings, whether in the\nspiritual part of living men or in the ghosts of the dead, being\nimparted by them to their names and to various things that belong to\nthem, such as stones, snakes, and indeed objects of all sorts, is that\ngenerally known as _mana_. Without some understanding of this it is\nimpossible to understand the religious beliefs and practices of the\nMelanesians; and this again is the active force in all they do and\nbelieve to be done in magic, white or black. By means of this men\nare able to control or direct the forces of nature, to make rain or\nsunshine, wind or calm, to cause sickness or remove it, to know what\nis far off in time and space, to bring good luck and prosperity, or to\nblast and curse.\u201d \u201cBy whatever name it is called, it is the belief in\nthis supernatural power, and in the efficacy of the various means by\nwhich spirits and ghosts can be induced to exercise it for the benefit\nof men, that is the foundation of the rites and practices which can be\ncalled religious; and it is from the same belief that everything which\nmay be called Magic and Witchcraft draws its origin. Wizards, doctors,\nweather-mongers, prophets, diviners, dreamers, all alike, everywhere\nin the islands, work by this power. There are many of these who may be\nsaid to exercise their art as a profession; they get their property\nand influence in this way. Every considerable village or settlement is\nsure to have some one who can control the weather and the waves, some\none who knows how to treat sickness, some one who can work mischief\nwith various charms. There may be one whose skill extends to all these\nbranches; but generally one man knows how to do one thing and one\nanother. This various knowledge is handed down from father {p228} to\nson, from uncle to sister\u2019s son, in the same way as is the knowledge\nof the rites and methods of sacrifice and prayer; and very often the\nsame man who knows the sacrifice knows also the making of the weather,\nand of charms for many purposes besides. But as there is no order of\npriests, there is also no order of magicians or medicine-men. Almost\nevery man of consideration knows how to approach some ghost or spirit,\nand has some secret of occult practices.\u201d\u200b[821]\n\n[Sidenote: Confusion of magic and religion in ancient India.]\n\nThe same confusion of magic and religion has survived among peoples\nthat have risen to higher levels of culture. It was rife in ancient\nIndia and ancient Egypt; it is by no means extinct among European\npeasantry at the present day. With regard to ancient India we are told\nby an eminent Sanscrit scholar that \u201cthe sacrificial ritual at the\nearliest period of which we have detailed information is pervaded with\npractices that breathe the spirit of the most primitive magic.\u201d\u200b[822]\nAgain, the same writer observes that \u201cthe ritual of the very sacrifices\nfor which the metrical prayers were composed is described in the other\nVedic texts as saturated from beginning to end with magical practices\nwhich were to be carried out by the sacrificial priests.\u201d In particular\nhe tells us that the rites celebrated on special occasions, such as\nmarriage, initiation, and the anointment of a king, \u201care complete\nmodels of magic of every kind, and in every case the forms of magic\nemployed bear the stamp of the highest antiquity.\u201d\u200b[823] Speaking\nof the sacrifices prescribed in the _Br\u00e2hma\u1e47as_, Professor Sylvain\nL\u00e9vi says: \u201cThe sacrifice has thus all the characteristics of a\nmagical operation, independent of the divinities, effective by its own\nenergy, and capable of producing evil as well as good. It is hardly\ndistinguished from magic strictly so called, except by being regular\nand obligatory; it can easily be adapted {p229} to different objects,\nbut it exists of necessity, independently of circumstances. That is\nthe sole fairly clear line of distinction which can be drawn between\nthe two domains; in point of fact they are so intimately interfused\nwith each other that the same class of works treats of both matters.\nThe _S\u00e2mavidh\u00e2na Br\u00e2hma\u1e47a_ is a real handbook of incantations and\nsorcery; the _Adbhuta Br\u00e2hma\u1e47a_, which forms a section of the _\u1e62a\u1e0dvi\u1e43\u00e7a\nBr\u00e2hma\u1e47a_, has the same character.\u201d\u200b[824] Similarly Professor M.\nBloomfield writes: \u201cEven witchcraft is part of the religion; it has\npenetrated and has become intimately blended with the holiest Vedic\nrites; the broad current of popular religion and superstition has\ninfiltrated itself through numberless channels into the higher religion\nthat is presented by the Brahman priests, and it may be presumed that\nthe priests were neither able to cleanse their own religious beliefs\nfrom the mass of folk-belief with which it was surrounded, nor is it\nat all likely that they found it in their interest to do so.\u201d\u200b[825]\nAgain, in the introduction to his translation of the _Kausika S\u016btra_,\nDr. W. Caland observes: \u201cHe who has been wont to regard the ancient\nHindoos as a highly civilised people, famed for their philosophical\nsystems, their dramatic poetry, their epic lays, will be surprised when\nhe makes the acquaintance of their magical ritual, and will perceive\nthat hitherto he has known the old Hindoo people from one side only. He\nwill find that he here stumbles on the lowest strata of Vedic culture,\nand will be astonished at the agreement between the magic ritual of\nthe old Vedas and the shamanism of the so-called savage. If we drop\nthe peculiar Hindoo expressions and technical terms, and imagine a\nshaman instead of a Brahman, we could almost fancy that we have before\nus a magical book belonging to one of the tribes of North American\nred-skins.\u201d\u200b[826] Some good authorities hold that the very name of\nBrahman is derived from _brahman_, \u201ca magical spell\u201d; so that, if they\nare right, the Brahman would seem to have been a magician before he was\na priest.\u200b[827] {p230}\n\n[Sidenote: Confusion of magic and religion in ancient Egypt.]\n\nSpeaking of the importance of magic in the East, and especially in\nEgypt, Professor Maspero remarks that \u201cwe ought not to attach to the\nword magic the degrading idea which it almost inevitably calls up\nin the mind of a modern. Ancient magic was the very foundation of\nreligion. The faithful who desired to obtain some favour from a god had\nno chance of succeeding except by laying hands on the deity, and this\narrest could only be effected by means of a certain number of rites,\nsacrifices, prayers, and chants, which the god himself had revealed,\nand which obliged him to do what was demanded of him.\u201d\u200b[828] According\nto another distinguished Egyptologist \u201cthe belief that there are words\nand actions by which man can influence all the powers of nature and all\nliving things, from animals up to gods, was inextricably interwoven\nwith everything the Egyptians did and everything they left undone.\nAbove all, the whole system of burial and of the worship of the dead\nis completely dominated by it. The wooden puppets which relieved the\ndead man from toil, the figures of the maid-servants who baked bread\nfor him, the sacrificial formulas by the recitation of which food was\nprocured for him, what are these and all the similar practices but\nmagic? And as men cannot help themselves without magic, so neither can\nthe gods; the gods also wear amulets to protect themselves, and use\nmagic spells to constrain each other.\u201d\u200b[829] \u201cThe whole doctrine of\nmagic,\u201d says Professor Wiedemann, \u201cformed in the valley of the Nile,\nnot a part of superstition, but an essential constituent of religious\nfaith, which to a {p231} great extent rested directly on magic, and\nalways remained most closely bound up with it.\u201d\u200b[830] But though we can\nperceive the union of discrepant elements in the faith and practice\nof the ancient Egyptians, it would be rash to assume that the people\nthemselves did so. \u201cEgyptian religion,\u201d says the same scholar, \u201cwas\nnot one and homogeneous; it was compounded of the most heterogeneous\nelements, which seemed to the Egyptian to be all equally justified.\nHe did not care whether a doctrine or a myth belonged to what, in\nmodern scholastic phraseology, we should call faith or superstition;\nit was indifferent to him whether we should rank it as religion or\nmagic, as worship or sorcery. All such classifications were foreign\nto the Egyptian. To him no one doctrine seemed more or less justified\nthan another. Nay, he went so far as to allow the most flagrant\ncontradictions to stand peaceably side by side.\u201d\u200b[831]\n\n[Sidenote: Confusion of magic and religion in modern Europe.\n\nMass of the Holy Spirit.\n\nMass of Saint S\u00e9caire.]\n\nAmong the ignorant classes of modern Europe the same confusion of\nideas, the same mixture of religion and magic, crops up in various\nforms. Thus we are told that in France \u201cthe majority of the peasants\nstill believe that the priest possesses a secret and irresistible\npower over the elements. By reciting certain prayers which he alone\nknows and has the right to utter, yet for the utterance of which he\nmust afterwards demand absolution, he can, on an occasion of pressing\ndanger, arrest or reverse for a moment the action of the eternal laws\nof the physical world. The winds, the storms, the hail, and the rain\nare at his command and obey his will. The fire also is subject to him,\nand the flames of a conflagration are extinguished at his word.\u201d\u200b[832]\nFor example, French peasants used to be, perhaps are still, persuaded\nthat the priests could celebrate, with certain special rites, a \u201cMass\nof the Holy Spirit,\u201d of which the efficacy was so miraculous that\nit never met with any opposition from the divine will; {p232} God\nwas forced to grant whatever was asked of Him in this form, however\nrash and importunate might be the petition. No idea of impiety or\nirreverence attached to the rite in the minds of those who, in some of\nthe great extremities of life, sought by this singular means to take\nthe kingdom of heaven by storm. The secular priests generally refused\nto say the \u201cMass of the Holy Spirit\u201d; but the monks, especially the\nCapuchin friars, had the reputation of yielding with less scruple to\nthe entreaties of the anxious and distressed.\u200b[833] In the constraint\nthus supposed by Catholic peasantry to be laid by the priest upon the\ndeity we seem to have an exact counterpart of the power which, as we\nsaw, the ancient Egyptians ascribed to their magicians.\u200b[834] Again, to\ntake another example, in many villages of Provence the priest is still\nreputed to possess the faculty of averting storms. It is not every\npriest who enjoys this reputation; and in some villages, when a change\nof pastors takes place, the parishioners are eager to learn whether\nthe new incumbent has the power (_pouder_), as they call it. At the\nfirst sign of a heavy storm they put him to the proof by inviting him\nto exorcise the threatening clouds; and if the result answers to their\nhopes, the new shepherd is assured of the sympathy and respect of his\nflock. In some parishes, where the reputation of the curate in this\nrespect stood higher than that of his rector, the relations between\nthe two have been so strained in consequence that the bishop has had\nto translate the rector to another benefice.\u200b[835] Again, Gascon\npeasants believe that to revenge themselves on their enemies bad men\nwill sometimes induce a priest to say a mass called the Mass of Saint\nS\u00e9caire. Very few priests know this mass, and three-fourths of those\nwho do know it would not say it for love or money. None but wicked\npriests dare to perform the gruesome ceremony, and you may be quite\nsure that they will have a very heavy account to render for it at the\nlast day. No curate or bishop, not even the archbishop of {p233} Auch,\ncan pardon them; that right belongs to the pope of Rome alone. The Mass\nof Saint S\u00e9caire may be said only in a ruined or deserted church, where\nowls mope and hoot, where bats flit in the gloaming, where gypsies\nlodge of nights, and where toads squat under the desecrated altar.\nThither the bad priest comes by night with his light o\u2019 love, and at\nthe first stroke of eleven he begins to mumble the mass backwards,\nand ends just as the clocks are knelling the midnight hour. His leman\nacts as clerk. The host he blesses is black and has three points; he\nconsecrates no wine, but instead he drinks the water of a well into\nwhich the body of an unbaptized infant has been flung. He makes the\nsign of the cross, but it is on the ground and with his left foot.\nAnd many other things he does which no good Christian could look upon\nwithout being struck blind and deaf and dumb for the rest of his life.\nBut the man for whom the mass is said withers away little by little,\nand nobody can say what is the matter with him; even the doctors can\nmake nothing of it. They do not know that he is slowly dying of the\nMass of Saint S\u00e9caire.\u200b[836]\n\n[Sidenote: The early confusion of magic with religion was probably\npreceded by a still earlier phase of thought, when magic existed\nwithout religion.]\n\nYet though magic is thus found to fuse and amalgamate with religion\nin many ages and in many lands, there are some grounds for thinking\nthat this fusion is not primitive, and that there was a time when\nman trusted to magic alone for the satisfaction of such wants as\ntranscended his immediate animal cravings. In the first place a\nconsideration of the fundamental notions of magic and religion may\nincline us to surmise that magic is older than religion in the history\nof humanity. We have seen that on the one hand magic is nothing but\na mistaken application of the very simplest and most elementary\nprocesses of the mind, namely the association of ideas by virtue of\nresemblance or contiguity; and that on the other hand religion assumes\nthe operation of conscious or personal agents, superior to man, behind\nthe visible screen of nature. Obviously the conception of personal\nagents is more complex than a simple recognition of the similarity\nor contiguity of ideas; and a theory which assumes that the course\nof nature is determined by conscious {p234} agents is more abstruse\nand recondite, and requires for its apprehension a far higher degree\nof intelligence and reflection, than the view that things succeed\neach other simply by reason of their contiguity or resemblance. The\nvery beasts associate the ideas of things that are like each other\nor that have been found together in their experience; and they could\nhardly survive for a day if they ceased to do so. But who attributes\nto the animals a belief that the phenomena of nature are worked by a\nmultitude of invisible animals or by one enormous and prodigiously\nstrong animal behind the scenes? It is probably no injustice to the\nbrutes to assume that the honour of devising a theory of this latter\nsort must be reserved for human reason. Thus, if magic be deduced\nimmediately from elementary processes of reasoning, and be, in fact, an\nerror into which the mind falls almost spontaneously, while religion\nrests on conceptions which the merely animal intelligence can hardly be\nsupposed to have yet attained to, it becomes probable that magic arose\nbefore religion in the evolution of our race, and that man essayed to\nbend nature to his wishes by the sheer force of spells and enchantments\nbefore he strove to coax and mollify a coy, capricious, or irascible\ndeity by the soft insinuation of prayer and sacrifice.\n\n[Sidenote: Among the Australian aborigines magic is universal, but\nreligion almost unknown.]\n\nThe conclusion which we have thus reached deductively from a\nconsideration of the fundamental ideas of religion and magic is\nconfirmed inductively by the observation that among the aborigines\nof Australia, the rudest savages as to whom we possess accurate\ninformation, magic is universally practised, whereas religion in the\nsense of a propitiation or conciliation of the higher powers seems\nto be nearly unknown. Roughly speaking, all men in Australia are\nmagicians, but not one is a priest; everybody fancies he can influence\nhis fellows or the course of nature by sympathetic magic, but nobody\ndreams of propitiating gods by prayer and sacrifice.\u200b[837]\n\n[Sidenote: Magic is probably older than religion, and faith in it is\nstill universal among the ignorant and superstitious.]\n\nBut if in the most backward state of human society now known to us\nwe find magic thus conspicuously present and religion conspicuously\nabsent, may we not reasonably conjecture that the civilised races of\nthe world have also at some period of their history passed through a\nsimilar {p235} intellectual phase, that they attempted to force the\ngreat powers of nature to do their pleasure before they thought of\ncourting their favour by offerings and prayer\u2014in short that, just as\non the material side of human culture there has everywhere been an\nAge of Stone, so on the intellectual side there has everywhere been\nan Age of Magic?\u200b[838] There are reasons for answering this question\nin the affirmative. When we survey the existing races of mankind\nfrom Greenland to Tierra del Fuego, or from Scotland to Singapore,\nwe observe that they are distinguished one from the other by a great\nvariety of religions, and that these distinctions are not, so to speak,\nmerely coterminous with the broad distinctions of race, but descend\ninto the minuter subdivisions of states and commonwealths, nay, that\nthey honeycomb the town, the village, and even the family, so that\nthe surface of society all over the world is cracked and seamed,\nsapped and mined with rents and fissures and yawning crevasses opened\nup by the disintegrating influence of religious dissension. Yet when\nwe have penetrated through these differences, which affect mainly\nthe intelligent and thoughtful part of the community, we shall find\nunderlying them all a solid stratum of intellectual agreement among the\ndull, the weak, the ignorant, and the superstitious, who constitute,\nunfortunately, the vast majority of mankind. One of the great\nachievements of the nineteenth century was to run shafts down into this\nlow mental stratum in many parts of the world, and thus to discover its\nsubstantial identity everywhere. It is beneath our feet\u2014and not very\nfar beneath them\u2014here in Europe at the present day, and it crops up\non the surface in the heart of the Australian wilderness and wherever\nthe advent of a higher civilisation has not crushed it under ground.\nThis universal faith, this truly Catholic creed, is a belief in the\n{p236} efficacy of magic. While religious systems differ not only\nin different countries, but in the same country in different ages,\nthe system of sympathetic magic remains everywhere and at all times\nsubstantially alike in its principles and practice. Among the ignorant\nand superstitious classes of modern Europe it is very much what it was\nthousands of years ago in Egypt and India, and what it now is among the\nlowest savages surviving in the remotest corners of the world. If the\ntest of truth lay in a show of hands or a counting of heads, the system\nof magic might appeal, with far more reason than the Catholic Church,\nto the proud motto, \u201c_Quod semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus_,\u201d as\nthe sure and certain credential of its own infallibility.\n\n[Sidenote: Latent superstition a danger to civilisation.]\n\nIt is not our business here to consider what bearing the permanent\nexistence of such a solid layer of savagery beneath the surface of\nsociety, and unaffected by the superficial changes of religion and\nculture, has upon the future of humanity. The dispassionate observer,\nwhose studies have led him to plumb its depths, can hardly regard\nit otherwise than as a standing menace to civilisation.\u200b[839] We\nseem to move on a thin crust which may at any moment be rent by the\nsubterranean forces slumbering below. From time to time a hollow\nmurmur underground or a sudden spirt of flame into the air tells of\nwhat is going on beneath our feet. Now and then the polite world is\nstartled by a paragraph in a newspaper which tells how in Scotland an\nimage has been found stuck full of pins for the purpose of killing\nan obnoxious laird or minister, how a woman has been slowly roasted\nto death as a witch in Ireland, or how a girl has been murdered and\nchopped up in Russia to make those candles of human tallow by whose\nlight thieves hope to pursue their midnight trade unseen.\u200b[840] But\nwhether the influences that make for further progress, or those that\nthreaten to undo what has already been accomplished, will {p237}\nultimately prevail; whether the impulsive energy of the minority or\nthe dead weight of the majority of mankind will prove the stronger\nforce to carry us up to higher heights or to sink us into lower depths,\nare questions rather for the sage, the moralist, and the statesman,\nwhose eagle vision scans the future, than for the humble student of\nthe present and the past. Here we are only concerned to ask how far\nthe uniformity, the universality, and the permanence of a belief in\nmagic, compared with the endless variety and the shifting character of\nreligious creeds, raises a presumption that the former represents a\nruder and earlier phase of the human mind, through which all the races\nof mankind have passed or are passing on their way to religion and\nscience.\n\n[Sidenote: The change from magic to religion may have been brought\nabout by the discovery of the inefficacy of magic.]\n\nIf an Age of Religion has thus everywhere, as I venture to surmise,\nbeen preceded by an Age of Magic, it is natural that we should enquire\nwhat causes have led mankind, or rather a portion of them, to abandon\nmagic as a principle of faith and practice and to betake themselves\nto religion instead. When we reflect upon the multitude, the variety\nand the complexity of the facts to be explained, and the scantiness of\nour information regarding them, we shall be ready to acknowledge that\na full and satisfactory solution of so profound a problem is hardly\nto be hoped for, and that the most we can do in the present state of\nour knowledge is to hazard a more or less plausible conjecture. With\nall due diffidence, then, I would suggest that a tardy recognition\nof the inherent falsehood and barrenness of magic set the more\nthoughtful part of mankind to cast about for a truer theory of nature\nand a more fruitful method of turning her resources to account. The\nshrewder intelligences must in time have come to perceive that magical\nceremonies and incantations did not really effect the results which\nthey were designed to produce, and which the majority of their simpler\nfellows still believed that they did actually produce. This great\ndiscovery of the inefficacy of magic must have wrought a radical though\nprobably slow revolution in the minds of those who had the sagacity to\nmake it. The discovery amounted to this, that men for the first time\nrecognised their inability to manipulate at pleasure certain natural\nforces which hitherto they had believed to be completely within {p238}\ntheir control. It was a confession of human ignorance and weakness.\nMan saw that he had taken for causes what were no causes, and that\nall his efforts to work by means of these imaginary causes had been\nvain. His painful toil had been wasted, his curious ingenuity had been\nsquandered to no purpose. He had been pulling at strings to which\nnothing was attached; he had been marching, as he thought, straight\nto the goal, while in reality he had only been treading in a narrow\ncircle. Not that the effects which he had striven so hard to produce\ndid not continue to manifest themselves. They were still produced, but\nnot by him. The rain still fell on the thirsty ground: the sun still\npursued his daily, and the moon her nightly journey across the sky:\nthe silent procession of the seasons still moved in light and shadow,\nin cloud and sunshine across the earth: men were still born to labour\nand sorrow, and still, after a brief sojourn here, were gathered to\ntheir fathers in the long home hereafter. All things indeed went on as\nbefore, yet all seemed different to him from whose eyes the old scales\nhad fallen. For he could no longer cherish the pleasing illusion that\nit was he who guided the earth and the heaven in their courses, and\nthat they would cease to perform their great revolutions were he to\ntake his feeble hand from the wheel. In the death of his enemies and\nhis friends he no longer saw a proof of the resistless potency of his\nown or of hostile enchantments; he now knew that friends and foes alike\nhad succumbed to a force stronger than any that he could wield, and in\nobedience to a destiny which he was powerless to control.\n\n[Sidenote: Recognising their own inability to control nature, men came\nto think that it was controlled by supernatural beings.]\n\nThus cut adrift from his ancient moorings and left to toss on a\ntroubled sea of doubt and uncertainty, his old happy confidence in\nhimself and his powers rudely shaken, our primitive philosopher must\nhave been sadly perplexed and agitated till he came to rest, as in a\nquiet haven after a tempestuous voyage, in a new system of faith and\npractice, which seemed to offer a solution of his harassing doubts and\na substitute, however precarious, for that sovereignty over nature\nwhich he had reluctantly abdicated. If the great world went on its way\nwithout the help of him or his fellows, it must surely be because there\nwere other beings, like {p239} himself, but far stronger, who, unseen\nthemselves, directed its course and brought about all the varied series\nof events which he had hitherto believed to be dependent on his own\nmagic. It was they, as he now believed, and not he himself, who made\nthe stormy wind to blow, the lightning to flash, and the thunder to\nroll; who had laid the foundations of the solid earth and set bounds to\nthe restless sea that it might not pass; who caused all the glorious\nlights of heaven to shine; who gave the fowls of the air their meat\nand the wild beasts of the desert their prey; who bade the fruitful\nland to bring forth in abundance, the high hills to be clothed with\nforests, the bubbling springs to rise under the rocks in the valleys,\nand green pastures to grow by still waters; who breathed into man\u2019s\nnostrils and made him live, or turned him to destruction by famine and\npestilence and war. To these mighty beings, whose handiwork he traced\nin all the gorgeous and varied pageantry of nature, man now addressed\nhimself, humbly confessing his dependence on their invisible power, and\nbeseeching them of their mercy to furnish him with all good things,\nto defend him from the perils and dangers by which our mortal life\nis compassed about on every hand, and finally to bring his immortal\nspirit, freed from the burden of the body, to some happier world,\nbeyond the reach of pain and sorrow, where he might rest with them and\nwith the spirits of good men in joy and felicity for ever.\n\n[Sidenote: The change from magic to religion must have been gradual.]\n\nIn this, or some such way as this, the deeper minds may be conceived\nto have made the great transition from magic to religion. But even in\nthem the change can hardly ever have been sudden; probably it proceeded\nvery slowly, and required long ages for its more or less perfect\naccomplishment. For the recognition of man\u2019s powerlessness to influence\nthe course of nature on a grand scale must have been gradual; he cannot\nhave been shorn of the whole of his fancied dominion at a blow. Step\nby step he must have been driven back from his proud position; foot by\nfoot he must have yielded, with a sigh, the ground which he had once\nviewed as his own. Now it would be the wind, now the rain, now the\nsunshine, now the thunder, that he confessed himself unable to wield at\nwill; and as province after province of {p240} nature thus fell from\nhis grasp, till what had once seemed a kingdom threatened to shrink\ninto a prison, man must have been more and more profoundly impressed\nwith a sense of his own helplessness and the might of the invisible\nbeings by whom he believed himself to be surrounded. Thus religion,\nbeginning as a slight and partial acknowledgment of powers superior to\nman, tends with the growth of knowledge to deepen into a confession\nof man\u2019s entire and absolute dependence on the divine; his old free\nbearing is exchanged for an attitude of lowliest prostration before the\nmysterious powers of the unseen, and his highest virtue is to submit\nhis will to theirs: _In la sua volontade \u00e8 nostra pace_. But this\ndeepening sense of religion, this more perfect submission to the divine\nwill in all things, affects only those higher intelligences who have\nbreadth of view enough to comprehend the vastness of the universe and\nthe littleness of man. Small minds cannot grasp great ideas; to their\nnarrow comprehension, their purblind vision, nothing seems really great\nand important but themselves. Such minds hardly rise into religion\nat all. They are, indeed, drilled by their betters into an outward\nconformity with its precepts and a verbal profession of its tenets; but\nat heart they cling to their old magical superstitions, which may be\ndiscountenanced and forbidden, but cannot be eradicated by religion,\nso long as they have their roots deep down in the mental framework and\nconstitution of the great majority of mankind.\n\n[Sidenote: The belief that the gods are magicians may mark the\ntransition from magic to religion.]\n\nA vestige of the transition from magic to religion may perhaps be\ndiscerned in the belief, shared by many peoples, that the gods\nthemselves are adepts in magic, guarding their persons by talismans\nand working their will by spells and incantations. Thus the Egyptian\ngods, we are told, could as little dispense with the help of magic as\ncould men; like men they wore amulets to protect themselves, and used\nspells to overcome each other. Above all the rest Isis was skilled in\nsorcery and famous for her incantations.\u200b[841] In Babylonia the great\ngod Ea was reputed to be the inventor of magic, and his son Marduk,\nthe chief deity of Babylon, inherited the art from his father. Marduk\nis described as \u201cthe master of exorcism, the magician of the gods.\u201d\n{p241} Another text declares that \u201cthe incantation is the incantation\nof Marduk, the exorcist is the image of Marduk.\u201d\u200b[842] In the legend of\nthe creation it is related that when Marduk was preparing to fight the\nmonster Tiamat he gave a proof of his magical powers to the assembled\ngods by causing a garment to disappear and reappear again at the word\nof his mouth. And the other Babylonian deities had in like manner\nrecourse to magic, especially to magical words or spells. \u201cThe word\nis above all the instrument of the gods; it seems to suit the high\nconception of their power better than mere muscular effort; the hymns\ncelebrate the irresistible might of their word; it is by their word\nthat they compel both animate and inanimate beings to answer their\npurposes; in short, they employ almost exclusively the oral rites of\nmagic.\u201d And like men they made use of amulets and talismans.\u200b[843] In\nthe Vedic religion the gods are often represented as attaining their\nends by magical means; in particular the god B\u1e5bhaspati, \u201cthe creator\nof all prayers,\u201d is regarded as \u201cthe heavenly embodiment of the\npriesthood, in so far as the priesthood is invested with the power, and\ncharged with the task, of influencing the course of things by prayers\nand spells\u201d; in short, he is \u201cthe possessor of the magical power of\nthe holy word.\u201d\u200b[844] So too in Norse mythology Odin is said to have\nowed his supremacy and his dominion over nature to his knowledge of\nthe runes or magical names of all things in earth and heaven. This\nmystical lore he acquired as follows. The runic names of all things\nwere scratched on the things themselves, then scraped off and mixed in\na magical potion, which was compounded of honey and the blood of the\nslain Kvasir, the wisest of beings. A draught of this wonderful mead\nimparted to Odin not only the wisdom of Kvasir, but also a knowledge of\nall things, since he had swallowed their runic or mystical names along\nwith the blood of the sage.\u200b[845] {p242} Hence by the utterance of his\nspells he could heal sickness, deaden the swords of his enemies, loose\nhimself from bonds, stop the flight of an arrow in mid-air, stay the\nraging of the flames, still the winds and lull the sea; and by graving\nand painting certain runes he could make the corpse of a hanged man\ncome down from the gallows-tree and talk with him.\u200b[846] It is easy\nto conceive how this ascription of magical powers to the gods may\nhave originated. When a savage sorcerer fails to effect his purpose,\nhe generally explains his want of success by saying that he has been\nfoiled by the spells of some more potent magician. Now if it began to\nbe perceived that certain natural effects, such as the making of rain\nor wind or sunshine, were beyond the power of any human magician to\naccomplish, the first thought would naturally be that they were wrought\nby the more powerful magic of some great invisible beings, and these\nsuperhuman magicians might readily develop into gods of the type of\nOdin, Isis, and Marduk. In short, many gods may at first have been\nmerely deified sorcerers.\n\n[Sidenote: The fallacy of magic is not easy to detect, because nature\nherself generally produces, sooner or later, the effects which the\nmagician fancies he produces by his art.]\n\nThe reader may well be tempted to ask. How was it that intelligent men\ndid not sooner detect the fallacy of magic? How could they continue to\ncherish expectations that were invariably doomed to disappointment?\nWith what heart persist in playing venerable antics that led to\nnothing, and mumbling solemn balderdash that remained without effect?\nWhy cling to beliefs which were so flatly contradicted by experience?\nHow dare to repeat experiments that had failed so often? The answer\nseems to be that the fallacy was far from easy to detect, the failure\nby no means obvious, since in many, perhaps in most cases, the desired\nevent did actually follow, at a longer or shorter interval, the\nperformance of the rite which was designed to bring it about; and\na mind of more than common acuteness was needed to perceive that,\neven in these cases, the rite was not necessarily the cause of the\nevent. A ceremony intended to make the wind blow or the rain fall,\nor to work the death of an enemy, will always be followed, sooner or\nlater, by the occurrence it is meant to bring to pass; and primitive\nman may be excused for regarding the occurrence as a direct result\nof the ceremony, and {p243} the best possible proof of its efficacy.\nSimilarly, rites observed in the morning to help the sun to rise,\nand in spring to wake the dreaming earth from her winter sleep, will\ninvariably appear to be crowned with success, at least within the\ntemperate zones; for in these regions the sun lights his golden lamp\nin the east every morning, and year by year the vernal earth decks\nherself afresh with a rich mantle of green. Hence the practical savage,\nwith his conservative instincts, might well turn a deaf ear to the\nsubtleties of the theoretical doubter, the philosophic radical, who\npresumed to hint that sunrise and spring might not, after all, be\ndirect consequences of the punctual performance of certain daily or\nyearly ceremonies, and that the sun might perhaps continue to rise and\ntrees to blossom though the ceremonies were occasionally intermitted,\nor even discontinued altogether. These sceptical doubts would naturally\nbe repelled by the other with scorn and indignation as airy reveries\nsubversive of the faith and manifestly contradicted by experience. \u201cCan\nanything be plainer,\u201d he might say, \u201cthan that I light my twopenny\ncandle on earth and that the sun then kindles his great fire in heaven?\nI should be glad to know whether, when I have put on my green robe in\nspring, the trees do not afterwards do the same? These are facts patent\nto everybody, and on them I take my stand. I am a plain practical man,\nnot one of your theorists and splitters of hairs and choppers of logic.\nTheories and speculation and all that may be very well in their way,\nand I have not the least objection to your indulging in them, provided,\nof course, you do not put them in practice. But give me leave to stick\nto facts; then I know where I am.\u201d The fallacy of this reasoning is\nobvious to us, because it happens to deal with facts about which we\nhave long made up our minds. But let an argument of precisely the same\ncalibre be applied to matters which are still under debate, and it may\nbe questioned whether a British audience would not applaud it as sound,\nand esteem the speaker who used it a safe man\u2014not brilliant or showy,\nperhaps, but thoroughly sensible and hard-headed. If such reasonings\ncould pass muster among ourselves, need we wonder that they long\nescaped detection by the savage?\n\n{p244}\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V\n\nTHE MAGICAL CONTROL OF THE WEATHER\n\n\n\u00a7 1. _The Public Magician_\n\nThe patient reader may remember that we were led to plunge into the\nlabyrinth of magic, in which we have wandered for so many pages, by a\nconsideration of two different types of man-god. This is the clue which\nhas guided our devious steps through the maze, and brought us out at\nlast on higher ground, whence, resting a little by the way, we can look\nback over the path we have already traversed and forward to the longer\nand steeper road we have still to climb.\n\n[Sidenote: Two types of man-god, the religious and the magical.]\n\nAs a result of the foregoing discussion, the two types of human gods\nmay conveniently be distinguished as the religious and the magical\nman-god respectively. In the former, a being of an order different\nfrom and superior to man is supposed to become incarnate, for a longer\nor a shorter time, in a human body, manifesting his superhuman power\nand knowledge by miracles wrought and prophecies uttered through the\nmedium of the fleshly tabernacle in which he has deigned to take up his\nabode. This may also appropriately be called the inspired or incarnate\ntype of man-god. In it the human body is merely a frail earthly vessel\nfilled with a divine and immortal spirit. On the other hand, a man-god\nof the magical sort is nothing but a man who possesses in an unusually\nhigh degree powers which most of his fellows arrogate to themselves on\na smaller scale; for in rude society there is hardly a person who does\nnot dabble in magic. Thus, whereas a man-god of the former or inspired\ntype derives his divinity from a deity who has stooped to hide his\nheavenly radiance behind a dull mask of earthly mould, a {p245} man-god\nof the latter type draws his extraordinary power from a certain\nphysical sympathy with nature. He is not merely the receptacle of a\ndivine spirit. His whole being, body and soul, is so delicately attuned\nto the harmony of the world that a touch of his hand or a turn of his\nhead may send a thrill vibrating through the universal framework of\nthings; and conversely his divine organism is acutely sensitive to such\nslight changes of environment as would leave ordinary mortals wholly\nunaffected. But the line between these two types of man-god, however\nsharply we may draw it in theory, is seldom to be traced with precision\nin practice, and in what follows I shall not insist on it.\n\n[Sidenote: Public and private magic: the public magician often a king.]\n\nWe have seen that in practice the magic art may be employed for the\nbenefit either of individuals or of the whole community, and that\naccording as it is directed to one or other of these two objects it\nmay be called private or public magic.\u200b[847] Further, I pointed out\nthat the public magician occupies a position of great influence, from\nwhich, if he is a prudent and able man, he may advance step by step\nto the rank of a chief or king. Thus an examination of public magic\nconduces to an understanding of the early kingship, since in savage and\nbarbarous society many chiefs and kings appear to owe their authority\nin great measure to their reputation as magicians.\n\n[Sidenote: The rise of a class of public or professional magicians is a\ngreat step in social and intellectual progress.]\n\nAmong the objects of public utility which magic may be employed to\nsecure, the most essential is an adequate supply of food. The examples\ncited in preceding pages prove that the purveyors of food\u2014the hunter,\nthe fisher, the farmer\u2014all resort to magical practices in the pursuit\nof their various callings; but they do so as private individuals\nfor the benefit of themselves and their families, rather than as\npublic functionaries acting in the interest of the whole people. It\nis otherwise when the rites are performed, not by the hunters, the\nfishers, the farmers themselves, but by professional magicians on their\nbehalf. In primitive society, where uniformity of occupation is the\nrule, and the distribution of the community into various classes of\nworkers has hardly begun, every man is more or less his own magician;\nhe practises charms and {p246} incantations for his own good and the\ninjury of his enemies. But a great step in advance has been taken\nwhen a special class of magicians has been instituted; when, in other\nwords, a number of men have been set apart for the express purpose of\nbenefiting the whole community by their skill, whether that skill be\ndirected to the healing of diseases, the forecasting of the future,\nthe regulation of the weather, or any other object of general utility.\nThe impotence of the means adopted by most of these practitioners to\naccomplish their ends ought not to blind us to the immense importance\nof the institution itself. Here is a body of men relieved, at least\nin the higher stages of savagery, from the need of earning their\nlivelihood by hard manual toil, and allowed, nay, expected and\nencouraged, to prosecute researches into the secret ways of nature.\nIt was at once their duty and their interest to know more than their\nfellows, to acquaint themselves with everything that could aid man in\nhis arduous struggle with nature, everything that could mitigate his\nsufferings and prolong his life. The properties of drugs and minerals,\nthe causes of rain and drought, of thunder and lightning, the changes\nof the seasons, the phases of the moon, the daily and yearly journeys\nof the sun, the motions of the stars, the mystery of life, and the\nmystery of death, all these things must have excited the wonder of\nthese early philosophers, and stimulated them to find solutions of\nproblems that were doubtless often thrust on their attention in the\nmost practical form by the importunate demands of their clients, who\nexpected them not merely to understand but to regulate the great\nprocesses of nature for the good of man. That their first shots fell\nvery far wide of the mark could hardly be helped. The slow, the\nnever-ending approach to truth consists in perpetually forming and\ntesting hypotheses, accepting those which at the time seem to fit\nthe facts and rejecting the others. The views of natural causation\nembraced by the savage magician no doubt appear to us manifestly false\nand absurd; yet in their day they were legitimate hypotheses, though\nthey have not stood the test of experience. Ridicule and blame are\nthe just meed, not of those who devised these crude theories, but of\nthose who obstinately adhered to them after better had been propounded.\n{p247} Certainly no men ever had stronger incentives in the pursuit\nof truth than these savage sorcerers. To maintain at least a show of\nknowledge was absolutely necessary; a single mistake detected might\ncost them their life. This no doubt led them to practise imposture\nfor the purpose of concealing their ignorance; but it also supplied\nthem with the most powerful motive for substituting a real for a sham\nknowledge, since, if you would appear to know anything, by far the\nbest way is actually to know it. Thus, however justly we may reject\nthe extravagant pretensions of magicians and condemn the deceptions\nwhich they have practised on mankind, the original institution of this\nclass of men has, take it all in all, been productive of incalculable\ngood to humanity. They were the direct predecessors, not merely of our\nphysicians and surgeons, but of our investigators and discoverers in\nevery branch of natural science. They began the work which has since\nbeen carried to such glorious and beneficent issues by their successors\nin after ages; and if the beginning was poor and feeble, this is to\nbe imputed to the inevitable difficulties which beset the path of\nknowledge rather than to the natural incapacity or wilful fraud of the\nmen themselves.\n\n\n\u00a7 2. _The Magical Control of Rain_\n\n[Sidenote: One of the chief tasks which the public magician has to\nperform is to control the weather, and especially to ensure an adequate\nsupply of rain. The method adopted by the rain-maker is commonly\nbased on homoeopathic or imitative magic: he seeks to produce rain by\nimitating it.]\n\nOf the things which the public magician sets himself to do for the\ngood of the tribe, one of the chief is to control the weather and\nespecially to ensure an adequate fall of rain. Water is the first\nessential of life, and in most countries the supply of it depends upon\nshowers. Without rain vegetation withers, animals and men languish and\ndie. Hence in savage communities the rain-maker is a very important\npersonage; and often a special class of magicians exists for the\npurpose of regulating the heavenly water-supply. The methods by which\nthey attempt to discharge the duties of their office are commonly,\nthough not always, based on the principle of homoeopathic or imitative\nmagic. If they wish to make rain they simulate it by sprinkling water\nor mimicking clouds: if their object is to stop rain and cause drought,\nthey avoid water and resort to warmth and fire for the sake of drying\nup the too abundant moisture. Such attempts are by no means confined,\nas the cultivated reader might {p248} imagine, to the naked inhabitants\nof those sultry lands like Central Australia and some parts of Eastern\nand Southern Africa, where often for months together the pitiless sun\nbeats down out of a blue and cloudless sky on the parched and gaping\nearth. They are, or used to be, common enough among outwardly civilised\nfolk in the moister climate of Europe. I will now illustrate them by\ninstances drawn from the practice both of public and private magic.\n\n[Sidenote: Examples of making rain by homoeopathic or imitative magic.\n\nUse of human hair in rain-charms among the Australian aborigines.]\n\nThus, for example, in a village near Dorpat, in Russia, when rain was\nmuch wanted, three men used to climb up the fir-trees of an old sacred\ngrove. One of them drummed with a hammer on a kettle or small cask to\nimitate thunder; the second knocked two fire-brands together and made\nthe sparks fly, to imitate lightning; and the third, who was called\n\u201cthe rain-maker,\u201d had a bunch of twigs with which he sprinkled water\nfrom a vessel on all sides.\u200b[848] To put an end to drought and bring\ndown rain, women and girls of the village of Ploska are wont to go\nnaked by night to the boundaries of the village and there pour water on\nthe ground.\u200b[849] In Halmahera, or Gilolo, a large island to the west\nof New Guinea, a wizard makes rain by dipping a branch of a particular\nkind of tree in water and then scattering the moisture from the\ndripping bough over the ground.\u200b[850] In Ceram it is enough to dedicate\nthe bark of a certain tree to the spirits, and lay it in water.\u200b[851]\nA Javanese mode of making rain is to imitate the pattering sound of\nrain-drops by brushing a coco-nut leaf over the sheath of a betel-nut\nin a mortar.\u200b[852] In New Britain the rain-maker wraps some leaves of\na red and green striped creeper {p249} in a banana-leaf, moistens the\nbundle with water, and buries it in the ground; then he imitates with\nhis mouth the plashing of rain.\u200b[853] Amongst the Omaha Indians of\nNorth America, when the corn is withering for want of rain, the members\nof the sacred Buffalo Society fill a large vessel with water and dance\nfour times round it. One of them drinks some of the water and spirts it\ninto the air, making a fine spray in imitation of a mist or drizzling\nrain. Then he upsets the vessel, spilling the water on the ground;\nwhereupon the dancers fall down and drink up the water, getting mud all\nover their faces. Lastly, they squirt the water into the air, making\na fine mist. This saves the corn.\u200b[854] In spring-time the Natchez of\nNorth America used to club together to purchase favourable weather for\ntheir crops from the wizards. If rain was needed, the wizards fasted\nand danced with pipes full of water in their mouths. The pipes were\nperforated like the nozzle of a watering-can, and through the holes\nthe rain-maker blew the water towards that part of the sky where the\nclouds hung heaviest. But if fine weather was wanted, he mounted the\nroof of his hut, and with extended arms, blowing with all his might,\nhe beckoned to the clouds to pass by.\u200b[855] In time of drought the\nTarahumares Indians of Mexico will sometimes throw water towards the\nsky in order that God may replenish his supply. And in the month of\nMay they always burn the grass, so that the whole country is then\nwrapt in smoke and travelling becomes very difficult. They think that\nthis is necessary to produce rain, clouds of smoke being, in their\nopinion, equivalent to rain-clouds.\u200b[856] Among the Swazies and Hlubies\nof South-Eastern Africa the rain-doctor draws water from a river with\nvarious mystic ceremonies, and carries it into a cultivated field.\nHere he throws it in jets from his vessel high into the air, and the\nfalling spray is believed to draw down the clouds and to make rain by\nsympathy.\u200b[857] To squirt water {p250} from the mouth is a West African\nmode of making rain,\u200b[858] and it is practised also by the Wajaggas\nof Kilimanjaro.\u200b[859] Among the Wahuma, on the Albert Nyanza Lake,\nthe rain-maker pours water into a vessel in which he has first placed\na dark stone as large as the hand. Pounded plants and the blood of a\nblack goat are added to the water, and with a bunch of magic herbs the\nsorcerer sprinkles the mixture towards the sky.\u200b[860] In this charm\nspecial efficacy is no doubt attributed to the dark stone and the black\ngoat, their colour being chosen from its resemblance to that of the\nrain-clouds, as we shall see presently. When the rains do not come in\ndue season the people of Central Angoniland repair to what is called\nthe rain-temple. Here they clear away the grass, and the leader pours\nbeer into a pot which is buried in the ground, while he says, \u201cMaster\n_Chauta_, you have hardened your heart towards us, what would you have\nus do? We must perish indeed. Give your children the rains, there is\nthe beer we have given you.\u201d Then they all partake of the beer that\nis left over, even the children being made to sip it. Next they take\nbranches of trees and dance and sing for rain. When they return to the\nvillage they find a vessel of water set at the doorway by an old woman;\nso they dip their branches in it and wave them aloft, so as to scatter\nthe drops. After that the rain is sure to come driving up in heavy\nclouds.\u200b[861] In these practices we see a combination of religion with\nmagic; for while the scattering of the water-drops by means of branches\nis a purely magical ceremony, the prayer for rain and the offering of\nbeer are purely religious rites. At Takitount in Algeria, when the\ndrought is severe, the people prepare a sacrificial banquet (_zerda_),\nin the course of which they dance, and filling their mouths with water\nspirt it into the air crying, \u201cThe rain and abundance!\u201d Elsewhere in\nthe course of these banquets it is customary for the same purpose\nto sprinkle water on children. At Tlemcen in time of drought water\nis thrown from terraces and windows on {p251} small girls, who pass\nsinging.\u200b[862] During the summer months frequent droughts occur among\nthe Japanese alps. To procure rain a party of hunters armed with guns\nclimb to the top of Mount Jonendake, one of the most imposing peaks in\nthe range. By kindling a bonfire, discharging their guns, and rolling\ngreat masses of rocks down the cliffs, they represent the wished-for\nstorm; and rain is supposed always to follow within a few days.\u200b[863]\nTo make rain a party of Ainos will scatter water by means of sieves,\nwhile others will take a porringer, fit it up with sails and oars as\nif it were a boat, and then push or draw it about the village and\ngardens.\u200b[864] In Laos the festival of the New Year takes place about\nthe middle of April and lasts three days. The people assemble in the\npagodas, which are decorated with flowers and illuminated. The Buddhist\nmonks perform the ceremonies, and when they come to the prayers for the\nfertility of the earth the worshippers pour water into little holes in\nthe floor of the pagoda as a symbol of the rain which they hope Buddha\nwill send down on the rice-fields in due time.\u200b[865] In the Mara tribe\nof Northern Australia the rain-maker goes to a pool and sings over it\nhis magic song. Then he takes some of the water in his hands, drinks\nit, and spits it out in various directions. After that he throws water\nall over himself, scatters it about, and returns quietly to the camp.\nRain is supposed to follow.\u200b[866] In the Wotjobaluk tribe of Victoria\nthe rain-maker dipped a bunch of his own hair in water, sucked out the\nwater and squirted it westward, or he twirled {p252} the ball round\nhis head, making a spray like rain.\u200b[867] Other Australian tribes\nemploy human hair as a rain-charm in other ways. In Western Australia\nthe natives pluck hair from their arm-pits and thighs and blow them\nin the direction from which they wish the rain to come. But if they\nwish to prevent rain, they light a piece of sandal wood, and beat the\nground with the burning brand.\u200b[868] When the rivers were low and water\nscarce in Victoria, the wizard used to place human hair in the stream,\naccompanying the act with chants and gesticulation. But if he wished to\nmake rain, he dropped some human hair in the fire. Hair was never burnt\nat other times for fear of causing a great fall of rain.\u200b[869] The Arab\nhistorian Makrizi describes a method of stopping rain which is said to\nhave been resorted to by a tribe of nomads called Alqamar in Hadramaut.\nThey cut a branch from a certain tree in the desert, set it on fire,\nand then sprinkled the burning brand with water. After that the\nvehemence of the rain abated,\u200b[870] just as the water vanished when it\nfell on the glowing brand. Some of the Eastern Angamis of Manipur are\nsaid to perform a somewhat similar ceremony for the opposite purpose,\nin order, namely, to produce rain. The head of the village puts a\nburning brand on the grave of a man who has died of burns, and quenches\nthe brand with water, while he prays that rain may fall.\u200b[871] Here\nthe putting out the fire with water, which is an imitation of rain, is\nreinforced by the influence of the dead man, who, having been burnt to\ndeath, will naturally be anxious for the descent of rain to cool his\nscorched body and assuage his pangs.\n\n[Sidenote: Use of fire to stop rain.\n\nVarious ways of making and stopping rain.]\n\nOther people besides the Arabs have used fire as a means of stopping\nrain. Thus the Sulka of New Britain heat stones red hot in the fire and\nthen put them out in the {p253} rain, or they throw hot ashes in the\nair. They think that the rain will soon cease to fall, for it does not\nlike to be burned by the hot stones or ashes.\u200b[872] The Telugus send\na little girl out naked into the rain with a burning piece of wood in\nher hand, which she has to shew to the rain. That is supposed to stop\nthe downpour.\u200b[873] At Port Stevens in New South Wales the medicine-men\nused to drive away rain by throwing fire-sticks into the air, while at\nthe same time they puffed and shouted.\u200b[874] Any man of the Anula tribe\nin Northern Australia can stop rain by simply warming a green stick in\nthe fire, and then striking it against the wind.\u200b[875] When a Thompson\nIndian of British Columbia wished to put an end to a spell of heavy\nrain, he held a stick in the fire, then described a circle with it,\nbeginning at the east and following the sun\u2019s course till it reached\nthe east again, towards which quarter he held the stick and addressed\nthe rain as follows: \u201cNow then, you must stop raining; the people are\nmiserable. Ye mountains, become clear.\u201d The ceremony was repeated for\nall the other quarters of the sky.\u200b[876] To bring on rain the Ainos of\nJapan wash their tobacco-boxes and pipes in a stream,\u200b[877] and the\nToradjas of Central Celebes dip rice-spoons in water.\u200b[878] On the\ncontrary, during heavy rain the Indians of Guiana are careful not to\nwash the inside of their pots, lest by so doing they should cause the\nrain to fall still more heavily.\u200b[879] In Bilaspore it is believed that\nthe grain-dealer, who has stored large quantities of grain and wishes\nto sell it dear, resorts to nefarious means of preventing the rain\nfrom falling, lest the abundance of rice which would follow a copious\nrainfall should cheapen his wares. To do this he collects rain-drops\nfrom the eaves of his house in an earthen vessel and buries the vessel\nunder the grinding-mill. {p254} After that you shall hear thunder\nrumbling in the distance like the humming sound of the mill at work,\nbut no rain will fall, for the wicked dealer has shut it up and it\ncannot get out.\u200b[880]\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-making in Queensland.]\n\nIn the torrid climate of Queensland the ceremonies necessary for\nwringing showers from the cloudless heaven are naturally somewhat\nelaborate. A prominent part in them is played by a \u201crain-stick.\u201d This\nis a thin piece of wood about twenty inches long, to which three\n\u201crain-stones\u201d and hair cut from the beard have been fastened. The\n\u201crain-stones\u201d are pieces of white quartz-crystal. Three or four such\nsticks may be used in the ceremony. About noon the men who are to take\npart in it repair to a lonely pool, into which one of them dives and\nfixes a hollow log vertically in the mud. Then they all go into the\nwater, and, forming a rough circle round the man in the middle, who\nholds the rain-stick aloft, they begin stamping with their feet as well\nas they can, and splashing the water with their hands from all sides\non the rain-stick. The stamping, which is accompanied by singing, is\nsometimes a matter of difficulty, since the water may be four feet deep\nor more. When the singing is over, the man in the middle dives out of\nsight and attaches the rain-stick to the hollow log under water. Then\ncoming to the surface, he quickly climbs on to the bank and spits out\non dry land the water which he imbibed in diving. Should more than one\nof these rain-sticks have been prepared, the ceremony is repeated with\neach in turn. While the men are returning to camp they scratch the tops\nof their heads and the inside of their shins from time to time with\ntwigs; if they were to scratch themselves with their fingers alone,\nthey believe that the whole effect of the ceremony would be spoiled. On\nreaching the camp they paint their faces, arms, and chests with broad\nbands of gypsum. During the rest of the day the process of scratching,\naccompanied by the song, is repeated at intervals, and thus the\nperformance comes to a close. No woman may set eyes on the rain-stick\nor witness the ceremony of its submergence; but the wife of the chief\nrain-maker is privileged to take part in the {p255} subsequent rite of\nscratching herself with a twig. When the rain does come, the rain-stick\nis taken out of the water: it has done its work.\u200b[881] At Roxburgh, in\nQueensland, the ceremony is somewhat different. A white quartz-crystal\nwhich is to serve as the rain-stone is obtained in the mountains\nand crushed to powder. Next a tree is chosen of which the stem runs\nup straight for a long way without any branches. Against its trunk\nsaplings from fifteen to twenty feet long are then propped in a circle,\nso as to form a sort of shed like a bell-tent, and in front of the shed\nan artificial pond is made in the ground. The men, who have collected\nwithin the shed, now come forth and, dancing and singing round the\npond, mimic the cries and antics of various aquatic birds and animals,\nsuch as ducks and frogs. Meanwhile the women are stationed some twenty\nyards or so away. When the men have done pretending to be ducks, frogs,\nand so forth, they march round the women in single file, throwing the\npulverised quartz-crystals over them. On their side the women hold up\nwooden troughs, shields, pieces of bark, and so on over their heads,\nmaking believe that they are sheltering themselves from a heavy shower\nof rain.\u200b[882] Both these ceremonies are cases of mimetic magic; the\nsplashing of the water over the rain-stick is as clearly an imitation\nof a shower as the throwing of the powdered quartz-crystal over the\nwomen.\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-making among the Dieri of Central Australia.\n\nUse of foreskins in rain-making.\n\nUse of human blood in rain-making ceremonies.\n\nSanguinary conflicts as means of making rain.]\n\nThe Dieri of Central Australia enact a somewhat similar pantomime for\nthe same purpose. In a dry season their lot is a hard one. No fresh\nherbs or roots are to be had, and as the parched earth yields no\ngrass, the emus, reptiles, and other creatures which generally furnish\nthe natives with food grow so lean and wizened as to be hardly worth\neating. At such a time of severe drought the Dieri, loudly lamenting\nthe impoverished state of the country and their own half-starved\ncondition, call upon the spirits of their remote predecessors, whom\nthey call Mura-muras, to grant them power to make a heavy rainfall. For\nthey believe that the clouds are bodies in which rain is generated by\ntheir own ceremonies or those {p256} of neighbouring tribes, through\nthe influence of the Mura-muras. The way in which they set about\ndrawing rain from the clouds is this. A hole is dug about twelve feet\nlong and eight or ten broad, and over this hole a conical hut of logs\nand branches is made. Two wizards, supposed to have received a special\ninspiration from the Mura-muras, are bled by an old and influential\nman with a sharp flint; and the blood, drawn from their arms below the\nelbow, is made to flow on the other men of the tribe, who sit huddled\ntogether in the hut. At the same time the two bleeding men throw\nhandfuls of down about, some of which adheres to the blood-stained\nbodies of their comrades, while the rest floats in the air. The blood\nis thought to represent the rain, and the down the clouds. During the\nceremony two large stones are placed in the middle of the hut; they\nstand for gathering clouds and presage rain. Then the wizards who were\nbled carry away the two stones for about ten or fifteen miles, and\nplace them as high as they can in the tallest tree. Meanwhile the other\nmen gather gypsum, pound it fine, and throw it into a water-hole. This\nthe Mura-muras see, and at once they cause clouds to appear in the\nsky. Lastly, the men, young and old, surround the hut, and, stooping\ndown, butt at it with their heads, like so many rams. Thus they force\ntheir way through it and reappear on the other side, repeating the\nprocess till the hut is wrecked. In doing this they are forbidden to\nuse their hands or arms; but when the heavy logs alone remain, they are\nallowed to pull them out with their hands. \u201cThe piercing of the hut\nwith their heads symbolises the piercing of the clouds; the fall of the\nhut, the fall of the rain.\u201d\u200b[883] Obviously, too, the act of placing\nhigh up in trees the two stones, which stand for clouds, is a way of\nmaking the real clouds to mount up in the sky. The Dieri also imagine\nthat the foreskins taken from lads at circumcision have a great power\nof producing rain. Hence the Great Council of the tribe always keeps\na small stock of {p257} foreskins ready for use. They are carefully\nconcealed, being wrapt up in feathers with the fat of the wild dog and\nof the carpet snake. A woman may not see such a parcel opened on any\naccount. When the ceremony is over, the foreskin is buried, its virtue\nbeing exhausted. After the rains have fallen, some of the tribe always\nundergo a surgical operation, which consists in cutting the skin of\ntheir chest and arms with a sharp flint. The wound is then tapped with\na flat stick to increase the flow of blood, and red ochre is rubbed\ninto it. Raised scars are thus produced. The reason alleged by the\nnatives for this practice is that they are pleased with the rain, and\nthat there is a connexion between the rain and the scars. Apparently\nthe operation is not very painful, for the patient laughs and jokes\nwhile it is going on. Indeed, little children have been seen to crowd\nround the operator and patiently take their turn; then after being\noperated on, they ran away, expanding their little chests and singing\nfor the rain to beat upon them. However, they were not so well pleased\nnext day, when they felt their wounds stiff and sore.\u200b[884] The tribes\nof the Karamundi nation, on the River Darling, universally believe that\nrain can be produced as follows. A vein in the arm of one of the men is\nopened, and the blood allowed to flow into a piece of hollow bark till\nit forms a little pool. Powdered gypsum and hair from the man\u2019s beard\nare then added to the blood, and the whole is stirred into a thick\npaste. Afterwards the mixture is placed between two pieces of bark\nand put under water in a river or lagoon, pointed stakes being driven\ninto the ground to keep it down. When it has all dissolved away, the\nnatives think that a great cloud will come bringing rain. From the time\nthe ceremony is performed until rain falls, the men must abstain from\nintercourse with their wives, or the charm would be spoiled.\u200b[885] In\nthis custom the bloody paste seems to be an imitation of a rain-cloud.\nIn Java, when rain is wanted, two men will sometimes thrash each\nother with supple rods {p258} till the blood flows down their backs;\nthe streaming blood represents the rain, and no doubt is supposed to\nmake it fall on the ground.\u200b[886] The people of Egghiou, a district\nof Abyssinia, used to engage in sanguinary conflicts with each other,\nvillage against village, for a week together every January for the\npurpose of procuring rain. A few years ago the emperor Menelik forbade\nthe custom. However, the following year the rain was deficient, and the\npopular outcry so great that the emperor yielded to it, and allowed the\nmurderous fights to be resumed, but for two days a year only.\u200b[887]\nThe writer who mentions the custom regards the blood shed on these\noccasions as a propitiatory sacrifice offered to spirits who control\nthe showers; but perhaps, as in the Australian and Javanese ceremonies,\nit is an imitation of rain. The prophets of Baal, who sought to procure\nrain by cutting themselves with knives till the blood gushed out,\u200b[888]\nmay have acted on the same principle.\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-making among the Kaitish.]\n\nThe Kaitish tribe of Central Australia believe that the rainbow is the\nson of the rain, and with filial regard is always anxious to prevent\nhis father from falling down. Hence if it appears in the sky at a\ntime when rain is wanted, they \u201csing\u201d or enchant it in order to send\nit away. When the head man of the rain totem in this tribe desires to\nmake rain he goes to the sacred storehouse of his local group. There he\npaints the holy stones with red ochre and sings over them, and as he\nsings he pours water from a vessel on them and on himself. Moreover,\nhe paints three rainbows in red ochre, one on the ground, one on his\nown body, and one on a shield, which he also decorates with zigzag\nlines of white clay to represent lightning. This shield may only be\nseen by men of the {p259} same exogamous half of the tribe as himself;\nif men of the other half of the tribe were to see it, the charm would\nbe spoilt. Hence after bringing the shield away from the sacred place,\nhe hides it in his own camp until the rain has fallen, after which he\ndestroys the rainbow drawings. The intention seems to be to keep the\nrainbow in custody, and prevent it from appearing in the sky until the\nclouds have burst and moistened the thirsty ground. To ensure that\nevent the rain-maker, on his return from the sacred storehouse, keeps\na vessel of water by his side in camp, and from time to time scatters\nwhite down about, which is thought to hasten the rain. Meantime the men\nwho accompanied him to the holy place go away and camp by themselves,\nfor neither they nor he may have any intercourse with the women. The\nleader may not even speak to his wife, who absents herself from the\ncamp at the time of his return to it. When later on she comes back, he\nimitates the call of the plover, a bird whose cry is always associated\nwith the rainy season in these parts. Early next morning he returns to\nthe sacred storehouse and covers the stones with bushes. After another\nnight passed in silence, he and the other men and women go out in\nseparate directions to search for food. When they meet on their return\nto camp, they all mimic the cry of the plover. Then the leader\u2019s mouth\nis touched with some of the food that has been brought in, and thus the\nban of silence is removed. If rain follows, they attribute it to the\nmagical virtue of the ceremony; if it does not, they fall back on their\nstanding excuse, that some one else has kept off the rain by stronger\nmagic.\u200b[889]\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-making among the Arunta.]\n\nAmong the Arunta tribe of Central Australia a celebrated rain-maker\nresides at the present day in what is called by the natives the Rain\nCountry (_Kartwia quatcha_), a district about fifty miles to the\neast of Alice Springs. He is the head of a group of people who have\nwater for their totem, and when he is about to engage in a ceremony\nfor the making of rain he summons other men of the water totem\nfrom neighbouring groups to come and help him. {p260} When all are\nassembled, they march into camp, painted with red and yellow ochre\nand pipeclay, and wearing bunches of eagle-hawk feathers on the crown\nand sides of the head. At a signal from the rain-maker they all sit\ndown in a line and, folding their arms across their breasts, chant\ncertain words for a time. Then at another signal from the master of\nthe ceremonies they jump up and march in single file to a spot some\nmiles off, where they camp for the night. At break of day they scatter\nin all directions to look for game, which is then cooked and eaten;\nbut on no account may any water be drunk, or the ceremony would fail.\nWhen they have eaten, they adorn themselves again in a different style,\nbroad bands of white bird\u2019s down being glued by means of human blood\nto their stomach, legs, arms, and forehead. Meanwhile a special hut\nof boughs has been made by some older men not far from the main camp.\nIts floor is strewn with a thick layer of gum leaves to make it soft,\nfor a good deal of time has to be spent lying down here. Close to\nthe entrance of the hut a shallow trench, some thirty yards long, is\nexcavated in the ground. At sunset the performers, arrayed in all the\nfinery of white down, march to the hut. On reaching it the young men\ngo in first and lie face downwards at the inner end, where they have\nto stay till the ceremony is over; none of them is allowed to quit\nit on any pretext. Meanwhile, outside the hut the older men are busy\ndecorating the rain-maker. Hair girdles, covered with white down, are\nplaced all over his head, while his cheeks and forehead are painted\nwith pipeclay; and two broad bands of white down pass across the face,\none over the eyebrows and the other over the nose. The front of his\nbody is adorned with a broad band of pipeclay fringed with white down,\nand rings of white down encircle his arms. Thus decorated, with patches\nof bird\u2019s down adhering by means of human blood to his hair and the\nwhole of his body, the disguised man is said to present a spectacle\nwhich, once seen, can never be forgotten. He now takes up a position\nclose to the opening of the hut. Then the old men sing a song, and\nwhen it is finished, the rain-maker comes out of the hut and stalks\nslowly twice up and down the shallow trench, quivering his body and\nlegs in a {p261} most extraordinary way, every nerve and fibre seeming\nto tremble. While he is thus engaged the young men, who had been lying\nflat on their faces, get up and join the old men in chanting a song\nwith which the movements of the rain-maker seem to accord. But as soon\nas he re-enters the hut, the young men at once prostrate themselves\nagain; for they must always be lying down when he is in the hut. The\nperformance is repeated at intervals during the night, and the singing\ngoes on with little intermission until, just when the day is breaking,\nthe rain-maker executes a final quiver, which lasts longer than any of\nthe others, and seems to exhaust his remaining strength completely.\nThen he declares the ceremony to be over, and at once the young men\njump to their feet and rush out of the hut, screaming in imitation of\nthe spur-winged plover. The cry is heard by the men and women who have\nbeen left at the main camp, and they take it up with weird effect.\u200b[890]\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-making by imitation of clouds and storm.]\n\nAlthough we cannot, perhaps, divine the meaning of all the details of\nthis curious ceremony, the analogy of the Queensland and the Dieri\nceremonies, described above, suggests that we have here a rude attempt\nto represent the gathering of rain-clouds and the other accompaniments\nof a rising storm. The hut of branches, like the structure of logs\namong the Dieri, and perhaps the conical shed in Queensland, may\npossibly stand for the vault of heaven, from which the rain-clouds,\nrepresented by the chief actor in his quaint costume of white down,\ncome forth to move in ever-shifting shapes across the sky, just as\nhe struts quivering up and down the trench. The other performers,\nalso adorned with bird\u2019s down, who burst from the tent with the cries\nof plovers, probably imitate birds that are supposed to harbinger\nor accompany rain.\u200b[891] This interpretation is confirmed by other\nceremonies in which the performers definitely assimilate {p262}\nthemselves to the celestial or atmospheric phenomena which they seek\nto produce. Thus in Mabuiag, a small island in Torres Straits, when a\nwizard desired to make rain, he took some bush or plant and painted\nhimself black and white, \u201cAll along same as clouds, black behind, white\nhe go first.\u201d He further put on a large woman\u2019s petticoat to signify\nraining clouds. On the other hand, when he wished to stop the rain,\nhe put red paint on the crown of his head, \u201cto represent the shining\nsun,\u201d and he inserted a small ball of red paint in another part of his\nperson. By and by he expelled this ball, \u201cLike breaking a cloud so that\nsun he may shine.\u201d He then took some bushes and leaves of the pandanus,\nmixed them together, and placed the compound in the sea. Afterwards\nhe removed them from the water, dried them, and burnt them so that\nthe smoke went up, thereby typifying, as Dr. Haddon was informed, the\nevaporation and dispersal of the clouds.\u200b[892] Again, it is said that\nif a Malay woman puts upon her head an inverted earthenware pan, and\nthen, setting it upon the ground, fills it with water and washes the\ncat in it till the animal is nearly drowned, heavy rain will certainly\nfollow. In this performance the inverted pan is intended, as Mr. Skeat\nwas told, to symbolise the vault of heaven.\u200b[893]\n\n[Sidenote: Belief that twins can control the weather.\n\nSuperstitions as to twins among the Indians of British Columbia.\n\nSuperstitions as to twins in West Africa.]\n\nThere is a widespread belief that twin children possess magical\npowers over nature, especially over rain and the weather. This\ncurious superstition prevails among some of the Indian tribes of\nBritish Columbia, and has led them often to impose certain singular\nrestrictions or taboos on the parents of twins, though the exact\nmeaning of these restrictions is generally obscure. Thus the Tsimshian\nIndians of British Columbia believe that twins control the weather;\ntherefore they pray to wind and rain, \u201cCalm down, breath of the twins.\u201d\nFurther, they think that the wishes of twins are always fulfilled;\nhence twins are feared, because they can harm the man they hate. They\ncan also call the salmon and the olachen or candle-fish, and so they\nare {p263} known by a name which means \u201cmaking plentiful.\u201d\u200b[894] In\nthe opinion of the Kwakiutl Indians of British Columbia twins are\ntransformed salmon; hence they may not go near water, lest they should\nbe changed back again into the fish. In their childhood they can summon\nany wind by motions of their hands, and they can make fair or foul\nweather, and also cure diseases by swinging a large wooden rattle.\nTheir parents must live secluded in the woods for sixteen months after\nthe birth, doing no work, borrowing nobody\u2019s canoes, paddles, or\ndishes, and keeping their faces painted red all the time. If the father\nwere to catch salmon, or the mother were to dig clams, the salmon and\nthe clams would disappear. Moreover the parents separate from each\nother, and must pretend to be married to a log, with which they lie\ndown every night. They are forbidden to touch each other, and even\ntheir own hair. A year after the birth they drive wedges into a tree\nin the woods, asking it to let them work again when four more months\nhave passed.\u200b[895] The Nootka Indians of British Columbia also believe\nthat twins are somehow related to salmon. Hence among them twins may\nnot catch salmon, and they may not eat or even handle the fresh fish.\nThey can make fair or foul weather, and can cause rain to fall by\npainting their faces black and then washing them, which may represent\nthe rain dripping from the dark clouds.\u200b[896] Conversely, among the\nAngoni of Central Africa there is a woman who stops rain by tying a\nstrip of white calico round her black head,\u200b[897] probably in imitation\nof the sky clearing after a heavy storm. The parents of twins among the\nNootkas must build a small hut in the woods on the bank of a river,\nfar from the village, and there they must live for two years, avoiding\nother people; they may not eat or even touch fresh food, particularly\nsalmon. {p264} Wooden images and masks of birds and fish are placed\nround the hut, and others, representing fish, are set near the river\nfor the purpose of inviting all birds and fish to come and see the\ntwins, and be friendly to them. Moreover the father sings a special\nsong praising the salmon, and asking them to come. And the fish do\ncome in great numbers to see the twins. Therefore the birth of twins\nis believed to prognosticate a good year for salmon.\u200b[898] But though\na Nootka father of twins has thus to live in seclusion for two years,\nabstaining from fresh meat, and attending none of the ordinary feasts,\nhe is, by a singular exception, invited to banquets which consist\nwholly of dried provisions, and at them he is treated with great\nrespect and seated among the chiefs, even though he be himself a mere\ncommoner. The birth of twins among the Nootkas is said to be very rare,\nbut one occurred while Jewitt lived with the tribe. He reports that the\nfather always appeared very thoughtful and gloomy, and never associated\nwith other people. \u201cHis dress was very plain, and he wore around his\nhead the red fillet of bark, the symbol of mourning and devotion. It\nwas his daily practice to repair to the mountain, with a chief\u2019s rattle\nin his hand, to sing and pray, as Maquina informed me, for the fish to\ncome into their waters. When not thus employed, he kept continually at\nhome, except when sent for to sing and perform his ceremonies over the\nsick, being considered as a sacred character, and one much in favour\nwith their gods.\u201d\u200b[899] Among the Thompson Indians of British Columbia\ntwins were called \u201cgrizzly-bear children\u201d or \u201chairy feet,\u201d because\nthey were thought to be under the protection of the grizzly bear, and\nto be endowed by him with special powers, such as that of making fair\nor foul weather. After their birth the parents moved away from other\npeople, and lived in a lodge made of fir-boughs and bark till the\nchildren were about four years old. During all this time great care was\ntaken of the twins. They might not come into contact with other people,\nand were washed with fir-twigs dipped in water. While they were being\n{p265} washed, the father described circles round them with fir-boughs,\nsinging the song of the grizzly bear.\u200b[900] With these American beliefs\nwe may compare an African one. The negroes of Porto Novo, on the Bight\nof Benin, hold that twins have for their companions certain spirits or\ngenii like those which animate a kind of small ape, which abounds in\nthe forests of Guinea. When the twins grow up, they will not be allowed\nto eat the flesh of apes, and meantime the mother carries offerings of\nbananas and other dainties to the apes in the forest.\u200b[901] Precisely\nsimilar beliefs and customs as to twins prevail in the Ho tribe of\nGerman Togoland. There the twins are called \u201cchildren of apes\u201d; neither\nthey nor their parents may eat the flesh of the particular species\nof apes with which they are associated; and if a hunter kills one of\nthese animals, the parents must beat him with a stick.\u200b[902] But to\nreturn to America. The Shuswap Indians of British Columbia, like the\nThompson Indians, associate twins with the grizzly bear, for they call\nthem \u201cyoung grizzly bears.\u201d According to them, twins remain throughout\nlife endowed with supernatural powers. In particular they can make good\nor bad weather. They produce rain by spilling water from a basket in\nthe air; they make fine weather by shaking a small flat piece of wood\nattached to a stick by a string; they raise storms by strewing down on\nthe ends of spruce branches.\u200b[903]\n\n[Sidenote: Superstitions as to twins among the Indians of Peru.]\n\nThe Indians of Peru entertained similar notions as to {p266} the special\nrelation in which twins stand to the rain and the weather. For they\nsaid that one of each pair of twins was a son of the lightning; and\nthey called the lightning the lord and creator of rain, and prayed to\nhim to send showers. The parents of twins had to fast for many days\nafter the birth, abstaining from salt and pepper, and they might not\nhave intercourse with each other. In some parts of Peru this period\nof fasting and abstinence lasted six months. In other parts both the\nfather and mother had to lie down on one side, with one leg drawn up,\nand a bean placed in the hollow of the ham. In this position they had\nto lie without moving for five days, till with the heat and sweat of\ntheir bodies the beans began to sprout. Then they changed over to the\nother side, and lay on it in like manner for other five days, fasting\nin the way described. When the ten days were up, their relations went\nout to hunt, and having killed and skinned a deer they made a robe of\nits hide, under which they caused the parents of the twins to pass,\nwith cords about their necks which they afterwards wore for many days.\nIf the twins died young, their bodies, enclosed in pots, were kept in\nthe house as sacred things. But if they lived, and it happened that a\nfrost set in, the priests sent for them, together with all persons who\nhad hare-lips or had been born feet foremost, and rated them soundly\nfor being the cause of the frost, in that they had not fasted from\nsalt and pepper. Wherefore they were ordered to fast for ten days\nin the usual manner, and to abstain from their wives, and to wash\nthemselves, and to acknowledge and confess their sins. After their\nnominal conversion to Christianity, the Peruvian Indians retained their\nbelief that one of twins was always the son of the lightning, and oddly\nenough they regularly gave him the name of St. James (Santiago). The\nSpanish Jesuit, who reports the custom, was at a loss to account for\nit. It could not, he thought, have originated in the name of Boanerges,\nor \u201csons of thunder,\u201d which Christ applied to the two brothers James\nand John.\u200b[904] He suggests two explanations. {p267} The Indians may\nhave adopted the name because they had heard a phrase used by Spanish\nchildren when it thunders, \u201cThe horse of Santiago is running.\u201d Or it\nmay have been because they saw that the Spanish infantry in battle,\nbefore they fired their arquebuses, always cried out \u201cSantiago!\nSantiago!\u201d For the Indians called an arquebuse _illapa_, that is,\n\u201clightning,\u201d and they might easily imagine that the name which they\nheard shouted just before the flash and roar of the guns was that of\nthe Spanish god of thunder and lightning. However they came by the\nname, they made such frequent and superstitious use of it that the\nchurch forbade any Indian to bear the name of Santiago.\u200b[905]\n\n[Sidenote: Superstitions as to twins in Africa.]\n\nThe same power of influencing the weather is attributed to twins by the\nBaronga, a tribe of Bantu negroes who inhabit the shores of Delagoa Bay\nin south-eastern Africa. They bestow the name of _Tilo_\u2014that is, the\nsky\u2014on a woman who has given birth to twins, and the infants themselves\nare called the children of the sky. Now when the storms which generally\nburst in the months of September and October have been looked for in\nvain, when a drought with its prospect of famine is threatening, and\nall nature, scorched and burnt up by a sun that has shone for six\nmonths from a cloudless sky, is panting for the beneficent showers of\nthe South African spring, the women perform ceremonies to bring down\nthe longed-for rain on the parched earth. Stripping themselves of all\ntheir garments, they assume in their stead girdles and head-dresses\nof grass, or short petticoats made of the leaves of a particular sort\nof creeper. Thus attired, uttering peculiar cries and singing ribald\nsongs, they go about from well to well, cleansing them of the mud\nand impurities which have accumulated in them. The wells, it may be\nsaid, are merely holes in the sand where a little turbid unwholesome\nwater stagnates. Further, the women must repair to the house of one\nof their gossips who has given birth to twins, and must drench her\nwith water, which they carry in little pitchers. Having done so they\ngo on their way, shrieking {p268} out their loose songs and dancing\nimmodest dances. No man may see these leaf-clad women going their\nrounds. If they meet a man, they maul him and thrust him aside. When\nthey have cleansed the wells, they must go and pour water on the graves\nof their ancestors in the sacred grove. It often happens, too, that\nat the bidding of the wizard they go and pour water on the graves of\ntwins. For they think that the grave of a twin ought always to be\nmoist, for which reason twins are regularly buried near a lake. If\nall their efforts to procure rain prove abortive, they will remember\nthat such and such a twin was buried in a dry place on the side of\na hill. \u201cNo wonder,\u201d says the wizard in such a case, \u201cthat the sky\nis fiery. Take up his body and dig him a grave on the shore of the\nlake.\u201d His orders are at once obeyed, for this is supposed to be the\nonly means of bringing down the rain. The Swiss missionary who reports\nthis strange superstition has also suggested what appears to be its\ntrue explanation. He points out that as the mother of twins is called\nby the Baronga \u201cthe sky,\u201d they probably think that to pour water on\nher is equivalent to pouring water on the sky itself; and if water\nbe poured on the sky, it will of course drip through it, as through\nthe nozzle of a gigantic watering-pot, and fall on the earth beneath.\nA slight extension of the same train of reasoning explains why the\ndesired result is believed to be expedited by drenching the graves of\ntwins, who are the Children of the Sky.\u200b[906] Among the Zulus twins\nare supposed to be able to foretell the weather, and people who want\nrain will go to a twin and say, \u201cTell me, do you feel ill to-day?\u201d\nIf he says he feels quite well, they know it will not rain.\u200b[907]\nThe Wanyamwesi, a large tribe of Central Africa, to the south of the\nVictoria Nyanza, also believe in the special association of twins with\nwater. For amongst them, when a twin is about to cross a river, stream,\nor lake, he must fill his mouth full of water and spirt it out over the\nsurface of the river or lake, adding, \u201cI am a twin\u201d (_n\u00e4n\u00e4 mpassa_).\n{p269} And he must do the same if a storm arises on a lake over which he\nis sailing. Were he to omit the ceremony, some harm might befall him\nor his companions. In this tribe the birth of twins is comparatively\ncommon and is attended by a number of ceremonies. Old women march about\nthe village collecting gifts for the infants, while they drum with a\nhoe on a piece of ox-hide and sing an obscene song in praise of the\nfather. Further, two little fetish huts are built for the twins before\ntheir mother\u2019s house, and here people sacrifice for them in season and\nout of season, especially when somebody is sick or about to go on a\njourney or to the wars. If one or both twins die, two aloes are planted\nbeside the little fetish hut.