{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_60250/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_60250","id":"gutenberg_60250","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/60250","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Magic","Mythology","Religion","Superstition"],"text":"The Golden Bough, A Study in Magic and Religion\n\n                            The Golden Bough\n\n                     A Study in Magic and Religion\n\n                                   By\n\n            SIR James George Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.\n\n                  Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge\n    Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Liverpool.\n\n                             Third Edition.\n\n                                Vol. II.\n\n                                 Part I\n\n                The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings\n\n                                Vol. II\n\n                       Macmillan and Co., Limited\n                      St. Martin\u2019s Street, London\n\n                                  1917\n\n                       _Third Edition March 1911_\n\n                   _Reprinted July 1911, 1913, 1917_\n\n\n\n\n                                CONTENTS\n\n\nChapter VIII.\u2014Departmental Kings of Nature Pp. 1-6\n\nThe King of the Wood at Nemi probably a departmental king of nature;\nKings of Rain in Africa; Kings of Fire and Water in Cambodia.\n\n\nChapter IX.\u2014The Worship of Trees Pp. 7-58\n\n\u00a7 1. _Tree-spirits_\u2014Great forests of ancient Europe; tree-worship\npractised by all Aryan races in Europe; trees regarded as animate;\ntree-spirits, sacrifices to trees; trees sensitive to wounds; apologies\nfor cutting down trees; bleeding trees; trees threatened to make them\nbear fruit; attempts to deceive spirits of trees and plants; trees\nmarried to each other; trees in blossom and rice in bloom treated like\npregnant women; trees tenanted by the souls of the dead; trees as the\nabode, not the body, of spirits; ceremonies at felling trees;\npropitiating tree-spirits in house-timber; sacred trees the abode of\nspirits; sacred groves.\n\n\u00a7 2. _Beneficent Powers of Tree-spirits_\u2014Tree-spirit develops into\nanthropomorphic deity of the woods; tree-spirits give rain and sunshine;\ntree-spirits make crops to grow; the Harvest May and kindred customs;\ntree-spirits make herds and women fruitful; green boughs protect against\nwitchcraft; influence of tree-spirits on cattle among the Wends,\nEsthonians, and Circassians; tree-spirits grant offspring or easy\ndelivery to women.\n\n\nChapter X.\u2014Relics of Tree-worship in Modern Europe Pp. 59-96\n\nMay-trees in Europe, especially England; May-garlands in England; May\ncustoms in France, Germany, and Greece; Whitsuntide customs in Russia;\nMay-trees in Germany and Sweden; Midsummer trees and poles in Sweden;\nvillage May-poles in England and Germany; tree-spirit detached from tree\nand represented in human form, Esthonian tale; tree-spirit represented\nsimultaneously in vegetable and human form; the Little May Rose; the\n_Walber_; Green George; double representation of tree-spirit by tree and\nman among the Oraons; double representation of harvest-goddess Gauri; W.\nMannhardt\u2019s conclusions; tree-spirit or vegetation-spirit represented by\na person alone; leaf-clad mummers (Green George, Little Leaf Man,\nJack-in-the-Green, etc.); leaf-clad mummers called Kings or Queens (King\nand Queen of May, Whitsuntide King, etc.); Whitsuntide Bridegroom and\nBride; Midsummer Bridegroom and Bride; the Forsaken Bridegroom or Bride;\nSt. Bride in Scotland and the Isle of Man; May Bride or Whitsuntide\nBride.\n\n\nChapter XI.\u2014The Influence of the Sexes on Vegetation Pp. 97-119\n\nThe marriage of the King and Queen of May intended to promote the growth\nof vegetation by homoeopathic magic; intercourse of the sexes practised\nto make the crops grow and fruit-trees to bear fruit; parents of twins\nsupposed to fertilise the bananas in Uganda; relics of similar customs\nin Europe; continence practised in order to make the crops grow; incest\nand illicit love supposed to blight the fruits of the earth by causing\ndrought or excessive rain; traces of similar beliefs as to the blighting\neffect of adultery and incest among the ancient Jews, Greeks, Romans,\nand Irish; possible influence of such beliefs on the institution of the\nforbidden degrees of kinship; explanation of the seeming contradiction\nof the foregoing customs; indirect benefit to humanity of some of these\nsuperstitions.\n\n\nChapter XII.\u2014The Sacred Marriage Pp. 120-170\n\n\u00a7 1. _Diana as a Goddess of Fertility_\u2014Dramatic marriages of gods and\ngoddesses as a charm to promote vegetation; Diana as a goddess of the\nwoodlands; sanctity of holy groves in antiquity; the breaking of the\nGolden Bough a solemn rite, not a mere piece of bravado; Diana a goddess\nof the teeming life of nature, both animal and vegetable; deities of\nwoodlands naturally the patrons of the beasts of the woods; the crowning\nof hunting dogs on Diana\u2019s day a purification for their slaughter of the\nbeasts of the wood; as goddess of the moon, especially the yellow\nharvest moon, Diana a goddess of crops and of childbirth; as a goddess\nof fertility Diana needed a male partner.\n\n\u00a7 2. _The Marriage of the Gods_\u2014Marriages of the gods in Babylonia and\nAssyria; marriage of the god Ammon to the Queen of Egypt; Apollo and his\nprophetess at Patara; Artemis and the Essenes at Ephesus; marriage of\nDionysus and the Queen at Athens; marriage of Zeus and Demeter at\nEleusis; marriage of Zeus and Hera at Plataea; marriage of Zeus and Hera\nin other parts of Greece; the god Frey and his human wife in Sweden;\nsimilar rites in ancient Gaul; marriages of gods to images or living\nwomen among uncivilised peoples; custom of the Wotyaks; custom of the\nPeruvian Indians; marriage of a woman to the Sun among the Blackfoot\nIndians; marriage of girls to fishing-nets among the Hurons and\nAlgonquins; marriage of the Sun-god and Earth-goddess among the Oraons;\nmarriage of women to gods in India and Africa; marriage of women to\nwater-gods and crocodiles; virgin sacrificed as a bride to the jinnee of\nthe sea in the Maldive Islands.\n\n\u00a7 3. _Sacrifices to Water-spirits_\u2014Stories of the Perseus and Andromeda\ntype; water-spirits conceived as serpents or dragons; sacrifices of\nhuman beings to water-spirits; water-spirits as dispensers of fertility;\nwater-spirits bestow offspring on women; love of river-spirits for women\nin Greek mythology; the Slaying of the Dragon at Furth in Bavaria; St.\nRomain and the Dragon at Rouen.\n\n\nChapter XIII.\u2014The Kings of Rome and Alba Pp. 171-194\n\n\u00a7 1. _Numa and Egeria_\u2014Egeria a nymph of water and the oak, perhaps a\nform of Diana; marriage of Numa and Egeria a reminiscence of the\nmarriage of the King of Rome to a goddess of water and vegetation.\n\n\u00a7 2. _The King as Jupiter_\u2014The Roman king personated Jupiter and wore\nhis costume; the oak crown as a symbol of divinity; personation of the\ndead by masked men among the Romans; the kings of Alba as\npersonifications of Jupiter; legends of the deaths of Roman kings point\nto their connexion with the thunder-god; local Jupiters in Latium; the\noak-groves of ancient Rome; Latian Jupiter on the Alban Mount; woods of\nLatium in antiquity; Latin worship of Jupiter like the Druidical worship\nof the oak; sacred marriage of Jupiter and Juno; Janus and Carnathe\nFlamen Dialis and Flaminica as representatives of Jupiter and Juno;\nmarriage of the Roman king to the oak-goddess.\n\n\nChapter XIV.\u2014The King\u2019s Fire Pp. 195-206\n\nSacred marriage of the Fire-god with a woman; legends of the birth of\nLatin kings from Vestal Virgins impregnated by the fire; Vestal Virgins\nas wives of the Fire-god; the Vestal fire originally the fire on the\nking\u2019s hearth; the round temple of Vesta a copy of the old round hut of\nthe early Latins; rude pottery used in Roman ritual; superstitions as to\nthe making of pottery; sanctity of the storeroom at Rome; the temple of\nVesta with its sacred fire a copy of the king\u2019s house.\n\n\nChapter XV.\u2014The Fire-drill Pp. 207-226\n\nVestal fire at Rome rekindled by the fire-drill; use of the fire-drill\nby savages; the fire-sticks regarded by savages as male and female;\nfire-customs of the Herero; sacred fire among the Herero maintained in\nthe chief\u2019s hut by his unmarried daughter; the Herero chief as priest of\nthe hearth; sacred Herero fire rekindled by fire-sticks, which are\nregarded as male and female, and are made from the sacred ancestral\ntree; the sacred Herero hearth a special seat of the ancestral spirits;\nsacred fire-sticks of the Herero represent deceased ancestors; sacred\nfire-boards as family deities among the Koryaks and Chuckchees.\n\n\nChapter XVI.\u2014Father Jove and Mother Vesta Pp. 227-252\n\nSimilarity between the fire-customs of the Herero and the ancient\nLatins; rites performed by the Vestals for the fertility of the earth\nand the fecundity of cattle; the Vestals as embodiments of Vesta, a\nmother-goddess of fertility; the domestic fire as a fecundating agent in\nmarriage ritual; newborn children and the domestic fire; reasons for\nascribing a procreative virtue to fire; fire kindled by friction by\nhuman representatives of the Fire-father and Fire-mother; fire kindled\nby friction by boy and girl or by man and woman; human fire-makers\nsometimes married, sometimes unmarried; holy fire and virgins of St.\nBrigit in Ireland; the oaks of Erin; virgin priestesses of fire in\nancient Peru and Mexico; the _Agnihotris_ or fire-priests of the\nBrahmans; kinds of wood employed for fire-sticks in India and ancient\nGreece.\n\n\nChapter XVII.\u2014The Origin of Perpetual Fires Pp. 253-265\n\nCustom of perpetual fires probably originated in motives of convenience;\nraces reported to be ignorant of the means of making fire; fire probably\nused by men before they knew how to kindle it; savages carry fire with\nthem as a matter of convenience; Prometheus the fire-bringer; perpetual\nfires maintained by chiefs and kings; fire extinguished at king\u2019s death.\n\n\nChapter XVIII.\u2014The Succession to the Kingdom in Ancient Latium Pp.\n266-323\n\nThe sacred functions of Latin kings in general probably the same as\nthose of the Roman kings; question of the rule of succession to the\nLatin kingship; list of Alban kings; list of Roman kings; Latin kingship\napparently transmitted in female line to foreign husbands of princesses;\nmiraculous births of kings explained on this hypothesis; marriage of\nprincesses to men of inferior rank in Africa; traces of female descent\nof kingship in Greece; and in Scandinavia; reminiscence of such descent\nin popular tales; female descent of kingship among the Picts, the\nLydians, the Danes, and the Saxons; traces of female kinship or\nmother-kin among the Aryans, the Picts, and the Etruscans; mother-kin\nmay survive in royal families after it has been superseded by father-kin\namong commoners; the Roman kings plebeians, not patricians; the first\nconsuls at Rome heirs to the throne according to mother-kin; attempt of\nTarquin to change the line of succession from the female to the male\nline; the hereditary principle compatible with the elective principle in\nsuccession to the throne; combination of the hereditary with the\nelective principle in succession to the kingship in Africa and Assam;\nsimilar combination perhaps in force at Rome; personal qualities\nrequired in kings and chiefs; succession to the throne determined by a\nrace; custom of racing for a bride; contests for a bride other than a\nrace; the Flight of the King (_Regifugium_) at Rome perhaps a relic of a\ncontest for the kingdom and the hand of a princess; confirmation of this\ntheory from the practice of killing a human representative of Saturn at\nthe Saturnalia; violent ends of Roman kings; death of Romulus on the\n_Nonae Caprotinae_ (7th July), an old licentious festival like the\nSaturnalia for the fertilisation of the fig; violent deaths of other\nRoman kings; succession to Latin kingship perhaps decided by single\ncombat; African parallels; Greek and Italian kings may have personated\nCronus and Saturn before they personated Zeus and Jupiter.\n\n\nChapter XIX.\u2014St. George and the Parilia Pp. 324-348\n\nThe early Italians a pastoral as well as agricultural people; the\nshepherds\u2019 festival of the Parilia on 21st April; intention of the\nfestival to ensure the welfare of the flocks and herds and to guard them\nagainst witches and wolves; festival of the same kind still held in\nEastern Europe on 23rd April, St. George\u2019s Day; precautions taken by the\nEsthonians against witches and wolves on St. George\u2019s Day, when they\ndrive out the cattle to pasture for the first time; St. George\u2019s Day a\npastoral festival in Russia; among the Ruthenians, among the Huzuls of\nthe Carpathians; St. George as the patron of horses in Silesia and\nBavaria; St. George\u2019s Day among the Saxons and Roumanians of\nTransylvania; St. George\u2019s Day a herdsman\u2019s festival among the\nWalachians, Bulgarians, and South Slavs; precautions taken against\nwitches and wolves whenever the cattle are driven out to pasture for the\nfirst time, as in Prussia and Sweden; these parallels illustrate some\nfeatures of the Parilia; St. George as a personification of trees or\nvegetation in general; St. George as patron of childbirth and love; St.\nGeorge seems to have displaced an old Aryan god of the spring, such as\nthe Lithuanian Pergrubiusk.\n\n\nChapter XX.\u2014The Worship of the Oak Pp. 349-375\n\n\u00a7 1. _The Diffusion of the Oak in Europe_\u2014Jupiter the god of the oak,\nthe sky, and thunder; of these attributes the oak is probably primary\nand the sky and thunder secondary; Europe covered with oak forests in\nprehistoric times; remains of oaks found in peat-bogs; ancient lake\ndwellings built on oaken piles; evidence of classical writers as to oak\nforests in antiquity; oak-woods in modern Europe.\n\n\u00a7 2. _The Aryan God of the Oak and the Thunder_\u2014Aryan worship of the oak\nand of the god of the oak; Zeus as the god of the oak, the thunder, and\nthe rain in ancient Greece; Jupiter as the god of the oak, the thunder,\nand the rain in ancient Italy; Celtic worship of the oak; Donar and Thor\nthe Teutonic gods of the oak and thunder; Perun the god of the oak and\nthunder among the Slavs; Perkunas the god of the oak and thunder among\nthe Lithuanians; Taara the god of the oak and thunder among the\nEsthonians; Parjanya, the old Indian god of thunder, rain, and\nfertility; gods of thunder and rain in America, Africa, and the\nCaucasus; traces of the worship of the oak in modern Europe; in the\ngreat European god of the oak, the thunder, and the rain, the original\nelement seems to have been the oak.\n\n\nChapter XXI.\u2014Dianus and Diana Pp. 376-387\n\nRecapitulation: rise of sacred kings endowed with magical or divine\npowers; the King of the Wood at Nemi seems to have personified Jupiter\nthe god of the oak and to have mated with Diana the goddess of the oak;\nDianus (Janus) and Diana originally dialectically different forms of\nJupiter and Juno; Janus (Dianus) not originally a god of doors;\ndouble-headed figure of Janus (Dianus) derived from a custom of placing\nhim as sentinel at doorways; parallel custom among the negroes of\nSurinam; originally the King of the Wood at Nemi represented Dianus\n(Janus), a duplicate form of Jupiter, the god of the oak, the thunder,\nand the sky.\n\nINDEX Pp. 389-417\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER VIII\n                      DEPARTMENTAL KINGS OF NATURE\n\n\nThe preceding investigation has proved that the same [Sidenote:\nDepartmental kings of nature.] union of sacred functions with a royal\ntitle which meets us in the King of the Wood at Nemi, the Sacrificial\nKing at Rome, and the magistrate called the King at Athens, occurs\nfrequently outside the limits of classical antiquity and is a common\nfeature of societies at all stages from barbarism to civilisation.\nFurther, it appears that the royal priest is often a king, not only in\nname but in fact, swaying the sceptre as well as the crosier. All this\nconfirms the traditional view of the origin of the titular and priestly\nkings in the republics of ancient Greece and Italy. At least by shewing\nthat the combination of spiritual and temporal power, of which\nGraeco-Italian tradition preserved the memory, has actually existed in\nmany places, we have obviated any suspicion of improbability that might\nhave attached to the tradition. Therefore we may now fairly ask, May not\nthe King of the Wood have had an origin like that which a probable\ntradition assigns to the Sacrificial King of Rome and the titular King\nof Athens? In other words, may not his predecessors in office have been\na line of kings whom a republican revolution stripped of their political\npower, leaving them only their religious functions and the shadow of a\ncrown? There are at least two reasons for answering this question in the\nnegative. One reason is drawn from the abode of the priest of Nemi; the\nother from his title, the King of the Wood. If his predecessors had been\nkings in the ordinary sense, he would surely have been found residing,\nlike the fallen kings of Rome and Athens, in the city of which the\nsceptre had passed from him. This city must have been Aricia, for there\nwas none nearer. But Aricia was three miles off from his forest\nsanctuary by the lake shore. If he reigned, it was not in the city, but\nin the greenwood. Again his title, King of the Wood, hardly allows us to\nsuppose that he had ever been a king in the common sense of the word.\nMore likely he was a king of nature, and of a special side of nature,\nnamely, the woods from which he took his title. If we could find\ninstances of what we may call departmental kings of nature, that is of\npersons supposed to rule over particular elements or aspects of nature,\nthey would probably present a closer analogy to the King of the Wood\nthan the divine kings we have been hitherto considering, whose control\nof nature is general rather than special. Instances of such departmental\nkings are not wanting.\n\n[Sidenote: Kings of rain in Africa.] On a hill at Bomma near the mouth\nof the Congo dwells Namvulu Vumu, King of the Rain and Storm.[1] Of some\nof the tribes on the Upper Nile we are told that they have no kings in\nthe common sense; the only persons whom they acknowledge as such are the\nKings of the Rain, _Mata Kodou_, who are credited with the power of\ngiving rain at the proper time, that is in the rainy season. Before the\nrains begin to fall at the end of March the country is a parched and\narid desert; and the cattle, which form the people\u2019s chief wealth,\nperish for lack of grass. So, when the end of March draws on, each\nhouseholder betakes himself to the King of the Rain and offers him a cow\nthat he may make the blessed waters of heaven to drip on the brown and\nwithered pastures. If no shower falls, the people assemble and demand\nthat the king shall give them rain; and if the sky still continues\ncloudless, they rip up his belly, in which he is believed to keep the\nstorms. Amongst the Bari tribe one of these Rain Kings made rain by\nsprinkling water on the ground out of a handbell.[2]\n\n[Sidenote: Priesthood of the Alfai.] Among tribes on the outskirts of\nAbyssinia a similar office exists and has been thus described by an\nobserver. \u201cThe priesthood of the Alfai, as he is called by the Barea and\nKunama, is a remarkable one; he is believed to be able to make rain.\nThis office formerly existed among the Algeds and appears to be still\ncommon to the Nuba negroes. The Alfai of the Barea, who is also\nconsulted by the northern Kunama, lives near Tembadere on a mountain\nalone with his family. The people bring him tribute in the form of\nclothes and fruits, and cultivate for him a large field of his own. He\nis a kind of king, and his office passes by inheritance to his brother\nor sister\u2019s son. He is supposed to conjure down rain and to drive away\nthe locusts. But if he disappoints the people\u2019s expectation and a great\ndrought arises in the land, the Alfai is stoned to death, and his\nnearest relations are obliged to cast the first stone at him. When we\npassed through the country, the office of Alfai was still held by an old\nman; but I heard that rain-making had proved too dangerous for him and\nthat he had renounced his office.\u201d[3]\n\n[Sidenote: Kings of Fire and Water in Cambodia.] In the backwoods of\nCambodia live two mysterious sovereigns known as the King of the Fire\nand the King of the Water. Their fame is spread all over the south of\nthe great Indo-Chinese peninsula; but only a faint echo of it has\nreached the West. Down to a few years ago no European, so far as is\nknown, had ever seen either of them; and their very existence might have\npassed for a fable, were it not that till lately communications were\nregularly maintained between them and the King of Cambodia, who year by\nyear exchanged presents with them. The Cambodian gifts were passed from\ntribe to tribe till they reached their destination; for no Cambodian\nwould essay the long and perilous journey. The tribe amongst whom the\nKings of Fire and Water reside is the Chr\u00e9ais or Jaray, a race with\nEuropean features but a sallow complexion, inhabiting the forest-clad\nmountains and high tablelands which separate Cambodia from Annam. Their\nroyal functions are of a purely mystic or spiritual order; they have no\npolitical authority; they are simple peasants, living by the sweat of\ntheir brow and the offerings of the faithful. According to one account\nthey live in absolute solitude, never meeting each other and never\nseeing a human face. They inhabit successively seven towers perched upon\nseven mountains, and every year they pass from one tower to another.\nPeople come furtively and cast within their reach what is needful for\ntheir subsistence. The kingship lasts seven years, the time necessary to\ninhabit all the towers successively; but many die before their time is\nout. The offices are hereditary in one or (according to others) two\nroyal families, who enjoy high consideration, have revenues assigned to\nthem, and are exempt from the necessity of tilling the ground. But\nnaturally the dignity is not coveted, and when a vacancy occurs, all\neligible men (they must be strong and have children) flee and hide\nthemselves. Another account, admitting the reluctance of the hereditary\ncandidates to accept the crown, does not countenance the report of their\nhermit-like seclusion in the seven towers. For it represents the people\nas prostrating themselves before the mystic kings whenever they appear\nin public, it being thought that a terrible hurricane would burst over\nthe country if this mark of homage were omitted. Probably, however,\nthese are mere fables such as commonly shed a glamour of romance over\nthe distant and unknown. A French officer, who had an interview with the\nredoubtable Fire King in February 1891, found him stretched on a bamboo\ncouch, diligently smoking a long copper pipe, and surrounded by people\nwho paid him no great deference. In spite of his mystic vocation the\nsorcerer had no charm or talisman about him, and was in no way\ndistinguishable from his fellows except by his tall stature. Another\nwriter reports that the two kings are much feared, because they are\nsupposed to possess the evil eye; hence every one avoids them, and the\npotentates considerately cough to announce their approach and to allow\npeople to get out of their way. They enjoy extraordinary privileges and\nimmunities, but their authority does not extend beyond the few villages\nof their neighbourhood. Like many other sacred kings, of whom we shall\nread in the sequel, the Kings of Fire and Water are not allowed to die a\nnatural death, for that would lower their reputation. Accordingly when\none of them is seriously ill, the elders hold a consultation and if they\nthink he cannot recover they stab him to death. His body is burned and\nthe ashes are piously collected and publicly honoured for five years.\nPart of them is given to the widow, and she keeps them in an urn, which\nshe must carry on her back when she goes to weep on her husband\u2019s grave.\n\n[Sidenote: Supernatural powers of the Kings of Fire and Water.] We are\ntold that the Fire King, the more important of the two, whose\nsupernatural powers have never been questioned, officiates at marriages,\nfestivals, and sacrifices in honour of the _Yan_ or spirit. On these\noccasions a special place is set apart for him; and the path by which he\napproaches is spread with white cotton cloths. A reason for confining\nthe royal dignity to the same family is that this family is in\npossession of certain famous talismans which would lose their virtue or\ndisappear if they passed out of the family. These talismans are three:\nthe fruit of a creeper called _Cui_, gathered ages ago at the time of\nthe last deluge, but still fresh and green; a rattan, also very old but\nbearing flowers that never fade; and lastly, a sword containing a _Yan_\nor spirit, who guards it constantly and works miracles with it. The\nspirit is said to be that of a slave, whose blood chanced to fall upon\nthe blade while it was being forged, and who died a voluntary death to\nexpiate his involuntary offence. By means of the two former talismans\nthe Water King can raise a flood that would drown the whole earth. If\nthe Fire King draws the magic sword a few inches from its sheath, the\nsun is hidden and men and beasts fall into a profound sleep; were he to\ndraw it quite out of the scabbard, the world would come to an end. To\nthis wondrous brand sacrifices of buffaloes, pigs, fowls, and ducks are\noffered for rain. It is kept swathed in cotton and silk; and amongst the\nannual presents sent by the King of Cambodia were rich stuffs to wrap\nthe sacred sword.\n\n[Sidenote: Gifts sent by the Kings of Fire and Water to the King of\nCambodia.] In return the Kings of Fire and Water sent him a huge wax\ncandle and two calabashes, one full of rice and the other of sesame. The\ncandle bore the impress of the Fire King\u2019s middle finger, and was\nprobably thought to contain the seed of fire, which the Cambodian\nmonarch thus received once a year fresh from the Fire King himself This\nholy candle was kept for sacred uses. On reaching the capital of\nCambodia it was entrusted to the Brahmans, who laid it up beside the\nregalia, and with the wax made tapers which were burned on the altars on\nsolemn days. As the candle was the special gift of the Fire King, we may\nconjecture that the rice and sesame were the special gift of the Water\nKing. The latter was doubtless king of rain as well as of water, and the\nfruits of the earth were boons conferred by him on men. In times of\ncalamity, as during plague, floods, and war, a little of this sacred\nrice and sesame was scattered on the ground \u201cto appease the wrath of the\nmaleficent spirits.\u201d Contrary to the common usage of the country, which\nis to bury the dead, the bodies of both these mystic monarchs are burnt,\nbut their nails and some of their teeth and bones are religiously\npreserved as amulets. It is while the corpse is being consumed on the\npyre that the kinsmen of the deceased magician flee to the forest and\nhide themselves for fear of being elevated to the invidious dignity\nwhich he has just vacated. The people go and search for them, and the\nfirst whose lurking place they discover is made King of Fire or\nWater.[4]\n\nThese, then, are examples of what I have called departmental kings of\nnature. But it is a far cry to Italy from the forests of Cambodia and\nthe sources of the Nile. And though Kings of Rain, Water, and Fire have\nbeen found, we have still to discover a King of the Wood to match the\nArician priest who bore that title. Perhaps we shall find him nearer\nhome.\n\nFootnote 1:\n\n  A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, ii. 230.\n\nFootnote 2:\n\n  \u201cExcursion de M. Brun-Rollet dans la r\u00e9gion sup\u00e9rieure du Nil,\u201d\n  _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IVme S\u00e9rie, iv. (1852)\n  pp. 421-423; _ib._ viii. (1854) pp. 387 _sq._; Brun-Rollet, _Le Nil\n  Blanc et le Soudan_ (Paris, 1855), pp. 227 _sqq._ As to the\n  rain-making chiefs of this region see above, vol. i. pp. 345 _sqq._ As\n  to the distress and privations endured by these people in the dry\n  season, see E. de Pruyssenaere, \u201cReisen und Forschungen im Gebiete des\n  Weissen und Blauen Nil,\u201d _Petermann\u2019s Mittheilungen_, _Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_\n  No. 50 (Gotha, 1877), p. 23.\n\nFootnote 3:\n\n  W. Munzinger, _Ostafrikanische Studien_ (Schaffhausen, 1864), p. 474.\n\nFootnote 4:\n\n  Mgr. Cu\u00e9not, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xiii. (1841) p.\n  143; H. Mouhot, _Travels in the Central Parts of Indo-China_ (London,\n  1864), ii. 35; A. Bastian, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss der Gebirgsst\u00e4mme\n  in Kambodia,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_,\n  i. (1866) p. 37; J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_ (Paris, 1883), i.\n  432-436; E. Aymonier, \u201cNotes sur les coutumes et croyances\n  superstitieuses des Cambodgiens,\u201d in _Cochinchine Fran\u00e7aise:\n  Excursions et reconnaissances_, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), pp. 172 _sq._;\n  _id._, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 60; Le Capitaine Cupet,\n  \u201cChez les populations sauvages du Sud de l\u2019Annam,\u201d _Tour du monde_,\n  No. 1682, April 1, 1893, pp. 193-204; _id._, in _Mission Pavie,\n  Indo-Chine 1879-1895, G\u00e9ographie et voyages_, iii. (Paris, 1900) pp.\n  297-318; Tournier, _Notice sur le Laos Fran\u00e7ais_ (Hanoi, 1900), pp.\n  111 _sq._; A. Lavall\u00e9e, \u201cNotes ethnographiques sur diverses tribus du\n  Sud-Est de l\u2019Inde-Chine,\u201d _Bulletin de l\u2019\u00c9cole Fran\u00e7aise\n  d\u2019Extr\u00eame-Orient_, i. (Hanoi, 1901) pp. 303 _sq._ Mgr. Cu\u00e9not mentions\n  only the King of Fire. Bastian speaks as if the King of Fire was also\n  the King of Water. Both writers report at second hand.\n\n\n\n\n                               CHAPTER IX\n                          THE WORSHIP OF TREES\n\n\n                           \u00a7 1. Tree-spirits\n\n\n[Sidenote: Great forests of ancient Europe.] In the religious history of\nthe Aryan race in Europe the worship of trees has played an important\npart. Nothing could be more natural. For at the dawn of history Europe\nwas covered with immense primaeval forests, in which the scattered\nclearings must have appeared like islets in an ocean of green. Down to\nthe first century before our era the Hercynian forest stretched eastward\nfrom the Rhine for a distance at once vast and unknown; Germans whom\nCaesar questioned had travelled for two months through it without\nreaching the end.[5] Four centuries later it was visited by the Emperor\nJulian, and the solitude, the gloom, the silence of the forest appear to\nhave made a deep impression on his sensitive nature. He declared that he\nknew nothing like it in the Roman empire.[6] In our own country the\nwealds of Kent, Surrey, and Sussex are remnants of the great forest of\nAnderida, which once clothed the whole of the south-eastern portion of\nthe island. Westward it seems to have stretched till it joined another\nforest that extended from Hampshire to Devon. In the reign of Henry II.\nthe citizens of London still hunted the wild bull and the boar in the\nwoods of Hampstead. Even under the later Plantagenets the royal forests\nwere sixty-eight in number. In the forest of Arden it was said that down\nto modern times a squirrel might leap from tree to tree for nearly the\nwhole length of Warwickshire.[7] The excavation of ancient pile-villages\nin the valley of the Po has shewn that long before the rise and probably\nthe foundation of Rome the north of Italy was covered with dense woods\nof elms, chestnuts, and especially of oaks.[8] Archaeology is here\nconfirmed by history; for classical writers contain many references to\nItalian forests which have now disappeared.[9] As late as the fourth\ncentury before our era Rome was divided from central Etruria by the\ndreaded Ciminian forest, which Livy compares to the woods of Germany. No\nmerchant, if we may trust the Roman historian, had ever penetrated its\npathless solitudes: and it was deemed a most daring feat when a Roman\ngeneral, after sending two scouts to explore its intricacies, led his\narmy into the forest and, making his way to a ridge of the wooded\nmountains, looked down on the rich Etrurian fields spread out below.[10]\nIn Greece beautiful woods of pine, oak, and other trees still linger on\nthe slopes of the high Arcadian mountains, still adorn with their\nverdure the deep gorge through which the Ladon hurries to join the\nsacred Alpheus; and were still, down to a few years ago, mirrored in the\ndark blue waters of the lonely lake of Pheneus; but they are mere\nfragments of the forests which clothed great tracts in antiquity, and\nwhich at a more remote epoch may have spanned the Greek peninsula from\nsea to sea.[11]\n\n[Sidenote: Tree-worship practised by all the Aryan races in Europe.]\nFrom an examination of the Teutonic words for \u201ctemple\u201d Grimm has made it\nprobable that amongst the Germans the oldest sanctuaries were natural\nwoods.[12] However this may be, tree-worship is well attested for all\nthe great European families of the Aryan stock. Amongst the Celts the\noak-worship of the Druids is familiar to every one,[13] and their old\nword for a sanctuary seems to be identical in origin and meaning with\nthe Latin _n\u00e9mus_, a grove or woodland glade, which still survives in\nthe name of Nemi.[14] Sacred groves were common among the ancient\nGermans, and tree-worship is hardly extinct amongst their descendants at\nthe present day.[15] How serious that worship was in former times may be\ngathered from the ferocious penalty appointed by the old German laws for\nsuch as dared to peel the bark of a standing tree. The culprit\u2019s navel\nwas to be cut out and nailed to the part of the tree which he had\npeeled, and he was to be driven round and round the tree till all his\nguts were wound about its trunk.[16] The intention of the punishment\nclearly was to replace the dead bark by a living substitute taken from\nthe culprit; it was a life for a life, the life of a man for the life of\na tree. At Upsala, the old religious capital of Sweden, there was a\nsacred grove in which every tree was regarded as divine.[17] The heathen\nSlavs worshipped trees and groves.[18] The Lithuanians were not\nconverted to Christianity till towards the close of the fourteenth\ncentury, and amongst them at the date of their conversion the worship of\ntrees was prominent. Some of them revered remarkable oaks and other\ngreat shady trees, from which they received oracular responses. Some\nmaintained holy groves about their villages or houses, where even to\nbreak a twig would have been a sin. They thought that he who cut a bough\nin such a grove either died suddenly or was crippled in one of his\nlimbs.[19] Proofs of the prevalence of tree-worship in ancient Greece\nand Italy are abundant.[20] In the sanctuary of Aesculapius at Cos, for\nexample, it was forbidden to cut down the cypress-trees under a penalty\nof a thousand drachms.[21] But nowhere, perhaps, in the ancient world\nwas this antique form of religion better preserved than in the heart of\nthe great metropolis itself. In the Forum, the busy centre of Roman\nlife, the sacred fig-tree of Romulus was worshipped down to the days of\nthe empire, and the withering of its trunk was enough to spread\nconsternation through the city.[22] Again, on the slope of the Palatine\nHill grew a cornel-tree which was esteemed one of the most sacred\nobjects in Rome. Whenever the tree appeared to a passer-by to be\ndrooping, he set up a hue and cry which was echoed by the people in the\nstreet, and soon a crowd might be seen running helter-skelter from all\nsides with buckets of water, as if (says Plutarch) they were hastening\nto put out a fire.[23]\n\n[Sidenote: Tree-worship among the Finnish-Ugrian peoples.] Among the\ntribes of the Finnish-Ugrian stock in Europe the heathen worship was\nperformed for the most part in sacred groves, which were always enclosed\nwith a fence. Such a grove often consisted merely of a glade or clearing\nwith a few trees dotted about, upon which in former times the skins of\nthe sacrificial victims were hung. The central point of the grove, at\nleast among the tribes of the Volga, was the sacred tree, beside which\neverything else sank into insignificance. Before it the worshippers\nassembled and the priest offered his prayers, at its roots the victim\nwas sacrificed, and its boughs sometimes served as a pulpit. No wood\nmight be hewn and no branch broken in the grove, and women were\ngenerally forbidden to enter it. The Ostyaks and Woguls, two peoples of\nthe Finnish-Ugrian stock in Siberia, had also sacred groves in which\nnothing might be touched, and where the skins of the sacrificed animals\nwere suspended; but these groves were not enclosed with fences.[24] Near\nKuopio, in Finland, there was a famous grove of ancient moss-grown firs,\nwhere the people offered sacrifices and practised superstitious customs\ndown to about 1650, when a sturdy veteran of the Thirty Years\u2019 War dared\nto cut it down at the bidding of the pastor. Sacred groves now hardly\nexist in Finland, but sacred trees to which offerings are brought are\nstill not very uncommon. On some firs the skulls of bears are nailed,\napparently that the hunter may have good luck in the chase.[25] The\nOstyaks are said never to have passed a sacred tree without shooting an\narrow at it as a mark of respect. In many places they hung furs and\nskins on the holy trees in the forest; but having observed that these\nfurs were often appropriated and carried off by unscrupulous travellers,\nthey adopted the practice of hewing the trunks into great blocks, which\nthey decked with their offerings and preserved in safe places. The\ncustom marks a transition from the worship of trees to the worship of\nidols carved out of the sacred wood. Within their sacred groves no grass\nor wood might be cut, no game hunted, no fish caught, not even a draught\nof water drunk. When they passed them in their canoes, they were careful\nnot to touch the land with the oar, and if the journey through the\nhallowed ground was long, they laid in a store of water before entering\non it, for they would rather suffer extreme thirst than slake it by\ndrinking of the sacred stream. The Ostyaks also regarded as holy any\ntree on which an eagle had built its nest for several years, and they\nspared the bird as well as the tree. No greater injury could be done\nthem than to shoot such an eagle or destroy its nest.[26]\n\n[Sidenote: Trees are regarded by the savage as animate.] But it is\nnecessary to examine in some detail the notions on which the worship of\ntrees and plants is based. To the savage the world in general is\nanimate, and trees and plants are no exception to the rule. He thinks\nthat they have souls like his own, and he treats them accordingly. \u201cThey\nsay,\u201d writes the ancient vegetarian Porphyry, \u201cthat primitive men led an\nunhappy life, for their superstition did not stop at animals but\nextended even to plants. For why should the slaughter of an ox or a\nsheep be a greater wrong than the felling of a fir or an oak, seeing\nthat a soul is implanted in these trees also?\u201d[27] Similarly, the\nHidatsa Indians of North America believe that every natural object has\nits spirit, or to speak more properly, its shade. To these shades some\nconsideration or respect is due, but not equally to all. For example,\nthe shade of the cottonwood, the greatest tree in the valley of the\nUpper Missouri, is supposed to possess an intelligence which, if\nproperly approached, may help the Indians in certain undertakings; but\nthe shades of shrubs and grasses are of little account. When the\nMissouri, swollen by a freshet in spring, carries away part of its banks\nand sweeps some tall tree into its current, it is said that the spirit\nof the tree cries while the roots still cling to the land and until the\ntrunk falls with a splash into the stream. Formerly the Indians\nconsidered it wrong to fell one of these giants, and when large logs\nwere needed they made use only of trees which had fallen of themselves.\nTill lately some of the more credulous old men declared that many of the\nmisfortunes of their people were caused by this modern disregard for the\nrights of the living cottonwood.[28] The Iroquois believed that each\nspecies of tree, shrub, plant, and herb had its own spirit, and to these\nspirits it was their custom to return thanks.[29] The Wanika of Eastern\nAfrica fancy that every tree, and especially every coco-nut tree, has\nits spirit; \u201cthe destruction of a cocoa-nut tree is regarded as\nequivalent to matricide, because that tree gives them life and\nnourishment, as a mother does her child.\u201d[30] In the Yasawu islands of\nFiji a man will never eat a coco-nut without first asking its leave\u2014\u201cMay\nI eat you, my chief?\u201d[31] Among the Thompson Indians of British Columbia\nyoung people addressed the following prayer to the sunflower root before\nthey ate the first roots of the season: \u201cI inform thee that I intend to\neat thee. Mayest thou always help me to ascend, so that I may always be\nable to reach the tops of mountains, and may I never be clumsy! I ask\nthis from thee, Sunflower-Root. Thou art the greatest of all in\nmystery.\u201d To omit this prayer would have made the eater of the root\nlazy, and caused him to sleep long in the morning. We are not told, but\nmay conjecture, that these Indians ascribed to the sunflower the sun\u2019s\npower of climbing above the mountain-tops and of rising betimes in the\nmorning; hence whoever ate of the plant, with all the due formalities,\nwould naturally acquire the same useful properties. It is not so easy to\nsay why women had to observe continence in cooking and digging the root,\nand why, when they were cooking it, no man might come near the oven.[32]\nThe Dyaks ascribe souls to trees, and do not dare to cut down an old\ntree. In some places, when an old tree has been blown down, they set it\nup, smear it with blood, and deck it with flags \u201cto appease the soul of\nthe tree.\u201d[33] Siamese monks, believing that there are souls everywhere,\nand that to destroy anything whatever is forcibly to dispossess a soul,\nwill not break a branch of a tree, \u201cas they will not break the arm of an\ninnocent person.\u201d[34] These monks, of course, are Buddhists. But\nBuddhist animism is not a philosophical theory. It is simply a common\nsavage dogma incorporated in the system of an historical religion. To\nsuppose with Benfey and others that the theories of animism and\ntransmigration current among rude peoples of Asia are derived from\nBuddhism, is to reverse the facts. Buddhism in this respect borrowed\nfrom savagery, not savagery from Buddhism.[35] According to Chinese\nbelief, the spirits of plants are never shaped like plants but have\ncommonly the form either of human beings or of animals, for example\nbulls and serpents. Occasionally at the felling of a tree the\ntree-spirit has been seen to rush out in the shape of a blue bull.[36]\nIn China \u201cto this day the belief in tree-spirits dangerous to man is\nobviously strong. In southern Fuhkien it deters people from felling any\nlarge trees or chopping off heavy branches, for fear the indwelling\nspirit may become irritated and visit the aggressor or his neighbours\nwith disease and calamity. Especially respected are the green banyan or\n_ch\u2019\u00eeng_, the biggest trees to be found in that part of China. In Amoy\nsome people even show a strong aversion from planting trees, the\nplanters, as soon as the stems have become as thick as their necks,\nbeing sure to be throttled by the indwelling spirits. No explanation of\nthis curious superstition was ever given us. It may account to some\nextent for the almost total neglect of forestry in that part of China,\nso that hardly any except spontaneous trees grow there.\u201d[37]\n\n[Sidenote: Particular sorts of trees tenanted by spirits; sacrifices to\ntree-spirits.] Sometimes it is only particular sorts of trees that are\nsupposed to be tenanted by spirits. At Grbalj in Dalmatia it is said\nthat among great beeches, oaks, and other trees there are some that are\nendowed with shades or souls, and whoever fells one of them must die on\nthe spot, or at least live an invalid for the rest of his days. If a\nwoodman fears that a tree which he has felled is one of this sort, he\nmust cut off the head of a live hen on the stump of the tree with the\nvery same axe with which he cut down the tree. This will protect him\nfrom all harm, even if the tree be one of the animated kind.[38] The\nsilk-cotton trees, which rear their [Sidenote: Silk-cotton trees in West\nAfrica.] enormous trunks to a stupendous height, far out-topping all the\nother trees of the forest, are regarded with reverence throughout West\nAfrica, from the Senegal to the Niger, and are believed to be the abode\nof a god or spirit. Among the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast\nthe indwelling god of this giant of the forest goes by the name of\nHuntin. Trees in which he specially dwells\u2014for it is not every\nsilk-cotton tree that he thus honours\u2014are surrounded by a girdle of\npalm-leaves; and sacrifices of fowls, and occasionally of human beings,\nare fastened to the trunk or laid against the foot of the tree. A tree\ndistinguished by a girdle of palm-leaves may not be cut down or injured\nin any way; and even silk-cotton trees which are not supposed to be\nanimated by Huntin may not be felled unless the woodman first offers a\nsacrifice of fowls and palm-oil to purge himself of the proposed\nsacrilege. To omit the sacrifice is an offence which may be punished\nwith death.[39] [Sidenote: Sycamores in ancient Egypt.] Everywhere in\nEgypt on the borders of the cultivated land, and even at some distance\nfrom the valley of the Nile, you meet with fine sycamores standing\nsolitary and thriving as by a miracle in the sandy soil; their living\ngreen contrasts strongly with the tawny hue of the surrounding\nlandscape, and their thick impenetrable foliage bids defiance even in\nsummer to the noonday sun. The secret of their verdure is that their\nroots strike down into rills of water that trickle by unseen sluices\nfrom the great river. Of old the Egyptians of every rank esteemed these\ntrees divine, and paid them regular homage. They gave them figs,\nraisins, cucumbers, vegetables, and water in earthenware pitchers, which\ncharitable folk filled afresh every day. Passers-by slaked their thirst\nat these pitchers in the sultry hours, and paid for the welcome draught\nby a short prayer. The spirit that animated these beautiful trees\ngenerally lurked unseen, but sometimes he would shew his head or even\nhis whole body outside the trunk, but only to retire into it again.[40]\nPeople in Congo set calabashes of palm-wine at the foot of certain trees\nfor the trees to drink when they are thirsty.[41] The [Sidenote: Sacred\ntrees in Africa, Syria, and Patagonia.] Wanika of Eastern Africa pay\nspecial honour to the spirits of coco-nut palms in return for the many\nbenefits conferred on them by the trees. To cut down a coco-nut palm is\nan inexpiable offence, equivalent to matricide. They sacrifice to the\ntree on many occasions. When a man in gathering the coco-nuts has fallen\nfrom the palm, they attribute it to the wrath of the tree-spirit, and\nresort to the oddest means of appeasing him.[42] The Masai particularly\nreverence the _subugo_ tree, the bark of which has medical properties,\nand a species of parasitic fig which they call _retete_. The green figs\nare eaten by boys and girls, and older people propitiate the tree by\npouring the blood of a goat at the foot of the trunk and strewing grass\non the branches.[43] The natives of the Bissagos Islands, off the west\ncoast of Africa, sacrifice dogs, cocks, and oxen to their sacred trees,\nbut they eat the flesh of the victims and leave only the horns, fastened\nto the trees, for the spirits.[44] In a Turkish village of Northern\nSyria there is a very old oak-tree which the people worship, burning\nincense to it and bringing offerings as they would to a shrine.[45] In\nPatagonia, between the Rio Negro and the Rio Colorado, there stands\nsolitary an ancient acacia-tree with a gnarled and hollow trunk. The\nIndians revere it as the abode of a spirit, and hang offerings of\nblankets, ponchos, ribbons, and coloured threads on it, so that the tree\npresents the aspect of an old clothes\u2019 shop, the tattered, weather-worn\ngarments drooping sadly from the boughs. No Indian passes it without\nleaving something, if it be only a little horse-hair which he ties to a\nbranch. The hollow trunk contains offerings of tobacco, beads, and\nsometimes coins. But the best evidence of the sanctity of the tree are\nthe bleached skeletons of many horses which have been killed in honour\nof the spirit; for the horse is the most precious sacrifice that these\nIndians can offer. They slaughter the animal also to propitiate the\nspirits of the deep and rapid [Sidenote: Sacrifices to trees.] rivers\nwhich they have often to ford or swim.[46] The Kayans of Central Borneo\nascribe souls to the trees which yield the poison they use to envenom\ntheir arrows. They think that the spirit of the _tasem_ tree (_Antiaris\ntoxicaria_) is particularly hard to please; but if the wood has a strong\nand agreeable scent, they know that the man who felled the tree must\nhave contrived by his offerings to mollify the peevish spirit.[47] In\nsome of the Louisiade Islands there are certain large trees under which\nthe natives hold their feasts. These trees seem to be regarded as\nendowed with souls; for a portion of the feast is set aside for them,\nand the bones of pigs and of human beings are everywhere deeply imbedded\nin their branches.[48] Among the Kangra mountains of the Punjaub a girl\nused to be annually sacrificed to an old cedar-tree, the families of the\nvillage taking it in turn to supply the victim. The tree was cut down\nnot very many years ago.[49] On Christmas Eve it is still customary in\nsome parts of Germany to gird fruit-trees with ropes of straw on which\nthe sausages prepared for the festival have lain. This is supposed to\nmake the trees bear fruit. In the Mark of Brandenburg the person who\nties the straw round the trees says, \u201cLittle tree, I make you a present,\nand you will make me one.\u201d The people say that if the trees receive\ngifts, they will bestow gifts in return. The custom, which is clearly a\nrelic of tree-worship, is often observed on New Year\u2019s night or at any\ntime between Christmas and Twelfth Night.[50]\n\n[Sidenote: Trees supposed to be sensitive and to feel wounds.] If trees\nare animate, they are necessarily sensitive and the cutting of them down\nbecomes a delicate surgical operation, which must be performed with as\ntender a regard as possible for the feelings of the sufferers, who\notherwise may turn and rend the careless or bungling operator. When an\noak is being felled \u201cit gives a kind of shriekes or groanes, that may be\nheard a mile off, as if it were the genius of the oake lamenting. E.\nWyld, Esq., hath heard it severall times.\u201d[51] The Ojebways \u201cvery seldom\ncut down green or living trees, from the idea that it puts them to pain,\nand some of their medicine-men profess to have heard the wailing of the\ntrees under the axe.\u201d[52] Trees that bleed and utter cries of pain or\nindignation when they are hacked or burned occur very often in Chinese\nbooks, even in Standard Histories.[53] Old peasants in some parts of\nAustria still believe that forest-trees are animate, and will not allow\nan incision to be made in the bark without special cause; they have\nheard from their fathers that the tree feels the cut not [Sidenote:\nApologies offered to trees for cutting them down.] less than a wounded\nman his hurt. In felling a tree they beg its pardon.[54] It is said that\nin the Upper Palatinate also old woodmen still secretly ask a fine,\nsound tree to forgive them before they cut it down.[55] So in Jarkino\nthe woodman craves pardon of the tree he fells.[56] Before the Ilocanes\nof Luzon cut down trees in the virgin forest or on the mountains, they\nrecite some verses to the following effect: \u201cBe not uneasy, my friend,\nthough we fell what we have been ordered to fell.\u201d This they do in order\nnot to draw down on themselves the hatred of the spirits who live in the\ntrees, and who are apt to avenge themselves by visiting with grievous\nsickness such as injure them wantonly.[57] When the Tagalogs of the\nPhilippines wish to pluck a flower, they ask leave of the genius\n(_nono_) of the flower to do so; when they are obliged to cut down a\ntree they beg pardon of the genius of the tree and excuse themselves by\nsaying that it was the priest who bade them fell it.[58] Among the\nTigre-speaking tribes in the north of Abyssinia people are afraid to\nfell a green and fruit-bearing tree lest they incur the curse of God,\nwhich is heard in the groaning of the tree as it sinks to the ground.\nBut if a man is bold enough to cut down such a tree, he will say to it,\n\u201cThy curse abide in thee,\u201d or he will allege that it was not he but an\nelephant or a rhinoceros that knocked it down.[59] Amongst the Hos of\nTogoland, in West Africa, when a man wishes to make palm-wine he hires\nwoodmen to fell the trees. They go into the palm-wood, set some meal on\nthe ground and say to the wood, \u201cThat is your food. The old man at home\nsent us to cut you down. We are still children who know nothing at all.\nThe old man at home has sent us.\u201d They say this because they think that\nthe wood is a spirit and that it is angry with them.[60] Before a Karo\nBatak cuts down a tree, he will offer it betel and apologies; and if in\npassing the place afterwards he should see the tree weeping or, as we\nshould say, exuding sap, he hastens to console it by sprinkling the\nblood of a fowl on the stump.[61] The Basoga of Central Africa think\nthat when a tree is cut down the angry spirit which inhabits it may\ncause the death of the chief and his family. To prevent this disaster\nthey consult a medicine-man before they fell a tree. If the man of skill\ngives leave to proceed, the woodman first offers a fowl and a goat to\nthe tree; then as soon as he has given the first blow with the axe, he\napplies his mouth to the cut and sucks some of the sap. In this way he\nforms a brotherhood with the tree, just as two men become blood-brothers\nby sucking each other\u2019s blood. After that he can cut down his\ntree-brother with impunity.[62] An ancient Indian ritual directs that in\npreparing to fell a tree the woodman should lay a stalk of grass on the\nspot where the blow is to fall, with the words, \u201cO plant, shield it!\u201d\nand that he should say to the axe, \u201cO axe, hurt it not!\u201d When the tree\nhad fallen, he poured melted butter on the stump, saying, \u201cGrow thou out\nof this, O lord of the forest, grow with a hundred shoots! May we grow\nwith a thousand shoots!\u201d Then he anointed the severed stem and wound a\nrope of grass round it.[63]\n\n[Sidenote: Bleeding trees.] Again, when a tree or plant is cut it is\nsometimes thought to bleed. Some Indians dare not cut a certain plant,\nbecause there comes out a red juice which they take for the blood of the\nplant.[64] In Samoa there was a grove of trees which no one dared hew\ndown. Once some strangers tried to do so, but blood flowed from the\ntree, and the sacrilegious strangers fell ill and died.[65] Down to 1859\nthere stood a sacred larch-tree at Nauders in the Tyrol which was\nthought to bleed whenever it was cut; moreover people fancied that the\nsteel pierced the woodman\u2019s body to the same depth that it pierced the\ntree, and that the wound on his body would not heal until the bark\nclosed over the scar on the trunk. So sacred was the tree that no one\nwould gather fuel or cut timber near it; and to curse, scold, or quarrel\nin its neighbourhood was regarded as a crying sin which would be\nsupernaturally punished on the spot. Angry disputants were often hushed\nwith the warning whisper, \u201cDon\u2019t, the sacred tree is here.\u201d[66]\n\n[Sidenote: Trees threatened in order to make them bear fruit.] But the\nspirits of vegetation are not always treated with deference and respect.\nIf fair words and kind treatment do not move them, stronger measures are\nsometimes resorted to. The durian-tree of the East Indies, whose smooth\nstem often shoots up to a height of eighty or ninety feet without\nsending out a branch, bears a fruit of the most delicious flavour and\nthe most disgusting stench. The Malays cultivate the tree for the sake\nof its fruit, and have been known to resort to a peculiar ceremony for\nthe purpose of stimulating its fertility. Near Jugra in Selangor there\nis a small grove of durian-trees, and on a specially chosen day the\nvillagers used to assemble in it. Thereupon one of the local sorcerers\nwould take a hatchet and deliver several shrewd blows on the trunk of\nthe most barren of the trees, saying, \u201cWill you now bear fruit or not?\nIf you do not, I shall fell you.\u201d To this the tree replied through the\nmouth of another man who had climbed a mangostin-tree hard by (the\ndurian-tree being unclimbable), \u201cYes, I will now bear fruit; I beg you\nnot to fell me.\u201d[67] So in Japan to make trees bear fruit two men go\ninto an orchard. One of them climbs up a tree and the other stands at\nthe foot with an axe. The man with the axe asks the tree whether it will\nyield a good crop next year and threatens to cut it down if it does not.\nTo this the man among the branches replies on behalf of the tree that it\nwill bear abundantly.[68] Odd as this mode of horticulture may seem to\nus, it has its exact parallels in Europe. On Christmas Eve many a South\nSlavonian and Bulgarian peasant swings an axe threateningly against a\nbarren fruit-tree, while another man standing by intercedes for the\nmenaced tree, saying, \u201cDo not cut it down; it will soon bear fruit.\u201d\nThrice the axe is swung, and thrice the impending blow is arrested at\nthe entreaty of the intercessor. After that the frightened tree will\ncertainly bear fruit next year.[69] So at the village of Ucria in\nSicily, if a tree obstinately refuses to bear fruit, the owner pretends\nto hew it down. Just as the axe is about to fall, a friend intercedes\nfor the tree, begging him to have patience for one year more, and\npromising not to interfere again if the culprit has not mended his ways\nby then. The owner grants his request, and the Sicilians say that a tree\nseldom remains deaf to such a menace. The ceremony is performed on\nEaster Saturday.[70] In Armenia the same pantomime is sometimes\nperformed by two men for the same purpose on Good Friday.[71] In the\nAbruzzi the ceremony takes place before sunrise on the morning of St.\nJohn\u2019s Day (Midsummer Day). The owner threatens the trees which are slow\nto bear fruit. Thrice he walks round each sluggard repeating his threat\nand striking the trunk with the head of an axe.[72] In Lesbos, when an\norange-tree or a lemon-tree does not bear fruit, the owner will\nsometimes set a looking-glass before the tree; then standing with an axe\nin his hand over against the tree and gazing at its reflection in the\nglass he will feign to fall into a passion and will say aloud, \u201cBear\nfruit, or I\u2019ll cut you down.\u201d[73] When cabbages merely curl their leaves\ninstead of forming heads as they ought to do, an Esthonian peasant will\ngo out into the garden before sunrise, clad only in his shirt, and armed\nwith a scythe, which he sweeps over the refractory vegetables as if he\nmeant to cut them down. This intimidates the cabbages and brings them to\na sense of their duty.[74]\n\n[Sidenote: Attempts to deceive the spirits of trees and plants.] If\nEuropean peasants thus know how to work on the fears of cabbages and\nfruit-trees, the subtle Malay has learned how to overreach the simple\nsouls of the plants and trees that grow in his native land. Thus, when a\nbunch of fruit hangs from an _aren_ palm-tree, and in reaching after it\nyou tread on some of the fallen fruit, the Galelareese say that you\nought to grunt like a wild boar in order that your feet may not itch.\nThe chain of reasoning seems weak to a European mind, but the natives\nfind no flaw in it. They have observed that wild boars are fond of the\nfruit, and run freely about among it as it lies on the ground. From this\nthey infer that the animal\u2019s feet are proof against the itch which men\nsuffer through treading on the fruit; and hence they conclude that if,\nby grunting in a natural and life-like manner, you can impress the fruit\nwith the belief that you are a pig, it will treat your feet as tenderly\nas the feet of his friends the real pigs.[75] Again, pregnant women in\nJava sometimes take a fancy to eat the wild species of a particular\nplant (_Colocasia antiquorum_), which, on account of its exceedingly\npungent taste, is not commonly used as food by human beings, though it\nis relished by pigs. In such a case it becomes the husband\u2019s duty to go\nand look for the plant, but before he gathers it he takes care to grunt\nloudly, in order that the plant may take him for a pig, and so mitigate\nthe pungency of its flavour.[76] Again, in the Madiun district of Java\nthere grows a plant of which the fruit is believed to be injurious for\nmen, but not for apes. The urchins who herd buffaloes, and to whom\nnothing edible comes amiss, eat this fruit also; but before plucking it\nthey take the precaution of mimicking the voices of apes, in order to\npersuade the plant that its fruit is destined for the maw of these\ncreatures.[77] Once more, the Javanese scrape the rind of a certain\nplant (_Sarcolobus narcoticus_) into a powder, with which they poison\nsuch dangerous beasts as tigers and wild boars. But the rind is believed\nnot to be a poison for men. Hence the person who gathers the plant has\nto observe certain precautions in order that its baneful quality may not\nbe lost in passing through his hands. He approaches it naked and\ncreeping on all fours to make the plant think that he is a ravenous\nbeast and not a man, and to strengthen the illusion he bites the stalk.\nAfter that the deadly property of the rind is assured. But even when the\nplant has been gathered and the powder made from it in strict accordance\nwith certain superstitious rules, care is still needed in handling the\npowder, which is regarded as alive and intelligent. It may not be\nbrought near a corpse, nor may a corpse be carried past the house in\nwhich the powder is kept. For if either of these things were to happen,\nthe powder, seeing the corpse, would hastily conclude that it had\nalready done its work, and so all its noxious quality would be gone.[78]\nThe Indians of the Upper Orinoco extract a favourite beverage from\ncertain palm-trees which grow in their forests. In order to make the\ntrees bear abundance of fruit the medicine-men blow sacred trumpets\nunder them; but how this is supposed to produce the desired effect does\nnot appear. The trumpets (_botutos_) are objects of religious\nveneration; no woman may look on them under pain of death. Candidates\nfor initiation into the mystery of the trumpets must be men of good\ncharacter and celibate. The initiated members scourge each other, fast,\nand practise other austerities.[79]\n\n[Sidenote: Trees married to each other.] The conception of trees and\nplants as animated beings naturally results in treating them as male and\nfemale, who can be married to each other in a real, and not merely a\nfigurative or poetical sense of the word. The notion is not purely\nfanciful, for plants like animals have their sexes and reproduce their\nkind by the union of the male and female elements. But whereas in all\nthe higher animals the organs of the two sexes are regularly separated\nbetween different individuals, in most plants they exist together in\nevery individual of the species. This rule, however, is by no means\nuniversal, and in many species the male plant is distinct from the\nfemale. The distinction appears to have been observed by some savages,\nfor we are told that the Maoris \u201care acquainted with the sex of trees,\netc., and have distinct names for the male and female of some\ntrees.\u201d[80] The [Sidenote: Artificial fertilisation of the date-palm.]\nancients knew the difference between the male and the female date-palm,\nand fertilised them artificially by shaking the pollen of the male tree\nover the flowers of the female.[81] The fertilisation took place in\nspring. Among the heathen of Harran the month during which the palms\nwere fertilised bore the name of the Date Month, and at this time they\ncelebrated the marriage festival of all the gods and goddesses.[82]\nDifferent from this true and fruitful marriage of the palm are the false\nand barren marriages of plants which play a part [Sidenote: Marriages of\ntrees in India.] in Hindoo superstition. For example, if a Hindoo has\nplanted a grove of mangos, neither he nor his wife may taste of the\nfruit until he has formally married one of the trees, as a bridegroom,\nto a tree of a different sort, commonly a tamarind-tree, which grows\nnear it in the grove. If there is no tamarind to act as bride, a jasmine\nwill serve the turn. The expenses of such a marriage are often\nconsiderable, for the more Brahmans are feasted at it, the greater the\nglory of the owner of the grove. A family has been known to sell its\ngolden and silver trinkets, and to borrow all the money they could in\norder to marry a mango-tree to a jasmine with due pomp and ceremony.[83]\nAccording to another account of the ceremony, a branch of a _bar_ tree\nis brought and fixed near one of the mango trees in the grove to\nrepresent the _bar_ or bridegroom, and both are wrapt round with the\nsame piece of cloth by the owner of the grove and his wife. To complete\nthe ceremony a bamboo basket containing the bride\u2019s belongings and dowry\non a miniature scale is provided; and after the Brahman priest has done\nhis part, vermilion, the emblem of a completed marriage, is applied to\nthe mango as to a bride.[84] Another plant which figures as [Sidenote:\nMarriage of the holy basil.] a bride in Hindoo rites is the _tulasi_ or\nHoly Basil (_Ocymum sanctum_). It is a small shrub, not too big to be\ngrown in a large flower-pot, and is often placed in rooms; indeed there\nis hardly a respectable Hindoo family that does not possess one. In\nspite of its humble appearance, the shrub is pervaded by the essence of\nVishnu and his wife Lakshmi, and is itself worshipped daily as a deity.\nThe following prayer is often addressed to it: \u201cI adore that _tulasi_ in\nwhose roots are all the sacred places of pilgrimage, in whose centre are\nall the deities, and in whose upper branches are all the Vedas.\u201d The\nplant is especially a woman\u2019s divinity, being regarded as an embodiment\nof Vishnu\u2019s wife Lakshmi, or of Rama\u2019s wife Sita, or of Krishna\u2019s wife\nRukmini. Women worship it by walking round it and praying or offering\nflowers and rice to it. Now this sacred plant, as the embodiment of a\ngoddess, is annually married to the god Krishna in every Hindoo family.\nThe ceremony takes place in the month _Karttika_ or November. In Western\nIndia they often bring an idol of the youthful Krishna in a gorgeous\npalanquin, followed by a long train of attendants, to the house of a\nrich man to be wedded to the basil; and the festivities are celebrated\nwith great pomp.[85] Again, as the wife of Vishnu, the holy basil is\nmarried to the _Salagrama_, a black fossil ammonite which is regarded as\nan embodiment of Vishnu. In North-Western India this marriage of the\nplant to the fossil has to be performed before it is lawful to taste of\nthe fruit of a new orchard. A man holding the fossil personates the\nbridegroom, and another holding the basil represents the bride. After\nburning a sacrificial fire, the officiating Brahman puts the usual\nquestions to the couple about to be united. Bride and bridegroom walk\nsix times round a small spot marked out in the centre of the\norchard.[86] Further, no well is considered lucky until the _Salagrama_\nhas been solemnly wedded to the holy basil, which stands for the garden\nthat the well is intended to water. The relations assemble; the owner of\nthe garden represents the bridegroom, while a kinsman of his wife\npersonates the bride. Gifts are given to the Brahmans, a feast is held\nin the garden, and after that both garden and well may be used without\ndanger.[87] The same marriage of the sacred fossil to the sacred plant\nis celebrated annually by the Rajah of Orchha at Ludhaura. A former\nRajah used to spend a sum equal to about thirty thousand pounds, being\none-fourth of his revenue, upon the ceremony. On one occasion over a\nhundred thousand people are said to have been present at the rite, and\nto have been feasted at the expense of the Rajah. The procession\nconsisted of eight elephants, twelve hundred camels, and four thousand\nhorses, all mounted and elegantly caparisoned. The most sumptuously\ndecorated of the elephants carried the fossil god to pay his bridal\nvisit to the little shrub goddess. On such an occasion all the rites of\na regular marriage are performed, and afterwards the newly-wedded couple\nare left to repose together in the temple till the next year.[88] On\nChristmas Eve German peasants used to tie fruit-trees together with\nstraw ropes to make them bear fruit, saying that the trees were thus\nmarried.[89]\n\n[Sidenote: Trees in blossom and rice in bloom treated like pregnant\nwomen.] In the Moluccas, when the clove-trees are in blossom, they are\ntreated like pregnant women. No noise may be made near them; no light or\nfire may be carried past them at night; no one may approach them with\nhis hat on, all must uncover in their presence. These precautions are\nobserved lest the tree should be alarmed and bear no fruit, or should\ndrop its fruit too soon, like the untimely delivery of a woman who has\nbeen frightened in her pregnancy.[90] So in the East the growing\nrice-crop is often treated with the same considerate regard as a\nbreeding woman. Thus in Amboyna, when the rice is in bloom, the people\nsay that it is pregnant and fire no guns and make no other noises near\nthe field, for fear lest, if the rice were thus disturbed, it would\nmiscarry, and the crop would be all straw and no grain.[91] The Javanese\nalso regard the bloom on the rice as a sign that the plant is pregnant;\nand they treat it accordingly, by mingling in the water that irrigates\nthe fields a certain astringent food prepared from sour fruit, which is\nbelieved to be wholesome for women with child.[92] In some districts of\nWestern Borneo there must be no talk of corpses or demons in the fields,\nelse the spirit of the growing rice would be frightened and flee away to\nJava.[93] The Toboongkoos of Central Celebes will not fire a gun in a\nricefield, lest the rice should be frightened away.[94] The Chams of\nBinh-Thuan, in Cochin-China, do not dare to touch the rice in the\ngranary at mid-day, because the rice is then asleep, and it would be\nboth rude and dangerous to disturb its noonday slumber.[95] In Orissa\ngrowing rice is \u201cconsidered as a pregnant woman, and the same ceremonies\nare observed with regard to it as in the case of human females.\u201d[96] In\nPoso, a district of Central Celebes, when the rice-ears are beginning to\nform, women go through the field feeding the young ears with soft-boiled\nrice to make them grow fast. They carry the food in calabashes, and\ngrasping the ears in their hands bend them over into the vessels that\nthey may partake of the strengthening pap. The reason for boiling the\nrice soft is that the ears are regarded as young children who could not\ndigest rice cooked in the usual way.[97] The Tomori of Central Celebes\nfeed the ripening rice by touching it with the contents of a broken\negg.[98] When the grain begins to form, the people of Gayo, a district\nof northern Sumatra, regard the rice as pregnant and feed it with a pap\ncomposed of rice-meal, coco-nut, and treacle, which they deposit on\nleaves in the middle and at the corners of the field. And when the crop\nis plentiful and the rice has been threshed, they give it water to drink\nin a pitcher, which they bury to the neck in the heap of grain.[99]\n\n[Sidenote: Trees supposed to be tenanted by the souls of the dead.]\nSometimes it is the souls of the dead which are believed to animate\ntrees. The Dieri tribe of South Australia regard as very sacred certain\ntrees which are supposed to be their fathers transformed; hence they\nspeak with reverence of these trees, and are careful that they shall not\nbe cut down or burned. If the settlers require them to hew down the\ntrees, they earnestly protest against it, asserting that were they to do\nso they would have no luck, and might be punished for not protecting\ntheir ancestors.[100] Some of the Philippine Islanders believe that the\nsouls of their ancestors are in certain trees, which they therefore\nspare. If they are obliged to fell one of these trees, they excuse\nthemselves to it by saying that it was the priest who made them do it.\nThe spirits take up their abode, by preference, in tall and stately\ntrees with great spreading branches. When the wind rustles the leaves,\nthe natives fancy it is the voice of the spirit; and they never pass\nnear one of these trees without bowing respectfully, and asking pardon\nof the spirit for disturbing his repose. Among the Ignorrotes, in the\ndistrict of Lepanto, every village has its sacred tree, in which the\nsouls of the dead forefathers of the hamlet reside. Offerings are made\nto the tree, and any injury done to it is believed to entail some\nmisfortune on the village. Were the tree cut down, the village and all\nits inhabitants would inevitably perish.[101] The natives of Bontoc, a\nprovince in the north of Luzon, cut down the woods near their villages,\nbut leave a few fine trees standing as the abode of the spirits of their\nancestors (_anitos_); and they honour the spirits by depositing food\nunder the trees.[102] The Dyaks believe that when a man dies by\naccident, as by drowning, it is a sign that the gods mean to exclude him\nfrom the realms of bliss. Accordingly his body is not buried, but\ncarried into the forest and there laid down. The souls of such\nunfortunates pass into trees or animals or fish, and are much dreaded by\nthe Dyaks, who abstain from using certain kinds of wood, or eating\ncertain sorts of fish, because they are supposed to contain the souls of\nthe dead.[103] Once, while walking with a Dyak through the jungle, Sir\nHugh Low observed that his companion, after raising his sword to strike\na great snake, suddenly arrested his arm and suffered the reptile to\nescape. On asking the reason, he was told by the Dyak that the bush in\nfront of which they were standing had been a man, a kinsman of his own,\nwho, dying some ten years before, had appeared in a dream to his widow\nand told her that he had become that particular bamboo-tree. Hence the\nground and everything on it was sacred, and the serpent might not be\ninterfered with. The Dyak further related that in spite of the warning\ngiven to the woman in the vision, a man had been hardy enough to cut a\nbranch of the tree, but that the fool had paid for his temerity with his\nlife, for he died soon afterwards. A little bamboo altar stood in front\nof the bush, on which the remnants of offerings presented to the spirit\nof the tree were still visible when Sir Hugh Low passed that way.[104]\n\nIn Corea the souls of people who die of the plague or by the roadside,\nand of women who expire in childbed, invariably take up their abode in\ntrees. To such spirits offerings of cake, wine, and pork are made on\nheaps of stones piled under the trees.[105] In China it has been\ncustomary from time immemorial to plant trees on graves in order thereby\nto strengthen the soul of the deceased and thus to save his body from\ncorruption; and as the evergreen cypress and pine are deemed to be\nfuller of vitality than other trees, they have been chosen by preference\nfor this purpose. Hence the trees that grow on graves are sometimes\nidentified with the souls of the departed.[106] Among the Miao-Kia, an\naboriginal race of Southern and Western China, a sacred tree stands at\nthe entrance of every village, and the inhabitants believe that it is\ntenanted by the soul of their first ancestor and that it rules their\ndestiny. Sometimes there is a sacred grove near a village, where the\ntrees are suffered to rot and die on the spot. Their fallen branches\ncumber the ground, and no one may remove them unless he has first asked\nleave of the spirit of the tree and offered him a sacrifice.[107] Among\nthe Maraves of Southern Africa the burial-ground is always regarded as a\nholy place where neither a tree may be felled nor a beast killed,\nbecause everything there is supposed to be tenanted by the souls of the\ndead.[108] Trees supposed to be inhabited by spirits of the dead are\nreported to be common in Southern Nigeria.[109] Thus in the Indem tribe\non the Cross River every village has a big tree into which the souls of\nthe villagers are believed to pass at death. Hence they will not allow\nthese trees to be cut, and they sacrifice to them when people are\nill.[110] Other natives of the Cross River say that the big tree of the\nvillage is \u201ctheir Life,\u201d and that anybody who breaks a bough of it will\nfall sick or die unless he pays a fine to the chief.[111] Some of the\nmountaineers on the north-west coast of New Guinea think that the\nspirits of their ancestors live on the branches of trees, on which\naccordingly they hang rags of red or white cotton, always in the number\nof seven or a multiple of seven; also, they place food on the trees or\nhang it in baskets from the boughs.[112] Among the Buryats of Siberia\nthe bones of a deceased shaman are deposited in a hole hewn in the trunk\nof a great fir, which is then carefully closed up. Thenceforth the tree\ngoes by the name of the shaman\u2019s fir, and is looked upon as his abode.\nWhoever cuts down such a tree will perish with all his household. Every\ntribe has its sacred grove of firs in which the bones of the dead\nshamans are buried. In treeless regions these firs often form isolated\nclumps on the hills, and are visible from afar.[113] The Lkungen Indians\nof British Columbia fancy that trees are transformed men, and that the\ncreaking of the branches in the wind is their voice.[114] In Croatia,\nthey say that witches used to be buried under old trees in the forest,\nand that their souls passed into the trees and left the villagers in\npeace.[115] A tree that grows on a grave is regarded by the South\nSlavonian peasant as a sort of fetish. Whoever breaks a twig from it\nhurts the soul of the dead, but gains thereby a magic wand, since the\nsoul embodied in the twig will be at his service.[116] This reminds us\nof the story of Polydorus in Virgil,[117] and of the bleeding\npomegranate that grew on the grave of the fratricides Eteocles and\nPolynices at Thebes[118]. Similar stories are told far away from the\nclassic lands of Italy and Greece. In an Annamite tale an old fisherman\nmakes an incision in the trunk of a tree which has drifted ashore; but\nblood flows from the cut, and it appears that an empress with her three\ndaughters, who had been cast into the sea, are embodied in the\ntree.[119] On the Slave Coast of West Africa the negroes tell how from\nthe mouldering bones of a little boy, who had been murdered by his\nbrother in the forest, there sprang up an edible fungus, which spoke and\nrevealed the crime to the child\u2019s mother when she attempted to pluck\nit.[120]\n\n[Sidenote: Trees sometimes conceived not as the body but merely as the\nabode of spirits.] In most, if not all, of these cases the spirit is\nviewed as incorporate in the tree; it animates the tree and must suffer\nand die with it. But, according to another and probably later opinion,\nthe tree is not the body, but merely the abode of the tree-spirit, which\ncan quit it and return to it at pleasure. The inhabitants of Siaoo, an\nisland of the Sangi group in the East Indies, believe in certain sylvan\nspirits who dwell in forests or in great solitary trees. At full moon\nthe spirit comes forth from his lurking-place and roams about. He has a\nbig head, very long arms and legs, and a ponderous body. In order to\npropitiate the wood-spirits people bring offerings of food, fowls,\ngoats, and so forth to the places which they are supposed to haunt.[121]\nThe people of Nias think that, when a tree dies, its liberated spirit\nbecomes a demon, which can kill a coco-nut palm by merely lighting on\nits branches, and can cause the death of all the children in a house by\nperching on one of the posts that support it. Further, they are of\nopinion that certain trees are at all times inhabited by roving demons\nwho, if the trees were damaged, would be set free to go about on errands\nof mischief. Hence the people respect these trees, and are careful not\nto cut them down.[122] On the Tanga coast of East Africa mischievous\nsprites reside in great trees, especially in the fantastically shaped\nbaobabs. Sometimes they appear in the shape of ugly black beings, but as\na rule they enter unseen into people\u2019s bodies, from which, after causing\nmuch sickness and misery, they have to be cast out by the sorcerer.[123]\nThe Warramunga tribe of Central Australia believe that certain trees are\nthe abode of disembodied human spirits waiting to be born again. No\nwoman will strike one of these trees with an axe, lest the blow might\ndisturb one of the spirits, who might come forth from the tree and enter\nher body.[124] In the Galla region of East Africa, where the vegetation\nis magnificent, there are many sacred trees, the haunts of jinn. Most of\nthem belong to the sycamore and maple family, but they do not all exhale\nan equal odour of sanctity. The _wat\u00easa_, with its edible fruit, is\nleast revered; people climb it to get the fruit, and this disturbs the\njinn, who naturally do not care to linger among its boughs. The _gute\ntubi_, which has no edible fruit, is more sacred. Every Galla tribe has\nits sacred tree, which is always one individual of a particular species\ncalled _lafto_. When a tree has been consecrated by a priest it becomes\nholy, and no branch of it may be broken. Such trees are loaded with long\nthreads, woollen bands, and bracelets; the blood of animals is poured on\ntheir roots and sometimes smeared on their trunks, and pots full of\nbutter, milk, and flesh are placed among the branches or on the ground\nunder them. In many Galla tribes women may not tread on the shadow of\nsacred trees or even approach the trees.[125]\n\n[Sidenote: Ceremonies at felling trees.] Not a few ceremonies observed\nat cutting down haunted trees are based on the belief that the spirits\nhave it in their power to quit the trees at pleasure or in case of need.\nThus when the Pelew Islanders are felling a tree, they conjure the\nspirit of the tree to leave it and settle on another.[126] The wily\nnegro of the Slave Coast, who wishes to fell an _ashorin_ tree, but\nknows that he cannot do it so long as the spirit remains in the tree,\nplaces a little palm-oil on the ground as a bait, and then, when the\nunsuspecting spirit has quitted the tree to partake of this dainty,\nhastens to cut down its late abode.[127] The Alfoors of Poso, in Central\nCelebes, believe that great trees are inhabited by demons in human form,\nand the taller the tree the more powerful the demon. Accordingly they\nare careful not to fell such trees, and they leave offerings at the foot\nof them for the spirits. But sometimes, when they are clearing land for\ncultivation, it becomes necessary to cut down the trees which cumber it.\nIn that case the Alfoor will call to the demon of the tree and beseech\nhim to leave his abode and go elsewhere, and he deposits food under the\ntree as provision for the spirit on his journey. Then, and not till\nthen, he may fell the tree. Woe to the luckless wight who should turn a\ntree-spirit out of his house without giving him due notice![128] When\nthe Toboongkoos of Central Celebes are about to clear a piece of forest\nin order to plant rice, they build a tiny house and furnish it with tiny\nclothes and some food and gold. Then they call together all the spirits\nof the wood, offer them the little house with its contents, and beseech\nthem to quit the spot. After that they may safely cut down the wood\nwithout fearing to wound themselves in so doing.[129] Before the Tomori\nof Central Celebes fell a tall tree they lay a quid of betel at its\nfoot, and invite the spirit who dwells in the tree to change his\nlodging; moreover, they set a little ladder against the trunk to enable\nhim to descend with safety and comfort.[130] The Sundanese of the\nEastern Archipelago drive golden or silver nails into the trunk of a\nsacred tree for the sake of expelling the tree-spirit before they hew\ndown his abode.[131] They seem to think that, though the nails will hurt\nhim, his vanity will be soothed by the reflection that they are of gold\nor silver. In Rotti, an island to the south of Timor, when they fell a\ntree to make a coffin, they sacrifice a dog as compensation to the\ntree-spirit whose property they are thus making free with.[132] Before\nthe Gayos of Northern Sumatra clear a piece of forest for the purpose of\nplanting tobacco or sugar-cane, they offer a quid of betel to the spirit\nwhom they call the Lord of the Wood, and beg his leave to quarter\nthemselves on his domain.[133] The Mandelings of Sumatra endeavour to\nlay the blame of all such misdeeds at the door of the Dutch authorities.\nThus when a man is cutting a road through a forest and has to fell a\ntall tree which blocks the way, he will not begin to ply his axe until\nhe has said: \u201cSpirit who lodgest in this tree, take it not ill that I\ncut down thy dwelling, for it is done at no wish of mine but by order of\nthe Controller.\u201d And when he wishes to clear a piece of forest-land for\ncultivation, it is necessary that he should come to a satisfactory\nunderstanding with the woodland spirits who live there before he lays\nlow their leafy dwellings. For this purpose he goes to the middle of the\nplot of ground, stoops down, and pretends to pick up a letter. Then\nunfolding a bit of paper he reads aloud an imaginary letter from the\nDutch Government, in which he is strictly enjoined to set about clearing\nthe land without delay. Having done so, he says: \u201cYou hear that,\nspirits. I must begin clearing at once, or I shall be hanged.\u201d[134] When\nthe Tagales of the Philippines are about to fell a tree which they\nbelieve to be inhabited by a spirit, they excuse themselves to the\nspirit, saying: \u201cThe priest has ordered us to do it; the fault is not\nours, nor the will either.\u201d[135] There is a certain tree called _rara_\nwhich the Dyaks believe to be inhabited by a spirit. Before they cut\ndown one of these trees they strike an axe into the trunk, leave it\nthere, and call upon the spirit either to quit his dwelling or to give\nthem a sign that he does not wish it to be meddled with. Then they go\nhome. Next day they visit the tree, and if they find the axe still\nsticking in the trunk, they can fell the tree without danger; there is\nno spirit in it, or he would certainly have ejected the axe from his\nabode. But if they find the axe lying on the ground, they know that the\ntree is inhabited and they will not fell it; for it must surely have\nbeen the spirit of the tree in person who expelled the intrusive axe.\nSome sceptical Europeans, however, argue that what casts out the axe is\nstrychnine in the sap rather than the tree-spirit. They say that if the\nsap is running, the axe must necessarily be forced out by the action of\nheat and the expansion of the exuding gutta; whereas if the axe remains\nin the trunk, this only shews that the tree is not vigorous but ready to\ndie.[136]\n\nBefore they cut down a great tree, the Indians in the neighbourhood of\nSantiago Tepehuacan hold a festival in order to appease the tree and so\nprevent it from hurting anybody in its fall.[137] In the Greek island of\nSiphnos, if woodmen have to fell a tree which they regard as possessed\nby a spirit, they are most careful, when it falls, to prostrate\nthemselves humbly and in silence lest the spirit should chastise them as\nit escapes. Sometimes they put a stone on the stump of the tree to\nprevent the egress of the spirit.[138] In some parts of Sumatra, so soon\nas a tree is felled, a young tree is planted on the stump, and some\nbetel and a few small coins are also placed on it.[139] The purpose of\nthe ceremony seems plain. The spirit of the tree is offered a new home\nin the young tree planted on the stump of the old one, and the offering\nof betel and money is meant to compensate him for the disturbance he has\nsuffered. Similarly, when the Maghs of Bengal were obliged by Europeans\nto cut down trees which the natives believed to be tenanted by spirits,\none of them was always ready with a green sprig, which he ran and placed\nin the middle of the stump when the tree fell, \u201cas a propitiation to the\nspirit which had been displaced so roughly, pleading at the same time\nthe orders of the strangers for the work.\u201d[140] In Halmahera, however,\nthe motive for placing a sprig on the stump is said to be to deceive the\nspirit into thinking that the fallen stem is still growing in its old\nplace.[141] The Gilyaks insert a stick with curled shavings on the stump\nof the tree which they have felled, believing that in this way they give\nback to the dispossessed tree-spirit his life and soul.[142] German\nwoodmen make a cross upon the stump while the tree is falling, in the\nbelief that this enables the spirit of the tree to live upon the\nstump.[143] Before the Katodis fell a forest tree, they choose a tree of\nthe same kind and worship it by presenting a coco-nut, burning incense,\napplying a red pigment, and begging it to bless the undertaking.[144]\nThe intention, perhaps, is to induce the spirit of the former tree to\nshift its quarters to the latter. In clearing a wood, a Galelareese must\nnot cut down the last tree till the spirit in it has been induced to go\naway.[145] When the Dyaks fell the jungle on the hills, they often leave\na few trees standing on the hill-tops as a refuge for the dispossessed\ntree-spirits.[146] Sailing up the Baram river in Sarawak you pass from\ntime to time a clearing in the forest where manioc is cultivated. In the\nmiddle of every one of these clearings a solitary tree is always left\nstanding as a home for the ejected spirits of the wood. Its boughs are\nstripped off, all but the topmost, and just under its leafy crown two\ncross-pieces are fastened from which rags dangle.[147] Similarly in\nIndia, the Gonds allow a grove of typical trees to remain as a home or\nreserve for the woodland spirits when they are clearing away a\njungle.[148] The Mundaris have sacred groves which were left standing\nwhen the land was cleared, lest the sylvan gods, disquieted at the\nfelling of the trees, should abandon the place.[149] The Miris in Assam\nare unwilling to break up new land for cultivation so long as there is\nfallow land available; for they fear to offend the spirits of the woods\nby hewing down trees needlessly.[150] On the other hand, when a child\nhas been lost, the Padams of Assam think that it has been stolen by the\nspirits of the wood; so they retaliate on the spirits by felling trees\ntill they find the child. The spirits, fearing to be left without a tree\nin which to lodge, give up the child, and it is found in the fork of a\ntree.[151]\n\n[Sidenote: Propitiating tree-spirits in house-timber.] Even when a tree\nhas been felled, sawn into planks, and used to build a house, it is\npossible that the woodland spirit may still be lurking in the timber,\nand accordingly some people seek to propitiate him before or after they\noccupy the new house. Hence, when a new dwelling is ready the Toradjas\nof Central Celebes kill a goat, a pig, or a buffalo, and smear all the\nwoodwork with its blood. If the building is a _lobo_ or spirit-house, a\nfowl or a dog is killed on the ridge of the roof, and its blood allowed\nto flow down on both sides. The ruder Tonapoo in such a case sacrifice a\nhuman being on the roof. This sacrifice on the roof of a _lobo_ or\ntemple serves the same purpose as the smearing of blood on the woodwork\nof an ordinary house. The intention is to propitiate the forest-spirits\nwho may still be in the timber; they are thus put in good humour and\nwill do the inmates of the house no harm. For a like reason people in\nCelebes and the Moluccas are much afraid of planting a post upside down\nat the building of a house; for the forest-spirit, who might still be in\nthe timber, would very naturally resent the indignity and visit the\ninmates with sickness.[152] The Bahaus or Kayans of central Borneo are\nof opinion that tree-spirits stand very stiffly on the point of honour\nand visit men with their displeasure for any injury done to them. Hence\nafter building a house, whereby they have been forced to illtreat many\ntrees, these people observe a period of penance for a year, during which\nthey must abstain from many things, such as the killing of bears,\ntiger-cats, and serpents. The period of taboo is brought to an end by a\nceremony at which head-hunting, or the pretence of it, plays a part. The\nOoloo-Ayar Dyaks on the Mandai river are still more punctilious in their\nobservance of taboos after building a house. The length of the penance\ndepends chiefly on the kind of timber used in the construction of the\ndwelling. If the timber was the valuable ironwood, the inmates of the\nhouse must deny themselves various dainties for three years. But the\nspirits of humbler trees are less exacting.[153] When the Kayans have\nfelled an ironwood tree in order to cut it up into planks for a roof,\nthey will offer a pig to the spirits of the tree, hoping thus to prevent\nthe spirits from molesting the souls of persons assembled under the\nroof.[154]\n\n[Sidenote: Sacred trees the abode of spirits.] Thus the tree is\nregarded, sometimes as the body, sometimes as merely the house of the\ntree-spirit; and when we read of sacred trees which may not be cut down\nbecause they are the seat of spirits, it is not always possible to say\nwith certainty in which way the presence of the spirit in the tree is\nconceived. In the following cases, perhaps, the trees are regarded as\nthe dwelling-place of the spirits rather than as their bodies. The Sea\nDyaks point to many a tree as sacred because it is the abode of a spirit\nor spirits, and to cut one of these down would provoke the spirit\u2019s\nanger, who might avenge himself by visiting the sacrilegious woodman\nwith sickness.[155] The Battas of Sumatra have been known to refuse to\ncut down certain trees because they were the abode of mighty spirits who\nwould resent the injury.[156] One of the largest and stateliest of the\nforest trees in Perak is known as _toallong_; it has a very poisonous\nsap which produces great irritation when it comes into contact with the\nskin. Many trees of this species have large hollow knobs on their trunks\nwhere branches have been broken off. These knobs are looked upon by the\nMalays as houses of spirits, and they object strongly to cut down trees\nthat are thus disfigured, believing that the man who fells one of them\nwill die within the year. When clearings are made in the forest these\ntrees are generally left standing to the annoyance and expense of\nplanters.[157] The Siamese fear to cut down any very fine trees lest\nthey should incur the anger of the powerful spirits who inhabit\nthem.[158] The En, a tribe of Upper Burma, worship the spirits of hills\nand forests, and over great tracts of country they will not lay out\nfields for fear of offending the spirits. They say that if a tree is\nfelled a man dies.[159] In every Khond village a large grove, generally\nof _s\u00e2l_ trees (_Shorea robusta_), is dedicated to the forest god, whose\nfavour is sought by the sacrifice of birds, hogs, and sheep, together\nwith an offering of rice and an addled egg. This sacred grove is\nreligiously preserved. The young trees are occasionally pruned, but not\na twig may be cut for use without the formal consent of the village and\nthe ceremonial propitiation of the god.[160] In some parts of Berar the\nholy groves are so carefully preserved, that during the annual festivals\nheld in them it is customary to gather and burn solemnly all dead and\nfallen branches and trees.[161] The Larka Kols of India believe that the\ntops of trees are the abode of spirits who are disturbed by the felling\nof the trees and will take vengeance.[162] The Parahiya, a Dravidian\ntribe of Mirzapur, think that evil spirits live in the _s\u00e2l_, _p\u00eepal_,\nand _mahua_ trees; they make offerings to such trees and will not climb\ninto their branches.[163] In Travancore demons are supposed to reside in\ncertain large old trees, which it would be sacrilegious and dangerous to\nhew down. A rough stone is generally placed at the foot of one of these\ntrees as an image or emblem, and turmeric powder is rubbed on it.[164]\nSome of the Western tribes of British New Guinea dread certain female\ndevils who inhabit large trees and are very dangerous. Trees supposed to\nbe the abode of these demons are treated with much respect and never cut\ndown.[165] Near Old Calabar there is a ravine full of the densest and\nrichest vegetation, whence a stream of limpid water flows purling to the\nriver. The spot was considered by a late king to be hallowed ground, the\nresidence of Anansa, the tutelary god of Old Calabar. The people had\nstrict orders to revere the grove, and no branch of it might be\ncut.[166] Among the Bambaras of the Upper Niger every village has its\nsacred tree, generally a tamarind, which is supposed to be the abode of\nthe fetish and is carefully preserved. The fetish is consulted on every\nimportant occasion, and sacrifices of sheep, dogs, and fowls,\naccompanied with offerings of millet and fruits, are made under the\nsacred tree.[167] In the deserts of Arabia a modern traveller found a\ngreat solitary acacia-tree which the Bedouins believed to be possessed\nby a jinnee. Shreds of cotton and horns of goats hung among the boughs\nand nails were knocked into the trunk. An Arab strongly dissuaded the\ntraveller from cutting a branch of the tree, assuring him that it was\ndeath to do so.[168] The Yourouks, who inhabit the southern coasts of\nAsia Minor and the heights of Mount Taurus, have sacred trees which they\nnever cut down from fear of driving away the spirits that own them.[169]\nThe old Prussians believed that gods inhabited tall trees, such as oaks,\nfrom which they gave audible answers to enquirers; hence these trees\nwere not felled, but worshipped as the homes of divinities. Amongst the\ntrees thus venerated by them was the elder-tree.[170] The Samagitians\nthought that if any one ventured to injure certain groves, or the birds\nor beasts in them, the spirits would make his hands or feet\ncrooked.[171] Down to the nineteenth century the Esthonians stood in\nsuch awe of many trees, which they considered as the seat of mighty\nspirits, that they would not even pluck a flower or a berry on the\nground where the shadow of the trees fell, much less would they dare to\nbreak a branch from the tree itself.[172]\n\n[Sidenote: Sacred groves.] Even where no mention is made of\nwood-spirits, we may generally assume that when trees or groves are\nsacred and inviolable, it is because they are believed to be either\ninhabited or animated by sylvan deities. In Central India the _bar_ tree\n(_Ficus Indica_) and the _pipal_ (_Ficus religiosa_) are sacred, and\nevery child learns the saying that \u201cit is better to die a leper than\npluck a leaf of a _pipal_, and he who can wound a _bar_ will kick his\nlittle sister.\u201d[173] In Livonia there is a sacred grove in which, if any\nman fells a tree or breaks a branch, he will die within the year.[174]\nThe Wotyaks have sacred groves. A Russian who ventured to hew a tree in\none of them fell sick and died next day.[175] The heathen Cheremiss of\nSouth-Eastern Russia have sacred groves, and woe to him who dares to\nfell one of the holy trees. If the author of the sacrilege is unknown,\nthey take a cock or a goose, torture it to death and then throw it on\nthe fire, while they pray to the gods to punish the sinner and cause him\nto perish like the bird.[176] Near a chapel of St. Ninian, in the parish\nof Belly, there stood more than a century and a half ago a row of trees,\n\u201call of equal size, thick planted for about the length of a butt,\u201d which\nwere \u201clooked upon by the superstitious papists as sacred trees, from\nwhich they reckon it sacrilege to take so much as a branch or any of the\nfruit.\u201d[177] So in the island of Skye some two hundred and fifty years\nago there was a holy lake, \u201csurrounded by a fair wood, which none\npresumes to cut\u201d; and those who ventured to infringe its sanctity by\nbreaking even a twig either sickened on the spot or were visited\nafterwards by \u201csome signal inconvenience.\u201d[178] Sacrifices offered at\ncutting down trees are doubtless meant to appease the wood-spirits. In\nGilgit it is usual to sprinkle goat\u2019s blood on a tree of any kind before\nfelling it.[179] The Akikuyu of British East Africa hold the _mugumu_ or\n_mugomo_ tree, a species of fig, sacred on account of its size and fine\nappearance; hence they do not ruthlessly cut it down like all other\ntrees which cumber a patch of ground that is to be cleared for tillage.\nGroves of this tree are sacred. In them no axe may be laid to any tree,\nno branch broken, no firewood gathered, no grass burnt; and wild animals\nwhich have taken refuge there may not be molested. In these sacred\ngroves sheep and goats are sacrificed and prayers are offered for rain\nor fine weather or in behalf of sick children. The whole meat of the\nsacrifices is left in the grove for God (_Ngai_) to eat; the fat is\nplaced in a cleft of the trunk or in the branches as a tit-bit for him.\nHe lives up in the boughs but comes down to partake of the food.[180]\n\n\n                 \u00a7 2. Beneficent Powers of Tree-Spirits\n\n\n[Sidenote: Transition of tree-spirit into anthropomorphic deity of the\nwoods.] When a tree comes to be viewed, no longer as the body of the\ntree-spirit, but simply as its abode which it can quit at pleasure, an\nimportant advance has been made in religious thought. Animism is passing\ninto polytheism. In other words, instead of regarding each tree as a\nliving and conscious being, man now sees in it merely a lifeless, inert\nmass, tenanted for a longer or shorter time by a supernatural being who,\nas he can pass freely from tree to tree, thereby enjoys a certain right\nof possession or lordship over the trees, and, ceasing to be a\ntree-soul, becomes a forest god. As soon as the tree-spirit is thus in a\nmeasure disengaged from each particular tree, he begins to change his\nshape and assume the body of a man, in virtue of a general tendency of\nearly thought to clothe all abstract spiritual beings in concrete human\nform. Hence in classical art the sylvan deities are depicted in human\nshape, their woodland character being denoted by a branch or some\nequally obvious symbol.[181] But this change of shape does not affect\nthe essential character of the tree-spirit. The powers which he\nexercised as a tree-soul incorporate in a tree, he still continues to\nwield as a god of trees. This I shall now attempt to prove in detail. I\nshall shew, first, that trees considered as animate beings are credited\nwith the power of making the rain to fall, the sun to shine, flocks and\nherds to multiply, and women to bring forth easily; and, second, that\nthe very same powers are attributed to tree-gods conceived as\nanthropomorphic beings or as actually incarnate in living men.\n\n[Sidenote: Trees supposed to give rain and sunshine.] First, then, trees\nor tree-spirits are believed to give rain and sunshine. When the\nmissionary Jerome of Prague was persuading the heathen Lithuanians to\nfell their sacred groves, a multitude of women besought the Prince of\nLithuania to stop him, saying that with the woods he was destroying the\nhouse of god from which they had been wont to get rain and\nsunshine.[182] The Mundaris in Assam think that if a tree in the sacred\ngrove is felled the sylvan gods evince their displeasure by withholding\nrain.[183] In order to procure rain the inhabitants of Monyo, a village\nin the Sagaing district of Upper Burma, chose the largest tamarind-tree\nnear the village and named it the haunt of the spirit (_nat_) who\ncontrols the rain. Then they offered bread, coco-nuts, plantains, and\nfowls to the guardian spirit of the village and to the spirit who gives\nrain, and they prayed, \u201cO Lord _nat_ have pity on us poor mortals, and\nstay not the rain. Inasmuch as our offering is given ungrudgingly, let\nthe rain fall day and night.\u201d Afterwards libations were made in honour\nof the spirit of the tamarind-tree; and still later three elderly women,\ndressed in fine clothes and wearing necklaces and earrings, sang the\nRain Song.[184] In Cambodia each village or province has its sacred\ntree, the abode of a spirit. If the rains are late the people sacrifice\nto the tree.[185] In time of drought the elders of the Wakamba in East\nAfrica assemble and take a calabash of cider and a goat to a\nbaobab-tree, where they kill the goat but do not eat it.[186] When\nOvambo women go out to sow corn they take with them in the basket of\nseed two green branches of a particular kind of tree (_Peltophorum\nafricanum Sond._), one of which they plant in the field along with the\nfirst seed sown. The branch is believed to have the power of attracting\nrain; hence in one of the native dialects the tree goes by the name of\nthe \u201crain-bush.\u201d[187] To extort rain from the tree-spirit a branch is\nsometimes dipped in water, as we have seen above.[188] In such cases the\nspirit is doubtless supposed to be immanent in the branch, and the water\nthus applied to the spirit produces rain by a sort of sympathetic magic,\nexactly as we saw that in New Caledonia the rain-makers pour water on a\nskeleton, believing that the soul of the deceased will convert the water\ninto rain.[189] There is hardly room to doubt that Mannhardt is right in\nexplaining as a rain-charm the European custom of drenching with water\nthe trees which are cut at certain popular festivals, as midsummer,\nWhitsuntide, and harvest.[190]\n\n[Sidenote: Tree-spirits supposed to make the crops grow.] Again,\ntree-spirits make the crops to grow. Amongst the Mundaris every village\nhas its sacred grove, and \u201cthe grove deities are held responsible for\nthe crops, and are especially honoured at all the great agricultural\nfestivals.\u201d[191] The negroes of the Gold Coast are in the habit of\nsacrificing at the foot of certain tall trees, and they think that if\none of these were felled all the fruits of the earth would perish.[192]\nBefore harvest the Wabond\u00ebi of East Africa sacrifice a goat to the\nspirit that lives in baobab-trees; the blood is poured into a hole at\nthe foot of one of the trees. If the sacrifice were omitted the spirit\nwould send disease and death among the people.[193] The Gallas dance in\ncouples round sacred trees, praying for a good harvest. Every couple\nconsists of a man and woman, who are linked together by a stick, of\nwhich each holds one end. Under their arms they carry green corn or\ngrass.[194] Swedish peasants stick a leafy branch in each furrow of\ntheir corn-fields, believing that this will [Sidenote: The Harvest-May.]\nensure an abundant crop.[195] The same idea comes out in the German and\nFrench custom of the Harvest-May. This is a large branch or a whole\ntree, which is decked with ears of corn, brought home on the last waggon\nfrom the harvest-field, and fastened on the roof of the farmhouse or of\nthe barn, where it remains for a year. Mannhardt has proved that this\nbranch or tree embodies the tree-spirit conceived as the spirit of\nvegetation in general, whose vivifying and fructifying influence is thus\nbrought to bear upon the corn in particular. Hence in Swabia the\nHarvest-May is fastened amongst the last stalks of corn left standing on\nthe field; in other places it is planted on the corn-field and the last\nsheaf cut is attached to its trunk.[196] The Harvest-May of Germany has\nits counterpart in the _eiresione_ of ancient Greece.[197] The\n_eiresione_ was a branch of olive or laurel, bound about with ribbons\nand hung with a variety of fruits. This branch was carried in procession\nat a harvest festival and was fastened over the door of the house, where\nit remained for a year. The object of preserving the Harvest-May or the\n_eiresione_ for a year is that the life-giving virtue of the bough may\nfoster the growth of the crops throughout the year. By the end of the\nyear the virtue of the bough is supposed to be exhausted and it is\nreplaced by a new one. Following a similar train of thought some of the\nDyaks of Sarawak are careful at the rice harvest to take up the roots of\na certain bulbous plant, which bears a beautiful crown of white and\nfragrant flowers. These roots are preserved with the rice in the granary\nand are planted again with the seed-rice in the following season; for\nthe Dyaks say that the rice will not grow unless a plant of this sort be\nin the field.[198]\n\n[Sidenote: Customs like the Harvest-May in India and Africa.] Customs\nlike that of the Harvest-May appear to exist in India and Africa. At a\nharvest festival of the Lhoosai of South-Eastern India the chief goes\nwith his people into the forest and fells a large tree, which is then\ncarried into the village and set up in the midst. Sacrifice is offered,\nand spirits and rice are poured over the tree. The ceremony closes with\na feast and a dance, at which the unmarried men and girls are the only\nperformers.[199] Among the Bechuanas the hack-thorn is very sacred, and\nit would be a serious offence to cut a bough from it and carry it into\nthe village during the rainy season. But when the corn is ripe in the\near the people go with axes, and each man brings home a branch of the\nsacred hack-thorn, with which they repair the village cattle-yard.[200]\nAccording to another authority, it is a rule with the Bechuanas that\n\u201cneither the hook-thorn nor the milk-tree must be cut down while the\ncorn is on the ground, for this, they think, would prevent rain. When I\nwas at Lattakoo, though Mr. Hamilton stood in much need of some\nmilk-tree timber, he durst not supply himself till all the corn was\ngathered in.\u201d[201] Many tribes of South-Eastern Africa will not cut down\ntimber while the corn is green, fearing that if they did so, the crops\nwould be destroyed by blight, hail, or early frost.[202] The heathen\nCheremiss, in the Russian Government of Kasan, will not fell trees, mow\ngrass, or dig the ground while the corn is in bloom.[203] Again, the\nfructifying power of the tree is put forth at seed-time as well as at\nharvest. Among the Aryan tribes of Gilgit, on the north-western frontier\nof India, the sacred tree is the _Chili_, a species of cedar (_Juniperus\nexcelsa_). At the beginning of wheat-sowing the people receive from the\nrajah\u2019s granary a quantity of wheat, which is placed in a skin mixed\nwith sprigs of the sacred cedar. A large bonfire of the cedar wood is\nlighted, and the wheat which is to be sown is held over the smoke. The\nrest is ground and made into a large cake, which is baked on the same\nfire and given to the ploughman.[204] Here the intention of fertilising\nthe seed by means of the sacred cedar is unmistakable.\n\n[Sidenote: Fertilising virtue attributed to trees.] In all these cases\nthe power of fostering the growth of crops, and, in general, of\ncultivated plants, is ascribed to trees. The ascription is not\nunnatural. For the tree is the largest and most powerful member of the\nvegetable kingdom, and man is familiar with it before he takes to\ncultivating corn. Hence he naturally places the feebler and, to him,\nnewer plant under the dominion of the older and more powerful.\n\n[Sidenote: Tree-spirits make herds to multiply and women to bring\nforth.] Again, the tree-spirit makes the herds to multiply and blesses\nwomen with offspring. The sacred _Chili_ or cedar of Gilgit was supposed\nto possess this virtue in addition to that of fertilising the corn. At\nthe commencement of wheat-sowing three chosen unmarried youths, after\nundergoing daily washing and purification for three days, used to start\nfor the mountain where the cedars grew, taking with them wine, oil,\nbread, and fruit of every kind. Having found a suitable tree they\nsprinkled the wine and oil on it, while they ate the bread and fruit as\na sacrificial feast. Then they cut off the branch and brought it to the\nvillage, where, amid general rejoicing, it was placed on a large stone\nbeside running water. \u201cA goat was then sacrificed, its blood poured over\nthe cedar branch, and a wild dance took place, in which weapons were\nbrandished about, and the head of the slaughtered goat was borne aloft,\nafter which it was set up as a mark for arrows and bullet-practice.\nEvery good shot was rewarded with a gourd full of wine and some of the\nflesh of the goat. When the flesh was finished the bones were thrown\ninto the stream and a general ablution took place, after which every man\nwent to his house taking with him a spray of the cedar. On arrival at\nhis house he found the door shut in his face, and on his knocking for\nadmission, his wife asked, \u2018What have you brought?\u2019 To which he\nanswered, \u2018If you want children, I have brought them to you; if you want\nfood, I have brought it; if you want cattle, I have brought them;\nwhatever you want, I have it.\u2019 The door was then opened and he entered\nwith his cedar spray. The wife then took some of the leaves, and pouring\nwine and water on them placed them on the fire, and the rest were\nsprinkled with flour and suspended from the ceiling. She then sprinkled\nflour on her husband\u2019s head and shoulders, and addressed him thus, \u2018Ai\nShiri Bagerthum, son of the fairies, you have come from far!\u2019 _Shiri\nBagerthum_, \u2018the dreadful king,\u2019 being the form of address to the cedar\nwhen praying for wants to be fulfilled. The next day the wife baked a\nnumber of cakes, and taking them with her, drove the family goats to the\nChili stone. When they were collected round the stone, she began to pelt\nthem with pebbles, invoking the Chili at the same time. According to the\ndirection in which the goats ran off, omens were drawn as to the number\nand sex of the kids expected during the ensuing year. Walnuts and\npomegranates were then placed on the Chili stone, the cakes were\ndistributed and eaten, and the goats followed to pasture in whatever\ndirection they showed a disposition to go. For five days afterwards this\nsong was sung in all the houses:\u2014\n\n            \u2018_Dread Fairy King, I sacrifice before you,\n            How nobly do you stand! you have filled up my house,\n            You have brought me a wife when I had not one,\n            Instead of daughters you have given me sons.\n            You have shown me the ways of right,\n            You have given me many children._\u2019\u201d[205]\n\n[Sidenote: Fertilising virtue attributed to trees.] Here the driving of\nthe goats to the stone on which the cedar had been placed is clearly\nmeant to impart to them the fertilising influence of the cedar. In\nNorthern India the _Emblica officinalis_ is a sacred tree. On the\neleventh of the month Phalgun (February) libations are poured at the\nfoot of the tree, a red or yellow string is bound about the trunk, and\nprayers are offered to it for the fruitfulness of women, animals, and\ncrops.[206] Again, in Northern India the coco-nut is esteemed one of the\nmost sacred fruits, and is called Sriphala, or the fruit of Sri, the\ngoddess of prosperity. It is the symbol of fertility, and all through\nUpper India is kept in shrines and presented by the priests to women who\ndesire to become mothers.[207] In the town of Qua, near Old Calabar,\nthere used to grow a palm-tree which ensured conception to any barren\nwoman who ate a nut from its branches.[208] In [Sidenote: Influence of\nMay-trees on cattle.] Europe the May-tree or May-pole is apparently\nsupposed to possess similar powers over both women and cattle. Thus in\nsome parts of Germany on the first of May the peasants set up May-trees\nor May-bushes at the doors of stables and byres, one for each horse and\ncow; this is thought to make the cows yield much milk.[209] Of the Irish\nwe are told that \u201cthey fancy a green bough of a tree, fastened on\nMay-day against the house, will produce plenty of milk that\nsummer.\u201d[210] In Suffolk there was an old custom, observed in most\nfarm-houses, that any servant who could bring in a branch of hawthorn in\nblossom on the first of May was entitled to a dish of cream for\nbreakfast.[211] Similarly, \u201cin parts of Cornwall, till certainly ten\nyears ago, any child who brought to a dairy on May morning a piece of\nhawthorn in bloom, or a piece of fresh bracken, long enough to surround\nthe earthenware bowl in which cream is kept, was given a bowl of\ncream.\u201d[212] On May Day English milkmaids used to dance with garlands on\ntheir pails. One May morning long ago Pepys on his way to Westminster\nsaw many of them dancing thus to the music of a fiddle while pretty Nel\nGwynne, in her smock sleeves and bodice, watched them from the door of\nher lodgings in Drury-lane.[213]\n\n[Sidenote: May-tree or May-bush a protection against witchcraft.]\nHowever in these and similar European customs it seems that the\ninfluence of the tree, bush, or bough is really protective rather than\ngenerative; it does not so much fill the udders of the cows as prevent\nthem from being drained dry by witches, who ride on broomsticks or\npitchforks through the air on the Eve of May Day (the famous Walpurgis\nNight) and make great efforts to steal the milk from the cattle. Hence\nthe many precautions which the prudent herdsman must take to guard his\nbeasts at this season from the raids of these baleful creatures. For\nexample, on May morning the Irish scatter primroses on the threshold,\nkeep a piece of red-hot iron on the hearth, or twine branches of\nwhitethorn and mountain-ash or rowan about the door. To save the milk\nthey cut and peel boughs of mountain-ash (rowan), and bind the twigs\nround the milk-pails and the churn.[214] According to a writer of the\nsixteenth century, whose description is quoted by Camden, the Irish\n\u201caccount every woman who fetches fire on May-day a witch, nor will they\ngive it to any but sick persons, and that with an imprecation, believing\nshe will steal all the butter the next summer. On May day they kill all\nthe hares they find among their cattle, supposing them the old women who\nhave designs on the butter. They imagine the butter so stolen may be\nrecovered if they take some of the thatch hanging over the door and burn\nit.\u201d[215] In the north-east of Scotland pieces of rowan-tree and\nwoodbine, or of rowan alone, used to be placed over the doors of the\ncow-houses on May Day to keep the witches from the kine; and a still\nbetter way of attaining the same object was to tie a cross of rowan-tree\nwood with a scarlet thread to each animal\u2019s tail.[216] The Highlanders\nof Scotland believe that on Beltane eve, that is the night before May\nDay, the witches go about in the shape of hares and suck the milk from\nthe cows. To guard against their depredations tar was put behind the\nears of the cattle and at the root of the tail, and the house was hung\nwith rowan-tree.[217] For the same reason the Highlanders say that the\npeg of the cow-shackle and the handle and cross of the churn-staff\nshould always be made of rowan, because that is the most potent charm\nagainst witchcraft.[218] In the Isle of Man on May Day, old style,\npeople carried crosses of rowan in their hats and fastened May-flowers\nover their doors as a protection against elves and witches, and for the\nsame purpose they tied crosses of rowan to the tails of the cattle. Also\nwomen washed their faces in the dew early on May morning in order to\nsecure good luck, a fine complexion, and immunity from witches. Further,\nthe break of day on that morning was the signal for setting the ling or\ngorse on fire, which was done for the sake of burning out the witches,\nwho are wont to take the shape of hares. In some places, indeed, as in\nthe Lezayre parish, the practice was to burn gorse in the hedge of every\nfield to drive away the witches, who are still feared in the Isle of\nMan.[219] In Norway and Denmark branches of rowan are [Sidenote:\nPrecautions against witchcraft on May Day and Walpurgis Night.]\nsimilarly used to protect houses and cattle-stalls against witches on\nWalpurgis Night, and there, too, it is thought that the churn-staff\nshould be made of rowan.[220] In Germany a common way of keeping witches\nfrom the cattle on Walpurgis Night is to chalk up three crosses on the\ndoor of the cowhouse.[221] Branches of buckthorn stuck in the muck-heaps\non the eve of May Day answer the same purpose.[222] In Silesia the\nprecautions taken at this season against witches are many and various;\nfor example, pieces of buckthorn are nailed crosswise over the door of\nthe cowhouse; pitchforks and harrows, turned upside down, with the\nprongs pointing outwards, are placed at the doors; and a sod of fresh\nturf from a meadow is laid before the threshold and strewed with\nmarsh-marigolds. Before the witches can pass the threshold, they must\ncount every blade of grass in the turf and every petal of the marigolds;\nand while they are still counting the day breaks and their power is\ngone. For the same reason little birch-trees are set up at the\nhouse-door, because the witches cannot enter the house till they have\ncounted all the leaves; and before they have done the sum it is broad\ndaylight, and they must flee away with the shadows.[223] On Walpurgis\nNight the Germans of Moravia put knives under the threshold of the\ncowhouse and twigs of birch at the door and in the muck-heap to keep the\nwitches from the cows.[224] For the same purpose the Bohemians at this\nseason lay branches of gooseberry bushes, hawthorn, and wild rose-trees\non the thresholds of the cowhouses, because the witches are caught by\nthe thorns and can get no farther.[225] We now see why thorny trees and\nbushes, whether hawthorn, buckthorn, or what not, afford protection\nagainst witchcraft: they serve as prickly hedges through which the\nwitches cannot force their way. But this explanation clearly does not\napply to the mountain-ash and the birch.\n\n[Sidenote: Influence of tree-spirits on cattle among the Wends,\nEsthonians, and Circassians.] On the second of July some of the Wends\nused to set up an oak-tree in the middle of the village with an iron\ncock fastened to its top; then they danced round it, and drove the\ncattle round it to make them thrive.[226] Some of the Esthonians believe\nin a mischievous spirit called Metsik, who lives in the forest and has\nthe weal of the cattle in his hands. Every year a new image of him is\nprepared. On an appointed day all the villagers assemble and make a\nstraw man, dress him in clothes, and take him to the common pasture-land\nof the village. Here the figure is fastened to a high tree, round which\nthe people dance noisily. On almost every day of the year prayer and\nsacrifice are offered to him that he may protect the cattle. Sometimes\nthe image of Metsik is made of a corn-sheaf and fastened to a tall tree\nin the wood. The people perform strange antics before it to induce\nMetsik to guard the corn and the cattle.[227] The Circassians regard the\npear-tree as the protector of cattle. So they cut down a young pear-tree\nin the forest, branch it, and carry it home, where it is adored as a\ndivinity. Almost every house has one such pear-tree. In autumn, on the\nday of the festival, the tree is carried into the house with great\nceremony to the sound of music and amid the joyous cries of all the\ninmates, who compliment it on its fortunate arrival. It is covered with\ncandles, and a cheese is fastened to its top. Round about it they eat,\ndrink, and sing. Then they bid the tree good-bye and take it back to the\ncourtyard, where it remains for the rest of the year, set up against the\nwall, without receiving any mark of respect.[228]\n\n[Sidenote: Tree-spirits grant offspring or an easy delivery to women.]\nIn the Tuhoe tribe of Maoris \u201cthe power of making women fruitful is\nascribed to trees. These trees are associated with the navel-strings of\ndefinite mythical ancestors, as indeed the navel-strings of all children\nused to be hung upon them down to quite recent times. A barren woman had\nto embrace such a tree with her arms, and she received a male or a\nfemale child according as she embraced the east or the west side.\u201d[229]\nThe common European custom of placing a green bush on May Day before or\non the house of a beloved maiden probably originated in the belief of\nthe fertilising power of the tree-spirit.[230] In some parts of Bavaria\nsuch bushes are set up also at the houses of newly-married pairs, and\nthe practice is only omitted if the wife is near her confinement; for in\nthat case they say that the husband has \u201cset up a May-bush for\nhimself.\u201d[231] Among the South Slavonians a barren woman, who desires to\nhave a child, places a new chemise upon a fruitful tree on the eve of\nSt. George\u2019s Day. Next morning before sunrise she examines the garment,\nand if she finds that some living creature has crept on it, she hopes\nthat her wish will be fulfilled within the year. Then she puts on the\nchemise, confident that she will be as fruitful as the tree on which the\ngarment has passed the night.[232] Among the Kara-Kirghiz barren women\nroll themselves on the ground under a solitary apple-tree, in order to\nobtain offspring.[233] Some of the hill-tribes of India have a custom of\nmarrying the bride and bridegroom to two trees before they are married\nto each other. For example, among the Mundas the bride touches with red\nlead a _mahw\u00e1_-tree, clasps it in her arms, and is tied to it; and the\nbridegroom goes through a like ceremony with a mango-tree.[234] The\nintention of the custom may perhaps be to communicate to the\nnewly-wedded pair the vigorous reproductive power of the trees.[235]\nLastly, the power of granting to women an easy delivery at child-birth\nis ascribed to trees both in Sweden and Africa. In some districts of\nSweden there was formerly a _b\u00e5rdtr\u00e4d_ or guardian-tree (lime, ash, or\nelm) in the neighbourhood of every farm. No one would pluck a single\nleaf of the sacred tree, any injury to which was punished by ill-luck or\nsickness. Pregnant women used to clasp the tree in their arms in order\nto ensure an easy delivery.[236] In some negro tribes of the Congo\nregion pregnant women make themselves garments out of the bark of a\ncertain sacred tree, because they believe that this tree delivers them\nfrom the dangers that attend child-bearing.[237] The story that Leto\nclasped a palm-tree and an olive-tree or two laurel-trees, when she was\nabout to give birth to the divine twins Apollo and Artemis, perhaps\npoints to a similar Greek belief in the efficacy of certain trees to\nfacilitate delivery.[238]\n\nFootnote 5:\n\n  Caesar, _Bell. Gall._ vi. 25.\n\nFootnote 6:\n\n  Julian, Fragm. 4, ed. Hertlein, pp. 608 _sq._ On the vast woods of\n  Germany, their coolness and shade, see also Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi.\n  5.\n\nFootnote 7:\n\n  Ch. Elton, _Origins of English History_ (London, 1882), pp. 3, 106\n  _sq._, 224.\n\nFootnote 8:\n\n  W. Helbig, _Die Italiker in der Poebene_ (Leipsic, 1879), pp. 25 _sq._\n\nFootnote 9:\n\n  H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, i. (Berlin, 1883) pp. 431 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 10:\n\n  Livy, ix. 36-38. The Ciminian mountains (_Monte Cimino_) are still\n  clothed with dense woods of majestic oaks and chestnuts. Modern\n  writers suppose that Livy has exaggerated the terrors and difficulties\n  of the forest. See G. Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_, 3rd\n  Ed., i. 146-149.\n\nFootnote 11:\n\n  C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_\n  (Breslau, 1885), pp. 357 _sqq._ I am told that the dark blue waters of\n  the lake of Pheneus, which still reflected the sombre pine-forests of\n  the surrounding mountains when I travelled in Arcadia in the bright\n  unforgetable autumn days of 1895, have since disappeared, the\n  subterranean chasms which drain this basin having been, whether\n  accidentally or artificially, cleared so as to allow the pent-up\n  waters to escape. The acres which the peasants have thereby added to\n  their fields will hardly console future travellers for the loss of the\n  watery mirror, which was one of the most beautiful, as it was one of\n  the rarest, scenes in the parched land of Greece.\n\nFootnote 12:\n\n  J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_, 4th Ed., i. 53 _sqq._; O. Schrader,\n  _Reallexikon der indo-germanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901),\n  _s.v._ \u201cTempel,\u201d pp. 855 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 13:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 249 _sqq._; Maximus Tyrius, _Dissert._ viii.\n  8.\n\nFootnote 14:\n\n  O. Schrader, _op. cit._ pp. 857 _sq._\n\nFootnote 15:\n\n  Tacitus, _Germania_, 9, 39, 40, 43; _id._, _Annals_, ii. 12, iv. 73;\n  _id._, _Hist._ iv. 14; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_, 4th Ed., pp.\n  541 _sqq._; _Bavaria Landes- und Volkeskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_,\n  iii. 929 _sq._\n\nFootnote 16:\n\n  J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterth\u00fcmer_, pp. 519 _sq._; W. Mannhardt,\n  _Baumkultus_ (Berlin, 1875), pp. 26 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 17:\n\n  Adam of Bremen, _Descriptio insularum Aquilonis_, 27 (Migne\u2019s\n  _Patrologia Latina_, vol. cxlvi. col. 644).\n\nFootnote 18:\n\n  L. Leger, _La Mythologie slave_ (Paris, 1901), pp. 73-75, 188-190.\n\nFootnote 19:\n\n  Mathias Michov, \u201cDe Sarmatia Asiana atque Europea,\u201d in Simon\n  Grynaeus\u2019s _Novus Orbis regionum ac insularum veteribus incognitarum_\n  (Paris, 1532), pp. 455 _sq._ [wrongly numbered 445, 446]; Martin\n  Cromer, _De origine et rebus gestis Polonorum_ (Basel, 1568), p. 241;\n  Fabricius, _Livonicae historiae compendiosa series_ (_Scriptores rerum\n  Livonicarum_, ii. (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) p. 441).\n\nFootnote 20:\n\n  See C. B\u00f6tticher, _Der Baumkultus der Hellenen_ (Berlin, 1856); L.\n  Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_, 3rd. Ed., i. 105-114.\n\nFootnote 21:\n\n  _The Classical Review_, xix. (1905) p. 331, referring to an\n  inscription found in Cos some years ago.\n\nFootnote 22:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xv. 77; Tacitus, _Ann._ xiii. 58. The fig-tree is\n  represented on Roman coins and on the great marble reliefs which stand\n  in the Forum. See E. Babelon, _Monnaies de la R\u00e9publique romaine_, ii.\n  336 _sq._; R. Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome_\n  (London, 1897), p. 258; E. Petersen, _Vom alten Rom_ (Leipsic, 1900),\n  pp. 26, 27.\n\nFootnote 23:\n\n  Plutarch, _Romulus_, 20.\n\nFootnote 24:\n\n  K. Rhamm, \u201cDer heidnische Gottesdienst des finnischen Stammes,\u201d\n  _Globus_, lxvii. (1895) pp. 343, 348. This article is an abstract of a\n  Finnish book _Suomen suvun pakanillinen jumalen palvelus_, by J. Krohn\n  (Helsingfors, 1894).\n\nFootnote 25:\n\n  \u201cHeilige Haine und B\u00e4ume der Finnen,\u201d _Globus_, lix. (1891) pp. 350\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 26:\n\n  P. S. Pallas, _Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des russischen\n  Reichs_ (St. Petersburg, 1771-1776), iii. 60 _sq._\n\nFootnote 27:\n\n  Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, i. 6. This was an opinion of the Stoic and\n  Peripatetic philosophy.\n\nFootnote 28:\n\n  Washington Matthews, _Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa\n  Indians_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 48 _sq._\n\nFootnote 29:\n\n  L. H. Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, 1851), pp. 162,\n  164.\n\nFootnote 30:\n\n  J. L. Krapf, _Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours during an\n  Eighteen Years\u2019 Residence in Eastern Africa_ (London, 1860), p. 198.\n\nFootnote 31:\n\n  Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to the author dated November 3, 1898.\n\nFootnote 32:\n\n  J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d p. 349 (_Memoir\n  of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n  Expedition_, vol. i. part iv.).\n\nFootnote 33:\n\n  C. Hupe, \u201cOver de godsdienst, zeden enz. der Dajakkers,\u201d _Tijdschrift\n  voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1846 (Batavia), dl. iii. p. 158.\n\nFootnote 34:\n\n  De la Loubere, _Du royaume de Siam_ (Amsterdam, 1691), i. 382. Compare\n  Mgr. Brugui\u00e8re, in _Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation de la\n  Foi_, v. (1831) p. 127.\n\nFootnote 35:\n\n  The Buddhist conception of trees as animated often comes out in the\n  _Jatakas_. For examples see H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, pp.\n  259 _sqq._; _The J\u0101taka_, bk. xii. No. 465, vol. iv. pp. 96 _sqq._\n  (English translation edited by E. B. Cowell).\n\nFootnote 36:\n\n  J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iv. (Leyden, 1901)\n  pp. 272 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 37:\n\n  J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, v. (Leyden, 1907)\n  p. 663.\n\nFootnote 38:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_\n  (M\u00fcnster i. W., 1890), p. 33.\n\nFootnote 39:\n\n  A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_ (London,\n  1890), pp. 49 _sqq._ Compare _id._, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the\n  Gold Coast_ (London, 1887), pp. 34 _sqq._; _Missions Catholiques_, ix.\n  (1877) p. 71.\n\nFootnote 40:\n\n  G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l\u2019Orient classique: les\n  origines_ (Paris, 1895), pp. 121 _sq._\n\nFootnote 41:\n\n  Merolla, \u201cVoyage to Congo,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, xvi.\n  236.\n\nFootnote 42:\n\n  C. C. von der Decken, _Reisen in Ost-Afrika_ (Leipsic and Heidelberg,\n  1869-1871), i. 216. The writer does not describe the mode of appeasing\n  the tree-spirit in the case mentioned. As to the Wanika beliefs, see\n  above, p. 12.\n\nFootnote 43:\n\n  Sir Harry Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_ (London, 1902), ii. 832.\n\nFootnote 44:\n\n  J. B. L. Durand, _Voyage au S\u00e9n\u00e9gal_ (Paris, 1802), p. 119.\n\nFootnote 45:\n\n  S. J. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_ (Chicago, 1902), p.\n  94.\n\nFootnote 46:\n\n  A. d\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_ (Paris and\n  Strasburg, 1839-1843), ii. 157, 159 _sq._\n\nFootnote 47:\n\n  A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal-Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), i. 146.\n\nFootnote 48:\n\n  H. H. Romilly, _From my Verandah in New Guinea_ (London, 1889), p. 86.\n\nFootnote 49:\n\n  D. C. J. Ibbetson, _Outlines of Panjab Ethnography_ (Calcutta, 1883),\n  p. 120.\n\nFootnote 50:\n\n  W. von Schulenberg, \u201cVolkskundliche Mittheilungen aus der Mark,\u201d\n  _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie\n  und Urgeschichte_ (1896), p. 189. Compare A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz,\n  _Nord-deutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_, p. 407, \u00a7 142; E. Meier,\n  _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p. 463, \u00a7 208; A.\n  Kuhn, _Sagen, Gebr\u00e4uche und M\u00e4rchen aus Westfalen_, ii. pp. 108 _sq._,\n  \u00a7\u00a7 326, 327, p. 116, \u00a7\u00a7 356, 358; A. Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus\n  Schwaben_, i. pp. 464 _sq._, \u00a7 6; K. Bartsch, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und\n  Gebr\u00e4uche aus Meklenburg_, ii. 228 _sq._; W. Kolbe, _Hessische\n  Volks-Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche_, 2nd Ed., p. 29; R. Andree,\n  _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), p. 234; R. Wuttke,\n  S\u00e4chsische Volkskunde 2nd Ed., (Dresden, 1901), p. 370. The custom has\n  been discussed by U. Jahn, _Die deutschen Opfergebr\u00e4uche bei Ackerbau\n  und Viehzucht_ (Breslau, 1884), pp. 214-220. He comes to the\n  conclusion, which I cannot but regard as erroneous, that the custom\n  was in origin a rational precaution to keep the caterpillars from the\n  trees. Compare the marriage of trees, below, pp. 24 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 51:\n\n  J. Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_ (London, 1881), p.\n  247.\n\nFootnote 52:\n\n  Peter Jones, _History of the Ojebway Indians_, p. 104.\n\nFootnote 53:\n\n  J. J. M. de Groot, _Religious System of China_, iv. 274.\n\nFootnote 54:\n\n  A. Peter, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus \u00d6sterreichisch-Schlesien_ (Troppau,\n  1865-67), ii. 30.\n\nFootnote 55:\n\n  P. Wagler, _Die Eiche in alter und neuer Zeit_, ii. (Berlin, 1891) p.\n  56 note 1.\n\nFootnote 56:\n\n  A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, i. 154; compare _id._, _Die V\u00f6lker des\n  \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. 457 _sq._, iii. 251 _sq._, iv. 42 _sq._\n\nFootnote 57:\n\n  J. de los Reyes y Florentino, \u201cDie religiosen Anschauungen der\n  Ilocanen (Luzon),\u201d _Mittheilungen der k. k. Geograph. Gesellschaft in\n  Wien_, xxxi. (1888) p. 556.\n\nFootnote 58:\n\n  F. Gardner, \u201cPhilippine (Tagalog) Superstitions,\u201d _Journal of American\n  Folk-lore_, xix. (1906) p. 191. These superstitions are translated\n  from an old and rare work _La Pratica del ministerio_, by Padre Tomas\n  Ortiz (Manila, 1713).\n\nFootnote 59:\n\n  Th. N\u00f6ldeke, \u201cTigre-Texte,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Assyriologie_, xxiv.\n  (1910) p. 298, referring to E. Littmann, _Publications of the\n  Princeton Expedition to Abyssinia_ (Leyden, 1910).\n\nFootnote 60:\n\n  J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 394-396.\n\nFootnote 61:\n\n  J. H. Neumann, \u201cDe _t\u0115ndi_ in verband met Si Dajang,\u201d _Mededeelingen\n  van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlviii. (1904) pp.\n  124 _sq._\n\nFootnote 62:\n\n  From a letter of the Rev. J. Roscoe, written in Busoga, 21st May,\n  1908.\n\nFootnote 63:\n\n  _Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_, translated by J. Eggeling, Part II. pp. 165\n  _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxvi.); H. Oldenberg, _Die\n  Religion des Veda_, pp. 256 _sq._\n\nFootnote 64:\n\n  De la Loubere, _Du royaume de Siam_ (Amsterdam, 1691), i. 383.\n\nFootnote 65:\n\n  G. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 63.\n\nFootnote 66:\n\n  I. v. Zingerle, \u201cDer heilige Baum bei Nauders,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n  deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde_, iv. (1859), pp. 33 _sqq._\n  According to Lucan (_Pharsal._ iii. 429-431), the soldiers whom Caesar\n  ordered to cut down the sacred oak-grove of the Druids at Marseilles\n  believed that the axes would rebound from the trees and wound\n  themselves.\n\nFootnote 67:\n\n  W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 198 _sq._ As to the durian-tree and\n  its fruit, see A. R. Wallace, _The Malay Archipelago_ 6th Ed.,\n  (London, 1877), pp. 74 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 68:\n\n  W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (London, 1905), p. 165.\n\nFootnote 69:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, p.\n  34; A. Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 352. Compare R. F.\n  Kaindl, \u201cAus der Volks\u00fcberlieferung der Bojken,\u201d _Globus_, lxxix.\n  (1901) p. 152.\n\nFootnote 70:\n\n  G. Pitr\u00e8, _Spettacoli e feste popolari_ (Palermo, 1881), p. 221;\n  _id._, _Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano_,\n  iii. (Palermo, 1889) p. 111; G. Vuillier, \u201cChez les magiciens et les\n  sorciers de la Corr\u00e8ze,\u201d _Tour du monde_, N.S. v. (1899) p. 512.\n\nFootnote 71:\n\n  M. Tch\u00e9raz, \u201cNotes sur la mythologie Arm\u00e9nienne,\u201d _Transactions of the\n  Ninth International Congress of Orientalists_ (London, 1893), ii. 827.\n  Compare M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), p.\n  60.\n\nFootnote 72:\n\n  G. Finamore, _Credenze, usi, e costumi abruzzesi_ (Palermo, 1890), pp.\n  162 _sq._\n\nFootnote 73:\n\n  Georgeakis et Pineau, _Folk-lore de Lesbos_ (Paris, 1894), p. 354.\n\nFootnote 74:\n\n  Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen und\n  Gewohnheiten_ (St. Petersburg, 1854), p. 134.\n\nFootnote 75:\n\n  M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen, en Overleveringen der\n  Galelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n  Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 511.\n\nFootnote 76:\n\n  A. G. Vorderman, \u201cPlanten-animisme op Java,\u201d _Teysmannia_, No. 2,\n  1896, pp. 59 _sq._; _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, ix.\n  (1896) p. 175.\n\nFootnote 77:\n\n  A. G. Vorderman, _op. cit._ p. 60; _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr\n  Ethnographie_, ix. (1896) p. 176.\n\nFootnote 78:\n\n  A. G. Vorderman, _op. cit._ pp. 61-63.\n\nFootnote 79:\n\n  A. de Humboldt, _Voyage aux r\u00e9gions \u00e9quinoxiales du Nouveau\n  Continent_, ii. (Paris, 1819) pp. 369 _sq._, 429 _sq._\n\nFootnote 80:\n\n  Elsdon Best, \u201cMaori Nomenclature,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n  Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 197.\n\nFootnote 81:\n\n  Herodotus, i. 193; Theophrastus, _Historia plantarum_, ii. 8. 4;\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xiii. 31, 34 _sq._ In this passage Pliny states\n  that naturalists distinguished the sexes of all trees and plants. On\n  Assyrian monuments a winged figure is often represented holding an\n  object which looks like a pine-cone to a palm-tree. The scene has been\n  ingeniously and with great probability explained by Professor E. B.\n  Tylor as the artificial fertilisation of the date-palm by means of the\n  male inflorescence. See his paper in _Proceedings of the Society of\n  Biblical Archaeology_, xii. (1890) pp. 383-393. On the artificial\n  fertilisation of the date-palm, see C. Ritter, _Vergleichende Erdkunde\n  von Arabien_ (Berlin, 1847), ii. 811, 827 _sq._\n\nFootnote 82:\n\n  D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_ (St. Petersburg, 1856),\n  ii. 36, 251. Mohammed forbade the artificial fertilisation of the\n  palm, probably because of the superstitions attaching to the ceremony.\n  But he had to acknowledge his mistake. See D. S. Margoliouth,\n  _Mohammed and the Rise of Islam_, p. 230 (a passage pointed out to me\n  by Dr. A. W. Verrall).\n\nFootnote 83:\n\n  Sir W. H. Sleeman, _Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official_\n  (Westminster, 1893), i. 38 _sq._; compare _Census of India, 1901_,\n  vol. xiii., _Central Provinces_, part i. p. 92.\n\nFootnote 84:\n\n  _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxxii., part iii.\n  (Calcutta, 1904) p. 42.\n\nFootnote 85:\n\n  J. A. Dubois, _M\u0153urs, institutions et c\u00e9r\u00e9monies des peuples de\n  l\u2019Inde_ (Paris, 1825), ii. 448 _sq._; Monier Williams, _Religious Life\n  and Thought in India_, pp. 333-335; W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and\n  Folklore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 110 _sq._\n  According to another account, it is Vishnu, not Krishna, to whom the\n  holy plant is annually married in every pious Hindoo family. See\n  _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xviii., _Baroda_, p. 125.\n\nFootnote 86:\n\n  Sir Henry M. Elliot, _Memoirs on the History, Folklore, and\n  Distribution of the Races of the North-western Provinces of India_,\n  edited by J. Beames (London, 1869), i. 233 _sq._\n\nFootnote 87:\n\n  W. Crooke, _op. cit._ i. 49.\n\nFootnote 88:\n\n  Sir W. H. Sleeman, _Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official_\n  (Westminster, 1893), i. 147-149, 175. The _Salagrama_ is commonly\n  perforated in one or more places by worms or, as the Hindoos believe,\n  by the legendary insect Vajrakita or by Vishnu himself. The value of\n  the fossil shell depends on its colour, and the number of its\n  convolutions and holes. The black are prized as gracious embodiments\n  of Vishnu; the violet are shunned as dangerous avatars of the god. He\n  who possesses a black _Salagrama_ keeps it wrapped in white linen,\n  washes and adores it daily. A draught of the water in which the shell\n  has been washed is supposed to purge away all sin and to secure the\n  temporal and eternal welfare of the drinker. These fossils are found\n  in Nepaul, in the upper course of the river Gandaka, a northern\n  tributary of the Ganges. Hence the district goes by the name of\n  Salagrami, and is highly esteemed for its sanctity; a visit to it\n  confers great merit on a man. See Sonnerat, _Voyage aux Indes\n  Orientales et \u00e0 la Chine_ (Paris, 1782), i. 173 _sq._; J. A. Dubois,\n  _M\u0153urs, institutions et c\u00e9r\u00e9monies des peuples de l\u2019Indie_ (Paris,\n  1825), ii. 446-448; Sir W. H. Sleeman, _op. cit._ i. 148 _sq._, with\n  the editor\u2019s notes; Monier Williams, _Religious Thought and Life in\n  India_, pp. 69 _sq._; G. Watt, _Dictionary of the Economic Products of\n  India_, vi. Part II. (London and Calcutta, 1893) p. 384; W. Crooke,\n  _op. cit._ ii. 164 _sq._; _Indian Antiquary_, xxv. (1896) p. 146; G.\n  Oppert, _On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India_\n  (Westminster and Leipsic, 1893), pp. 337-359; _id._, \u201cNote sur les\n  S\u0101lagr\u0101mas,\u201d _Comptes rendus de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et\n  Belles-Lettres_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 472-485. The shell derives its name\n  of ammonite from its resemblance to a ram\u2019s horn, recalling the\n  ram-god Ammon.\n\nFootnote 89:\n\n  _Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie_ (Chemnitz, 1759), pp. 239 _sq._;\n  U. Jahn, _Die deutschen Opfergebr\u00e4uche bei Ackerbau und Viehzucht_,\n  pp. 214 _sqq._ See above, p. 17.\n\nFootnote 90:\n\n  Van Schmid, \u201cAanteekeningen nopens de zeden, gewoonten en gebruiken,\n  etc., der bevolking van de eilanden Saparoea, etc.\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n  Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1843 (Batavia), dl. ii. p. 605; A. Bastian,\n  _Indonesien_, i. 156.\n\nFootnote 91:\n\n  G. W. W. C. Baron van Ho\u00ebvell, _Ambon en meer bepaaldelijk de\n  Oeliasers_ (Dordrecht, 1875), p. 62.\n\nFootnote 92:\n\n  G. A. Wilken, \u201cHet animisme bij de volken van het Indischen archipel,\u201d\n  _De Indische Gids_, June 1884, p. 958; _id._, _Handleiding voor de\n  vergelijkende Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_ (Leyden, 1893), pp.\n  549 _sq._\n\nFootnote 93:\n\n  E. L. M. K\u00fchr, \u201cSchetsen uit Borneo\u2019s Westerafdeeling,\u201d _Bijdragen tot\n  de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvii. (1897)\n  pp. 58 _sq._\n\nFootnote 94:\n\n  A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de\n  Toboengkoe en de Tomori,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n  Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) p. 221.\n\nFootnote 95:\n\n  D. Grangeon, \u201cLes Cham et leur superstitions,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_,\n  xxviii. (1896) p. 83.\n\nFootnote 96:\n\n  _Indian Antiquary_, i. (1872) p. 170.\n\nFootnote 97:\n\n  A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\n  maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\n  het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 22, 138.\n\nFootnote 98:\n\n  _Id._, \u201cEenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de Toboengkoe en\n  Tomori,\u201d _ib._, xliv. (1900) p. 227.\n\nFootnote 99:\n\n  C. Snouck Hurgronje, _Het Gaj\u014dland en zijne Bewoners_ (Batavia, 1903),\n  pp. 344, 345.\n\nFootnote 100:\n\n  S. Gason, \u201cThe Dieyerie Tribe,\u201d _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p.\n  280; A. W. Howitt, \u201cThe Dieri and other kindred Tribes of Central\n  Australia,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) p.\n  89.\n\nFootnote 101:\n\n  F. Blumentritt, \u201cDer Ahnencultus und die religi\u00f6se Anschauungen der\n  Malaien des Philippinen-Archipels,\u201d _Mittheilungen der Wiener Geogr.\n  Gesellschaft_ (1882), pp. 159 _sq._; _id._, _Versuch einer\n  Ethnographie der Philippinen_ (Gotha, 1882), pp. 13, 29 (_Petermann\u2019s\n  Mittheilungen, Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_, No. 67); J. Mallat, _Les Philippines_\n  (Paris, 1846), i. 63 _sq._\n\nFootnote 102:\n\n  A. Schadenberg, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntnis der im Innern Nordluzons\n  lebenden St\u00e4mme,\u201d _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n  Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_ (1888), p. 40.\n\nFootnote 103:\n\n  F. Grabowsky, \u201cDer Tod, etc., bei den Dajaken,\u201d _Internationales\n  Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, ii. (1889) p. 181.\n\nFootnote 104:\n\n  H. Low, _Sarawak_ (London, 1848), p. 264.\n\nFootnote 105:\n\n  Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), i. 106 _sq._\n\nFootnote 106:\n\n  J. J. M. de Groot, _Religious System of China_, ii. 462 _sqq._, iv.\n  277 _sq._\n\nFootnote 107:\n\n  _La Mission lyonnaise d\u2019exploration commerciale en Chine 1895-1897_\n  (Lyons, 1898), p. 361.\n\nFootnote 108:\n\n  \u201cDer Muata Cazembe und die V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme der Maravis, Chevas, Muembas,\n  Lundas und andere von S\u00fcd-Afrika,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr allgemeine\n  Erdkunde_, vi. (1856) p. 273.\n\nFootnote 109:\n\n  Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London, 1906),\n  pp. 298 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 110:\n\n  Ch. Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), pp. 272 _sq._\n\nFootnote 111:\n\n  Ch. Partridge, _op. cit._ pp. 5, 194, 205 _sq._\n\nFootnote 112:\n\n  F. S. A. de Clercq, \u201cDe Westen Noordkust van Nederlandsch\n  Nieuw-Guinea,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het kon. Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\n  Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, x. (1893) p. 199.\n\nFootnote 113:\n\n  \u201cShamanism in Siberia and European Russia,\u201d _Journal of the\n  Anthropological Institute_, xxiv. (1895) p. 136.\n\nFootnote 114:\n\n  Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_, p.\n  28 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association for\n  1890_).\n\nFootnote 115:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, p.\n  36.\n\nFootnote 116:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _loc. cit._\n\nFootnote 117:\n\n  _Aeneid_, iii. 22 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 118:\n\n  Philostratus, _Imagines_, ii. 29.\n\nFootnote 119:\n\n  A. Landes, \u201cContes et l\u00e9gendes annamites,\u201d No. 9, in _Cochinchine\n  fran\u00e7aise: excursions et reconnaissances_, No. 20 (Saigon, 1885), p.\n  310.\n\nFootnote 120:\n\n  A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West\n  Africa_, pp. 134-136.\n\nFootnote 121:\n\n  B. C. A. J. van Dinter, \u201cEenige geographische en ethnographische\n  aanteekeningen betreffende het eiland Siaoe,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n  Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xli. (1899) pp. 379 _sq._\n\nFootnote 122:\n\n  E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a N\u00edas_ (Milan, 1890), p. 629.\n\nFootnote 123:\n\n  O. Baumann, _Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete_ (Berlin, 1891), pp. 57\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 124:\n\n  Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 162,\n  330 _sq._\n\nFootnote 125:\n\n  Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: Die geistige Cultur\n  der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1896), pp. 34 _sq._ On the\n  Galla worship of trees, see further Mgr. Massaja, in _Annales de la\n  Propagation de la Foi_, xxx. (1858) p. 50; Coulbeaux, \u201cAu pays de\n  Menelik,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xxx. (1898) p. 418.\n\nFootnote 126:\n\n  J. Kubary, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n  Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 52; _id._, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntnis des\n  Karolinen Archipels_, iii. (Leyden, 1895) p. 228.\n\nFootnote 127:\n\n  A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 115.\n\nFootnote 128:\n\n  A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\n  maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\n  het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xl. (1896) pp. 28 _sq._\n\nFootnote 129:\n\n  A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de\n  Toboengkoe en de Tomori,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n  Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) pp. 220 _sq._\n\nFootnote 130:\n\n  A. C. Kruijt, _op. cit._ p. 242.\n\nFootnote 131:\n\n  J. Habbema, \u201cBijgeloof in de Preanger-Regentschappen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot\n  de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xli. (1900) pp.\n  113, 115.\n\nFootnote 132:\n\n  G. Heijmering, \u201cZeden en Gewoonten op het eiland Rottie,\u201d _Tijdschrift\n  voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_ (1844), dl. i. p. 358.\n\nFootnote 133:\n\n  C. Snouck Hurgronje, _Het Gaj\u014dland en zijne Bewoners_ (Batavia, 1903),\n  p. 351.\n\nFootnote 134:\n\n  Th. A. L. Heyting, \u201cBeschrijving der onder-afdeeling Groot-mandeling\n  en Batang-natal,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\n  Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, xiv. (1897) pp. 289 _sq._\n\nFootnote 135:\n\n  F. Blumentritt, _Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippinen_ (Gotha,\n  1882), p. 13 (_Petermanns Mittheilungen, Erg\u00e4nzungheft_, No. 67). See\n  above, pp. 18 _sq._\n\nFootnote 136:\n\n  Crossland, quoted by H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British\n  North Borneo_, i. 286; compare _Journal of the Anthropological\n  Institute_, xxi. (1892) p. 114.\n\nFootnote 137:\n\n  \u201cLettre du cur\u00e9 de Santiago Tepehuacan \u00e0 son \u00e9v\u00eaque,\u201d _Bulletin de la\n  Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IIme. S\u00e9rie, ii. (1834) pp. 182 _sq._\n\nFootnote 138:\n\n  J. T. Bent, _The Cyclades_, p. 37.\n\nFootnote 139:\n\n  A. L. Van Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra_ (Leyden,\n  1882), p. 156.\n\nFootnote 140:\n\n  W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n  (Westminster, 1896), ii. 87.\n\nFootnote 141:\n\n  I. M. van Baarda, \u201c\u00cele de Halma-heira,\u201d _Bulletins de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\n  d\u2019Anthropologie de Paris_, iv. (1893) p. 547.\n\nFootnote 142:\n\n  L. Sternberg, \u201cDie Religion der Gilyak,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n  Religionswissenschaft_, viii. (1905) p. 246.\n\nFootnote 143:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 83.\n\nFootnote 144:\n\n  _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, vii. (1843) p. 29.\n\nFootnote 145:\n\n  A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, i. 17.\n\nFootnote 146:\n\n  J. Perham, \u201cSea Dyak Religion,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch of the\n  Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10 (Dec. 1882), p. 217; H. Ling Roth, _The\n  Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, i. 184.\n\nFootnote 147:\n\n  W. K\u00fckenthal, _Forschungsreise in den Molukken und in Borneo_\n  (Frankfort, 1896), pp. 265 _sq._\n\nFootnote 148:\n\n  _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxv. (1896) p. 170.\n\nFootnote 149:\n\n  E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_, pp. 186, 188; compare\n  A. Bastian, _V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme am Brahmaputra_, p. 9.\n\nFootnote 150:\n\n  E. T. Dalton, _op. cit._ p. 33; A. Bastian, _op. cit._ p. 16. Compare\n  L. A. Waddell, \u201cThe Tribes of the Brahmaputra Valley,\u201d _Journal of the\n  Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxix. (1901) Part III. p. 16; W. Robertson\n  Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, 2nd Ed., pp. 132 _sq._\n\nFootnote 151:\n\n  E. T. Dalton, _op. cit._ p. 25; A. Bastian, _op. cit._ p. 37.\n\nFootnote 152:\n\n  A. C. Kruijt, \u201cHet koppensnellen der Toradja\u2019s van Midden-Celebes en\n  zijne beteekenis,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der konink. Akademie\n  van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, IV. Reeks, iii. (1899) p.\n  195.\n\nFootnote 153:\n\n  A. W. Niewenhuis, _In Centraal-Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), i. 146; _id._,\n  _Quer durch Borneo_, i. (Leyden, 1904) p. 107.\n\nFootnote 154:\n\n  _Id._, \u201cTweede Reis van Pontianak naar Samarinda,\u201d _Tijdschrift van\n  het konink. Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, II. Serie,\n  xvii. (1900) p. 427.\n\nFootnote 155:\n\n  J. Perham, \u201cSea Dyak Religion,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch of the\n  Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10 (December 1882), p. 217; H. Ling Roth,\n  _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, i. 184.\n\nFootnote 156:\n\n  B. Hagen, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss der Battareligion,\u201d _Tijdschrift\n  voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxviii. 530, note.\n\nFootnote 157:\n\n  W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 202.\n\nFootnote 158:\n\n  E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898), pp.\n  192 _sq._\n\nFootnote 159:\n\n  J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan\n  States_, Part I. vol. i. (Rangoon, 1900) pp. 518 _sq._\n\nFootnote 160:\n\n  Captain Macpherson, in _North Indian Notes and Queries_, ii. 112 \u00a7\n  428.\n\nFootnote 161:\n\n  W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n  (Westminster, 1896), ii. 91.\n\nFootnote 162:\n\n  A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, i. 134. The authority\n  quoted by Bastian calls the people Curka Coles. As to the Larka Kols,\n  see E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_, pp. 177 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 163:\n\n  W. Crooke, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and\n  Oudh_, iv. 130.\n\nFootnote 164:\n\n  S. Mateer, _The Land of Charity_ (London, 1871), p. 206.\n\nFootnote 165:\n\n  B. A. Hely, in _Annual Report on British New Guinea for 1894-95_, p.\n  57.\n\nFootnote 166:\n\n  T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_ (London, 1858), pp.\n  130 _sq._\n\nFootnote 167:\n\n  Gallieni, \u201cMission dans le Haut Niger et \u00e0 S\u00e9gou,\u201d _Bulletin de la\n  Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), viiime S\u00e9rie, v. (1883) pp. 577 _sq._\n\nFootnote 168:\n\n  Ch. M. Doughty, _Travels in Arabia Deserta_ (Cambridge, 1888), i. 365.\n\nFootnote 169:\n\n  Th. Bent, \u201cThe Yourouks of Asia Minor,\u201d _Journal of the\n  Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 275.\n\nFootnote 170:\n\n  Erasmus Stella, \u201cDe Borussiae antiquitatibus,\u201d in Simon Grynaeus\u2019s\n  _Novus Orbis regionum ac insularum veteribus incognitarum_ (Paris,\n  1532), p. 510; J. Lasicius (Lasiczki), \u201cDe diis Samagitarum\n  caeterorumque Sarmatarum,\u201d in _Respublica sive Status regni Poloniae,\n  Lituaniae, Prussiae, Livoniae, etc._ (Leyden, 1627), pp. 299 _sq._; M.\n  C. Hartknoch, _Alt und neues Preussen_ (Frankfort and Leipsic, 1684),\n  p. 120. Lasiczki\u2019s work has been reprinted by W. Mannhardt, in\n  _Magazin herausgegeben von der lettisch-lite-r\u00e4rischen Gesellschaft_,\n  xiv. 82 _sqq._ (Mitau, 1868).\n\nFootnote 171:\n\n  Mathias Michov, in Simon Grynaeus\u2019s _Novus Orbis regionum ac insularum\n  veteribus incognitarum_ (Paris, 1532), p. 457.\n\nFootnote 172:\n\n  J. G. Kohl, _Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen_ (Dresden and\n  Leipsic, 1841), ii. 277.\n\nFootnote 173:\n\n  Capt. E. C. Luard, _in Census of India, 1901_, xix. (Lucknow, 1902) p.\n  76.\n\nFootnote 174:\n\n  J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_, 4th ed., i. 497; compare _id._ ii.\n  540, 541.\n\nFootnote 175:\n\n  Max Buch, _Die Wotj\u00e4ken_ (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 124.\n\nFootnote 176:\n\n  P. v. Stenin, \u201cEin neuer Beitrag zur Ethnographie der Tscheremissen,\u201d\n  _Globus_, lviii. (1890) p. 204.\n\nFootnote 177:\n\n  J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1834),\n  p. 400.\n\nFootnote 178:\n\n  J. G. Dalyell, _loc. cit._\n\nFootnote 179:\n\n  J. Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_, p. 116.\n\nFootnote 180:\n\n  H. R. Tate, \u201cFurther Notes on the Kikuyu Tribe of British East\n  Africa,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiv. (1904) p.\n  263; _id._ \u201cThe Native Law of the Southern Gikuyu of British East\n  Africa,\u201d _Journal of the African Society_, No. 35 (April 1910), pp.\n  242 _sq._\n\nFootnote 181:\n\n  On the representations of Silvanus, the Roman wood-god, see H. Jordan\n  in L. Preller\u2019s _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 393 note; A.\n  Baumeister, _Denkm\u00e4ler des classischen Altertums_, iii. 1665 _sq._ A\n  good representation of Silvanus bearing a pine branch is given in the\n  Sale Catalogue of H. Hoffmann, Paris, 1888, pt. ii.\n\nFootnote 182:\n\n  Aeneas Sylvius, _Opera_ (B\u00e2le, 1571), p. 418 [wrongly numbered 420];\n  compare Erasmus Stella, \u201cDe Borussiae antiquitatibus,\u201d in _Novus Orbis\n  regionum ac insularum veteribus incognitarum_, p. 510.\n\nFootnote 183:\n\n  E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 186.\n\nFootnote 184:\n\n  J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burmah and the\n  Shan States_, Part II. vol. iii. (Rangoon, 1901), pp. 63 _sq._\n\nFootnote 185:\n\n  E. Aymonier, in _Cochinchine fran\u00e7aise: excursions et\n  reconnaissances_, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), pp. 175 _sq._\n\nFootnote 186:\n\n  L. Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_ (London, 1898), p. 489.\n\nFootnote 187:\n\n  H. Schinz, _Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_, pp. 295 _sq._\n\nFootnote 188:\n\n  See above, vol. i. pp. 248, 250, 309.\n\nFootnote 189:\n\n  Above, vol. i. p. 284.\n\nFootnote 190:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_ (Berlin, 1875), pp. 158, 159, 170, 197,\n  214, 351, 514.\n\nFootnote 191:\n\n  E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 188.\n\nFootnote 192:\n\n  Villault, _Relation des costes appell\u00e9es Guin\u00e9e_ (Paris, 1669), pp.\n  266 _sq._; _Labat, Voyage du chevalier des Marchais en Guin\u00e9e, isles\n  voisines, et \u00e0 Cayenne_ (Paris, 1730), i. 338.\n\nFootnote 193:\n\n  O. Baumann, _Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete_ (Berlin, 1891), p.\n  142.\n\nFootnote 194:\n\n  C. E. X. Rochet d\u2019Hericourt, _Voyage sur la c\u00f4te orientale de la Mer\n  Rouge dans le pays d\u2019Adel et le royaume de Choa_ (Paris, 1841), pp.\n  166 _sq._\n\nFootnote 195:\n\n  L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_ (London, 1870), p. 266.\n\nFootnote 196:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 190 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 197:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_ (Berlin, 1877), pp. 212\n  _sqq._\n\nFootnote 198:\n\n  H. Low, Sarawak, p. 274; _id._, in _Journal of the Anthropological\n  Institute_, xxv. (1896) p. 111.\n\nFootnote 199:\n\n  T. H. Lewin, _Wild Races of South-Eastern India_ (London, 1870), p.\n  270.\n\nFootnote 200:\n\n  J. Mackenzie, _Ten Years North of the Orange River_ (Edinburgh, 1871),\n  p. 385.\n\nFootnote 201:\n\n  J. Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, Second Journey_ (London, 1822),\n  ii. 203.\n\nFootnote 202:\n\n  Rev. J. Macdonald, MS. notes; compare _id._, _Light in Africa_, p.\n  210; _id._, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891)\n  p. 140. The Nubas will not cut shoots of the _nabac_ (a thorn-tree)\n  during the rainy season (_Missions Catholiques_, xiv. (1882) p. 460).\n  Among some of the hill-tribes of the Punjaub no one is allowed to cut\n  grass or any green thing with an iron sickle till the festival of the\n  ripening grain has been celebrated; otherwise the field-god would be\n  angry and send frost to destroy or injure the harvest (D. C. J.\n  Ibbetson, _Outlines of Panjab Ethnography_, p. 121).\n\nFootnote 203:\n\n  \u201cUeber die Religion der heidnischen Tscheremissen im Gouvernement\n  Kasan,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr allgemeine Erdkunde_, N. F. iii. (1857) p.\n  150.\n\nFootnote 204:\n\n  J. Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_, pp. 103 _sq._\n\nFootnote 205:\n\n  J. Biddulph, _op. cit._ pp. 106 _sq._\n\nFootnote 206:\n\n  W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n  (Westminster, 1896), ii. 102. See also Sir H. M. Elliot, _Memoirs on\n  the History, Folk-lore, and Distribution of the Races of the\n  North-Western Provinces of India_, edited by J. Beames, ii. 217,\n  where, however, the object of the prayers is said to be the\n  fruitfulness of the tree itself, not the fruitfulness of women,\n  animals, and cattle.\n\nFootnote 207:\n\n  W. Crooke, _op. cit._ ii. 106.\n\nFootnote 208:\n\n  Th. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_, p. 128.\n\nFootnote 209:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 161; E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten\n  und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p. 397; A. Peter, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus\n  \u00d6sterreichisch-Schlesien_, ii. 286.\n\nFootnote 210:\n\n  W. Camden, _Britannia_, ed. R. Gough (London, 1779), iii. 659.\n  Camden\u2019s authority is Good, a writer of the sixteenth century.\n\nFootnote 211:\n\n  _County Folk-lore: Suffolk_, collected and edited by Lady Eveline\n  Camilla Gurdon (London, 1893), p. 117.\n\nFootnote 212:\n\n  Mr. E. F. Benson, in a letter to the author dated December 15, 1892.\n\nFootnote 213:\n\n  _Memoirs of Samuel Pepys, Esq._, edited by Lord Braybrooke, Second\n  Edition (London, 1828), ii. 209, under May 1st, 1667.\n\nFootnote 214:\n\n  Lady Wilde, _Ancient Legends, Mystic Charms, and Superstitions of\n  Ireland_ (London, 1887), i. 196 _sq._ If an Irish housewife puts a\n  ring of rowan-tree or quicken, as it is also called, on the handle of\n  the churn-dash when she is churning, no witch can steal her butter (P.\n  W. Joyce, _Social History of Ancient Ireland_ (London, 1903), i. 236\n  _sq._).\n\nFootnote 215:\n\n  W. Camden, _loc. cit._\n\nFootnote 216:\n\n  W. Gregor, _Folk-lore of the North-east of Scotland_ (London, 1881),\n  p. 188.\n\nFootnote 217:\n\n  J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and\n  Islands of Scotland_, p. 270, compare _ib._, pp. 7 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 218:\n\n  J. G. Campbell, _op. cit._ pp. 11 _sq._ In Germany also the rowan-tree\n  is a charm against witchcraft (A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche\n  Volksaberglaube_, 2nd Ed., p. 106, \u00a7 145).\n\nFootnote 219:\n\n  Sir John Rhys, \u201cThe Coligny Calendar,\u201d _Proceedings of the British\n  Academy_, vol. iv. pp. 55 _sq._ of the offprint.\n\nFootnote 220:\n\n  A. Kuhn, _Herabkunft des Feuers_ 2nd Ed., (G\u00fctersloh, 1886), pp. 178\n  _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Germanische Mythen_ (Berlin, 1858), pp. 17 _sq._\n\nFootnote 221:\n\n  J. D. H. Temme, _Die Volkssagen der Altmark_ (Berlin, 1839), p. 85; E.\n  Sommer, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Sachsen und Th\u00fcringen_\n  (Halle, 1846), p. 149; A. Kuhn, _Sagen, Gebr\u00e4uche und M\u00e4rchen aus\n  Westfalen_, ii. p. 154, \u00a7 432, p. 155, \u00a7 436; A. Schleicher,\n  _Volkst\u00fcmliches aus Sonnenberg_ (Weimar, 1858), p. 139; A. Peter,\n  _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus \u00d6sterreichisch-Schlesien_ (Troppau, 1865-67), ii.\n  252; R. Eisel, _Sagenbuch des Voigtlandes_ (Gera, 1871), p. 210;\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_, p. 210; P.\n  Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_, i. (Leipsic,\n  1903) p. 109.\n\nFootnote 222:\n\n  A. Kuhn, _Herabkunft des Feuers_, 2nd Ed., p. 166.\n\nFootnote 223:\n\n  P. Drechsler, _op. cit._ i. 109 _sq._ Compare A. Peter, _loc. cit._\n\nFootnote 224:\n\n  W. M\u00fcller, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in M\u00e4hren_ (Vienna\n  and Olm\u00fctz, 1893), p. 324.\n\nFootnote 225:\n\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_, p. 210.\n\nFootnote 226:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 174.\n\nFootnote 227:\n\n  J. B. Holzmayer, \u201cOsiliana,\u201d _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen\n  Gesellschaft zu Dorpat_, vii. No. 2 (Dorpat, 1872), pp. 10 _sq._; W.\n  Mannhardt, Baumkultus, pp. 407 _sq._\n\nFootnote 228:\n\n  Potocki, _Voyage dans les steps d\u2019Astrakhan et du Caucase_ (Paris,\n  1829), i. 309.\n\nFootnote 229:\n\n  W. Foy, in _Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_, x. (1907) p. 551. For\n  details of the evidence see W. H. Goldie, M.D., \u201cMaori Medical Lore,\u201d\n  _Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute_, xxxvii.\n  (1904) pp. 93-95.\n\nFootnote 230:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 163 _sqq._ To his authorities add for\n  France, A. Meyrac, _Traditions, coutumes, l\u00e9gendes et contes des\n  Ardennes_, pp. 84 _sqq._; L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_,\n  pp. 131 _sq._; B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _Superstitions et survivances_, v. 309\n  _sq._; Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comt\u00e9_ (Paris, 1900), pp.\n  69-72; F. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_ (Paris,\n  1902), ii. 109-111; for Silesia, F. Tetzner, \u201cDie Tschechen und M\u00e4hrer\n  in Schlesien,\u201d _Globus_, lxxviii. (1900) p. 340; P. Drechsler, _Sitte,\n  Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_, i. 112 _sq._; for Moravia, W.\n  M\u00fcller, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in M\u00e4hren_, p. 26; for\n  Sardinia, R. Tennant, _Sardinia and its Resources_ (Rome and London,\n  1885), pp. 185 _sq._ In Brunswick the custom is observed at\n  Whitsuntide (R. Andree, _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_, p. 248).\n\nFootnote 231:\n\n  _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, i. 373.\n\nFootnote 232:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, p.\n  35.\n\nFootnote 233:\n\n  W. Radloff, _Proben der Volkslitteratur der n\u00f6rdlichen T\u00fcrkischen\n  St\u00e4mme_, v. 2 (St. Petersburg, 1885).\n\nFootnote 234:\n\n  E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 194; a similar\n  custom is practised among the Kurmis, _ibid._, p. 319. Among the\n  Mundas the custom seems now to have fallen into disuse (H. H. Risley,\n  _Tribes and Castes of Bengal: Ethnographic Glossary_, ii. 102).\n\nFootnote 235:\n\n  The explanation has been suggested by Mr. W. Crooke (_Journal of the\n  Anthropological Institute_, xxviii. (1899) p. 243). There are other\n  facts, however, which point to a different explanation, namely, that\n  the practice is intended to avert possible evil consequences from\n  bride or bridegroom. For example, \u201cthe superstition regarding a man\u2019s\n  third marriage, prevalent in Bar\u0101r and, I believe in other parts of\n  India, is not despised by the V\u0113lam\u0101s. A third marriage is unlucky.\n  Should a man marry a third wife, it matters not whether his former\n  wives be alive or not, evil will befall either him or that wife. No\n  father would give his girl to a man whose third wife she would be. A\n  man therefore, who has twice entered the married state and wishes to\n  mate yet once again, cannot obtain as a third wife any one who has\n  both the wit and the tongue to say no; a tree has neither, so to a\n  tree he is married. I have not been able to discover why the tree, or\n  rather shrub, called in Mar\u0101th\u012b _ru\u2019i_ and in Hind\u016bst\u0101n\u012b _madar_\n  (_Asclepias gigantea_), is invariably the victim selected in Bar\u0101r,\n  nor do I know whether the shrub is similarly favoured in other parts\n  of India. The ceremony consists in the binding of a _mangal s\u016btra_\n  round the selected shrub, by which the bridegroom sits, while\n  turmeric-dyed rice (_ak\u1e63ata_) is thrown over both him and the shrub.\n  This is the whole of the simple ceremony. He has gone through his\n  unlucky third marriage, and any lady whom he may favour after this\n  will be his fourth wife\u201d (Captain Wolseley Haig, \u201cNotes on the V\u0113lam\u0101\n  Caste in B\u0101r\u0101r,\u201d _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxx. part\n  iii. (1901) p. 28). Again, the Vellalas of Southern India \u201cobserve a\n  curious custom (derived from Br\u0101hmans) with regard to marriage, which\n  is not unknown in other communities. A man marrying a second wife\n  after the death of his first has to marry a plantain tree, and cut it\n  down before tying the _t\u0101li_, and, in case of a third marriage, a man\n  has to tie a _t\u0101li_ first to the erukkan (arka: _Calotropis gigantea_)\n  plant. The idea is that second and fourth wives do not prosper, and\n  the tree and the plant are accordingly made to take their places.\u201d\n  (Mr. Hemingway, quoted by E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern\n  India_, vii. 387). Tying the _tali_ to the bride is the common Hindoo\n  symbol of marriage, like giving the ring with us. As to these Indian\n  marriages to trees see further my _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 32 _sq._,\n  iv. 210 _sqq._; _Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. \u00a7 252, iii. \u00a7\u00a7 12, 90,\n  562, iv. \u00a7 396; _North Indian Notes and Queries_, i. \u00a7 110; D. C. J.\n  Ibbetson, _Settlement Report of the Karnal District_, p. 155; H. H.\n  Risley, _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, i. 531; Capt. E. C. Luard, in\n  _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xix. 76; W. Crooke, _Tribes and Castes\n  of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh_, ii. 363; _id._, _Popular\n  Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii.\n  115-121. I was formerly disposed to connect the custom with totemism,\n  but of this there seems to be no sufficient evidence.\n\nFootnote 236:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 51 _sq._\n\nFootnote 237:\n\n  Merolla, \u201cVoyage to Congo,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, xvi.\n  236 _sq._\n\nFootnote 238:\n\n  C. B\u00f6tticher, _Der Baumkultus der Hellenen_ (Berlin, 1856), pp. 30\n  _sq._\n\n\n\n\n                               CHAPTER X\n                RELICS OF TREE-WORSHIP IN MODERN EUROPE\n\n\n[Sidenote: May-trees in Europe.] From the foregoing review of the\nbeneficent qualities commonly ascribed to tree-spirits, it is easy to\nunderstand why customs like the May-tree or May-pole have prevailed so\nwidely and figured so prominently in the popular festivals of European\npeasants. In spring or early summer or even on Midsummer Day, it was and\nstill is in many parts of Europe the custom to go out to the woods, cut\ndown a tree and bring it into the village, where it is set up amid\ngeneral rejoicings; or the people cut branches in the woods, and fasten\nthem on every house. The intention of these customs is to bring home to\nthe village, and to each house, the blessings which the tree-spirit has\nin its power to bestow. Hence the custom in some places of planting a\nMay-tree before every house, or of carrying the village May-tree from\ndoor to door, that every household may receive its share of the\nblessing. Out of the mass of evidence on this subject a few examples may\nbe selected.\n\n[Sidenote: May-trees and May-bushes in England.] Sir Henry Piers, in his\n_Description of Westmeath_, writing in 1682 says: \u201cOn May-eve, every\nfamily sets up before their door a green bush, strewed over with yellow\nflowers, which the meadows yield plentifully. In countries where timber\nis plentiful, they erect tall slender trees, which stand high, and they\ncontinue almost the whole year; so as a stranger would go nigh to\nimagine that they were all signs of ale-sellers, and that all houses\nwere ale-houses.\u201d[239] In Northamptonshire a young tree ten or twelve\nfeet high used to be planted before each house on May Day so as to\nappear growing; flowers were thrown over it and strewn about the\ndoor.[240] \u201cAmong ancient customs still retained by the Cornish, may be\nreckoned that of decking their doors and porches on the first of May\nwith green boughs of sycamore and hawthorn, and of planting trees, or\nrather stumps of trees, before their houses.\u201d[241] In the north of\nEngland it was [Sidenote: May garlands in England.] formerly the custom\nfor young people to rise a little after midnight on the morning of the\nfirst of May, and go out with music and the blowing of horns into the\nwoods, where they broke branches and adorned them with nosegays and\ncrowns of flowers. This done, they returned about sunrise and fastened\nthe flower-decked branches over the doors and windows of their\nhouses.[242] At Abingdon in Berkshire young people formerly went about\nin groups on May morning, singing a carol of which the following are two\nof the verses:\u2014\n\n                   \u201c_We\u2019ve been rambling all the night,\n                     And sometime of this day;\n                   And now returning back again,\n                     We bring a garland gay._\n\n                   _A garland gay we bring you here;\n                     And at your door we stand;\n                   It is a sprout well budded out,\n                     The work of our Lord\u2019s hand._\u201d[243]\n\nAt the towns of Saffron Walden and Debden in Essex on the first of May\nlittle girls go about in parties from door to door singing a song almost\nidentical with the above and carrying garlands; a doll dressed in white\nis usually placed in the middle of each garland.[244] Similar customs\nhave been and indeed are still observed in various parts of England. The\ngarlands are generally in the form of hoops intersecting each other at\nright angles. Thus on May morning the girls of the neighbouring villages\nused to flock into Northampton bringing their garlands, which they\nexhibited from house to house. The skeleton of the garland was formed of\ntwo hoops of osier or hazel crossing each other at right angles, and so\ntwined with flowers and ribbons that no part of them could be seen. In\nthe centre of the garlands were placed gaily dressed dolls, one, two, or\nthree in number according to the size of the garland. The whole was\nfixed to a staff about five feet long, by which it was carried. In\nshewing their garlands the children chanted some simple ditties and\nreceived in return pennies, which furnished forth a feast on their\nreturn to their homes. A merry dance round the garland concluded the\nfestivity.[245] At Uttoxeter groups of children carry garlands of\nflowers about the town on May Day. \u201cThe garlands consist of two hoops,\none passing through the other, which give the appearance of four\nhalf-circles, and they are decorated with flowers and evergreens, and\nsurmounted with a bunch of flowers as a sort of crown, and in the centre\nof the hoops is a pendant orange and flowers.\u201d One or more of the\nchildren carry a little pole or stick upright with a bunch of flowers\nfastened to the top. They are themselves decorated with flowers and\nribbons, and receive pence from the houses which they visit.[246] At\nWatford in Hertfordshire, groups of children, almost entirely girls, go\nabout the streets from door to door on May Day singing some verses, of\nwhich two agree almost verbally with those which, as we have seen, are\nsung at Abingdon in Berkshire. They are dressed in white, and adorned\nwith gay ribbons and sashes of many hues. \u201cTwo of the girls carry\nbetween them on a stick what they call \u2018the garland,\u2019 which in its\nsimplest form, is made of two circular hoops, intersecting each other at\nright angles; a more elaborate form has, in addition, smaller\nsemicircles inserted in the four angles formed by the meeting of the\nhoops at the top of \u2018the garland.\u2019 These hoops are covered with any\nwild-flowers in season, and are further ornamented with ribbons. The\n\u2018garland\u2019 in shape reminds me of the \u2018Christmas\u2019 which used to form the\ncentre of the Christmas decorations in Yorkshire some few years ago,\nexcept that the latter had a bunch of mistletoe inside the hoops.\u201d[247]\nA similar custom was observed at Bampton-in-the-Bush in Oxfordshire down\nto about the middle of the nineteenth century. The garland consisted of\ntwo crossed hoops covered with moss, flowers, and ribbons. Two girls,\nknown as the Lady and her Maid, bore the garland between them on a\nstick; and a boy called the Lord, who carried a stick dressed with\nribbons and flowers, collected contributions from the spectators. From\ntime to time the Lady sang a few lines and was then kissed by the\nLord.[248] At Sevenoaks in Kent the children carry boughs and garlands\nfrom door to door on May Day. The boughs consist of sticks carried\nupright with bunches of leaves and wild-flowers fastened to the top. The\ngarlands are formed of two hoops interlaced cross-wise and covered with\nblue and yellow flowers from the woods and hedges. Sometimes the\ngarlands are fastened to the end of a stick carried perpendicularly,\nsometimes they hang from the middle of a stick borne horizontally by two\nchildren.[249] In the streets of Cambridge little girls regularly make\ntheir appearance every May Day with female dolls enclosed in hoops,\nwhich are covered with ribbons and flowers. These they shew to\npassers-by, inviting them to remember the May Lady by paying a small sum\nto her bearers.[250] At Salisbury girls go through the streets on May\nDay in pairs, carrying between them on a stick a circular garland or\nhoop adorned with flowers and bows; they visit the shops asking for\nmoney. A similar custom is observed at Wilton a few miles from\nSalisbury.[251] At Cawthorne in Yorkshire \u201con the first of May the\nschool-children came with hoops to beg for artificial flowers; these my\nmother\u2019s maid used to sew on to the hoops, which with ribbons and other\ndecorations, were used in decking out a tall May-pole planted in the\nvillage.\u201d[252] It appears that a hoop wreathed with rowan and marsh\nmarigold, and bearing suspended within it two balls, is still carried on\nMay Day by villagers in some parts of Ireland. The balls, which are\nsometimes covered with gold and silver paper, are said to have\noriginally represented the sun and moon.[253]\n\n[Sidenote: May customs in France, Germany, and Greece.] In some villages\nof the Vosges Mountains on the first Sunday of May young girls go in\nbands from house to house, singing a song in praise of May, in which\nmention is made of the \u201cbread and meal that come in May.\u201d If money is\ngiven them, they fasten a green bough to the door; if it is refused,\nthey wish the family many children and no bread to feed them.[254] In\nthe French department of Mayenne, boys who bore the name of _Maillotins_\nused to go about from farm to farm on the first of May singing carols,\nfor which they received money or a drink; they planted a small tree or a\nbranch of a tree.[255] Among the Germans of Moravia on the third Sunday\nbefore Easter, which goes by the name of _Laetare_ Sunday, it is\ncustomary in some places for young girls to carry a small fir-tree about\nfrom door to door, while they sing songs, for which they receive\npresents. The tree is tricked out with many-coloured ribbons, and\nsometimes with flowers and dyed egg-shells, and its branches are twined\ntogether so as to form what is called a crown.[256] In Corfu the\nchildren go about singing May songs on the first of May. The boys carry\nsmall cypresses adorned with ribbons, flowers, and the fruits of the\nseason. They receive a glass of wine at each house. The girls carry\nnosegays. One of them is dressed up like an angel, with gilt wings, and\nscatters flowers.[257]\n\n[Sidenote: Whitsuntide customs in Russia.] On the Thursday before\nWhitsunday the Russian villagers \u201cgo out into the woods, sing songs,\nweave garlands, and cut down a young birch-tree, which they dress up in\nwoman\u2019s clothes, or adorn with many-coloured shreds and ribbons. After\nthat comes a feast, at the end of which they take the dressed-up\nbirch-tree, carry it home to their village with joyful dance and song,\nand set it up in one of the houses, where it remains as an honoured\nguest till Whitsunday. On the two intervening days they pay visits to\nthe house where their \u2018guest\u2019 is; but on the third day, Whitsunday, they\ntake her to a stream and fling her into its waters,\u201d throwing their\ngarlands after her. \u201cAll over Russia every village and every town is\nturned, a little before Whitsunday, into a sort of garden. Everywhere\nalong the streets the young birch-trees stand in rows, every house and\nevery room is adorned with boughs, even the engines upon the railway are\nfor the time decked with green leaves.\u201d[258] In this Russian custom the\ndressing of the birch in woman\u2019s clothes shews how clearly the tree is\npersonified; and the throwing it into a stream is most probably a\nrain-charm. In some villages of Altmark it was formerly the custom for\nserving-men, grooms, and cowherds to go from farm to farm at Whitsuntide\ndistributing crowns made of birch branches and flowers to the farmers;\nthese crowns were hung up in the houses and left till the following\nyear.[259]\n\n[Sidenote: May-trees in Germany and Sweden.] In the neighbourhood of\nZabern in Alsace bands of people go about carrying May-trees. Amongst\nthem is a man dressed in a white shirt, with his face blackened; in\nfront of him is carried a large May-tree, but each member of the band\nalso carries a smaller one. One of the company bears a huge basket in\nwhich he collects eggs, bacon, and so forth.[260] In some parts of\nSweden on the eve of May Day lads go about carrying each a bunch of\nfresh-gathered birch twigs, wholly or partially in leaf. With the\nvillage fiddler at their head, they make the round of the houses singing\nMay songs; the burden of their songs is a prayer for fine weather, a\nplentiful harvest, and worldly and spiritual blessings. One of them\ncarries a basket in which he collects gifts of eggs and the like. If\nthey are well received they stick a leafy twig in the roof over the\ncottage door.[261]\n\n[Sidenote: Midsummer trees and poles in Sweden.] But in Sweden midsummer\nis the season when these ceremonies are chiefly observed. On the Eve of\nSt. John (the twenty-third of June) the houses are thoroughly cleansed\nand garnished with green boughs and flowers. Young fir-trees are raised\nat the doorway and elsewhere about the homestead; and very often small\numbrageous arbours are constructed in the garden. In Stockholm on this\nday a leaf-market is held at which thousands of May-poles (_Maj\nSt\u0103nger_), from six inches to twelve feet high, decorated with leaves,\nflowers, slips of coloured paper, gilt egg-shells strung on reeds, and\nso on, are exposed for sale. Bonfires are lit on the hills, and the\npeople dance round them and jump over them. But the chief event of the\nday is setting up the May-pole. This consists of a straight and tall\nspruce-pine tree, stripped of its branches. \u201cAt times hoops and at\nothers pieces of wood, placed cross-wise, are attached to it at\nintervals; whilst at others it is provided with bows, representing, so\nto say, a man with his arms akimbo. From top to bottom not only the \u2018Maj\nSt\u0103ng\u2019 (May-pole) itself, but the hoops, bows, etc., are ornamented with\nleaves, flowers, slips of various cloth, gilt egg-shells, etc.; and on\nthe top of it is a large vane, or it may be a flag.