\u200b[908] Lastly, the Hindoos of the Central\nProvinces in India believe that a twin can save the crops from the\nravages of hail and heavy rain if he will only paint his right buttock\nblack and his left buttock some other colour, and thus adorned go and\nstand in the direction of the wind.\u200b[909]\n\n[Sidenote: The rain-maker assimilates himself to rain.]\n\nMany of the foregoing facts strongly support an interpretation\nwhich Professor Oldenberg has given of the rules to be observed by\na Brahman who would learn a particular hymn of the ancient Indian\ncollection known as the Samaveda. The hymn, which bears the name of\nthe \u1e62akvar\u012b song, was believed to embody the might of Indra\u2019s weapon,\nthe thunderbolt; and hence, on account of the dreadful and dangerous\npotency with which it was thus charged, the bold student who essayed to\nmaster it had to be isolated from his fellow-men, and to retire from\nthe village into the forest. Here for a space of time, which might\nvary, according to different doctors of the law, from one to twelve\nyears, he had to observe certain rules of life, among which were the\nfollowing. Thrice a day he had to touch water; he must wear black\n{p270} garments and eat black food; when it rained, he might not seek\nthe shelter of a roof, but had to sit in the rain and say, \u201cWater is\nthe \u1e62akvar\u012b song\u201d; when the lightning flashed he said, \u201cThat is like\nthe \u1e62akvar\u012b song\u201d; when the thunder pealed he said, \u201cThe Great One is\nmaking a great noise.\u201d He might never cross a running stream without\ntouching water; he might never set foot on a ship unless his life were\nin danger, and even then he must be sure to touch water when he went\non board; \u201cfor in water,\u201d so ran the saying, \u201clies the virtue of the\n\u1e62akvar\u012b song.\u201d When at last he was allowed to learn the song itself, he\nhad to dip his hands in a vessel of water in which plants of all sorts\nhad been placed. If a man walked in the way of all these precepts, the\nrain-god Parjanya, it was said, would send rain at the wish of that\nman. It is clear, as Professor Oldenberg well points out, that \u201call\nthese rules are intended to bring the Brahman into union with water,\nto make him, as it were, an ally of the water powers, and to guard him\nagainst their hostility. The black garments and the black food have the\nsame significance; no one will doubt that they refer to the rain-clouds\nwhen he remembers that a black victim is sacrificed to procure rain;\n\u2018it is black, for such is the nature of rain.\u2019 In respect of another\nrain-charm it is said plainly, \u2018He puts on a black garment edged with\nblack, for such is the nature of rain.\u2019 We may therefore assume that\nhere in the circle of ideas and ordinances of the Vedic schools there\nhave been preserved magical practices of the most remote antiquity,\nwhich were intended to prepare the rain-maker for his office and\ndedicate him to it.\u201d\u200b[910]\n\n[Sidenote: On the contrary, the maker of dry weather must himself be\ndry.]\n\nIt is interesting to observe that where an opposite result is desired,\nprimitive logic enjoins the weather-doctor to observe precisely\nopposite rules of conduct. In the tropical island of Java, where the\nrich vegetation attests the abundance of the rainfall, ceremonies\nfor the making of rain are rare, but ceremonies for the prevention\nof it are not uncommon. When a man is about to give a great feast\nin the rainy season and has invited many people, he goes to a {p271}\nweather-doctor and asks him to \u201cprop up the clouds that may be\nlowering.\u201d If the doctor consents to exert his professional powers,\nhe begins to regulate his behaviour by certain rules as soon as his\ncustomer has departed. He must observe a fast, and may neither drink\nnor bathe; what little he eats must be eaten dry, and in no case may\nhe touch water. The host, on his side, and his servants, both male and\nfemale, must neither wash clothes nor bathe so long as the feast lasts,\nand they have all during its continuance to observe strict chastity.\nThe doctor seats himself on a new mat in his bedroom, and before a\nsmall oil-lamp he murmurs, shortly before the feast takes place,\nthe following prayer or incantation: \u201cGrandfather and Grandmother\nSroekoel\u201d (the name seems to be taken at random; others are sometimes\nused), \u201creturn to your country. Akkemat is your country. Put down your\nwater-cask, close it properly, that not a drop may fall out.\u201d While\nhe utters this prayer the sorcerer looks upwards, burning incense the\nwhile.\u200b[911] So among the Toradjas of Central Celebes the rain-doctor\n(_sando_), whose special business it is to drive away rain, takes\ncare not to touch water before, during, or after the discharge of his\nprofessional duties. He does not bathe, he eats with unwashed hands,\nhe drinks nothing but palm wine, and if he has to cross a stream he is\ncareful not to step in the water. Having thus prepared himself for his\ntask he has a small hut built for himself outside of the village in\na rice-field, and in this hut he keeps up a little fire, which on no\naccount may be suffered to go out. In the fire he burns various kinds\nof wood, which are supposed to possess the property of driving off\nrain; and he puffs in the direction from which the rain threatens to\ncome, holding in his hand a packet of leaves and bark which derive a\nsimilar cloud-compelling virtue, not from their chemical composition,\nbut from their names, which happen to signify something dry or\nvolatile. If clouds should appear in the sky while he is at work, he\ntakes lime in the hollow of his hand and blows it towards them. The\nlime, being so very dry, is obviously well adapted to disperse the\ndamp clouds. Should rain afterwards be wanted, he {p272} has only\nto pour water on his fire, and immediately the rain will descend in\nsheets.\u200b[912] So in Santa Cruz and Reef islands, when the man who has\npower over rain wishes to prevent it from falling, he will abstain from\nwashing his face for a long time and will do no work, lest he should\nsweat and his body be wet; \u201cfor they think that if his body be wet it\nwill rain.\u201d On the other hand when he desires to bring on rain, he\ngoes into the house where the spirit or ghost of the rain is believed\nto reside, and there he sprinkles water at the head of the ghost-post\n(_duka_) in order that showers may fall.\u200b[913]\n\n[Sidenote: To make wet weather you must be wet; to make dry weather you\nmust be dry.]\n\nThe reader will observe how exactly the Javanese and Toradja\nobservances, which are intended to prevent rain, form the antithesis of\nthe Indian observances, which aim at producing it. The Indian sage is\ncommanded to touch water thrice a day regularly as well as on various\nspecial occasions; the Javanese and Toradja wizards may not touch it\nat all. The Indian lives out in the forest, and even when it rains he\nmay not take shelter; the Javanese and the Toradja sit in a house or a\nhut. The one signifies his sympathy with water by receiving the rain on\nhis person and speaking of it respectfully; the others light a lamp or\na fire and do their best to drive the rain away. Yet the principle on\nwhich all three act is the same; each of them, by a sort of childish\nmake-believe, identifies himself with the phenomenon which he desires\nto produce. It is the old fallacy that the effect resembles its cause:\nif you would make wet weather, you must be wet; if you would make dry\nweather, you must be dry.\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-making in south-eastern Europe by drenching with water\na leaf-clad girl or boy who represents vegetation.\n\nRain-making in Servia.\n\nRain-making in Roumania.\n\nRain-making in Bulgaria.\n\nRain-making in Macedonia and Dalmatia.\n\nThe King of Rain in India.]\n\nIn south-eastern Europe at the present day ceremonies are observed for\nthe purpose of making rain which not only rest on the same general\ntrain of thought as the preceding, but even in their details resemble\nthe ceremonies practised with the same intention by the Baronga of\nDelagoa Bay. Among the Greeks of Thessaly and Macedonia, when a drought\nhas lasted a long time, it is customary to send a {p273} procession of\nchildren round to all the wells and springs of the neighbourhood. At\nthe head of the procession walks a girl adorned with flowers, whom her\ncompanions drench with water at every halting-place, while they sing an\ninvocation, of which the following is part:\u2014\n\n    _Perperia, all fresh bedewed,_\n    _Freshen all the neighbourhood;_\n    _By the woods, on the highway,_\n    _As thou goest, to God now pray:_\n    _O my God, upon the plain,_\n    _Send thou us a still, small rain;_\n    _That the fields may fruitful be,_\n    _And vines in blossom we may see;_\n    _That the grain be full and sound,_\n    _And wealthy grow the folks around._\u200b[914]\n\nIn time of drought the Servians strip a girl to her skin and clothe her\nfrom head to foot in grass, herbs, and flowers, even her face being\nhidden behind a veil of living green. Thus disguised she is called the\nDodola, and goes through the village with a troop of girls. They stop\nbefore every house; the Dodola keeps turning herself round and dancing,\nwhile the other girls form a ring about her singing one of the Dodola\nsongs, and the housewife pours a pail of water over her. One of the\nsongs they sing runs thus:\u2014\n\n    _We go through the village;_\n    _The clouds go in the sky;_\n    _We go faster,_\n    _Faster go the clouds;_\n    _They have overtaken us,_\n    _And wetted the corn and the vine._\n\nA similar custom is observed in Greece and Roumania.\u200b[915] In Roumania\nthe rain-maker is called Paparuda or Babaruda. She is a gypsy girl,\nwho goes naked except for a short skirt of dwarf elder (_Sambucus\nebulus_) or of corn and vines. Thus scantily attired the girls go in\nprocession from house to house, singing for rain, and are drenched\nby {p274} the people with buckets of water. The ceremony regularly\ntakes place all over Roumania on the third Tuesday after Easter, but\nit may be repeated at any time of drought during the summer. But the\nRoumanians have another way of procuring rain. They make a clay figure\nto represent Drought, cover it with a pall, and place it in an open\ncoffin. Girls crouch round the coffin and lament, saying, \u201cDrought\n(_Scaloi_) is dead! Lord, give us rain!\u201d Then the coffin is carried by\nchildren in funeral procession, with a burning wax candle before it,\nwhile lamentations fill the air. Finally, they throw the coffin and the\ncandle into a stream or a well.\u200b[916] When rain is wanted in Bulgaria\nthe people dress up a girl in branches of nut-trees, flowers, and the\ngreen stuff of beans, potatoes, and onions. She carries a nosegay of\nflowers in her hand, and is called Djuldjul or Peperuga. Attended by a\ntrain of followers she goes from house to house, and is received by the\ngoodman with a kettleful of water, on which flowers are swimming. With\nthis water he drenches her, while a song is sung:\u2014\n\n    _The Peperuga flew;_\n    _God give rain,_\n    _That the corn, the millet, and the wheat may thrive._\n\nSometimes the girl is dressed in flax to the girdle.\u200b[917] At Melenik,\na Greek town in Macedonia, a poor orphan boy parades the streets in\ntime of drought, decked with ferns and flowers, and attended by other\nboys of about the same age. The women shower water and money on him\nfrom the windows. He is called Dudul\u00e9, and as they march along the\nboys sing a song, which begins: \u201cHail, hail, Dudul\u00e9, (bring us) both\nmaize and wheat.\u201d\u200b[918] In Dalmatia also the custom is observed.\nThe performer is a young unmarried man, who is dressed up, dances,\nand has water poured over him. He goes by the name of Prpats, and\nis attended by companions called Prporushe, who are young bachelors\nlike himself.\u200b[919] In such customs the leaf-clad person appears to\n{p275} personify vegetation, and the drenching of him or her with water\nis certainly an imitation of rain. The words of the Servian song,\nhowever, taken in connexion with the constant movement which the chief\nactress in the performance seems expected to keep up, points to some\ncomparison of the girl or her companions to clouds moving through the\nsky. This again reminds us of the odd quivering movement kept up by the\nAustralian rain-maker, who, in his disguise of white down, may perhaps\nrepresent a cloud.\u200b[920] At Poona in India, when rain is needed, the\nboys dress up one of their number in nothing but leaves and call him\nKing of Rain (_Mr\u00fcj raja_). Then they go round to every house in the\nvillage, where the householder or his wife sprinkles the Rain King with\nwater, and gives the party food of various kinds. When they have thus\nvisited all the houses, they strip the Rain King of his leafy robes and\nfeast upon what they have gathered.\u200b[921]\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-making in Armenia.\n\nRain-making in Palestine and Moab.]\n\nSimilar rain-charms are practised in Armenia, except that there the\nrepresentative of vegetation is an effigy or doll, not a person. The\nchildren dress up a broomstick as a girl and carry it from house to\nhouse. Before every house they sing a song, of which the following is\none version:\u2014\n\n    _Nurin, Nurin is come,_\n    _The wondrous maiden is come._\n    _A shirt of red stuff has she put on,_\n    _With a red girdle is she girded,_\n    _Bring water to pour on her head,_\n    _Bring butter to smear on her hair._\n    _Let the blessed rain fall,_\n    _Let the fields of your fathers grow green._\n    _Give our Nurin her share,_\n    _And we will eat and drink and be merry._\n\nThe children are asked, \u201cWill you have it from the door or from the\ngarret-window?\u201d If they choose the door, the water is poured on Nurin\nfrom the window; and if they choose the window, it is poured on her\nfrom the door. At each house they receive presents of butter, eggs,\nrice, and so {p276} forth. Afterwards they take Nurin to a river and\nthrow her into the water. Sometimes the figure has the head of a pig\nor a goat, and is covered with boughs.\u200b[922] At Egin in Armenia, when\nrain is wanted, boys carry about an effigy which they call Chi-chi Mama\nor \u201cthe drenched Mother,\u201d as they interpret the phrase. As they go\nabout they ask, \u201cWhat does Chi-chi Mother want?\u201d The answer is, \u201cShe\nwants wheat in her bins, she wants bread on her bread-hooks, and she\nwants rain from God!\u201d The people pour water on her from the roofs, and\nrich people make presents to the children.\u200b[923] At Ourfa in Armenia\nthe children in time of drought make a rain-bride, which they call\nChimch\u00e9-gelin. They say this means in Turkish \u201cshovel-bride.\u201d While\nthey carry it about they say, \u201cWhat does Chimch\u00e9-gelin want? She wishes\nmercy from God: she wants offerings of lambs and rams.\u201d And the crowd\nresponds, \u201cGive, my God, give rain, give a flood.\u201d The rain-bride is\nthen thrown into the water.\u200b[924] At Kerak in Palestine, whenever there\nis a drought, the Greek Christians dress up a winnowing-fork in women\u2019s\nclothes. They call it \u201cthe bride of God.\u201d The girls and women carry it\nfrom house to house, singing doggerel songs.\u200b[925] We are not told that\n\u201cthe bride of God\u201d is drenched with water or thrown into a stream, but\nthe charm would hardly be complete without this feature. Similarly,\nwhen rain is much wanted, the Arabs of Moab attire a dummy in the robes\nand ornaments of a woman and call it \u201cthe Mother of the Rain.\u201d A woman\ncarries it in procession past the houses of the village or the tents of\nthe camp, singing:\u2014\n\n    _O Mother of the Rain, O Immortal, moisten our sleeping\n        seeds._\n    _Moisten the sleeping seeds of the sheikh, who is ever\n        generous._\n    _She is gone, the Mother of the Rain, to bring the storm;\n        when she comes back, the crops are as high as the walls._\n    _She is gone, the Mother of the Rain, to bring the winds;\n        when she comes back, the plantations have attained the\n        height of lances._\n    _She is gone, the Mother of the Rain, to bring the\n        thunders; when she comes back, the crops are as high as\n        camels._\n\nAnd so on.\u200b[926] {p277}\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-making by bathing and sprinkling of water.\n\nCurses supposed to cause rain.]\n\nBathing is practised as a rain-charm in some parts of southern and\nwestern Russia. Sometimes after service in church the priest in his\nrobes has been thrown down on the ground and drenched with water by\nhis parishioners. Sometimes it is the women who, without stripping off\ntheir clothes, bathe in crowds on the day of St. John the Baptist,\nwhile they dip in the water a figure made of branches, grass, and\nherbs, which is supposed to represent the saint.\u200b[927] In Kursk, a\nprovince of southern Russia, when rain is much wanted, the women seize\na passing stranger and throw him into the river, or souse him from\nhead to foot.\u200b[928] Later on we shall see that a passing stranger\nis often taken for a deity or the personification of some natural\npower. It is recorded in official documents that during a drought in\n1790 the peasants of Scheroutz and Werboutz collected all the women\nand compelled them to bathe, in order that rain might fall.\u200b[929] An\nArmenian rain-charm is to throw the wife of a priest into the water\nand drench her.\u200b[930] The Arabs of North Africa fling a holy man,\nwilly-nilly, into a spring as a remedy for drought.\u200b[931] In Minahassa,\na province of North Celebes, the priest bathes as a rain-charm.\u200b[932]\nIn Central Celebes when there has been no rain for a long time and the\nrice-stalks begin to shrivel up, many of the villagers, especially\nthe young folk, go to a neighbouring brook and splash each other with\nwater, shouting noisily, or squirt water on one another through bamboo\ntubes. Sometimes they imitate the plump of rain by smacking the surface\nof the water with their hands, or by placing an inverted gourd on it\nand drumming on the gourd with their fingers.\u200b[933] The Karo-Bataks\nof Sumatra have a rain-making ceremony which lasts a week. The men go\nabout with bamboo squirts and the women with {p278} bowls of water,\nand they drench each other or throw the water into the air and cry,\n\u201cThe rain has come,\u201d when it drips down on them.\u200b[934] In Kumaon, a\ndistrict of north-west India, when rain fails they sink a Brahman up to\nhis lips in a tank or pond, where he repeats the name of a god of rain\nfor a day or two. When this rite is duly performed, rain is sure to\nfall.\u200b[935] For the same purpose village girls in the Punjaub will pour\na solution of cow-dung in water upon an old woman who happens to pass;\nor they will make her sit down under the roof-spout of a house and get\na wetting when it rains.\u200b[936] In the Solok district of Sumatra, when\na drought has lasted a long time, a number of half-naked women take a\nhalf-witted man to a river; and there besprinkle him with water as a\nmeans of compelling the rain to fall.\u200b[937] In some parts of Bengal,\nwhen drought threatens the country, troops of children of all ages go\nfrom house to house and roll and tumble in puddles which have been\nprepared for the purpose by pouring water into the courtyards. This\nis supposed to bring down rain. Again, in Dubrajpur, a village in the\nBirbhum district of Bengal, when rain has been looked for in vain,\npeople will throw dirt or filth on the houses of their neighbours,\nwho abuse them for doing so. Or they drench the lame, the halt, the\nblind, and other infirm persons, and are reviled for their pains by\nthe victims. This vituperation is believed to bring about the desired\nresult by drawing down showers on the parched earth.\u200b[938] Similarly,\nin the Shahpur district of the Punjaub it is said to be customary in\ntime of drought to spill a pot of filth on the threshold of a notorious\nold shrew, in order that the fluent stream of foul language in which\nshe vents her feelings may accelerate the lingering rain.\u200b[939] {p279}\n\n[Sidenote: Beneficial effect of curses and abuse.]\n\nIn these latter customs the means adopted for bringing about the\ndesired result appear to be not so much imitative magic as the\nbeneficent effect which, curiously enough, is often attributed to\ncurses and maledictions.\u200b[940] Thus in the Indian district of Behar\nmuch virtue is ascribed to abuse, which is supposed in some cases\nto bring good luck. People, for example, who accompany a marriage\nprocession to the bride\u2019s house are often foully abused by the women\nof the bride\u2019s family in the belief that this contributes to the good\nfortune of the newly-married pair. So in Behar on Jamadwitiya Day,\nwhich falls on the second day of the bright period of the moon next\nto that during which the Dussera festival takes place, brothers are\nreviled by sisters to their heart\u2019s content because it is thought\nthat this will prolong the lives of the brothers and bring them good\nluck.\u200b[941] Further, in Behar and Bengal it is deemed very unlucky to\nlook at the new moon of Bhadon (August); whoever does so is sure to\nmeet with some mishap, or to be falsely accused of something. To avert\nthese evils people are commonly advised to throw stones or brickbats\ninto their neighbours\u2019 houses; for if they do so, and are reviled\nfor their pains, they will escape the threatened evils, and their\nneighbours who abused them will suffer in their stead. Hence the day\nof the new moon in this month is called the Day of Stones. At Benares\na regular festival is held for this purpose on the fourth day of\nBhadon, which is known as \u201cthe clod festival of the fourth.\u201d\u200b[942] On\nthe Khurda estate in Orissa gardens and fruit-trees are conspicuously\nabsent. The peasants explain their absence by saying that from time\nimmemorial they have held it lucky to be annoyed and abused by their\nneighbours at a certain festival, which answers to the Nashti-Chandra\nin Bengal. Hence in order to give ample ground of offence they mutilate\nthe fruit-trees and trample down the gardens of their neighbours, and\nso court fortune by drawing down on themselves {p280} the wrath of the\ninjured owners.\u200b[943] At Cranganore, in the Native State of Cochin,\nthere is a shrine of the goddess Bhagavati, which is much frequented\nby pilgrims in the month of Minam (March-April). From all parts of\nCochin, Malabar, and Travancore crowds flock to attend the festival and\nthe highroads ring with their shouts of _Nada nada_, \u201cMarch! march!\u201d\nThey desecrate the shrine of the goddess in every conceivable way,\ndischarge volleys of stones and filth, and level the most opprobrious\nlanguage at the goddess herself. These proceedings are supposed to\nbe acceptable to her. The intention of the pilgrimage is to secure\nimmunity from disease during the succeeding year.\u200b[944] In some cases a\ncurse may, like rags and dirt, be supposed to benefit a man by making\nhim appear vile and contemptible, and thus diverting from him the evil\neye and other malignant influences, which are attracted by beauty and\nprosperity but repelled by their opposites. Among the Huzuls of the\nCarpathians, if a herdsman or cattle-owner suspects himself of having\nthe evil eye, he will charge one of his household to call him a devil\nor a robber every time he goes near the cattle; for he thinks that\nthis will undo the effect of the evil eye.\u200b[945] Among the Chams of\nCambodia and Annam, while a corpse is being burned on the pyre, a man\nwho bears the title of the Master of Sorrows remains in the house of\nthe deceased and loads it with curses, after which he beseeches the\nghost not to come back and torment his family.\u200b[946] These last curses\nare clearly intended to make his old home unattractive to the spirit of\nthe dead. Esthonian fishermen believe that they never have such good\nluck as when some one is angry with them and curses them. Hence before\na fisherman goes out to fish, he will play a rough practical joke on a\ncomrade in order to be abused and execrated by him. The more his friend\nstorms and curses, the better he is pleased; every curse brings at\nleast three {p281} fish into his net.\u200b[947] There is a popular belief\nin Berlin and the neighbourhood that if you wish a huntsman good luck\nwhen he is going out to shoot deer he will be certain never to get a\nshot at all. To avert the ill luck caused by such a wish the hunter\nmust throw a broomstick at the head of his well-wisher. If he is really\nto have luck, you must wish that he may break his neck, or both his\nneck and his legs. The wish is expressed with pregnant brevity in the\nphrase, \u201cNow then, neck and leg!\u201d\u200b[948] The intention of such curses\nmay be to put the fish or the deer off their guard; for, as we shall\nsee later on, animals are commonly supposed to understand human speech,\nand even to overhear what is said of them many miles off. Accordingly\nif they hear a fisherman or a hunter flouted and vituperated, they\nwill think too meanly of him to go out of his way, and so will fall\nan easy prey to his net or his gun. When a Greek sower sowed cummin\nhe had to curse and swear, or the crop would not turn out well.\u200b[949]\nRoman writers mention a similar custom observed by the sowers of rue\nand basil;\u200b[950] and hedge doctors in ancient Greece laid it down as\na rule that in cutting black hellebore you should face eastward and\ncurse.\u200b[951] Perhaps the bitter language was supposed to strengthen\nthe bitter taste, and hence the medicinal virtue, of these plants. At\nLindus in the island of Rhodes it was customary to sacrifice one or two\nplough oxen to Hercules with curses and imprecations; indeed we are\ntold that the sacrifice was deemed invalid if a good word fell from\nany one\u2019s lips during the rite. The custom was explained by a legend\nthat Hercules had laid hands on the oxen of a ploughman and cooked and\ndevoured them, while their owner, unable to defend his beasts, stood\nafar off and vented his anger in a torrent of abuse and execration.\nHercules received his maledictions with a roar of laughter, appointed\nhim his priest, and bade him always sacrifice with the very same\nexecrations, for he had never {p282} dined better in his life.\u200b[952]\nThe legend is plainly a fiction devised to explain the ritual. We may\nconjecture that the curses were intended to palliate the slaughter of a\nsacred animal. The subject will be touched on in a later part of this\nwork. Here we must return to rain-making.\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-making by ploughing.]\n\nWomen are sometimes supposed to be able to make rain by ploughing, or\npretending to plough. Thus the Pshaws and Chewsurs of the Caucasus\nhave a ceremony called \u201cploughing the rain,\u201d which they observe\nin time of drought. Girls yoke themselves to a plough and drag it\ninto a river, wading in the water up to their girdles.\u200b[953] In the\nsame circumstances Armenian girls and women do the same. The oldest\nwoman, or the priest\u2019s wife, wears the priest\u2019s dress, while the\nothers, dressed as men, drag the plough through the water against the\nstream.\u200b[954] In the Caucasian province of Georgia, when a drought has\nlasted long, marriageable girls are yoked in couples with an ox-yoke\non their shoulders, a priest holds the reins, and thus harnessed they\nwade through rivers, puddles, and marshes, praying, screaming, weeping,\nand laughing.\u200b[955] In a district of Transylvania, when the ground is\nparched with drought, some girls strip themselves naked, and, led by an\nolder woman, who is also naked, they steal a harrow and carry it across\nthe fields to a brook, where they set it afloat. Next they sit on the\nharrow and keep a tiny flame burning on each corner of it for an hour.\nThen they leave the harrow in the water and go home.\u200b[956] A similar\nrain-charm is resorted to in some parts of India; naked women drag a\nplough across a field by night, while the men keep carefully out of\nthe way, for their presence would break the spell.\u200b[957] As performed\nat {p283} Chunar in Bengal on the twenty-fourth of July 1891 the\nceremony was this. Between nine and ten in the evening a barber\u2019s wife\nwent from door to door and invited the women to engage in ploughing.\nThey all assembled in a field from which men were excluded. Three\nwomen of a husbandman\u2019s family then stripped themselves naked; two\nof them were yoked like oxen to the plough, while the third held the\nhandle. They next began to imitate the operation of ploughing. The one\nwho held the plough cried out, \u201cO mother earth! bring parched grain,\nwater, and chaff. Our stomachs are breaking to pieces from hunger and\nthirst.\u201d Then the landlord and accountant approached them and laid\ndown some grain, water, and chaff in the field. After that the women\ndressed and returned home. \u201cBy the grace of God,\u201d adds the gentleman\nwho reports the ceremony, \u201cthe weather changed almost immediately, and\nwe had a good shower.\u201d\u200b[958] Sometimes as they draw the plough the\nwomen sing a hymn to Vishnu, in which they seek to enlist his sympathy\nby enumerating the ills which the people are suffering from the want\nof rain. In some cases they discharge volleys of abuse at the village\nofficials, and even at the landlord, whom they compel to drag the\nplough.\u200b[959] These ceremonies are all the more remarkable because\nin ordinary circumstances Hindoo women never engage in agricultural\noperations like ploughing and harrowing. Yet in drought it seems to\nbe women of the highest or Brahman caste who are chosen to perform\nwhat at other times would be regarded as a menial and degrading task.\nOccasionally, when hesitation is felt at subjecting Brahman ladies to\nthis indignity, they are allowed to get off by merely touching the\nplough early in the morning, before people are astir; the real work\nis afterwards done by the ploughmen.\u200b[960] In Manipur the prosperity\nof all classes {p284} depends on the abundance and regularity of the\nrainfall; hence the people have many rites and ceremonies for the\nmaking of rain. Thus in time of drought one hundred and eight girls\nmilk one hundred and eight cows in the temple of Govindji, the most\npopular incarnation of Krishna in the country. If this fails, the women\nthrow their _dhan_-pounders into the nearest pool, and at the dead\nof night strip themselves naked and plough.\u200b[961] There is a Burmese\nsuperstition that if a harrow has a flaw in it no rain will fall till\nthe faulty harrow has been decked with flowers, broken, and thrown\ninto the river. Further, the owner should have his hair cropped, and\nbeing adorned with flowers should dance and carry the harrow to the\nwater. Otherwise the country is sure to suffer from drought.\u200b[962] The\nTarahumare Indians of Mexico dip the plough in water before they use\nit, that it may draw rain.\u200b[963]\n\n[Sidenote: Making rain by means of the dead.]\n\nSometimes the rain-charm operates through the dead. Thus in New\nCaledonia the rain-makers blackened themselves all over, dug up a dead\nbody, took the bones to a cave, jointed them, and hung the skeleton\nover some taro leaves. Water was poured over the skeleton to run down\non the leaves. They believed that the soul of the deceased took up the\nwater, converted it into rain, and showered it down again.\u200b[964] In\nsome parts of New Caledonia the {p285} ceremony is somewhat different.\nA great quantity of provisions is offered to the ancestors, being\nlaid down before their skulls in the sacred place. In front of the\nskulls a number of pots full of water are set in a row, and in each\npot there is deposited a sacred stone which has more or less the shape\nof a skull. The rain-maker then prays to the ancestors to send rain.\nAfter that he climbs a tree with a branch in his hand, which he waves\nabout to hasten the approach of the rain-clouds.\u200b[965] The ceremony\nis a mixture of magic and religion; the prayers and offerings to the\nancestors are purely religious, while the placing of the skull-like\nstones in water and the waving of the branch are magical. In Russia,\nif common report may be believed, it is not long since the peasants\nof any district that chanced to be afflicted with drought used to dig\nup the corpse of some one who had drunk himself to death and sink it\nin the nearest swamp or lake, fully persuaded that this would ensure\nthe fall of the needed rain. In 1868 the prospect of a bad harvest,\ncaused by a prolonged drought, induced the inhabitants of a village\nin the Tarashchansk district to dig up the body of a Raskolnik, or\nDissenter, who had died in the preceding December. Some of the party\nbeat the corpse, or what was left of it, about the head, exclaiming,\n\u201cGive us rain!\u201d while others poured water on it through a sieve.\u200b[966]\nHere the pouring of water through a sieve seems plainly an imitation\nof a shower, and reminds us of the manner in which Strepsiades in\nAristophanes imagined that rain was made by Zeus.\u200b[967] An Armenian\nrain-charm is to dig up a skull and throw it into running water.\u200b[968]\nAt Ourfa for this purpose they prefer the skull of a Jew, which they\ncast into the Pool of Abraham.\u200b[969] In Mysore people think that if a\nleper is buried, instead of being burnt, as he ought to be, rain will\nnot fall. Hence they have been known to disinter buried lepers in time\nof drought.\u200b[970] In Halmahera there is a practice of {p286} throwing\nstones on a grave, in order that the ghost may fall into a passion and\navenge the disturbance, as he imagines, by sending heavy rain.\u200b[971]\nThis may explain a rain-charm which seems to have been practised by\nthe Mauretanians in antiquity. A mound in the shape of a man lying on\nhis back was pointed out as the grave of the giant Antaeus; and if\nany earth were dug up and removed from it, rain fell till the soil\nwas replaced.\u200b[972] Perhaps the rain was the revenge the surly giant\ntook for being wakened from his long sleep. Sometimes, in order to\nprocure rain, the Toradjas of Central Celebes make an appeal to the\npity of the dead. Thus, in the village of Kalingooa, in Kadombookoo,\nthere is the grave of a famous chief, the grandfather of the present\nruler. When the land suffers from unseasonable drought, the people go\nto this grave, pour water on it, and say, \u201cO grandfather, have pity on\nus; if it is your will that this year we should eat, then give rain.\u201d\nAfter that they hang a bamboo full of water over the grave; there is\na small hole in the lower end of the bamboo, so that the water drips\nfrom it continually. The bamboo is always refilled with water until\nrain drenches the ground.\u200b[973] Here, as in New Caledonia, we find\nreligion blent with magic, for the prayer to the dead chief, which is\npurely religious, is eked out with a magical imitation of rain at his\ngrave. We have seen that the Baronga of Delagoa Bay drench the tombs of\ntheir ancestors, especially the tombs of twins, as a rain-charm.\u200b[974]\nIn Zululand the native girls form a procession and carry large pots of\nwater to a certain tree which chances to be on a mission station. When\nthe girls were asked why they did this, they said that an old ancestor\nof theirs had been buried under the tree, and as he was a great\nrain-maker in his life, they always came and poured water on his grave\nin time of drought, in order that he might send them rain.\u200b[975] This\nceremony partakes of the nature of religion, since it implies an appeal\nfor help to a deceased ancestor. Purely religious, on the other hand,\nare {p287} some means adopted by the Herero of south-western Africa to\nprocure rain. If a drought has lasted long, the whole tribe goes with\nits cattle to the grave of some eminent man; it may be the father or\ngrandfather of the chief. They lay offerings of milk and flesh on the\ngrave and utter their plaint: \u201cLook, O Father, upon your beloved cattle\nand children; they suffer distress, they are so lean, they are dying\nof hunger. Give us rain.\u201d The ears of the spectator are deafened by\nthe lowing and bleating of herds and flocks, the shouts of herdsmen,\nthe barking of dogs, and the screams of women.\u200b[976] Among some of\nthe Indian tribes in the region of the Orinoco it was customary for\nthe relations of a deceased person to disinter his bones a year after\nburial, burn them, and scatter the ashes to the winds, because they\nbelieved that the ashes were changed into rain, which the dead man sent\nin return for his obsequies.\u200b[977] The Chinese are convinced that when\nhuman bodies remain unburied, the souls of their late owners feel the\ndiscomfort of rain, just as living men would do if they were exposed\nwithout shelter to the inclemency of the weather. These wretched souls,\ntherefore, do all in their power to prevent the rain from falling, and\noften their efforts are only too successful. Then drought ensues, the\nmost dreaded of all calamities in China, because bad harvests, dearth,\nand famine follow in its train. Hence it has been a common practice of\nthe Chinese authorities in time of drought to inter the dry bones of\nthe unburied dead for the purpose of putting an end to the scourge and\nconjuring down the rain.\u200b[978]\n\n[Sidenote: Making rain by means of animals.]\n\nAnimals, again, often play an important part in these weather-charms.\nThe Anula tribe of northern Australia associate the dollar-bird with\nrain, and call it the rain-bird. A man who has the bird for his totem\ncan make rain at a certain pool. He catches a snake, puts it alive into\nthe pool, and after holding it under water for a time takes it {p288}\nout, kills it, and lays it down by the side of the creek. Then he\nmakes an arched bundle of grass stalks in imitation of a rainbow, and\nsets it up over the snake. After that all he does is to sing over the\nsnake and the mimic rainbow; sooner or later the rain will fall. They\nexplain this procedure by saying that long ago the dollar-bird had as\na mate at this spot a snake, who lived in the pool and used to make\nrain by spitting up into the sky till a rainbow and clouds appeared\nand rain fell.\u200b[979] The Tjingilli of northern Australia make rain\nin an odd way. One of them will catch a fat bandicoot and carry it\nabout, singing over it till the animal grows very thin and weak. Then\nhe lets it go, and rain will follow.\u200b[980] When some of the Blackfoot\nIndians were at war in summer and wished to bring on a tempest, they\nwould take a kit-fox skin and rub it with dirt and water, which never\nfailed to be followed by a storm of rain.\u200b[981] The Thompson Indians of\nBritish Columbia think that when the loon calls loud and often, it will\nsoon rain, and that to mimic the cry of the bird may bring the rain\ndown.\u200b[982] The fish called the small sculpin, which abounds along the\nrocky shore of Norton Sound, is called by the Esquimaux the rain-maker;\nthey say that if a person takes one of these fish in his hand heavy\nrain will follow.\u200b[983] If Aino fishermen desire to bring on rain and\nwind, they pray to the skulls of racoons and then throw water over\neach other. Should they wish the storm to increase they put on gloves\nand caps of racoon-skin and dance. Then it blows great guns.\u200b[984] In\nMa-hlaing, a district of Upper Burma, when rain is scarce, the people\npray to a certain fish called _nga-yan_ to send it. They also catch\nsome fish and put them in a tub, while offerings of plantains and other\nfood are made to the monks in the name of the fish. After that the\nfish are let loose in {p289} a stream or pond, with gold-leaf stuck\non their heads. If live fish are not to be had, wooden ones are used\nand answer the purpose just as well.\u200b[985] When the Chirus of Manipur\nwish to make rain they catch a crab and put it in a pot of water. Then\nthe headman goes to the gate of the village and keeps lifting the crab\nout of the water and putting it back into it till he is tired.\u200b[986]\nAn ancient Indian mode of making rain was to throw an otter into the\nwater.\u200b[987] If the sky refuses rain and the cattle are perishing, an\nArab sheikh will sometimes stand in the middle of the camp and cry,\n\u201cRedeem yourselves, O people, redeem yourselves!\u201d At these words every\nfamily sacrifices a sheep, divides it in two, and hanging the pieces on\ntwo poles passes between them. Children too young to walk are carried\nby their mother.\u200b[988] But this custom has rather the appearance of\na sacrifice than of a charm. In southern Celebes people try to make\nrain by carrying a cat tied in a sedan chair thrice round the parched\nfields, while they drench it with water from bamboo squirts. When the\ncat begins to miaul, they say, \u201cO lord, let rain fall on us.\u201d\u200b[989] A\ncommon way of making rain in many parts of Java is to bathe a cat or\ntwo cats, a male and a female; sometimes the animals are carried in\nprocession with music. Even in Batavia you may from time to time see\nchildren going about with a cat for this purpose; when they have ducked\nit in a pool, they let it go.\u200b[990] {p290}\n\n[Sidenote: Making rain by means of black animals.]\n\nOften in order to give effect to the rain-charm the animal must be\nblack. Thus an ancient Indian way of bringing on rain was to set a\nblack horse with his face to the west and rub him with a black cloth\ntill he neighed.\u200b[991] In the Beni-Chougran tribe of North Africa women\nlead a black cow in procession, while other women sprinkle the whole\ngroup with water as a means of wringing a shower from the sky.\u200b[992]\nTo procure rain the Peruvian Indians used to set a black sheep in a\nfield, poured _chica_ over it, and gave the animal nothing to eat\nuntil rain fell.\u200b[993] Once when a drought lasting five months had\nburnt up their pastures and withered the corn, the Caffres of Natal\nhad recourse to a famous witch, who promised to procure rain without\ndelay. A black sheep having been produced, an incision was made in\nthe animal near the shoulder and the gall taken out. Part of this the\nwitch rubbed over her own person, part she drank, part was mixed with\nmedicine. Some of the medicine was then rubbed on her body; the rest\nof it, attached to a stick, was fixed in the fence of a calves\u2019 pen.\nThe woman next harangued the clouds. When the sheep was to be cooked,\na new fire was procured by the friction of fire-sticks; in ordinary\ncircumstances a brand would have been taken from one of the huts.\u200b[994]\nAmong the Wambugwe, a Bantu people of eastern Africa, when the sorcerer\ndesires to make rain he takes a black sheep and a black calf in bright\nsunshine, and has them placed upon the roof of the large common hut\nin which the people live together. Then he slits open the stomachs of\nthe animals and scatters their contents in all directions. After that\nhe pours water and medicine into a vessel; if the charm has succeeded,\nthe water boils up and rain follows. On the other hand, if the sorcerer\nwishes to prevent rain from falling, he withdraws into the interior of\nthe hut, and there heats a rock-crystal in a calabash.\u200b[995] In order\nto procure rain the Wagogo of German East Africa sacrifice black fowls,\nblack sheep, and black cattle at the {p291} graves of dead ancestors,\nand the rain-maker wears black clothes during the rainy season.\u200b[996]\nAmong the Matabele the rain-charm employed by sorcerers was made from\nthe blood and gall of a black ox.\u200b[997] In a district of Sumatra, in\norder to procure rain, all the women of the village, scantily clad,\ngo to the river, wade into it, and splash each other with the water.\nA black cat is thrown into the stream and made to swim about for a\nwhile, then allowed to escape to the bank, pursued by the splashing of\nthe women.\u200b[998] The Garos of Assam offer a black goat on the top of\na very high mountain in time of drought.\u200b[999] In all these cases the\ncolour of the animal is part of the charm; being black, it will darken\nthe sky with rain-clouds. So the Bechuanas burn the stomach of an ox\nat evening, because they say, \u201cThe black smoke will gather the clouds\nand cause the rain to come.\u201d\u200b[1000] The Timorese sacrifice a black pig\nto the Earth-goddess for rain, a white or red one to the Sun-god for\nsunshine.\u200b[1001] The Angoni, a tribe of Zulu descent to the north of\nthe Zambesi, sacrifice a black ox for rain and a white one for fine\nweather.\u200b[1002] Among the high mountains of Japan there is a district\nin which, if rain has not fallen for a long time, a party of villagers\ngoes in procession to the bed of a mountain torrent, headed by a\npriest, who leads a black dog. At the chosen spot they tether the beast\nto a stone, and make it a target for their bullets and arrows. When its\nlife-blood bespatters the rocks, the peasants throw down their weapons\nand lift up their voices in supplication to the dragon divinity of the\n{p292} stream, exhorting him to send down forthwith a shower to cleanse\nthe spot from its defilement. Custom has prescribed that on these\noccasions the colour of the victim shall be black, as an emblem of the\nwished-for rain-clouds. But if fine weather is wanted, the victim must\nbe white, without a spot.\u200b[1003]\n\n[Sidenote: Frogs and toads in relation to rain.\n\nFrogs used in rain-charms.]\n\nThe intimate association of frogs and toads with water has earned for\nthese creatures a widespread reputation as custodians of rain; and\nhence they often play a part in charms designed to draw needed showers\nfrom the sky. Some of the Indians of the Orinoco held the toad to be\nthe god or lord of the waters, and for that reason feared to kill the\ncreature, even when they were ordered to do so. They have been known\nto keep frogs under a pot and to beat them with rods when there was a\ndrought.\u200b[1004] It is said that the Aymara Indians of Peru and Bolivia\noften make little images of frogs and other aquatic animals and place\nthem on the tops of the hills as a means of bringing down rain.\u200b[1005]\nIn some parts of south-eastern Australia, where the rainfall is apt to\nbe excessive, the natives feared to injure Tidelek, the frog, or Bluk,\nthe bull-frog, because they were said to be full of water instead of\nintestines, and great rains would follow if one of them were killed.\nThe frog family was often referred to as Bunjil Willung or Mr. Rain. A\ntradition ran that once upon a time long ago the frog drank up all the\nwater in the lakes and rivers, and then sat in the dry {p293} reed beds\nswollen to an enormous size, saying, \u201cBluk! bluk!\u201d in a deep gurgling\nvoice. All the other animals wandered about gaping and gasping for a\ndrop of moisture, but finding none, they agreed that they must all\ndie of thirst unless they could contrive to make the frog laugh. So\nthey tried one after the other, but for a long time in vain. At last\nthe conger eel and his relations, hung round with lake grass and gay\nsea-weed, reared themselves on their tails and pranced round the fire.\nThis was too much for the frog. He opened his mouth and laughed till\nthe water ran out and the lakes and streams were full once more.\u200b[1006]\nWe have seen that some of the Queensland aborigines imitate the\nmovements and cries of frogs as part of a rain-charm.\u200b[1007] The\nThompson River Indians of British Columbia and some people in Europe\nthink that to kill a frog brings on rain.\u200b[1008] In order to procure\nrain people of low caste in the Central Provinces of India will tie a\nfrog to a rod covered with green leaves and branches of the _n\u00eem_ tree\n(_Azadirachta Indica_) and carry it from door to door singing\u2014\n\n    _Send soon, O frog, the jewel of water!_\n    _And ripen the wheat and millet in the field._\u200b[1009]\n\nIn Kumaon, a district of north-western India, one way of bringing on\nrain when it is needed is to hang a frog with its mouth up on a tall\nbamboo or on a tree for a day or two. The notion is that the god of\nrain, seeing the creature in trouble, will take pity on it and send the\nrain.\u200b[1010] In the district of Muzaffarpur in India the vulgar believe\nthat the cry of a frog is most readily heard by the God of {p294} Rain.\nHence in a year of drought the low-caste females of a village assemble\nat evening and put a frog in a small earthen pot together with water\ntaken from five different houses. The pot with the frog is then placed\nin the hollow wooden cup into which the lever used for pounding rice\nfalls. Being raised with the foot and then allowed to drop, the lever\ncrushes the frog to death; and while the creature emits his dying croak\nthe women sing songs in a loud voice about the dearth of water.\u200b[1011]\nThe Kapus or Reddis are a large and prosperous caste of cultivators\nand landowners in the Madras Presidency. When rain fails, women of the\ncaste will catch a frog and tie it alive to a new winnowing fan made\nof bamboo. On this fan they spread a few margosa leaves and go from\ndoor to door singing, \u201cLady frog must have her bath. Oh! rain-god,\ngive a little water for her at least.\u201d While the Kapu women sing this\nsong, the woman of the house pours water over the frog and gives an\nalms, convinced that by so doing she will soon bring rain down in\ntorrents.\u200b[1012] Again, in order to procure rain the Malas, who are the\npariahs of the Telugu country in Southern India, tie a live frog to a\nmortar and put a mud figure of Gontiyalamma over it. Then they carry\nthe mortar, frog, and all in procession, singing, \u201cMother frog, playing\nin water, pour rain by pots full,\u201d while the villagers of other castes\npour water over them.\u200b[1013] Beliefs like these might easily develop\ninto a worship of frogs regarded as personifying the powers of water\nand rain. In the Rig Veda there is a hymn about frogs which appears\nto be substantially a rain-charm.\u200b[1014] The Newars, the aboriginal\ninhabitants of Nepaul, worship the frog as a creature associated with\nthe demi-god Nagas in the production and control of rain and the\nwater-supply, on which the welfare of the crops depends. A sacred\ncharacter is attributed to the little animal, and every care is taken\nnot to molest or injure it. The worship of the frog is performed on\nthe seventh day of the month Kartik (October), usually at a {p295} pool\nwhich is known to be frequented by frogs, although it is not essential\nto the efficacy of the rite that a frog should be actually seen at the\ntime. After carefully washing his face and hands, the priest takes five\nbrazen bowls and places in them five separate offerings, namely, rice,\nflowers, milk and vermilion, ghee and incense, and water. Lighting\nthe pile of ghee and incense, the priest says, \u201cHail, Parem\u00easvara\nBh\u00fbm\u00een\u00e2tha! I pray you receive these offerings and send us timely rain,\nand bless our crops!\u201d\u200b[1015]\n\n[Sidenote: Suggested explanation of connexion of frog with rain.]\n\nSome of these customs and beliefs may be, at least in part, based on\nthe frog\u2019s habit of storing up water in its body against seasons of\ndrought; when it is caught at such times, it squirts the water out in\na jet.\u200b[1016] On seeing a frog emit a gush of water when all around\nwas dry and parched, savages might easily infer that the creature had\ncaused the drought by swallowing all the water, and that in order to\nrestore its moisture to the thirsty ground they had only to make the\nfrog disgorge its secret store of the precious liquid.\n\n[Sidenote: Stopping rain by means of rabbits and serpents.]\n\nAmong some tribes of South Africa, when too much rain falls, the\nwizard, accompanied by a large crowd, repairs to the house of a\nfamily where there has been no death for a very long time, and there\nhe burns the skin of a coney. As it burns he shouts, \u201cThe rabbit is\nburning,\u201d and the cry is taken up by the whole crowd, who continue\nshouting till they are exhausted.\u200b[1017] This no doubt is supposed\nto stop the rain. Equally effective is a method adopted by gypsies\nin Austria. When the rain has continued to pour steadily for a long\ntime, to the great discomfort of these homeless vagrants, the men of\nthe band assemble at a river and divide themselves into two parties.\nSome of them cut branches with which to make a raft, while the others\ncollect hazel leaves and cover the raft with them. A witch thereupon\nlays a dried serpent, wrapt {p296} in white rags, on the raft, which\nis then carried by several men to the river. Women are not allowed to\nbe present at this part of the ceremony. While the procession moves\ntowards the river, the witch marches behind the raft singing a song,\nof which the burden is a statement that gypsies do not like water, and\nhave no urgent need of serpents\u2019 milk, coupled with the expression of\na hope that the serpent may see his way to swallow the water, that he\nmay run to his mother and drink milk from her breasts, and that the\nsun may shine out, bringing back mirth and jollity to gypsy hearts.\nTransylvanian gypsies will sometimes expose the dried carcase of a\nserpent to the pouring rain, \u201cin order that the serpent may convince\nhimself of the inclemency of the weather, and so grant the people\u2019s\nwish.\u201d\u200b[1018]\n\n[Sidenote: Doing violence to the being who controls the weather.]\n\nThis last custom is an example of an entirely different mode of\nprocuring rain, to which people sometimes have recourse in extreme\ncases, when the drought is long and their temper short. At such times\nthey will drop the usual hocus-pocus of imitative magic altogether,\nand being far too angry to waste their breath in prayer they seek by\nthreats and curses or even downright physical force to extort the\nwaters of heaven from the supernatural being who has, so to say, cut\nthem off at the main. Thus, in Muzaffarnagar, a town of the Punjaub,\nwhen the rains are excessive, the people draw a figure of a certain\nMuni or Rishi Agastya on a loin-cloth and put it out in the rain, or\nthey paint his figure on the outside of the house and let the rain wash\nit off. This Muni or Rishi Agastya is a great personage in the native\nfolklore, and enjoys the reputation of being able to stop the rain. It\nis supposed that he will exercise his power as soon as he is thus made\nto feel in effigy the misery of wet weather.\u200b[1019] On the other hand,\nwhen rain is wanted at Chhatarpur, a native state in Bundelcund, they\npaint two figures with their legs up and their heads down on a wall\nthat faces east; one of the figures represents Indra, the other Megha\nRaja, the lord of rain. They think that in this uncomfortable position\nthese powerful beings will soon be glad to send {p297} the much-needed\nshowers.\u200b[1020] In a Japanese village, when the guardian divinity had\nlong been deaf to the peasants\u2019 prayers for rain, they at last threw\ndown his image and, with curses loud and long, hurled it head foremost\ninto a stinking rice-field. \u201cThere,\u201d they said, \u201cyou may stay yourself\nfor a while, to see how _you_ will feel after a few days\u2019 scorching\nin this broiling sun that is burning the life from our cracking\nfields.\u201d\u200b[1021] In the like circumstances the Feloupes of Senegambia\ncast down their fetishes and drag them about the fields, cursing them\ntill rain falls.\u200b[1022] In Okunomura, a Japanese village not far from\nTokio, when rain is wanted, an artificial dragon is made out of straw,\nreeds, bamboos, and magnolia leaves. Preceded by a Shinto priest,\nattended by men carrying paper flags, and followed by others beating a\nbig drum, the dragon is carried in procession from the Buddhist temple\nand finally thrown into a waterfall.\u200b[1023] When the spirits withhold\nrain or sunshine, the Comanches whip a slave; if the gods prove\nobstinate, the victim is almost flayed alive.\u200b[1024]\n\n[Sidenote: Chinese modes of compelling the gods to give rain.\n\nSiamese modes of constraining the gods to give rain.]\n\nThe Chinese are adepts in the art of taking the kingdom of heaven by\nstorm. Thus, when rain is wanted they make a huge dragon of paper or\nwood to represent the rain-god, and carry it about in procession;\nbut if no rain follows, the mock-dragon is execrated and torn to\npieces.\u200b[1025] At other times they threaten and beat the god if he\ndoes not give rain; sometimes they publicly depose him from the rank\nof deity. On the other hand, if the wished-for rain falls, the god is\npromoted to a higher rank by an imperial decree.\u200b[1026] It is said\nthat in the reign of Kia-King, fifth emperor of the {p298} Manchu\ndynasty, a long drought desolated several provinces of northern China.\nProcessions were of no avail; the rain-dragon hardened his heart and\nwould not let a drop fall. At last the emperor lost patience and\ncondemned the recalcitrant deity to perpetual exile on the banks of\nthe river Illi in the province of Torgot. The decree was in process\nof execution; the divine criminal, with a touching resignation, was\nalready traversing the deserts of Tartary to work out his sentence on\nthe borders of Turkestan, when the judges of the High Court of Peking,\nmoved with compassion, flung themselves at the feet of the emperor and\nimplored his pardon for the poor devil. The emperor consented to revoke\nhis doom, and a messenger set off at full gallop to bear the tidings\nto the executors of the imperial justice. The dragon was reinstated\nin his office on condition of performing his duties a little better\nin future.\u200b[1027] About the year 1710 the island of Tsong-ming, which\nbelongs to the province of Nanking, was afflicted with a drought. The\nviceroy of the province, after the usual attempts to soften the heart\nof the local deity by burning incense-sticks had been made in vain,\nsent word to the idol that if rain did not fall by such and such a day,\nhe would have him turned out of the city and his temple razed to the\nground. The threat had no effect on the obdurate divinity; the day of\ngrace came and went, and yet no rain fell. Then the indignant viceroy\nforbade the people to make any more offerings at the shrine of this\nunfeeling deity, and commanded that the temple should be shut up and\nseals placed on the doors. This soon produced the desired effect. Cut\noff from his base of supplies, the idol had no choice but to surrender\nat discretion. Rain fell in a few days, and thus the god was restored\nto the affections of the faithful.\u200b[1028] In some parts of China the\nmandarins procure rain or fine weather by shutting the southern or the\nnorthern gates of the city. For the south wind brings drought and the\nnorth wind brings showers. Hence by closing the southern and opening\nthe northern gates you clearly exclude drought and admit rain; whereas\ncontrariwise by shutting the northern and opening the {p299} southern\ngates you bar out the clouds and the wet and let in sunshine and genial\nwarmth.\u200b[1029] In April 1888 the mandarins of Canton prayed to the god\nLung-wong to stop the incessant downpour of rain; and when he turned a\ndeaf ear to their petitions they put him in a lock-up for five days.\nThis had a salutary effect. The rain ceased and the god was restored to\nliberty. Some years before, in time of drought, the same deity had been\nchained and exposed to the sun for days in the courtyard of his temple\nin order that he might feel for himself the urgent need of rain.\u200b[1030]\nSo when the Siamese need rain, they set out their idols in the blazing\nsun; but if they want dry weather, they unroof the temples and let\nthe rain pour down on the idols. They think that the inconvenience\nto which the gods are thus subjected will induce them to grant the\nwishes of their worshippers.\u200b[1031] When the rice-crop is endangered\nby long drought, the governor of Battambang, a province of Siam, goes\nin great state to a certain pagoda and prays to Buddha for rain. Then,\naccompanied by his suite and followed by an enormous crowd, he adjourns\nto a plain behind the pagoda. Here a dummy figure has been made up,\ndressed in bright colours, and placed in the middle of the plain. A\nwild music begins to play; maddened by the din of drums and cymbals and\ncrackers, and goaded on by their drivers, the elephants charge down on\nthe dummy and trample it to pieces. After this, Buddha will soon give\nrain.\u200b[1032]\n\n[Sidenote: Compelling the saints to give rain in Sicily.]\n\nThe reader may smile at the meteorology of the Far East; but precisely\nsimilar modes of procuring rain have been resorted to in Christian\nEurope within our own lifetime. By the end of April 1893 there was\ngreat distress in Sicily for lack of water. The drought had lasted six\nmonths. Every day the sun rose and set in a sky of cloudless blue. The\ngardens of the Conca d\u2019Oro, which surround Palermo with a magnificent\nbelt of verdure, were {p300} withering. Food was becoming scarce. The\npeople were in great alarm. All the most approved methods of procuring\nrain had been tried without effect. Processions had traversed the\nstreets and the fields. Men, women, and children, telling their beads,\nhad lain whole nights before the holy images. Consecrated candles had\nburned day and night in the churches. Palm branches, blessed on Palm\nSunday, had been hung on the trees. At Solaparuta, in accordance with\na very old custom, the dust swept from the churches on Palm Sunday\nhad been spread on the fields. In ordinary years these holy sweepings\npreserve the crops; but that year, if you will believe me, they had no\neffect whatever. At Nicosia the inhabitants, bare-headed and bare-foot,\ncarried the crucifixes through all the wards of the town and scourged\neach other with iron whips. It was all in vain. Even the great St.\nFrancis of Paola himself, who annually performs the miracle of rain\nand is carried every spring through the market-gardens, either could\nnot or would not help. Masses, vespers, concerts, illuminations,\nfire-works\u2014nothing could move him. At last the peasants began to lose\npatience. Most of the saints were banished. At Palermo they dumped\nSt. Joseph in a garden to see the state of things for himself, and\nthey swore to leave him there in the sun till rain fell. Other saints\nwere turned, like naughty children, with their faces to the wall.\nOthers again, stripped of their beautiful robes, were exiled far from\ntheir parishes, threatened, grossly insulted, ducked in horse-ponds.\nAt Caltanisetta the golden wings of St. Michael the Archangel were\ntorn from his shoulders and replaced with wings of pasteboard; his\npurple mantle was taken away and a clout wrapt about him instead. At\nLicata the patron saint, St. Angelo, fared even worse, for he was left\nwithout any garments at all; he was reviled, he was put in irons, he\nwas threatened with drowning or hanging. \u201cRain or the rope!\u201d roared the\nangry people at him, as they shook their fists in his face.\u200b[1033] {p301}\n\n[Sidenote: Disturbing the rain-god in his haunts.]\n\nAnother way of constraining the rain-god is to disturb him in his\nhaunts. This seems to be the reason why rain is supposed to follow\nthe troubling of a sacred spring. The Dards believe that if a\ncow-skin or anything impure is placed in certain springs, storms will\nfollow.\u200b[1034] In the mountains of Farghana there was a place where\nrain began to fall as soon as anything dirty was thrown into a certain\nfamous well.\u200b[1035] Again, in Tabaristan there was said to be a cave in\nthe mountain of Tak which had only to be defiled by filth or milk for\nthe rain to begin to fall, and to continue falling till the cave was\ncleansed.\u200b[1036] Gervasius mentions a spring, into which if a stone or\na stick were thrown, rain would at once issue from it and drench the\nthrower.\u200b[1037] There was a fountain in Munster such that if it were\ntouched or even looked at by a human being, it would at once flood the\nwhole province with rain.\u200b[1038] In Normandy a wizard will sometimes\nrepair to a spring, sprinkle flour on it, and strike the water with a\nhazel rod, while he chants his spell. A mist then rises from the spring\nand condenses in the shape of heavy clouds, which discharge volleys\nof hail on the orchards and corn-fields.\u200b[1039] When rain was long of\ncoming in the Canary Islands, the priestesses used to beat the sea with\nrods to punish the water-spirit for his niggardliness.\u200b[1040] Among the\nnatural curiosities of Annam are the caves of Chua-hang {p302} or Troc.\nYou may sail into them in a boat underground for a distance of half a\nmile, and a little way further in you come to the remains of an ancient\naltar among magnificent stalactite columns. The Annamites worship\nthe spirit of the cave and offer sacrifices at its mouth in time of\ndrought. From all the villages in the neighbourhood come boats, the\nboatmen singing, \u201cLet it rain! let it rain!\u201d in time to the measured\ndip of their oars in the water. Arrived at the mouth of the cave, they\noffer rice and wine to the spirit, prostrating themselves four times\nbefore him. Then the master of the ceremonies recites a prayer, ties a\nwritten copy of it to the neck of a dog, and flings the animal into the\nstream which flows from the grotto. This is done in order to provoke\nthe spirit of the cave to anger by defiling his pure water; for he will\nthen send abundant rains to sweep far away the carcase of the dead dog\nwhich pollutes the sacred grotto.\u200b[1041]\n\n[Sidenote: Putting compulsion on the rain-god.\n\nExciting the pity of the beings who control the rain.]\n\nTwo hundred miles to the east of the land of the Huichol Indians in\nMexico there is a sacred spring, and away to the west of their country\nstretches the Pacific Ocean. To ensure the fall of rain these Indians\ncarry water from the spring to the sea, and an equal quantity of\nsea-water from the sea to the spring. The two waters thus transferred\nwill, they think, feel strange in their new surroundings and will\nseek to return to their old homes. Hence they will pass in the shape\nof clouds across the Huichol country and meeting there will descend\nas rain.\u200b[1042] Sometimes an appeal is made to the pity of the gods.\nWhen their corn is being burnt up by the sun, the Zulus look out for\na \u201cheaven bird,\u201d kill it, and throw it into a pool. Then the heaven\nmelts with tenderness for the death of the bird; \u201cit wails for it by\nraining, wailing a funeral wail.\u201d\u200b[1043] In Zululand women sometimes\nbury their children up to the neck in the ground, and then retiring to\na distance keep up a dismal howl for a long time. The sky is supposed\nto melt with pity at the sight. Then the women dig the children out\nand feel sure {p303} that rain will soon follow. They say that they\ncall to \u201cthe lord above\u201d and ask him to send rain. If it comes they\ndeclare that \u201cUsondo rains.\u201d\u200b[1044] In times of drought the Guanches of\nTeneriffe led their sheep to sacred ground, and there they separated\nthe lambs from their dams, that their plaintive bleating might touch\nthe heart of the god.\u200b[1045] In Kumaon a way of stopping rain is to\npour hot oil in the left ear of a dog. The animal howls with pain, his\nhowls are heard by Indra, and out of pity for the beast\u2019s sufferings\nthe god stops the rain.\u200b[1046] Sometimes the Toradjas of Central\nCelebes attempt to procure rain as follows. They place the stalks of\ncertain plants in water, saying, \u201cGo and ask for rain, and so long as\nno rain falls I will not plant you again, but there shall you die.\u201d\nAlso they string some fresh-water snails on a cord, and hang the cord\non a tree, and say to the snails, \u201cGo and ask for rain, and so long as\nno rain comes, I will not take you back to the water.\u201d Then the snails\ngo and weep and the gods take pity and send rain.\u200b[1047] However, the\nforegoing ceremonies are religious rather than magical, since they\ninvolve an appeal to the compassion of higher powers. A peculiar mode\nof making rain was adopted by some of the heathen Arabs. They tied\ntwo sorts of bushes to the tails and hind legs of their cattle, and,\nsetting fire to the bushes, drove the cattle to the top of a mountain,\npraying for rain.\u200b[1048] This may be, as Wellhausen suggests, an\nimitation of lightning on the horizon;\u200b[1049] but it may also be a way\nof threatening the sky, as some West African rain-makers put a pot of\ninflammable materials on the fire and blow up the flames, threatening\nthat if heaven does not soon give rain they will send up a blaze which\nwill set the sky on fire.\u200b[1050] In time of drought the priests of the\nMuyscas in New Granada ascended a mountain and there burned billets\n{p304} of wood smeared with resin. The ashes they scattered in the air,\nthinking thus to condense the clouds and bring rain.\u200b[1051]\n\n[Sidenote: Making rain by means of stones.\n\nBezoar stones as instruments of rain.]\n\nStones are often supposed to possess the property of bringing on rain,\nprovided they be dipped in water or sprinkled with it, or treated in\nsome other appropriate manner. In a Samoan village a certain stone\nwas carefully housed as the representative of the rain-making god,\nand in time of drought his priests carried the stone in procession\nand dipped it in a stream.\u200b[1052] Among the Ta-ta-thi tribe of New\nSouth Wales, the rain-maker breaks off a piece of quartz-crystal and\nspits it towards the sky; the rest of the crystal he wraps in emu\nfeathers, soaks both crystal and feathers in water, and carefully\nhides them.\u200b[1053] In the Keramin tribe of New South Wales the wizard\nretires to the bed of a creek, drops water on a round flat stone, then\ncovers up and conceals it.\u200b[1054] Among some tribes of north-western\nAustralia the rain-maker repairs to a piece of ground which is set\napart for the purpose of rain-making. There he builds a heap of\nstones or sand, places on the top of it his magic stone, and walks\nor dances round the pile chanting his incantations for hours, till\nsheer exhaustion obliges him to desist, when his place is taken by his\nassistant. Water is sprinkled on the stone and huge fires are kindled.\nNo layman may approach the sacred spot while the mystic ceremony is\nbeing performed.\u200b[1055] When the Sulka of New Britain wish to procure\nrain they blacken stones with the ashes of certain fruits and set\nthem out, along with certain other plants and buds, in the sun. Then\na handful of twigs is dipped in water and weighted with stones, while\na spell is chanted. After that rain should follow.\u200b[1056] In Manipur,\non a lofty hill to the east of the capital, there is a stone which\nthe popular imagination likens to an umbrella. {p305} When rain is\nwanted, the rajah fetches water from a spring below and sprinkles it\non the stone.\u200b[1057] At Sagami in Japan there is a stone which draws\ndown rain whenever water is poured on it.\u200b[1058] When the Wakondyo, a\ntribe of Central Africa, desire rain, they send to the Wawamba, who\ndwell at the foot of snowy mountains, and are the happy possessors\nof a \u201crain-stone.\u201d In consideration of a proper payment, the Wawamba\nwash the precious stone, anoint it with oil, and put it in a pot full\nof water. After that the rain cannot fail to come.\u200b[1059] In Behar\npeople think to put an end to drought by keeping a holy stone named\nN\u00e1r\u00e1yan-chakra in a vessel of water.\u200b[1060] The Turks of Armenia make\nrain by throwing pebbles into the water. At Egin the pebbles are hung\nin two bags in the Euphrates; there should be seventy thousand and one\nof them.\u200b[1061] At Myndus in Asia Minor the number of the stones used\nfor this purpose is seventy-seven thousand, and each of them should\nbe licked before it is cast into the sea.\u200b[1062] In some parts of\nMongolia, when the people desire rain, they fasten a bezoar stone to\na willow twig, and place it in pure water, uttering incantations or\nprayers at the same time.\u200b[1063] At Yakutsk all classes used firmly to\nbelieve they could make rain by means of one of these bezoar stones,\nprovided it had really been found in the stomach of an animal, and the\nfiercer the beast the more powerful the charm. The rain-maker had to\ndip the stone in spring water just as the sun rose, and then holding it\nbetween the thumb and fore-finger of the right hand to present it to\nthe luminary, after which he made three turns contrary to the direction\nof the sun. The virtue of a bezoar stone lasted only nine days.\u200b[1064]\nConversely, when Dr. Radloff\u2019s Mongolian guide wished to stop the rain,\nhe tied a rock-crystal by a short string to a stick, held the stone\nover the fire, and then swung the stick {p306} about in all directions,\nwhile he chanted an incantation.\u200b[1065] Water is scarce with the fierce\nApaches, who roam the arid wastes of Arizona and New Mexico; for\nsprings are few and far between in these torrid wildernesses, where the\nintense heat would be unendurable were it not for the great dryness of\nthe air. The stony beds of the streams are waterless in the plains; but\nif you ascend for some miles the profound ca\u00f1ons that worm their way\ninto the heart of the wild and rugged mountains, you come in time to a\ncurrent trickling over the sand, and a mile or two more will bring you\nto a stream of a tolerable size flowing over boulders and screened from\nthe fierce sun by walls of rock that tower on either hand a thousand\nfeet into the air, their parched sides matted with the fantastic\nforms of the prickly cactus, and their summits crested far overhead\nwith pine woods, like a black fringe against the burning blue of the\nsky. In such a land we need not wonder that the thirsty Indians seek\nto procure rain by magic. They take water from a certain spring and\nthrow it on a particular point high up on a rock; the welcome clouds\nthen soon gather, and rain begins to fall.\u200b[1066] In the district of\nVaranda, in Armenia, there is a rock with a hole in it near a sacred\nplace. Women light candles on the rock and pour water into the hole\nin order to bring on rain. And in the same district there is another\nrock on which water is poured and milk boiled as an offering in time of\ndrought.\u200b[1067]\n\n[Sidenote: Making rain by means of stones in Europe.\n\nDipping images of saints in water as a rain-charm.]\n\nBut customs of this sort are not confined to the wilds of Africa and\nAsia or the torrid deserts of Australia and the New World. They have\nbeen practised in the cool air and under the grey skies of Europe.\nThere is a fountain called Barenton, of romantic fame, in those \u201cwild\nwoods of Broceliande,\u201d where, if legend be true, the wizard Merlin\nstill sleeps his magic slumber in the hawthorn shade. Thither the\nBreton peasants used to resort when they {p307} needed rain. They\ncaught some of the water in a tankard and threw it on a slab near the\nspring.\u200b[1068] On Snowdon there is a lonely tarn called Dulyn, or the\nBlack Lake, lying \u201cin a dismal dingle surrounded by high and dangerous\nrocks.\u201d A row of stepping-stones runs out into the lake, and if any one\nsteps on the stones and throws water so as to wet the farthest stone,\nwhich is called the Red Altar, \u201cit is but a chance that you do not\nget rain before night, even when it is hot weather.\u201d\u200b[1069] In these\ncases it appears probable that, as in Samoa, the stone is regarded as\nmore or less divine. This appears from the custom sometimes observed\nof dipping the cross in the Fountain of Barenton to procure rain,\nfor this is plainly a Christian substitute for the old pagan way of\nthrowing water on the stone.\u200b[1070] At various places in France it is,\nor used till lately to be, the practice to dip the image of a saint\nin water as a means of procuring rain. Thus, beside the old priory of\nCommagny, a mile or two to the south-west of Moulins-Engilbert, there\nis a spring of St. Gervais, whither the inhabitants go in procession\nto obtain rain or fine weather according to the needs of the crops.\nIn times of great drought they throw into the basin of the fountain\nan ancient stone image of the saint that stands in a sort of niche\nfrom which the fountain flows.\u200b[1071] At Collobri\u00e8res and Carpentras,\nboth in Provence, a similar practice was observed with the images of\nSt. Pons and St. Gens respectively.\u200b[1072] In several villages of\nNavarre prayers for rain used to be offered to St. Peter, and by way\nof enforcing them the villagers carried the image of the saint in\nprocession to the river, where they thrice invited him to reconsider\nhis resolution and to grant their prayers; then, if he was still\nobstinate, they plunged him in the water, despite the remonstrances\nof the clergy, who {p308} pleaded with as much truth as piety that a\nsimple caution or admonition administered to the image would produce\nan equally good effect. After this the rain was sure to fall within\ntwenty-four hours.\u200b[1073] Catholic countries do not enjoy a monopoly\nof making rain by ducking holy images in water. In Mingrelia, when the\ncrops are suffering from want of rain, they take a particularly holy\nimage and dip it in water every day till a shower falls;\u200b[1074] and in\nthe Far East the Shans drench the images of Buddha with water when the\nrice is perishing of drought.\u200b[1075] In all such cases the practice is\nprobably at bottom a sympathetic charm, however it may be disguised\nunder the appearance of a punishment or a threat.\n\n[Sidenote: Various rain-charms by means of stones.]\n\nThe application of water to a miraculous stone is not the only way\nof securing its good offices in the making of rain. In the island of\nUist, one of the Outer Hebrides, there is a stone cross opposite to\nSt. Mary\u2019s church, which the natives used to call the Water-cross.\nWhen they needed rain, they set the cross up; and when enough rain\nhad fallen, they laid it flat on the ground.\u200b[1076] In Aurora, one of\nthe New Hebrides islands, the rain-maker puts a tuft of leaves of a\ncertain plant in the hollow of a stone; over it he lays some branches\nof a pepper-tree pounded and crushed, and to these he adds a stone\nwhich is believed to possess the property of drawing down showers\nfrom the sky. All this he accompanies with incantations, and finally\ncovers the whole mass up. In time it ferments, and steam, charged with\nmagical virtue, goes up and makes clouds and rain. The wizard must\nbe careful, however, not to pound the pepper too hard, as otherwise\nthe wind might blow too strong.\u200b[1077] Sometimes the stone derives\nits magical virtue from its likeness to a real or imaginary animal.\nThus, at Kota Gadang in Sumatra, there is a stone which, with the\nhelp of a powerful imagination, may perhaps be conceived to bear a\nfaint and distant resemblance to a cat. {p309} Naturally, therefore,\nit possesses the property of eliciting showers from the sky, since in\nSumatra, as we have seen, a real black cat plays a part in ceremonies\nfor the production of rain. Hence the stone is sometimes smeared with\nthe blood of fowls, rubbed, and incensed, while a charm is uttered\nover it.\u200b[1078] At Eneti, in Washington State, there is an irregular\nbasaltic rock on which a face, said to be that of the thunder-bird,\nhas been hammered. The Indians of the neighbourhood long believed\nthat to shake the rock would cause rain by exciting the wrath of the\nthunder-bird.\u200b[1079]\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-charms in classical antiquity.]\n\nLike other peoples, the Greeks and Romans sought to obtain rain by\nmagic, when prayers and processions\u200b[1080] had proved ineffectual. For\nexample, in Arcadia, when the corn and trees were parched with drought,\nthe priest of Zeus dipped an oak branch into a certain spring on Mount\nLycaeus. Thus troubled, the water sent up a misty cloud, from which\nrain soon fell upon the land.\u200b[1081] A similar mode of making rain is\nstill practised, as we have seen, in Halmahera near New Guinea.\u200b[1082]\nThe people of Crannon in Thessaly had a bronze chariot which they kept\nin a temple. When they desired a shower they shook the chariot and the\nshower fell.\u200b[1083] Probably the rattling of the chariot was meant to\nimitate thunder; we have already seen that mock thunder and lightning\nform part of a rain-charm in Russia and {p310} Japan.\u200b[1084] The\nlegendary Salmoneus, King of Elis, made mock thunder by dragging bronze\nkettles behind his chariot, or by driving over a bronze bridge, while\nhe hurled blazing torches in imitation of lightning. It was his impious\nwish to mimic the thundering car of Zeus as it rolled across the vault\nof heaven. Indeed he declared that he was actually Zeus, and caused\nsacrifices to be offered to himself as such.\u200b[1085] Near a temple of\nMars, outside the walls of Rome, there was kept a certain stone known\nas the _lapis manalis_. In time of drought the stone was dragged into\nRome, and this was supposed to bring down rain immediately.\u200b[1086]\nThere were Etruscan wizards who made rain or discovered springs of\nwater, it is not certain which. They were thought to bring the rain\nor the water out of their bellies.\u200b[1087] The legendary Telchines\nin Rhodes are described as magicians who could change their shape\nand bring clouds, rain, and snow.\u200b[1088] The Athenians sacrificed\nboiled, not roast meat to the Seasons, begging them to avert drought\nand dry heat and to send due warmth and timely rain.\u200b[1089] This is\nan interesting example of the admixture of religion with sorcery,\nof sacrifice with magic. The Athenians dimly conceived that in some\nway the water in the pot would be transmitted through the boiled\nmeat to the deities, and then sent down again by them in the form of\nrain.\u200b[1090] In a similar spirit {p311} the prudent Greeks made it\na rule always to pour honey, but never wine, on the altars of the\nsun-god, pointing out, with great show of reason, how expedient it was\nthat a god on whom so much depended should keep strictly sober.\u200b[1091]\n\n\n\u00a73. _The Magical Control of the Sun_\n\n[Sidenote: Making the sun to shine.\n\nMagical control of the sun.\n\nAttempts to help the sun at an eclipse.\n\nVarious charms to cause the sun to shine.]\n\nThe rule of total abstinence which Greek prudence and piety imposed\non the sun-god introduces us to a second class of natural phenomena\nwhich primitive man commonly supposes to be in some degree under his\ncontrol and dependent on his exertions. As the magician thinks he can\nmake rain, so he fancies he can cause the sun to shine, and can hasten\nor stay its going down. At an eclipse the Ojebways used to imagine\nthat the sun was being extinguished. So they shot fire-tipped arrows\nin the air, hoping thus to rekindle his expiring light.\u200b[1092] The\nSencis of eastern Peru also shot burning arrows at the sun during\nan eclipse, but apparently they did this not so much to relight his\nlamp as to drive away a savage beast with which they supposed him to\nbe struggling.\u200b[1093] Conversely during an eclipse of the moon some\nIndian tribes of the Orinoco used to bury lighted brands in the ground;\nbecause, said they, if the moon were to be extinguished, all fire on\nearth would be extinguished {p312} with her, except such as was hidden\nfrom her sight.\u200b[1094] During an eclipse of the sun the Kamtchatkans\nwere wont to bring out fire from their huts and pray the great luminary\nto shine as before.\u200b[1095] But the prayer addressed to the sun shews\nthat this ceremony was religious rather than magical. Purely magical,\non the other hand, was the ceremony observed on similar occasions by\nthe Chilcotin Indians of north-western America. Men and women tucked\nup their robes, as they do in travelling, and then leaning on staves,\nas if they were heavy laden, they continued to walk in a circle till\nthe eclipse was over.\u200b[1096] Apparently they thought thus to support\nthe failing steps of the sun as he trod his weary round in the sky.\nSimilarly in ancient Egypt the king, as the representative of the\nsun, walked solemnly round the walls of a temple in order to ensure\nthat the sun should perform his daily journey round the sky without\nthe interruption of an eclipse or other mishap.\u200b[1097] And after the\nautumnal equinox the ancient Egyptians held a festival called \u201cthe\nnativity of the sun\u2019s walking-stick,\u201d because, as the luminary declined\ndaily in the sky, and his light and heat diminished, he was supposed\nto need a staff on which to lean.\u200b[1098] In New Caledonia when a\nwizard desires to make sunshine, he takes some plants and corals to\nthe burial-ground, and fashions them into a bundle, adding two locks\nof hair cut from a living child of his family, also two teeth or an\nentire jawbone from the skeleton of an ancestor. He then climbs a\nmountain whose top catches the first rays of the morning sun. Here he\ndeposits three sorts of plants on a flat stone, places a branch of\ndry coral beside them, and hangs the bundle of charms over the stone.\nNext morning he returns to the spot and sets fire to the bundle at the\nmoment when {p313} the sun rises from the sea. As the smoke curls up,\nhe rubs the stone with the dry coral, invokes his ancestors and says:\n\u201cSun! I do this that you may be burning hot, and eat up all the clouds\nin the sky.\u201d The same ceremony is repeated at sunset.\u200b[1099] The New\nCaledonians also make a drought by means of a disc-shaped stone with\na hole in it. At the moment when the sun rises, the wizard holds the\nstone in his hand and passes a burning brand repeatedly into the hole,\nwhile he says: \u201cI kindle the sun, in order that he may eat up the\nclouds and dry up our land, so that it may produce nothing.\u201d\u200b[1100]\nWhen the sun rises behind clouds\u2014a rare event in the bright sky of\nsouthern Africa\u2014the Sun clan of the Bechuanas say that he is grieving\ntheir heart. All work stands still, and all the food of the previous\nday is given to matrons or old women. They may eat it and may share\nit with the children they are nursing, but no one else may taste it.\nThe people go down to the river and wash themselves all over. Each\nman throws into the river a stone taken from his domestic hearth,\nand replaces it with one picked up in the bed of the river. On their\nreturn to the village the chief kindles a fire in his hut, and all his\nsubjects come and get a light from it. A general dance follows.\u200b[1101]\nIn these cases it seems that the lighting of the flame on earth is\nsupposed to rekindle the solar fire. Such a belief comes naturally to\npeople who, like the Sun clan of the Bechuanas, deem themselves the\nveritable kinsmen of the sun. When the sun is obscured by clouds, the\nLengua Indians of the Gran Chaco hold burning sticks towards him to\nencourage the luminary,\u200b[1102] or rather perhaps to {p314} rekindle his\nseemingly expiring light. The Banks Islanders make sunshine by means\nof a mock sun. They take a very round stone, called a _vat loa_ or\nsunstone, wind red braid about it, and stick it with owls\u2019 feathers\nto represent rays, singing the proper spell in a low voice. Then they\nhang it on some high tree, such as a banyan or a casuarina, in a sacred\nplace. Or the stone is laid on the ground with white rods radiating\nfrom it to imitate sunbeams.\u200b[1103] Sometimes the mode of making\nsunshine is the converse of that of making rain. Thus we have seen that\na white or red victim is sacrificed for sunshine, while a black one\nis sacrificed for rain.\u200b[1104] Some of the New Caledonians drench a\nskeleton to make rain, but burn it to make sunshine.\u200b[1105]\n\n[Sidenote: Sun-charms among the American Indians.\n\nHuman sacrifices offered to the sun by the Mexicans.\n\nGreek sacrifices of horses to the sun.]\n\nWhen the mists lay thick on the Sierras of Peru, the Indian women\nused to rattle the silver and copper ornaments which they wore on\ntheir breasts, and they blew against the fog, hoping thus to disperse\nit and make the sun shine through. Another way of producing the same\neffect was to burn salt or scatter ashes in the air.\u200b[1106] The\nGuarayo Indians also threw ashes in the air for the sake of clearing\nup the clouded evening sky.\u200b[1107] In Car Nicobar, when it has rained\nfor several days without stopping, the natives roll long bamboos in\nleaves of various kinds and set them up in the middle of the village.\nThey call these bamboos \u201crods inviting the sun to shine.\u201d\u200b[1108] The\noffering made by the Brahman in the morning is supposed to produce\nthe sun, and we are told that \u201cassuredly it would not rise, were he\nnot to make that offering.\u201d\u200b[1109] The ancient Mexicans conceived\nthe sun as the source of all vital force; hence they named him\nIpalnemohuani, \u201cHe by whom men live.\u201d But if he bestowed life on the\nworld, he needed also to receive {p315} life from it. And as the heart\nis the seat and symbol of life, bleeding hearts of men and animals\nwere presented to the sun to maintain him in vigour and enable him\nto run his course across the sky. Thus the Mexican sacrifices to the\nsun were magical rather than religious, being designed, not so much\nto please and propitiate him, as physically to renew his energies of\nheat, light, and motion. The constant demand for human victims to feed\nthe solar fire was met by waging war every year on the neighbouring\ntribes and bringing back troops of captives to be sacrificed on the\naltar. Thus the ceaseless wars of the Mexicans and their cruel system\nof human sacrifices, the most monstrous on record, sprang in great\nmeasure from a mistaken theory of the solar system. No more striking\nillustration could be given of the disastrous consequences that may\nflow in practice from a purely speculative error.