\u201d The raising of the\nMay-pole, the decoration of which is done by the village maidens, is an\naffair of much ceremony; the people flock to it from all quarters, and\ndance round it in a great ring.[262] Midsummer customs of the same sort\nused to be observed in some parts of Germany. Thus in the towns of the\nUpper Harz Mountains tall fir-trees, with the bark peeled off their\nlower trunks, were set up in open places and decked with flowers and\neggs, which were painted yellow and red. Round these trees the young\nfolk danced by day and the old folk in the evening. Many people\ndisguised themselves, and dramatic representations were given, amongst\nothers mock executions, at which the sufferer\u2019s hat was knocked off\ninstead of his head. At the village of Lerbach in these fir-clad\nmountains children would gather together on Midsummer Day, each with a\ntiny fir-tree, which they made to revolve from left to right in the\ndirection of the sun, while they sang \u201cThe maiden turned herself about,\u201d\nor \u201cOh, thou dear Summertime! Oh, thou dear Summertime!\u201d[263] In some\nparts of Bohemia also a May-pole or midsummer-tree is erected on St.\nJohn\u2019s Eve. The lads fetch a tall fir or pine from the wood and set it\nup on a height, where the girls deck it with nosegays, garlands, and red\nribbons. It is afterwards burned.[264]\n\n[Sidenote: Village May-poles in England.] It would be needless to\nillustrate at length the custom, which has prevailed in various parts of\nEurope, such as England, France, and Germany, of setting up a village\nMay-tree or May-pole on May Day.[265] A few examples will suffice. The\npuritanical writer Phillip Stubbes in his _Anatomie of Abuses_, first\npublished at London in 1583, has described with manifest disgust how\nthey used to bring in the May-pole in the days of good Queen Bess. His\ndescription affords us a vivid glimpse of merry England in the olden\ntime. \u201cAgainst May, Whitsonday, or other time, all the yung men and\nmaides, olde men and wives, run gadding over night to the woods, groves,\nhils, and mountains, where they spend all the night in plesant pastimes;\nand in the morning they return, bringing with them birch and branches of\ntrees, to deck their assemblies withall. And no mervaile, for there is a\ngreat Lord present amongst them, as superintendent and Lord over their\npastimes and sportes, namely, Sathan, prince of hel. But the chiefest\njewel they bring from thence is their May-pole, which they bring home\n[Sidenote: Bringing in the May-pole.] with great veneration, as thus.\nThey have twentie or fortie yoke of oxen, every oxe having a sweet\nnose-gay of flouers placed on the tip of his hornes, and these oxen\ndrawe home this May-pole (this stinkyng ydol, rather), which is covered\nall over with floures and hearbs, bound round about with strings, from\nthe top to the bottome, and sometime painted with variable colours, with\ntwo or three hundred men, women and children following it with great\ndevotion. And thus beeing reared up, with handkercheefs and flags\nhovering on the top, they straw the ground rounde about, binde green\nboughes about it, set up sommer haules, bowers, and arbors hard by it.\nAnd then fall they to daunce about it, like as the heathen people did at\nthe dedication of the Idols, whereof this is a perfect pattern, or\nrather the thing itself. I have heard it credibly reported (and that\n_viva voce_) by men of great gravitie and reputation, that of fortie,\nthreescore, or a hundred maides going to the wood over night, there have\nscaresly the third part of them returned home againe undefiled.\u201d[266] Of\nthe Cornish people their historian Borlase says: \u201cFrom towns they make\nexcursions, on May eve, into the country, cut down a tall elm, bring it\ninto town with rejoicings, and having fitted a straight taper pole to\nthe end of it, and painted it, erect it in the most publick part, and\nupon holidays and festivals dress it with garlands of flowers, or\nensigns and streamers.\u201d[267] In Northumberland, down apparently to near\nthe end of the eighteenth century, young people of both sexes used to go\nout early on May morning to gather the flowering thorn and the dew off\nthe grass, which they brought home with music and acclamations; then,\nhaving dressed a pole on the green with garlands, they danced about it.\nThe dew was considered as a great cosmetic, and preserved the face from\nwrinkles, blotches, and the traces of old age. A syllabub made of warm\nmilk from the cow, sweet cakes, and wine was prepared for the feast; and\na kind of divination, to discover who should be wedded first, was\npractised by dropping a marriage-ring into the syllabub and fishing for\nit with a ladle.[268] At Padstow in Cornwall, when shipbuilding was a\nthriving industry of the port, the shipwrights used to erect a tall\nMay-pole at the top of Cross Street in the middle of a cross inlaid with\nstone. The pole was gaily decorated with spring flowers and so forth.\nBut the custom has long been abandoned. A great feature of the\ncelebration of May Day at Padstow used to be the Hobby Horse, that is, a\nman wearing a ferocious mask, who went dancing and singing before the\nchief houses, accompanied by a great flower-bedecked crowd of men and\nwomen, while the men fired pistols loaded with powder in all\ndirections.[269]\n\n[Sidenote: Village May-trees and May-poles in Germany.] In Swabia on the\nfirst of May a tall fir-tree used to be fetched into the village, where\nit was decked with ribbons and set up; then the people danced round it\nmerrily to music. The tree stood on the village green the whole year\nthrough, until a fresh tree was brought in next May Day.[270] In Saxony\n\u201cpeople were not content with bringing the summer symbolically (as king\nor queen) into the village; they brought the fresh green itself from the\nwoods even into the houses: that is the May or Whitsuntide trees, which\nare mentioned in documents from the thirteenth century onwards. The\nfetching in of the May-tree was also a festival. The people went out\ninto the woods to seek the May (_majum quaerere_), brought young trees,\nespecially firs and birches, to the village and set them up before the\ndoors of the houses or of the cattle-stalls or in the rooms. Young\nfellows erected such May-trees, as we have already said, before the\nchambers of their sweethearts. Besides these household Mays, a great\nMay-tree or May-pole, which had also been brought in solemn procession\nto the village, was set up in the middle of the village or in the\nmarket-place of the town. It had been chosen by the whole community, who\nwatched over it most carefully. Generally the tree was stripped of its\nbranches and leaves, nothing but the crown being left, on which were\ndisplayed, in addition to many-coloured ribbons and cloths, a variety of\nvictuals such as sausages, cakes, and eggs. The young folk exerted\nthemselves to obtain these prizes. In the greasy poles which are still\nto be seen at our fairs we have a relic of these old May-poles. Not\nuncommonly there was a race on foot or on horseback to the May-tree\u2014a\nWhitsuntide pastime which in course of time has been divested of its\ngoal and survives as a popular custom to this day in many parts of\nGermany. In the great towns of our land the custom has developed into\nsport, for our spring races are in their origin nothing but the old\nGerman horse-races, in which the victor received a prize (generally a\nred cloth) from the hand of a maiden, while the last rider was greeted\nwith jeers and gibes by the assembled community.\u201d[271] The custom of the\nMay-tree is observed by the Wends of Saxony, as well as by the Germans.\nThe young men of the village choose the slimmest and tallest tree in the\nwood, peel it and set it up on the village green. Its leafy top is\ndecked with cloths and ribbons presented by the girls. Here it stands,\ntowering high above the roofs, till Ascension Day, or in many places\ntill Whitsuntide. When it is being taken down, the young folk dance\nround it, and the youth who catches and breaks off the leafy crown of\nthe falling tree is the hero of the day. Holding the green boughs aloft\nhe is carried shoulder-high, with music and joyous shouts, to the\nale-house, where the dance is resumed.[272] At Bordeaux on the\n[Sidenote: May-poles and May-trees in France.] first of May the boys of\neach street used to erect in it a May-pole, which they adorned with\ngarlands and a great crown; and every evening during the whole of the\nmonth the young people of both sexes danced singing about the pole.[273]\nDown to the present day May-trees decked with flowers and ribbons are\nset up on May Day in every village and hamlet of gay Provence. Under\nthem the young folk make merry and the old folk rest.[274] The Red\nKarens of [Sidenote: May-poles among the Karens of Burma.] Upper Burma\nhold a festival in April, at which the chief ceremony is the erection of\na post on ground set apart for the purpose in or near each village. A\nnew post is set up every year; the old ones are left standing, but are\nnot renewed if they fall or decay. Omens are first drawn from chicken\nbones as to which tree will be the best to fell for the post, which day\nwill be the luckiest, and so on. A pole some twenty or thirty feet long\nis then hewn from the tree and ornamented with a rudely carved capital.\nOn the lucky day all the villagers assemble and drag the pole to the\nchosen spot. When it has been set up, the people dance \u201ca rude sort of\nMay-pole dance\u201d to the music of drums and gongs. Much pork is eaten and\nmuch liquor drunk on this festive occasion.[275]\n\n[Sidenote: Permanent May-poles.] In all these cases, apparently, the\ncustom is or was to bring in a new May-tree each year. However, in\nEngland the village May-pole seems as a rule, at least in later times,\nto have been permanent, not renewed annually.[276] Villages of Upper\nBavaria renew their May-pole once every three, four, or five years. It\nis a fir-tree fetched from the forest, and amid all the wreaths, flags,\nand inscriptions with which it is bedecked, an essential part is the\nbunch of dark green foliage left at the top \u201cas a memento that in it we\nhave to do, not with a dead pole, but with a living tree from the\ngreenwood.\u201d[277] We can hardly doubt that originally the practice\neverywhere was to set up a new May-tree every year. As the object of the\ncustom was to bring in the fructifying spirit of vegetation, newly\nawakened in spring, the end would have been defeated if, instead of a\nliving tree, green and sappy, an old withered one had been erected year\nafter year or allowed to stand permanently. When, however, the meaning\nof the custom had been forgotten, and the May-tree was regarded simply\nas a centre for holiday merry-making, people saw no reason for felling a\nfresh tree every year, and preferred to let the same tree stand\npermanently, only decking it with fresh flowers on May Day. But even\nwhen the May-pole had thus become a fixture, the need of giving it the\nappearance of being a green tree, not a dead pole, was sometimes felt.\nThus at Weverham in Cheshire \u201care two May-poles, which are decorated on\nthis day (May Day) with all due attention to the ancient solemnity; the\nsides are hung with garlands, and the top terminated by a birch or other\ntall slender tree with its leaves on; the bark being peeled, and the\nstem spliced to the pole, so as to give the appearance of one tree from\nthe summit.\u201d[278] Thus the renewal of the May-tree is like the renewal\nof the Harvest-May;[279] each is intended to secure a fresh portion of\nthe fertilising spirit of vegetation, and to preserve it throughout the\nyear. But whereas the efficacy of the Harvest-May is restricted to\npromoting the growth of the crops, that of the May-tree or May-branch\nextends also, as we have seen, to women and cattle. Lastly, [Sidenote:\nThe May-tree burnt at the end of the year.] it is worth noting that the\nold May-tree is sometimes burned at the end of the year. Thus in the\ndistrict of Prague young people break pieces of the public May-tree and\nplace them behind the holy pictures in their rooms, where they remain\ntill next May Day, and are then burned on the hearth.[280] In W\u00fcrtemberg\nthe bushes which are set up on the houses on Palm Sunday are sometimes\nleft there for a year and then burnt.[281] The _eiresione_ (the\nHarvest-May of Greece) was perhaps burnt at the end of the year.[282]\n\n                  *       *       *       *       *\n\n[Sidenote: Tree-spirit detached from the tree and represented in human\nform.] So much for the tree-spirit conceived as incorporate or immanent\nin the tree. We have now to shew that the tree-spirit is often conceived\nand represented as detached from the tree and clothed in human form, and\neven as embodied in living men or women. The evidence for this\nanthropomorphic representation of the tree-spirit is largely to be found\nin the popular customs of European peasantry. These will be described\npresently, but before examining them we may notice an Esthonian\nfolk-tale which illustrates the same train of thought very clearly. Once\nupon a time, so runs [Sidenote: Esthonian story of a tree-elf.] the\ntale, a young peasant was busy raking the hay in a meadow, when on the\nrim of the horizon a heavy thunder-cloud loomed black and angry, warning\nhim to make haste with his work before the storm should break. He\nfinished in time, and was wending his way homeward, when under a tree he\nespied a stranger fast asleep. \u201cHe will be drenched to the skin,\u201d\nthought the good-natured young fellow to himself, \u201cif I allow him to\nsleep on.\u201d So he stepped up to the sleeper and shaking him forcibly\nroused him from his slumber. The stranger started up, and at sight of\nthe thunder-cloud, which now darkened the sky, he blenched, fumbled in\nhis pockets, and finding nothing in them wherewith to reward the\nfriendly swain, he said, \u201cThis time I am your debtor. But the time will\ncome when I shall be able to repay your kindness. Remember what I tell\nyou. You will enlist. You will be parted from your friends for years,\nand one day a feeling of homesickness will come over you in a foreign\nland. Then look up, and you will see a crooked birch-tree a few steps\nfrom you. Go to it, knock thrice on the trunk, and ask, \u2018Is the Crooked\nOne at home?\u2019 The rest will follow.\u201d With these words the stranger\nhastened away and was out of sight in a moment. The peasant also went\nhis way, and soon forgot all about the matter. Well, time went by and\npart of the stranger\u2019s prophecy came true. For the peasant turned\nsoldier and served in a cavalry regiment for years. One day, when he was\nquartered with his regiment in the north of Finland, it fell to his turn\nto tend the horses while his comrades were roistering in the tavern.\nSuddenly a great yearning for home, such as he had never known before,\ncame over the lonely trooper; tears started to his eyes, and dear\nvisions of his native land crowded on his soul. Then he bethought him of\nthe sleeping stranger in the wood, and the whole scene came back to him\nas fresh as if it had happened yesterday. He looked up, and there,\nstrange to tell, he was aware of a crooked birch-tree right in front of\nhim. More in jest than in earnest he went up to it and did as the\nstranger had bidden him. Hardly had the words, \u201cIs the Crooked One at\nhome?\u201d passed his lips when the stranger himself stood before him and\nsaid, \u201cI am glad you have come. I feared you had forgotten me. You wish\nto be at home, do you not?\u201d The trooper said yes, he did. Then the\nCrooked One cried into the tree, \u201cYoung folks, which of you is the\nfleetest?\u201d A voice from the birch replied, \u201cFather, I can run as fast as\na moor-hen flies.\u201d \u201cWell, I need a fleeter messenger to-day.\u201d A second\nvoice answered, \u201cI can run like the wind.\u201d \u201cI need a swifter envoy,\u201d\nsaid the father. Then a third voice cried, \u201cI can run like the thought\nof man.\u201d \u201cYou are after my own heart. Fill a bag full of gold and take\nit with my friend and benefactor to his home.\u201d Then he caught the\nsoldier by the hat, crying, \u201cThe hat to the man, and the man to the\nhouse!\u201d The same moment the soldier felt his hat fly from his head. When\nhe looked about for it, lo! he was at home in the old familiar parlour\nwearing his old peasant clothes, and the great sack of money stood\nbeside him. Yet on parade and at the roll-call he was never missed. When\nthe man who told this story was asked, \u201cWho could the stranger be?\u201d he\nanswered, \u201cWho but a tree-elf?\u201d[283]\n\n[Sidenote: Tree-spirit represented simultaneously in vegetable and human\nform.] There is an instructive class of cases in which the tree-spirit\nis represented simultaneously in vegetable form and in human form, which\nare set side by side as if for the express purpose of explaining each\nother. In these cases the human representative of the tree-spirit is\nsometimes a doll or puppet, sometimes a living person; but whether a\npuppet or a person, it is placed beside a tree or bough; so that\ntogether the person or puppet, and the tree or bough, form a sort of\nbilingual inscription, the one being, so to speak, a translation of the\nother. Here, therefore, there is no room left for doubt that the spirit\nof the tree is actually represented in human form. Thus in Bohemia, on\nthe fourth Sunday in Lent, young people throw a puppet called Death into\nthe water; then the girls go into the wood, cut down a young tree, and\nfasten to it a puppet dressed in white clothes to look like a woman;\nwith this tree and puppet they go from house to house collecting\ngratuities and singing songs with the refrain:\u2014\n\n                  \u201c_We carry Death out of the village,\n                  We bring Summer into the village._\u201d[284]\n\nHere, as we shall see later on, the \u201cSummer\u201d is the spirit of vegetation\nreturning or reviving in spring. In some parts of our own country\nchildren go about asking for pence with some small imitations of\nMay-poles, and with a finely-dressed doll which they call the Lady of\nthe May.[285] In these cases the tree and the puppet are obviously\nregarded as equivalent.\n\n[Sidenote: The Little May Rose.] At Thann, in Alsace, a girl called the\nLittle May Rose, dressed in white, carries a small May-tree, which is\ngay with garlands and ribbons. Her companions collect gifts from door to\ndoor, singing a song:\u2014\n\n                \u201c_Little May Rose turn round three times,\n                Let us look at you round and round!\n                Rose of the May, come to the greenwood away,\n                We will be merry all.\n                So we go from the May to the roses._\u201d\n\nIn the course of the song a wish is expressed that those who give\nnothing may lose their fowls by the marten, that their vine may bear no\nclusters, their tree no nuts, their field no corn; the produce of the\nyear is supposed to depend on the gifts offered to these May\nsingers.[286] Here and in the cases mentioned above, where children go\nabout with green boughs or garlands on May Day singing and collecting\nmoney, the meaning is that with the spirit of vegetation they bring\nplenty and good luck to the house, and they expect to be paid for the\nservice. In Russian Lithuania, on the first of May, they used to set up\na green tree before the village. Then the rustic swains chose the\nprettiest girl, crowned her, swathed her in birch branches and set her\nbeside the May-tree, where they danced, sang, and shouted \u201cO May! O\nMay!\u201d[287] In Brie (Isle de France) a May-tree is set up in the midst of\nthe village; its top is crowned with flowers; lower down it is twined\nwith leaves and twigs, still lower with huge green branches. The girls\ndance round it, and at the same time a lad wrapt in leaves and called\nFather May is led about.[288] In the small towns of the Franken Wald\n[Sidenote: The _Walber_.] mountains in Northern Bavaria, on the second\nof May, a _Walber_ tree is erected before a tavern, and a man dances\nround it, enveloped in straw from head to foot in such a way that the\nears of corn unite above his head to form a crown. He is called the\n_Walber_, and used to be led in procession through the streets, which\nwere adorned with sprigs of birch.[289]\n\n[Sidenote: Green George in Carinthia.] Amongst the Slavs of Carinthia,\non St. George\u2019s Day (the twenty-third of April), the young people deck\nwith flowers and garlands a tree which has been felled on the eve of the\nfestival. The tree is then carried in procession, accompanied with music\nand joyful acclamations, the chief figure in the procession being the\nGreen George, a young fellow clad from head to foot in green birch\nbranches. At the close of the ceremonies the Green George, that is an\neffigy of him, is thrown into the water. It is the aim of the lad who\nacts Green George to step out of his leafy envelope and substitute the\neffigy so adroitly that no one shall perceive the change. In many\nplaces, however, the lad himself who plays the part of Green George is\nducked in a river or pond, with the express intention of thus ensuring\nrain to make the fields and meadows green in summer. In some places the\ncattle are crowned and driven from their stalls to the accompaniment of\na song:\u2014\n\n                   \u201c_Green George we bring,\n                   Green George we accompany,\n                   May he feed our herds well.\n                   If not, to the water with him._\u201d[290]\n\nHere we see that the same powers of making rain and fostering the\ncattle, which are ascribed to the tree-spirit regarded as incorporate in\nthe tree, are also attributed to the tree-spirit represented by a living\nman.\n\n[Sidenote: Green George among the gypsies.] Among the gypsies of\nTransylvania and Roumania the festival of Green George is the chief\ncelebration of spring. Some of them keep it on Easter Monday, others on\nSt. George\u2019s Day (the twenty-third of April). On the eve of the festival\na young willow tree is cut down, adorned with garlands and leaves, and\nset up in the ground. Women with child place one of their garments under\nthe tree, and leave it there over night; if next morning they find a\nleaf of the tree lying on the garment, they know that their delivery\nwill be easy. Sick and old people go to the tree in the evening, spit on\nit thrice, and say, \u201cYou will soon die, but let us live.\u201d Next morning\nthe gypsies gather about the willow. The chief figure of the festival is\nGreen George, a lad who is concealed from top to toe in green leaves and\nblossoms. He throws a few handfuls of grass to the beasts of the tribe,\nin order that they may have no lack of fodder throughout the year. Then\nhe takes three iron nails, which have lain for three days and nights in\nwater, and knocks them into the willow; after which he pulls them out\nand flings them into a running stream to propitiate the water-spirits.\nFinally, a pretence is made of throwing Green George into the water, but\nin fact it is only a puppet made of branches and leaves which is ducked\nin the stream.[291] In this version of the custom the powers of granting\nan easy delivery to women and of communicating vital energy to the sick\nand old are clearly ascribed to the willow; while Green George, the\nhuman double of the tree, bestows food on the cattle, and further\nensures the favour of the water-spirits by putting them in indirect\ncommunication with the tree.\n\n[Sidenote: Double representation of the tree-spirit by tree and man\namong the Oraons.] An example of the double representation of the spirit\nof vegetation by a tree and a living man is reported from Bengal. The\nOraons have a festival in spring while the s\u00e1l-trees are in blossom,\nbecause they think that at this time the marriage of earth is celebrated\nand the s\u00e1l flowers are necessary for the ceremony. On an appointed day\nthe villagers go with their priest to the Sarna, the sacred grove, a\nremnant of the old s\u00e1l forest in which a goddess Sarna Burhi, or woman\nof the grove, is supposed to dwell. She is thought to have great\ninfluence on the rain; and the priest arriving with his party at the\ngrove sacrifices to her five fowls, of which a morsel is given to each\nperson present. Then they gather the s\u00e1l flowers and return laden with\nthem to the village. Next day the priest visits every house, carrying\nthe flowers in a wide open basket. The women of each house bring out\nwater to wash his feet as he approaches, and kneeling make him an\nobeisance. Then he dances with them and places some of the s\u00e1l flowers\nover the door of the house and in the women\u2019s hair. No sooner is this\ndone than the women empty their water-jugs over him, drenching him to\nthe skin. A feast follows, and the young people, with s\u00e1l flowers in\ntheir hair, dance all night on the village green.[292] Here, the\nequivalence of the flower-bearing priest to the goddess of the flowering\ntree comes out plainly. For she is supposed to influence the rain, and\nthe drenching of the priest with water is, doubtless, like the ducking\nof the Green George in Carinthia and elsewhere, a rain-charm. Thus the\npriest, as if he were the tree goddess herself, goes from door to door\ndispensing rain and bestowing fruitfulness on each house, but especially\non the women. In some parts [Sidenote: Double representation of the\nharvest-goddess Gauri by a bundle of plants and an unmarried girl.] of\nIndia the harvest-goddess Gauri, the wife of Siva, is represented both\nby an unmarried girl and by a bundle of the wild flowering balsam plant\ntouch-me-not (_Impatiens sp._), which is tied up in a mummy-like figure\nwith a woman\u2019s mask, dress, and ornaments. Before being removed from the\nsoil to represent the goddess the plants are worshipped. The girl is\nalso worshipped. Then the bundle of plants is carried and the girl who\npersonates the goddess walks through the rooms of the house, while the\nsupposed footprints of Gauri herself are imprinted on the floor with red\npaste. On entering each room the human representative of Gauri is asked,\n\u201cGauri, Gauri, whither have you come and what do you see?\u201d and the girl\nmakes appropriate replies. Then she is given a mouthful of sweets and\nthe mistress of the house says, \u201cCome with golden feet and stay for\never.\u201d The plant-formed effigy of Gauri is afterwards worshipped as the\ngoddess herself and receives offerings of rice-cakes and pancakes. On\nthe third day it is thrown into a river or tank; then a handful of\npebbles or sand is brought home from the spot and thrown all over the\nhouse and the trees to bring good luck to the house and to protect the\ntrees from vermin. A remarkable feature of the ceremonies is that the\ngoddess Gauri is supposed to be secretly followed by her husband Siva,\nwho remains hidden under the fold of her garment and is represented by a\n_l\u00f4\u1e6d\u00e2_, covered by a coco-nut and filled with rice, which is carefully\nmeasured. After the image of Gauri has been thrown into the river or\ntank, the rice in the _l\u00f4\u1e6d\u00e2_ representing Siva is carefully measured\nagain, in order to see whether the quantity has increased or decreased,\nand according to the result an abundant or a scanty harvest is\nprognosticated.[293] Hence it appears that the whole ritual aims at\nensuring a plentiful crop of rice. In this case the spirit of vegetation\nthus represented in duplicate by a living girl and the effigy of a woman\nis a harvest goddess, not a tree-spirit, but the principle is the same.\n\n[Sidenote: W. Mannhardt\u2019s summary of the evidence.] Without citing more\nexamples to the same effect, we may sum up the results of the preceding\npages in the words of Mannhardt: \u201cThe customs quoted suffice to\nestablish with certainty the conclusion that in these spring processions\nthe spirit of vegetation is often represented both by the May-tree and\nin addition by a man dressed in green leaves or flowers or by a girl\nsimilarly adorned. It is the same spirit which animates the tree and is\nactive in the inferior plants and which we have recognised in the\nMay-tree and the Harvest-May. Quite consistently the spirit is also\nsupposed to manifest his presence in the first flower of spring and\nreveals himself both in a girl representing a May-rose, and also, as\ngiver of harvest, in the person of the _Walber_. The procession with\nthis representative of the divinity was supposed to produce the same\nbeneficial effects on the fowls, the fruit-trees, and the crops as the\npresence of the deity himself. In other words, the mummer was regarded\nnot as an image but as an actual representative of the spirit of\nvegetation; hence the wish expressed by the attendants on the May-rose\nand the May-tree that those who refuse them gifts of eggs, bacon, and so\nforth, may have no share in the blessings which it is in the power of\nthe itinerant spirit to bestow. We may conclude that these begging\nprocessions with May-trees or May-boughs from door to door (\u2018bringing\nthe May or the summer\u2019) had everywhere originally a serious and, so to\nspeak, sacramental significance; people really believed that the god of\ngrowth was present unseen in the bough; by the procession he was brought\nto each house to bestow his blessing. The names May, Father May, May\nLady, Queen of the May, by which the anthropomorphic spirit of\nvegetation is often denoted, shew that the idea of the spirit of\nvegetation is blent with a personification of the season at which his\npowers are most strikingly manifested.\u201d[294]\n\n[Sidenote: Tree-spirit or vegetation-spirit represented by a person\nalone.] Thus far we have seen that the tree-spirit or the spirit of\nvegetation in general is represented either in vegetable form alone, as\nby a tree, bough, or flower; or in vegetable and human form\nsimultaneously, as by a tree, bough, or flower in combination with a\npuppet or a living person. It remains to shew that the representation of\nhim by a tree, bough, or flower is sometimes entirely dropped, while the\nrepresentation of him by a living person remains. In this case the\nrepresentative character of the person is generally marked by dressing\nhim or her in leaves or flowers; sometimes too it is indicated by the\nname he or she bears.\n\n[Sidenote: Green George in Russia.] Thus in some parts of Russia on St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day (the twenty-third of April) a youth is dressed out, like\nour Jack-in-the-Green, with leaves and flowers. The Slovenes call him\nthe Green George. Holding a lighted torch in one hand and a pie in the\nother, he goes out to the corn-fields, followed by girls singing\nappropriate songs. A circle of brushwood is then lighted, in the middle\nof which is set the pie. All who take part in the ceremony then sit down\naround the fire and divide the pie among them.[295] In this custom the\nGreen George dressed in leaves and flowers is plainly identical with the\nsimilarly disguised Green George who is associated with a tree in the\nCarinthian, Transylvanian, and Roumanian customs observed on the same\nday. Again, [Sidenote: Whitsuntide customs in Russia.] we saw that in\nRussia at Whitsuntide a birch-tree is dressed in woman\u2019s clothes and set\nup in the house. Clearly equivalent to this is the custom observed on\nWhit-Monday by Russian girls in the district of Pinsk. They choose the\nprettiest of their number, envelop her in a mass of foliage taken from\nthe birch-trees and maples, and carry her about through the village. In\na district of Little Russia they take round a \u201cpoplar,\u201d represented by a\ngirl wearing bright flowers in her hair.[296] At Whitsuntide in Holland\npoor women used to go about begging with a little girl called\nWhitsuntide Flower (_Pinxterbloem_, perhaps a kind of iris); she was\ndecked with flowers and sat in a waggon. In North Brabant she wears the\nflowers from which she takes her name and a song is sung:\u2014\n\n                      \u201c_Whitsuntide Flower,\n                      Turn yourself once round._\u201d[297]\n\n[Sidenote: May customs in France.] All over Provence on the first of May\npretty little girls are dressed in white, decked with crowns and wreaths\nof roses, and set on seats or platforms strewn with flowers in the\nstreets, while their companions go about begging coppers for the Mayos\nor Mayes, as they are called, from the passers-by.[298] In some parts of\nthe Ardennes on May Day a small girl, clad in white and wearing a\nchaplet of flowers on her head, used to go from house to house with her\nplay-mates, collecting contributions and singing that it was May, the\nmonth of May, the pretty month of May, that the wheat was tall, the\nhawthorn in bloom, and the lark carolling in the sky.[299]\n\n[Sidenote: The Little Leaf Man.] In Ruhla (Th\u00fcringen) as soon as the\ntrees begin to grow green in spring, the children assemble on a Sunday\nand go out into the woods, where they choose one of their play-mates to\nbe the Little Leaf Man. They break branches from the trees and twine\nthem about the child till only his shoes peep out from the leafy mantle.\nHoles are made in it for him to see through, and two of the children\nlead the Little Leaf Man that he may not stumble or fall. Singing and\ndancing they take him from house to house, asking for gifts of food such\nas eggs, cream, sausages, and cakes. Lastly, they sprinkle the Leaf Man\nwith water and feast on the food they have collected.[300] At\nR\u00f6llshausen on the [Sidenote: Leaf-clad mummers at Whitsuntide.]\nSchwalm, in Hesse, when afternoon service is over on Whitsunday, the\nschoolboys and schoolgirls go out into the wood and there clothe a boy\nfrom head to foot in leaves so that nobody would know him. He is called\nthe Little Whitsuntide Man. A procession is then formed. Two boys lead\ntheir leaf-clad playfellow; two others precede him with a basket; and\ntwo girls with another basket bring up the rear. Thus they go from house\nto house singing hymns or popular songs and collecting eggs and cakes in\nthe baskets. When they have feasted on these, they strip their comrade\nof his verdant envelope on an open place in front of the village.[301]\nIn some parts of Rhenish Bavaria at Whitsuntide a boy or lad is swathed\nin the yellow blossom of the broom, the dark green twigs of the firs,\nand other foliage. Thus attired he is known as the Quack and goes from\ndoor to door, whirling about in the dance, while an appropriate song is\nchanted and his companions levy contributions.[302] In the Fricktal,\nSwitzerland, at Whitsuntide boys go out into a wood and swathe one of\ntheir number in leafy boughs. He is called the Whitsuntide-lout\n(_Pfingstl\u00fcmmel_), and being mounted on horseback with a green branch in\nhis hand he is led back into the village. At the village-well a halt is\ncalled and the leaf-clad lout is dismounted and ducked in the trough.\nThereby he acquires the right of sprinkling water on everybody, and he\nexercises the right specially on girls and street urchins. The urchins\nmarch before him in bands begging him to give them a Whitsuntide\nwetting.[303]\n\n[Sidenote: Jack-in-the-Green in England.] In England the best-known\nexample of these leaf-clad mummers is the Jack-in-the-Green, a\nchimney-sweeper who walks encased in a pyramidal framework of\nwickerwork, which is covered with holly and ivy, and surmounted by a\ncrown of flowers and ribbons. Thus arrayed he dances on May Day at the\nhead of a troop of chimney-sweeps, who collect pence.[304] The ceremony\nwas witnessed at Cheltenham on the second of May 1892, by Dr. W. H. D.\nRouse, who has described in detail the costume of the performers. They\nwere all chimney-sweeps of the town. Jack-in-the-Green or the\nBush-carrier was enclosed in a wooden framework on which leaves were\nfastened so as to make a thick cone about six feet high, topped with a\ncrown, which consisted of two wooden hoops placed crosswise and covered\nwith flowers. The leafy envelope was unbroken except for a single\nopening through which peered the face of the mummer. From time to time\nin their progress through the streets the performers halted, and three\nof them, dressed in red, blue, and yellow respectively, tripped lightly\nround the leaf-covered man to the inspiring strains of a fiddle and a\ntin whistle on which two of their comrades with blackened faces\ndiscoursed sweet music. The leader of the procession was a clown\nfantastically clad in a long white pinafore or blouse with coloured\nfringes and frills, and wearing on his head a beaver hat of the familiar\npattern, the crown of which hung loose and was adorned with ribbons and\na bird or a bundle of feathers. Large black rings surrounded his eyes,\nand a red dab over mouth and chin lent a pleasing variety to his\ncountenance. He contributed to the public hilarity by flapping the\nyellow fringe of his blouse with quaint gestures and occasionally\nfanning himself languidly. His efforts were seconded by another\nperformer, who wore a red fool\u2019s cap, all stuck with flowers, and a\nwhite pinafore enriched with black human figures in front and a black\ngridiron-like pattern, crossed diagonally by a red bar, at the back. Two\nboys in white pinafores, with similar figures, or stars, on the breast,\nand a fish on the back, completed the company. Formerly there used to be\na man in woman\u2019s clothes, who personated the clown\u2019s wife.[305] In some\nparts also of France a young fellow is encased in a wicker framework\ncovered with leaves and is led about.[306] In Frickthal, in the Swiss\n[Sidenote: The Whitsuntide Basket in Switzerland.] canton of Aargau, a\nsimilar frame of basketwork is called the Whitsuntide Basket. As soon as\nthe trees begin to bud, a spot is chosen in the wood, and here the\nvillage lads make the frame with all secrecy, lest others should\nforestall them. Leafy branches are twined round two hoops, one of which\nrests on the shoulders of the wearer, the other encircles his calves;\nholes are made for his eyes and mouth; and a large nosegay crowns the\nwhole. In this guise he appears suddenly in the village at the hour of\nvespers, preceded by three boys blowing on horns made of willow bark.\nThe great object of his supporters is to set up the Whitsuntide Basket\non the village well, and to keep it and him there, despite the efforts\nof the lads from neighbouring villages, who seek to carry off the\nWhitsuntide Basket and set it up on their own well.[307] In the\nneighbourhood of Ertingen (W\u00fcrtemberg) a [Sidenote: The Lazy Man in\nW\u00fcrtemberg.] masker of the same sort, known as the Lazy Man\n(_Latzmann_), goes about the village on Midsummer Day; he is hidden\nunder a great pyramidal or conical frame of wickerwork, ten or twelve\nfeet high, which is completely covered with sprigs of fir. He has a bell\nwhich he rings as he goes, and he is attended by a suite of persons\ndressed up in character\u2014a footman, a colonel, a butcher, an angel, the\ndevil, the doctor, and so on. They march in Indian file and halt before\nevery house, where each of them speaks in character, except the Lazy\nMan, who says nothing. With what they get by begging from door to door\nthey hold a feast.[308]\n\nIn the class of cases of which the foregoing are specimens it is obvious\nthat the leaf-clad person who is led about is equivalent to the\nMay-tree, May-bough, or May-doll, which is carried from house to house\nby children begging. Both are representatives of the beneficent spirit\nof vegetation, whose visit to the house is recompensed by a present of\nmoney or food.\n\n[Sidenote: Leaf-clad representative of vegetation sometimes called a\nKing or Queen.] Often the leaf-clad person who represents the spirit of\nvegetation is known as the king or the queen; thus, for example, he or\nshe is called the May King, Whitsuntide King, Queen of May, and so on.\nThese titles, as Mannhardt observes, imply that the spirit incorporate\nin vegetation is a ruler, whose creative power extends far and\nwide.[309]\n\n[Sidenote: May-Kings at Whitsuntide in Germany and Bohemia.] In a\nvillage near Salzwedel a May-tree is set up at Whitsuntide and the boys\nrace to it; he who reaches it first is king; a garland of flowers is put\nround his neck and in his hand he carries a May-bush, with which, as the\nprocession moves along, he sweeps away the dew. At each house they sing\na song, wishing the inmates good luck, referring to the \u201cblack cow in\nthe stall milking white milk, black hen on the nest laying white eggs,\u201d\nand begging a gift of eggs, bacon, and so on.[310] At the village of\nEllgoth in Silesia a ceremony called the King\u2019s Race is observed at\nWhitsuntide. A pole with a cloth tied to it is set up in a meadow, and\nthe young men ride past it on horseback, each trying to snatch away the\ncloth as he gallops by. The one who succeeds in carrying it off and\ndipping it in the neighbouring Oder is proclaimed King.[311] Here the\npole is clearly a substitute for a May-tree. In some villages of\nBrunswick at Whitsuntide a May King is completely enveloped in a\nMay-bush. In some parts of Th\u00fcringen also they have a May King at\nWhitsuntide, but he is dressed up rather differently. A frame of wood is\nmade in which a man can stand; it is completely covered with birch\nboughs and is surmounted by a crown of birch and flowers, in which a\nbell is fastened. This frame is placed in the wood and the May King gets\ninto it. The rest go out and look for him, and when they have found him\nthey lead him back into the village to the magistrate, the clergyman,\nand others, who have to guess who is in the verdurous frame. If they\nguess wrong, the May King rings his bell by shaking his head, and a\nforfeit of beer or the like must be paid by the unsuccessful\nguesser.[312] At Wahrstedt in Brunswick the boys at Whitsuntide choose\nby lot a king and a high-steward (_f\u00fcstje-meier_). The latter is\ncompletely concealed in a May-bush, wears a wooden crown wreathed with\nflowers, and carries a wooden sword. The king, on the other hand, is\nonly distinguished by a nosegay in his cap, and a reed, with a red\nribbon tied to it, in his hand. They beg for eggs from house to house,\nthreatening that, where none are given, none will be laid by the hens\nthroughout the year. In this custom the high-steward appears, for some\nreason, to have usurped the insignia of the king.[313] At Hildesheim, in\nHanover, five or six young fellows go about on the afternoon of\nWhit-Monday cracking long whips in measured time and collecting eggs\nfrom the houses. The chief person of the band is the [Sidenote: The Leaf\nKing.] Leaf King, a lad swathed so completely in birchen twigs that\nnothing of him can be seen but his feet. A huge head-dress of birchen\ntwigs adds to his apparent stature. In his hand he carries a long crook,\nwith which he tries to catch stray dogs and children.[314] In some parts\nof Bohemia on Whit-Monday the young fellows disguise themselves in tall\ncaps of birch bark adorned with flowers. One of them is dressed as a\nking and dragged on a sledge to the village green, and if on the way\nthey pass a pool the sledge is always overturned into it. Arrived at the\ngreen they gather round the king; the crier jumps on a stone or climbs\nup a tree and recites lampoons about each house and its inmates.\nAfterwards the disguises of bark are stripped off and they go about the\nvillage in holiday attire, carrying a May-tree and begging. Cakes, eggs,\nand corn are sometimes given them.[315] At Grossvargula, near\nLangensalza, in [Sidenote: The Grass King.] the eighteenth century a\nGrass King used to be led about in procession at Whitsuntide. He was\nencased in a pyramid of poplar branches, the top of which was adorned\nwith a royal crown of branches and flowers. He rode on horseback with\nthe leafy pyramid over him, so that its lower end touched the ground,\nand an opening was left in it only for his face. Surrounded by a\ncavalcade of young fellows, he rode in procession to the town hall, the\nparsonage, and so on, where they all got a drink of beer. Then under the\nseven lindens of the neighbouring Sommerberg, the Grass King was\nstripped of his green casing; the crown was handed to the Mayor, and the\nbranches were stuck in the flax fields in order to make the flax grow\ntall.[316] In this last trait the fertilising influence ascribed to the\nrepresentative of the tree-spirit comes out clearly. In the\nneighbourhood of Pilsen (Bohemia) a conical hut of green branches,\nwithout any door, is erected at Whitsuntide in the midst of the village.\nTo this hut rides a troop of village lads with a king at their head. He\nwears a sword at his side and a sugar-loaf hat of rushes on his head. In\nhis train are a judge, a crier, and a personage called the Frog-flayer\nor Hangman. This last is a sort of ragged merryandrew, wearing a rusty\nold sword and bestriding a sorry hack. On reaching the hut the crier\ndismounts and goes round it looking for a door. Finding none, he says,\n\u201cAh, this is perhaps an enchanted castle; the witches creep through the\nleaves and need no door.\u201d At last he draws his sword and hews his way\ninto the hut, where there is a chair, on which he seats himself and\nproceeds to criticise in rhyme the girls, farmers, and farm-servants of\nthe neighbourhood. When this is over, the Frog-flayer steps forward and,\nafter exhibiting a cage with frogs in it, sets up a gallows on which he\nhangs the frogs in a row.[317] In the neighbourhood of Plas the ceremony\ndiffers in some points. The king and his soldiers are completely clad in\nbark, adorned with flowers and ribbons; they all carry swords and ride\nhorses, which are gay with green branches and flowers. While the village\ndames and girls are being criticised at the arbour, a frog is secretly\npinched and poked by the crier till it quacks. Sentence of death is\npassed on the frog by the king; the hangman beheads it and flings the\nbleeding body among the spectators. Lastly, the king is driven from the\nhut and pursued by the soldiers.[318] The pinching and beheading of the\nfrog are doubtless, as Mannhardt observes,[319] a rain-charm. We have\nseen that some Indians of the Orinoco beat frogs for the express purpose\nof producing rain, and that killing a frog is a European\nrain-charm.[320]\n\n[Sidenote: May-Queens and Whitsuntide Queens.] Often the spirit of\nvegetation in spring is represented by a queen instead of a king. In the\nneighbourhood of Libchowic (Bohemia), on the fourth Sunday in Lent,\ngirls dressed in white and wearing the first spring flowers, as violets\nand daisies, in their hair, lead about the village a girl who is called\nthe Queen and is crowned with flowers. During the procession, which is\nconducted with great solemnity, none of the girls may stand still, but\nmust keep whirling round continually and singing. In every house the\nQueen announces the arrival of spring and wishes the inmates good luck\nand blessings, for which she receives presents.[321] In German Hungary\nthe girls choose the prettiest girl to be their Whitsuntide Queen,\nfasten a towering wreath on her brow, and carry her singing through the\nstreets. At every house they stop, sing old ballads, and receive\npresents.[322] In the south-east of Ireland on May Day the prettiest\ngirl used to be chosen Queen of the district for twelve months. She was\ncrowned with wild flowers; feasting, dancing, and rustic sports\nfollowed, and were closed by a grand procession in the evening. During\nher year of office she presided over rural gatherings of young people at\ndances and merry-makings. If she married before next May Day, her\nauthority was at an end, but her successor was not elected till that day\ncame round.[323] The May Queen is common in France[324] and familiar in\nEngland. Thus at the adjoining [Sidenote: The May Queen in\nWarwickshire.] villages of Cherrington and Stourton in south\nWarwickshire, the Queen of May is still represented on May Day by a\nsmall girl dressed in white and wearing a wreath of flowers on her head.\nAn older girl wheels the Queen in what is called a mail-cart, that is, a\nchild\u2019s perambulator on two wheels. Another girl carries a money-box.\nFour boys bear the May-pole, a conical framework formed of a high tripod\nwith a central shaft. The whole structure is encased in a series of five\nhoops, which rise one above the other, diminishing in size from bottom\nto top with the tapering of the cone. The hoops, as well as the tripod\nand the central shaft, are all covered with whatever flowers happen to\nbe in bloom, such as marsh-marigolds, primroses, or blue-bells. To the\ntop of the central shaft is fastened a bunch of the flower called\ncrown-imperial, if it is in season. The lowest hoop is crossed by two\nbars at right angles to each other, and the projecting ends of the bars\nserve as handles, by which the four boys carry the May-pole. Each of the\nbearers has a garland of flowers slung over his shoulder. Thus the\nchildren go from house to house, singing their songs and receiving\nmoney, which goes to provide a treat for them in the afternoon.[325]\n\n[Sidenote: Spirit of vegetation represented simultaneously by a King and\nQueen or a Bridegroom and Bride.] Again the spirit of vegetation is\nsometimes represented by a king and queen, a lord and lady, or a\nbridegroom and bride. Here again the parallelism holds between the\nanthropomorphic and the vegetable representation of the tree-spirit, for\nwe have seen above that trees are sometimes married to each other.[326]\nAt Halford in south Warwickshire the children go from house to house on\nMay Day, [Sidenote: Whitsuntide King and Queen.] walking two and two in\nprocession and headed by a King and Queen. Two boys carry a May-pole\nsome six or seven feet high, which is covered with flowers and greenery.\nFastened to it near the top are two cross-bars at right angles to each\nother. These are also decked with flowers, and from the ends of the bars\nhang hoops similarly adorned. At the houses the children sing May songs\nand receive money, which is used to provide tea for them at the\nschool-house in the afternoon.[327] In a Bohemian village near\nK\u00f6niggr\u00e4tz on Whit-Monday the children play the king\u2019s game, at which a\nking and queen march about under a canopy, the queen wearing a garland,\nand the youngest girl carrying two wreaths on a plate behind them. They\nare attended by boys and girls called groomsmen and bridesmaids, and\nthey go from house to house collecting gifts.[328] A regular feature in\nthe popular celebration of Whitsuntide in Silesia used to be, and to\nsome extent still is, the contest for the kingship. This contest took\nvarious forms, but the mark or goal was generally the May-tree or\nMay-pole. Sometimes the youth who succeeded in climbing the smooth pole\nand bringing down the prize was proclaimed the Whitsuntide King and his\nsweetheart the Whitsuntide Bride. Afterwards the king, carrying the\nMay-bush, repaired with the rest of the company to the ale-house, where\na dance and a feast ended the merry-making. Often the young farmers and\nlabourers raced on horseback to the May-pole, which was adorned with\nflowers, ribbons, and a crown. He who first reached the pole was the\nWhitsuntide King, and the rest had to obey his orders for that day. The\nworst rider became the clown. At the May-tree all dismounted and hoisted\nthe king on their shoulders. He nimbly swarmed up the pole and brought\ndown the May-bush and the crown, which had been fastened to the top.\nMeantime the clown hurried to the ale-house and proceeded to bolt thirty\nrolls of bread and to swig four quart bottles of brandy with the utmost\npossible despatch. He was followed by the king, who bore the May-bush\nand crown at the head of the company. If on their arrival the clown had\nalready disposed of the rolls and the brandy, and greeted the king with\na speech and a glass of beer, his score was paid by the king; otherwise\nhe had to settle it himself. After church time the stately procession\nwound through the village. At the head of it rode the king, decked with\nflowers and carrying the May-bush. Next came the clown with his clothes\nturned inside out, a great flaxen beard on his chin, and the Whitsuntide\ncrown on his head. Two riders disguised as guards followed. The\nprocession drew up before every farmyard; the two guards dismounted,\nshut the clown into the house, and claimed a contribution from the\nhousewife to buy soap with which to wash the clown\u2019s beard. Custom\nallowed them to carry off any victuals which were not under lock and\nkey. Last of all they came to the house in which the king\u2019s sweetheart\nlived. She was greeted as Whitsuntide Queen and received suitable\npresents\u2014to wit, a many-coloured sash, a cloth, and an apron. The king\ngot as a prize, a vest, a neckcloth, and so forth, and had the right of\nsetting up the May-bush or Whitsuntide-tree before his master\u2019s yard,\nwhere it remained as an honourable token till the same day next year.\nFinally the procession took its way to the tavern, where the king and\nqueen opened the dance. Sometimes the Whitsuntide King and Queen\nsucceeded to office in a different way. A man of straw, as [Sidenote:\nKing and Queen of May.] large as life and crowned with a red cap, was\nconveyed in a cart, between two men armed and disguised as guards, to a\nplace where a mock court was waiting to try him. A great crowd followed\nthe cart. After a formal trial the straw man was condemned to death and\nfastened to a stake on the execution ground. The young men with bandaged\neyes tried to stab him with a spear. He who succeeded became king and\nhis sweetheart queen. The straw man was known as the Goliath.[329] Near\nGrenoble, in France, a king and queen are chosen on the first of May and\nare set on a throne for all to see.[330] At Headington, near Oxford,\nchildren used to carry garlands from door to door on May Day. Each\ngarland was borne by two girls, and they were followed by a lord and\nlady\u2014a boy and girl linked together by a white handkerchief, of which\neach held an end, and dressed with ribbons, sashes, and flowers. At each\ndoor they sang a verse:\u2014\n\n                       \u201c_Gentlemen and ladies,\n                         We wish you happy May;\n                       We come to shew you a garland,\n                         Because it is May-day._\u201d\n\nOn receiving money the lord put his arm about his lady\u2019s waist and\nkissed her.[331] At Fleuriers in Switzerland on the seventh of May 1843\na May-bridegroom (_\u00c9poux de Mai_) and his bride were escorted in a\nprocession of over two hundred children, some of whom carried green\nbranches of beech. A number of May Fools were entrusted with the\ndelicate duty of going round with the hat. The proceeds of their tact\nand industry furnished a banquet in the evening, and the day ended with\na children\u2019s ball.[332] In some Saxon villages at Whitsuntide a lad and\na lass used to disguise themselves and hide in the bushes or high grass\noutside the village. Then the whole village went out with music \u201cto seek\nthe bridal pair.\u201d When they found the couple they all gathered round\nthem, the music struck up, and the bridal pair was led merrily to the\nvillage. In the evening they danced. In some places the bridal pair was\ncalled the prince and the princess.[333]\n\n[Sidenote: Whitsuntide Bridegroom and Bride in Denmark.] In a parish of\nDenmark it used to be the custom at Whitsuntide to dress up a little\ngirl as the Whitsun-bride (_pinse-bruden_) and a little boy as her\ngroom. She was decked in all the finery of a grown-up bride, and wore a\ncrown of the freshest flowers of spring on her head. Her groom was as\ngay as flowers, ribbons, and knots could make him. The other children\nadorned themselves as best they could with the yellow flowers of the\ntrollius and caltha. Then they went in great state from farmhouse to\nfarmhouse, two little girls walking at the head of the procession as\nbridesmaids, and six or eight outriders galloping ahead on hobby-horses\nto announce their coming. Contributions of eggs, butter, loaves, cream,\ncoffee, sugar, and tallow-candles were received and conveyed away in\nbaskets. When they had made the round of the farms, some of the farmers\u2019\nwives helped to arrange the wedding feast, and the children danced\nmerrily in clogs on the stamped clay floor till the sun rose and the\nbirds began to sing. All this is now a thing of the past. Only the old\nfolks still remember the little Whitsun-bride and her mimic pomp.[334]\n\n[Sidenote: Midsummer Bridegroom and Bride in Sweden and Norway.] We have\nseen that in Sweden the ceremonies associated elsewhere with May Day or\nWhitsuntide commonly take place at Midsummer.[335] Accordingly we find\nthat in some parts of the Swedish province of Blekinge they still choose\na Midsummer\u2019s Bride, to whom the \u201cchurch coronet\u201d is occasionally lent.\nThe girl selects for herself a Bridegroom, and a collection is made for\nthe pair, who for the time being are looked on as man and wife. The\nother youths also choose each his bride.[336] A similar ceremony seems\nto be still kept up in Norway, for a correspondent writes to me as\nfollows in reference to the Danish custom of the Whitsun-bride: \u201cIt may\ninterest you to know that on June 23, 1893, I witnessed at Ullensvang,\nHardanger, Norway, a ceremony almost exactly the same as that described\nin your book. Wild flowers are scarce there, and the bride wore the\nusual metal crown, the attendants for the most part wearing the pretty\nHardanger costume. The dancing took place in an unlighted barn, as the\nfarmer was afraid of fire. There were plenty of boys at the dance, but\nso far as I can remember, none in the procession. The custom is clearly\ndying out, and the somewhat reluctant bridegroom was the subject of a\ngood deal of chaff from his fellows.\u201d[337] In Sardinia the Midsummer\ncouples are known as the Sweethearts of St. John, and their association\nwith the growth of plants is clearly brought out by the pots of\nsprouting grain which form a principal part of the ceremony.[338]\n\n[Sidenote: Forsaken Bridegroom or Bride of May or Whitsuntide.] In the\nneighbourhood of Brian\u00e7on (Dauphin\u00e9) on May Day the lads wrap up in\ngreen leaves a young fellow whose sweetheart has deserted him or married\nanother. He lies down on the ground and feigns to be asleep. Then a girl\nwho likes him, and would marry him, comes and wakes him, and raising him\nup offers him her arm and a flag. So they go to the alehouse, where the\npair lead off the dancing. But they must marry within the year, or they\nare treated as old bachelor and old maid, and are debarred the company\nof the young folk. The lad is called the bridegroom of the month of May\n(_le fianc\u00e9 du mois de May_). In the alehouse he puts off his garment of\nleaves, out of which, mixed with flowers, his partner in the dance makes\na nosegay, and wears it at her breast next day, when he leads her again\nto the alehouse.[339] Like this is a Russian custom observed in the\ndistrict of Nerechta on the Thursday before Whitsunday. The girls go out\ninto a birch-wood, wind a girdle or band round a stately birch, twist\nits lower branches into a wreath, and kiss each other in pairs through\nthe wreath. The girls who kiss through the wreath call each other\ngossips. Then one of the girls steps forward, and mimicking a drunken\nman, flings herself on the ground, rolls on the grass, and feigns to\nfall fast asleep. Another girl wakens the pretended sleeper and kisses\nhim; then the whole bevy trips singing through the wood to twine\ngarlands, which they throw into the water. In the fate of the garlands\nfloating on the stream they read their own.[340] Here the part of the\nsleeper was probably at one time played by a lad. In these French and\nRussian customs we have a forsaken bridegroom, in the following a\nforsaken bride. On Shrove Tuesday the Slovenes of Oberkrain drag a straw\npuppet with joyous cries up and down the village; then they throw it\ninto the water or burn it, and from the height of the flames they judge\nof the abundance of the next harvest. The noisy crew is followed by a\nfemale masker, who drags a great board by a string and gives out that\nshe is a forsaken bride.[341]\n\nViewed in the light of what has gone before, the awakening of the\nforsaken sleeper in these ceremonies probably represents the revival of\nvegetation in spring. But it is not easy to assign their respective\nparts to the forsaken bridegroom and to the girl who wakes him from his\nslumber. Is the sleeper the leafless forest or the bare earth of winter?\nIs the girl who wakens him the fresh verdure or the genial sunshine of\nspring? It is hardly possible, on the evidence before us, to answer\nthese questions. The Oraons of Bengal, it may be remembered, celebrate\nthe marriage of earth in the springtime, when the s\u00e1l-tree is in\nblossom.[342] But from this we can hardly argue that in the European\nceremonies the sleeping bridegroom is \u201cthe dreaming earth\u201d and the girl\nthe spring blossoms.\n\n[Sidenote: St. Bride in Scotland and the Isle of Man.] In the Highlands\nof Scotland the revival of vegetation in spring used to be graphically\nrepresented on St. Bride\u2019s Day, the first of February. Thus in the\nHebrides \u201cthe mistress and servants of each family take a sheaf of oats,\nand dress it up in women\u2019s apparel, put it in a large basket, and lay a\nwooden club by it, and this they call Briid\u2019s bed; and then the mistress\nand servants cry three times, \u2018Briid is come, Briid is welcome.\u2019 This\nthey do just before going to bed, and when they rise in the morning they\nlook among the ashes, expecting to see the impression of Briid\u2019s club\nthere; which if they do, they reckon it a true presage of a good crop\nand prosperous year, and the contrary they take as an ill omen.\u201d[343]\nThe same custom is described by another witness thus: \u201cUpon the night\nbefore Candlemas it is usual to make a bed with corn and hay, over which\nsome blankets are laid, in a part of the house, near the door. When it\nis ready, a person goes out and repeats three times, ... \u2018Bridget,\nBridget, come in; thy bed is ready.\u2019 One or more candles are left\nburning near it all night.\u201d[344] Similarly in the Isle of Man \u201con the\neve of the first of February, a festival was formerly kept, called, in\nthe Manks language, _Laa\u2019l Breeshey_, in honour of the Irish lady who\nwent over to the Isle of Man to receive the veil from St. Maughold. The\ncustom was to gather a bundle of green rushes, and standing with them in\nthe hand on the threshold of the door, to invite the holy Saint Bridget\nto come and lodge with them that night. In the Manks language, the\ninvitation ran thus:\u2014\u2018_Brede, Brede, tar gys my thie tar dyn thie ayms\nnoght. Foshil jee yn dorrys da Brede, as lhig da Brede e heet staigh._\u2019\nIn English: \u2018Bridget, Bridget, come to my house, come to my house\nto-night. Open the door for Bridget, and let Bridget come in.\u2019 After\nthese words were repeated, the rushes were strewn on the floor by way of\na carpet or bed for St. Bridget. A custom very similar to this was also\nobserved in some of the Out-Isles of the ancient kingdom of Man.\u201d[345]\nIn these Manx and Highland ceremonies it is obvious that St. Bride, or\nSt. Bridget, is an old heathen goddess of fertility, disguised in a\nthreadbare Christian cloak. Probably she is no other than the Celtic\ngoddess Brigit, who will meet us again later on.[346]\n\n[Sidenote: May Bride or Whitsuntide Bride.] Often the marriage of the\nspirit of vegetation in spring, though not directly represented, is\nimplied by naming the human representative of the spirit, \u201cthe Bride,\u201d\nand dressing her in wedding attire. Thus in some villages of Altmark at\nWhitsuntide, while the boys go about carrying a May-tree or leading a\nboy enveloped in leaves and flowers, the girls lead about the May Bride,\na girl dressed as a bride with a great nosegay in her hair. They go from\nhouse to house, the May Bride singing a song in which she asks for a\npresent, and tells the inmates of each house that if they give her\nsomething they will themselves have something the whole year through;\nbut if they give her nothing they will themselves have nothing.[347] In\nsome parts of Westphalia two girls lead a flower-crowned girl called the\nWhitsuntide Bride from door to door, singing a song in which they ask\nfor eggs.[348] At Waggum in Brunswick, when service is over on\nWhitsunday, the village girls assemble, dressed in white or bright\ncolours, decked with flowers, and wearing chaplets of spring flowers in\ntheir hair. One of them represents the May Bride, and carries a crown of\nflowers on a staff as a sign of her dignity. As usual the children go\nabout from cottage to cottage singing and begging for eggs, sausages,\ncakes, or money. In other parts of Brunswick it is a boy clothed all in\nbirch leaves who personates the May Bride.[349] In Bresse in the month\nof May a girl called _la Mari\u00e9e_ is tricked out with ribbons and\nnosegays and is led about by a gallant. She is preceded by a lad\ncarrying a green May-tree, and appropriate verses are sung.[350]\n\nFootnote 239:\n\n  Quoted by J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 246 (ed. Bohn).\n\nFootnote 240:\n\n  T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), p.\n  254.\n\nFootnote 241:\n\n  W. Borlase, _The Natural History of Cornwall_ (Oxford, 1758), p. 294.\n\nFootnote 242:\n\n  J. Brand, _op. cit._ i. 212 _sq._\n\nFootnote 243:\n\n  T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _Popular British Customs_, p. 233.\n\nFootnote 244:\n\n  R. Chambers, _Book of Days_ (London and Edinburgh, 1886), i. 578; T.\n  F. Thiselton Dyer, _op. cit._ pp. 237 _sq._\n\nFootnote 245:\n\n  W. Hone, _Every Day Book_ (London, N.D.), ii. 615 _sq._; T. F.\n  Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, pp. 251 _sq._ At Polebrook\n  in Northamptonshire the verses sung by the children on their rounds\n  include two which are almost identical with those sung at Abingdon in\n  Berkshire. See Dyer, _op. cit._ pp. 255 _sq._ The same verses were\n  formerly sung on May Day at Hitchin in Hertfordshire (Hone, _Every Day\n  Book_, i. 567 _sq._; Dyer, _op. cit._ pp. 240 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 246:\n\n  Dyer, _op. cit._ p. 263.\n\nFootnote 247:\n\n   Percy Manning, in _Folk-lore_, iv. (1893) pp. 403 _sq._\n\nFootnote 248:\n\n  _Id._, in _Folk-lore_, viii. (1897) p. 308. Customs of the same sort\n  are reported also from Combe, Headington, and Islip, all in\n  Oxfordshire (Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, pp. 261 _sq._). See\n  below, pp. 90 _sq._\n\nFootnote 249:\n\n  Dyer, _op. cit._ p. 243.\n\nFootnote 250:\n\n  W. H. D. Rouse, in _Folk-lore_, iv. (1893) p. 53. I have witnessed the\n  ceremony almost annually for many years. Many of the hoops have no\n  doll, and ribbons or rags of coloured cloth are more conspicuous than\n  flowers in their decoration.\n\nFootnote 251:\n\n  J. P. Emslie, in _Folk-lore_, xi. (1900) p. 210.\n\nFootnote 252:\n\n  _Memoirs of Anna Maria Wilhelmina Pickering_, edited by her son,\n  Spencer Pickering (London, 1903), pp. 160 _sq._\n\nFootnote 253:\n\n  Lady Wilde, _Ancient Cures, Charms, and Usages of Ireland_ (London,\n  1890), pp. 101 _sq._ At the ancient Greek festival of the Daphnephoria\n  or \u201cLaurel-bearing\u201d a staff of olive-wood, decked with laurels, purple\n  ribbons, and many-coloured flowers, was carried in procession, and\n  attached to it were two large globes representing the sun and moon,\n  together with a number of smaller globes which stood for the stars.\n  See Proclus, quoted by Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 321, ed. Bekker.\n\nFootnote 254:\n\n  E. Cortet, _Essai sur les f\u00eates religieuses_ (Paris, 1867) pp. 167\n  _sqq._\n\nFootnote 255:\n\n  _Revue des traditions populaires_, ii. (1887) p. 200.\n\nFootnote 256:\n\n  W. M\u00fcller, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in M\u00e4hren_ (Wien und\n  Olm\u00fctz, 1893), pp. 319 _sq._, 355-359.\n\nFootnote 257:\n\n  _Folk-lore_, i. (1890) pp. 518 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 258:\n\n   W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_ 2nd Ed., (London,\n  1872), pp. 234 _sq._\n\nFootnote 259:\n\n  A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 315.\n\nFootnote 260:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 162.\n\nFootnote 261:\n\n  L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_, p. 235.\n\nFootnote 262:\n\n  L. Lloyd, _op. cit._ pp. 257 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 263:\n\n  H. Pr\u00f6hle, _Harzbilder_ (Leipsic, 1855), pp. 19 _sq._ Compare _id._,\n  in _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde_, i. (1853)\n  pp. 81 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Germanische Mythen_, pp. 512 _sqq._; A.\n  Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_\n  (Leipsic, 1848), p. 390, \u00a7 80.\n\nFootnote 264:\n\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalendar aus B\u00f6hmen_ (Prague, N.D.), pp.\n  308 _sq._ A fuller description of the ceremony will be given later.\n\nFootnote 265:\n\n  For the evidence see J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 234 _sqq._;\n  W. Hone, _Every Day Book_, i. 547 _sqq._, ii. 574 _sqq._; R. Chambers,\n  _Book of Days_, i. 574 _sqq._; T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular\n  Customs_, pp. 228 _sqq._; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 168 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 266:\n\n  Phillip Stubbes, _The Anatomie of Abuses_, p. 149 (F. J. Furnivall\u2019s\n  reprint). In later editions some verbal changes were made.\n\nFootnote 267:\n\n  W. Borlase, _Natural History of Cornwall_ (Oxford, 1758), p. 294.\n\nFootnote 268:\n\n  W. Hutchinson, _View of Northumberland_ (Newcastle, 1778), ii.\n  Appendix, pp. 13 _sq._; Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, p. 257.\n\nFootnote 269:\n\n  \u201cPadstow \u2018Hobby Hoss,\u2019\u201d _Folklore_, xvi. (1905) pp. 59 _sq._\n\nFootnote 270:\n\n  E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_\n  (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 396.\n\nFootnote 271:\n\n  E. Mogk, in R. Wuttke\u2019s _S\u00e4chsische Volkskunde_ 2nd Ed., (Dresden,\n  1901), pp. 309 _sq._\n\nFootnote 272:\n\n  M. Rentsch, in R. Wuttke\u2019s _op. cit._ p. 359.\n\nFootnote 273:\n\n  A. De Nore, _Coutumes, mythes et traditions des provinces de France_\n  (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 137.\n\nFootnote 274:\n\n  B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _Superstitions et survivances_ (Paris, 1896), v. 308\n  _sq._ Compare _id._, _Reminiscences populaires de la Provence_, pp. 21\n  _sq._, 26, 27.\n\nFootnote 275:\n\n  J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan\n  States_, part i. vol. i. (Rangoon, 1900) p. 529.\n\nFootnote 276:\n\n  W. Hone, _Every Day Book_, i. 547 _sqq._; R. Chambers, _Book of Days_,\n  i. 571.\n\nFootnote 277:\n\n  _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, i. 372.\n\nFootnote 278:\n\n  W. Hone, _Every Day Book_, ii. 597 _sq._ Mr. G. W. Prothero tells me\n  that about the year 1875 he saw a permanent May-pole decked with\n  flowers on May Day on the road between Cambridge and St. Neot\u2019s, not\n  far from the turning to Caxton.\n\nFootnote 279:\n\n  See above, pp. 47 _sq._\n\nFootnote 280:\n\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalendar aus B\u00f6hmen_, p. 217; W.\n  Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 566.\n\nFootnote 281:\n\n  A. Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_ (Freiburg im Breisgau,\n  1861-1862), ii. 74 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 566.\n\nFootnote 282:\n\n  Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 1054; W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und\n  Feldkulte_, pp. 222 _sq._\n\nFootnote 283:\n\n  Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen und\n  Gewohnheiten_, pp. 112-114. Some traits in this story seem to suggest\n  that the return of the trooper to his old home was, like that of the\n  war-broken veteran in Campbell\u2019s poem, only a soldier\u2019s dream.\n\nFootnote 284:\n\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalendar aus B\u00f6hmen_, pp. 86 _sqq._; W.\n  Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 156.\n\nFootnote 285:\n\n  R. Chambers, _Book of Days_, i. 573. Compare the Cambridge custom,\n  described above, p. 62.\n\nFootnote 286:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 312.\n\nFootnote 287:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 313.\n\nFootnote 288:\n\n  _Ibid._ p. 314.\n\nFootnote 289:\n\n  _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, iii. 357; W.\n  Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 312 _sq._ The word _Walber_ probably\n  comes from Walburgis, which is doubtless only another form of the\n  better known Walpurgis. The second of May is called Walburgis Day, at\n  least in this part of Bavaria.\n\nFootnote 290:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 313 _sq._\n\nFootnote 291:\n\n  H. von Wlislocki, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der Zigeuner_\n  (M\u00fcnster i. W., 1891), pp. 148 _sq._\n\nFootnote 292:\n\n  E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 261.\n\nFootnote 293:\n\n  B. A. Gupte, \u201cHarvest Festivals in honour of Gauri and Ganesh,\u201d\n  _Indian Antiquary_, xxxv. (1906) p. 61.\n\nFootnote 294:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 315 _sq._\n\nFootnote 295:\n\n  W. R. S. Ralston, _Russian Folk-tales_, p. 345. As to Green George see\n  above, pp. 75 _sq._\n\nFootnote 296:\n\n  W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 234.\n\nFootnote 297:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 318; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,\n  4th ed., ii. 657.\n\nFootnote 298:\n\n  A. de Nore, _Coutumes, mythes et traditions des provinces de France_,\n  pp. 17 _sq._; B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _R\u00e9miniscences populaires de la\n  Provence_, pp. 1 _sq._\n\nFootnote 299:\n\n  A. Meyrac, _Traditions, coutumes, l\u00e9gendes et contes des Ardennes_\n  (Charleville, 1890), pp. 79-82. The girl was called the Trimouzette. A\n  custom of the same general character was practised down to recent\n  times in the Jura (B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _R\u00e9miniscences populaires de la\n  Provence_, p. 18).\n\nFootnote 300:\n\n  F. A. Reimann, _Deutsche Volksfeste im neunzehnten Jahrhundert_\n  (Weimar, 1839), pp. 159 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 320; A.\n  Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_, p. 211.\n\nFootnote 301:\n\n  W. Kolbe, _Hessische Volks-Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche im Lichte der\n  heidnischen Vorzeit_ (Marburg, 1888), p. 70.\n\nFootnote 302:\n\n  _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, iv. 2, pp.\n  359 _sq._ Similarly in the D\u00e9partement de l\u2019Ain (France) on the first\n  of May eight or ten boys unite, clothe one of their number in leaves,\n  and go from house to house begging (W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p.\n  318).\n\nFootnote 303:\n\n  E. Hoffmann-Krayer, \u201cFruchtbarkeitsriten im schweizerischen\n  Volksbrauch,\u201d _Schweizerisches Archiv f\u00fcr Volkskunde_, xi. (1907) p.\n  252.\n\nFootnote 304:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 322; W. Hone, _Every-Day Book_, i. 583\n  _sqq._; T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, pp. 230 _sq._\n\nFootnote 305:\n\n  W. H. D. Rouse, \u201cMay-Day in Cheltenham,\u201d _Folk-lore_, iv. (1893) pp.\n  50-53. On May Day 1891 I saw a Jack-in-the-Green in the streets of\n  Cambridge.\n\nFootnote 306:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 323.\n\nFootnote 307:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 323; H. Herzog, _Schweizerische\n  Volksfeste, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Aarau, 1884), pp. 248 _sq._\n\nFootnote 308:\n\n  A. Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, ii. 114 _sq._; W.\n  Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 325.\n\nFootnote 309:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 314 _sq._\n\nFootnote 310:\n\n  A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_,\n  p. 380.\n\nFootnote 311:\n\n  F. Tetzner, \u201cDie Tschechen und M\u00e4hrer in Schlesien,\u201d _Globus_, lxviii\n  (1900) p. 340.\n\nFootnote 312:\n\n  A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _op. cit._ pp. 383 _sq._; W. Mannhardt,\n  _Baumkultus_, p. 342.\n\nFootnote 313:\n\n  R. Andree, _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), pp. 249\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 314:\n\n  K. Seifart, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen, Schw\u00e4nke und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Stadt und\n  Stift Hildesheim_, Zweite Auflage (Hildesheim, 1889), pp. 180 _sq._\n\nFootnote 315:\n\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalendar aus B\u00f6hmen_, pp. 260 _sq._; W.\n  Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 342 _sq._\n\nFootnote 316:\n\n  F. A. Reimann, _Deutsche Volksfeste im neunzehnten Jahrhundert_, pp.\n  157-159; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 347 _sq._; A. Witzschel,\n  _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_ (Vienna, 1878), p. 203.\n\nFootnote 317:\n\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalendar aus B\u00f6hmen_, pp. 253 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 318:\n\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalendar aus B\u00f6hmen_, p. 262; W.\n  Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 353 _sq._\n\nFootnote 319:\n\n  _Baumkultus_, p. 355.\n\nFootnote 320:\n\n  Above, vol. i. pp. 292, 293.\n\nFootnote 321:\n\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalendar aus B\u00f6hmen_, p. 93; W.\n  Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 344.\n\nFootnote 322:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 343 _sq._\n\nFootnote 323:\n\n  T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, pp. 270 _sq._\n\nFootnote 324:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 344 _sqq._; E. Cortet, _F\u00eates\n  religieuses_, pp. 160 _sqq._; D. Monnier, _Traditions populaires\n  compar\u00e9es_, pp. 282 _sqq._; B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _R\u00e9miniscences populaires\n  de la Provence_, pp. 17 _sq._; Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en\n  Franche-Comt\u00e9_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 65-69. In Franche-Comt\u00e9 she seems to\n  be generally known as _l\u2019\u00e9pous\u00e9e_, \u201cthe spouse.\u201d\n\nFootnote 325:\n\n  From information given me by Mabel Bailey, in the service of Miss A.\n  Wyse of Halford. My informant\u2019s father is a native of Stourton, and\n  she herself has spent much of her life there. I conjecture that the\n  conical flower-bedecked structure may once have been borne by a mummer\n  concealed within it. Compare the customs described above, pp. 82 _sq._\n\nFootnote 326:\n\n  Above, pp. 24 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 327:\n\n  From information given me by Miss A. Wyse of Halford.\n\nFootnote 328:\n\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalendar aus B\u00f6hmen_, pp. 265 _sq._; W.\n  Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 422.\n\nFootnote 329:\n\n  P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_, i.\n  (Leipsic, 1903) pp. 125-129.\n\nFootnote 330:\n\n  D. Monnier, _Traditions populaires compar\u00e9es_ (Paris, 1854), p. 304;\n  E. Cortet, _F\u00eates religieuses_, p. 161; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p.\n  423.\n\nFootnote 331:\n\n  J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 233 _sq._; W. Mannhardt,\n  _Baumkultus_, p. 424. We have seen (p. 62) that a custom of the same\n  sort used to be observed at Bampton-in-the-Bush in Oxfordshire.\n\nFootnote 332:\n\n  E. Hoffmann-Krayer, \u201cFruchtbarkeitsriten im schweizerischen\n  Volksbrauch,\u201d _Schweizerisches Archiv f\u00fcr Volkskunde_, xi. (1907) pp.\n  257 _sq._\n\nFootnote 333:\n\n  E. Sommer, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Sachsen und Th\u00fcringen_\n  (Halle, 1843), pp. 151 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, pp. 431 _sq._\n  The custom is now obsolete (E. Mogk, in R. Wuttke\u2019s _S\u00e4chsische\n  Volkskunde_, 2nd Ed., Dresden, 1901, p. 309).\n\nFootnote 334:\n\n  H. F. Feilberg, in _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) pp. 194 _sq._\n\nFootnote 335:\n\n  See above, p. 65.\n\nFootnote 336:\n\n  L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_, p. 257.\n\nFootnote 337:\n\n  Mr. W. C. Crofts, in a letter to me dated February 3, 1901, 9\n  Northwich Terrace, Cheltenham.\n\nFootnote 338:\n\n  For details see _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 202 _sq._\n\nFootnote 339:\n\n  This custom was told to W. Mannhardt by a French prisoner in the war\n  of 1870-71 (_Baumkultus_, p. 434).\n\nFootnote 340:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 434 _sq._\n\nFootnote 341:\n\n  _Ibid._ p. 435.\n\nFootnote 342:\n\n  See above, pp. 76 _sq._\n\nFootnote 343:\n\n  M. Martin, _Description of the Western Islands of Scotland_ (London,\n  1673 [1703]), p. 119; _id._ in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii.\n  613; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 436. According to Martin, the\n  ceremony took place on Candlemas Day, the second of February. But this\n  seems to be a mistake. See J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second\n  Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_, pp. 247 _sq._ The\n  Rev. James Macdonald, of Reay in Caithness, was assured by old people\n  that the sheaf used in making Briid\u2019s bed was the last sheaf cut at\n  harvest (J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_, p. 141). Later on we shall\n  see that the last sheaf is often regarded as embodying the spirit of\n  the corn, and special care is therefore taken of it.\n\nFootnote 344:\n\n  John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth\n  Century_, edited by Alex. Allardyce (Edinburgh, 1888), ii. 447. At\n  Ballinasloe in County Galway it is customary to fasten a cross of\n  twisted corn in the roof of the cottages on Candlemas Day. The cross\n  is fastened by means of a knife stuck through a potato, and remains in\n  its place for months, if not for a year. This custom (of which I was\n  informed by Miss Nina Hill in a letter dated May 5, 1898) may be\n  connected with the Highland one described in the text.\n\nFootnote 345:\n\n  J. Train, _Historical and Statistical Account of the Isle of Man_\n  (Douglas, Isle of Man, 1845), ii. 116.\n\nFootnote 346:\n\n  See below, pp. 240 _sqq._ Brigit is the true original form of the\n  name, which has been corrupted into Breed, Bride, and Bridget. See\n  Douglas Hyde, _A Literary History of Ireland_ (London, 1899), p. 53,\n  note 2.\n\nFootnote 347:\n\n  A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_, pp. 318 _sqq._; W. Mannhardt,\n  _Baumkultus_, p. 437.\n\nFootnote 348:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 438.\n\nFootnote 349:\n\n  R. Andree, _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), p. 248.\n\nFootnote 350:\n\n  D. Monnier, _Traditions populaires compar\u00e9es_, pp. 283 _sq._; E.\n  Cortet, _F\u00eates religieuses_, pp. 162 _sq._; W. Mannhardt,\n  _Baumkultus_, pp. 439 _sq._\n\n\n\n\n                               CHAPTER XI\n                THE INFLUENCE OF THE SEXES ON VEGETATION\n\n\n[Sidenote: The marriage of the King and Queen of May intended to promote\nthe growth of vegetation by homoeopathic magic.] From the preceding\nexamination of the spring and summer festivals of Europe we may infer\nthat our rude forefathers personified the powers of vegetation as male\nand female, and attempted, on the principle of homoeopathic or imitative\nmagic, to quicken the growth of trees and plants by representing the\nmarriage of the sylvan deities in the persons of a King and Queen of\nMay, a Whitsun Bridegroom and Bride, and so forth. Such representations\nwere accordingly no mere symbolic or allegorical dramas, pastoral plays\ndesigned to amuse or instruct a rustic audience. They were charms\nintended to make the woods to grow green, the fresh grass to sprout, the\ncorn to shoot, and the flowers to blow. And it was natural to suppose\nthat the more closely the mock marriage of the leaf-clad or\nflower-decked mummers aped the real marriage of the woodland sprites,\nthe more effective would be the charm. Accordingly we may assume with a\nhigh degree of probability that the profligacy which notoriously\nattended these ceremonies[351] was at one time not an accidental excess\nbut an essential part of the rites, and that in the opinion of those who\nperformed them the marriage of trees and plants could not be fertile\nwithout the real union of the human sexes. At the present day it might\nperhaps be vain to look in civilised Europe for customs of this sort\nobserved for the explicit purpose of promoting the growth of vegetation.\nBut ruder races in other parts of the world have consciously employed\nthe intercourse of the sexes as a means to ensure the fruitfulness of\nthe earth; and some rites which are still, or were till lately, kept up\nin Europe can be reasonably explained only as stunted relics of a\nsimilar practice. The following facts will make this plain.\n\n[Sidenote: Intercourse of the sexes practised in order to make the crops\ngrow.] For four days before they committed the seed to the earth the\nPipiles of Central America kept apart from their wives \u201cin order that on\nthe night before planting they might indulge their passions to the\nfullest extent; certain persons are even said to have been appointed to\nperform the sexual act at the very moment when the first seeds were\ndeposited in the ground.\u201d The use of their wives at that time was indeed\nenjoined upon the people by the priests as a religious duty, in default\nof which it was not lawful to sow the seed.[352] The only possible\nexplanation of this custom seems to be that the Indians confused the\nprocess by which human beings reproduce their kind with the process by\nwhich plants discharge the same function, and fancied that by resorting\nto the former they were simultaneously forwarding the latter. In the\nmonth of December, when the alligator pears begin to ripen, the Indians\nof Peru used to hold a festival called _Acatay mita_ in order to make\nthe fruit grow mellow. The festival lasted five days and nights, and was\npreceded by a fast of five days during which they ate neither salt nor\npepper and refrained from their wives. At the festival men and boys\nassembled stark naked in an open space among the orchards, and ran from\nthere to a distant hill. Any woman whom they overtook on the way they\nviolated.[353] In some parts of Java, at the season when the bloom will\nsoon be on the rice, the husbandman and his wife visit their fields by\nnight and there engage in sexual intercourse for the purpose of\npromoting the growth of the crop.[354] In the Leti, Sarmata, and some\nother groups of islands which lie between the western end of New Guinea\nand the northern part of Australia, the heathen population regard the\nsun as the male principle by whom the earth or female principle is\nfertilised. They call him Upu-lera or Mr. Sun, and represent him under\nthe form of a lamp made of coco-nut leaves, which may be seen hanging\neverywhere in their houses and in the sacred fig-tree. Under the tree\nlies a large flat stone, which serves as a sacrificial table. On it the\nheads of slain foes were and are still placed in some of the islands.\nOnce a year, at the beginning of the rainy season, Mr. Sun comes down\ninto the holy fig-tree to fertilise the earth, and to facilitate his\ndescent a ladder with seven rungs is considerately placed at his\ndisposal. It is set up under the tree and is adorned with carved figures\nof the birds whose shrill clarion heralds the approach of the sun in the\nEast. On this occasion pigs and dogs are sacrificed in profusion; men\nand women alike indulge in a saturnalia; and the mystic union of the sun\nand the earth is dramatically represented in public, amid song and\ndance, by the real union of the sexes under the tree. The object of the\nfestival, we are told, is to procure rain, plenty of food and drink,\nabundance of cattle and children and riches from Grandfather Sun. They\npray that he may make every she-goat to cast two or three young, the\npeople to multiply, the dead pigs to be replaced by living pigs, the\nempty rice-baskets to be filled, and so on. And to induce him to grant\ntheir requests they offer him pork and rice and liquor, and invite him\nto fall to. In the Babar Islands a special flag is hoisted at this\nfestival as a symbol of the creative energy of the sun; it is of white\ncotton, about nine feet high, and consists of the figure of a man in an\nappropriate attitude.[355] Among the Tangkhuls of Manipur, before the\nrice is sown and when it is reaped, the boys and girls have a tug-of-war\nwith a tough rope of twisted creeper. Great jars of beer are set ready,\nand the strictness of their ordinary morality is broken by a night of\nunbridled licence.[356] It would be unjust to treat these orgies as a\nmere outburst of unbridled passion; no doubt they are deliberately and\nsolemnly organised as essential to the fertility of the earth and the\nwelfare of man.\n\n[Sidenote: Intercourse of the sexes practised in order to make trees\nbear fruit.] The same means which are thus adopted to stimulate the\ngrowth of the crops are naturally employed to ensure the fruitfulness of\ntrees. The work known as _The Agriculture of the Nabataeans_ contained\napparently a direction that the grafting of a tree upon another tree of\na different sort should be done by a damsel, who at the very moment of\ninserting the graft in the bough should herself be subjected to\ntreatment which can only be regarded as a direct copy of the operation\nshe was performing on the tree.[357] In some parts of Amboyna, when the\nstate of the clove plantation indicates that the crop is likely to be\nscanty, the men go naked to the plantations by night, and there seek to\nfertilise the trees precisely as they would impregnate women, while at\nthe same time they call out for \u201cMore cloves!\u201d This is supposed to make\nthe trees bear fruit more abundantly.[358] In Java when a palm tree is\nto be tapped for wine, the man who proposes to relieve the tree of its\nsuperfluous juices deems it necessary to approach the palm in the\ncharacter of a lover and a husband, as well as of a son. When he comes\nupon a palm which he thinks suitable, he will not begin cutting at the\ntrunk until he has intimated as delicately as he can the reasons which\nlead him to perform that surgical operation, and the ardent affection\nwhich he cherishes for the tree. For this purpose he holds a dialogue\nwith the palm, in which he naturally speaks in the character of the tree\nas well as in his own. \u201cO mother _endang-reni_!\u201d he begins, \u201cfor the\nsake of you I have let myself be drenched by the rain and scorched by\nthe sun; long have I sought you! Now at last have I found you. How\nardently have I longed for you! Often before have you given me the\nbreast. Yet I still thirst. Therefore now I ask for four potfuls more.\u201d\n\u201cWell, fair youth,\u201d replies the tree, \u201cI have always been here. What is\nthe reason that you have sought me?\u201d \u201cThe reason I have sought you is\nthat I have heard you suffer from _incontinentia urinae_.\u201d \u201cSo I do,\u201d\nsays the tree. \u201cWill you marry me?\u201d says the man. \u201cThat I will,\u201d says\nthe tree, \u201cbut first you must plight your troth and recite the usual\nconfession of faith.\u201d On that the man takes a rattan leaf and wraps it\nround the palm as a pledge of betrothal, after which he says the creed:\n\u201cThere is no God but Allah, and Mohammed is his prophet.\u201d The maidenly\nand orthodox scruples of the tree having thus been satisfied, he\nembraces it as his bride. At first he attaches only a small dish to the\ntrunk to receive the juices which exude from the cut in the bark; a\nlarge dish might frighten the tree. In fastening the dish to the palm he\nsays, \u201c_Bok-endang-reni!_ your child is languishing away for thirst. He\nasks you for a drink.\u201d The tree replies, \u201cLet him slake his thirst!\nMother\u2019s breasts are full to overflowing.\u201d[359] We have already seen\nthat in some parts of Northern India a mock marriage between two actors\nis performed in honour of a newly-planted orchard,[360] no doubt for the\npurpose of making it bear fruit. In the Nicobar Islands a pregnant woman\nis taken into the gardens in order to impart the blessing of fertility\nto the plants.[361]\n\n[Sidenote: In Uganda parents of twins are supposed to fertilise the\nplantains.] The Baganda of Central Africa believe so strongly in the\nintimate relation between the intercourse of the sexes and the fertility\nof the ground that among them a barren wife is generally sent away\nbecause she is supposed to prevent her husband\u2019s garden from bearing\nfruit. On the contrary, a couple who have given proof of extraordinary\nfertility by becoming the parents of twins are believed by the Baganda\nto be endowed with a corresponding power of increasing the fruitfulness\nof the plantain-trees, which furnish them with their staple food. Some\nlittle time after the birth of the twins a ceremony is performed, the\nobject of which clearly is to transmit the reproductive virtue of the\nparents to the plantains. The mother lies down on her back in the thick\ngrass near the house and places a flower of the plantain between her\nlegs; then her husband comes and knocks the flower away with his genital\nmember. Further, the parents go through the country, performing dances\nin the gardens of favoured friends, apparently for the purpose of\ncausing the plantain-trees to bear fruit more abundantly. The same\nbelief in the fertilising power of such parents probably explains why in\nUganda the father of twins is inviolable and may go into anybody\u2019s\ngarden and take the produce at will. To distinguish him from the common\nherd his hair is cut in a special way, and he wears little bells at his\nankles which tinkle as he walks. His sacred character is further\nmanifested by a rule which he must observe after the round of visits has\nbeen paid, and the dances in the gardens are over. He has to remain at\nhome until the next time that the army goes forth to battle, and in the\ninterval he may neither dress his hair nor cut his finger-nails. When\nwar has been proclaimed, his whole body is shaved and his nails cut. The\nclipped hair and nails he ties up in a ball, which he takes with him to\nthe war, along with the bark cloth which he wore at the dances. When he\nhas killed a foe, he crams the ball into the dead man\u2019s mouth, ties the\nbark-cloth round his neck, and leaves them there on the\nbattlefield.[362] Apparently the ceremony is intended to rid him of the\npeculiar sanctity or state of taboo which he contracted by the birth of\ntwins, and to facilitate his return to ordinary life. For, to the mind\nof the savage, as we shall see later on, sanctity has its dangers and\ninconveniences, and the sacred man may often be glad to divest himself\nof it by stripping himself of those separable parts of his person\u2014the\nhair and nails\u2014to which the holy contagion is apt to cling.\n\n[Sidenote: Relics of similar customs in Europe.] In various parts of\nEurope customs have prevailed both at spring and harvest which are\nclearly based on the same crude notion that the relation of the human\nsexes to each other can be so used as to quicken the growth of plants.\nFor example, in the Ukraine on St. George\u2019s Day (the twenty-third of\nApril) the priest in his robes, attended by his acolytes, goes out to\nthe fields of the village, where the crops are beginning to shew green\nabove the ground, and blesses them. After that the young married people\nlie down in couples on the sown fields and roll several times over on\nthem, in the belief that this will promote the growth of the crops. In\nsome parts of Russia the priest himself is rolled by women over the\nsprouting crop, and that without regard to the mud and holes which he\nmay encounter in his beneficent progress. If the shepherd resists or\nremonstrates, his flock murmurs, \u201cLittle Father, you do not really wish\nus well, you do not wish us to have corn, although you do wish to live\non our corn.\u201d[363] In England it seems to have been customary for young\ncouples to roll down a slope together on May Day; on Greenwich-hill the\ncustom was practised at Easter and Whitsuntide,[364] as it was till\nlately practised near Dublin on Whitmonday.[365] When we consider how\nclosely these seasons, especially May Day and Whitsuntide, are\nassociated with ceremonies for the revival of plant life in spring, we\nshall scarcely doubt that the custom of rolling in couples at such times\nhad originally the same significance which it still has in Russia; and\nwhen further we compare this particular custom with the practice of\nrepresenting the vernal powers of vegetation by a bridal pair, and\nremember the traditions which even in our own country attach to May\nDay,[366] we shall probably do no injustice to our forefathers if we\nconclude that they once celebrated the return of spring with grosser\nrites, of which the customs I have referred to are only a stunted\nsurvival. Indeed, these rites in their grossest form are said to be\nstill observed in various parts of Holland at Whitsuntide.[367] In some\nparts of Germany at harvest the men and women, who have reaped the corn,\nroll together on the field.[368] This again is probably a mitigation of\nan older and ruder custom designed to impart fertility to the fields by\nmethods like those resorted to by the Pipiles of Central America long\nago and by the cultivators of rice in Java at the present time. In Poso,\nwhen the rice-crop is not thriving, the farmer\u2019s wife sets bowls of rice\nand betel in various parts of the field; then she lies down, draws her\npetticoat over her head, and pretends to fall asleep. But one of her\nchildren thereupon mimics the crowing of a cock, and at the sound she\ngets up, \u201cbecause a new day has dawned.\u201d The intention of this ceremony,\nwhich the natives could not or would not explain to the Dutch missionary\nwho reports it, may be to place the woman at the disposal of the god of\nthe field. We are expressly told that there is a special god of the\nrice-fields named Puwe-wai, and that the ceremony in question is\nperformed in his honour.[369]\n\n[Sidenote: Continence practised in order to make the crops grow.] To the\nstudent who cares to track the devious course of the human mind in its\ngropings after truth, it is of some interest to observe that the same\ntheoretical belief in the sympathetic influence of the sexes on\nvegetation, which has led some peoples to indulge their passions as a\nmeans of fertilising the earth, has led others to seek the same end by\ndirectly opposite means. From the moment that they sowed the maize till\nthe time that they reaped it, the Indians of Nicaragua lived chastely,\nkeeping apart from their wives and sleeping in a separate place. They\nate no salt, and drank neither cocoa nor _chicha_, the fermented liquor\nmade from maize; in short the season was for them, as the Spanish\nhistorians observe, a time of abstinence.[370] To this day some of the\nIndian tribes of Central America practise continence for the purpose of\nthereby promoting the growth of the crops. Thus we are told that before\nsowing the maize the Kekchi Indians sleep apart from their wives, and\neat no flesh for five days, while among the Lanquineros and Cajaboneros\nthe period of abstinence from these carnal pleasures extends to thirteen\ndays.[371] So amongst some of the Germans of Transylvania it is a rule\nthat no man may sleep with his wife during the whole of the time that he\nis engaged in sowing his fields.[372] The same rule is observed at\nKalotaszeg in Hungary; the people think that if the custom were not\nobserved the corn would be mildewed.[373] Similarly a Central Australian\nheadman of the Kaitish tribe strictly abstains from marital relations\nwith his wife all the time that he is performing magical ceremonies to\nmake the grass grow; for he believes that a breach of this rule would\nprevent the grass seed from sprouting properly.[374] In some of the\nMelanesian islands, when the yam vines are being trained, the men sleep\nnear the gardens and never approach their wives; should they enter the\ngarden after breaking this rule of continence the fruits of the garden\nwould be spoilt.[375] In the Motu tribe of New Guinea, when rain has\nfallen plentifully and there is promise of a good crop of bananas, one\nof the chief men becomes holy or taboo, and must live apart from his\nwife and eat only certain kinds of food. He bids the young men beat the\ndrum and dance, \u201cin order that by so doing there may be a large harvest.\nIf the dancing is not given, there will be an end to the good growth;\nbut if it is continued, all will go well. People come in from other\nvillages to assist, and will dance all night.\u201d[376] In the Mekeo\ndistrict of British New Guinea, when a taboo has been put on the\ncoco-nuts and areca-nuts to promote their growth, some fourteen or\nfifteen men act as watchmen to enforce the taboo. Every evening they go\nround the village armed with clubs and wearing masks or so covered with\nleaves that nobody would know them. All the time they are in office they\nmay not chew betel nor drink coco-nut water, lest the areca-nuts (which\nare eaten with betel) and the coco-nuts should fail. Moreover, they may\nnot live with their wives; indeed, they may not even look at a woman,\nand if they pass one they must keep their eyes on the ground.[377] Among\nthe Kabuis of Manipur, before the rice is sown and when it is reaped,\nthe strictest chastity has to be observed, especially by the religious\nhead of the village, who, besides always taking the omens on behalf of\nthe villagers, is the first to sow and the first to reap.[378] Some of\nthe tribes of Assam believe that so long as the crops remain ungarnered,\nthe slightest incontinence might ruin all.[379] In the incense-growing\nregion of Arabia in antiquity there were three families charged with the\nspecial care of the incense-trees. They were called sacred, and at the\ntime when they cut the trees or gathered the incense they were forbidden\nto pollute themselves with women or with the contact of the dead; the\nobservance of these rules of ceremonial purity was believed to increase\nthe supply of incense.[380] Apparently the incense itself was deemed\nholy, for on being gathered it was deposited in the sanctuary of the\nSun, where the merchants inspected and purchased it.[381] With ancient\nGreek husbandmen it was a maxim that olives should always be planted and\ngathered by pure boys and virgins; the uncommon fruitfulness of the\nolive-trees at Anazarbus in Cilicia was attributed to their being tended\nby young and innocent children. In default of such workers, the\nolive-gatherer had to swear that he had been faithful to his own wife;\nfor his fidelity was believed to ensure an abundant crop of fruit the\nfollowing year.[382]\n\n[Sidenote: Illicit love supposed to blight the fruits of the earth.]\nAgain, the sympathetic relation supposed to exist between the commerce\nof the sexes and the fertility of the earth manifests itself in the\nbelief that illicit love tends, directly or indirectly, to mar that\nfertility and to blight the crops.[383] Such a belief prevails, for\nexample, among the Karens of Burma. They imagine that adultery or\nfornication has a powerful influence to injure the harvest. Hence if the\ncrops have been bad for a year or two, and no rain falls, the villagers\nset down the dearth to secret sins of this kind, and say that the God of\nheaven and earth is angry with them on that account; and they all unite\nin making an offering to appease him. Further, whenever adultery or\nfornication is detected, the elders decide that the sinners must buy a\nhog and kill it. Then the woman takes one foot of the hog, and the man\ntakes another, and they scrape out furrows in the ground with each foot,\nand fill the furrows with the blood of the hog. Next they scratch the\nground with their hands and pray: \u201cGod of heaven and earth, God of the\nmountains and hills, I have destroyed the productiveness of the country.\nDo not be angry with me, do not hate me; but have mercy on me, and\ncompassionate me. Now I repair the mountains, now I heal the hills, and\nthe streams and the lands. May there be no failure of crops, may there\nbe no unsuccessful labours, or unfortunate efforts in my country. Let\nthem be dissipated to the foot of the horizon. Make thy paddy fruitful,\nthy rice abundant. Make the vegetables to flourish. If we cultivate but\nlittle, still grant that we may obtain a little.\u201d After each has prayed\nthus, they return to the house and say they have repaired the\nearth.[384] The Battas of Sumatra think that if an unmarried woman is\nbig with child, it is necessary to give her in marriage at once, even to\na man of lower rank; for otherwise the people will be infested by\ntigers, and the crops in the field will not yield an abundant return.\nThe crime of incest, in their opinion, would blast the whole harvest if\nthe wrong were not speedily repaired. Epidemics and other calamities\nthat affect the whole people are almost always traced by them to incest,\nby which is to be understood any marriage that conflicts with their\ncustoms.[385]\n\n[Sidenote: Dyak belief that lewdness may cause bad weather and spoil the\ncrops.] Similar views are held by various tribes of Borneo. Thus when\nthe rain pours down steadily day after day and week after week, and the\ncrops are rotting in the fields, the Dyaks of Borneo come to the\nconclusion that some one has been indulging in fleshly lusts; so the\nelders lay their heads together and adjudicate on all cases of incest\nand bigamy, and purify the earth with the blood of pigs, which appears\nto possess in a high degree the valuable property of atoning for moral\nguilt. For three days the villages are tabooed and all labour\ndiscontinued; the inhabitants remain at home, and no strangers are\nadmitted. Not long ago the offenders, whose lewdness had thus brought\nthe whole country into danger, would have been punished with death or at\nleast slavery. A Dyak may not marry his first cousin unless he first\nperforms a special ceremony called _bergaput_ to avert evil consequences\nfrom the land. The couple repair to the water-side, fill a small pitcher\nwith their personal ornaments, and sink it in the river; or instead of a\njar they fling a chopper and a plate into the water. A pig is then\nsacrificed on the bank, and its carcase, drained of blood, is thrown in\nafter the jar. Next the pair are pushed into the water by their friends\nand ordered to bathe together. Lastly, a joint of bamboo is filled with\npig\u2019s blood, and the couple perambulate the country and the villages\nround about, sprinkling the blood on the ground. After that they are\nfree to marry. This is done, we are told, for the sake of the whole\ncountry, in order that the rice may not be blasted.[386] The Bahaus or\nKayans, a tribe in the interior of Borneo, [Sidenote: Kayan belief that\nadultery or fornication spoils the harvest.] believe that adultery is\npunished by the spirits, who visit the whole tribe with failure of the\ncrops and other misfortunes. Hence in order to avert these calamities\nfrom the innocent members of the tribe, the two culprits, with all their\npossessions, are put in quarantine on a gravel bank in the middle of the\nriver; then in order thoroughly to disinfect them, pigs and fowls are\nkilled, and with the blood priestesses smear the property of the guilty\npair. Finally the two are set on a raft, with sixteen eggs, and allowed\nto drift down the stream. They may save themselves by swimming ashore,\nbut this is perhaps a mitigation of an older sentence of death by\ndrowning. Young people shower long grass-stalks, which stand for spears,\nat the shamefaced and dripping couple.[387] The Blu-u Kayans of the same\nregion similarly imagine that an intrigue between an unmarried pair is\npunished by the spirits with failure of the harvest, of the fishing, and\nof the hunt. Hence the delinquents have to appease the wrath of the\nspirits by sacrificing a pig and some rice.[388]\n\n[Sidenote: Incest and seduction supposed to be a cause of bad weather\nand failure of crops in Celebes.] Among the Macassars and Bugineese of\nSouthern Celebes incest is a capital crime. \u201cIn the Bugineese language\nthis misdeed is called _s\u00e2pa-t\u00e2na_, which, literally translated,\nsignifies that the _ground_ (_t\u00e2na_) which has been polluted with the\nblood of such a person must above all be _shunned_ (_s\u00e2pa_). When we\nremember how afraid of evil spirits a native is in passing even a spot\nthat has been stained with innocent blood, we can easily conceive what\npasses in his mind at the thought of the blood of one who has been\nguilty of such a crime. When the rivers dry up and the supply of fish\nruns short, when the harvest and the produce of the gardens miscarry,\nwhen edible fruits fail, and especially when sickness is rife among the\ncattle and horses, as well as when civil strife breaks out and the\ncountry suffers from any other widespread calamity, the native generally\nthinks that earth and air have been sullied with the blood of persons\nwho have committed incest. The blood of such people should naturally not\nbe shed. Hence the punishment usually inflicted on them is that of\ndrowning. They are tied up in a sack and thrown into the sea. Yet they\nget with them on their journey to eternity the necessary provisions,\nconsisting of a bag of rice, salt, dried fish, coco-nuts and so on, not\nforgetting three quids of betel.\u201d[389] Among the Tomori of Central\nCelebes a person guilty of incest is throttled; no drop of his blood may\nfall on the ground, for if it did, the rice would never grow again. The\nunion of uncle and niece is regarded by these people as incest, but it\ncan be expiated by an offering. A garment of the man and one of the\nwoman are laid on a copper vessel; the blood of a sacrificed animal,\neither a goat or a fowl, is allowed to drip on the garments, and then\nthe vessel with its contents is suffered to float down the river.[390]\nAmong the Tolalaki, another tribe of Central Celebes, persons who have\ndefiled themselves with incest are shut up in a basket and drowned. No\ndrop of their blood may be spilt on the ground, for that would hinder\nthe earth from ever bearing fruit again.[391] When it rains in torrents,\nthe Galelareese of Halmahera say that brother and sister, or father and\ndaughter, or in short some near relations are having illicit relations\nwith each other, and that every human being must be informed of it, for\nthen only will the rain cease to descend. The superstition has\nrepeatedly caused blood relations to be accused, rightfully or\nwrongfully, of incest. The people also regard other alarming natural\nphenomena, for instance a violent earthquake or the eruption of a\nvolcano, as consequences of crimes of the same sort. Persons charged\nwith such offences are brought to Ternate; it is said that formerly they\nwere often drowned on the way or, on being haled thither, were condemned\nto be thrown into the volcano.[392]\n\n[Sidenote: Breaches of sexual morality supposed to prevent rain and so\nto blight the fruits of the earth in Africa.] In some parts of Africa,\nalso, it is believed that breaches of sexual morality disturb the course\nof nature, particularly by blighting the fruits of the earth. Thus the\nnegroes of Loango suppose that the intercourse of a man with an immature\ngirl is punished by God with drought and consequent famine, until the\nculprits atone for their sin by dancing naked before the king and an\nassembly of the people, who throw hot gravel and bits of glass at the\npair. For example, in the year 1898, it was discovered that a long\ndrought was caused by the misconduct of three girls, who were with child\nbefore they had passed through what is called the paint-house, that is,\nbefore they had been painted red and secluded for a time in token that\nthey had attained to the age of puberty. The people were very angry and\ntried to punish or even kill the girls.[393] Amongst the Bavili of\nLoango, it is believed that if a man breaks the marriage law by marrying\na woman of his mother\u2019s clan, God will in like manner punish the crime\nby withholding the rains in their due season.[394] Similar notions of\nthe blighting influence of sexual crime appear to be entertained by the\nNandi of British East Africa, for amongst them a girl who has been\ngotten with child by a warrior, may never look inside of a granary for\nfear of spoiling the corn.[395] Among the Basutos likewise \u201cwhile the\ncorn is exposed to view, all defiled persons are carefully kept from it.\nIf the aid of a man in this state is necessary for carrying home the\nharvest, he remains at some distance while the sacks are filled, and\nonly approaches to place them upon the draught oxen. He withdraws as\nsoon as the load is deposited at the dwelling, and under no pretext can\nhe assist in pouring the corn into the baskets in which it is\npreserved.\u201d[396] The nature of the defilement which thus disqualifies a\nman for handling the corn is not mentioned, but probably it would\ninclude unchastity. We may conjecture that it was for a similar reason\nthat the Basoga of Central Africa used to punish severely the seduction\nof a virgin. \u201cIf a man was convicted of such a crime, and the woman\u2019s\nguilt was discovered, he and she were sent at night time to Kaluba\u2019s\nvillage, where they were tied to a tree. This tall spreading\nincense-tree was thought to be under the protection of a spirit called\n_Kakua Kambuzi_. Next morning the erring couple were discovered by\npeople in the surrounding plantations, who released them. They were then\nallowed to settle near the tree of the protecting spirit.\u201d This practice\nof tying the culprits to a sacred tree may have been thought to atone\nfor their crime and so to ensure the fertility of the earth which they\nhad imperilled. The notion perhaps was to deliver the criminals into the\npower of the offended tree-spirit; if they were found alive in the\nmorning, it was a sign that he had pardoned them. \u201cCuriously enough, the\nBasoga also held in great abhorrence anything like incest amongst\ndomestic animals\u2014that is to say, they greatly disapproved of intercourse\nbetween a bull calf and its mother-cow, or between a bull and a cow that\nwere known to be brother and sister. If this occurred, the bull and cow\nwere sent by night to a fetish tree and tied there. The next morning the\nchief of the district appropriated the animals and turned them to his\nown use.\u201d[397] Following out the same train of thought, the Toradjas of\nCentral Celebes ingeniously employ [Sidenote: Incest of animals employed\nas a rain-charm in Africa.] the incest of animals as a rain-charm. For\nthey believe that the anger of the gods at incest or bestiality\nmanifests itself in the form of violent storms, heavy rain, or long\ndrought. Accordingly they think that it is always in their power to\nenrage the gods by committing incest and so to procure rain when it is\nneeded. However, they abstain from perpetrating the crime among\nthemselves, first, because it would be necessary to put the culprits to\ndeath, and second, because the storms thus raised would be so furious\nthat they would do more harm than good. But they fancy that the incest,\nreal or simulated, of animals is a lighter offence, which by\ndiscomposing, without exasperating, the higher powers will disturb the\nbalance of nature just enough to improve the weather. A ceremony of this\nsort was witnessed by a missionary. Rain was wanted, and the headman of\nthe village had to see that it fell. He took his measures accordingly.\nAttended by a crowd he carried a cock and a little sow to the river.\nHere the animals were killed, laid side by side in an intimate embrace,\nand wrapped tightly up in a piece of cotton. Then the headman engaged in\nprayer. \u201cO gods above and gods below,\u201d said he, \u201cif you have pity on us,\nand will that we eat food this year, give rain. If you will not give\nrain, well we have here buried a cock and a sow in an intimate embrace.\u201d\nBy which he meant to say, \u201cBe angry at this abomination which we have\ncommitted, and manifest your anger in storms.\u201d[398]\n\nThese examples suffice to prove that among many savage races breaches of\nthe marriage laws are thought to blast the fruits of the earth through\nexcessive rain or excessive drought. Similar notions of the disastrous\neffects of sexual crimes may [Sidenote: Similar notions of the blighting\neffect of sexual crime may be detected among the civilised races of\nantiquity, for example, among the Jews.] be detected among some of the\ncivilised races of antiquity, who seem not to have limited the supposed\nsterilising influence of such offences to the fruits of the earth, but\nto have extended it also to women and cattle.[399] Thus among the\nHebrews we read how Job, passionately protesting his innocence before\nGod, declares that he is no adulterer; \u201cFor that,\u201d says he, \u201cwere an\nheinous crime; yea, it were an iniquity to be punished by the judges:\nfor it is a fire that consumeth unto Destruction, and would root out all\nmine increase.\u201d[400] In this passage the Hebrew word translated\n\u201cincrease\u201d commonly means \u201cthe produce of the earth;\u201d[401] and if we\ngive the word its usual sense here, then Job affirms adultery to be\ndestructive of the fruits of the ground, which is just what many savages\nstill believe. This interpretation of his words is strongly confirmed by\ntwo narratives in Genesis, where we read how Sarah, Abraham\u2019s wife, was\ntaken into his harem by a king who did not know her to be the wife of\nthe patriarch, and how thereafter God visited the king and his household\nwith great plagues, especially by closing up the wombs of the king\u2019s\nwives and his maid-servants, so that they bore no children. It was not\ntill the king had discovered and confessed his sin, and Abraham had\nprayed God to forgive him, that the king\u2019s women again became\nfruitful.[402] These narratives seem to imply that adultery, even when\nit is committed in ignorance, is a cause of plague and especially of\nsterility among women. Again, in Leviticus, after a long list of sexual\ncrimes, we read:[403] \u201cDefile not ye yourselves in any of these things:\nfor in all these the nations are defiled which I cast out from before\nyou: and the land is defiled: therefore I do visit the iniquity thereof\nupon it, and the land vomiteth out her inhabitants.\u201d This passage\nappears to imply that the land itself was somehow physically tainted by\nsexual transgressions so that it could no longer support the\ninhabitants.\n\n[Sidenote: Blighting effect attributed to incest by the ancient Greeks\nand Irish.] It would seem that the ancient Greeks and Romans entertained\nsimilar notions as to the wasting effect of incest. According to\nSophocles the land of Thebes suffered from blight, from pestilence, and\nfrom the sterility both of women and of cattle under the reign of\nOedipus, who had unwittingly slain his father and wedded his mother, and\nthe Delphic oracle declared that the only way to restore the prosperity\nof the country was to banish the sinner from it, as if his mere presence\nwithered plants, animals, and women.[404] No doubt the poet and his\nhearers set down these public calamities in great part to the guilt of\nparricide, which rested on Oedipus; but they can hardly have failed to\nlay much also of the evil at the door of his incest with his mother.\nAgain, in ancient Italy, under the Emperor Claudius, a Roman noble was\naccused of incest with his sister. He committed suicide, his sister was\nbanished, and the emperor ordered that certain ancient ceremonies\ntraditionally derived from the laws of King Servius Tullius should be\nperformed, and that expiation should be made by the pontiffs at the\nsacred grove of Diana,[405] probably the famous Arician grove, which has\nfurnished the starting-point of our enquiry. As Diana appears to have\nbeen a goddess of fertility in general and of the fruitfulness of women\nin particular, the atonement made at her sanctuary for incest may\nperhaps be accepted as evidence that the Romans, like other peoples,\nattributed to sexual immorality a tendency to blast the fruits both of\nthe earth and of the womb. This inference is strengthened by a precept\nlaid down by grave Roman writers that bakers, cooks, and butlers ought\nto be strictly chaste and continent, because it was most important that\nfood and cups should be handled either by persons under the age of\npuberty, or at all events by persons who indulged very sparingly in\nsexual intercourse; for which reason if a baker, a cook, or a butler\nbroke this rule of continence it was his bounden duty to wash in a river\nor other running water before he applied himself again to his\nprofessional duties. But for all such duties the services of a boy or of\na virgin were preferred.[406] The Celts of ancient Ireland similarly\nbelieved that incest blighted the fruits of the earth. According to\nlegend Munster was afflicted in the third century of our era with a\nfailure of the crops and other misfortunes. When the nobles enquired\ninto the matter, they were told that these calamities were the result of\nan incest which the king had committed with his sister. In order to put\nan end to the evil they demanded of the king his two sons, the fruit of\nhis unholy union, that they might consume them with fire and cast their\nashes into the running stream. However, one of the sons, Corc by name,\nis said to have been purged of his inherited taint by being sent out of\nIreland to an island, where a Druid purified him every morning, by\nputting him on the back of a white cow with red ears, and pouring water\nover him, till one day the cow jumped into the sea and became a rock, no\ndoubt taking the sin of Corc\u2019s father away with her. After that the boy\nwas brought back to Erin.[407]\n\n[Sidenote: Belief in the blighting effect of incest may have helped to\ninstitute the forbidden degrees.] Thus the belief that incest or sexual\ncrime in general has power to blast the fruits of the earth is\nwidespread and probably goes back to a very remote antiquity; it may\nlong have preceded the rise of agriculture. We may conjecture that in\nits origin the belief was magical rather than religious; in other words,\nthat the blight was at first supposed to be a direct consequence of the\nact itself rather than a punishment inflicted on the criminal by gods or\nspirits. Conceived as an unnatural union of the sexes, incest might be\nthought to subvert the regular processes of reproduction, and so to\nprevent the earth from yielding its fruits and to hinder animals and men\nfrom propagating their kinds. At a later time the anger of spiritual\nbeings would naturally be invoked in order to give a religious sanction\nto the old taboo. If this was so, it is possible that something of the\nhorror which incest has excited among most, though by no means all,\nraces of men, sprang from this ancient superstition and has been\ntransmitted as an instinct in many nations long after the imaginary\nground of it had been forgotten. Certainly a course of conduct which was\nsupposed to endanger or destroy the general supply of food and therefore\nto strike a blow at the very life of the whole people, could not but\npresent itself to the savage imagination as a crime of the blackest dye,\nfraught with the most fatal consequences to the public weal. How far\nsuch a superstition may in the beginning have operated to prevent the\nunion of near kin, in other words, to institute the system of prohibited\ndegrees which still prevails among the great majority of mankind, both\nsavage and civilised, is a question which deserves to be considered by\nthe historians of marriage.[408]\n\n[Sidenote: Explanation of the seeming contradiction in the foregoing\ncustoms.] If we ask why it is that similar beliefs should logically\nlead, among different peoples, to such opposite modes of conduct as\nstrict chastity and more or less open debauchery, the reason, as it\npresents itself to the primitive mind, is perhaps not very far to seek.\nIf rude man identifies himself, in a manner, with nature; if he fails to\ndistinguish the impulses and processes in himself from the methods which\nnature adopts to ensure the reproduction of plants and animals, he may\nleap to one of two conclusions. Either he may infer that by yielding to\nhis appetites he will thereby assist in the multiplication of plants and\nanimals; or he may imagine that the vigour which he refuses to expend in\nreproducing his own kind, will form as it were a store of energy whereby\nother creatures, whether vegetable or animal, will somehow benefit in\npropagating their species. Thus from the same crude philosophy, the same\nprimitive notions of nature and life, the savage may derive by different\nchannels a rule either of profligacy or of asceticism.\n\n[Sidenote: Indirect benefit of some of these superstitious customs.] To\nreaders bred in a religion which is saturated with the ascetic idealism\nof the East, the explanation which I have given of the rule of\ncontinence observed under certain circumstances by rude or savage\npeoples may seem far-fetched [Sidenote: The ascetic view of chastity not\nunderstood by the savage.] and improbable. They may think that moral\npurity, which is so intimately associated in their minds with the\nobservance of such a rule, furnishes a sufficient explanation of it;\nthey may hold with Milton[409] that chastity in itself is a noble\nvirtue, and that the restraint which it imposes on one of the strongest\nimpulses of our animal nature marks out those who can submit to it as\nmen raised above the common herd, and therefore worthy to receive the\nseal of the divine approbation. However natural this mode of thought may\nseem to us, it is utterly foreign and indeed incomprehensible to the\nsavage. If he resists on occasion the sexual instinct, it is from no\nhigh idealism, no ethereal aspiration after moral purity, but for the\nsake of some ulterior yet perfectly definite and concrete object, to\ngain which he is prepared to sacrifice the immediate gratification of\nhis senses. That this is or may be so, the examples I have cited are\namply sufficient to prove. They shew that where the instinct of\nself-preservation, which manifests itself chiefly in the search for\nfood, conflicts or appears to conflict with the instinct which conduces\nto the propagation of the species, the former instinct, as the primary\nand more fundamental, is capable of over-mastering the latter. In short,\nthe savage is willing to restrain his sexual propensity for the sake of\nfood. Another object for the sake of which he consents to exercise the\nsame self-restraint is victory in war. Not only the warrior in the field\nbut his friends at home will often bridle their sensual appetites from a\nbelief that by so doing they will the more easily overcome their\nenemies.[410] The fallacy of such a belief, like the belief that the\nchastity of the sower conduces to the growth of the seed, is plain\nenough to us; yet perhaps the self-restraint which these and the like\nbeliefs, vain and false as they are, have imposed on mankind, has not\nbeen without its utility in bracing and strengthening the breed. For\nstrength of character in the race as in the individual consists mainly\nin the power of sacrificing the present to the future, of disregarding\nthe immediate temptations of ephemeral pleasure for more distant and\nlasting sources of satisfaction. The more the power is exercised the\nhigher and stronger becomes the character; till the height of heroism is\nreached in men who renounce the pleasures of life and even life itself\nfor the sake of keeping or winning for others, perhaps in distant ages,\nthe blessings of freedom and truth.\n\nFootnote 351:\n\n  See above, p. 67, and below, p. 104.\n\nFootnote 352:\n\n  Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et\n  de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), ii. 565; H. H. Bancroft,\n  _Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 719 _sq._, iii. 507; O.\n  Stoll, _Die Ethnologie der Indianerst\u00e4mme von Guatemala_ (Leyden,\n  1889), p. 47.\n\nFootnote 353:\n\n  P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima, 1621),\n  pp. 36 _sq._\n\nFootnote 354:\n\n  G. A. Wilken, \u201cHet animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel,\u201d\n  _De Indische Gids_, June 1884, p. 958.\n\nFootnote 355:\n\n  J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en\n  Papua_, pp. 337, 372-375, 410 _sq._; G. W. W. C. Baron van Ho\u00ebvell, in\n  _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890)\n  pp. 204 _sq._, 206 _sq._; _id._, in _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr\n  Ethnographie_, viii. (1895) p. 134; J. A. Jacobsen, _Reisen in die\n  Inselwelt des Banda-Meeres_ (Berlin, 1896), pp. 123, 125; J. H. de\n  Vries, \u201cReis door eenige eilandgroepen der Residentie Amboina,\u201d\n  _Tijdschrift van het konink_. _Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\n  Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, xvii. (1900) pp. 594, 612, 615 _sq._ The\n  name of the festival is variously given as _por\u0115ke_, _por\u0115ka_,\n  _porka_, and _purka_. In the island of Timor the marriage of the\n  Sun-god with Mother Earth is deemed the source of all fertility and\n  growth. See J. S. G. Gramberg, \u201cEene maand in de Binnenlanden van\n  Timor,\u201d _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en\n  Wetenschappen_, xxxvi. 206 _sq._; H. Sondervan, \u201cTimor en de\n  Timoreezen,\u201d _Tijdschriftvan het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\n  Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, dl. v. (1888), Afdeeling meer uitgebreide\n  artikelen, p. 397.\n\nFootnote 356:\n\n  T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe Native Tribes of Manipur,\u201d _Journal of the\n  Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 307.\n\nFootnote 357:\n\n  Maimonides, translated by D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der\n  Ssabismus_, ii. 475. It is not quite clear whether the direction,\n  which Maimonides here attributes to the heathen of Harran, is taken by\n  him from the beginning of _The Agriculture of the Nabataeans_, which\n  he had referred to a few lines before. The first part of that work\n  appears to be lost, though other parts of it exist in manuscript at\n  Paris, Oxford, and elsewhere. See D. Chwolsohn, _op. cit._ i. 697\n  _sqq._ The book is an early Mohammedan forgery; but the superstitions\n  it describes may very well be genuine. See A. von Gutschmid, _Kleine\n  Schriften_, ii. 568-713.\n\nFootnote 358:\n\n  G. W. W. C. Baron van Ho\u00ebvell, _Ambon en meer bepaaldelijk de\n  Oeliasers_ (Dordrecht, 1875), pp. 62 _sq._\n\nFootnote 359:\n\n  J. Kreemer, \u201cTiang-d\u00e8r\u00e8s\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n  Zendelinggenootschap_, xxvi. (1882), pp. 128-132. This and the\n  preceding custom have been already quoted by G. A. Wilken (\u201cHet\n  animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel,\u201d _De Indische\n  Gids_, June 1884, pp. 962 _sq._; and _Handleiding voor de\n  vorgelijkende Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_ (Leyden, 1893), p.\n  550).\n\nFootnote 360:\n\n  Above, p. 26.\n\nFootnote 361:\n\n  W. Svoboda, \u201cDie Bewohner des Nikobaren-Archipels,\u201d _Internationales\n  Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, v. (1892) pp. 193 _sq._ For other examples\n  of a fruitful woman making trees fruitful, see above, vol. i. pp. 140\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 362:\n\n  J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d\n  _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 32-35,\n  38, 80. The Peruvian custom described above (vol. i. p. 266) may in\n  like manner have been intended to promote the growth of beans through\n  the fertilising influence of the parents of twins. On the contrary\n  among the Bassari of Togo, in Western Africa, women who have given\n  birth to twins may not go near the farm at the seasons of sowing and\n  reaping, lest they should destroy the crop. Only after the birth of\n  another child does custom allow them to share again the labour of the\n  fields. See H. Klose, _Togo unter deutscher Flagge_ (Berlin, 1899), p.\n  510.\n\nFootnote 363:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 480 _sq._; _id._, _Mythologische\n  Forschungen_ (Strasburg, 1884), p. 341.\n\nFootnote 364:\n\n  J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 181.\n\nFootnote 365:\n\n  My informant is Prof. W. Ridgeway. The place was a field at the head\n  of the Dargle vale, near Enniskerry.\n\nFootnote 366:\n\n  See above, p. 67.\n\nFootnote 367:\n\n  G. W. W. C. Baron van Ho\u00ebvell, in _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr\n  Ethnographie_, viii. (1895) p. 134 note. The custom seems to go by the\n  name of _dauwtroppen_ or \u201cdew-treading.\u201d As districts or places in\n  which the practice is still kept up the writer names South Holland,\n  Dordrecht, and Rotterdam.\n\nFootnote 368:\n\n  L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_\n  (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. p. 78, \u00a7 361; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p.\n  481; _id._, _Mythologische Forschungen_, p. 340. Compare Th. Siebs,\n  \u201cDas Saterland,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Volkskunde_, iii. (1893) p. 277.\n\nFootnote 369:\n\n  A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\n  maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\n  het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) p. 138, _ibid._\n  xl. (1896) pp. 16 _sq._\n\nFootnote 370:\n\n  G. F. Oviedo y Valdes, _Histoire du Nicaragua_ (published in\n  Ternaux-Compans\u2019 _Voyages, relations et m\u00e9moires originaux_, etc.),\n  Paris, 1840, pp. 228 _sq._; A. de Herrera, _General History of the\n  Vast Continent and Islands called America_ (Stevens\u2019s translation,\n  London, 1725-26), iii. 298.\n\nFootnote 371:\n\n  C. Sapper, \u201cDie Gebr\u00e4uche und religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der\n  Kekchi-Indianer,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, viii.\n  (1895) p. 203. Abstinence from women for several days is also\n  practised before the sowing of beans and of chilis, but only by\n  Indians who do a large business in these commodities (_ibid._ p. 205).\n\nFootnote 372:\n\n  A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen\n  Siebenb\u00fcrgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1880), p. 7.\n\nFootnote 373:\n\n  R. Temesvary, _Volksbr\u00e4uche und Aberglauben in der Geburtshilfe und\n  der Pflege der Neugebornen in Ungarn_ (Leipsic, 1900), p. 16.\n\nFootnote 374:\n\n  Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 293.\n  See above, vol. i. p. 88.\n\nFootnote 375:\n\n  R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 134.\n\nFootnote 376:\n\n  J. Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_ (London, 1887), p. 181. The\n  word which I have taken to mean \u201choly or taboo\u201d is _helaga_. Mr.\n  Chalmers does not translate or explain it. Dr. C. G. Seligmann says\n  that the word \u201cconveys something of the idea of \u2018sacred,\u2019 \u2018set apart,\u2019\n  \u2018charged with virtue\u2019\u201d (_The Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p.\n  101, note 2).\n\nFootnote 377:\n\n  A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters_ (London, 1901), pp. 270-272, 275 _sq._\n\nFootnote 378:\n\n  T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe Native Tribes of Manipur,\u201d _Journal of the\n  Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 307.\n\nFootnote 379:\n\n  T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe _genna_ amongst the Tribes of Assam,\u201d _Journal of\n  the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) p. 94.\n\nFootnote 380:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xii. 54; Solinus, xxxiii. 6 _sq._, p. 166, ed. Th.\n  Mommsen (first edition).\n\nFootnote 381:\n\n  Theophrastus, _Histor. plant._ ix. 4. 5 _sq._\n\nFootnote 382:\n\n  Palladius, _De re rustica_, i. 6. 14; _Geoponica_, ix. 3. 5 _sq._\n\nFootnote 383:\n\n  With what follows compare _Psyche\u2019s Task_, chapter iv. pp. 31 _sqq._,\n  where I have adduced the same evidence to some extent in the same\n  words.\n\nFootnote 384:\n\n  F. Mason, \u201cOn dwellings, works of art, laws, etc., of the Karens,\u201d\n  _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, xxxvii. (1868) Part ii.\n  pp. 147 _sq._ Compare A. R. M\u2019Mahon, _The Karens of the Golden\n  Chersonese_ (London, 1876), pp. 334 _sq._\n\nFootnote 385:\n\n  J. B. Neumann, \u201cHet Pane- en Bila-stroomgebied op het eiland\n  Sumatra,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\n  Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, dl. iii. Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide\n  artikelen, No. 3 (1886), pp. 514 _sq._; M. Joustra, \u201cHet leven, de\n  zeden en gewoonten der Bataks,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\n  Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p. 411.\n\nFootnote 386:\n\n  H. Ling Roth, \u201cLow\u2019s natives of Borneo,\u201d _Journal of the\n  Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) pp. 113 _sq._, 133, xxii.\n  (1893) p. 24; _id._, _Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, i.\n  401. Compare Rev. J. Perham, \u201cPetara, or Sea Dyak Gods,\u201d _Journal of\n  the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 8, December\n  1881, p. 150; H. Ling Roth, _Natives of Sarawak and British North\n  Borneo_, i. 180. According to Archdeacon Perham, \u201cEvery district\n  traversed by an adulterer is believed to be accursed of the gods until\n  the proper sacrifice has been offered.\u201d In respectable Dyak families,\n  when an unmarried girl is found with child and the father is unknown,\n  they sacrifice a pig and sprinkle the doors with its blood to wash\n  away the sin (Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_,\n  2nd Ed., i. 64). In Ceram a person convicted of unchastity has to\n  expiate his guilt by smearing every house in the village with the\n  blood of a pig and a fowl. See A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, i. (Berlin,\n  1884) p. 144.\n\nFootnote 387:\n\n  A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_ (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 367.\n\nFootnote 388:\n\n  A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, ii. 99; _id._, _In Centraal\n  Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), ii. 278.\n\nFootnote 389:\n\n  B. F. Matthes, \u201cOver de _\u00e2d\u00e1\u2019s_ of gewoonten der Makassaren en\n  Boegineezen,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van\n  Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Derde Reeks, II. (Amsterdam,\n  1885) p. 182. The similar Roman penalty for parricide (_Digest_,\n  xlviii. 9. 9; Valerius Maximus, i. 1. 13; J. E. B. Mayor\u2019s note on\n  Juvenal _Sat._ viii. 214) may have been adopted for a similar reason.\n  But in that case the scourging which preceded the drowning can hardly\n  have been originally a part of the punishment.\n\nFootnote 390:\n\n  A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de\n  Toboengkoe en de Tomori,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n  Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) p. 235.\n\nFootnote 391:\n\n  A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan Posso naar Mori,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\n  Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) p. 162.\n\nFootnote 392:\n\n  M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\n  Galelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n  Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 514. In the Banggai Archipelago,\n  to the east of Celebes, earthquakes are explained as punishments\n  inflicted by evil spirits for indulgence in illicit love (F. S. A. de\n  Clercq, _Bijdragen tot de Kennis der Residentie Ternate_ (Leyden,\n  1890), p. 132).\n\nFootnote 393:\n\n  O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 326; R. E.\n  Dennett, _At the Back of the Black Man\u2019s Mind_ (London, 1906), pp. 53,\n  67-71.\n\nFootnote 394:\n\n  R. E. Dennett, _op. cit._ p. 52.\n\nFootnote 395:\n\n  A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi, their Language and Folk-lore_ (Oxford,\n  1909), p. 76.\n\nFootnote 396:\n\n  Rev. E. Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), p. 252.\n\nFootnote 397:\n\n  Sir Harry Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_ (London, 1902), ii. 718\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 398:\n\n  A. C. Kruijt, \u201cRegen lokken en regen verdrijven bij de Toradja\u2019s van\n  Midden Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\n  Volkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) p. 4.\n\nFootnote 399:\n\n  Probably a similar extension of the superstition to animal life occurs\n  also among savages, though the authorities I have consulted do not\n  mention it. A trace, however, of such an extension appears in a belief\n  entertained by the Khasis of Assam, that if a man defies tribal custom\n  by marrying a woman of his own clan, the women of the tribe will die\n  in childbed and the people will suffer from other calamities. See\n  Colonel P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), pp. 94, 123.\n\nFootnote 400:\n\n  Job xxxi. 11 _sq._ (Revised Version).\n\nFootnote 401:\n\n  \u05ea\u05d1\u05d5\u05d0\u05d4. See _Hebrew and English Lexicon_, by F. Brown, S. R. Driver,\n  and Ch. A. Briggs (Oxford, 1906), p. 100.\n\nFootnote 402:\n\n  Genesis xii. 10-20, xx. 1-18.\n\nFootnote 403:\n\n  Leviticus xviii. 24 _sq._\n\nFootnote 404:\n\n  Sophocles, _Oedipus Tyrannus_, 22 _sqq._, 95 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 405:\n\n  Tacitus, _Annals_, xii. 4 and 8.\n\nFootnote 406:\n\n  Columella, _De re rustica_, xii. 2 _sq._, appealing to the authority\n  of M. Ambivius, Maenas Licinius, and C. Matius. See on this subject\n  below, p. 205.\n\nFootnote 407:\n\n  G. Keating, _History of Ireland_, translated by J. O\u2019Mahony (New York,\n  1857), pp. 337 _sq._; P. W. Joyce, _Social History of Ancient Ireland_\n  (London, 1903), ii. 512 _sq._; J. Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_ (London\n  and Edinburgh, 1888), pp. 308 _sq._\n\nFootnote 408:\n\n  Compare _Totemism and Exogamy_, iv. 153 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 409:\n\n  \u201cNext (for hear me out now, readers) that I may tell ye whither my\n  younger feet wandered; I betook me among those lofty fables and\n  romances which recount in solemn cantos the deeds of knighthood\n  founded by our victorious kings, and from hence had in renown over all\n  Christendom. There I read it in the oath of every knight that he\n  should defend to the utmost expense of his best blood, or of his life,\n  if it so befell him, the honour and chastity of virgin or matron; from\n  whence even then I learned what a noble virtue chastity sure must be,\n  to the defence of which so many worthies, by such a dear adventure of\n  themselves, had sworn; and if I found in the story afterward any of\n  them by word or deed breaking that oath, I judged it the same fault of\n  the poet as that which is attributed to Homer, to have written\n  indecent things of the gods. Only this my mind gave me, that every\n  free and gentle spirit, without that oath, ought to be born a knight,\n  nor needed to expect the gilt spur or the laying of a sword upon his\n  shoulder to stir him up both by his counsel and his arm, to secure and\n  protect the weakness of any attempted chastity\u201d (Milton, \u201cApology for\n  Smectymnuus,\u201d _Complete Collection of the Historical, Political, and\n  Miscellaneous Works of John Milton_ (London, 1738), vol. i. p. 111).\n\nFootnote 410:\n\n  For examples of chastity observed at home by the friends of the absent\n  warriors, see above, vol. i. pp. 128, 131, 133. Examples of chastity\n  observed by the warriors themselves in the field will be given in the\n  second part of this work. Meanwhile see _The Golden Bough_, 2nd Ed.,\n  i. 328, note 2.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XII\n                          THE SACRED MARRIAGE\n\n\n                  \u00a7 1. Diana as a Goddess of Fertility\n\n\n[Sidenote: Dramatic marriages of gods and goddesses as a charm to\npromote vegetation.] In the last chapter we saw that according to a\nwidespread belief, which is not without a foundation in fact, plants\nreproduce their kinds through the sexual union of male and female\nelements, and that on the principle of homoeopathic or imitative magic\nthis reproduction can be stimulated by the real or mock marriage of men\nand women, who masquerade for the time being as spirits of vegetation.\nSuch magical dramas have played a great part in the popular festivals of\nEurope, and based as they are on a very crude conception of natural law,\nit is clear that they must have been handed down from a remote\nantiquity. We shall hardly, therefore, err in assuming that they date\nfrom a time when the forefathers of the civilised nations of Europe were\nstill barbarians, herding their cattle and cultivating patches of corn\nin the clearings of the vast forests, which then covered the greater\npart of the continent, from the Mediterranean to the Arctic Ocean. But\nif these old spells and enchantments for the growth of leaves and\nblossoms, of grass and flowers and fruit, have lingered down to our own\ntime in the shape of pastoral plays and popular merry-makings, is it not\nreasonable to suppose that they survived in less attenuated forms some\ntwo thousand years ago among the civilised peoples of antiquity? Or, to\nput it otherwise, is it not likely that in certain festivals of the\nancients we may be able to detect the equivalents of our May Day,\nWhitsuntide, and Midsummer celebrations, with this difference, that in\nthose days the ceremonies had not yet dwindled into mere shows and\npageants, but were still religious or magical rites, in which the actors\nconsciously supported the high parts of gods and goddesses? Now in the\nfirst chapter of this book we found reason to believe that the priest\nwho bore the title of King of the Wood at Nemi had for his mate the\ngoddess of the grove, Diana herself. May not he and she, as King and\nQueen of the Wood, have been serious counterparts of the merry mummers\nwho play the King and Queen of May, the Whitsuntide Bridegroom and Bride\nin modern Europe? and may not their union have been yearly celebrated in\na _theogamy_ or divine marriage? Such dramatic weddings of gods and\ngoddesses, as we shall see presently, were carried out as solemn\nreligious rites in many parts of the ancient world; hence there is no\nintrinsic improbability in the supposition that the sacred grove at Nemi\nmay have been the scene of an annual ceremony of this sort. Direct\nevidence that it was so there is none, but analogy pleads in favour of\nthe view, as I shall now endeavour to shew.\n\n[Sidenote: Diana a goddess of the woodlands.] Diana was essentially a\ngoddess of the woodlands, as Ceres was a goddess of the corn and Bacchus\na god of the vine.[411] Her sanctuaries were commonly in groves, indeed\nevery grove was sacred to her,[412] and she is often associated with the\nforest god Silvanus in dedications.[413] We must not [Sidenote: Sanctity\nof holy groves in antiquity.] forget that to the ancients the sanctity\nof a holy grove was very real and might not be violated with impunity.\nFor example, in Attica there was a sanctuary of Erithasean Apollo, and\nit was enacted by law that any person caught in the act of cutting trees\nin it, or carrying away timber, firewood, or fallen leaves, should be\npunished with fifty stripes, if he was a slave, or with a fine of fifty\ndrachms, if he was a freeman. The culprit was denounced by the priest to\nthe king, that is, to the sacred official or minister of state who bore\nthe royal title.[414] Similarly it was the duty of the sacred men at\nAndania, in Messenia, to scourge slaves and fine freemen who cut wood in\nthe grove of the Great Goddesses.[415] In Crete it was forbidden, under\npain of curses and fines, to fell timber, sow corn, and herd or fold\nflocks within the precinct of Dictaean Zeus.[416] In Italy like customs\nprevailed. Near Spoletium there was a sacred grove from which nothing\nmight be taken, and in which no wood might be cut except just so much as\nwas needed for the annual sacrifice. Any person who knowingly violated\nthe sanctity of the grove had to expiate his offence by sacrificing an\nox to Jupiter, and to pay besides a fine of three hundred pence.[417] In\nhis treatise on farming Cato directs that before thinning a grove the\nRoman husbandman should offer a pig as an expiatory sacrifice to the god\nor goddess of the place, and should entreat his or her favour for\nhimself, his children, and his household.[418] The _Fratres Arvales_ or\nBrethren of the Tilled Fields were a Roman college of twelve priests,\nwho performed public religious rites for the purpose of making the crops\nto grow, and they wore wreaths of ears of corn as a badge of their\noffice.[419] Their sacrifices were offered in the grove of the goddess\nDia, situated five miles down the Tiber from Rome. So hallowed was this\ngrove, which is known to have included laurels and holly-oaks, that\nexpiatory sacrifices of sows and lambs had to be offered when a rotten\nbough fell to the ground, or when an old tree was laid low by a storm or\ndragged down by a load of snow on its branches. And still more elaborate\nexpiation had to be made with the slaughter of sows, sheep, and bulls\nwhen any of the sacred trees were struck by lightning and it was\nnecessary to dig them up by the roots, split them, burn them, and plant\nothers in their room.[420] At the annual festival of the Parilia, which\nwas intended to ensure the welfare of the flocks and herds, Roman\nshepherds prayed to be forgiven if they had entered a hallowed grove, or\nsat down under a sacred tree, or lopped a holy bough in order to feed a\nsick sheep on the leaves.[421]\n\n[Sidenote: Sense of the divinity of woods shared by polite Roman\nwriters.] Nor was this sense of the indwelling divinity of the woods\nconfined to the simple rustics who, tending their flocks in the\nchequered shade, felt the presence of spirits in the solemn stillness of\nthe forest, heard their voices in the sough of the wind among the\nbranches, and saw their handiwork in the fresh green of spring and the\nfading gold of autumn. The feeling was shared by the most cultivated\nminds in the greatest age of Roman civilisation. Pliny says that \u201cthe\nwoods were formerly the temples of the deities, and even now simple\ncountry folk dedicate a tall tree to a god with the ritual of the olden\ntime; and we adore sacred groves and the very silence that reigns in\nthem not less devoutly than images that gleam with gold and ivory.\u201d[422]\nSimilarly Seneca writes: \u201cIf you come upon a grove of old trees that\nhave shot up above the common height and shut out the sight of the sky\nby the gloom of their matted boughs, you feel there is a spirit in the\nplace, so lofty is the wood, so lone the spot, so wondrous the thick\nunbroken shade.\u201d[423]\n\n[Sidenote: The breaking of the Golden Bough a rite of solemn\nsignificance, not a mere piece of bravado.] Thus the ancients, like many\nother people in various parts of the world, were deeply impressed with\nthe sanctity of holy groves, and regarded even the cutting of a bough in\nthem as a sacrilege which called for expiation. If therefore a candidate\nfor the priesthood of Diana at Nemi had to break a branch of a certain\ntree in the sacred grove before he could fight the King of the Wood, we\nmay be sure that the act was a rite of solemn significance, and that to\ntreat it as a mere piece of bravado, a challenge to the priest to come\non and defend his domain, would be to commit the commonest of all errors\nin dealing with the past, that, namely, of interpreting the customs of\nother races and other generations by reference to modern European\nstandards. In order to understand an alien religion the first essential\nis to divest ourselves, as well as we can, of our own familiar\nprepossessions, and to place ourselves at the point of view of those\nwhose faith and practice we are studying. To do this at all is\ndifficult; to do it completely is perhaps impossible; yet the attempt\nmust be made if the enquiry is to progress instead of returning on\nitself in a vicious circle.\n\n[Sidenote: Diana not a mere goddess of trees, but, like Artemis, a\npersonification of the teeming life of nature, both animal and\nvegetable.] But whatever her origin may have been, Diana was not always\na mere goddess of trees. Like her Greek sister Artemis, she appears to\nhave developed into a personification of the teeming life of nature,\nboth animal and vegetable. As mistress of the greenwood she would\nnaturally be thought to own the beasts, whether wild or tame, that\nranged through it, lurking for their prey in its gloomy depths, munching\nthe fresh leaves and shoots among the boughs, or cropping the herbage in\nthe open glades and dells. Thus she might come [Sidenote: A deity of the\nwoods is naturally the patron of the beasts in the woods, both game and\ncattle.] to be the patron goddess both of hunters and herdsmen,[424]\njust as Silvanus was the god not only of woods, but of cattle.[425]\nSimilarly in Finland the wild beasts of the forest were regarded as the\nherds of the woodland God Tapio and of his stately and beautiful wife.\nNo man might slay one of these animals without the gracious permission\nof their divine owners. Hence the hunter prayed to the sylvan deities,\nand vowed rich offerings to them if they would drive the game across his\npath. And cattle also seem to have enjoyed the protection of those\nspirits of the woods, both when they were in their stalls and while they\nstrayed in the forest.[426] So in the belief of Russian peasants the\nspirit Leschiy rules both the wood and all the creatures in it. The bear\nis to him what the dog is to man; and the migrations of the squirrels,\nthe field-mice, and other denizens of the woods are carried out in\nobedience to his behests. Success in the chase depends on his favour,\nand to assure himself of the spirit\u2019s help the huntsman lays an\noffering, generally of bread and salt, on the trunk of a tree in the\nforest. In White Russia every herdsman must present a cow to Leschiy in\nsummer, and in the Government of Archangel some herdsmen have won his\nfavour so far that he even feeds and tends their herds for them.[427]\nSimilarly the forest-god of the Lapps ruled over all the beasts of the\nforest; they were viewed as his herds, and good or bad luck in hunting\ndepended on his will.[428] So, too, the Samagitians deemed the birds and\nbeasts of the woods sacred, doubtless because they were under the\nprotection of the sylvan god.[429] Before the Gayos of Sumatra hunt\ndeer, wild goats, or wild pigs with hounds in the woods, they deem it\nnecessary to obtain the leave of the unseen Lord of the forest. This is\ndone according to a prescribed form by a man who has special skill in\nwoodcraft. He lays down a quid of betel before a stake which is cut in a\nparticular way to represent the Lord of the Wood, and having done so he\nprays to the spirit to signify his consent or refusal.[430]\n\n[Sidenote: The crowning of hunting dogs on Diana\u2019s day was probably a\npurificatory ceremony to cleanse them from the guilt of having killed\ngame, the creatures of the goddess.] We have seen that at Diana\u2019s\nfestival it was customary to crown hunting dogs, to leave wild beasts in\npeace, and to perform a purificatory ceremony for the benefit of young\npeople.[431] Some light is thrown on the meaning of these customs by a\npassage in Arrian\u2019s treatise on hunting. He tells us that a good hound\nis a boon conferred by one of the gods upon the huntsman, who ought to\ntestify his gratitude by sacrificing to the Huntress Artemis. Further,\nArrian goes on to say: \u201cIt is right that after a successful chase a man\nshould sacrifice and dedicate the first-fruits of his bag to the\ngoddess, in order to purify both the hounds and the hunters, in\naccordance with old custom and usage.\u201d He tells us that the Celts were\nwont to form a treasury for the goddess Artemis, into which they paid a\nfine of two obols for every hare they killed, a drachm for every fox,\nand four drachms for every roe. Once a year, on the birthday of Artemis,\nthey opened the treasury, and with the accumulated fines purchased a\nsacrificial victim, it might be a sheep, a goat, or a calf. Having slain\nthe animal and offered her share to the Huntress Artemis, they feasted,\nboth men and dogs; and they crowned the dogs on that day \u201cin order to\nsignify,\u201d says Arrian, \u201cthat the festival was for their benefit.\u201d[432]\nThe Celts to whom Arrian, a native of Bithynia, here refers were\nprobably the Galatians of Asia Minor; but doubtless the custom he\ndescribes was imported by these barbarians, along with their native\ntongue[433] and the worship of the oak,[434] from their old home in\nCentral or Northern Europe. The Celtic divinity whom Arrian identifies\nwith Artemis may well have been really akin both to her and to the\nItalian Diana. We know from other sources that the Celts revered a\nwoodland goddess of this type; thus Arduinna, goddess of the forest of\nthe Ardennes, was represented, like Artemis and Diana, with a bow and\nquiver.[435] In any case the custom described by Arrian is good evidence\nof a belief that the wild beasts belong to the goddess of the wilds, who\nmust be compensated for their destruction; and, taken with what he says\nof the need of purifying the hounds after a successful chase, the Celtic\npractice of crowning them at the annual festival of Artemis may have\nbeen meant to purge them of the stain they had contracted by killing the\ncreatures of the goddess. The same explanation would naturally apply to\nthe same custom observed by the Italians at the festival of Diana.\n\n[Sidenote: Cattle crowned to protect them from witchcraft.] But why, it\nmay be asked, should crowns or garlands cleanse dogs from the taint of\nbloodshed? An answer to this question is indicated by the reason which\nthe South Slavonian peasant assigns for crowning the horns of his cows\nwith wreaths of flowers on St. George\u2019s Day, the twenty-third of April.\nHe does it in order to guard the cattle against witchcraft; cows that\nhave no crowns are regarded as given over to the witches. In the evening\nthe chaplets are fastened to the door of the cattle-stall, and remain\nthere throughout the year. A herdsman who fails to crown his beasts is\nscolded and sometimes beaten by his master.[436] The German and French\ncustom of crowning cattle on Midsummer Day[437] probably springs from\nthe same motive. For on Midsummer Eve, just as on Walpurgis Night,\nwitches are very busy holding their nocturnal assemblies and trying to\nsteal the milk and butter from the cows. To guard against them some\npeople at this season lay besoms crosswise before the doors of the\nstalls. Others make fast the doors and stop up the chinks, lest the\nwitches should creep through them on their return from the revels. In\nSwabia all the church bells used to be kept ringing from nine at night\ntill break of day on Midsummer morning to drive away the infernal rout\nfrom honest folk\u2019s houses. South Slavonian peasants are up betimes that\nmorning, gather the dew from the grass, and wash the cows with it; that\nsaves their milk from the hellish charms of the witches.[438]\n\n[Sidenote: Similarly the crowning of hunting dogs may have been meant to\nprotect them against the angry spirits of the beasts they had killed.]\nNow when we observe that garlands of flowers, like hawthorn and other\ngreen boughs,[439] avail to ward off the unseen powers of mischief, we\nmay conjecture that the practice of crowning dogs at the festival of a\nhuntress goddess was intended to preserve the hounds from the angry and\ndangerous spirits of the wild beasts which they had killed in the course\nof the year. Fantastical as this explanation may sound to us, it is\nperfectly in accordance with the ideas of the savage, who, as we shall\nsee later on, resorts to a multitude of curious expedients for disarming\nthe wrath of the animals whose life he has been obliged to take. Thus\nconceived, the custom in question might still be termed a purification;\nbut its original purpose, like that of many other purificatory rites,\nwould be not so much to cleanse moral guilt, as to raise a physical\nbarrier against the assaults of malignant and mischievous spirits.[440]\n\n[Sidenote: Conceived as the moon, Diana was also a goddess of crops and\nof childbirth.] But Diana was not merely a patroness of wild beasts, a\nmistress of woods and hills, of lonely glades and sounding rivers;\nconceived as the moon, and especially, it would seem, as the yellow\nharvest moon, she filled the farmer\u2019s grange with goodly fruits, and\nheard the prayers of women in travail.[441] In her sacred grove at Nemi,\nas we have seen, she was especially worshipped as a goddess of\nchildbirth, who bestowed offspring on men and women.[442] Thus Diana,\nlike the Greek Artemis, with whom she was constantly identified, may be\ndescribed as a goddess of nature in general and of fertility in\nparticular.[443] We need not wonder, therefore, that in her sanctuary on\nthe Aventine she was represented by an image copied from the\nmany-breasted idol of the Ephesian Artemis, with all its crowded emblems\nof exuberant fecundity.[444] Hence too we can understand why an ancient\nRoman law, attributed to King Tullius Hostilius, prescribed that, when\nincest had been committed, an expiatory sacrifice should be offered by\nthe pontiffs in the grove of Diana.[445] For we know that the crime of\nincest is commonly supposed to cause a dearth;[446] hence it would be\nmeet that atonement for the offence should be made to the goddess of\nfertility.\n\n[Sidenote: As a goddess of fertility Diana had herself to be fertile,\nand for that purpose needed a male partner.] Now on the principle that\nthe goddess of fertility must herself be fertile, it behoved Diana to\nhave a male partner. Her mate, if the testimony of Servius may be\ntrusted, was that Virbius who had his representative, or perhaps rather\nhis embodiment, in the King of the Wood at Nemi.[447] The aim of their\nunion would be to promote the fruitfulness of the earth, of animals, and\nof mankind; and it might naturally be thought that this object would be\nmore surely attained if the sacred nuptials were celebrated every year,\nthe parts of the divine bride and bridegroom being played either by\ntheir images or by living persons. No ancient writer mentions that this\nwas done in the grove at Nemi; but our knowledge of the Arician ritual\nis so scanty that the want of information on this head can hardly count\nas a fatal objection to the theory. That theory, in the absence of\ndirect evidence, must necessarily be based on the analogy of similar\ncustoms practised elsewhere. Some modern examples of such customs, more\nor less degenerate, were described in the last chapter. Here we shall\nconsider their ancient counterparts.\n\n\n                     \u00a7 2. The Marriage of the Gods\n\n\n[Sidenote: Marriages of the gods in Babylonia and Assyria.] At Babylon\nthe imposing sanctuary of Bel rose like a pyramid above the city in a\nseries of eight towers or stories, planted one on the top of the other.\nOn the highest tower, reached by an ascent which wound about all the\nrest, there stood a spacious temple, and in the temple a great bed,\nmagnificently draped and cushioned, with a golden table beside it. In\nthe temple no image was to be seen, and no human being passed the night\nthere, save a single woman, whom, according to the Chaldean priests, the\ngod chose from among all the women of Babylon. They said that the deity\nhimself came into the temple at night and slept in the great bed; and\nthe woman, as a consort of the god, might have no intercourse with\nmortal man.[448] As Bel at Babylon was identified with Marduk, the chief\ngod of the city,[449] the woman who thus shared his bed was doubtless\none of the \u201cwives of Marduk\u201d mentioned in the code of Hammurabi.[450] At\nCalah, which was for some time the capital of Assyria before it was\ndisplaced by Nineveh,[451] the marriage of the god Nabu appears to have\nbeen annually celebrated on the third of the month Iyyar or Airu, which\ncorresponded to May. For on that day his bed was consecrated in the\ncity, and the god entered his bedchamber, to return to his place on the\nfollowing day. The ceremonies attending the consecration of the couch\nare minutely described in a liturgical text. After the appropriate\nofferings had been presented, the officiating priestess purified the\nfeet of the divine image with a sprig of reed and a vessel of oil,\napproached the bed thrice, kissed the feet of the image, then retired\nand sat down. After that she burned cedar wood dipped in wine, set\nbefore the image the heart of a sheep wrapped in a cloth, and offered\nlibations. Aromatic woods were consecrated and burnt, more libations and\nofferings were made, tables were spread for various divinities, and the\nceremony ended with a prayer for the King. The god also went in\nprocession to a grove, riding in a chariot beside his charioteer.[452]\n\n[Sidenote: Marriage of the god Ammon to the Queen of Egypt.] At Thebes\nin Egypt a woman slept in the temple of Ammon as the consort of the god,\nand, like the human wife of Bel at Babylon, she was said to have no\ncommerce with a man.[453] In Egyptian texts she is often mentioned as\n\u201cthe divine consort,\u201d and usually she was no less a personage than the\nQueen of Egypt herself. For, according to the Egyptians, their monarchs\nwere actually begotten by the god Ammon, who assumed for the time being\nthe form of the reigning king, and in that disguise had intercourse with\nthe queen. The divine procreation is carved and painted in great detail\non the walls of two of the oldest temples in Egypt, those of Deir el\nBahari and Luxor; and the inscriptions attached to the paintings leave\nno doubt as to the meaning of the scenes. The pictures at Deir el\nBahari, which represent the begetting and birth of Queen Hatshopsitou,\nare the more ancient, and have been reproduced with but little change at\nLuxor, where they represent the begetting and birth of King Amenophis\nIII. The nativity is depicted in about fifteen scenes, which may be\ngrouped in three acts: first, the carnal union of the god with the\nqueen; second, the birth; and third, the recognition of the infant by\nthe gods. The marriage of Ammon with the queen is announced by a\nprologue in heaven; Ammon summons his assessors, the gods of Heliopolis,\nreveals to them the future birth of a new Pharaoh, a royal princess, and\nrequests them to make ready the fluid of life and of strength, of which\nthey are masters. Then the god is seen approaching the queen\u2019s\nbedchamber; in front of him marches Thoth, with a roll of papyrus in his\nhand, who, to prevent mistakes, recites the official names of the queen,\nthe spouse of the reigning king (Thothmes I. at Deir el Bahari, Thothmes\nIV. at Luxor), the fairest of women. Then Thoth withdraws behind Ammon,\nlifting his arm behind the god in order to renew his vital fluid at this\ncritical moment. Next, according to the inscription, the mystery of\nincarnation takes place. Ammon lays aside his godhead and becomes flesh\nin the likeness of the king, the human spouse of the queen. The\nconsummation of the divine union follows immediately. On a bed of state\nthe god and the queen appear seated opposite each other, with their legs\ncrossed. The queen receives from her husband the symbols of life and\nstrength, while two goddesses, Neit and Selkit, the patronesses of\nmatrimony, support the feet of the couple and guard them from harm. The\ntext which encloses the scene sets forth clearly the reality of this\nmystic union of the human with the divine. \u201cThus saith Ammon-Ra, king of\nthe gods, lord of Karnak, he who rules over Thebes, when he took the\nform of this male, the King of Upper and Nether Egypt, Thothmes I. (or\nThothmes IV.), giver of life. He found the queen then when she lay in\nthe glory of her palace. She awoke at the fragrance of the god, and\nmarvelled at it. Straightway his Majesty went towards her, took\npossession of her, placed his heart in her, and shewed himself to her in\nhis divine form. And upon his coming she was uplifted at the sight of\nhis beauty, the love of the god ran through all her limbs, and the smell\nof the god and his breath were full of the perfumes of Pounit. And thus\nsaith the royal spouse, the royal mother Ahmasi (or Moutemouaa), in\npresence of the majesty of this glorious god, Ammon, lord of Karnak,\nlord of Thebes, \u2018Twice great are thy souls! It is noble to behold thy\ncountenance when thou joinest thyself to my majesty in all grace! Thy\ndew impregnates all my limbs.\u2019 Then, when the majesty of the god had\naccomplished all his desire with her, Ammon, the lord of the two lands,\nsaid to her: \u2018_She who is joined to Ammon, the first of the nobles_,\nverily, such shall be the name of the daughter who shall open thy womb,\nsince such is the course of the words that came forth from thy mouth.\nShe shall reign in righteousness in all the earth, for my soul is hers,\nmy heart is hers, my will is hers, my crown is hers, truly, that she may\nrule over the two lands, that she may guide the souls of all living.\u2019\u201d\n\n[Sidenote: Nativity of the divine Egyptian kings represented on the\nmonuments.] After the begetting of the divine child\u2014for we must remember\nthat the kings and queens of Egypt were regarded as divinities in their\nlifetime\u2014another series of scenes represents the fashioning of its body\nand its birth. The god Khnoumou, who in the beginning of time moulded\ngods and men on his potter\u2019s wheel, is seen seated at his wheel\nmodelling the future king or queen and their doubles\u2014those spiritual\nduplicates or external souls which were believed to hover invisible\nabout both men and gods all through life. In front of Khnoumou kneels\nHiqit, the frog-headed goddess, \u201cthe great magician\u201d; she is holding out\nto the newly-created figures the symbol of life, the _crux ansata_ \u2640, in\norder that they may breathe and live. Another scene represents the\nbirth. At Deir el Bahari the queen has already been delivered, and is\npresenting her daughter to several goddesses, who have acted the part of\nmidwives. At Luxor the double of the royal infant is born first; the\ngoddesses who serve as nurses have him in their arms, and the midwives\nare preparing to receive the real child. Behind the queen are the\ngoddesses who watch over childbirth, led by Isis and Nephthys; and all\naround the spirits of the East, the West, the North, and the South are\npresenting the symbol of life or uttering acclamations. In a corner the\ngrotesque god Bes and the female hippopotamus Api keep off all evil\ninfluence and every malignant spirit.\n\n[Sidenote: These representations probably copied from the life.] We\nshall probably not err in assuming, with some eminent authorities, that\nthe ceremonies of the nativity of the Pharaohs, thus emblazoned on the\nwalls of Egyptian temples, were copied from the life; in other words,\nthat the carved and painted scenes represent a real drama, which was\nacted by masked men and women whenever a queen of Egypt was brought to\nbed. \u201cHere, as everywhere else in Egypt,\u201d says Professor Maspero,\n\u201csculptor and painter did nothing but faithfully imitate reality. Theory\nrequired that the assimilation of the kings to the gods should be\ncomplete, so that every act of the royal life was, as it were, a tracing\nof the corresponding act of the divine life. From the moment that the\nking was Ammon, he wore the costume and badges of Ammon\u2014the tall hat\nwith the long plumes, the cross of life, the greyhound-headed\nsceptre\u2014and thus arrayed he presented himself in the queen\u2019s bedchamber\nto consummate the marriage. The assistants also assumed the costume and\nappearance of the divinities whom they incarnated; the men put on masks\nof jackals, hawks, and crocodiles, while the women donned masks of cows\nor frogs, according as they played the parts of Anubis, Khnoumou,\nSovkou, Hathor, or Hiqit; and I am disposed to believe that the doubles\nof the new-born child were represented by as many puppets as were\nrequired by the ceremonies. Some of the rites were complicated, and must\nhave tired excessively the mother and child who underwent them; but they\nare nothing to those that have been observed in similar circumstances in\nother lands. In general, we are bound to hold that all the pictures\ntraced on the walls of the temples, in which the person of the king is\nconcerned, correspond to a real action in which disguised personages\nplayed the part of gods.\u201d[454]\n\n[Sidenote: Human wives of Ammon in the decline of Egypt.] In the decline\nof Egypt from the eleventh century onward, the wives of Ammon at Thebes\nwere called on to play a conspicuous part in the government of the\ncountry. The strong grip of the Pharaohs was relaxed and under their\nfeeble successors the empire crumbled away into a number of petty\nindependent states. In this dissolution of the central authority the\ncrafty high priests of Ammon at Thebes contrived to usurp regal powers\nand to reign far and wide in the name of the deity, veiling their\nrescripts under the guise of oracles of the god, who, with the help of a\nlittle jugglery, complacently signified his assent to their wishes by\nnodding his head or even by speech. But curiously enough under this\npretended theocracy the nominal ruler was not the priest himself, but\nhis wife, the earthly consort of Ammon. Thus Thebes became for a time a\nghostly principality governed ostensibly by a dynasty of female popes.\nTheir office was hereditary, passing by rights from mother to daughter.\nBut probably the entail was often broken by the policy or ambition of\nthe men who stood behind the scenes and worked the religious puppet-show\nby hidden wires to the awe and astonishment of the gaping vulgar.\nCertainly we know that on one occasion King Psammetichus First foisted\nhis own daughter into the Holy See by dedicating her to Ammon under a\nhypocritical profession of gratitude for favours bestowed on him by the\ndeity. And the female pope had to submit to the dictation with the best\ngrace she could assume, protesting her affection for the adopted\ndaughter who had ousted her own daughter from the throne.[455]\n\n[Sidenote: Human concubines of Ammon in Roman times.] At a later period,\nwhen Egypt lay under the heel of Rome, the character of \u201cthe divine\nconsort\u201d of Ammon at Thebes had greatly changed. For at the beginning of\nour era the custom was to appoint a young and beautiful girl, the scion\nof one of the noblest houses, to serve Ammon as his concubine. The\nGreeks called these maidens Pallades, apparently after their own virgin\ngoddess Pallas; but the conduct of the girls was by no means maidenly,\nfor they led the loosest of lives till puberty. Then they were mourned\nover and given in marriage.[456] Their graves were shown near\nThebes.[457] The reason why their services ended at puberty may have\nbeen that as concubines of the god they might not bear children to\nmortal fathers; hence it was deemed prudent to terminate their relations\nwith the divinity before they were of an age to become mothers. It was\nan Egyptian doctrine that a mortal woman could conceive by a god, but\nthat a goddess could not conceive by a mortal man.[458] The certainty of\nmaternity and the uncertainty of paternity suggest an obvious and\nprobably sufficient ground for this theological distinction.\n\n[Sidenote: Apollo and his prophetess at Patara.] Apollo was said to\nspend the winter months at Patara in Lycia and the summer months in the\nisland of Delos, and accordingly he gave oracles for one half of the\nyear in the one place, and for the other half in the other.[459] So long\nas he tarried at Patara, his prophetess was shut up with him in the\ntemple every night.[460] At Ephesus there was a college [Sidenote: The\nEssenes of Artemis at Ephesus.] of sacred men called Essenes or King\nBees who held office for a year, during which they had to observe strict\nchastity and other rules of ceremonial purity.[461] How many of them\nthere were at a time we do not know, but there must have been several,\nfor in Ephesian inscriptions they are regularly referred to in the\nplural. They cannot have been bound to lifelong celibacy, for in one of\nthe inscriptions an Essen mentions his wife.[462] Possibly they were\ndeemed the annual husbands of Artemis, the great many-breasted goddess\nof fertility at Ephesus, whose association with the bee is vouched for\nby the figures of bees which appear commonly both on her statues and on\nthe coins of Ephesus.[463] If this conjecture is right, the King Bees\nand their bee-goddess Artemis at Ephesus would be closely parallel to\nthe King of the Wood and his woodland-goddess Diana at Nemi, as these\nlatter are interpreted by me. The rule of chastity imposed on the King\nBees during their year of office would be easily explicable on this\nhypothesis. As the temporary husbands of the goddess they would be\nexpected for the time being to have no intercourse with mortal women,\njust as the human wives of Bel and Ammon were supposed to have no\ncommerce with mortal men.\n\n[Sidenote: Marriage of Dionysus to the Queen at Athens.] At Athens the\ngod of the vine, Dionysus, was annually married to the Queen, and it\nappears that the consummation of the divine union, as well as the\nespousals, was enacted at the ceremony; but whether the part of the god\nwas played by a man or an image we do not know. Attic law required that\nthe Queen should be a burgess and should never have known any man but\nher husband. She had to offer certain secret sacrifices on behalf of the\nstate, and was permitted to see what no foreign woman might ever behold,\nand to enter where no other Athenian might set foot. She was assisted in\nthe discharge of her solemn functions by fourteen sacred women, one for\neach of the altars of Dionysus. The old Dionysiac festival was held on\nthe twelfth day of the month Anthesterion, corresponding roughly to our\nFebruary, at the ancient sanctuary of Dionysus in the Marshes, which was\nnever opened throughout the year save on that one day. At this festival\nthe Queen exacted an oath of purity and chastity from the fourteen\nsacred women at the altar. Possibly her marriage was celebrated on the\nsame day, though of that we have no positive evidence, and we learn from\nAristotle that the ceremony took place, not at the sanctuary in the\nmarshes, but in the old official residence of the King, known as the\nCattle-stall, which stood near the Prytaneum or Town-hall on the\nnorth-eastern slope of the Acropolis.[464] But whatever the date of the\nwedding, its object can hardly have been any other than that of ensuring\nthe fertility of the vines and other fruit-trees, of which Dionysus was\nthe god. Thus both in form and in meaning the ceremony would answer to\nthe nuptials of the King and Queen of May. Again, the story, dear to\npoets and artists, of the forsaken and sleeping Ariadne, waked and\nwedded by Dionysus, resembles so closely the little drama acted by\nFrench peasants of the Alps on May Day,[465] that, considering the\ncharacter of Dionysus as a god of vegetation, we can hardly help\nregarding it as the reflection of a spring ceremony like the French one.\nIn point of fact the [Sidenote: Dionysus and Ariadne.] marriage of\nDionysus and Ariadne was believed by Preller to have been acted every\nspring in Crete.[466] His evidence, indeed, is inconclusive, but the\nview itself is probable. If I am right in comparing the two, the chief\ndifference between the French and the Greek ceremonies appears to have\nbeen that in the former the sleeper was a forsaken bridegroom, in the\nlatter a forsaken bride; and the group of stars in the sky, in which\nfancy saw Ariadne\u2019s wedding crown,[467] may have been only a translation\nto heaven of the garland worn by the Greek girl who played the Queen of\nMay.\n\n[Sidenote: Marriage of Zeus with Demeter at Eleusis.] If at Athens, and\nprobably elsewhere, the vine-god was married to a queen in order that\nthe vines might be loaded with clusters of grapes, there is reason to\nthink that a marriage of a different kind, intended to make the fields\nwave with yellow corn, was annually celebrated not many miles off,\nbeyond the low hills that bound the plain of Athens on the west. In the\ngreat mysteries solemnised at Eleusis in the month of September the\nunion of the sky-god Zeus with the corn-goddess Demeter appears to have\nbeen represented by the union of the hierophant with the priestess of\nDemeter, who acted the parts of god and goddess. But their intercourse\nwas only dramatic or symbolical, for the hierophant had temporarily\ndeprived himself of his virility by an application of hemlock. The\ntorches having been extinguished, the pair descended into a murky place,\nwhile the throng of worshippers awaited in anxious suspense the result\nof the mystic congress, on which they believed their own salvation to\ndepend. After a time the hierophant reappeared, and in a blaze of light\nsilently exhibited to the assembly a reaped ear of corn, the fruit of\nthe divine marriage. Then in a loud voice he proclaimed, \u201cQueen Brimo\nhas brought forth a sacred boy Brimos,\u201d by which he meant, \u201cThe Mighty\nOne has brought forth the Mighty.\u201d The corn-mother in fact had given\nbirth to her child, the corn, and her travail-pangs were enacted in the\nsacred drama.[468] This revelation of the reaped corn appears to have\nbeen the crowning act of the mysteries. Thus through the glamour shed\nround these rites by the poetry and philosophy of later ages there still\nlooms, like a distant landscape through a sunlit haze, a simple rustic\nfestival designed to cover the wide Eleusinian plain with a plenteous\nharvest by wedding the goddess of the corn to the sky-god, who\nfertilised the bare earth with genial showers.\n\n[Sidenote: Marriage of Zeus and Hera at Plataea.] But Zeus was not\nalways the sky-god, nor did he always marry the corn-goddess. If in\nantiquity a traveller, quitting Eleusis and passing through miles of\nolive-groves and corn-fields, had climbed the pine-clad mountains of\nCithaeron and descended through the forest on their northern slope to\nPlataea, he might have chanced to find the people of that little\nBoeotian town celebrating a different marriage of the great god to a\ndifferent goddess. The ceremony is described by a Greek antiquary whose\nnote-book has fortunately preserved for us not a few rural customs of\nancient Greece, of which the knowledge would otherwise have perished.\n\nEvery few years the people of Plataea held a festival which they called\nthe Little Daedala. On the day of the festival they went out into an\nancient oak forest, the trees of which were of gigantic girth. There\nthey set some boiled meat on the ground, and watched the birds that\ngathered round it. When a raven was observed to carry off a piece of the\nmeat and perch on an oak, the people followed it and cut down the tree.\nWith the wood of the tree they made an image, dressed it as a bride, and\nplaced it on a bullock-cart with a bridesmaid beside it. It seems then\nto have been drawn to the banks of the river Asopus and back to the\ntown, attended by a piping and dancing crowd. After the festival the\nimage was put away and kept till the celebration of the Great Daedala,\nwhich fell only once in sixty years, and was held by all the people of\nBoeotia. On this occasion all the images, fourteen in number, that had\naccumulated from the celebrations of the Little Daedala were dragged on\nwains in procession to the river Asopus, and then to the top of Mount\nCithaeron. There an altar had been constructed of square blocks of wood\nfitted together, with brushwood heaped over it. Animals were sacrificed\nby being burned on the altar, and the altar itself, together with the\nimages, was consumed by the flames. The blaze, we are told, rose to a\nprodigious height and was seen for many miles. To explain the origin of\nthe festival a story ran that once upon a time Hera had quarrelled with\nZeus and left him in high dudgeon. To lure her back Zeus gave out that\nhe was about to marry the nymph Plataea, daughter of the river Asopus.\nHe had a fine oak cut down, shaped and dressed as a bride, and conveyed\non a bullock-cart. Transported with rage and jealousy, Hera flew to the\ncart, and tearing off the veil of the pretended bride, discovered the\ndeceit that had been practised on her. Her rage now turned to laughter,\nand she became reconciled to her husband Zeus.[469]\n\n[Sidenote: Resemblance of the Plataean ceremony to the spring and\nmidsummer festivals of modern Europe.] The resemblance of this festival\nto some of the European spring and midsummer festivals is tolerably\nclose. We have seen that in Russia at Whitsuntide the villagers go out\ninto the wood, fell a birch-tree, dress it in woman\u2019s clothes, and bring\nit back to the village with dance and song. On the third day it is\nthrown into the water.[470] Again, we have seen that in Bohemia on\nMidsummer Eve the village lads fell a tall fir or pine-tree in the wood\nand set it up on a height, where it is adorned with garlands, nosegays,\nand ribbons, and afterwards burnt.[471] The reason for burning the tree\nwill appear afterwards; the custom itself is not uncommon in modern\nEurope. In some parts of the Pyrenees a tall and slender tree is cut\ndown on May Day and kept till Midsummer Eve. It is then rolled to the\ntop of a hill, set up, and burned.[472] In Angoul\u00eame on St. Peter\u2019s Day,\nthe twenty-ninth of June, a tall leafy poplar is set up in the\nmarket-place and burned.[473] Near Launceston in Cornwall there is a\nlarge tumulus known as Whiteborough, with a fosse round it. On this\ntumulus \u201cthere was formerly a great bonfire on Midsummer Eve; a large\nsummer pole was fixed in the centre, round which the fuel was heaped up.\nIt had a large bush on the top of it. Round this were parties of\nwrestlers contending for small prizes.\u201d The rustics believed that giants\nwere buried in such mounds, and nothing would tempt them to disturb\ntheir bones.[474] In Dublin on May-morning boys used to go out and cut a\nMay-bush, bring it back to town, and then burn it.[475]\n\n[Sidenote: All such ceremonies were originally magical rites intended to\nbring about the effects which they dramatically represented.] Probably\nthe Boeotian festival belonged to the same class of rites. It\nrepresented the marriage of the powers of vegetation\u2014the union of the\noak-god with the oak-goddess[476]\u2014in spring or midsummer, just as the\nsame event is represented in modern Europe by a King and Queen or a Lord\nand Lady of the May. In the Boeotian, as in the Russian, ceremony the\ntree dressed as a woman stands for the English May-pole and May-queen in\none. All such ceremonies, it must be remembered, are not, or at least\nwere not originally, mere spectacular or dramatic exhibitions. They are\nmagical rites designed to produce the effect which they dramatically set\nforth. If the revival of vegetation in spring is mimicked by the\nawakening of a sleeper, the mimicry is intended actually to quicken the\ngrowth of leaves and blossoms; if the marriage of the powers of\nvegetation is simulated by a King and Queen of May, the idea is that the\npowers thus personated will really be rendered more productive by the\nceremony. In short, all these spring and midsummer festivals fall under\nthe head of homoeopathic or imitative magic. The thing which people wish\nto bring about they represent dramatically, and the very representation\nis believed to effect, or at least to contribute to, the production of\nthe desired result. In the case of the Daedala the story of Hera\u2019s\nquarrel with Zeus and her sullen retirement may perhaps without\nstraining be interpreted as a mythical expression for a bad season and\nthe failure of the crops. The same disastrous effects were attributed to\nthe anger and seclusion of Demeter after the loss of her daughter\nProserpine.