\u200b[1110] The ancient\nGreeks believed that the sun drove in a chariot across the sky; hence\nthe Rhodians, who worshipped the sun as their chief deity, annually\ndedicated a chariot and four horses to him, and flung them into the\nsea for his use. Doubtless they thought that after a year\u2019s work his\nold horses and chariot would be worn out.\u200b[1111] From a like motive,\nprobably, the idolatrous kings of Judah dedicated chariots and horses\nto the sun,\u200b[1112] and the Spartans,\u200b[1113] Persians,\u200b[1114] and\nMassagetae\u200b[1115] sacrificed horses to him. The Spartans performed the\nsacrifice on the {p316} top of Mount Taygetus, the beautiful range\nbehind which they saw the great luminary set every night. It was as\nnatural for the inhabitants of the valley of Sparta to do this as it\nwas for the islanders of Rhodes to throw the chariot and horses into\nthe sea, into which the sun seemed to them to sink at evening. For\nthus, whether on the mountain or in the sea, the fresh horses stood\nready for the weary god where they would be most welcome, at the end of\nhis day\u2019s journey.\n\n[Sidenote: Staying the sun by means of a net or string.\n\nStaying the sun by putting a stone or a clod in the fork of a tree.]\n\nAs some people think they can light up the sun or speed him on his way,\nso others fancy they can retard or stop him. In a pass of the Peruvian\nAndes stand two ruined towers on opposite hills. Iron hooks are clamped\ninto their walls for the purpose of stretching a net from one tower to\nthe other. The net is intended to catch the sun.\u200b[1116] On a small hill\nin Fiji grew a patch of reeds, and travellers who feared to be belated\nused to tie the tops of a handful of reeds together to prevent the sun\nfrom going down.\u200b[1117] As to this my late friend the Rev. Lorimer\nFison wrote to me: \u201cI have often seen the reeds tied together to keep\nthe sun from going down. The place is on a hill in Lakomba, one of\nthe eastern islands of the Fijian group. It is on the side\u2014not on the\ntop\u2014of the hill. The reeds grow on the right side of the path. I asked\nan old man the meaning of the practice, and he said, \u2018We used to think\nthe sun would see us, and know we wanted him not to go down till we got\npast on our way home again.\u2019\u201d\u200b[1118] But perhaps the original intention\nwas to entangle the sun in the reeds, just as the Peruvians try to\ncatch him in the net. Stories of men who have caught the sun in a\nnoose are widely spread.\u200b[1119] When the sun is going southward in the\nautumn, and sinking lower and lower in the Arctic sky, the Esquimaux\nof Iglulik play the game of cat\u2019s cradle in order to catch him in the\nmeshes of the string and so prevent his {p317} disappearance. On the\ncontrary, when the sun is moving northward in the spring, they play\nthe game of cup-and-ball to hasten his return.\u200b[1120] Means like those\nwhich the Esquimaux take to stop the departing sun are adopted by the\nEwe negroes of the Slave Coast to catch a runaway slave. They take\ntwo sticks, unite them by a string, and then wind the string round\none of them, while at the same time they pronounce the name of the\nfugitive. When the string is quite wound about the stick, the runaway\nwill be bound fast and unable to stir.\u200b[1121] In New Guinea, when a\nMotu man is hunting or travelling late in the afternoon and fears to\nbe overtaken by darkness, he will sometimes take a piece of twine,\nloop it, and look through the loop at the sun. Then he pulls the loop\ninto a knot and says, \u201cWait until we get home, and we will give you\nthe fat of a pig.\u201d After that he passes the string to the man behind\nhim, and then it is thrown away. In a similar case a Motumotu man of\nNew Guinea says, \u201cSun, do not be in a hurry; just wait until I get\nto the end.\u201d And the sun waits. The Motumotu do not like to eat in\nthe dark; so if the food is not yet ready, and the sun is sinking,\nthey say, \u201cSun, stop; my food is not ready, and I want to eat by\nyou.\u201d\u200b[1122] Here the looking at the sinking sun through a loop and\nthen drawing the loop into a knot appears to be a purely magical\nceremony designed to catch the sun in the mesh; but the request that\nthe luminary would kindly stand still till home is reached or the\ndinner cooked, coupled with the offer of a slice of fat bacon as an\ninducement to him to comply with the request, is thoroughly religious.\nJerome of Prague, travelling among the heathen Lithuanians early in the\nfifteenth century, found a tribe who worshipped the sun and venerated\na large iron hammer. The priests told him that once the sun had been\ninvisible for several months, because a powerful king had shut it up\nin a strong tower; but the signs of the zodiac {p318} had broken open\nthe tower with this very hammer and released the sun. Therefore they\nadored the hammer.\u200b[1123] When an Australian blackfellow wishes to\nstay the sun from going down till he gets home, he puts a sod in the\nfork of a tree, exactly facing the setting sun.\u200b[1124] For the same\npurpose an Indian of Yucatan, journeying westward, places a stone in\na tree or pulls out some of his eyelashes and blows them towards the\nsun.\u200b[1125] When the Golos, a tribe of the Bahr-el-Ghazal, are on the\nmarch, they will sometimes take a stone or a small ant-heap, about the\nsize of a man\u2019s head, and place it in the fork of a tree in order to\nretard the sunset.\u200b[1126] South African natives, in travelling, will\nput a stone in a fork of a tree or place some grass on the path with\na stone over it, believing that this will cause their friends to keep\nthe meal waiting till their arrival.\u200b[1127] In this, as in previous\nexamples, the purpose apparently is to retard the sun. But why should\nthe act of putting a stone or a sod in a tree be supposed to effect\nthis? A partial explanation is suggested by another Australian custom.\nIn their journeys the natives are accustomed to place stones in trees\nat different heights from the ground in order to indicate the height\nof the sun in the sky at the moment when they passed the particular\ntree. Those who follow are thus made aware of the time of day when\ntheir friends in advance passed the spot.\u200b[1128] Possibly the natives,\nthus accustomed to mark the sun\u2019s progress, may have slipped into the\nconfusion of imagining that to mark the sun\u2019s progress was to arrest\nit at the point marked. On the other hand, to make it go {p319} down\nfaster, the Australians throw sand into the air and blow with their\nmouths towards the sun,\u200b[1129] perhaps to waft the lingering orb\nwestward and bury it under the sands into which it appears to sink at\nnight.\n\n[Sidenote: Accelerating the moon.]\n\nAs some people imagine they can hasten the sun, so others fancy they\ncan jog the tardy moon. The natives of German New Guinea reckon months\nby the moon, and some of them have been known to throw stones and\nspears at the moon, in order to accelerate its progress and so to\nhasten the return of their friends, who were away from home for twelve\nmonths working on a tobacco plantation.\u200b[1130] The Malays think that a\nbright glow at sunset may throw a weak person into a fever. Hence they\nattempt to extinguish the glow by spitting out water and throwing ashes\nat it.\u200b[1131] The Shuswap Indians of British Columbia believe that they\ncan bring on cold weather by burning the wood of a tree that has been\nstruck by lightning. The belief may be based on the observation that\nin their country cold follows a thunder-storm. Hence in spring, when\nthese Indians are travelling over the snow on high ground, they burn\nsplinters of such wood in the fire in order that the crust of the snow\nmay not melt.\u200b[1132]\n\n\n\u00a7 4. _The Magical Control of the Wind_\n\n[Sidenote: Making the wind to blow or be still.]\n\nOnce more, the savage thinks he can make the wind to blow or to be\nstill. When the day is hot and a Yakut has a long way to go, he takes\na stone which he has chanced to find in an animal or fish, winds a\nhorse-hair several times round it, and ties it to a stick. He then\nwaves the stick about, uttering a spell. Soon a cool breeze begins to\nblow.\u200b[1133] In order to procure a cool wind for nine days the stone\nshould first be dipped in the blood of a bird or beast and {p320}\nthen presented to the sun, while the sorcerer makes three turns\ncontrary to the course of the luminary.\u200b[1134] The Wind clan of the\nOmahas flap their blankets to start a breeze which will drive away\nthe mosquitoes.\u200b[1135] When a Haida Indian wishes to obtain a fair\nwind, he fasts, shoots a raven, singes it in the fire, and then going\nto the edge of the sea sweeps it over the surface of the water four\ntimes in the direction in which he wishes the wind to blow. He then\nthrows the raven behind him, but afterwards picks it up and sets it\nin a sitting posture at the foot of a spruce-tree, facing towards\nthe required wind. Propping its beak open with a stick, he requests\na fair wind for a certain number of days; then going away he lies\ncovered up in his mantle till another Indian asks him for how many\ndays he has desired the wind, which question he answers.\u200b[1136] When\na sorcerer in New Britain wishes to make a wind blow in a certain\ndirection, he throws burnt lime in the air, chanting a song all the\ntime. Then he waves sprigs of ginger and other plants about, throws\nthem up and catches them. Next he makes a small fire with these sprigs\non the spot where the lime has fallen thickest, and walks round the\nfire chanting. Lastly, he takes the ashes and throws them on the\nwater.\u200b[1137] If a Hottentot desires the wind to drop, he takes one\nof his fattest skins and hangs it on the end of a pole, in the belief\nthat by blowing the skin down the wind will lose all its force and must\nitself fall.\u200b[1138] Fuegian wizards throw shells against the wind to\nmake it drop.\u200b[1139] On the other hand, when a Persian peasant desires\na strong wind to winnow his corn, he rubs a kind of bastard saffron\nand throws it up into the air; after that the breeze soon begins to\nblow.\u200b[1140] Some of the Indians of Canada believed that the winds\nwere caused by a fish like a lizard. When one of {p321} these fish\nhad been caught, the Indians advised the Jesuit missionaries to put\nit back into the river as fast as possible in order to calm the wind,\nwhich was contrary.\u200b[1141] If a Cherokee wizard desires to turn aside\nan approaching storm, he faces it and recites a spell with outstretched\nhand. Then he gently blows towards the quarter to which he wishes it to\ngo, waving his hand in the same direction as if he were pushing away\nthe storm.\u200b[1142] The Ottawa Indians fancied they could calm a tempest\nby relating the dreams they had dreamed during their fast, or by\nthrowing tobacco on the troubled water.\u200b[1143] When the Kei Islanders\nwish to obtain a favourable wind for their friends at sea, they dance\nin a ring, both men and women, swaying their bodies to and fro, while\nthe men hold handkerchiefs in their hands.\u200b[1144] In Melanesia there\nare everywhere weather-doctors who can control the powers of the\nair and are willing to supply wind or calm in return for a proper\nremuneration. For instance, in Santa Cruz the wizard makes wind by\nwaving the branch of a tree and chanting the appropriate charm.\u200b[1145]\nIn another Melanesian island a missionary observed a large shell filled\nwith earth, in which an oblong stone, covered with red ochre, was set\nup, while the whole was surrounded by a fence of sticks strengthened by\na creeper which was twined in and out the uprights. On asking a native\nwhat these things meant, he learned that the wind was here fenced or\nbound round, lest it should blow hard; the imprisoned wind would not be\nable to blow again until the fence that kept it in should have rotted\naway.\u200b[1146] In South Africa, when the Caffres wish to stop a high\nwind, they call in a \u201cwind-doctor,\u201d who takes a pot with a spout and\npoints the spout towards the quarter from which the wind is blowing.\nHe then places medicines {p322} and some of the dust blown by the wind\nin the vessel, and seals up every opening of the pot with damp clay.\nThereupon the doctor declares, \u201cThe head of the wind is now in my pot,\nand the wind will cease to blow.\u201d\u200b[1147] The natives of the island of\nBibili, off German New Guinea, are reputed to make wind by blowing with\ntheir mouths. In stormy weather the Bogadjim people say, \u201cThe Bibili\nfolk are at it again, blowing away.\u201d\u200b[1148] Another way of making wind\nwhich is practised in New Guinea is to strike a \u201cwind-stone\u201d lightly\nwith a stick; to strike it hard would bring on a hurricane.\u200b[1149] So\nin Scotland witches used to raise the wind by dipping a rag in water\nand beating it thrice on a stone, saying:\n\n    \u201c_I knok this rag upone this stane_\n    _To raise the wind in the divellis name,_\n    _It sall not lye till I please againe._\u201d\u200b[1150]\n\n[Sidenote: Raising the wind.]\n\nAt Victoria, the capital of Vancouver\u2019s Island, there are a number of\nlarge stones not far from what is called the Battery. Each of them\nrepresents a certain wind. When an Indian wants any particular wind,\nhe goes and moves the corresponding stone a little; were he to move\nit too much, the wind would blow very hard.\u200b[1151] The natives of\nMurray Island in Torres Straits used to make a great wind blow from\nthe south-east by pointing coco-nut leaves and other plants at two\ngranitic boulders on the shore. So long as the leaves remained there\nthe wind sat in that quarter. But, significantly enough, the ceremony\nwas only performed during the prevalence of the south-east monsoon.\nThe natives knew better than to try to raise a south-east wind while\nthe north-west monsoon was blowing.\u200b[1152] On the altar of Fladda\u2019s\nchapel, in the island of Fladdahuan (one of the Hebrides), lay a round\nbluish stone which was always moist. Windbound fishermen walked sunwise\nround the chapel and {p323} then poured water on the stone, whereupon\na favourable breeze was sure to spring up.\u200b[1153] In Gigha, an island\noff the western coast of Argyleshire, there is a well named Tobar-rath\nBhuathaig or \u201cThe lucky well of Beathag,\u201d which used to be famous for\nits power of raising the wind. It lies at the foot of a hill facing\nnorth-east near an isthmus called Tarbat. Six feet above where the\nwater gushes out there is a heap of stones which forms a cover to the\nsacred spring. When a person wished for a fair wind, either to leave\nthe island or to bring home his absent friends, this part was opened\nwith great solemnity, the stones were carefully removed, and the well\ncleaned with a wooden dish or a clam shell. This being done, the water\nwas thrown several times in the direction from which the wished-for\nwind was to blow, and this action was accompanied by a certain form\nof words which the person repeated every time he threw the water.\nWhen the ceremony was over, the well was again carefully shut up to\nprevent fatal consequences, it being firmly believed that, were the\nplace left open, a storm would arise which would overwhelm the whole\nisland.\u200b[1154] The Esthonians have various odd ways of raising a wind.\nThey scratch their finger, or hang up a serpent, or strike an axe into\na house-beam in the direction from which they wish the wind to blow,\nwhile at the same time they whistle. The notion is that the gentle wind\nwill not let an innocent being or even a beam suffer without coming and\nbreathing softly to assuage the pain.\u200b[1155]\n\n[Sidenote: Winds raised by wizards and witches.]\n\nIn Mabuiag, an island between New Guinea and Australia, there were men\nwhose business was to make wind for such as wanted it. When engaged in\nhis professional duties the wizard painted himself black behind and\nred on his face and chest. The red in front typified the red cloud\nof morning, the black represented the dark blue sky of night. Thus\narrayed he took some bushes, and, when the tide was low, fastened them\nat the edge of the reef so that the flowing {p324} tide made them sway\nbackwards and forwards. But if only a gentle breeze was needed, he\nfastened them nearer to the shore. To stop the wind he again painted\nhimself red and black, the latter in imitation of the clear blue sky,\nand then removing the bushes from the reef he dried and burnt them. The\nsmoke as it curled up was believed to stop the wind: \u201cSmoke he go up\nand him clear up on top.\u201d\u200b[1156] In some islands of Torres Straits the\nwizard made wind by whirling a bull-roarer;\u200b[1157] the booming sound of\nthe instrument probably seemed to him like the roar or the whistling\nof the wind. Amongst the Kurnai tribe of Gippsland in Victoria there\nused to be a noted raiser of storms who went by the name of Bunjil\nKraura or \u201cGreat West Wind.\u201d This wind makes the tall slender trees\nof the Gippsland forests to rock and sway so that the natives could\nnot climb them in search of opossums. Hence the people were forced\nto propitiate Bunjil Kraura by liberal offerings of weapons and rugs\nwhenever the tree-tops bent before a gale. Having received their\ngifts, Bunjil Kraura would bind his head with swathes of stringy bark,\nand lull the storm to rest with a song which consisted of the words\n\u201cWear\u2014string\u2014Westwind,\u201d repeated again and again.\u200b[1158] Apparently the\nwizard identified himself with the wind, and fancied that he could bind\nit by tying string round his own head. The Kwakiutl Indians of British\nColumbia, as we have seen, believe that twins can summon any wind by\nmerely moving their hands.\u200b[1159] In Greenland a woman in child-bed\nand for some time after delivery is supposed to possess the power\nof laying a storm. She has only to go out of doors, fill her mouth\nwith air, and coming back into the house blow it out again.\u200b[1160] In\nantiquity there was a family at Corinth which enjoyed the reputation\nof being able to still the raging wind; but we do not know in what\nmanner its members exercised a useful function, {p325} which probably\nearned for them a more solid recompense than mere repute among the\nseafaring population of the isthmus.\u200b[1161] Even in Christian times,\nunder the reign of Constantine, a certain Sopater suffered death at\nConstantinople on a charge of binding the winds by magic, because it\nhappened that the corn-ships of Egypt and Syria were detained afar off\nby calms or head-winds, to the rage and disappointment of the hungry\nByzantine rabble.\u200b[1162] An ancient charm to keep storms from damaging\nthe crops was to bury a toad in a new earthen vessel in the middle of\nthe field.\u200b[1163] Finnish wizards used to sell wind to storm-stayed\nmariners. The wind was enclosed in three knots; if they undid the first\nknot, a moderate wind sprang up; if the second, it blew half a gale; if\nthe third, a hurricane.\u200b[1164] Indeed the Esthonians, whose country is\ndivided from Finland only by an arm of the sea, still believe in the\nmagical powers of their northern neighbours. The bitter winds that blow\nin spring from the north and north-east, bringing ague and rheumatic\ninflammations in their train, are set down by the simple Esthonian\npeasantry to the machinations of the Finnish wizards and witches. In\nparticular they regard with special dread three days in spring to which\nthey give the name of Days of the Cross; one of them falls on the Eve\nof Ascension Day. The people in the neighbourhood of Fellin fear to go\nout on these days lest the cruel winds from Lappland should smite them\ndead. A popular Esthonian song runs:\n\n    \u201c_Wind of the Cross! rushing and mighty!_\n      _Heavy the blow of thy wings sweeping past!_\n    _Wild wailing wind of misfortune and sorrow,_\n      _Wizards of Finland ride by on the blast._\u201d\u200b[1165]\n\nIt is said, too, that sailors, beating up against the wind in the\nGulf of Finland, sometimes see a strange sail heave in sight astern\nand overhaul them hand over hand. On she {p326} comes with a cloud of\ncanvas\u2014all her studding-sails out\u2014right in the teeth of the wind,\nforging her way through the foaming billows, dashing back the spray\nin sheets from her cutwater, every sail swollen to bursting, every\nrope strained to cracking. Then the sailors know that she hails from\nFinland.\u200b[1166]\n\n[Sidenote: Enclosing the winds in knots, bags, and pots.]\n\nThe art of tying up the wind in three knots, so that the more knots are\nloosed the stronger will blow the wind, has been attributed to wizards\nin Lappland and to witches in Shetland, Lewis, and the Isle of Man.\nShetland seamen still buy winds in the shape of knotted handkerchiefs\nor threads from old women who claim to rule the storms. There are said\nto be ancient crones in Lerwick now who live by selling wind.\u200b[1167]\nIn the early part of the nineteenth century Sir Walter Scott visited\none of these witches at Stromness in the Orkneys. He says: \u201cWe clomb,\nby steep and dirty lanes, an eminence rising above the town, and\ncommanding a fine view. An old hag lives in a wretched cabin on this\nheight, and subsists by selling winds. Each captain of a merchantman,\nbetween jest and earnest, gives the old woman sixpence, and she boils\nher kettle to procure a favourable gale. She was a miserable figure;\nupwards of ninety, she told us, and dried up like a mummy. A sort of\nclay-coloured cloak, folded over her head, corresponded in colour\nto her corpse-like complexion. Fine light-blue eyes, and nose and\nchin that almost met, and a ghastly expression of cunning, gave her\nquite the effect of Hecate.\u201d\u200b[1168] A Norwegian witch has boasted of\nsinking a ship by opening a bag in which she had shut up a wind.\u200b[1169]\nUlysses received the winds in a leathern bag from Aeolus, King of the\nWinds.\u200b[1170] The {p327} Motumotu in New Guinea think that storms are\nsent by an Oiabu sorcerer; for each wind he has a bamboo which he opens\nat pleasure.\u200b[1171] On the top of Mount Agu in Togo, a district of\nGerman West Africa, resides a fetish called Bagba, who is supposed to\ncontrol the wind and the rain. His priest is said to keep the winds\nshut up in great pots.\u200b[1172]\n\n[Sidenote: Frightening, driving away, and killing the spirit of the\nwind.]\n\nOften the stormy wind is regarded as an evil being who may be\nintimidated, driven away, or killed. When the darkening of the sky\nindicates the approach of a tornado, a South African magician will\nrepair to a height whither he collects as many people as can be hastily\nsummoned to his assistance. Directed by him, they shout and bellow in\nimitation of the gust as it swirls roaring about the huts and among\nthe trees of the forest. Then at a signal they mimic the crash of the\nthunder, after which there is a dead silence for a few seconds; then\nfollows a screech more piercing and prolonged than any that preceded,\ndying away in a tremulous wail. The magician fills his mouth with a\nfoul liquid which he squirts in defiant jets against the approaching\nstorm as a kind of menace or challenge to the spirit of the wind; and\nthe shouting and wailing of his assistants are meant to frighten the\nspirit away. The performance lasts until the tornado either bursts or\npasses away in another direction. If it bursts, the reason is that the\nmagician who sent the storm was more powerful than he who endeavoured\nto avert it.\u200b[1173] When storms and bad weather have lasted long and\nfood is scarce with the Central Esquimaux, they endeavour to conjure\nthe tempest by making a long whip of seaweed, armed with which they\ngo down to the beach and strike out in the direction of the wind,\ncrying, \u201c_Taba_ (it is enough)!\u201d\u200b[1174] Once when north-westerly winds\nhad kept the ice long on the coast and food was becoming scarce, the\nEsquimaux {p328} performed a ceremony to make a calm. A fire was\nkindled on the shore, and the men gathered round it and chanted. An\nold man then stepped up to the fire and in a coaxing voice invited\nthe demon of the wind to come under the fire and warm himself. When\nhe was supposed to have arrived, a vessel of water, to which each man\npresent had contributed, was thrown on the flames by an old man, and\nimmediately a flight of arrows sped towards the spot where the fire had\nbeen. They thought that the demon would not stay where he had been so\nbadly treated. To complete the effect, guns were discharged in various\ndirections, and the captain of a European vessel was invited to fire\non the wind with cannon.\u200b[1175] On the twenty-first of February 1883\na similar ceremony was performed by the Esquimaux of Point Barrow,\nAlaska, with the intention of killing the spirit of the wind. Women\ndrove the demon from their houses with clubs and knives, with which\nthey made passes in the air; and the men, gathering round a fire, shot\nhim with their rifles and crushed him under a heavy stone the moment\nthat steam rose in a cloud from the smouldering embers, on which a tub\nof water had just been thrown.\u200b[1176]\n\n[Sidenote: Confronting the storm with swords and drums.]\n\nIn ancient India the priest was directed to confront a storm, armed to\nthe teeth with a bludgeon, a sword, and a firebrand, while he chanted\na magical lay.\u200b[1177] During a tremendous hurricane the drums of\nKadouma, near the Victoria Nyanza, were heard to beat all night. When\nnext morning a missionary enquired the cause, he was told that the\nsound of the drums is a charm against storms.\u200b[1178] The Sea Dyaks and\nKayans of Borneo beat gongs when a tempest is raging; but the Dyaks,\nand perhaps the Kayans also, do this, not so much to frighten away the\nspirit of the storm, as to apprise him of their whereabouts, lest he\nshould inadvertently knock their houses down. Heard at night above the\nhowling of the storm, the distant boom of the {p329} gongs has a weird\neffect; and sometimes, before the notes can be distinguished for the\nwind and rain, they strike fear into a neighbouring village; lights\nare extinguished, the women are put in a place of safety, and the\nmen stand to their arms to resist an attack. Then with a lull in the\nwind the true nature of the gong-beating is recognised, and the alarm\nsubsides.\u200b[1179]\n\n[Sidenote: Attacking the whirlwind with weapons.]\n\nOn calm summer days in the Highlands of Scotland eddies of wind\nsometimes go past, whirling about dust and straws, though not another\nbreath of air is stirring. The Highlanders think that the fairies\nare in these eddies carrying away men, women, children, or animals,\nand they will fling their left shoe, or their bonnet, or a knife, or\nearth from a mole-hill at the eddy to make the fairies drop their\nbooty.\u200b[1180] When a gust lifts the hay in the meadow, the Breton\npeasant throws a knife or a fork at it to prevent the devil from\ncarrying off the hay.\u200b[1181] Similarly in the Esthonian island of\nOesel, when the reapers are busy among the corn and the wind blows\nabout the ears that have not yet been tied into sheaves, the reapers\nslash at it with their sickles.\u200b[1182] The custom of flinging a knife\nor a hat at a whirlwind is observed alike by German, Slavonian, and\nEsthonian rustics; they think that a witch or wizard is riding on the\nblast, and that the knife, if it hits the witch, will be reddened by\nher blood or will disappear altogether, sticking in the wound it has\ninflicted.\u200b[1183] {p330} Sometimes Esthonian peasants run shrieking\nand shouting behind a whirlwind, hurling sticks and stones into the\nflying dust.\u200b[1184] The Lengua Indians of the Gran Chaco ascribe the\nrush of a whirlwind to the passage of a spirit and they fling sticks\nat it to frighten it away.\u200b[1185] When the wind blows down their huts,\nthe Payaguas of South America snatch up firebrands and run against\nthe wind, menacing it with the blazing brands, while others beat the\nair with their fists to frighten the storm.\u200b[1186] When the Guaycurus\nare threatened by a severe storm, the men go out armed, and the women\nand children scream their loudest to intimidate the demon.\u200b[1187]\nDuring a tempest the inhabitants of a Batta village in Sumatra have\nbeen seen to rush from their houses armed with sword and lance. The\nrajah placed himself at their head, and with shouts and yells they\nhewed and hacked at the invisible foe. An old woman was observed to be\nspecially active in the defence of her house, slashing the air right\nand left with a long sabre.\u200b[1188] In a violent thunderstorm, the peals\nsounding very near, the Kayans of Borneo have been seen to draw their\nswords threateningly half out of their scabbards, as if to frighten\naway the demons of the storm.\u200b[1189] In Australia the huge columns of\nred sand that move rapidly across a desert tract are thought by the\nnatives to be spirits passing along. Once {p331} an athletic young black\nran after one of these moving columns to kill it with boomerangs. He\nwas away two or three hours, and came back very weary, saying he had\nkilled Koochee (the demon), but that Koochee had growled at him and\nhe must die.\u200b[1190] Of the Bedouins of eastern Africa it is said that\n\u201cno whirlwind ever sweeps across the path without being pursued by a\ndozen savages with drawn creeses, who stab into the centre of the dusty\ncolumn in order to drive away the evil spirit that is believed to be\nriding on the blast.\u201d\u200b[1191]\n\n[Sidenote: Fighting the simoom.]\n\nIn the light of these examples a story told by Herodotus, which his\nmodern critics have treated as a fable, is perfectly credible. He\nsays, without however vouching for the truth of the tale, that once in\nthe land of the Psylli, the modern Tripoli, the wind blowing from the\nSahara had dried up all the water-tanks. So the people took counsel\nand marched in a body to make war on the south wind. But when they\nentered the desert the simoom swept down on them and buried them to a\nman.\u200b[1192] The story may well have been told by one who watched them\ndisappearing, in battle array, with drums and cymbals beating, into the\nred cloud of whirling sand.\n\n{p332}\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI\n\nMAGICIANS AS KINGS\n\n\n[Sidenote: Social importance of magicians and their rise to the\nposition of chiefs or kings.\n\nBut magic is not the only road by which men have travelled to a throne.\n\nComplexity of the social phenomena and the danger of simplifying them\nunduly by our hypotheses.]\n\nThe foregoing evidence may satisfy us that in many lands and many\nraces magic has claimed to control the great forces of nature for the\ngood of man. If that has been so, the practitioners of the art must\nnecessarily be personages of importance and influence in any society\nwhich puts faith in their extravagant pretensions, and it would be no\nmatter for surprise if, by virtue of the reputation which they enjoy\nand of the awe which they inspire, some of them should attain to the\nhighest position of authority over their credulous fellows. In point of\nfact magicians appear to have often developed into chiefs and kings.\nNot that magic is the only or perhaps even the main road by which men\nhave travelled to a throne. The lust of power, the desire to domineer\nover our fellows, is among the commonest and the strongest of human\npassions, and no doubt men of a masterful character have sought to\nsatisfy it in many different ways and have attained by many different\nmeans to the goal of their ambition. The sword, for example, in a\nstrong hand has unquestionably done for many what the magician\u2019s wand\nin a deft hand appears to have done for some. He who investigates the\nhistory of institutions should constantly bear in mind the extreme\ncomplexity of the causes which have built up the fabric of human\nsociety, and should be on his guard against a subtle danger incidental\nto all science, the tendency to simplify unduly the infinite variety of\nthe phenomena by fixing our attention on a few of them to the exclusion\nof the rest. The propensity to excessive simplification is indeed\nnatural to the mind of man, since it is only {p333} by abstraction and\ngeneralisation, which necessarily imply the neglect of a multitude of\nparticulars, that he can stretch his puny faculties so as to embrace a\nminute portion of the illimitable vastness of the universe. But if the\npropensity is natural and even inevitable, it is nevertheless fraught\nwith peril, since it is apt to narrow and falsify our conception of any\nsubject under investigation. To correct it partially\u2014for to correct\nit wholly would require an infinite intelligence\u2014we must endeavour\nto broaden our views by taking account of a wide range of facts and\npossibilities; and when we have done so to the utmost of our power, we\nmust still remember that from the very nature of things our ideas fall\nimmeasurably short of the reality.\n\n[Sidenote: This propensity to excessive simplification has done much to\ndiscredit the study of primitive mythology and religion.]\n\nIn no branch of learning, perhaps, has this proneness to an attractive\nbut fallacious simplicity wrought more havoc than in the investigation\nof the early history of mankind; in particular, the excesses to which\nit has been carried have done much to discredit the study of primitive\nmythology and religion. Students of these subjects have been far too\nready to pounce on any theory which adequately explains some of the\nfacts, and forthwith to stretch it so as to cover them all; and when\nthe theory, thus unduly strained, has broken, as was to be expected, in\ntheir unskilful hands, they have pettishly thrown it aside in disgust\ninstead of restricting it, as they should have done from the outset,\nto the particular class of facts to which it is really applicable.\nSo it fared in our youth with the solar myth theory, which after\nbeing unreasonably exaggerated by its friends has long been quite as\nunreasonably rejected altogether by its adversaries; and in more recent\ntimes the theories of totemism, magic, and taboo, to take only a few\nconspicuous examples, have similarly suffered from the excessive zeal\nof injudicious advocates. This instability of judgment, this tendency\nof anthropological opinion to swing to and fro from one extreme to\nanother with every breath of new discovery, is perhaps the principal\nreason why the whole study is still viewed askance by men of sober and\ncautious temper, who naturally look with suspicion on idols that are\nset up and worshipped one day only to be knocked down and trampled\nunder foot the next. To these cool observers Max {p334} M\u00fcller and the\nrosy Dawn in the nineteenth century stand on the same dusty shelf with\nJacob Bryant and Noah\u2019s ark in the eighteenth, and they expect with a\nsarcastic smile the time when the fashionable anthropological topics of\nthe present day will in their turn be consigned to the same peaceful\nlimbo of forgotten absurdities. It is not for the anthropologist\nhimself to anticipate the verdict of posterity on his labours; still it\nis his humble hope that the facts which he has patiently amassed will\nbe found sufficiently numerous and solid to bear the weight of some at\nleast of the conclusions which he rests upon them, so that these can\nnever again be lightly tossed aside as the fantastic dreams of a mere\nbookish student. At the same time, if he is wise, he will be forward to\nacknowledge and proclaim that our hypotheses at best are but partial,\nnot universal, solutions of the manifold problems which confront us,\nand that in science as in daily life it is vain to look for one key to\nopen all locks.\n\n[Sidenote: The practice of magic explains the rise of kings in some\ncommunities, but not in all.]\n\nTherefore, to revert to our immediate subject, in putting forward\nthe practice of magic as an explanation of the rise of monarchy in\nsome communities, I am far from thinking or suggesting that it can\nexplain the rise of it in all, or, in other words, that kings are\nuniversally the descendants or successors of magicians; and if any\none should hereafter, as is likely enough, either enunciate such a\ntheory or attribute it to me, I desire to enter my caveat against it\nin advance. To enumerate and describe all the modes in which men have\npushed, or fought, or wormed their way by force or by fraud, by their\nown courage and wisdom or by the cowardice and folly of others, to\nsupreme power, might furnish the theme of a political treatise such as\nI have no pretension to write; for my present purpose it suffices if I\ncan trace the magician\u2019s progress in some savage and barbarous tribes\nfrom the rank of a sorcerer to the dignity of a king. The facts which\nI am about to lay before the reader seem to exhibit various steps of\nthis development from simple conjuring up to conjuring compounded with\ndespotism.\n\n[Sidenote: Social importance of magicians among the aborigines of\nCentral Australia.]\n\nLet us begin by looking at the lowest race of men as to whom we\npossess comparatively full and accurate information, the aborigines of\nAustralia. These savages are ruled neither by chiefs nor kings. So far\nas their tribes can be {p335} said to have a political constitution,\nit is a democracy or rather an oligarchy of old and influential men,\nwho meet in council and decide on all measures of importance to the\npractical exclusion of the younger men. Their deliberative assembly\nanswers to the senate of later times: if we had to coin a word for\nsuch a government of elders we might call it a _gerontocracy_.\u200b[1193]\nThe elders who in aboriginal Australia thus meet and direct the\naffairs of their tribe appear to be for the most part the headmen of\ntheir respective totem clans. Now in Central Australia, where the\ndesert nature of the country and the almost complete isolation from\nforeign influences have retarded progress and preserved the natives on\nthe whole in their most primitive state, the headmen of the various\ntotem clans are charged with the important task of performing magical\nceremonies for the multiplication of the totems, and as the great\nmajority of the totems are edible animals or plants, it follows that\nthese men are commonly expected to provide the people with food by\nmeans of magic. Others have to make the rain to fall or to render\nother services to the community. In short, among the tribes of Central\nAustralia the headmen are public magicians. Further, their most\nimportant function is to take charge of the sacred storehouse, usually\na cleft in the rocks or a hole in the ground, where are kept the holy\nstones and sticks (_churinga_) with which the souls of all the people,\nboth living and dead, are apparently supposed to be in a manner bound\nup. Thus while the headmen have certainly to perform what we should\ncall civil duties, such as to inflict punishment for breaches of tribal\ncustom, their principal functions are sacred or magical.\u200b[1194]\n\n[Sidenote: Social importance of magicians among the aborigines of\nSouth-Eastern Australia.]\n\nAgain, in the tribes of South-Eastern Australia the headman was often,\nsometimes invariably, a magician. Thus in the southern Wiradjuri\ntribe the headman was always a wizard or a medicine-man. There was\none for each local {p336} division. He called the people together\nfor the initiation ceremonies or to discuss matters of public\nimportance.\u200b[1195] In the Yerkla-mining tribe the medicine-men are\nthe headmen; they are called _Mobung-bai_, from _mobung_, \u201cmagic.\u201d\nThey decide disputes, arrange marriages, conduct the ceremonies of\ninitiation, and in certain circumstances settle the formalities to be\nobserved in ordeals of battle. \u201cIn fact, they wield authority in the\ntribe, and give orders where others only make requests.\u201d\u200b[1196] Again,\nin the Yuin tribe there was a headman for each local division, and in\norder to be fitted for his office he had, among other qualifications,\nto be a medicine-man; above all he must be able to perform magical\nfeats at the initiation ceremonies. The greatest headman of all was he\nwho on these occasions could bring up the largest number of things out\nof his inside.\u200b[1197] In fact the budding statesman and king must be\nfirst and foremost a conjuror in the most literal sense of the word.\nSome forty or fifty years ago the principal headman of the Dieri tribe\nwas a certain Jalina piramurana, who was known among the colonists as\nthe Frenchman on account of his polished manners. He was not only a\nbrave and skilful warrior, but also a powerful medicine-man, greatly\nfeared by the neighbouring tribes, who sent him presents even from a\ndistance of a hundred miles. He boasted of being the \u201ctree of life,\u201d\nfor he was the head of a totem consisting of a particular sort of\nseed which forms at certain times the chief vegetable food of these\ntribes. His people spoke of him as the plant itself (_manyura_) which\nyields the edible seed.\u200b[1198] Again, an early writer on the tribes\nof South-Western Australia, near King George\u2019s Sound, tells us that\n\u201cthe individuals who possess most influence are the _mulgarradocks_,\nor doctors. .\u00a0.\u00a0. A _mulgarradock_ is considered to possess the power\nof driving away wind or rain, as well as bringing down lightning or\ndisease upon any object of their or others\u2019 hatred,\u201d and they also\nattempted to heal the sick.\u200b[1199] On the {p337} whole, then, it is\nhighly significant that in the most primitive society about which we\nare accurately informed it is especially the magicians or medicine-men\nwho appear to have been in process of developing into chiefs.\n\n[Sidenote: Social importance of magicians in New Guinea.]\n\nWhen we pass from Australia to New Guinea we find that, though the\nnatives stand at a far higher level of culture than the Australian\naborigines, the constitution of society among them is still essentially\ndemocratic or oligarchic, and chieftainship exists only in embryo.\nThus Sir William MacGregor tells us that in British New Guinea no\none has ever arisen wise enough, bold enough, and strong enough to\nbecome the despot even of a single district. \u201cThe nearest approach to\nthis has been the very distant one of some person becoming a renowned\nwizard; but that has only resulted in levying a certain amount of\nblackmail.\u201d\u200b[1200] To the same effect a Catholic missionary observes\nthat in New Guinea the _nepu_ or sorcerers \u201care everywhere. They boast\nof their misdeeds; everybody fears them, everybody accuses them, and,\nafter all, nothing positive is known of their secret practices. This\ncursed brood is as it were the soul of the Papuan life. Nothing happens\nwithout the sorcerer\u2019s intervention: wars, marriages, diseases, deaths,\nexpeditions, fishing, hunting, always and everywhere the sorcerer.\n.\u00a0.\u00a0. One thing is certain for them, and they do not regard it as an\narticle of faith, but as a fact patent and indisputable, and that is\nthe extraordinary power of the _nepu_; he is the master of life and\nof death. Hence it is only natural that they should fear him and obey\nhim in everything and give him all that he asks for. The _nepu_ is not\na chief, but he domineers over the chiefs, and we may say that the\ntrue authority, the only effective influence in New Guinea, is that\nof the _nepu_. Nothing can resist him.\u201d\u200b[1201] We are told that in\nthe Toaripi or Motumotu tribe of British New Guinea chiefs have not\nnecessarily supernatural powers, but that a sorcerer is looked upon\nas a chief. Some years ago, for example, one man of the tribe was a\nchief because he was supposed to rule the sea, calming it or rousing\nit to fury at his pleasure. {p338} Another owed his power to his skill\nin making the rain to fall, the sun to shine, and the plantations to\nbear fruit.\u200b[1202] It is believed that the chief of Mowat in British\nNew Guinea, can affect the growth of crops for good or ill, and coax\nthe turtle and dugong to come from all parts of the sea and allow\nthemselves to be caught.\u200b[1203] At Bartle Bay in British New Guinea\nthere are magicians (_taniwaga_) who are expected to manage certain\ndepartments of nature for the good of the community by means of charms\n(_pari_) which are known only to them. One of these men, for example,\nworks magic for rain, another for taro, another for wallaby, and\nanother for fish. A magician who is believed to control an important\ndepartment of nature may be the chief of his community. Thus the\npresent chief of Wedau is a sorcerer who can make rain and raise or\ncalm the winds. He is greatly respected by all and receives many\npresents.\u200b[1204] A chief of Kolem, on Finsch Harbour, in German New\nGuinea, enjoyed a great reputation as a magician; it was supposed that\nhe could make wind and storm, rain and sunshine, and visit his enemies\nwith sickness and death.\u200b[1205]\n\n[Sidenote: Supposed magical or supernatural powers of chiefs in\nMelanesia.]\n\nTurning now to the natives of the Melanesian islands, which stretch\nin an immense quadrant of a circle round New Guinea and Australia on\nthe east, we are told by Dr. Codrington that among these savages \u201cas a\nmatter of fact the power of chiefs has hitherto rested upon the belief\nin their supernatural power derived from the spirits or ghosts with\nwhich they had intercourse. As this belief has failed, in the Banks\u2019\nIslands for example some time ago, the position of a chief has tended\nto become obscure; and as this belief is now being generally undermined\na new kind of chief must needs arise, unless a time of anarchy is to\nbegin.\u201d\u200b[1206] According to a native Melanesian account, the origin\nof the power of chiefs lies entirely in the belief that they have\ncommunication with mighty ghosts (_tindalo_), and wield that {p339}\nsupernatural power (_mana_) whereby they can bring the influence of\nthe ghosts to bear. If a chief imposed a fine, it was paid because\nthe people universally dreaded his ghostly power, and firmly believed\nthat he could inflict calamity and sickness upon such as resisted him.\nAs soon as any considerable number of his people began to disbelieve\nin his influence with the ghosts, his power to levy fines was\nshaken.\u200b[1207] In Malo, one of the New Hebrides, the highest nobility\nconsists of those persons who have sacrificed a thousand little pigs to\nthe souls of their ancestors. No one ever resists a man of that exalted\nrank, because in him are supposed to dwell all the souls of the ancient\nchiefs and all the spirits who preside over the tribe.\u200b[1208] In the\nNorthern New Hebrides the son does not inherit the chieftainship,\nbut he inherits, if his father can manage it, what gives him the\nchieftainship, namely, his father\u2019s supernatural power, his charms,\nmagical songs, stones and apparatus, and his knowledge of the way to\napproach spiritual beings.\u200b[1209] A chief in the island of Paramatta\ninformed a European that he had the power of making rain, wind, storm,\nthunder and lightning, and dry weather. He exhibited as his magical\ninstrument a piece of bamboo with some parti-coloured rags attached to\nit. In this bamboo, he said, were kept the devils of rain and wind, and\nwhen he commanded them to discharge their office or to lie still, they\nwere obliged to obey, being his subjects and prisoners. When he had\ngiven his orders to these captive devils, the bamboo had to be fastened\nto the highest point of his house.\u200b[1210] In the Marshall Bennet\nIslands to the east of New Guinea it was the duty of each chief of a\nclan to charm the gardens of his clan so as to make them productive.\nThe charm consisted of turning up part of the soil with a long stick\nand muttering an appropriate spell. Each special crop, such as yams,\nbananas, {p340} sugar-cane, and coco-nuts, had its special kind of stick\nand its special spell.\u200b[1211]\n\n[Sidenote: Magicians as chiefs in New Britain.]\n\nWith regard to government among the Melanesians of New Britain or\nthe Bismarck Archipelago, I may cite the evidence of an experienced\nmissionary, the Rev. Dr. George Brown, who settled in the islands\nat a time when no other white man was living in the group, and who\nresided among the savage islanders for some five or six years. He says:\n\u201cThere was no government so called in New Britain except that form of\njurisdiction or power represented by the secret societies and that\nexercised by chiefs, who were supposed to possess exceptional powers of\nsorcery and witchcraft. These powers were very real, owing, I think,\nprincipally to two reasons\u2014one of which was that the men themselves\nthoroughly believed that they were the possessors of the powers which\nthey claimed, and the other was that the people themselves believed\nthat the men really possessed them. There was indeed the title of\nchief (_todaru_) claimed and also given to them by the people; but\nthis was not the result of any election or necessarily by inheritance,\nit was simply that a certain man claimed to be the possessor of these\npowers and succeeded in convincing the people that he really possessed\nthem.\u201d\u200b[1212] Again, Dr. Brown tells us that in New Britain \u201ca ruling\nchief was always supposed to exercise priestly functions, that is,\nhe professed to be in constant communication with the _tebarans_\n(spirits), and through their influence he was enabled to bring rain\nor sunshine, fair winds or foul ones, sickness or health, success or\ndisaster in war, and generally to procure any blessing or curse for\nwhich the applicant was willing to pay a sufficient price. If his\nspells did not produce the desired effect he always had a plausible\nexplanation ready, which was generally accepted as a sufficient excuse.\nI think much of the success which these men undoubtedly had was due to\ntheir keen observations of natural phenomena, and to the effects of\nfear upon the people.\u201d\u200b[1213] {p341}\n\n[Sidenote: Dr. Turner on the power of the magical disease-makers in\nTana.]\n\nAccording to Dr. Turner, \u201cThe real gods at Tana may be said to be\nthe disease-makers. It is surprising how these men are dreaded,\nand how firm the belief is that they have in their hands the power\nof life and death. There are rain-makers and thunder-makers, and\nfly and mosquito-makers, and a host of other \u2018sacred men,\u2019 but the\ndisease-makers are the most dreaded. It is believed that these men\ncan create disease and death by burning what is called _nahak_.\n_Nahak_, means rubbish, but principally refuse of food. Everything\nof the kind they bury or throw into the sea, lest the disease-makers\nshould get hold of it. These fellows are always about, and consider\nit their special business to pick up and burn, with certain\nformalities, anything in the _nahak_ line which comes in their way. If\na disease-maker sees the skin of a banana, for instance, he picks it\nup, wraps it in a leaf, and wears it all day hanging round his neck.\nThe people stare as they see him go along, and say to each other, \u2018He\nhas got something; he will do for somebody by-and-by at night.\u2019 In the\nevening he scrapes some bark off a tree, mixes it up with the banana\nskin, rolls all up tightly in a leaf in the form of a cigar, and then\nputs the one end close enough to the fire to cause it to singe, and\nsmoulder, and burn away very gradually. Presently he hears a shell\nblowing. \u2018There,\u2019 he says to his friends, \u2018there it is; that is the\nman whose rubbish I am now burning, he is ill; let us stop burning,\nand see what they bring in the morning.\u2019 When a person is taken ill he\nbelieves that it is occasioned by some one burning his rubbish. Instead\nof thinking about medicine, he calls some one to blow a shell, a large\nconch or other shell, which, when perforated and blown, can be heard\ntwo or three miles off. The meaning of it is to implore the person\nwho is supposed to be burning the sick man\u2019s rubbish and causing all\nthe pain to stop burning; and it is a promise as well that a present\nwill be taken in the morning. The greater the pain the more they blow\nthe shell, and when the pain abates they cease, supposing that the\ndisease-maker has been kind enough to stop burning.\u201d Night after night\nthe silence is broken by the dismal too-too-tooing of these shells; and\nin the morning the friends of the sufferer repair to the disease-maker\nwith presents of pigs, mats, hatchets, beads, {p342} whales\u2019 teeth, or\nsuchh like things.\u200b[1214] Thus these sorcerers attain to a position of\nimmense power and influence and acquire wealth by purely maleficent\nmagic; it is not by the imaginary benefits which they confer on\nthe community, but by the imaginary evils which they inflict on\nindividuals, that they climb the steps of a throne or the ladder that\nleads to heaven; for according to Dr. Turner these rascals are on the\nhighroad to divinity. The process which they employ to accomplish their\nends is a simple application of the principles of contagious magic:\nwhatever has once been in contact with a person remains in sympathetic\nconnexion with him always, and harm done to it is therefore harm done\nto him. Side by side with the evil which this superstition produces,\non the one hand by inspiring men with baseless terrors, and on the\nother by leading them to neglect effectual remedies for real evils, we\nmust recognise the benefit which it incidentally confers on society by\ncausing people to clear away and destroy the refuse of their food and\nother rubbish, which if suffered to accumulate about their dwellings\nmight, by polluting the atmosphere, prove a real, not an imaginary\nsource of disease. In practice, cleanliness based on motives of\nsuperstition may be just as effective for the preservation of health\nas if it were founded on the best-ascertained principles of sanitary\nscience.\u200b[1215]\n\n[Sidenote: Evolution of chiefs or kings out of magicians, especially\nout of rain-makers, in Africa.\n\nPower of magicians among the Wambugwe, Wataturu, and Wagogo of East\nAfrica.\n\nAmong the Masai the supreme chief is always a powerful medicine-man.]\n\nStill rising in the scale of culture we come to Africa, where both\nthe chieftainship and the kingship are fully developed; and here the\nevidence for the evolution of the chief out of the magician, and\nespecially out of the rain-maker, is comparatively plentiful. Thus\namong the Wambugwe, a Bantu people of East Africa, the original form\nof government was a family republic, but the enormous power of the\nsorcerers, transmitted by inheritance, soon raised them to the rank\nof petty lords or chiefs. Of the three chiefs living in the country\nin 1894 two were much dreaded as magicians, and the wealth of cattle\nthey possessed came to them almost wholly in the shape of presents\nbestowed for their services in that capacity. Their principal art\nwas that of rain-making.\u200b[1216] The chiefs of the Wataturu, another\n{p343} people of East Africa, are said to be nothing but sorcerers\ndestitute of any direct political influence.\u200b[1217] Again, among the\nWagogo of German East Africa the main power of the chiefs, we are\ntold, is derived from their art of rain-making. If a chief cannot\nmake rain himself, he must procure it from some one who can.\u200b[1218]\nAgain, in the powerful Masai nation of the same region the medicine-men\nare not uncommonly the chiefs, and the supreme chief of the race is\nalmost invariably a powerful medicine-man. These _Laibon_, as they are\ncalled, are priests as well as doctors, skilled in interpreting omens\nand dreams, in averting ill-luck, and in making rain.\u200b[1219] The head\nchief or medicine-man, who has been called the Masai pope,\u200b[1220] is\nexpected not only to make rain, but to repel and destroy the enemies\nof the Masai in war by his magic art.\u200b[1221] The following is Captain\nMerker\u2019s account of the Masai pope: \u201cThe most prominent clan of the\nwhole Masai people is the _En gidon_, because to it belong not only\nthe family of the chief (_ol oiboni_), but also the family of the\nmagicians. The designation chief is, strictly speaking, not quite\ncorrect, since the chief (_ol oiboni_) does not govern directly and\nexercises no real administrative function. He rules only indirectly;\nthe firm belief of his subjects in his prophetic gifts and in his\nsupernatural power of sorcery gives him an influence on the destinies\nof the people. Despotism and cruelty, such as we find among all negro\nrulers, are alien to him. He is not so much a ruler as a national saint\nor patriarch. The people speak of his sacred person with shy awe, and\nno man dares to appear before this mighty personage without being\nsummoned. The aim of his policy is to unite and strengthen the Masai.\nWhile he allows free play to the predatory instincts of the warriors\nin raids on other tribes, he guards his own people from the scourge of\ncivil war, to which the ceaseless quarrels of the various districts\nwith each other would otherwise continually give occasion. This\ninfluence of his is rendered possible by the belief that {p344} victory\ncan only be achieved through the secret power of the war-medicine which\nnone but he can compound, and that defeat would infallibly follow if he\nwere to predict it. Neither he nor his nearest relatives march with the\narmy to war. He supplies remedies, generally in the shape of magical\nmedicines, for plagues and sicknesses, and he appoints festivals of\nprayer in honour of the Masai god _\u2019Ng ai_. He delivers his predictions\nby means of an oracular game like the telling of beads.\u201d\u200b[1222] And\njust as Samson\u2019s miraculous strength went from him when his hair was\nshorn, so it is believed that the head chief of the Masai would lose\nhis supernatural powers if his chin were shaved.\u200b[1223] According\nto one writer, the Masai pope has never more than one eye: the\nfather knocks out his son\u2019s eye in order to qualify him for the holy\noffice.\u200b[1224]\n\n[Sidenote: Among the Nandi of British East Africa the principal\nmedicine-man is the supreme chief.]\n\nAmong the Nandi of British East Africa \u201cthe _Orkoiyot_, or principal\nmedicine man, holds precisely the same position as the Masai\n_Ol-oiboni_, that is to say, he is supreme chief of the whole race.\u201d He\nis a diviner, and foretells the future by casting stones, inspecting\nentrails, interpreting dreams, and prophesying when he is drunk. The\nNandi believe implicitly in his powers. He tells them when to begin\nplanting their crops: in time of drought he procures rain for them\neither directly or by means of the rainmakers: he makes women and\ncattle fruitful; and no war-party can expect to be successful if he\nhas not approved of the foray. His office is hereditary and his person\nis usually regarded as absolutely sacred. Nobody may approach him with\nweapons in his hand or speak in his presence unless the great man\naddresses him; and it is most important that nobody should touch his\nhead, else it is feared that his powers of divination and so forth\nwould depart from him. However, one of these sacred pontiffs was\nclubbed to death, being held responsible for several public calamities,\nto wit, famine, sickness, and defeat in war.\u200b[1225] The Suk and\nTurkana, {p345} two other peoples of British East Africa, distinguish\nbetween their chiefs and their medicine-men, who wield great power;\nbut very often the medicine-man is a chief by virtue of his skill in\nmedicine or the occult arts.\u200b[1226]\n\n[Sidenote: Rain-makers as chiefs among the tribes of the Upper Nile.\n\nRain-makers as chiefs among the Latuka.]\n\nAgain, among the tribes of the Upper Nile the medicine-men are\ngenerally the chiefs.\u200b[1227] Their authority rests above all upon\ntheir supposed power of making rain, for \u201crain is the one thing which\nmatters to the people in those districts, as if it does not come down\nat the right time it means untold hardships for the community. It\nis therefore small wonder that men more cunning than their fellows\nshould arrogate to themselves the power of producing it, or that\nhaving gained such a reputation, they should trade on the credulity of\ntheir simpler neighbours.\u201d Hence \u201cmost of the chiefs of these tribes\nare rainmakers, and enjoy a popularity in proportion to their powers\nto give rain to their people at the proper season. .\u00a0.\u00a0. Rain-making\nchiefs always build their villages on the slopes of a fairly high hill,\nas they no doubt know that the hills attract the clouds, and that\nthey are, therefore, fairly safe in their weather forecasts.\u201d Each of\nthese rain-makers has a number of rain-stones, such as rock-crystal,\naventurine, and amethyst, which he keeps in a pot. When he wishes to\nproduce rain he plunges the stones in water, and taking in his hand\na peeled cane, which is split at the top, he beckons with it to the\nclouds to come or waves them away in the way they should go, muttering\nan incantation the while. Or he pours water and the entrails of a\nsheep or goat into a hollow in a stone and then sprinkles the water\ntowards the sky. Though the chief acquires wealth by the exercise of\nhis supposed magical powers, he often, perhaps generally, comes to a\nviolent end; for in time of drought the angry people assemble and kill\nhim, believing that it is he who prevents the rain from falling. Yet\nthe office is usually hereditary and passes from father to son. Among\nthe tribes which cherish these beliefs and observe these customs are\nthe Latuka, Bari, Laluba, and Lokoiya.\u200b[1228] Thus, {p346} for example,\nwith regard to the Latuka we are told that \u201camongst the most important\nbut also the most dangerous occupations of the greater chiefs is the\nprocuring of rain for their country. Almost all the greater chiefs\nenjoy the reputation of being rainmakers, and the requisite knowledge\nusually passes by inheritance from father to son. However, there are\nalso here and there among the natives persons who, without being\nchiefs, busy themselves with rain-making. If there has been no rain in\na district for a long time and the people wish to attract it for the\nsake of the sowing, they apply to their chief, bringing him a present\nof sheep, goats, or, in urgent cases, cattle or a girl, and if the\npresent seems to him sufficient he promises to furnish rain; but if it\nappears to him too little he asks for more. If some days pass without\nrain, it gives the magician an opportunity for claiming fresh presents,\non the ground that the smallness of the offered gifts hinders the\ncoming of the rain.\u201d When the cupidity of the rain-maker is satisfied,\nhe goes to work in the usual way, pouring water over two flat stones,\none called the male and the other the female, till they are covered to\na depth of three inches. The \u201cmale\u201d stone is a common white quartz; the\n\u201cfemale\u201d is brownish. If still no rain falls, he makes a smoky fire\nin the open with certain herbs, and if the smoke mounts straight up,\nrain is near. Although an unsuccessful rain-maker is often banished or\nkilled, his son always succeeds him in the dignity.\u200b[1229] Amongst the\nBari the procedure of the rain-making chief to draw down the water of\nheaven is somewhat elaborate. He has many rain-stones, consisting of\nrock crystal and pink and green granite. These are deposited in the\nhollows of some twenty slabs of gneiss, and across the hollows are\nlaid numerous iron rods of various shapes and sizes. When rain is to\nbe made, these iron rods are set up in a perpendicular position, and\nwater is poured on the crystals and stones. Then the rain-maker takes\nup the stones one by one and oils them, praying to his dead father to\nsend the rain. One of the iron rods is {p347} provided with a hook, and\nanother is a two-headed spear. With the hook the rain-maker hooks and\nattracts the rain-clouds; with the two-headed spear he attacks and\ndrives them away. In this procedure the prayer to the dead ancestor is\nreligious, while the rest of the ceremony is magical. Thus, as so often\nhappens, the savage seeks to compass his object by combining magic with\nreligion. The logical inconsistency does not trouble him, provided he\nattains his end. Further, the rain-maker chief of the Bari is supposed\nto be able to make women fruitful. For this purpose he takes an iron\nrod with a hollow bulb at each end, in which are small stones. Grasping\nthe rod by the middle he shakes it over the would-be mother, rattling\nthe stones and muttering an incantation.\u200b[1230]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical powers of chiefs among the Bongo and Dinkas.]\n\nAgain, among the Bongo, a tribe of the same region, the influence of\nthe chiefs is said to rest in great part on a belief in their magical\npowers; for the chief is credited with the knowledge of certain roots,\nwhich are the only means of communicating with the dangerous spirits\nof whose mischievous pranks the Bongo stand in great fear.\u200b[1231] In\nthe Dinka or Denka nation, to the north-east of the Bongo, men who are\nsupposed to be in close communication with spirits pass for omnipotent;\nit is believed that they make rain, conjure away all calamities,\nforesee the future, exorcise evil spirits, know all that goes on even\nat a distance, have the wild beasts in their service, and can call\ndown every kind of disaster on their enemies. One of these men became\nthe richest and most esteemed chief of the Ki\u010d tribe through his skill\nin ventriloquism. He kept a cage from which the roars of imaginary\nlions and the howls of imaginary hyaenas were heard to proceed; and\nhe gave out that these beasts guarded his house and were ready at his\nbidding to rush forth on his enemies. The dread which he infused into\nthe tribe and its neighbours was incredible; from all sides oxen were\nsent to him as presents, so that his herds were the most numerous in\nthe country. Another of these conjurers in the Tui\u010d tribe had a real\ntame {p348} lion and four real fat snakes, which slept in front of his\ndoor, to the great awe of the natives, who could only attribute the\npacific demeanour of these ferocious animals to sorcery.\u200b[1232] But it\ndoes not appear that the real lion inspired nearly so much terror as\nthe imaginary one; from which we may perhaps infer that among these\npeople ventriloquism is a more solid basis of political power even than\nlion-taming.\n\n[Sidenote: Chiefs and kings as rain-makers in Central Africa.]\n\nIn Central Africa, again, the Lendu tribe, to the west of Lake Albert,\nfirmly believe that certain people possess the power of making rain.\nAmong them the rain-maker either is a chief or almost invariably\nbecomes one.\u200b[1233] The Banyoro also have a great respect for the\ndispensers of rain, whom they load with a profusion of gifts. The great\ndispenser, he who has absolute and uncontrollable power over the rain,\nis the king; but he can depute his power to other persons, so that the\nbenefit may be distributed and the heavenly water laid on over the\nvarious parts of the kingdom.\u200b[1234] A Catholic missionary observes\nthat \u201ca superstition common to the different peoples of equatorial\nAfrica attributes to the petty kings of the country the exclusive power\nof making the rain to fall; in extreme cases the power is ascribed to\ncertain kings more privileged than the rest, such as those of Huilla,\nHumb\u00e9, Var\u00e9, Libeb\u00e9, and others. These kings profit by the superstition\nin order to draw to themselves many presents of cattle; for the rain\nmust fall after the sacrifice of an ox, and if it tarries, the king,\nwho is never at a loss for excuses to extricate himself from the\nscrape, will ascribe the failure to the defects of the victim, and will\nseize the pretext to claim more cattle.\u201d\u200b[1235] Among the Ba-Yaka, a\ntribe of the Kasai district in the Congo Free State, magicians are\nexempt from justice, and the chief is the principal magician;\u200b[1236]\nand among the Ba-Yanzi, another {p349} tribe of the same district,\nthere is, or was a few years ago, a chief who passed for the greatest\nmagician in the country.\u200b[1237]\n\n[Sidenote: Medicine-men as chiefs in Western Africa.]\n\nIn Western as well as in Eastern and Central Africa we meet with the\nsame union of chiefly with magical functions. Thus in the Fan tribe\nthe strict distinction between chief and medicine-man does not exist\nThe chief is also a medicine-man and a smith to boot; for the Fans\nesteem the smith\u2019s craft sacred, and none but chiefs may meddle with\nit.\u200b[1238] The chiefs of the Ossidinge district in the Cameroons have\nas such very little influence over their subjects; but if the chief\nhappens to be also the fetish-priest, as he generally is among the\nEkois, he has not only powerful influence in all fetish matters (and\nmost of the vital interests of the people are bound up with fetish\nworship), but he also enjoys great authority in general.\u200b[1239] A few\nyears ago the head chief of Etatin on the Cross River, in Southern\nNigeria, was an old man whom the people had compelled to take office in\norder that he should look after the fetishes or jujus and work magic\nfor the benefit of the community. In accordance with an old custom,\nwhich is binding on the head chief, he was never allowed to leave his\ncompound, that is, the enclosure in which his house stands. He gave the\nfollowing account of himself to an English official, who paid him a\nvisit: \u201cI have been shut up ten years, but, being an old man, I don\u2019t\nmiss my freedom. I am the oldest man of the town, and they keep me here\nto look after the jujus, and to conduct the rites celebrated when women\nare about to give birth to children, and other ceremonies of the same\nkind. By the observance and performance of these ceremonies, I bring\ngame to the hunter, cause the yam crop to be good, bring fish to the\nfisherman, and make rain to fall. So they bring me meat, yams, fish,\netc. To make rain, I drink water, and squirt it out, and pray to our\nbig deities. If I were to go outside this compound, I should fall down\ndead on returning to this hut. {p350} My wives cut my hair and nails,\nand take great care of the parings.\u201d\u200b[1240]\n\n[Sidenote: Chiefs as rain-makers in Southern Africa.]\n\nAs to the relation between the offices of chief and rain-maker in South\nAfrica a well-informed writer observes: \u201cIn very old days the chief\nwas the great Rain-maker of the tribe. Some chiefs allowed no one else\nto compete with them, lest a successful Rain-maker should be chosen as\nchief. There was also another reason: the Rain-maker was sure to become\na rich man if he gained a great reputation, and it would manifestly\nnever do for the chief to allow any one to be too rich. The Rain-maker\nexerts tremendous control over the people, and so it would be most\nimportant to keep this function connected with royalty. Tradition\nalways places the power of making rain as the fundamental glory of\nancient chiefs and heroes, and it seems probable that it may have been\nthe origin of chieftainship. The man who made the rain would naturally\nbecome the chief. In the same way Chaka [the famous Zulu despot]\nused to declare that he was the only diviner in the country, for if\nhe allowed rivals his life would be insecure.\u201d\u200b[1241] These South\nAfrican rain-makers smear themselves with mud and sacrifice oxen as an\nessential part of the charm; almost everything is thought to turn on\nthe colour of the beasts. Thus Umbandine, the old king of the Swazies,\nhad huge herds of cattle of a peculiar colour, which was particularly\nwell adapted for the production of rain. Hence deputations came to\nhim from distant tribes praying and bribing him to make rain by the\nsacrifice of his cattle; and he used to threaten to \u201cbind up the sky\u201d\nif they did not satisfy his demands. The power {p351} which by this\nmeans he wielded was enormous.\u200b[1242] Similarly Mablaan, a chief of the\nBawenda, in the north-eastern corner of the Transvaal, enjoyed a wide\nreputation and was revered beyond the limits of his own tribe because\nhe was credited with the power of rain-making, \u201ca greater power in the\neyes of natives than that of the assegai.\u201d Hence he was constantly\nimportuned by other chiefs to exercise his power and received valuable\npresents of girls, oxen, and red and green beads as inducements to turn\non the heavenly water-tap.\u200b[1243]\n\n[Sidenote: Power of rain-makers among the Matabeles.\n\nThe king of the Matabeles as rain-maker.]\n\nAmong the Matabeles of South Africa the witch-doctors are supposed to\nbe on speaking terms with spirits, and their influence is described as\ntremendous; in the time of King Lo Bengula some years ago \u201ctheir power\nwas as great as, if not greater than, the king\u2019s.\u201d\u200b[1244] Similarly\nspeaking of the South African tribes in general, Dr. Moffat says that\n\u201cthe rain-maker is in the estimation of the people no mean personage,\npossessing an influence over the minds of the people superior even to\nthat of the king, who is likewise compelled to yield to the dictates\nof this arch-official.\u201d\u200b[1245] In Matabeleland the rainy season falls\nin November, December, January, and February. For several weeks\nbefore the rain sets in, the clouds gather in heavy banks, dark and\nlowering. Then the king is busy with his magicians compounding potions\nof wondrous strength to make the labouring clouds discharge their\npent-up burden on the thirsty earth. He may be seen gazing at every\nblack cloud, for his people flock from all parts to beg rain from\nhim, \u201ctheir rain-maker,\u201d for their parched fields; and they thank and\npraise him when a heavy rain has fallen.\u200b[1246] A letter dated from\nBulawayo, the twentieth of November 1880, records that Lo Bengula, king\nof the Matabeles, \u201carrived yesterday evening at his kraal of \u2018the\nWhite Rocks.\u2019 He brought with him the rain to his people. For according\nto the ideas of the Matabeles, it is the king who ought to \u2018make the\nrain {p352} and the good season\u2019 in all senses of the word. Now Lo\nBengula had chosen well the day and the hour, for it was in the midst\nof a tremendous storm that the king made his solemn entrance into his\ncapital.\u201d \u201cYou must know that the arrival of the king and of the rain\ngives rise every year to a little festival. For the rain is the great\nbenefit conferred by the king, the pledge of future harvests and of\nplenty, after eight months of desolating drought.\u201d To bring down the\nneeded showers the king of the Matabeles boils a magic hell-broth in a\ncauldron, which sends up volumes of steam to the blue sky. But to make\nassurance doubly sure, he has recourse to religion as well as to magic;\nfor he sacrifices twelve black oxen to the spirits of his fathers, and\nprays to them: \u201cO great spirits of my father and grandfather, I thank\nyou for having granted last year to my people more wheat than to our\nenemies the Mashonas. This year also, in gratitude for the twelve black\noxen which I am about to dedicate to you, make us to be the best-fed\nand the strongest people in the world!\u201d\u200b[1247] Thus the king of the\nMatabeles acts not only as a magician but as a priest, for he prays and\nsacrifices to the spirits of his forefathers.\n\n[Sidenote: Thus in Africa kings have probably often been developed out\nof magicians, and especially out of rain-makers.\n\nKings in Africa punished for drought and dearth.]\n\nThe foregoing evidence renders it probable that in Africa the king has\noften been developed out of the public magician, and especially out of\nthe rain-maker. The unbounded fear which the magician inspires and the\nwealth which he amasses in the exercise of his profession may both be\nsupposed to have contributed to his promotion. But if the career of a\nmagician and especially of a rain-maker offers great rewards to the\nsuccessful practitioner of the art, it is beset with many pitfalls into\nwhich the unskilful or unlucky artist may fall. The position of the\npublic sorcerer is indeed a very precarious one; for where the people\nfirmly believe that he has it in his power to make the rain to fall,\nthe sun to shine, and the fruits of the earth to grow, they naturally\nimpute drought and dearth to his culpable negligence or wilful\nobstinacy, and they punish him accordingly. We have seen that in Africa\nthe chief who fails to procure rain is often exiled or killed.\u200b[1248]\nExamples of such punishments could be multiplied. {p353} Thus, in some\nparts of West Africa, when prayers and offerings presented to the king\nhave failed to procure rain, his subjects bind him with ropes and take\nhim by force to the grave of his forefathers that he may obtain from\nthem the needed rain.\u200b[1249] The Banjars in West Africa ascribe to\ntheir king the power of causing rain or fine weather. So long as the\nweather is fine they load him with presents of grain and cattle. But\nif long drought or rain threatens to spoil the crops, they insult and\nbeat him till the weather changes.\u200b[1250] When the harvest fails or\nthe surf on the coast is too heavy to allow of fishing, the people of\nLoango accuse their king of a \u201cbad heart\u201d and depose him.\u200b[1251] On\nthe Grain Coast the high priest or fetish king, who bears the title of\nBodio, is responsible for the health of the community, the fertility\nof the earth, and the abundance of fish in the sea and rivers; and\nif the country suffers in any of these respects the Bodio is deposed\nfrom his office.\u200b[1252] In Ussukuma, a great district on the southern\nbank of the Victoria Nyanza, \u201cthe rain and locust question is part\nand parcel of the Sultan\u2019s government. He, too, must know how to\nmake rain and drive away the locusts. If he and his medicine-men are\nunable to accomplish this, his whole existence is at stake in times of\ndistress. On a certain occasion, when the rain so greatly desired by\nthe people did not come, the Sultan was simply driven out (in Ututwa,\nnear Nassa). The people, in fact, hold that rulers must have power over\nNature and her phenomena.\u201d\u200b[1253] Again, we are told of the natives of\nthe Nyanza region generally that \u201cthey are persuaded that rain only\nfalls as a result of magic, and the important duty of causing it to\ndescend devolves on the chief of the tribe. If rain does not come at\nthe proper time, everybody complains. More than one petty king has\nbeen banished his country because of drought.\u201d\u200b[1254] Similarly {p354}\namong the Antimores of Madagascar the chiefs are held responsible for\nthe operation of the laws of nature. Hence if the land is smitten with\na blight or devastated by clouds of locusts, if the cows yield little\nmilk, or fatal epidemics rage among the people, the chief is not only\ndeposed but stripped of his property and banished, because they say\nthat under a good chief such things ought not to happen.\u200b[1255] So,\ntoo, of the Antaimorona we read that \u201calthough the chiefs of this tribe\nare chosen by the people, during their tenure of power they enjoy a\nrespect which borders on adoration; but if a crop of rice fails or\nany other calamity happens, they are immediately deposed, sometimes\neven killed; and yet their successor is always chosen from the\nfamily.\u201d\u200b[1256] Among the Latukas of the Upper Nile, when the crops are\nwithering in the fields and all the efforts of the chief to bring down\nrain have proved fruitless, the people commonly attack him by night,\nrob him of all he possesses, and drive him away. But often they kill\nhim.\u200b[1257]\n\n[Sidenote: In other parts of the world kings have been punished for\nfailing to regulate the course of nature.]\n\nIn many other parts of the world kings have been expected to regulate\nthe course of nature for the good of their people and have been\npunished if they failed to do so. It appears that the Scythians, when\nfood was scarce, used to put their king in bonds.\u200b[1258] In ancient\nEgypt the sacred kings were blamed for the failure of the crops,\u200b[1259]\nbut the sacred beasts were also held responsible for the course of\nnature. When pestilence and other calamities had fallen on the land, in\nconsequence of a long and severe drought, the priests took the animals\nby night and threatened them, but if the evil did not abate they slew\nthe beasts.\u200b[1260] On the coral island of Niu\u0113 or Savage Island, in the\nSouth Pacific, there formerly reigned a line of kings. But as the kings\nwere also high priests, and {p355} were supposed to make the food grow,\nthe people became angry with them in times of scarcity and killed them;\ntill at last, as one after another was killed, no one would be king,\nand the monarchy came to an end.\u200b[1261] Ancient Chinese writers inform\nus that in Corea the blame was laid on the king whenever too much or\ntoo little rain fell and the crops did not ripen. Some said that he\nmust be deposed, others that he must be slain.\u200b[1262] The Chinese\nemperor himself is deemed responsible if the drought is at all severe,\nand many are the self-condemnatory edicts on this subject published\nin the pages of the venerable _Peking Gazette_. In extreme cases the\nemperor, clad in humble vestments, sacrifices to heaven and implores\nits protection.\u200b[1263] So, too, the kings of Tonquin used to take\nblame to themselves when the country was visited by such calamities as\nscanty harvests, dearth, floods, destructive hurricanes and cholera.\nOn these occasions the monarch would sometimes publicly confess his\nguilt and impose on himself a penance as a means of appeasing the\nwrath of Heaven.\u200b[1264] In former days it sometimes happened that when\nthe country suffered from drought and dearth the king of Tonquin was\nobliged to change his name in the hope that this would turn the weather\nto rain. But if the drought continued even after the change of name the\npeople would sometimes resort to stronger measures and transfer the\ntitle of king from the legitimate monarch to his brother, son, or other\nnear relation.\u200b[1265]\n\n[Sidenote: Power of medicine-men among the North American Indians.]\n\nAmong the American Indians the furthest advance towards civilisation\nwas made under the monarchical and {p356} theocratic governments of\nMexico and Peru; but we know too little of the early history of these\ncountries to say whether the predecessors of their deified kings were\nmedicine-men or not. Perhaps a trace of such a succession may be\ndetected in the oath which the Mexican kings took when they mounted the\nthrone: they swore that they would make the sun to shine, the clouds\nto give rain, the rivers to flow, and the earth to bring forth fruits\nin abundance.\u200b[1266] Certainly, in aboriginal America the sorcerer or\nmedicine-man, surrounded by a halo of mystery and an atmosphere of awe,\nwas a personage of great influence and importance, and he may well\nhave developed into a chief or king in many tribes, though positive\nevidence of such a development appears to be lacking. Thus Catlin tells\nus that in North America the medicine-men \u201care valued as dignitaries\nin the tribe, and the greatest respect is paid to them by the whole\ncommunity; not only for their skill in their _materia medica_, but\nmore especially for their tact in magic and mysteries, in which they\nall deal to a very great extent. .\u00a0.\u00a0. In all tribes their doctors\nare conjurors\u2014are magicians\u2014are sooth-sayers, and I had like to have\nsaid high-priests, inasmuch as they superintend and conduct all their\nreligious ceremonies; they are looked upon by all as oracles of the\nnation. In all councils of war and peace, they have a seat with the\nchiefs, are regularly consulted before any public step is taken, and\nthe greatest deference and respect is paid to their opinions.\u201d\u200b[1267]\nAmong the Loucheux of North-West America each band is \u201cheaded by a\nchief and one or more medicine-men. The latter, however, do not possess\nany secular power as chiefs, but they acquire an authority by shamanism\nto which even the chiefs themselves are subject.\u201d \u201cThe Loucheux\nare very superstitious, and place implicit faith in the pretended\nincantations of their medicine-men, for whom they entertain great fear.\n.\u00a0.\u00a0. The power of the medicine-men is very great, and they use every\nmeans they can to increase it by working on the fears and credulity of\nthe people. Their influence exceeds even that of the chiefs. The power\nof the {p357} latter consists in the quantity of beads they possess,\ntheir wealth and the means it affords them to work ill to those to\nwhom they may be evil-disposed; while the power of the medicine-man\nconsists in the harm they believe he is able to do by shamanism,\nshould they happen to displease him in any way. It is when sickness\nprevails that the conjuror rules supreme; it is then that he fills\nhis bead bags and increases his riches.\u201d\u200b[1268] Amongst the Tinneh\nIndians of the same region \u201cthe social standing of a medicine-man is,\non the whole, a desirable one; but it has also its drawbacks and its\ndark side. The medicine-man is decidedly influential among his fellow\nsavages. He is consulted and listened to, on account of the superior\nknowledge imparted to him by the spirits. He is feared, on account of\nhis power to do evil, viz. to cause the death of a person, to ruin\nhis undertakings, to render him unsuccessful in the hunt by driving\naway the game from his path, to cause the loss of his property, of his\nstrength, of his health, of his faculties, etc. The medicine-man is\nrich, because his services, when summoned, or even when accepted though\nuncalled for, are generously remunerated. He is respected on account\nof his continual intercourse with the supernatural world. His words,\nwhen said in a peculiar low tone, with a momentary glow in the eyes,\nwhich [he] seems able to control at will, or when uttered during his\nsleep (real or feigned) are taken as oracles, as the very words of the\nspirit. In short, for these tribes who have no chiefs, no religion, no\nmedical knowledge, he is the nearest approach to a chief, a priest,\nand a physician.\u201d\u200b[1269] Similarly in California \u201cthe shaman was, and\nstill is, perhaps the most important individual among the Maidu. In\nthe absence of any definite system of government, the word of a shaman\nhas great weight: as a class they are regarded with much awe, and as\na rule are obeyed much more than the chief.\u201d\u200b[1270] As leader of the\nlocal branch {p358} of a secret society the most noted Maidu shaman of\neach district was supposed to make rain when it was needed, to ensure\na good crop of edible acorns and a plentiful supply of salmon, and\nto drive away evil spirits, disease, and epidemics from the village.\nFurther, it was his business to inflict disease and death on hostile\nvillages, which he did by burning certain roots and blowing the smoke\ntowards the doomed village, while he said, \u201cOver there, over there,\nnot here! To the other place! Do not come back this way. We are good.\nMake those people sick. Kill them, they are bad people.\u201d\u200b[1271] Among\nthe Yokuts, another tribe of Californian Indians, the rain-makers\nexercised great influence. One of them by his insinuating address,\neloquence, and jugglery spread his fame to a distance of two hundred\nmiles, and cunningly availed himself of two years of drought to levy\ncontributions far and wide from the trembling Indians, who attributed\nto his magic the fall of the rain.\u200b[1272] In the same tribe the wizards\ndrew large profits from the rattlesnake dance which they danced every\nspring, capering about with rattlesnakes twined round their arms; for\nafter this exhibition many simpletons paid them for complete immunity\nfrom snake-bites, which the wizards were believed able to grant for a\nyear.\u200b[1273]\n\n[Sidenote: Power of medicine-men among the South American Indians.]\n\nIn South America also the magicians or medicine-men seem to have been\non the highroad to chieftainship or kingship. One of the earliest\nsettlers on the coast of Brazil, the Frenchman Thevet, reports that\nthe Indians \u201chold these _pages_ (or medicine-men) in such honour and\nreverence that they adore, or rather idolise them. You may see the\ncommon folk go to meet them, prostrate themselves, and pray to them,\nsaying, \u2018Grant that I be not ill, that I do not die, neither I nor my\nchildren,\u2019 or some such request. And he answers, \u2018You shall not die,\nyou shall not be ill,\u2019 and such like replies. But sometimes if it\nhappens that these _pages_ do not tell the truth, and things turn out\notherwise than they predicted, the people make no scruple of killing\nthem as unworthy of the title and dignity {p359} of _pages_.\u201d\u200b[1274]\nThe Indians of Brazil, says a modern writer who knew them well, \u201chave\nno priests but only magicians, who at the same time use medical help\nand exorcism in order to exert influence over the superstition and the\ndread of spirits felt by the rude multitude. We may perfectly compare\nthem with the shamans of the north-eastern Asiatic peoples. But like\nthe shamans they are not mere magicians, fetish-men, soothsayers,\ninterpreters of dreams, visionaries, and casters-out of devils; their\nactivity has also a political character in so far as they influence\nthe decisions of the leaders and of the community in public business,\nand exert a certain authority, more than anybody else, as judges,\nsureties, and witnesses in private affairs.\u201d\u200b[1275] Among the Lengua\nIndians of the Gran Chaco every clan has its cazique or chief, but he\npossesses little authority. In virtue of his office he has to make\nmany presents, so he seldom grows rich and is generally more shabbily\nclad than any of his subjects. \u201cAs a matter of fact the magician is\nthe man who has most power in his hands, and he is accustomed to\nreceive presents instead of to give them.