[477] Now the institution of a festival is often explained by\na mythical story, which relates how upon a particular occasion those\nvery calamities occurred which it is the real object of the festival to\navert; so that if we know the myth told to account for the historical\norigin of the festival, we can often infer from it the real intention\nwith which the festival was celebrated. If, therefore, the origin of the\nDaedala was explained by a story of a failure of crops and consequent\nfamine, we may infer that the real object of the festival was to prevent\nthe occurrence of such disasters; and, if I am right in my\ninterpretation of the festival, the object was supposed to be effected\nby dramatically representing the marriage of the divinities most\nconcerned with the production of trees and plants. The marriage of Zeus\nand Hera was acted at annual festivals in various parts of Greece,[478]\nand it is at least a fair conjecture that the nature and intention of\nthese ceremonies were such as I have assigned to the Plataean festival\nof the Daedala; in other words, that Zeus and Hera at these festivals\nwere the Greek equivalents of the Lord and Lady of the May. Homer\u2019s\nglowing picture of Zeus and Hera couched on fresh hyacinths and\ncrocuses,[479] like Milton\u2019s description of the dalliance of Zephyr with\nAurora, \u201cas he met her once a-Maying,\u201d was perhaps painted from the\nlife.\n\n[Sidenote: The god Frey and his human wife in Sweden.] The sacred\nmarriage of Zeus and Hera had, as was natural, its counterpart among the\nnorthern kinsfolk of the Greeks. In Sweden every year a life-size image\nof Frey, the god of fertility, both animal and vegetable, was drawn\nabout the country in a waggon attended by a beautiful girl who was\ncalled the god\u2019s wife. She acted also as his priestess in his great\ntemple at Upsala. Wherever the waggon came with the image of the god and\nhis blooming young bride, the people crowded to meet them and offered\nsacrifices for a fruitful year. Once on a time a Norwegian exile named\nGunnar Helming gave himself out to be Frey in person, and rode about on\nthe sacred waggon dressed up in the god\u2019s clothes. Everywhere the simple\nfolk welcomed him as the deity, and observed with wonder and delight\nthat a god walked about among men and ate and drank just like other\npeople. And when the months went by, and the god\u2019s fair young wife was\nseen to be with child, their joy waxed greatly, for they thought,\n\u201cSurely this is an omen of a fruitful season.\u201d It happened that the\nweather was then so mild, and the promise of a plenteous harvest so\nfair, that no man ever remembered such a year before. But one night the\ngod departed in haste, with his wife and all the gold and silver and\nfine raiment which he had got together; and though the Swedes made after\nhim, they could not catch him. He was over the hills and far away in\nNorway.[480] Similar ceremonies appear to have been observed by the\n[Sidenote: Similar customs in Gaul.] peasantry of Gaul in antiquity; for\nGregory of Tours, writing in the sixth century of our era, says that at\nAutun the people used to carry about an image of a goddess in a waggon\ndrawn by oxen. The intention of the ceremony was to ensure the safety of\nthe crops and vines, and the rustics danced and sang in front of the\nimage.[481] The old historian identifies the goddess with Cybele, the\nGreat Mother goddess of Phrygia, and the identification would seem to be\ncorrect. For we learn from another source that men wrought up to a pitch\nof frenzy by the shrill music of flutes and the clash of cymbals,\nsacrificed their virility to the goddess, dashing the severed portions\nof themselves against her image.[482] Now this religious castration was\na marked feature of the Phrygian worship of Cybele, but it is alien to\nWestern modes of thought, although it still finds favour with a section\nof the barbarous, fanatical, semi-Oriental peasantry of Russia.[483] But\nwhether of native or of Eastern origin the rites of the goddess of Autun\nclosely conformed to those of the great Phrygian goddess and appear to\nhave been, like them, a perverted form of the Sacred Marriage, which was\ndesigned to fertilise the earth, and in which eunuchs, strange as it may\nseem, personated the lovers of the goddess.[484]\n\n[Sidenote: The custom of marrying gods to images or to living persons is\nfound also among uncivilised peoples.] Thus the custom of marrying gods\neither to images or to human beings was widespread among the nations of\nantiquity. The ideas on which such a custom is based are too crude to\nallow us to doubt that the civilised Babylonians, Egyptians, and Greeks\ninherited it from their barbarous or savage forefathers. This\npresumption is strengthened when we find rites of a similar kind in\nvogue among the lower races. Thus, for example, we are told that once\nupon a [Sidenote: Custom of the Wotyaks.] time the Wotyaks of the Malmyz\ndistrict in Russia were distressed by a series of bad harvests. They did\nnot know what to do, but at last concluded that their powerful but\nmischievous god Keremet must be angry at being unmarried. So a\ndeputation of elders visited the Wotyaks of Cura and came to an\nunderstanding with them on the subject. Then they returned home, laid in\na large stock of brandy, and having made ready a gaily decked waggon and\nhorses, they drove in procession with bells ringing, as they do when\nthey are fetching home a bride, to the sacred grove at Cura. There they\nate and drank merrily all night, and next morning they cut a square\npiece of turf in the grove and took it home with them. After this,\nthough it fared well with the people of Malmyz, it fared ill with the\npeople of Cura; for in Malmyz the bread was good, but in Cura it was\nbad. Hence the men of Cura who had consented to the marriage were blamed\nand roughly handled by their indignant fellow-villagers. \u201cWhat they\nmeant by this marriage ceremony,\u201d says the writer who reports it, \u201cit is\nnot easy to imagine. Perhaps, as Bechterew thinks, they meant to marry\nKeremet to the kindly and fruitful Mukyl\u0107in, the Earth-wife, in order\nthat she might influence him for good.\u201d[485] This carrying of turf, like\na bride, in a waggon from a sacred grove resembles the Plataean custom\nof carting an oak log as a bride from an ancient oak forest; and we have\nseen ground for thinking that the Plataean ceremony, like its Wotyak\ncounterpart, was intended as a charm to secure fertility. When wells are\ndug in Bengal, a wooden image of a god is made and married to the\ngoddess of water.[486]\n\n[Sidenote: Custom of the Peruvian Indians.] Often the bride destined for\nthe god is not a log or a clod, but a living woman of flesh and blood.\nThe Indians of a village in Peru have been known to marry a beautiful\ngirl, about fourteen years of age, to a stone shaped like a human being,\nwhich they regarded as a god (_huaca_). All the villagers took part in\nthe marriage ceremony, which lasted three days, and was attended with\nmuch revelry. The girl thereafter remained a virgin and sacrificed to\nthe idol for the people. They shewed her the utmost reverence and deemed\nher divine.[487] The Blackfoot Indians of North [Sidenote: Marriage of a\nwoman to the Sun among the Blackfoot Indians.] America used to worship\nthe Sun as their chief god, and they held a festival every year in his\nhonour. Four days before the new moon of August the tribe halted on its\nmarch, and all hunting was suspended. Bodies of mounted men were on duty\nday and night to carry out the orders of the high priest of the Sun. He\nenjoined the people to fast and to take vapour baths during the four\ndays before the new moon. Moreover, with the help of his council, he\nchose the Vestal who was to represent the Moon and to be married to the\nSun at the festival. She might be either a virgin or a woman who had had\nbut one husband. Any girl or woman found to have discharged the sacred\nduties without fulfilling the prescribed conditions was put to death. On\nthe third day of preparation, after the last purification had been\nobserved, they built a round temple of the Sun. Posts were driven into\nthe ground in a circle; these were connected with cross-pieces, and the\nwhole was covered with leaves. In the middle stood the sacred pole,\nsupporting the roof. A bundle of many small branches of sacred wood,\nwrapped in a splendid buffalo robe, crowned the summit of the temple.\nThe entrance was on the east, and within the sanctuary stood an altar on\nwhich rested the head of a buffalo. Beside the altar was the place\nreserved for the Vestal. Here, on a bed prepared for her, she slept \u201cthe\nsleep of war,\u201d as it was called. Her other duties consisted in\nmaintaining a sacred fire of fragrant herbs, in presenting a lighted\npipe to her husband the Sun, and in telling the high priest the dream\nshe dreamed during \u201cthe sleep of war.\u201d On learning it the priest had it\nproclaimed to the whole nation to the beat of drum.[488] Every year\nabout the middle of March, when the season for fishing with the drag-net\nbegan, the [Sidenote: Marriage of girls to fishing nets among the Hurons\nand Algonquins.] Algonquins and Hurons married their nets to two young\ngirls, aged six or seven. At the wedding feast the net was placed\nbetween the two maidens, and was exhorted to take courage and catch many\nfish. The reason for choosing the brides so young was to make sure that\nthey were virgins. The origin of the custom is said to have been this.\nOne year, when the fishing season came round, the Algonquins cast their\nnets as usual, but took nothing. Surprised at their want of success,\nthey did not know what to make of it, till the soul or genius (_oki_) of\nthe net appeared to them in the likeness of a tall well-built man, who\nsaid to them in a great passion, \u201cI have lost my wife and I cannot find\none who has known no other man but me; that is why you do not succeed,\nand why you never will succeed till you give me satisfaction on this\nhead.\u201d So the Algonquins held a council and resolved to appease the\nspirit of the net by marrying him to two such very young girls that he\ncould have no ground of complaint on that score for the future. They did\nso, and the fishing turned out all that could be wished. The thing got\nwind among their neighbours the Hurons, and they adopted the custom. A\nshare of the catch was always given to the families of the two girls who\nacted as brides of the net for the year.[489]\n\n[Sidenote: Sacred Marriage of the Sun-god and Earth-goddess among the\nOraons.] The Oraons of Bengal worship the Earth as a goddess, and\nannually celebrate her marriage with the Sun-god Dharm\u0113 at the time when\nthe _s\u0101l_ tree is in blossom. The ceremony is as follows. All bathe,\nthen the men repair to the sacred grove (_sarn\u0101_), while the women\nassemble at the house of the village priest. After sacrificing some\nfowls to the Sun-god and the demon of the grove, the men eat and drink.\n\u201cThe priest is then carried back to the village on the shoulders of a\nstrong man. Near the village the women meet the men and wash their feet.\nWith beating of drums and singing, dancing, and jumping, all proceed to\nthe priest\u2019s house, which has been decorated with leaves and flowers.\nThen the usual form of marriage is performed between the priest and his\nwife, symbolizing the supposed union between Sun and Earth. After the\nceremony all eat and drink and make merry; they dance and sing obscene\nsongs, and finally indulge in the vilest orgies. The object is to move\nthe mother earth to become fruitful.\u201d[490] Thus the Sacred Marriage of\nthe Sun and Earth, personated by the priest and his wife, is celebrated\nas a charm to ensure the fertility of the ground; and for the same\npurpose, on the principle of homoeopathic magic, the people indulge in a\nlicentious orgy. Among the Sulka of New Britain, at the village of\nKolvagat, a certain man has charge of two stone figures which are called\nrespectively \u201cOur grandfather\u201d (_ngur es_) and \u201cOur grandmother\u201d (_ngur\npei_). They are said to be kept in a house built specially for the\npurpose. Fruits of the field are offered to them and left beside them to\nrot. When their guardian puts the two figures with their faces turned\ntowards each other, the plantations are believed to flourish; but when\nhe sets them back to back, there is dearth and the people suffer from\neruptions on the skin.[491] This turning of the two images face to face\nmay be regarded as a simple form of Sacred Marriage between the two\ndivine powers represented by them, who are clearly supposed to control\nthe fertility of the plantations.\n\n[Sidenote: Marriage of women to gods in India and Africa.] At the\nvillage of Bas Doda, in the Gurgaon district of North-Western India, a\nfair is held on the twenty-sixth of the month Chait and the two\nfollowing days. We are told that formerly girls of the Dhinwar class\nused to be married to the god at these festivals, and that they always\ndied soon afterwards. Of late years the practice is said to have been\ndiscontinued.[492] In Behar during the month of Sawan (August) crowds of\nwomen, calling themselves Nagin or \u201cwives of the snake,\u201d go about for\ntwo and a half days begging; during this time they may neither sleep\nunder a roof nor eat salt. Half the proceeds of their begging is given\nto Brahmans, and the other half spent in salt and sweet-meats, which are\neaten by all the villagers.[493] Amongst the Ewe-speaking peoples of the\nSlave Coast in West Africa human wives of gods are very common. In\nDahomey they swarm, and it has even been estimated that every fourth\nwoman is devoted to the service of some deity. The chief business of\nthese female votaries is prostitution. In every town there is at least\none seminary where the handsomest girls, between ten and twelve years of\nage, are trained. They stay for three years, learning the chants and\ndances peculiar to the worship of the gods, and prostituting themselves\nto the priests and the inmates of the male seminaries. At the end of\ntheir noviciate they become public harlots. But no disgrace attaches to\ntheir profession, for it is believed that they are married to the god,\nand that their excesses are caused and directed by him. Strictly\nspeaking, they should confine their favours to the male worshippers at\nthe temple, but in practice they bestow them indiscriminately. Children\nborn of such unions belong to the deity. As the wives of a god, these\nsacred women may not marry. But they are not bound to the service of the\ndivinity for life. Some only bear his name and sacrifice to him on their\nbirthdays.[494] Amongst these polygamous West African gods the sacred\npython seems to be particularly associated with the fertility of the\nearth; for he is invoked in excessively wet, dry, and barren seasons,\nand the time of year when young girls are sought out to be his brides is\nwhen the millet is beginning to sprout.[495]\n\n[Sidenote: Women married to water-gods.] It deserves to be remarked that\nthe supernatural being to whom women are married is often a god or\nspirit of water. Thus Mukasa, the god of the Victoria Nyanza lake, who\nwas propitiated by the Baganda every time they undertook a long voyage,\nhad virgins provided for him to serve as his wives. Like the Vestals\nthey were bound to chastity, but unlike the Vestals they seem to have\nbeen often unfaithful. The custom lasted until Mwanga was converted to\nChristianity.[496] The Akikuyu of British East Africa worship the snake\nof a certain river, and at intervals of several years they marry the\nsnake-god to women, but especially to young girls. For this purpose huts\nare built by order of the medicine-men, who there consummate the sacred\nmarriage with the credulous female devotees. If the girls do not repair\nto the huts of their own accord in sufficient numbers, they are seized\nand dragged thither to the embraces of the deity. The offspring of these\nmystic unions appears to be fathered on God (_Ngai_); certainly there\nare children among the Akikuyu who pass for children of God.[497] In\nKengtung, one of the principal Shan states of Upper Burma, the spirit of\nthe Nawng Tung lake is regarded as very powerful, and is propitiated\nwith offerings in the eighth month (about July) of each year. A\nremarkable feature of the worship of this spirit consists in the\ndedication to him of four virgins in marriage. Custom requires that this\nshould be done once in every three years. It was actually done by the\nlate king or chief (Sawbwa) in 1893, but down to 1901 the rite had not\nbeen performed by his successor. The following are the chief features of\nthe ceremony. The virgins who are to wed the spirit of the lake must be\nof pure Hk\u00f6n race. Orders are sent out for all the Hk\u00f6n of the valley to\nattend. From the unmarried women of suitable age, ten are selected.\nThese are as beautiful as may be, and must be without spot or blemish.\nFour maidens out of the ten are chosen by lot, and carefully dressed in\nnew garments. A festival is held, usually at the house of the Chief\nMinister, where the girls sit on a raised platform. Four old women,\nthought to be possessed by spirits, enter and remain as long as the\nfeast lasts. During this time anything they may want, such as food,\nbetel, or cheroots, is handed to them by the four girls. Apparently the\nold women pass for representatives of the spirit, and hence they are\nwaited on by the maidens destined to be his wives. Dotage, blindness, or\nany great infirmity of age seems to be accounted possession by a spirit\nfor the purposes of this function. When the feast is over, the maidens\nare formally presented to the spirit, along with the various sacrifices\nand offerings. They are next taken to the chief\u2019s residence, where\nstrings are tied round their wrists by the ministers and elders to guard\nthem against ill-luck. Usually they sleep a night or two at the palace,\nafter which they may return to their homes. There seems to be no\nobjection to their marrying afterwards. If nothing happens to any of the\nfour, it is believed that the spirit of the lake loves them but little;\nbut if one of them dies soon after the ceremony, it shews that she has\nbeen accepted by him. The spirit is propitiated with the sacrifice of\npigs, fowls, and sometimes a buffalo.[498]\n\n[Sidenote: Egyptian custom of drowning a girl as a sacrifice to the\nNile.] In this last custom the death of the woman is regarded as a sign\nthat the god has taken her to himself. Sometimes, apparently, it has not\nbeen left to the discretion of the divine bridegroom to take or leave\nhis human bride; she was made over to him once for all in death. When\nthe Arabs conquered Egypt they learned that at the annual rise of the\nNile the Egyptians were wont to deck a young virgin in gay apparel and\nthrow her into the river as a sacrifice, in order to obtain a plentiful\ninundation. The Arab general abolished the barbarous custom.[499] It is\nsaid that under the Tang dynasty the Chinese used to marry a young girl\nto the Yellow River once a year by drowning her in the water. For this\npurpose the witches chose the fairest damsel they could find and\nthemselves superintended the fatal marriage. At last the local mandarin,\na man of sense and humanity, forbade the custom. But the witches\ndisregarded his edicts and made their preparations for the usual murder.\nSo when the day was come, the magistrate appeared on the scene with his\nsoldiers and had all the witches bound and thrown into the river to\ndrown, telling them that no doubt the god would be able to choose his\nbride for himself from among them.[500] The princes of Koepang, a state\nin the East Indian island of Timor, deemed themselves descended from\ncrocodiles; and on [Sidenote: Girls sacrificed as brides of crocodiles.]\nthe coronation of a new prince a solemn sacrifice was made to the\ncrocodiles in presence of the people. The offerings consisted of a pig\nwith red bristles and a young girl prettily dressed, perfumed, and\ndecked with flowers. She was taken down to the bank of the river and set\non a sacred stone in a cave. Then one of the prince\u2019s guards summoned\nthe crocodiles. Soon one of the beasts appeared and dragged the girl\ndown into the water. The people thought that he married her, and that if\nhe did not find her a maid he would bring her back.[501] On festal\noccasions in the same state a new-born girl was sometimes dedicated to a\ncrocodile, and then, with certain ceremonies of consecration, brought up\nto be married to a priest.[502] It is said that once, when the\ninhabitants of Cayeli in Buru\u2014another East Indian island\u2014were threatened\nwith destruction by a swarm of crocodiles, they ascribed the misfortune\nto a passion which the prince of the crocodiles had conceived for a\ncertain girl. Accordingly, they compelled the damsel\u2019s father to dress\nher in bridal array and deliver her over to the clutches of her\ncrocodile lover.[503]\n\n[Sidenote: Virgin sacrificed as a bride to a jinnee of the sea in the\nMaldive Islands.] A usage of the same sort is reported to have prevailed\nin the Maldive Islands before the conversion of the inhabitants to\nIslam. The famous Arab traveller Ibn Batutah has described the custom\nand the manner in which it came to an end. He was assured by several\ntrustworthy natives, whose names he gives, that when the people of the\nislands were idolaters there appeared to them every month an evil spirit\namong the jinn, who came from across the sea in the likeness of a ship\nfull of burning lamps. The wont of the inhabitants, as soon as they\nperceived him, was to take a young virgin, and, having adorned her, to\nlead her to a heathen temple that stood on the shore, with a window\nlooking out to sea. There they left the damsel for the night, and when\nthey came back in the morning they found her a maid no more, and dead.\nEvery month they drew lots, and he upon whom the lot fell gave up his\ndaughter to the jinnee of the sea. In time there came to them a Berber\nnamed Abu \u2019lberecat, who knew the Coran by heart. He lodged in the house\nof an old woman of the isle of Mahal. One day, visiting his hostess, he\nfound that she had gathered her family about her, and that the women\nwere weeping as if there were a funeral. On enquiring into the cause of\ntheir distress, he learned that the lot had fallen on the old woman, and\nthat she had an only daughter, who must be slain by the evil jinnee. Abu\n\u2019lberecat said to the old dame, \u201cI will go this night instead of thy\ndaughter.\u201d Now he was quite beardless. So when the night was come they\ntook him, and after he had performed his ablutions, they put him in the\ntemple of idols. He set himself to recite the Coran; then the demon\nappeared at the window, but the man went on with his recitation. No\nsooner was the jinnee within hearing of the holy words than he dived\ninto the sea. When morning broke, the old woman and her family and the\npeople of the island came, according to their custom, to carry away the\ngirl and burn her body. They found the stranger repeating the Coran, and\ntook him to their king, whose name was Chenourazah, and made him relate\nhis adventure. The king was astonished at it. The Berber proposed to the\nking that he should embrace Islam. Chenourazah said to him, \u201cTarry with\nus till next month; if thou shalt do what thou hast done, and shalt\nescape from the evil jinnee, I will be converted.\u201d The stranger abode\nwith the idolaters, and God disposed the king\u2019s heart to receive the\ntrue faith. So before the month was out he became a Mussalman, he and\nhis wives and his children and the people of his court. And when the\nnext month began, the Berber was conducted to the temple of idols; but\nthe demon did not appear, and the Berber set himself to recite the Coran\ntill break of day. Then the Sultan and his subjects broke the idols and\ndemolished the temple. The people of the island embraced Islam and sent\nmessengers to the other isles, and their inhabitants were converted\nlikewise. But by reason of the demon many of the Maldive Islands were\ndepopulated before their conversion to Islam. When Ibn Batutah himself\nlanded in the country he knew nothing of these things. One night, as he\nwas going about his business, he heard of a sudden people saying in a\nloud voice, \u201cThere is no God but God,\u201d and \u201cGod is great.\u201d He saw\nchildren carrying copies of the Coran on their heads, and women beating\non basins and vessels of copper. He was astonished at what they did, and\nhe said, \u201cWhat has happened?\u201d They answered, \u201cDost thou not behold the\nsea?\u201d He looked towards the sea, and beheld in the darkness, as it were,\na great ship full of burning lamps and cressets. They said to him, \u201cThat\nis the demon. It is his wont to shew himself once a month; but after we\nhave done that which thou hast seen, he returns to his place and does us\nno manner of harm.\u201d[504]\n\n[Sidenote: The story based on the phosphorescence of the sea.] It\noccurred to me that this myth of the demon lover may have been based on\nsome physical phenomenon, electrical, lunar, or otherwise, which is\nperiodically seen at night in the Maldive Islands. Accordingly I\nconsulted Professor J. Stanley Gardiner, our foremost authority on the\narchipelago. His answer, which confirms my conjecture, runs thus: \u201cA\npeculiar phosphorescence, like the glow of a lamp hidden by a roughened\nglass shade, is occasionally visible on lagoon shoals in the Maldives. I\nimagine it to have been due to some single animal with a greater\nphosphorescence than any at present known to us. A periodical appearance\nat some phase of the moon due to reproduction is not improbable and has\nparallels. The myth still exists in the Maldives, but in a rather\ndifferent form.\u201d He adds that \u201ca number of these animals might of course\nappear on some shoal near Male,\u201d the principal island of the group. To\nthe eyes of the ignorant and superstitious such a mysterious glow,\nsuddenly lighting up the sea in the dusk of the evening, might well\nappear a phantom ship, hung with burning lamps, bearing down on the\ndevoted islands, and in the stillness of night the roar of the surf on\nthe barrier reef might sound in their ears like the voice of the demon\ncalling for his prey.[505]\n\n\n                    \u00a7 3. Sacrifices to Water-spirits\n\n\n[Sidenote: Stories of the Perseus and Andromeda type.] Ibn Batutah\u2019s\nnarrative of the demon lover and his mortal brides closely resembles a\nwell-known type of folk-tale, of which versions have been found from\nJapan and Annam in the East to Senegambia, Scandinavia, and Scotland in\nthe West. The story varies in details from people to people, but as\ncommonly told it runs thus. A certain country is infested by a\nmany-headed serpent, dragon, or other monster, which would destroy the\nwhole people if a human victim, generally a virgin, were not delivered\nup to him periodically. Many victims have perished, and at last it has\nfallen to the lot of the king\u2019s own daughter to be sacrificed. She is\nexposed to the monster, but the hero of the tale, generally a young man\nof humble birth, interposes in her behalf, slays the monster, and\nreceives the hand of the princess as his reward. In many of the tales\nthe monster, who is sometimes described as a serpent, inhabits the water\nof a sea, a lake, or a fountain. In other versions he is a serpent or\ndragon who takes possession of the springs of water, and only allows the\nwater to flow or the people to make use of it on condition of receiving\na human victim.[506]\n\n[Sidenote: Water-spirits conceived as serpents or dragons.] It would\nprobably be a mistake to dismiss all these tales as pure inventions of\nthe story-teller. Rather we may suppose that they reflect a real custom\nof sacrificing girls or women to be the wives of water-spirits, who are\nvery often conceived as great serpents or dragons. Elsewhere I have\ncited many instances of this belief in serpent-shaped spirits of\nwater;[507] here it may be worth while to add a few more. Thus the\nWarramunga of Central Australia perform elaborate ceremonies to appease\nor coerce a gigantic, but purely mythical water-snake who is said to\nhave destroyed a number of people.[508] Some of the natives of western\nAustralia fear to approach large pools, supposing them to be inhabited\nby a great serpent, who would kill them if they dared to drink or draw\nwater there by night.[509] The Indians of New Granada believed that when\nthe mother of all mankind, named Bachue, was grown old, she and her\nhusband plunged into the Lake of Iguague, where they were changed into\ntwo enormous serpents, which still live in the lake and sometimes shew\nthemselves.[510] The Oyampi Indians of French Guiana imagine that each\nwaterfall has a guardian in the shape of a monstrous snake, who lies\nhidden under the eddy of the cascade, but has sometimes been seen to\nlift up its huge head. To see it is fatal. Canoe and Indians are then\ndragged down to the bottom, where the monster swallows all the men, and\nsometimes the canoe also. Hence the Oyampis never name a waterfall till\nthey have passed it, for fear that the snake at the bottom of the water\nmight hear its name and attack the rash intruders.[511] The Huichol\nIndians of Mexico adore water. Springs are sacred, and the gods in them\nare mothers or serpents, that rise with the clouds and descend as\nfructifying rain.[512] The Tarahumares, another Indian tribe of Mexico,\nthink that every river, pool, and spring has its serpent, who causes the\nwater to come up out of the earth. All these water-serpents are easily\noffended; hence the Tarahumares place their houses some little way from\nthe water, and will not sleep near it when they are on a journey.\nWhenever they construct weirs to catch fish, they take care to offer\nfish to the water-serpent of the river; and when they are away from home\nand are making pinole, that is, toasted maize-meal, they drop the first\nof the pinole into the water as an offering to the serpents, who would\notherwise try to seize them and chase them back to their own land.[513]\nIn Basutoland the rivers Ketane and Maletsunyane tumble, with a roar of\nwaters and a cloud of iridescent spray, into vast chasms hundreds of\nfeet deep. The Basutos fear to approach the foot of these huge falls,\nfor they think that a spirit in the shape of a gigantic snake haunts the\nseething cauldron which receives the falling waters.[514]\n\n[Sidenote: Sacrifices of human beings to water-spirits.] The perils of\nthe sea, of floods, of rapid rivers, of deep pools and lakes, naturally\naccount for the belief that water-spirits are fickle and dangerous\nbeings, who need to be appeased by sacrifices. Sometimes these\nsacrifices consist of animals, such as horses and bulls,[515] but often\nthe victims are human beings. Thus at the mouth of the Bonny River there\nis a dangerous bar on which vessels trading to the river have been lost.\nThis is bad for business, and accordingly the negroes used to sacrifice\na young man annually to the spirit of the bar. The handsomest youth was\nchosen for the purpose, and for many months before the ceremony he\nlodged with the king. The people regarded him as sacred or ju-ju, and\nwhatever he touched, even when he passed casually through the streets,\nshared his sanctity and belonged to him. Hence whenever he appeared in\npublic the inhabitants fled before him, lest he should touch their\ngarments or anything they might be carrying. He was kept in ignorance of\nthe fate in store for him, and no one might inform him of it under pain\nof death. On an appointed day he was taken out to the bar in a canoe and\ninduced to jump into the water. Then the rowers plied their paddles and\nleft him to drown. A similar ceremony used to be performed at the New\nCalabar River, but the victim was a culprit. He was thrown into the\nwater to be devoured by the sharks, which are there the principal fetish\nor ju-ju.[516] The chiefs of Duke Town, on the same coast of Guinea,\nwere wont to make an annual offering to the river. A young woman of a\nlight colour, or an albino, was chosen as the victim. On a set day they\ndecked her with finery, took her down to Parrot Island, and with much\nceremony plunged her in the stream. The fishermen of Efiat, at the mouth\nof the river, are said still to observe the rite in order to ensure a\ngood catch of fish.[517] The King of Dahomey used to send from time to\ntime a man, dressed out with the insignia of office, to Whydah to be\ndrowned at the mouth of the river. The intention of the sacrifice was to\nattract merchant ships.[518] When a fisherman has been carried off by a\ncrocodile, some of the natives on the banks of Lake Tanganyika take this\nfor a sign that the spirit deems himself slighted, since he is obliged\nto come and find victims for himself instead of having them presented to\nhim. Hence the sorcerers generally decide that a second victim is\nwanted; so, having chosen one, they bind him hand and foot and fling him\ninto the lake to feed the crocodiles.[519] The crater of the volcano\nTolucan in Mexico encloses two lakes of clear cold water, surrounded by\ngloomy forests of pine. Here, in the eighteenth month of the Toltec\nyear, answering to February, children beautifully dressed and decked\nwith flowers and gay feathers used to be drowned as an offering to\nTlaloc, the god of the waters, who had a fine temple on the spot.[520]\nThe Chams of Annam have traditions of a time when living men were thrown\ninto the sea every year in order to propitiate the deities who looked\nafter the fishing, and when children of good family were drowned in the\nwater-channels in order that the rice-fields might be duly\nirrigated.[521]\n\n[Sidenote: Water-spirits conceived as beneficent beings who dispense\nfertility.] This last instance brings out a more kindly aspect of the\nwater-spirits. If these beings are dreaded by the fisherman and the\nmariner who tempt the angry sea, and by the huntsman who has to swim or\nford the rushing rivers, they are viewed in a different light by the\nshepherd and the husbandman in hot and arid lands, where the pasture for\nthe cattle and the produce of the fields alike depend on the supply of\nwater, and where prolonged drought means starvation and death for man\nand beast. To men in such circumstances the spirits of the waters are\nbeneficent beings, the dispensers of life and fertility, whether their\nblessings descend as rain from heaven or well up as springs of bubbling\nwater in the parched desert. In the Semitic East, for example, where the\nrainfall is precarious or confined to certain seasons, the face of the\nearth is bare and withered for most of the year, except where it is kept\nfresh by irrigation or by the percolation of underground water. Here,\naccordingly, the local gods or Baalim had their seats originally in\nspots of natural fertility, by fountains and the banks of rivers, in\ngroves and tangled thickets and green glades of mountain hollows and\ndeep watercourses. As lords of the springs and subterranean waters they\nwere supposed to be the sources of all the gifts of the land, the corn,\nthe wine and the oil, the wool and the flax, the vines and the\nfig-trees.[522]\n\n[Sidenote: Water-spirits conceived as bestowing offspring on women.]\nWhere water-spirits are thus conceived as the authors of fertility in\ngeneral, it is natural that they should be held to extend the sphere of\ntheir operations to men and animals; in other words, that the power of\nbestowing offspring on barren women and cattle should be ascribed to\nthem. This ascription comes out clearly in a custom observed by Syrian\nwomen at the present day. Some of the channels of the Orontes are used\nfor irrigation, but at a certain season of the year the streams are\nturned off and the dry bed of the channels is cleared of mud and any\nother matter that might clog the flow of the water. The first night that\nthe water is turned on again, it is said to have the power of\nprocreation. Accordingly barren women take their places in the channel,\nwaiting for the embrace of the water-spirit in the rush of the\nstream.[523] Again, a pool of water in a cave at Juneh enjoys the same\nreputation. The people think a childless couple who bathe in the water\nwill have offspring.[524] In India many wells are supposed to cure\nsterility, which is universally attributed to the agency of evil\nspirits. The water of seven wells is collected on the night of the\nDiwali or feast of lamps, and barren women bathe in it in order to\nremove their reproach. There is a well in Orissa where the priests throw\nbetel-nuts into the mud. Childless women scramble for the nuts, and she\nwho finds them will be a happy mother before long. For the same reason,\nafter childbirth an Indian mother is taken to worship the village well.\nShe walks round it in the course of the sun and smears the platform with\nred lead, which may be a substitute for blood. A Khandh priest will take\na childless woman to the meeting of two streams, where he makes an\noffering to the god of births and sprinkles the woman with water in\norder to rid her of the influence of the spirit who hinders\nconception.[525] In the Punjaub a barren woman who desires to become a\nmother will sometimes be let down into a well on a Sunday or Tuesday\nnight during the Diwali festival. After stripping herself of her clothes\nand bathing in the water, she is drawn up again and performs the\n_chaukpurna_ ceremony with incantations taught by a wizard. When this\nceremony has been performed, the well is supposed to run dry; its\nquickening and fertilising virtue has been abstracted by the woman.[526]\nThe Indian sect of the Vallabhacharyas or Maharajas believe that bathing\nin a sacred well is a remedy for barrenness in women.[527] In antiquity\nthe waters of Sinuessa in Campania were thought to bless childless wives\nwith offspring.[528] To this day Syrian women resort to hot springs in\norder to obtain children from the saint or jinnee of the waters.[529] In\nScotland the same fertilising virtue used to be, and probably still is,\nascribed to certain springs. Wives who wished to become mothers formerly\nresorted to the well of St. Fillan at Comrie, and to the wells of St.\nMary at Whitekirk and in the Isle of May.[530] In the Aran Islands, off\nthe coast of Galway, women desirous of children pray at St. Eany\u2019s Well,\nby the Angels\u2019 Walk, and the men pray at the rag well by the church of\nthe Four Comely Ones at Onaght.[531] Child\u2019s Well in Oxford was supposed\nto have the virtue of making barren women to bring forth.[532] Near\nBingfield in Northumberland there is a copious sulphur spring known as\nthe Borewell. On the Sunday following the fourth day of July, that is\nabout Midsummer Day, according to the old style, great crowds of people\nused to assemble at the well from all the surrounding hamlets and\nvillages. The scene was like a fair, stalls for the sale of refreshments\nbeing brought and set up for the occasion. The neighbouring slopes were\nterraced, and seats formed for the convenience of pilgrims and visitors.\nBarren women prayed at the well that they might become mothers. If their\nfaith was strong enough, their prayers were heard within the year.[533]\n\n[Sidenote: Love of river-spirits for women in Greek mythology.] In Greek\nmythology similar ideas of the procreative power of water meet us in the\nstories of the loves of rivers for women and in the legends which traced\nthe descent of heroes and heroines from river-gods.[534] In Sophocles\u2019s\nplay of _The Trachinian Women_ Dejanira tells how she was wooed by the\nriver Achelous, who came to her father and claimed her hand, appearing\nin the likeness now of a bull, now of a serpent, and now of a being with\nthe body of a man and the front of an ox, while streams of water flowed\nfrom his shaggy beard. She relates, too, how glad she was when Hercules\npresented himself and vanquished the river-god in single combat and took\nher to wife.[535] The legend perhaps preserves a reminiscence of that\ncustom of providing a water-god with a human wife which has been\npractised elsewhere. The motive of such a custom may have varied with\nthe particular conception which happened to prevail of the character of\nthe water-god. Where he was supposed to be a cruel and destructive\nbeing, who drowned men and laid waste the country, a wife would be\noffered simply to keep him in good humour, and so prevent him from doing\nmischief. But where he was viewed as the procreative power on whom the\nfertility of the earth and the fecundity of men and animals depended,\nhis marriage would be deemed necessary for the purpose of enabling him\nto discharge his beneficent functions. This belief in the amorous\ncharacter of rivers comes out plainly in a custom which was observed at\nTroy down to classical times. Maidens about to marry were wont to bathe\nin the Scamander, saying as they did so, \u201cScamander, take my virginity.\u201d\nA similar custom appears to have been observed at the river Maeander,\nand perhaps in other parts of the Greek world. Occasionally, it would\nseem, young men took advantage of the practice to ravish the girls, and\nthe offspring of such a union was fathered on the river-god.[536] The\nbath which a Greek bride and bridegroom regularly took before marriage\nappears to have been intended to bless their union with offspring\nthrough the fertilising influence of the water-nymphs.[537]\n\nThus it would appear that in many parts of the world a custom has\nprevailed of sacrificing human beings to water-spirits, and that in not\na few cases the ceremony has taken the form of making over a woman to\nthe spirit to be his wife, in order either to pacify his fury or to give\nplay to his generative powers. Where the water-spirit was regarded as\nfemale, young men might be presented to her for a similar purpose, and\nthis may be the reason why the victims sacrificed to water-spirits are\nsometimes males. Among civilised peoples these customs survive for the\nmost part only in popular tales, of which the legend of Perseus and\nAndromeda, with its mediaeval counterpart of St. George and the Dragon,\nis the most familiar example. But occasionally they appear to have left\ntraces of themselves in ceremonies and pageants. Thus at Furth in\nBavaria a [Sidenote: Midsummer custom of slaying the dragon at Furth in\nBavaria.] drama called the Slaying of the Dragon used to be acted every\nyear about Midsummer, on the Sunday after Corpus Christi Day. Crowds of\nspectators flocked from the neighbourhood to witness it. The scene of\nthe performance was the public square. On a platform stood or sat a\nprincess wearing a golden crown on her head, and as many silver\nornaments on her body as could be borrowed for the purpose. She was\nattended by a maid of honour. Opposite her was stationed the dragon, a\ndreadful monster of painted canvas stretched on a wooden skeleton and\nmoved by two men inside. From time to time the creature would rush with\ngaping jaws into the dense crowd of spectators, who retreated hastily,\ntumbling over each other in their anxiety to escape. Then a knight in\narmour, attended by his men-at-arms, rode forth and asked the princess\nwhat she did \u201con this hard stone,\u201d and why she looked so sad. She told\nhim that the dragon was coming to eat her up. On that the knight bade\nher be of good cheer, for that with his sword he would rid the country\nof the monster. With that he charged the dragon, thrusting his spear\ninto its maw and taking care to stab a bladder of bullock\u2019s blood which\nwas there concealed. The gush of blood which followed was an\nindispensable part of the show, and if the knight missed his stroke he\nwas unmercifully jeered and taunted by the crowd. Having despatched the\nmonster with sword and pistol, the knight then hastened to the princess\nand told her that he had slain the dragon who had so long oppressed the\ntown. In return she tied a wreath round his arm, and announced that her\nnoble father and mother would soon come to give them half the kingdom.\nThe men-at-arms then escorted the knight and the princess to the tavern,\nthere to end the day with dance and revelry. Bohemians and Bavarians\ncame from many miles to witness this play of the Slaying of the Dragon,\nand when the monster\u2019s blood streamed forth they eagerly mopped it up,\nalong with the blood-soaked earth, in white cloths, which they\nafterwards laid on the flax-fields, in order that the flax might thrive\nand grow tall. For the \u201cdragon\u2019s blood\u201d was thought to be a sure\nprotection against witchcraft.[538] This use of the blood suffices to\nprove that the Slaying of the Dragon at Furth was not a mere popular\nspectacle, but a magical rite designed to fertilise the fields. As such\nit probably descended from a very remote antiquity, and may well have\nbeen invested with a character of solemnity, if not of tragedy, long\nbefore it degenerated into a farce.\n\n[Sidenote: St. Romain delivers Rouen from a dragon.] More famous was the\ndragon from which, according to legend, St. Romain delivered Rouen, and\nfar more impressive was the ceremony with which, down to the French\nRevolution, the city commemorated its deliverance. The stately and\nbeautiful edifices of the Middle Ages, which still adorn Rouen, formed a\nfitting background for a pageant which carried the mind back to the days\nwhen Henry II. of England and Richard C\u0153ur-de-Lion, Dukes of Normandy,\nstill had their palace in this ancient capital of their ancestral\ndomains. Legend ran that about the year 520 A.D. a forest or marsh near\nthe city was infested by a monstrous beast in the shape of a serpent or\ndragon, which every day wrought great harm to Rouen and its\nneighbourhood, devouring man and beast, causing boats and mariners on\nthe river Seine to perish, and inflicting other woes innumerable on the\ncommonwealth. At last the archbishop, St. Romain, resolved to beard the\nmonster in his den. He could get none to accompany him but a prisoner\ncondemned to death for murder. On their approach the dragon made as\nthough he would swallow them up; but the archbishop, relying on the\ndivine help, made the sign of the cross, and at once the monster became\nso gentle that he suffered the saint to bind him with his stole and the\nmurderer to lead him like a lamb to the slaughter. Thus they went in\nprocession to a public place in Rouen, where the dragon was burnt in the\npresence of the people and its ashes cast into the river. The murderer\nwas pardoned for his services; and the fame of the deed having gone\nabroad, St. Romain, or his successor St. Ouen, whose memory is enshrined\nin a church of dreamlike beauty at Rouen, obtained from King Dagobert in\nperpetuity a privilege for the archbishop, dean, and canons of the\ncathedral, to wit, that every year on Ascension Day, the anniversary of\nthe miracle, they should [Sidenote: In memory of this deliverance the\narchbishop and chapter of Rouen were annually allowed to pardon a\nmalefactor on Ascension Day.] pardon and release from prison a\nmalefactor, whomsoever they chose, and whatever the crime of which he\nhad been guilty. This privilege, unique in France, was claimed by the\nchapter of the cathedral as early as the beginning of the thirteenth\ncentury; for in 1210, the governor of the castle of Rouen having boggled\nat giving up a prisoner, the chapter appealed to King Philip Augustus,\nwho caused an enquiry to be made into the claim. At this enquiry nine\nwitnesses swore that never in the reigns of Henry II. and Richard\nC\u0153ur-de-Lion, Dukes of Normandy, had there been any difficulty raised on\nthe point in question. Henceforward the chapter seems to have enjoyed\nthe right without opposition down to 1790, when it exercised its\nprivilege of mercy for the last time. Next year the face of things had\nchanged; there was neither archbishop nor chapter at Rouen. A register\nof the names of the prisoners who were pardoned, together with an\naccount of their crimes, was kept and still exists. Only a few of the\nnames in the thirteenth century are known, and there are many gaps in\nthe first half of the fourteenth century; but from that time onward the\nregister is nearly complete. Most of the crimes appear to have been\nmurder or homicide.\n\n[Sidenote: Ceremony of the annual pardon and release of a prisoner at\nRouen.] The proceedings, on the great day of pardon, varied somewhat in\ndifferent ages. The following account is based in great part on a\ndescription written in the reign of Henry III. and published at Rouen in\n1587. Fifteen days before Ascension Day the canons of the cathedral\nsummoned the king\u2019s officers to stop all proceedings against criminals\ndetained in prison. Afterwards, on the Monday of Rogations, two canons\nexamined the prisoners and took their confessions, going from prison to\nprison till Ascension Day. On that day, about seven o\u2019clock in the\nmorning, all the canons assembled in the chapter-house and invoked the\ngrace of the Holy Spirit by the hymn _Veni creator Spiritus_, and other\nprayers. Also they made oath to reveal none of the depositions of the\ncriminals, but to hold them sacred under the seal of confession. The\ndepositions having been taken and the commissioners heard, the chapter,\nafter due deliberation, named him or her among the prisoners who was to\nreceive the benefit of the privilege. A card bearing the prisoner\u2019s name\nand sealed with the seal of the chapter was then sent to the members of\nparliament, who were sitting in full assembly, clad in their red robes,\nin the great hall of the palace to receive the nomination of the\nprisoner and to give it legal effect. The criminal was then released and\npardoned. Immediately the minster bells began to ring, the doors of the\ncathedral were flung open, the organ pealed, hymns were sung, candles\nlit, and every solemnity observed in token of joy and gladness. Further,\nin presence of the conclave all the depositions of the other prisoners\nwere burnt on the altar of the chapter-house. Then the archbishop and\nthe whole of the clergy of the cathedral went in procession to the great\nsquare known as the Old Tower near the river, carrying the shrines and\nreliquaries of the minster, and accompanied by the joyous music of\nhautboys and clarions. Apparently the Old Tower occupies the site of the\nancient castle of the Dukes of Normandy, and the custom of going thither\nin procession came down from a time when the prisoners were detained in\nthe castle-dungeons. In the square there stood, and still stands, a\nplatform of stone raised high above the ground and approached by flights\nof steps. Thither they brought the shrine (_fierte_) of St. Romain, and\nthither too was led the pardoned prisoner. He ascended the platform, and\nafter confessing his sins and receiving absolution he thrice lifted the\nshrine of St. Romain, while the innumerable multitude assembled in the\nsquare cried aloud, each time the shrine was lifted, \u201c_Noel! Noel!\nNoel!_\u201d which was understood to mean \u201cGod be with us!\u201d That done, the\nprocession re-formed and returned to the cathedral. At the head walked a\nbeadle clad in violet, who bore on a pole the wicker effigy of the\nwinged dragon of Notre Dame, holding a large fish in its mouth. The\nwhispers and cries excited by the appearance of the monster were drowned\nin the loud fanfares of cornets, clarions, and trumpets. Behind the\nmusicians, who wore the liveries of the Master of the Brotherhood of\nNotre Dame with his arms emblazoned on an ensign of taffeta, came the\ncarved silver-gilt shrine of Notre Dame. After it followed the clergy of\nthe cathedral to the number of two hundred, clad in robes of violet or\ncrimson silk, bearing banners, crosses, and shrines, and chanting the\nhymn _De resurrectione Domini_. Then came the archbishop, giving his\nblessing to the great multitude who thronged the streets. The prisoner\nhimself walked behind, bareheaded, crowned with flowers, carrying one\nend of the litter which supported the shrine of St. Romain; the fetters\nhe had worn hung from the litter; and with him paced, with lighted\ntorches in their hands, the men or women who, for the last seven years,\nhad in like manner received their pardon. Another beadle, in a violet\nlivery, marched behind bearing aloft on a pole the wicker effigy of the\ndragon (_Gargouille_) destroyed by St. Romain; in its mouth the dragon\nsometimes held a live animal, such as a young fox, a rabbit, or a\nsucking pig, and it was attended by the Brotherhood of the\nGargouillards. The clergy of the thirty-two parishes of Rouen also took\npart in the procession, which moved from the Old Tower to the cathedral\namid the acclamations of the crowd, while from every church tower in the\ncity the bells rang out a joyous peal, the great _Georges d\u2019Amboise_\nthundering above them all. After mass had been performed in the\ncathedral, the prisoner was taken to the house of the Master of the\nBrotherhood of St. Romain, where he was magnificently feasted, lodged,\nand served, however humble his rank. Next morning he again presented\nhimself to the chapter, where, kneeling in the presence of a great\nassembly, he was severely reproved for his sins and admonished to give\nthanks to God, to St. Romain, and to the canons for the pardon he had\nreceived in virtue of the privilege.\n\n[Sidenote: History and meaning of the privilege of the _Fierte_ or\nshrine of St. Romain at Rouen.] What was the origin and meaning of this\nremarkable privilege of the _Fierte_, as the shrine of St. Romain was\ncalled? Its history has been carefully investigated by A. Floquet, Chief\nRegistrar of the Royal Court of Rouen, with the aid of all the\ndocumentary evidence, including the archives both at Rouen and Paris. He\nappears to have shewn conclusively that the association of St. Romain\nwith the custom is comparatively late. We possess a life of the saint in\nLatin verse, dating from the eighth century, in which the miracles said\nto have been wrought by him are set forth in a strain of pompous eulogy.\nYet neither in it nor in any of the other early lives of St. Romain and\nSt. Ouen, nor in any of the older chronicles and martyrologies, is a\nsingle word said about the destruction of the dragon and the deliverance\nof the prisoner. It is not till 1394 that we meet for the first time\nwith a mention of the miracle. Moreover, the deliverance of the prisoner\ncan hardly have been instituted in honour of St. Romain, else it would\nhave taken place on the twenty-third of October, the day on which the\nChurch of Rouen celebrates the translation of the saint\u2019s bones to the\ncathedral. St. Romain died in 638, and his bones were transferred to the\ncathedral of Rouen at the end of the eleventh or the beginning of the\ntwelfth century. Further, Floquet has adduced strong grounds for\nbelieving that the privilege claimed by the chapter of Rouen of annually\npardoning a condemned criminal on Ascension Day was unknown in the early\nyears of the twelfth century, and that it originated in the reign of\nHenry I. or Stephen, if not in that of Henry II. He supposes the\nceremony to have been in its origin a scenic representation of the\ntriumph of Christ over sin and death, the deliverance of the condemned\nprisoner symbolising the deliverance of man from the yoke of corruption,\nand bringing home to the people in a visible form the great mystery\nwhich the festival of the Ascension was instituted to commemorate. Such\ndramatic expositions of Christian doctrine, he points out, were common\nin the Middle Ages.\n\n[Sidenote: Suggested origin of the custom.] Plausible as is this\nsolution of the problem, it can scarcely be regarded as satisfactory.\nHad this been the real origin of the privilege, we should expect to find\nthe Ascension of Christ either plainly enacted, or at least distinctly\nalluded to in the ceremony; but this, so far as we can learn, was not\nso. Again, would it not savour of blasphemy to represent the sinless and\nglorified Redeemer by a ruffian stained with the blackest crimes?\nMoreover, the part played by the dragon in the legend and in the\nspectacle seems too important to allow us to explain it away, with\nFloquet, as a mere symbol of the suppression of paganism by St. Romain.\nThe tale of the conquest of the dragon is older than Christianity, and\ncannot be explained by it. At Rouen the connexion of St. Romain with the\nstory seems certainly to be late, but that does not prove the story\nitself to be late also. Judging from the analogy of similar tales\nelsewhere, we may conjecture that in the Rouen version the criminal\nrepresents a victim annually sacrificed to a water-spirit or other\nfabulous being, while the Christian saint has displaced a pagan hero,\nwho was said to have delivered the victim from death and put an end to\nthe sacrifice by slaying the monster. Thus it seems possible that the\ncustom of annually pardoning a condemned malefactor may have superseded\nan older practice of treating him as a public scapegoat, who died to\nsave the rest of the people. In the sequel we shall see that such\ncustoms have been observed in many lands. It is not incredible that at\nRouen a usage of this sort should have survived in a modified shape from\npagan times down to the twelfth century, and that the Church should at\nlast have intervened to save the wretch and turn a relic of heathendom\nto the glory of God and St. Romain. But this explanation of the famous\nprivilege of the _Fierte_ is put forward with a full sense of the\ndifficulties attending it, and with no wish to dogmatise on so obscure a\nsubject.[539]\n\nFootnote 411:\n\n  Speaking of the one God who reveals himself in many forms and under\n  many names, Augustine says: \u201c_Ipse in aethere sit Jupiter, ipse in\n  a\u00ebre Juno, ipse in mare Neptunus ... Liber in vineis, Ceres in\n  frumentis, Diana in silvis_,\u201d etc. (_De civitate Dei_, iv. 11).\n\nFootnote 412:\n\n  Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ iii. 332: \u201c_Nam, ut diximus, et omnis\n  quercus Jovi est consecrata, et omnis lucus Dianae._\u201d\n\nFootnote 413:\n\n  W. H. Roscher, _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. 1005; H.\n  Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae selectae_, Nos. 3266-3268.\n\nFootnote 414:\n\n  Dittenberger, _Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum_, 2nd Ed., No. 568; Ch.\n  Michel, _Recueil d\u2019inscriptions grecques_, No. 686; E. S. Roberts,\n  _Introduction to Greek Epigraphy_, ii., No. 139.\n\nFootnote 415:\n\n  Dittenberger, _op. cit._ No. 653, lines 79 _sqq._; Ch. Michel, _op.\n  cit._, No. 694. As to the grove see Pausanias, iv. 33. 4 _sq._\n\nFootnote 416:\n\n  Dittenberger, _op. cit._, No. 929, lines 80 _sqq._ Compare _id._ No.\n  569; Pausanias, ii. 28. 7.\n\nFootnote 417:\n\n  H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae selectae_, No. 4911.\n\nFootnote 418:\n\n  Cato, _De agri cultura_, 139.\n\nFootnote 419:\n\n  Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 85, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Pliny, _Nat.\n  Hist._ xviii. 6.\n\nFootnote 420:\n\n  G. Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_ (Berlin, 1874), pp. 136-143; H.\n  Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae selectae_, ii., Nos. 5042, 5043, 5045,\n  5046, 5048.\n\nFootnote 421:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 749-755.\n\nFootnote 422:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xii. 3.\n\nFootnote 423:\n\n  Seneca, _Epist._ iv. 12. 3. See further L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische\n  Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 108 _sqq._ For evidence of the poets he\n  refers to Virgil, _Georg._ iii. 332 _sqq._; Tibullus, i. 1. 11; Ovid,\n  _Amores_, iii. 1. 1 _sq._\n\nFootnote 424:\n\n  On Diana as a huntress see H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae\n  selectae_, Nos. 3257-3266. For indications of her care for domestic\n  cattle see Livy, i. 45; Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 4; and above,\n  vol. i. p. 7.\n\nFootnote 425:\n\n  Virgil, _Aen._, viii. 600 _sq._, with Servius\u2019s note.\n\nFootnote 426:\n\n  M. A. Castren, _Vorlesungen \u00fcber die finnische Mythologie_ (St.\n  Petersburg, 1853), pp. 92-99.\n\nFootnote 427:\n\n  P. v. Stenin, \u201c\u00dcber den Geisterglauben in Russland,\u201d _Globus_, lvii.\n  (1890), p. 283.\n\nFootnote 428:\n\n  J. Abercromby, _The Pre- and Proto-historic Finns_ (London, 1898), i.\n  161.\n\nFootnote 429:\n\n  Mathias Michov, \u201cDe Sarmatia Asiana atque Europea,\u201d in _Novus Orbis\n  regionum ac insularum veteribus incognitarum_, p. 457.\n\nFootnote 430:\n\n  C. Snouck Hurgronje, _Het Gaj\u014dland en zijne Bewoners_ (Batavia, 1903),\n  pp. 351, 359.\n\nFootnote 431:\n\n  See vol. i. p. 14.\n\nFootnote 432:\n\n  Arrian, _Cynegeticus_, 33 _sq._\n\nFootnote 433:\n\n  The Galatians retained their Celtic speech as late as the fourth\n  century of our era, for Jerome says that in his day their language\n  hardly differed from that of the Treveri, a Celtic tribe on the\n  Moselle, whose name survives in _Treves_. See Jerome, _Commentar. in\n  Epist. ad Galatas_, lib. ii. praef. (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Latina_, vol.\n  xxvi. col. 357).\n\nFootnote 434:\n\n  See below, p. 363.\n\nFootnote 435:\n\n  H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae selectae_, No. 4633; Ihm,\n  in Pauly-Wissowa\u2019s _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die der classischen\n  Altertumswissenschaft_, ii. 616, _s.v._ \u201cArduinna\u201d; compare _id._ i.\n  104, _s.v._ \u201cAbnoba.\u201d\n\nFootnote 436:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_\n  (M\u00fcnster i. W., 1890), p. 125.\n\nFootnote 437:\n\n  J. H. Schmitz, _Sitten und Br\u00e4uche, Lieder, Spr\u00fcchw\u00f6rter und R\u00e4thsel\n  des Eifler Volkes_ (Treves, 1856-1858), i. 42 _sq._; A. Kuhn und W.\n  Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_, pp. 393 _sq._;\n  Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comt\u00e9_ (Paris, 1900), p. 90. In\n  Sweden and parts of Germany cattle are crowned on the day in spring\n  when they are first driven out to pasture, which is sometimes at\n  Whitsuntide (A. Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers_, 2nd Ed., pp. 163\n  _sq._; L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_, pp. 246 _sq._; A. Kuhn,\n  _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_, pp. 315 sq., 327 _sq._; P. Drechsler,\n  _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_, i. 123). Amongst the\n  Romans cattle were crowned at the Ambarvalia (Tibullus, ii. 1. 7\n  _sq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 663); and asses and mill-stones were crowned\n  at Vesta\u2019s festival on the ninth of June (Propertius, v. 1. 21; Ovid,\n  _Fasti_, vi. 311 _sq._). The original motive of all these customs may\n  have been the one indicated in the text. Perhaps the same explanation\n  might be found to apply to certain other cases of wearing wreaths or\n  crowns.\n\nFootnote 438:\n\n  Tettau und Temme, _Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und\n  Westpreussens_, pp. 263 _sq._; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche\n  Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_, p. 392; Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Das\n  festliche Jahr_, p. 181; _id._, _Calendrier belge_, i. 423 _sq._; A.\n  Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, i. p. 278, \u00a7 437; R. Eisel,\n  _Sagenbuch des Voigtlandes_, p. 210; F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren\n  und \u00e4usseren Leben der Ehsten_, p. 363; F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und\n  religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, p. 128.\n\nFootnote 439:\n\n  See above, pp. 52-55.\n\nFootnote 440:\n\n  In Nepaul a festival known as Khich\u00e2 P\u00fbj\u00e2 is held, at which worship is\n  offered to dogs, and garlands of flowers are placed round the necks of\n  every dog in the country (W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore\n  of Northern India_, Westminster, 1896, ii. 221). But as the custom is\n  apparently not limited to hunting dogs, the explanation suggested\n  above would hardly apply.\n\nFootnote 441:\n\n  Catullus, xxxiv. 9-20; Cicero, _De natura deorum_, ii. 26. 68 _sq._;\n  Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 68 _sq._ It deserves to be remembered\n  that Diana\u2019s day was the thirteenth of August, which in general would\n  be the time when the splendid harvest moon was at the full. Indian\n  women in Peru used to pray to the moon to grant them an easy delivery.\n  See P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n  1621), p. 32.\n\nFootnote 442:\n\n  See above, vol. i. p. 12.\n\nFootnote 443:\n\n  In like manner the Greeks conceived of the goddess Earth as the mother\n  not only of corn but of cattle and of human offspring. See the Homeric\n  _Hymn to Earth_ (No. 30).\n\nFootnote 444:\n\n  Strabo, iv. 1. 4 and 5, pp. 179 _sq._ The image on the Aventine was\n  copied from that at Marseilles, which in turn was copied from the one\n  at Ephesus.\n\nFootnote 445:\n\n  Tacitus, _Annals_, xii. 8. The Romans feared that the marriage of\n  Claudius with his paternal cousin Agrippina, which they regarded as\n  incest, might result in some public calamity (Tacitus, _Annals_, xii.\n  5).\n\nFootnote 446:\n\n  See above, pp. 107 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 447:\n\n  See above, vol. i. pp. 20 _sq._, 40.\n\nFootnote 448:\n\n  Herodotus, i. 181 _sq._\n\nFootnote 449:\n\n  M. Jastrow, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, pp. 117 _sq._; L. W.\n  King, _Babylonian Mythology and Religion_, pp. 18, 21.\n\nFootnote 450:\n\n  H. Winckler, _Die Gesetze Hammurabis_ 2nd Ed., (Leipsic, 1903), p. 31\n  \u00a7 182. The expression is translated \u201cvotary of Marduk\u201d by Mr C. H. W.\n  Johns (_Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters_,\n  Edinburgh, 1904, p. 60). \u201cThe votary of Marduk is the god\u2019s wife vowed\n  to perpetual chastity, and is therefore distinct from the devotees of\n  I\u0161tar. Like the ordinary courtesan, these formed a separate class and\n  enjoyed special privileges\u201d (S. A. Cook, _The Laws of Moses and the\n  Code of Hammurabi_, London, 1903, p. 148).\n\nFootnote 451:\n\n  M. Jastrow, _op. cit._ pp. 42 _sq._\n\nFootnote 452:\n\n  C. Johnston in _Journal of the American Oriental Society_, xviii.\n  First Half (1897), pp. 153-155; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian\n  Literature_ (New York, 1901), p. 249. For the equivalence of Iyyar or\n  Airu with May see _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cMonths,\u201d iii. coll.\n  3193 _sq._\n\nFootnote 453:\n\n  Herodotus, i. 182.\n\nFootnote 454:\n\n  G. Maspero, in _Journal des Savants_, ann\u00e9e 1899, pp. 401-406; A.\n  Moret, _Du caract\u00e8re religieux de la royaut\u00e9 Pharaonique_ (Paris,\n  1902), pp. 48-73; A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_ (Leipsic,\n  1890), pp. 268 sq. M. Moret shares the view of Prof. Maspero that the\n  pictures, or rather painted reliefs, were copied from masquerades in\n  which the king and other men and women figured as gods and goddesses.\n  As to the Egyptian doctrine of the spiritual double or external soul\n  (_Ka_), see A. Wiedemann, _The Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the\n  Immortality of the Soul_ (London, 1895), pp. 10 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 455:\n\n  A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_ (Berlin, 1905), pp. 75, 165 _sq._;\n  compare _id._, _\u00c4gypten und \u00e4gyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 400\n  _sq._ As to the ghostly rule of the high priests of Ammon at Thebes\n  see further G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l\u2019Orient\n  classique, les premi\u00e8res m\u00eal\u00e9es des peuples_ (Paris, 1897), pp. 559\n  _sqq._; J. H. Breasted, _A History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London,\n  1908), pp. 350 _sq._, 357 _sq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion\n  im Altertum_, i. (Gotha, 1896), p. 66.\n\nFootnote 456:\n\n  Strabo, xvii. 1. 46, p. 816.\n\nFootnote 457:\n\n  Diodorus Siculus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 47.\n\nFootnote 458:\n\n  Plutarch, _Quaestiones conviviales_, viii. 1. 6 sq.; id., _Numa_, 4.\n\nFootnote 459:\n\n  Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 143. Compare Horace, _Odes_, iii. 62\n  _sqq._\n\nFootnote 460:\n\n  Herodotus, i. 182.\n\nFootnote 461:\n\n  Pausanias, viii. 13. 1. As to the meaning of the title Essen see\n  Callimachus, _Hymn to Zeus_, 16; Hesychius, Suidas, and _Etymologicum\n  Magnum_, _s.v._ \u1f1d\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03bd. The ancients mistook the Queen bee for a male,\n  and hence spoke of King bees. See Aristotle, _Histor. animal._ v. 21\n  _sq._, ix. 40, pp. 553, 623 _sqq._, ed. Bekker; id., _De animalium\n  generatione_, iii. 10, p. 760, ed. Bekker; Aelian, _Nat. animal._ i.\n  10, v. 10 _sq._; Virgil, _Georg._ iv. 21, 68; W. Walter-Tornow, _De\n  apium mellisque apud veteres significatione_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 30\n  _sqq._ The Essenes or King Bees are not to be confounded with the\n  nominal kings (_Basileis_) of Ephesus, who probably held office for\n  life. See above, vol. i. p. 47.\n\nFootnote 462:\n\n  J. T. Wood, _Discoveries at Ephesus, Inscriptions from the Temple of\n  Diana_, pp. 2, 14; _Inscriptions from the Augusteum_, p. 4;\n  _Inscriptions from the City and Suburbs_, p. 38.\n\nFootnote 463:\n\n  See B. V. Head, _Coins of Ephesus_ (London, 1880), and above, vol. i.\n  pp. 37 _sq._ Modern writers sometimes assert that the priestesses of\n  the Ephesian Artemis were called Bees. Certain other Greek priestesses\n  were undoubtedly called Bees, and it seems not improbable that the\n  priestesses of the Ephesian Artemis bore the same title and\n  represented the goddess in her character of a bee. But no ancient\n  writer, so far as I know, affirms it. See my note on Pausanias, viii.\n  13. 1.\n\nFootnote 464:\n\n  Demosthenes, _Contra Neaer._ 73-78, pp. 1369-1371; Aristotle,\n  _Constitution of Athens_, iii. 5; Hesychius, _s.vv._ \u0394\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u03cd\u03c3\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b3\u03ac\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2\n  and \u03b3\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03af; _Etymologicum Magnum_, _s.v._ \u03b3\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c1\u03b1\u03b9; Pollux, viii.\n  108; K. F. Hermann, _Gottesdienstliche Alterth\u00fcmer_, 2nd Ed., \u00a7 32.\n  15, \u00a7 58. 11 _sqq._; Aug. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_\n  (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 391 _sqq._ From Demosthenes, _l.c._, compared\n  with Thucydides, ii. 15, it seems certain that the oath was\n  administered by the Queen at the time and place mentioned in the text.\n  Formerly it was assumed that her marriage to Dionysus was celebrated\n  at the same place and time; but the assumption as to the place was\n  disproved by the discovery of Aristotle\u2019s _Constitution of Athens_,\n  and with it the assumption as to the time falls to the ground. As the\n  Greek months were commonly named after the festivals which were held\n  in them, it is tempting to conjecture that the sacred marriage took\n  place in the Marriage Month (_Gamelion_), answering to our January.\n  But more probably that month was named after the sacred marriage of\n  Zeus and Hera, which was celebrated at Athens and elsewhere. See\n  below, p. 143. This is the view of W. H. Roscher (_Juno und Hera_, p.\n  73, n. 217) and Aug. Mommsen (_Feste der Stadt Athen_, p. 383). From\n  the name Cattle-stall, applied to the scene of the marriage, Miss J.\n  E. Harrison ingeniously conjectured that in the rite Dionysus may have\n  been represented as a bull (_Prolegomena to the Study of Greek\n  Religion_, p. 537). The conjecture was anticipated by Prof. U. von\n  Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, _Aristoteles und Athen_ (Berlin, 1893), ii.\n  42. Dionysus was often conceived by the Greeks in the form of a bull.\n\nFootnote 465:\n\n  Above, pp. 92 _sq._\n\nFootnote 466:\n\n  L. Preller, _Ausgew\u00e4hlte Aufs\u00e4tze_ (Berlin, 1864), pp. 293-296;\n  compare his _Griechische Mythologie_, 4th ed., ed. C. Robert, i. 681\n  _sqq._\n\nFootnote 467:\n\n  Hyginus, _Astronomica_, i. 5.\n\nFootnote 468:\n\n  Tertullian, _Ad nationes_, ii. 7, \u201c_Cur rapitur sacerdos Cereris si\n  non tale Ceres passa est?_\u201d Asterius Amasenus, _Encomium in sanctos\n  martyres_, in Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, xl. col. 324, \u039f\u1f50\u03ba \u1f10\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6 (at\n  Eleusis) \u03c4\u1f78 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03b2\u03ac\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03bd, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b1\u1f31 \u03c3\u03b5\u03bc\u03bd\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2\n  \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03b9, \u03bc\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03bc\u03cc\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd; \u039f\u1f50\u03c7 \u03b1\u1f31 \u03bb\u03b1\u03bc\u03c0\u03ac\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03c3\u03b2\u03ad\u03bd\u03bd\u03c5\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9,\n  \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f41 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03b8\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u1fc6\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c3\u03c9\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03af\u03b6\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\n  \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03c3\u03ba\u03cc\u03c4\u1ff3 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u03c0\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03c4\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1; Psellus, _Quaenam sunt\n  Graecorum opiniones de daemonibus_, p. 39. ed. J. F. Boissonade, \u03c4\u1f70 \u03b4\u03ad\n  \u03b3\u03b5 \u03bc\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd, \u03bf\u1f37\u03b1 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03af\u03ba\u03b1 \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f18\u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03c3\u03af\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1, \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03bc\u03c5\u03b8\u03b9\u03ba\u1f78\u03bd \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9\n  \u0394\u03af\u03b1 \u03bc\u03b9\u03b3\u03bd\u03cd\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u0394\u03b7\u03bf\u1fd6, \u1f24\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u0394\u03ae\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9 ... \u1f5d\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2\n  \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u0394\u03b7\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u1f60\u03b4\u1fd6\u03bd\u03b1\u03c2. \u1f39\u03ba\u03b5\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b3\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03af\u03ba\u03b1 \u0394\u03b7\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c7\u03bf\u03bb\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cc\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n  \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03bb\u03b3\u03af\u03b1\u03b9. \u1f18\u03c6\u2019 \u03bf\u1f37\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03af \u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03b3\u03bf\u03c3\u03ba\u03b5\u03bb\u1f72\u03c2 \u03bc\u03af\u03bc\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1 \u03c0\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2\n  \u03b4\u03b9\u03b4\u03cd\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2, \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u1f41 \u0396\u03b5\u03cd\u03c2, \u03b4\u03af\u03ba\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03bd\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b2\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u0394\u03ae\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9, \u03c4\u03c1\u03ac\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5\n  \u1f44\u03c1\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b5\u03bc\u03ce\u03bd, \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03c0\u1ff3 \u03c4\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03b8\u03b5\u03c4\u03bf \u1f65\u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u03b4\u1f74 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 (compare\n  Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, v. 20-23); Schol. on Plato, _Gorgias_,\n  p. 497 c, \u1f18\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03bf \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1 (the Eleusinian mysteries) \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u0394\u03b7\u03bf\u1fd6 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n  \u039a\u03bf\u03c1\u1fc7, \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u03b7\u03bd \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03a0\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u1f01\u03c1\u03c0\u03ac\u03be\u03b5\u03b9\u03b5, \u0394\u03b7\u03bf\u1fd6 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bc\u03b9\u03b3\u03b5\u03af\u03b7 \u0396\u03b5\u03cd\u03c2;\n  Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 8, pp. 162, 164, ed.\n  Duncker and Schneidewin, \u039b\u03ad\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (God), \u03c6\u03b7\u03c3\u03af, \u03a6\u03c1\u03cd\u03b3\u03b5\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n  \u03c7\u03bb\u03bf\u03b5\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c7\u03c5\u03bd \u03c4\u03b5\u03b8\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03a6\u03c1\u03cd\u03b3\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f08\u03b8\u03b7\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03b9 \u03bc\u03c5\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2\n  \u1f18\u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03c3\u03af\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03ba\u03bd\u03cd\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u03bf\u03c0\u03c4\u03b5\u03cd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03bc\u03ad\u03b3\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b8\u03b1\u03c5\u03bc\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd\n  \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03bf\u03c0\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6 \u03bc\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03c3\u03b9\u03c9\u03c0\u1fc7, \u03c4\u03b5\u03b8\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\n  \u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c7\u03c5\u03bd. \u1f49 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c7\u03c5\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f57\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u1f08\u03b8\u03b7\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f41 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\n  \u1f00\u03c7\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c6\u03c9\u03c3\u03c4\u1f74\u03c1 \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03b3\u03b1\u03c2, \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03ac\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f41 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba\n  \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03b5\u03ba\u03bf\u03bc\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03bd, \u1f61\u03c2 \u1f41 \u1f0c\u03c4\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2, \u03b5\u1f50\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c7\u03b9\u03c3\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03ba\u03c9\u03bd\u03b5\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u1fb6\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\n  \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1fc3\u03c4\u03b7\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u03ba\u03b9\u03ba\u1f74\u03bd \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd, \u03bd\u03c5\u03ba\u03c4\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd \u1f18\u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03c3\u1fd6\u03bd\u03b9 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u1ff7 \u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u1f76\n  \u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f70 \u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03ac\u03bb\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f04\u03c1\u03c1\u03b7\u03c4\u03b1 \u03bc\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1 \u03b2\u03bf\u1fb7 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03ba\u03ad\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03b3\u03b5 \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03c9\u03bd\u00b7 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u1f14\u03c4\u03b5\u03ba\u03b5\n  \u03c0\u03cc\u03c4\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1 \u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u0392\u03c1\u03b9\u03bc\u1f7c \u0392\u03c1\u03b9\u03bc\u03cc\u03bd, \u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd \u1f30\u03c3\u03c7\u03c5\u03c1\u1f70 \u1f30\u03c3\u03c7\u03c5\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd. In combining and\n  interpreting this fragmentary evidence I have followed Mr. P. Foucart\n  (_Recherches sur l\u2019origine et la nature des myst\u00e8res d\u2019Eleusis_,\n  Paris, 1895, pp. 48 _sq._; _id._, _Les Grands Myst\u00e8res d\u2019Eleusis_,\n  Paris, 1900, p. 69), and Miss J. E. Harrison (_Prolegomena to the\n  Study of Greek Religion_, pp. 549 _sqq._). In antiquity it was\n  believed that an ointment or plaster of hemlock applied to the genital\n  organs prevented them from discharging their function. See\n  Dioscorides, _De materia medica_, iv. 79; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxv.\n  154. Dr. J. B. Bradbury, Downing Professor of Medicine in the\n  University of Cambridge, informs me that this belief is correct.\n  \u201cAlthough _conium_ [hemlock] is not used as an anaphrodisiac at the\n  present day, there can be no doubt that it has this effect. When\n  rubbed into the skin it depresses sensory nerve-endings and is\n  absorbed. After absorption it depresses all sympathetic nerve-cells.\n  Both these effects would tend to diminish organic reflexes such as\n  aphrodisia\u201d (Dr. W. E. Dixon, Pharmacological Laboratory, Cambridge).\n  Pausanias seems to imply that the hierophant was forbidden to marry\n  (ii. 14. 1). It may have been so in his age, the second century of our\n  era; but an inscription of the first century B.C. shews that at that\n  time it was lawful for him to take a wife. See P. Foucart, _Les Grands\n  Myst\u00e8res d\u2019Eleusis_, pp. 26 _sqq._ (extract from the _M\u00e9moires de\n  l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, vol. xxxvii.).\n\nFootnote 469:\n\n  Pausanias, ix. 3; Plutarch, quoted by Eusebius, _Praepar. Evang._ iii.\n  1 _sq._\n\nFootnote 470:\n\n  Above, p. 64.\n\nFootnote 471:\n\n  Above, p. 66.\n\nFootnote 472:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 177.\n\nFootnote 473:\n\n  W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 177 _sq._\n\nFootnote 474:\n\n  J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 318 _sq._; W. Mannhardt,\n  _Baumkultus_, p. 178.\n\nFootnote 475:\n\n  W. Hone, _Every Day Book_, ii. 595 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_,\n  p. 178.\n\nFootnote 476:\n\n  With regard to Zeus as an oak-god see below, pp. 358 _sq._ Hera\n  appears with an oak-tree and her sacred bird the peacock perched on it\n  in a group which is preserved in the Palazzo degli Conservatori at\n  Rome. In the same group Pallas is represented with her olive-tree and\n  her owl; so that the conjunction of the oak with Hera cannot be\n  accidental. See W. Helbig, _F\u00fchrer durch die \u00f6ffentlichen Sammlungen\n  klassischen Altert\u00fcmer in Rom_ 2nd Ed., (Leipsic, 1899), i. 397, No.\n  587.\n\nFootnote 477:\n\n  Pausanias, viii. 42.\n\nFootnote 478:\n\n  At Cnossus in Crete, Diodorus Siculus, v. 72; at Samos, Lactantius,\n  _Instit._ i. 17 (compare Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vi. 7); at\n  Athens, Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u03b3\u03ac\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd; _Etymologicum Magnum_,\n  _s.v._ \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bc\u03bd\u03ae\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03b5\u03c2, p. 468. 52. A fragment of Pherecydes relating to\n  the marriage of Zeus and Hera came to light some years ago. See\n  Grenfell and Hunt, _New Classical and other Greek and Latin Papyri_\n  (Oxford, 1897), p. 23; H. Weil, in _Revue des \u00c9tudes grecques_, x.\n  (1897) pp. 1-9. The subject has been discussed by W. H. Roscher (_Juno\n  und Hera_, Leipsic, 1875, pp. 72 _sqq._). From the wide prevalence of\n  the rite he infers that the custom of the sacred marriage was once\n  common to all the Greek tribes.\n\nFootnote 479:\n\n  _Iliad_, xiv. 347 _sqq._ Hera was worshipped under the title of\n  Flowery at Argos (Pausanias, ii. 22. 1; compare _Etymol. Magn._ _s.v._\n  \u1f0c\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1, p. 108, line 48), and women called Flower-bearers served in\n  her sanctuary (Pollux, iv. 78). A great festival of gathering flowers\n  was celebrated by Peloponnesian women in spring (Hesychius, _s.v._\n  \u1f20\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03ac\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1, compare Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u1f28\u03c1\u03bf\u03ac\u03bd\u03b8\u03b9\u03b1). The first of\n  May is still a festival of flowers in Peloponnese. See _Folk-lore_, i.\n  (1890) pp. 518 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 480:\n\n  J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_, 4th ed., i. 176; P. Herrmann,\n  _Nordische Mythologie_ (Leipsic, 1903), pp. 198 _sqq._, 217, 520, 529;\n  E. H. Meyer, _Mythologie der Germanen_ (Strasburg, 1903), pp. 366\n  _sq._ The procession of Frey and his wife in the waggon is doubtless\n  the same with the procession of Nerthus in a waggon which Tacitus\n  describes (_Germania_, 40). Nerthus seems to be no other than Freya,\n  the wife of Frey. See the commentators on Tacitus, _l.c._, and\n  especially K. M\u00fcllenhoff, _Deutsche Altertumskunde_, iv. (Berlin,\n  1900) pp. 468 _sq._\n\nFootnote 481:\n\n  Gregory of Tours, _De gloria confessorum_, 77 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n  Latina_, lxxi. col. 884). Compare Sulpicius Severus, _Vita S.\n  Martini_, 12: \u201c_Quia esset haec Gallorum rusticis consuetudo,\n  simulacra daemonum candido tecta velamine misera per agros suos\n  circumferre dementia_.\u201d\n\nFootnote 482:\n\n  \u201cPassio Sancti Symphoriani,\u201d chs. 2 and 6 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n  Graeca_, v. 1463, 1466).\n\nFootnote 483:\n\n  These crazy wretches castrate men and mutilate women. Hence they are\n  known as the Skoptsy (\u201cmutilated\u201d). See N. Tsakni, _La Russie\n  sectaire_, pp. 74 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 484:\n\n  As to this feature in the ritual of Cybele, see _Adonis, Attis,\n  Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 219 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 485:\n\n  Max Buch, _Die Wotj\u00e4ken_ (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 137.\n\nFootnote 486:\n\n  E. A. Gait, in _Census of India, 1901_, vol. vi. part i. p. 190.\n\nFootnote 487:\n\n  P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima, 1621),\n  p. 20.\n\nFootnote 488:\n\n  Father Lacombe, in _Missions Catholiques_, ii. (1869) pp. 359 _sq._\n\nFootnote 489:\n\n  _Relations des J\u00e9suites, 1636_, p. 109, and _1639_, p. 95 (Canadian\n  reprint); Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, v. 225;\n  Chateaubriand, _Voyage en Am\u00e9rique_ (Paris, 1870), pp. 140-142.\n\nFootnote 490:\n\n  Rev. F. Hahn, \u201cSome Notes on the Religion and Superstitions of the\n  Or\u0101os,\u201d _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxxii. part iii.\n  (Calcutta, 1904) p. 12. For another account of the ceremonies held by\n  the Oraons in spring see above, pp. 76 _sq._\n\nFootnote 491:\n\n  P. Rascher, \u201cDie Sulka,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, xxix. (1904) p.\n  217.\n\nFootnote 492:\n\n  W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n  (Westminster, 1896), ii. 118.\n\nFootnote 493:\n\n  W. Crooke, _op. cit._ ii. 138.\n\nFootnote 494:\n\n  A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp.\n  139-142.\n\nFootnote 495:\n\n  _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 58 _sq._\n\nFootnote 496:\n\n  Sir Harry Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_ (London, 1902), ii. 677.\n\nFootnote 497:\n\n  From notes sent to me by Mr. A. C. Hollis, 21st May 1908.\n\nFootnote 498:\n\n  J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan\n  States_, part ii. vol. i. (Rangoon, 1901) p. 439.\n\nFootnote 499:\n\n  E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley and\n  London, 1895), chap. xxvi. p. 500. The authority for the statement is\n  the Arab historian Makrizi.\n\nFootnote 500:\n\n  _The North China Herald_, 4th May 1906, p. 235.\n\nFootnote 501:\n\n  G. A. Wilken, \u201cHet animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel,\u201d\n  _De Indische Gids_, June 1884, p. 994 (referring to Veth, _Het eiland\n  Timor_, p. 21); A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, ii. (Berlin, 1885) p. 8.\n\nFootnote 502:\n\n  A. Bastian, _op. cit._ p. 11.\n\nFootnote 503:\n\n  A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, i. (Berlin, 1884) p. 134.\n\nFootnote 504:\n\n  _Voyages d\u2019Ibn Batoutah, texte arabe, accompagn\u00e9 d\u2019une traduction_,\n  par C. Defr\u00e9mery et B. R. Sanguinetti (Paris, 1853-1858), iv. 126-130.\n\nFootnote 505:\n\n  The Thanda Pulayans, on the west coast of India, think that the\n  phosphorescence on the surface of the sea indicates the presence of\n  the spirits of their ancestors, who are fishing in the backwaters. See\n  E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_, p. 293. Similarly\n  the Sulkas of New Britain fancy that the mysterious glow comes from\n  souls bathing in the water. See P. Rascher, \u201cDie Sulka,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n  Anthropologie_, xxix. (1904) p. 216.\n\nFootnote 506:\n\n  For a list of these tales, with references to the authorities, see my\n  note on Pausanias, ix. 26. 7. To the examples there referred to add I.\n  V. Zingerle, _Kinder- und Hausm\u00e4rchen aus Tirol_, Nos. 8, 21, 35, pp.\n  35 _sqq._, 100 _sqq._, 178 _sqq._; G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian\n  Folk-lore_, pp. 270 _sqq._ This type of story has been elaborately\n  investigated by Mr. E. S. Hartland (_The Legend of Perseus_, London,\n  1894-1896), but he has not discussed the custom of the sacred\n  marriage, on which the story seems to be founded.\n\nFootnote 507:\n\n  Note on Pausanias, ix. 10. 5.\n\nFootnote 508:\n\n  Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 226\n  _sqq._\n\nFootnote 509:\n\n  R. Salvado, _M\u00e9moires historiques sur l\u2019Australie_ (Paris, 1854), p.\n  262.\n\nFootnote 510:\n\n  H. Ternaux-Compans, _Essai sur l\u2019ancien Cundinamarca_, pp. 6 _sq._\n\nFootnote 511:\n\n  H. Coudreau, _Chez nos Indiens_ (Paris, 1895), pp. 303 _sq._\n\nFootnote 512:\n\n  C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), ii. 57.\n\nFootnote 513:\n\n  C. Lumholtz, _op. cit._ i. 402 _sq._\n\nFootnote 514:\n\n  T. I. Fairclough, \u201cNotes on the Basutos,\u201d _Journal of the African\n  Society_, No. 14, January 1905, p. 201.\n\nFootnote 515:\n\n  To the examples given in my note on Pausanias viii. 7. 2, add Ph.\n  Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die geistige Cultur\n  der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1896), pp. 46, 50; \u201cDe\n  Dajaks op Borneo,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n  Zendelinggenootschap_, xiii. (1869) p. 72; A. D\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage\n  dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_, ii. 93, 160 (see above, pp. 16\n  _sq._); F. Blumentritt, \u201c\u00dcber die Eingeborenen der Insel Palawan\n  und der Inselgruppe der Talamianen,\u201d _Globus_, lix. (1891) p. 167;\n  W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n  (Westminster, 1896), i. 46; Father Guillem\u00e9, in _Annales de la\n  Propagation de la Foi_, lx. (1888) p. 252.\n\nFootnote 516:\n\n  W. F. W. Owen, _Narrative of Voyages to explore the Shores of Africa,\n  Arabia, and Madagascar_ (London, 1833), ii. 354 _sq._\n\nFootnote 517:\n\n  H. Goldie, _Calabar and its Mission_, New Edition (Edinburgh and\n  London, 1901), p. 43.\n\nFootnote 518:\n\n  _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxxiii. (1861) p. 152.\n\nFootnote 519:\n\n  Father Guillem\u00e9, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, lx. (1888)\n  p. 253.\n\nFootnote 520:\n\n  Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et\n  de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, i. 327 _sq._\n\nFootnote 521:\n\n  E. Aymonier, \u201cLes Tchames et leurs religions,\u201d _Revue de l\u2019histoire\n  des religions_, xxiv. (1891) p. 213.\n\nFootnote 522:\n\n  W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_, 2nd Ed., pp. 96-104.\n\nFootnote 523:\n\n  S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_ (Chicago, 1902), p.\n  117.\n\nFootnote 524:\n\n  S. I. Curtiss, _op. cit._ p. 119.\n\nFootnote 525:\n\n  W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n  (Westminster, 1896), ii. 50 _sq._, 225 _sq._\n\nFootnote 526:\n\n  _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xvii., _Punjab_, p. 164.\n\nFootnote 527:\n\n  W. Crooke, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and\n  Oudh_, iv. 425. As to the sect of the Maharajas, see above, vol. i.\n  pp. 406 _sq._\n\nFootnote 528:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxi. 8.\n\nFootnote 529:\n\n  S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_, pp. 116 _sq._;\n  Mrs. H. H. Spoer, \u201cThe Powers of Evil in Jerusalem,\u201d _Folk-lore_,\n  xviii. (1907) p. 55; A. Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_\n  (Paris, 1908), p. 360.\n\nFootnote 530:\n\n  J. M. Mackinlay, _Folk-lore of Scottish Lochs and Springs_ (Glasgow,\n  1893), p. 112.\n\nFootnote 531:\n\n  A. C. Haddon and C. R. Browne, \u201cThe Ethnography of the Aran Islands,\u201d\n  _Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy_, ii. (1893), p. 819.\n\nFootnote 532:\n\n  R. C. Hope, _The Legendary Lore of the Holy Wells of England_ (London,\n  1893), p. 122.\n\nFootnote 533:\n\n  R. C. Hope, _op. cit._ pp. 107 _sq._\n\nFootnote 534:\n\n  See, for example, Pausanias, ii. 15. 5, v. 7. 2 _sq._, vi. 22. 9, vii.\n  23. 1 _sq._, viii. 43. 1, ix. 1. 1 _sq._, ix. 34. 6 and 9.\n\nFootnote 535:\n\n  Sophocles, _Trachiniae_, 6 _sqq._ The combat of Hercules with the\n  bull-shaped river-god in presence of Dejanira is the subject of a\n  red-figured vase painting. See Miss J. E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to\n  the Study of Greek Religion_ 2nd Ed., (Cambridge, 1908), Fig. 133, p.\n  434.\n\nFootnote 536:\n\n  Aeschines, _Epist._ x. The letters of Aeschines are spurious, but\n  there is no reason to doubt that the custom here described was\n  actually observed.\n\nFootnote 537:\n\n  See the evidence collected by Mr. Floyd G. Ballentine, \u201cSome Phases of\n  the Cult of the Nymphs,\u201d _Harvard Studies in Classical Philology_, xv.\n  (1904) pp. 97 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 538:\n\n  F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. 107-110, ii. 550. At\n  Ragusa in Sicily an enormous effigy of a dragon, with movable tail and\n  eyes, is carried in procession on St. George\u2019s Day (April 23rd); and\n  along with it two huge sugar loaves, decorated with flowers, figure in\n  the procession. At the end of the festival these loaves are broken\n  into little bits, and every farmer puts one of the pieces in his sowed\n  fields to ensure a good crop. See G. Pitr\u00e8, _Feste patronali in\n  Sicilia_ (Turin and Palermo, 1900), pp. 323 _sq._ In this custom the\n  fertility charm remains, though the marriage ceremony appears to be\n  absent. As to the mummers\u2019 play of St. George, see E. K. Chambers,\n  _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i. 205 _sqq._; A. Beatty, \u201cThe\n  St. George, or Mummers\u2019, Plays,\u201d _Transactions of the Wisconsin\n  Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters_, xv. part ii. (October, 1906)\n  pp. 273-324. A separate copy of the latter work was kindly sent to me\n  by the author.\n\nFootnote 539:\n\n  See F. N. Taillepied, _Recueil des Antiquitez et singularitez de la\n  ville de Rouen_ (Rouen, 1587), pp. 93-105; A. Floquet, _Histoire du\n  privil\u00e9ge de Saint Romain_ (2 vols. 8vo, Rouen, 1833). Briefer notices\n  of the custom and legend will be found in A. Bosquet\u2019s _La Normandie\n  romanesque et merveilleuse_ (Paris and Rouen, 1845), pp. 405-409; and\n  A. de Nore\u2019s _Coutumes, mythes, et traditions des provinces de France_\n  (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp. 245-250. The gilt _fierte_, or portable\n  shrine of St. Romain, is preserved in the Chapter Library of the\n  Cathedral at Rouen, where I saw it in May 1902. It is in the form of a\n  chapel, on the roof of which the saint stands erect, trampling on the\n  winged dragon, while the condemned prisoner kneels in front of him.\n  This, however, is not the original shrine, which was so decayed that\n  in 1776 the Chapter decided to replace it by another. See Floquet,\n  _op. cit._ ii. 338-346. The custom of carrying the dragons in\n  procession was stopped in 1753 because of its tendency to impair the\n  solemnity of the ceremony (Floquet, _op. cit._ ii. 301). Even more\n  famous than the dragon of Rouen was the dragon of Tarascon, an effigy\n  of which used to be carried in procession on Whitsunday. See A. de\n  Nore, _op. cit._ pp. 47 _sqq._ As to other French dragons see P.\n  S\u00e9billot, _Le Folk-lore de France_, i. (Paris, 1904) pp. 468-470.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XIII\n                       THE KINGS OF ROME AND ALBA\n\n\n                          \u00a7 1. Numa and Egeria\n\n\n[Sidenote: Egeria at Nemi a nymph of water and of the oak, perhaps a\nform of Diana.] From the foregoing survey of custom and legend we may\ninfer that the sacred marriage of the powers both of vegetation and of\nwater has been celebrated by many peoples for the sake of promoting the\nfertility of the earth, on which the life of animals and men ultimately\ndepends, and that in such rites the part of the divine bridegroom or\nbride is often sustained by a man or woman. The evidence may, therefore,\nlend some countenance to the conjecture that in the sacred grove at\nNemi, where the powers of vegetation and of water manifested themselves\nin the fair forms of shady woods, tumbling cascades, and glassy lake, a\nmarriage like that of our King and Queen of May was annually celebrated\nbetween the mortal King of the Wood and the immortal Queen of the Wood,\nDiana. In this connexion an important figure in the grove was the\nwater-nymph Egeria, who was worshipped by pregnant women because she,\nlike Diana, could grant them an easy delivery.[540] From this it seems\nfairly safe to conclude that, like many other springs, the water of\nEgeria was credited with a power of facilitating conception as well as\ndelivery. The votive offerings found on the spot, which clearly refer to\nthe begetting of children,[541] may possibly have been dedicated to\nEgeria rather than to Diana, or perhaps we should rather say that the\nwater-nymph Egeria is only another form of the great nature-goddess\nDiana herself, the mistress of sounding rivers as well as of umbrageous\nwoods,[542] who had her home by the lake and her mirror in its calm\nwaters, and whose Greek counterpart Artemis loved to haunt meres and\nsprings.[543] The identification of Egeria with Diana is confirmed by a\nstatement of Plutarch that Egeria was one of the oak-nymphs[544] whom\nthe Romans believed to preside over every green oak-grove;[545] for\nwhile Diana was a goddess of the woodlands in general she appears to\nhave been intimately associated with oaks in particular, especially at\nher sacred grove of Nemi.[546] Perhaps, then, Egeria was the fairy of a\nspring that flowed from the roots of a sacred oak. Such a spring is said\nto have gushed from the foot of the great oak at Dodona, and from its\nmurmurous flow the priestess drew oracles.[547] Among the Greeks a\ndraught of water from certain sacred springs or wells was supposed to\nconfer prophetic powers.[548] This would explain the more than mortal\nwisdom with which, according to tradition, Egeria inspired her royal\nhusband or lover Numa.[549] When we remember how very often in early\nsociety the king is held responsible for the fall of rain and the\nfruitfulness of the earth, it seems hardly rash to conjecture that in\nthe legend of the nuptials of Numa and [Sidenote: The legend of the\nnuptials of Numa and Egeria may be a reminiscence of a sacred marriage\nwhich the kings of Rome contracted with a goddess of water and of\nvegetation.] Egeria we have a reminiscence of a sacred marriage which\nthe old Roman kings regularly contracted with a goddess of vegetation\nand water for the purpose of enabling him to discharge his divine or\nmagical functions. In such a rite the part of the goddess might be\nplayed either by an image or a woman, and if by a woman, probably by the\nQueen. If there is any truth in this conjecture, we may suppose that the\nKing and Queen of Rome masqueraded as god and goddess at their marriage,\nexactly as the King and Queen of Egypt appear to have done.[550] The\nlegend of Numa and Egeria points to a sacred grove rather than to a\nhouse as the scene of the nuptial union, which, like the marriage of the\nKing and Queen of May, or of the vine-god and the Queen of Athens, may\nhave been annually celebrated as a charm to ensure the fertility not\nonly of the earth but of man and beast. Now, according to some accounts,\nthe scene of the marriage was no other than the sacred grove of Nemi,\nand on quite independent grounds we have been led to suppose that in\nthat same grove the King of the Wood was wedded to Diana. The\nconvergence of the two distinct lines of enquiry suggests that the\nlegendary union of the Roman king with Egeria may have been a reflection\nor duplicate of the union of the King of the Wood with Egeria or her\ndouble Diana. This does not imply that the Roman kings ever served as\nKings of the Wood in the Arician grove, but only that they may\noriginally have been invested with a sacred character of the same\ngeneral kind, and may have held office on similar terms. To be more\nexplicit, it is possible that they reigned, not by right of birth, but\nin virtue of their supposed divinity as representatives or embodiments\nof a god, and that as such they mated with a goddess, and had to prove\ntheir fitness from time to time to discharge their divine functions by\nengaging in a severe bodily struggle, which may often have proved fatal\nto them, leaving the crown to their victorious adversary. Our knowledge\nof the Roman kingship is far too scanty to allow us to affirm any one of\nthese propositions with confidence; but at least there are some\nscattered hints or indications of a similarity in all these respects\nbetween the priests of Nemi and the kings of Rome, or perhaps rather\nbetween their remote predecessors in the dark ages which preceded the\ndawn of legend.[551]\n\n\n\u00a7 2. The King as Jupiter\n\n\n[Sidenote: The Roman king seems to have personated Jupiter and worn his\ncostume.] In the first place, then, it would seem that the Roman king\npersonated no less a deity than Jupiter himself. For down to imperial\ntimes victorious generals celebrating a triumph, and magistrates\npresiding at the games in the Circus, wore the costume of Jupiter, which\nwas borrowed for the occasion from his great temple on the Capitol; and\nit has been held with a high degree of probability both by ancients and\nmoderns that in so doing they copied the traditionary attire and\ninsignia of the Roman kings.[552] They rode a chariot drawn by four\nlaurel-crowned horses through the city, where every one else went on\nfoot;[553] they wore purple robes embroidered or spangled with gold; in\nthe right hand they bore a branch of laurel and in the left hand an\nivory sceptre topped with an eagle; a wreath of laurel crowned their\nbrows; their face was reddened with vermilion; and over their head a\nslave held a heavy crown of massy gold fashioned in the likeness of oak\nleaves.[554] In this attire the assimilation of the man to the god comes\nout above all in the eagle-topped sceptre, the oaken crown, and the\nreddened face. For the eagle was the bird of Jove, the oak was his\nsacred tree, and the face of his image standing in his four-horse\nchariot on the Capitol was in like manner regularly dyed red on\nfestivals; indeed, so important was it deemed to keep the divine\nfeatures properly rouged that one of the first duties of the censors was\nto contract for having this done.[555] The Greeks sometimes painted red\nthe face or the whole body of the wine-god Dionysus.[556] These customs\nmay have been a substitute for an older practice of feeding a god by\nsmearing the face, and especially the lips, of his idol with the blood\nof a sacrificial victim. Many examples of such a practice might be\nadduced from the religion of barbarous peoples.[557] As the triumphal\nprocession always ended in the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, it was\npeculiarly appropriate that the head of the victor should be graced by a\ncrown of oak leaves, for not only was every oak consecrated to\nJupiter,[558] but the Capitoline temple of the god was said to have been\nbuilt by Romulus beside a sacred oak, venerated by shepherds, to which\nthe king attached the spoils won by him from the enemy\u2019s general in\nbattle.[559] We are expressly told that the oak crown was [Sidenote: The\noak crown as an emblem of Jupiter and of the Roman emperors.] sacred to\nCapitoline Jupiter;[560] a passage of Ovid proves that it was regarded\nas the god\u2019s special emblem. Writing in exile on the shores of the Black\nSea, the poet sends the book which he has just composed to Rome to be\npublished there; he personifies the volume and imagines it passing along\nthe Sacred Way and up to the door of the emperor\u2019s stately palace on the\nPalatine hill. Above the portal hung shining arms and a crown of oak\nleaves. At the sight the poet starts: \u201cIs this, quoth I, the house of\nJove? For sure to my prophetic soul the oaken crown was reason good to\nthink it so.\u201d[561] The senate had granted Augustus the right to have the\nwreath of oak always suspended over his door;[562] and elsewhere Ovid\ncounts this among the more than mortal honours bestowed on the\nemperor.[563] On the Capitol at Cirta there stood a silver image of\nJupiter wearing a silver crown of oak leaves and acorns.[564] Similarly\nat Dodona, the most famous sanctuary of the oak in Greece, the image of\nZeus appears to have worn a chaplet of oak leaves; for the god is\nconstantly thus portrayed on coins of Epirus.[565] And just as Roman\nkings appear to have personated the oak-god Jupiter, so Greek kings\nappear to have personated the oak-god Zeus. The legendary Salmoneus of\nElis is certainly reported to have done so;[566] Periphas, an ancient\nking of Athens, is said to have been styled Zeus by his people, and to\nhave been changed into an eagle by his jealous name-sake.[567] In Homer\nkings are often spoken of as nurtured by Zeus and divine.[568] Indeed we\nare told that in ancient days every Greek king was called Zeus.[569]\n\n[Sidenote: To the Romans the breach between the human and the divine was\nnot so wide as it seems to us.] Thus we may fairly assume that on\ncertain solemn occasions Roman generals and magistrates personated the\nsupreme god, and that in so doing they revived the practice of the early\nkings. To us moderns, for whom the breach which divides the human and\nthe divine has deepened into an impassable gulf, such mimicry may appear\nimpious, but it was otherwise with the ancients. To their thinking gods\nand men were akin, for many families traced their descent from a\ndivinity, and the deification of a man probably seemed as little\nextraordinary to them as the canonisation of a saint seems to a modern\nCatholic. The Romans in particular were quite familiar with the\nspectacle of men masquerading as spirits; for at the funerals of great\nhouses all the illustrious dead of the family were personated by men\nspecially chosen for their resemblance to the departed. These\nrepresentatives wore [Sidenote: Roman custom of representing dead\nancestors by masked men.] masks fashioned and painted in the likeness of\nthe originals: they were dressed in rich robes of office, resplendent\nwith purple and gold, such as the dead nobles had worn in their\nlifetime: like them, they rode in chariots through the city preceded by\nthe rods and axes, and attended by all the pomp and heraldry of high\nstation; and when at last the funeral procession, after threading its\nway through the crowded streets, defiled into the Forum, the maskers\nsolemnly took their seats on ivory chairs placed for them on the\nplatform of the Rostra, in the sight of the people, recalling no doubt\nto the old, by their silent presence, the memories of an illustrious\npast, and firing the young with the ambition of a glorious future.[570]\n\n[Sidenote: The kings of Alba seem also to have claimed to represent\nJupiter.] According to a tradition which we have no reason to reject,\nRome was founded by settlers from Alba Longa, a city situated on the\nslope of the Alban hills, overlooking the lake and the Campagna.[571]\nHence if the Roman kings claimed to be representatives or embodiments of\nJupiter, the god of the sky, of the thunder, and of the oak, it is\nnatural to suppose that the kings of Alba, from whom the founder of Rome\ntraced his descent, may have set up the same claim before them. Now the\nAlban dynasty bore the name of Silvii or Wood, and it can hardly be\nwithout significance that in the vision of the historic glories of Rome\nrevealed to Aeneas in the underworld, Virgil, an antiquary as well as a\npoet, should represent all the line of Silvii as crowned [Sidenote: The\nSilvii and the Julii.] with oak.[572] A chaplet of oak leaves would thus\nseem to have been part of the insignia of the old kings of Alba Longa as\nof their successors the kings of Rome; in both cases it marked the\nmonarch as the human representative of the oak-god. With regard to\nSilvius, the first king of the Alban dynasty, we are told that he got\nhis name because he had been born or brought up in the forest, and that\nwhen he came to man\u2019s estate he contested the kingdom with his kinsman\nJulus, whose name, as some of the ancients themselves [Sidenote: Julus,\nthe little Jupiter.] perceived, means the Little Jupiter. The people\ndecided in favour of Silvius, but his rival Julus was consoled for the\nloss of the crown by being invested with religious authority and the\noffice of chief pontiff, or perhaps rather of Flamen Dialis, the highest\ndignity after the kingship. From this Julus or Little Jupiter, the noble\nhouse of the Julii, and hence the first emperors of Rome, believed\nthemselves to be sprung.[573] The legend of the dispute between Silvius\nand Julus may preserve a reminiscence of such a partition of spiritual\nand temporal powers in Alba Longa as afterwards took place in Rome, when\nthe old regal office was divided between the Consuls and the King of the\nSacred Rites.[574] Many more instances of such a schism will meet us\nlater on. That the Julian house worshipped Vejovis, the Little Jupiter,\naccording to the ancient rites of Alba Longa, is proved by the\ninscription on an altar which they dedicated to him at their ancestral\nhome of Bovillae, a colony of Alba Longa, situated at the foot of the\nAlban hills.[575] The Caesars, the most illustrious family of the Julian\nhouse, took their name from their long hair (_caesaries_),[576] which\nwas probably in those early days, as it was among the Franks long\nafterwards, a symbol of royalty.[577]\n\n[Sidenote: The Alban kings seem to have been expected to make thunder\nand rain for the good of their subjects.] But in ceding the pontificate\nto their rivals, it would seem that the reigning dynasty of the Silvii\nor Woods by no means renounced their own claim to personate the god of\nthe oak and the thunder; for the Roman annals record that one of them,\nRomulus, Remulus, or Amulius Silvius by name, set up for being a god in\nhis own person, the equal or superior of Jupiter. To support his\npretensions and overawe his subjects, he constructed machines whereby he\nmimicked the clap of thunder and the flash of lightning. Diodorus\nrelates that in the season of fruitage, when thunder is loud and\nfrequent, the king commanded his soldiers to drown the roar of heaven\u2019s\nartillery by clashing their swords against their shields. But he paid\nthe penalty of his impiety, for he perished, he and his house, struck by\na thunderbolt in the midst of a dreadful storm. Swollen by the rain, the\nAlban lake rose in flood and drowned his palace. But still, says an\nancient historian, when the water is low and the surface unruffled by a\nbreeze, you may see the ruins of the palace at the bottom of the clear\nlake.[578] Taken along with the similar story of Salmoneus, king of\nElis,[579] this legend points to a real custom observed by the early\nkings of Greece and Italy, who like their fellows in Africa down to\nmodern times may have been expected to produce rain and thunder for the\ngood of the crops.[580] The priestly king Numa passed for an adept in\nthe art of drawing down lightning from the sky.[581] Mock thunder, we\nknow, has been made by various peoples as a rain-charm in modern\ntimes;[582] why should it not have been made by kings in antiquity?\n\n[Sidenote: The legends of the deaths of Roman kings point to a close\nconnexion between the king and the thunder-god.] In this connexion it\ndeserves to be noted that, according to the legend, Salmoneus, like his\nAlban counterpart, was killed by a thunderbolt; and that one of the\nRoman kings, Tullus Hostilius, is reported to have met with the same end\nin an attempt to draw down Jupiter in the form of lightning from the\nsky.[583] Aeneas himself, the legendary ancestor both of the Alban and\nthe Roman kings, vanished from the world in a violent thunderstorm, and\nwas afterwards worshipped as Jupiter Indiges. A mound of earth,\nencircled with fine trees, on the bank of the little river Numicius was\npointed out as his grave.[584] Romulus, too, the first king of Rome,\n[Sidenote: Death and deification of Romulus.] disappeared in like\nmanner. It was the seventh of July, and the king was reviewing his army\nat the Goat\u2019s Marsh, outside the walls of the city. Suddenly the sky\nlowered and a tempest burst, accompanied by peals of thunder. Soon the\nstorm had swept by, leaving the brightness and serenity of the summer\nday behind. But Romulus was never seen again. Those who had stood by him\nsaid they saw him caught up to heaven in a whirlwind; and not long\nafterwards a certain Proculus Julius, a patrician of Alban birth and\ndescent, declared on oath that Romulus had appeared to him clad in\nbright armour, and announced that the Romans were to worship him as a\ngod under the name of Quirinus, and to build him a temple on the spot.\nThe temple was built and the place was henceforth known as the Quirinal\nhill.[585] In this legend it is significant that the annunciation of the\nking\u2019s divinity should be put in the mouth of a member of the Julian\nhouse, a native of Alba; for we have seen reason to believe that at Alba\nthe Julii had competed with the Silvii, from whom Romulus was descended,\nfor the kingship, and with it for the honour of personating Jupiter. If,\nas seems to be philologically possible, the word Quirinus is derived\nfrom the same root as _quercus_, \u201can oak,\u201d the name of the deified\nRomulus would mean no more than \u201cthe oak-god,\u201d that is, Jupiter.[586]\nThus the tradition would square perfectly with the other indications of\ncustom and legend which have led us to conclude that the kings both of\nRome and of Alba claimed to embody in their own persons the god of the\nsky, of thunder, and of the oak. Certainly the stories which associated\nthe deaths of so many of them with thunderstorms point to a close\nconnexion with the god of thunder and lightning. A king who had been\nwont to fulminate in his lifetime might naturally be supposed at death\nto be carried up in a thunderstorm to heaven, there to discharge above\nthe clouds the same duties which he had performed on earth. Such a tale\nwould be all the more likely to attach itself to the twin Romulus, if\nthe early Romans shared the widespread superstition that twins have\npower over the weather in general and over rain and wind in\nparticular.[587] That tempests are caused by the spirits of the dead is\na belief of the Araucanians of Chili. Not a storm bursts upon the Andes\nor the ocean which these Indians do not ascribe to a battle between the\nsouls of their fellow-countrymen and the dead Spaniards. In the roaring\nof the wind they hear the trampling of the ghostly horses, in the peal\nof the thunder the roll of the drums, and in the flashes of lightning\nthe fire of the artillery.[588]\n\n[Sidenote: Every Latin town probably had its local Jupiter.] Thus, if\nthe kings of Alba and Rome imitated Jupiter as god of the oak by wearing\na crown of oak leaves, they seem also to have copied him in his\ncharacter of a weather-god by pretending to make thunder and lightning.\nAnd if they did so, it is probable that, like Jupiter in heaven and many\nkings on earth, they also acted as public rain-makers, wringing showers\nfrom the dark sky by their enchantments whenever the parched earth cried\nout for the refreshing moisture. At Rome the sluices of heaven were\nopened by means of a sacred stone, and the ceremony appears to have\nformed part of the ritual of Jupiter Elicius, the god who elicits from\nthe clouds the flashing lightning and the dripping rain.[589] And who so\nwell fitted to perform the ceremony as the king, the living\nrepresentative of the sky-god?\n\n[Sidenote: Many local Jupiters in Latium.] The conclusion which we have\nreached as to the kings of Rome and Alba probably holds good of all the\nkings of ancient Latium: each of them, we may suppose, represented or\nembodied the local Jupiter. For we can hardly doubt that of old every\nLatin town or settlement had its own Jupiter, as every town and almost\nevery church in modern Italy has its own Madonna; and like the Baal of\nthe Semites the local Jupiter was commonly worshipped on high places.\nWooded heights, round which the rain-clouds gather, were indeed the\nnatural sanctuaries for a god of the sky, the rain, and the oak. At Rome\nhe occupied one summit of the Capitoline hill, while the other summit\nwas assigned to his wife Juno, whose temple, with the long flight\n[Sidenote: Capitoline Jupiter and Juno.] of stairs leading up to it, has\nfor ages been appropriately replaced by the church of St. Mary \u201cin the\naltar of the sky\u201d (_in Araceli_).[590] That both heights were originally\nwooded seems certain, for down to imperial times the saddle which joins\nthem was known as the place \u201cbetween the two groves.\u201d[591] Virgil tells\nus that the hilltop where gilded temples glittered in his day had been\ncovered of old by shaggy thickets, the haunt of woodland elves and\nsavage men, \u201cborn of the tree-trunks and the heart of oak.\u201d[592] These\nthickets were probably composed of oaks, for the oak crown [Sidenote:\nThe hills of Rome once wooded with oaks.] was sacred to Capitoline Juno\nas well as to Jupiter;[593] it was to a sacred oak on the Capitol that\nRomulus fastened the spoils,[594] and there is evidence that in early\ntimes oak-woods clothed other of the hills on which Rome was afterwards\nbuilt. Thus the Caelian hill went originally by the name of the Mountain\nof the Oak Grove on account of the thickets of oak by which it was\novergrown,[595] and Jupiter was here worshipped in his character of the\noak-god;[596] one of the old gates of Rome, apparently between the\nCaelian and the Esquiline hills, was called the Gate of the Oak Grove\nfor a similar reason;[597] and within the walls hard by was a Chapel of\nthe Oak Grove dedicated to the worship of the oak-nymphs.[598] These\nnymphs appear on coins of the Accoleian family as three women supporting\non their shoulders a pole from which rise leafy branches.[599] The\nEsquiline hill seems also to have derived its name from its oaks. After\nmentioning the Chapel of the Oak and other hallowed groves which still\ndotted the hill in his time, the antiquary Varro tells us that their\nbounds were now much curtailed, adding with a sigh that it was no wonder\nthe sacred old trees should give way to the modern worship of\nMammon.[600] Apparently the Roman nobles of those days sold the ancient\nwoods, as their descendants sell their beautiful gardens, for\nbuilding-land. To this list of oak-clad hills on the left bank of the\nTiber must be added the Quirinal, if Quirinus, who had a very ancient\nshrine on the hill, was the oak-god.[601] Under the Aventine was a grove\nof evergreen oaks,[602] which appears to have been no other than the\ngrove of Egeria outside the Porta Capena.[603] The old grove of Vesta,\nwhich once skirted the foot of the Palatine hill on the side of the\nForum,[604] must surely have been a grove of oaks; for not only does an\noak appear growing beside the temple of Vesta on a fine relief preserved\nin the gallery of the Uffizi at Florence, but [Sidenote: The sacred\nVestal fire fed with oak-wood.] charred embers of the sacred Vestal fire\nhave in recent years been discovered at the temple of Vesta in the\nForum, and a microscopic analysis of them has proved that they consist\nof the pith or heart of trunks or great branches of oak\n(_quercus_).[605] The full significance of this discovery will appear\nlater on. When the plebeians seceded to the Janiculum in the third\ncentury before Christ, the dictator Q. Hortensius summoned a meeting of\nthe people and passed a law in an oak grove, which perhaps grew on the\nhill.[606] In this neighbourhood there was a street called the Street of\nthe Oak Grove; it is mentioned in an inscription found in its original\nposition near the modern Garibaldi bridge.[607] On the Vatican hill\nthere stood an evergreen oak which was believed to be older than Rome;\nan inscription in Etruscan letters on a bronze tablet proclaimed the\nsanctity of the tree.[608] Finally, that oak woods existed at or near\nRome in the earliest times has lately been demonstrated by the discovery\nin the Forum itself of a prehistoric cemetery, which contains amongst\nother sepultures the bones of several young children deposited in rudely\nhollowed trunks of oak.[609] With all this evidence before us we need\nnot wonder that Virgil should speak of the primitive inhabitants of Rome\nas \u201cborn of the tree-trunks and the heart of oak,\u201d and that the Roman\nkings should have worn crowns of oak leaves in imitation of the oak-god\nJupiter, who dwelt in his sacred grove on the Capitol.\n\n[Sidenote: The Alban kings may have imitated Latian Jupiter, who dwelt\non the top of the Alban Mount.] If the kings of Rome aped Capitoline\nJove, their predecessors the kings of Alba probably laid themselves out\nto mimic the great Latian Jupiter, who had his seat above the city on\nthe summit of the Alban Mountain. Latinus, the legendary ancestor of the\ndynasty, was said to have been changed into Latian Jupiter after\nvanishing from the world in the mysterious fashion characteristic of the\nold Latin kings.[610] The sanctuary of the god on the top of the\nmountain was the religious centre of the Latin League, as Alba was its\npolitical capital till Rome wrested the supremacy from its ancient\nrival. Apparently no temple, in our sense of the word, was ever erected\nto Jupiter on this his holy mountain; as god of the sky and thunder he\nappropriately received the homage of his worshippers in the open air.\nThe massive wall, of which some remains still enclose the old garden of\nthe Passionist monastery, seems to have been part of the sacred precinct\nwhich Tarquin the Proud, the last king of Rome, marked out for the\nsolemn annual assembly of the Latin League.[611] The god\u2019s oldest\nsanctuary on this airy mountain-top was a grove;[612] and bearing in\nmind not merely the special consecration of the oak to Jupiter, but also\nthe traditional oak crown of the Alban kings and the analogy of the\nCapitoline Jupiter at Rome, we may suppose that the trees in the grove\nwere oaks.[613] We know that in antiquity Mount Algidus, an outlying\ngroup of the Alban hills, was covered with dark forests of oak;[614] and\namong the tribes who belonged to the Latin League in the earliest days,\nand were entitled to share the flesh of the white bull sacrificed on the\nAlban Mount, there was one whose members styled themselves the Men of\nthe Oak,[615] doubtless on account of the woods among which they dwelt.\n\n[Sidenote: Theophrastus\u2019s description of the woods of Latium.] But we\nshould err if we pictured to ourselves the country as covered in\nhistorical times with an unbroken forest of oaks. Theophrastus has left\nus a description of the woods of Latium as they were in the fourth\ncentury before Christ. He says: \u201cThe land of the Latins is all moist.\nThe plains produce laurels, myrtles, and wonderful beeches; for they\nfell trees of such a size that a single stem suffices for the keel of a\nTyrrhenian ship. Pines and firs grow in the mountains. What they call\nthe land of Circe is a lofty headland thickly wooded with oak, myrtle,\nand luxuriant laurels. The natives say that Circe dwelt there, and they\nshew the grave of Elpenor, from which grow myrtles such as wreaths are\nmade of, whereas the other myrtle-trees are tall.\u201d[616] Thus the\nprospect from the top [Sidenote: The prospect from the Alban Mount in\nantiquity.] of the Alban Mount in the early days of Rome must have been\nvery different in some respects from what it is to-day. The purple\nApennines, indeed, in their eternal calm on the one hand, and the\nshining Mediterranean in its eternal unrest on the other, no doubt\nlooked then much as they look now, whether bathed in sunshine, or\nchequered by the fleeting shadows of clouds; but instead of the desolate\nbrown expanse of the fever-stricken Campagna, spanned by its long lines\nof ruined aqueducts, like the broken arches of the bridge in the vision\nof Mirza, the eye must have ranged over woodlands that stretched away,\nmile after mile, on all sides, till their varied hues of green or\nautumnal scarlet and gold melted insensibly into the blue of the distant\nmountains and sea.\n\nThus the Alban Mount was to the Latins what Olympus was to the Greeks,\nthe lofty abode of the sky-god, who hurled his thunderbolts from above\nthe clouds. The white steers which were here sacrificed to him in his\nsacred grove, as in the Capitol at Rome,[617] remind us of the white\nbulls which the Druids of Gaul sacrificed under the holy oak when\n[Sidenote: Resemblance between the Latin worship of Jupiter and the\nDruidical worship of the oak.] they cut the mistletoe;[618] and the\nparallel would be all the closer if, as we have seen reason to think,\nthe Latins worshipped Jupiter originally in groves of oak. Other\nresemblances between ancient Gaul and Latium will meet us later on. When\nwe remember that the ancient Italian and Celtic peoples spoke languages\nwhich are nearly related to each other,[619] we shall not be surprised\nat discovering traces of community in their religion, especially in what\nconcerns the worship of the god of the oak and the thunder. For that\nworship, as we shall see presently, belongs to the oldest stratum of\nAryan civilisation in Europe.\n\n[Sidenote: Sacred marriage of Jupiter and Juno.] But Jupiter did not\nreign alone on the top of his holy mountain. He had his consort with\nhim, the goddess Juno, who was worshipped here under the same title,\nMoneta, as on the Capitol at Rome.[620] As the oak crown was sacred to\nJupiter and Juno on the Capitol,[621] so we may suppose it was on the\nAlban Mount, from which the Capitoline worship was derived. Thus the\noak-god would have his oak-goddess in the sacred oak grove. So at Dodona\nthe oak-god Zeus was coupled with Dione, whose very name is only a\ndialectically different form of Juno;[622] and so on the top of Mount\nCithaeron he was periodically wedded to an oaken image of Hera.[623] It\nis probable, though it cannot be positively proved, that the sacred\nmarriage of Jupiter and Juno was annually celebrated by all the peoples\nof the Latin stock in the month which they named after the goddess, the\nmidsummer month of June.[624] Now on the first of June the Roman\npontiffs performed certain rites in the grove of Helernus beside the\nTiber, and on the same day, and perhaps in the same place, a nymph of\nthe grove, by name Carna, received offerings of lard and bean-porridge.\nShe was said to be a huntress, chaste and coy, who gave [Sidenote: Janus\nand Carna.] the slip to her lovers in the depths of the wood, but was\ncaught by Janus. Some took her to be Diana herself.[625] If she were\nindeed a form of that goddess, her union with Janus, that is, Dianus,\nwould be appropriate; and as she had a chapel on the Caelian hill, which\nwas once covered with oak-woods,[626] she may have been, like Egeria, an\noak-nymph. Further, Janus, or Dianus, and Diana, as we shall see later\non, were originally mere doubles of Jupiter and Juno, with whom they\ncoincide in name and to some extent in function. Hence it appears to be\nnot impossible that the rite celebrated by the pontiffs on the first of\nJune in the sacred grove of Helernus was the marriage of Jupiter and\nJuno under the forms of Janus and Diana. It would be some confirmation\nof this view if we could be sure that, as Ovid seems to imply, the\nRomans were in the habit of placing branches of white thorn or buckthorn\nin their [Sidenote: Ancient use of white thorn or buckthorn to ward off\nwitchcraft.] windows on the first of June to keep out the witches;[627]\nfor in some parts of Europe precisely the same custom is observed, for\nthe same reason, a month earlier, on the marriage day of the King and\nQueen of May.[628] The Greeks certainly believed that branches of white\nthorn or buckthorn fastened to a door or outside the house had power to\ndisarm the malignant arts of sorcerers[629] and to exclude spirits.\nHence they hung up branches of it before the door when sacrifices were\nbeing offered to the dead, lest any of the prowling ghosts should be\ntempted to revisit their old homes or to invade those of other\npeople.[630] When the atheist Bion lay adying, he not only caused\nsacrifices to be offered on his behalf to the gods whose existence he\nhad denied, but got an old hag to mumble incantations over him and to\nbind magical thongs about his arms, and he had boughs of buckthorn and\nlaurel attached to the lintel to keep out death.[631] However, the\nevidence as to the rites observed by the Romans on the first of June is\ntoo slight and dubious to allow us to press the parallel with May Day.\n\n[Sidenote: At the sacred marriage of Jupiter and Juno in later times the\nparts of the deities may have been acted by the Flamen Dialis and the\nFlaminica.] If at any time of the year the Romans celebrated the sacred\nmarriage of Jupiter and Juno, as the Greeks commonly celebrated the\ncorresponding marriage of Zeus and Hera,[632] we may suppose that under\nthe Republic the ceremony was either performed over images of the divine\npair or acted by the Flamen Dialis and his wife the Flaminica. For the\nFlamen Dialis was the priest of Jove; indeed, ancient and modern writers\nhave regarded him, with much probability, as a living image of Jupiter,\na human embodiment of the sky-god.[633] In earlier times the Roman king,\nas representative of Jupiter, would naturally play the part of the\nheavenly bridegroom at the sacred marriage, while his queen would figure\nas the heavenly bride, just as in Egypt [Sidenote: The Flamen and\nFlaminica may have been the deputies of the king and queen.] the king\nand queen masqueraded in the character of deities, and as at Athens the\nqueen annually wedded the vine-god Dionysus. That the Roman king and\nqueen should act the parts of Jupiter and Juno would seem all the more\nnatural because these deities themselves bore the title of King and\nQueen.[634] Even if the office of Flamen Dialis existed under the kings,\nas it appears to have done, the double representation of Jupiter by the\nking and the flamen need not have seemed extraordinary to the Romans of\nthe time. The same sort of duplication, as we saw, appears to have taken\nplace at Alba, when the Julii were allowed to represent the supreme god\nin the character of Little Jupiters, while the royal dynasty of the\nSilvii continued to wield the divine thunder and lightning.[635] And\nlong ages afterwards, history repeating itself, another member of the\nJulian house, the first emperor of Rome, was deified in his lifetime\nunder the title of Jupiter, while a flamen was appointed to do for him\nwhat the Flamen Dialis did for the heavenly Jove.[636] It is said that\nNuma, the typical priestly king, at first himself discharged the\nfunctions of Flamen Dialis, but afterwards appointed a separate priest\nof Jupiter with that title, in order that the kings, untrammeled by the\nburdensome religious observances attached to the priesthood, might be\nfree to lead their armies to battle.[637] The tradition may be\nsubstantially correct; for analogy shews that the functions of a\npriestly king are too harassing and too incongruous to be permanently\nunited in the same hands, and that sooner or later the holder of the\noffice seeks to rid himself of part of his burden by deputing to others,\naccording to his temper and tastes, either his civil or his religious\nduties. Hence we may take it as probable that the fighting kings of\nRome, tired of parading as Jupiter and of observing all the elaborate\nritual, all the tedious restrictions which the character of godhead\nentailed on them, were glad to relegate these pious mummeries to a\nsubstitute, in whose hands they left the crosier at home while they went\nforth to wield the sharp Roman sword abroad. This would explain why the\ntraditions of the later kings, from Tullus Hostilius onwards, exhibit so\nfew traces of sacred or priestly functions adhering to their office.\nAmong the ceremonies which they henceforward performed by deputy may\nhave been the rite of the sacred marriage.\n\n[Sidenote: At the sacred marriage the King and Queen of Rome probably\npersonated the god and goddess of the oak.] Whether that was so or not,\nthe legend of Numa and Egeria appears to embody a reminiscence of a time\nwhen the priestly king himself played the part of the divine bridegroom;\nand as we have seen reason to suppose that the Roman kings personated\nthe oak-god, while Egeria is expressly said to have been an oak-nymph,\nthe story of their union in the sacred grove raises a presumption that\nat Rome in the regal period a ceremony was periodically performed\nexactly analogous to that which was annually celebrated at Athens down\nto the time of Aristotle.[638] The marriage of the King of Rome to the\noak-goddess, like the wedding of the vine-god to the Queen of Athens,\nmust have been intended to quicken the growth of vegetation by\nhomoeopathic magic. Of the two forms of the rite we can hardly doubt\nthat the Roman was the older, and that long before the northern invaders\nmet with the vine on the shores of the Mediterranean their forefathers\nhad married the tree-god to the tree-goddess in the vast oak forests of\nCentral and Northern Europe. In the England of our day the forests have\nmostly disappeared, yet still on many a village green and in many a\ncountry lane a faded image of the sacred marriage lingers in the rustic\npageantry of May Day.\n\nFootnote 540:\n\n  See above, vol. i. pp. 17 _sq._\n\nFootnote 541:\n\n  See above, vol. i. p. 12.\n\nFootnote 542:\n\n  Catullus, xxxiv. 9 _sqq_.\n\nFootnote 543:\n\n  Wernicke, in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encyklop\u00e4die der classischen\n  Altertumswissenschaft_, ii. coll. 1343, 1351.\n\nFootnote 544:\n\n  Plutarch, _De fortuna Romanorum_, 9. This statement would be strongly\n  confirmed by etymology if we could be sure that, as Mr. A. B. Cook has\n  suggested, the name Egeria is derived from a root _aeg_ meaning \u201coak.\u201d\n  The name is spelt _Aegeria_ by Valerius Maximus (i. 2. 1). See A. B.\n  Cook, \u201cZeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_, xviii. (1904)\n  p. 366; _id_. \u201cThe European Sky-God,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) pp. 283\n  _sq._; and as to the root _aeg_ see O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der\n  indogermanischen Atertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), p. 164.\n\nFootnote 545:\n\n  Festus, _s.v._ \u201cQuerquetulanae,\u201d pp. 260, 261, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller.\n\nFootnote 546:\n\n  See below, p. 380.\n\nFootnote 547:\n\n  Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 466.\n\nFootnote 548:\n\n  Tacitus, _Annals_, ii. 54; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 232; Pausanias, ix.\n  2. 11, x. 24. 7; Lucian, _Bis accusatus_, 1.\n\nFootnote 549:\n\n  See above, vol. i. p. 18.\n\nFootnote 550:\n\n  See above, pp. 130 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 551:\n\n  The first, I believe, to point out a parallelism in detail between\n  Rome and Aricia was Mr. A. B. Cook (_Classical Review_, xvii. (1902)\n  pp. 376 _sqq._); but from the similarity he inferred the humanity of\n  the Arician priests rather than the divinity of the Roman kings. A\n  fuller consideration of all the evidence has since led him, rightly as\n  I conceive, to reverse the inference. See his articles \u201cZeus, Jupiter,\n  and the Oak,\u201d _The Classical Review_, xviii. (1904) pp. 360-375; \u201cThe\n  European Sky-God,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) pp. 260-332. In the first\n  and second editions of this work I had suggested that the _regifugium_\n  at Rome may have been a relic of a rule of succession to the throne\n  like that which obtained at Nemi. The following discussion of the\n  religious position of the old Latin kings owes much to Mr. Cook\u2019s\n  sagacity and learning, of which he freely imparted to me.\n\nFootnote 552:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ iii. 61 _sq._, iv. 74, v.\n  35; B. G. Niebuhr, _History of Rome_, ii. 36; Th. Mommsen, _History of\n  Rome_, New Edition (London, 1894), i. 83; A. J. H. Greenidge, _Roman\n  Public Life_ (London, 1901), pp. 44 _sq._ But Mommsen, while he held\n  that the costume of a Roman god and of the Roman king was the same,\n  denied that the king personated the god. A truer historical insight is\n  displayed by K. O. M\u00fcller in his treatment of the subject (_Die\n  Etrusker_, Stuttgart, 1877, i. 348 _sq._). For a discussion of the\n  evidence see Th. Mommsen, _R\u00f6misches Staatsrecht_, 3rd Ed., i. 372\n  _sq._, ii. 5 _sq._; J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, ii. 566\n  _sq._, iii. 2nd Ed., 507 _sq._; _id._, _Privatleben der R\u00f6mer_, 2nd\n  Ed., 542 _sq._; K. O. M\u00fcller, _op. cit._ i. 344-350, ii. 198-200;\n  Aust, _s.v._ \u201cJuppiter,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. u.\n  r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. coll. 633, 725-728. Among the chief passages of\n  ancient authors on the subject are Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n  _ll.cc._; Strabo, v. 2. 2, p. 220; Diodorus Siculus, v. 40; Appian,\n  _Pun._ 66; Zonaras, _Annal._ vii. 8 and 21; Livy, i. 8. 1 _sq._, v.\n  23. 4 _sq._, v. 41. 2, x. 7. 9 _sq._; Florus, i. 5. 6; Pliny, _Nat.\n  Hist._ viii. 195, xv. 127, 130, 137, xxxiii. 11. 111 _sq._; Juvenal,\n  x. 36-43; Ovid, _Ex Ponto_, ii. 57 _sq._; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 6.\n  7-9; Servius on Virgil, _Ecl._ vi. 22, x. 27; Ael. Lampridius,\n  _Alexander Severus_, 40. 8; Jul. Capitolinus, _Gordiani tres_, 4. 4;\n  Aulus Gellius, v. 6. 5-7; Tertullian, _De corona militis_, 13. The\n  fullest descriptions of a Roman triumph are those of Appian and\n  Zonaras (vii. 21).\n\nFootnote 553:\n\n  Camillus triumphed in a chariot drawn by white horses like the sacred\n  white horses of Jupiter and the Sun. His Republican contemporaries\n  were offended at what they regarded as a too close imitation of the\n  gods (Livy, v. 23. 5 _sq._; Plutarch, _Camillus_, 7; Dio Cassius, lii.\n  13); but the Roman emperors followed his example, or perhaps revived\n  the old custom of the kings. See Dio Cassius, xliii. 14; Suetonius,\n  _Nero_, 25; Pliny, _Panegyric_, 22; Propertius, v. 1. 32; Ovid, _Ars\n  amat._ i. 214. On the sanctity of white horses among various branches\n  of the Aryan stock, see J. von Negelein, \u201cDie volksth\u00fcmliche Bedeutung\n  der weissen Farbe,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxxiii. (1901) pp.\n  62-66; W. Ridgeway, _The Origin and Influence of the Thoroughbred\n  Horse_ (Cambridge, 1905), pp. 105, 186, 187, 294, 295, 419. As to the\n  horses of the Sun, see above, vol. i. pp. 315 _sq._\n\nFootnote 554:\n\n  Tertullian, _De corona militis_, 13, \u201c_Coronant et publicos ordines\n  laureis publicae causae magistratus vero insuper aureis. Praeferuntur\n  etiam illis Hetruscae. Hoc vocabulum est coronarum, quas gemmis et\n  foliis ex auro quercinis ob Jovem insignes ad deducendas thensas cum\n  palmatis togis sumunt._\u201d The _thensae_ were the sacred cars in which\n  the images of the gods were carried at the procession of the\n  Circensian games (see W. Smith\u2019s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman\n  Antiquities_, 3rd Ed., _s.v._). That the Etruscan crown described by\n  Tertullian was the golden crown held by a slave over the head of a\n  general on his triumph may be inferred from Pliny, _Nat. Hist._\n  xxxiii. 11, \u201c_Vulgoque sic triumphabant, et cum corona ex auro Etrusca\n  sustineretur a tergo, anulus tamen in digito ferreus erat aeque\n  triumphantis et servi fortasse coronam sustinentis._\u201d Compare Zonaras,\n  _Annal._ vii. 21; Juvenal, x. 38 _sqq._ Mommsen says that the\n  triumphal golden crown was made in the shape of laurel leaves\n  (_R\u00f6misches Staatsrecht_, i. 3rd Ed., 427); but none of the ancient\n  authors cited by him appears to affirm this, with the exception of\n  Aulus Gellius (v. 6. 5-7, \u201c_Triumphales coronae sunt aureae, quae\n  imperatoribus ob honorem triumphi mittuntur. Id vulgo dicitur aurum\n  coronarium. Haec antiquitus e lauru erant, post fieri ex aura\n  coeptae_\u201d). Gellius may have confused the wreath of real laurel which\n  the general wore on his head (Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxiii. 127, 130,\n  137) with the golden crown which was held over him by a slave. The two\n  crowns are clearly distinguished by Zonaras (_l.c._), though he does\n  not describe the shape of the golden crown. Thus there is no good\n  ground for rejecting the express testimony of Tertullian that the\n  golden crown was shaped like oak-leaves. This seems to have been\n  Mommsen\u2019s own earlier opinion, since he mentions \u201ca chaplet of oaken\n  leaves in gold\u201d as part of the insignia of the Roman kings (_Roman\n  History_, London, 1894, i. 83).\n\nFootnote 555:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxiii. 111 _sq._; Servius on Virgil, _Ecl._ vi.\n  22, x. 27.\n\nFootnote 556:\n\n  Pausanias, ii. 2. 6, vii. 26. 11, viii. 39. 6. For other examples of\n  idols painted red see my note on Pausanias, ii. 2. 6.\n\nFootnote 557:\n\n  For instances see Fr. Kunstmann, \u201cValentin Ferdinand\u2019s Beschreibung\n  der Serra Leoa,\u201d _Abhandlungen d. histor. Classe d. k\u00f6n. Bayer.\n  Akademie d. Wissenschaften_, ix. (Munich, 1866) p. 131; J. B. Labat,\n  _Relation historique de l\u2019\u00c9thiopie Occidentale_ (Paris, 1732), i. 250;\n  Gmelin, _Reise durch Sibirien_, ii. 476; \u201cUeber den religi\u00f6sen Glauben\n  und die Ceremonien der heidnischen Samojeden im Kreise Mesen,\u201d\n  _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr allgemeine Erdkunde_, N.F. viii. (1860) p. 59; E.\n  Rae, _The White Sea Peninsula_, p. 150; J. B. M\u00fcller, \u201cLes M\u0153urs et\n  usages des Ostiackes,\u201d _Recueil de voiages au Nord_, viii. (Amsterdam,\n  1727) pp. 414 _sq._; Delamare, in _Annales de la Propagation de la\n  Foi_, xii. (1840) p. 482; Sahagun, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la\n  Nouvelle-Espagne_ (Paris, 1880), p. 185; J. de Velasco, _Histoire du\n  royaume de Quito_, p. 121 (Ternaux-Compans, _Voyages, relations et\n  m\u00e9moires_, xviii., Paris, 1840); E. J. Payne, _History of the New\n  World called America_, i. 374 n. 1; F. B. Jevons, _Introduction to the\n  History of Religion_ (London, 1896), p. 158. Often we are merely told\n  that the blood is smeared or sprinkled on the image. See A. B. Ellis,\n  _Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 42, 79; _id._,\n  _Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 102, 106; A. F.\n  Mockler-Ferryman, _British Nigeria_ (London, 1902), p. 255; Fr.\n  Kramer, \u201cDer G\u00f6tzendienst der Niasser,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische\n  Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) p. 496. For more examples\n  see my note on Pausanias, ii. 2. 6.\n\nFootnote 558:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xii. 3; Phaedrus, iii. 17. 1 _sqq._; Servius on\n  Virgil, _Georg._ iii. 332, and on _Ecl._ i. 17.\n\nFootnote 559:\n\n  Livy, i. 10. 4 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 560:\n\n  Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 92.\n\nFootnote 561:\n\n  Ovid, _Tristia_, iii. 31 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 562:\n\n  Dio Cassius, liii. 19.\n\nFootnote 563:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 607 _sqq._, iv. 953 _sq._ Tiberius refused a similar\n  honour (Suetonius, _Tiberius_, 26); but Domitian seems to have\n  accepted it (Martial, viii. 82. 7). Two statues of Claudius, one in\n  the Vatican, the other in the Lateran Museum, represent the emperor as\n  Jupiter wearing the oak crown (W. Helbig, _F\u00fchrer durch die\n  \u00f6ffentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altert\u00fcmer in Rom_, 2nd Ed., i.\n  Nos. 312, 673).\n\nFootnote 564:\n\n  _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, viii. No. 6981.\n\nFootnote 565:\n\n  J. Overbeck, _Griechische Kunstmythologie_, Besonderer Theil, i. 232\n  _sqq._; L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_, i. 107 _sq._\n\nFootnote 566:\n\n  See above, vol. i. p. 310.\n\nFootnote 567:\n\n  Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._ 6. For this and the two following\n  passages of Tzetzes I am indebted to Mr. A. B. Cook. See further his\n  articles, \u201cZeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_, xvii.\n  (1903) p. 409; \u201cThe European Sky-god,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xv. (1904) pp. 299\n  _sqq._\n\nFootnote 568:\n\n  H. Ebeling, _Lexicon Homericum_, _s.vv._ \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03cd\u03c2, \u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03c4\u03c1\u03b5\u03c6\u03ae\u03c2, and\n  \u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2.\n\nFootnote 569:\n\n  J. Tzetzes, _Antehomerica_, 102 _sq._:\n\n                 \u03bf\u1f31 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f76\u03bd \u03b3\u03ac\u03c1 \u03c4\u03b5 \u0394\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2 \u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03b5\u03bf\u03bd \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u1fc6\u03b1\u03c2,\n                 \u03bf\u1f55\u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03ac \u03bc\u03b9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u1f78\u03c2 \u0394\u03b9\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c3\u03c4\u1f74\u03c1 \u03c3\u03ba\u1fc6\u03c0\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u1f40\u03c0\u03ac\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9.\n\n  _id._, _Chiliades_, i. 474:\n\n                \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f00\u03bd\u03ad\u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b5 \u0394\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f10\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03bd \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2.\n\nFootnote 570:\n\n  Polybius, vi. 53 _sq._\n\nFootnote 571:\n\n  As to the situation, see Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ i. 66;\n  H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii. 582 _sq._\n\nFootnote 572:\n\n  Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 772. I have to thank Mr. A. B. Cook for directing\n  my attention to the Alban kings and their interesting legends. See his\n  articles \u201cZeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_, xviii.\n  (1904) pp. 363 _sq._; \u201cThe European Sky-god,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905)\n  pp. 285 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 573:\n\n  Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 760 _sqq._, with the commentary of Servius; Livy,\n  i. 3. 6 _sqq._; Ovid, _Metam._ xiv. 609 _sqq._; _id._, _Fasti_, iv. 39\n  _sqq._; Festus, _s.v._ \u201cSilvi,\u201d p. 340, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Aurelius\n  Victor, _Origo gentis Romanae_, 15-17; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n  _Antiquit. Rom._ i. 70; Diodorus Siculus, in Eusebius, _Chronic._ i.\n  coll. 285, 287, ed. A. Schoene; Diodorus Siculus, vii. 3a and 3b, vol.\n  ii. pp. 110-112, ed. L. Dindorf (Teubner edition); Joannes Lydus, _De\n  magistratibus_, i. 21. As to the derivation of the name Julus, see\n  Aurelius Victor, _op. cit._ 15, \u201c_Igitur Latini Ascanium ob insignem\n  virtutem non solum Jove ortum crediderunt, sed etiam per diminutionem,\n  declinato paululum nomine, primo Jobum, dein postea Julum\n  appellarant_\u201d; also Steuding, in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon d. griech.\n  u. r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 574. Compare W. M. Lindsay, _The Latin\n  Language_ (Oxford, 1894), p. 250. According to Diodorus, the\n  priesthood bestowed on Julus was the pontificate; but the name Julus\n  or Little Jupiter suggests that the office was rather that of Flamen\n  Dialis, who was a sort of living embodiment of Jupiter (see below, pp.\n  191 _sq._), and whose name of _Dialis_ is derived from the same root\n  as Julus. On the Julii and their relation to Vejovis see R. H.\n  Klausen, _Aeneas und die Penaten_, ii. 1059 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 574:\n\n  See above, p. 1, and vol. i. p. 44.\n\nFootnote 575:\n\n  _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv. No. 2387; L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische\n  Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 263 _sq._ On Vejovis as the Little Jupiter\n  see Festus, _s.v._ \u201cVesculi,\u201d p. 379, \u201c_Ve enim syllabam rei parvae\n  praeponebant, unde Veiovem parvum Iovem et vegrandem fabam minutam\n  dicebant_\u201d; also Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 429-448. At Rome the sanctuary of\n  Vejovis was on the saddle between the two peaks of the Capitoline hill\n  (Aulus Gellius, v. 12. 1 _sq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 429 _sq._); thus\n  he appropriately dwelt on the same hill as the Great Jupiter, but\n  lower down the slope. On coins of the Gargilian, Ogulnian and\n  Vergilian houses Vejovis is represented by a youthful beardless head,\n  crowned with oak. See E. Babelon, _Monnaies de la R\u00e9publique Romaine_,\n  i. 532, ii. 266, 529. On other Republican coins his head is crowned\n  with laurel. See E. Babelon, _op. cit._ i. 77, 505-508, ii. 6, 8.\n  Circensian games were held at Bovillae in honour of the Julian family,\n  and Tiberius dedicated a chapel to them there. See Tacitus, _Annals_,\n  ii. 41, xv. 23.\n\nFootnote 576:\n\n  Festus, _s.v._ \u201cCaesar,\u201d p. 57, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller. Other but less\n  probable explanations of the name are suggested by Aelius Spartianus\n  (_Helius_, ii. 3 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 577:\n\n  As to the Frankish kings see Agathias, _Hist._ i. 3; J. Grimm,\n  _Deutsche Rechtsalterth\u00fcmer_, pp. 239 _sqq._; _The Golden Bough_,\n  Second Edition, i. 368 _sq._\n\nFootnote 578:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Roman._ i. 71; Diodorus Siculus,\n  in Eusebius, _Chronic._ bk. i. coll. 287, 289, ed. A. Schoene;\n  Diodorus Siculus, vii. 3a and 4, ed. L. Dindorf; Zonaras, _Annal._\n  vii. 1; Aurelius Victor, _Origo gentis Romanae_, 18; Ovid, _Metam._\n  xiv. 616-618; _id._, _Fasti_, iv. 50; Livy, i. 3. 9. The king is\n  called Romulus by Livy, Remulus by Ovid, Aremulus by Aurelius Victor,\n  Amulius by Zonaras, Amulius or Arramulius by Diodorus, and Allodius by\n  Dionysius. A tale of a city submerged in the Alban lake is still\n  current in the neighbourhood. See the English translators\u2019 note to\n  Niebuhr\u2019s _History of Rome_, 3rd Ed., i. 200. Similar stories are told\n  in many lands. See my note on Pausanias, vii. 24. 6.\n\nFootnote 579:\n\n  See above, vol. i. p. 310.\n\nFootnote 580:\n\n  See above, vol. i. pp. 342 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 581:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 140, xxviii. 13 _sq._ Other writers speak only\n  of Numa\u2019s skill in expiating the prodigy or evil omen of thunderbolts.\n  See Livy, i. 20. 7; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 285-348; Plutarch, _Numa_, 15;\n  Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, v. 1-4.\n\nFootnote 582:\n\n  See above, vol. i. pp. 248, 251.\n\nFootnote 583:\n\n  Apollodorus, i. 9. 7; Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 592 _sqq._; Pliny, _Nat.\n  Hist._ ii. 140, xxviii. 14 (referring to the first book of L. Piso\u2019s\n  _Annals_); Livy, i. 31. 8; Aurelius Victor, _De viris illustribus_, 4;\n  Zonaras, _Annal._ vii. 6. According to another account Tullus\n  Hostilius was murdered by his successor Ancus Martius during a violent\n  storm (Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ iii. 35; Zonaras,\n  _l.c._).\n\nFootnote 584:\n\n  Livy, i. 2. 6; Ovid, _Metam._ xiv. 598-608; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ iii.\n  56; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ i. 64; Servius on\n  Virgil, _Aen._ i. 259; Aurelius Victor, _Origo gentis Romanae_, 14.\n  Only the last writer mentions the thunderstorm.\n\nFootnote 585:\n\n  Livy, i. 16; Cicero, _De legibus_, i. 1. 3; _id._, _De re publica_, i.\n  16. 25, ii. 10. 20; Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 475-512; Plutarch, _Romulus_,\n  27 _sq._; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 56 and 63;\n  Zonaras, _Annal._ vii. 4; Aurelius Victor, _De viris illustribus_, 2;\n  Florus, _Epitoma_, i. 1. 16-18. From Cicero (_De legibus_, i. 1. 3) we\n  learn that the apparition of Romulus to Proculus Julius took place\n  near the spot where the house of Atticus afterwards stood, and from\n  Cornelius Nepos (_Atticus_, 13. 2) we know that Atticus had an\n  agreeable villa and shady garden on the Quirinal. As to the temple of\n  Quirinus see also Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 51; Festus, pp. 254,\n  255, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xv. 120. As to the site of\n  the temple and the question whether it was identical with the temple\n  dedicated by L. Papirius Cursor in 293 B.C. (Livy, x. 46. 7; Pliny,\n  _Nat. Hist._ vii. 213) see O. Richter, _Topographie der Stadt Rom_,\n  2nd Ed., pp. 286 _sqq._; G. Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_\n  (Munich, 1904), pp. 144 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 586:\n\n  See A. B. Cook, \u201cZeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_,\n  xviii. (1904) pp. 368 _sq._; _id._ \u201cThe European Sky-god,\u201d\n  _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) p. 281. But a serious argument against the\n  proposed derivation of Quirinus from _quercus_ is that, as I am\n  informed by my learned philological friend the Rev. Prof. J. H.\n  Moulton, it is inconsistent with the much more probable derivation of\n  Perkunas from _quercus_. See below, p. 367, note 3.\n\nFootnote 587:\n\n  See above, vol. i. pp. 262 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 588:\n\n  J. I. Molina, _Geographical, Natural, and Civil History of Chili_\n  (London, 1809), ii. 92 _sq._ The savage Conibos of the Ucayali river\n  in eastern Peru imagine that thunder is the voice of the dead (W.\n  Smyth and F. Lowe, _Journey from Lima to Para_, London, 1836, p. 240);\n  and among them when parents who have lost a child within three months\n  hear thunder, they go and dance on the grave, howling turn about (De\n  St. Cricq, \u201cVoyage du P\u00e9rou au Br\u00e9sil,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de\n  G\u00e9ographie_, ivme s\u00e9rie, vi., Paris, 1853, p. 294). The Yuracares of\n  eastern Peru threaten the thunder-god with their arrows and defy him\n  when he thunders (A. D\u2019Orbigny, _L\u2019Homme am\u00e9ricain_, i. 365), just as\n  the Thracians did of old (Herodotus, iv. 94). So the Kayans of Borneo,\n  on hearing a peal of thunder, have been seen to grasp their swords for\n  the purpose of keeping off the demon who causes it (A. W. Nieuwenhuis,\n  _In Centraal Borneo_, i. 140 _sq._, 146 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 589:\n\n  See above, vol. i. p. 310; and for the connexion of the rite with\n  Jupiter Elicius see O. Gilbert, _Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt\n  Rom im Altertum_, ii. 154 _sq._; Aust, in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der\n  griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 657 _sq._ As to the connexion of\n  Jupiter with the rain-making ceremony (_aquaelicium_), the combined\n  evidence of Petronius (_Sat._ 44) and Tertullian (_Apologeticus_, 40)\n  seems to me conclusive.\n\nFootnote 590:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 637 _sq._, vi. 183 _sqq._; Livy, vii. 28. 4 _sq._;\n  Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 45. 101; Solinus, i. 21. Although the\n  temple was not dedicated until 344 B.C., the worship of the goddess of\n  the hill appears to have been very ancient. See H. Jordan,\n  _Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum_, i. 2, pp. 109 _sq._; W. H.\n  Roscher, _Lexikon d. griech. u. r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. coll. 592 _sq._\n\nFootnote 591:\n\n  Livy, i. 8. 5; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 430; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n  _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 15.\n\nFootnote 592:\n\n  Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 314-318, 347-354.\n\nFootnote 593:\n\n  Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 92.\n\nFootnote 594:\n\n  Livy, i. 10. 5.\n\nFootnote 595:\n\n  _Mons Querquetulanus_; see Tacitus, _Annals_, iv. 65.\n\nFootnote 596:\n\n  A monument found at Rome represents Jupiter beside an oak, and\n  underneath is the dedication: _Jovi Caelio_. See H. Dessau,\n  _Inscriptiones Latinae selectae_, No. 3080.\n\nFootnote 597:\n\n  _Porta Querquetulana_ or _Querquetularia_; see Pliny, _Nat. Hist._\n  xvi. 37; Festus, pp. 260, 261, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller.\n\nFootnote 598:\n\n  Festus, _ll.cc._; Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 49.\n\nFootnote 599:\n\n  E. Babelon, _Monnaies de la R\u00e9publique Romaine_, i. 99 _sq._\n\nFootnote 600:\n\n  Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 49, where, however, \u201c_alii ab\n  aesculetis_\u201d is a conjecture of C. O. M\u00fcller\u2019s. I do not know what\n  authority O. Richter has for reading _aesculis consitae_ (\u201cplanted\n  with oaks\u201d) for _excultae_ in this passage (_Topographie der Stadt\n  Rom_, 2nd Ed., p. 302, n. 4). Modern topographers prefer to derive the\n  name from _ex-colere_ in the sense of \u201cthe hill outside the city\u201d (O.\n  Richter, _l.c._; O. Gilbert, _Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom\n  im Altertum_, i. 166 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 601:\n\n  See above, p. 182.\n\nFootnote 602:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 295 _sq._\n\nFootnote 603:\n\n  See above, vol. i. p. 18; and for the identification, O. Gilbert,\n  _Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum_, ii. 152\n  _sqq._; A. B. Cook, \u201cZeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_,\n  xviii. (1904) p. 366.\n\nFootnote 604:\n\n   Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 45, 101.\n\nFootnote 605:\n\n  G. Boni, in _Notizie degli Scavi_, May 1900, pp. 161, 172; _id._,\n  _Aedes Vestae_, p. 14 (extract from the _Nuova Antologia_, 1st August\n  1900). Copies of these and other papers containing Commendatore Boni\u2019s\n  account of his memorable excavations and discoveries were kindly given\n  me by him during my stay in Rome in the winter of 1900-1901. That the\n  fire in question was a sacrificial one is proved by the bones,\n  potsherds, and rude copper money found among the ashes. Commend. Boni\n  thinks that the charred remains of the wood prove that the fire was\n  extinguished, probably by libations, and that therefore it cannot have\n  been the perpetual holy fire of Vesta, which would have burned up\n  completely all the fuel. But a new fire was annually lit on the first\n  of March (Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 143 _sq._; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12.\n  6), which may imply that the old fire was ceremonially extinguished,\n  as often happens in such cases.\n\nFootnote 606:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 37.\n\nFootnote 607:\n\n  O. Richter, _Topographie der Stadt Rom_, 2nd Ed., p. 211.\n\nFootnote 608:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 237. The inscription was probably not in the\n  Etruscan language, but only in an archaic alphabet like that employed\n  in the inscription on the pyramidal stone which has been found under\n  the Black Stone in the Forum.\n\nFootnote 609:\n\n  G. Boni, \u201cBimbi Romulei,\u201d _Nuova Antologia_, 16th February 1904, pp. 5\n  _sqq._ (separate reprint); E. Burton-Brown, _Recent Excavations in the\n  Roman Forum_ (London, 1904), p. 150.\n\nFootnote 610:\n\n  Festus, _s.v._ \u201cOscillantes,\u201d p. 194, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller.\n\nFootnote 611:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ iv. 49; A. Schwegler,\n  _R\u00f6mische Geschichte_, i. 341; H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii.\n  580. It is to be observed that Dionysius does not here speak of the\n  dedication of a temple to Jupiter; when he describes the foundation of\n  the temple of Capitoline Jupiter by Tarquin (iv. 59 and 61) his\n  language is quite different. The monastery, founded in 1777 by\n  Cardinal York, the last of the Stuarts, has now been converted into a\n  meteorological station and an inn (K. Baedeker, _Central Italy and\n  Rome_, 13th Ed., p. 400). It is fitting enough that the atmospheric\n  phenomena should be observed by modern science on the spot where they\n  were worshipped by ancient piety.\n\nFootnote 612:\n\n  Livy, i. 31. 3.\n\nFootnote 613:\n\n  According to tradition, the future site of Alba Longa was marked out\n  by a white sow and her litter, which were found lying under evergreen\n  oaks (Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 43), as Mr. A. B. Cook has pointed out\n  (_Classical Review_, xviii. 363). The tradition seems to shew that the\n  neighbourhood of the city was wooded with oaks.\n\nFootnote 614:\n\n  See below, p. 380.\n\nFootnote 615:\n\n  Querquetulani. See Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ iii. 69; Dionysius\n  Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ v. 61. As to the white bulls\n  sacrificed at the great Latin festival and partaken of by the members\n  of the League, see Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, ii. 68; Dionysius\n  Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ iv. 49. Compare Cicero, _Pro Plancio_,\n  ix. 23; Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi. 25.\n\nFootnote 616:\n\n  Theophrastus, _Histor. plant._ v. 8. 3.\n\nFootnote 617:\n\n  Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, ii. 68; Livy, xxii. 10. 7; Ovid, _Ex\n  Ponto_, iv. 4. 31; Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ ii. 146; Horace,\n  _Carmen Saeculare_, 49.\n\nFootnote 618:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 250 _sq._\n\nFootnote 619:\n\n  \u201cItalic and Keltic are so closely bound together by important phonetic\n  and morphological affinities that they are sometimes spoken of as one\n  branch\u201d of Aryan speech (J. H. Moulton, _Two Lectures on the Science\n  of Language_, Cambridge, 1903, p. 6, note). \u201cThe connection of the\n  Celtic and Italic languages is structural. It is much deeper than that\n  of Celts and Teutons, and goes back to an earlier epoch. Celts and\n  Latins must have dwelt together as an undivided people in the valley\n  of the Danube, and it must have been at a much later time\u2014after the\n  Umbrians and Latins had crossed the Alps\u2014that the contact of Celts and\n  Teutons came about\u201d (Isaac Taylor, _The Origin of the Aryans_, p. 192;\n  compare _id._ p. 257). See also P. Giles, _Manual of Comparative\n  Philology_ 2nd Ed., (London, 1901), p. 26.\n\nFootnote 620:\n\n  Livy, xlii. 7. 1, xlv. 15. 10. Compare Dio Cassius, xxxix. 20. 1. The\n  temple on the Alban Mount was dedicated in 168 B.C., but the worship\n  was doubtless far older.\n\nFootnote 621:\n\n  See above, pp. 176, 184.\n\nFootnote 622:\n\n  Strabo, vii. 7. 12, p. 329; Hyperides, _Or._ iii. coll. 35-37, pp. 43\n  _sq._, ed. Blass; G. Curtius, _Griech. Etymologie_, 5th Ed., p. 236;\n  W. H. Roscher, _Juno und Hera_ (Leipsic, 1875), pp. 17 _sq._; _id._,\n  _Lexikon d. griech. u. r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. coll. 576, 578 _sq._ See\n  below, p. 381.\n\nFootnote 623:\n\n  See above, pp. 140 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 624:\n\n  W. H. Roscher, _Juno und Hera_, pp. 64 _sqq._; _id._, _Lexikon d.\n  griech. u. r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 575 _sq._, 591 _sqq._ At Falerii the\n  image of Juno was annually carried in procession from her sacred\n  grove, and in some respects the ceremony resembled a marriage\n  procession (Ovid, _Amores_, iii. 13; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n  _Antiquit. Rom._ i. 21). The name of June was _Junius_ at Rome,\n  _Junonius_ at Aricia, Laurentum and Lavinia, and _Junonalis_ at Tibur\n  and Praeneste (Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 59-63; Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 12. 30).\n  The forms _Junonius_ and _Junonalis_ are recognised by Festus (p. 103,\n  ed. C. O. M\u00fcller). Their existence among the Latins seems to render\n  the derivation of _Junius_ from Juno quite certain, though that\n  derivation is doubted by Mr. W. Warde Fowler (_Roman Festivals of the\n  Period of the Republic_, pp. 99 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 625:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 101-168; Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 12. 31-33;\n  Tertullian, _Ad nationes_, ii. 9; Varro, quoted by Nonius Marcellus,\n  _De compendiosa doctrina_, p. 390, ed. L. Quicherat. There was a\n  sacred beechen grove of Diana on a hill called Corne near Tusculum\n  (Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 242). But _Corne_ has probably no connection\n  with _Carna_. The grove of Helernus was crowded with worshippers on\n  the first of February (Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 67, where _Helerni_ is a\n  conjectural emendation for _Averni_ or _Asyli_). Nothing else is known\n  about Helernus, unless with Merkel (in his edition of Ovid\u2019s _Fasti_,\n  pp. cxlviii. _sq._) we read _Elerno_ for _Eterno_ in Festus, p. 93,\n  ed. C. O. M\u00fcller. In that case it would seem that black oxen were\n  sacrificed to him. From the association of Carna with Janus it was\n  inferred by Merkel (_l.c._) that the grove of Helernus stood on or\n  near the Janiculum, where there was a grove of oaks (see above, p.\n  186). But the language of Ovid (_Fasti_, ii. 67) points rather to the\n  mouth of the Tiber.\n\nFootnote 626:\n\n  See above, p. 185.\n\nFootnote 627:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 129-168. A Roman bride on the way to her husband\u2019s\n  house was preceded by a boy bearing a torch of buckthorn (_spina\n  alba_, Festus, _s.v._ \u201cPatrimi,\u201d p. 245, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Varro,\n  quoted by Nonius Marcellus, _De compendiosa doctrina_, _s.v._ \u201cFax,\u201d\n  p. 116, ed. L. Quicherat). The intention probably was to defend her\n  from enchantment and evil spirits. Branches of buckthorn were also\n  thought to protect a house against thunderbolts (Columella, _De re\n  rustica_, x. 346 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 628:\n\n  See above, p. 54.\n\nFootnote 629:\n\n  Dioscorides, _De arte medica_, i. 119.\n\nFootnote 630:\n\n  Scholiast on Nicander, _Theriaca_, 861.\n\nFootnote 631:\n\n  Diogenes Laertius, _Vitae philosophorum_, iv. 54-57.\n\nFootnote 632:\n\n  See above, p. 143.\n\nFootnote 633:\n\n  Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 111 \u03b5\u1f30\u03ba\u1f78\u03c2 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03ad\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u0394\u03b9\u1f78\u03c2\n  \u1f65\u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u1f14\u03bc\u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u1f04\u03b3\u03b1\u03bb\u03bc\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03c6\u03cd\u03be\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03b4\u03b5\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2; L.\n  Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 201; F. B. Jevons,\n  _Plutarch\u2019s Romane Questions_, p. lxxiii.; C. Julian, in Daremberg et\n  Saglio, _Dictionnaire des antiquit\u00e9s grecques et romaines_, ii. 1156\n  _sqq._\n\nFootnote 634:\n\n  Cicero, _De re publica_, iii. 13. 22; Virgil, _Aen._ x. 112; Horace,\n  _Sat._ ii. 1. 42 _sq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 37; Varro, _De lingua\n  Latina_, v. 6. 7; Livy, v. 21. 2, v. 23. 7; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxv.\n  115; Flavius Vopiscus, _Probus_, xii. 7; L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische\n  Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 205, 284; W. H. Roscher, _Lexikon d. griech.\n  u. r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 600 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 635:\n\n  See above, pp. 179 _sq._\n\nFootnote 636:\n\n  Cicero, _Philippics_, ii. 43. 110; Suetonius, _Divus Julius_, 76; Dio\n  Cassius, xliv. 6. The coincidence has been pointed out by Mr. A. B.\n  Cook (_Classical Review_, xviii. 371).\n\nFootnote 637:\n\n  Livy, i. 20. 1 _sq._\n\nFootnote 638:\n\n  Numa was not the only Roman king who is said to have enjoyed the\n  favours of a goddess. Romulus was married to Hersilia, who seems to\n  have been a Sabine goddess. Ovid tells us how, when the dead Romulus\n  had been raised to the rank of a god under the name of Quirinus, his\n  widow Hersilia was deified as his consort. Thus, if Quirinus was a\n  Sabine oak-god, his wife would be an oak-goddess, like Egeria. See\n  Ovid, _Metam._ xiv. 829-851. Compare Livy, i. 11. 2; Plutarch, _Numa_,\n  14. On Hersilia as a goddess see A. Schwegler, _R\u00f6mische Geschichte_,\n  i. 478, note 10; L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 372.\n  Again, of King Servius Tullius we read how the goddess Fortuna,\n  smitten with love of him, used to enter his house nightly by a window.\n  See Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 569 _sqq._; Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_,\n  36; _id._, _De fortuna Romanorum_, 10. However, the origin and nature\n  of Fortuna are too obscure to allow us to base any conclusions on this\n  legend. For various more or less conjectural explanations of the\n  goddess see W. Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the Period of the\n  Republic_, pp. 161-172.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XIV\n                            THE KING\u2019S FIRE\n\n\n[Sidenote: Sacred Marriage of the Fire-god with a woman.] Thus far we\nhave dealt mainly with those instances of the Sacred Marriage in which a\nhuman being is wedded to the divine powers of vegetation or water. Now\nwe pass to the consideration of a different class of cases, in which the\ndivine bridegroom is the fire and his bride a human virgin. And these\ncases are particularly important for our present enquiry into the early\nLatin kingship, since it appears that the old Latin kings were commonly\nsupposed to be the offspring of the fire-god by mortal mothers. The\nevidence which points to this conclusion is as follows.\n\n[Sidenote: Legend of the birth of King Servius Tullius from the fire.]\nFirst, let us take the legend of the birth of King Servius Tullius. It\nis said that one day the virgin Ocrisia, a slave-woman of Queen\nTanaquil, the wife of King Tarquin the elder, was offering as usual\ncakes and libations of wine on the royal hearth, when a flame in the\nshape of the male member shot out from the fire. Taking this for a sign\nthat her handmaiden was to be the mother of a more than mortal son, the\nwise Queen Tanaquil bade the girl array herself as a bride and lie down\nbeside the hearth. Her orders were obeyed; Ocrisia conceived by the god\nor spirit of the fire, and in due time brought forth Servius Tullius,\nwho was thus born a slave, being the reputed son of a slave mother and a\ndivine father, the fire-god. His birth from the fire was attested in his\nchildhood by a lambent flame which played about his head as he slept at\nnoon in the king\u2019s palace.[639] This story, as others have pointed out\nbefore,[640] seems clearly to imply that the mother of Servius was a\nVestal Virgin charged with the care and worship of the sacred fire in\nthe king\u2019s house. Now, in Promathion\u2019s _History of Italy_, cited by\nPlutarch, a similar tale was told of the birth of Romulus himself. It is\n[Sidenote: Legend of the birth of Romulus from the fire.] said that in\nthe house of the King of Alba a flame like to the male organ of\ngeneration hung over the hearth for many days. Learning from an oracle\nthat a virgin should conceive by this phantom and bear a son of great\nvalour and renown, the king bade one of his daughters submit to its\nembraces, but she disdained to do so, and sent her handmaid instead.\nAngry at her disobedience, her father ordered both the maidens to be put\nto death. But Vesta appeared to him in a dream, forbade the execution,\nand commanded that both the girls should be imprisoned until they had\nwoven a certain web, after which they were to be given in marriage. But\nthe web was never finished, for as fast as they wove it by day, other\nmaidens, in obedience to the king\u2019s orders, unwove it at night. Meantime\nthe handmaiden conceived by the flame of fire, and gave birth to Romulus\nand Remus.[641] In this legend, as in the story of the birth of Servius\nTullius, it is plain that the mother of the future King of Rome was both\na slave and a priestess of Vesta. Orthodox Roman tradition always\nadmitted that she was a Vestal, but naturally enough represented her as\nthe king\u2019s daughter rather than his slave. The god Mars, it was said,\ngot her with child as she drew water in his sacred grove.[642] However,\nwhen we compare this legend with the similar story of the birth of\nServius, we may suspect that Promathion has preserved, though perhaps in\na perverted form, an old feature of the Latin kingship, namely, that one\nof the king\u2019s parents might be, and sometimes was, a slave. Whether that\nwas so or not, such tales at least bear witness to an old belief that\nthe early Roman kings were born of virgins and of the fire. Similarly\nCaeculus, the founder of Praeneste, passed for a [Sidenote: Legend of\nthe birth of Caeculus from the fire.] son of Vulcan. It was said that\nhis mother conceived him through a spark, which leapt from the fire and\nstruck her as she sat by the hearth. She exposed the child near a temple\nof Jupiter, and he was found there beside a fire by some maidens who\nwere going to draw water. In after-life he proved his divine birth by\nworking an appropriate miracle. When an infidel crowd refused to believe\nthat he was the son of a god, he prayed to his father, and immediately\nthe unbelievers were surrounded with a flame of fire.[643] More than\nthis, the whole of the Alban dynasty appear to have traced their descent\nfrom a Vestal, for the wife of King Latinus, their legendary ancestor,\nwas named Amata[644] or Beloved, and this was the regular title bestowed\non a Vestal after her election,[645] a title which cannot be fully\nunderstood except in the light of the foregoing traditions, which seem\nto shew that the Vestals were regularly supposed to be beloved by the\nfire-god. Moreover, fire is said to have played round the head of\nAmata\u2019s daughter Lavinia,[646] just as it played round the head of the\nfire-born Servius Tullius. As the same prodigy was reported of Julus or\nAscanius, the son of Aeneas,[647] we may suspect that a similar legend\nwas told of his miraculous conception at the hearth.\n\n[Sidenote: The Vestal Virgins seem to have been regarded as the wives of\nthe fire-god.] Now we may take it as certain that the Romans and Latins\nwould never have traced the descent of their kings from Vestal Virgins\nunless they had thought that such a descent, far from being a stain,\nwas, under certain circumstances, highly honourable. What the\ncircumstances were that permitted a Vestal to become a mother, not only\nwith impunity but with honour and glory, appear plainly from the stories\nof the birth of Caeculus, Romulus, and Servius Tullius. If she might not\nknow a mortal man, she was quite free, and indeed was encouraged, to\nconceive and bear a son to the fire-god. In fact the legends suggest\nthat the Vestals were regularly regarded as the fire-god\u2019s wives. This\nwould explain why they were bound to chastity during their term of\nservice: the bride must be true to her divine bridegroom. And the theory\nof chastity could be easily reconciled with the practice of maternity by\nallowing a man to masquerade as the fire-god at a sacred marriage, just\nas in Egypt the king disguised himself as the god Ammon when he wedded\nthe queen,[648] or as among the Ewe tribes the priest poses as the\npython-god when he goes in to the human brides of the serpent.[649] Thus\nthe doctrine of the divine birth of kings presents no serious difficulty\nto people who believe that a god may be made flesh in a man, and that a\nvirgin may conceive and bear him a son. Of course the theory of the\ndivine motherhood of the Vestals applies only to the early regal and\ntherefore prehistoric period. Under the Republic the demand for kings\nhad ceased, and with it, therefore, the supply. Yet a trace of the old\nview of the Vestals as virgin mothers lingered down to the latest times\nin the character of Vesta herself, their patroness and type; for Vesta\nalways bore the official title of Mother, never that of Virgin.[650] We\nmay surmise that a similar belief and practice once obtained in Attica.\nFor Erichthonius, king of Athens, is said to have been a son of the\nfire-god Hephaestus by the virgin goddess Athena: the story told of his\nmiraculous birth from the ground, which had been impregnated by the seed\nof the fire-god, is clearly a later version devised to save the\nvirginity of his mother.[651] The perpetual lamp of Athena, which burned\nin the Erechtheum or house of Erechtheus (who was identical with\nErichthonius) on the acropolis of Athens,[652] may have answered to the\nperpetual fire of Vesta at Rome; and it is possible that the maidens\ncalled Arrephoroi or Errephoroi, who dwelt close to the Erechtheum,[653]\nmay at one time have personated Athena and passed, like the Vestals, for\nwives of the fire-god.\n\n[Sidenote: Rationalistic theory of the duties of the Vestals rejected.]\nIt has, indeed, been held that the Vestals were of old the king\u2019s\ndaughters, who were kept at home and forbidden to marry for no other\nreason than that they might devote themselves to the domestic duties of\ndrawing water, mopping the house, tending the fire, and baking\ncakes.[654] But this rationalistic theory could hardly explain the\nsuperstitious horror which the infidelity of a Vestal always excited in\nthe Roman mind. Customs which begin in reason seldom end in\nsuperstition. It is likely, therefore, that the rule of chastity imposed\non the Vestals was based from the first on a superstition rather than on\na mere consideration of practical convenience. The belief that the\nVestals were the spouses of the fire-god would explain the rule.[655] We\nhave seen that the practice of marrying women to gods has been by no\nmeans uncommon. If the spirit of the water has his human wife, why not\nthe spirit of the fire? Indeed, primitive man has a special reason for\nthinking that the fire-god should always be married. What that reason\nis, I will now try to explain.\n\n[Sidenote: The Vestal fire of later times was a continuation of the fire\non the king\u2019s hearth.] But first it is necessary to apprehend clearly\nthat the Vestal fire of republican and imperial Rome was strictly the\nsuccessor or continuation of the fire which in the regal period had\nburned on the king\u2019s hearth. That it was so appears plainly from the\nstories of the birth of Romulus and Servius Tullius, which shew that\nVesta was believed to be worshipped at the royal fireside by maidens who\nwere either the king\u2019s daughters or his slaves. This conclusion is amply\nconfirmed by a study of the temple of Vesta and the adjoining edifices\nin the Roman Forum. For the so-called temple of the goddess never was,\nstrictly speaking, a temple at all. This fact we have on the authority\nof Varro himself, the greatest of Roman antiquaries.[656] The little\nround building in which the sacred fire always burned was merely a copy\nof the round hut in which the king, like his [Sidenote: The round temple\nof Vesta a copy of the ancient Italian hut.] subjects, had dwelt in days\nof old. Tradition preserved a memory of the time when its walls were\nmade of wattled osiers and the roof was of thatch;[657] indeed, with\nthat peculiar clinging to the forms of the past which is characteristic\nof royalty and religion, the inmost shrine continued down even to late\ntimes to be fashioned of the same simple materials.[658] The hut of\nRomulus, or what passed for it, constructed of wood, reeds, and straw,\nwas always preserved and carefully repaired in the original style. It\nstood on the side of the Palatine hill facing the Circus Maximus.[659] A\nsimilar hut, roofed with thatch, was in like manner maintained on the\nCapitoline hill, and traditionally associated with Romulus.[660] The\nso-called temple of Vesta in historical times stood not on any of the\nhills, but in the Forum, at the northern foot of the Palatine. Its\nsituation in the flat ground is quite consistent with the view that the\nbuilding represents the king\u2019s house of early, though not of the very\nearliest, times; for, according to tradition, it was built by Numa in\nthis position between the Palatine and the Capitol, at the time when he\nunited the two separate towns on these hills and turned the low swampy\nground between them into their common place of assembly. Here, too,\nbeside the temple of Vesta, the king built himself a house, which was\never afterwards known as the Regia or palace; formerly he had dwelt on\nthe Quirinal.[661] In after-times this old palace of the kings was\nperhaps the official residence of their successor, the King of the\nSacred Rites.[662] Adjoining it was the house of the Vestals,[663] at\nfirst, no doubt, a simple and unpretentious edifice, but afterwards a\nstately pile gathered round a spacious open court which must have\nresembled the cloister of a mediaeval monastery. We may assume that the\nkernel of this group of buildings was the round temple of Vesta, and\nthat the hearth in it, on which burned the sacred fire, was originally\nthe hearth of the king\u2019s house. That the so-called temple was built on\nthe model of the round huts of the old Latins is proved by the\ndiscoveries made at an ancient necropolis near Albano. The ashes of the\ndead were here deposited in urns, which are shaped like [Sidenote:\nHut-urns found at Albano and Rome.] little round huts with conical\nroofs, obviously in order that the souls of the dead might live in\nhouses such as they had inhabited during life. The roofs of these\nminiature dwellings are raised on cross-beams, sometimes with one or\nmore holes to let out the smoke. The door is fastened by a crossbar,\nwhich is passed through a ring on the outside and tied to the two\nside-posts. In some of these hut-urns the side-posts are duplicated, or\neven triplicated, for the sake of ornament; and it is probable that the\nring of columns which encircled the little temple of Vesta in historical\ntimes was merely an extension of the door-posts of the prehistoric hut.\nThe necropolis in which these urns were found must be very ancient,\nsince it was buried under the streams of lava vomited by the Alban\nMountain in eruption. But the mountain has not been an active volcano\nwithin historical times, unless, indeed, the showers of stones and the\nrain of blood often recorded as ominous prodigies by Roman writers may\nbe explained as jets of pumice and red volcanic dust discharged by one\nof the craters.[664] The prehistoric burial-ground lately discovered in\nthe Roman Forum has yielded several hut-urns of precisely the same shape\nas those of the Alban cemetery. Hence we may infer with tolerable\ncertainty that the earliest Latin settlers both on the Alban hills and\nat Rome dwelt in round huts built of wattle and dab, with peaked roofs\nof thatch.[665]\n\n[Sidenote: \u201cNuma\u2019s crockery,\u201d the primitive earthenware vessels used by\nthe Vestals.] If further evidence were needed to convince us that the\nround temple of Vesta merely reproduced a Roman house of the olden time,\nit might be supplied by the primitive vessels of coarse earthenware in\nwhich the Vestals always presented their offerings, and which, in memory\nof the artlessness of an earlier age, went by the name of \u201cNuma\u2019s\ncrockery.\u201d[666] A Greek historian, writing when Rome was at the height\nof her power and glory under Augustus, praises the Romans for the\naustere simplicity with which, in an age of vulgar wealth and\nostentation, they continued to honour the gods of their fathers. \u201cI have\nseen,\u201d said he, \u201cmeals set before the gods on old-fashioned wooden\ntables, in mats and earthenware dishes, the food consisting of barley\nloaves and cakes and spelt and firstfruits and such-like things, all\nplain and inexpensive and free from any touch of vulgarity. And I have\nseen libations offered, not in vessels of silver and gold, but in little\nearthen cups and jugs; and I heartily admired a people which thus walked\nin the ways of their fathers, not deviating from the ancient rites into\nextravagance and display.\u201d[667] Specimens of this antique pottery have\ncome to light of late years at the house of the Vestals, the temple of\nVesta, and other religious centres in the Forum;[668] others had been\nfound previously on the Esquiline hill and in the necropolis of Alba\nLonga.[669] We may conjecture that if the Romans continued to serve the\ngods their meals in simple earthenware dishes long after they themselves\nquaffed their wine from goblets of crystal and gold or from murrhine\ncups with their cloudy iridescent hues of purple and white,[670] they\ndid so, not from any principle of severe good taste, but rather from\nthat superstitious fear of innovation which has embalmed in religious\nritual, as in amber, so many curious relics of the past. The old forms\nand materials of the vessels were consecrated by immemorial usage and\nmight not be changed with impunity. Indeed, in the ritual of the Arval\nBrothers the holy pots themselves appear to have been an object of\nworship.