\u201d It is the magician\u2019s duty\nto bring down misfortune and plagues on the enemies of his tribe, and\nto guard his own people against hostile magic. For these services he\nis well paid and by them he acquires a position of great influence and\nauthority.\u200b[1276] Among the Indians of Guiana also the magician or\nmedicine-man (_piai_, _peaiman_) is a personage of great importance. By\nhis magic art he alone, it is believed, can counteract the machinations\nof the great host of evil spirits, to which these savages attribute all\nthe ills of life. It is almost impossible, we are told, to overestimate\nthe dreadful sense of constant and unavoidable danger in which the\nIndian would live were it not for his trust in the protecting power\nof the magician. Every village has one such spiritual guardian, who\nis physician, priest, and magician in one. His influence is immense.\nNo Indian dare refuse him anything he takes a fancy to, {p360} from a\ntrifle of food up to a man\u2019s wife. Hence these cunning fellows live\nin idleness on the fat of the land and acquire a large harem; their\nhouses are commonly full of women who serve them in the capacity of\nbeasts of burden as well as of wives, plodding wearily along under\nthe weight of the baggage on long journeys, while their lord and\nmaster, fantastically tricked out in feathers and paint, strolls\nahead, burdened only with his magic rattle and perhaps his bow and\narrows.\u200b[1277]\n\n[Sidenote: Power of medicine-men among the pagan tribes of the Malay\nPeninsula.]\n\nAmong the wild pagan tribes of the Malay peninsula the connexion\nbetween the offices of magician and chief is very close; indeed the\ntwo offices are often united in the same person. Among these savages,\n\u201cas among the Malays, the accredited intermediary between gods and men\nis in all cases the medicine-man or sorcerer. In the Semang tribes the\noffice of chief medicine-man appears to be generally combined with that\nof chief, but amongst the Sakai and Jakun these offices are sometimes\nseparated, and although the chief is almost invariably a medicine-man\nof some repute, he is not necessarily the chief medicine-man, any\nmore than the chief medicine-man is necessarily the administrative\nhead of the tribe. In both cases there is an unfailing supply of\naspirants to the office, though it may be taken for granted that, all\nelse being equal, a successful medicine-man would have much the best\nprospect of being elected chief, and that in the vast majority of cases\nhis priestly duties form an important part of a chief\u2019s work. The\nmedicine-man is, as might be expected, duly credited with supernatural\npowers. His tasks are to preside as chief medium at all the ceremonies,\nto instruct the youth of the tribe, to ward off as well as to heal all\nforms of sickness and trouble, to foretell the future (as affecting the\nresults of any given act), to avert when necessary the wrath of heaven,\nand even when re-embodied after death in the shape of a wild beast, to\nextend a benign protection to his devoted descendants. Among the Sakai\nand the Jakun he is provided with a distinctive form of dress and {p361}\nbody-painting, and carries an emblematic wand or staff by virtue of his\noffice.\u201d\u200b[1278]\n\n[Sidenote: Development of kings out of magicians among the Malays.]\n\nThroughout the Malay region the rajah or king is commonly regarded\nwith superstitious veneration as the possessor of supernatural powers,\nand there are grounds for thinking that he too, like apparently so\nmany African chiefs, has been developed out of a simple magician. At\nthe present day the Malays firmly believe that the king possesses a\npersonal influence over the works of nature, such as the growth of\nthe crops and the bearing of fruit-trees. The same prolific virtue\nis supposed to reside, though in a lesser degree, in his delegates,\nand even in the persons of Europeans who chance to have charge of\ndistricts. Thus in Selangor, one of the native states of the Malay\nPeninsula, the success or failure of the rice crops is often attributed\nto a change of district officers.\u200b[1279] The Toorateyas of southern\nCelebes hold that the prosperity of the rice depends on the behaviour\nof their princes, and that bad government, by which they mean a\ngovernment which does not conform to ancient custom, will result in a\nfailure of the crops.\u200b[1280]\n\n[Sidenote: Belief of the Dyaks in the power of the rajah to fertilise\nthe rice.]\n\nThe Dyaks of Sarawak believed that their famous English ruler, Rajah\nBrooke, was endowed with a certain magical virtue which, if properly\napplied, could render the rice-crops abundant. Hence when he visited a\ntribe, they used to bring him the seed which they intended to sow next\nyear, and he fertilised it by shaking over it the women\u2019s necklaces,\nwhich had been previously dipped in a special mixture. And when he\nentered a village, the women would wash and bathe his feet, first with\nwater, and then with the milk of a young coco-nut, and lastly with\nwater again, and all this water which had touched his person they\npreserved for the purpose of distributing it on their farms, believing\nthat it ensured an abundant harvest. Tribes which were too far {p362}\noff for him to visit used to send him a small piece of white cloth and\na little gold or silver, and when these things had been impregnated by\nhis generative virtue they buried them in their fields, and confidently\nexpected a heavy crop. Once when a European remarked that the\nrice-crops of the Samban tribe were thin, the chief immediately replied\nthat they could not be otherwise, since Rajah Brooke had never visited\nthem, and he begged that Mr. Brooke might be induced to visit his tribe\nand remove the sterility of their land.\u200b[1281]\n\n[Sidenote: Links between Malay rajahs and magicians.]\n\nAmong the Malays the links which unite the king or rajah with the\nmagician happen to be unusually plain and conspicuous. Thus the\nmagician shares with the king the privilege of using cloth dyed\nyellow, the royal colour; he has considerable political influence,\nand he can compel people to address him in ceremonial language, of\nwhich indeed the phraseology is even more copious in its application\nto a magician than to a king. Moreover, and this is a fact of great\nsignificance, the Malay magician owns certain insignia which are said\nto be exactly analogous to the regalia of the king, and even bear the\nvery same name (_kab\u0115saran_).\u200b[1282] Now the regalia of a Malay king\nare not mere jewelled baubles designed to impress the multitude with\nthe pomp and splendour of royalty; they are regarded as wonder-working\ntalismans,\u200b[1283] the possession of which carries with it the right to\nthe throne; if the king loses them, he thereby forfeits the allegiance\nof his subjects. It seems, therefore, to be a probable inference that\nin the Malay region the regalia of the kings are only the conjuring\napparatus of their predecessors the magicians, and that in this part\nof the world accordingly the magician is the humble grub or chrysalis\nwhich in due time bursts and discloses that gorgeous butterfly the\nrajah or king.\n\n[Sidenote: In Celebes the regalia are talismans or fetishes, the\npossession of which carries with it the right to the throne.]\n\nNowhere apparently in the Indian Archipelago is this view of the\nregalia as the true fount of regal dignity carried to such lengths\nas in southern Celebes. Here the royal {p363} authority is supposed\nto be in some mysterious fashion embodied in the regalia, while the\nprinces owe all the power they exercise, and all the respect they\nenjoy, to their possession of these precious objects. In short, the\nregalia reign, and the princes are merely their representatives. Hence\nwhoever happens to possess the regalia is regarded by the people as\ntheir lawful king. For example, if a deposed monarch contrives to\nkeep the regalia, his former subjects remain loyal to him in their\nhearts, and look upon his successor as a usurper who is to be obeyed\nonly in so far as he can exact obedience by force. And on the other\nhand, in an insurrection the first aim of the rebels is to seize the\nregalia, for if they can only make themselves masters of them, the\nauthority of the sovereign is gone. In short, the regalia are here\nfetishes, which confer a title to the throne and control the fate of\nthe kingdom. Houses are built for them to dwell in, as if they were\nliving creatures; furniture, weapons, and even lands are assigned to\nthem. Like the ark of God, they are carried with the army to battle,\nand on various occasions the people propitiate them, as if they were\ngods, by prayer and sacrifice and by smearing them with blood. Some of\nthem serve as instruments of divination, or are brought forth in times\nof public disaster for the purpose of staying the evil, whatever it may\nbe. For example, when plague is rife among men or beasts, or when there\nis a prospect of dearth, the Boogineese bring out the regalia, smear\nthem with buffalo\u2019s blood, and carry them about. For the most part\nthese fetishes are heirlooms of which the origin is forgotten; some\nof them are said to have fallen from heaven. Popular tradition traces\nthe foundation of the oldest states to the discovery or acquisition of\none of these miraculous objects\u2014it may be a stone, a piece of wood, a\nfruit, a weapon, or what not, of a peculiar shape or colour. Often the\noriginal regalia have disappeared in course of time, but their place\nis taken by the various articles of property which were bestowed on\nthem, and to which the people have transferred their pious allegiance.\nThe oldest dynasties have the most regalia, and the holiest regalia\nconsist of relics of the bodies of former princes, which are kept in\ngolden caskets wrapt in silk. At Paloppo, the {p364} capital of Loowoo,\na kingdom on the coast of Celebes, two toy cannons, with barrels like\nthin gas-pipes, are regalia; their possession is supposed to render\nthe town impregnable. Other regalia of this kingdom are veiled from\nvulgar eyes in bark-cloth. When a missionary requested to see them, the\nofficial replied that it was strictly forbidden to open the bundle;\nwere he to do so, the earth would yawn and swallow them up. In Bima the\nprincipal part of the regalia or public talismans consists of a sacred\nbrown horse, which no man may ride. It is always stabled in the royal\npalace. When the animal passes the government fort on high days and\nholidays, it is saluted with the fire of five guns; when it is led to\nthe river to bathe, the royal spear is carried before it, and any man\nwho does not give way to the beast, or crosses the road in front of it,\nhas to pay a fine. But the horse is mortal, and when it goes the way of\nall horse-flesh, another steed chosen from the same stud reigns in its\nplace.\u200b[1284]\n\n[Sidenote: Magical virtue of regalia in Egypt and Africa.\n\nRegalia venerated in Cambodia, Scythia, and ancient Greece.]\n\nBut if in the Malay region the regalia are essentially wonder-working\ntalismans or fetishes which the kings appear to have derived from their\npredecessors the magicians, we may conjecture that in other parts of\nthe world the emblems of royalty may at some time have been viewed in a\nsimilar light and have had a similar origin. In ancient Egypt the two\nroyal crowns, the white and the red, were supposed to be endowed with\nmagical virtues, indeed to be themselves divinities, embodiments of\nthe sun god. One text declares: \u201cThe white crown is the eye of Horus;\nthe red crown is the eye of Horus.\u201d Another text speaks of a crown as\na \u201cgreat magician.\u201d And applied to the image of a god, the crown was\nsupposed to confirm the deity in the possession of his soul and of his\nform.\u200b[1285] Among the Yorubas of West Africa {p365} at the present\ntime the king\u2019s crown is sacred and is supposed to be the shrine of\na spirit which has to be propitiated. When the king (_Oni_) of Ife\nvisited Lagos some years ago, he had to sacrifice five sheep to his\ncrown between Ibadan and Ife, a two days\u2019 journey on foot.\u200b[1286] Among\nthe Ashantees \u201cthe throne or chair of the king or chief is believed\nto be inhabited by a spirit to which it is consecrated, and to which\nhuman sacrifices were formerly offered: at present the victims are\nsheep. It is the personification of power; hence a king is not a king\nand a chief is not a chief until he has been solemnly installed on\nthe throne.\u201d\u200b[1287] Among the Hos, a Ewe tribe of Togoland in German\nWest Africa, the king\u2019s proper throne is small and the king does\nnot sit on it. Usually it is bound round with magic cords and wrapt\nup in a sheep\u2019s skin; but from time to time it is taken out of the\nwrappings, washed in a stream, and smeared all over with the blood of\na sheep which has been sacrificed for the purpose. The flesh of the\nsheep is boiled and a portion of it eaten by every man who has been\npresent at the ceremony.\u200b[1288] In Cambodia the regalia are regarded\nas a palladium on which the existence of the kingdom depends; they\nare committed to Brahmans for safe keeping.\u200b[1289] In antiquity the\nScythian kings treasured as sacred a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, and\na cup, all of gold, which were said to have fallen from heaven; they\noffered great sacrifices to these sacred things at an annual festival;\nand if the man in charge of them fell asleep under the open sky, it\nwas believed that he would die within the year.\u200b[1290] The sceptre\nof king Agamemnon, or what passed for such, was worshipped as a god\nat Chaeronea; a man acted as priest of the sceptre for a year at a\ntime, and sacrifices were offered to it daily.\u200b[1291] The golden lamb\nof Mycenae, on the possession of which, according to legend, the two\nrivals Atreus and Thyestes based their claim to the throne,\u200b[1292] may\nhave been a royal talisman of this sort. {p366}\n\n[Sidenote: The belief that kings possess magical or supernatural powers\nto control the course of nature for the good of their subjects seems to\nhave been shared by the ancestors of all the Aryan races from India to\nIreland.\n\nSwedish and Danish kings.\n\nIrish kings.\n\nMagical virtue attributed to the chiefs of the Macleods.]\n\nThe belief that kings possess magical or supernatural powers by virtue\nof which they can fertilise the earth and confer other benefits on\ntheir subjects would seem to have been shared by the ancestors of all\nthe Aryan races from India to Ireland, and it has left clear traces\nof itself in our own country down to modern times. Thus the ancient\nHindoo law-book called _The Laws of Manu_ describes as follows the\neffects of a good king\u2019s reign: \u201cIn that country where the king avoids\ntaking the property of mortal sinners, men are born in due time and\nare long-lived. And the crops of the husbandmen spring up, each as\nit was sown, and the children die not, and no misshaped offspring is\nborn.\u201d\u200b[1293] In Homeric Greece kings and chiefs were spoken of as\nsacred or divine; their houses, too, were divine and their chariots\nsacred;\u200b[1294] and it was thought that the reign of a good king caused\nthe black earth to bring forth wheat and barley, the trees to be loaded\nwith fruit, the flocks to multiply, and the sea to yield fish.\u200b[1295]\nA Greek historian of a much later age tells us that in the reign of a\nvery bad king of Lydia the country suffered from drought, for which\nhe would seem to have held the king responsible.\u200b[1296] There is a\ntradition that once when the land of the Edonians in Thrace bore no\nfruit, the god Dionysus intimated to the people that its fertility\ncould be restored by putting their king Lycurgus to death. So they\ntook him to Mount Pangaeum and there caused him to be torn in pieces\nby horses.\u200b[1297] When the crops failed, the Burgundians used to blame\ntheir kings and depose them.\u200b[1298] In the time of the Swedish king\nDomalde a mighty famine broke out, which lasted several years, and\ncould be stayed by the blood neither of beasts nor of men. Therefore,\nin a great popular {p367} assembly held at Upsala, the chiefs decided\nthat King Domalde himself was the cause of the scarcity and must be\nsacrificed for good seasons. So they slew him and smeared with his\nblood the altars of the gods. Again, we are told that the Swedes\nalways attributed good or bad crops to their kings as the cause. Now,\nin the reign of King Olaf, there came dear times and famine, and the\npeople thought that the fault was the king\u2019s, because he was sparing\nin his sacrifices. So, mustering an army, they marched against him,\nsurrounded his dwelling, and burned him in it, \u201cgiving him to Odin as a\nsacrifice for good crops.\u201d\u200b[1299] In the Middle Ages, when Waldemar I.,\nKing of Denmark, travelled in Germany, mothers brought their infants\nand husbandmen their seed for him to lay his hands on, thinking that\nchildren would both thrive the better for the royal touch, and for a\nlike reason farmers asked him to throw the seed for them.\u200b[1300] It\nwas the belief of the ancient Irish that when their kings observed the\ncustoms of their ancestors, the seasons were mild, the crops plentiful,\nthe cattle fruitful, the waters abounded with fish, and the fruit trees\nhad to be propped up on account of the weight of their produce. A canon\nattributed to St. Patrick enumerates among the blessings that attend\nthe reign of a just king \u201cfine weather, calm seas, crops abundant, and\ntrees laden with fruit.\u201d On the other hand, dearth, dryness of cows,\nblight of fruit, and scarcity of corn were regarded as infallible\nproofs that the reigning king was bad. For example, in the reign of the\nusurper king Carbery Kinncat, \u201cevil was the state of Ireland: fruitless\nher corn, for there used to be only one grain on the stalk; fruitless\nher rivers; milkless her cattle; plentiless her fruit, for there used\nto be {p368} but one acorn on the stalk.\u201d\u200b[1301] Superstitions of the\nsame sort seem to have lingered in the Highlands of Scotland down to\nthe eighteenth century; for when Dr. Johnson travelled in Skye it\nwas still held that the return of the laird to Dunvegan, after any\nconsiderable absence, produced a plentiful capture of herring.\u200b[1302]\nThe laird of Dunvegan is chief of the clan of the Macleods, and his\nfamily still owns a banner which is called \u201cMacleods Fairy Banner,\u201d on\naccount of the supernatural powers ascribed to it. When it is unfurled,\nvictory in war attends it, and it relieves its followers from imminent\ndanger. But these virtues it can exert only thrice, and already it has\nbeen twice unfurled. When the potato crop failed, many of the common\npeople desired that the magical banner should be displayed, apparently\nin the belief that the mere sight of it would produce a fine crop of\npotatoes. Every woman with child who sees it is taken with premature\nlabour, and every cow casts her calf.\u200b[1303]\n\n[Sidenote: A relic of this belief is the notion that English kings can\nheal scrofula by their touch.\n\nCharles II. touching for the king\u2019s evil (scrofula).\n\nEnglish kings touching for scrofula.]\n\nPerhaps the last relic of such superstitions which lingered about our\nEnglish kings was the notion that they could heal scrofula by their\ntouch. The disease was accordingly known as the King\u2019s Evil. Queen\nElizabeth often exercised this miraculous gift of healing. On Midsummer\nDay 1633, Charles the First cured a hundred patients at one swoop in\nthe chapel royal at Holyrood.\u200b[1304] But it was under his son Charles\nthe Second that the practice seems to have attained its highest vogue.\nIn this respect the Merry Monarch did not let the grass grow under his\nfeet. It was the twenty-ninth of May 1660 when he was brought home in\ntriumph from exile amid a shouting multitude and a forest of brandished\nswords, over roads strewed with flowers and through streets hung with\ntapestry, while the fountains ran wine and all the bells of London\nrang for joy. And it was on the sixth of July that he began to touch\nfor the King\u2019s {p369} Evil. The ceremony is thus described by Evelyn,\nwho may have witnessed it. \u201cHis Majestie began first to _touch for\ny^e evil_, according to costome, thus: His Ma^{tie} sitting under his\nstate in the Banquetting House, the chirurgeons cause the sick to be\nbrought or led up to the throne, where they kneeling, y^e King strokes\ntheir faces or cheekes with both his hands at once, at which instant\na chaplaine in his formalities says, \u2018He put his hands upon them and\nhe healed them.\u2019 This is sayd to everyone in particular. When they\nhave been all touch\u2019d they come up again in the same order, and the\nother chaplaine kneeling, and having angel gold strung on white ribbon\non his arme, delivers them one by one to his Ma^{tie}, who puts them\nabout the necks of the touched as they pass, whilst the first chaplaine\nrepeats, \u2018That is y^e true light who came into y^e world.\u2019 Then follows\nan Epistle (as at first a Gospell) with the liturgy, prayers for the\nsick, with some alteration, lastly y^e blessing; and then the Lo.\nChamberlaine and the Comptroller of the Household bring a basin, ewer\nand towell, for his Majesty to wash.\u201d\u200b[1305] Pepys witnessed the same\nceremony at the same place on the thirteenth of April in the following\nyear and he has recorded his opinion that it was \u201can ugly office and a\nsimple.\u201d\u200b[1306] It is said that in the course of his reign Charles the\nSecond touched near a hundred thousand persons for scrofula. The press\nto get near him was sometimes terrific. On one occasion six or seven\nof those who came to be healed were trampled to death. While the hope\nof a miraculous cure attracted the pious and sanguine, the certainty\nof receiving angel gold attracted the needy and avaricious, and it\nwas not always easy for the royal surgeons to distinguish between the\nmotives of the applicants. This solemn mummery cost the state little\nless than ten thousand pounds a year. The cool-headed William the\nThird contemptuously refused to lend himself to the hocus-pocus; and\nwhen his palace was besieged by the usual unsavoury crowd, he ordered\nthem to be turned away {p370} with a dole. On the only occasion when\nhe was importuned into laying his hand on a patient, he said to him,\n\u201cGod give you better health and more sense.\u201d However, the practice was\ncontinued, as might have been expected, by the dull bigot James the\nSecond\u200b[1307] and his dull daughter Queen Anne. In his childhood Dr.\nJohnson was touched for scrofula by the queen, and he always retained\na faint but solemn recollection of her as of a lady in diamonds with a\nlong black hood.\u200b[1308] To judge by the too faithful picture which his\nbiographer has drawn of the doctor\u2019s appearance in later life we may\nconclude that the touch of the queen\u2019s hand was not a perfect remedy\nfor the disorder; perhaps the stream of divine grace which had flowed\nso copiously in the veins of Charles the Second had been dried up by\nthe interposition of the sceptical William.\n\n[Sidenote: Other kings and chiefs have claimed to heal diseases by a\ntouch.]\n\nThe kings of France also claimed to possess the same gift of healing\nby touch, which they are said to have derived from Clovis or from\nSt. Louis, while our English kings inherited it from Edward the\nConfessor.\u200b[1309] We may suspect that these estimates of the antiquity\nof the gift were far too modest, and that the barbarous, nay savage,\npredecessors both of the Saxon and of the Merovingian kings had with\nthe same justice claimed the same powers many ages before. Down to the\nnineteenth century the West African tribe of the Walos, in Senegal,\nascribed to their royal family a like power of healing by touch.\nMothers have been seen to bring their sick children to the queen, who\ntouched them solemnly with her foot on the back, the stomach, the\nhead, and the legs, after which the women departed in peace, convinced\nthat {p371} their children had been made whole.\u200b[1310] Similarly the\nsavage chiefs of Tonga were believed to heal scrofula and cases of\nindurated liver by the touch of their feet; and the cure was strictly\nhomoeopathic, for the disease as well as the cure was thought to be\ncaused by contact with the royal person or with anything that belonged\nto it.\u200b[1311] In fact royal personages in the Pacific and elsewhere\nhave been supposed to live in a sort of atmosphere highly charged with\nwhat we may call spiritual electricity, which, if it blasts all who\nintrude into its charmed circle, has happily also the gift of making\nthem whole again by a touch.\u200b[1312] We may conjecture that similar\nviews prevailed in ancient times as to the predecessors of our English\nmonarchs, and that accordingly scrofula received its name of the King\u2019s\nEvil from the belief that it was caused as well as cured by contact\nwith a king.\u200b[1313] In Loango palsy is called the king\u2019s disease,\nbecause the negroes imagine it to be heaven\u2019s punishment for treason\nmeditated against the king.\u200b[1314]\n\n[Sidenote: On the whole kings seem to have been often evolved out\nof magicians, but in course of time to have exchanged magical for\nreligious functions, in other words, to have become priests instead of\nsorcerers.]\n\nOn the whole, then, we seem to be justified in inferring that in\nmany parts of the world the king is the lineal successor of the old\nmagician or medicine-man. When once a special class of sorcerers\nhas been segregated from the community and entrusted by it with the\ndischarge of duties on which the public safety and welfare are believed\nto depend, these men gradually rise to wealth and power, till their\nleaders blossom out into sacred kings. But the great social revolution\nwhich thus begins with democracy and ends in despotism is attended\nby an intellectual revolution which affects both the conception and\nthe functions of royalty. {p372} For as time goes on, the fallacy of\nmagic becomes more and more apparent to the acuter minds and is slowly\ndisplaced by religion; in other words, the magician gives way to the\npriest, who renouncing the attempt to control directly the processes\nof nature for the good of man, seeks to attain the same end indirectly\nby appealing to the gods to do for him what he no longer fancies he\ncan do for himself. Hence the king, starting as a magician, tends\ngradually to exchange the practice of magic for the priestly functions\nof prayer and sacrifice. And while the distinction between the human\nand the divine is still imperfectly drawn, it is often imagined that\nmen may themselves attain to godhead, not merely after their death,\nbut in their lifetime, through the temporary or permanent possession\nof their whole nature by a great and powerful spirit. No class of the\ncommunity has benefited so much as kings by this belief in the possible\nincarnation of a god in human form. The doctrine of that incarnation,\nand with it the theory of the divinity of kings in the strict sense of\nthe word, will form the subject of the following chapter.\n\n{p373}\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII\n\nINCARNATE HUMAN GODS\n\n\n[Sidenote: The conception of gods has been slowly evolved.\n\nAs religion grows, magic declines into a black art.]\n\nThe instances which in the preceding chapters I have drawn from the\nbeliefs and practices of rude peoples all over the world, may suffice\nto prove that the savage fails to recognise those limitations to his\npower over nature which seem so obvious to us. In a society where every\nman is supposed to be endowed more or less with powers which we should\ncall supernatural, it is plain that the distinction between gods and\nmen is somewhat blurred, or rather has scarcely emerged. The conception\nof gods as superhuman beings endowed with powers to which man possesses\nnothing comparable in degree and hardly even in kind, has been slowly\nevolved in the course of history.\u200b[1315] By primitive peoples the\nsupernatural agents are not regarded as greatly, if at all, superior to\nman; for they may be frightened and coerced by him into doing his will.\nAt this stage of thought the world is viewed as a great democracy; all\nbeings in it, whether natural or supernatural, are supposed to stand on\na footing of tolerable equality. But with the growth of his knowledge\nman learns to realise more clearly the vastness of nature and his own\nlittleness and feebleness in presence of it. The recognition of his\nhelplessness does not, however, carry with it a corresponding belief in\nthe impotence of those supernatural beings with which his imagination\npeoples the universe. On the contrary, it enhances his {p374}\nconception of their power. For the idea of the world as a system of\nimpersonal forces acting in accordance with fixed and invariable laws\nhas not yet fully dawned or darkened upon him. The germ of the idea he\ncertainly has, and he acts upon it, not only in magic art, but in much\nof the business of daily life. But the idea remains undeveloped, and\nso far as he attempts to explain the world he lives in, he pictures it\nas the manifestation of conscious will and personal agency. If then he\nfeels himself to be so frail and slight, how vast and powerful must he\ndeem the beings who control the gigantic machinery of nature! Thus as\nhis old sense of equality with the gods slowly vanishes, he resigns\nat the same time the hope of directing the course of nature by his\nown unaided resources, that is, by magic, and looks more and more to\nthe gods as the sole repositories of those supernatural powers which\nhe once claimed to share with them. With the advance of knowledge,\ntherefore, prayer and sacrifice assume the leading place in religious\nritual; and magic, which once ranked with them as a legitimate equal,\nis gradually relegated to the background and sinks to the level of a\nblack art. It is now regarded as an encroachment, at once vain and\nimpious, on the domain of the gods, and as such encounters the steady\nopposition of the priests, whose reputation and influence rise or fall\nwith those of their gods. Hence, when at a late period the distinction\nbetween religion and superstition has emerged, we find that sacrifice\nand prayer are the resource of the pious and enlightened portion of\nthe community, while magic is the refuge of the superstitious and\nignorant. But when, still later, the conception of the elemental forces\nas personal agents is giving way to the recognition of natural law;\nthen magic, based as it implicitly is on the idea of a necessary and\ninvariable sequence of cause and effect, independent of personal will,\nreappears from the obscurity and discredit into which it had fallen,\nand by investigating the causal sequences in nature, directly prepares\nthe way for science. Alchemy leads up to chemistry.\n\n[Sidenote: The conception of a man-god or deity incarnate in human form\nbelongs to an early stage of religious history.]\n\nThe notion of a man-god, or of a human being endowed with divine or\nsupernatural powers, belongs essentially to that earlier period of\nreligious history in which gods and {p375} men are still viewed as\nbeings of much the same order, and before they are divided by the\nimpassable gulf which, to later thought, opens out between them.\nStrange, therefore, as may seem to us the idea of a god incarnate in\nhuman form, it has nothing very startling for early man, who sees in\na man-god or a god-man only a higher degree of the same supernatural\npowers which he arrogates in perfect good faith to himself. Nor does\nhe draw any very sharp distinction between a god and a powerful\nsorcerer. His gods, as we have seen,\u200b[1316] are often merely invisible\nmagicians who behind the veil of nature work the same sort of charms\nand incantations which the human magician works in a visible and\nbodily form among his fellows. And as the gods are commonly believed\nto exhibit themselves in the likeness of men to their worshippers,\nit is easy for the magician, with his supposed miraculous powers, to\nacquire the reputation of being an incarnate deity. Thus beginning\nas little more than a simple conjurer, the medicine-man or magician\ntends to blossom out into a full-blown god and king in one. Only in\nspeaking of him as a god we must beware of importing into the savage\nconception of deity those very abstract and complex ideas which we\nattach to the term. Our ideas on this profound subject are the fruit\nof a long intellectual and moral evolution, and they are so far from\nbeing shared by the savage that he cannot even understand them when\nthey are explained to him. Much of the controversy which has raged as\nto the religion of the lower races has sprung merely from a mutual\nmisunderstanding. The savage does not understand the thoughts of the\ncivilised man, and few civilised men understand the thoughts of the\nsavage. When the savage uses his word for god, he has in his mind a\nbeing of a certain sort: when the civilised man uses his word for\ngod, he has in his mind a being of a very different sort; and if, as\ncommonly happens, the two men are equally unable to place themselves\nat the other\u2019s point of view, nothing but confusion and mistakes can\nresult from their discussions. If we civilised men insist on limiting\nthe name of God to that particular conception of the divine nature\nwhich we ourselves have formed, then we must confess that {p376} the\nsavage has no god at all. But we shall adhere more closely to the\nfacts of history if we allow most of the higher savages at least to\npossess a rudimentary notion of certain supernatural beings who may\nfittingly be called gods, though not in the full sense in which we use\nthe word. That rudimentary notion represents in all probability the\ngerm out of which the civilised peoples have gradually evolved their\nown high conceptions of deity; and if we could trace the whole course\nof religious development, we might find that the chain which links our\nidea of the Godhead with that of the savage is one and unbroken.\n\n[Sidenote: Examples of incarnate human deities.\n\nThe incarnation either temporary or permanent.]\n\nWith these explanations and cautions I will now adduce some examples\nof gods who have been believed by their worshippers to be incarnate\nin living human beings, whether men or women. The persons in whom a\ndeity is thought to reveal himself are by no means always kings or\ndescendants of kings; the supposed incarnation may take place even\nin men of the humblest rank. In India, for example, one human god\nstarted in life as a cotton-bleacher and another as the son of a\ncarpenter.\u200b[1317] I shall therefore not draw my examples exclusively\nfrom royal personages, as I wish to illustrate the general principle\nof the deification of living men, in other words, the incarnation of a\ndeity in human form. Such incarnate gods are common in rude society.\nThe incarnation may be temporary or permanent. In the former case,\nthe incarnation\u2014commonly known as inspiration or possession\u2014reveals\nitself in supernatural knowledge rather than in supernatural power.\nIn other words, its usual manifestations are divination and prophecy\nrather than miracles. On the other hand, when the incarnation is not\nmerely temporary, when the divine spirit has permanently taken up its\nabode in a human body, the god-man is usually expected to vindicate\nhis character by working miracles. Only we have to remember that by\nmen at this stage of thought miracles are not considered as breaches\nof natural law. Not conceiving the existence of natural law, primitive\nman cannot {p377} conceive a breach of it. A miracle is to him merely an\nunusually striking manifestation of a common power.\n\n[Sidenote: Temporary incarnation of gods in human form among the\nPolynesians.]\n\nThe belief in temporary incarnation or inspiration is world-wide.\nCertain persons are supposed to be possessed from time to time by a\nspirit or deity; while the possession lasts, their own personality\nlies in abeyance, the presence of the spirit is revealed by convulsive\nshiverings and shakings of the man\u2019s whole body, by wild gestures and\nexcited looks, all of which are referred, not to the man himself, but\nto the spirit which has entered into him; and in this abnormal state\nall his utterances are accepted as the voice of the god or spirit\ndwelling in him and speaking through him. Thus, for example, in the\nSandwich Islands, the king personating the god, uttered the responses\nof the oracle from his concealment in a frame of wicker-work. But\nin the southern islands of the Pacific the god \u201cfrequently entered\nthe priest, who, inflated as it were with the divinity, ceased to\nact or speak as a voluntary agent, but moved and spoke as entirely\nunder supernatural influence. In this respect there was a striking\nresemblance between the rude oracles of the Polynesians, and those\nof the celebrated nations of ancient Greece. As soon as the god was\nsupposed to have entered the priest, the latter became violently\nagitated, and worked himself up to the highest pitch of apparent\nfrenzy, the muscles of the limbs seemed convulsed, the body swelled,\nthe countenance became terrific, the features distorted, and the eyes\nwild and strained. In this state he often rolled on the earth, foaming\nat the mouth, as if labouring under the influence of the divinity by\nwhom he was possessed, and, in shrill cries, and violent and often\nindistinct sounds, revealed the will of the god. The priests, who were\nattending, and versed in the mysteries, received, and reported to the\npeople, the declarations which had been thus received. When the priest\nhad uttered the response of the oracle, the violent paroxysm gradually\nsubsided, and comparative composure ensued. The god did not, however,\nalways leave him as soon as the communication had been made. Sometimes\nthe same _taura_, or priest, continued for two or three days possessed\nby the spirit or deity; a piece of a native cloth, of a peculiar kind,\nworn round one arm, was an indication {p378} of inspiration, or of the\nindwelling of the god with the individual who wore it. The acts of the\nman during this period were considered as those of the god, and hence\nthe greatest attention was paid to his expressions, and the whole of\nhis deportment. .\u00a0.\u00a0. When _uruhia_, (under the inspiration of the\nspirit,) the priest was always considered as sacred as the god, and was\ncalled, during this period, _atua_, god, though at other times only\ndenominated _taura_ or priest.\u201d\u200b[1318]\n\n[Sidenote: Temporary incarnation of gods in Mangaia, Fiji, Bali, and\nCelebes.\n\nTemporary incarnation of gods in human form.]\n\nIn Mangaia, an island of the South Pacific, the priests in whom the\ngods took up their abode from time to time were called \u201cgod-boxes\u201d\nor, for shortness, \u201cgods.\u201d Before giving oracles as gods, they drank\nan intoxicating liquor, and in the frenzy thus produced their wild\nwhirling words were received as the voice of the deity.\u200b[1319] In\nFiji there is in every tribe a certain family who alone are liable to\nbe thus temporarily inspired or possessed by a divine spirit. \u201cTheir\nqualification is hereditary, and any one of the ancestral gods may\nchoose his vehicle from among them. I have seen this possession, and\na horrible sight it is. In one case, after the fit was over, for\nsome time the man\u2019s muscles and nerves twitched and quivered in an\nextraordinary way. He was naked except for his breech-clout, and on\nhis naked breast little snakes seemed to be wriggling for a moment or\ntwo beneath his skin, disappearing and then suddenly reappearing in\nanother part of his chest. When the _mbete_ (which we may translate\n\u2018priest\u2019 for want of a better word) is seized by the possession, the\ngod within him calls out his own name in a stridulous tone, \u2018It is I!\nKatouivere!\u2019 or some other name. At the next possession some other\nancestor may declare himself.\u201d\u200b[1320] In Bali there are certain persons\ncalled _p\u0115rmas_, who are predestined or fitted by nature to become\nthe temporary abode of the invisible deities. When a god is to be\nconsulted, the villagers go and compel some of these mediums to lend\ntheir services. Sometimes the medium leaves his consciousness at home,\nand is then conducted with marks of honour to the temple, ready to\n{p379} receive the godhead into his person. Generally, however, some\ntime passes before he can be brought into the requisite frame of body\nand mind; but the desired result may be hastened by making him inhale\nthe smoke of incense or surrounding him with a band of singing men or\nwomen. The soul of the medium quits for a time his body, which is thus\nplaced at the disposal of the deity, and up to the moment when his\nconsciousness returns all his words and acts are regarded as proceeding\nnot from himself but from the god. So long as the possession lasts he\nis a _dewa kapiragan_, that is, a god who has become man, and in that\ncharacter he answers the questions put to him. During this time his\nbody is believed to be immaterial and hence invulnerable. A dance with\nswords and pikes follows the consultation of the oracle; but these\nweapons could make no impression on the ethereal body of the inspired\nmedium.\u200b[1321] In Poso, a district of Central Celebes, sickness is\noften supposed to be caused by an alien substance, such as a piece of\ntobacco, a stick, or even a chopping-knife, which has been introduced\nunseen into the body of the sufferer by the magic art of an insidious\nfoe. To discover and eject this foreign matter is a task for a god, who\nfor this purpose enters into the body of a priestess, speaks through\nher mouth, and performs the necessary surgical operation with her\nhands. An eye-witness of the ceremony has told how, when the priestess\nsat beside the sick man, with her head covered by a cloth, she began\nto quiver and shake and to sing in a strident tone, at which some one\nobserved to the writer, \u201cNow her own spirit is leaving her body and a\ngod is taking its place.\u201d On removing the cloth from her head she was\nno longer a woman but a heavenly spirit, and gazed about her with an\nastonished air as if to ask how she came from her own celestial region\nto this humble abode. Yet the divine spirit condescended to chew betel\nand to drink palm-wine like any poor mortal of earthly mould. After she\nhad pretended to extract the cause of the disease by laying the cloth\nfrom her head on the patient\u2019s stomach and pinching it, she veiled her\nface once more, sobbed, {p380} quivered, and shook violently, at which\nthe people said, \u201cThe human spirit is returning into her.\u201d\u200b[1322]\n\n[Sidenote: Deification of the sacrificer in Brahman ritual.\n\nThe new birth.]\n\nA Brahman householder who performs the regular half-monthly sacrifices\nis supposed thereby to become himself a deity for a time. In the words\nof the _Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_, \u201cHe who is consecrated draws nigh to the\ngods and becomes one of the deities.\u201d\u200b[1323] \u201cAll formulas of the\nconsecration are _audgrabhana_ (elevatory), since he who is consecrated\nelevates himself (_ud-grabh_) from this world to the world of the\ngods. He elevates himself by means of these same formulas.\u201d\u200b[1324]\n\u201cHe who is consecrated indeed becomes both Vishnu and a sacrificer;\nfor when he is consecrated, he is Vishnu, and when he sacrifices, he\nis the sacrificer.\u201d\u200b[1325] After he has completed the sacrifice he\nbecomes man again, divesting himself of his sacred character with the\nwords, \u201cNow I am he who I really am,\u201d which are thus explained in the\n_Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_: \u201cIn entering upon the vow, he becomes, as it\nwere, non-human; and as it would not be becoming for him to say, \u2018I\nenter from truth into untruth\u2019; and as, in fact, he now again becomes\nman, let him therefore divest himself (of the vow) with the text: \u2018Now\nI am he who I really am.\u2019\u201d\u200b[1326] The means by which the sacrificer\npassed from untruth to truth, from the human to the divine, was a\nsimulation of a new birth. He was sprinkled with water as a symbol of\nseed. He feigned to be an embryo, and shut himself up in a special hut,\nwhich represented the womb. Under his robe he wore a belt, and over\nit the skin of a black antelope; the belt stood for the navel-string,\nand the robe and the black antelope skin represented the inner and\nouter membranes (the amnion and the chorion) in which an embryo is\nwrapt. He might not scratch himself with his nails or a stick because\nhe was an embryo, and were an embryo scratched with nails or a stick\nit would die. If he moved about in {p381} the hut, it was because the\nchild moves about in the womb. If he kept his fists doubled up, it was\nbecause an unborn babe does the same. If in bathing he put off the\nblack antelope skin but retained his robe, it was because the child is\nborn with the amnion but not with the chorion. By these practices he\nacquired, in addition to his old natural and mortal body, a new body\nthat was sacramental and immortal, invested with superhuman powers,\nencircled with an aureole of fire. Thus, by a new birth, a regeneration\nof his carnal nature, the man became a god. At his natural birth, the\nBrahmans said, man is born but in part; it is by sacrifice that he is\ntruly born into the world. The funeral rites, which ensured the final\npassage from earth to heaven, might be considered as a phase of the new\nbirth. \u201cIn truth,\u201d they said, \u201cman is born thrice. At first he is born\nof his father and mother; then when he sacrifices he is born again; and\nlastly, when he dies and is laid on the fire, he is born again from\nit, and that is his third birth. That is why they say that man is born\nthrice.\u201d\u200b[1327]\n\n[Sidenote: Temporary incarnation or inspiration produced by drinking\nblood.]\n\nBut examples of such temporary inspiration are so common in every part\nof the world and are now so familiar through books on ethnology that it\nis needless to multiply illustrations of the general principle.\u200b[1328]\nIt may be well, however, to refer to two particular modes of producing\ntemporary inspiration, because they are perhaps less known than some\nothers, and because we shall have occasion to refer to them later on.\nOne of these modes of producing inspiration is by sucking the fresh\nblood of a sacrificed victim. In the temple of Apollo Diradiotes at\nArgos, a lamb was sacrificed by night once a month; a woman, who had\nto observe a rule of chastity, tasted the blood of the lamb, and thus\nbeing inspired by the god she prophesied or divined.\u200b[1329] At Aegira\nin Achaia the priestess of Earth drank the fresh blood of a {p382} bull\nbefore she descended into the cave to prophesy.\u200b[1330] In southern\nIndia a devil-dancer \u201ccuts and lacerates his flesh till the blood\nflows, lashes himself with a huge whip, presses a burning torch to his\nbreast, drinks the blood which flows from his own wounds, or drinks the\nblood of the sacrifice, putting the throat of the decapitated goat to\nhis mouth. Then, as if he had acquired new life, he begins to brandish\nhis staff of bells, and to dance with a quick but wild unsteady step.\nSuddenly the afflatus descends. There is no mistaking that glare, or\nthose frantic leaps. He snorts, he stares, he gyrates. The demon has\nnow taken bodily possession of him; and, though he retains the power\nof utterance and of motion, both are under the demon\u2019s control, and\nhis separate consciousness is in abeyance. The bystanders signalize\nthe event by raising a long shout, attended with a peculiar vibratory\nnoise, which is caused by the motion of the hand and tongue, or of the\ntongue alone. The devil-dancer is now worshipped as a present deity,\nand every bystander consults him respecting his disease, his wants,\nthe welfare of his absent relatives, the offerings to be made for the\naccomplishment of his wishes, and, in short, respecting everything\nfor which superhuman knowledge is supposed to be available.\u201d\u200b[1331]\nSimilarly among the Kuruvikkarans, a class of bird-catchers and beggars\nin Southern India, the goddess Kali is believed to descend upon the\npriest, and he gives oracular replies after sucking the blood which\nstreams from the cut throat of a goat.\u200b[1332] At a festival of the\nAlfoors of Minahassa, in northern Celebes, after a pig has been killed,\nthe priest rushes furiously at it, thrusts his head into the carcase,\nand drinks of the blood. Then he is dragged away from it by force and\nset on a chair, whereupon he begins to prophesy how the rice-crop will\nturn out that year. A second time he runs at the carcase and drinks\nof the blood; a second time {p383} he is forced into the chair and\ncontinues his predictions. It is thought that there is a spirit in\nhim which possesses the power of prophecy.\u200b[1333] At Rhetra, a great\nreligious capital of the Western Slavs, the priest tasted the blood of\nthe sacrificed oxen and sheep in order the better to prophesy.\u200b[1334]\nThe true test of a Dainyal or diviner among some of the Hindoo Koosh\ntribes is to suck the blood from the neck of a decapitated goat.\u200b[1335]\nThe Takhas on the border of Cashmeer have prophets who act as inspired\nmediums between the deity and his worshippers. At the sacrifices the\nprophet inhales the smoke of the sacred cedar in order to keep off evil\nspirits, and sometimes he drinks the warm blood as it spouts from the\nneck of the decapitated victim before he utters his oracle.\u200b[1336] The\nheathen of Harran regarded blood as unclean, but nevertheless drank it\nbecause they believed it to be the food of demons, and thought that\nby imbibing it they entered into communion with the demons, who would\nthus visit them and lift the veil that hides the future from mortal\nvision.\u200b[1337]\n\n[Sidenote: Temporary incarnation or inspiration produced by means of a\nsacred tree or plant.]\n\nThe other mode of producing temporary inspiration, to which I shall\nhere refer, consists in the use of a sacred tree or plant. Thus in the\nHindoo Koosh a fire is kindled with twigs of the sacred cedar; and\nthe Dainyal or sibyl, with a cloth over her head, inhales the thick\npungent smoke till she is seized with convulsions and falls senseless\nto the ground. Soon she rises and raises a shrill chant, which is {p384}\ncaught up and loudly repeated by her audience.\u200b[1338] So Apollo\u2019s\nprophetess ate the sacred laurel and was fumigated with it before she\nprophesied.\u200b[1339] The Bacchanals ate ivy, and their inspired fury was\nby some believed to be due to the exciting and intoxicating properties\nof the plant.\u200b[1340] In Uganda the priest, in order to be inspired by\nhis god, smokes a pipe of tobacco fiercely till he works himself into a\nfrenzy; the loud excited tones in which he then talks are recognised as\nthe voice of the god speaking through him.\u200b[1341] In Madura, an island\noff the north coast of Java, each spirit has its regular medium, who is\noftener a woman than a man. To prepare herself for the reception of the\nspirit she inhales the fumes of incense, sitting with her head over a\nsmoking censer. Gradually she falls into a sort of trance accompanied\nby shrieks, grimaces, and violent spasms. The spirit is now supposed to\nhave entered into her, and when she grows calmer her words are regarded\nas oracular, being the utterances of the indwelling spirit, while her\nown soul is temporarily absent.\u200b[1342]\n\n[Sidenote: Inspired victims.]\n\nIt is worth observing that many peoples expect the victim as well\nas the priest or prophet to give signs of inspiration by convulsive\nmovements of the body; and if the animal remains obstinately steady,\nthey esteem it unfit for sacrifice. Thus when the Yakuts sacrifice\nto an evil spirit, the beast must bellow and roll about, which is\nconsidered a token that the evil spirit has entered into it.\u200b[1343]\nApollo\u2019s prophetess could give no oracles unless the sacrificial victim\ntrembled in every limb when the wine was poured on its head. But for\nordinary Greek sacrifices it was enough that the victim should shake\nits head; to make it do so, water was poured on it.\u200b[1344] Many other\npeoples (Tonquinese, {p385} Hindoos, Chuwash, and so forth) have\nadopted the same test of a suitable victim; they pour water or wine on\nits head; if the animal shakes its head it is accepted for sacrifice;\nif it does not, it is rejected.\u200b[1345] Among the Kafirs of the Hindoo\nKoosh the priest or his substitute pours water into the ear and all\ndown the spine of the intended victim, whether it be a sheep or a\ngoat. It is not enough that the animal should merely shake its head to\nget the water out of its ear; it must shake its whole body as a wet\ndog shakes himself. When it does so, a kissing sound is made by all\npresent, and the victim is forthwith slaughtered.\u200b[1346]\n\n[Sidenote: Divine power acquired by temporary inspiration.]\n\nThe person temporarily inspired is believed to acquire, not merely\ndivine knowledge, but also, at least occasionally, divine power. In\nCambodia, when an epidemic breaks out, the inhabitants of several\nvillages unite and go with a band of music at their head to look for\nthe man whom the local god is supposed to have chosen for his temporary\nincarnation. {p386} When found, the man is conducted to the altar of the\ngod where the mystery of incarnation takes place. Then the man becomes\nan object of veneration to his fellows, who implore him to protect\nthe village against the plague.\u200b[1347] A certain image of Apollo,\nwhich stood in a sacred cave at Hylae near Magnesia, was thought to\nimpart superhuman strength. Sacred men, inspired by it, leaped down\nprecipices, tore up huge trees by the roots, and carried them on their\nbacks along the narrowest defiles.\u200b[1348] The feats performed by\ninspired dervishes belong to the same class.\n\n[Sidenote: Human gods, or men permanently possessed by a deity.\n\nHuman gods in the Pacific.]\n\nThus far we have seen that the savage, failing to discern the limits\nof his ability to control nature, ascribes to himself and to all men\ncertain powers which we should now call supernatural. Further, we have\nseen that, over and above this general supernaturalism, some persons\nare supposed to be inspired for short periods by a divine spirit, and\nthus temporarily to enjoy the knowledge and power of the indwelling\ndeity. From beliefs like these it is an easy step to the conviction\nthat certain men are permanently possessed by a deity, or in some other\nundefined way are endued with so high a degree of supernatural power as\nto be ranked as gods and to receive the homage of prayer and sacrifice.\nSometimes these human gods are restricted to purely supernatural or\nspiritual functions. Sometimes they exercise supreme political power in\naddition. In the latter case they are kings as well as gods, and the\ngovernment is a theocracy. Thus in the Marquesas or Washington Islands\nthere was a class of men who were deified in their lifetime. They were\nsupposed to wield a supernatural power over the elements; they could\ngive abundant harvests or smite the ground with barrenness; and they\ncould inflict disease or death. Human sacrifices were offered to them\nto avert their wrath. There were not many of them, at the most one\nor two in each island. They lived in mystic seclusion. {p387} Their\npowers were sometimes, but not always, hereditary. A missionary has\ndescribed one of these human gods from personal observation. The god\nwas a very old man who lived in a large house within an enclosure. In\nthe house was a kind of altar, and on the beams of the house and on the\ntrees round it were hung human skeletons, head down. No one entered\nthe enclosure except the persons dedicated to the service of the god;\nonly on days when human victims were sacrificed might ordinary people\npenetrate into the precinct. This human god received more sacrifices\nthan all the other gods; often he would sit on a sort of scaffold in\nfront of his house and call for two or three human victims at a time.\nThey were always brought, for the terror he inspired was extreme. He\nwas invoked all over the island, and offerings were sent to him from\nevery side.\u200b[1349] Again, of the South Sea Islands in general we are\ntold that each island had a man who represented or personified the\ndivinity. Such men were called gods, and their substance was confounded\nwith that of the deity. The man-god was sometimes the king himself;\noftener he was a priest or subordinate chief.\u200b[1350] Tanatoa, king of\nRaiatea, was {p388} deified by a certain ceremony performed at the\nchief temple. \u201cAs one of the divinities of his subjects, therefore,\nthe king was worshipped, consulted as an oracle and had sacrifices and\nprayers offered to him.\u201d\u200b[1351] This was not an exceptional case. The\nkings of the island regularly enjoyed divine honours, being deified\nat the time of their accession.\u200b[1352] At his inauguration the king\nof Tahiti received a sacred girdle of red and yellow feathers, \u201cwhich\nnot only raised him to the highest earthly station, but identified him\nwith their gods.\u201d\u200b[1353] A new piece, about eighteen inches long, was\nadded to the belt at the inauguration of every king, and three human\nvictims were sacrificed in the process.\u200b[1354] The king\u2019s houses were\ncalled the clouds of heaven; the rainbow was the name of the canoe in\nwhich he voyaged; his voice was spoken of as thunder, and the glare\nof the torches in his dwelling as lightning; and when the people saw\nthem in the evening, as they passed near his house, instead of saying\nthe torches were burning in the palace, they would remark that the\nlightning was flashing in the clouds of heaven. When he moved from one\ndistrict to another on the shoulders of his bearers, he was said to be\nflying.\u200b[1355] The natives of Futuna, an island in the South Pacific,\n\u201care not content with deifying the evils that afflict them; they place\ngods everywhere, and even go so far as to suppose that the greatest of\nall the spirits resides in the person of their prince as in a living\nsanctuary. From this belief springs a strange mode of regarding their\nking, and of behaving under his authority. In their eyes the sovereign\nis not responsible for his acts; they deem him inspired by the divine\nspirit whose tabernacle he is; hence his will is sacred; even his\nwhims and rages are revered; and if it pleases him to play the tyrant,\nhis subjects submit from conscientious motives to {p389} the vexations\nhe inflicts on them.\u201d\u200b[1356] The gods of Samoa generally appeared in\nanimal form, but sometimes they were permanently incarnate in men, who\ngave oracles, received offerings (occasionally of human flesh), healed\nthe sick, answered prayers, and so on.\u200b[1357] In regard to the old\nreligion of the Fijians, and especially of the inhabitants of Somosomo,\nit is said that \u201cthere appears to be no certain line of demarcation\nbetween departed spirits and gods, nor between gods and living men,\nfor many of the priests and old chiefs are considered as sacred\npersons, and not a few of them will also claim to themselves the right\nof divinity. \u2018I am a god,\u2019 Tuikilakila would say; and he believed it\ntoo.\u201d\u200b[1358] In the Pelew Islands it is thought that every god can take\npossession of a man and speak through him. The possession may be either\ntemporary or permanent; in the latter case the chosen person is called\na _korong_. The god is free in his choice, so the position of _korong_\nis not hereditary. After the death of a _korong_ the god is for some\ntime unrepresented, until he suddenly makes his appearance in a new\nAvatar. The person thus chosen gives signs of the divine presence by\nbehaving in a strange way; he gapes, runs about, and performs a number\nof senseless acts. At first people laugh at him, but his sacred mission\nis in time recognised, and he is invited to assume his proper position\nin the state. Generally this position is a distinguished one and\nconfers on him a powerful influence over the whole community. In some\nof the islands the god is political sovereign of the land; and hence\nhis new incarnation, however humble his origin, is raised to the same\nhigh rank, and rules, as god and king, over all the other chiefs.\u200b[1359]\n\n[Sidenote: Human gods in ancient Egypt.\n\nHuman gods in ancient Greece.]\n\nThe ancient Egyptians, far from restricting their {p390} adoration\nto cats and dogs and such small deer, very liberally extended it to\nmen. One of these human deities resided at the village of Anabis,\nand burnt sacrifices were offered to him on the altars; after which,\nsays Porphyry, he would eat his dinner just as if he were an ordinary\nmortal.\u200b[1360] In classical antiquity the Sicilian philosopher\nEmpedocles gave himself out to be not merely a wizard but a god.\nAddressing his fellow-citizens in verse he said:\u2014\n\n    \u201c_O friends, in this great city that climbs the yellow slope_\n    _Of Agrigentum\u2019s citadel, who make good works your scope,_\n    _Who offer to the stranger a haven quiet and fair,_\n    _All hail! Among you honoured I walk with lofty air._\n    _With garlands, blooming garlands you crown my noble brow,_\n    _A mortal man no longer, a deathless godhead now._\n    _Where e\u2019er I go, the people crowd round and worship pay,_\n    _And thousands follow seeking to learn the better way._\n    _Some crave prophetic visions, some smit with anguish sore_\n    _Would fain hear words of comfort and suffer pain no more._\u201d\n\nHe asserted that he could teach his disciples how to make the wind to\nblow or be still, the rain to fall and the sun to shine, how to banish\nsickness and old age and to raise the dead.\u200b[1361] When Demetrius\nPoliorcetes restored the Athenian democracy in 307 B.C., the Athenians\ndecreed divine honours to him and his father Antigonus, both of them\nbeing then alive, under the title of the Saviour Gods. Altars were set\nup to the Saviours, and a priest appointed to attend to their worship.\nThe people went forth to meet their deliverer with hymns and dances,\nwith garlands and incense and libations; they lined the streets and\nsang that he was the only true god, for the other gods slept, or dwelt\nfar away, or were not. In the words of a contemporary poet, which were\nchanted in public and sung in private:\u2014 {p391}\n\n    \u201c_Of all the gods the greatest and the dearest_\n    _To the city are come._\n    _For Demeter and Demetrius_\n    _Together time has brought._\n    _She comes to hold the Maiden\u2019s awful rites,_\n    _And he joyous and fair and laughing,_\n    _As befits a god._\n    _A glorious sight, with all his friends about him,_\n    _He in their midst,_\n    _They like to stars, and he the sun._\n    _Son of Poseidon the mighty, Aphrodite\u2019s son,_\n    _All hail!_\n    _The other gods dwell far away,_\n    _Or have no ears,_\n    _Or are not, or pay us no heed._\n    _But thee we present see,_\n    _No god of wood or stone, but godhead true._\n    _Therefore to thee we pray._\u201d\u200b[1362]\n\n[Sidenote: Human goddesses among the ancient Germans.]\n\nThe ancient Germans believed that there was something holy in women,\nand accordingly consulted them as oracles. Their sacred women, we are\ntold, looked on the eddying rivers and listened to the murmur or the\nroar of the water, and from the sight and sound foretold what would\ncome to pass.\u200b[1363] But often the veneration of the men went further,\nand they worshipped women as true and living goddesses. For example, in\nthe reign of Vespasian a certain Veleda, of the tribe of the Bructeri,\nwas commonly held to be a deity, and in that character reigned over\nher people, her sway being acknowledged far and wide. She lived in a\ntower on the river Lippe, a tributary of the Rhine. When the people\nof Cologne sent to make a treaty with her, the ambassadors were not\nadmitted to her presence; the negotiations were conducted through a\nminister, who acted as the mouthpiece of her divinity and reported her\noracular utterances.\u200b[1364] The {p392} example shews how easily among\nour rude forefathers the ideas of divinity and royalty coalesced. It is\nsaid that among the Getae down to the beginning of our era there was\nalways a man who personified a god and was called God by the people. He\ndwelt on a sacred mountain and acted as adviser to the king.\u200b[1365]\n\n[Sidenote: Human gods in South-East Africa.]\n\nAn early Portuguese historian informs us that the Quiteve or king\nof Sofala, in south-eastern Africa, \u201cis a woolly-haired Kaffir, a\nheathen who adores nothing whatever, and has no knowledge of God;\non the contrary he esteems himself the god of all his lands, and is\nso looked upon and reverenced by his subjects.\u201d \u201cWhen they suffer\nnecessity or scarcity they have recourse to the king, firmly believing\nthat he can give them all that they desire or have need of, and can\nobtain anything from his dead predecessors, with whom they believe\nthat he holds converse. For this reason they ask the king to give\nthem rain when it is required, and other favourable weather for their\nharvest, and in coming to ask for any of these things they bring him\nvaluable presents, which the king accepts, bidding them return to their\nhomes and he will be careful to grant their petitions. They are such\nbarbarians that though they see how often the king does not give them\nwhat they ask for, they are not undeceived, but make him still greater\nofferings, and many days are spent in these comings and goings, until\nthe weather turns to rain, and the Kaffirs are satisfied, believing\nthat the king did not grant their request until he had been well\nbribed and importuned, as he himself affirms, in order to maintain\nthem in their error.\u201d\u200b[1366] The Zimbas, or Muzimbas, another people\nof south-eastern Africa, \u201cdo not adore idols or recognise any god, but\ninstead they venerate and honour their king, whom they regard as a\ndivinity, and they say he is the greatest and best in the world. And\nthe said king says of himself that he alone is god of the earth, for\nwhich reason if it rains when he does not wish it to do so, or is too\nhot, he shoots arrows at the sky for not obeying him.\u201d\u200b[1367] Amongst\nthe Barotse, a tribe on the upper Zambesi, \u201cthere is an old but waning\n{p393} belief that a chief is a demigod, and in heavy thunderstorms the\nBarotse flock to the chief\u2019s yard for protection from the lightning.\nI have been greatly distressed at seeing them fall on their knees\nbefore the chief, entreating him to open the water-pots of heaven and\nsend rain upon their gardens.\u201d \u201cThe king\u2019s servants declare themselves\nto be invincible, because they are the servants of God (meaning _the\nking_).\u201d\u200b[1368]\n\n[Sidenote: Human gods in South Africa.]\n\nThe Maraves of South Africa \u201chave a spiritual head to whom they ascribe\nsupernatural powers, revering him as a prophet and designating him\nby the name of Chissumpe. Besides a considerable territory, which\nhe owns and rules, he receives tribute from all, even from the king\n(_unde_). They believe that this being is invisible and immortal, and\nthey consult him as an oracle, in which case he makes himself heard.\nHe is personified by a _Fumo-a-Chissumpe_, that is, by an intimate of\nthe Chissumpe, whose dignity is hereditary and who is revered exactly\nlike the supposed Chissumpe, with whom he is naturally identical.\nAs he names his own successor, disputes as to the succession do not\narise. His oracles are as unintelligible and ambiguous as can well\nbe imagined. He derives great profit from impostors of both sexes,\nwho purchase the gift of soothsaying from him. In the settlement\n(_Muzinda_) of the Chissumpe there are women whom the people regard\nas his wives, but who, according to the universal belief, cannot bear\nchildren. If these women are convicted of an offence with a man, they\nare burnt along with the partner of their guilt.\u201d\u200b[1369] The Mashona of\nsouthern Africa informed their bishop that they had once had a god, but\nthat the Matabeles had driven him away. \u201cThis last was in reference to\na curious custom in some villages of keeping a man they called their\ngod. He seemed to be consulted by the people and had presents given to\nhim. There was one at a village belonging to a chief {p394} Magondi, in\nthe old days. We were asked not to fire off any guns near the village,\nor we should frighten him away.\u201d\u200b[1370] This Mashona god was formerly\nbound to render an annual tribute to the king of the Matabeles in the\nshape of four black oxen and one dance. A missionary has seen and\ndescribed the deity discharging the latter part of his duty in front\nof the royal hut. For three mortal hours, without a break, to the\nbanging of a tambourine, the click of castanettes, and the drone of a\nmonotonous song, the swarthy god engaged in a frenzied dance, crouching\non his hams like a tailor, sweating like a pig, and bounding about with\nan agility which testified to the strength and elasticity of his divine\nlegs.\u200b[1371]\n\n[Sidenote: Human god of the Makalakas.]\n\n\u201cIn the Makalaka hills, to the west of Matabeleland, the natives all\nacknowledge there dwells a god whom they name Ngwali, much worshipped\nby the bushmen and Makalakas, and feared even by the Matabele:\neven Lo Bengula paid tribute and sent presents to him often. This\nindividual has only been seen by a few of those who live close by,\nand who doubtless profit by the numberless offerings made to this\nstrange being; but the god never dies; and the position is supposed\nto be hereditary in the one family who are the intermediaries for and\nconnexion between Ngwali and the outer world.\u201d\u200b[1372] This Makalaka\ngod \u201cresides in the depth of a cave, in the midst of a labyrinth.\nNobody has ever seen him, but he has sons and daughters, who are\npriests and priestesses and dwell in the neighbourhood of the grotto.\nIt is rather odd that not long ago three sons of this god were put to\ndeath like common mortals for having stolen wheat from the king. Lo\nBengula probably thought that they should practise justice even more\nstrictly than other folk. .\u00a0.\u00a0. In the middle of the cavern, they\nsay, there is a shaft, very deep and very black. From this gulf there\nissue from time to time terrible noises like the crash of thunder. On\nthe edge of the abyss the worshippers tremblingly lay flesh and {p395}\nwheat, fowls, cakes, and other presents to appease the hunger of the\ndreadful god and secure his favour. After making this offering the\npoor suppliants declare aloud their wishes and the object of their\napplication. They ask to know hidden things, future events, the names\nof those who have cast a spell on them, the issue of such and such an\nenterprise. After some moments of profound silence there are heard,\namid the crash of subterranean thunder, inarticulate sounds, strange\nbroken words, of which it is hard to make out the sense, and which the\nmedicine-men (_amazizis_), who are hand in glove with the makers of\nthunder, explain to these credulous devotees.\u201d\u200b[1373]\n\n[Sidenote: Human gods in Central and East Africa.]\n\nThe Baganda of Central Africa believed in a god of Lake Nyanza, who\nsometimes took up his abode in a man or woman. The incarnate god was\nmuch feared by all the people, including the king and the chiefs. When\nthe mystery of incarnation had taken place, the man, or rather the god,\nremoved about a mile and a half from the margin of the lake, and there\nawaited the appearance of the new moon before he engaged in his sacred\nduties. From the moment that the crescent moon appeared faintly in the\nsky, the king and all his subjects were at the command of the divine\nman, or _Lubare_ (god), as he was called, who reigned supreme not only\nin matters of faith and ritual, but also in questions of war and state\npolicy. He was consulted as an oracle; by his word he could inflict\nor heal sickness, withhold rain, and cause famine. Large presents\nwere made him when his advice was sought.\u200b[1374] The chief of Urua,\na large region to the west of Lake Tanganyika, \u201carrogates to himself\ndivine honours and power and pretends to abstain from food for days\nwithout feeling its necessity; and, indeed, declares that as a god he\nis altogether above requiring food and only eats, drinks, and smokes\nfor the pleasure it affords him.\u201d\u200b[1375] Among the Gallas, when a woman\ngrows tired of the cares of housekeeping, she {p396} begins to talk\nincoherently and to demean herself extravagantly. This is a sign of\nthe descent of the holy spirit Callo upon her. Immediately her husband\nprostrates himself and adores her; she ceases to bear the humble title\nof wife and is called \u201cLord\u201d; domestic duties have no further claim on\nher, and her will is a divine law.\u200b[1376]\n\n[Sidenote: Human gods in West Africa.]\n\nThe king of Loango is honoured by his people \u201cas though he were a\ngod; and he is called Sambee and Pango, which mean god. They believe\nthat he can let them have rain when he likes; and once a year, in\nDecember, which is the time they want rain, the people come to beg of\nhim to grant it to them.\u201d On this occasion the king, standing on his\nthrone, shoots an arrow into the air, which is supposed to bring on\nrain.\u200b[1377] Much the same is said of the king of Mombasa.\u200b[1378] Down\nto a few years ago, when his spiritual reign on earth was brought to an\nabrupt end by the carnal weapons of English marines and bluejackets,\nthe king of Benin was the chief object of worship in his dominions. \u201cHe\noccupies a higher post here than the Pope does in Catholic Europe; for\nhe is not only God\u2019s vicegerent upon earth, but a god himself, whose\nsubjects both obey and adore him as such, although I believe their\nadoration to arise rather from fear than love.\u201d\u200b[1379] The king of\nIddah told the English officers of the Niger Expedition, \u201cGod made me\nafter his own image; I am all the same as God; and he appointed me a\nking.\u201d\u200b[1380] In the language of the Hos, a Ewe tribe of Togoland, the\nword for god is _Mawu_ and the Great God is _Mawu g\u00e3_. They personify\nthe blessing of god and say that the Great God dwells {p397} with a\nrich man. \u201cFrom the personification of the divine blessing to the\ndeification of the man himself the step is not a long one, and as a\nmatter of fact it is taken. The Hos know men in whose life are to be\nseen so many resemblances to the Great God that they call them simply\n_Mawu_. In the neighbourhood of Ho there lived a good many years ago\na man who enjoyed an extraordinary reputation in the whole of the\nneighbourhood, and who accordingly named himself _Wuwo_, that is,\n\u2018more than the others.\u2019 The people actually paid him divine honours,\nnot indeed in the sense that they sacrificed to him, but in the sense\nthat they followed his words absolutely. They worked on his fields\nand brought him rich presents. On the coast there lived a respected\nold chief, who called himself _Mawu_. He was richer than all the\nother chiefs, and the inhabitants of twenty-seven towns rendered him\nunconditional obedience. In the circumstance that he was richer and\nmore honoured than all the other chiefs he saw his resemblance to the\ndeity.\u201d\u200b[1381]\n\n[Sidenote: Divinity of kings and chiefs in Madagascar.]\n\nAmong the Hovas and other tribes of Madagascar there is said to be a\ndeep sense of the divinity of kings; and down to the acceptance of\nChristianity by the late queen, the Hova sovereigns were regularly\ntermed \u201cthe visible God\u201d (_Andriam\u00e1nitra h\u00edta m\u00e0so_) and other terms\nof similar import were also applied to them.\u200b[1382] The chiefs of the\nBetsileo in Madagascar \u201care considered as far above the common people\nand are looked upon almost as if they were gods.\u201d \u201cFor the chiefs are\nsupposed to have power as regards the words they utter, not, however,\nmerely the power which a king possesses, but power like that of God;\na power which works of itself on account of its inherent virtue, and\nnot power exerted through soldiers and strong servants.\u201d\u200b[1383] \u201cThe\n_Ampandzaka-mandzaka_ or sovereign whom the Sakkalava of the north\noften call {p398} also _Zanahari \u00e2ntani_, God on earth, is surrounded\nby them with a veneration which resembles idolatry, and the vulgar are\nsimple enough to attribute the creation of the world to his ancestors.\nThe different parts of his body and his least actions are described by\nnouns and verbs which are foreign to the ordinary language, forming\na separate vocabulary called _Vo\u00fbla f\u00e2li_, sacred words, or _Vo\u00fbla\nn\u2019 ampandz\u00e2ka_, princely words. The person and the goods of the\n_Ampandzaka-mandzaka_ are _fali_, sacred.\u201d\u200b[1384]\n\n[Sidenote: Divine kings in the Malay region.\n\nMiraculous powers attributed to regalia.]\n\nThe theory of the real divinity of a king is said to be held strongly\nin the Malay region. Not only is the king\u2019s person considered sacred,\nbut the sanctity of his body is supposed to communicate itself to his\nregalia and to slay those who break the royal taboos. Thus it is firmly\nbelieved that any one who seriously offends the royal person, who\nimitates or touches even for a moment the chief objects of the regalia,\nor who wrongfully makes use of the insignia or privileges of royalty,\nwill be _k\u0115na daulat_, that is, struck dead by a sort of electric\ndischarge of that divine power which the Malays suppose to reside\nin the king\u2019s person and to which they give the name of _daulat_ or\nsanctity.\u200b[1385] The regalia of every petty Malay state are believed to\nbe endowed with supernatural powers;\u200b[1386] and we are told that \u201cthe\nextraordinary strength of the Malay belief in the supernatural powers\nof the regalia of their sovereigns can only be thoroughly realised\nafter a study of their romances, in which their kings are credited\nwith all the attributes of inferior gods, whose birth, as indeed every\nsubsequent act of their after-life, is attended by the most amazing\nprodigies.\u201d\u200b[1387]\n\n[Sidenote: Divine kings and men in the East Indies.]\n\nAmong the Battas of Central Sumatra there is a prince who bears the\nhereditary title of Singa Mangaradja and is worshipped as a deity. He\nreigns over Bakara, a village on the south-western shore of Lake Toba;\nbut his worship is diffused among the tribes both near and far. All\nsorts of strange stories are told of him. It is said that {p399} he\nwas seven years in his mother\u2019s womb, and thus came into the world a\nseven-year-old child; that he has a black hairy tongue, the sight of\nwhich is fatal, so that in speaking he keeps his mouth as nearly shut\nas possible and gives all his orders in writing. Sometimes he remains\nseven months without eating, or sleeps for three months together. He\ncan make the sun to shine or the rain to fall at his pleasure; hence\nthe people pray to him for a good harvest, and worshippers hasten to\nBakara from all sides with offerings in the hope of thereby securing\nhis miraculous aid. Wherever he goes, the gongs are solemnly beaten\nand the public peace may not be broken. He is said to eat neither pork\nnor dog\u2019s flesh.\u200b[1388] The Battas used to cherish a superstitious\nveneration for the Sultan of Minangkabau, and shewed a blind submission\nto his relations and emissaries, real or pretended, when these persons\nappeared among them for the purpose of levying contributions. Even\nwhen insulted and put in fear of their lives they made no attempt at\nresistance; for they believed that their affairs would never prosper,\nthat their rice would be blighted and their buffaloes die, and that\nthey would remain under a sort of spell if they offended these sacred\nmessengers.\u200b[1389] In the kingdom of Loowoo the great majority of the\npeople have never seen the king, and they believe that were they to\nsee him their belly would swell up and they would die on the spot.\nThe farther you go from the capital, the more firmly rooted is this\nbelief.\u200b[1390] In time of public calamity, as during war or pestilence,\nsome of the Molucca Islanders used to celebrate a festival of heaven.\nIf no good result followed, they bought a slave, took him at the next\nfestival to the place of sacrifice, and set him on a raised place\nunder a certain bamboo-tree. This tree represented heaven, and had\nbeen honoured as its image {p400} at former festivals. The portion\nof the sacrifice which had previously been offered to heaven was now\ngiven to the slave, who ate and drank it in the name and stead of\nheaven. Henceforth he was well treated, kept for the festivals of\nheaven, and employed to represent heaven and receive the offerings in\nits name.\u200b[1391] Every Alfoor village of northern Ceram has usually\nsix priests, of whom the most intelligent discharges the duties of\nhigh priest. This man is the most powerful person in the village;\nall the inhabitants, even the regent, are subject to him and must do\nhis bidding. The common herd regard him as a higher being, a sort\nof demi-god. He aims at surrounding himself with an atmosphere of\nmystery, and for this purpose lives in great seclusion, generally in\nthe council-house of the village, where he conceals himself from vulgar\neyes behind a screen or partition.\u200b[1392] However, in this case the god\nseems to be in process of incubation rather than full-fledged.\n\n[Sidenote: Divine kings in Burma and Siam.\n\nDivine men in Tonquin.\n\nDivine head of the Babites.]\n\nA peculiarly bloodthirsty monarch of Burma, by name Badonsachen, whose\nvery countenance reflected the inbred ferocity of his nature, and under\nwhose reign more victims perished by the executioner than by the common\nenemy, conceived the notion that he was something more than mortal,\nand that this high distinction had been granted him as a reward for\nhis numerous good works. Accordingly he laid aside the title of king\nand aimed at making himself a god. With this view, and in imitation\nof Buddha, who, before being advanced to the rank of a divinity, had\nquitted his royal palace and seraglio and retired from the world,\nBadonsachen withdrew from his palace to an immense pagoda, the largest\nin the empire, which he had been engaged in constructing for many\nyears. Here he held conferences with the most learned monks, in which\nhe sought to persuade them that the five thousand years assigned for\nthe observance of the law of Buddha were now elapsed, and that he\nhimself was the god who was destined to appear after that period, and\nto abolish the old law by {p401} substituting his own. But to his great\nmortification many of the monks undertook to demonstrate the contrary;\nand this disappointment, combined with his love of power and his\nimpatience under the restraints of an ascetic life, quickly disabused\nhim of his imaginary godhead, and drove him back to his palace and his\nharem.\u200b[1393] The king of Siam \u201cis venerated equally with a divinity.\nHis subjects ought not to look him in the face; they prostrate\nthemselves before him when he passes, and appear before him on their\nknees, their elbows resting on the ground.\u201d\u200b[1394] There is a special\nlanguage devoted to his sacred person and attributes, and it must be\nused by all who speak to or of him. Even the natives have difficulty in\nmastering this peculiar vocabulary. The hairs of the monarch\u2019s head,\nthe soles of his feet, the breath of his body, indeed every single\ndetail of his person, both outward and inward, have particular names.\nWhen he eats or drinks, sleeps or walks, a special word indicates\nthat these acts are being performed by the sovereign, and such words\ncannot possibly be applied to the acts of any other person whatever.\nThere is no word in the Siamese language by which any creature of\nhigher rank or greater dignity than a monarch can be described; and\nthe missionaries, when they speak of God, are forced to use the native\nword for king.\u200b[1395] In Tonquin every village chooses its guardian\n{p402} spirit, often in the form of an animal, as a dog, tiger, cat, or\nserpent. Sometimes a living person is selected as patron-divinity. Thus\na beggar persuaded the people of a village that he was their guardian\nspirit; so they loaded him with honours and entertained him with their\nbest.\u200b[1396] At the present day the head of the great Persian sect of\nthe Babites, Abbas Effendi by name, resides at Acre in Syria, and is\nheld by Frenchmen, Russians, and Americans, especially by rich American\nladies, to be an incarnation of God himself. The late Professor S. I.\nCurtiss of Chicago had the honour of dining with \u201cthe master,\u201d as he\nis invariably called by his followers, when the incarnation expressed\na kindly hope that he might have the pleasure of drinking tea with the\nprofessor in the kingdom of heaven.\u200b[1397]\n\n[Sidenote: Human gods in India.\n\nDivine dairymen among the Todas.]\n\nBut perhaps no country in the world has been so prolific of human\ngods as India; nowhere has the divine grace been poured out in a more\nliberal measure on all classes of society from kings down to milkmen.\nThus amongst the Todas, a pastoral people of the Neilgherry Hills of\nsouthern India, the dairy is a sanctuary, and the milkman who attends\nto it has been described as a god. On being asked whether the Todas\nsalute the sun, one of these divine milkmen replied, \u201cThose poor\nfellows do so, but I,\u201d tapping his chest, \u201cI, a god! why should I\nsalute the sun?\u201d Every one, even his own father, prostrates himself\nbefore the milkman, and no one would dare to refuse him anything. No\nhuman being, except another milkman, {p403} may touch him; and he gives\noracles to all who consult him, speaking with the voice of a god.\u200b[1398]\n\n[Sidenote: Kings and Brahmans considered as gods in India.\n\nOther human gods in India.]\n\nFurther, in India \u201cevery king is regarded as little short of a present\ngod.\u201d\u200b[1399] The Hindoo law-book of Manu goes farther and says that\n\u201ceven an infant king must not be despised from an idea that he is a\nmere mortal; for he is a great deity in human form.\u201d\u200b[1400] As to the\nBrahmans it is laid down in the same treatise that a Brahman, \u201cbe he\nignorant or learned, is a great divinity, just as the fire, whether\ncarried forth (for the performance of a burnt-oblation) or not carried\nforth, is a great divinity.\u201d Further, it is said that though Brahmans\n\u201cemploy themselves in all sorts of mean occupations, they must be\nhonoured in every way; for each of them is a very great deity.\u201d\u200b[1401]\nIn another ancient Hindoo book we read that \u201cverily, there are two\nkinds of gods; for, indeed, the gods are the gods; and the Brahmans who\nhave studied and teach sacred lore are the human gods. The sacrifice\nof these is divided into two kinds: oblations constitute the sacrifice\nto the gods; and gifts to the priests that to the human gods, the\nBrahmans who have studied and teach sacred lore.\u201d\u200b[1402] The spiritual\npower of a Brahman priest is described as unbounded. \u201cHis anger is\nas terrible as that of the gods. His blessing makes rich, his curse\nwithers. Nay, more, he is himself actually worshipped as a god. No\nmarvel, no prodigy in nature is believed to be beyond the limits of his\npower to accomplish. If the priest were to threaten to bring down the\nsun from the sky or arrest it in its daily course in the heavens, no\nvillager would for a moment doubt his ability to do so.\u201d\u200b[1403] As to\nthe _mantras_, or sacred texts by means of which the Brahmans exercise\n{p404} their miraculous powers, there is a saying everywhere current in\nIndia: \u201cThe whole universe is subject to the gods; the gods are subject\nto the Mantras; the Mantras to the Brahmans; therefore the Brahmans\nare our gods.\u201d\u200b[1404] There is said to have been a sect in Orissa\nsome years ago who worshipped the late Queen Victoria in her lifetime\nas their chief divinity. And to this day in India all living persons\nremarkable for great strength or valour or for supposed miraculous\npowers run the risk of being worshipped as gods. Thus, a sect in the\nPunjaub worshipped a deity whom they called Nikkal Sen. This Nikkal\nSen was no other than the redoubted General Nicholson, and nothing\nthat the general could do or say damped the ardour of his adorers. The\nmore he punished them, the greater grew the religious awe with which\nthey worshipped him.\u200b[1405] At Benares a few years ago a celebrated\ndeity was incarnate in the person of a Hindoo gentleman who rejoiced\nin the euphonious name of Swami Bhaskaranandaji Saraswati, and looked\nuncommonly like the late Cardinal Manning, only more ingenuous. His\neyes beamed with kindly human interest, and he took what is described\nas an innocent pleasure in the divine honours paid him by his confiding\nworshippers.\u200b[1406]\n\n[Sidenote: Lingayat priests worshipped as gods.\n\nHuman incarnations of the elephant-headed god Gunputty.]\n\nThe Lingayats are the Unitarians of Hindooism, for they believe in only\none god, Siva, rejecting the other two persons of the Hindoo Trinity.\nYet \u201cthey esteem the _Jangam_ or priest as superior even to the deity.\nThey pay homage to the _Jangam_ first and to Siva afterwards. The\n_Jangam_ is regarded as an incarnation of the deity. .\u00a0.\u00a0. In practice\nthe _Jangam_ is placed first and, as stated above, is worshipped\nas {p405} god upon earth.\u201d\u200b[1407] In 1900 a hill-man in Vizagapatam\ngave out that he was an incarnate god, and his claims to divinity\nwere accepted by a following of five thousand people, who, when a\nsceptical government sent an armed force to suppress the movement,\nwhich threatened political trouble, testified to the faith that was in\nthem by resisting even to the shedding of their blood. Two policemen\nwho refused to bow the knee to the new god were knocked on the head.