[671] Specimens of these pots have been found on the site of the\nsacred grove where the Brothers performed their quaint service, and they\nshed an interesting light on the conservatism of the Roman religion.\nSome of them are moulded in the most primitive fashion by [Sidenote:\nRude pottery used by the Arval Brothers.] the hand without any\nmechanical appliance. But most of them belong to a stage of art, later\nindeed than this rude beginning, yet earlier than the invention of the\npotter\u2019s wheel. In order to give the vessels their proper shape and\nprevent the sides from collapsing, wooden hoops were inserted in them,\nand the marks made by these hoops in the soft clay may still be seen on\nthe inside of most of the pots found in the grove. We may suppose that\nwhen the potter\u2019s wheel came into universal use, the old art of making\npottery by the hand was lost; but as religion would have nothing to do\nwith pots made in the new-fangled way, the pious workman had to imitate\nthe ancient ware as well as he could, eking out his imperfect skill with\nthe aid of wooden hoops.[672] Perhaps the _fictores Vestalium_ and the\n_fictores Pontificum_, of whom we read in inscriptions,[673] were those\npotters who, combining a retrograde art with sound religious principles,\nprovided the Vestals and Pontiffs with the coarse crockery so dear to\ngods and to antiquaries. If that was so, they may have had in the\nexercise of their craft to observe some such curious rules as are still\n[Sidenote: Savage superstitions as to the making of pottery.] observed\nin similar circumstances by the savage Yuracares, a tribe of Indians\nliving dispersed in the depths of beautiful tropical forests, at the\neastern foot of the Bolivian Andes. We are told by an explorer that \u201cthe\nmanufacture of pottery is not an everyday affair with this superstitious\npeople, and accordingly they surround it with singular precautions. The\nwomen, who alone are entrusted with the duty, go away very solemnly to\nlook for the clay, but they do so only when there is no crop to be\ngathered. In the fear of thunder they betake themselves to the most\nsequestered spots of the forest in order not to be seen. There they\nbuild a hut. While they are at work they observe certain ceremonies and\nnever open their mouth, speaking to each other by signs, being persuaded\nthat one word spoken would infallibly cause all their pots to break in\nthe firing; and they do not go near their husbands, for if they did, all\nthe sick people would die.\u201d[674] Among the Ba-Ronga of South Africa\npottery is made by women only, and they prefer to employ a child under\npuberty to light the fire in which the pots are to be baked, because the\nchild has pure hands and the pots are therefore less likely to crack in\nthe furnace than if the woman lit the fire herself.[675] If the reader\nobjects that Roman potters cannot have been trammelled by superstitions\nlike those which hamper the savage potters of America and Africa, I\nwould remind him of the rules laid down by grave Roman writers for the\nmoral guidance of cooks, bakers, and butlers. After mentioning a number\nof these writers by name, Columella informs us that \u201call of them are of\nopinion that he who engages in any one of these occupations is bound to\nbe [Sidenote: Chastity required in persons who handle dishes and food.]\nchaste and continent, since everything depends on taking care that\nneither the dishes nor the food should be handled by any one above the\nage of puberty, or at least by any one who is not exceedingly abstemious\nin sexual matters. Therefore a man or woman who is sexually unclean\nought to wash in a river or running water before he touches the contents\nof the storeroom. That is why there should be a boy or a maid to fetch\nfrom the storeroom the things that are needed.\u201d[676] When Roman cooks,\nbakers, and butlers were expected to be so strict in the service of\ntheir human masters, it might naturally be thought that the potters\nshould be not less so whose business it was to fashion the rude yet\nprecious vessels meet for the worship of the gods.\n\n[Sidenote: Sanctity of the storeroom (_penus_) and of the Penates in a\nRoman house.] If the storeroom (_penus_) of a Roman house was deemed so\nholy that its contents could only be handled by persons ceremonially\nclean, the reason was that the Penates or gods of the storeroom dwelt in\nit.[677] The domestic hearth, where the household meals were cooked in\nthe simple days of old, was the natural altar of the Penates;[678] their\nimages, together with those of the Lares, stood by it and shone in the\ncheerful glow of the fire, when the family gathered round it in the\nevening.[679] Thus in every house Vesta, the goddess of the hearth, was\nintimately bound up with the Penates or gods of the storeroom; indeed,\nshe was reckoned one of them.[680] Now the temple of Vesta, being\nnothing more than a type of the oldest form of Roman house, naturally\nhad, like an ordinary house, its sacred storeroom, and its Penates or\ngods of the storeroom.[681] Hence if in every common house strict\nchastity was, theoretically at least, expected of all who entered the\nstoreroom, we can well understand why such an obligation should have\nbeen laid on the Vestals, who had in their charge the holiest of all\nstorerooms, the chamber in which were popularly supposed to be preserved\nthe talismans on which the safety of the state depended.[682]\n\n[Sidenote: Thus the temple of Vesta, with its perpetual fire and its\nsacred storeroom, was merely a copy of the Roman king\u2019s house.] Thus on\nthe whole we may regard it as highly probable that the round temple of\nVesta in the Forum, with its sacred storeroom and perpetual fire, was\nmerely a survival, under changed conditions, of the old house of the\nRoman kings, which again may have been a copy of the still older house\nof the kings of Alba. Both were modelled on the round huts of wattled\nosiers in which the early Latins dwelt among the woods and hills of\nLatium in the days when the Alban Mountain was still an active volcano.\nHence it is legitimate to compare the old legends of the royal hearth\nwith the later practice in regard to the hearth of Vesta, and from the\ncomparison to explain, if we can, the meaning both of the legends and of\nthe practice.\n\nFootnote 639:\n\n  Plutarch, _De fortuna Romanorum_, 10; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n  _Antiquit. Rom._ iv. 1 _sq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 627-636; Pliny, _Nat.\n  Hist._ ii. 241, xxxvi. 204; Livy, i. 39; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii.\n  683; Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, v. 18. According to the Etruscan\n  annals, Servius Tullius was an Etruscan by name Mastarna, who came to\n  Rome with his friend Caeles Vibenna, and, changing his name, obtained\n  the kingdom. This was stated by the Emperor Claudius in a speech of\n  which fragments are engraved on a bronze tablet found at Lyons. See\n  Tacitus, _Annals_, ed. Orelli, 2nd Ed., p. 342. As the emperor wrote a\n  history of Etruria in twenty books (Suetonius, _Divus Claudius_, 42)\n  he probably had some authority for the statement, and the historical,\n  or at least legendary, character of Mastarna and Caeles Vibenna is\n  vouched for by a painting inscribed with their names, which was found\n  in 1857 in an Etruscan tomb at Vulci. See G. Dennis, _Cities and\n  Cemeteries of Etruria_, 3rd Ed., ii. 506 _sq._ But from this it by no\n  means follows that the identification of Mastarna with Servius Tullius\n  was correct. Schwegler preferred the Roman to the Etruscan tradition\n  (_R\u00f6mische Geschichte_, i. 720 _sq._), and so, after long hesitation,\n  did Niebuhr (_History of Rome_, 3rd Ed., i. 380 _sqq._). It is fair to\n  add that both these historians wrote before the discovery of the tomb\n  at Vulci.\n\nFootnote 640:\n\n  A. Schwegler, _R\u00f6mische Geschichte_, i. 715; L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische\n  Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., ii. 344.\n\nFootnote 641:\n\n  Plutarch, _Romulus_, 2.\n\nFootnote 642:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ i. 76 _sq._; Livy, i. 3 _sq._;\n  Plutarch, _Romulus_, 3; Zonaras, _Annal._ vii. 1; Justin, xliii. 2.\n  1-3.\n\nFootnote 643:\n\n  Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 678.\n\nFootnote 644:\n\n  Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 343.\n\nFootnote 645:\n\n  Aulus Gellius, i. 12, 14 and 19. Compare L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische\n  Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., ii, 161, 344. There was a very ancient worship\n  of Vesta at Lavinium, the city named after Amata\u2019s daughter Lavinia,\n  the ancestress of the Alban kings. See above, vol. i. p. 14.\n\nFootnote 646:\n\n  Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 71-77.\n\nFootnote 647:\n\n  Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 680-686. We may compare the halo with which the\n  vainglorious and rascally artist of genius, Benvenuto Cellini,\n  declared his head to be encircled. \u201cEver since the time of my strange\n  vision until now,\u201d says he, \u201can aureole of glory (marvellous to\n  relate) has rested on my head. This is visible to every sort of men to\n  whom I have chosen to point it out; but those have been very few. This\n  halo can be observed above my shadow in the morning from the rising of\n  the sun for about two hours, and far better when the grass is drenched\n  with dew. It is also visible at evening about sunset. I became aware\n  of it in France at Paris; for the air in those parts is so much freer\n  from mist, that one can see it there far better manifested than in\n  Italy, mists being far more frequent among us.\u201d See _The Life of\n  Benvenuto Cellini_, translated by J. Addington Symonds 3rd Ed.,\n  (London, 1889), pp. 279 _sq._\n\nFootnote 648:\n\n  See above, pp. 131 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 649:\n\n  A. B. Ellis, The _Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast of West\n  Africa_, p. 60. See above, pp. 149 _sq._\n\nFootnote 650:\n\n  See below, p. 229.\n\nFootnote 651:\n\n  Apollodorus iii. 14. 6; Schol. on Homer, _Iliad_, ii. 547; J. Tzetzes,\n  _Chiliades_, v. 669 _sq._; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, xviii. 12.\n\nFootnote 652:\n\n  Pausanias i. 26. 6 _sq._; Strabo ix. 1. 16, p. 396; Plutarch, _Numa_,\n  9; _id._, _Sulla_, 13. As to the identity of Erechtheus and\n  Erichthonius see my note on Pausanias, i. 18. 2 (vol. ii. p. 169).\n\nFootnote 653:\n\n  Pausanias, i. 27. 3, with my note.\n\nFootnote 654:\n\n  The theory was formerly advocated by me (_Journal of Philology_, xiv.\n  (1885) pp. 154 _sqq._) As to the duties of the Vestals see J.\n  Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd Ed., pp. 342 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 655:\n\n  This explanation was first, so far as I know, given by me in my\n  _Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship_ (London, 1905), p.\n  221. It has since been adopted by Mr. E. Fehrle (_Die kultische\n  Keuschheit im Altertum_, Giessen, 1910, pp. 210 _sqq._).\n\nFootnote 656:\n\n  Aulus Gellius, xiv. 7. 7. Compare Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 153,\n  ix. 4.\n\nFootnote 657:\n\n  _Ovid_, Fasti, vi. 261 _sq._\n\nFootnote 658:\n\n  Festus, _s.v._ \u201cpenus,\u201d p. 250, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller, where for _saepius_\n  we must obviously read _saeptus_.\n\nFootnote 659:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 199, iii. 183 _sq._; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n  _Antiquit. Rom._ i. 79. 11. For the situation of the hut see also\n  Plutarch, _Romulus_, 20.\n\nFootnote 660:\n\n  Conon, _Narrationes_, 48; Vitruvius, ii. 1. 5, p. 35, ed. Rose and\n  M\u00fcller-Str\u00fcbing; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 15. 10. Compare Virgil,\n  _Aen._ viii. 653 _sq._ As to the two huts on the Palatine and the\n  Capitol see A. Schwegler, _R\u00f6mische Geschichte_, i. 394; L. Jahn on\n  Macrobius, _l.c._\n\nFootnote 661:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ ii. 66; Plutarch, _Numa_, 11\n  and 14; Solinus, i. 21; Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 263 _sqq._; _id._,\n  _Tristia_, iii. 1. 29 _sq._; Tacitus, _Annals_, xv. 41.\n\nFootnote 662:\n\n  Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 363. Festus, however, distinguishes\n  the old royal palace (_Regia_) from the house of the King of the\n  Sacred Rites (_s.v._ \u201cSacram viam,\u201d pp. 290, 293, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller).\n  In classical times the _Regia_ was the residence or office of the\n  Pontifex Maximus; but we can hardly doubt that formerly it was the\n  house of the _Rex Sacrorum_. See O. Gilbert, _Geschichte und\n  Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum_, i. 225, 235 _sq._, 341, 344.\n  As to the existing remains of the _Regia_, the temple of Vesta, and\n  the house of the Vestals, see O. Richter, _Topographie der Stadt Rom_,\n  2nd Ed., pp. 88 _sqq._; Ch. Huelsen, _Die Ausgrabungen auf dem Forum\n  Romanum_ 2nd Ed., (Rome, 1903), pp. 62 _sqq._, 88 _sqq._; Mrs. E.\n  Burton-Brown, _Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum_ (London, 1904),\n  pp. 26 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 663:\n\n  Dio Cassius, liv. 27, who tells us that Augustus annexed the house of\n  the King of the Sacred Rites to the house of the Vestals, on which it\n  abutted.\n\nFootnote 664:\n\n  Many such phenomena are noted by Julius Obsequens in his book of\n  prodigies, appended to W. Weissenborn\u2019s edition of Livy, vol. x. 2,\n  pp. 193 _sqq._ (Berlin, 1881).\n\nFootnote 665:\n\n  W. Helbig, _Die Italiker in der Poebene_, pp. 50-55; E. Burton-Brown,\n  _Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum_, pp. 30, 152, 154. For\n  pictures of these hut-urns see G. Boni in _Notizie degli Scavi_, May\n  1900, p. 191, fig. 52; _id._, in _Nuova Antologia_, August 1900, p.\n  22.\n\nFootnote 666:\n\n  Valerius Maximus, iv. 4. 11; Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 310; Acron on Horace,\n  _Odes_, i. 31, quoted by G. Boni in _Notizie degli Scavi_, May 1900,\n  p. 179; Cicero, _Paradoxa_, i. 2; _id._, _De natura deorum_, iii. 17.\n  43; Persius, _Sat._ ii. 59 _sq._; Juvenal, _Sat._ vi. 342 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 667:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ ii. 23. On earthenware vessels\n  used in religious rites see also Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxv. 108, \u201c_In\n  sacris quidem etiam inter has opes hodie non murrinis crystallinisve,\n  sed fictilibus prolibatur simpulis_\u201d; Apuleius, _De magia_, 18,\n  \u201c_Eadem paupertas etiam populo Romano imperium a primordio fundavit,\n  proque eo in hodiernum diis immortalibus simpuvio et catino fictili\n  sacrificat._\u201d\n\nFootnote 668:\n\n  G. Boni in _Notizie degli Scavi_, May 1900, p. 179; E. Burton-Brown,\n  _Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum_, pp. 23 _sq._, 41.\n\nFootnote 669:\n\n  W. Helbig, _Die Italiker in der Poebene_, pp. 82 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 670:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxvii. 21 _sq._\n\nFootnote 671:\n\n  G. Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_ (Berlin, 1874), pp. 26, 30; H.\n  Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae selectae_, No. 5039; J. Marquardt,\n  _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd Ed., 456.\n\nFootnote 672:\n\n  W. Helbig, _Die Italiker in der Poebene_, p. 87.\n\nFootnote 673:\n\n  G. Wilmanns, _Exempla inscriptionum Latinarum_, Nos. 311, 986, 1326,\n  1331; H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae selectae_, Nos. 456, 3314,\n  4926, 4933, 4936, 4942, 4943. Modern writers, following Varro (_De\n  lingua Latina_, vii. 44, \u201c_fictores dicti a fingendis libis_\u201d),\n  explain these _fictores_ as bakers of sacred cakes. See Ch. A. Lobeck,\n  _Aglaophamus_, pp. 1084 _sq._; J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische\n  Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd Ed., 249. They may be right, but it is to\n  be observed that Varro does not expressly refer to the _fictores_ of\n  the Vestals and Pontiffs, and further, that in Latin _fictor_ commonly\n  means a potter, not a baker, for which the regular word is _pistor_.\n\nFootnote 674:\n\n  A. d\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_, iii. (Paris and\n  Strasburg, 1844) p. 194. Much of d\u2019Orbigny\u2019s valuable information as\n  to this tribe was drawn from the manuscript of Father Lacueva, a\n  Spanish Franciscan monk of wealthy family and saint-like character,\n  who spent eighteen or twenty years among the Yuracares in a vain\n  attempt to convert them. With regard to the crops mentioned in the\n  text, these savages plant banana-trees, manioc, sugar-cane, and\n  vegetables round about their huts, which they erect in clearings of\n  the forest. See d\u2019Orbigny, _op. cit._ iii. 196 _sq._\n\nFootnote 675:\n\n  H. A. Junod, \u201cLes Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou Sud-Africains\n  et leurs tabous,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie et de Sociologie_, i. (1910),\n  p. 147.\n\nFootnote 676:\n\n  Columella, _De re rustica_, xii. 4. 2 _sq._\n\nFootnote 677:\n\n  Cicero, _De natura deorum_, ii. 27. 68.\n\nFootnote 678:\n\n  Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ xi. 211.\n\nFootnote 679:\n\n  Horace, _Epodes_, ii. 65 _sq._; Martial, iii. 58. 3 _sq._; L. Preller,\n  _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., ii. 105 _sqq._, 155 _sqq._ See also A.\n  De-Marchi, _Il Culto privato di Roma antica_, i. (Milan, 1896) p. 67,\n  with plate iii.\n\nFootnote 680:\n\n  Macrobius, _Saturn._ iii. 4. 11; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der\n  R\u00f6mer_, pp. 145 _sq._\n\nFootnote 681:\n\n  Festus, _s.v._ \u201cpenus,\u201d pp. 250, 251, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Tacitus,\n  _Annals_, xv. 41; J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd\n  Ed., 252 _sq._\n\nFootnote 682:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 66; Livy, xxvi. 27.\n  14; J. Marquardt, _op. cit._ iii. 2nd Ed., 250 _sq._\n\n\n\n\n                               CHAPTER XV\n                             THE FIRE-DRILL\n\n\n[Sidenote: Mode of rekindling the Vestal fire at Rome by means of the\nfire-drill.] In historical times, whenever the Vestal fire at Rome\nhappened to be extinguished, the virgins were beaten by the pontiff;\nafter which it was their custom, apparently with the aid of the pontiff,\nto rekindle the fire by drilling a hole in a board of lucky wood till a\nflame was elicited by friction. The new fire thus obtained was carried\ninto the temple of Vesta by one of the virgins in a bronze sieve.[683]\nAs this mode of producing fire is one of the most primitive known to\nman, and has been commonly employed by many savage [Sidenote: Use of the\nfire-drill by savages.] tribes down to modern times,[684] we need have\nno difficulty in believing that its use in the worship of Vesta was a\nsurvival from prehistoric ages, and that whenever the fire on the hearth\nof the Latin kings went out it was regularly relit in the same fashion.\nIn its simplest form the fire-drill, as the apparatus has been\nappropriately named by Professor E. B. Tylor, consists of two sticks,\nthe one furnished with a point and the other with a hole. The point of\nthe one stick is inserted into the hole of the other, which is laid flat\non the ground, while the operator holds the pointed stick upright in\nposition and twirls it rapidly between his hands till the rubbing of the\ntwo sticks against each other produces sparks and at last a flame.\n\n[Sidenote: Many savages regard the two sticks of the fire-drill as male\nand female, and the rubbing of the two together as a sexual union.] Many\nsavages see in this operation a resemblance to the union of the sexes,\nand have accordingly named the pointed stick the man and the holed stick\nthe woman. Thus we are told that among the Thompson Indians of British\nColumbia \u201cfire was obtained by means of the fire-drill, which consisted\nof two dried sticks, each over a foot in length, and rounded off to less\nthan an inch in diameter. One stick was sharpened at one end; while the\nother was marked with a couple of notches close to each other\u2014one on the\nside, and the other on top. The sharpened end of the first stick was\nplaced in the top notch of the other stick, and turned rapidly between\nthe straightened palms of both hands. The heat thus produced by the\nfriction of the sticks caused sparks to fall down the side notch upon\ntinder placed underneath, which, when it commenced to smoke, was taken\nin the hands, and blown upon until fanned into a flame. The tinder was\ndry grass, the shredded dry bark of the sagebrush, or cedar-bark. The\nsharpened stick was called the \u2018man,\u2019 and was made of black-pine root,\ntops of young yellow pine, heart of yellow-pine cones, service-berry\nwood, etc. The notched stick was called the \u2018woman,\u2019 and was generally\nmade of poplar-root. However, many kinds of wood were used for this\npurpose. When hot ashes or a spark fell upon the tinder, they said, \u2018The\nwoman has given birth.\u2019\u201d[685] The Hopi Indians kindle fire ceremonially\nby the friction of two sticks, which are regarded respectively as male\nand female. The female stick has a notch in it and is laid flat on the\nfloor; the point of the male stick is inserted in the notch of the\nfemale stick and is made to revolve rapidly by twirling the stick\nbetween the hands. Pollen is added as a male symbol, and the spark is\ncaught in a tinder of shredded cedar bark.[686] The Urabunna tribe of\nCentral Australia, who also make fire by means of the fire-drill, call\nthe upright piece \u201cthe child-stick,\u201d while they give to the horizontal\nor notched piece the name of \u201cthe mother-stick\u201d or \u201cthe mother of the\nfire.\u201d[687] So in the Murray Islands, Torres Straits, the upright stick\nis called the child (_werem_), and the horizontal stick the mother\n(_apu_). In Mabuiag, Torres Straits, on the other hand, the vertical\nstick is known as the male organ (_ini_), and the horizontal stick as\nthe hole (_sakai_).[688]\n\n[Sidenote: The fire-drill among the Arabs.] \u201cThe ancient Bedouins\nkindled fire by means of the fire-drill, which was composed of a\nhorizontal stick, the _zenda_, and an upright stick, the _zend_. The\nscience of language furnishes us with many parallels for this mode of\nregarding the two parts as male and female; the two parts of the lock\nare distinguished in like manner; the spark is then the child, _tifl_;\ncompare also our German _Schraubenmutter_, _Muttergewinde_. The sticks\nfor making fire by friction are not taken from the same tree; on the\ncontrary, they choose one as hard and tough as possible, and the other\nsoft, which allows the hard one to fit into it more easily and catches\nfire the quicker on account of its loose texture. The soft wood was\nnaturally the horizontal stick, the _zenda_, which the Arabs made out of\n_Calotropis procera_ (_\u2019oshar_), while for the upright stick they used a\nhard branch of _markh_.\u201d[689]\n\n[Sidenote: The fire-drill in Africa.] The Ngumbu of South Cameroons, in\nWest Africa, formerly made fire by rubbing two sticks against each\nother. Of the sticks the one, called the male _nschio_, was put into a\nhole of the other, which was called the female _nschio_.[690] In East\nAfrica the Masai men make fire by drilling a hole in a flat piece of\nwood with a hard pointed stick. They say that the hard pointed stick is\na man and that the flat piece of wood is his wife. The former is cut\nfrom _Ficus sycomorus_ and _Ekebergia sp._, the latter from any fibrous\ntree, such as _Kigelia africana_, _Cordia ovalis_, or _Acacia albida_.\nThe women get their fire from the one which has thus been kindled by the\nmen.[691] The Nandi similarly produce fire by rapidly drilling a hard\npointed stick into a small hole in a flat piece of soft wood. The hard\nstick is called the male (_kirkit_) and the piece of soft wood the\nfemale (_k\u00f4ket_). Among the Nandi, as apparently among the Masai,\nfire-making is an exclusive privilege of the men of the tribe.[692] The\nBaganda of Central Africa also made fire by means of the fire-drill;\nthey called the upright stick the male, and the horizontal stick the\nfemale.[693] Among the Bantu tribes of south-eastern Africa, \u201cwhen the\nnative Africans use special fire, either in connection with sacrifice or\nthe festival of first-fruits, it is produced by a doctor, and in the\nfollowing manner:\u2014Two sticks, made of the _Uzwati_ tree, and called the\n\u2018husband and wife,\u2019 are given to him by the chief. These sticks are\nprepared by the magicians, and are the exclusive property of the chief,\nthe \u2018wife\u2019 being the shorter of the two. The doctor cuts a piece off\neach stick, and proceeds to kindle fire in the usual manner, by\nrevolving the one rapidly between the palms of his hands, while its end\nrests in a small hollow dug in the side of the other. After he has\nobtained fire, he gives it to his attendant, who gets the pots in order,\nand everything ready for cooking the newly-reaped fruits. The sticks are\nhanded back to the chief by the doctor\u2014no other hand must touch them\u2014and\nput away till they are required next season. They are regarded as in a\nmeasure sacred, and no one, except the chief\u2019s personal servant, may go\nto the side of the hut where they are kept. After being repeatedly used\nfor fire-making, the doctor disposes of what remains, and new ones are\nmade and consecrated by the magician. A special pot is used for the\npreparation of the feast, and no other than it may be set on a fire\nproduced from the \u2018husband and wife.\u2019 When the feast is over, the fire\nis carefully extinguished, and the pot placed along with the sticks,\nwhere it remains untouched for another year.\u201d[694] But even for the\npurposes of daily life these tribes still kindle fire in this manner, if\nthey happen to be without matches. \u201cA native takes two special sticks,\nmade of a light wood. One of these he points: this is called the male\nstick. He then makes a conical hole in the centre of the other stick,\nwhich is called the female. Placing the female stick on the ground, he\nholds it firmly by his feet\u2014a native finds no difficulty in this, as he\ncan easily pick things off the ground with his toes if his hands are\nfull. He then places the pointed stick into the conical hole, and slowly\ntwirls the male stick between his hands. He does this while using a good\ndeal of pressure, and the wood becomes powdered, lying round the\nrevolving point in a little heap of dust. When he thinks he has made\nsufficient of the wood dust, he twirls the stick very fast, and in a\nmoment the powder bursts into flame, which he uses to set fire to some\ndried grass.\u201d[695]\n\n[Sidenote: Fire-customs of the Herero.] The Damaras or Herero of\nDamaraland, in south-western Africa, maintain sacred fires in their\nvillages, and their customs and beliefs in this respect present a close\nresemblance to the Roman worship of Vesta. Fortunately the Herero\nfire-worship has been described by a number of independent witnesses,\nand as their accounts agree substantially with each other, we may assume\nthat they are correct. The people are a tall, finely-built race of\nnomadic herdsmen belonging to the Bantu stock, who seem to have migrated\ninto their present country from the north and east about a hundred and\nfifty or two hundred years ago. The desert character of the country and\nits seclusion from the outer world long combined to preserve the\nprimitive manners of the inhabitants.[696] In their native state the\nHerero are a purely pastoral people, possessing [Sidenote: The Herero a\npastoral people.] immense herds of cattle and flocks of sheep and goats,\nwhich are the pride and joy of their hearts, almost their idols. They\nsubsist chiefly on the milk of their herds, which they commonly drink\nsour. Of the flesh they make but little use, for they seldom kill any of\ntheir cattle, and never a cow, a calf, or a lamb. Even oxen and weathers\nare only slaughtered on solemn and festal occasions, such as visits,\nburials, and the like. Such slaughter is a great event in a village, and\nyoung and old flock from far and near to partake of the meat.[697] Their\nhuts are of a round [Sidenote: Huts and villages of the Herero.] beehive\nshape, about ten feet in diameter. The framework consists of stout\nbranches, of which the lower ends are rammed into the ground, while the\nupper ends are bent together and tied with bark. A village is composed\nof a number of these round huts arranged in a circle about the calves\u2019\npen as a centre and surrounded by an artificial hedge of\nthorn-bushes.[698] At night the cattle are driven in through the hedge\nand take up their quarters in the open space round the calves\u2019 pen.[699]\n\n[Sidenote: Sacred fire of the Herero village maintained in or before the\nhut of the chief\u2019s principal wife.] The hut of the great or principal\nwife of the chief, built and furnished in a more elaborate style than\nthe rest, regularly stands to the east of the calves\u2019 pen, in the\ndirection of sunrise, so that from its position we can always learn\napproximately the season of the year when the village was founded. The\nchief or headman of the village has no special hut of his own; he passes\nthe day in the hut of the great wife, and the night commonly in one of\nthe huts of his other wives in the northern semicircle. Between the\nhouse of the great wife and the calves\u2019 pen, but somewhat nearer to the\npen, is a large heap of ashes on which, in good weather, a small,\nfaintly glimmering fire may be seen to burn at any time of the day. The\nheap of ashes is the sacred hearth (_okuruo_); the fire is the holy fire\n(_omurangere_ or _omurangerero_) of the village. The open space between\nthe sacred hearth and the house of the great wife is known as the holy\nground or the holy house (_otyizero_).[700] Betwixt the hearth and the\ncalves\u2019 fold stands a great withered branch of the _omumborombonga_\n(_Combretum primigenum_), the sacred tree of the Herero, from which they\nbelieve that both they and their cattle are descended. When a branch of\nthis tree cannot be obtained its place is taken by a bough of the\n_omwapu_ tree (_Grevia spec._)[701] At night and in rainy weather the\nfire is transferred to the hut of the great wife, where it is carefully\nkept alight.[702] According to another account, the fire is regularly\npreserved in the house, and a brand is only brought out into the open\nair when the cattle are being milked at morning and evening in order\nthat in presence of the fire the cow may be healthy and give much\nmilk.[703] The custom in this respect perhaps varies in different\nvillages, and may be determined in some measure by the climate. The\nsacred fire is regarded as the centre of the village; from it at evening\nthe people fetch a light to kindle the fire on their own hearths, for\nevery householder has his own private hearth in front of his hut. At the\nholy hearth are kept the most sacred possessions of the tribe, to wit,\nthe bundle of sticks which represent their ancestors; here sacrifices\nare offered and enchantments performed; here the flesh of the victims is\ncooked; here is the proper place of the chief; here the elders assemble\nin council, and judgment is given; here strangers are received and\nambassadors entertained. At the banquets held on solemn occasions all\nmay partake of the flesh, whether they be friends or foes; the\nstranger\u2019s curse would rest on the churl who should refuse him his just\nshare; and this curse the Herero dreads above everything because he\nbelieves its effect to be infallible. So great is the veneration felt by\nthe natives for the sacred hearth, with its hallowed bough, that they\ndare not approach it without testifying the deepest respect. They take\noff their sandals, throw themselves on the ground, and pray their great\nancestor (_Tate Mukuru_) to be gracious to them. The horns of the oxen\nslaughtered at festivals lie beside the hearth; the chief sits on the\nlargest pair when he is engaged in performing his magical rites. Near\nthe fire, too, is a stone on which none but the chief has the right to\nsit.[704]\n\n[Sidenote: The sacred fire among the Herero is watched and fed by\nthe chief\u2019s eldest unmarried daughter, who performs other priestly\nduties.] The duty of maintaining the sacred fire and preserving it\nfrom extinction is entrusted to the eldest unmarried daughter of\nthe chief by his great wife; if he has no daughter, the task\ndevolves on the unmarried girl who is next of kin to him. She\nbears the title of _ondangere_, derived from the name of the\nsacred fire (_omurangere_).[705] Besides keeping up the fire she\nhas other priestly functions to discharge. Before the men start on\na dangerous expedition, she rubs the holy ashes on their\nforeheads.[706] When a woman brings her new-born infant to the\nsacred hearth to receive its name, the maiden priestess or Vestal,\nas we may call her, sprinkles water on both mother and child.[707]\nEvery morning, when the cattle walk out of the fold, she\nbesprinkles the fattest of them with a brush dipped in water.[708]\nWhen an ox dies by accident at the village, she lays a piece of\nwood on its back, praying at the same time for long life, plenty\nof cattle, and so forth. Moreover, she ties a double knot in her\napron for the dead beast, for a curse would follow if she\nneglected to do so.[709] Lastly, when the site of the village is\nchanged, the priestess walks at the head of the people and of the\nherds, carrying a firebrand from the old sacred hearth and taking\nthe utmost care to keep it alight.[710]\n\nThe chief or headman of the village is also the priest; [Sidenote: The\nHerero chief acts as a priest.] he alone may perform religious\nceremonies except such as fall within the province of the Vestal\npriestess, his daughter. In his capacity of priest he keeps the sacred\nbundle of sticks which represent the ancestors, and at sacrifices he\noffers meat to them that they may consecrate it. When the old village is\nabandoned, it is his duty to carry, like Aeneas quitting the ruins of\nTroy,[711] these rude penates to the new home. However, it is deemed\nenough if he merely places the holy bundle on his back, and then hands\nit to a servant, who carries it for him. As a priest he introduces the\nnewborn children to the spirits of the ancestors at the sacred hearth,\nand gives the infants their names; and as a priest he has a cow to\nhimself, whose milk no one else may drink. This milk is kept in vessels\nwhich differ from the ordinary milk vessels, not only in shape and size,\nbut also in being marked with the badge of his paternal clan. When a man\ngoes forth from the village with his family and servants to herd the\ncattle on a distant pasture, or to found another village, he takes with\nhim a burning brand from the sacred hearth wherewith to kindle the holy\nfire in his new home. By [Sidenote: Fire taken from the chief\u2019s hearth\nby the founder of a new village.] doing so he acknowledges himself the\nvassal of the chief from whose hearth he took the fire. In this way a\nsingle village may give out swarm after swarm, till it has become the\nmetropolis or capital of a whole group of villages, the inhabitants of\nwhich recognise the supremacy of the parent community, and regard\nthemselves as all sitting round its sacred fire. It is thus that a\nvillage may grow into a tribe and its headman into a powerful chief,\nwho, by means of marriage alliances and the adhesion of weaker rivals,\nmay extend his sway over alien communities, and so gradually acquire the\nrank and authority of a king.[712] The political evolution of the Herero\nhas indeed stopped short of this final stage; but among the more\nadvanced branches of the Bantu race, such as the Zulus and the\nMatabeles, it is possible that the kingship has developed along these\nlines.\n\n[Sidenote: The combined office of chief and priest among the Herero\ndescends in the male line.] The possession of the sacred fire and of the\nancestral sticks, carrying with it both political authority and priestly\ndignity, descends in the male line, and hence generally passes from\nfather to son. In any case, whether the deceased had a son or not, the\ndouble office of chief and priest must always remain in his paternal\nclan (_oruzo_). If it should happen that the clan becomes extinct by his\ndeath, the [Sidenote: A chief\u2019s sacred hearth abandoned for some time\nafter his death.] sacred fire is put out, the hearth destroyed, no brand\nis taken from it, and the sticks representing the ancestors are laid\nwith the dead man in the grave. But should there be an heir, as usually\nhappens, he takes a fire-brand from the sacred hearth and departs with\nall the people to seek a new home, abandoning the old village for years.\nIn time, however, they return to the spot, rebuild the huts on the same\nsites, and inhabit them again. But in the interval none of the kinsmen\nof the deceased may approach the deserted village under pain of\nincurring the wrath of the ghost. When the return at last takes place,\nand the people have announced their arrival to the dead chief at his\ngrave, which is generally in the cattle-pen, they make a new fire by the\nfriction of the two sacred fire-sticks on the old hearth; for it is not\nlawful to bring with them a brand from their last settlement.[713]\n\n[Sidenote: The sacred Herero fire rekindled by the fire-drill.] If the\nsacred fire should go out through the neglect of the priestess, a sudden\nshower of rain, or any other accident, the Herero deem it a very evil\nomen. The whole tribe is immediately summoned and large offerings of\ncattle are made as an expiation. Then the fire is relit by means of the\nfriction of two sacred fire-sticks, which have been handed down from\nfather to son. Every chief possesses such fire-sticks, and keeps them\ntied up with the bundle of holy sticks that represent the ancestors. One\nof the fire-sticks is pointed, the other has a hole in the middle, and\nsometimes also a notch cut round it. In the notch some fungus or rotten\nwood is placed as tinder. The holed stick is held fast on the ground by\nthe knees of the operator, who inserts the point of the other stick in\nthe hole and twirls it rapidly between the palms of his hands in the\nusual way. As soon as a spark is emitted it catches the tinder, which\ncan then easily be blown up into a flame. Thus it is from the tinder, we\nare told, and not from the sticks, that the flame is elicited. In this\nfashion, if everything is very dry, as it generally is in Hereroland,\nthe native gets fire in about a minute. The names applied to the two\nsticks indicate that the pointed stick (_ondume_) is regarded as male\nand the holed stick (_otyiya_) as female, and that the process of making\nfire by the friction of the two is compared to the intercourse of the\nsexes. As to the wood of which the fire-sticks are made accounts differ.\nAccording to Dr. H. Schinz the holed or female stick is of a soft wood,\nthe pointed or male stick of a hard wood, generally of the [Sidenote:\nThe male fire-stick made of the sacred _omumborombonga_ tree.] sacred\n_omumborombonga_ tree (_Combretum primigenum_). According to Mr. C. G.\nB\u00fcttner, neither of the sticks need be of a special tree, and any wood\nthat happens to be at hand may be employed for the purpose; only the\nwood of the thorny acacias, which abound in the country, appears to be\nunsuitable.[714] Probably the rule mentioned by Dr. Schinz is the\noriginal one, and if in some places the wood of the sacred tree has\nceased to be used to light the holy fire, the reason may be simply that\nthe tree does not grow there, and that accordingly the people are\nobliged to use such wood as they can find. We have seen that a branch of\nthe sacred _omumborombonga_ tree is regularly planted beside the village\nhearth, but that in default of it the people have to put up with a bough\nof another kind of tree, the _omuwapu_ (_Grevia spec_).[715] Such\nsubstitutions were especially apt to be forced on the Herero in the\nsouthern part of the country, where the _omumborombonga_ tree is very\nrare and forests do not exist, the larger trees growing singly or in\nclumps. In the north, on the other hand, vegetation is much richer, and\nregular woods are to be found. Here, in particular, the _omumborombonga_\ntree is one of the ornaments of the landscape. It grows only beside\nwater-courses, and generally stands solitary, surpassing a tall oak in\nheight, and rivalling it in girth; indeed, so thick is the trunk that\nwere it hollowed out a family could lodge in it. Unlike most trees in\nthe country it is thornless. Whole forests of it grow to the eastward of\nHereroland, in the direction of Lake Ngami. So close is the grain and so\nheavy the wood that some of the early explorers gave it the name of the\n\u201ciron tree.\u201d[716] Hence it is well adapted to form the upright stick of\nthe fire-drill, for which a hard wood is required.\n\n[Sidenote: Herero tradition of the origin of men and cattle from the\nsacred _omumborombonga_ tree.] The Herero have a tradition that in the\nbeginning they and their cattle and all four-footed beasts came forth\nfrom the _omumborombonga_ tree in a single day, whereas birds, fish, and\ncreeping things sprang from the rain. However, slightly different\nversions of the Herero genesis appear to be current. As to the origin of\nmen and cattle from the tree, public opinion is unanimous; but some\ndissenters hold that sheep and perhaps goats, but certainly sheep,\nissued from a flat rock in the north of the country. For some time past,\nunfortunately, the tree has ceased to be prolific; it is of no use\nwaiting beside it in the hope of capturing such oxen and sheep as it\nmight bear. Yet still the Herero testify great respect for the tree\nwhich they regard as their ancestor (_omukuru_). To injure it is deemed\na sacrilege which the ancestor will punish sooner or later. In passing\nit they bow reverently and stick a bunch of green twigs or grass into\nthe trunk or throw it down at the foot. They address the tree, saying,\n\u201c_U-zera tate mukururume_, Thou art holy, grandfather!\u201d and they even\nenter into conversation with it, giving the answers themselves in a\nchanged voice. They hardly dare to sit down in its shadow. All this\nreverence they display for every tree of the species.[717]\n\n[Sidenote: Migration from one country to another sometimes involves a\nchange of sacred tree.] On the whole, then, we may infer that so long as\nthe Herero dwelt in a land where their ancestral tree abounded, they\nmade the male fire-stick from its wood; but that as they gradually\nmigrated from a region of tropical rains and luxuriant forests to the\narid mountains, open grass lands, and dry torrid climate of their\npresent country,[718] they had in some places to forgo its use and to\ntake another tree in its stead. Similarly the Aryan invaders of Greece\nand Italy were obliged, under a southern sky, to seek substitutes for\nthe sacred oak of their old northern home; and more and more, as time\nwent on and the deciduous woods retreated up the mountain slopes, they\nfound what they sought in the laurel, the olive, and the vine. Zeus\nhimself had to put up with the white poplar at his great sanctuary of\nOlympia in the hot lowlands of Elis;[719] and on summer days, when the\nlight leaves of the poplar hardly stirred in the languid air and the\nbuzz of the flies was more than usually exasperating, he perhaps looked\nwistfully away to the Arcadian mountains, looming blue in the distance\nthrough a haze of heat, and sighed for the shadow and the coolness of\ntheir oak woods.\n\n[Sidenote: The worship of the chief\u2019s fire a form of ancestor-worship.]\nThus it appears that the sanctity ascribed by the Herero to the chief\u2019s\nfire springs from a custom of kindling it with the wood of their\nancestral tree; in fact, the cult of the fire resolves itself into a\nform of ancestor-worship. For the religion of the Herero, like that of\nall Bantu peoples, is first and foremost a propitiation of the spirits\nof their forefathers conceived as powerful beings able and willing to\nharm them. From youth to death the Herero live in constant dread of\ntheir ancestors (_ovakuru_, plural of _omukuru_), who, sometimes seen\nand sometimes unseen, return to earth and play their descendants many a\nspiteful trick. They glide into the village, steal the milk, drive the\ncattle from the fold, and waylay women. More than that, they can inflict\ndisease and death, decide the issue of war, and send or withhold rain at\npleasure. They are the cause of every vexation and misfortune, and the\nwhole aim of the living is by frequent sacrifices to mollify and appease\nthe dead.[720]\n\n[Sidenote: The sacred hearth a special seat of the ancestral spirits.]\nNow the sacred hearth seems to be in a special sense the seat of the\nworship paid to the ancestral spirits. Here the head of the family sits\nand communes with his forefather, giving himself the answers he thinks\nfit.[721] Hither the newborn child is brought with its mother to be\nintroduced to the spirits and to receive its name, and the chief,\naddressing his ancestors, announces, \u201cTo you a child is born in your\nvillage; may this village never come to an end!\u201d[722] Hither the bride\nis conducted at her marriage, and a sheep having been sacrificed, its\nflesh is placed on the holy bushes at the hearth.[723] Hither the sick\nare carried to be commended to the care of their ghostly kinsmen, and as\nthe sufferer is borne round and round the fire his friends chant:\u2014\n\n                     \u201c_See, Father, we have come here,\n                     With this sick man to you,\n                     That he may soon recover._\u201d[724]\n\n[Sidenote: Sacred sticks representing the deceased ancestors of the\nHerero.] But the most tangible link between the worship of the fire and\nthe worship of the dead is furnished by the sacred sticks representing\nthe ancestors, which are kept in a bundle together with the two sticks\nused for kindling the fire by friction. Each of these rude idols or\nLares, as we may call them, \u201csymbolises a definite ancestor of the\npaternal clan, and, taken together, they may be regarded as the most\nsacred possession of a family. They stand in the closest relation to the\nholy hearth, or rather to the priestly dignity, and must therefore\nalways remain in the same paternal clan.\u201d[725] These sticks \u201care cut\nfrom trees or bushes which are dedicated to the ancestors, and they\nrepresent the ancestors at the sacrificial meals, for the cooked flesh\nof the victims is always set before them first. Many people always keep\nthese sticks, tied up in a bundle with straps and hung with amulets, in\nthe branches of the sacrificial bushes which stand on the sacred hearth\n(_okuruo_). The sacrificial bush serves to support the severed pieces of\nthe victim, and thus in a measure represents an altar or table of\nsacrifice.\u201d[726] When after an absence of years the people return to a\nvillage where a chief died and was buried, a new fire is kindled by\nfriction on the old hearth, the flesh of the first animal slaughtered\nhere is cooked in a particular vessel, and the chief hands a portion of\nit to every person present. \u201cAn image, consisting of two pieces of wood,\nsupposed to represent the household deity, or rather the deified parent,\nis then produced, and moistened in the platter of each individual. The\nchief then takes the image, and, after affixing a piece of meat to the\nupper end of it, he plants it in the ground, on the identical spot where\nhis parent was accustomed to sacrifice. The first pail of milk produced\nfrom the cattle is also taken to the grave; a small quantity is poured\non the ground, and a blessing asked on the remainder.\u201d Each clan, the\nwriter adds, has a particular tree or shrub consecrated to it, and of\nthis tree or shrub the two sticks representing the deceased are\nmade.[727]\n\n[Sidenote: The sacred sticks representing the ancestors are probably the\nfire-sticks which were used to kindle fresh fire in the village after a\ndeath.] In these accounts the sacred sticks which stand for the\nancestors, and to which the meat of sacrifices is first offered, are\ndistinguished, expressly or implicitly, from the sacred sticks which are\nused to make the holy fire.[728] Other writers, however, identify the\ntwo sets of sticks. Thus we are told that the Herero \u201cmake images of\ntheir ancestors as follows. They take the two sticks with which they\nmake fire and tie them together with a fresh wisp of corn. Then they\nworship this object as their ancestor. They may approach it only on\ntheir knees. For hours together they sit before it and talk with it. If\nyou ask them where they imagine their ancestors to be, since they cannot\nsurely be these sticks, they answer that they do not know. The sticks\nare kept in the house of the great wife.\u201d[729] Again, another writer\ndefines the _ondume_ or male fire-stick as a \u201cstick representing an\n_omukuru_, _i.e._ ancestor, deity, with which and the _otyiza_ the holy\nfire is made.\u201d[730] Again, the Rev. G. Viehe, in describing the\nceremonies observed at the return to a deserted village where an\nancestor (_omukuru_) is buried, tells us that they bring no fire with\nthem, \u201cbut holy fire must now be obtained from the _omukuru_. This is\ndone with the _ondume_ and the _otyiza_. The meaning of these two words\nplainly shows that the first represents the _omukuru_, and the other his\nwife.\u201d[731] The same excellent authority defines the _ozondume_ as\n\u201csticks which represent the _ovakuru_, _i.e._ ancestors, deities\u201d;[732]\nand _ozondume_ is simply the plural of _ondume_, the male\nfire-stick.[733] Hence it appears highly probable that the sticks\nrepresenting the ancestors are, in fact, nothing but the male\nfire-sticks, each of which was cut to make a new fire on the return to\nthe old village after a chiefs death. The stick would be an appropriate\nemblem of the deceased, who had been in his lifetime the owner of the\nsacred fire, and who now after his death bestowed it on his descendants\nby means of the friction of his wooden image. And the symbolism will\nappear all the more natural when we remember that the male fire-stick is\ngenerally made from the ancestral tree, that the process of fire-making\nis regarded by the Herero as the begetting of a child, and that their\nname for the stick, according to the most probable etymology, signifies\n\u201cthe begetter.\u201d Such sticks would be far too sacred to be thrown away\nwhen they had served their immediate purpose of kindling a new fire, and\nthus in time a whole bundle of them would accumulate, each of them\nrecalling, and in a sense representing, one of the great forefathers of\nthe tribe. When the old sticks had ceased to be used as fire-lighters,\nand were preserved merely as memorials of the dead, it is not surprising\nthat their original function should be overlooked by some European\nobservers, who have thus been led to distinguish them from the sticks by\nwhich the fire is actually produced at the present day.[734] Amongst the\n[Sidenote: Sacred fire-boards among the Koryaks and Chuckchees of\nnorth-eastern Asia.] Koryaks of north-eastern Asia, when the sacred\nfire-boards, roughly carved in human form, are so full of holes that\nthey can no longer be used for the purpose of kindling fire, they are\nstill kept as holy relics in a shrine near the door of the house; and a\nstranger who observed the respect with which they are treated, but who\ndid not know their history, might well mistake them for figures of\nworshipful ancestors and never guess the practical purpose which they\nonce served as fire-lighters. A Koryak family regards its sacred\nfire-board not only as the deity of the household fire, the guardian of\nthe family hearth, but also as the guardian of the reindeer, and they\ncall it the \u201cmaster of the herd.\u201d It is supposed to protect the reindeer\nfrom wolves and from sickness and to prevent the animals from straying\naway and being lost. When a reindeer is slaughtered, the sacred\nfire-board is taken out and smeared with the blood. The maritime\nKoryaks, who do not live by reindeer, regard the sacred fire-board as\nthe master of the underground house and the helper in the hunt of\nsea-mammals. They call it \u201cfather\u201d and feed it from time to time with\nfat, which they smear on its mouth.[735] Among the neighbouring\nChuckchees in the north-eastern extremity of Asia similar ideas and\ncustoms obtain in respect of the fire-boards. These are roughly carved\nin human form and personified, almost deified, as the supernatural\nguardians of the reindeer. The holes made by drilling in the board are\ndeemed the eyes of the figure and the squeaking noise produced by the\nfriction of the fire-drill in the hole is thought to be its voice. At\nevery sacrifice the mouth of the figure is greased with tallow or with\nthe marrow of bones. When a new fire-board is made, it is consecrated by\nbeing smeared with the blood of a slaughtered reindeer, and the owner\nsays, \u201cEnough! Take up your abode here!\u201d Then the other fire-boards are\nbrought to the same place and set side by side on the ground. The owner\nsays, \u201cHo! these are your companions. See that I always find easily\nevery kind of game!\u201d Next he slaughters another reindeer and says, \u201cHi!\nSince you are one of my young men, go and drive the herd hither!\u201d Then\nafter a pause he asks the fire-board, \u201cHave you brought it?\u201d to which in\nthe name of the fire-board he answers, \u201cI have.\u201d Thereupon, speaking in\nhis own person, he says, \u201cThen catch some reindeer! It seems that you\nwill keep a good watch over the herd. There, from the actual chief of\nthe fire-boards, you may learn wisdom.\u201d These sacred fire-boards are\noften handed down from generation to generation as family heir-looms.\nDuring the calving-season they are taken from their bag and placed\nbehind the frame in the outer tent in order that they may protect the\ndams.[736]\n\n[Sidenote: The evolution of a fire-god or fire-goddess.] These Koryak\nand Chuckchee customs illustrate the evolution of a fire-god into the\npatron deity of a family and his representation in human form by the\nboard which is used in fire-making. As the fire-board is that part of\nthe kindling apparatus which is commonly regarded as female in\ncontradistinction to the drill, which is regarded as male, we can easily\nunderstand why the deity of the fire should sometimes, as at Rome, be\nconceived as a goddess rather than as a god; whereas if the drill itself\nwere viewed as the essential part of the apparatus we should expect to\nfind a fire-god and not a fire-goddess.\n\nFootnote 683:\n\n  Festus, _s.v._ \u201cIgnis,\u201d p. 106, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller: \u201c_Ignis Vestae si\n  quando interstinctus esset, virgines verberibus afficiebantur a\n  pontifice, quibus mos erat tabulam felicis materiae tamdiu terebrare,\n  quousque exceptum ignem cribro aeneo virgo in aedem ferret_.\u201d In this\n  passage it is not clear whether _quibus_ refers to the virgins alone\n  or to the virgins and the pontiff together; but the strict grammatical\n  construction is in favour of the latter interpretation. The point is\n  not unimportant, as we shall see presently. From a passage of Plutarch\n  (_Numa_, 9) it has sometimes been inferred that the Vestal fire was\n  rekindled by sunlight reflected from a burning-glass. But in this\n  passage Plutarch is describing a Greek, not a Roman, mode of making\n  fire, as has been rightly pointed out by Professor M. H. Morgan (\u201cDe\n  ignis eliciendi modis apud antiquos,\u201d _Harvard Studies in Classical\n  Philology_, i. (1890) pp. 56 _sqq._). In this memoir Professor Morgan\n  has collected and discussed the passages of Greek and Latin writers\n  which refer to the kindling of fire.\n\nFootnote 684:\n\n  See E. B. Tylor, _Early History of Mankind_, 3rd Ed., pp. 238 _sqq._\n  More evidence might easily be given. See, for example, J. Dawson,\n  _Australian Aborigines_, pp. 15 _sq._; C. Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_,\n  p. 191; A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp.\n  770-773; Maximilian Prinz zu Wied-Newied, _Reise nach Brasilien_, ii.\n  18 _sq._; E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, pp. 257-259;\n  K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, pp.\n  223 _sqq._; H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North\n  Borneo_, i. 375 _sqq._; A. Maass, _Bei liebensw\u00fcrdigen Wilden, ein\n  Beitrag zur Kenntniss der Mentawai-Insulaner_ (Berlin, 1902), pp. 114,\n  116; Mgr. Le Roy, \u201cLes Pygm\u00e9es,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xxix. (1897),\n  p. 137; E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras,\n  1906), pp. 464-470; W. A. Reed, _Negritos of Zambales_ (Manila, 1904),\n  p. 40.\n\nFootnote 685:\n\n  J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d pp. 203, 205\n  (_Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North\n  Pacific Expedition_, vol. i. part 4).\n\nFootnote 686:\n\n  J. Walter Fewkes, \u201cThe Lesser New-fire Ceremony at Walpi,\u201d _American\n  Anthropologist_, N.S. iii. (1901) p. 445.\n\nFootnote 687:\n\n  Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 621.\n\nFootnote 688:\n\n  For this information I am indebted to Mr. S. H. Ray.\n\nFootnote 689:\n\n  G. Jacob, _Altarabisches Beduineneben_ 2nd Ed., (Berlin, 1897), p. 91.\n  In his _Arabic-English Lexicon_, book i. p. 1257, E. W. Lane gives the\n  following account of the subject: \u201c_zand_, a piece of stick or wood,\n  for producing fire; the upper one of the two pieces of stick, or wood,\n  with which fire is produced: ... and _zanda_ is the appellation of the\n  lower one thereof, in which is the notch or hollow, or in which is a\n  hole.... One end of the _zand_ is put into the _fard_ (notch) of the\n  _zanda_, and the _zand_ is then rapidly twirled round in producing\n  fire.... The best kind of _zand_ is made of _\u2019af\u0101r_ and the best kind\n  of _zanda_ of _markh_.\u201d It will be observed that the two writers\n  differ as to _markh_ wood, Jacob saying that it is used to make the\n  upright (male) stick, and Lane that it is used to make the horizontal\n  (female) stick. My learned friend Professor A. A. Bevan, who directed\n  my attention to both passages and transliterated for me the Arabic\n  words in Lane, has kindly consulted the original authorities on this\n  point and informs me that Lane is right.\n\nFootnote 690:\n\n  L. Concradt, \u201cDie Ngumbu in S\u00fcdkamerun,\u201d _Globus_, lxxxi, (1902) p.\n  354.\n\nFootnote 691:\n\n  A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 342.\n\nFootnote 692:\n\n  A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 85.\n\nFootnote 693:\n\n  Letter of the Rev. J. Roscoe, dated Mengo, Uganda, 3rd August 1904.\n\nFootnote 694:\n\n  J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_ 2nd Ed., (London, 1890), pp. 216 _sq._\n\nFootnote 695:\n\n  Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), pp. 51 _sq._\n\nFootnote 696:\n\n  J. Irle, _Die Herero_ (G\u00fctersloh, 1906), pp. 49 _sqq._, 53 _sqq._\n  Compare Josaphat Hahn, \u201cDie Ovaherero,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft\n  f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_, iv. (1869) pp. 227 _sqq._; H. Schinz,\n  _Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_ (Oldenburg and Leipsic, N.D.), pp. 142 _sq._;\n  E. Dannert, _Zum Rechte der Herero_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 1 _sqq._ The\n  people call themselves _Ovaherero_ (plural); the singular form is\n  _Omuherero_. The name Damaras was given them by the English and Dutch.\n  Under the influence of the missionaries most of the heathen customs\n  described in the text seem now to have disappeared. See P. H.\n  Brincker, \u201cCharacter, Sitten, und Gebr\u00e4uche, speciell der Bantu\n  Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-afrikas,\u201d _Mittheilungen des Seminars f\u00fcr\n  Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p.\n  72.\n\nFootnote 697:\n\n  C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_ (London, 1856), p. 230; J. Chapman,\n  _Travels in the Interior of South Africa_ (London, 1868), i. 325; J.\n  Hahn, \u201cDie Ovaherero,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu\n  Berlin_, iv. (1869) pp. 244-247, 250; C. J. B\u00fcttner, _Das Hinterland\n  von Walfischbai und Angra Pequena_ (Heidelberg, 1884), pp. 228 _sq._;\n  H. Schinz, _Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_, pp. 158-161; J. Irle, _Die\n  Herero_, pp. 32 _sqq._, 113.\n\nFootnote 698:\n\n  Francis Galton, _Narrative of an Explorer in Tropical South Africa_\n  3rd Ed., (London, 1890), p. 116; J. Hahn, _op. cit._ iv. (1869), p.\n  247; H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 155; J. Irle, _Die Herero_, pp. 111\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 699:\n\n  H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 159.\n\nFootnote 700:\n\n  H. Schinz, _op. cit._ pp. 155-157; compare J. Hahn, _op. cit._ iv.\n  (1869) p. 499; J. Irle, _Die Herero_, p. 78; E. Dannert, _Zum Rechte\n  der Herero_, pp. 4 _sq._ At first sight Dr. Schinz\u2019s account appears\n  to differ slightly from that given by the Rev. G. Viehe, who says: \u201cIn\n  the werfts of the Ovaherero, the houses of the chief are on the\n  eastern side. Next to these, towards the west, follow, one after\n  another, the holy house (_otyizero_), the place of the holy fire\n  (_okuruo_), and the kraal [_i.e._ the calves\u2019 pen] (_otyunda_); thus\n  the _otyizero_ is on the east, and the _otyunda_ on the west side of\n  the _okuruo_\u201d (\u201cSome Customs of the Ovaherero,\u201d _South African\n  Folk-lore Journal_, i. (1879) p. 62). But it seems clear that by the\n  chief\u2019s house Mr. Viehe means what Dr. Schinz calls the house of the\n  great wife; and that what Mr. Viehe calls the holy house is the open\n  space between the sacred hearth and the house of the great wife or\n  chief. That space is described as the holy ground by Dr. Schinz, who\n  uses that phrase (\u201c_der geweihte Boden_\u201d) as the equivalent of the\n  native _otyizero_. Thus the two writers are in substantial agreement\n  with each other. On the other hand Dr. C. H. Hahn gives the name of\n  _otyizero_ or sacred house to \u201cthe chief house of the chief, in front\n  of which is the place of the holy fire.\u201d He adds that \u201cthe chief has\n  several houses, according to the number of wives, each wife having her\n  own hut\u201d (_South African Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880) p. 62, note\n  1.) The name _otyizero_ seems to be derived from _zera_, \u201csacred,\u201d\n  \u201ctaboo.\u201d See G. Viehe, _op. cit._ pp. 39, 41, 43; Rev. E. Dannert, in\n  (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880) pp. 63, 65, 105, and\n  the editor\u2019s note, _ib._ p. 93.\n\nFootnote 701:\n\n  H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 155.\n\nFootnote 702:\n\n  C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_, p. 223; J. Hahn, _op. cit._ iv. (1869)\n  p. 500; H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 165.\n\nFootnote 703:\n\n  H. Brincker, _W\u00f6rterbuch und kurzgefasste Grammatik des Otjiherero_\n  (Leipsic, 1886), _s.v._ \u201c_okuruo_\u201d; _id._ \u201cPyrolatrie in S\u00fcdafrika,\u201d\n  _Globus_, lxvii. (January 1895) p. 97; Meyer, quoted by J. Kohler,\n  \u201cDas Recht der Herero,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr vergleichende\n  Rechtswissenschaft_, xiv. (1900) p. 315.\n\nFootnote 704:\n\n  J. Hahn, _op. cit._ iv. (1869) pp. 499 _sq._; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in\n  (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880) p. 84; C. G.\n  B\u00fcttner, \u201cUeber Handwerke und technische Fertigkeiten der Eingeborenen\n  in Damaraland,\u201d _Ausland_, 7th July 1884, p. 522; P. H. Brincker, in\n  _Mittheilungen des Seminars f\u00fcr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_,\n  iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 75; _id._, _W\u00f6rterbuch des\n  Otjiherero_, _s.v._ \u201c_okuruo_\u201d; _id._, \u201cPyrolatrie in S\u00fcdafrika,\u201d\n  _Globus_, lxvii. (January 1895) p. 97; H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 183;\n  Meyer, _l.c._\n\nFootnote 705:\n\n  C. J. Andersson, _op. cit._ p. 223; J. Hahn, _op. cit._ iv. (1869) p.\n  500; Rev. E. Dannert, in (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii.\n  (1880) p. 66; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, _ibid._ p. 83, note 4; C. G.\n  B\u00fcttner, _l.c._; H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 165; J. Irle, _Die Herero_,\n  pp. 78 _sq._; E. Dannert, _Zum Rechte der Herero_, p. 5. According to\n  Meyer (_l.c._) and E. Dannert (_Zum Rechte der Herero_, p. 5), if the\n  chief\u2019s eldest daughter marries, the duty of tending the fire passes\n  to his eldest wife. This statement is at variance with all the other\n  testimony on the subject, and for reasons which will appear presently\n  I regard it as improbable. At least it can hardly represent the\n  original custom.\n\nFootnote 706:\n\n  Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii.\n  (1880) p. 84.\n\nFootnote 707:\n\n  Rev. E. Dannert, in (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880)\n  p. 66; H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 168.\n\nFootnote 708:\n\n  Francis Galton, _op. cit._ p. 115.\n\nFootnote 709:\n\n  C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_, p. 223.\n\nFootnote 710:\n\n  C. J. Andersson, _l.c._; J. Hahn, _op. cit._ iv. (1869) p. 500; H.\n  Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 167.\n\nFootnote 711:\n\n  Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 717 _sqq._, 747.\n\nFootnote 712:\n\n  C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_, p. 224; Rev. G. Viehe, in (_South\n  African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, i. (1879) p. 43; Rev. E. Dannert, in\n  (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880) p. 67; C. G.\n  B\u00fcttner, _l.c._; H. Schinz, _op. cit._ pp. 166, 167, 186; Meyer,\n  quoted by J. Kohler, _op. cit._ p. 315; P. H. Brincker, in\n  _Mittheilungen des Seminars f\u00fcr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_,\n  iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, pp. 75 _sq._; J. Irle, _Die Herero_, p.\n  80; E. Dannert, _Zum Rechte der Herero_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 5.\n\nFootnote 713:\n\n  C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_, pp. 228 _sq._; Rev. G. Viehe, _op.\n  cit._ i. (1879) pp. 61 _sq._; C. G. B\u00fcttner, _l.c._; H. Schinz, _op.\n  cit._ pp. 165, 180. The Herero have a curious twofold system of\n  paternal clans (_otuzo_, plural; _oruzo_, singular) and maternal clans\n  (_omaanda_, plural; _eanda_, singular). Every person inherits an\n  _oruzo_ from his father and an _eanda_ from his mother. See my\n  _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 357 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 714:\n\n  C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_, pp. 223 _sq._; J. Hahn, _op. cit._ iv.\n  (1869) p. 500; Rev. G. Viehe, _op. cit._ i. (1879) pp. 39, 61; C. G.\n  B\u00fcttner, _l.c._; H. Brincker, _W\u00f6rterbuch des Otji-herero_, _s.vv._\n  _ondume_ and _otjija_; _id._ \u201cCharacter, Sitten, und Gebr\u00e4uche,\n  speciell der Bantu Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-afrikas,\u201d _Mittheilungen des\n  Seminars f\u00fcr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte\n  Abtheilung, p. 75; _id._ \u201cPyrolatrie in S\u00fcdafrika,\u201d _Globus_, lxvii.\n  (January, 1895) p. 96; H. Schinz, _op. cit._ pp. 165 _sq._; J. Kohler,\n  _op. cit._ pp. 305, 315; J. Irle, _Die Herero_, pp. 79 _sq._ According\n  to Dr. Schinz, the meaning of the names applied to the fire-sticks has\n  been much disputed; he himself adopts the view given in the text, and\n  supports it by weighty reason which, taken along with analogous\n  designations in many other parts of the world, may be regarded as\n  conclusive. He tells us that _otyiza_ means _pudendum muliebre_, and\n  this is actually the name of the holed stick according to Mr. Viehe\n  (_ll.cc._), though Dr. Schinz gives _otyia_ as the name. I have\n  followed Dr. Brincker in accepting _otyiya_ (_otjija_) as the correct\n  form of the word. Further, Dr. Schinz derives _ondume_, the name of\n  the pointed stick, from a verb _ruma_, meaning \u201cto have intercourse\n  with a woman.\u201d Moreover, he reports that the Ai San Bushmen, near\n  Noihas, in the Kalahari desert, call the vertical fire-stick _tau\n  doro_ and the horizontal fire-stick _gai doro_, where _tau_ is the\n  masculine prefix and _gai_ the feminine. Finally, a Herero explained\n  to him the significance of the names by referring in an unmistakable\n  manner to the corresponding relations in the animal kingdom. That the\n  two sticks are regarded as male and female is positively affirmed by\n  Mr. Viehe, Mr. Meyer (quoted by J. Kohler), and Dr. Brincker.\n\nFootnote 715:\n\n  See above, pp. 213 _sq._ Mr. G. Viehe says that the _omuwapu_ tree\n  \u201cacts a very important part in almost all the religious ceremonies\u201d of\n  the Herero (_op. cit._ i. 45). Probably it is only used where the\n  _omumborombonga_ cannot be had.\n\nFootnote 716:\n\n  J. Hahn, \u201cDas Land der Herero,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n  Erdkunde zu Berlin_, iii. (1868) pp. 200, 213, 214 _sq._; C. J.\n  Andersson, _Lake Ngami_, pp. 218, 221; _id._, _The Okavango River_\n  (London, 1861), pp. 21 _sq._; H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 182.\n\nFootnote 717:\n\n  C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_, p. 221; Francis Galton, _op. cit._ p.\n  115; J. Hahn, _op. cit._ iii. (1868) p. 215, iv. (1869) p. 498, note;\n  Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in _(South African) Folk-lore Journal_, ii.\n  (1880) pp. 92 _sq._; H. Schinz, _op. cit._ pp. 182 _sq._; Meyer,\n  quoted by J. Kohler, _op. cit._ p. 297; P. H. Brincker, in\n  _Mittheilungen des Seminars f\u00fcr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_\n  (1900), Dritte Abtheilung, p. 73; J. Irle, _Die Herero_, pp. 75 _sq._,\n  77; E. Dannert, _Zum Rechte der Herero_, pp. 3 _sq._\n\nFootnote 718:\n\n  On the evidence for this migration see J. Chapman, _Travels in the\n  Interior of South Africa_, i. 325-327; J. Hahn, _op. cit._ iii. (1868)\n  pp. 227 _sqq._ As to the physical features and climate of Hereroland,\n  see J. Hahn, \u201cDas Land der Ovaherero,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft\n  f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_, iii. (1868) pp. 193 _sqq._; J. Irle, _Die\n  Herero_, pp. 9 _sqq._, 19 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 719:\n\n  Pausanias, v. 13. 3, v. 14. 2. On the substitution of the poplar for\n  the oak, see Mr. A. B. Cook in _Folk-lore_, xv. (1904) pp. 297 _sq._\n\nFootnote 720:\n\n  Rev. G. Viehe, \u201cSome Customs of the Ovaherero,\u201d (_South African_)\n  _Folk-lore Journal_, i. (1879) pp. 64-66; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in\n  (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880) p. 91; H. Schinz,\n  _op. cit._ pp. 183 _sq._; P. H. Brincker, in _Mittheilungen des\n  Seminars f\u00fcr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte\n  Abtheilung, pp. 89 _sq._; J. Irle, _Die Herero_, pp. 74, 75, 77.\n  Apparently it is only a powerful or eminent man who becomes an\n  _omukuru_ after his death. Or rather, perhaps, though all dead men\n  become _ovakuru_, only the strong and brave are feared and worshipped.\n\nFootnote 721:\n\n  H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 183.\n\nFootnote 722:\n\n  Rev. E. Dannert, \u201cCustoms of the Ovaherero at the Birth of a Child,\u201d\n  (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880) pp. 66 _sq._ Compare\n  Rev. G. Viehe, _op. cit._ i. (1879) p. 41; H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p.\n  168.\n\nFootnote 723:\n\n  Rev. G. Viehe, in (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, i. (1879) pp.\n  49 _sq._\n\nFootnote 724:\n\n  Rev. G. Viehe, _op. cit._ i. 51.\n\nFootnote 725:\n\n  H. Schinz, _op. cit._ p. 166. Compare J. Irle, _Die Herero_, p. 77.\n\nFootnote 726:\n\n  J. Hahn, _op. cit._ iv. (1869) p. 500, note.\n\nFootnote 727:\n\n  C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_, pp. 228 _sq._ The ceremony is described\n  more fully by the Rev. G. Viehe, \u201cSome Customs of the Ovaherero,\u201d\n  (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, i. (1879) pp. 61 _sq._, from\n  whose account some of the details in the text are borrowed.\n\nFootnote 728:\n\n  The distinction is made also by Mr. J. Irle. According to him, while\n  the fire-sticks are called _ozondume_ (plural of _ondume_), the sticks\n  which represent the ancestors are called _ozohongue_ and are made from\n  the _omuvapu_ bush. In every chief\u2019s house there is a bundle of about\n  twenty of these ancestral sticks. When a chief dies, the sticks are\n  wrapped in a portion of the sacred bull (_omusisi_) which is\n  slaughtered on this occasion, and a new stick is added to the bundle.\n  At the same time Mr. Irle tells us that the fire-sticks (_ozondume_)\n  also represent the ancestors and are made like them from the _omuvapu_\n  bush. See J. Irle, _Die Herero_, pp. 77, 79.\n\nFootnote 729:\n\n  Bensen, quoted by J. Kohler, \u201cDas Recht der Herero,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n  vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft_, xiv. (1900) p. 305.\n\nFootnote 730:\n\n  Rev. G. Viehe, or his editor, _op. cit._ i. (1879) p. 39. The _otyiza_\n  (_otyiya_) is the female fire-stick. See above, p. 218 note 1.\n\nFootnote 731:\n\n  Rev. G. Viehe, in (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, i. (1879) p.\n  61.\n\nFootnote 732:\n\n  _Ibid._ p. 43, compare p. 50.\n\nFootnote 733:\n\n  J. Irle, _Die Herero_, p. 79.\n\nFootnote 734:\n\n  I have assumed that the ancestral sticks, whatever their origin,\n  represent only men. This is plainly implied by Dr. Brincker, who tells\n  us that \u201ceach of these sticks represents the male member of generation\n  and in the Bantu sense a personality, which stands for the presence of\n  the deceased chief on all festive occasions and especially at\n  religious ceremonies\u201d (\u201cCharacter, Sitten, und Gebr\u00e4uche, speciell der\n  Bantu Deutsch-S\u00fcdwestafrikas,\u201d _Mittheilungen des Seminars f\u00fcr\n  Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p.\n  74). In savage society women are of too little account for their\n  ghosts to be commonly worshipped. Speaking of the Bantu peoples, a\n  writer who knows them well observes: \u201cThis lack of respect for old\n  women is a part of the natives\u2019 religious system, and is connected\n  with their conception of a future life, in which women play a\n  subordinate part, their spirits not being able to cause much trouble,\n  and therefore not being of much account\u201d (Dudley Kidd, _The Essential\n  Kafir_, p. 23).\n\nFootnote 735:\n\n  W. Jochelson, \u201cThe Koryak,\u201d pp. 32-36 (_Memoir of the American Museum\n  of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vi.,\n  Leyden and New York, 1908).\n\nFootnote 736:\n\n  W. Bogaras, \u201cThe Chukchee Religion,\u201d pp. 349-353 (_Memoir of the\n  American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n  Expedition_, vol. vii. part ii., Leyden and New York, 1904).\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XVI\n                      FATHER JOVE AND MOTHER VESTA\n\n\n[Sidenote: Similarity between the fire-customs of the Herero and the\nancient Latins.] The reader may remember that the preceding account of\nthe fire-customs of the Herero was introduced for the sake of comparison\nwith the Latin worship of Vesta. The points of similarity between the\ntwo will now be indicated. In the first place we have seen reason to\nhold that the ever-burning Vestal fire at Rome was merely a survival of\nthe fire on the king\u2019s hearth. So among the Herero the sacred fire of\nthe village is the chief\u2019s fire, which is kept burning or smouldering in\nhis house by day and by night. In Rome, as in Hereroland, the extinction\nof the fire was regarded as an evil omen, which had to be expiated by\nsacrifices,[737] and new fire was procured in primitive fashion by\ntwirling the point of one stick in the hole of another. The Roman fire\nwas fed with the wood of the sacred oak tree, just as the African fire\nis kindled with the wood of the sacred _omumborombonga_ tree. Beside\nboth were kept the images of the ancestors, the Lares at Rome, the\n_ozondume_ in Hereroland. The king\u2019s house which sheltered the fire and\nthe images was originally in Italy what the chief\u2019s hut still is in\nHereroland, a circular hut of osiers, not as ancient dreamers thought,\nbecause the earth is round,[738] nor yet because a circle is the symbol\nof rest, but simply because it is both easier and cheaper to build a\nround hut than a square.[739]\n\n[Sidenote: The Roman Vestals, or some of them, appear to have been\noriginally the king\u2019s daughters.] Further, in Rome the sacred fire was\ntended, as it still is in Hereroland, by unmarried women, and as the\nHerero priestesses are the chiefs daughters, so, we may conjecture, it\nwas with some at least of the Vestals among the ancient Latins. The\nRoman Vestals appear to have been under the _patria potestas_ of the\nking, and, in republican times, of the Pontifex Maximus, who succeeded\nto some of the king\u2019s functions.[740] But if they were under the _patria\npotestas_ of the king, they must have been either his wives or\ndaughters; as virgins they cannot have been his wives; it remains,\ntherefore, that they were his daughters. Various circumstances confirm\nthis view. Their house at Rome, as we saw, always adjoined the Regia,\nthe old palace of the kings; they were treated with marks of respect\nusually accorded to royalty;[741] and the most famous of all the\nVestals, the mother of Romulus, was said to be a daughter of the King of\nAlba.[742] The custom of putting an unfaithful Vestal to death by\nimmuring her in a subterranean chamber[743] may have been adopted in\norder to avoid the necessity of taking the life of a princess by\nviolence;[744] for, as we shall learn later on, there is a very\nwidespread reluctance to spill royal blood.\n\n[Sidenote: Rites performed by the Vestals for the fertility of the earth\nand the fecundity of cattle.] Amongst the Herero the chief\u2019s daughter\nwho tends the holy fire has also to perform certain priestly rites,\nwhich have for their object the prosperity and multiplication of the\ncattle.[745] So, too, it was with the Roman Vestals. On the fifteenth of\nApril every year pregnant cows were sacrificed to the Earth goddess; the\nunborn calves were torn from their mothers\u2019 wombs, the chief Vestal\nburned them and kept their ashes for use at the shepherds\u2019 festival of\nthe Parilia. This sacrifice of pregnant cows was a fertility charm\ndesigned, by a curious application of homoeopathic magic, to quicken\nboth the seed in the ground and the wombs of the cows and the ewes.[746]\nAt the Parilia, held on the twenty-first of April, the Vestals mixed the\nashes of the unborn calves with the blood of a horse which had been\nsacrificed in October, and this mixture they distributed to shepherds,\nwho fumigated their flocks with it as a means of ensuring their\nfecundity and a plentiful supply of milk.[747]\n\n[Sidenote: The Vestals were probably regarded as embodiments of Vesta,\nwho was a mother-goddess, the bestower of offspring on cattle and\nwomen.] Strange as at first it may seem to find holy virgins assisting\nin operations intended to promote the fertility of the earth and of\ncattle, this reproductive function accords perfectly with the view that\nthey were of old the wives of the fire-god and the mothers of kings. On\nthat view, also, we can understand why down to imperial times the\nVestals adored the male emblem of generation,[748] and why Vesta\nherself, the goddess of whom they were the priestesses and probably the\nembodiments, was worshipped by the Romans not as a virgin but as a\nmother.[749] She was sometimes identified with Venus.[750] Like Diana,\nwith whom she was identified at Nemi, she appears to have been a goddess\nof fecundity, who bestowed offspring both on cattle and on women. That\nshe was supposed to multiply cattle is indicated by the ceremonies which\nthe Vestals performed in April; that she made women to be mothers is\nhinted at not obscurely by the legends of the birth of the old Latin\nkings.[751] The ancient Aryan practice of leading a bride thrice round\nthe hearth of her new home[752] may have been intended not merely to\nintroduce her to the ancestral spirits who had their seats there, but\nalso to promote conception, perhaps by allowing one of these very\nspirits to enter into her and be born again. When the ancient Hindoo\nbridegroom led his bride round the fire, he addressed the fire-god\n[Sidenote: Custom of leading a bride round the fire perhaps a fertility\ncharm.] Agni with the words, \u201cMayst thou give back, Agni, to the husband\nthe wife together with offspring.\u201d[753] When a Slavonian bride enters\nher husband\u2019s house after marriage she is led thrice round the hearth;\nthen she must stir the fire with the poker, saying, \u201cAs many sparks\nspring up, so many cattle, so many male children shall enliven the new\nhome.\u201d[754] At Mostar, in Herzegovina, the bride seats herself on a bag\nof fruit beside the hearth in her new home and pokes the fire thrice.\nWhile she does so, they bring her a small boy and set him on her lap.\nShe turns the child thrice round in order that she may give birth to\nmale children.[755] Still more clearly does belief in the impregnation\nof a woman by fire come out in another South Slavonian custom. When a\nwife wishes to have a child, she will hold a vessel full of water beside\nthe fire on the hearth, while her husband knocks two burning brands\ntogether so that the sparks fly out. When some of them have fallen into\nthe vessel, the woman drinks the water which has thus been fertilised by\nthe fire.[756] The same belief seems still to linger in England; for\nthere is a Lincolnshire saying that if a woman\u2019s apron is burned above\nthe knee by a spark or red-hot cinder flying out of a fire, she will\nbecome a mother.[757] Thus the superstition which gave rise to the\nstories of the birth of the old Roman kings holds its ground to this day\nin Europe, even in our own country. So indestructible are the crude\nfancies of our savage forefathers. Thus we may safely infer that the old\npractice of leading a bride formally to or round the hearth was designed\nto make her fruitful through the generative virtue ascribed to the fire.\nThe custom is not confined to peoples of the Aryan stock, for it is\nobserved also by the Esthonians and the Wotyaks of Russia[758] and, as\nwe have seen, by the Herero of South Africa.[759] It expresses in daily\nlife the same idea which is embodied in the myths of the birth of\nServius Tullius and the other Latin kings, whose virgin mothers\nconceived through contact with a spark or tongue of fire.[760]\n\n[Sidenote: New-born children brought to the hearth as a mode of\nintroducing them to the ancestral spirits.] Accordingly, where beliefs\nand customs of this sort have prevailed, it is easy to understand why\nnew-born children should be brought to the hearth, and why their birth\nshould there be solemnly announced to the ancestors. This is done by the\nHerero,[761] and in like manner on the fifth or seventh day after a\nbirth the ancient Greeks used to run naked round the hearth with the\nnew-born babe in their arms.[762] This Greek ceremony may perhaps be\nregarded as merely a purification, in other words as a means of keeping\nat bay the demons who lie in wait for infants. Certainly in other parts\nof the world a custom has prevailed of passing a newly born child\nbackwards and forwards through the smoke of the fire for the express\npurpose of warding off evil spirits or other baleful influences.[763]\nYet on the analogy of the preceding customs we may conjecture that a\npractice of solemnly bringing infants to the domestic hearth has also\nbeen resorted to as a mode of introducing them to the spirits of their\nfathers.[764] In Russia the old belief that the souls of the ancestors\nwere somehow in the fire on the hearth has left traces of itself down to\nthe present time. Thus in the Nijegorod Government it is still forbidden\nto break up the smouldering faggots in a stove, because to do so might\ncause the ancestors to fall through into hell. And when a Russian family\nmoves from one house to another, the fire is raked out of the old stove\ninto a jar and solemnly conveyed to the new one, where it is received\nwith the words, \u201cWelcome, grandfather, to the new home!\u201d[765]\n\n[Sidenote: Reasons why a procreative virtue was ascribed to fire.] But\nwhy, it may be asked, should a procreative virtue be attributed to the\nfire, which at first sight appears to be a purely destructive agent? and\nwhy in particular should the ancestral spirits be conceived as present\nin it? Two different reasons perhaps led savage philosophers to these\nconclusions. In the first place the common mode of making fire by means\nof the fire-drill has suggested, as we have seen, to many savages the\nnotion that fire is the child of the fire-sticks, in other words that\nthe rubbing of the fire-sticks together is a sexual union which begets\noffspring in the shape of a flame. This of itself suffices to impress on\nthe mind of a savage the idea that a capacity of reproduction is innate\nin the fire, and consequently that a woman may conceive by contact with\nit. Strictly speaking, he ought perhaps to refer this power of\nreproduction not to the fire but to the fire-sticks; but savage thought\nis in general too vague to distinguish clearly between cause and effect.\nIf he thinks the matter out, as he may do if he is more than usually\nreflective, the savage will probably conclude that fire [Sidenote: The\nprocess of making fire by friction seems to the savage an act of\ngeneration.] exists unseen in all wood, and is only elicited from it by\nfriction,[766] so that the spark or flame is the child, not so much of\nthe fire-sticks, as of the parent fires in them. But this refinement of\nthought may well be above the reach even of a savage philosopher. The\nsecond reason which seems to have led early man to associate the fire\nwith the souls of his ancestors was a superstitious veneration for the\nancestral tree which furnished either the fuel for the sacred fire or\nthe material out of which he carved one or both of the fire-sticks.\nAmong the Herero, as we [Sidenote: Again, the fire was associated with\nthe ancestors through the sacred ancestral tree which furnished either\nthe fuel or the fire-sticks.] saw, the male fire-stick commonly is, or\nused to be, made out of the holy _omumborombonga_ tree, from which they\nbelieve that they and their cattle sprang in days of old. Hence nothing\ncould be more natural than that they should regard the fire produced by\nthe friction of a piece of the ancestral tree, as akin to themselves,\nthe offspring of the same mighty forefather, to wit, the sacred tree.\nSimilarly, the Vestal fire at Rome was fed with the wood of the oak, the\nsacred tree of Jupiter, and the first Romans are described as \u201cborn of\nthe tree trunks and the heart of oak.\u201d[767] No wonder, then, that the\nLatin kings, who claimed to represent Jupiter, and in that capacity\nmasqueraded in his costume and made mock thunder, should have prided\nthemselves on being sprung from a fire which was fed with the wood of\nthe god\u2019s holy tree; such an origin was only another form of descent\nfrom the oak and from the god of the oak, Jupiter himself.\n\n[Sidenote: Esthonian marriage custom.] The theory that impregnation by\nfire is really impregnation by the wood of the tree with which the fire\nis kindled, derives some confirmation from a custom which is observed at\nmarriage by some of the Esthonians in the neighbourhood of Oberpahlen.\nThe bride is escorted to a tree, which is thereupon cut down and burned.\nWhen the fire blazes up, she is led thrice round it and placed between\nthree armed men, who clash their swords over her head, while the women\nsing a song. Then some coins are thrown into the fire, and when it has\ndied out they are recovered and knocked into the stump of the tree,\nwhich was cut down to serve as fuel.[768] This is clearly a mode of\nrewarding, first the fire, and next the tree, for some benefit they have\nconferred on the bride. But in early society husband and wife desire\nnothing so much as offspring; this therefore may very well be the\nbenefit for which the Esthonian bride repays the tree.\n\n[Sidenote: The conception of the Fire-mother intimately bound up with\nthat of the female fire-stick in the fire-drill.] Thus far we have\nregarded mainly the paternal aspect of the fire, which the Latins\nmythically embodied in Jupiter, that is literally Father Jove, the god\nof the oak. The maternal aspect of the fire was for them represented by\nMother Vesta, as they called her; and as the Roman king stood for Father\nJove, so his wife or daughter\u2014the practice on this point appears to have\nvaried\u2014stood for Mother Vesta. Sometimes, as we have seen, the Vestal\nvirgins, the priestesses or rather incarnations of Vesta, appear to have\nbeen the daughters, not the wives, of the king. But, on the other hand,\nthere are grounds for thinking that the wife of King Latinus, the\nlegendary ancestor of the Latins, was traditionally regarded as a\nVestal,[769] and the analogy of the Flamen Dialis with his wife the\nFlaminica, as I shall shew presently, points also to a married pair of\npriestly functionaries concerned with the kindling and maintenance of\nthe sacred fire. However that may have been, we may take it as probable\nthat the notion of the fire-mother was intimately associated with, if it\ndid not spring directly from, the female fire-stick of the fire-drill,\njust as the conception of the fire-father was similarly bound up with\nthe male fire-stick.\n\n[Sidenote: The Fire-father and the Fire-mother represented by a priest\nand priestess who together made the sacred fire by means of the\nfire-drill.] Further, it seems that these mythical beings, the\nfire-father and the fire-mother, were represented in real life by a\npriest and a priestess, who together made the sacred fire, the priest\nappropriately twirling the pointed male stick, while the priestess held\nfast on the ground the holed female stick, ready to blow up into a flame\nthe spark which fell on the tinder. In the composite religion of Rome,\nformed like the Roman state by the fusion of several tribes, each with\nits own gods and priests, such pairs of fire-priests may at first have\nbeen duplicated. In one or more of the tribes which afterwards made up\nthe Roman commonwealth the function of kindling the holy fire of oak was\nperhaps assigned to the Flamen Dialis and his wife the Flaminica, the\nliving representatives of Jupiter and Juno; and if, as some scholars\nthink, the name _flamen_ comes from _flare_, \u201cto blow up,\u201d[770] the\nderivation would fit well with this theory. But in historical Rome the\nduty of making the sacred fire lay with the Vestal virgins and the chief\npontiff.[771] The mode in which they shared the work between them is not\ndescribed by ancient writers, but we may suppose that one of the virgins\nheld the board of lucky wood on the ground while the pontiff inserted\nthe point of a peg into the hole of the board and made the peg revolve\nrapidly between the palms of his hands. When the likeness of this mode\nof producing fire to the intercourse of the sexes had once struck\npeople, they would deem it unnatural, and even indecent, for a woman to\nusurp the man\u2019s function of twirling the pointed male stick. But the\nVestals certainly helped to make fire by friction; it would seem,\ntherefore, that the part they took in the process can only have been the\none I have conjecturally assigned to them. At all events, the conjecture\nis supported by the following analogies.\n\n[Sidenote: Among the Djakuns fire is made by the leader and his\nunmarried daughter.] The Djakuns, a wild tribe of the Malay Peninsula,\nare in the habit of making fire by friction. A traveller has described\nthe custom as follows: \u201cWhen a troop was on a journey and intended\neither to pitch a temporary camp, or to make a longer settlement, the\nfirst camp fire was kindled for good luck by an unmarried girl with the\nhelp of the fire-drill. Generally this girl was the daughter of the man\nwho served the troop as leader. It was deemed of special importance that\non the first night of a settlement the fire of every band should be lit\nby the unmarried daughter of a leader. But she might only discharge this\nduty if she had not her monthly sickness on her at the time. This custom\nis all the more remarkable inasmuch as the Djakuns in their migrations\nalways carried a smouldering rope of bark with them.\u201d \u201cWhen the fire was\nto be kindled, the girl took the piece of soft wood and held it on the\nground, while her father, or any other married man, twirled the vertical\nborer upon it. She waited for the spark to spring from the wood, and\nfanned it into a flame either by blowing on it or by waving the piece of\nwood quickly about in her hand. For this purpose she caught the spark in\na bundle of teased bark and exposed it to a draught of air.\u201d \u201cFire so\nproduced was employed to kindle the other fires for that night. They\nascribed to it good luck in cooking and a greater power of keeping off\ntigers and so forth, than if the first fire had been kindled by a spark\nfrom the smouldering bark rope.\u201d[772] This account suggests a reason why\na holy fire should be tended by a number of virgins: one or more of them\nmight at any time be incapacitated by a natural infirmity for the\ndischarge of the sacred duty.