\nHowever, in the scuffle the deity himself was arrested and laid by\nthe heels in gaol, where he died just like a common mortal.\u200b[1408]\nAt Chinchvad, a small town about ten miles from Poona in western\nIndia, there lives a family of whom one in each generation is believed\nby a large proportion of the Mahrattas to be an incarnation of the\nelephant-headed god Gunputty. That celebrated deity was first made\nflesh about the year 1640 in the person of a Brahman of Poona, by name\nMooraba Gosseyn, who sought to work out his salvation by abstinence,\nmortification, and prayer. His piety had its reward. The god himself\nappeared to him in a vision of the night and promised that a portion of\nhis, that is, of Gunputty\u2019s holy spirit should abide with him and with\nhis seed after him even to the seventh generation. The divine promise\nwas fulfilled. Seven successive incarnations, transmitted from father\nto son, manifested the light of Gunputty to a dark world. The last of\nthe direct line, a heavy-looking god with very weak eyes, died in the\nyear 1810. But the cause of truth was too sacred, and the value of the\nchurch property too considerable, to allow the Brahmans to contemplate\nwith equanimity the unspeakable loss that would be sustained by a world\nwhich knew not Gunputty. Accordingly they sought and found a holy\nvessel in whom the divine spirit of the master had revealed itself\nanew, and the revelation has been happily continued in an unbroken\nsuccession of vessels from that time to this. But a mysterious law of\nspiritual economy, whose operation in the history of religion we may\ndeplore though we cannot alter, has decreed that the miracles {p406}\nwrought by the god-man in these degenerate days cannot compare with\nthose which were wrought by his predecessors in days gone by; and it\nis even reported that the only sign vouchsafed by him to the present\ngeneration of vipers is the miracle of feeding the multitude whom he\nannually entertains to dinner at Chinchvad.\u200b[1409]\n\n[Sidenote: Worship of the Maharajas as incarnations of Krishna.]\n\nA Hindoo sect, which has many representatives in Bombay and Central\nIndia, holds that its spiritual chiefs or Maharajas, as they are\ncalled, are representatives or even actual incarnations on earth of the\ngod Krishna. Hence in the temples where the Maharajas do homage to the\nidols, men and women do homage to the Maharajas, prostrating themselves\nat their feet, offering them incense, fruits, and flowers, and waving\nlights before them, as the Maharajas themselves do before the images of\nthe gods. One mode of worshipping Krishna is by swinging his images in\nswings. Hence, in every district presided over by a Maharaja, the women\nare wont to worship not Krishna but the Maharaja by swinging him in\npendulous seats. The leavings of his food, the dust on which he treads,\nthe water in which his dirty linen is washed, are all eagerly swallowed\nby his devotees, who worship his wooden shoes, and prostrate themselves\nbefore his seat and his painted portraits. And as Krishna looks down\nfrom heaven with most favour on such as minister to the wants of his\nsuccessors and vicars on earth, a peculiar rite called Self-devotion\nhas been instituted, whereby his faithful worshippers make over their\nbodies, their souls, and, what is perhaps still more important, their\nworldly substance to his adorable incarnations; and women are taught to\nbelieve that the highest bliss for themselves and their families is to\nbe attained by yielding themselves to the embraces of those beings in\nwhom the divine nature {p407} mysteriously coexists with the form and\neven the appetites of true humanity.\u200b[1410]\n\n[Sidenote: Pretenders to divinity among Christians.]\n\nChristianity itself has not uniformly escaped the taint of these\nunhappy delusions; indeed it has often been sullied by the\nextravagances of vain pretenders to a divinity equal to or even\nsurpassing that of its great Founder. In the second century Montanus\nthe Phrygian claimed to be the incarnate Trinity, uniting in his single\nperson God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost.\u200b[1411]\nNor is this an isolated case, the exorbitant pretension of a single\nill-balanced mind. From the earliest times down to the present day many\nsects have believed that Christ, nay God himself, is incarnate in every\nfully initiated Christian, and they have carried this belief to its\nlogical conclusion by adoring each other. Tertullian records that this\nwas done by his fellow-Christians at Carthage in the second century;\nthe disciples of St. Columba worshipped him as an embodiment of Christ;\nand in the eighth century Elipandus of Toledo spoke of Christ as \u201ca\ngod among gods,\u201d meaning that all believers were gods just as truly\nas Jesus himself. The adoration of each other was customary among the\nAlbigenses, and is noticed hundreds of times in the records of the\nInquisition at Toulouse in the early part of the fourteenth century. It\nis still practised by the Paulicians of Armenia and the Bogomiles about\nMoscow. The Paulicians, indeed, presume to justify their faith, if not\ntheir practice, by the authority of St. Paul, who said, \u201cIt is not I\nthat speak, but Christ that dwelleth in me.\u201d\u200b[1412] Hence the members\nof this Russian sect are known as the Christs. \u201cAmong them men and\nwomen alike take upon themselves the calling of teachers and prophets,\nand in this character they lead a strict, ascetic life, refrain from\nthe most ordinary and innocent pleasures, exhaust themselves by\nlong fasting {p408} and wild ecstatic religious exercises, and abhor\nmarriage. Under the excitement caused by their supposed holiness and\ninspiration, they call themselves not only teachers and prophets, but\nalso \u2018Saviours,\u2019 \u2018Redeemers,\u2019 \u2018Christs,\u2019 \u2018Mothers of God.\u2019 Generally\nspeaking, they call themselves simply Gods, and pray to each other as\nto real gods and living Christs or Madonnas.\u201d\u200b[1413]\n\n[Sidenote: Brethren and Sisters of the Free Spirit.\n\nIncarnation of the Holy Ghost.]\n\nIn the thirteenth century there arose a sect called the Brethren\nand Sisters of the Free Spirit, who held that by long and assiduous\ncontemplation any man might be united to the deity in an ineffable\nmanner and become one with the source and parent of all things, and\nthat he who had thus ascended to God and been absorbed in his beatific\nessence, actually formed part of the Godhead, was the Son of God in\nthe same sense and manner with Christ himself, and enjoyed thereby\na glorious immunity from the trammels of all laws human and divine.\nInwardly transported by this blissful persuasion, though outwardly\npresenting in their aspect and manners a shocking air of lunacy and\ndistraction, the sectaries roamed from place to place, attired in\nthe most fantastic apparel and begging their bread with wild shouts\nand clamour, spurning indignantly every kind of honest labour and\nindustry as an obstacle to divine contemplation and to the ascent of\nthe soul towards the Father of spirits. In all their excursions they\nwere followed by women with whom they lived on terms of the closest\nfamiliarity. Those of them who conceived they had made the greatest\nproficiency in the higher spiritual life dispensed with the use of\nclothes altogether in their assemblies, looking upon decency and\nmodesty as marks of inward corruption, characteristics of a soul that\nstill grovelled under the dominion of the flesh and had not yet been\nelevated into communion with the divine spirit, its centre and source.\nSometimes their progress towards this mystic communion was accelerated\nby the Inquisition, {p409} and they expired in the flames, not merely\nwith unclouded serenity, but with the most triumphant feelings of\ncheerfulness and joy.\u200b[1414] In the same century a Bohemian woman named\nWilhelmina, whose head had been turned by brooding over some crazy\npredictions about a coming age of the Holy Ghost, persuaded herself and\nmany people besides that the Holy Ghost had actually become incarnate\nin her person for the salvation of a great part of mankind. She died at\nMilan in the year 1281 in the most fragrant odour of sanctity, and her\nmemory was held in the highest veneration by a numerous following, and\neven honoured with religious worship both public and private.\u200b[1415]\n\n[Sidenote: Modern incarnations of Jesus Christ.]\n\nAbout the year 1830 there appeared, in one of the states of the\nAmerican Union bordering on Kentucky, an impostor who declared that he\nwas the Son of God, the Saviour of mankind, and that he had reappeared\non earth to recall the impious, the unbelieving, and sinners to their\nduty. He protested that if they did not mend their ways within a\ncertain time, he would give the signal, and in a moment the world\nwould crumble to ruins. These extravagant pretensions were received\nwith favour even by persons of wealth and position in society. At last\na German humbly besought the new Messiah to announce the dreadful\ncatastrophe to his fellow-countrymen in the German language, as they\ndid not understand English, and it seemed a pity that they should be\ndamned merely on that account. The would-be Saviour in reply confessed\nwith great candour that he did not know German. \u201cWhat!\u201d retorted the\nGerman, \u201cyou the Son of God, and don\u2019t speak all languages, and don\u2019t\neven know German? Come, come, you are a knave, a hypocrite, and a\nmadman. Bedlam is the place for you.\u201d The spectators laughed, and went\naway ashamed of their credulity.\u200b[1416] About thirty years ago a new\nsect was founded at Patiala in the Punjaub by a wretched creature named\nHakim Singh, who lived in extreme poverty and filth, gave himself out\nto be a {p410} reincarnation of Jesus Christ, and offered to baptize the\nmissionaries who attempted to argue with him. He proposed shortly to\ndestroy the British Government, and to convert and conquer the world.\nHis gospel was accepted by four thousand believers in his immediate\nneighbourhood.\u200b[1417] Cases like these verge on, if they do not cross,\nthe wavering and uncertain line which divides the raptures of religion\nfrom insanity.\n\n[Sidenote: Transmigrations of human deities.]\n\nSometimes, at the death of the human incarnation, the divine spirit\ntransmigrates into another man. In the kingdom of Kaffa, in eastern\nAfrica, the heathen part of the people worship a spirit called _De\u00f2ce_,\nto whom they offer prayer and sacrifice, and whom they invoke on all\nimportant occasions. This spirit is incarnate in the grand magician\nor pope, a person of great wealth and influence, ranking almost with\nthe king, and wielding the spiritual, as the king wields the temporal\npower. It happened that, shortly before the arrival of a Christian\nmissionary in the kingdom, this African pope died, and the priests,\nfearing lest the missionary might assume the position vacated by the\ndeceased prelate, declared that the _De\u00f2ce_ had passed into the king,\nwho henceforth, uniting the spiritual with the temporal power, reigned\nas god and king.\u200b[1418] Before beginning to work at the salt-pans in\na Laosian village, the workmen offer sacrifice to the divinity of the\nsalt-pans. This divinity is incarnate in a woman and transmigrates at\nher death into another woman.\u200b[1419] In Bhotan the spiritual head of\nthe government is a dignitary called the Dhurma Rajah, who is supposed\nto be a perpetual incarnation of the deity. At his death the new\nincarnate god shews himself in an infant by the refusal of his mother\u2019s\nmilk and a preference for that of a cow.\u200b[1420]\n\n[Sidenote: Transmigrations of the divine Lamas.\n\nDivinity of the Grand Lama of Lhasa.]\n\nThe Buddhist Tartars believe in a great number of living Buddhas,\nwho officiate as Grand Lamas at the {p411} head of the most important\nmonasteries. When one of these Grand Lamas dies his disciples do not\nsorrow, for they know that he will soon reappear, being born in the\nform of an infant. Their only anxiety is to discover the place of his\nbirth. If at this time they see a rainbow they take it as a sign sent\nthem by the departed Lama to guide them to his cradle. Sometimes the\ndivine infant himself reveals his identity. \u201cI am the Grand Lama,\u201d he\nsays, \u201cthe living Buddha of such and such a temple. Take me to my old\nmonastery. I am its immortal head.\u201d In whatever way the birthplace\nof the Buddha is revealed, whether by the Buddha\u2019s own avowal or by\nthe sign in the sky, tents are struck, and the joyful pilgrims, often\nheaded by the king or one of the most illustrious of the royal family,\nset forth to find and bring home the infant god. Generally he is born\nin Tibet, the holy land, and to reach him the caravan has often to\ntraverse the most frightful deserts. When at last they find the child\nthey fall down and worship him. Before, however, he is acknowledged as\nthe Grand Lama whom they seek he must satisfy them of his identity.\nHe is asked the name of the monastery of which he claims to be the\nhead, how far off it is, and how many monks live in it; he must also\ndescribe the habits of the deceased Grand Lama and the manner of his\ndeath. Then various articles, as prayer-books, tea-pots, and cups, are\nplaced before him, and he has to point out those used by himself in his\nprevious life. If he does so without a mistake his claims are admitted,\nand he is conducted in triumph to the monastery.\u200b[1421] At the head of\nall the Lamas is the Dalai Lama of Lhasa, {p412} the Rome of Tibet.\nHe is regarded as a living god, and at death his divine and immortal\nspirit is born again in a child. According to some accounts the mode\nof discovering the Dalai Lama is similar to the method, already\ndescribed, of discovering an ordinary Grand Lama. Other accounts speak\nof an election by drawing lots from a golden jar. Wherever he is born,\nthe trees and plants put forth green leaves; at his bidding flowers\nbloom and springs of water rise; and his presence diffuses heavenly\nblessings. His palace stands on a commanding height; its gilded cupolas\nare seen sparkling in the sunlight for miles.\u200b[1422] In 1661 or 1662\nFathers Grueber and d\u2019Orville, on their return from Peking to Europe,\nspent two months at Lhasa waiting for a caravan, and they report\nthat the Grand Lama was worshipped as a true and living god, that he\nreceived the title of the Eternal and Heavenly Father, and that he\nwas believed to have risen from the dead no less than seven times. He\nlived withdrawn from the business of this passing world in the recesses\nof his palace, where, seated aloft on a cushion and precious carpets,\nhe received the homage of his adorers in a chamber screened from the\ngarish eye of day, but glittering with gold and silver, and lit up by\nthe blaze of a multitude of torches. His worshippers, with heads bowed\nto the earth, attested their veneration by kissing his feet, and even\nbribed the attendant Lamas with great sums to give them a little of the\nnatural secretions of his divine person, which they either swallowed\nwith their food or wore about their necks as an amulet that fortified\nthem against the assaults of every ailment.\u200b[1423]\n\n[Sidenote: Incarnate human gods in the Chinese empire.]\n\nBut he is by no means the only man who poses as a god in these regions.\nA register of all the incarnate gods in the Chinese empire is kept\nin the _Li fan y\u00fcan_ or Colonial {p413} Office at Peking. The number\nof gods who have thus taken out a license is one hundred and sixty.\nTibet is blessed with thirty of them, northern Mongolia rejoices in\nnineteen, and southern Mongolia basks in the sunshine of no less than\nfifty-seven. The Chinese government, with a paternal solicitude for the\nwelfare of its subjects, forbids the gods on the register to be reborn\nanywhere but in Tibet. They fear lest the birth of a god in Mongolia\nshould have serious political consequences by stirring the dormant\npatriotism and warlike spirit of the Mongols, who might rally round\nan ambitious native deity of royal lineage and seek to win for him,\nat the point of the sword, a temporal as well as a spiritual kingdom.\nBut besides these public or licensed gods there are a great many\nlittle private gods, or unlicensed practitioners of divinity, who work\nmiracles and bless their people in holes and corners; and of late years\nthe Chinese government has winked at the rebirth of these pettifogging\ndeities outside of Tibet. However, once they are born, the government\nkeeps its eye on them as well as on the regular practitioners, and\nif any of them misbehaves he is promptly degraded, banished to a\ndistant monastery, and strictly forbidden ever to be born again in the\nflesh.\u200b[1424]\n\n[Sidenote: Divine head of the Taoist religion in China.]\n\nAt the head of Taoism, the most numerous religious sect of China, is\na pope who goes by the name of the Heavenly Master and is believed to\nbe an incarnation and representative on earth of the god of heaven.\nHis official title is _Ch\u00ean-yen_, or \u201cthe True Man.\u201d When one of these\npontiffs or incarnate deities departs this life, his soul passes into\na male member of his family, the ancient house of Chang. In order to\ndetermine the chosen vessel, all the male members of the clan assemble\nat the palace, their names are engraved on tablets of lead, the tablets\nare thrown into a vase full of water, and the one which bears the\nname of the new incarnation floats on the surface. The reputation and\npower of the pope are very great. He lives in princely style at his\npalace on the Dragon and Tiger {p414} mountains in the province of\nKiang-si, about twenty-five miles to the south-west of Kuei-Ki. The\nroad, which is kept in good repair, partly flagged, and provided at\nregular intervals with stone halls for the repose of weary pilgrims,\nleads gradually upward through a bleak and barren district, treeless\nand thinly peopled, to the summit of a pass, from which a beautiful\nprospect suddenly opens up of a wide and fertile valley watered by a\nlittle stream. The scene charms the traveller all the more by contrast\nwith the desert country which he has just traversed. This is the\nbeginning of the pope\u2019s patrimony, which he holds from the emperor\nfree of taxes. The palace stands in the middle of a little town. It is\nnew and of no special interest, having been rebuilt after the Taiping\nrebellion. For in their march northward the rebels devastated the papal\ndomains with great fury. About a mile to the east of the palace lie\nthe ruins of stately temples, which also perished in the great rising\nand have only in part been rebuilt. However, the principal temple is\nwell preserved. It is dedicated to the god of heaven and contains a\ncolossal image of that deity. The papal residence naturally swarms\nwith monks and priests of all ranks. But the courts and gardens of\nthe monasteries, littered with heaps of broken bricks and stones\nand mouldering wood, present a melancholy spectacle of decay. And\nthe ruinous state of the religious capital reflects the decline of\nthe papacy. The number of pilgrims has fallen off and with them the\nrevenues of the holy see. Of old the pope ranked with viceroys and\nthe highest dignitaries of the empire; now he is reduced to the level\nof a mandarin of the third class, and wears a blue button instead\nof a red. Formerly he repaired every year to the imperial court at\nPeking or elsewhere in order to procure peace and prosperity for the\nwhole kingdom by means of his ceremonies; and on his journey the gods\nand spirits were bound to come from every quarter to pay him homage,\nunless he considerately hung out on his palanquin a board with the\nnotice, \u201cYou need not trouble to salute.\u201d The people, too, gathered\nup the dust or mud from under his feet to preserve it as a priceless\ntalisman. Nowadays, if he goes to court at all, it seems to be not\noftener than once in three years; and his {p415} services are seldom\nwanted except to ban the demons of plague. But he still exercises the\nright of elevating deceased mandarins to the rank of local deities, and\nas he receives a fee for every deification, the ranks of the celestial\nhierarchy naturally receive many recruits. He also draws a considerable\nrevenue from the manufacture and sale of red and green papers inscribed\nwith cabalistic characters, which are infallible safeguards against\ndemons, disease, and calamities of every sort.\u200b[1425]\n\n[Sidenote: Divine kings of Peru.\n\nDivine rulers among the Chibchas.\n\nDivine kings of Mexico.]\n\nFrom our survey of the religious position occupied by the king in\nrude societies we may infer that the claim to divine and supernatural\npowers put forward by the monarchs of great historical empires like\nthose of Egypt, China, Mexico, and Peru, was not the simple outcome of\ninflated vanity or the empty expression of a grovelling adulation; it\nwas merely a survival and extension of the old savage apotheosis of\nliving kings. Thus, for example, as children of the Sun the Incas of\nPeru were revered like gods; they could do no wrong, and no one dreamed\nof offending against the person, honour, or property of the monarch\nor of any of the royal race. Hence, too, the Incas did not, like most\npeople, look on sickness as an evil. They considered it a messenger\nsent from their father the Sun to call them to come and rest with\nhim in heaven. Therefore the usual words in which an Inca announced\nhis approaching end were these: \u201cMy father calls me to come and rest\nwith him.\u201d They would not oppose their father\u2019s will by offering\nsacrifice for recovery, but openly declared that he had called them\nto his rest.\u200b[1426] Issuing from the sultry valleys upon the lofty\n{p416} table-land of the Colombian Andes, the Spanish conquerors were\nastonished to find, in contrast to the savage hordes they had left\nin the sweltering jungles below, a people enjoying a fair degree of\ncivilisation, practising agriculture, and living under a government\nwhich Humboldt has compared to the theocracies of Tibet and Japan.\nThese were the Chibchas, Muyscas, or Mozcas, divided into two kingdoms,\nwith capitals at Bogota and Tunja, but united apparently in spiritual\nallegiance to the high pontiff of Sogamozo or Iraca. By a long and\nascetic novitiate, this ghostly ruler was reputed to have acquired\nsuch sanctity that the waters and the rain obeyed him, and the weather\ndepended on his will.\u200b[1427] The Mexican kings at their accession,\nas we have seen,\u200b[1428] took an oath that they would make the sun to\nshine, the clouds to give rain, the rivers to flow, and the earth to\nbring forth fruits in abundance.\u200b[1429] We are told that Montezuma, the\nlast king of Mexico, was worshipped by his people as a god.\u200b[1430]\n\n[Sidenote: Divinity of the Chinese emperors.\n\nDivinity of the Mikado.]\n\nIn China, if the emperor is not himself worshipped as a deity, he is\nsupposed by his subjects to be the lord and master of all the gods.\nOn this subject a leading authority on Chinese religion observes: \u201cTo\nno son of China would it ever occur to question the supreme authority\nwielded by the emperor and his proxies, the mandarins, not only over\nmankind, but also over the gods. For the gods or _shen_ are souls of\nintrinsically the same nature as those existing in human beings; why\nthen, simply because they have no human bodies, should they be placed\nabove the emperor, who is no less than a son of Heaven, that is to say,\na magnitude second to none but Heaven or the Power above {p417} whom\nthere is none\u2014who governs the universe and all that moves and exists\ntherein? Such absurdity could not possibly be entertained by Chinese\nreason. So it is a first article of China\u2019s political creed that the\nemperor, as well as Heaven, is lord and master of all the gods, and\ndelegates this dignity to his mandarins, each in his jurisdiction. With\nthem then rests the decision which of the gods are entitled to receive\nthe people\u2019s worship, and which are not. It is the imperial government\nwhich deifies disembodied souls of men, and also divests them of their\ndivine rank. Their worship, if established against its will or without\nits consent, can be exterminated at its pleasure, without revenge\nhaving to be feared from the side of the god for any such radical\nmeasure; for the power of even the mightiest and strongest god is as\nnaught compared with that of the august Celestial Being with whose\nwill and under whose protection the Son reigns supreme over everything\nexisting below the empyrean, unless he forfeits this omnipotent support\nthrough neglect of his imperial duties.\u201d\u200b[1431] As the emperor of China\nis believed to be a Son of Heaven, so the Emperor of Japan, the Mikado,\nis supposed to be an incarnation of the sun goddess, the deity who\nrules the universe, gods and men included. Once a year all the gods\nwait upon him, and spend a month at his court. During that month, the\nname of which means \u201cwithout gods,\u201d no one frequents the temples, for\nthey are believed to be deserted.\u200b[1432]\n\n[Sidenote: Divinity of early Babylonian kings.]\n\nThe early Babylonian kings, from the time of Sargon I. till the fourth\ndynasty of Ur or later, claimed to be gods in their lifetime. The\nmonarchs of the fourth dynasty of Ur in particular had temples built\nin their honour; they set up their statues in various sanctuaries\nand commanded the people to sacrifice to them; the eighth month was\nespecially dedicated to the kings, and sacrifices were offered to them\nat the new moon and on the fifteenth of each month.\u200b[1433] Again, the\nParthian monarchs of the Arsacid house {p418} styled themselves brothers\nof the sun and moon and were worshipped as deities. It was esteemed\nsacrilege to strike even a private member of the Arsacid family in a\nbrawl.\u200b[1434]\n\n[Sidenote: Divinity of Egyptian kings.]\n\nThe kings of Egypt were deified in their lifetime, sacrifices were\noffered to them, and their worship was celebrated in special temples\nand by special priests. Indeed the worship of the kings sometimes cast\nthat of the gods into the shade. Thus in the reign of Merenra a high\nofficial declared that he had built many holy places in order that the\nspirits of the king, the ever-living Merenra, might be invoked \u201cmore\nthan all the gods.\u201d\u200b[1435] \u201cIt has never been doubted that the king\nclaimed actual divinity; he was the \u2018great god,\u2019 the \u2018golden Horus,\u2019\nand son of Ra. He claimed authority not only over Egypt, but over \u2018all\nlands and nations,\u2019 \u2018the whole world in its length and its breadth, the\neast and the west,\u2019 \u2018the entire compass of the great circuit of the\nsun,\u2019 \u2018the sky and what is in it, the earth and all that is upon it,\u2019\n\u2018every creature that walks upon two or upon four legs, all that fly\nor flutter, the whole world offers her productions to him.\u2019 Whatever\nin fact might be asserted of the Sun-god, was dogmatically predicable\nof the king of Egypt. His titles were directly derived from those of\nthe sun-god.\u201d\u200b[1436] \u201cIn the course of his existence,\u201d we are told,\n\u201cthe king of Egypt exhausted all the possible conceptions of divinity\nwhich the Egyptians had framed for themselves. A superhuman god by\nhis birth and by his royal office, he became the deified man after\nhis death. {p419} Thus all that was known of the divine was summed up\nin him.\u201d\u200b[1437] \u201cThe divinity of the king was recognised in all the\ncircumstances of the public life of the sovereign. It was not enough\nto worship Pharaoh in the temple; beyond the limits of the sanctuary\nhe remained the \u2018good god\u2019 to whom all men owed a perpetual adoration.\nThe very name of the sovereign was sacred like his person; people swore\nby his name as by that of the gods, and he who took the oath in vain\nwas punished.\u201d\u200b[1438] In particular the king of Egypt was identified\nwith the great sun-god Ra. \u201cSon of the sun, decked with the solar\ncrowns, armed with the solar weapons, gods and men adored him as Ra,\ndefended him as Ra from the attacks which menaced in him the divine\nbeing who, in his human existence, knew the glory and the dangers of\nbeing \u2018an incarnate sun\u2019 and \u2018the living image on earth of his father\nTum of Heliopolis.\u2019\u201d\u200b[1439] Even the life of the gods depended on\nthe divine life of the king. Gods and men, it is said, \u201clive by the\nwords of his mouth.\u201d\u200b[1440] \u201cO gods,\u201d said the king before celebrating\ndivine worship, \u201cyou are safe, if I am safe. Your doubles are safe if\nmy double is safe at the head of all living doubles. All live, if I\nlive.\u201d\u200b[1441] The king was addressed as \u201cLord of heaven, lord of earth,\nsun, life of the whole world, lord of time, measurer of the sun\u2019s\ncourse, Tum for men, lord of well-being, creator of the harvest, maker\nand fashioner of mortals, bestower of breath upon all men, giver of\nlife to all the host of gods, pillar of heaven, threshold of the earth,\nweigher of the equipoise of both worlds, lord of rich gifts, increaser\nof the corn,\u201d and so forth.\u200b[1442] Yet, as we should expect, the\nexalted powers thus ascribed to the king differ in degree rather than\nin kind from those which every Egyptian claimed for himself. Professor\nTiele observes that \u201cas every good man at his death became Osiris, as\nevery one in danger or need could by the use of magic sentences assume\nthe form of a deity, it is quite comprehensible how the king, not only\nafter {p420} death, but already during his life, was placed on a level\nwith the deity.\u201d\u200b[1443]\n\n[Sidenote: Evolution of sacred kings out of magicians.\n\nMagicians or medicine-men the oldest professional class.]\n\nWe have now completed our sketch, for it is no more than a sketch, of\nthe evolution of that sacred kingship which attained its highest form,\nits most absolute expression, in the monarchies of Peru and Egypt,\nof China and Japan. Historically, the institution appears to have\noriginated in the order of public magicians or medicine-men; logically\nit rests on a mistaken deduction from the association of ideas. Men\nmistook the order of their ideas for the order of nature, and hence\nimagined that the control which they have, or seem to have, over their\nthoughts, permitted them to exercise a corresponding control over\nthings. The men who for one reason or another, because of the strength\nor the weakness of their natural parts, were supposed to possess\nthese magical powers in the highest degree, were gradually marked off\nfrom their fellows and became a separate class, who were destined to\nexercise a most far-reaching influence on the political, religious,\nand intellectual evolution of mankind. Social progress, as we know,\nconsists mainly in a successive differentiation of functions, or, in\nsimpler language, a division of labour. The work which in primitive\nsociety is done by all alike and by all equally ill, or nearly so, is\ngradually distributed among different classes of workers and executed\nmore and more perfectly; and so far as the products, material or\nimmaterial, of this specialised labour are shared by all, the whole\ncommunity benefits by the increasing specialisation. Now magicians or\nmedicine-men appear to constitute the oldest artificial or professional\nclass in the evolution of society.\u200b[1444] For sorcerers are found in\nevery savage tribe known to us; and among the lowest savages, such as\nthe Australian aborigines, they are the only professional class that\nexists. As time goes on, and the process of differentiation continues,\n{p421} the order of medicine-men is itself subdivided into such classes\nas the healers of disease, the makers of rain, and so forth;\u200b[1445]\nwhile the most powerful member of the order wins for himself a position\nas chief and gradually develops into a sacred king, his old magical\nfunctions falling more and more into the background and being exchanged\nfor priestly or even divine duties, in proportion as magic is slowly\nousted by religion. Still later, a partition is effected between the\ncivil and the religious aspect of the kingship, the temporal power\nbeing committed to one man and the spiritual to another. Meanwhile\nthe magicians, who may be repressed but cannot be extirpated by the\npredominance of religion, still addict themselves to their old occult\narts in preference to the newer ritual of sacrifice and prayer; and in\ntime the more sagacious of their number perceive the fallacy of magic\nand hit upon a more effectual mode of manipulating the forces of nature\nfor the good of man; in short, they abandon sorcery for science. I\nam far from affirming that the course of development has everywhere\nrigidly followed these lines: it has doubtless varied greatly in\ndifferent societies. I merely mean to indicate in the broadest outline\nwhat I conceive to have been its general trend. Regarded from the\nindustrial point of view the evolution has been from uniformity to\ndiversity of function: regarded from the political point of view,\nit has been from democracy to despotism. With the later history of\nmonarchy, especially with the decay of despotism and its displacement\nby forms of government better adapted to the higher needs of humanity,\nwe are not concerned in this enquiry: our theme is the growth, not the\ndecay, of a great and, in its time, beneficent institution.\n\n{p423}\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX\n\nHEGEL ON MAGIC AND RELIGION\n\n\nMy friend Professor James Ward has pointed out to me that the view\nwhich I have taken of the nature and historical relations of magic and\nreligion was anticipated by Hegel in his _Lectures on the Philosophy of\nReligion_.\u200b[1446] So far as I understand the philosopher\u2019s exposition,\nthe agreement between us amounts to this: we both hold that in the\nmental evolution of humanity an age of magic preceded an age of\nreligion, and that the characteristic difference between magic and\nreligion is that, whereas magic aims at controlling nature directly,\nreligion aims at controlling it indirectly through the mediation of a\npowerful supernatural being or beings to whom man appeals for help and\nprotection. That I take to be the substance of Hegel\u2019s meaning in the\nfollowing passages which I extract from his lectures on the philosophy\nof religion.\n\nSpeaking of what he calls the religion of nature he observes: \u201cFear\nof the powers of nature, of the sun, of thunder-storms, etc., is here\nnot as yet fear which might be called religious fear, for this has its\nseat in freedom. The fear of God is a different fear from the fear of\nnatural forces. It is said that \u2018fear is the beginning of wisdom\u2019; this\nfear cannot present itself in immediate religion. It first appears in\nman when he knows himself to be powerless in his particularity, when\nhis particularity trembles within him. .\u00a0.\u00a0. It is not, however, fear\nin this higher sense only that is not present here, but even the fear\nof the powers of nature, so far as it enters at all at this first stage\nof the religion of nature, changes round into its opposite, and becomes\nmagic.\n\n\u201cThe absolutely primary form of religion, to which we give the name\nof magic, consists in this, that the Spiritual is the ruling power\nover nature. This spiritual element does not yet exist, {p424} however,\nas Spirit; it is not yet found in its universality, but is merely the\nparticular, contingent, empirical self-consciousness of man, which,\nalthough it is only mere passion, knows itself to be higher in its\nself-consciousness than nature\u2014knows that it is a power ruling over\nnature. .\u00a0.\u00a0. This power is a direct power over nature in general, and\nis not to be likened to the indirect power, which we exercise by means\nof implements over natural objects in their separate forms. .\u00a0.\u00a0. Here\nthe power over nature acts in a direct way. It thus is magic or sorcery.\n\n\u201cAs regards the external mode in which this idea actually appears, it\nis found in a form which implies that this magic is what is highest in\nthe self-consciousness of those peoples. But in a subordinate way magic\nsteals up to higher standpoints too, and insinuates itself into higher\nreligions, and thus into the popular conception of witches, although in\nthat form it is recognised as something which is partly impotent, and\npartly improper and godless.\n\n\u201cThere has been an inclination on the part of some (as, for example,\nin the Kantian philosophy) to consider prayer too as magic, because\nman seeks to make it effectual, not through mediation, but by starting\ndirect from Spirit. The distinction here, however, is that man appeals\nto an absolute will, for which even the individual or unit is an object\nof care, and which can either grant the prayer or not, and which in so\nacting is determined by general purposes of good. Magic, however, in\nthe general sense, simply amounts to this,\u2014that man has the mastery as\nhe is in his natural state, as possessed of passions and desires.\n\n\u201cSuch is the general character of this primal and wholly immediate\nstandpoint, namely, that the human consciousness, any definite human\nbeing, is recognised as the ruling power over nature in virtue of\nhis own will. The natural has, however, by no means that wide range\nwhich it has in our idea of it. For here the greater part of nature\nstill remains indifferent to man, or is just as he is accustomed to\nsee it. Everything is stable. Earthquakes, thunder-storms, floods,\nanimals, which threaten him with death, enemies, and the like, are\nanother matter. To defend himself against these recourse is had to\nmagic.\u200b[1447] Such is the oldest mode of religion, the wildest, most\nbarbarous form. .\u00a0.\u00a0.\n\n\u201cBy recent travellers, such as Captain Parry, and before him Captain\nRoss, this religion has been found among the Esquimaux, wholly without\nthe element of mediation and as the crudest consciousness. Among other\npeoples a mediation is already present. {p425}\n\n\u201cCaptain Parry says of them\u200b[1448]: \u2018.\u00a0.\u00a0. They have not the slightest\nidea of Spirit, of a higher existence, of an essential substance as\ncontrasted with their empirical mode of existence. .\u00a0.\u00a0. On the other\nhand, they have amongst them individuals whom they call _Angekoks_,\nmagicians, conjurers. Those assert that they have it in their power to\nraise a storm, to create a calm, to bring whales near, etc., and say\nthat they learnt these arts from old _Angekoks_. The people regard them\nwith fear; in every family, however, there is at least one. A young\n_Angekok_ wished to make the wind rise, and he proceeded to do it by\ndint of phrases and gestures. These phrases had no meaning and were\ndirected toward no Supreme Being as a medium, but were addressed in an\nimmediate way to the natural object over which the _Angekok_ wished to\nexercise power; he required no aid from any one whatever.\u2019 .\u00a0.\u00a0.\n\n\u201cThis religion of magic is very prevalent in Africa, as well as among\nthe Mongols and Chinese; here, however, it is no longer found in the\nabsolute crudeness of its first form, but mediations already come in,\nwhich owe their origin to the fact that the Spiritual has begun to\nassume an objective form for self-consciousness.\n\n\u201cIn its first form this religion is more magic than religion; it is\nin Africa among the negroes that it prevails most extensively. .\u00a0.\u00a0.\nIn this sphere of magic the main principle is the direct domination\nof nature by means of the will, of self-consciousness\u2014in other words\nthat Spirit is something of a higher kind than nature. However bad this\nmagic may look regarded in one aspect, still in {p426} another it is\nhigher than a condition of dependence upon nature and fear of it. .\u00a0.\u00a0.\n\n\u201cSuch, then, is the very first form of religion, which cannot indeed\nas yet be properly called religion. To religion essentially pertains\nthe moment of objectivity, and this means that spiritual power shows\nitself as a mode of the Universal relatively to self-consciousness,\nfor the individual, for the particular empirical consciousness. This\nobjectivity is an essential characteristic, on which all depends. Not\nuntil it is present does religion begin, does a God exist, and even in\nthe lowest condition there is at least a beginning of it. The mountain,\nthe river, is not in its character as this particular mass of earth,\nas this particular water, the Divine, but as a mode of the existence\nof the Divine, of an essential, universal Being. But we do not yet\nfind this in magic as such. It is the individual consciousness as this\nparticular consciousness, and consequently the very negation of the\nUniversal, which is what has the power here; not a god in the magician,\nbut the magician himself is the conjurer and conqueror of nature. .\u00a0.\u00a0.\nOut of magic the religion of magic is developed.\u201d\u200b[1449]\n\n\n\n\nNOTES\n\n\nCHAPTER I\u2014The King of the Wood\n\n\n[1] Strictly speaking, _nemus_ is a natural opening or glade in a\nforest. Thus Lucan says (_Pharsal._ i. 453 _sq._) that the Druids\ninhabited \u201cdeep glades in sacred groves far from the haunts of men\u201d\n(\u201c_nemora alta remotis incolitis lucis_\u201d), as the words are rendered\nby Haskins in his edition, who compares Propertius v. 9. 24, \u201c_lucus\nubi umbroso fecerat orbe nemus_.\u201d But commonly _nemus_ means no more\nthan a wood or grove. See for example Lucan, _Pharsal._ iii. 396,\n\u201c_procumbunt nemora et spoliantur robora silvae_.\u201d At Nemi the sacred\ngrove (_lucus_) formed part of the woodlands (_nemus_), as we learn\nfrom Cato, quoted by Priscian, _Inst._ iv. 21 (vol. i. p. 129, ed. M.\nHertz), \u201c_lucum Dianium in nemore Aricino_,\u201d etc. As to the thick woods\nof Nemi in antiquity see Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 263 _sq._; _id._, _Metam._\nxv. 485.\n\n\n[2] Cato, _loc. cit._; Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 756; Statius, _Sylvae_, iii.\n1. 56; Philostratus, _Vit. Apollon._ iv. 36. A loose expression of\nAppian (_Bellum Civile_, v. 24) has sometimes given rise to the notion\nthat there was a town called Nemus. But this is a mistake. See E.\nDesjardins, _Essai sur la Topographie du Latium_ (Paris, 1854), p. 214,\nand on the other side, A. Bormann, _Altitalische Chorographie_ (Halle,\n1852), pp. 135 _sq._\n\n\n[3] The site was excavated in 1885 and 1886 by Sir John Savile Lumley,\nnow Lord Savile, who was then English ambassador at Rome. Further\nexcavations were conducted in 1886\u20131888 by Signor Luigi Boccanera,\nand again in 1895 by Signor Eliseo Borghi. See _Notizie degli Scavi_,\n1885, pp. 159 _sq._, 192 _sq._, 227 _sq._, 254 _sq._, 317\u2013321, 344,\n428 _sq._, 478 _sq._; _id._ 1887, pp. 23\u201325, 120 _sq._, 195\u2013198; _id._\n1888, pp. 193 _sq._, 392 _sq._; _id._ 1889, pp. 20\u201322; _id._ 1895,\npp. 106\u2013108, 206, 232, 324, 424\u2013438; _Bulletino dell\u2019 Instituto di\nCorrispondenza Archeologica_, 1885, pp. 149\u2013157, 225\u2013242; R. Lanciani,\nin the _Athenaeum_, October 10, 1885, pp. 477 _sq._; R. P. Pullan, in\n_Archaeologia: Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity_, l. (1887)\npp. 58\u201365; O. Rossbach, in _Verhandlungen der vierzigsten Versammlung\ndeutscher Philologen und Schulm\u00e4nner in G\u00f6rlitz_ (Leipsic, 1890), pp.\n147\u2013164; G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated Catalogue of Classical Antiquities\nfrom the Site of the Temple of Diana, Nemi, Italy_ (preface dated\n1893). The temple measured 30 metres in length by 15.90 in breadth\n(_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1885, p. 193). It had columns on either side\nof the _pronaos_ (Vitruvius, iv. 7. 4). A few votive offerings found\non the site in earlier times are described in Graevius\u2019s _Thesaurus\nAntiquitatum Romanarum_, xii. col. 752\u2013757, 808. For the inscriptions\nof Nemi and Aricia see _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv. Nos.\n2156\u20132226, 4180\u20134210, 4268\u20134275a; W. Henzen, in _Hermes_, vi. (1872)\npp. 6\u201313; G. Tomassetti, in _Museo Italiano di Antichit\u00e0 Classica_, ii.\n(1888) coll. 481 _sqq._ Among these inscriptions the many dedications\nto Diana serve to identify the site beyond a doubt. The evidence of\nancient writers is collected by Cluverius, _Italia Antiqua_, ii. pp.\n920\u2013935. See also H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii. (Berlin,\n1902) pp. 588\u2013592; and for the topography, Sir W. Gell, _The Topography\nof Rome and its Vicinity_ (London, 1834), i. pp. 182\u2013191, ii. pp.\n112\u2013117.\n\n\n[4] Appian, _Bellum Civile_, v. 24.\n\n\n[5] Suetonius, _Divus Julius_, 54. Serving his own gods thus, he\nnaturally felt no compunction at relieving the barbarous Gaulish gods\nof their little savings (Suetonius, _ib._).\n\n\n[6] Appian, _loc. cit._\n\n\n[7] _Fasti_, iii. 267 _sq._\n\n\n[8] Juvenal, _Sat._ iv. 117 _sq._; Persius, _Sat._ vi. 56, with the\nscholiast\u2019s note; Martial, _Epigr._ ii. 19. 3, xii. 32. 10. Persius\ncalls this part of the road the slope of Virbius. Juvenal and Martial\ncall it the Arician slope. But the former was probably the correct\nname, for at Rome also there was a \u201cslope of Virbius\u201d on the Esquiline,\nnear a sanctuary of Diana (Livy, i. 48. 6). The double coincidence\nwith Aricia is probably significant, as has been acutely pointed out\nby Mr. A. B. Cook (_Classical Review_, xvi. (1902) p. 380, n. 3). We\nshall return to this later on. As to Virbius, we shall hear more of him\npresently.\n\n\n[9] W. Henzen, in _Hermes_, vi. (1872) pp. 6\u201312; _Corpus Inscriptionum\nLatinarum_, xiv., Nos. 2215, 2216, 2218.\n\n\n[10] At the place called S. Maria, in the commune of Nemi, there have\nbeen found remains of a magnificent villa of the first or second\ncentury, built in terraces just above the lake and adorned with\nvariegated marbles, frescoes, and works of art. See _Notizie degli\nScavi_, 1888, pp. 194\u2013196, 393 _sq._ The place is near the mouth of the\nancient emissary, below the village of Genzano; the vineyards beside\nthe lake are here littered with fragments of fine marbles. In January\n1901 I visited the site in the company of Mr. St. Clair Baddeley, who\nhas kindly furnished me with some notes on the subject.\n\n\n[11] Cicero, _Ad Atticum_, xv. 4. 5.\n\n\n[12] Suetonius, _Divus Julius_, 46. From a letter of Cicero to Atticus\n(vi. 1. 25) we infer that the house was building in 50 B.C.\n\n\n[13] Some of the timbers and fittings of these vessels were fished up\nfrom the bottom of the lake in 1895. Especially remarkable are the\nbeautiful bronze heads of lions and wolves with mooring-rings in their\nmouths. Caligula\u2019s name (C . CAESARIS . AVG . GERMANICI) is stamped on\nthe leaden water-pipes, and the style of the bronzes is that of the\nfirst century. See _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1895, pp. 361\u2013396, 461\u2013474;\nJ. C. G. Boot, in _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der kon. Akademie\nvan Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde_, III. Reeks, xii. deel\n(Amsterdam, 1895), pp. 278\u2013285; R. Lanciani, _New Tales of Old Rome_\n(London, 1901), pp. 205\u2013214.\n\n\n[14] Tacitus, _Histor._ iii. 36.\n\n\n[15] _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv., Nos. 2213, 2216, 4191.\nHadrian also had a monument in the grove dedicated to him by the senate\nand people of Aricia (_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1895, pp. 430 _sq._). A\nbust of Caesar and a statue of Tiberius have been found on the spot.\nSee G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated Catalogue_, p. 31; O. Rossbach, in\n_Verhandlungen der vierzig. Versamml. deutscher Philologen_, p. 159.\n\n\n[16] Catullus, xxxiv. 9 _sqq._\n\n\n[17] _Bulletino dell\u2019 Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica_, 1885,\npp. 228 _sq._; _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1887, pp. 24, 195; id. 1888,\np. 393; O. Rossbach, in _Verhandl. d. vierzig. Versamml. deutscher\nPhilologen_, pp. 150 note, 161; G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated Catalogue_,\npp. 4, 15, 34 _sq._\n\n\n[18] _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1887, p. 195; _id._ 1888, p. 393;\n_Bulletino di Corr. Archeol._ 1885, p. 230; O. Rossbach, _op. cit._,\npp. 150 note, 151 note, 163; G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated Catalogue_, pp.\n35, 40. Greek hunters dedicated spears and javelins to Pan (_Anthologia\nPalatina_, vi. 57, 177). Compare W. H. D. Rouse, _Greek Votive\nOfferings_ (Cambridge, 1902), p. 71.\n\n\n[19] W. Helbig, in _Bulletino dell\u2019 Inst. di Corr. Archeol._ 1885, pp.\n231 _sq._; _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1887, p. 195; _id._ 1888, p. 393.\nHelbig observes that the ancients sometimes used tridents in boar-hunts.\n\n\n[20] Pliny, _Epist._ i. 6. In the second century of our era the\nmountains and oak woods of Greece harboured numbers of wild boars. See\nPausanias, i. 32. 1, iii. 20. 4, v. 6. 6, vii. 26. 10, viii. 23. 9, ix.\n23. 7.\n\n\n[21] W. Roscoe, _Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth_,\u00b3 iv. 376.\n\n\n[22] O. Rossbach, _op. cit._ pp. 157 _sq._; G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated\nCatalogue_, pp. 3, 31, with the plate facing p. 43.\n\n\n[23] _Bulletino dell\u2019 Inst. di Corr. Archeol._ 1885, p. 153; G. H.\nWallis, _Illustrated Catalogue_, p. 23.\n\n\n[24] Polybius, _Hist._ iv. 18 and 19.\n\n\n[25] Xenophon, _Anabasis_, v. 3. 4\u201313.\n\n\n[26] Pausanias, x. 35. 7.\n\n\n[27] R. Andree, _Votive und Weihegaben des Katholischen Volks in\nS\u00fcddeutschland_ (Brunswick, 1904), pp. 37, 50, 152 _sqq._\n\n\n[28] R. Andree, _op. cit._ p. 41.\n\n\n[29] R. Andree, _op. cit._ pp. 41\u201350.\n\n\n[30] See V. Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere in ihrem \u00fcbergang\naus Asien_\u2077 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 520 _sq._: \u201cIn the course of history\nthe flora of the Italian peninsula assumed more and more a southern\ncharacter. When the first Greeks landed in lower Italy the forests\nconsisted predominantly of deciduous trees, the beeches reached\nlower down than now, when they are confined to the highest mountain\nregions. Centuries later in the landscapes on the walls of Pompeii we\nsee nothing but evergreen trees, the _Laurus nobilis_, the olive, the\ncypress, the oleander; in the latest times of the empire and in the\nMiddle Ages the lemon-trees and orange-trees appear, and since the\ndiscovery of America the magnolias, the agaves, and the Indian figs.\nThere can be no question that this revolution has been wrought mainly\nby the hand of man.\u201d\n\n\n[31] \u03be\u03b9\u03c6\u03ae\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd \u1f00\u03b5\u03af, \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03b8\u03ad\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2, \u1f15\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2\n\u1f00\u03bc\u03cd\u03bd\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, is Strabo\u2019s description (v. 3. 12), who may have seen him\n\u201cpacing there alone.\u201d\n\n\n[32] E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\nReport of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part I. (Washington, 1899)\np. 293.\n\n\n[33] Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 136, \u201c_Licet de hoc ramo hi qui\nde sacris Proserpinae scripsisse dicuntur, quiddam esse mysticum\nadfirment, publica tamen opinio hoc habet. Orestes post occisum regem\nThoantem_,\u201d etc.; _id._ on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 116; Valerius Flaccus,\n_Argonaut._ ii. 304 _sq._; Strabo, v. 3. 12; Pausanias, ii. 27. 4;\nSolinus, ii. 11; Suetonius, _Caligula_, 35. The custom of breaking the\nbranch, and its supposed connexion with the Golden Bough of Virgil, are\nrecorded by Servius alone (on Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 136). For the title\n\u201cKing of the Wood\u201d see Suetonius, _l.c._; and compare Statius, _Sylv._\niii. 1. 55 _sq._\u2014\n\n    \u201c_Jamque dies aderat, profugis cum_ regibus _aptum_\n    _Fumat Aricinum Triviae nemus_\u201d;\n\nOvid, _Fasti_, iii. 271 _sq._\u2014\n\n    \u201cRegna _tenent fortesque manu, pedibusque fugaces;_\n    _Et perit exemplo postmodo quisque suo_\u201d;\n\n_id._, _Ars am._ i. 259 _sq._\u2014\n\n    \u201c_Ecce suburbanae templum nemorale Dianae,_\n    _Partaque per gladios_ regna _nocente manu_\u201d;\n\nValerius Flaccus, _Argon._ ii. 304 _sq._\u2014\n\n    \u201c_Jam nemus Egeriae, jam te ciet altus ab alba_\n    _Juppiter et soli non mitis Aricia_ regi.\u201d\n\nAn archaic Greek relief, found in 1791 near the outlet of the lake,\nin the Vallericcia, has been sometimes thought to portray the combat\nbetween a priest and a candidate for the office. But the subject is\nrather the murder of Aegisthus by Orestes in presence of Clytaemnestra\nand Electra. See Sir W. Gell, _Topography of Rome_, ii. 116 _sq._;\nO. Jahn, in _Arch\u00e4ologische Zeitung_, vii. (1849) coll. 113\u2013118;\nBaumeister\u2019s _Denkm\u00e4ler_, p. 1112; O. Rossbach, _op. cit._ pp. 148\n_sq._; R. Lanciani, _New Tales of Old Rome_, p. 204.\n\n\n[34] Thus there have been found many models of the organs of\ngeneration, both male and female, including wombs; figures of women\nwith infants on their laps or on their arms; and couples seated side\nby side, the woman pregnant or carrying a child. See _Bulletino dell\u2019\nInst. di Corrisp. Archeologica_, 1885, pp. 183 _sq._; _Notizie degli\nScavi_, 1885, pp. 160, 254; _id._ 1895, p. 424; O. Rossbach, _op. cit._\np. 160; G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated Catalogue_, pp. 4, 15, 17. Another\ngroup represents a woman just after delivery, supported by the midwife,\nwho holds the child in her lap. See Graevius, _Thesaurus Antiquitatum\nRomanarum_, xii. col. 808. As to the huntress Diana, see above, p. 6.\n\n\n[35] Statius, _Sylvae_, iii. 1. 52\u201360; Gratius Faliscus, _Cynegeticon_,\ni. 484 _sq._ As to the date we know from the calendars (W. Warde\nFowler, _The Roman Festivals of the Republic_, p. 198) and from Festus\n(p. 343 ed. M\u00fcller; compare Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 100) that the\nfestival of Diana on the Aventine at Rome fell on the Ides, that\nis, the 13th of August. Further, the Ides of August was held as the\nbirthday of Diana at Lanuvium (_Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv.,\nNo. 2112; G. Wilmanns, _Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum_, No. 319; C.\nG. Bruns, _Fontes Juris Romani_,\u2077 ed. O. Gradenwitz, p. 389; H. Dessau,\n_Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, No. 7212). Moreover, Martial (xii.\n67. 2) and Ausonius (_De feriis Romanis_, 5 _sq._) speak of the Ides of\nAugust as Diana\u2019s day. Hence we may safely conclude that the _Hecateias\nidus_ which Statius (_l.c._) mentions as the date of the festival of\nDiana at Nemi were no other than the Ides of August, all the more that\nthe poet describes the time as the hottest of the year. Compare G.\nWissowa, _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_ (Munich, 1902), p. 201.\n\n\n[36] O. Rossbach, _op. cit._ pp. 150 note, 161. A coin of P. Clodius\nTurrinus (43 B.C.) portrays Diana with a long torch in either hand. See\nE. Babelon, _Monnaies de la R\u00e9publique Romaine_ (Paris, 1885), i. 355.\n\n\n[37] Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 269 _sq._; Propertius, iii. 24. (30) 9 _sq._,\ned. Paley.\n\n\n[38] _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1888, p. 193 _sq._; O. Rossbach, _op. cit._\np. 164.\n\n\n[39] _Bulletino dell\u2019 Inst. di Corrisp. Archeologica_, 1885, p. 157;\n_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1888, p. 393; G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated\nCatalogue_, pp. 24\u201326.\n\n\n[40] On the dedication of burning lamps and candles in antiquity,\nsee M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), p. 345, note\n5. As to the derivation of the Catholic from the old heathen custom,\nsee R. Andree, _Votive und Weihegaben des Katholischen Volks in\nS\u00fcddeutschland_ (Brunswick, 1904), p. 77.\n\n\n[41] _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv., No. 2213; G. Wilmanns,\n_Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum_, No. 1767; H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones\nLatinae Selectae_, No. 3243.\n\n\n[42] _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1885, p. 478; O. Rossbach, _op. cit._\np. 158; G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated Catalogue_, pp. 9 _sq._ The true\ncharacter of this circular basement was first pointed out by Mr. A. B.\nCook (_Classical Review_, xvi. (1902) p. 376). Previous writers had\ntaken it for an altar or a pedestal. But the mosaic pavement and the\nbases of two columns which were found in position on it exclude the\nhypothesis of an altar and cannot easily be reconciled with that of a\npedestal, for which, moreover, it appears to be too large. A rain-water\ngutter runs round it and then extends in the direction of the larger\ntemple. As to the temple of Vesta at Rome see J. H. Middleton, _The\nRemains of Ancient Rome_, i. 297 _sq._; O. Richter, _Topographie der\nStadt Rom_\u00b2 (Munich, 1902), pp. 88 _sq._; G. Boni, in _Notizie degli\nScavi_, May 1900, pp. 159 _sqq._\n\n\n[43] G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated Catalogue_, p. 30.\n\n\n[44] J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.\u00b2 336.\n\n\n[45] Juvenal, iv. 60 _sq._; Asconius, _In Milonianam_, p. 35, ed.\nKiesseling and Schoell; Symmachus, _Epist._ ix. 128 and 129 (Migne\u2019s\n_Patrologia Latina_, xviii. col. 355); _Corpus Inscriptionum\nLatinarum_, vi., No. 2172, xiv., No. 4120; Wilmanns, _Exempla\nInscriptionum Latinarum_, No. 1750. The Alban Vestals gave evidence\nat Milo\u2019s trial in 52 B.C. (Asconius, _l.c._); one of them was tried\nfor breaking her vow of chastity late in the fourth century A.D.\n(Symmachus, _l.c._).\n\n\n[46] _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv., Nos. 3677, 3679.\n\n\n[47] Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 296; Macrobius, _Saturn._ iii. 4. 11.\n\n\n[48] Statius, _Sylvae_, iii. 1. 55 _sqq._; Gratius Faliscus,\n_Cynegeticon_, i. 483\u2013492.\n\n\n[49] J. Rendel Harris, _The Annotators of the Codex Bezae_ (London,\n1901), pp. 93\u2013102.\n\n\n[50] See below, vol. ii. pp. 324 _sqq._\n\n\n[51] _Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record_, New Series,\nvii. (London, 1865), \u201cThe Departure of my Lady Mary from this\nWorld,\u201d p. 153. The Greek original of the treatise was discovered by\nTischendorf. This passage was kindly indicated to me by my learned\nfriend Mr. J. Rendel Harris. He writes to me: \u201cIn these late Syrian\ncalendars the festivals are simply taken over from the Greek and Roman\ncalendars without any adjustment at all, as a study of the detailed\nsaints\u2019 days shows.\u201d\n\n\n[52] _Johanni Apostoli de transitu Beatae Mariae Virginis Liber_: ex\nrecensione et cum interpretatione Maximiliani Engeri (Elberfeldae,\n1854), pp. 101, 103. This and the preceding passage are both cited by\nthe late Prof. E. Lucius in his book _Die Anf\u00e4nge des Heiligenkultes\nin der christlichen Kirche_ (T\u00fcbingen, 1904), pp. 488 sq., 521. From\nthem and from the entries in the Syrian calendars (see the next note),\nLucius rightly inferred that the Assumption of the Virgin Mary had\nbeen assigned by the Church to the 15th of August with reference to\nthe ripening of the grapes and other fruits, and that the Christian\nfestival replaced an old heathen festival of first-fruits, which must\nhave been held about the same time. But he appears to have overlooked\nthe occurrence of Diana\u2019s festival on the 13th of August.\n\n\n[53] N. Nilles, _Kalendarium Manuale utriusque Ecclesiae Orientalis et\nOccidentalis_\u00b2 (Innsbruck, 1896\u20137), i. pp. 249, 480. Professor Nilles\ncompares the blessing of the herbs (_Krautweihe_), which still takes\nplace in various parts of German-speaking lands on August 15th for the\npurpose of defeating the charms of witches.\n\n\n[54] B. Schmidt, _Das Volksleben der Neugriechen_ (Leipsic, 1871), p.\n58. My learned friend Dr. W. H. D. Rouse, who is well acquainted with\nGreece, both ancient and modern, gave me similar information.\n\n\n[55] Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encyclop. d. class. Wissenschaften_, ii.\n1342; Pausanias, vii. 18. 12; Xenophon, _Anabasis_, v. 3. 12. On the\nother hand the very sight of the image of Artemis at Pellene was said\nto render trees barren and to blight the fruits of the earth. See\nPlutarch, _Aratus_, 32.\n\n\n[56] A. Dieterich, \u201cSommertag,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_,\nviii. (1905) Beiheft, pp. 108 _sqq._, with fig. 2.\n\n\n[57] Furtw\u00e4ngler, _Die antiken Gemmen_, iii. 231, with plates XX. 66,\nXXII. 18, 26, 30, 32, all cited by Mr. A. B. Cook, _Classical Review_,\nxvi. (1902) p. 378, note 4. Furtw\u00e4ngler held that these gems portray\nDiana of Nemi herself.\n\n\n[58] Catullus, xxxiv. 17 _sqq._\n\n\n[59] G. Pitr\u00e8, _Spettacoli e Feste popolari Siciliane_ (Palermo, 1881),\npp. 356, 358, 360, 361, 362; G. Finamore, _Credenze, Usi e Costumi\nAbruzzesi_ (Palermo, 1890), p. 176; G. Amalfi, _Tradizioni ed Usi nella\npeninsola Sorrentina_ (Palermo, 1890), p. 50.\n\n\n[60] Olaus Magnus, _Historia de Gentium Septentrionalium variis\nconditionibus_, xvi. 9.\n\n\n[61] Note of Mr. F. C. Conybeare.\n\n\n[62] Strabo, xi. 8. 12, xi. 14. 16, xii. 3. 37.\n\n\n[63] This is inferred from entries in the ancient Celtic calendar of\nwhich numerous fragments, engraved on bronze, were found in 1897 at\nColigny near Lyons. In this calendar the month Rivros seems to mean\n\u201cthe harvest month\u201d and to correspond to August. Sir John Rhys believes\nthat the harvest-god Rivos, who is only known from this calendar,\nanswers to the better-known Celtic god Lug. See Sir John Rhys, in\n_Transactions of the Third International Congress for the History\nof Religion_ (Oxford, 1908), ii. 222 _sqq._; and as to the Coligny\ncalendar in general see further Sir John Rhys, \u201cCeltae and Galli,\u201d\n_Proceedings of the British Academy, 1905\u20131906_, pp. 71 _sqq._; _id._\n\u201cNotes on the Coligny Calendar,\u201d _Proceedings of the British Academy_,\nvol. iv.\n\n\n[64] Dedications to Juno and Venus have been found in the grove\n(_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1888, p. 393; G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated\nCatalogue_, p. 44), also a bronze statuette of Jupiter (O. Rossbach,\n_op. cit._ p. 162), and a mutilated or unfinished bust supposed to\nrepresent that deity (_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1885, p. 344; G. H.\nWallis, _op. cit._ p. 54).\n\n\n[65] Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 762 _sqq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 273 _sqq._;\n_id._, _Metam._ xv. 482 _sqq._; Strabo, v. 3. 12. As to the stream,\nsee P. Rosa, in _Monumenti ed Annali pubblic. dall\u2019 Instituto\ndi Corrispondenza Archeologica nel 1856_, p. 7; R. Lanciani, in\n_Athenaeum_, October 10, 1885, p. 477. The water was diverted some\nyears ago to supply Albano.\n\n\n[66] Festus, p. 77, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller.\n\n\n[67] Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 273 _sqq._; _id._, _Metam._ xv. 482 _sqq._;\nCicero, _De legibus_, i. 1. 4; Livy, i. 19. 5, i. 21. 3; Plutarch,\n_Numa_, 4, 8, 13, 15; Dionysius Halicarn. _Antiquit. Roman._ ii. 60\n_sq._; Juvenal, _Sat._ iii. 12; Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._ i. 22;\nAugustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 35; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vii.\n763. Ovid, Livy, Lactantius, and Augustine speak of Egeria as the\nwife of Numa, whereas Juvenal and Servius call her his mistress. The\nlanguage of Plutarch is somewhat ambiguous, but he uses the phrase\n\u03b3\u03ac\u03bc\u03c9\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u1f20\u03be\u03b9\u03c9\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 (c. 4).\n\n\n[68] Plutarch, _Numa_, 4.\n\n\n[69] Juvenal, _Sat._ iii. 10 _sqq._; Livy, i. 21. 3. As to the position\nof this grove and spring see O. Gilbert, _Geschichte und Topographie\nder Stadt Rom im Altertum_, i. 109 _sqq._, ii. pp. 152 _sqq._; O.\nRichter, _Topographie der Stadt Rom_\u00b2 (Munich, 1902), pp. 342 _sq._\nAccording to the latter writer, the valley of Egeria was outside the\nServian wall, at the foot of the Caelian Mount, and is now traversed\nby the streets Via delle Mole di S. Sisto and Via della Ferratella.\nHe identifies the sacred spring with a copious source at the Villa\nFonseca. On the other hand, Statius (_Sylvae_, v. 3. 290 _sq._),\nLactantius (_Divin. Inst._ iii. 22), and Servius (on Virgil, vii.\n763) held that Numa\u2019s Egeria was not at Rome but at Nemi. The grove\nof Egeria is now popularly identified with a little wood called the\n_Bosco Sacro_, which stands in a commanding situation to the left of\nthe Appian Way, about a mile and a half from Rome (Baedeker\u2019s _Central\nItaly and Rome_,\u00b9\u00b3 p. 378).\n\n\n[70] Plutarch, _Numa_, 13. That they carried the water in pitchers on\ntheir heads may be inferred from Propertius, v. 4. 15 _sq._; Ovid,\n_Fasti_, iii. 11\u201314.\n\n\n[71] This is the view of A. Schwegler (_R\u00f6mische Geschichte_, i.\n548 note), O. Gilbert (_Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im\nAltertum_, i. 111), and G. Wissowa (in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der\ngriech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, _s.v._ \u201cEgeria\u201d).\n\n\n[72] O. Rossbach, _op. cit._ p. 151. \u201cThe old bath\u201d is mentioned in an\ninscription found on the spot (_Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv.,\nNo. 4190).\n\n\n[73] _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1885, pp. 159 _sq._, 192, 254; _id._ 1888,\np. 193; _Bulletino dell\u2019 Inst. di Corrisp. Archeologica_, 1885, pp.\n153, 154 _sq._; O. Rossbach, _op. cit._ p. 160; _Archaeologia: or\nMiscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity_, l. (1887), Pt. I. pp. 61\n_sq._, 64; G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated Catalogue_, pp. 2, 4, 22. Amongst\nthese models may be specially noted the torso of a woman clad in a long\nrobe, with her breast cut open so as to expose the bowels. It may be\nthe offering of a woman who suffered from some internal malady.\n\n\n[74] For an example of the custom in modern times see J. J. Blunt,\n_Vestiges of Ancient Manners and Customs discoverable in Modern Italy\nand Sicily_ (London, 1823), p. 135. The custom is still widespread\namong the Catholic population of Southern Germany. See R. Andree,\n_Votive und Weihegaben des Katholischen Volks in S\u00fcddeutschland_\n(Brunswick, 1904), pp. 94 _sqq._, 112 _sqq._, 123 _sqq._\n\n\n[75] R. Lanciani, in _Athenaeum_, October 10, 1885, p. 477.\n\n\n[76] Xenophon, _Cyneget._ i. 2 and 11; Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 10\u201319.\n1092 _sq._\n\n\n[77] Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 20 _sqq._; Apollodorus, _Epitoma_, i. 18\n_sq._, ed. R. Wagner; Hyginus, _Fabulae_, 47; Ovid, _Metam._ xv. 497\n_sqq._\n\n\n[78] Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 761 _sqq._, with the commentary of Servius;\nOvid, _Fasti_, iii. 263 _sqq._, vi. 735 _sqq._; _id._, _Metam._ xv. 497\n_sqq._; Scholiast on Persius, _Sat._ vi. 56, p. 347 _sq._, ed. O. Jahn;\nLactantius, _Divin. Inst._ i. 17; Pausanias, ii. 27. 4; Apollodorus,\niii. 10. 3; Scholiast on Pindar, _Pyth._ iii. 96. It was perhaps in his\ncharacter of a serpent that Aesculapius was said to have brought the\ndead Hippolytus to life. See my note on Pausanias, ii. 10. 3.\n\n\n[79] An inscription in the public museum at Naples mentions a\n_flamen Virbialis_ (_Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, x., No. 1493).\nAnother inscription mentions a similar priesthood at Aricia, but the\ninscription is forged (Orelli, _Inscript. Latin._ No. 1457; compare\nH. Dessau on _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv., No. 2213).\nThe same title _flamen Virbialis_ has sometimes been wrongly read\nin an inscription of Gratianopolis, in Narbonensian Gaul (_Corpus\nInscriptionum Latinarum_, xii., No. 2238; Orelli, _Inscript. Latin._\nNos. 2212, 4022). For the worship of Virbius we have also the testimony\nof Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 776: \u201c_Nam et Virbius inter deos\ncolitur_.\u201d\n\n\n[80] Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 779 _sq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 265 _sq._\n\n\n[81] Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 776. Helbig proposed to identify as\nVirbius some bronze statuettes found at Nemi, which represent a young\nman naked except for a cloak thrown over his left arm, holding in his\nextended right hand a shallow bowl, while in his raised left hand he\nseems to have held a spear or staff on which he leaned. See _Bulletino\ndell\u2019 Inst. di Corrisp. Archeologica_, 1885, p. 229. But to this it has\nbeen objected by Rossbach (_op. cit._ p. 162) that Virbius appears to\nhave been portrayed as an older, probably bearded man (Ovid, _Metam._\nxv. 538 _sqq._).\n\n\n[82] Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 761; compare _id._ on _Aen._ vii.\n84. See also Ovid, _Metam._ xv. 545 _sq._\u2014\n\n\u201c_Hoc nemus inde colo de disque minoribus unus_ _Nomine sub dominae\nlateo atque accenseor illi._\u201d\n\n\n[83] P. Ribadeneira, _Flos Sanctorum_ (Venice, 1763), ii. 93 _sq._;\n_Acta Sanctorum_, August 13, pp. 4 _sqq._ (Paris and Rome, 1867).\nThe merit of tracing the saint\u2019s pedigree belongs to Mr. J. Rendel\nHarris. See his _Annotators of Codex Bezae_ (London, 1901), pp. 101\n_sq._ Prudentius has drawn a picture of the imaginary martyrdom which\nmight melt the stoniest heart (_Peristeph._ xi. p. 282 _sqq._, ed.\nTh. Obbarius). According to the _Acta Sanctorum_ the saint shared\nthe crown of martyrdom with twenty members of his household, of whom\nnineteen were beheaded, while one of them, his nurse _Concordia_, was\nscourged to death (\u201c_plumbatis caesa_\u201d). It is an odd coincidence\nthat his Greek prototype Hippolytus dedicated just twenty horses to\nAesculapius (Pausanias, ii. 27. 4); and it is another odd coincidence,\nif it is nothing worse, that the bones of Orestes, the other mythical\nhero of Nemi, were buried beside the temple of _Concordia_ in Rome,\nand that Servius, who mentions this tradition (on Virgil, _Aen._ ii.\n116), should immediately afterwards quote the words \u201c_virgine caesa_.\u201d\nIf we knew why the hero Hippolytus dedicated just twenty horses to\nthe god who raised him from the dead, we might perhaps know why the\nsaint Hippolytus went to heaven attended by a glorious company of\njust twenty martyrs. Bunsen courageously stood out for the historical\nreality of the martyr, whom he would fain identify with his namesake\nthe well-known writer of the third century (_Hippolytus and his Age_,\nLondon, 1852, i. pp. 212 _sqq._).\n\n\n[84] Cato, _Origines_, i., quoted by Priscian, _Inst._ iv. 21, vol.\ni. p. 129, ed. Hertz; _M. Catonis praeter librum de re rustica quae\nextant_, ed. H. Jordan, p. 12.\n\n\n[85] Livy, ii. 25; Dionysius Halicarnas. _Antiquit. Roman._ vi. 29.\n\n\n[86] Festus, p. 145, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller.\n\n\n[87] Persius, _Sat._ vi. 55 _sqq._\n\n\n[88] Wissowa suggests that Manius Egerius was a half-forgotten male\ncounterpart of Egeria (W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon d. griech. und r\u00f6m.\nMythologie_, _s.v._ \u201cEgeria\u201d); and Dessau observes that the name\nEgerius \u201c_sine dubio cohaeret cum Egerio fonte_\u201d (_Corpus Inscriptionum\nLatinarum_, xiv. p. 204). The same view is taken by Messrs. A. B. Cook\nand E. Pais. Mr. Cook holds that the original form of the names was\nAegerius and Aegeria, which he would interpret as \u201cthe Oak God\u201d and\n\u201cthe Oak Goddess.\u201d See A. B. Cook, \u201cThe European Sky-God,\u201d _Folk-lore_,\nxvi. (1905) pp. 291 _sq._; E. Pais, _Ancient Legends of Roman History_\n(London, 1906), p. 142.\n\n\n[89] As Cluverius seems to do (_Italia Antiqua_, p. 931).\n\n\n[90] This is substantially the view of Prof. Wissowa, who holds that\nthe reference is to the foundation of a common altar in the grove by\nall the members of the league (_Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_, p. 199).\n\n\n[91] Scholars are not agreed as to whether the list of confederate\nLatin cities in Cato is complete, and whether the Latin dictator he\nmentions was the head of the league or only of Tusculum. In regard to\nthe former question we must remember that the passage of Cato is known\nto us only from Priscian, who seems to have quoted no more than suited\nhis purpose, which was merely to illustrate a grammatical termination\n(_Ardeatis_ for the later _Ardeas_). Probably, therefore, the original\npassage contained many more names of towns which Priscian did not\nthink it needful to cite. This is the view of H. Dessau (in _Corpus\nInscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv. p. 204). With regard to the second\nquestion, Mommsen held that the dictatorship in question was merely the\nchief magistracy of Tusculum, the presidency of the Latin league being\nvested in two praetors, not in a dictator (Livy, viii. 3. 9). Most\nscholars, however, appear to be of opinion that the dictator referred\nto was head of the league. See H. Jordan, _M. Catonis praeter librum\nde re rustica quae extant_, pp. xli. _sqq._; J. Beloch, _Der italische\nBund unter Roms Hegemonie_ (Leipsic, 1880), p. 188; H. Nissen,\n_Italische Landeskunde_, ii. (Berlin, 1902) pp. 557 _sq._\n\n\n[92] G. H. Wallis, _Illustrated Catalogue_, pp. 5, 36; _Corpus\nInscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv., No. 4186.\n\n\n[93] _Bulletino di Corrisp. Archeologica_, 1885, p. 232; _Notizie\ndegli Scavi_, 1885, pp. 255, 320; _id._ 1895, p. 108; G. H. Wallis,\n_Illustrated Catalogue_, pp. 5, 55. The use of this rude currency is\nsaid to have been superseded in the reign of Servius Tullius, who\nsubstituted stamped ingots of copper (Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxiii. 43).\n\n\n[94] Livy, xxvi. 11. 9; Tacitus, _Historiae_, iv. 53; E. Babelon,\n_Monnaies de la R\u00e9publique romaine_, i. pp. ii. _sq._\n\n\n[95] Herodotus, iv. 103; Euripides, _Iphigenia in Tauris_, 38 _sqq._;\nStrabo, vi. 4. 2, p. 308; Pausanias, iii. 16. 7\u201310; K. O. M\u00fcller, _Die\nDorier_,\u00b2 i. 385 _sqq._\n\n\n[96] Pausanias, ii. 32. 1; Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 1423\u20131430, with\nPaley\u2019s comment. Diodorus Siculus speaks (iv. 62) of the \u201cgodlike\nhonours\u201d accorded to Hippolytus at Troezen.\n\n\n[97] Pausanias, i. 22. 1, ii. 32. 1.\n\n\n[98] S. Wide, _De sacris Troezeniorum, Hermionensium, Epidauriorum_\n(Upsala, 1898), pp. 86 _sq._ C. Boetticher thought that \u201cthe whole\nlegend of Hippolytus represents simply the conflict of the worship\nof Aphrodite with that of Artemis at Troezen\u201d (_Der Baumkultus der\nHellenen_, p. 445, n. 2).\n\n\n[99] Pausanias, ii. 32. 3.\n\n\n[100] Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ v. 72; Pausanias, vi. 24. 7. As to the\nmyrtle and Aphrodite, see C. Boetticher, _Der Baumkultus der Hellenen_,\npp. 444 _sqq._; V. Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere_\u2077 (Berlin,\n1902), pp. 220 _sqq._\n\n\n[101] Pausanias, i. 22. 1; Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 30 _sqq._, with the\nscholiast\u2019s note; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 62; J. Tzetzes, _Scholia on\nLycophron_, 1329.\n\n\n[102] Pausanias, ii. 32. 6 \u1f08\u03c6\u03c1\u03bf\u03b4\u03af\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 \u1f08\u03c3\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, where Bekker and all\nsubsequent editors have changed \u1f08\u03c3\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 into \u1f08\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2. But \u1f08\u03c3\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 has\nthe better manuscript authority. The title is derived from _askra_, \u201ca\nfruitless oak\u201d (Hesychius, _s.v._ \u1f04\u03c3\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1). See Mr. A. B. Cook, \u201cZeus,\nJupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_, xvii, (1903) pp. 415 _sq._\n\n\n[103] Pausanias, ii. 32. 10. In Greek _saronis_ is a hollow oak. See\nCallimachus, _Hymn to Zeus_, 22; Hesychius and _Etymologicum Magnum_,\n_s.v._ \u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u03c9\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2; A. B. Cook, \u201cZeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical\nReview_, xviii. (1904) p. 370. Mythology derived the name Saronian from\na certain Saron, an ancient king of Troezen and a mighty hunter, who\nhad been drowned while swimming after a doe (Pausanias, ii. 30. 7). In\nthis mythical hunter associated with Artemis we may perhaps detect a\nduplicate of Hippolytus.\n\n\n[104] Pausanias, ii. 31. 4, 8, and 9.\n\n\n[105] See K\u00fchner-Blass, _Grammatik der griech. Sprache_, ii. 288 _sq._\n\n\n[106] Pausanias, ii. 27. 4.\n\n\n[107] Pausanias, ii. 33. 2 with my commentary, vol. iii. pp. 285 _sq._\nvol. v. pp. 596 _sqq._\n\n\n[108] Strabo, v. 1. 4, 8, and 9, pp. 212, 214 _sq._ As to the\ntopography, see Bunbury in Smith\u2019s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman\nGeography_, _s.v._ \u201cTimavus\u201d; H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii.\n233. I have to thank my friend Mr. A B. Cook for drawing my attention\nto the association of the horse and wolf in the early cults of Greece\nand Italy.\n\n\n[109] M. Salomon Reinach would explain Hippolytus at Troezen as a\nsacred horse, which was torn to pieces by his worshippers at a solemn\nsacrifice, just as Dionysus Zagreus was said to have been rent in\npieces by his worshippers. See S. Reinach, \u201cHippolyte,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\nReligionswissenschaft_, x. (1907) pp. 47\u201360; _id._ _Cultes, Mythes, et\nReligions_, iii. (Paris, 1908) pp. 54\u201367.\n\n\n[110] No argument can be drawn from the bronze wolf-heads of Caligula\u2019s\nships (above, p. 5, note 5), since these may have been purely\nornamental.\n\n\n[111] Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 60.\n\n\n[112] Plutarch, _Theseus_, 5.\n\n\n[113] Athenaeus, xiii. 83, p. 605A. For dedications of hair to Apollo\nsee _Anthologia Palatina_, vi. 198, 279.\n\n\n[114] Statius, _Theb._ ii. 253 _sqq._\n\n\n[115] Pausanias, i. 43. 4.\n\n\n[116] Herodotus, iv. 33 _sq._; Callimachus, _Hymn to Delos_, 291\n_sqq._; Pausanias, i. 43. 4.\n\n\n[117] _Anthologia Palatina_, vi. 276, 277; Pollux, iii. 38; Hesychius,\n_s.v._ \u03b3\u03ac\u03bc\u03c9\u03bd \u1f14\u03b8\u03b7. Pollux seems to imply that the hair was dedicated to\nHera and the Fates as well as to Artemis.\n\n\n[118] G. Deschamps and G. Cousin, in _Bulletin de Correspondance\nhell\u00e9nique_, xi. (1887) pp. 390 _sq._; _id._ xii. (1888) pp. 97 _sq._,\n249 _sqq._, 479\u2013490.\n\n\n[119] Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 60.\n\n\n[120] J. Marquardt, _Privatleben der R\u00f6mer_, pp. 599 _sq._\n\n\n[121] Suetonius, _Nero_, 12. On hair-offerings in general see G.\nA. Wilken, _Ueber das Haaropfer_ (Amsterdam, 1886) (reprinted from\nthe _Revue Coloniale Internationale_). On the hair-offerings of the\nGreeks see Fr. Wieseler, in _Philologus_, ix. (1854), pp. 711\u2013715; G.\nDeschamps and G. Cousin, in _Bulletin de Correspondance hell\u00e9nique_,\nxii. (1888) pp. 479\u2013490; W. H. D. Rouse, _Greek Votive Offerings_\n(Cambridge, 1902), pp. 240\u2013245.\n\n\n[122] Herodotus, ii. 65; Diodorus Siculus, i. 83. The latter writer\u2019s\naccount is the fuller, and has been followed in the text.\n\n\n[123] Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 6.\n\n\n[124] W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,\u00b2 p. 329. He refers\nto Sozomenus, _Histor. Eccles._ v. 10. 7; Socrates, _Histor. Eccles._\ni. 18; and Eusebius, _Vita Constant._ iii. 58, from whose testimonies\nwe learn that at Heliopolis, in Syria, it was the custom to prostitute\nmaidens to strangers before marriage. Eusebius speaks of the religious\nprostitution of married women as well as of maidens. Constantine\ndestroyed the temple of the goddess in which these impure rites seem to\nhave been performed. To moderns, Heliopolis (the City of the Sun) is\nbetter known as Baalbec; its magnificent ruins are the finest remains\nof Greek architecture in the East.\n\n\n[125] This is recognised by G. A. Wilken (_Ueber das Haaropfer_, p.\n105).\n\n\n[126] G. A. Wilken, _Das Haaropfer_, pp. 61 _sqq._; W. Robertson\nSmith, _Religion of the Semites_,\u00b2 pp. 323 _sqq._; I. Goldziher,\n_Muhammedanische Studien_, i. (Halle a. S. 1888) pp. 247 _sqq._ See\nalso below, p. 102.\n\n\n[127] Pausanias, viii. 41. 3. To the references given in my note on the\npassage add Pollux, ii. 30.\n\n\n[128] Callimachus, _Hymn to Delos_, 278 _sqq._; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ iv.\n91; Strabo, vi. 1. 15, p. 264; Plutarch, _De Pythiae oraculis_, 16.\nIn Apollo\u2019s temple at Delphi there were dedicated a radish of gold, a\nbeet of silver, and a turnip of lead, which was thought to signify the\nrespective value of these vegetables (Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xix. 86). A\npoet speaks of tithes and first-fruits hung up for Apollo on a high\npillar at Delphi (Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._ i. 24. 164, p. 419,\ned. Potter).\n\n\n[129] Diogenes Laertius, _Vit. Philos._ ii. 44, iii. 2; Plutarch,\n_Quaest. Conviv._ viii. 1. 2; J. T. Wood, _Discoveries at Ephesus:\nInscriptions from the great Theatre_, pp. 4, 16. Apollo\u2019s birthday\n(the 7th of Thargelion) was probably the festival known in the Delian\ncalendar as the Apollonia, not the Delia as was formerly supposed. The\nDelia seems to have fallen in early spring, not in early summer. See C.\nRobert in _Hermes_, xxi. (1886) pp. 161\u2013169; Aug. Mommsen, _Feste der\nStadt Athen_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 451. On this harvest-festival at Delos\nsee W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 232 _sqq._, who,\nhowever, took the festival to be the Delia.\n\n\n[130] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 383 _sq._; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der\nmathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 242.\n\n\n[131] _Folk-lore_, i. (1890) p. 518. As to the season of the ripening\nof the corn in Greece both in ancient and modern times, see G. Busolt\u2019s\ndiscussion of the evidence, _Griechische Geschichte_, iii. 2 (Gotha,\n1904), pp. 909 _sqq._, note.\n\n\n[132] Philostratus, _Heroica_, xx. 24.\n\n\n[133] _Bulletin de Correspondance hell\u00e9nique_, xviii. (1894) pp. 87\u201393;\n_id._ xx. (1896) pp. 639\u2013641; E. Curtius in _Arch\u00e4ologischer Anzeiger_,\n1895, pp. 109 _sq._; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,\u00b2\nNos. 611, 665, 718.\n\n\n[134] Strabo, ix. 2. 11, p. 404.\n\n\n[135] Plutarch, _Aristides_, 20. Probably the custom of sending out new\nfire from Delos and Delphi was common, though the existing evidence\nof it is scanty. The same remark applies to the practice of bringing\ntithes of the harvest to these sanctuaries.\n\n\n[136] Herodotus, iv. 33; Callimachus, _Hymn to Delos_, 278 _sqq._\nHerodotus does not tell us in what the sacred offerings consisted;\nPausanias says (i. 31. 2) that no one knew what they were. But from the\nevidence of Callimachus, compared with that of Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ iv.\n91) and Mela (iii. 37), it appears that they were believed to be the\nfirst-fruits of the corn.\n\n\n[137] H. Stein on Herodotus, iv. 33; O. Crusius in W. H. Roscher\u2019s\n_Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. 2813, 2831;\nPreller-Robert, _Griechische Mythologie_, i. 298 _sq._; Wernicke, in\nPauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die der_ _class. Altertumswissenschaft_,\nii. coll. 1355, 1356, 1357, 1358, 1359, 1380, 1383, 1393, 1402. The\nnames of the maidens were variously given as Hyperoche and Laodice\n(Herodotus, iv. 33), or Hekaerge and Opis, (Pausanias, i. 43. 4, v.\n7. 8; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ xi. 532), or Upis, Loxo, and Hekaerge\n(Callimachus, _Hymn to Delos_, 292). Herodotus further mentions (iv.\n35) another pair of Hyperborean maidens, Arge and Opis by name, who\ncame with Apollo and Artemis to Delos, and were buried behind the\nsanctuary of Artemis in the island. They are clearly the equivalents\nof the Hekaerge and Opis or Upis of the other writers. For Hekaerge as\nan epithet of Artemis see Servius, _loc. cit._; Clement of Alexandria,\n_Strom._ v. 8. 49, p. 674, ed. Potter, quoting Apollodorus of Corcyra:\n\u03bc\u03ad\u03bb\u03c0\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5 \u1f67 \u03c0\u03b1\u1fd6\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 \u1f11\u03ba\u03ac\u03b5\u03c1\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f11\u03ba\u03b1\u03ad\u03c1\u03b3\u03b1\u03bd. For Opis or Upis as a name of\nArtemis see Macrobius, _Saturn._ v. 22. 3\u20136; Callimachus, _Hymn to\nArtemis_, 204; Palaephatus, _De incredib._ 32.\n\n\n[138] Pseudo-Plato, _Axiochus_, p. 371A; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ xi.\n532: \u201c_Alii putant Opim et Hecaergon nutritores Apollinis et Dianae\nfuisse; hinc itaque Opim ipsam Dianam cognominatam, quod supra dictum\nest, Apollinem vero Hecaergon_.\u201d\n\n\n[139] Herodotus, iv. 34 _sq._ According to Herodotus, each grave\ncontained the dust of a pair of Hyperborean damsels.\n\n\n[140] Porphyry, _Vita Pythagorae_, 16.\n\n\n[141] Wernicke, in Pauly-Wissowa\u2019s _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die der class.\nAltertumswissenschaft_, ii. 1339. This general statement the writer\nsupports with a wealth of detailed evidence, to which I can only refer\nthe reader.\n\n\n[142] This appears from the name _Partheniai_ applied at Sparta to\nthe men who were born of the _parthenoi_ (unmarried women) during the\nabsence of the married men at the Messenian war. See Ephorus, cited by\nStrabo, vi. 3. 3, p. 279. Whether this explanation was historically\ncorrect or not (and other explanations of it were given, see W. L.\nNewman on Aristotle, _Politics_, vii. (v.) 7, p. 1306 b 29), it proves\nthat in Greek of the best period _parthenos_ did not connote chastity.\nCompare what Herodotus says of the Thracians (v. 6): \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b8\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2\n\u03bf\u1f50 \u03c6\u03c5\u03bb\u03ac\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9, \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u2019 \u1f10\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b2\u03bf\u03cd\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03ac\u03c3\u03b9 \u03bc\u03af\u03c3\u03b3\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9. As to\nthe worship of unmarried goddesses in Western Asia, Sir W. M. Ramsay\nobserves: \u201cIt is, in fact, probable, though with our present knowledge\nnot susceptible of proof, that the term Parthenos in connection with\nthe Anatolian system should be rendered simply as \u2018the Unmarried,\u2019\nand should be regarded as evidence of the religious existence of the\npre-Greek social system. The Parthenos goddess was also the Mother; and\nhowever much the Parthenoi who formed part of her official retinue may\nhave been modified by Greek feeling, it is probable that originally the\nterm indicated only that they were not cut off by marriage from the\ndivine life\u201d (_Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. p. 96). Similarly\nin a celebrated passage of Isaiah (vii. 14) the Hebrew word (\u05e2\u05b7\u05dc\u05b0\u05de\u05b8\u05d4)\nwhich is translated \u201cvirgin\u201d in our English version means no more than\n\u201cyoung woman.\u201d A correct translation would have obviated the necessity\nfor the miracle which so many generations of devout but unlearned\nreaders have discovered in the text; for while it would unquestionably\nbe a miracle if a virgin were to conceive and bear a son, there is\nnothing whatever miraculous or even unusual about a young woman doing\nso.\n\n\n[143] L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_, ii. 444.\nThe whole of Dr. Farnell\u2019s treatment of this subject is excellent\n(pp. 442\u2013449). He suggests doubtfully that the epithets _Peitho_,\n_Hegemone_, and _Eukleia_ may possibly refer to marriage. But clearly\n\u201cpersuasion,\u201d \u201cleader,\u201d and \u201cgood fame\u201d do not in themselves imply any\nallusion to wedlock. The passage of Euripides referred to in the text\nis _Supplices_, 958 _sq._: \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u2019 \u1f0c\u03c1\u03c4\u03b5\u03bc\u03b9\u03c2 \u03bb\u03bf\u03c7\u03af\u03b1 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03c6\u03b8\u03ad\u03b3\u03be\u03b1\u03b9\u03c4\u2019 \u1fb6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2\n\u1f00\u03c4\u03ad\u03ba\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2.\n\n\n[144] Thus she was identified with Anaitis (Plutarch, _Artoxerxes_,\n27; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscr. Graec._\u00b2 No. 775), and with Nana\n(_Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum_, iii. 131), or Nanaea, the goddess\nof Elymais (2 Maccabees, i. 13 and 15, compared with Polybius, xxxi.\n11, and Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ xii. 9). This Nanaea was sometimes\nidentified with Aphrodite instead of with Artemis (Appian, _Syriace_,\n66). She seems to have been the old Babylonian goddess Nana, Nanai, or\nNannaia, who was identical with the Ishtar (Astarte) of Erech. See H.\nZimmern, in Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_,\u00b3\np. 422; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York,\n1901), pp. 116 _sq._, 245; W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und\nr\u00f6m. Mythologie_, iii. 4 _sq._ _s.v._ \u201cNana.\u201d For the identification of\nArtemis with another Semitic mother-goddess, see W. Robertson Smith,\n_Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_\u00b2 (London, 1903), p. 298. As to\nthe dissolute worship of Anaitis, see Strabo, xi. 14, 16, p. 532. And\nas to the identification of Artemis with Asiatic goddesses of this\ntype see L. R. Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_, ii. 478 _sqq._;\nWernicke, in Pauly-Wissowa, _Encycl. d. class. Alter._ ii. 1369 _sqq._\n\n\n[145] Pausanias, iv. 31. 8; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscript.\nGraecarum_,\u00b2 No. 656.\n\n\n[146] The statues on which this description is based are in the\nVatican, the Lateran, and the Palazzo dei Conservatori on the Capitol\nat Rome. The first of these is figured and described in Baumeister\u2019s\n_Denkm\u00e4ler_, i. 130 _sq._, and the second is described by O. Benndorf\nand R. Schoene, _Die antiken Bildwerke des Lateranischen Museums_, pp.\n260 _sq._ See also Roscher\u2019s _Lexik. d. griech. und r\u00f6m. Myth._ i. 588\n_sqq._; S. Reinach, _R\u00e9pertoire de la Statuaire grecque et romaine_,\ni. pp. 298, 299, 300, 302, ii. pp. 321 _sq._ Both the Vatican and the\nLateran statues have the necklace of acorns, and the Lateran copy (No.\n768) has in addition a circlet of acorns hanging on the bosom. The\nacorns probably refer to the oak-tree under which the Amazons were said\nto have set up the image of the goddess at Ephesus (Callimachus, _Hymn\nto Artemis_, 237 _sqq._). The statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori\n(No. 47) has serpents twined round the arms. The many breasts of the\nEphesian Artemis are mentioned by Minucius Felix (_Octavius_, xxii. 5).\nOn the worship of the Ephesian Artemis continued as that of the Virgin\nMary see Sir W. M. Ramsay, \u201cThe Worship of the Virgin Mary at Ephesus,\u201d\n_The Expositor_, June 1905, pp. 401 _sqq._\n\n\n[147] Strabo, xiv. I. 23, p. 641. That a goddess of fertility should\nbe served by such ministers may strike us as a contradiction. Yet it\nis typical of the Oriental worship of the great Mother Goddess. I have\nsuggested an explanation of the custom elsewhere. See _Adonis, Attis,\nOsiris_, Second Edition, pp. 236 _sqq._\n\n\n[148] Pausanias, vii. 2. 7 _sq._; Preller-Robert, _Griechische\nMythologie_, i. 329; L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_,\nii. 480 _sqq._\n\n\n[149] Indeed the eloquent church father Lactantius let the cat out of\nthe bag when he bluntly called Hippolytus the lover of Artemis (_Divin.\nInstitut._ i. 17).\n\n\n[150] Herodotus, v. 82\u201387; Pausanias, ii. 30. 4, ii. 32. 2; Schol.\non Aristides, vol. iii. pp. 598 _sq._, ed. Dindorf. As H. Stein (on\nHerodotus, v. 82) rightly observes, Damia and Auxesia were \u201cgoddesses\nof tilth and of the fruitful field, agrarian deities who were\naccordingly compared and identified with Demeter and Kora [Proserpine],\nbut who were in truth only separate personifications of the two sides\nof Demeter\u2019s character.\u201d See further my note on Pausanias, ii. 30. 4.\nWe shall return hereafter to the custom of stone-throwing as a charm to\nfertilise the fields.\n\n\n[151] See, for example, Catullus\u2019s fine poem on her (No. xxxiv.).\n\n\n[152] This was pointed out long ago by P. Buttmann (_Mythologus_, ii.\n151).\n\n\n[153] Seneca speaks of Diana as \u201c_regina nemorum_\u201d or \u201cQueen of the\nWoods\u201d (_Hippolytus_, 406), perhaps with a reminiscence of the _Rex\nNemorensis_, as Mr. A. B. Cook has suggested (_Classical Review_, xvi.\n(1902) p. 373, note 4).\n\n\n[154] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 242, pointed out to me by Mr. A. B.\nCook, who compares Herodotus, vii. 31.\n\n\n[155] See below, vol. ii. pp. 26 _sq._, 56 _sq._, 100 _sq._, 316 _sqq._\n\n\n[156] As to the double-headed bust see W. Helbig, in _Notizie degli\nScavi_, 1885, p. 227; O. Rossbach, _op. cit._ p. 159; G. H. Wallis,\n_Illustrated Catalogue of Classical Antiquities from the Site of\nthe Temple of Diana, Nemi_, pp. 32 _sq._; A. B. Cook, in _Classical\nReview_, xvi. (1902) p. 373; _id._ \u201cThe European Sky-God,\u201d _Folk-lore_,\nxvi. (1905) pp. 289 _sqq._; F. Granger, \u201cA Portrait of the Rex\nNemorensis,\u201d _Classical Review_, xxi. (1907) pp. 194\u2013197; _id._ in\n_Classical Review_, xxii. (1908) p. 217; J. G. Frazer, \u201cThe Leafy\nBust at Nemi,\u201d _Classical Review_, xxii. (1908) pp. 147\u2013149. The\ninterpretation adopted in the text is that of Professor F. Granger.\nThe way had been prepared for it by Mr. A. B. Cook\u2019s suggestion\nthat the busts represent \u201cthe double form of Diana\u2019s favourite,\nHippolytus-Virbius.\u201d Previous writers took the view that the heads were\nthose of water-gods. As to the identification of the leaves on the\nbusts, about which botanists are not agreed, see Mr. Francis Darwin\u2019s\nletter to me, quoted in my article, \u201cThe Leafy Bust at Nemi\u201d (_l.c._).\n\n\nCHAPTER II\u2014Priestly Kings\n\n\n[157] J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.\u00b2 321 _sqq._ Kings\nof the Sacred Rites are known from inscriptions to have existed at\nLanuvium, Bovillae, and Tusculum. See _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_,\nxiv., Nos. 2089, 2413, 2634. At Rome the Sacrificial King held office\nfor life (Dionysius Halicarn. _Antiquit. Rom._ iv. 74. 4).\n\n\n[158] Plato, _Politicus_, p. 290 E; Aristotle, _Constitution\nof Athens_, 57; Lysias, _Or._ vi. 4; G. Gilbert, _Handbuch der\ngriechischen Staatsalterth\u00fcmer_,\u00b2 i. 281 _sqq._\n\n\n[159] Aristotle, _Politics_, viii. (vi.) 8. 20, p. 1322 b 26 _sqq._;\nG. Gilbert, _op. cit._ ii. 323 _sq._; G. F. Sch\u00f6mann, _Griechische\nAlterth\u00fcmer_,\u2074 i. 145 _sq._, ii. 423 sq.\n\n\n[160] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,\u00b2 No. 616; Ch.\nMichel, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions grecques_, No. 716.\n\n\n[161] P. Cauer, _Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum_,\u00b2 No. 431, lines 46\n_sqq._ Another inscription in the same collection (No. 428) also refers\nto the kings of Mytilene. Both inscriptions are printed in Ch. Michel\u2019s\n_Recueil_, Nos. 356, 357.\n\n\n[162] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,\u00b2 No. 570; Ch.\nMichel, _Recueil_, No. 707.\n\n\n[163] P. Cauer, _Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum_,\u00b2 No. 496; Ch.\nMichel, _Recueil_, No. 1383.\n\n\n[164] G. F. Sch\u00f6mann, _Handbuch der griech. Alterth\u00fcmer_,\u2074 ii. 270\n_sqq._; E. Ziebarth, \u201cDer Fluch im griechischen Recht,\u201d _Hermes_,\nxxx. (1895) pp. 57\u201370; Miss J. E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study\nof Greek Religion_\u00b2 (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 138\u2013145; and my note on\nPausanias, iii. 2. 7. For example, the people of Teos cursed poisoners\nand all persons who hindered the importation of corn (Cauer, _op. cit._\nNo. 480; Ch. Michel, _op. cit._ No. 1318). On the other hand, at Athens\nin the time of Solon public curses were levelled at all who exported\nanything but olive oil (Plutarch, _Solon_, 24). These particular curses\nmay interest students of the history of free trade.\n\n\n[165] Plutarch, _Quaest. Graec._ 12. Aug. Mommsen (_Delphika_, pp.\n250 _sq._) is probably right in comparing this ceremony with the\nswinging-festival (_Aiora_) at Athens, as to which see _The Golden\nBough_, Second Edition, ii. 453 _sqq._\n\n\n[166] _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum Graeciae Septentrionalis_, i.\nNos. 1, 2, 3, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 188, 223; G. F. Sch\u00f6mann, _op. cit._\ni. 146; G. Gilbert, _op. cit._ ii. 323 _sq._\n\n\n[167] Strabo, viii. 7. 2, p. 384. In this passage the word \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03ad\u03b1 is\nomitted in some editions, but has the authority of several MSS. (Strabo\ned. C. M\u00fcller, p. 998), and is probably right.\n\n\n[168] This was the case at Elis (H. Roehl, _Inscriptiones Graecae\nantiquissimae_, No. 112; P. Cauer, _op. cit._ No. 253; E. S. Roberts,\n_Introduction to Greek Epigraphy_, i. No. 292), in Cos (Dittenberger,\n_op. cit._ No. 616), in Chios (_ib._ No. 570), at Mytilene (Cauer,\n_op. cit._ Nos. 428, 431), at Cyme (Plutarch, _Quaest. Graec._ 2), and\nperhaps in Siphnos (Isocrates, _Or._ xix. 36). The Kings of Elis may\nhave been the officials called _Basilai_ who sacrificed on the top of\nMount Cronius at Olympia at the spring equinox (Pausanias, vi. 20. 1).\n\n\n[169] Livy, ii. 2. 1; Dionysius Halicarn., _Antiquit. Rom._ iv. 74. 4.\n\n\n[170] Aristotle, _Politics_, iii. 14. 13, p. 1285 b 14 _sqq._;\nDemosthenes, _Contra Neaer._ \u00a7 74 _sqq._ p. 1370; Plutarch, _Quaest.\nRom._ 63.\n\n\n[171] Xenophon, _Repub. Lacedaem._ 15, compare _id._ 13; Aristotle,\n_Politics_, iii. 14. 3, p. 1285 a 3 _sqq._ Argos was governed, at least\nnominally, by a king as late as the time of the great Persian war\n(Herodotus, vii. 149); and at Orchomenus, in the secluded highlands of\nNorthern Arcadia, the kingly form of government persisted till towards\nthe end of the fifth century B.C. (Plutarch, _Parallela_, 32). As to\nthe kings of Thessaly in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., see F.\nHiller von Gaertringen in _Aus der Anomia_ (Berlin, 1890), pp. 1\u201316.\n\n\n[172] Herodotus, vi. 56.\n\n\n[173] Strabo, xiv. 1. 3, pp. 632 _sq._ These Ephesian kings, who\nprobably held office for life, are not to be confounded with the purely\npriestly functionaries called Essenes or King Bees, whose tenure of\noffice was annual. See below, vol. ii. p. 135.\n\n\n[174] Herodotus, iv. 162.\n\n\n[175] Strabo, xii. 3. 37, 5. 3; compare xi. 4. 7, xii. 2. 3, 2. 6, 3.\n31 _sq._, 3. 34, 8. 9, 8. 14. But see _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 9th\ned. art. \u201cPriest,\u201d xix. 729.\n\n\n[176] J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterth\u00fcmer_, p. 243.\n\n\n[177] See the _L\u00ee-K\u00ee_ (Legge\u2019s translation), _passim_ (_Sacred Books of\nthe East_, vols. xxvii., xxviii.).\n\n\n[178] W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 359 _sq._\n\n\n[179] Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige\nCultur der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1896), p. 129.\n\n\n[180] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilis\u00e9es du\nMexique et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, i. 94. As to the ruins of Palenque,\nsee H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, iv. 288\n_sqq._; T. Maler, \u201cM\u00e9moire sur l\u2019\u00e9tat de Chiapa (Mexique),\u201d _Revue\nd\u2019Ethnographie_, iii. (1885) pp. 327 _sqq._\n\n\n[181] Father Croonenberghs, \u201cLa Mission du Zamb\u00e8ze,\u201d _Missions\nCatholiques_, xiv. (1882) p. 453.\n\n\n[182] Herodotus, v. 75.\n\n\n[183] Pausanias, iii. 1. 5.\n\n\n[184] J. Rendel Harris, _The Dioscuri in the Christian Legends_\n(London, 1903); _id._, _The Cult of the Heavenly Twins_ (Cambridge,\n1906). See also below, pp. 262 _sqq._ With the Spartan custom we may\ncompare the use which the Zulus made of twins in war. See Dudley Kidd,\n_Savage Childhood, a Study of Kafir Children_ (London, 1906), p. 47\n_sq._: \u201cIn war time a twin used to be hunted out and made to go right\nin front of the attacking army, some few paces in front of the others.\nHe was supposed to be fearless and wild. His twin, if a sister, and if\nsurviving, was compelled to tie a cord very tightly round her loins\nduring the fight, and had to starve herself; she was also expected to\nplace the twin brother\u2019s sleeping-mat in that part of the hut which the\n_itongo_ [ancestral spirits] loved to haunt. This brought success in\nwar. But the great chief Tshaka stopped this practice, for he said that\nthe wild twin did foolhardy things and brought the army into needless\ndanger.\u201d\n\n\n[185] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 101; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 43; Seneca,\n_Natur. Quaest._ i. 1. 13; Lucian, _Dial. deorum_, xxvi. 2; Ovid,\n_Fasti_, v. 720; Plutarch, _De defect. oraculorum_, 30; Lactantius\nPlacidus, _Comment. in Statii Theb._ viii. 792; Th. Henri Martin, in\n_Revue Arch\u00e9ologique_, N.S. xiii. (1866) pp. 168\u2013174; P. S\u00e9billot,\n_L\u00e9gendes, Croyances et Superstitions de la Mer_ (Paris, 1886), ii.\n87\u2013109. Seafaring men in different parts of the world still see and\ndraw omens from these weird lights on the masts. See Edward FitzGerald,\nquoted in _County Folk-lore, Suffolk_ (London, 1893), pp. 121 _sq._; W.\nW. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), p. 279.\n\n\n[186] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 101. Compare Seneca, _Natur. Quaest._ i.\n1. 14.\n\n\n[187] Potocki, _Voyages dans les Steps d\u2019Astrakhan et du Caucase_, i.\n143.\n\n\n[188] Dionysius Halicarn. _Antiquit. Roman._ vi. 13; Cicero, _De natura\ndeorum_, ii. 2. 6.\n\n\nCHAPTER III\u2014Sympathetic Magic\n\n\n[189] The expression Homoeopathic Magic was first used, so far as I\nam aware, by Mr. Y. Hirn (_Origins of Art_ (London, 1900), p. 282).\nThe expression Mimetic Magic was suggested by a writer in _Folk-lore_\n(viii. 1897, p. 65), whom I believe to be Mr. E. S. Hartland. The\nexpression Imitative Magic was used incidentally by me in the first\nedition of _The Golden Bough_ (vol. ii. p. 268).\n\n\n[190] That magic is based on a mistaken association of ideas was\npointed out long ago by Professor E. B. Tylor (_Primitive Culture_,\u00b2 i.\n116), but he did not analyse the different kinds of association.\n\n\n[191] It has been ingeniously suggested by Mr. Y. Hirn that magic by\nsimilarity may be reduced to a case of magic by contact. The connecting\nlink, on his hypothesis, is the old doctrine of emanations, according\nto which everything is continually sending out in all directions copies\nof itself in the shape of thin membranes, which appear to the senses\nnot only as shadows, reflections, and so forth, but also as sounds and\nnames. See Y. Hirn, _Origins of Art_ (London, 1900), pp. 293 _sqq._\nThis hypothesis certainly furnishes a point of union for the two\napparently distinct sides of sympathetic magic, but whether it is one\nthat would occur to the savage mind may be doubted.\n\n\n[192] For the Greek and Roman practice, see Theocritus, _Id._ ii.;\nVirgil, _Ecl._ viii. 75\u201382; Ovid, _Heroides_, vi. 91 _sq._; _id._\n_Amores_, iii. 7. 29 _sq._; R. W\u00fcnsch, \u201cEine antike Rachepuppe,\u201d\n_Philologus_, lxi. (1902) pp. 26\u201331.\n\n\n[193] Henry\u2019s _Travels among the Northern and Western Indians_, quoted\nby the Rev. Jedediah Morse, _Report to the Secretary of War of the\nUnited States on Indian Affairs_ (Newhaven, 1822), Appendix, p. 102. I\nhave not seen Henry\u2019s book.\n\n\n[194] Peter Jones, _History of the Ojebway Indians_, p. 146; W. H.\nKeating, _Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter\u2019s\nRiver_ (London, 1825), ii. 159; J. G. Kohl, _Kitschi-Gami_, ii. 80.\nSimilar practices are reported among the Illinois, the Mandans, and\nthe Hidatsas of North America (Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle\nFrance_, vi. 88; Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das Innere\nNord-America_, ii. 188; Washington Matthews, _Ethnography and Philology\nof the Hidatsa Indians_, p. 50), and the Aymaras of Bolivia and Peru\n(D. Forbes, \u201cOn the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru,\u201d _Journal of\nthe Ethnological Society of London_, ii. (1870) p. 236).\n\n\n[195] C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 485 _sq._\n\n\n[196] Above, p. 7.\n\n\n[197] W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_ (London, 1906), p. 458. Among the\nKusavans or potters of Southern India \u201cif a male or female recovers\nfrom cholera, small-pox, or other severe illness, a figure of the\ncorresponding sex is offered. A childless woman makes a vow to offer\nup the figure of a baby, if she brings forth offspring. Figures of\nanimals\u2014cattle, sheep, horses, etc.\u2014are offered at the temple when they\nrecover from sickness, or are recovered after they have been stolen\u201d\n(E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iv. 192; _id._,\n_Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_, p. 349). The analogy of these\nofferings to the various votive figures found in the sanctuary of Diana\nat Nemi is obvious.\n\n\n[198] P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n1621), pp. 25 _sq._ The meaning and origin of the name Viracocha,\nas applied by the Peruvians to the Spaniards, is explained with\ngreat frankness by the Italian historian G. Benzoni, who had himself\ntravelled in America at the time of the conquest. He says (_History of\nthe New World_, pp. 252 _sq._, Hakluyt Society): \u201cWhen the Indians saw\nthe very great cruelties which the Spaniards committed everywhere on\nentering Peru, not only would they never believe us to be Christians\nand children of God, as boasted, but not even that we were born on this\nearth, or generated by a man and born of a woman; so fierce an animal\nthey concluded must be the offspring of the sea, and therefore called\nus _Viracocchie_, for in their language they call the sea _cocchie_ and\nthe froth _vira_; thus they think that we are a congelation of the sea,\nand have been nourished by the froth; and that we are come to destroy\nthe world, with other things in which the Omnipotence of God would\nnot suffice to undeceive them. They say that the winds ruin houses\nand break down trees, and the fire burns them; but the _Viracocchie_\ndevour everything, they consume the very earth, they force the rivers,\nthey are never quiet, they never rest, they are always rushing about,\nsometimes in one direction and sometimes in the other, seeking for gold\nand silver; yet never contented, they game it away, they make war,\nthey kill each other, they rob, they swear, they are renegades, they\nnever speak the truth, and they deprive us of our support. Finally, the\nIndians curse the sea for having cast such very wicked and harsh beings\non the land. Going about through various parts of this kingdom I often\nmet some natives, and for the amusement of hearing what they would say,\nI used to ask them where such and such a _Christian_ was, when not only\nwould they refuse to answer me, but would not even look me in the face:\nthough if I asked them where such and such a _Viracocchie_ was, they\nwould reply directly.\u201d An explanation of the name much more flattering\nto Spanish vanity is given by Garcilasso de la Vega, himself half a\nSpaniard (_Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, vol. ii. pp. 65 _sqq._,\nHakluyt Society, Markham\u2019s translation).\n\n\n[199] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), pp. 570\u2013572.\n\n\n[200] J. Kreemer, \u201cRegenmaken, Oedjoeng, Tooverij onder de Javanen,\u201d\n_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxx.\n(1886) pp. 117 _sq._\n\n\n[201] J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\nPadangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land-en Volkenkunde\nvan Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 56.\n\n\n[202] A. C. Haddon, \u201cThe Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres\nStraits,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) pp.\n399 _sq._\n\n\n[203] _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres\nStraits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 324 _sq._\n\n\n[204] W. H. Furness, _The Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_\n(Philadelphia, 1902), pp. 93.\n\n\n[205] C. Hose and W. McDougall, in _Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 178.\n\n\n[206] J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folklore_ (London, 1901), pp.\n329\u2013331.\n\n\n[207] W. G. Aston, _Shinto (the Way of the Gods)_ (London, 1905), pp.\n331 _sq._\n\n\n[208] J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, v. (Leyden,\n1907) pp. 920 _sq._\n\n\n[209] _Le Livre des R\u00e9compenses et des Peines, traduit du Chinois_, par\nStanislas Julien (Paris, 1835), p. 345.\n\n\n[210] E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, iii. 547.\n\n\n[211] W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography: Bulletin_ No. 5\n(Brisbane, 1903), p. 31.\n\n\n[212] Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _The Native Tribes of Central\nAustralia_ (London, 1899), pp. 549 _sq._\n\n\n[213] C. J. F. S. Forbes, _British Burma_ (London, 1878), p. 232.\n\n\n[214] L. Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_ (London, 1898), p. 153.\n\n\n[215] H. Schinz, _Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_, p. 314.\n\n\n[216] A. Hillebrandt, _Vedische Opfer und Zauber_ (Strasburg, 1897), p.\n177; W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam, 1900), pp. 121,\n166, 173, 184. Compare H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin,\n1894), p. 508.\n\n\n[217] W. Caland, _op. cit._ p. 164.\n\n\n[218] H. W. Magoun, \u201cThe Asuri-Kalpa; a Witchcraft Practice of the\nAtharva-Veda,\u201d _American Journal of Philology_, x. (1889) pp. 165\u2013197.\n\n\n[219] _Asiatick Researches_, v. (Fourth Edition, London, 1807) p. 389.\n\n\n[220] J. A. Dubois, _M\u0153urs, institutions, et c\u00e9r\u00e9monies des peuples de\nl\u2019Inde_ (Paris, 1825), ii. 63.\n\n\n[221] Fr. Fawcett, in _Madras Government Museum, Bulletin_, iii. No. 1\n(Madras, 1900), p. 85.\n\n\n[222] W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_\n(Westminster, 1896), ii. 278 _sq._\n\n\n[223] _Id._, _The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and\nOudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), i. 137.\n\n\n[224] A. A. Perera, \u201cGlimpses of Singhalese Social Life,\u201d _Indian\nAntiquary_, xxxiii. (1904) p. 57. For more evidence of such practices\nin India, see E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_,\npp. 328 _sqq._; _id._, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iv. 489\n_sq._, vi. 124; W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, pp. 248 _sq._\n\n\n[225] E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,\n1908), pp. 61 _sq._\n\n\n[226] E. Doutt\u00e9, _op. cit._ p. 299.\n\n\n[227] G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l\u2019Orient classique:\nles origines_ (Paris, 1895), pp. 213 _sq._\n\n\n[228] F. Chabas, _Le Papyrus magique Harris_ (Chalon-sur-Sa\u00f4ne, 1860),\npp. 169 _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, in _Archaeologia_, Second Series,\nvol. ii. (1890) pp. 428 _sq._; _id._, _Egyptian Magic_ (London,\n1899), pp. 73 _sqq._ The case happened in the reign of Rameses III.,\nabout 1200 B.C. Compare A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im\nAltertum_, p. 475. As to Egyptian magic in general see A. Erman, _Die\n\u00e4gyptische Religion_ (Berlin, 1905), pp. 148 _sqq._\n\n\n[229] M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston,\nU.S.A., 1898), pp. 268, 286, compare pp. 270, 272, 276, 278; R. F.\nHarper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York, 1901), pp. 375,\n376, 377 _sqq._; C. Fossey, _La Magie assyrienne_ (Paris, 1902), pp.\n77\u201381.\n\n\n[230] M. Jastrow, _op. cit._ pp. 286 _sq._; C. Fossey, _op. cit._ p. 78.\n\n\n[231] E. A. Wallis Budge, \u201cOn the Hieratic Papyrus of Nesi-Amsu,\na scribe in the temple of Amen-R\u0101 at Thebes, about B.C. 305,\u201d\n_Archaeologia_, Second Series, ii. (1890) pp. 393\u2013601; _id._, _Egyptian\nMagic_, pp. 77 _sqq._; _id._, _The Gods of the Egyptians_ (London,\n1904), i. 270\u2013272.\n\n\n[232] See an article by R. M. O. K. entitled \u201cA Horrible Rite in the\nHighlands,\u201d in the _Weekly Scotsman_, Saturday, August 24, 1889;\nProfessor J. Rhys in _Folklore_, iii. (1892) p. 385; R. C. Maclagan,\n\u201cNotes on Folklore Objects collected in Argyleshire,\u201d _Folklore_,\nvi. (1895) pp. 144\u2013148; J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London,\n1893), pp. 3 _sq._; J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in\nthe Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 46\u201348.\nMany older examples of the practice of this form of enchantment in\nScotland are collected by J. G. Dalyell in his _Darker Superstitions of\nScotland_ (Edinburgh, 1834), pp. 328 _sqq._\n\n\n[233] J. G. Campbell, _op. cit._ pp. 47, 48.\n\n\n[234] Bryan J. Jones, in _Folklore_, vi. (1895) p. 302. For evidence\nof the custom in the Isle of Man see J. Train, _Historical and\nStatistical Account of the Isle of Man_, ii. 168; in England, see\nBrand, _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 10 _sqq._; in Germany, see J.\nGrimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,\u2074 ii. 913 _sq._; F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur\ndeutschen Mythologie_, ii. 272 _sq._ As to the custom in general, see\nE. B. Tylor, _Researches into the Early History of Mankind_,\u00b3 pp. 106\n_sqq._; R. Andree, \u201cSympathie-Zauber,\u201d _Ethnographische Parallelen und\nVergleiche_, Neue Folge, pp. 8 _sqq._\n\n\n[235] Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_, iii. 220.\n\n\n[236] E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth\nAnnual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part I.\n(Washington, 1899) p. 435.\n\n\n[237] J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir\nof the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\nExpedition_, vol. i. No. 4 (April 1900), p. 314.\n\n\n[238] J. R. Swanton, \u201cContributions to the Ethnology of the Haida\u201d\n(Leyden and New York, 1905), pp. 47 _sq._ (_The Jesup North Pacific\nExpedition_, vol. v.).\n\n\n[239] S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 318.\n\n\n[240] C. Lumholtz, \u201cSymbolism of the Huichol Indians,\u201d _Memoirs of the\nAmerican Museum of Natural History_, vol. iii. (May 1900) p. 52.\n\n\n[241] P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n1621), p. 37.\n\n\n[242] A. Delegorgue, _Voyage dans l\u2019Afrique Australe_ (Paris, 1847),\nii. 325 _sq._\n\n\n[243] E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, p. 251.\n\n\n[244] Binger, _Du Niger au Golfe de Guin\u00e9e_ (Paris, 1892), ii. 230.\n\n\n[245] W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (_the Way of the Gods_) (London, 1905), p.\n331.\n\n\n[246] R. Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_\u00b2\n(London, 1870), p. 213.\n\n\n[247] J. B. Neumann, \u201cHet Pane- en Bila-Stroomgebied op het eiland\nSumatra,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\nGenootschap_, Tweede Serie, deel iii. (1886) Afdeeling, meer\nuitgebreide artikelen, No. 3, p. 515.\n\n\n[248] J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen\nSelebes en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 343.\n\n\n[249] Dr. MacFarlane, quoted by A. C. Haddon, in _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) pp. 389 _sq._\n\n\n[250] C. Poensen, \u201cIets over de kleeding der Javanen,\u201d _Mededeelingen\nvan wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xx. (1876) pp. 274\n_sq._; C. M. Pleyte, \u201cPlechtigheden en gebruiken uit den cyclus van het\nfamilienleven der volken van den Indischen Archipel,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de\nTaal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, xli. (1892) p. 578.\nA slightly different account of the ceremony is given by J. Kreemer\n(\u201cHoe de Javaan zijne zieken verzorgt,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\nNederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxvi. (1892) p. 116).\n\n\n[251] S. A. Buddingh, \u201cGebruiken bij Javaansche Grooten,\u201d _Tijdschrift\nvoor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1840, deel ii. pp. 239\u2013243.\n\n\n[252] J. Knebel, \u201cVaria Javanica,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-\nLand- en Volkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) pp. 34\u201337.\n\n\n[253] F. W. Leggat, quoted by H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and\nBritish North Borneo_ (London, 1896), i. 98 _sq._\n\n\n[254] Diodorus Siculus, iv. 39.\n\n\n[255] Stanislaus Ciszewski, _K\u00fcnstliche Verwandtschaft bei den\nS\u00fcdslaven_ (Leipsic, 1897), pp. 103 _sqq._ In the Middle Ages a\nsimilar form of adoption appears to have prevailed, with the curious\nvariation that the adopting parent who simulated the act of birth was\nthe father, not the mother. See J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterth\u00fcmer_,\npp. 160, 464 _sq._; J. J. Bachofen, _Das Mutterrecht_, pp. 254 _sq._ F.\nLiebrecht, however, quotes a mediaeval case in which the ceremony was\nperformed by the adopting mother (_Zur Volkskunde_, p. 432).\n\n\n[256] For this information I have to thank Dr. C. Hose, formerly\nResident Magistrate of the Baram district, Sarawak.\n\n\n[257] Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cThe Bahima,\u201d _Journal of the R. Anthropological\nInstitute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 104.\n\n\n[258] Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 5; Hesychius, _s.v._\n\u0394\u03b5\u03c5\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2.\n\n\n[259] W. Caland, _Die altindischen Todten- und Bestattungsgebr\u00e4uche_\n(Amsterdam, 1896), p. 89. Among the Hindoos of Kumaon the same custom\nis reported to be still observed. See Major Reade in _Panjab Notes and\nQueries_, ii. p. 74, \u00a7 452.\n\n\n[260] W. S. Routledge and K. Routledge, _With a Prehistoric People,\nthe Akikuyu of British East Africa_ (London, 1910), pp. 151 _sq._ The\nceremony was briefly described by me on Dr. Crawford\u2019s authority in\n_Totemism and Exogamy_, iv. 228.\n\n\n[261] As to these rites among the Akikuyu see W. S. Routledge and K.\nRoutledge, _op. cit._ pp. 154 _sqq._\n\n\n[262] _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 422 _sqq._; _Totemism\nand Exogamy_, i. 44, iii. 463 _sqq._, 485, 487 _sq._, 489 _sq._, 505,\n532, 542, 545, 546, 549.\n\n\n[263] W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam, 1900), p. 119;\nM. Bloomfield, _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_ (Oxford, 1897), pp. 358\n_sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xlii.).\n\n\n[264] W. H. Keating, _Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St.\nPeter\u2019s River_ (London, 1825), ii. 159.\n\n\n[265] Theocritus, _Id._ ii. 28 _sq._; Virgil, _Ecl._ viii. 81 sq. In\nneither of these passages is the wax said to have been fashioned in the\nlikeness of the beloved one, but it may have been so.\n\n\n[266] As to the waxen models of the human body, or parts of it, which\nare still dedicated to the Virgin Mary at Kevelaer, see R. Andree,\n_Votive und Weihegaben des Katholischen Volks in S\u00fcddeutschland_\n(Brunswick, 1904) p. 85; and as to votive images of hearts in general,\nsee _id._ pp. 127 _sq._\n\n\n[267] Father Lambert, in _Missions Catholiques_, xii. (1880) p. 41;\n_id._, _M\u0153urs et Superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_ (Noum\u00e9a, 1900), pp.\n97 _sq._\n\n\n[268] Plutarch, _De sera numinis vindicta_, 14.\n\n\n[269] Th. Shaw, \u201cThe Inhabitants of the Hills near Rajamahall,\u201d\n_Asiatic Researches_, iv. 69 (8vo edition, London, 1807).\n\n\n[270] M. Bloomfield, _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_ (Oxford, 1897), pp. 7\n_sq._, 263 _sq._; W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam,\n1900), pp. 75 _sq._\n\n\n[271] Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._ v. 7. 2, 8 _sq._; Aelian, _Nat.\nanimalium_, xvii. 13.\n\n\n[272] Schol. on Aristophanes, _Birds_, 266; Schol. on Plato, _Gorgias_,\np. 494 B.\n\n\n[273] Alfred Newton, _Dictionary of Birds_ (London, 1893\u20131896), p. 129.\n\n\n[274] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxx. 94. The Greek name for jaundice, and\nfor this singular bird, was _ikteros_. The Romans called jaundice \u201cthe\nking\u2019s malady\u201d (_morbus regius_). See below, p. 371, note\u2074.\n\n\n[275] _Nat. Hist._ xxxvii. 170.\n\n\n[276] This precious remedy was communicated to me by my colleague and\nfriend Professor R. C. Bosanquet of Liverpool. The popular Greek name\nfor jaundice is \u03c7\u03c1\u03c5\u03c3\u1fc6.\n\n\n[277] W. von Schulenburg, _Wendische Volkssagen und Gebr\u00e4uche_\n(Leipsic, 1880), p. 223.\n\n\n[278] J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,\u2074 ii. 981; G. Lammert,\n_Volksmedizin und medizinischer Aberglaube in Bayern_ (W\u00fcrzburg, 1869),\np. 248.\n\n\n[279] Dr. S. Weissenberg, \u201cKrankheit und Tod bei den s\u00fcdrussischen\nJuden,\u201d _Globus_, xci. (1907) p. 358.\n\n\n[280] K. Freiherr von Leoprechting, _Aus dem Lechrain_ (Munich, 1855),\np. 92; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,\u00b2 p. 302, \u00a7 477.\n\n\n[281] Alfred Newton, _Dictionary of Birds_, p. 115.\n\n\n[282] Dr. J. Gengler, \u201cDer Kreuzschnabel als Hausarzt,\u201d _Globus_, xci.\n(1907) pp. 193 _sq._; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,\u00b2 p.\n117, \u00a7 164; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen\nWestb\u00f6hmen_ (Prague, 1905), p. 218; P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und\nVolksglaube in Schlesien_, ii. (Leipsic, 1906) p. 231.\n\n\n[283] A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,\u00b2 p. 302, \u00a7 477.\n\n\n[284] Gilbert White, _The Natural History and Antiquities of Selborne_,\npart ii. letter 28.\n\n\n[285] M. Bloomfield, _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, pp. 31, 536 _sq._; W.\nCaland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_, p. 103. In ancient Indian magic it\nis often prescribed that charms to heal sickness should be performed\nat the hour when the stars are vanishing in the sky. See W. Caland,\n_op. cit._ pp. 85, 86, 88, 96. Was this in order that the ailment might\nvanish with the stars?\n\n\n[286] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_\n(London, 1904), p. 352; _id._, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n251.\n\n\n[287] F. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beuce et du Perche_ (Paris,\n1902), i. 172 _sq._\n\n\n[288] J. Perham, \u201cManangism in Borneo,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch\nof the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 19 (1887), p. 100; H. Ling Roth,\n_The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, i. 280.\n\n\n[289] Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xv. 82.\n\n\n[290] Marcellus, _op. cit._ xxxiv. 100.\n\n\n[291] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 176.\n\n\n[292] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ pp. 179 _sqq._\n\n\n[293] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ pp. 184 _sq._\n\n\n[294] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ pp. 193 _sqq._, 199 _sqq._,\n206 _sq._ In the south of France and in the Pyrenees a number of\ncaves have been found adorned with paintings or carvings of animals\nwhich have long been extinct in that region, such as the mammoth,\nthe reindeer, and the bison. All the beasts thus represented appear\nto be edible, and none of them to be fierce carnivorous creatures.\nHence it has been ingeniously suggested by M. S. Reinach that the\nintention of these works of art may have been to multiply by magic\nthe animals so represented, just as the Central Australians seek to\nincrease kangaroos and emus in the manner described above. He infers\nthat the comparatively high development of prehistoric art in Europe\namong men of the reindeer age may have been due in large measure\nto the practice of sympathetic magic. See S. Reinach, \u201cL\u2019Art et la\nmagie,\u201d _L\u2019Anthropologie_, xiv. (1903) pp. 257\u2013266; id., _Cultes,\nMyths et Religions_, i. (Paris, 1905) pp. 125\u2013136. Paintings and\ncarvings executed in caves and on rocks by the aborigines have been\ndescribed in various parts of Australia. See G. Grey, _Journals of\ntwo Expeditions of Discovery_ (London, 1841), i. 201\u2013206; R. Brough\nSmyth, _The Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 289\u2013294, ii. 309; E. M. Curr,\n_The Australian Race_, ii. 476; Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes\nof Central Australia_, pp. 614\u2013618; J. F. Mann, in _Proceedings of\nthe Geographical Society of Australia_, i. (1885) pp. 50 _sq._,\nwith illustrations; W. E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies among the\nNorth-west-central Queensland Aborigines_, p. 116. We may conjecture\nthat the Hebrew prohibition to make \u201cthe likeness of any beast that\nis on the earth, the likeness of any winged fowl that flieth in the\nheaven, the likeness of anything that creepeth on the ground, the\nlikeness of any fish that is in the water under the earth\u201d (Deuteronomy\niv. 17 _sq._), was primarily directed rather against magic than\nidolatry in the strict sense. Ezekiel speaks (viii. 10\u201312) of the\nelders of Israel offering incense to \u201cevery form of creeping things,\nand abominable beasts,\u201d portrayed on the walls of their chambers.\nIf hieroglyphs originated, as seems possible, in representations of\nedible animals and plants which had long been in use for the purpose\nof magically multiplying the species, we could readily understand why,\nfor example, dangerous beasts of prey should be conspicuously absent\nfrom the so-called Hittite system of hieroglyphs, without being forced\nto have recourse to the rationalistic explanation of their absence\nwhich has been adopted by Professors G. Hirschfeld and W. M. Ramsay.\nSee W. M. Ramsay, _The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. p. xv. On\nthe relations of art and magic, see Y. Hirn, _Origins of Art_ (London,\n1900), pp. 278\u2013297.\n\n\n[295] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n291\u2013294.\n\n\n[296] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 185\n_sq._\n\n\n[297] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n310.\n\n\n[298] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n309 _sq._\n\n\n[299] See below, pp. 162\u2013164.\n\n\n[300] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_ (London,\n1904), p. 798.\n\n\n[301] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n287 _sq._\n\n\n[302] With what follows compare my article \u201cThe Origin of\nCircumcision,\u201d _The Independent Review_, November 1904, pp. 204 _sqq._;\n_Totemism and Exogamy_, iv. 181\u2013184.\n\n\n[303] F. Bonney, \u201cOn some Customs of the Aborigines of the River\nDarling, New South Wales,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\nxiii. (1884) pp. 134 _sq._ Compare J. Fraser, \u201cThe Aborigines of New\nSouth Wales,\u201d _Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New\nSouth Wales_, xvi. (1882) pp. 229, 231; A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of\nSouth-East Australia_, pp. 451, 465.\n\n\n[304] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n507, 509 _sq._\n\n\n[305] Mr. Bussel in Sir G. Grey\u2019s _Journals of Two Expeditions of\nDiscovery in North-West and Western Australia_ (London, 1841), ii. 330.\n\n\n[306] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n382, 461; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 598.\n\n\n[307] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n464; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 599 _sqq._;\nW. E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies_, p. 162, \u00a7 283. In North-Western\nQueensland the blood may be drawn for this purpose from any healthy\nman, not necessarily from a kinsman.\n\n\n[308] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 380.\n\n\n[309] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 461\n_sq._; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 560, 562, 598.\n\n\n[310] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n251, 463; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 352, 355.\n\n\n[311] W. E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies_, p. 174, \u00a7 305.\n\n\n[312] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 250\n_sq._ Among the northern Arunta the foreskin is buried, along with the\nblood, in a hole (_ib._ p. 268).\n\n\n[313] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 667.\n\n\n[314] E. Clement, \u201cEthnographical Notes on the Western Australian\nAborigines,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, xvi. (1904) p.\n11. Among the western coastal tribes of the Northern Territory of South\nAustralia the foreskin is held against the bellies of those who have\nbeen present at the operation, then it is placed in a bag which the\noperator wears round his neck till the wound has healed, when he throws\nit into the fire. See H. Basedow, _Anthropological Notes on the Western\nCoastal Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia_, p. 12\n(printed by Hussey and Gillingham, Adelaide).\n\n\n[315] B. H. Purcell, \u201cRites and Customs of the Australian Aborigines,\u201d\n_Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, p. (287)\n(_Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxv. 1893). Cloniny is perhaps a\nmisprint for Cloncurry.\n\n\n[316] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n360 _sq._, 599. Compare _id._, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n257.\n\n\n[317] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 256\n_sq._\n\n\n[318] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n391.\n\n\n[319] Lieut.-Colonel D. Collins, _Account of the English Colony in New\nSouth Wales_, Second Edition (London, 1804), p. 366.\n\n\n[320] D. Collins, _op. cit._ p. 363.\n\n\n[321] G. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 94; compare W. T. Pritchard, \u201cNotes on\ncertain Anthropological Matters respecting the South Sea Islanders\n(the Samoans),\u201d _Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London_, i.\n(1863\u20134), pp. 324\u2013326.\n\n\n[322] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n367, 368, 599.\n\n\n[323] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n9, 368, 552, 553, 554 _sq._ See further E. Palmer, \u201cOn Plants used\nby the Natives of North Queensland,\u201d _Journal and Proceedings of the\nRoyal Society of New South Wales for 1883_, xvii. 101. The seeds of\nthe splendid pink water-lily (the sacred lotus) are also eaten by the\nnatives of North Queensland. The plant grows in lagoons on the coast.\nSee E. Palmer, _loc. cit._\n\n\n[324] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n372.\n\n\n[325] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_,\npp. 353 _sq._ Some of the dwarf tribes of the Gaboon, who practise\ncircumcision, place the severed foreskins in the trunks of a species of\nnut-tree (_Kula edulis_), which seems to be their totem; for the tree\nis said to have a certain sanctity for them, and some groups take their\nname from it, being called _A-Kula_, \u201cthe people of the nut-tree.\u201d\nThey eat the nuts, and have a special ceremony at the gathering of the\nfirst nuts of the season. See Mgr. Le Roy, \u201cLes Pygm\u00e9es,\u201d _Missions\nCatholiques_, xxix. (1897) pp. 222 _sq._, 237.\n\n\n[326] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n341.\n\n\n[327] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 123\n_sqq._\n\n\n[328] See above, pp. 75\u201377.\n\n\n[329] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 538\n_sqq._, 563, 564, 565, 566, 569, 571, 576, 586 _sq._, 588, 589, 592,\n613, 616, 641, 655 _sq._, 675 _sq._; Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes\nof Central Australia_, pp. 213 _sq._, 450 _sqq._; _id._, _Northern\nTribes of Central Australia_, pp. 18, 329, 588 _sqq._\n\n\n[330] See below, pp. 176 _sq._\n\n\n[331] W. Blandowski, \u201cPersonal Observations made in an Excursion\ntowards the Central Parts of Victoria,\u201d _Transactions of the\nPhilosophical Society of Victoria_, i. (Melbourne, 1855) p. 72. Compare\nR. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 61; Spencer and Gillen,\n_Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 453 _sq._\n\n\n[332] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 452\n_sq._\n\n\n[333] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n594, 596.\n\n\n[334] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 451.\n\n\n[335] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n592\u2013594.\n\n\n[336] A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters_, p. 193; _Reports of the Cambridge\nAnthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v. 193, 221.\n\n\n[337] W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin_ No. 5\n(Brisbane, 1903), pp. 18, 23, \u00a7\u00a7 68, 83. We are reminded of the old\nGreek saying to be born \u201cof an oak or a rock\u201d (Homer, _Odyssey_, xix.\n163). See A. B. Cook, \u201cOak and Rock,\u201d _Classical Review_, xv. (1901)\npp. 322\u2013326. In Samoa, a child sometimes received as his god for life\nthe deity who chanced to be invoked at the moment of his birth, whether\nthat was his father\u2019s or his mother\u2019s god. See G. Turner, _Samoa_, p.\n79.\n\n\n[338] See below, pp. 183 _sq._\n\n\n[339] Lieut.-Colonel D. Collins, _Account of the English Colony of New\nSouth Wales_, Second Edition (London, 1804), pp. 353, 372 _sqq._ The\nCammeray of whom Collins speaks are no doubt the tribe now better known\nas the Kamilaroi. _Carrahdy_, which he gives as the native name for a\nhigh priest, is clearly the Kamilaroi _kuradyi_, \u201cmedicine-man\u201d (W.\nRidley, _Kamilaroi and other Australian Languages_, Sydney, 1875, p.\n158).\n\n\n[340] If the possession of the foreskin conferred on the possessor a\nlike power over the person to whom it had belonged, we can readily\nunderstand why the Israelites coveted the foreskins of their enemies\nthe Philistines (1 Samuel xviii. 25\u201327, 2 Samuel iii. 14). Professor H.\nGunkel interprets a passage of Ezekiel (xxxii. 18\u201332) as contrasting\nthe happy lot of the circumcised warrior in the under world with the\nmisery of his uncircumcised foe in the same place, and confesses\nhimself unable to see why circumcision should be thought to benefit\nthe dead. See H. Gunkel, \u201c\u00dcber die Beschneidung im alten Testament,\u201d\n_Archiv f\u00fcr Papyrusforschung_, ii. (1903) p. 21. (Prof. Gunkel\u2019s\npaper was pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W. Wyse.) The benefit,\non the theory here suggested, was very substantial, since it allowed\nthe dead to come to life again, the grave being a bourne from which\nonly uncircumcised travellers fail, sooner or later, to return. But\nI confess that Prof. Gunkel\u2019s explanation of the passage seems to me\nrather far-fetched.\n\n\n[341] G. Grey, _Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery_, ii. 335.\n\n\n[342] See above, pp. 28 _sqq._\n\n\n[343] J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 62; J. F. Mann, in\n_Proceedings of the Geographical Society of Australia_, i. (1885) p. 48.\n\n\n[344] E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central\nAustralia_ (London, 1845), ii. 345 _sq._; W. E. Roth, _Ethnological\nStudies_, pp. 165 _sq._; J. Mathew, _Eaglehawk and Crow_, p. 122;\nSpencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 498;\n_id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 505 _sqq._\n\n\n[345] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n506.\n\n\n[346] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 497.\nCompare _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 506.\n\n\n[347] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n552 _sqq._\n\n\n[348] _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition (1907), pp. 77 _sqq._\n\n\n[349] J. B. Purvis, _Through Uganda to Mount Elgon_ (London, 1909), pp.\n302 _sq._\n\n\n[350] J. H. Weeks, \u201cNotes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,\u201d\n_Folk-lore_, xix. (1908) p. 422.\n\n\n[351] Plato, _Phaedo_, 18, p. 72 E \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bc\u03ae\u03bd, \u1f14\u03c6\u03b7 \u1f41 \u039a\u03ad\u03b2\u03b7\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03b1\u03b2\u03ce\u03bd, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u2019 \u1f10\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd\u03cc\u03bd \u03b3\u03b5 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd, \u1f66 \u03a3\u03ce\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2, \u03b5\u1f30 \u1f00\u03bb\u03b7\u03b8\u03ae\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd, \u1f43\u03bd \u03c3\u1f7a \u03b5\u1f34\u03c9\u03b8\u03b1\u03c2\n\u03b8\u03b1\u03bc\u1f70 \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9 \u1f21\u03bc\u1fd6\u03bd \u1f21 \u03bc\u03ac\u03b8\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf \u03c4\u03b9 \u1f22 \u1f00\u03bd\u03ac\u03bc\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u03c5\u03b3\u03c7\u03ac\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9 \u03bf\u1f56\u03c3\u03b1,\n\u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03ac\u03b3\u03ba\u03b7 \u03c0\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f21\u03bc\u1fb6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u1ff3 \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u1f76 \u03c7\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u1ff3 \u03bc\u03b5\u03bc\u03b1\u03b8\u03b7\u03ba\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f02 \u03bd\u1fe6\u03bd\n\u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03bc\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03ba\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03b8\u03b1. \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f00\u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd, \u03b5\u1f30 \u03bc\u1f74 \u1f26\u03bd \u03c0\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f21\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f21 \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f74 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f76\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd\n\u03c4\u1ff7\u03b4\u03b5 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b8\u03c1\u03c9\u03c0\u03af\u03bd\u1ff3 \u03b5\u1f34\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9 \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9\u00b7 \u1f65\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u03b7 \u1f00\u03b8\u03ac\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd \u03c4\u03b9 \u1f14\u03bf\u03b9\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd \u1f21\n\u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f74 \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9. Compare Wordsworth, _Ode on Intimations of Immortality_:\n\n_Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting._\n\n\n[352] E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk-tales_ (London, 1908), p. 49.\n\n\n[353] E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iii. 398.\n\n\n[354] R. V. Russel, in _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xiii. _Central\nProvinces_, p. 93.\n\n\n[355] _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1636, p. 130 (Canadian Reprint).\n\n\n[356] \u201cGreek Law and Folklore,\u201d _Classical Review_, ix. (1895) pp.\n247\u2013250. For the rules themselves see H. Roehl, _Inscriptiones\nGraecae Antiquissimae_, No. 395; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum\nGraecarum_,\u00b2 No. 877; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d\u2019inscriptions grecques_,\nNo. 398.\n\n\n[357] This has been suggested by Mr. J. E. King for infant burial\n(_Classical Review_, xvii. (1903) p. 83 _sq._); but we need not confine\nthe suggestion to the case of infants.\n\n\n[358] Herodotus, iv. 26; Hesychius, _s.v._ \u0393\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1; Im. Bekker,\n_Anecdota Graeca_, i. pp. 86, 231; Isaeus, ii. 46; _The Oxyrhynchus\nPapyri_, ed. Grenfell and Hunt, part iii. (London, 1903), p. 203\n\u03b5\u1f50\u03c9\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u1f23\u03bd \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03ae\u03c3\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c0\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03af\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c4\u03ac\u03c6\u03bf\u03c5 \u03bc\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u2019 \u1f14\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6 \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b5\u03b8\u03bb\u03af\u1fb3 \u03bc\u03bf\u03c5\n\u1f10\u03c6\u2019 \u1fa7 \u03b4\u03b9\u03ad\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u1f00\u03c1\u03b3\u03c5\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c7\u03bc\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f11\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd. My attention was called to this\nsubject by my friend Mr. W. Wyse, who supplied me with many of the\nGreek passages referred to, including the one in the Oxyrhynchus Papyri.\n\n\n[359] _Vitarum Scriptores Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann, p. 450; Plutarch,\n_Aratus_, 53; Diogenes Laertius, _Vit. Philosoph._ x. 18.\n\n\n[360] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n547 _sqq._\n\n\n[361] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n473\u2013475.\n\n\n[362] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n548.\n\n\n[363] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n207\u2013211.\n\n\n[364] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 434\n_sq._, 475.\n\n\n[365] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 418\n_sqq._\n\n\n[366] \u201cIn the Alcheringa lived ancestors who, in the native mind,\nare so intimately associated with the animals or plants the names of\nwhich they bear that an Alcheringa man of, say, the kangaroo totem may\nsometimes be spoken of either as a man-kangaroo or as a kangaroo-man.\nThe identity of the human individual is often sunk in that of the\nanimal or plant from which he is supposed to have originated\u201d (Spencer\nand Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 119).\n\n\n[367] Franz Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of\nCanada_, p. 45 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\nAssociation for 1890_).\n\n\n[368] A. C. Haddon in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix.\n(1890) p. 427; _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to\nTorres Straits_, v. 333, 338.\n\n\n[369] A. C. Kruyt, \u201cHet koppensnellen der Toradja\u2019s,\u201d _Verslagen en\nMededeelingen der konink. Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling\nLetterkunde, IV. Reeks, III. Deel (Amsterdam, 1899), pp. 203 _sq._ I\nfollow the experienced Messrs. N. Adriani and A. C. Kruijt (Kruyt)\nin calling the natives of Central Celebes by the name of Toradjas,\nthough that name is not used by the people themselves, but is only\napplied to them in a derogatory sense by the Buginese. It means no\nmore than \u201cinlanders.\u201d The people are divided into a number of tribes,\neach with its own name, who speak for the most part one language but\nhave no common name for themselves collectively. See Dr. N. Adriani,\n\u201cMededeelingen omtrent de Toradjas van Midden-Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift\nvoor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) p. 221.\n\n\n[370] J. W. Thomas, \u201cDe jacht op het eiland Nias,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\nIndische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. 277.\n\n\n[371] Van Schmid, \u201cAanteekeningen nopens de zeden, gewoonten en\ngebruiken, benevens de vooroordeelen en bijgeloovigheden der bevolking\nvan de eilanden Saparoea, Haroekoe, Noessa Laut,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\nNe\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1843, dl. ii. pp. 601 _sq._\n\n\n[372] B. A. Hely, \u201cNotes on Totemism, etc., among the Western Tribes,\u201d\n_British New Guinea, Annual Report for 1894\u201395_, p. 56.\n\n\n[373] E. Aymonier, \u201cNotes sur les coutumes et croyances superstitieuses\ndes Cambodgiens,\u201d _Cochinchine fran\u00e7aise: excursions et reconnaissances_,\nNo. 16 (Saigon, 1883), p. 157.\n\n\n[374] James Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), p. 5.\n\n\n[375] A. G. Morice, \u201cNotes, archaeological, industrial, and\nsociological, on the Western D\u00e9n\u00e9s,\u201d _Transactions of the Canadian\nInstitute_, iv. (1892\u201393) p. 108; _id._, _Au pays de l\u2019Ours Noir: chez\nles sauvages de la Colombie Britannique_ (Paris and Lyons, 1897), p. 71.\n\n\n[376] M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, verhalen en overleveringen der\nGalelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 502. As to the district of Galela\nin Halmahera see G. Lafond in _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_\n(Paris), ii. s\u00e9rie, ix. (1838) pp. 77 _sqq._ (where Galeta is\napparently a misprint for Galela); F. S. A. de Clercq, _Bijdragen tot\nde Kennis der Residentie Ternate_ (Leyden, 1890), pp. 112 _sq._; W.\nK\u00fckenthal, _Forschungsreise in den Molukken und in Borneo_ (Frankfort,\n1896), pp. 147 _sqq._\n\n\n[377] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 300.\n\n\n[378] The theory that taboo is a negative magic was first, I believe,\nclearly formulated by Messrs. Hubert and Mauss in their essay,\n\u201cEsquisse d\u2019une th\u00e9orie g\u00e9n\u00e9rale de la magie,\u201d _L\u2019Ann\u00e9e Sociologique_,\nvii. (Paris, 1904) p. 56. Compare A. van Gennep, _Tabou et Tot\u00e9misme \u00e0\nMadagascar_ (Paris, 1904), pp. 19 _sqq._ I reached the same conclusion\nindependently and stated it in my _Lectures on the Early History\nof the Kingship_ (London, 1905), pp. 52\u201354, a passage which I have\nsubstantially reproduced in the text. When I wrote it I was unaware\nthat the view had been anticipated by my friends Messrs. Hubert and\nMauss. See my note in _Man_, vi. (1906) pp. 55 _sq._ The view has been\ncriticised adversely by my friend Mr. R. R. Marett (_The Threshold of\nReligion_, pp. 85 _sqq._). But the difference between us seems to be\nmainly one of words; for I regard the supposed mysterious force, to\nwhich he gives the Melanesian name of _mana_, as supplying, so to say,\nthe physical basis both of magic and of taboo, while the logical basis\nof both is furnished by a misapplication of the laws of the association\nof ideas. And with this view Mr. Marett, if I apprehend him aright,\nis to a certain extent in agreement (see particularly pp. 102 _sq._,\n113 _sq._ of his essay). However, in deference to his criticisms I\nhave here stated the theory in question less absolutely than I did in\nmy _Lectures_. As to the supposed mysterious force which I take to\nunderlie magic and taboo I may refer particularly to what I have said\nin _The Golden Bough_,\u00b2 i. 319\u2013322, 343. In speaking of taboo I here\nrefer only to those taboos which are protected by magical or religious\nsanctions, not to those of which the sanctions are purely civil or\nlegal; for I take civil or legal taboos to be merely a later extension\nof magical or religious taboos, which form the original stock of the\ninstitution. See my article \u201cTaboo\u201d in _Encyclopaedia Britannica_,\nNinth Edition, vol. xxiii. pp. 16, 17.\n\n\n[379] M. J. van Baarda, in _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde\nvan Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 507.\n\n\n[380] F. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of\nthe American Museum of Natural History_, xv. Part I. (1901) p. 161.\n\n\n[381] R. F. Kaindl, \u201cZauberglaube bei den Huzulen,\u201d _Globus_, lxxvi.\n(1899) p. 273.\n\n\n[382] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 28.\n\n\n[383] B. Pilsudski, \u201cSchwangerhaft, Entbindung und Fehlgeburt bei den\nBewohnern der Insel Sachalin,\u201d _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 763.\n\n\n[384] Rev. E. M. Gordon, in _Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic\nSociety of Bengal_, New Series, i. (1905) p. 185; _id._, _Indian Folk\nTales_ (London, 1908), pp. 82 _sq._\n\n\n[385] Van Schmid, \u201cAanteekeningen nopens de zeden, gewoonten en\ngebruiken, benevens de vooroordeelen en bijgeloovigheden der bevolking\nvan de eilanden Saparoea, Haroekoe, Noessa Laut,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\nNe\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1843, dl. ii. p. 604.\n\n\n[386] A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\nmaatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\nNederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xl. (1896) pp. 262 _sq._; _id.\nib._ xliv. (1900) p. 235.\n\n\n[387] C. Snouck Hurgronje, _De Atjehers_ (Batavia and Leyden, 1893\u201394),\ni. 409; E. A. Klerks, \u201cGeographisch en ethnographisch opstal over\nde landschappen Korintje, S\u0115rampas en Soengai T\u0115nang,\u201d _Tijdschrift\nvoor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxix. (1897) p. 73; J.\nC. van Eerde, \u201cEen huwelijk bij de Minangkabausche Maliers,\u201d _ib._\nxliv. (1901) pp. 490 _sq._; M. Joustra, \u201cHet leven, de zeden en\ngewoonten der Bataks,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\nZendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p. 406.\n\n\n[388] H. Lake and H. J. Kelsall, \u201cThe Camphor-tree and Camphor Language\nof Johore,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic\nSociety_, No. 26 (January 1894), p. 40; W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p.\n213.\n\n\n[389] W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_ (Philadelphia,\n1902), p. 169.\n\n\n[390] E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 269.\n\n\n[391] E. Aymonier, _Voyage dans le Laos_ (Paris, 1895\u201397), i. 322.\nAs to lac and the mode of cultivating it, see _id._ ii. 18 _sq._ The\nsuperstition is less explicitly stated in the same writer\u2019s _Notes sur\nle Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 110.\n\n\n[392] A. Thevet, _Les Singularitez de la France Antarctique, autrement\nnomm\u00e9e Amerique_ (Antwerp, 1558), p. 93; _id._, _Cosmographie\nUniverselle_ (Paris, 1575), ii. 970 [wrongly numbered 936] _sq._\n\n\n[393] Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-America_,\nii. 247.\n\n\n[394] G. B. Grinnell, _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_ (London, 1893), pp. 237,\n238.\n\n\n[395] E. Poeppig, _Reise in Chile, Peru und auf dem Amazonenstrome_\n(Leipsic, 1835\u201336), ii. 323.\n\n\n[396] Meanwhile I may refer the reader to _The Golden Bough_,\u00b2 ii. 353\n_sqq._\n\n\n[397] H. F. Standing, \u201cMalagasy _fady_,\u201d _Antananarivo Annual and\nMadagascar Magazine_, vol. ii. (reprint of the second four numbers,\n1881\u20131884) (Antananarivo, 1896), p. 261.\n\n\n[398] Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), p. 48.\n\n\n[399] H. Callaway, _Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the\nZulus_, i. (Natal and London, 1868), pp. 280\u2013282.\n\n\n[400] Above, p. 116.\n\n\n[401] Above, p. 117.\n\n\n[402] E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_, pp. 25 _sq._; _id._, _Voyage\ndans le Laos_ (Paris, 1895\u201397), i. 62, 63.\n\n\n[403] Chalmers, quoted by H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and\nBritish North Borneo_, i. 430.\n\n\n[404] E. Aymonier, \u201cLes Tchames et leurs religions,\u201d _Revue de\nl\u2019Histoire des Religions_, xxiv. (1891) p. 278.\n\n\n[405] Th. Hahn, _Tsuni-\u01c1Goam_ (London, 1881), p. 77.\n\n\n[406] A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters_ (London, 1901), p. 259.\n\n\n[407] C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus Finmarchiae_ (Copenhagen, 1767), p.\n500.\n\n\n[408] H. J. Holmberg, \u201c\u00dcber die V\u00f6lker des russischen Amerika,\u201d _Acta\nSocietatis Scientiarum Fennicae_, iv. (1856) p. 392.\n\n\n[409] _Arctic Papers for the Expedition of 1875_ (published by\nthe Royal Geographical Society), pp. 261 _sq._; _Report of the\nInternational Polar Expedition to Point Barrow, Alaska_ (Washington,\n1885), p. 39.\n\n\n[410] F. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of\nthe American Museum of Natural History_, xv. part i. (1901) pp. 149,\n160.\n\n\n[411] Roland B. Dixon, \u201cThe Northern Maidu,\u201d _Bulletin of the American\nMuseum of Natural History_, xvii. part iii. (New York, 1905) p. 193.\n\n\n[412] P. Labb\u00e9, _Un Bagne Russe, l\u2019\u00cele de Sakhaline_ (Paris, 1903), p.\n268.\n\n\n[413] W. Jochelson, \u201cDie Jukagiren im \u00e4ussersten Nordosten Asiens,\u201d\n_Jahresbericht der geograph. Gesellschaft von Bern_, xvii. (1900) p. 14.\n\n\n[414] _Missions Catholiques_, xiv. (1882) p. 460.\n\n\n[415] W. H. I. Bleek, _A Brief Account of Bushman Folklore_, p. 19.\n\n\n[416] P. Reichard, _Deutsch-Ostafrika_ (Leipsic, 1892), p. 427.\n\n\n[417] H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,\u201d _Journal of\nthe Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 318 _sq._\n\n\n[418] A. D\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_, iii. part i.\np. 226.\n\n\n[419] I. Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources\nof Alaska_, p. 155.\n\n\n[420] C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, ii. 126 _sqq._; as to the sacred\ncactus, which the Indians call _hikuli_, see _id._ i. 357 _sqq._\n\n\n[421] For this information I am indebted to Dr. C. Hose, formerly\nResident Magistrate of the Baram district, Sarawak.\n\n\n[422] W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_, p. 169.\n\n\n[423] J. Chalmers, \u201cToaripi,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute_, xxvii. (1898) p. 327.\n\n\n[424] J. L. van Hasselt, \u201cEenige Aanteekeningen aangaande de Bewoners\nder N. Westkust van Nieuw Guinea, meer bepaaldelijk den Stam der\nNoefoereezen,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,\nxxxii. (1889) p. 263; _id._, \u201cDie Papuast\u00e4mme an der Geelvinkbai,\u201d\n_Mitteilungen der geograph. Gesellschaft zu Jena_, ix. (1891) pp. 101\n_sq._\n\n\n[425] H. von Rosenberg, _Der malayische Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1878), pp.\n453, 462.\n\n\n[426] C. M. Pleyte, \u201cEthnographische Beschrijving der Kei-Eilanden,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede\nSerie, x. (1893) p. 831.\n\n\n[427] H. Geurtjens, \u201cLe C\u00e9r\u00e9monial des Voyages aux \u00celes Keij,\u201d\n_Anthropos_, v. (1910) pp. 337, 353. The girls bear the title of _wat\nmoel_.\n\n\n[428] J. C. E. Tromp, \u201cDe Rambai en Sebroeang Dajaks,\u201d _Tijdschrift\nvoor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxv. 118.\n\n\n[429] H. Ling Roth, \u201cLow\u2019s Natives of Borneo,\u201d _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xxii. (1893) p. 56.\n\n\n[430] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 524.\n\n\n[431] Mrs. Hewitt, \u201cSome Sea-Dayak Tabus,\u201d _Man_, viii. (1908) pp. 186\n_sq._\n\n\n[432] _Indian Antiquary_, xxi. (1892) p. 120.\n\n\n[433] H. O. Forbes, \u201cOn some Tribes of the Island of Timor,\u201d _Journal\nof the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 414.\n\n\n[434] A. C. Kruyt, \u201cHet koppensnellan der Toradja\u2019s van Midden-Celebes,\nen zijne beteekenis,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der konink. Akademie\nvan Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, IV. Reeks, III. Deel\n(Amsterdam, 1899), pp. 158 _sq._\n\n\n[435] M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, verhalen en overleveringen der\nGalelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 507.\n\n\n[436] See above, p. 120.\n\n\n[437] M. J. van Baarda, _l.c._\n\n\n[438] C. M. Pleyte, \u201cEthnographische Beschrijving der Kei-Eilanden,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede\nSerie, x. (1893) p. 805.\n\n\n[439] De Flacourt, _Histoire de la Grande Isle Madagascar_ (Paris,\n1658), pp. 97 _sq._ A statement of the same sort is made by the Abb\u00e9\nRochon, _Voyage to Madagascar and the East Indies_, translated from the\nFrench (London, 1792), pp. 46 _sq._\n\n\n[440] John Struys, _Voiages and Travels_ (London, 1684), p. 22. Struys\nmay have copied from De Flacourt.\n\n\n[441] J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen\nSelebes en Papua_, p. 341; H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East\nAfrica,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp.\n312, 317.\n\n\n[442] Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 377.\n\n\n[443] A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, p.\n226.\n\n\n[444] H. P. Fitzgerald Marriott, _The Secret Tribal Societies of\nWest Africa_, p. 17 (reprinted from _Ars quatuor Coronatorum_, the\ntransactions of a Masonic lodge of London). The lamented Miss Mary H.\nKingsley was so kind as to lend me a copy of this work.\n\n\n[445] J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir\nof the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\nExpedition_, vol. i. No. 4 (April 1900), p. 356.\n\n\n[446] S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 129\n_sq._\n\n\n[447] J. R. Swanton, \u201cContributions to the Ethnology of the Haida\u201d\n(Leyden and New York, 1905), pp. 55 _sq._ (_Memoir of the American\nMuseum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. v.\npart i.).\n\n\n[448] Sir George Scott Robertson, _The Kafirs of the Hindu Kush_\n(London, 1896), pp. 335, 621\u2013626.\n\n\n[449] Antonio Caulin, _Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica\ndela Nueva Andalucia de Cumana, Guayana y Vertientes del Rio Orinoco_\n(1779), p. 97.\n\n\n[450] Father Guis, \u201cLes Canaques, ce qu\u2019ils font, ce qu\u2019ils\ndisent,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xxx. (1898) p. 29; A. C. Haddon,\n_Head-hunters_, p. 257.\n\n\n[451] J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and\nIslands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 21 _sq._\n\n\n[452] Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen\nund Gewohnheiten_, p. 122.\n\n\n[453] Aug. Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_\n(Vienna, 1878), p. 218, \u00a7 36.\n\n\n[454] A. L. van Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra_\n(Leyden, 1882), p. 323; J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den\nMinangkabauer der Padangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal-\nLand- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 64.\n\n\n[455] E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i.\n(Oxford, 1892) p. 421. Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des\nnations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, i. 518 _sq._\n\n\n[456] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 217.\n\n\n[457] A. L. van Hasselt, \u201cNota betreffende de rijstcultuur in de\nResidentie Tapanoeli,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\nVolkenkunde_, xxxvi. (1893) p. 529.\n\n\n[458] This I learned from Mr. Hardy in conversation. See also his\nletter in _Folklore_, viii. (1897) p. 11.\n\n\n[459] Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen\nund Gewohnheiten_, p. 133. Compare F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren\nund \u00e4usseren Leben der Ehsten_, p. 447.\n\n\n[460] R. F. Kaindl, \u201cZauberglaube bei den Huzulen,\u201d _Globus_, lxxvi.\n(1899) p. 276.\n\n\n[461] F. Tetzner, \u201cDie Kuren in Ostpreussen,\u201d _Globus_, lxxv. (1899) p.\n148.\n\n\n[462] F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. p. 207, \u00a7 362;\n_Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, ii. 297, iii.\n343.\n\n\n[463] H. F. Standing, \u201cMalagasy _fady_,\u201d _Antananarivo Annual and\nMadagascar Magazine_, vol. ii. (reprint of the second four numbers,\n1881\u20131884) (Antananarivo, 1896), p. 257.\n\n\n[464] Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comt\u00e9_ (Paris, 1900), p. 30.\n\n\n[465] L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), p.\n142.\n\n\n[466] L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _op. cit._ pp. 17 _sq._\n\n\n[467] E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p.\n499; A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen\nSiebenb\u00fcrgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1880), p. 11.\n\n\n[468] E. H. Meyer, _Badisches Volksleben im neunzehnten Jahrhundert_\n(Strasburg, 1900), pp. 421 _sq._\n\n\n[469] A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und\nGebr\u00e4uche_, p. 445, \u00a7 354; J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche\naus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_, p. 95, \u00a7 664; A. Peter, _Volksth\u00fcmliches\naus \u00f6sterreichisch-Schlesien_, ii. 266; Von Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld,\n_Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_, p. 49; E. Sommer, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und\nGebr\u00e4uche aus Sachsen und Th\u00fcringen_, p. 148; O. Knoop, _Volkssagen,\nErz\u00e4hlungen, Aberglauben, Gebr\u00e4uche und M\u00e4rchen aus dem \u00f6stlichen\nHinterpommern_, p. 176; A. Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus\nTh\u00fcringen_, p. 191, \u00a7 13; J. F. L. Woeste, _Volks\u00fcberlieferungen in\nder Grafschaft Mark_, p. 56, \u00a7 24; _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde\ndes K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, ii. 298, iv. 2, pp. 379, 382; A. Heinrich,\n_Agrarische Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen Siebenb\u00fcrgens_, pp.\n11 _sq._; W. von Schulenberg, _Wendische Volkssagen und Gebr\u00e4uche aus\ndem Spreewald_, p. 252; J. A. E. K\u00f6hler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben,\nSagen und andre alte \u00dcberlieferungen im Voigtlande_, pp. 368 _sq._;\n_Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie_ (Chemnitz, 1759), p. 103;\nM. Toeppen, _Aberglauben aus Masuren_,\u00b2 p. 68; A. Wuttke, _Der\ndeutsche Volksaberglaube_,\u00b2 p. 396, \u00a7 657; U. Jahn, _Die deutsche\nOpfergebr\u00e4uche bei Ackerbau und Viehzucht_, pp. 194 _sq._; R. Wuttke,\n_S\u00e4chsische Volkskunde_\u00b2 (Dresden, 1901), p. 370; E. Hoffmann-Krayer,\n\u201cFruchtbarkeitsriten im schweizerischen Volksbrauch,\u201d _Schweizerisches\nArchiv f\u00fcr Volkskunde_, xi. (1907) p. 260. According to one account,\nin leaping from the table you should hold in your hand a long bag\ncontaining flax seed (Woeste, _l.c._). The dancing or leaping is\noften done specially by girls or women (Kuhn und Schwartz, Grohmann,\nWitzschel, Heinrich, _ll.cc._). Sometimes the women dance in the\nsunlight (_Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie_, _l.c._); but in\nVoigtland the leap from the table should be made by the housewife naked\nand at midnight on Shrove Tuesday (K\u00f6hler, _l.c._). On Walpurgis Night\nthe leap is made over an alder branch stuck at the edge of the flax\nfield (Sommer, _l.c._).\n\n\n[470] E. Lemke, _Volksth\u00fcmliches in Ostpreussen_, pp. 8\u201312; M. Toeppen,\n_l.c._\n\n\n[471] O. Hartung, \u201cZur Volkskunde aus Anhalt,\u201d _Zeitschrift des Vereins\nf\u00fcr Volkskunde_, vii. (1897) pp. 149 _sq._\n\n\n[472] G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_ (Cambridge, 1903), p. 122.\n\n\n[473] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 248.\n\n\n[474] J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\nPadangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde\nvan Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 67.\n\n\n[475] Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), p. 291.\n\n\n[476] Eij\u016bb Ab\u0113la, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss abergl\u00e4ubischer Gebr\u00e4uche in\nSyrien,\u201d _Zeitschrift des deutschen Palaestina-Vereins_, vii. (1884)\np. 112, \u00a7 202. Compare L\u2019Abb\u00e9 B. Ch\u00e9mali, \u201cNaissance et premier \u00e2ge au\nLiban,\u201d _Anthropos_, v. (1910) pp. 734, 735.\n\n\n[477] Quoted by D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_ (St.\nPetersburg, 1856), ii. 469.\n\n\n[478] W. Mannhardt (_Baumkultus_, p. 419) promised in a later\ninvestigation to prove that it was an ancient custom at harvest or in\nspring to load or pelt trees and plants, as well as the representatives\nof the spirit of vegetation, with stones, in order thereby to express\nthe weight of fruit which was expected. This promise, so far as I\nknow, he did not live to fulfil. Compare, however, his _Mythologische\nForschungen_, p. 324.\n\n\n[479] E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_,\npp. 249 _sq._ The placing of the stone on the tree is described as a\npunishment, but this is probably a misunderstanding.\n\n\n[480] G. Pitr\u00e8, _Usi e costumi, credenze et pregiudizi del popolo\nsiciliano_, iii. (Palermo, 1889) pp. 113 _sq._\n\n\n[481] _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, ii.\n299; T. Vernaleken, _Mythen und Br\u00e4uche des Volkes in \u00d6sterreich_, p.\n315. On the other hand, in some parts of north-west New Guinea a woman\nwith child may not plant, or the crop would be eaten up by pigs; and\nshe may not climb a tree in the rice-field, or the crop would fail.\nSee J. L. van Hasselt, \u201cEnige aanteekeningen aangaande de Bewoners der\nN. Westkust van Nieuw Guinea,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land-\nen Volkenkunde_, xxxii. (1889) p. 264; _id._, \u201cDie Papuast\u00e4mme an der\nGeelvinkbai,\u201d _Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_,\nix. (1891) p. 102. Similarly the Galelareese say that a pregnant woman\nmust not sweep under a shaddock tree, or knock the fruit from the\nbough, else it will taste sour instead of sweet. See M. J. van Baarda,\n\u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der Galelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot\nde Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p.\n457.\n\n\n[482] J. V. Grohman, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_,\np. 143, \u00a7 1053.\n\n\n[483] E. Hoffmann-Krayer, \u201cFruchtbarkeitsriten im schweizerischen\nVolksbrauch,\u201d _Schweizerisches Archiv f\u00fcr Volkskunde_, xi. (1907) p.\n263.\n\n\n[484] G. F. Abbott, _Macedonia Folklore_, p. 122.\n\n\n[485] _Census of India, 1901_, vol. iii. p. 206.\n\n\n[486] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,\u00b2 No. 615, line\n17 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u03bf\u1fe6 \u0394\u03ae\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9 \u1f57\u03bd \u1f10\u03b3\u03ba\u03cd\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c0\u03c1\u03c9\u03c4\u03bf\u03c4\u03cc\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd; compare _id._, No.\n616, line 61 _sq._, No. 617, line 3; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 633 _sq._;\nMacrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 20; Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, iv. 22.\n\n\n[487] J. Gumilla, _Histoire naturelle, civile et g\u00e9ographique de\nl\u2019Or\u00e9noque_ (Avignon, 1758), iii. 184.\n\n\n[488] R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, i.\u00b2 (London, 1822) p. 253.\n\n\n[489] F. Blumentritt, \u201cSitten und Br\u00e4uche der Ilocanen,\u201d _Globus_,\nxlviii. No. 12, p. 202.\n\n\n[490] M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\nGalelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 489.\n\n\n[491] Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\nBaganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p.\n38.\n\n\n[492] B. Guttmann, \u201cTrauer und Begr\u00e4bnissitten der Wadschagga,\u201d\n_Globus_, lxxxix. (1906) p. 200.\n\n\n[493] J. G. Frazer, \u201cOn certain Burial Customs as illustrative of\nthe Primitive Theory of the Soul,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute_, xv. (1886) pp. 69 _sq._\n\n\n[494] As to negative magic or taboo, see above, pp. 111 _sqq._\n\n\n[495] M. J. van Baarda, _op. cit._ p. 488.\n\n\n[496] M. J. van Baarda, _op. cit._ pp. 496 _sq._\n\n\n[497] _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, ii. 299.\n\n\n[498] \u201cLettre du cur\u00e9 de Santiago Tepehuacan,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\nde G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IIme S\u00e9rie, ii. (1834) pp. 181 _sq._, 183.\n\n\n[499] E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a Nias_ (Milan, 1890), p. 590.\n\n\n[500] Damien Grangeon, \u201cLes Cham et leurs superstitions,\u201d _Missions\nCatholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 83.\n\n\n[501] J. Mooney, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report\nof the Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1900), pt. i. pp.\n425\u2013427; compare _id._, \u201cSacred Formulas of the Cherokees,\u201d _Seventh\nAnnual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), p. 329.\n\n\n[502] H. Geurtjens, \u201cLe C\u00e9r\u00e9monial des voyages aux \u00celes Keij,\u201d\n_Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 352.\n\n\n[503] M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\nGalelareezan,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) pp. 466, 468.\n\n\n[504] M. J. van Baarda, _op. cit._ p. 467.\n\n\n[505] R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, ii. (London, 1817) p. 37.\n\n\n[506] H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, p. 505; M. Bloomfield,\n_Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, p. 240; W. Caland, _Altindisches\nZauberritual_, p. 37.\n\n\n[507] Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of\nCanada_, p. 25 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\nAssociation for 1890_).\n\n\n[508] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n624 _sq._\n\n\n[509] J. Habbema, \u201cBijgeloof in de Praenger-Regentschappen,\u201d _Bijdragen\ntot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, li. (1900)\np. 113.\n\n\n[510] D. Louwerier, \u201cBijgeloovige gebruiken, die door de Javanen worden\nin acht genomen bij het bouwen hunner huizen,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\nhet Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlviii. (1904) pp. 380 _sq._\n\n\n[511] J. Mooney, \u201cSacred Formulas of the Cherokees,\u201d _Seventh Annual\nReport of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), p. 389.\n\n\n[512] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 552.\n\n\n[513] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ p. 550.\n\n\n[514] M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\nGalelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 462.\n\n\n[515] F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_,\np. 146.\n\n\n[516] J. Knebel, \u201cAmulettes javanaises,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische\nTaal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xl. (1898) p. 506.\n\n\n[517] _North Indian Notes and Queries_, ii. 215, No. 760; W. Crooke,\n_Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896),\ni. 261.\n\n\n[518] P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n1621), p. 22.\n\n\n[519] R. F. Kaindl, \u201cZauberglaube bei den Rutenen,\u201d _Globus_, lxi.\n(1892) p. 282.\n\n\n[520] B. de Sahagun, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la\nNouvelle-Espagne_ (Paris, 1880), bk. iv. ch. 31, pp. 274 _sq._; E.\nSeler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 51 _sq._\n(_Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen aus dem k\u00f6niglichen Museum f\u00fcr V\u00f6lkerkunde_, vi.).\n\n\n[521] J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, iii. 278 _sq._\n(Bohn\u2019s ed.).\n\n\n[522] W. Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties of England_, pp.\n239 _sqq._; J. W. Wolf, _Niederl\u00e4ndische Sagen_ (Leipsic, 1843), pp.\n363\u2013365.\n\n\n[523] L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum\nOldenburg_, i. 100 _sq._ \u00a7 141; J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und\nGebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_, p. 106 \u00a7 758, p. 205 \u00a7 1421; A.\nWuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,\u00b2 pp. 126 _sq._ \u00a7 184; A.\nGitt\u00e9e, _De hand en de vingeren in het volksgeloof_, pp. 31 _sqq._\nCompare Tettau und Temme, _Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und\nWestpreussens_, p. 266.\n\n\n[524] Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ i. 38.\n\n\n[525] F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_,\np. 140. The custom of placing coins on the eyes of a corpse to prevent\nthem from opening is not uncommon. Its observance in England is\nattested by the experienced Mrs. Gamp:\u2014\u201cWhen Gamp was summonsed to his\nlong home, and I see him a-lying in Guy\u2019s Hospital with a penny piece\non each eye, and his wooden leg under his left arm, I thought I should\nhave fainted away. But I bore up\u201d (C. Dickens, _Martin Chuzzlewit_, ch.\nxix.).\n\n\n[526] G. B. Grinnell, _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_, p. 238.\n\n\n[527] C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, i. 284.\n\n\n[528] Father Lambert, in _Missions Catholiques_, xi. (1879) p. 43;\n_id._, _M\u0153urs et superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_ (Noum\u00e9a, 1900), pp.\n30 _sq._\n\n\n[529] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 750 _sqq._ But the lines are not free\nfrom ambiguity. See F. A. Paley\u2019s note on the passage.\n\n\n[530] E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,\n1908), pp. 302 _sq._\n\n\n[531] J. Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, Second Journey_ (London,\n1822), ii. 206; Barnabas Shaw, _Memorials of South Africa_ (London,\n1840), p. 66.\n\n\n[532] E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, pp. 271 _sq._\n\n\n[533] E. Casalis, _op. cit._ p. 272.\n\n\n[534] Rev. James Macdonald, \u201cManners, Customs, Religions, and\nSuperstitions of South African Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute_, xx. (1891) p. 132.\n\n\n[535] A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), p. 272.\n\n\n[536] Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige\nCultur der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1896), p. 27.\n\n\n[537] M. Merker, _Rechtsverh\u00e4ltnisse und Sitten der Wadschagga_ (Gotha,\n1902), p. 21 (_Petermanns Mitteilungen_, Erg\u00e4nzungsheft, No. 138).\n\n\n[538] F. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of\nthe American Museum of Natural History_, xv. pt. i. (1901) p. 160.\n\n\n[539] H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, p. 505.\n\n\n[540] M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\nGalelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 484.\n\n\n[541] H. Geurtjens, \u201cLe C\u00e9r\u00e9monial des voyages aux Iles Keij,\u201d\n_Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 352.\n\n\n[542] H. A. Junod, _Les Ba-ronga_ (Neuch\u00e2tel, 1898), pp. 472 _sq._\n\n\n[543] E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,\n1908), pp. 244 _sq._\n\n\n[544] _Journal of American Folk-lore_, xvii. (1904) p. 293, referring\nto Hesketh Pritchard, _Through the Heart of Patagonia_ (London, 1902).\n\n\n[545] Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of\nCanada_, p. 25 (separate reprint from _Report of the British\nAssociation for 1890_).\n\n\n[546] B. A. Hely, \u201cNotes on Totemism, etc., among the Western Tribes,\u201d\n_British New Guinea: Annual Report for 1894\u201395_, p. 56.\n\n\n[547] H. A. Junod, _Les Ba-ronga_ (Neuch\u00e2tel, 1898), p. 472.\n\n\n[548] A. Jaussen, _Coutumes arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris, 1908), p.\n29.\n\n\n[549] E. Poeppig, _Reise in Chile, Peru und auf dem Amazonenstrome_,\nii. 323.\n\n\n[550] A. Thevet, _Cosmographie universelle_ (Paris, 1575), ii. 946\n(980).\n\n\n[551] A. Jaussen, \u201cCoutumes arabes,\u201d _Revue Biblique_, April 1903, p.\n245; _id._, _Coutumes arabes au pays de Moab_, p. 36.\n\n\n[552] F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_,\np. 147.\n\n\n[553] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 545\n_sq._\n\n\n[554] _Ibid._ pp. 494 _sq._\n\n\n[555] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n344.\n\n\n[556] Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ i. 42, 43, and 48.\n\n\n[557] C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, ii. 234.\n\n\n[558] C. Lumholtz, _op. cit._ i. 290.\n\n\n[559] J. Mooney, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of\nthe Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1900), part i. pp. 262,\n284, 285, 306, 308.\n\n\n[560] _Id._, _ib._ p. 262.\n\n\n[561] _Id._, _ib._ p. 285.\n\n\n[562] _Id._, _ib._ p. 266.\n\n\n[563] _Id._, _ib._ p. 309.\n\n\n[564] _Id._, _ib._ p. 309.\n\n\n[565] J. Crevaux, _Voyages dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1883), pp.\n159 _sq._\n\n\n[566] J. Mooney, _op. cit._ p. 308.\n\n\n[567] Scholiast on Plato, _Theaetetus_, p. 160 A.\n\n\n[568] M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\nGalelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 483.\n\n\n[569] M. J. van Baarda, _op. cit._ p. 534.\n\n\n[570] E. Chavannes, _Documents sur les Tou-Kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux_\n(St. Petersburg, 1903), p. 134.\n\n\n[571] Aelian, _Nat. anim._ i. 38.\n\n\n[572] A. Jaussen, _Coutumes arabes au pays de Moab_, p. 35.\n\n\n[573] J. Dos Santos, _Eastern Ethiopia_, book i. ch. 20 (G. McCall\nTheal, _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. 224).\n\n\n[574] One of these shells is exhibited in the Anthropological Museum at\nBerlin, with a label explaining its use. I do not know to what species\nit belongs. It appeared to me to be of a sort which may often be seen\non mantelpieces in England.\n\n\n[575] M. J. van Baarda, _op. cit._ p. 468.\n\n\n[576] The king was Iphiclus; the wise man was Melampus. See\nApollodorus, i. 9. 12; Eustathius on Homer, _Od._ xi. 292; Schol. on\nTheocritus, iii. 43. The way in which the king\u2019s impotence was caused\nby the knife is clearly indicated by the scholiast, on Theocritus:\n\u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03ad\u03b2\u03b7 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b5\u03bd\u03b5\u03b3\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f74\u03bd [scil. \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03bc\u03ac\u03c7\u03b1\u03b9\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd] \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03bc\u03bf\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03b1\u03b9\u03b4\u03cc\u03c2.\nIn this scholium we must correct \u1f10\u03ba\u03c4\u03ad\u03bc\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9 .\u00a0.\u00a0. \u03b4\u03ad\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd into\n\u1f10\u03ba\u03c4\u03ad\u03bc\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9 .\u00a0.\u00a0. \u03b6\u1ff7\u03b1. Eustathius (_l.c._) quotes the scholium in this\nlatter form. The animals were rams, according to Apollodorus.\n\n\n[577] A. C. Kruijt, \u201cHet ijzer in Midden-Celebes,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de\nTaal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, liii. (1901) pp.\n157 _sq._, 159.\n\n\n[578] A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, ii. (Leyden, 1907) p. 173.\n\n\n[579] _G_ri_hya-S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part ii. p. 146.\n\n\n[580] _G_ri_hya-S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. pp. 168,\n282 _sq._, part ii. p. 188 (_Sacred Books of the East_, vols. xxix. and\nxxx.). Compare Sonnerat, _Voyage aux Indes Orientales_ (Paris, 1782),\nii. 81; E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras,\n1906), p. 1. So among the Kookies of Northern Cachar in India the young\ncouple at marriage place each a foot on a large stone in the middle\nof the village. See Lieut. R. Stewart, \u201cNotes on Northern Cachar,\u201d\n_Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, xxiv. (1855) pp. 620 _sq._\nIn the old ruined church of Balquhidder in Perthshire there is an\nancient gravestone on which people used to stand barefoot at marriages\nand baptisms. See _The Folk-lore Journal_, vi. (1888) p. 271.\n\n\n[581] Father Abinal, \u201cAstrologie Malgache,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xi.\n(1879) p. 482.\n\n\n[582] _The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus_,\ntranslated by O. Elton (London, 1894), p. 16. The original runs thus:\n_Lecturi regem veteres affixis humo saxis insistere suffragiaque\npromere consueverant, subjectorum lapidum firmitate facti constantiam\nominaturi_ (_Historia Danica_, lib. i. p. 22, ed. P. E. M\u00fcller).\n\n\n[583] Aristotle, _Constitution of Athens_, 7 and 55; Plutarch, _Solon_,\n25; Pollux, viii. 86.\n\n\n[584] Martin, \u201cDescription of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in\nPinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 657.\n\n\n[585] Martin, _op. cit._ p. 646.\n\n\n[586] Martin, _op. cit._ pp. 627 _sq._\n\n\n[587] W. Munzinger, _Sitten und Recht der Bogos_ (Winterthur, 1859),\npp. 33 _sq._ For an Indian example of swearing on a stone see J. Eliot,\n\u201cObservations on the Inhabitants of the Garrow Hills,\u201d _Asiatick\nResearches_, iii. 30 _sq._ (8vo ed.). On the custom see further my\narticle, \u201cFolk-lore in the Old Testament,\u201d in _Anthropological Essays\npresented to E. B. Tylor_ (Oxford, 1907), pp. 131 _sqq._\n\n\n[588] Pausanias, iii. 22. 1; compare _id._ ii. 31. 4.\n\n\n[589] Ptolemaeus, _Nova Historia_, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 153,\ned. I. Bekker; _id._ in _Mythographi Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann, p. 198.\n\n\n[590] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n253 _sq._\n\n\n[591] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ p. 472.\n\n\n[592] P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n1621), pp. 15, 16, 25\n\n\n[593] Father Lambert, in _Missions Catholiques_, xii. (1880) pp. 273,\n287, xxv. (1893) pp. 104\u2013106, 116\u2013118; _id._, _M\u0153urs et Superstitions\ndes N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_ (Noum\u00e9a, 1900), pp. 217, 218, 222, 292\u2013304.\nCompare Glaumont, \u201cUsages, m\u0153urs et coutumes des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens,\u201d\n_Revue d\u2019Ethnographie_, vii. (1889) pp. 114 _sq._ (whose account of the\nstones is borrowed from Father Lambert).\n\n\n[594] R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), pp. 181\u2013185.\n\n\n[595] W. Ridgeway, _The Early Age of Greece_ (Cambridge, 1901), i.\n330 _sq._; _id._, \u201cThe Origin of Jewellery,\u201d _Report of the British\nAssociation for 1903_ (meeting at Southport), pp. 815 _sq._\n\n\n[596] _Orphica: Lithica_, 230 _sqq._, ed. G. Hermann. Pliny mentions\n(_Nat. Hist._ xxxvii. 192) a white tree-stone (\u201c_dendritis alba_\u201d)\nwhich, if buried under a tree that was being felled, would prevent the\nwoodman\u2019s axe from being blunted.\n\n\n[597] _Orphica: Lithica_, 189 _sqq._; compare Pliny, _Nat. Hist._\nxxxvii. 162.\n\n\n[598] W. Ridgeway, _The Early Age of Greece_, i. 330.\n\n\n[599] J. G. von Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_, i. 158.\n\n\n[600] K. Freiherr von Leoprechting, _Aus dem Lechrain_ (Munich, 1855),\np. 92.\n\n\n[601] _Orphica: Lithica_, 335 _sqq._ This was perhaps the\n\u201cdragon-stone\u201d which was supposed to confer extraordinary sharpness\nof vision on its owner. See Ptolemaeus Hephaestionis, _Nov. Hist._\nv. p. 150, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, ed. I. Bekker, p. 192 of A.\nWestermann\u2019s _Mythographi Graeci_.\n\n\n[602] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxvii. 124.\n\n\n[603] _Orphica: Lithica_, 320 _sq._\n\n\n[604] J. G. von Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_, i. 158. On the magic of\nprecious stones see also E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique\ndu Nord_, pp. 82 _sqq._\n\n\n[605] _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 361 _sqq._, 369\n_sqq._\n\n\n[606] E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_, pp. 131\n_sq._\n\n\n[607] _The G_ri_hya-S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. pp.\n43, 285 _sq._, part ii. pp. 47 _sq._, 193 _sqq._ (_Sacred Books of the\nEast_, vols. xxix. and xxx.). In the last passage the address to the\nstar is fuller and more explicit. A part of it runs thus:\u2014\u201cHe who knows\nthee (the polar star) as the firm, immovable Brahman with its children\nand with its grandchildren, with such a man children and grandchildren\nwill firmly dwell, servants and pupils, garments and woollen blankets,\nbronze and gold, wives and kings, food, safety, long life, glory,\nrenown, splendour, strength, holy lustre, and the enjoyment of food.\nMay all these things firmly and immovably dwell with me!\u201d\n\n\n[608] P. S\u00e9billot, _L\u00e9gendes, croyances et superstitions de la mer_\n(Paris, 1886), i. 136.\n\n\n[609] P. S\u00e9billot, _op. cit._ i. 135.\n\n\n[610] M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\nGalelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 499.\n\n\n[611] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ix. 42.\n\n\n[612] _Ibid_. ii. 220.\n\n\n[613] Philostratus, _Vit. Apollon._ v. 2.\n\n\n[614] P. S\u00e9billot, _L\u00e9gendes, croyances et superstitions de la mer_, i.\n132.\n\n\n[615] P. S\u00e9billot, _op. cit._ i. 129\u2013132; M. E. James in _Folklore_,\nix. (1898) p. 189.\n\n\n[616] Dickens, _David Copperfield_, chap. xxx.\n\n\n[617] W. Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties of England_\n(London, 1879), p. 58.\n\n\n[618] _Henry V._ Act ii. Scene 3.\n\n\n[619] Rev. C. Harrison, \u201cReligion and Family among the Haidas,\u201d\n_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) pp. 17 sq.\n\n\n[620] C. Martin, \u201c\u00dcber die Eingeborenen von Chiloe,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\nEthnologie_, ix. (1877) p. 179.\n\n\n[621] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 465.\n\n\n[622] J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, i. 60\u201363.\nAmong the hairpins provided for a woman\u2019s burial is almost always one\nwhich is adorned with small silver figures of a stag, a tortoise, a\npeach, and a crane. These being emblems of longevity, it is supposed\nthat the pin which is decorated with them will absorb some of their\nlife-giving power and communicate it to the woman in whose hair it is\nultimately to be fastened. See De Groot, _op. cit._ i. 55\u201357.\n\n\n[623] J. J. M. de Groot, _op. cit._ iii. 977.\n\n\n[624] J. J. M. de Groot, _op. cit._ iii. 1043 _sq._\n\n\n[625] _Mission Pavie, Indo-Chine, 1879\u20131895, G\u00e9ographie et voyages_,\ni. (Paris, 1901) pp. 35\u201337. The kind of optical illusion which this\nmock execution was intended to expiate is probably caused by a mist or\nexhalation rising from damp ground.\n\n\n[626] N. Adriani en A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan Posso naar Parigi,\nSigi en Lindoe,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\nZendelinggenootschap_, xlii. (1898) p. 524.\n\n\n[627] J. Mooney, \u201cSacred Formulas of the Cherokees,\u201d _Seventh Annual\nReport of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), p. 352; _id._ in\n_Nineteenth Annual Report, etc._, part i. (Washington, 1900) p. 295.\n\n\n[628] _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1642, pp. 86 _sq._ (Canadian reprint).\n\n\n[629] W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_, i. 454 _sqq._; Father Abinal,\n\u201cAstrologie Malgache,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xi. (1879) pp. 432\u2013434,\n481\u2013483. Compare J. B. Piolet, _Madagascar et les Hovas_ (Paris, 1895),\npp. 72 _sq._\n\n\n[630] The principles of contagious magic are lucidly stated and\ncopiously illustrated by Mr. E. S. Hartland in the second volume of his\n_Legend of Perseus_ (London, 1895).\n\n\n[631] Meantime I may refer the reader to _The Golden Bough_, Second\nEdition, i. 367 _sqq._\n\n\n[632] R. Parkinson, _Dreissig J\u00e4hre in der S\u00fcdsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907),\npp. 118 _sq._\n\n\n[633] As to the diffusion of this custom in Australia see above, p. 97.\n\n\n[634] See pp. 97 _sqq._\n\n\n[635] F. Bonney, \u201cOn some Customs of the Aborigines of the River\nDarling, New South Wales,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\nxiii. (1884) p. 128. For the practice of some Victorian tribes see\nabove, p. 98.\n\n\n[636] A. W. Howitt, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\nxiii. (1884) pp. 456 _sq._; _id._, _Native Tribes of South-East\nAustralia_, p. 561.\n\n\n[637] A. W. Howitt, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xvi.\n(1887) p. 55, xx. (1891) p. 81; _id._, _Native Tribes of South-East\nAustralia_, pp. 561 _sq._\n\n\n[638] A. W. Howitt, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xx.\n(1891) pp. 80 _sq._; _id._, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_,\npp. 655 _sq._\n\n\n[639] Father Porte, \u201cLes Reminiscences d\u2019un missionnaire du\nBasutoland,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 312.\n\n\n[640] Charlotte Latham, \u201cWest Sussex Superstitions lingering in 1868,\u201d\n_Folklore Record_, i. (1878) p. 44.\n\n\n[641] A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,\u00b2 p. 330, \u00a7 526;\nF. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 307; E. Krause,\nin _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xv. (1883) p. 79; J. Vonbun,\n_Volkssagen aus Vorarlberg_, p. 67; J. W. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur\ndeutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 208, \u00a7\u00a7 37, 39; G. Lammert, _Volksmedizin\nund medizinischer Aberglaube in Bayern_, p. 128; H. Prahn, \u201cGlaube\nund Brauch in der Mark Brandenburg,\u201d _Zeitschrift des Vereins f\u00fcr\nVolkskunde_, i. (1891) p. 193; H. Raff, \u201cAberglaube in Bayern,\u201d _ibid._\nviii. (1898) p. 400; R. Andree, _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_ (Brunswick,\n1896), p. 213. Compare J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus\nB\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_, p. 169, \u00a7 1197.\n\n\n[642] F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, p. 546.\n\n\n[643] S. Weissenberg, \u201cKinderfreud und -leid bei den s\u00fcdrussischen\nJuden,\u201d _Globus_, lxxxiii. (1903) p. 317.\n\n\n[644] W. Wyatt Gill, _Jottings from the Pacific_, pp. 222 _sq._ On\nthe use of roof-thatch in superstitious ceremonies see W. Caland,\n_Altindisches Zauberritual_, pp. 82 n.\u00b2 182 _sq._ In the present case\nthe virtue of the thatch clearly depends on its harbouring rats. Some\nDravidian tribes forbid a menstruous woman to touch the house-thatch\n(W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_,\nWestminster, 1896, i. 269).\n\n\n[645] J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen\nSelebes en Papua_, p. 176.\n\n\n[646] Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 75.\n\n\n[647] C. M. Pleyte, \u201cEthnographische Beschrijving der Kei-Eilanden,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede\nSerie, x. (1893) p. 822.\n\n\n[648] F. Blumentritt, \u201cSitten und Br\u00e4uche der Ilocanen,\u201d _Globus_,\nxlviii. No. 12, p. 200.\n\n\n[649] B. de Sahagun, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la Nouvelle\nEspagne_, pp. 316 _sq._\n\n\n[650] E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p.\n510, \u00a7 415.\n\n\n[651] J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und\nM\u00e4hren_, p. 111, \u00a7 822.\n\n\n[652] A. A. Perera, \u201cGlimpses of Cinghalese Social Life,\u201d _Indian\nAntiquary_, xxxii. (1903) p. 435.\n\n\n[653] J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und\nM\u00e4hren_, pp. 55 at top, p. 111, \u00a7 825. Mr. A. P. Goudy kindly\ntranslated the Czech words for me.\n\n\n[654] E. Krause, \u201cAbergl\u00e4ubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in\nBerlin,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xv. (1883) p. 84.\n\n\n[655] J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 39.\n\n\n[656] J. Mooney, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of\nthe Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1900), part i. p. 266.\n\n\n[657] G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_ (Cambridge, 1903), p. 20.\n\n\n[658] J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir\nof the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\nExpedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 308.\n\n\n[659] J. V. Grohmann, _op. cit._ p. 111, \u00a7 823; A. Wuttke, _Der\ndeutsche Volksaberglaube_,\u00b2 p. 330, \u00a7 527.\n\n\n[660] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n593.\n\n\n[661] Rasmussen, _Additamenta ad historiam Arabum ante Islamismum_, p.\n64.\n\n\n[662] L\u2019Abb\u00e9 B. Ch\u00e9mali, \u201cNaissance et premier \u00e2ge au Liban,\u201d\n_Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 745.\n\n\n[663] M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), p. 68.\n\n\n[664] R. Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_\u00b2\n(London, 1870), p. 184.\n\n\n[665] Elsdon Best, quoted by W. H. Goldie, \u201cMaori Medical Lore,\u201d\n_Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute_, xxxvii.\n(1904) pp. 94 _sq._\n\n\n[666] George Bennett, _Wanderings in New South Wales, Batavia, Pedir\nCoast, Singapore and China_ (London, 1834), i. 128, note*. As to\n_fenua_ or _whenua_ in the sense of \u201cplacenta\u201d and \u201cland,\u201d see E.\nTregear, _Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary_ (Wellington, N.Z.,\n1891), pp. 620 _sq._\n\n\n[667] E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central\nAustralia_, ii. 323.\n\n\n[668] G. F. Moore, _Descriptive Vocabulary of the Language in Common\nUse amongst the Aborigines of Western Australia_, p. 9 (published\nalong with the author\u2019s _Diary of Ten Years\u2019 Eventful Life of an Early\nSettler in Western Australia_, London, 1884, but paged separately).\n\n\n[669] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 467.\n\n\n[670] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n607.\n\n\n[671] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ p. 608. The writers add that the\nchild has no special connexion with the tree in after years. We may\nsuspect that such a connexion did exist in former times.\n\n\n[672] W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography_, Bulletin No. 5\n(Brisbane, 1903), p. 18. As to the mode of determining where the soul\nof the child has dwelt since its last incarnation, see above, pp. 99\n_sq._\n\n\n[673] K. Vetter, in _Nachrichten \u00fcber Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den\nBismarck-Archipel_, 1897, pp. 92; M. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, p. 165.\n\n\n[674] The Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to me dated May 29, 1901.\n\n\n[675] Dr. Hahl, \u201cMittheilungen \u00fcber Sitten und rechtliche Verh\u00e4ltnisse\nauf Ponape,\u201d _Ethnologisches Notizblatt_, ii. (Berlin, 1901) p. 10.\n\n\n[676] R. Parkinson, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Ethnologie der Gilbertinsulaner,\u201d\n_Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, ii. (1889) p. 35. In these\nislands the children of well-to-do parents are always adopted by other\npeople as soon as they are weaned. See _ib._ p. 33.\n\n\n[677] M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\nGalelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 461.\n\n\n[678] C. M. Pleyte, \u201cEthnographische Beschrijving der Kei-Eilanden,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede\nSerie, x. (1893) pp. 816 _sq._ Compare J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik-en\nkroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, p. 236.\n\n\n[679] J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 354.\n\n\n[680] Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 303.\n\n\n[681] Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 208.\n\n\n[682] Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 23, 135, 236, 328, 391, 417, 449, 468.\n\n\n[683] Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 135.\n\n\n[684] Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 391.\n\n\n[685] Van Schmidt, \u201cAanteekeningen nopens de zeden, gewoonten en\ngebruiken, etc., der bevolking van de eilanden Saparoea, Haroekoe,\nNoessa Laut,\u201d etc., _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, Batavia, 1843,\ndl. ii. pp. 523\u2013526. The customs and beliefs on this subject in the\nadjoining island of Amboyna seem to be identical. See J. G. F. Riedel,\n_op. cit._ pp. 73 _sq._ According to Riedel, if the pot with the\nafterbirth does not sink in the water, it is a sign that the wife has\nbeen unfaithful.\n\n\n[686] Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 326.\n\n\n[687] N. Adriani and A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan Posso naar Parigi,\nSigi en Lindoe,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\nZendelinggenootschap_, xlii. (1898) pp. 434 _sq._ In Parigi after a\nbirth the _kindspek_ (?) is wrapt in a leaf and hung in a tree at some\ndistance from the house. For the people think that if it were burned,\nthe child would die (_ibid._ p. 434).\n\n\n[688] N. Adriani and A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan Posso naar Mori,\u201d\n_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederl. Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900)\npp. 161 _sq._\n\n\n[689] A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de\nToboengkoe en de Tomori,\u201d _ibid._ p. 218.\n\n\n[690] _Id., ib._ p. 236.\n\n\n[691] B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_\n(The Hague, 1875), pp. 57\u201360.\n\n\n[692] G. Heijmering, \u201cZeden en gewoonten op het eiland Timor,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earland\u2019s Indi\u00eb_, 1845, pp. 279 _sq._\n\n\n[693] J. H. Letteboer, \u201cEenige aanteekeningen omtrent de gebruiken bij\nzwangerschap en geboorte onder de Savuneezen,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\nhet Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p. 47.\n\n\n[694] G. Heijmering, \u201cZeden en gewoonten op het eiland Rottie,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1843, dl. ii. pp. 637 _sq._\n\n\n[695] J. G. F. Riedel, _The Island of Flores_, p. 7 (reprinted from the\n_Revue Coloniale Internationale_).\n\n\n[696] Julius Jacobs, _Eenigen tijd onder de Bali\u00ebrs_ (Batavia, 1883),\np. 9.\n\n\n[697] C. F. Winter, \u201cInstellingen, gewoonten en gebruiken der Javanen\nte Soerakarta,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1843, dl. i. pp.\n695 _sq._; P. J. Veth, _Java_, i. (Haarlem, 1875) pp. 639 _sq._; C.\nPoensen, \u201cIets over de kleeding der Javanen,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\nhet Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xx. (1876) p. 281.\n\n\n[698] D. Louwerier, \u201cBijgeloovige gebruiken, die door de Javanen worden\nin acht genomen bij de verzorging en opvoeding bunner kinderen,\u201d\n_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlix.\n(1905) pp. 254 _sq._\n\n\n[699] P. J. Veth, _Java_, i. 231.\n\n\n[700] H. Ris, \u201cDe onderafdeeling klein Mandailing Oeloe en Pahantan en\nhare Bevolking met uitzondering van de Oeloes,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal-\nLand- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvi. (1896) p. 504.\n\n\n[701] A. L. Heyting, \u201cBeschrijving der onderafdeeling Groot Mandeling\nen Batang-Natal,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\nGenootschap_, Tweede Serie, xiv. (1897), p. 292.\n\n\n[702] J. C. van Eerde, \u201cEen huwelijk bij de Minangkabausche Maliers,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) p.\n493.\n\n\n[703] A. L. van Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra_\n(Leyden, 1882), p. 267.\n\n\n[704] M. Joustra, \u201cHet leven, de zeden en gewoonten der Bataks,\u201d\n_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi.\n(1902) pp. 407 _sq._ The transferable soul is in Batta _tendi_, in\nMalay _sumangat_. Mr. Joustra thinks that the placenta is, in the\nopinion of the Battas, the original seat of this soul.\n\n\n[705] J. H. Neumann, \u201cDe _t\u0115ndi_ in verband met Si Dajang,\u201d\n_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,\nxlviii. (1904) p. 102.\n\n\n[706] A. H. F. J. Nusselein, \u201cBeschrijving van het landschap Pasir,\u201d\n_Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_,\nlviii. (1905) pp. 537 _sq._\n\n\n[707] E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iv. 370.\n\n\n[708] P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), pp. 124 _sq._\n\n\n[709] N. Annandale, \u201cCustoms of the Malayo-Siamese,\u201d _Fasciculi\nMalayenses_, Anthropology, part ii. (a) (May 1904) p. 5.\n\n\n[710] J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iv. (Leyden,\n1901) pp. 396 _sq._\n\n\n[711] H. von Siebold, _Ethnologische Studien \u00fcber die Aino_ (Berlin,\n1881), p. 32.\n\n\n[712] Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost Afrikas: die materielle\nCultur der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1893), p. 192.\n\n\n[713] J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\nBaganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\npp. 33, 45, 46, 63, 76; _id._ \u201cKibuka, the War God of the Baganda,\u201d\n_Man_, vii. (1907) pp. 164 _sq._ In the former of these two accounts\nMr. Roscoe speaks of the placenta, not the navel-string, as the \u201ctwin\u201d\n(_mulongo_).\n\n\n[714] Garcilasso de la Vega, _Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, bk. ii.\nch. 24, vol. i. p. 186, Markham\u2019s translation.\n\n\n[715] B. de Sahagun, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la Nouvelle\nEspagne_, p. 310; compare pp. 240, 439, 440 (Jourdanet and Simeon\u2019s\ntranslation).\n\n\n[716] _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1639, p. 44 (Canadian reprint).\n\n\n[717] J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d pp. 304\n_sq._ (_Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup\nNorth Pacific Expedition_, vol. i. part iv.).\n\n\n[718] Fr. Boas in _Eleventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of\nCanada_, p. 5 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\nAssociation for 1896_).\n\n\n[719] J. Mooney, \u201cThe Indian Navel Cord,\u201d _Journal of American\nFolk-lore_, xvii. (1904) p. 197.\n\n\n[720] _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, iv. 2,\np. 346.\n\n\n[721] E. Krause, \u201cAbergl\u00e4ubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in\nBerlin und n\u00e4chster Umgebung,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xv. (1883)\np. 84.\n\n\n[722] F. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_ (Paris,\n1902), ii. 16.\n\n\n[723] R. F. Kaindl, \u201cZauberglaube bei den Rutenen in der Bukowina und\nGalizien,\u201d _Globus_, lxi. (1892) p. 282.\n\n\n[724] A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_ (Berlin, 1843), pp. 379\n_sq._\n\n\n[725] J. C. Atkinson, in _County Folklore_, ii. (London, 1901) p. 68.\n\n\n[726] A. _Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,\u00b2 \u00a7 305, p. 203; H.\nPloss, _Das Kind_,\u00b2 i. 12 _sqq._\n\n\n[727] J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,\u2074 ii. 728, note 1. As to the East\nIndian belief see above, pp. 187 _sq._\n\n\n[728] M. Bartels, \u201cIslandischer Brauch und Volksglaube in Bezug auf die\nNachkommenschaft,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxxii. (1900) pp. 70\n_sq._\n\n\n[729] Aelius Lampridius, _Antoninus Diadumenus_, 4; J. Grimm, _loc.\ncit._; H. Ploss, _Das Kind_,\u00b2 i. pp. 13, 14.\n\n\n[730] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 135.\n\n\n[731] J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,\u2074 ii. 728 _sq._, iii. 266 _sq._;\nM. Bartels, _op. cit._ p. 70. Grimm speaks as if it were only the caul\nwhich became a _fylgia_. I follow Dr. Bartels.\n\n\n[732] Meantime I may refer to _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition,\niii. 350 _sqq._ For other superstitions concerning the afterbirth and\nnavel-string see H. Ploss, _Das Kind_,\u00b2 i. 15 _sqq._, ii. 198 _sq._\nThe connexion of these parts of the body with the idea of the external\nsoul has already been indicated by Mr. E. Crawley (_The Mystic Rose_,\nLondon, 1902, p. 119).\n\n\n[733] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 36.\n\n\n[734] R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 310.\n\n\n[735] Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Social Organization and the Secret Societies of\nthe Kwakiutl Indians,\u201d _Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1895_,\np. 440.\n\n\n[736] Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of\nCanada_, p. 25 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\nAssociation for 1890_).\n\n\n[737] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 667.\n\n\n[738] Francis Bacon, _Natural History_, cent. x. \u00a7 998. Compare J.\nBrand _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 305, quoting Werenfels. In Dryden\u2019s\nplay _The Tempest_ (Act v. Scene 1) Ariel directs Prospero to anoint\nthe sword which wounded Hippolito and to wrap it up close from the air.\nSee Dryden\u2019s _Works_, ed. Scott, vol. iii. p. 191 (first edition).\n\n\n[739] W. W. Groome, \u201cSuffolk Leechcraft,\u201d _Folklore_, vi. (1895) p.\n126. Compare _County Folklore: Suffolk_, edited by Lady E. C. Gurdon,\npp. 25 _sq._ A like belief and practice occur in Sussex (C. Latham,\n\u201cWest Sussex Superstitions,\u201d _Folklore Record_, i. 43 _sq._). See\nfurther E. S. Hartland, _The Legend of Perseus_, ii. 169\u2013172.\n\n\n[740] \u201cDeath from Lockjaw at Norwich,\u201d _The Peoples Weekly Journal for\nNorfolk_, July 19, 1902, p. 8.\n\n\n[741] F. N. Webb, in _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) p. 337.\n\n\n[742] C. Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), p. 295.\n\n\n[743] F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 305, compare\n277.\n\n\n[744] H. Pr\u00f6hle, _Harzbilder_ (Leipsic, 1855), p. 82.\n\n\n[745] J. W. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 225, \u00a7 282.\n\n\n[746] Bavaria, _Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, iv.\n1, p. 223. A further recommendation is to stroke the wound or the\ninstrument with a twig of an ash-tree and then keep the twig in a dark\nplace.\n\n\n[747] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 250.\n\n\n[748] F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 302; W. Kolbe,\n_Hessische Volks- Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche im Lichte der heidnischen\nVorzeit_ (Marburg, 1888), p. 87.\n\n\n[749] M. J. Erdweg, \u201cDie Bewohner der Insel Tumleo, Berlinhafen,\nDeutsch-Neu-Guinea,\u201d _Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft\nin Wien_, xxxii. (1902) p. 287.\n\n\n[750] M. J. Erdweg, _loc. cit._\n\n\n[751] B. Hagen, _Unter den Papua\u2019s_ (Wiesbaden, 1899), p. 269.\n\n\n[752] A. W. Howitt, \u201cOn Australian Medicine Men,\u201d _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xvi. (1887) pp. 28 _sq._; _id._, _Native\nTribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 363\u2013365.\n\n\n[753] B. T. Somerville, \u201cNotes on some Islands of the New Hebrides,\u201d\n_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxiii. (1894) p. 19.\n\n\n[754] Theocritus, _Id._ ii. 53 _sq._ Similarly the witch in Virgil\n(_Eclog._ viii. 92 _sqq._) buries under her threshold certain personal\nrelics (_exuviae_) which her lover had left behind.\n\n\n[755] Tettau und Temme, _Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und\nWestpreussens_ (Berlin, 1837), pp. 283 _sq._ For more evidence of the\nsame sort see E. S. Hartland, _Legend of Perseus_, ii. 86 _sqq._\n\n\n[756] E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_,\npp. 245 _sq._; A. Kuhn, _Sagen, Gebr\u00e4uche und M\u00e4rchen aus Westfalen_,\nii. 192; _id._, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers_,\u00b2 pp. 200 _sq._; W.\nMannhardt, _Die G\u00f6tterwelt der deutschen und nordischen V\u00f6lker_, i.\n203 note. Compare Montanus, _Die deutsche Volksfeste, Volksbr\u00e4uche und\ndeutscher Volksglaube_, p. 117.\n\n\n[757] Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 250; A. W. Howitt,\n\u201cOn Australian Medicine Men,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute_, xvi. (1887) pp. 26 _sq._; _id._, _Native Tribes of\nSouth-East Australia_, pp. 366 _sq._ According to one account a cross\nshould be made in the footprint with a piece of quartz, and round\nthe footprint thus marked the bones of kangaroos should be stuck in\nthe ground. See R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 476\n_sq._ These and many of the following examples were cited by me in\n_Folklore_, i. (1890) pp. 157 _sqq._ For more instances of the same\nsort see E. S. Hartland, _The Legend of Perseus_, ii. (London, 1895)\n78\u201383.\n\n\n[758] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 541.\n\n\n[759] _Id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 340 _sq._\n\n\n[760] R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907),\np. 605.\n\n\n[761] Elsdon Best, \u201cSpiritual Concepts of the Maori,\u201d _Journal of the\nPolynesian Society_, ix. (1900) p. 196.\n\n\n[762] Basil C. Thomson, _Savage Island_ (London, 1902), p. 97.\n\n\n[763] M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\nGalelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 512.\n\n\n[764] L. Hearn, _Glimpses of unfamiliar Japan_ (London, 1894), ii. 604.\n\n\n[765] F. Mason, \u201cOn Dwellings, Works of Art, Laws, etc., of the\nKarens,\u201d _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, xxxvii. (1868)\npart ii. p. 149.\n\n\n[766] W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_\n(Westminster, 1896), ii. 280.\n\n\n[767] _Id._, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and\nOudh_, ii. 221.\n\n\n[768] M. Bloomfield, _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, p. 295; W. Caland,\n_Altindisches Zauberritual_, pp. 162 _sq._\n\n\n[769] A. Hillebrandt, _Vedische Opfer und Zauber_ (Strasburg, 1897), p.\n173.\n\n\n[770] Josaphat Hahn, \u201cDie Ovaherero,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\nErdkunde zu Berlin_, iv. (1869) p. 503.\n\n\n[771] H. Schinz, _Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_, pp. 313 _sq._\n\n\n[772] A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 94.\n\n\n[773] J. Teit, \u201cThe Shuswap\u201d (Leyden and New York, 1909) p. 613\n(_Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North\nPacific Expedition_, vol. ii. part vii.).\n\n\n[774] E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_, p. 59.\n\n\n[775] K. Bartsch, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Meklenburg_, ii.\n329 _sq._, \u00a7\u00a7 1597, 1598, 1601^a.\n\n\n[776] J. L. M. Nogu\u00e8s, _Les M\u0153urs d\u2019autrefois en Saintonge et en\nAunis_ (Saintes, 1891), pp. 169 _sq._; C. de Mensignac, _Recherches\nethnographiques sur la salive et le crachat_ (Bordeaux, 1892), p. 45\nnote.\n\n\n[777] _County Folklore: Suffolk_, edited by Lady E. C. Gurdon, p. 201.\n\n\n[778] Josaphat Hahn, _loc. cit._; K. Bartsch, _op. cit._ ii. 330,\n334, \u00a7\u00a7 1599, 1611^{abc}, compare p. 332, \u00a7 1607; R. Andree,\n_Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_, Neue Folge (Leipsic,\n1889), pp. 8, 11.\n\n\n[779] K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_,\np. 558.\n\n\n[780] J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und\nM\u00e4hren_, p. 200, \u00a7 1402.\n\n\n[781] Tettau and Temme, _Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und\nWestpreussens_, p. 267; A. Bezzenberger, _Litauische Forschungen_\n(G\u00f6ttingen, 1882), p. 69.\n\n\n[782] K. Bartsch, _op. cit._ ii. 330, \u00a7 1599.\n\n\n[783] Holzmayer, \u201cOsiliana,\u201d _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen\nGesellschaft zu Dorpat_, vii. (1872) p. 79.\n\n\n[784] F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, p. 165.\n\n\n[785] Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_, i. p. 40, ed. P. E. M\u00fcller\n(pp. 28 _sq._, O. Elton\u2019s English translation).\n\n\n[786] Aelian, _De natura animalium_, i. 36.\n\n\n[787] _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, i. 510.\n\n\n[788] A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,\u00b2 p. 127, \u00a7 186.\n\n\n[789] J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 54.\n\n\n[790] Theophilus Hahn, _Tsuni-Goam_ (London, 1881), pp. 84 _sq._\n\n\n[791] J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d p. 371 (_The\nJesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. i. part iv.).\n\n\n[792] Peter Jones, _History of the Ojebway Indians_, p. 154.\n\n\n[793] J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 389.\n\n\n[794] Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen\nund Gewohnheiten_, pp. 121 _sq._\n\n\n[795] J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folklore_ (London, 1901), p.\n516.\n\n\n[796] H. Callaway, _The Religious System of the Amazulu_, part iii. pp.\n345 _sq._\n\n\n[797] A. W. Howitt, \u201cOn Australian Medicine Men,\u201d _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xvi. (1887) pp. 26 _sq._; _id._, _Native\nTribes of South-East Australia_, p. 366.\n\n\n[798] R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 475.\n\n\n[799] A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters_ (London, 1901), p. 202.\n\n\n[800] M. J. Erdweg, \u201cDie Bewohner der Insel Tumleo, Berlinhafen,\nDeutsch-Neu-Guinea,\u201d _Mitteilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft\nin Wien_, xxxii. (1902) p. 287.\n\n\n[801] K. Vetter, _Komm her\u00fcber und hilf uns! oder die Arbeit der Neuen\nDettelsauer Mission_, Heft iii. (Barmen, 1898) p. 10.\n\n\n[802] Jamblichus, _Adhortatio ad philosophiam_, 21; Plutarch, _Quaest.\nconviv._ viii. 7; Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._ v. 5, p. 661, ed.\nPotter. Compare Diogenes Laertius, _Vit. philos._ viii. 1. 17; Suidas,\n_s.v._ \u201cPythagoras.\u201d\n\n\n[803] For detailed proof of this I may refer to my article, \u201cSome\npopular Superstitions of the Ancients,\u201d _Folklore_, i. (1890) pp. 147\n_sqq._\n\n\n[804] E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, p. 273.\n\n\n[805] J. Richardson, _Travels in the Great Desert of Sahara_ (London,\n1848), ii. 65.\n\n\n[806] Jamblichus, Plutarch, Clement of Alexandria, Diogenes Laertius,\nSuidas, _ll.cc._\n\n\n[807] \u00c9. Aymonier, \u201cNotes sur les coutumes et croyances superstitieuses\ndes Cambodgiens,\u201d _Cochinchine Fran\u00e7aise: excursions et\nreconnaissances_, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), p. 163.\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\u2014Magic and Religion\n\n\n[808] Malay magic in particular is deeply tinctured with a belief in\nspirits, to whom the magician appeals by kindly words and small gifts\nof food, drink, and even money. See R. J. Wilkinson, _Malay Beliefs_\n(London and Leyden, 1906), pp. 67 _sqq._ Here, therefore, religion is\nencroaching on magic, as it might naturally be expected to do in a race\nso comparatively advanced as the Malays.\n\n\n[809] \u201c_Religio est, quae superioris cujusdam naturae, quam divinam\nvocant, curam caerimoniamque adfert_,\u201d Cicero, _De inventione_, ii. 161.\n\n\n[810] James ii. 17.\n\n\n[811] \u201cPiety is not a religion, though it is the soul of all religions.\nA man has not a religion simply by having pious inclinations, any more\nthan he has a country simply by having philanthropy. A man has not a\ncountry until he is a citizen in a state, until he undertakes to follow\nand uphold certain laws, to obey certain magistrates, and to adopt\ncertain ways of living and acting. Religion is neither a theology nor a\ntheosophy; it is more than all this; it is a discipline, a law, a yoke,\nan indissoluble engagement\u201d (Joubert, quoted by Matthew Arnold, _Essays\nin Criticism_, First Series, London, 1898, p. 288).\n\n\n[812] Micah vi. 8.\n\n\n[813] James i. 27.\n\n\n[814] The opposition of principle between magic and religion is well\nbrought out by Sir A. C. Lyall in his _Asiatic Studies_, First Series\n(London, 1899), i. 99 _sqq._ It is also insisted on by Mr. F. B. Jevons\nin his _Introduction to the History of Religion_ (London, 1896). The\ndistinction is clearly apprehended and sharply maintained by Professor\nH. Oldenberg in his notable book _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin,\n1894); see especially pp. 58 _sq._, 311 _sqq._, 476 _sqq._ Lord Avebury\nhas courteously pointed out to me that the fundamental difference\nbetween magic and religion was dwelt on by him many years ago. See his\n_Origin of Civilisation_ (London, 1870), pp. 116, 164 _sq._, and the\nPreface to the sixth edition of that work (London, 1902), p. vi. I am\nglad to find myself in agreement with Lord Avebury on this subject, and\nonly regret that in preparing my second edition I was unaware that the\nview here taken has the support of his high authority. When I wrote\nthis book originally I failed to realise the extent of the opposition\nbetween magic and religion, because I had not formed a clear general\nconception of the nature of religion, and was disposed to class magic\nloosely under it.\n\n\n[815] A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_ (M\u00fcnster i. W.,\n1890), pp. 142\u2013145, 148; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de\nl\u2019Orient classique: les origines_ (Paris, 1895), pp. 212 _sq._\n\n\n[816] Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, x. 11, quoting Porphyry.\n\n\n[817] J. A. Dubois, _M\u0153urs, institutions et c\u00e9r\u00e9monies des peuples de\nl\u2019Inde_ (Paris, 1825), ii. 60 _sqq._\n\n\n[818] Monier Williams, _Religious Thought and Life in India_ (London,\n1883), pp. 201 _sq._\n\n\n[819] To prevent misconception I would ask the reader to observe that\nthe earlier stage here spoken of, in which magic is confused with\nreligion, is not, in my opinion, the earliest of all, having been\npreceded by a still earlier stage in which magic existed alone. See\nbelow, pp. 233 _sqq._ On my view, the evolution of thought on this\nsubject has passed through three stages: first, a stage in which magic\nexisted without religion; second, a stage in which religion, having\narisen, co-operated, and was to some extent confused, with magic; and\nthird, a stage in which, the radical difference of principle between\nthe two having been recognised, their relation was that of open\nhostility.\n\n\n[820] See above, pp. 72, 77 _sq._, 130, 163 _sq._\n\n\n[821] R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, pp. 191 _sq._ The word\n_mana_ is Polynesian as well as Melanesian. In the Maori language it\nmeans \u201cauthority,\u201d especially \u201csupernatural power,\u201d \u201cdivine authority,\u201d\n\u201chaving qualities which ordinary persons or things do not possess.\u201d\nSee E. Tregear, _Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary_ (Wellington,\nN.Z., 1891), p. 203. Compare R. Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand\nand its Inhabitants_,\u00b2 p. 184, \u201cthe _mana_, virtue of the god.\u201d\n\n\n[822] H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, p. 59.\n\n\n[823] H. Oldenberg, _op. cit._ p. 477. For particular examples of the\nblending of magical with religious ritual in ancient India see pp. 311\n_sqq._, 369 _sq._, 476 _sqq._, 522 _sq._ of the same work.\n\n\n[824] S. L\u00e9vi, _La Doctrine du sacrifice dans les Br\u00e2hma\u1e47as_ (Paris,\n1898), p. 129.\n\n\n[825] M. Bloomfield, _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, pp. xlv. _sq._\n(_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xlii.).\n\n\n[826] W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_, p. ix.\n\n\n[827] O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_\n(Strasburg, 1901), pp. 637 _sq._ In ancient Arabia the _k\u00e2hin_\n(etymologically equivalent to the Hebrew _k\u00f4hen_, \u201cpriest\u201d) seems to\nhave been rather a soothsayer than a priest. See J. Wellhausen, _Reste\narabischen Heidentums_\u00b2 (Berlin, 1897), pp. 134, 143. The confusion of\nmagic with religion, of spell with prayer, may also be detected in the\nincantations employed by Toda sorcerers at the present day. See W. H.\nR. Rivers, _The Todas_, pp. 272 _sq._: \u201cThe formulae of magic and of\nthe dairy ritual are of the same nature, though the differentiation\nbetween the sorcerer and the priest who use them is even clearer than\nthat between the sorcerer and the medicine-man. It is probable that\nthe names of the gods with the characteristic formulae of the prayer\nare later additions to the magical incantation; that at some time the\nsorcerer has added the names of the most important of his deities to\nthe spells and charms which at one time were thought to be sufficient\nfor his purpose.\u201d\n\n\n[828] G. Maspero, _\u00c9tudes de mythologie et d\u2019arch\u00e9ologie \u00e9gyptienne_\n(Paris, 1893), i. 106.\n\n\n[829] A. Erman, _\u00c4gypten und \u00e4gyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 471.\n\n\n[830] A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_ (M\u00fcnster i. W.,\n1890), p. 154.\n\n\n[831] A. Wiedemann, \u201cEin alt\u00e4gyptischer Weltsch\u00f6pfungsmythus,\u201d _Am\nUrquell_, N.F. ii. (1898) pp. 95 _sq._\n\n\n[832] J. Lec\u0153ur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_ (Cond\u00e9-sur-Noireau,\n1883\u20131887), ii, 78. In Beauce and Perche it was especially\nconflagrations caused by lightning which the priest was supposed to\nextinguish by the recitation of certain secret formulas. There was a\nregular expression for this procedure, namely, \u201cbarring the fire.\u201d See\nF. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_, i. 216.\n\n\n[833] Am\u00e9lie Bosquet, _La Normandie romanesque et merveilleuse_ (Paris\nand Rouen, 1845), p. 308.\n\n\n[834] See above, p. 225.\n\n\n[835] L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _Superstitions et survivances_ (Paris,\n1896), i. 455 _sq._, iii. 217 _sq._, 222 _sqq._ Compare _id._,\n_Reminiscences populaires de la Provence_ (Paris, 1885), pp. 288\n_sqq._; D. Monnier, _Traditions populaires compar\u00e9es_ (Paris, 1854),\npp. 31 _sqq._\n\n\n[836] J. F. Blad\u00e9, _Quatorze superstitions populaires de la Gascogne_\n(Agen, 1883), pp. 16 _sq._\n\n\n[837] For the evidence see my _Totemism and Exogamy_, vol. i. pp. 141\n_sqq._\n\n\n[838] The suggestion has been made by Prof. H. Oldenberg (_Die Religion\ndes Veda_, p. 59), who seems, however, to regard a belief in spirits as\npart of the raw material of magic. If the view which I have put forward\ntentatively is correct, faith in magic is probably older than a belief\nin spirits. The same view as to the priority of magic to religion, and\napparently also as to the absence of spirits from primitive magic, was\nheld by Hegel. It was not until long after the discussion in the text\nhad been written that I became aware that my conclusions had been to a\nlarge extent anticipated by the German philosopher. See Appendix at the\nend of this volume.\n\n\n[839] After a visit to the ruined Greek temples of Paestum, whose\nbeauty and splendour impressed him all the more by contrast with the\nsavagery of the surrounding peasantry, Renan wrote: \u201c_J\u2019ai trembl\u00e9\npour la civilisation, en la voyant si limit\u00e9e, assise sur une faible\nassiette, reposant sur si peu d\u2019individus dans le pays m\u00eame o\u00f9 elle\nest regnante_.\u201d See E. Renan et M. Berthelot, _Correspondance_ (Paris,\n1898), pp. 75 _sq._\n\n\n[840] See above, pp. 68 sq.; \u201cThe Witch-burning at Clonmel,\u201d\n_Folklore_, vi. (1895) pp. 373\u2013384; F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und\nreligi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, pp. 144 _sqq._\n\n\n[841] A. Erman, _\u00c4gypten und \u00e4gyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 471.\n\n\n[842] C. Fossey, _La Magie Assyrienne_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 123, 125.\n\n\n[843] C. Fossey, _op. cit._ pp. 137\u2013139. For the incident of the\nmagical disappearance and reappearance of the garment, see P. Jensen,\n_Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen_ (Berlin, 1900), p. 23; R. F.\nHarper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York, 1901), p. 291.\n\n\n[844] H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, pp. 66\u201368, 514\u2013517.\n\n\n[845] Fr. Kauffmann, _Balder, Mythus und Sage_ (Strasburg, 1902), pp.\n177\u2013203. Compare J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,\u2074 ii. 1024\u20131026.\n\n\n[846] G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell, _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_, i. 24\n_sqq._\n\n\nCHAPTER V\u2014The Magical Control of the Weather\n\n\n[847] See above, pp. 214 _sq._\n\n\n[848] W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, p. 342, note.\nThe heathen Swedes appear to have mimicked thunder, perhaps as a\nrain-charm, by means of large bronze hammers, which they called Thor\u2019s\nhammers. See Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_, lib. xiii. p. 630,\ned. P. E. M\u00fcller; Olaus Magnus, _Historia_, iii. 8.\n\n\n[849] K. v. Bruchhausen, in _Globus_, lxxvi. (1899) p. 253. There seem\nto be two villages in Wallachia that bear the name of Ploska. The\nreference may be to one of them.\n\n\n[850] C. F. H. Campen, \u201cDe Godsdienstbegrippen der Halmaherasche\nAlfoeren,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,\nxxvii. (1882) p. 447.\n\n\n[851] J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen\nSelebes en Papua_, p. 114.\n\n\n[852] G. A. J. Hazen, \u201cKleine bijdragen tot de ethnografie en folklore\nvan Java,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,\nxlvi. (1903) p. 298.\n\n\n[853] R. Parkinson, _Im Bismarck Archipel_, p. 143. Compare Joachim\nGraf Pfeil, _Studien und Beobachtungen aus der S\u00fcdsee_ (Brunswick,\n1899), pp. 139 _sq._\n\n\n[854] J. Owen Dorsey, \u201cOmaha Sociology,\u201d _Third Annual Report of the\nBureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1884), p. 347. Compare Charlevoix,\n_Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique septentrionale_, ii. 187.\n\n\n[855] _Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, Nouvelle Edition, vii. 29 _sq._\n\n\n[856] C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 180, 330.\n\n\n[857] J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), p. 10.\n\n\n[858] J. B. Labat, _Relation historique de l\u2019\u00c9thiopie occidentale_, ii.\n180.\n\n\n[859] M. Merker, _Rechtsverh\u00e4ltnisse und Sitten der Wadschagga_ (Gotha,\n1902), p. 34 (_Petermanns Mitteilungen_, Erg\u00e4nzungsheft. No. 138).\n\n\n[860] Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin,\n1894), p. 588.\n\n\n[861] R. Sutherland Rattray, Some _Folk-lore Stories and Songs in\nChinyanja_ (London, 1907), pp. 118 _sq._\n\n\n[862] E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_, p. 583.\n\n\n[863] W. Weston, in _The Geographical Journal_, vii. (1896) p. 143;\n_id._, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxvi. (1897) p.\n30; _id._, _Mountaineering and Exploration in the Japanese Alps_, p.\n161. The ceremony is not purely magical, for it is intended to attract\nthe attention of the powerful spirit who has a small shrine on the top\nof the mountain.\n\n\n[864] J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folklore_ (London, 1901),\np. 333. Some of the ancient processions with ships may perhaps have\nbeen rain-charms. See J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,\u2074 i. 213\u2013220;\nPausanias, i. 29. 1, with my note.\n\n\n[865] Tournier, _Notice sur le Laos Fran\u00e7ais_ (Hanoi, 1900), p. 80.\nIn the temple of the Syrian goddess at Hierapolis on the Euphrates\nthere was a chasm into which water was poured twice a year by people\nwho assembled for the purpose from the whole of Syria and Arabia. See\nLucian, _De dea Syria_, 12 sq. The ceremony was perhaps a rain-charm.\nCompare Pausanias, i. 18. 7, with my notes.\n\n\n[866] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n313 _sq._\n\n\n[867] A. W. Howitt, \u201cOn Australian Medicine-Men,\u201d _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xvi. (1887) p. 35; _id._, _Native Tribes of\nSouth-East Australia_, p. 398.\n\n\n[868] R. Salvado, _M\u00e9moires historiques sur l\u2019Australie_ (Paris, 1854),\np. 262.\n\n\n[869] W. Stanbridge, \u201cOn the Aborigines of Victoria,\u201d _Transactions of\nthe Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., i. (1861) p. 300. This use\nof fire to make rain is peculiar. By analogy we should expect it rather\nto be resorted to as a mode of stopping rain. See below.\n\n\n[870] P. B. Noskow j, _Maqrizii de valle Hadhramaut libellus arabice\neditus et illustratus_ (Bonn, 1866), pp. 25 _sq._\n\n\n[871] T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe Native Tribes of Manipur,\u201d _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 308.\n\n\n[872] Rascher, \u201cDie Sulka,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, xxix. (1904) p.\n225; R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_, pp. 196 _sq._\n\n\n[873] _Indian Antiquary_, xxiv. (1895) p. 359.\n\n\n[874] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 398.\n\n\n[875] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.\n315.\n\n\n[876] J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d p. 345\n(_Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North\nPacific Expedition_, vol. i. part iv.).\n\n\n[877] J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folklore_, p. 333.\n\n\n[878] A. C. Kruijt, \u201cRegen lokken en regen verdrijven bij de Toradja\u2019s\nvan Midden Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\nVolkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) p. 2.\n\n\n[879] J. Crevaux, _Voyages dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1883), p.\n276.\n\n\n[880] E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 20; _id._ in\n_Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, New Series,\ni. (1905) p. 183.\n\n\n[881] W. E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies among the North-West-Central\nQueensland Aborigines_ (Brisbane and London, 1897), p. 167.\n\n\n[882] W. E. Roth, _op. cit._ p. 168; _id._, _North Queensland\nEthnography, Bulletin No. 5_ (Brisbane, 1903), p. 10.\n\n\n[883] S. Gason, \u201cThe Dieyerie Tribe,\u201d _Native Tribes of South\nAustralia_, pp. 276 _sqq._; A. W. Howitt, \u201cThe Dieri and other\nKindred Tribes of Central Australia,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute_, xx. (1891) pp. 91 _sq._; _id._, _Native Tribes of\nSouth-East Australia_, pp. 394\u2013396. As to the Mura-muras, see A. W.\nHowitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 475 _sqq._, 779\n_sqq._\n\n\n[884] A. W. Howitt, \u201cThe Dieri and other Kindred Tribes of Central\nAustralia,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) pp.\n92 _sq._; _id._, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 396, 744.\n\n\n[885] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 396\n_sq._\n\n\n[886] J. Kreemer, \u201cRegenmaken, Oedjoeng, Tooverij onder de Javanen,\u201d\n_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxx.\n(1886) p. 113.\n\n\n[887] Coulbeaux, \u201cAu pays de Menelik: \u00e0 travers l\u2019Abyssinie,\u201d _Missions\nCatholiques_, xxx. (1898) p. 455.\n\n\n[888] 1 Kings xviii. 28. From the whole tenour of the narrative it\nappears that the real contest between Elijah and the prophets of Baal\nwas as to which of them should make rain in a time of drought. The\nprophets of Baal wrought magic by cutting themselves with knives;\nElijah wrought magic by pouring water on the altar. Both ceremonies\nalike were rain-charms. Compare my note on the passage in _Passages\nof the Bible chosen for their Literary Beauty and Interest_, Second\nEdition (London, 1909), pp. 476 _sq._\n\n\n[889] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n294\u2013296, 630 _sq._\n\n\n[890] F. J. Gillen, in _Report of the Work of the Horn Scientific\nExpedition to Central Australia_, part iv., Anthropology (London and\nMelbourne, 1896), pp. 177\u2013179; Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of\nCentral Australia_, pp. 189\u2013193.\n\n\n[891] As to the connexion of the plover with rain in Central Australia,\nsee above, p. 259. It is curious that the same association has procured\nfor the bird its name in English, French (_pluvier_, from the Latin\n_pluvia_), and German (_Regenpfeifer_). Ornithologists are not agreed\nas to the reason for this association in the popular mind. See Alfred\nNewton, _Dictionary of Birds_ (London, 1893\u20131896), pp. 730 _sq._\n\n\n[892] A. C. Haddon, \u201cThe Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres\nStraits,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p.\n401; _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres\nStraits_, v. 350.\n\n\n[893] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 108.\n\n\n[894] Fr. Boas, in _Fifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of\nCanada_, p. 51 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\nAssociation for 1889_).\n\n\n[895] Fr. Boas, _loc. cit._; _id._ in _Sixth Report On the\nNorth-Western Tribes of Canada_, pp. 58, 62 (separate reprint from\nthe _Report of the British Association for 1890_); _id._ in _Eleventh\nReport on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_, p. 5 (separate reprint\nfrom the _Report of the British Association for 1896_).\n\n\n[896] Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of\nCanada_, pp. 39 _sq._ (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\nAssociation for 1890_).\n\n\n[897] _British Central Africa Gazette_, No. 86 (vol. v. no. 6), 30th\nApril 1898, p. 3.\n\n\n[898] Fr. Boas, _loc. cit._\n\n\n[899] _Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt_\n(Middletown, 1820), pp. 173 _sq._ (p. 198, Edinburgh, 1824).\n\n\n[900] J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d pp. 310 sq.\n(_Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North\nPacific Expedition_, vol. i. part iv.). The Lillooet Indians of British\nColumbia also believed that twins were the real offspring of grizzly\nbears. Many of them said that twins were grizzly bears in human form,\nand that when a twin died his soul went back to the grizzly bears and\nbecame one of them. See J. Teit, \u201cThe Lillooet Indians,\u201d (Leyden and\nNew York, 1906), p. 263 (_Memoir of the American Museum of Natural\nHistory, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. ii. part v.).\n\n\n[901] Father Baudin, \u201cLe F\u00e9tichisme ou la religion des N\u00e8gres de la\nGuin\u00e9e,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xvi. (1884) p. 250.\n\n\n[902] J. Spieth, _Die Ewe St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 204, 206.\n\n\n[903] Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of\nCanada_, p. 92 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\nAssociation for 1890_). The instrument by which the twins make fine\nweather appears to be a bull-roarer. Compare J. Teit, \u201cThe Shuswap\u201d\n(Leyden and New York, 1909), pp. 586 _sq._ (_Memoir of the American\nMuseum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol.\nii. part vii.): \u201cTwins were believed to be endowed with powers over the\nelements, especially over rain and snow. If a twin bathed in a lake or\nstream, it would rain.\u201d\n\n\n[904] Mark iii. 17. If James and John had been twins, we might have\nsuspected that their name of Boanerges had its origin in a superstition\nlike that of the Peruvian Indians. Was it in the character of \u201csons of\nthunder\u201d that the brothers proposed to call down fire from heaven on a\nSamaritan village (Luke ix. 54)?\n\n\n[905] P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n1621), pp. 16 _sq._, 32, 33, 119, 130, 132.\n\n\n[906] H. A. Junod, _Les Ba-ronga_ (Neuch\u00e2tel, 1898), pp. 412, 416\n_sqq._ The reason for calling twins \u201cChildren of the Sky\u201d is obscure.\nAre they supposed in some mysterious way to stand for the sun and moon?\n\n\n[907] Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), p. 47.\n\n\n[908] P. Reichard, \u201cDie Wanjamuesi,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft\nf\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_, xxiv. (1889), pp. 256 _sq._ Another African\nsuperstition as to twins may here be mentioned. On the Slave Coast when\na woman has brought forth stillborn twins, she has a statue made with\ntwo faces and sets it up in a corner of her house. There she offers it\nfowls, bananas, and palm-oil in order to obtain the accomplishment of\nher wishes, and especially a knowledge of the future. See _Missions\nCatholiques_, vii. (1875) p. 592. This suggests that elsewhere\ntwo-faced images, like those of Janus, may have been intended to\nrepresent twins.\n\n\n[909] M. N. Venketswami, \u201cSuperstitions among Hindus in the Central\nProvinces,\u201d _Indian Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) p. 111.\n\n\n[910] _The Grihya-S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part ii.\n(Oxford, 1892) pp. 72 _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxx.); H.\nOldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, pp. 420 _sq._\n\n\n[911] G. G. Batten, _Glimpses of the Eastern Archipelago_ (Singapore,\n1894), pp. 68 _sq._\n\n\n[912] A. C. Kruijt, \u201cRegen lokken en regen verdrijven bij de Toradja\u2019s\nvan Midden Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\nVolkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) pp. 8\u201310.\n\n\n[913] Rev. W. O\u2019Ferrall, \u201cNative Stories from Santa Cruz and Reef\nIslands,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiv. (1904), p.\n225.\n\n\n[914] Lucy M. J. Garnett, _The Women of Turkey and their Folklore: The\nChristian Women_, pp. 123 _sq._\n\n\n[915] W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 329 _sqq._; J. Grimm, _Deutsche\nMythologie_,\u2074 i. 493 _sq._; W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian\nPeople_, pp. 227 _sqq._; W. Schmidt, _Das Jahr und seine Tage in\nMeinung und Brauch der Rom\u00e4nen Siebenb\u00fcrgens_, p. 17; E. Gerard, _The\nLand beyond the Forest_, ii. 13; _Folk-lore_, i. (1890) p. 520.\n\n\n[916] _The Graphic_, September 9, 1905, p. 324; Dr. Emil Fischer,\n\u201cPaparuda und Scaloian,\u201d _Globus_, xciii. (1908) pp. 14 _sq._\n\n\n[917] W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 329.\n\n\n[918] G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_ (Cambridge, 1903), pp. 118\n_sq._\n\n\n[919] W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 228; W.\nMannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 329 _sq._\n\n\n[920] See above, pp. 260 _sq._ This perpetual turning or whirling\nmovement is required of the actors in other European ceremonies of a\nsuperstitious character. See below, vol. ii. pp. 74, 80, 81, 87. I am\nfar from feeling sure that the explanation of it suggested in the text\nis the true one. But I do not remember to have met with any other.\n\n\n[921] Father H. S. Moore, in _The Cowley Evangelist_, May 1908, pp. 111\n_sq._\n\n\n[922] M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 93\n_sq._\n\n\n[923] J. Rendel Harris, MS. notes of folklore collected in the East.\n\n\n[924] Rendel Harris, _op. cit._\n\n\n[925] S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_, p. 114.\n\n\n[926] A. Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris, 1908),\npp. 326, 328.\n\n\n[927] J. Polek, \u201cRegenzauber in Osteuropa,\u201d _Zeitschrift des Vereins\nf\u00fcr Volkskunde_, iii. (1893) p. 85. For the bathing of the priest\ncompare W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 331, note 2.\n\n\n[928] W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 331.\n\n\n[929] R. F. Kaindl, \u201cZauberglaube bei den Rutenen in der Bukowina und\nGalizien,\u201d _Globus_, lxi. (1892) p. 281.\n\n\n[930] M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), p. 93.\n\n\n[931] E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_, p. 584.\n\n\n[932] J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cDe Minahasa in 1825,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\nIndische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xviii. 524.\n\n\n[933] A. C. Kruijt, \u201cRegen lokken en regen verdrijven bij de Toradja\u2019s\nvan Midden Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\nVolkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) pp. 1 _sq._\n\n\n[934] M. Joustra, \u201cDe Zending onder de Karo-Batak\u2019s,\u201d _Mededeelingen\nvan wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xli. (1897) p. 158.\n\n\n[935] _North Indian Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 134, \u00a7 285.\n\n\n[936] W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_\n(Westminster, 1896), i. 73 _sq._\n\n\n[937] J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\nPadangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde\nvan Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 93.\n\n\n[938] Sarat Chandra Mitra, \u201cOn some Ceremonies for producing Rain,\u201d\n_Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, iii. (1893) pp. 25,\n27; _id._, in _North Indian Notes and Queries_, v. p. 136, \u00a7 373.\n\n\n[939] _Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 102, \u00a7 791.\n\n\n[940] W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_\n(Westminster, 1896), i. 74 _sq._\n\n\n[941] Sarat Chandra Mitra, \u201cOn Vestiges of Moon-worship in Behar and\nBengal,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, ii. 598\n_sq._\n\n\n[942] _Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 42, \u00a7 256; W. Crooke, _Popular\nReligion and Folklore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), i. 16\n_sq._; Sarat Chandra Mitra, in _Journal of the Anthropological Society\nof Bombay_, ii. 597 _sq._; _id._, in _Journal of the Royal Asiatic\nSociety_, N.S. xxix. (1897) p. 482.\n\n\n[943] W. W. Hunter, _Orissa_ (London, 1872), ii. 140 _sq._; W. Crooke,\n_op. cit._ i. 17.\n\n\n[944] W. Logan, _Malabar_ (Madras, 1887), i. 161 _sq._; E. Thurston,\n_Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, vii. 287; L. K. Anantha Krishna\nIyer, _The Cochin Tribes and Castes_, i. (Madras, 1909) p. 238.\n\n\n[945] R. F. Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_ (Vienna, 1894), p. 63; _id._,\n\u201cViehzucht und Viehzauber in den Ostkarpaten,\u201d _Globus_, lxix. (1896)\np. 386.\n\n\n[946] A. Cabaton, _Nouvelles Recherches sur les Chams_ (Paris, 1901),\np. 48.\n\n\n[947] Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen\nund Gewohnheiten_, pp. 90 _sq._\n\n\n[948] E. Krause, \u201cAbergl\u00e4ubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in\nBerlin und n\u00e4chster Umgebung,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xv. (1883)\np. 87.\n\n\n[949] Theophrastus, _Historia plantarum_, vii. 3. 3, ix. 8. 8;\nPlutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ vii. 2. 3; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xix. 120.\n\n\n[950] Palladius, _De re rustica_, iv. 9; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xix. 120.\n\n\n[951] Theophrastus, _Historia plantarum_ ix. 8. 8.\n\n\n[952] Lactantius, _Divin. Institut._ i. 21; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_,\nii. 5. 11. 8; Philostratus, _Imagines_, ii. 24; Conon, in Photius,\n_Bibliotheca_, p. 132, ed. Bekker. Lactantius speaks of the sacrifice\nof a pair of oxen, Philostratus of the sacrifice of a single ox.\n\n\n[953] \u201cDie Pschawen und Chewsurier im Kaukasus,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\nallgemeine Erdkunde_, N.F. ii. (1857) p. 75.\n\n\n[954] M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), p. 93.\n\n\n[955] J. Reinegg, _Beschreibung des Kaukasus_, ii. (Hildesheim and St.\nPetersburg, 1797), p. 114. Among the Abchases of the Western Caucasus\ngirls make rain by driving an ass into a river, placing a puppet\ndressed as a woman on a raft, and letting the raft float down stream.\nSee N. von Seidlitz, \u201cDie Abchasen,\u201d _Globus_, lxvi. (1894) pp. 75 _sq._\n\n\n[956] W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 553; E. Gerard, _The Land beyond\nthe Forest_, ii. 40.\n\n\n[957] _Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. pp. 41, 115, \u00a7\u00a7 173, 513.\n\n\n[958] _North Indian Notes and Queries_, i. p. 210, \u00a7 1161.\n\n\n[959] Sarat Chandra Mitra, \u201cOn the Har Paraur\u012b, or the Behari Women\u2019s\nCeremony for producing Rain,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of\nGreat Britain and Ireland_, N.S. xxix. (1897) pp. 471\u2013484; _id._, in\n_Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, iv. No. 7 (1898),\npp. 384\u2013388.\n\n\n[960] Sarat Chandra Mitra, \u201cOn some Ceremonies for producing Rain,\u201d\n_Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, iii. 25. On these\nIndian rain-charms compare W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of\nNorthern India_ (Westminster, 1896), i. 68 _sqq._ Mr. E. S. Hartland\nsuggests that such customs furnish the key to the legend of Lady\nGodiva (_Folklore_, i. (1890) pp. 223 _sqq._). Some of the features\nof the ceremonies, though not the ploughing, reappear in a rain-charm\npractised by the Rajbansis of Bengal. The women make two images of\nHudum Deo out of mud or cow-dung, and carry them away into the fields\nby night. There they strip themselves naked, and dance round the images\nsinging obscene songs. See (Sir) H. H. Risley, _The Tribes and Castes\nof Bengal: Ethnographic Glossary_ (Calcutta, 1891\u201392), i. 498. Again,\nin time of drought the Kapu women of Southern India mould a small\nfigure of a naked human being to represent Jokumara, the rain-god. This\nthey place in a mock palanquin and go about for several days from door\nto door, singing indecent songs and collecting alms. Then they abandon\nthe figure in a field, where the Malas find it and go about with it in\ntheir turn for three or four days, singing ribald songs and collecting\nalms. See E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iii. 244\n_sq._ We have seen (pp. 267 _sq._) that lewd songs form part of an\nAfrican rain-charm. The link between ribaldry and rain is not obvious\nto the European mind.\n\n\n[961] T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe Native Tribes of Manipur,\u201d _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) pp. 302 _sq._\n\n\n[962] B. Houghton, in _Indian Antiquary_, xxv. (1896) p. 112.\n\n\n[963] C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 330.\n\n\n[964] G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 345 _sq._\n\n\n[965] Father Lambert, in _Missions Catholiques_, xxv. (1893) p. 116;\n_id._, _M\u0153urs et superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_ (Noum\u00e9a, 1900), pp.\n297 _sq._\n\n\n[966] W. R. S. Ralston, _The Songs of the Russian People_, pp. 425\n_sq._; P. v. Stenin, \u201cUeber den Geisterglauben in Russland,\u201d _Globus_,\nlvii. (1890) p. 285.\n\n\n[967] Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 373.\n\n\n[968] M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_, p. 93.\n\n\n[969] J. Rendel Harris, MS. notes.\n\n\n[970] R. H. Elliot, _Experiences of a Planter in the Jungles of Mysore_\n(London, 1871), i. 76 _sq._\n\n\n[971] A. C. Kruijt, \u201cRegen lokken en regen verdrijving bij de Toradja\u2019s\nvan Central Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\nVolkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) p. 6, citing v. Baarda.\n\n\n[972] Mela, _Chorographia_, iii. 106.\n\n\n[973] A. C. Kruijt, _op. cit._ pp. 3 _sq._\n\n\n[974] Above, p. 268.\n\n\n[975] Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 115.\n\n\n[976] Missionar P. H. Brincker, \u201cBeobachlungen \u00fcber die Deisid\u00e4monie\nder Eingeborenen Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrikas,\u201d _Globus_, lviii. (1890) p.\n323; _id._, in _Mitteilungen des Seminars f\u00fcr orientalische Sprachen zu\nBerlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte Abteilung, p. 89.\n\n\n[977] A. Caulin, _Historia coro-graphica natural y evangelica dela\nNueva Andalucia, Provincias de Cuma\u00f1a, Guayana y Vertientes del Rio\nOrinoco_, p. 92.\n\n\n[978] J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iii. 918\n_sqq._\n\n\n[979] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n314 _sq._\n\n\n[980] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ p. 311.\n\n\n[981] G. B. Grinnell, _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_, p. 262.\n\n\n[982] J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians,\u201d p. 374 (_Memoir of the American\nMuseum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. i.\npart iv.).\n\n\n[983] E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth\nAnnual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i.\n(Washington, 1899) p. 446.\n\n\n[984] J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folklore_ (London, 1901), p.\n334.\n\n\n[985] (Sir) J. G. Scott, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan\nStates_, part ii. vol. ii. (Rangoon, 1901) p. 280.\n\n\n[986] T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe Native Tribes of Manipur,\u201d _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 308.\n\n\n[987] H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, p. 507.\n\n\n[988] Fr. A. Jaussen, \u201cCoutumes arabes,\u201d _Revue Biblique_, April\n1903, p. 248. Elsewhere the same writer describes this ceremony as\na mode of putting a stop to cholera. See his _Coutumes des Arabes\nau pays de Moab_ (Paris, 1908), p. 362. To pass between the pieces\nof a sacrificial victim is a form of oath (Genesis xv. 9 _sqq._;\nJeremiah xxxiv. 18; Dictys Cretensis, _Bell. Trojan._ i. 15; R.\nMoffat, _Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa_, p. 278) or\nof purification (Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 111; Apollodorus,\n_Bibliotheca_, iii. 13. 7; Livy, xl. 6; E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, p.\n256; S. Krascheninnikow, _Beschreibung des Landes Kamtschatka_, pp. 277\n_sq._). Compare my note on Pausanias, iii. 20. 9.\n\n\n[989] B. F. Matthes, \u201cOver de _\u00e2d\u00e1\u2019s_ of gewoonten der Makassaren en\nBoegineezen,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van\nWetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Derde Reeks, ii. (Amsterdam,\n1885) p. 169.\n\n\n[990] G. A. J. Hazeu, \u201cKleine bijdragen tot de ethnografie en folklore\nvan Java,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,\nxlvi. (1903) p. 298.\n\n\n[991] A. Hillebrandt, _Vedische Opfer und Zauber_ (Strasburg, 1897), p.\n120.\n\n\n[992] E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_, p. 583.\n\n\n[993] Acosta, _History of the Indies_, bk. v. ch. xxviii. (vol. ii. p.\n376, Hakluyt Society).\n\n\n[994] J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_ (London,\n1857), pp. 212 _sqq._\n\n\n[995] O. Baumann, _Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle_ (Berlin, 1894), p.\n188.\n\n\n[996] H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,\u201d _Journal of\nthe Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 325.\n\n\n[997] L. Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_ (London, 1898), p. 154.\n\n\n[998] A. L. van Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra_, pp.\n320 _sq._; J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\nPadangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde\nvan Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 93.\n\n\n[999] E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 88.\n\n\n[1000] _Folklore Journal, edited by the Working Committee of the South\nAfrican Folklore Society_, i. (1879) p. 34.\n\n\n[1001] J. S. G. Gramberg, \u201cEene maand in de binnenlanden van Timor,\u201d\n_Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en\nWetenschappen_, xxxvi. p. 209; H. Zondervan, \u201cTimor en de Timoreezen,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_. Tweede\nSerie, v. (1888) Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide artikelen, pp. 402 _sq._\n\n\n[1002] C. Wiese, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der Zulu im Norden des\nZambesi, namentlich der Angoni,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxxii.\n(1900) p. 198.\n\n\n[1003] W. Weston, _Mountaineering and Exploration in the Japanese\nAlps_ (London, 1896), pp. 162 _sq._; _id._, in _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xxvi. (1897) p. 30; _id._, in _The\nGeographical Journal_, vii. (1896) pp. 143 _sq._\n\n\n[1004] A. Caulin, _Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica dela\nNueva Andalucia, Provincias de Cuma\u00f1a, Guayana y Vertientes del Rio\nOrinoco_, p. 96; _Colombia, being a geographical, etc., account of\nthe country_, i. 642 _sq._; A. Bastian, _Die Culturl\u00e4nder des alten\nAmerika_, ii. 216.\n\n\n[1005] D. Forbes, \u201cOn the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru,\u201d _Journal\nof the Ethnological Society of London_, ii. 237, note. On the supposed\nrelation of the frog or toad to water in America, see further E. J.\nPayne, _History of the New World called America_, i. 420 _sq._, 425\n_sqq._ He observes that \u201cthroughout the New World, from Florida to\nChile, the worship of the frog or toad, as the offspring of water and\nthe symbol of the water-spirit, accompanied the cultivation of maize\u201d\n(p. 425). A species of water toad is called by the Araucanians of Chili\n_genco_, \u201cwhich signifies lord of the water, as they believe that it\nwatches over the preservation and contributes to the salubrity of the\nwaters\u201d (J. I. Molina, _Geographical, Natural, and Civil History of\nChili_, London, 1809, i. 179).\n\n\n[1006] Mary E. B. Howitt, _Folklore and Legends of some Victorian\nTribes_ (in manuscript). The story is told in an abridged form by Dr.\nA. W. Howitt (_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xviii. (1889)\npp. 54 _sq._).\n\n\n[1007] Above, p. 255.\n\n\n[1008] J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoirs\nof the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\nExpedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 346; A. Kuhn, _Sagen,\nGebr\u00e4uche und M\u00e4rchen aus Westfalen_, ii. p. 80, \u00a7 244; E. Gerard, _The\nLand beyond the Forest_, ii. 13.\n\n\n[1009] M. N. Venketswami, \u201cSuperstitions among Hindus in the Central\nProvinces,\u201d _Indian Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) p. 111. Compare E.\nThurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iv. 387.\n\n\n[1010] _North Indian Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 134, \u00a7 285; W. Crooke,\n_Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896),\ni. 73.\n\n\n[1011] _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxxii., part 3,\nAnthropology (Calcutta, 1904), p. 39.\n\n\n[1012] E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iii. 245.\n\n\n[1013] E. Thurston, _op. cit._ iv. 387.\n\n\n[1014] M. Bloomfield, \u201cOn the \u2018Frog-hymn,\u2019 Rig Veda, vii. 103,\u201d\n_Journal of the American Oriental Society_, xvii. (1896) pp. 173\u2013179.\n\n\n[1015] A. L. Waddell, \u201cFrog-Worship among the Newars,\u201d _The Indian\nAntiquary_, xxii. (1893) pp. 292\u2013294. The title Bh\u00fbm\u00een\u00e2tha, \u201cLord or\nProtector of the Soil,\u201d is specially reserved for the frog. The title\nParem\u00easvara is given to all the Newar divinities.\n\n\n[1016] _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 9th edition, _s.v._ \u201cFrog,\u201d ix. 796.\nFor an instance of a frog thus caught in a drought and made to disgorge\nits hoard of water, see E. Aymonier, _Voyage dans le Laos_ (Paris,\n1895\u20131897), ii. 284 _sq._\n\n\n[1017] J. Macdonald, \u201cManners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions of\nSouth African Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix.\n(1890) p. 295.\n\n\n[1018] H. von Wlislocki, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der\nZigenner_ (M\u00fcnster i. W., 1891), pp. 64 _sq._\n\n\n[1019] W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_\n(Westminster, 1896), i. 76.\n\n\n[1020] W. Crooke, _op. cit._ i. 74.\n\n\n[1021] W. Weston, _Mountaineering and Exploration in the Japanese Alps_\n(London, 1896), p. 162.\n\n\n[1022] L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _Les Peuplades de la S\u00e9n\u00e9gambie_\n(Paris, 1879), p. 291.\n\n\n[1023] R. Lange, \u201cBitten um Regen in Japan,\u201d _Zeitschrift des Vereins\nf\u00fcr Volkskunde_, iii. (1893) pp. 334 _sq._ Compare W. G. Aston,\n_Shinto_ (London, 1905), p. 153. However, the throwing of the dragon\ninto the waterfall may be a homoeopathic charm rather than a punishment.\n\n\n[1024] H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, i. 520.\n\n\n[1025] Huc, _L\u2019Empire chinois_\u2074 (Paris, 1862), i. 241.\n\n\n[1026] Mgr Rizzolati, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xvi.\n(1844) p. 350; Mgr Retord, _ib._ xxviii. (1856) p. 102. In Tonquin also\na mandarin has been known to whip an image of Buddha for not sending\nrain. See _Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation de la Foi_, iv.\n(1830) p. 330.\n\n\n[1027] Huc, _L\u2019Empire chinois_,\u2074 i. 241 _sq._\n\n\n[1028] _Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, Nouvelle \u00c9dition, xviii. 210.\n\n\n[1029] J. Bertrand, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxii.\n(1850) pp. 351\u2013355; W. W. Rockhill, _The Land of the Lamas_ (London,\n1891), p. 311.\n\n\n[1030] Rev. E. Z. Simmons, \u201cIdols and Spirits,\u201d _Chinese Recorder and\nMissionary Journal_, xix. (1888) p. 502.\n\n\n[1031] Mgr Brugui\u00e8re, in _Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation de\nla Foi_, v. (1831), p. 131.\n\n\n[1032] Brien, \u201cAper\u00e7u sur la province de Battambang,\u201d _Cochinchine\nFran\u00e7aise: excursions et reconnaissances_, No. 25 (Saigon, 1886), pp. 6\n_sq._\n\n\n[1033] G. Vuillier, \u201cLa Sicile, impressions du pr\u00e9sent et du pass\u00e9,\u201d\n_Tour du monde_, lxvii. (1894) pp. 54 _sq._ Compare G. Pitr\u00e8, _Usi e\ncostumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano_, iii. (Palermo,\n1889) pp. 142\u2013144. As to St. Francis of Paola, who died in 1507 and was\ncanonised by Leo X. in 1519, see P. Ribadeneira, _Flos Sanctorum, cio\u00e8\nVite de\u2019 Santi_ (Venice, 1763), i. 252 _sq._; Th. Trede, _Das Heidentum\nin der r\u00f6mischen Kirche_, iii. 45\u201347; G. Pitr\u00e8, _Feste patronali in\nSicilia_ (Turin and Palermo, 1900), pp. 49 _sqq._ He was sent for by\nLouis XI. of France, and his fame as a worker of miracles is still\nspread over all the south of Italy. With the entertainments given\nin honour of St. Francis of Paola to wheedle rain out of him we may\ncompare the shadow-plays or puppet-shows given by the Javanese and the\ncomedies played by the Chinese for the same purpose. See T. S. Raffles,\n_History of Java_ (London, 1817), i. 477; G. A. J. Hazen, \u201cKleine\nbijdragen tot de ethnografie en de folklore van Java,\u201d _Tijdschrift\nvoor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlvi. (1903) pp. 299 _sq._;\nHuc, _L\u2019Empire chinois_\u2074 (Paris, 1862), i. 241.\n\n\n[1034] J. Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_ (Calcutta, 1880), p.\n95.\n\n\n[1035] Alb\u00eer\u00fbn\u00ee, _The Chronology of Ancient Nations_, translated and\nedited by C. E. Sachau (London, 1879), p. 235. This and the following\npassage were pointed out to me by my late friend, W. Robertson Smith.\n\n\n[1036] Alb\u00eer\u00fbn\u00ee, _loc. cit._\n\n\n[1037] Gervasius von Tilbury, _Otia Imperialia_, ed. F. Liebrecht, pp.\n41 _sq._\n\n\n[1038] Giraldus Cambrensis, _Topography of Ireland_, ch. 7. Compare W.\nMannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, p. 341 note.\n\n\n[1039] J. Lec\u0153ur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_, ii. 79.\n\n\n[1040] L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _Superstitions et survivances_, i. 473.\n\n\n[1041] Le R. P. Cadi\u00e8re, \u201cCroyances et dictons populaires de la Vall\u00e9e\ndu Ngu\u00f4n-son, Province de Quang-binh (Annam),\u201d _Bulletin de l\u2019\u00c9cole\nFran\u00e7aise d\u2019Extr\u00eame-Orient_, i. (Hanoi, 1901) pp. 204 _sq._\n\n\n[1042] C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, ii. 194.\n\n\n[1043] H. Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, part. iv.\n(1870), pp. 407 _sq._\n\n\n[1044] Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, pp. 117 _sq._\n\n\n[1045] E. Reclus, _Nouvelle G\u00e9ographie Universelle_, xii. 100.\n\n\n[1046] _North Indian Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 135, \u00a7 285; W. Crooke,\n_Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896),\ni. 77.\n\n\n[1047] A. C. Kruijt, \u201cRegen lokken en regen verdrijven bij de Toradja\u2019s\nvan Midden Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\nVolkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) p. 2.\n\n\n[1048] Rasmussen, _Additamenta ad historiam Arabum ante Islamismum_,\npp. 67 _sq._; I. Goldziher, _Muhammedanische Studien_ (Halle a. S.,\n1888\u20131890), i. 34 _sq._\n\n\n[1049] J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentums_, p. 157 (first\nedition).\n\n\n[1050] J. B. Labat, _Relation historique de l\u2019\u00c9thiopie occidentale_,\nii. 180.\n\n\n[1051] H. Ternaux-Compans, _Essai sur l\u2019ancien Cundinamarca_ (Paris,\nn.d.), p. 42.\n\n\n[1052] G. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 145.\n\n\n[1053] A. L. P. Cameron, \u201cNotes on some Tribes of New South Wales,\u201d\n_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiv. (1885) p. 362. For\nother uses of quartz-crystal in ceremonies for the making of rain, see\nabove, pp. 254, 255.\n\n\n[1054] A. L. P. Cameron, _loc. cit._ Compare E. M. Curr, _The\nAustralian Race_, ii. 377.\n\n\n[1055] E. Clement, \u201cEthnographical Notes on the Western Australian\nAborigines,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, xvi. (1904) pp.\n5 _sq._\n\n\n[1056] Rascher, \u201cDie Sulka,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, xxix. (1904)\np. 225. Compare R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_, p. 196.\n\n\n[1057] T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe _genna_ amongst the Tribes of Assam,\u201d\n_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) p. 96.\n\n\n[1058] W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (London, 1905), p. 330.\n\n\n[1059] Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin,\n1894), p. 654.\n\n\n[1060] _Indian Notes and Queries_, iv. p. 218, \u00a7 776; W. Crooke,\n_Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896),\ni. 75 _sq._\n\n\n[1061] J. Rendel Harris, MS. notes.\n\n\n[1062] W. R. Paton, in _Folklore_, xii. (1901) p. 216.\n\n\n[1063] G. Timkowski, _Travels of the Russian Mission through Mongolia\nto China_ (London, 1827), i. 402 _sq._\n\n\n[1064] C. H. Cottrell, _Recollections of Siberia_ (London, 1842), p.\n140.\n\n\n[1065] W. Radloff, _Aus Sibirien_ (Leipsic, 1884), ii. 179 _sq._\n\n\n[1066] _The American Antiquarian_, viii. 339. Vivid descriptions of\nthe scenery and climate of Arizona and New Mexico will be found in\nCaptain J. G. Bourke\u2019s _On the Border with Crook_ (New York, 1891);\nsee, for example, pp. 1 _sq._, 12 _sq._, 23 _sq._, 30 _sq._, 34 _sq._,\n41 _sqq._, 185, 190 _sq._ See also C. Mindeleff, in _Seventeenth Annual\nReport of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part 2 (Washington, 1898),\npp. 477\u2013481.\n\n\n[1067] M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_, p. 94.\n\n\n[1068] J. Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_, p. 184; J. Grimm, _Deutsche\nMythologie_,\u2074 i. 494; L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _Superstitions et\nsurvivances_, iii. 190 _sq._ Compare A. de Nore, _Coutumes, mythes et\ntraditions des provinces de France_, p. 216; San Marte, _Die Arthur\nSage_, pp. 105 _sq._, 153 _sqq._\n\n\n[1069] J. Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_, pp. 185 _sq._, quoting an earlier\nauthority.\n\n\n[1070] J. Rhys, _op. cit._ p. 187. The same thing is done at the\nfountain of Sainte Anne, near Gevez\u00e9, in Brittany. See P. S\u00e9billot,\n_Traditions et superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne_, i. 72.\n\n\n[1071] G. Herve, \u201cQuelques superstitions de Morvan,\u201d _Bulletins de la\nSoci\u00e9t\u00e9 d\u2019Anthropologie de Paris_, 4me s\u00e9rie, iii. (1892) p. 530.\n\n\n[1072] B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud and de Mortillet, in _Bulletins de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\nd\u2019Anthropologie de Paris_, 4me s\u00e9rie, ii. (1891) pp. 306, 310 _sq._; L.\nJ. B. B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _Superstitions et survivances_, i. 427.\n\n\n[1073] Le Brun, _Historie critique des pratiques superstitieuses_\n(Amsterdam, 1733), i. 245 _sq._; L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud,\n_Superstitions et survivances_, i. 477. For more examples of such\ncustoms in France see P. S\u00e9billot, _Le Folk-lore de France_, ii.\n376\u2013378.\n\n\n[1074] Lamberti, \u201cRelation de la Colchide ou Mingr\u00e9lie,\u201d _Voyages au\nNord_, vii. 174 (Amsterdam, 1725).\n\n\n[1075] H. S. Hallett, _A Thousand Miles on an Elephant in the Shan\nStates_ (Edinburgh and London, 1890), p. 264.\n\n\n[1076] Martin, \u201cDescription of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in\nPinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 594.\n\n\n[1077] R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 201.\n\n\n[1078] J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\nPadangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde\nvan Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 86. As to the cat in\nrain-making ceremonies, see above, pp. 289, 291.\n\n\n[1079] Myron Eels, \u201cThe Twana, Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of\nWashington Territory,\u201d _Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institute for\n1887_, p. 674.\n\n\n[1080] As to such prayers, see Pausanias, ii. 25. 10; Marcus Antoninus,\nv. 7; Petronius, 44; Tertullian, _Apolog._ 40, compare 22 and 23; P.\nCauer, _Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum_,\u00b2 No. 162; H. Collitz und F.\nBechtel, _Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften_, No. 3718; Ch.\nMichel, _Recueil d\u2019inscriptions grecques_, No. 1004; O. Luders, _Die\ndionysischen K\u00fcnstler_ (Berlin, 1873), pp. 26 _sq._\n\n\n[1081] Pausanias, viii. 38. 4.\n\n\n[1082] See above, p. 248.\n\n\n[1083] Antigonus, _Histor. mirab._ 15 (_Scriptores rerum mirabilium\nGraeci_, ed. A. Westermann, pp. 64 _sq._). Antigonus mentions that the\nbadge of the city was a representation of the chariot with a couple of\nravens perched on it. This badge appears on existing coins of Crannon,\nwith the addition of a pitcher resting on the chariot (B. V. Head,\n_Historia Numorum_, p. 249). Hence A. Furtw\u00e4ngler conjectured, with\ngreat probability, that a pitcher full of water was placed on the real\nchariot when rain was wanted, and that the spilling of the water, as\nthe chariot shook, was intended to imitate a shower of rain. See A.\nFurtw\u00e4ngler, _Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik_, pp. 257\u2013263.\n\n\n[1084] Above, pp. 248, 251.\n\n\n[1085] Apollodorus, i. 9. 7; Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 585 _sqq._; Servius on\nVirgil, _l.c._\n\n\n[1086] Festus, _s.vv. aquaelicium_ and _manalem lapidem_, pp. 2,\n128, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Nonius Marcellus, _s.v. trullum_, p. 637, ed.\nQuicherat; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 175; Fulgentius, \u201cExpos.\nserm. antiq.\u201d _s.v. manales lapides_, _Mythogr. Lat._ ed. Staveren,\npp. 769 _sq._ It has been suggested that the stone derived its name\nand its virtue from the _manes_ or spirits of the dead (E. Hoffmann,\nin _Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie_, N.F. l. (1895), pp. 484\u2013486).\nMr. O. Gilbert supposes that the stone was hollow and filled with water\nwhich was poured out in imitation of rain. See O. Gilbert, _Geschichte\nund Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum_, ii. (Leipsic, 1885) p. 154\nnote. His suggestion is thus exactly parallel to that of Furtw\u00e4ngler\nas to the pitcher at Crannon (above, p. 309 note 6). Compare W. Warde\nFowler, _Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_ (London, 1899),\npp. 232 _sq._\n\n\n[1087] Nonius Marcellus, _s.v. aquilex_, p. 69, ed. Quicherat. In\nfavour of taking _aquilex_ as rain-maker is the use of _aquaelicium_ in\nthe sense of rain-making. Compare K. O. M\u00fcller, _Die Etrusker_, ed. W.\nDeecke, ii. 318 _sq._\n\n\n[1088] Diodorus Siculus, v. 55.\n\n\n[1089] Philochorus, cited by Athenaeus, xiv. 72, p. 656 A.\n\n\n[1090] Among the Barotse, on the upper Zambesi, \u201cthe sorcerers or\nwitch-doctors go from village to village with remedies which they cook\nin great cauldrons to make rain\u201d (A. Bertrand, _The Kingdom of the\nBarotsi_, London, 1899, p. 277).\n\n\n[1091] Phylarchus, cited by Athenaeus, xv. 48, p. 693 E F. If the\nconjectural reading \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f18\u03bc\u03b5\u03c3\u03b7\u03bd\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 were adopted in place of the\nmanuscript reading \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f1d\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd, we should have to suppose that the\ncustom was not observed by the Greeks, but by the people of Emesa\nin Syria, where there was a famous worship of the sun. But Polemo,\nthe highest authority in such matters, tells us that the Athenians\noffered \u201csober\u201d sacrifices to the sun and to other deities (Schol. on\nSophocles, _Oed. Colon_, 100); and in a Greek inscription found at\nPiraeus we read of offerings to the sun and of three \u201csober altars,\u201d\nby which no doubt are meant altars on which wine was not poured. See\nCh. Michel, _Recueil d\u2019inscriptions grecques_, No. 672; Dittenberger,\n_Sylloge inscriptionum Graecorum_,\u00b2 No. 631; E. S. Roberts,\n_Introduction to Greek Epigraphy_, ii. No. 133; _Leges Graecorum\nsacrae_, ed. J. de Prott et L. Ziehen, ii. No. 18. In the passage of\nAthenaeus, accordingly, the reading \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f18\u03bc\u03b5\u03c3\u03b7\u03bd\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2, which has been\nrashly adopted by the latest editor of Athenaeus (G. Kaibel), may be\nsafely rejected in favour of the manuscript reading.\n\n\n[1092] Peter Jones, _History of the Ojebway Indians_, p. 84.\n\n\n[1093] W. Smyth and F. Lowe, _Narrative of a Journey from Lima to Para_\n(London, 1836), p. 230. An eclipse either of the sun or the moon is\ncommonly supposed by savages to be caused by a monster who is trying\nto devour the luminary, and accordingly they discharge missiles and\nraise a clamour in order to drive him away. See E. B. Tylor, _Primitive\nCulture_,\u00b2 i. 328 _sqq._\n\n\n[1094] J. Gumilla, _Histoire de l\u2019Or\u00e9noque_ (Avignon, 1758), iii. 243\n_sq._\n\n\n[1095] S. Krascheninnikow, _Beschreibung des Landes Kamtschatka_\n(Lemgo, 1766), p. 217.\n\n\n[1096] A. G. Morice, \u201cThe Western D\u00e9n\u00e9s, their Manners and Customs,\u201d\n_Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, Toronto_, Third Series, vii.\n(1888\u201389) p. 154.\n\n\n[1097] A. Moret, _Le Rituel du culte divin journalier en \u00c9gypte_\n(Paris, 1902), pp. 90 _sq._; _id._, _Du caract\u00e8re religieux de la\nroyaut\u00e9 pharaonique_ (Paris, 1902), p. 98.\n\n\n[1098] Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 52. The Esquimaux of Bering Strait\ngive the name of \u201cthe sun\u2019s walking-stick\u201d to the vertical bar in\na parhelion. See E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d\n_Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i.\n(Washington, 1899) p. 449.\n\n\n[1099] Father Lambert, in _Missions Catholiques_, xii. (1880) p. 216;\n_id._, _M\u0153urs et superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_ (Noum\u00e9a, 1900), pp.\n193 _sq._; Glaumont, \u201cUsages, m\u0153urs et coutumes des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens,\u201d\n_Revue d\u2019ethnographie_, vii. (1889) p. 116.\n\n\n[1100] Father Lambert, in _Missions Catholiques_, xxv. (1893) p. 116;\n_id._, _M\u0153urs et superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_ (Noum\u00e9a, 1900), pp.\n296 _sq._ The magic formula differs slightly in the two passages; in\nthe text I have followed the second.\n\n\n[1101] T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d\u2019exploration au nord-est de\nla Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Esp\u00e9rance_ (Paris, 1842), pp. 350 _sq._ For\nthe kinship with the sacred object (totem) from which the clan takes\nits name, see _ibid._ pp. 350, 422, 424. Other people have claimed\nkindred with the sun, as the Natchez of North America (_Voyages au\nnord_, v. 24) and the Incas of Peru.\n\n\n[1102] G. Kurze, \u201cSitten und Gebr\u00e4uche der Lengua-Indianer,\u201d\n_Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xxiii. (1905)\np. 17.\n\n\n[1103] R. H. Codrington, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\nx. (1881) p. 278; _id._, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 184.\n\n\n[1104] Above, pp. 291 _sq._\n\n\n[1105] G. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 346. See above, p. 284.\n\n\n[1106] P. J. Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n1621), p. 37.\n\n\n[1107] A. d\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_, iii. (Paris\nand Strasburg, 1844) p. 24.\n\n\n[1108] V. Solomon, \u201cExtracts from Diaries kept in Car Nicobar,\u201d\n_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 213.\n\n\n[1109] _Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_, translated by J. Eggeling, part i. p. 328\n(_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xii.).\n\n\n[1110] E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i.\n(Oxford, 1892) pp. 520\u2013523; K. Th. Preuss, in _Verhandlungen der\nBerliner anthropologischen Gesellschaft_, November 15, 1902, pp. (449)\n_sq._, (457) _sq._; _id._, \u201cDie Feuerg\u00f6tter als Ausgangspunkt zum\nVerst\u00e4ndnis der mexikanischen Religion,\u201d _Mitteilungen der anthropolog.\nGesellschaft in Wien_, xxxiii. (1903) pp. 157 _sq._, 163. A Mexican\nlegend relates how in the beginning the gods sacrificed themselves by\nfire in order to set the sun in motion. See B. de Sahagun, _Histoire\ng\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, bk. vii. ch. 2, pp. 478\n_sqq._ (French trans. by Jourdanet and Simeon).\n\n\n[1111] Festus, _s.v._ \u201cOctober equus,\u201d p. 181, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller.\n\n\n[1112] 2 Kings xxiii. 11. Compare H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die\nKeilinschriften und das Alte Testament_\u00b3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 369 _sq._\n\n\n[1113] Pausanias, iii. 20. 4.\n\n\n[1114] Xenophon, _Cyropaed._ viii. 3. 24; Philostratus, _Vit. Apollon._\ni. 31. 2; Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 385 _sq._; Pausanias, iii. 20. 4. Compare\nXenophon, _Anabasis_, iv. 5. 35; Trogus Pompeius, i. 10. 5.\n\n\n[1115] Herodotus, i. 216; Strabo, xi. 8. 6. On the sacrifice of\nhorses see further S. Bochart, _Hierozoicon_, i. coll. 175 _sqq._;\nNegelein, in _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxxiii. (1901), pp. 62\u201366.\nMany Asiatics held that the sun rode a horse, not a chariot. See\nDittenberger, _Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum_,\u00b2 No. 754, with note\u2074.\n\n\n[1116] A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iv. 174. The name\nof the place is Andahuayllas.\n\n\n[1117] Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_\u00b2, i. 250.\n\n\n[1118] Mr. Fison\u2019s letter is dated August 26, 1898.\n\n\n[1119] H. R. Schoolcraft, _The American Indians_ (Buffalo, 1851), pp.\n97 _sqq._; _id._, _Oneota_ (New York and London, 1845), pp. 75 _sqq._;\nW. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_, pp. 61 _sq._; G.\nTurner, _Samoa_, pp. 200 _sq._\n\n\n[1120] Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin\nof the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. (1901) p. 151.\n\n\n[1121] G. Z\u00fcndel, \u201cLand und Volk der Eweer auf der Sclavenk\u00fcste in\nWestafrika,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_,\nxii. (1877) p. 411. We have met with a somewhat similar charm in North\nAfrica to bring back a runaway slave. See above, p. 152.\n\n\n[1122] J. Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_ (London, 1887), p. 172.\n\n\n[1123] Aeneas Sylvius, _Opera_ (B\u00e2le, 1571), p. 418 [wrongly numbered\n420]; A. Thevet, _Cosmographie universelle_ (Paris, 1575), ii. 851.\n\n\n[1124] R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. 334; E. M. Curr,\n_The Australian Race_, i. 50.\n\n\n[1125] Fancourt, _History of Yucatan_, p. 118; Brasseur de Bourbourg,\n_Histoire des nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_,\nii. 51.\n\n\n[1126] S. L. Cummins, \u201cSub-tribes of the Bahr-el-Ghazal Dinkas,\u201d\n_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiv. (1904) p. 164.\n\n\n[1127] (_South African_) _Folklore Journal_, vol. i. part i. (Capetown,\n1879) p. 34; Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), pp.\n147 _sq._; Rev. E. Gottschling, \u201cThe Bawenda,\u201d _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 381.\n\n\n[1128] E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central\nAustralia_ (London, 1845), ii. 365. The Ovakumbi of Angola place a\nstone in the fork of a tree as a memorial at any place where they have\nlearned something which they wish to remember. See Ch. Wunenberger, \u201cLa\nMission et le royaume de Humb\u00e9,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xx. (1888) p.\n270.\n\n\n[1129] E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, iii. 145.\n\n\n[1130] K. Vetter, _Komm her\u00fcber und hilf uns! oder die Arbeit der\nNeuen-Dettelsauer Mission in Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, ii. (Barmen, 1898) p.\n29; _id._, in B. Hagen\u2019s _Unter den Papua\u2019s_ (Wiesbaden, 1899), p. 287.\n\n\n[1131] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 92 _sq._\n\n\n[1132] G. M. Dawson, \u201cNotes on the Shuswap People of British Columbia,\u201d\n_Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada_, ix. (1901, pub. 1902)\nsection ii. p. 38.\n\n\n[1133] J. G. Gmelin, _Reise durch Sibirien_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1751\u201352), ii.\n510.\n\n\n[1134] C. H. Cottrell, _Recollections of Siberia_ (London, 1842), p.\n140.\n\n\n[1135] J. Owen Dorsey, \u201cOmaha Sociology,\u201d _Third Annual Report of the\nBureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1884), p. 241; _id._, \u201cA Study of\nSiouan Cults,\u201d _Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_\n(Washington, 1894), p. 410.\n\n\n[1136] G. M. Dawson, \u201cOn the Haida Indians of the Queen Charlotte\nIslands,\u201d _Geological Survey of Canada, Report of Progress for\n1878\u20131879_, p. 124 B.\n\n\n[1137] W. Powell, _Wanderings in a Wild Country_ (London, 1883), p. 169.\n\n\n[1138] O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 389.\n\n\n[1139] _Mission scientifique du Cap Horn_, vii. (Paris, 1891) p. 257.\n\n\n[1140] J. Richardson, _A Dictionary of Persian, Arabic, and English_,\nNew Edition (London, 1829), pp. liii. _sq._\n\n\n[1141] _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1636, p. 38 (Canadian reprint). On\nthe other hand, some of the New South Wales aborigines thought that a\nwished-for wind would not rise if shell-fish were roasted at night (D.\nCollins, _Account of the English Colony in New South Wales_, London,\n1804, p. 382).\n\n\n[1142] J. Mooney, \u201cSacred Formulas of the Cherokees,\u201d _Seventh Annual\nReport of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), pp. 387 _sq._\n\n\n[1143] _Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation de la Foi_, iv.\n(1830) p. 482.\n\n\n[1144] C. M. Pleyte, \u201cEthnographische Beschrijving der Kei Eilanden,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede\nSerie, x. (1893) p. 827.\n\n\n[1145] R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, pp. 200, 201.\n\n\n[1146] J. Palmer, quoted by R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p.\n201, note.\n\n\n[1147] Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), p. 151.\n\n\n[1148] B. Hagen, _Unter den Papua\u2019s_ (Wiesbaden, 1899), p. 269.\n\n\n[1149] W. Monckton, \u201cSome Recollections of New Guinea Customs,\u201d\n_Journal of the Polynesian Society_, v. (1896) p. 186.\n\n\n[1150] J. G. Dalyell, _The Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, p. 248.\n\n\n[1151] Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of\nCanada_, p. 26 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\nAssociation for 1890_).\n\n\n[1152] A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters_, p. 60; _Reports of the Cambridge\nAnthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, vi. (Cambridge, 1908)\npp. 201 _sq._\n\n\n[1153] Martin, \u201cDescription of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in\nPinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 627; Miss C. F. Gordon Cumming,\n_In the Hebrides_, pp. 166 sq.\n\n\n[1154] W. Fraser, in Sir John Sinclair\u2019s _Statistical Account of\nScotland_, viii. (Edinburgh, 1793) p. 52, note.\n\n\n[1155] Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen\nund Gewohnheiten_ (St. Petersburg, 1854), pp. 105 _sq._\n\n\n[1156] A. C. Haddon, \u201cThe Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres\nStraits,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890), pp.\n401 sq.; _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres\nStraits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904), pp. 351 _sq._\n\n\n[1157] _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres\nStraits_, v. 352.\n\n\n[1158] Mary E. B. Howitt, _Folklore and Legends of some Victorian\nTribes_ (in manuscript).\n\n\n[1159] See above, p. 263.\n\n\n[1160] H. Egede, _Description of Greenland_, second edition (London,\n1818), p. 196, note.\n\n\n[1161] Hesychius and Suidas, _s.v._ \u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u03bc\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9; Eustathius, on Homer,\n_Od._ x. 22, p. 1645. Compare J. T\u00f6pffer, _Attische Genealogie_, p.\n112, who conjectures that the Eudanemi or Heudanemi at Athens may also\nhave claimed the power of lulling the winds.\n\n\n[1162] Eunapius, _Vitae sophistarum: Aedesius_, p. 463, Didot edition.\n\n\n[1163] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 294. Compare _Geoponica_, ii. 18.\n\n\n[1164] Olaus Magnus, _Gentium septentr. hist._ iii. 15.\n\n\n[1165] Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen\nund Gewohnheiten_, pp. 107 _sq._\n\n\n[1166] Dana, _Two Years before the Mast_, ch. vi.\n\n\n[1167] J. Scheffer, _Lapponia_ (Frankfort, 1673), p. 144; J. Train,\n_Account of the Isle of Man_, ii. 166; Miss C. F. Gordon Cumming, _In\nthe Hebrides_, pp. 254 _sq._; Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_,\niii. 220; Sir W. Scott, _Pirate_, note to ch. vii.; Miss M. Cameron, in\n_Folklore_, xiv. (1903) pp. 301 _sq._ Compare Shakespeare, _Macbeth_,\nAct i. Sc. 3, line 11. \u201cBut, my loving master, if any wind will not\nserve, then I wish I were in Lapland, to buy a good wind of one of the\nhonest witches, that sell so many winds there and so cheap\u201d (Izaac\nWalton, _Compleat Angler_, ch. v.).\n\n\n[1168] J. G. Lockhart, _Memoirs of the Life of Sir Walter Scott_, iii.\n203 (first edition).\n\n\n[1169] C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus Finmarchiae, etc., commentatio_\n(Copenhagen, 1767), p. 454.\n\n\n[1170] Homer, _Odyssey_, x. 19 _sqq._ It is said that Perdoytus,\nthe Lithuanian Aeolus, keeps the winds enclosed in a leathern bag;\nwhen they escape from it he pursues them, beats them, and shuts them\nup again. See E. Veckenstedt, _Die Mythen, Sagen und Legenden der\nZamaiten_ (Litauer), i. 153. The statements of this writer, however,\nare to be received with caution.\n\n\n[1171] J. Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_, p. 177.\n\n\n[1172] Lieut. Herold, in _Mitteilungen aus den deutschen\nSchutzgebieten_, v. (1892) pp. 144 _sq._; H. Klose, _Togo unter\ndeutscher Flagge_ (Berlin, 1899), p. 189.\n\n\n[1173] Rev. J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), p. 7.\n\n\n[1174] Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Central Eskimo,\u201d _Sixth Annual Report of the\nBureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), p. 593.\n\n\n[1175] _Arctic Papers for the Expedition of 1875_ (Royal Geographical\nSociety), p. 274.\n\n\n[1176] J. Murdoch, \u201cEthnological Results of the Point Barrow\nExpedition,\u201d _Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_\n(Washington, 1892), pp. 432 _sq._\n\n\n[1177] M. Bloomfield, _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, p. 249 (_Sacred\nBooks of the East_, vol. xlii.); W. Caland, _Altindisches\nZauberritual_, p. 128.\n\n\n[1178] Father Livinhac, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, liii.\n(1881) p. 209.\n\n\n[1179] J. Perham, \u201cSea Dyak Religion,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch\nof the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10 (December 1882), pp. 241 _sq._;\nH. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, i.\n201; A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), ii. 180\n_sq._ The people of Samarcand used to beat drums and dance in the\neleventh month to demand cold weather, and they threw water on one\nanother. See E. Chavannes, _Les Tou-Kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux_ (St.\nPetersburg, 1903), p. 135.\n\n\n[1180] J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of\nScotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), pp. 24 _sq._\n\n\n[1181] P. S\u00e9billot, _Coutumes populaires de la Haute-Bretagne_, pp. 302\n_sq._\n\n\n[1182] Holzmayer, \u201cOsiliana,\u201d _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen\nGesellschaft zu Dorpat_, vii. 2, p. 54.\n\n\n[1183] A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und\nGebr\u00e4uche_, p. 454, \u00a7 406; Von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_,\npp. 262, 365 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Die G\u00f6tter der deutschen und\nnordischen V\u00f6lker_ (Berlin, 1860), p. 99; _id._, _Antike Wald- und\nFeldkulte_, p. 85; Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische\nGebr\u00e4uche, Weisen und Gewohnheiten_, p. 109; F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube\nund religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, p. 117. In some parts of Austria\nand Germany, when a storm is raging, the people open a window and throw\nout a handful of meal, saying to the wind, \u201cThere, that\u2019s for you,\nstop!\u201d See A. Peter, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus \u00f6sterreichisch-Schlesien_,\nii. 259; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,\u2074 p. 529; Zingerle, _Sitten\nBr\u00e4uche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_,\u00b2 p. 118, \u00a7 1046. Similarly\nan old Irishwoman has been seen to fling handfuls of grass into a cloud\nof dust blown along a road, and she explained her behaviour by saying\nthat she wished to give something to the fairies who were playing in\nthe dust (_Folklore_, iv. (1893) p. 352). But these are sacrifices to\nappease, not ceremonies to constrain the spirits of the air; thus they\nbelong to the domain of religion rather than to that of magic. The\nancient Greeks sacrificed to the winds. See P. Stengel, \u201cDie Opfer der\nHellenen an die Winde,\u201d _Hermes_, xvi. (1881) pp. 346\u2013350; and my note\non Pausanias, ii. 12. 1.\n\n\n[1184] J. G. Kohl, _Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen_, ii. 278.\n\n\n[1185] G. Kurze, \u201cSitten und Gebr\u00e4uche der Lengua-Indianer,\u201d\n_Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xxiii. (1905)\np. 17.\n\n\n[1186] F. de Azara, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_, ii. 137.\n\n\n[1187] P. Lozano, _Descripcion chorographica del Gran Chaco_ (Cordova,\n1733), p. 71; Charlevoix, _Histoire du Paraguay_, ii. 74; Guevara,\n_Historia del Paraguay_, p. 23 (in P. de Angelis\u2019s _Coleccion de obras\ny documentos_, etc., ii., Buenos Ayres, 1836); D. de Alvear, _Relacion\ngeografica e historica de la provincia de Misiones_, p. 14 (P. de\nAngelis, _op. cit._ iv.).\n\n\n[1188] W. A. Henry, \u201cBijdrage tot de Kennis der Bataklanden,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xvii. 23 _sq._\n\n\n[1189] A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. (Leyden, 1904) p. 97.\n\n\n[1190] R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 457 _sq._; compare\n_id._, ii. 270; A. W. Howitt, in _Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute_, xiii. (1884) p. 194, note; Spencer and Gillen, _Northern\nTribes of Central Australia_, p. 632.\n\n\n[1191] W. Cornwallis Harris, _The Highlands of Ethiopia_ (London,\n1844), i. 352. Compare Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nord-ost-Afrikas:\ndie geistige Cultur der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1896), p.\n28. Even where these columns or whirlwinds of dust are not attacked\nthey are still regarded with awe. The Ainos believe them to be filled\nwith demons; hence they will hide behind a tree and spit profusely if\nthey see one coming (J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folklore_, p.\n385). In some parts of India they are supposed to be _bhuts_ going to\nbathe in the Ganges (Denzil C. J. Ibbetson, _Settlement Report of the\nPanipat, Tahsil, and Karnal Parganah of the Karnal District_, p. 154).\nThe Chevas and Tumbucas of South Africa fancy them to be the wandering\nsouls of sorcerers (_Zeitschrift f\u00fcr allgemeine Erdkunde_, vi. (Berlin,\n1856) pp. 301 _sq._). The Baganda and the Pawnees believe them to be\nghosts (J. Roscoe in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii.\n(1902) p. 73; G. B. Grinnell, _Pawnee Hero-Stories and Folk-tales_, p.\n357). Californian Indians think that they are happy souls ascending to\nthe heavenly land (Stephen Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 328).\nOnce when a great Fijian chief died, a whirlwind swept across the\nlagoon. An old man who saw it covered his mouth with his hand and said\nin an awestruck whisper, \u201cThere goes his spirit!\u201d (Rev. Lorimer Fison,\nin a letter to the author, dated August 26, 1898).\n\n\n[1192] Herodotus, iv. 173; Aulus Gellius, xvi. 11. The Cimbrians are\nsaid to have taken arms against the tide (Strabo, vii. 2. 1).\n\n\nCHAPTER VI\u2014Magicians as Kings\n\n\n[1193] The government of the western islanders of Torres Straits is\nsimilar. See A. C. Haddon, in _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological\nExpedition to Torres Straits_, v. 263 _sq._ So, too, the Bantoc Igorot\nof the Philippines have no chiefs and are ruled by councils of old men.\nSee A. E. Jenks, _The Bantoc Igorot_ (Manila; 1905), pp. 32 _sq._, 167\n_sq._\n\n\n[1194] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n9\u201315, 154, 159\u2013205; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_,\npp. 20\u201327, 285\u2013297, 309 _sq._, 316; A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of\nSouth-East Australia_, pp. 320\u2013326.\n\n\n[1195] A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 303.\n\n\n[1196] A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 313.\n\n\n[1197] A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 314.\n\n\n[1198] A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ pp. 297\u2013299. For more examples of\nheadmen who are also magicians see _ib._ pp. 301 _sq._, 302, 317.\n\n\n[1199] Scott Nind, \u201cDescription of the Natives of King George\u2019s Sound\n(Swan River Colony),\u201d _Journal of the R. Geographical Society_, i.\n(1832) p. 41.\n\n\n[1200] Sir W. MacGregor, _British New Guinea_ (London, 1897), p. 41.\n\n\n[1201] Le R. P. Guis, \u201cLes Papous,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxxvi.\n(1904) p. 334.\n\n\n[1202] J. Chalmers, \u201cToaripi,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute_, xxvii. (1898) p. 334.\n\n\n[1203] E. Beardmore, \u201cThe Natives of Mowat Daudai, New Guinea,\u201d\n_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p. 464.\n\n\n[1204] C. G. Seligmann, _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_\n(Cambridge, 1910), pp. 455 _sq._\n\n\n[1205] M. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_ (Berlin, n.d.), p. 334.\n\n\n[1206] R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 46.\n\n\n[1207] R. H. Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 52. As to the _mana_ or\nsupernatural power of chiefs and others, see _ibid._ pp. 118 _sqq._;\nabove, pp. 227 _sq._ I have pointed out (p. 111, note 2) that this\nsupernatural power supplies, as it were, the physical basis of magic.\n\n\n[1208] Father A. Deniau, \u201cCroyances religieuses et m\u0153urs des indig\u00e8nes\nde l\u2019\u00eele Malo (Nouvelles-H\u00e9brides),\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_,\nxxxiii. (1901) p. 347.\n\n\n[1209] R. H. Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 56.\n\n\n[1210] C. Ribbe, _Zwei Jahren unter den Kannibalen der Salomo-Inseln_\n(Dresden-Blasewitz, 1903), pp. 173 _sq._\n\n\n[1211] C. G. Seligmann, _The Melanesians of New Guinea_ (Cambridge,\n1910), p. 702.\n\n\n[1212] G. Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p.\n270.\n\n\n[1213] Rev. G. Brown, _op. cit._ p. 429.\n\n\n[1214] G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 320\u2013322.\n\n\n[1215] See above, p. 175.\n\n\n[1216] O. Baumann, _Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle_ (Berlin, 1894), pp.\n187 _sq._\n\n\n[1217] O. Baumann, _op. cit._ p. 173.\n\n\n[1218] H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,\u201d _Journal\nof the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 321.\n\n\n[1219] Sir Harry Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_ (London, 1902),\nii. 830.\n\n\n[1220] O. Baumann, _Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle_, p. 164.\n\n\n[1221] Baron C. C. von der Decken, _Reisen in Ost-Afrika_, ii. (Leipsic\nand Heidelberg, 1871) p. 24.\n\n\n[1222] M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), pp. 18 _sq._ I have\nslightly abridged the writer\u2019s account.\n\n\n[1223] M. Merker, _Die Masai_, p. 21. As to the medicine-men of the\nMasai, see further A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), pp.\n324\u2013330.\n\n\n[1224] O. Baumann, _Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle_, p. 164.\n\n\n[1225] A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 49 _sq._\n\n\n[1226] Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_, ii. 851.\n\n\n[1227] Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_, ii. 779.\n\n\n[1228] W. E. R. Cole, \u201cAfrican Rain-making Chiefs, the Gondokoro\nDistrict, White Nile,\u201d _Man_, x. (1910) pp. 90\u201392; Yuzbashi, \u201cTribes\non the Upper Nile,\u201d _Journal of the African Society_, No. 14 (January,\n1905), pp. 228 _sq._; Brun-Rollet, _Le Nil Blanc et le Soudan_ (Paris,\n1855), pp. 227 _sq._; F. Spire, \u201cRain-making in Equatorial Africa,\u201d\n_Journal of the African Society_, No. 17 (October, 1905), pp. 15\u201321.\n\n\n[1229] Emin Pasha, quoted by Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz\nvon Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 778\u2013780.\n\n\n[1230] F. Spire, \u201cRain-making in Equatorial Africa,\u201d _Journal of the\nAfrican Society_, No. 17 (October, 1905), pp. 16\u201318, 21.\n\n\n[1231] G. Schweinfurth, _The Heart of Africa_\u00b3 (London, 1878), i. 144\n_sq._\n\n\n[1232] E. D. Pruyssenaere, \u201cReisen und Forschungen im Gebiete des\nWeissen und Blauen Nil,\u201d _Petermanns Mittheilungen, Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_,\nNo. 50 (Gotha, 1877), pp. 27 _sq._\n\n\n[1233] Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_, ii. 555.\n\n\n[1234] G. Casati, _Ten Years in Equatoria_ (London and New York, 1891),\nii. 57, compare i. 134.\n\n\n[1235] Ch. Wunenberger, \u201cLa Mission et le royaume de Humb\u00e9, sur les\nbords du Cun\u00e8ne,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, xx. (1888) p. 262.\n\n\n[1236] E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, \u201cNotes on the Ethnography of the\nBa-Yaka,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) pp.\n48, 51.\n\n\n[1237] E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, \u201cOn the Ethnology of the\nSouth-Western Congo Free State,\u201d _Journal of the R. Anthropological\nInstitute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 140.\n\n\n[1238] O. Lenz, _Skizzen aus Westafrika_ (Berlin, 1878), p. 87.\n\n\n[1239] A. Mansfeld, _Urwald-Dokumente, Vier Jahre unter den\nCrossflussnegern Kameruns_ (Berlin, 1908), p. 161.\n\n\n[1240] Ch. Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), pp. 201\n_sq._ The care taken of the chief\u2019s cut hair and nails is a precaution\nagainst the magical use that might be made of them by his enemies. See\n_The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, i. 375 _sqq._\n\n\n[1241] Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 114. \u201cThe\nchief collects to himself all medicines of known power; each doctor has\nhis own special medicine or medicines, and treats some special form\nof disease, and the knowledge of such medicines is transmitted as a\nportion of the inheritance to the eldest son. When a chief hears that\nany doctor has proved successful in treating some case where others\nhave failed, he calls him and demands the medicine, which is given up\nto him. Thus the chief becomes the great medicine-man of his tribe, and\nthe ultimate reference is to him. If he fail, the case is given up as\nincurable\u201d (H. Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, part iv.\npp. 419 _sq._, note). The medicines here referred to are probably for\nthe most part magical rather than medicinal in our sense of the term.\n\n\n[1242] Dudley Kidd, _op. cit._ p. 115.\n\n\n[1243] W. Grant, \u201cMagato and his Tribe,\u201d _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 267.\n\n\n[1244] L. Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_ (London, 1898), p. 154.\n\n\n[1245] R. Moffat, _Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa_\n(London, 1842), p. 306.\n\n\n[1246] E. A. Maund, \u201cZambesia, the new British Possession in Central\nSouth Africa,\u201d _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, 1890,\np. 651.\n\n\n[1247] Father C. Croonenberghs, in _Annales de la Propagation de la\nFoi_, liii. (1881) pp. 262 _sq._, 267 _sq._\n\n\n[1248] See above, pp. 344, 345, 346.\n\n\n[1249] J. B. Labat, _Relation historique de l\u2019\u00c9thiopie occidentale_\n(Paris, 1732), ii. 172\u2013176.\n\n\n[1250] H. Hecquard, _Reise an der K\u00fcste und in das Innere von West\nAfrika_ (Leipsic, 1854), p. 78.\n\n\n[1251] A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, i.\n354, ii. 230.\n\n\n[1252] J. Leighton Wilson, _Western Africa_ (London, 1856), pp. 129\n_sq._; Miss Mary H. Kingsley, in _Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute_, xxix. (1899) p. 62.\n\n\n[1253] P. Kollmann, _The Victoria Nyanza_ (London, 1899), p. 168.\n\n\n[1254] Mgr Livinhac, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, lx.\n(1888) p. 110.\n\n\n[1255] D\u2019Unienville, _Statistique de l\u2019Ile Maurice_ (Paris, 1838) iii.\n285 _sq._\n\n\n[1256] A. van Gennep, _Tabou et Tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904),\np. 118, quoting Legu\u00e9vel de Lacombe, _Voyage \u00e0 Madagascar_ (Paris,\n1840), i. 229 _sq._ Probably the Antimoirona are identical with the\nAntimores.\n\n\n[1257] Emin Pasha, quoted by Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz\nvon Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 779 _sq._\n\n\n[1258] Schol. on Apollonius Rhodius, _Argon._ ii. 1248 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f29\u03c1\u03cc\u03b4\u03c9\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2\n\u03be\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b4\u03b5\u03c3\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03a0\u03c1\u03bf\u03bc\u03b7\u03b8\u03ad\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1. \u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03a3\u03ba\u03c5\u03b8\u1ff6\u03bd\n\u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03ad\u03b1 \u03c6\u03b7\u03c3\u03af\u00b7 \u03ba\u03b1\u03af \u03bc\u1f74 \u03b4\u03c5\u03bd\u03ac\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03ad\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u03b7\u03ba\u03cc\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03ae\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1,\n\u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u1f08\u03b5\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b1\u03bc\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03ba\u03bb\u03cd\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c0\u03b5\u03b4\u03af\u03b1, \u03b4\u03b5\u03b8\u1fc6\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd\n\u03a3\u03ba\u03c5\u03b8\u1ff6\u03bd.\n\n\n[1259] Ammianus Marcellinus, xxviii. 5. 14.\n\n\n[1260] Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 73.\n\n\n[1261] G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 304 _sq._\n\n\n[1262] A. Pfizmayer, \u201cNachrichten von den alten Bewohnern des heutigen\nCorea,\u201d _Sitzungsberichte der philos.-histor. Classe der kais. Akademie\nder Wissenschaften_ (Vienna), lvii. (1868) pp. 483 _sq._ It would seem\nthat the Chinese reported similarly of the Roman emperors. See Hirth,\n_China and the Roman Orient_, pp. 41, 44, 52, 58, 70, 78.\n\n\n[1263] N. B. Dennis, _Folklore of China_ (London and Hongkong, 1876),\np. 125. An account of the _Peking Gazette_, the official publication\nof the Chinese government, may be read in _Lettres \u00e9difiantes et\ncurieuses_, Nouvelle Edition, xxi. 95\u2013182.\n\n\n[1264] Mgr Havard, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, vii.\n(1834) pp. 470\u2013473.\n\n\n[1265] Gio. Filippo de Marini, _Historia et relatione del Tunchino\net del Giappone_ (Rome, 1665), pp. 137 _sq._; _Relation nouvelle et\ncurieuse des royaumes de Tunquin et de Lao_, traduite de l\u2019Italien du\nP. Mariny (_sic_) Romain (Paris, 1666), pp. 258 _sq._\n\n\n[1266] H. H. Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii.\n146.\n\n\n[1267] Geo. Catlin, _Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the North\nAmerican Indians_\u2074 (London, 1844), i. 40 _sq._\n\n\n[1268] W. L. Hardisty, \u201cThe Loucheux Indians,\u201d _Report of the\nSmithsonian Institution for 1866_, pp. 312, 316.\n\n\n[1269] Rev. J. Jett\u00e9, \u201cOn the Medicine-Men of the Ten\u2019a,\u201d _Journal of\nthe R. Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 163. By the Ten\u2019a\nthe writer means the tribe which is variously known as the Tinneh,\nD\u00e9n\u00e9, Dindjie, etc., according to the taste and fancy of the speller.\n\n\n[1270] Roland B. Dixon, \u201cThe Northern Maidu,\u201d _Bulletin of the American\nMuseum of Natural History_, vol. xvii. part iii. (New York, 1905) p.\n267.\n\n\n[1271] Roland B. Dixon, _op. cit._ pp. 328, 331.\n\n\n[1272] S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 372\n_sq._\n\n\n[1273] S. Power, _op. cit._ pp. 380 _sq._\n\n\n[1274] F. A. Thevet, _Les Singularitez de la France Antarctique,\nautrement nomm\u00e9e Am\u00e9rique_ (Antwerp, 1558), p. 65 [wrongly numbered 67].\n\n\n[1275] C. F. Phil. v. Martius, _Zur Ethnographie Amerikas, zumal\nBrasiliens_ (Leipsic, 1867), p. 76.\n\n\n[1276] G. Kurze, \u201cSitten und Gebr\u00e4uche der Lengua-Indianer,\u201d\n_Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xxiii. (Jena,\n1905) pp. 19, 29.\n\n\n[1277] Sir R. Schomburgk, _Reisen in Britisch-Guiana_, i. 169 _sq._,\ncompare _id._ i. 423, ii. 431; (Sir) Everard F. im Thurn, _Among the\nIndians of Guiana_ (London, 1883), pp. 211, 223 _sq._, 328, 333 _sq._,\n339 _sq._\n\n\n[1278] W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay\nPeninsula_ (London, 1906), ii. 196 _sq._\n\n\n[1279] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), p. 36.\n\n\n[1280] G. Maan, \u201cEnige mededeelingen omtrent de zeden en gewoonten der\nToerateya ten opzichte van de rijstbouw,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische\nTaal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlvi. (1903) p. 339. The name Toorateya or\n\u201cinlander\u201d is only another form of Toradja.\n\n\n[1281] H. Low, _Sarawak_ (London, 1848), pp. 259 _sq._\n\n\n[1282] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 59.\n\n\n[1283] T. J. Newbold, _Political and Statistical Account of the British\nSettlements in the Straits of Malacca_, ii. 193; W. W. Skeat, _Malay\nMagic_, pp. 23\u201329.\n\n\n[1284] G. J. Harrebom\u00e9e, \u201cEen ornamentenfeest van Gantarang\n(Zuid-Celebes),\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\nZendelinggenootschap_, xix. (1875) pp. 344\u2013351; G. K. Niemann,\n\u201cDe Boegineezen en Makassaren,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\nVolkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxviii. (1889) pp. 270 _sq._;\nD. F. van Braam Morris, in _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land-\nen Volkenkunde_, xxxiv. (1891) pp. 215 _sq._; A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan\nPaloppo naar Posso,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\nZendelinggenootschap_, xlii. (1898) pp. 18, 25 _sq._; L. W. C. van den\nBerg, \u201cDe Mohammedaansche Vorsten in Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb,\u201d _Bijdragen\ntot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, liii. (1901)\npp. 72\u201380.\n\n\n[1285] A. Moret, _Le Rituel du culte divin journalier en \u00c9gypte_ (Paris\n1902) pp. 94 _sq._\n\n\n[1286] Sir William MacGregor, \u201cLagos, Abeokuta, and the Alake,\u201d\n_Journal of the African Society_, No. 12 (July, 1904), p. 472.\n\n\n[1287] E. Perregaux, _Chez les Achanti_ (Neuchatel, 1906), p. 140.\n\n\n[1288] J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 76, 78, compare\npp. 101 _sq._\n\n\n[1289] A. Bastian, _V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme am Brahmaputra_ (Berlin, 1883), p. xi.\n\n\n[1290] Herodotus, iv. 5\u20137. Compare K. Neumann, _Die Hellenen im\nSkythenlande_, i. (Berlin, 1855) pp. 269 _sq._\n\n\n[1291] Pausanias, ix. 40. 11 _sq._\n\n\n[1292] Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, ed. R. Wagner, p. 185. On public\ntalismans in antiquity see Ch. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, pp. 278\n_sqq._; and my note on Pausanias, viii. 40. 11.\n\n\n[1293] _The Laws of Manu_, ix. 246 _sq._, translated by G. B\u00fchler, p.\n385 (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxv.).\n\n\n[1294] Homer, _Odyssey_, ii. 409, iv. 43, 691, vii. 167, viii. 2,\nxviii. 405; _Iliad_, ii. 335, xvii. 464, etc.\n\n\n[1295] Homer, _Odyssey_, xix. 109\u2013114. The passage was pointed out to\nme by my friend Prof. W. Ridgeway. Naturally this view was not shared\nby the enlightened Greeks of a later age. See Sophocles, _Oedipus\nTyrannus_, 31 _sqq._; Polybius, Hist. vi. 6 _sq._\n\n\n[1296] Nicolaus Damascenus, bk. vi. frag. 49, in _Fragmenta\nhistoricorum Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iii. 381, \u1f29\u03bd \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03b4\u1f74 \u03ba\u03b1\u03ba\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2,\n\u03ba\u03b1\u03af \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03c2 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03cd\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b7\u1f54\u03c7\u03bc\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd \u1f21 \u03b3\u1fc6.\n\n\n[1297] Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 5. 1.\n\n\n[1298] Ammianus Marcellinus, xxviii. 5. 14.\n\n\n[1299] Snorro Starleson, _Chronicle of the Kings of Norway_ (trans. by\nS. Laing), saga i. chs. 18, 47. Compare F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_\n(Heilbronn, 1879), p. 7; J. Scheffer, _Upsalia_ (Upsala, 1666), p. 137.\nIn 1814 a pestilence broke out among the Chukchees of north-eastern\nSiberia, which carried off many of the people and spread its ravages\namong the herds of reindeer. The shamans declared that the spirits were\nangry and would not stay the plague till the virtuous Kotch\u00e8ne, one of\nthe most venerated chiefs, had been offered to them in sacrifice. No\none was found hardy enough to raise a sacrilegious hand against him,\nand the shamans had to force the chief\u2019s own son to cut his father\u2019s\nthroat. See De Wrangell, _Le Nord de la Sib\u00e9rie_ (Paris, 1843), i.\n265\u2013267.\n\n\n[1300] Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_, bk. xiv. p. 779, ed. P. E.\nM\u00fcller.\n\n\n[1301] P. W. Joyce, _Social History of Ancient Ireland_ (London, 1903),\ni. 56 _sq._; J. O\u2019Donovan, _The Book of Rights_ (Dublin, 1847), p. 8,\nnote. Compare B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _Superstitions et survivances_, i. 492.\n\n\n[1302] S. Johnson, _Journey to the Western Islands_ (Baltimore, 1815),\np. 115.\n\n\n[1303] J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of\nScotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), p. 5. As to the banner see also Th. Pennant,\n\u201cSecond Tour in Scotland,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii.\n321 _sq._\n\n\n[1304] J. G. Dalyell, _The Darker Superstitions of Scotland_\n(Edinburgh, 1834), pp. 62 _sqq._\n\n\n[1305] _Memoirs of John Evelyn, Esq._, New Edition (London, 1827), ii.\n151 _sq._, under July 6th, 1660. Angel gold were gold coins with the\nfigure of an angel stamped on them. As to Charles\u2019s triumphal entrance\ninto London, see Evelyn, _op. cit._ ii. 148 _sq._\n\n\n[1306] _Memoirs of Samuel Pepys, Esq._, edited by Lord Braybrook,\nSecond Edition (London, 1828), i. 187, compare _ib._ p. 110, iii. 192.\n\n\n[1307] T. B. Macaulay, _History of England_, chap. xiv. vol. iii. pp.\n478\u2013481 (First Edition, London, 1855).\n\n\n[1308] J. Boswell, _Life of Samuel Johnson_, Ninth Edition (London,\n1822), i. 18 _sq._\n\n\n[1309] T. J. Pettigrew, _Superstitions connected with the History and\nPractice of Medicine and Surgery_ (London, 1844), pp. 117\u2013154; W. G.\nBlack, _Folk-Medicine_ (London, 1883), pp. 140 _sqq._; W. E. H. Lecky,\n_History of England in the Eighteenth Century_ (London, 1892), i.\n84\u201390. Down to the end of the eighteenth century it was believed in\nthe Highlands of Scotland that some tribes of Macdonalds had the power\nof curing a certain disease by their touch and the use of a particular\nset of words. Hence the disease, which attacked the chest and lungs,\nwas called \u201cthe Macdonald\u2019s disease.\u201d We are told that the faith of\nthe people in the touch of a Macdonald was very great. See Rev. Dr.\nTh. Bisset, \u201cParish of Logierait,\u201d in Sir John Sinclair\u2019s _Statistical\nAccount of Scotland_, iii. (Edinburgh, 1792) p. 84.\n\n\n[1310] Baron Roger, \u201cNotice sur le gouvernement, les m\u0153urs et les\nsuperstitions du pays de Walo,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_\n(Paris), viii. (1827) p. 351.\n\n\n[1311] W. Mariner, _An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands_,\nSecond Edition (London, 1818), i. 434, note.\n\n\n[1312] To this subject we shall recur later on. Meantime I may refer\nthe reader to _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, i. 319 _sqq._, 343;\n_Psyche\u2019s Task_, pp. 5 _sqq._\n\n\n[1313] A Roman name for jaundice was \u201cthe royal disease\u201d (_morbus\nregius_). See Horace, _Ars poetica_, 453; Celsus, _De medicina_, iii.\n24. Can this have been because the malady was believed to be caused\nand cured by kings? Did the sight or touch of the king\u2019s red or purple\nrobe ban the yellow tinge from the skin of the sufferer? As to such\nhomoeopathic cures of jaundice, see above, pp. 79 _sqq._\n\n\n[1314] Proyart\u2019s \u201cHistory of Loango, Kakongo, and other Kingdoms in\nAfrica,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 573.\n\n\nCHAPTER VII\u2014Incarnate Human Gods\n\n\n[1315] A reminiscence of this evolution is preserved in the Brahman\ntheology, according to which the gods were at first mortal and dwelt\non earth with men, but afterwards attained immortality and ascended to\nheaven by means of sacrifice. See S. L\u00e9vi, _La Doctrine du sacrifice\ndans les Br\u00e2hmanas_ (Paris, 1898), pp. 37\u201343, 59\u201361, 84 _sq._\n\n\n[1316] See above, pp. 240\u2013242.\n\n\n[1317] Monier Williams, _Religious Life and Thought in India_, p. 268.\nHowever, as to the son of the carpenter it is said that \u201chis followers\nscarcely worshipped him as a god, yet they fully believed in his power\nof working miracles.\u201d\n\n\n[1318] W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,\n1832\u201336), i. 372\u20135.\n\n\n[1319] W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_ (London,\n1876), p. 35.\n\n\n[1320] Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to the author, dated August 26,\n1898.\n\n\n[1321] F. A. Liefrinck, \u201cBijdrage tot de Kennis van het eiland Bali,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890)\npp. 260 _sq._\n\n\n[1322] A. C. Kruijt, \u201cMijne eerste ervaringen te Poso,\u201d _Mededeelingen\nvan wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxvi. (1892) pp.\n399\u2013403.\n\n\n[1323] _Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_, part ii. pp. 4, 38, 42, 44, translated by\nJ. Eggeling (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxvi.).\n\n\n[1324] _Op. cit._ p. 20.\n\n\n[1325] _Op. cit._ p. 29.\n\n\n[1326] _Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_, part i. p. 4, translated by J. Eggeling\n(_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xii.). On the deification of the\nsacrificer in the Brahman ritual see H. Hubert and M. Mauss, \u201cEssai sur\nle sacrifice,\u201d _L\u2019Ann\u00e9e sociologique_, ii. (1897\u20131898), pp. 48 _sqq._\n\n\n[1327] S. L\u00e9vi, _La Doctrine du sacrifice dans les Br\u00e2hmanas_\n(Paris, 1898), pp. 102\u2013108; Hubert and Mauss, _loc. cit._;\n_Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_, trans. by J. Eggeling, part ii. pp. 18\u201320, 25\u201335,\n73, part v. pp. 23 _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vols. xxvi. and\nxliv.).\n\n\n[1328] See for examples E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,\u00b2 ii. 131 _sq._\n\n\n[1329] Pausanias, ii. 24. 1. In 1902 the site of the temple was\nidentified by means of inscriptions which mention the oracle. See\n_Berliner philologische Wochenschrift_, April 11, 1903, coll. 478 _sq._\n\n\n[1330] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 147. Pausanias (vii. 25. 13)\nmentions the draught of bull\u2019s blood as an ordeal to test the chastity\nof the priestess. Doubtless it was thought to serve both purposes.\n\n\n[1331] Bishop R. Caldwell, \u201cOn Demonolatry in Southern India,\u201d\n_Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, i. 101 _sq._ For a\ndescription of a similar rite performed at Periepatam in southern India\nsee _Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, Nouvelle Edition, x. 313 _sq._\nIn this latter case the performer was a woman, and the animal whose hot\nblood she drank was a pig.\n\n\n[1332] E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iv. 187.\n\n\n[1333] J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cDe Minahasa in 1825,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\nIndische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xviii. 517 _sq._ Compare \u201cDe\ngodsdienst en godsdienst-plegtigheden der Alfoeren in de Menhassa op\nhet eiland Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift van Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, 1849, dl.\nii. p. 395; N. Graafland, _De Minahassa_, i. 122; J. Dumont D\u2019Urville,\n_Voyage autour du monde et \u00e0 la recherche de La Perouse_, v. 443.\n\n\n[1334] F. J. Mone, _Geschichte des Heidenthums im n\u00f6rdlichen Europa_\n(Leipsic and Darmstadt, 1822\u201323), i. 188.\n\n\n[1335] J. Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_ (Calcutta, 1880),\np. 96. For other instances of priests or representatives of the\ndeity drinking the warm blood of the victim, compare H. A. Oldfield,\n_Sketches from Nipal_ (London, 1880), ii. 296 _sq._; _Asiatic\nResearches_, iv. pp. 40, 41, 50, 52 (8vo ed.); Paul Soleillet,\n_L\u2019Afrique Occidentale_ (Paris, 1877), pp. 123 _sq._ To snuff up the\nsavour of the sacrifice was similarly supposed to produce inspiration\n(Tertullian, _Apologet._ 23).\n\n\n[1336] C. F. Oldham, \u201cThe Nagas,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society\nfor 1901_ (London, 1901), pp. 463, 465 _sq._, 467, 470 _sq._ The Takhas\nworship the cobra, and Mr. Oldham believes them to be descended from\nthe Nagas of the _Mahabharata_.\n\n\n[1337] Maimonides, quoted by D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der\nSsabismus_ (St. Petersburg, 1856), ii. 480 _sq._\n\n\n[1338] J. Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_, p. 97.\n\n\n[1339] Lucian, _Bis accus._ 1; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 6;\nPlutarch, _De E apud Delphos_, 2; _id._, _De Pythiae oraculis_, 6.\n\n\n[1340] Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 112.\n\n\n[1341] Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\nBaganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p.\n42.\n\n\n[1342] C. Lekkerkerker, \u201cEnkele opmerkingen over sporen van Shamanisme\nbij Madoereezen en Javanen,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\nVolkenkunde_, xlv. (1902) pp. 282\u2013284.\n\n\n[1343] H. Vambery, _Das T\u00fcrkenvolk_ (Leipsic, 1885), p. 158.\n\n\n[1344] Plutarch, _De defect. oracul._ 46, 49, 51. The Greeks themselves\nseem commonly to have interpreted the shaking or nodding of the\nvictim\u2019s head as a token that the animal consented to be sacrificed.\nSee Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._ viii. 8. 7; Scholiast on Aristophanes,\n_Peace_, 960; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, _Argon._ i. 425; and\nthis explanation has been adopted by modern interpreters. See A.\nWillems, _Notes sur la Paix d\u2019Aristophane_ (Brussels, 1899), pp. 30\u201333;\nE. Monseur, in _Bulletin de Folklore_, 1903, pp. 216\u2013229. But this\ninterpretation can hardly be extended to the case of the Delphic victim\nwhich was expected to shake all over. The theory of possession applies\nequally to that and to the other cases, and is therefore preferable.\nThe theory of consent may have been invented when the older view had\nceased to be held and was forgotten.\n\n\n[1345] D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_, ii. 37; _Lettres\n\u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, xvi. 230 _sq._; E. T. Atkinson, _The\nHimalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India_, ii.\n(Allahabad, 1884) p. 827; _Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 171,\n\u00a7 721; _North Indian Notes and Queries_, i. p. 3, \u00a7 4; W. Crooke,\n_Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896),\ni. 263; _Indian Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) p. 161; _Journal of the\nAnthropological Society of Bombay_, i. 103; S. Mateer, _The Land of\nCharity_, p. 216; _id._, _Native Life in Travancore_, p. 94; E. T.\nThurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iii. 466, 469; Sir A.\nC. Lyall, _Asiatic Studies_, First Series (London, 1899), p. 19; J.\nBiddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_, p. 131; P. S. Pallas, _Reisen\nin verschiedenen Provinzen des russischen Reiches_, i. 91; H. Vambery,\n_Das T\u00fcrkenvolk_, p. 485; Erman, _Archiv f\u00fcr wissenschaftliche Kunde\nvon Russland_, i. 377; \u201c\u00dcber die Religion der heidnischen Tscheremissen\nim Gouvernement Kasan,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr allgemeine Erdkunde_, N.F.\niii. (1857) p. 153; _Globus_, lxvii. (1895) p. 366. When the Rao of\nKachh sacrifices a buffalo, water is sprinkled between its horns;\nif it shakes its head, it is unsuitable; if it nods its head, it is\nsacrificed (_Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 120, \u00a7 911). This is\nprobably a modern misinterpretation of the old custom.\n\n\n[1346] Sir George Scott Robertson, _The Kafirs of the Hindu Kush_\n(London, 1896), p. 423.\n\n\n[1347] J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_ (Paris, 1883), i. 177 _sq._\nThe practice in Tonquin is similar, except that there the person\npossessed seems only to give oracles. See _Annales de l\u2019Association de\nla Propagation de la Foi_, iv. (1830) pp. 331 _sq._\n\n\n[1348] Pausanias, x. 32, 6. Coins of Magnesia exhibit on the reverse\na man carrying an uprooted tree. See F. B. Baker, in _Numismatic\nChronicle_, Third Series, xii. (1892) pp. 89 _sqq._ Mr. Baker suggests\nthat the custom may be a relic of ancient tree-worship.\n\n\n[1349] C. S. Stewart, _A Visit to the South Seas_ (London, 1832),\ni. 244 _sq._; Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz, _\u00celes Marquises ou\nNouka-Hiva_ (Paris, 1843), pp. 226, 240 _sq._ Compare Mathias G\u00a0*\u00a0*\u00a0*\u00a0,\n_Lettres sur les \u00celes Marquises_ (Paris, 1843), pp. 44 _sq._ The\ngeneral name applied to these human gods was _atuas_, which, \u201cwith\nscarce a modification, is the term used in all the Polynesian dialects\nto designate the ideal beings worshipped as gods, in the system of\npolytheism existing among the people. At the Washington Islands, as at\nother groups, the atuas, or false gods of the inhabitants, are numerous\nand vary in their character and powers. Besides those having dominion\nrespectively, as is supposed, over the different elements and their\nmost striking phenomena, there are atuas of the mountain and of the\nforest, of the seaside and of the interior, atuas of peace and of war,\nof the song and of the dance, and of all the occupations and amusements\nof life. It is supposed by them that many of the departed spirits of\nmen also become atuas: and thus the multiplicity of their gods is such,\nthat almost every sound in nature, from the roaring of the tempest in\nthe mountains and the bursting of a thunderbolt in the clouds, to the\nsighing of a breeze through the cocoa-nut tops and the chirping of an\ninsect in the grass or in the thatch of their huts, is interpreted\ninto the movements of a god\u201d (C. S. Stewart, _op. cit._ i. 243 _sq._).\nThe missionary referred to in the text, who described one of the human\ngods from personal observation, was the Rev. Mr. Crooke of the London\nMissionary Society, who resided in the island of Tahuata in 1797. On\nthe deification of living men see Lord Avebury (Sir John Lubbock),\n_Origin of Civilisation_\u2074 (London, 1882), pp. 354 _sqq._\n\n\n[1350] J. A. Moerenhout, _Voyages aux \u00celes du Grand Oc\u00e9an_ (Paris,\n1837), i. 479; W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition\n(London, 1832\u20131836), iii. 94.\n\n\n[1351] D. Tyerman and G. Bennet, _Journal of Voyages and Travels in the\nSouth Sea Islands, China, India, etc._ (London, 1831), i. 524; compare\n_ibid._ pp. 529 _sq._\n\n\n[1352] Tyerman and Bennet, _op. cit._ i. 529 _sq._\n\n\n[1353] W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,\u00b2 iii. 108. The Ethnological\nMuseum at Berlin possesses a magnificent robe of red and yellow\nfeathers with a feather helmet, also two very handsome tippets of the\nsame materials. They were the insignia of the royal family of Hawaii,\nand might be worn by no one else.\n\n\n[1354] J. Williams, _Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South\nSea Islands_ (London, 1838), pp. 471 _sq._\n\n\n[1355] W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iii. 113 _sq._\n\n\n[1356] Missionary Chevron, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_,\nxv. (1843) p. 37. Compare _id._ xiii. (1841) p. 378.\n\n\n[1357] G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 37, 48, 57, 58, 59, 73.\n\n\n[1358] Hazlewood, in J. E. Erskine\u2019s _Cruise among the Islands of the\nWestern Pacific_ (London, 1853), pp. 246 _sq._ Compare Ch. Wilkes,\n_Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition_, New Edition (New York,\n1851), iii. 87; Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,\u00b2 i. 219 _sq._;\nR. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 122. \u201cA great chief [in Fiji]\nreally believed himself to be a god\u2014_i.e._ a reincarnation of an\nancestor who had grown into a god\u201d (Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to\nthe author, dated August 26, 1898).\n\n\n[1359] J. Kubary, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei\naus Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888), i. 30 _sqq._\n\n\n[1360] Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, iv. 9; Eusebius, _Praeparatio\nEvangelii_, iii. 12; compare Minucius Felix, _Octavius_, 29. The titles\nof the nomarchs or provincial governors of Egypt seem to shew that they\nwere all originally worshipped as gods by their subjects (A. Wiedemann,\n_Die Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_, p. 93; _id._ \u201cMenschenverg\u00f6tterung im\nalten \u00c4gypten,\u201d _Am Urquell_, N.F. i. (1897) pp. 290 _sq._).\n\n\n[1361] Diogenes Laertius, _Vit. Philosoph._ viii. 59\u201362; _Fragmenta\nphilosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, i. pp. 12, 14; H.\nDiels, _Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker_,\u00b2 i. (Berlin, 1906), p. 205.\nI owe this and the following case of a human god to a lecture on Greek\nreligion by my friend Professor H. Diels, which I was privileged to\nhear at Berlin in December 1902.\n\n\n[1362] Plutarch, _Demetrius_, 10\u201313; Athenaeus, vi. 62 _sq._, pp. 253\n_sq._ Apparently the giddy young man submitted to deification with a\nbetter grace than his rough old father Antigonus; who, when a poet\ncalled him a god and a child of the sun, bluntly remarked, \u201cThat\u2019s not\nmy valet\u2019s opinion of me.\u201d See Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 24. For more\nevidence of the deification of living men among the Greeks see Mr. A.\nB. Cook, in _Folk-lore_, xv. (1904) pp. 299 _sqq._\n\n\n[1363] Tacitus, _Germania_, 8; _id._, _Histor._ iv. 61; Clement of\nAlexandria, _Strom._ i. 15. 72, p. 360, ed. Potter; Caesar, _Bell.\nGall._ i. 50.\n\n\n[1364] Tacitus, _Germania_, 8; _id._, _Histor._ iv. 61, 65, v. 22.\nCompare K. M\u00fcllenhoff, _Deutsche Altertumskunde_, iv. 208 _sqq._\n\n\n[1365] Strabo, vii. 3, 5, pp. 297 _sq._\n\n\n[1366] J. Dos Santos, \u201cEastern Ethiopia,\u201d in G. M\u2019Call Theal\u2019s _Records\nof South-Eastern Africa_, vii. (1901) pp. 190 _sq._, 199.\n\n\n[1367] J. Dos Santos, _op. cit._ p. 295.\n\n\n[1368] F. S. Arnot, _Garengauze; or, Seven Years\u2019 Pioneer Mission Work\nin Central Africa_ (London, N.D., preface, dated March 1889), p. 78.\n\n\n[1369] _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr allgemeine Erdkunde_, vi. (1856) pp. 273 _sq._\nThis is from a German abstract (pp. 257\u2013313, 369\u2013420) of a work, which\nembodies the results of a Portuguese expedition conducted by Major\nMonteiro in 1831 and 1832. The territory of the Maraves is described as\nbounded on the south by the Zambesi and on the east by the Portuguese\npossessions. Probably things have changed greatly in the seventy years\nwhich have elapsed since the expedition.\n\n\n[1370] G. W. H. Knight-Bruce, _Memories of Mashonaland_ (London and New\nYork, 1895), p. 43; _id._, in _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical\nSociety_, 1890, pp. 346 _sq._\n\n\n[1371] Father Croonenberghs, \u201cLa Mission du Zamb\u00e8ze,\u201d _Missions\nCatholiques_, xiv. (1882) pp. 452 _sq._\n\n\n[1372] Ch. L. Norris Newman, _Matabeleland and how we got it_ (London,\n1895), pp. 167 _sq._ These particulars were communicated to Captain\nNewman by Mr. W. E. Thomas, son of the first missionary to Matabeleland.\n\n\n[1373] _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, lii. (1880) pp. 443\u2013445.\nCompare Father Croonenberghs, \u201cLa Mission du Zamb\u00e8ze,\u201d _Missions\nCatholiques_, xiv. (1882) p. 452.\n\n\n[1374] R. W. Felkin, \u201cNotes on the Waganda Tribe of Central Africa,\u201d\n_Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_, xiii. (1885\u201386) p.\n762; C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, _Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan_,\ni. 206; J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_, pp. 15 _sq._\n\n\n[1375] V. L. Cameron, _Across Africa_ (London, 1877), ii. 69.\n\n\n[1376] Mgr. Massaja, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxx.\n(1858) p. 51.\n\n\n[1377] \u201cThe Strange Adventures of Andrew Battel,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s\n_Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 330; Proyart, \u201cHistory of Loango, Kakongo,\nand other Kingdoms in Africa,\u201d in Pinkerton, _op. cit._ xvi. 577; O.\nDapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_, p. 335.\n\n\n[1378] Ogilby, _Africa_, p. 615; Dapper, _op. cit._ p. 400.\n\n\n[1379] J. Adams, _Sketches taken during ten Voyages to Africa_, p. 29;\n_id._, _Remarks on the Country extending from Cape Palmas to the River\nCongo_ (London, 1823), p. 111. Compare \u201cMy Wanderings in Africa,\u201d by an\nF.R.G.S. [R. F. Burton], _Fraser\u2019s Magazine_, lxvii. (April 1863) p.\n414.\n\n\n[1380] W. Allen and T. R. H. Thomson, _Narrative of the Expedition\nto the River Niger in 1841_ (London, 1848), i. 288. A slight mental\nconfusion may perhaps be detected in this utterance of the dark-skinned\ndeity. But such confusion, or rather obscurity, is almost inseparable\nfrom any attempt to define with philosophic precision the profound\nmystery of incarnation.\n\n\n[1381] J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 419.\n\n\n[1382] Rev. J. Sibree, \u201cCuriosities of Words connected with Royalty and\nChieftainship,\u201d _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, No. xi.\n(1887) p. 302; _id._ in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\nxxi. (1892) p. 218.\n\n\n[1383] Rev. J. Sibree, in _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar\nMagazine_, No. xi. (1887) p. 307; _id._ in _Journal of the\nAnthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) p. 225.\n\n\n[1384] V. Noel, \u201c\u00cele de Madagascar: recherches sur les Sakkalava,\u201d\n_Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), Deuxi\u00e8me S\u00e9rie, xx.\n(1843) p. 56.\n\n\n[1385] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 23 _sq._\n\n\n[1386] T. J. Newbold, _Political and Statistical Account of the British\nSettlement in the Straits of Malacca_, ii. 193. See above, pp. 362\u2013364.\n\n\n[1387] W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ p. 29.\n\n\n[1388] G. K. N[iemann], \u201cBijdrage tot de Kennis van den Godsdienst der\nBataks,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, iii. Serie, iv. (1870)\npp. 289 _sq._; B. Hagen, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss der Battareligion,\u201d\n_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxviii. 537\n_sq._; G. A. Wilken, \u201cHet animisme,\u201d _De Indische Gids_, July 1884,\np. 85; _id._, _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van\nNederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_ (Leyden, 1893), pp. 369 _sq._, 612; J. Freiherr von\nBrenner, _Besuch bei den Kannibalen Sumatras_ (W\u00fcrzburg, 1894), pp. 340.\n\n\n[1389] W. Marsden, _History of Sumatra_ (London, 1811), pp. 376 _sq._\n\n\n[1390] A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan Paloppo naar Posso,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\nhet Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlii. (1898) p. 22.\n\n\n[1391] F. Valentyn, _Oud en nieuw Oost-Indi\u00ebn_, iii. 7 _sq._\n\n\n[1392] J. Boot, \u201cKorte schets der noordkust van Ceram,\u201d _Tijdschrift\nvan het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, x.\n(1893) pp. 1198 _sq._\n\n\n[1393] Sangermano, _Description of the Burmese Empire_ (reprinted at\nRangoon, 1885), pp. 63 _sq._\n\n\n[1394] E. Aymonier, _Le Cambodge_, ii. (Paris, 1901) p. 25.\n\n\n[1395] E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898),\npp. 142 _sq._ Similarly, special sets of terms are or have been used\nwith reference to persons of royal blood in Burma (Forbes, _British\nBurma_, pp. 71 _sq._; Shway Yoe, _The Burman_, ii. 118 _sqq._),\nCambodia (Lemire, _Cochinchine fran\u00e7aise et le royaume de Cambodge_,\np. 447), the Malay Peninsula (W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 35),\nTravancore (S. Mateer, _Native Life in Travancore_, p. 129), the\nPelew Islands (K. Semper, _Die Palau-Inseln_, pp. 309 _sq._), Ponape,\none of the Caroline Islands (Dr. Hahl, \u201cMitteilungen \u00fcber Sitten und\nrechtliche Verh\u00e4ltnisse auf Ponape,\u201d _Ethnologisches Notizblatt_, ii.\nHeft 2 (Berlin, 1901), p. 5), Samoa (L. Th. Violette, in _Missions\nCatholiques_, iii. (1870) p. 190; J. E. Newell, \u201cChief\u2019s Language\nin Samoa,\u201d _Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of\nOrientalists_, London, 1893, ii. 784\u2013799), the Maldives (Fr. Pyrard,\n_Voyage to the East Indies, the Maldives, the Moluccas, and Brazil_,\nHakluyt Society, i. 226), in some parts of Madagascar (J. Sibree, in\n_The Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, No. xi., Christmas\n1887, pp. 310 _sqq._; _id._, in _Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute_, xxi. (1892) pp. 215 _sqq._), among the Bawenda of\nthe Transvaal (Beuster, \u201cDas Volk der Vawenda,\u201d _Zeitschrift der\nGesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_, xiv. (1879) p. 238), and among\nthe Natchez Indians of North America (Du Pratz, _History of Louisiana_,\np. 328). When we remember that special vocabularies of this sort have\nbeen employed with regard to kings or chiefs who are known to have\nenjoyed a divine or semi-divine character, as in Tahiti (see above,\np. 388), Fiji (Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,\u00b2 i. 37), and\nTonga (W. Mariner, _Tonga Islands_, ii. 79), we shall be inclined to\nsurmise that the existence of such a practice anywhere is indicative\nof a tendency to deify royal personages, who are thus marked off from\ntheir fellows. This would not necessarily apply to a custom of using\na special dialect or particular forms of speech in addressing social\nsuperiors generally, such as prevails in Java (T. S. Raffles, _History\nof Java_, i. 310, 366 _sqq._, London, 1817), and Bali (R. Friederich,\n\u201cVoorloopig Verslag van het eiland Bali,\u201d _Verhandelingen van het\nBataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxii. 4; J.\nJacobs, _Eenigen tijd onder de Bali\u00ebrs_, p. 36).\n\n\n[1396] A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iv. 383.\n\n\n[1397] S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_ (Chicago,\n1902), p. 102.\n\n\n[1398] W. E. Marshall, _Travels amongst the Todas_ (London, 1873), pp.\n136, 137; cp. pp. 141, 142; F. Metz, _Tribes inhabiting the Neilgherry\nHills_, Second Edition (Mangalore, 1864), pp. 19 _sqq._ However, at the\npresent day, according to Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, the _palol_ or milkman\nof the highest class is rather a sacred priest than a god. But there\nis a tradition that the gods held the office of milkman, and even now\nthe human milkman of one particular dairy is believed to be the direct\nsuccessor of a god. See W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_ (London, 1906),\npp. 448 _sq._\n\n\n[1399] Monier Williams, _Religious Life and Thought in India_, p. 259.\n\n\n[1400] _The Laws of Manu_, vii. 8, p. 217, translated by G. B\u00fchler\n(_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxv.).\n\n\n[1401] _Id._ ix. 317, 319, pp. 398, 399.\n\n\n[1402] _Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_, trans. by J. Eggeling, part i. pp. 309\n_sq._; compare _id._, part ii. p. 341 (_Sacred Books of the East_,\nvols. xii. and xxvi.).\n\n\n[1403] Monier Williams, _op. cit._ p. 457.\n\n\n[1404] Monier Williams, _op. cit._ pp. 201 _sq._\n\n\n[1405] Monier Williams, _op. cit._ pp. 259 _sq._\n\n\n[1406] I have borrowed the description of this particular deity from\nthe Rev. Dr. A. M. Fairbairn, who knew him personally (_Contemporary\nReview_, June 1899, p. 768). It is melancholy to reflect that in our\nless liberal land the divine Swami would probably have been consigned\nto the calm seclusion of a gaol or a madhouse. The difference between a\ngod and a madman or a criminal is often merely a question of latitude\nand longitude.\n\nSwami departed this life in August 1899 at the age of about seventy.\nIt is only fair to his memory to add that the writer who records his\ndeath bears high and honourable testimony to the noble and unselfish\ncharacter of the deceased, who is said to have honestly repudiated the\nmiraculous powers ascribed to him by his followers. He was worshipped\nin temples during his life, and other temples have been erected to\nhim since his death. See Rai Bahadur Lala Baij Nath, B.A., _Hinduism\nAncient and Modern_ (Meerut, 1905), pp. 94 _sq._\n\n\n[1407] E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iv. 236, 280.\n\n\n[1408] E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras,\n1906), p. 301.\n\n\n[1409] Captain Edward Moor, \u201cAccount of an Hereditary Living Deity,\u201d\n_Asiatic Researches_, vii. (London, 1803) pp. 381\u2013395; Viscount\nValentia, _Voyages and Travels_, ii. 151\u2013159; Ch. Coleman, _Mythology\nof the Hindus_ (London, 1832), pp. 106\u2013111; _Gazetteer of the Bombay\nPresidency_, xviii. part iii. (Bombay, 1885) pp. 125 _sq._ I have to\nthank my friend Mr. W. Crooke for calling my attention to the second\nand fourth of these works. To be exact, I should say that I have no\ninformation as to this particular deity later than the account given\nof him in the eighteenth volume of the Bombay Gazetteer, published\nsome twenty-five years ago. But I think we may assume that the same\nprovidential reasons which prolonged the revelation down to the\npublication of the Gazetteer have continued it to the present time.\n\n\n[1410] Monier Williams, _op. cit._ pp. 136 _sq._ A full account of the\ndoctrines and practices of the sect may be found in the _History of\nthe Sect of the Maharajas or Vallabhacharyas_, published by Tr\u00fcbner at\nLondon in 1865. My attention was directed to it by my friend Mr. W.\nCrooke.\n\n\n[1411] A. Harnack, _Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte_, i. 321.\n\n\n[1412] F. C. Conybeare, \u201cThe History of Christmas,\u201d _American Journal\nof Theology_, iii. (1899) pp. 18 _sq._ Mr. Conybeare kindly lent me a\nproof of this article, and the statement in the text is based on it. In\nthe published article the author has made some changes.\n\n\n[1413] D. Mackenzie Wallace, _Russia_ (London, Paris, and New York,\nN.D.), p. 302. The passage in the text is \u201ca short extract from a\ndescription of the \u2018Khlysti\u2019 by one who was initiated into their\nmysteries.\u201d As to these Russian Christs see further N. Tsakni, _La\nRussie sectaire_ (Paris, N.D.), pp. 63 _sqq._ Amongst the means which\nthese sectaries take to produce a state of religious exaltation are\nwild, whirling dances like those of the dancing Dervishes.\n\n\n[1414] J. L. Mosheim, _Ecclesiastical History_ (London, 1819), iii. 278\n_sqq._\n\n\n[1415] J. L. Mosheim, _op. cit._ iii. 288 _sq._\n\n\n[1416] Mgr. Flaget, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, vii.\n(1834) p. 84. Mgr. Flaget was bishop of Bardstown, and his letter is\ndated May 4, 1833. He says that the events happened in a neighbouring\nstate about three years before he wrote.\n\n\n[1417] D. C. J. Ibbetson, _Outlines of Panjab Ethnography_ (Calcutta,\n1883), p. 123.\n\n\n[1418] G. Massaja, _I miei trentacinque anni di missione nell\u2019 alta\nEtiopia_ (Rome and Milan, 1888), v. 53 _sq._ Compare Father Leon des\nAvanchers, in _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), Vme\nS\u00e9rie, xvii. (1869) p. 307.\n\n\n[1419] E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), pp. 141 _sq._;\n_id._, _Voyage dans le Laos_, ii. (Paris, 1897) p. 47.\n\n\n[1420] W. Robinson, _Descriptive Account of Assam_ (London and\nCalcutta, 1841), pp. 342 _sq._; _Asiatic Researches_, xv. 146.\n\n\n[1421] Huc, _Souvenirs d\u2019un voyage dans la Tartarie et le Thibet_,\ni. 279 _sqq._, ed. 12mo. For more details, see L. A. Waddell, _The\nBuddhism of Tibet_ (London, 1895), pp. 245 _sqq._ Compare G. Timkowski,\n_Travels of the Russian Mission through Mongolia to China_, i. 23\u201325;\nAbb\u00e9 Armand David, \u201cVoyage en Mongolie,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de\nG\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), VIme S\u00e9rie, ix. (1875) pp. 132\u2013134; Mgr Brugui\u00e8re,\nin _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, ix. (1836) pp. 296 _sq._;\nFather Gabet, _ib._ xx. (1848) pp. 229\u2013231; G. Sandberg, _Tibet and\nthe Tibetans_ (London, 1906), pp. 128 _sqq._ In the Delta of the Niger\nthe souls of little negro babies are identified by means of a similar\ntest. An assortment of small wares that belonged to deceased members of\nthe family is shewn to the new baby, and the first thing he grabs at\nidentifies him. \u201cWhy, he\u2019s uncle John,\u201d they say; \u201csee! he knows his\nown pipe.\u201d Or, \u201cThat\u2019s cousin Emma; see! she knows her market calabash\u201d\n(Miss M. H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, p. 493).\n\n\n[1422] Huc, _op. cit._ ii. 279, 347 _sq._; C. Meiners, _Geschichte der\nReligionen_, i. 335 _sq._; J. G. Georgi, _Beschreibung aller Nationen\ndes russischen Reichs_, p. 415; A. Erman, _Travels in Siberia_, ii. 303\n_sqq._; _Journal of the Roy. Geogr. Soc._ xxxviii. (1868) pp. 168, 169;\n_Proceedings of the Roy. Geogr. Soc._ N.S. vii. (1885) p. 67; Sarat\nChandra Das, _Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet_ (London, 1902), pp.\n159 _sq._ The Grand Lama\u2019s palace is called Potala. Views of it from\na photograph and from a drawing are given by Sarat Chandra Das. In\nthe _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, _l.c._, the Lama in\nquestion is called the Lama G\u00fbr\u00fb; but the context shows that he is the\ngreat Lama of Lhasa.\n\n\n[1423] Thevenot, _Relations des divers voyages_, iv. Partie (Paris,\n1672), \u201cVoyage \u00e0 la Chine des PP. I. Grueber et d\u2019Orville,\u201d pp. 1\n_sq._, 22.\n\n\n[1424] E. Pander (professor at the University of Peking), \u201cDas\nlamaische Pantheon,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxi. (1889) p.\n76; _id._, \u201cGeschichte des Lamaismus,\u201d _Verhandlungen der Berliner\nGesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1889, p.\n(202).\n\n\n[1425] Mgr Danicourt, \u201cRapport sur l\u2019origine, les progr\u00e8s et la\nd\u00e9cadence de la secte des _Tao-sse_, en Chine,\u201d _Annales de la\nPropagation de la Foi_, xxx. (1858) pp. 15\u201320; J. H. Gray, _China_\n(London, 1878), i. 103 _sq._; Dr. Merz, \u201cBericht \u00fcber seine erste Reise\nvon Amoy nach Kui-kiang,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu\nBerlin_, xxiii. (1888) pp. 413\u2013416.\n\n\n[1426] Garcilasso de la Vega, _First Part of the Royal Commentaries\nof the Yncas_, bk. ii. chs. 8 and 15 (vol. i. pp. 131, 155, Markham\u2019s\ntranslation). This writer tells us that the Peruvian Indians \u201cheld\ntheir kings not only to be possessed of royal majesty, but to be gods\u201d\n(_ib._ bk. iv. ch. v. vol. i. p. 303, Markham\u2019s Trans.). Mr. E. J.\nPayne denies that the Incas believed in their descent from the sun, and\nstigmatises as a ridiculous fable the notion that they were worshipped\nas gods (_History of the New World called America_, i. 506, 512). I\ncontent myself with reproducing the statements of Garcilasso de la\nVega, who had ample means of ascertaining the truth. His good faith has\nbeen questioned, but, as I believe, on insufficient grounds. See below,\nvol. ii. p. 244 note\u00b9.\n\n\n[1427] Alex. von Humboldt, _Researches concerning the Institutions and\nMonuments of the Ancient Inhabitants of America_, ii. 106 _sqq._; H.\nTernaux-Compans, _Essai sur l\u2019ancien Cundinamarca_, pp. 14 _sq._, 19\n_sq._, 40 _sq._; Th. Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturv\u00f6lker_, iv. 352\n_sqq._; J. G. M\u00fcller, _Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen_, pp.\n430 _sq._; C. F. Ph. v. Martius, _Zur Ethnographie Amerikas_, p. 455;\nA. Bastian, _Die Culturl\u00e4nder des alten Amerika_, ii. 204 _sq._\n\n\n[1428] See above, p. 356.\n\n\n[1429] H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 146.\n\n\n[1430] _Manuscrit Ramirez: Histoire de l\u2019origine des Indiens qui\nhabitent la Nouvelle Espagne_, publi\u00e9 par D. Charnay (Paris, 1903), p.\n107; J. de Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_, ii. 505,\n508 (Hakluyt Society, London, 1880).\n\n\n[1431] J. J. M. de Groot, _Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in\nChina_, i. (Amsterdam, 1903), pp. 17 _sq._\n\n\n[1432] _Manners and Customs of the Japanese in the Nineteenth Century_:\nfrom recent Dutch visitors to Japan and the German of Dr. Ph. Fr. von\nSiebold (London, 1841), pp. 141 _sqq._\n\n\n[1433] H. Radau, _Early Babylonian History_ (New York and London,\n1900), pp. 307\u2013317. Compare C. Brockelmann, \u201cWesen und Ursprung des\nEponymats in Assyrien,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Assyriologie_, xvi. (1902) p.\n394; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte\nTestament_\u00b3 (Berlin, 1903), pp. 379, 639 _sq._\n\n\n[1434] Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6, \u00a7\u00a7 5 and 6.\n\n\n[1435] C. P. Tiele, _History of the Egyptian Religion_, pp. 103\n_sq._ On the worship of the kings see also E. Meyer, _Geschichte\ndes Altertums_,\u00b2 i. 2. \u00a7 219, pp. 142 _sq._; A. Erman, _\u00c4gypten und\n\u00e4gyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 91 _sqq._; _id._, _Die \u00e4gyptische\nReligion_ (Berlin, 1905), pp. 39 _sq._; V. von Strauss und Carnen,\n_Die alt\u00e4gyptischen G\u00f6tter und G\u00f6ttersagen_, pp. 467 _sqq._; A.\nWiedemann, _Die Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_, pp. 92 _sq._; _id._,\n\u201cMenschenverg\u00f6tterung im alten \u00c4gypten,\u201d _Am Urquelle_, N.F. i. (1897),\npp. 289 _sqq._; _id._, _Herodots zweites Buch_, pp. 274 _sq._; G.\nMaspero, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l\u2019Orient classique: les\norigines_, pp. 258\u2013267; E. Naville, _La Religion des anciens \u00c9gyptiens_\n(Paris, 1906), pp. 225 _sqq._ Diodorus Siculus observed (i. 90) that\n\u201cthe Egyptians seem to worship and honour their kings as very gods.\u201d\n\n\n[1436] P. le P. Renouf, \u201cThe priestly Character of the earliest\nEgyptian Civilisation,\u201d _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical\nArchaeology_, xii. (1890) p. 355.\n\n\n[1437] A. Moret, _Du caract\u00e8re religieux de la royaut\u00e9 pharaonique_\n(Paris, 1902), pp. 278 _sq._; compare _ib._ pp. 313.\n\n\n[1438] A. Moret, _op. cit._ p. 306.\n\n\n[1439] A. Moret, _op. cit._ p. 310.\n\n\n[1440] A. Moret, _op. cit._ p. 299.\n\n\n[1441] A. Moret, _op. cit._ p. 233.\n\n\n[1442] V. von Strauss und Carnen, _op. cit._ p. 470. On the titles of\nthe Egyptian kings see further A. Moret, _op. cit._ pp. 17\u201338.\n\n\n[1443] C. P. Tiele, _History of the Egyptian Religion_, p. 105. Compare\nA. Moret, _op. cit._ pp. 71 _sq._, 312.\n\n\n[1444] In regard to the natives of the western islands of Torres\nStraits it has been remarked by Dr. A. C. Haddon that the magicians\nor sorcerers \u201cconstituted the only professional class among these\ndemocratic islanders\u201d (_Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological\nExpedition to Torres Straits_, v. 321). The same observation could be\napplied to many other savage tribes.\n\n\n[1445] For example, amongst the Todas the medicine-man has been\ndifferentiated from the sorcerer; yet their common origin is indicated\nby their both using the same kind of magical formulas or spells to\naccomplish their different ends. See Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_,\np. 271: \u201cIt seems clear that the Todas have advanced beyond the stage\nof human culture in which all misfortunes are produced by magic. They\nrecognise that some ills are not due to human intervention, but yet\nthey employ the same kind of means to remove these ills as are employed\nto remove those brought about by human agency. The advance of the\nTodas is shown most clearly by the differentiation of function between\n_pilik\u00f2ren_ and _utk\u00f2ren_, between sorcerers and medicine-men, and we\nseem to have here a clear indication of the differentiation between\nmagic and medicine. The two callings are followed by different men, who\nare entirely distinct from one another, but both use the same kind of\nformula to bring about the effect they desire to produce.\u201d\n\n\nAPPENDIX\u2014Hegel on Magic and Religion\n\n\n[1446] _Vorlesungen \u00fcber die Philosophie der Religion_, i. 220 _sqq._\n(vol. xi. of the first collected edition of Hegel\u2019s works, Berlin,\n1832). The coincidence was also pointed out to me by my friend Dr. J.\nM. E. McTaggart.\n\n\n[1447] Similarly I have pointed out elsewhere (_Totemism and Exogamy_,\ni. 169 _sq._) that it is the unstable, apparently irregular,\nincalculable element in nature which the magician particularly aims\nat controlling, while so far as the course of nature is observed to\nbe stable, regular, and uniform it lies comparatively outside the\noperations of magic. \u201cTo put it generally, the practice of magic for\nthe control of nature will be found on the whole to increase with the\nvariability and to decrease with the uniformity of nature throughout\nthe year. Hence the increase will tend to become more and more\nconspicuous as we recede from the equator, where the annual changes of\nnatural conditions are much less marked than elsewhere. This general\nrule is no doubt subject to many exceptions which depend on local\nvarieties of climate. .\u00a0.\u00a0. But, on the whole, this department of\nmagic, if not checked by civilisation or other causes, would naturally\nattain its highest vogue in the temperate and polar zones rather than\nin the equatorial regions; while, on the other hand, the branch of\nmagical art which deals directly with mankind, aiming for example at\nthe cure or infliction of disease, tends for obvious reasons to be\ndiffused equally over the globe without distinction of latitude or\nclimate\u201d (_Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 170). The reason why the latter\nbranch of magic tends to be equally prevalent in all parts of the world\nis, of course, that in all parts of the world human nature is equally\nunstable, seemingly irregular, and incalculable by comparison with the\nstability, regularity, and uniformity of nature.\n\n\n[1448] I have not found the passage of Captain Parry which Hegel\nhere quotes, whether from the English original or from a German\ntranslation. I should doubt whether the gallant English explorer would\nhave spoken of an \u201cempirical mode of existence,\u201d which appears to me\nto savour rather of the professor\u2019s lecture-room than of the captain\u2019s\nquarter-deck.\n\n\n[1449] G. W. F. Hegel, _Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion_,\ntranslated by the Rev. E. B. Spiers, B. D., and J. Burdon Sanderson,\ni. (London, 1895) pp. 290\u2013298. Further, Hegel observes (p. 300) that\n\u201cmagic has existed among all peoples and at every period.\u201d\n\n END OF VOL. I\n\n _Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.\n\n\n\n\nWORKS BY SIR J. G. FRAZER, D.C.L., LL.D.\n\n\nTHE GOLDEN BOUGH\n\nA STUDY IN MAGIC AND RELIGION\n\nThird Edition, revised and enlarged. 8vo.\n\n Part I. THE MAGIC ART AND THE EVOLUTION OF KINGS. 4th Impression. Two\n volumes. 20s. net.\n\n II. TABOO AND THE PERILS OF THE SOUL. 3rd Impression. One volume. 10s.\n net.\n\n III. THE DYING GOD. 3rd Impression. One volume. 10s. net.\n\n IV. ADONIS, ATTIS, OSIRIS. 3rd Impression. Two volumes. 20s. net.\n\n V. SPIRITS OF THE CORN AND OF THE WILD. 2nd Impression. Two volumes.\n 20s. net.\n\n VI. THE SCAPEGOAT. One volume. 10s. net.\n\n VII. BALDER THE BEAUTIFUL: THE FIRE-FESTIVALS OF EUROPE AND THE\n DOCTRINE OF THE EXTERNAL SOUL. 2nd Impression. Two volumes. 20s. net.\n\n Vol. XII. BIBLIOGRAPHY AND GENERAL INDEX. 20s. net.\n\n_TIMES._\u2014\u201cThe verdict of posterity will probably be that _The\nGolden Bough_ has influenced the attitude of the human mind towards\nsupernatural beliefs and symbolical rituals more profoundly than any\nother books published in the nineteenth century except those of Darwin\nand Herbert Spencer.\u201d\n\n\n TOTEMISM AND EXOGAMY. A Treatise on Certain Early Forms of\n Superstition and Society. With Maps. Four vols. 8vo. 50s. net.\n\nMR. A. E. CRAWLEY in _NATURE_.\u2014\u201cThat portion of the book which is\nconcerned with totemism (if we may express our own belief at the risk\nof offending Prof. Frazer\u2019s characteristic modesty) is actually \u2018The\nComplete History of Totemism, its Practice and its Theory, its Origin\nand its End.\u2019 .\u00a0.\u00a0. Nearly two thousand pages are occupied with an\nethnographical survey of totemism, an invaluable compilation. The maps,\nincluding that of the distribution of totemic peoples, are a new and\nuseful feature.\u201d\n\n\n LECTURES ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE KINGSHIP. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.\n\n_ATHEN\u00c6UM._\u2014\u201cIt is the effect of a good book not only to teach, but\nalso to stimulate and to suggest, and we think this the best and\nhighest quality, and one that will recommend these lectures to all\nintelligent readers, as well as to the learned.\u201d\n\n\n PSYCHE\u2019S TASK. A Discourse concerning the Influence of Superstition on\n the Growth of Institutions. Second Edition, revised and enlarged. To\n which is added \u201cThe Scope of Social Anthropology.\u201d 8vo. 5s. net.\n\n_OUTLOOK._\u2014\u201cWhether we disagree or agree with Dr. Frazer\u2019s general\nconclusions, he has provided us with a veritable storehouse of\ncorrelated facts, for which, and for the learning that has gone to\ntheir collection, and for the intellectual brilliance that has gone to\ntheir arrangement, we can never be sufficiently grateful.\u201d\n\n\nThe Belief among the Aborigines of Australia, the Torres Straits\nIslands, New Guinea, and Melanesia. The Gifford Lectures, St. Andrews,\n1911\u20131912. 8vo. 10s. net.\n\nMR. EDWARD CLODD in the _DAILY CHRONICLE_.\u2014\u201c\u2018If a man die, shall he\nlive again?\u2019 is a question asked chiliads before Job put it, and the\ngenerations of mankind repeat it. In this profoundly interesting\nvolume, Professor Frazer, out of the treasury of his knowledge, and\nwith consummate art of attractive presentment, gives the answers\ndevised by the Lower Races.\u201d\n\n\n FOLK-LORE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 8vo. [_In Preparation._\n\n\n PAUSANIAS\u2019S DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. Translated with a Commentary,\n Illustrations, and Maps. Second Edition. Six vols. 8vo. 126s. net.\n\n_ATHEN\u00c6UM._\u2014\u201cAll these writings in many languages Mr. Frazer has read\nand digested with extraordinary care, so that his book will be for\nyears _the_ book of reference on such matters, not only in England, but\nin France and Germany. It is a perfect thesaurus of Greek topography,\narch\u00e6ology, and art.\u201d\n\n\n STUDIES IN GREEK SCENERY, LEGEND AND HISTORY. Selected from his\n Commentary on Pausanias by Sir J. G. FRAZER. Globe 8vo. 5s. net.\n [_Eversley Series._\n\n_GUARDIAN._\u2014\u201cHere we have material which every one who has visited\nGreece, or purposes to visit it, most certainly should read and enjoy.\n.\u00a0.\u00a0. We cannot imagine a more excellent book for the educated visitor\nto Greece.\u201d\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\n LETTERS OF WILLIAM COWPER. Chosen and Edited, with a Memoir and a few\n Notes, by Sir J. G. FRAZER. Two vols. Globe 8vo. 10s. net. [_Eversley\n Series._\n\nMR. CLEMENT SHORTER in the _DAILY CHRONICLE_.\u2014\u201cThe introductory Memoir,\nof some eighty pages in length, is a valuable addition to the many\nappraisements of Cowper that these later years have seen. .\u00a0.\u00a0. Dr.\nFrazer has given us two volumes that are an unqualified joy.\u201d\n\n\n ESSAYS OF JOSEPH ADDISON. Chosen and Edited, with a Preface and a few\n Notes, by Sir J. G. FRAZER. Two vols. Globe 8vo. 10s. net. [_Eversley\n Series._\n\n\nMACMILLAN AND CO., LTD., LONDON.\n\n\n\n\nTRANSCRIBER\u2019S NOTE\n\nOriginal spelling and grammar have been generally retained, with some\nexceptions noted below. Occasional missing full stops or commas were\nreplaced without notice. Original printed page numbers are shown like\nthis: {p52}. Original small caps or bold text is now uppercase. Italics\nlook _like this_. Sidenotes occurring in the middle of a paragraph of\ntext have been moved to the head of the relevant paragraph, and all\ndistinct sidenotes then lying at the head of a paragraph have been\ncombined into one sidenote. Footnotes have been relabeled 1\u20131449, and\nconverted to end notes, and relocated to between the appendix and the\nadvertisements. I produced the cover image by editing a scanned image\nof the original, and hereby assign it to the public domain. Original\npage images are available from archive.org\u2014search for \u201cb22650829_0001\u201d.\n\n\nPage xiii. Full stop was added after \u2039and cultivated plants\u203a.\n\nPage xxiv. The comma in \u2039seriously to outrun it,\u203a was changed to full\nstop.\n\nPage 16. The comma was removed from \u2039of gems the goddess,\u203a.\n\nPage 47. Full stop was added after \u2039reputed descendants of deities\u203a.\n\nPage 48. The word \u2039sacrified\u203a in the phrase \u2039bullock was sacrified\u203a was\nchanged to \u2039sacrificed\u203a.\n\nPage 80, note 274. This note links to another, \u2039page 371, note\u2074\u203a; the\nnote referenced is number 1313 in this edition.\n\nPage 121, note 405. In the word \u2039_Tsuni-\u01c1Goam_\u203a, the double vertical\nline has been transcribed in the plain text edition of this ebook as\nUnicode character [U+01C1 Latin Letter Lateral Click]. This character\nis not universally supported in browsers. Therefore, an image has been\nsubstituted in the html/epub/mobi editions.\n\nPage 153, note 550. The phrase \u2039[980]\u203a was changed to \u2039(980)\u203a, so as not\nto be confused with a note anchor.\n\nPage 311, note 1091. The word \u2039eonjeetural\u203a was changed to\n\u2039conjectural\u203a.\n\nPage 324. The phrase \u2039a useful function.\u203a was changed to \u2039a useful\nfunction,\u203a.\n\nPage 341. The phrase \u2039mats, hatchets, beads.\u203a was changed to \u2039mats,\nhatchets, beads,\u203a.\n\nPage 380, note 1322. The phrase \u2039Zendelingg nootschap\u203a was changed to\n\u2039Zendelinggenootschap\u203a.\n\nPage 386, sidenote. The word \u2039Paeifie\u203a was changed to \u2039Pacific\u203a.","title":"The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 01 of 12)","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":199499}