\n\n[Sidenote: Among the Slavs of the Balkans fire is made by a young girl\nand boy.] Again, the Slavs of the Balkan Peninsula ascribe a healing or\nprotective power to \u201cliving fire,\u201d and when an epidemic is raging in a\nvillage they will sometimes extinguish all the fires on the hearths and\nprocure a \u201cliving fire\u201d by the friction of wood. At the present day this\nis done by various mechanical devices, but the oldest method, now almost\nobsolete, is said to be as follows:\u2014A girl and a boy between the ages of\neleven and fourteen, having been chosen to make the fire, are led into a\ndark room, where they must strip themselves of all their clothes without\nspeaking a word. Then two perfectly dry cylindrical pieces of lime-wood\nare given them, which they must rub rapidly against each other, turn\nabout, till they take fire. Tinder is then lit at the flame and used for\nthe purpose of healing. This mode of kindling the \u201cliving fire\u201d is still\npractised in the Schar Mountains of Old Servia. The writer who describes\nit witnessed some years ago the use of the sacred fire at the village of\nSetonje, at the foot of the Homolye Mountains, in the heart of the great\nServian forest. But on that occasion the fire was made in the manner\ndescribed, not by a boy and girl, but by an old woman and an old man.\nEvery fire in the village had previously been extinguished, and was\nafterwards relit with the new fire.[773]\n\n[Sidenote: Among the Kachins fire is made by a man and woman jointly.]\nAmong the Kachins of Burma, when people take solemn possession of a new\nhouse, a new fire is made in front of it by a man and woman jointly. A\ndry piece of bamboo is pegged down on the ground; the two fire-makers\nsit down facing each other at either end of it, and together rub another\npiece of bamboo on the horizontal piece, one of them holding the wrists\nof the other and both pressing down firmly till fire is elicited.[774]\n\n[Sidenote: Thus the conception of the fire-sticks as male and female is\ncarried out by requiring the male stick to be worked by a man and the\nfemale stick to be worked by a woman.] In the first at least of these\ncustoms, it is plain, the conception of the fire-sticks as male and\nfemale has been logically carried out by requiring the male fire-stick\nto be worked by a man and the female fire-stick to be held by a woman.\nBut opinions seem to differ on the question whether the fire-makers\n[Sidenote: But opinions differ as to whether the fire-makers should be\nmarried or single.] should be wedded or single. The Djakuns prefer that\nthe man should be married and the woman unmarried; on the other hand,\nthe Slavs of the Schar Mountains clearly think it better that both\nshould be single, since they entrust the duty of making the fire to a\nboy and girl. In so far as the man\u2019s part in the work is concerned, some\nof our Scottish Highlanders agree with the Djakuns at the other end of\nthe world; for the natives of Lewis \u201cdid also make use of a fire called\n_Tin-egin_, _i.e._ a forced fire, or fire of necessity, which they used\nas an antidote against the plague or murrain in cattle; and it was\nperformed thus: all the fires in the parish were extinguished, and then\neighty-one married men, being thought the necessary number for effecting\nthis design, took two great planks of wood, and nine of them were\nemployed by turns, who by their repeated efforts rubbed one of the\nplanks against the other until the heat thereof produced fire; and from\nthis forced fire each family is supplied with new fire, which is no\nsooner kindled than a pot full of water is quickly set on it, and\nafterwards sprinkled upon the people infected with the plague, or upon\nthe cattle that have the murrain. And this they all say they find\nsuccessful by experiment: it was practised in the main land, opposite to\nthe south of Skie, within these thirty years.\u201d[775] On the other hand,\nthe Germans of Halberstadt sided with the South Slavs on this point, for\nthey caused the forced fire, or need fire, as it is commonly called, to\nbe made by two chaste boys, who pulled at a rope which ran round a\nwooden cylinder.[776] The theory and practice of the Basutos in South\nAfrica were similar. After a birth had taken place they used to kindle\nthe fire of the hut afresh, and \u201cfor this purpose it was necessary that\na young man of chaste habits should rub two pieces of wood quickly one\nagainst another, until a flame sprung up, pure as himself. It was firmly\nbelieved that a premature death awaited him who should dare to take upon\nhimself this office, after having lost his innocence. As soon,\ntherefore, as a birth was proclaimed in the village, the fathers took\ntheir sons to undergo the ordeal. Those who felt themselves guilty\nconfessed their crime, and submitted to be scourged rather than expose\nthemselves to the consequences of a fatal temerity.\u201d[777]\n\n[Sidenote: Reasons for entrusting the making of fire to unmarried boys\nand girls.] It is not hard to divine why the task of twirling the male\nfire-stick in the hole of the female fire-stick should by some people be\nassigned to married men. The analogy of the process to the intercourse\nof the sexes furnishes an obvious reason. It is less easy to understand\nwhy other people should prefer to entrust the duty to unmarried boys.\nBut probably the preference is based on a belief that chastity leaves\nthe boys with a stock of reproductive energy which they may expend on\nthe operation of fire-making, whereas married men dissipate the same\nenergy in other channels. A somewhat similar train of thought may\nexplain a rule of virginity enjoined on women who assist in the\nproduction of fire by holding the female fire-stick on the ground. As a\nvirgin\u2019s womb is free to conceive, so, it might be thought, will be the\nwomb of the female fire-stick which she holds; whereas had the female\nfire-maker been already with child, she could not be reimpregnated, and\nconsequently the female fire-stick could not give birth to a spark.\nThus, in the sympathetic connexion between the fire-sticks and the\nfire-makers we seem to reach the ultimate origin of the order of the\nVestal Virgins: they had to be chaste, because otherwise they could not\nlight the fire. Once when the sacred fire had gone out, the Vestal in\ncharge of it was suspected of having brought about the calamity by her\nunchastity, but she triumphantly repelled the suspicion by eliciting a\nflame from the cold ashes.[778] Ideas of the same primitive kind still\nlinger among the French peasantry, who think that if a girl can blow up\na smouldering candle into a flame she is a virgin, but that if she fails\nto do so, she is not.[779] In ancient Greece none but persons of pure\nlife were allowed to blow up the holy fire with their mouths; a vile man\nwho had polluted his lips was deemed unworthy to discharge the\nduty.[780]\n\n[Sidenote: The holy fire and virgins of St. Brigit in Ireland.] The\nFrench superstition, which I have just mentioned, may well date from\nDruidical times, for there are some grounds for thinking that among the\nold Celts, as among their near kinsmen the Latins, holy fires were\ntended by virgins. In our own country perpetual fires were maintained in\nthe temple of a goddess whom the Romans identified with Minerva,[781]\nbut whose native Celtic name seems to have been Brigit. Like Minerva,\nBrigit was a goddess of poetry and wisdom, and she had two sisters also\ncalled Brigit, who presided over leechcraft and smithcraft respectively.\nThis appears to be only another way of saying that Brigit was the\npatroness of bards, physicians, and smiths.[782] Now, at Kildare in\nIreland the nuns of St. Brigit tended a perpetual holy fire down to the\nsuppression of the monasteries under Henry VIII.; and we can hardly\ndoubt that in doing so they merely kept up, under a Christian name, an\nancient pagan worship of Brigit in her character of a fire-goddess or\npatroness of smiths. The nuns were nineteen in number. Each of them had\nthe care of the fire for a single night in turn; and on the twentieth\nevening the last nun, having heaped wood on the fire, used to say,\n\u201cBrigit, take charge of your own fire; for this night belongs to you.\u201d\nShe then went away, and next morning they always found the fire still\nburning and the usual quantity of fuel consumed. Like the Vestal fire at\nRome in the old days, the fire of St. Brigit burned within a circular\nenclosure made of stakes and brushwood, and no male might set foot\ninside the fence. The nuns were allowed to fan the fire or blow it up\nwith bellows, but they might not blow on it with their breath.[783]\n[Sidenote: Not to breathe on a holy fire.] Similarly it is said that the\nBalkan Slavs will not blow with their mouths on the holy fire of the\ndomestic hearth;[784] a Brahman is forbidden to blow a fire with his\nmouth;[785] and among the Parsees the priests have to wear a veil over\ntheir mouth lest they should defile the sacred fire by their\nbreath.[786] The custom of maintaining a perpetual fire was not peculiar\n[Sidenote: Other perpetual fires in Ireland.] to Kildare, but seems to\nhave been common in Ireland, for the native records shew that such fires\nwere kept up in several monasteries, in each of which a small church or\noratory was set apart for the purpose. This was done, for example, at\nthe monasteries of Seirkieran, Kilmainham, and Inishmurray.[787] We may\nconjecture that these holy fires were merely survivals of the perpetual\nfires which in pagan [Sidenote: St. Brigit\u2019s fire perhaps fed with\noak-wood.] times had burned in honour of Brigit. The view that Brigit\nwas a fire-goddess is confirmed by the observation that in the Christian\ncalendar her festival falls the day before Candlemas, and the customs\nobserved at that season by Celtic peasantry seem to prove that she was a\ngoddess of the crops as well as of fire.[788] If that was so, it is\nanother reason for comparing her to Vesta, whose priestesses performed\nceremonies to fertilise both the earth and the cattle.[789] Further,\nthere are some grounds for connecting Brigit, like Vesta, with the oak;\nfor at Kildare her Christian namesake, St. Brigit, otherwise known as\nSt. Bride or St. Bridget, built her church under an oak-tree, which\nexisted till the tenth century, and gave its name to the spot, for\nKildare is _Cilldara_, \u201cthe church of the oak-tree.\u201d[790] The \u201cchurch of\nthe oak\u201d may well have displaced a temple or sanctuary of the oak, where\nin Druidical days the holy fire was fed, like the Vestal fire at Rome,\nwith the wood of the sacred tree.\n\n[Sidenote: Early Irish monasteries built in oak groves.] We may suspect\nthat a conversion of this sort was often effected in Ireland by the\nearly Christian missionaries. The monasteries of Derry and Durrow,\nfounded by St. Columba, were both named after the oak groves amidst\nwhich they were built; and at Derry the saint spared the beautiful trees\nand strictly enjoined his successors to do the same. In his old age,\nwhen he lived an exile on the shores of the bleak storm-swept isle of\nIona, his heart yearned to the home of his youth among the oak groves of\nIreland, and he gave expression to the yearning in passionate verse:\u2014\n\n           \u201c_That spot is the dearest on Erin\u2019s ground,\n             For the treasures that peace and purity lend,\n           For the hosts of bright angels that circle it round,\n             Protecting its borders from end to end._\n\n           \u201c_The dearest of any on Erin\u2019s ground,\n             For its peace and its beauty I gave it my love;\n           Each leaf of the oaks around Derry is found\n             To be crowded with angels from heaven above._\n\n           \u201c_My Derry! my Derry! my little oak grove,\n             My dwelling, my home, and my own little cell,\n           May God the Eternal in Heaven above\n             Send death to thy foes, and defend thee well._\u201d[791]\n\nA feeling of the same sort came over a very different exile in a very\ndifferent scene, when growing old amid the turmoil, the gaieties, the\ndistractions of Paris, he remembered the German oak woods of his youth.\n\n              \u201c_Ich hatte einst ein sch\u00f6nes Vaterland.\n              Der Eichenbaum\n              Wuchs dort so hoch, die Veilchen nickten sanft.\n              Es war ein Traum._\u201d\n\n[Sidenote: Virgin priestesses of fire among the Incas of Peru.] Far from\nthe oaks of Erin and the saint\u2019s last home among the stormy Hebrides, a\nsacred fire has been tended by holy virgins, with statelier rites and in\nmore solemn fanes, under the equinoctial line. The Incas of Peru, who\ndeemed themselves the children of the Sun, procured a new fire from\ntheir great father at the solstice in June, our Midsummer Day. They\nkindled it by holding towards the sun a hollow mirror, which reflected\nhis beams on a tinder of cotton wool. But if the sky happened to be\novercast at the time, they made the new fire by rubbing two sticks\nagainst each other; and they looked upon it as a bad omen when they were\nobliged to do this, for they said the Sun must be angry with them, since\nhe refused to kindle the flame with his own hand. The sacred fire,\nhowever obtained, was deposited at Cuzco, the capital of Peru, in the\ntemple of the Sun, and also in a great convent of holy virgins, who\nguarded it carefully throughout the year, and it was an evil augury if\nthey suffered it to go out. These [Sidenote: Wives of the Sun in Peru.]\nvirgins were regarded as the wives of the Sun, and they were bound to\nperpetual chastity. If any of them proved unfaithful to her husband the\nSun, she was buried alive, like a Roman Vestal, and her paramour was\nstrangled. The reason for putting her to death in this manner was\nprobably, as at Rome, a reluctance to shed royal blood; for all these\nvirgins were of the royal family, being daughters of the Incas or of his\nkinsmen. Besides tending the holy fire, they had to weave and make all\nthe clothes worn by the Inca and his legitimate wife, to bake the bread\nthat was offered to the Sun at his great festivals, and to brew the wine\nwhich the Inca and his family drank on these occasions. All the\nfurniture of the convent, down to the pots, pans, and jars, were of gold\nand silver, just as in the temple of the Sun, because the virgins were\ndeemed to be his wives. And they had a golden garden, where the very\nclods were of fine gold; where golden maize reared its stalks, leaves\nand cobs, all of the precious metal; and where golden shepherds, with\nslings and crooks of gold, tended golden sheep and lambs.[792] The\nanalogy of these virgin guardians of the sacred flame furnishes an\nargument in favour of the view set forth in the preceding pages; for if\nthe Peruvian Vestals were the brides of the Sun, may not the Roman\nVestals have been the brides of the Fire?\n\n[Sidenote: Virgin priestesses of fire in Mexico and Yucatan.] On the\nsummit of the great pyramidal temple at Mexico two fires burned\ncontinually on stone hearths in front of two chapels, and dreadful\nmisfortunes were supposed to follow if the fires were allowed to go out.\nThey were kept up by priests and maidens, some of whom had taken a vow\nof perpetual virginity. But most of these girls seem to have served only\nfor a year or more until their marriage. They offered incense to the\nidols, wove cloths for the service of the temple, swept the sacred area,\nand baked the cakes which were presented to the gods but eaten by their\npriests. They were clad all in white, without any ornament. A broom and\na censer were their emblems. Death was the penalty inflicted on the\nfaithless virgin who polluted by her incontinence the temple of the\ngod.[793] In Yucatan there was an order of Vestals instituted by a\nprincess, who acted as lady-superior and was deified after her death\nunder the title of the Virgin of the Fire. The members enrolled\nthemselves voluntarily either for life or for a term of years, after\nwhich they might marry. Their duty was to tend the sacred fire, the\nemblem of the sun. If they broke their vow of chastity or allowed the\nfire to go out, they were shot to death with arrows.[794]\n\n[Sidenote: Virgin priestesses of fire among the Baganda.] Amongst the\nBaganda of Central Africa there used to be an order of Vestal Virgins\n(_bakaja_) who were attached to the temples of the gods. Their duties\nwere to keep the fire of the god burning all night, to see that there\nwas a good supply of firewood, and to watch that the suppliants did not\nbring to the deity anything that was tabooed to him. These maidens are\nalso said to have had charge of some of the vessels. All of them were\nyoung girls; no man might touch them; and when they reached the age of\npuberty, the god ordered them to be given in marriage. The place of a\ngirl who thus vacated office had to be supplied by another girl taken\nfrom the same clan.[795]\n\n[Sidenote: Resemblance between the Flamen Dialis of the Romans and the\n_Agnihotri_ or fire-priest of the Brahmans.] We have seen that some\npeople commit the task of making fire by friction to married men; and\nfollowing the opinion of other scholars I have conjectured that in some\nof the Latin tribes the duty of kindling and feeding the sacred fire may\nhave been assigned to the Flamen Dialis, who had always to be married;\nif his wife died, he vacated his office.[796] The sanctity of his fire\nis proved by the rule that no brand might be taken from his house except\nfor the purpose of a sacrifice.[797] Further, the importance ascribed to\nthe discharge of his duties is attested by another old rule which\nforbade him to be absent from his house in Rome for a single night.[798]\nThe prohibition would be intelligible if one of his duties had formerly\nbeen to superintend the maintenance of a perpetual fire. However that\nmay have been, the life of the priest was regulated by a whole code of\ncurious restrictions or taboos, which rendered the office so burdensome\nand vexatious that, in spite of the high honours attached to the post,\nfor a period of more than seventy years together no man was found\nwilling to undertake it.[799] Some of these restrictions will be\nexamined later on.[800] Their similarity to the rules of life still\nobserved in India by the Brahmans who are fire-priests (_Agnihotris_)\nseems to confirm the view that the Flamen also was originally a\nfire-priest. The parallel between the two priesthoods would be all the\nmore remarkable if, as some scholars hold, the very names Brahman and\nFlamen are philologically identical.[801] As to these Brahmanical\nfire-priests or Agnihotris we are told that the number of them nowadays\nis very limited, because the ceremonies involve heavy expenditure, and\nthe rules which regulate them are very elaborate and difficult. The\noffering of food to the fire at meals is, indeed, one of the five daily\nduties of every Brahman; but the regular fire-service is the special\nduty of the Agnihotri. In order that he may be ceremonially pure he is\nbound by certain obligations not to travel or remain away from home for\nany long time; to sell nothing which is produced by himself or his\nfamily; to pay little attention to worldly affairs; to speak the truth;\nto bathe and worship the deities in the afternoon as well as in the\nmorning; and to sacrifice to his deceased ancestors on the fifteenth of\nevery month. He is not allowed to take food at night. He may not eat\nalkaline salt, meat, honey, and inferior grain, such as some varieties\nof pulse, millet, and the egg plant. He never wears shoes nor sleeps on\na bed, but always on the ground. He is expected to keep awake most of\nthe night and to study the Sh\u00e2stras. He may have no connexion with, nor\nunholy thoughts regarding, any woman but his wife; and he must abstain\nfrom every other act that involves personal impurity.[802] With these\nrules we may compare some of the obligations laid on the Flamen Dialis.\nIn the old days, as we saw, he was bound never to be absent from his\nhouse for a single night. He might not touch or even name raw meat,\nbeans, ivy, and a she-goat; he might not eat leavened bread, nor touch a\ndead body; and the feet of his bed had always to be smeared with\nmud.[803] This last rule seems to be a mitigation of an older custom of\nsleeping on the ground, a custom which is still observed by the\nfire-priest in India, as it was in antiquity by the priests of Zeus at\nDodona.[804] Similarly the priest of the old Prussian god Potrimpo was\nbound to sleep on the bare earth for three nights before he sacrificed\nto the deity.[805]\n\n[Sidenote: Mode in which the _Agnihotri_ procures fresh fire by the\nfriction of fire-sticks.] Every Agnihotri has a separate room in his\nhouse where the sacred fire is kept burning in a small pit of a cubit\nsquare. Should the fire chance to go out, the priest must get fresh fire\nfrom another priest or procure it by the friction of fire-sticks\n(_arani_). These comprise, first, a block of _sami_ wood (_Prosopis\nspicigera_) in which a small hole is made emblematical of the female\nprinciple (_sakti yoni_), and, second, an upright shaft which is made to\nrevolve in the hole of the block by means of a rope. The point in the\ndrill where the rope is applied to cause it to revolve is called _deva\nyoni_. Two priests take part in the operation. Before they begin they\nsing a hymn in honour of the fire-god Agni. When the fire has been\nkindled they place it in a copper vessel and sprinkle it with powdered\ncow-dung. When it is well alight, they cover it with another copper\nvessel, sprinkle it with drops of water, and sing another hymn in honour\nof Agni. Finally, the new fire is consigned to the fire-pit.[806]\nAccording to another description of the modern Indian fire-drill, the\nlower block is usually made of the hard wood of the _khadira_ or _khair_\ntree (_Acacia catechu_), and it contains two shallow holes. In one of\nthese holes the revolving drill works and produces sparks by friction;\nthe other hole contains tinder which is ignited by means of the sparks.\nThis latter hole is known as the _yoni_, the female organ of generation.\nThe upper or revolving portion of the drill is called the _pramantha_.\nIt consists of a round shaft of hard wood, with a spike of softer wood\ninserted in its lower end. One priest causes the shaft to revolve by\npulling a cord, while another priest presses the spike down into the\nhole in the block by leaning hard upon a flat board placed on the top of\nthe shaft. The spike is generally made of the peepul or sacred fig-tree.\nWhen it has become charred by friction, it is replaced by another.[807]\nAccording to one account, the fire is made in this fashion, not by two\npriests, but by the Brahman and his wife; she pulls the cord, while he\nholds the borer in the hole and recites the spells necessary for the\nproduction of the fire.[808]\n\n[Sidenote: The Indian fire-sticks made from the sacred fig and _sami_\nwood.] This practice of the modern Agnihotri or fire-priest of India is\nin general accord with the precepts laid down in the ancient sacred\nbooks of his religion. For these direct that the upper or male stick of\nthe fire-drill should be made of the sacred fig-tree (_asvattha_), and\nthe lower or female stick of _sami_ wood (_Prosopis spicigera_); and\nthey draw out the analogy between the process of fire-making and the\nintercourse of the sexes in minute detail.[809] It deserves to be\n[Sidenote: The male fire-stick made by preference from a sacred fig-tree\ngrowing as a parasite on the female _sami_ tree.] noted that the male\nfire-stick was cut by preference from a sacred fig-tree which grew as a\nparasite on a _sami_ or female tree. The reason for this preference is\nobvious to the primitive mind. A parasite clasping a tree with its\ntendrils is conceived as a man embracing a woman, hence a pair of\nfire-sticks made from a pair of trees thus interlaced will naturally\npossess the power of procreating fire by friction in an unusually high\ndegree.[810] So completely, in the Hindoo mind, does the process of\nmaking fire by friction blend with the union of the human sexes that it\nis actually employed as part of a charm to procure male offspring.[811]\nSuch a confusion of thought helps us to understand the part played by\nthe domestic fire in the ritual of marriage and birth as well as in the\nlegends of the miraculous origin of the Latin kings.[812] In ancient\nIndia the male and the female fire-stick were identified with King\nPururavas and the nymph Urvasi, whose loves and sorrows formed the theme\nof a beautiful tale.[813]\n\n[Sidenote: The Greeks also preferred to make one of the fire-sticks from\na parasitic plant.] Like the ancient Indians, the Greeks seem to have\npreferred that one of the two fire-sticks should be made from a\nparasitic or creeping plant. They recommended that the borer of the\nfire-drill should be made of laurel and the board of ivy or another\ncreeper, apparently a kind of wild vine which grew like ivy upon trees;\nbut in practice both the borer and the board were sometimes made of\nother woods, among which buckthorn, the evergreen oak, and the lime are\nparticularly mentioned.[814] When we consider the analogy of the Indian\npreference for a borer made from a parasite, and remember how deeply\nrooted in the primitive mind is the comparison of the friction of the\nfire-sticks to the union [Sidenote: The reason for such a preference is\nthe analogy of the union of the sexes.] of the sexes, we shall hardly\ndoubt that the Greeks originally chose the ivy or wild vine for a\nfire-stick from motives of the sort which led the Hindoos to select the\nwood of a parasitic fig-tree for the same purpose. But while the Hindoos\nregarded the parasite as male and the tree to which it clung as female,\nthe Greeks of Theophrastus\u2019s time seem to have inverted this conception,\nsince they recommended that the board, which plays the part of the\nfemale in the fire-drill, should be made of ivy or another creeper,\nwhereas the borer, which necessarily represents the male, was to be\nfashioned out of laurel. This would imply that the ivy was a female and\nthe laurel a male. Yet in Greek, on the contrary, the word for ivy is\nmasculine, and the plant was identified mythologically with the male god\nDionysus;[815] whereas the word for laurel is feminine and the tree was\nidentified with a nymph. Hence we may conjecture that at first the\nGreeks, like the Hindoos, regarded the clinging creeper as the male and\nthe tree which it embraced as the female, and that of old, therefore,\nthey made the borer of the fire-drill out of ivy and the board out of\nlaurel. If this was so, the reasons which led them to reverse the usage\ncan only be guessed at. Perhaps practical convenience had a share in\nbringing about the change. For the laurel is, as the late Professor H.\nMarshall Ward kindly informed me, a harder wood than the ivy, and to\njudge by general, though not universal, practice most people find it\neasier to make fire by the friction of a hard borer on a soft board than\nby rubbing a hard board with a soft point. This, therefore, would be a\nreason for making the borer of laurel and the board of ivy. If such a\nchange took place in the history of the Greek fire-drill, it would be an\ninteresting example of superstition modified, if not vanquished, by\nutility in the struggle for existence.\n\nFootnote 737:\n\n  Livy, xxviii. 11. 6 _sq._; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._\n  ii. 67. 5.\n\nFootnote 738:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 265 _sqq._; Festus, p. 262, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller.\n\nFootnote 739:\n\n  Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, pp. 11 _sq._ On the diffusion of\n  the round hut in Africa Sir H. H. Johnston says: \u201cThe original form of\n  house throughout all British Central Africa was what the majority of\n  the houses still are\u2014circular and somewhat like a beehive in shape,\n  with round walls of wattle and daub and thatched roof. This style of\n  house is characteristic of (_a_) all Africa south of the Zambezi;\n  (_b_) all British Central Africa; as much of the Portuguese provinces\n  of Zambezia and Mo\u00e7ambique as are not under direct Portuguese or\n  Muhammedan influence which may have introduced the rectangular\n  dwelling; (_c_) all East Africa up to and including the Egyptian\n  Sudan, where Arab influence has not introduced the oblong rectangular\n  building; (_d_) the Central Nigerian Sudan, much of Senegambia, and\n  perhaps the West Coast of Africa as far east and south as the Gold\n  Coast, subject, of course, to the same limitations as to foreign\n  influence\u201d (_British Central Africa_, London, 1897, P. 453).\n\nFootnote 740:\n\n  J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd Ed., pp. 250, 341\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 741:\n\n  J. Marquardt, _op. cit._ iii. 2nd Ed., pp. 340 _sq._; _Journal of\n  Philology_, xiv. (1885) pp. 155 _sq._\n\nFootnote 742:\n\n  Livy, i. 3 _sq._; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ i. 76\n  _sq._; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 3.\n\nFootnote 743:\n\n  Plutarch, _Numa_, 10; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ ii. 67.\n  4, viii. 89. 5.\n\nFootnote 744:\n\n  The suggestion is due to Mr. M. A. Bayfield (_Classical Review_, xv.\n  1901, p. 448). He compares the similar execution of the princess\n  Antigone (Sophocles, _Antigone_, 773 _sqq._). However, we must\n  remember that a custom of burying people alive has been practised as a\n  punishment or a sacrifice by Romans, Persians, and Germans, even when\n  the victims were not of royal blood. See Livy, xxii. 57. 6; Pliny,\n  _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 12; Plutarch, _Marcellus_, 3; _id._, _Quaest.\n  Rom._ 83; Herodotus, vii. 114; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterth\u00fcmer_,\n  3rd Ed., pp. 694 _sq._ As to the objection to spill royal blood, see\n  _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, i. 354 _sq._\n\nFootnote 745:\n\n  See above, p. 215.\n\nFootnote 746:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 629-672. Compare Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi. 15;\n  Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 49.\n\nFootnote 747:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 731-782. See below, p. 326.\n\nFootnote 748:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 39; \u201c_Quamquam religione tutatur et\n  fascinus, imperatorum quoque, non solum infantium custos, qui deus\n  inter sacra Romana Vestalibus colitur_.\u201d\n\nFootnote 749:\n\n  Virgil, _Georg._ i. 498; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 828; G. Henzen, _Acta\n  fratrum Arvalium_, pp. 124, 147; H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae\n  selectae_, Nos. 5047, 5048. Ennius represented Vesta as the mother of\n  Saturn and Titan. See Lactantius, _Divin. inst._ i. 14.\n\nFootnote 750:\n\n  Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, iv. 10.\n\nFootnote 751:\n\n  See above, pp. 195 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 752:\n\n  _Grihya S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, vol. i. pp. 37, 168, 279,\n  283, 382, 384, vol. ii. pp. 46, 191, 260; M. Winternitz, \u201cDas\n  altindische Hochzeitsrituell,\u201d pp. 4, 56-62 (_Denkschriften der\n  kaiserl. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien_, xl., Vienna, 1892); H.\n  Zimmer, _Altindisches Leben_, p. 312; G. A. Grierson, _Bih\u0101r Peasant\n  Life_ (Calcutta, 1885), p. 368; F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der\n  S\u00fcdslaven_, pp. 386, 436, cp. 430; J. Lasicius, \u201cDe diis Samagitarum\n  caeterorumque Sarmatarum,\u201d in _Magazin herausgegeben von der\n  Lettisch-Literarischen Gesellschaft_, xiv. 99; J. Maeletius\n  (Maletius), \u201cDe sacrificiis et idolatria veterum Borussorum Livonum\n  aliarumque vicinarum gentium,\u201d in _Mitteilungen der Litterarischen\n  Gesellschaft Masovia_, viii. (1902) pp. 191, 204 (this work is also\n  reprinted under the name of J. Menecius in _Scriptores rerum\n  Livonicarum_, ii. (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) pp. 389-392); F. Woeste, in\n  _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde_, ii. (1855) p.\n  91; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und\n  Gebr\u00e4uche_, pp. 433, 522; A. Kuhn, _Sagen, Gebr\u00e4uche und M\u00e4rchen aus\n  Westfalen_, ii. 38; J. H. Schmitz, _Sitten und Sagen, etc., des Eifler\n  Volkes_, i. 67; Montanus, _Die deutsche Volksfeste, Volksbr\u00e4uche und\n  deutscher Volksglaube_, p. 85; Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Hochzeitsbuch_\n  (Leipsic, 1871), p. 222; L. v. Schroeder, _Die Hochzeitsbr\u00e4uche der\n  Esten_ (Berlin, 1888), pp. 127 _sqq._; E. Samter, _Familienfeste der\n  Griechen und R\u00f6mer_ (Berlin, 1901), pp. 59-62; O. Schrader,\n  _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_, pp. 356 _sq._ This\n  evidence proves that the custom has been practised by the Indian,\n  Slavonian, Lithuanian, and Teutonic branches of the Aryan race, from\n  which we may fairly infer that it was observed by the ancestors of the\n  whole family before their dispersion.\n\nFootnote 753:\n\n  _Grihya-S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, vol. i. p. 283 (_Sacred\n  Books of the East_, vol. xxix.).\n\nFootnote 754:\n\n  Prof. Vl. Titelbach, \u201cDas heilige Feuer bei den Balkanslaven,\u201d\n  _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, xiii. (1900) p. 1.\n\nFootnote 755:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_ (Vienna, 1885), p. 430.\n\nFootnote 756:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _op. cit._ p. 531.\n\nFootnote 757:\n\n  This saying was communicated to me by Miss Mabel Peacock in a letter\n  dated Kirton-in-Lindsey, Lincolnshire, 30th October 1905.\n\nFootnote 758:\n\n  Max Buch, _Die Wotj\u00e4ken_ (Stuttgart, 1882), pp. 52, 59; L. v.\n  Schroeder, _op. cit._ pp. 129, 132.\n\nFootnote 759:\n\n  Above, pp. 221 _sq._\n\nFootnote 760:\n\n  As it is believed that fire may impregnate human beings, so conversely\n  some people seem to imagine that it may be impregnated by them. Thus\n  Mr. T. R. Glover, Fellow of St. John\u2019s College, Cambridge, writes to\n  me (18th June 1906): \u201cA curious and not very quotable instance of (I\n  suppose) Sacred Marriage was brought to my notice by Mr. Brown of the\n  Canadian Baptist Mission to the Telugus. He said that in Hindoo\n  temples (in South India chiefly?) sometimes a scaffolding is erected\n  over a fire. A man and a woman are got to copulate on it and allow the\n  human seed to fall into the fire.\u201d But perhaps this ceremony is only\n  another way of conveying the fertilising virtue of the fire to the\n  woman, in other words, of getting her with child.\n\nFootnote 761:\n\n  Above, pp. 215, 221.\n\nFootnote 762:\n\n  Suidas, Harpocration, and _Etymologicum Magnum_, _s.v._ \u1f08\u03bc\u03c6\u03b9\u03b4\u03c1\u03cc\u03bc\u03b9\u03b1;\n  Hesychius, _s.v._ \u03b4\u03c1\u03bf\u03bc\u03ac\u03c6\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1f27\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1; Schol. on Plato, _Theaetetus_, p.\n  160 E. On this custom see S. Reinach, _Cultes, mythes, et religions_,\n  i. (Paris, 1905) pp. 137-145. He suggests that the running of the\n  naked men who carried the babies was intended, by means of sympathetic\n  magic, to impart to the little ones in after-life the power of running\n  fast. But this theory does not explain why the race took place round\n  the hearth.\n\nFootnote 763:\n\n  The custom has been practised with this intention in Scotland, China,\n  New Britain, the Tenimber and Timorlaut Islands, and by the Ovambo of\n  South Africa. See Pennant\u2019s \u201cSecond Tour in Scotland,\u201d Pinkerton\u2019s\n  _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 383; Miss C. F. Gordon Cumming, _In the\n  Hebrides_, ed. 1883, p. 101; _China Review_, ix. (1880-1881) p. 303;\n  R. Parkinson, _Im Bismarck-Archipel_, pp. 94 _sq._; J. G. F. Riedel,\n  _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, p. 303;\n  H. Schinz, _Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_, p. 307. A similar custom was\n  observed, probably for the same reason, in ancient Mexico and in\n  Madagascar. See Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated by Cullen,\n  i. 31; W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_, i. 152. Compare my note,\n  \u201cThe Youth of Achilles,\u201d _Classical Review_, vii. (1893) pp. 293 _sq._\n\nFootnote 764:\n\n  Compare E. Samter, _Familienfeste der Griechen und R\u00f6mer_ (Berlin,\n  1901), pp. 59-62.\n\nFootnote 765:\n\n  W. R. S. Ralston, _The Songs of the Russian People_, pp. 120 _sq._\n  Ralston held that the Russian house-spirit Domovoy, who is supposed to\n  live behind the stove, is the modern representative of an ancestral\n  spirit. Compare _ibid._ pp. 84, 86, 119.\n\nFootnote 766:\n\n  Evidence of this view will be adduced later on. See _The Golden\n  Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 456.\n\nFootnote 767:\n\n  See above, pp. 185 _sq._\n\nFootnote 768:\n\n  L. v. Schroeder, _Die Hochzeitsbr\u00e4uche der Esten_ (Berlin, 1888), pp.\n  129 _sq._\n\nFootnote 769:\n\n  See above, p. 197.\n\nFootnote 770:\n\n  Th. Mommsen, _History of Rome_, New Edition (London, 1894), i. 215\n  _sq._; J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd Ed., p.\n  326; W. Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_,\n  p. 147. For another derivation of their name see below, p. 247.\n\nFootnote 771:\n\n  See above, p. 207.\n\nFootnote 772:\n\n  H. Vaughan Stevens, \u201cMitteilungen aus dem Frauenleben der \u00d4rang\n  Belendas, der \u00d4rang Dj\u00e2kun und der \u00d4rang L\u00e2ut,\u201d bearbeitet von Dr. Max\n  Bartels, _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxviii. (1896) pp. 168 _sq._\n  The writer adds that any person, boy, man, or woman (provided she was\n  not menstruous) might light the fire, if it were more convenient that\n  he or she should do so. Thus the co-operation of a married man and an\n  unmarried girl, though apparently deemed the best, was not the only\n  permissible way of igniting the wood. The good faith or at all events\n  the accuracy of the late German traveller H. Vaughan Stevens is not, I\n  understand, above suspicion; but Mr. Nelson Annandale, joint author of\n  _Fasciculi Malayenses_, writes to me of him that \u201che certainly had a\n  knowledge and experience of the wild tribes of the Malay region which\n  few or none have excelled, for he lived literally as one of\n  themselves.\u201d\n\nFootnote 773:\n\n  Prof. Vl. Titelbach, \u201cDas heilige Feuer bei den Balkanslaven,\u201d\n  _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, xiii. (1900) pp. 2-4. The\n  ceremony witnessed by Prof. Titelbach will be described later on in\n  this work. Kinglake rode through the great Servian forest on his way\n  from Belgrade to Constantinople, and from his description (_Eothen_,\n  ch. ii.) we gather that it is chiefly composed of oak. He says:\n  \u201cEndless and endless now on either side the tall oaks closed in their\n  ranks, and stood gloomily lowering over us.\u201d\n\nFootnote 774:\n\n  Ch. Gilhodes, \u201cLa Culture mat\u00e9rielle des Katchins (Birmanie),\u201d\n  _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 629.\n\nFootnote 775:\n\n  M. Martin\u2019s \u201cDescription of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in\n  Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 611. The first edition of\n  Martin\u2019s work was published in 1703, and the second in 1716.\n\nFootnote 776:\n\n  J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_, 4th ed., i. 504.\n\nFootnote 777:\n\n  E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, pp. 267 _sq._\n\nFootnote 778:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 68; Valerius Maximus,\n  i. 1. 7.\n\nFootnote 779:\n\n  J. Lec\u0153ur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_, ii. (Cond\u00e9-sur-Noireau,\n  1887) p. 27; B. Souch\u00e9, _Croyances, pr\u00e9sages et traditions diverses_\n  (Niort, 1880), p. 12.\n\nFootnote 780:\n\n  Polybius, xii. 13. In Darfur a curious power over fire is ascribed to\n  women who have been faithful to their husbands. \u201cIt is a belief among\n  the Forians, that if the city takes fire, the only means of arresting\n  the progress of the flames is to bring near them a woman, no longer\n  young, who has never been guilty of intrigue. If she be pure, by\n  merely waving a mantle, she puts a stop to the destruction. Success\n  has sometimes rewarded a virtuous woman\u201d (_Travels of an Arab\n  Merchant_ [Mohammed Ibn-Omar El-Tounsy] _in Soudan_, abridged from the\n  French by Bayle St. John (London, 1854), p. 112). Compare R. W.\n  Felkin, \u201cNotes on the For Tribe of Central Africa,\u201d _Proceedings of\n  the Royal Society of Edinburgh_, xiii. (1884-1886) p. 230.\n\nFootnote 781:\n\n  Solinus, xxii. 10. The Celtic Minerva, according to Caesar (_De bello\n  Gallico_, vi. 17), was a goddess of the mechanical arts.\n\nFootnote 782:\n\n  J. Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_, pp. 73-77; P. W. Joyce, _Social History\n  of Ancient Ireland_, i. 260 _sq._\n\nFootnote 783:\n\n  Giraldus Cambrensis, _The Topography of Ireland_, chaps.\n  xxxiv.-xxxvi., translated by Thomas Wright; P. W. Joyce, _Social\n  History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 334 _sq._ It is said that in the\n  island of Sena (the modern _Sein_), off the coast of Brittany, there\n  was an oracle of a Gallic deity whose worship was cared for by nine\n  virgin priestesses. They could raise storms by their incantations, and\n  turn themselves into any animals they pleased (_Mela_, iii. 48); but\n  it is not said that they maintained a perpetual holy fire, though Ch.\n  Elton affirms that they did (_Origins of English History_, p. 27). M.\n  Salomon Reinach dismisses these virgins as a fable based on Homer\u2019s\n  description of the isle of Circe (_Odyssey_, x. 135 _sqq._), and he\n  denies that the Gauls employed virgin priestesses. See his article,\n  \u201cLes Vierges de Sena,\u201d _Revue Celtique_, xviii. (1897) pp. 1-8; _id._,\n  _Cultes, mythes, et religions_, i. (Paris, 1905) pp. 195 _sqq._ To me\n  the nuns of St. Brigit seem to be most probably the successors of a\n  Celtic order of Vestals. That there were female Druids is certain, but\n  it does not appear whether they were virgins. See Lampridius,\n  _Alexander Severus_, 60; Vopiscus, _Aurelianus_, 44; _id._,\n  _Numerianus_, 14 _sq._\n\nFootnote 784:\n\n  Prof. Vl. Titelbach, \u201cDas heilige Feuer bei den Balkanslaven,\u201d\n  _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, xiii. (1900) p. 1.\n\nFootnote 785:\n\n  _Laws of Manu_, iv. 53, translated by G. B\u00fchler (_Sacred Books of the\n  East_, vol. xxv. p. 137).\n\nFootnote 786:\n\n  Martin Haug, _Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of\n  the Parsees_ 3rd Ed., (London, 1884), p. 243, note 1. Strabo describes\n  the mouth-veil worn by the Magian priests in Cappadocia (xiv. 3. 15,\n  p. 733). At Arkon, in the island of R\u00fcgen, there was a shrine so holy\n  that none but the priest might enter it, and even he might not breathe\n  in it. As often as he needed to draw in or give out breath, he used to\n  run out of the door lest he should taint the divine presence with his\n  breath. See Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_, bk. xiv. p. 824, ed.\n  P. E. M\u00fcller (p. 393 of Elton\u2019s English translation).\n\nFootnote 787:\n\n  P. W. Joyce, _Social History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 335 _sq._;\n  Standish H. O\u2019Grady, _Sylva Gadelica_, translation (London, 1892), pp.\n  15, 16, 41.\n\nFootnote 788:\n\n  See above, pp. 94 _sq._\n\nFootnote 789:\n\n  See above, p. 229.\n\nFootnote 790:\n\n  Douglas Hyde, _A Literary History of Ireland_ (London, 1899), p. 158.\n  The tradition of the oak of Kildare survives in the lines,\n\n             \u201c_That oak of Saint Bride, which nor Devil nor Dane\n             Nor Saxon nor Dutchman could rend from her fane_,\u201d\n\n  which are quoted by Mr. D. Fitzgerald in _Revue Celtique_, iv.\n  (1879-1880) p. 193.\n\nFootnote 791:\n\n  Douglas Hyde, _op. cit._ pp. 169-171. At Kells, also, St. Columba\n  dwelt under a great oak-tree. The writer of his Irish life, quoted by\n  Mr. Hyde, says that the oak-tree \u201cremained till these latter times,\n  when it fell through the crash of a mighty wind. And a certain man\n  took somewhat of its bark to tan his shoes with. Now, when he did on\n  the shoes, he was smitten with leprosy from his sole to his crown.\u201d\n\nFootnote 792:\n\n  Garcilasso de la Vega, _Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, pt. i. bk.\n  iv. chaps. 1-3, bk. vi. chaps. 20-22 (vol. i. pp. 292-299, vol. ii.\n  pp. 155-164, Markham\u2019s translation); P. de Cieza de Leon, _Travels_,\n  p. 134 (Markham\u2019s translation); _id._, _Second Part of the Chronicle\n  of Peru_, pp. 85 _sq._ (Markham\u2019s translation); Acosta, _Natural and\n  Moral History of the Indies_, bk. v. chap. 15 (vol. ii. pp. 331-333,\n  Hakluyt Society). Professor E. B. Tylor discredits Garcilasso\u2019s\n  description of these Peruvian priestesses on the ground that it\n  resembles Plutarch\u2019s account of the Roman Vestals (_Numa_, 9 _sq._)\n  too closely to be independent; he thinks that \u201cthe apparent traces of\n  absorption from Plutarch invalidate whatever rests on Garcilasso de la\n  Vega\u2019s unsupported testimony.\u201d See his _Researches into the Early\n  History of Mankind_, 3rd Ed., pp. 249-253. In particular, he stumbles\n  at the statement that an unfaithful Peruvian priestess was buried\n  alive. But that statement was made by Cieza de Leon, who travelled in\n  Peru when Garcilasso was a child, and whose book, or rather the first\n  part of it, containing the statement, was published more than fifty\n  years before that of Garcilasso. Moreover, when we understand that the\n  punishment in question was based on a superstition which occurs\n  independently in many parts of the world, the apparent improbability\n  of the coincidence vanishes. As to the mode of kindling the sacred\n  fire, Professor Tylor understands Plutarch to say that the sacred fire\n  at Rome was kindled, as in Peru, by a burning-glass. To me it seems\n  that Plutarch is here speaking of a Greek, not a Roman usage, and this\n  is made still clearer when his text is read correctly. For the words\n  \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u039c\u03ae\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd, \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u1f70 \u039c\u03b9\u03b8\u03c1\u03b9\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03ac should be altered to \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u039c\u03b1\u03af\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\n  \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f70 \u039c\u03b9\u03b8\u03c1\u03b9\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03ac. See H. Pomtow in _Rheinisches Museum_, N. F. li.\n  (1896) p. 365, and my note on Pausanias, x. 19. 4 (vol. v. p. 331).\n  Thus Plutarch gives two instances when a sacred fire was extinguished\n  and had to be relit with a burning-glass; but both instances are\n  Greek, neither is Roman. The Greek mode of lighting a sacred fire by\n  means of a crystal is described also in the Orphic poem on precious\n  stones, verses 177 _sqq._ (_Orphica_, ed. E. Abel, p. 115). Nor were\n  the Greeks and Peruvians peculiar in this respect. The Siamese and\n  Chinese have also been in the habit of kindling a sacred fire by means\n  of a metal mirror or burning-glass. See Pallegoix, _Description du\n  royaume Thai ou Siam_, ii. 55; A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen\n  Asien_, iii. 516; J. H. Plath, \u201cDie Religion und der Cultus der alten\n  Chinesen,\u201d _Abhandlungen der k. bayer. Akademie der Wissen_, i. Cl.\n  ix. (1863) pp. 876 _sq._ Again, the full description of the golden\n  garden of the Peruvian Vestals, which may sound to us fabulous, is\n  given by Cieza de Leon in a work (the _Second Part of the Chronicle of\n  Peru_) which it is unlikely that Garcilasso ever saw, since it was not\n  printed till 1873, centuries after his death. Yet Garcilasso\u2019s brief\n  description of the garden agrees closely with that of Cieza de Leon,\n  differing from it just as that of an independent witness naturally\n  would\u2014namely, in the selection of some other details in addition to\n  those which the two have in common. He says that the virgins \u201chad a\n  garden of trees, plants, herbs, birds and beasts, made of gold and\n  silver, like that in the temple\u201d (vol. i. p. 298, Markham\u2019s\n  translation). Thus the two accounts are probably independent and\n  therefore trustworthy, for a fiction of this kind could hardly have\n  occurred to two romancers separately. A strong confirmation of\n  Garcilasso\u2019s fidelity is furnished by the close resemblance which the\n  fire customs, both of Rome and Peru, present to the well-authenticated\n  fire customs of the Herero at the present day. There seems to be every\n  reason to think that all three sets of customs originated\n  independently in the simple needs and superstitious fancies of the\n  savage. On the whole, I see no reason to question the good faith and\n  accuracy of Garcilasso.\n\nFootnote 793:\n\n  B. de Sahagun, _Histoire des choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, pp. 196\n  _sq._, 386; Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_, bk. v.\n  ch. 15 (vol. ii. pp. 333 _sq._, Hakluyt Society); A. de Herrera,\n  _General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America_, iii.\n  209 _sq._, Stevens\u2019s translation (London, 1725, 1726); Clavigero,\n  _History of Mexico_, i. 264, 274 _sq._; Brasseur de Bourbourg,\n  _Histoire des nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique\n  Centrale_, i. 289, iii. 661; H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the\n  Pacific States_, ii. 204 _sqq._, 245, 583, iii. 435 _sq._ However,\n  Sahagun (pp. 186, 194), Acosta (vol. ii. p. 336) and Herrera seem to\n  imply that the duty of maintaining the sacred fire was discharged by\n  men only.\n\nFootnote 794:\n\n  Brasseur de Bourbourg, _op. cit._ ii. 6; H. H. Bancroft, _op. cit._\n  iii. 473. Fire-worship seems to have lingered among the Indians of\n  Yucatan down to about the middle of the nineteenth century, and it may\n  still survive among them. See D. G. Brinton, \u201cThe Folk-lore of\n  Yucatan,\u201d _Folk-lore Journal_, i. (1883) pp. 247 _sq._\n\nFootnote 795:\n\n  Letter of the Rev. J. Roscoe, dated Kampala, Uganda, 9th April 1909.\n\nFootnote 796:\n\n  Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 22; Ateius Capito, cited by Plutarch, _Quaest.\n  Rom._ 50. On the other hand, Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 29, says\n  that the Flamen might marry another wife after the death of the first.\n  But the statement of Aulus Gellius and Ateius Capito is confirmed by\n  other evidence. See J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.\n  2nd Ed., 329, note 8. As to the rule see my note, \u201cThe Widowed\n  Flamen,\u201d _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 407 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 797:\n\n  Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 7; Festus, p. 106, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller.\n\nFootnote 798:\n\n  Livy, v. 52. 13 _sq._ In later times the rule was so far relaxed that\n  he was allowed to be absent from Rome for two nights or even longer,\n  provided he got leave from the chief pontiff on the score of\n  ill-health. See Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 14; Tacitus, _Annals_, iii. 71.\n\nFootnote 799:\n\n  Tacitus, _Annals_, iii. 58; Dio Cassius, liv. 36. As to the honours\n  attached to the office, see Livy, xxvii. 8. 8; Plutarch, _Quaest.\n  Rom._ 113.\n\nFootnote 800:\n\n  See _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, i. 241 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 801:\n\n  P. Kretschmer, _Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache_\n  (G\u00f6ttingen, 1896), pp. 127 _sqq._; O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der\n  indogermanischen Altertumskunde_, pp. 637 _sq._ For a different\n  derivation of the name Flamen see above, p. 235. Being no philologer,\n  I do not pretend to decide between the rival etymologies. My friend\n  Prof. J. H. Moulton prefers the equation _Flamen_ = _Brahman_, which\n  he tells me is philologically correct, because if _Flamen_ came from\n  _flare_ we should expect a form like _flator_ rather than _flamen_.\n  The form _flator_ was used in Latin, though not in this sense.\n\nFootnote 802:\n\n  W. Crooke, _The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and\n  Oudh_, i. 30-32. Compare Monier Williams, _Religious Thought and Life\n  in India_, pp. 364, 365, 392.\n\nFootnote 803:\n\n  Aulus Gellius, x. 15.\n\nFootnote 804:\n\n  Homer, _Iliad_, xvi. 233-235; Sophocles, _Trachiniae_, 1166 _sq._;\n  Callimachus, _Hymn to Delos_, 284-286.\n\nFootnote 805:\n\n  Ch. Hartknoch, _Selectae dissertationes historicae de variis rebus\n  Prussicis_, p. 163 (bound up with his edition of D\u00fcsburg\u2019s _Chronicon\n  Prussiae_, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1679); Simon Grunau, _Preussischer\n  Chronik_, ed. M. Perlbach, i. (Leipsic, 1876) p. 95.\n\nFootnote 806:\n\n  W. Crooke, _op. cit._ i. 31-33.\n\nFootnote 807:\n\n  W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n  (Westminster, 1896), ii. 194 _sq._\n\nFootnote 808:\n\n  J. C. Nesfield, in _Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 12, \u00a7 77.\n\nFootnote 809:\n\n  _Rigveda_, iii. 29, translated by R. T. H. Griffith (Benares,\n  1889-1892), vol. ii. pp. 25-27; _Satapatha Br\u00e2hmana_, translated by J.\n  Eggeling, part i. p. 389, note 3, part ii. pp. 90 _sq._, part v. pp.\n  68-74; _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, translated by M. Bloomfield, pp.\n  91, 97 _sq._, 334, 460; W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_, pp.\n  115 _sq._; A. Kuhn, _Herabkunft des Feuers_, 2nd Ed., pp. 40, 64-78,\n  183-185; H. Zimmer, _Altindisches Leben_, pp. 58, 59. The _sami_ wood\n  is sometimes identified with the _Acacia Suma_ (_Mimosa Suma_); but\n  the modern Bengalee name of _Prosopis spicigera_ is _shami_ or _somi_,\n  which seems to be conclusive evidence of the identity of _Prosopis\n  spicigera_ with _sami_. The _Prosopis spicigera_ is a deciduous thorny\n  tree of moderate size, which grows in the arid zones of the Punjaub,\n  Rajputana, Gujarat, Bundelcund, and the Deccan. The heart of the wood\n  is of a purplish brown colour and extremely hard. It is especially\n  valued for fuel, as it gives out much heat. See G. Watt, _Dictionary\n  of the Economic Products of India_, _s.v._ \u201cProsopis spicigera.\u201d For a\n  reference to this work I am indebted to the kindness of the late\n  Professor H. Marshall Ward.\n\nFootnote 810:\n\n  A. Kuhn, _op. cit._ pp. 40, 66, 175.\n\nFootnote 811:\n\n  _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, translated by M. Bloomfield, pp. 97\n  _sq._, 460; W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_, pp. 115 _sq._\n\nFootnote 812:\n\n  See above, pp. 195 _sqq._, 230 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 813:\n\n  _Rigveda_, x. 95, translated by R. T. H. Griffith, _Satapatha\n  Br\u00e2hmana_, translated by J. Eggeling, part v. pp. 68-74. Compare H.\n  Oldenberg, _Die Literatur des alten Indien_ (Stuttgart and Berlin,\n  1903), pp. 53-55. On the story see A. Kuhn, _Herabkunft des Feuers_,\n  2nd Ed., pp. 71 _sqq._; F. Max M\u00fcller _Selected Essays on Language,\n  Religion, and Mythology_ (London, 1881), i. 408 _sqq._; Andrew Lang,\n  _Custom and Myth_ (London, 1884), pp. 64 _sqq._; K. F. Pischel and\n  Geldner, _Vedische Studien_, i. (Stuttgart, 1889), pp. 243-295. It\n  belongs to the group of tales which describe the marriage of a human\n  with an animal mate, of a mortal with a fairy, and often, though not\n  always, their unhappy parting. The story seems to have its roots in\n  totemism. See my _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 566 _sqq._ It will be\n  illustrated more at length in a later part of _The Golden Bough_.\n\nFootnote 814:\n\n  Homer, _Hymn to Mercury_, 108-111 (where a line has been lost; see the\n  note of Messrs. Allen and Sikes); Theophrastus, _Histor. plant._ v. 9.\n  6; _id._, _De igne_, ix. 64; Hesychius, _s.v._ \u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03b5\u03cd\u03c2; Schol. on\n  Apollonius Rhodius, _Argon._ i. 1184; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 208;\n  Seneca, _Nat. Quaest._ ii. 22; A. Kuhn, _Herabkunft des Feuers_, 2nd\n  Ed., pp. 35-41; H. Blumner, _Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe\n  und K\u00fcnste_, ii. 354-356. Theophrastus gives the name of _athragene_\n  to the plant which, next to or equally with ivy, makes the best board;\n  he compares it to a vine. Pliny (_l.c._) seems to have identified it\n  with a species of wild vine. According to Sprengel, the _athragene_ is\n  the _Clematis cirrhosa_ of Linnaeus, the French _cl\u00e9matite \u00e0 vrilles_.\n  See Dioscorides, ed. C. Sprengel, vol. ii. p. 641. As to the kinds of\n  wood employed by the Romans in kindling fire we have no certain\n  evidence, as Pliny and Seneca may have merely copied from\n  Theophrastus.\n\nFootnote 815:\n\n  Pausanias, i. 31. 6, with my note.\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XVII\n                     THE ORIGIN OF PERPETUAL FIRES\n\n\n[Sidenote: The custom of maintaining a perpetual fire probably\noriginated in the difficulty of making fire by friction.] Whatever\nsuperstitions may have gathered about it in the course of ages, the\ncustom of maintaining a perpetual fire probably sprang from a simple\nconsideration of practical convenience. The primitive mode of making\nfire by the friction of wood is laborious at all times, and it is\nespecially so in wet weather. Hence the savage finds it convenient to\nkeep a fire constantly burning or smouldering in order to spare himself\nthe troubling of kindling it. This convenience becomes a necessity with\npeople who do not know how to make fire. That there have been such\ntribes down to our own time is affirmed by witnesses whose evidence we\nhave no reason to doubt. Thus Mr. E. H. Man, who resided eleven years in\nthe Andaman Islands and was intimately acquainted with the natives,\ntells us that, being ignorant of [Sidenote: Some races said to be\nignorant of the means of making fire.] the art of making fire, they take\nthe utmost pains to prevent its extinction. When they leave a camp\nintending to return in a few days, they not only take with them one or\nmore smouldering logs, wrapped in leaves if the weather be wet, but they\nalso place a large burning log or faggot of suitable wood in some\nsheltered spot, where it smoulders for several days and can be easily\nrekindled when it is needed. While it is the business of the women to\ngather the wood, the duty of keeping up the fires both at home and in\ntravelling by land or sea is not confined to them, but is undertaken by\npersons of either sex who have most leisure or are least burdened.[816]\nThe Russian traveller, Baron Miklucho-Maclay, who lived among the\nnatives of the Maclay coast of northern New Guinea at a time when they\nhad hardly come into contact with Europeans, writes: \u201cIt is remarkable\nthat here almost all the inhabitants of the coast possess no means\nwhatever of making fire, hence they always and everywhere carry burning\nor glowing brands about with them. If they go in the morning to the\nplantation they carry a half-burnt brand from their hearth in order to\nkindle a fire at the corner of the plantation. If they go on a longer\njourney into the mountains, they again take fire with them for the\npurpose of smoking, since their cigars, wrapped in green leaves,\ncontinually go out. On sea voyages they usually keep glowing coals in a\nhalf-broken pot partly filled with earth. The people who remain behind\nin the village never forget to keep up the fire.\u201d They repeatedly told\nhim that they had often to go to other villages to fetch fire when the\nfires in all the huts of their own village had chanced to go out. Yet\nthe same traveller tells us that the mountain tribes of this part of New\nGuinea, such as the Englam-Mana and Tiengum-Mana, know how to make fire\nby friction. They partially cleave a log of dry wood with a stone axe\nand then draw a stout cord, formed of a split creeper, rapidly to and\nfro in the cleft, till sparks fly out and set fire to a tinder of dry\ncoco-nut fibres.[817] It is odd that the people of the coast should not\nhave learned this mode of producing fire from their neighbours in the\nmountains. The Russian explorer\u2019s observations, however, have been\nconfirmed by German writers. One of them, a Mr. Hoffmann, says of these\npeople: \u201cIn every house care is taken that fire burns day and night on\nthe hearth. For this purpose they choose a kind of wood which burns\nslowly, but glimmers for a long time and retains its glow. When a man\nsets out on a journey or goes to the field he has always a glimmering\nbrand with him. If he wishes to make fire, he waves the smouldering wood\nto and fro till it bursts into a glow.\u201d On frequented paths, crossways,\nand so forth, you may often see trunks of trees lying which have been\nfelled for the purpose of being ignited and furnishing fire to\npassers-by. Such trees continue to smoulder for weeks.[818] Similarly\nthe dwarf tribes of Central Africa \u201cdo not know how to kindle a fire\nquickly, and in order to get one readily at any moment they keep the\nburning trunks of fallen trees in suitable spots, and watch over their\npreservation like the Vestals of old.\u201d[819] It seems to be at least\ndoubtful whether these dwarfs of the vast and gloomy equatorial forests\nare acquainted with the art of making fire at all. A German traveller\nobserves that the care which they take to preserve fire is extremely\nremarkable. \u201cIt appears,\u201d he says, \u201cthat the pygmies, as other\ntravellers have reported, do not know how to kindle fire by rubbing\nsticks against each other. Like the Wambuba of the forest, in leaving a\ncamp, they take with them a thick glowing brand, and carry it, often for\nhours, in order to light a fire at their next halting place.\u201d[820]\n\n[Sidenote: Fire kindled by natural causes was probably used by men long\nbefore they learned to make it for themselves.] Whether or not tribes\nignorant of the means of making fire have survived to modern times, it\nseems likely that mankind possessed and used fire long before they\nlearned how to kindle it. In the violent thunderstorms which accompany\nthe end of the dry season in Central and Eastern Africa, it is not\nuncommon for the lightning to strike and ignite a tree, from which the\nfire soon spreads to the withered herbage, till a great conflagration is\nstarted. From a source of this sort a savage tribe may have first\nobtained fire, and the same thing may have happened independently in\nmany parts of the world.[821] Other people, perhaps, procured fire from\nvolcanoes, the lava of which will, under favourable circumstances,\nremain hot enough to kindle shavings of wood years after an eruption has\ntaken place.[822] Others again may have lit their first fire at the jets\nof inflammable gas which spring from the ground in various parts of the\nworld, notably at Baku on the Caspian, where the flames burn day and\nnight, summer and winter, to a height of fifteen or twenty feet.[823] It\nis harder to conjecture how man first learned the great secret of making\nfire by friction. The discovery was perhaps made by jungle or forest\nraces, who saw dry bamboos or branches thus ignited by rubbing against\neach other in a high wind. Fires are sometimes started in this way in\nthe forests of New Zealand.[824] It has also been suggested that savages\nmay have accidentally elicited a flame for the first time in the process\nof chipping flints over dry moss, or boring holes with hard sticks in\nsoft wood.[825]\n\n[Sidenote: Many savages carry fire constantly with them as a matter of\nconvenience.] But even when the art of fire-making has been acquired,\nthe process itself is so laborious that many savages keep fire always\nburning rather than be at the trouble of extracting it by friction.\nThis, for example, was true of the roving Australian aborigines before\nthey obtained matches from the whites. On their wanderings they carried\nabout with them pieces of smouldering bark or cones of the Banksia tree\nwherewith to kindle their camp fires.[826] The duty of thus transporting\nfire from one place to another seems commonly to have fallen to the\nwomen. \u201cA stick, a piece of decayed wood, or more often the beautiful\nseed-stem of the Banksia, is lighted at the fire the woman is leaving;\nand from her bag, which, in damp weather, she would keep filled with dry\ncones, or from materials collected in the forest, she would easily,\nduring her journey, preserve the fire got at the last encampment.\u201d[827]\nAnother writer tells us that the Australian native always had his\nfire-stick with him, and if his wife let it go out, so much the worse\nfor her. The dark brown velvety-looking core of the Banksia is very\nretentive of fire and burns slowly, so that one of these little\nfire-sticks would last a considerable time, and a bag of them would\nsuffice for a whole day.[828] The Tasmanians knew how to make fire by\ntwirling the point of a stick in a piece of soft bark; \u201cbut as it was\ndifficult at times to obtain fire by this means, especially in wet\nweather, they generally, in their peregrinations, carried with them a\nfire-stick lighted at their last encampment.\u201d[829] With them, as with\nthe Australians, it was the special task of the women to keep the\nfire-brand alight and to carry it from place to place.[830] When the\nnatives of Materbert, off New Britain, are on a voyage they carry fire\nwith them. For this purpose they press some of the soft fibrous husk of\nthe ripe coco-nut into a coco-nut shell, and then place a red-hot ember\nin the middle of it. This will smoulder for three or four days, and from\nit they obtain a light for their fires wherever they may land.[831] The\nPolynesians made fire by the friction of wood, rubbing a score in a\nboard with a sharp-pointed stick till the dust so produced kindled into\nsparks, which were caught in a tinder of dry leaves or grass. While they\nrubbed, they chanted a prayer or hymn till the fire appeared. But in wet\nweather the task of fire-making was laborious, so at such times the\nnatives usually carried fire about with them in order to avoid the\ntrouble of kindling it.[832] The Fuegians make fire by striking two\nlumps of iron pyrites together and letting the sparks fall on birds\u2019\ndown or on dry moss, which serves as tinder. But rather than be at the\npains of doing this they carry fire with them everywhere, both by sea\nand land, taking great care to prevent its extinction.[833] The Caingua\nIndians of Paraguay make fire in the usual way by the fire-drill, but to\nsave themselves trouble they keep fire constantly burning in their huts\nby means of great blocks of wood.[834] The Indians of Guiana also\nproduce fire by twirling the point of one stick in the hole of another,\nbut they seldom need to resort to this laborious process, for they keep\nfire burning in every house, and on long journeys they usually carry a\nlarge piece of smouldering timber in their canoes. Even in walking\nacross the savannah an Indian will sometimes take a fire-brand with\nhim.[835] The Jaggas, a Bantu tribe in the Kilimanjaro district of East\nAfrica, keep up fire day and night in their huts on account of their\ncattle. If it goes out, the women fetch glowing brands from a\nneighbour\u2019s house; these they carry wrapped up in banana leaves. Thus\nthey convey fire for great distances, sometimes the whole day long.\nHence they seldom need to kindle fire, though the men can make it\nreadily by means of the fire-drill.[836] The tribes of British Central\nAfrica also know how to produce fire in this fashion, but they do not\noften put their knowledge in practice. For there is sure to be a burning\nbrand on one or other of the hearths of the village from which a fire\ncan be lit; and when men go on a journey they take smouldering sticks\nwith them and nurse the glowing wood rather than be at the trouble of\nmaking fire by friction.[837] In the huts of the Ibos on the lower Niger\nburning embers are always kept and never allowed to go out.[838] And\nthis is the regular practice among all the tribes of West Africa who\nhave not yet obtained matches. If the fire in a house should go out, a\nwoman will run to a neighbour\u2019s hut and fetch a burning stick from the\nhearth. Hence in most of their villages fire has probably not needed to\nbe made for years and years. Among domesticated tribes, like the Effiks\nor Agalwa, when the men are going out to the plantation they will\nenclose a burning stick in a hollow piece of a certain kind of wood,\nwhich has a lining of its pith left in it, and they will carry this\n\u201cfire-box\u201d with them.[839]\n\n[Sidenote: The theft of fire by Prometheus.] Before the introduction of\nmatches Greek peasants used to convey fire from place to place in a\nstalk of giant fennel. The stalks of the plant are about five feet long\nby three inches thick, and are encased in a hard bark. The core of the\nstalk consists of a white pith which, when it is dry, burns slowly like\na wick without injury to the bark.[840] Thus when Prometheus, according\nto the legend, stole the first fire from heaven and brought it down to\nearth hidden in a stalk of giant fennel,[841] he carried his fire just\nas every Greek peasant and mariner did on a journey.\n\n[Sidenote: When people settled in villages, it would be convenient to\nkeep up a perpetual fire in the house of the head man.] When a tribe\nceased to be nomadic and had settled in more or less permanent villages,\nit would be a convenient custom to keep a fire perpetually burning in\nevery house. Such a custom, as we have seen, has been observed by\nvarious peoples, and it appears to have prevailed universally among all\nbranches of the Aryans.[842] Arnobius implies that it was formerly\npractised by the Romans, though in his own time the usage had fallen\ninto abeyance.[843] But it would be obviously desirable that there\nshould be some one place in the village where every housewife could be\nsure of obtaining fire without having to kindle it by friction, if her\nown should chance to go out. The most natural spot to look for it would\nbe the hearth of the head man of the village, who would come in time to\nbe regarded as responsible for its maintenance. This is what seems to\nhave happened not only among the Herero of South Africa and the Latin\npeoples of Italy, but also among the ancestors of the Greeks; for in\nancient Greece the perpetual fire kept up in the Prytaneum, or\ntown-hall, was at first apparently the fire on the king\u2019s hearth.[844]\nFrom this simple origin may have sprung the custom which in various\nparts of the world associates the maintenance of a perpetual fire with\nchiefly or royal dignity. Thus it was a distinguishing mark of the\n[Sidenote: Hence the maintenance of a perpetual fire came to be\nassociated with chiefly or royal dignity.] chieftainship of one of the\nSamoan nobility, that his fire never went out. His attendants had a\nparticular name, from their special business of keeping his fire ablaze\nall night long while he slept.[845] Among the Gallas the maintenance of\na perpetual fire, even when it serves no practical purpose, is a\nfavourite mode of asserting high rank, and the chiefs often indulge in\nit.[846] The Chitom\u00e9, a grand pontiff in the kingdom of Congo, of whom\nwe shall hear more hereafter, kept up in his hut, day and night, a\nsacred fire, of which he dispensed brands to such as came to ask for\nthem and could pay for them. He is said to have done a good business in\nfire, for the infatuated people believed that it preserved them from\nmany accidents.[847] In Uganda a perpetual sacred fire, supposed to have\ncome down to earth with the first man Kintu, is maintained by a chief,\nwho is put to death if he suffers it to be extinguished. From this\nsacred fire the king\u2019s fire (_gombolola_) is lighted and kept constantly\nburning at the gate of the royal enclosure during the whole of his\nreign. By day it burns in a small hut, but at night it is brought out\nand set in a little hole in the ground, where it blazes brightly till\ndaybreak, whatever the weather may be. When the king journeys the fire\ngoes with him, and when he dies it is extinguished. The death of a king\nis indeed announced to the people by the words, \u201cThe fire has gone out.\u201d\nA man who bears a special title is charged with the duty of maintaining\nthe fire, and of looking after all the fuel and torches used in the\nroyal enclosure. When the king dies the guardian of his fire is\nstrangled near the hearth.[848] Similarly in Dageou, a country to the\nwest of Darfur, it is said that a custom prevailed of kindling a fire on\nthe inauguration of a king and keeping it alight till his death.[849]\nAmong the Mucelis of Angola, when the king of Amboin or Sanga dies, all\nfires in the kingdom are extinguished. Afterwards the new king makes new\nfire by rubbing two sticks against each other.[850] Such a custom is\nprobably nothing more than an extension of the practice of putting out a\nchief\u2019s own fire at his death. Similarly, when a new Muata Jamwo, a\ngreat potentate in the interior of Angola, comes to the throne, one of\nhis first duties is to make a new fire by the friction of wood, for the\nold fire may not be used.[851] Before the palace gate of the king of\nSiam there burns, or used to burn, a perpetual fire, which was said to\nhave been lit from heaven with a fiery ball.[852]\n\n[Sidenote: Perpetual fire maintained by the chief called the Great Sun\namong the Natchez Indians.] Among the Natchez Indians of the lower\nMississippi a perpetual fire, supposed to have been brought down from\nthe sun, was maintained in a square temple which stood beside the hut of\nthe supreme chief of the nation. He bore the title of the Great Sun, and\nbelieved himself to be a descendant or brother of the luminary his\nnamesake. Every morning when the sun rose he blew three whiffs of his\npipe towards it, and raising his hands above his head, and turning from\neast to west, he marked out the course which the bright orb was to\npursue in the sky. The sacred fire in the temple was fed with logs of\nwalnut or oak, and the greatest care was taken to prevent its\nextinction; for such an event would have been thought to put the whole\nnation in jeopardy. Eight men were appointed to guard the fire, two of\nwhom were bound to be always on watch; and the Great Sun himself looked\nto the maintenance of the fire with anxious attention. If any of the\nguardians of the fire failed to do his duty, the rule was that he should\nbe put to death. When the great chief died his bones were deposited in\nthe temple, along with the bones of many attendants who were strangled\nin order that their souls might wait upon him in the spirit land. On\nsuch an occasion the chief\u2019s fire was extinguished, and this was the\nsignal for putting out all the other fires in the country. Every village\nhad also its own temple in which a perpetual fire was maintained under\nthe guardianship of a subordinate chief. These lesser chiefs also bore\nthe title of Suns, but acknowledged the supremacy of the head chief, the\nGreat Sun. All of these Suns were supposed to be descended from a man\nand woman who had come down from the luminary from which they took their\nnames. There were female Suns as well as male Suns, but they might not\nmarry among themselves; they had always to mate with a woman or a man of\nlower rank. Their nobility was transmitted in the maternal line; that\nis, the children of a female Sun, both sons and daughters, were Suns,\nbut the children of a male Sun were not. Hence a chief was never\nsucceeded by his own son, but always by the son either of his sister or\nof his nearest female relation. The Natchez knew how to produce fire by\nmeans of the fire-drill; but if the sacred fire in the temple went out,\nthey relit it, not by the friction of wood, but by a brand brought from\nanother temple or from a tree which had been ignited by lightning.[853]\nIn these customs of the Natchez we have clearly fire-worship and\nsun-worship of the same general type which meets us again at a higher\nstate of evolution among the Incas of Peru. Both sets of customs\nprobably sprang originally from the perpetual fire on the chief\u2019s\ndomestic hearth.\n\n[Sidenote: Fire carried before chiefs and kings as a symbol of royalty.]\nWhen a perpetual fire has thus become a symbol of royalty, it is natural\nthat it should be carried before the king or chief on the march. Among\nthe Indians of the Mississippi a lighted torch used to be borne in front\nof a chief, and no commoner would dare to walk between a chief and his\ntorch-bearer.[854] A sacred fire, supposed to have descended from\nheaven, was carried in a brazier before the Persian kings,[855] and the\ncustom was adopted as a badge of imperial dignity by later Roman\nemperors.[856] The practice appears to have been especially observed in\ntime of war. Amongst the Ovambo of South Africa the chief appoints a\ngeneral to lead the army to battle, and next to the general the greatest\nofficer is he who carries a fire-brand at the head of the warriors. If\nthe fire goes out on the march, it is an evil omen and the army beats a\nretreat.[857] When the king of Monomotapa, or Benomotapa, was at war, a\nsacred fire was kept burning perpetually in a hut near his tent.[858] In\nold days it is said that the king of Mombasa in East Africa could put an\narmy of eighty thousand men in the field. On the march his guards were\npreceded by men carrying fire.[859] High above the tent of Alexander the\nGreat hung a fiery cresset on a pole, and \u201cthe flame of it was seen by\nnight, and the smoke by day.\u201d[860] When a Spartan king was about to lead\nan army abroad he first sacrificed at home to Zeus the Leader. Then a\nman called the fire-bearer took fire from the altar and marched with it\nat the head of the troops to the frontier. There the king again\nsacrificed to Zeus and Athena, and if the omens were favourable, he\ncrossed the border, preceded by the fire from the sacrifices, which\nthenceforth led the way and might not be quenched. To perform such\nsacrifices the king always rose very early in the morning, while it was\nstill dark, in order to get the ear of the god before the enemy could\nforestall him.[861]\n\n[Sidenote: The custom of keeping up a perpetual fire during a king\u2019s\nreign and extinguishing it at his death, might lead to a belief that his\nlife was bound up with the fire.] A custom of maintaining a fire during\na king\u2019s reign and extinguishing it at his death, even if it did not\noriginate in a superstition, would naturally lend itself to a\nsuperstitious interpretation. The distinction between the sign and the\ncause of an event is not readily grasped by a dull mind; hence the\nextinction of the king\u2019s fire, from being merely a signal of his death,\nmight come in time to be regarded as a cause of it. In other words, a\nvital connexion might be supposed to exist between the king and the\nfire, so that if the fire were put out the king would die. That a\nsympathetic bond of some sort united the king\u2019s life with the fire on\nhis hearth was apparently believed by the ancient Scythians. For their\nmost solemn oath was by the king\u2019s hearth, and if any man who had taken\nthis oath forswore himself, they believed that the king would fall\nill.[862] The story of Meleager,[863] whose life was said to be bound up\nwith a brand plucked from the fire on the hearth, belongs to the same\nclass of ideas, which will be examined at large in a later part of this\nwork. Wherever a superstition of this sort gathered round the king\u2019s\nhearth, it is obvious that he would be moved to watch over the fire with\nredoubled vigilance. On a certain day the Vestal Virgins at Rome used to\ngo to the King of the Sacred Rites, the successor of the old Roman\nkings, and say to him, \u201cWatchest thou, O King? Watch.\u201d[864] The ceremony\nmay have been a reminiscence or survival of a time when the king\u2019s life\nas well as the general safety was supposed to hang on the maintenance of\nthe fire, to the guardianship of which he would thus be impelled by the\nmotive of self-preservation as well as of public duty. When natives of\nthe Kei Islands in the East Indies are away on a long voyage, a sacred\nfire is kept up the whole time of their absence by their friends at\nhome. Three or four young girls are appointed to feed it and watch over\nit day and night with a jealous care lest it should go out; its\nextinction would be deemed a most evil omen, for the fire is the symbol\nof the life of the absent ones.[865] This belief and this practice may\nhelp us to understand the corresponding beliefs and practices concerned\nwith the maintenance of a perpetual fire at Rome.\n\nFootnote 816:\n\n  E. H. Man, _On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands_\n  (London, N.D.), p. 82. Mr. Man\u2019s evidence is confirmed by a German\n  traveller, Mr. Jagor, who says of the Andaman Islanders: \u201cThe fire\n  must never go out. Here also I am again assured that the Andamanese\n  have no means of making fire.\u201d See _Verhandlungen der Berliner\n  Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, 1877, p. (54) (bound with\n  _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, ix.). I regret that on this subject I\n  did not question Mr. A. R. Brown, Fellow of Trinity College,\n  Cambridge, who resided for about two years among the Andaman\n  Islanders, studying their customs and beliefs. Mr. Brown is now\n  (December 1910) in West Australia.\n\nFootnote 817:\n\n  N. von Miklucho-Maclay, \u201cEthnologische Bemerkungen \u00fcber die Papuas der\n  Maclay-K\u00fcste in Neu-Guinea,\u201d _Natuurkundig Tijdschrift voor\n  Nederlandsch Indie_, xxxv. (1875), pp. 82, 83. Compare C. Hager,\n  _Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und der Bismarck-Archipel_, p. 69; M. Krieger,\n  _Neu-Guinea_, p. 153. The natives of the Maclay Coast are said to have\n  traditions of a time when they were ignorant even of the use of fire;\n  they ate fruits raw, which set up a disease of the gums, filling their\n  mouths with blood; they had a special name for the disease. See N. von\n  Miklucho-Maclay, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n  Anthropologie_, 1882, p. (577) (bound with _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n  Ethnologie_, xiv.). The reports of people living in ignorance of the\n  use of fire have hitherto proved, on closer examination, to be fables.\n  See E. B. Tylor, _Researches into the Early History of Mankind_, 3rd\n  Ed., pp. 229 _sqq._ The latest repetition of the story that I know of\n  is by an American naturalist, Mr. Titian R. Peale, who confirms the\n  exploded statement that down to 1841 the natives of Bowditch Island\n  had not seen fire. See _The American Naturalist_, xviii. (1884) pp.\n  229-232.\n\nFootnote 818:\n\n  B. Hagen, _Unter den Papuas_ (Wiesbaden, 1899), pp. 203 _sq._ Mr.\n  Hagen\u2019s account applies chiefly to the natives of Astrolabe Bay. He\n  tells us that for the most part they now use Swedish matches.\n\nFootnote 819:\n\n  G. Casati, _Ten Years in Equatoria_ (London and New York, 1891), i.\n  157. Another writer says that these dwarfs \u201ckeep fire alight\n  perpetually, starting it in some large tree, which goes on smouldering\n  for months at a time\u201d (Captain Guy Burrows, _The Land of the Pigmies_\n  (London, 1898), p. 199).\n\nFootnote 820:\n\n  F. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894),\n  pp. 451 _sq._\n\nFootnote 821:\n\n  Sir Harry H. Johnston, _British Central Africa_ (London, 1897), p.\n  439; _id._, _The Uganda Protectorate_ (London, 1902), ii. 540. If we\n  may trust Diodorus Siculus (i. 13. 3), this was the origin of fire\n  alleged by the Egyptian priests. Among the Winamwanga and Wiwa tribes\n  of East Africa, to the south of Lake Tanganyika, \u201cwhen lightning sets\n  fire to a tree, all the fires in a village are put out, and fireplaces\n  freshly plastered, while the head men take the fire to the chief, who\n  prays over it. It is then sent to all his villages, the people of the\n  villages rewarding his messengers.\u201d See Dr. J. A. Chisholm, \u201cNotes on\n  the Manners and Customs of the Winamwanga and Wiwa,\u201d _Journal of the\n  African Society_, No. 36 (July 1910), p. 363. The Parsees ascribe\n  peculiar sanctity to fire which has been obtained from a tree struck\n  by lightning. See D. J. Karaka, _History of the Modern Parsis_\n  (London, 1884), ii. 213. In Siam and Cambodia such fire is carefully\n  preserved and used to light the funeral pyres of kings and others. See\n  Pallegoix, _Description du royaume Thai ou Siam_, i. 248; J. Moura,\n  _Le Royaume du Cambodge_, i. 360.\n\nFootnote 822:\n\n  Oscar Peschel, _V\u00f6lkerkunde_ 6th Ed. (Leipsic, 1885), p. 138. Mr. Man\n  thinks it likely that the Andaman Islanders got their fire from one of\n  the two volcanoes which exist in their island (_On the Aboriginal\n  Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands_, p. 82). The Creek Indians of\n  North America have a tradition that some of their ancestors procured\n  fire from a volcano. See A. S. Gatschet, _A Migration Legend of the\n  Creek Indians_, ii. (St. Louis, 1888) p. 11 (43).\n\nFootnote 823:\n\n  O. Peschel, _loc. cit._ As to the fires of Baku see further, _Adonis,\n  Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, p. 159.\n\nFootnote 824:\n\n  R. Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_, 2nd\n  Ed., p. 367; W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern\n  India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 194; A. Kuhn, _Herabkunft des Feuers_,\n  2nd Ed., pp. 92, 102. Lucretius thought that the first fire was\n  procured either from lightning or from the mutual friction of trees in\n  a high wind (_De rerum natura_, v. 1091-1101). The latter source was\n  preferred by Vitruvius (_De architectura_, ii. 1. 1).\n\nFootnote 825:\n\n  Sir Harry H. Johnston, _ll.cc._ Professor K. von den Steinen\n  conjectures that savages, who already possessed fire, and were wont to\n  use tinder to nurse a smouldering brand into a blaze, may have\n  accidentally discovered the mode of kindling fire in an attempt to\n  make tinder by rubbing two dry sticks or reeds against each other. See\n  K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, pp.\n  219-228.\n\nFootnote 826:\n\n  J. Dumont D\u2019Urville, _Voyage autour du monde et \u00e0 la recherche de la\n  Perouse_, i. (Paris, 1832) pp. 95, 194; Scott Nind, \u201cDescription of\n  the Natives of King George\u2019s Sound,\u201d _Journal of the Royal\n  Geographical Society_, i. (1832) p. 26; E. J. Eyre, _Journals of\n  Expeditions of Discovery into Central Australia_, ii. 357; A.\n  Oldfield, \u201cThe Aborigines of Australia,\u201d _Transactions of the\n  Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., iii. (1865) pp. 283 _sq._; J.\n  Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 15; _Annales de la Propagation de\n  la Foi_, xvii. (1845) pp. 76 _sq._\n\nFootnote 827:\n\n  R. Brough Smyth, _The Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 396.\n\nFootnote 828:\n\n  R. Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_, 2nd\n  Ed., p. 567. Other writers confirm the statement that the carrying of\n  the fire-sticks is the special duty of the women. See W. Stanbridge,\n  \u201cOn the Aborigines of Victoria,\u201d _Transactions of the Ethnological\n  Society of London_, N.S., i. (1861) p. 291; J. F. Mann, \u201cNotes on the\n  Aborigines of Australia,\u201d _Proceedings of the Geographical Society of\n  Australasia_, i. (1885) p. 29.\n\nFootnote 829:\n\n  Melville, quoted by H. Ling Roth, _The Aborigines of Tasmania_\n  (London, 1890), p. 97. It has sometimes been affirmed that the\n  Tasmanians did not know how to kindle fire; but the evidence collected\n  by Mr. Ling Roth (_op. cit._, pp. xii. _sq._, 96 _sq._), proves that\n  they were accustomed to light it both by the friction of wood and by\n  striking flints together.\n\nFootnote 830:\n\n  Mr. Dove, quoted by James Bonwick, _Daily Life and Origin of the\n  Tasmanians_, p. 20.\n\nFootnote 831:\n\n  Wilfred Powell, _Wanderings in a Wild Country_ (London, 1883), p. 196.\n\nFootnote 832:\n\n  Captain J. Wilson, _Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_\n  (London, 1799), p. 357.\n\nFootnote 833:\n\n  J. G. Wood, _Natural History of Man_, ii. 522; J. G. Garson, \u201cOn the\n  Inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n  Institute_, xv. (1886). p. 145; _Mission scientifique du Cap Horn_,\n  1882-1883, vii. (Paris, 1891) p. 345.\n\nFootnote 834:\n\n  J. B. Ambrosetti, \u201cLos Indios Caingua del alto Paran\u00e1 (misiones),\u201d\n  _Boletino del Instituto Geografico Argentino_, xv. (1895) pp. 703\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 835:\n\n  E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, pp. 257 _sq._\n\nFootnote 836:\n\n  A. Widenmann, _Die Kilimandscharo-Bev\u00f6lkerung_ (Gotha, 1899), pp. 68\n  _sq._ (_Petermann\u2019s Mittheilungen: Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_, No. 129).\n\nFootnote 837:\n\n  Sir Harry H. Johnston, _British Central Africa_ (London, 1897), p.\n  438.\n\nFootnote 838:\n\n  A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, _Up the Niger_ (London, 1892), p. 37.\n\nFootnote 839:\n\n  Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, pp. 599 _sq._\n\nFootnote 840:\n\n  P. de Tournefort, _Relation d\u2019un voyage du Levant_ (Amsterdam, 1718),\n  i. 93 (Lettre vi.); Sibthorp, in R. Walpole\u2019s _Memoirs relating to\n  European and Asiatic Turkey_ (London, 1817), pp. 284 _sq._; W. G.\n  Clark, _Peloponnesus_ (London, 1858), p. 111; J. T. Bent, _The\n  Cyclades_ (London, 1885), p. 365. The giant fennel (_Ferula communis_,\n  L.) is still known in Greece by its ancient name, hardly modified\n  (_nartheka_ instead of _narthex_), though W. G. Clark says the modern\n  name is _kalami_. Bent speaks of the plant as a reed, which is a\n  mistake. The plant is described by Theophrastus (_Histor. plant._ vi.\n  2. 7 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 841:\n\n  Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 50-52; _id._, _Theogony_, 565-567;\n  Aeschylus, _Prometheus Bound_, 107-111; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i.\n  7. 1; Hyginus, _Fabulae_, 144; _id._, _Astronomica_, ii. 15.\n\nFootnote 842:\n\n  See my article, \u201cThe Prytaneum, the Temple of Vesta, the Vestals,\n  Perpetual Fires,\u201d _Journal of Philology_, xiv. (1885) pp. 169-171.\n\nFootnote 843:\n\n  Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, ii. 67.\n\nFootnote 844:\n\n  See my article, \u201cThe Prytaneum, the Temple of Vesta, the Vestals,\n  Perpetual Fires,\u201d _Journal of Philology_, xiv. (1885) pp. 145 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 845:\n\n  G. Turner, _Nineteen Years in Polynesia_ (London, 1861), p. 326.\n\nFootnote 846:\n\n  Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die materielle Cultur\n  der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1893), p. 145.\n\nFootnote 847:\n\n  J. B. Labat, _Relation historique de l\u2019\u00c9thiopie Occidentale_, i. 256\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 848:\n\n  J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d\n  _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 43, 51\n  _sq._; _id._, in a letter to me dated Mengo, Uganda, 3rd August 1904.\n\nFootnote 849:\n\n  W. G. Browne, _Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria_ (London, 1799), p.\n  306.\n\nFootnote 850:\n\n  J. J. Monteiro, _Angola and the River Congo_ (London, 1875), ii. 167.\n\nFootnote 851:\n\n  P. Pogge, _Im Reiche des Muata Jamwo_ (Berlin, 1880), p. 234.\n\nFootnote 852:\n\n  A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iii. 515 _sq._\n\nFootnote 853:\n\n  Du Pratz, _History of Louisiana_ (London, 1774), pp. 330-334, 346\n  _sq._, 351-358; Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi. 172\n  _sqq._; Lafitau, _M\u0153urs des sauvages Ameriquains_, i. 167 _sq._;\n  _Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, Nouvelle \u00c9dition, vii. (Paris,\n  1781) pp. 7-16 (reprinted in _Recueil de voyages au nord_, ix.\n  Amsterdam, 1737, pp. 3-13); \u201cRelation de la Louisianne,\u201d _Recueil de\n  voyages au Nord_, v. (Amsterdam, 1734) pp. 23 _sq._; Bossu, _Nouveaux\n  Voyages aux Indes Occidentales_ (Paris, 1768), i. 42-44;\n  Chateaubriand, _Voyage en Am\u00e9rique_ (Paris, 1870), pp. 227 _sqq._; H.\n  R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, v. 68. The accounts differ from each\n  other in some details. Thus Du Pratz speaks as if there were only two\n  fire-temples in the country, whereas the writer in the _Lettres\n  \u00e9difiantes_ says that there were eleven villages each with its\n  fire-temple, and that formerly there had been sixty villages and\n  temples. The account in the text is based mainly on the authority of\n  Du Pratz, who lived among the Natchez on terms of intimacy for eight\n  years, from the end of 1718 to 1726.\n\nFootnote 854:\n\n  Hennepin, _Nouvelle D\u00e9couverte d\u2019un tr\u00e8s grand pays situ\u00e9 dans\n  l\u2019Am\u00e9rique_ (Utrecht, 1697), p. 306.\n\nFootnote 855:\n\n  Xenophon, _Cyropaedia_, viii. 3. 12; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6.\n  34; Quintus Curtius, iii. 3. 7.\n\nFootnote 856:\n\n  Dio Cassius, lxxi. 35. 5; Herodian, i. 8. 4, i. 16. 4, ii. 3. 2, ii.\n  8. 6, vii. 1. 9, vii. 6. 2.\n\nFootnote 857:\n\n  H. Schinz, _Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_, p. 320.\n\nFootnote 858:\n\n  O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 392.\n\nFootnote 859:\n\n  O. Dapper, _op. cit._ p. 400.\n\nFootnote 860:\n\n  Quintus Curtius, v. 2. 7. Curtius represents this as a signal adopted\n  by Alexander, because the sound of the bugle was lost in the trampling\n  and hum of the great multitude. But this maybe merely the historian\u2019s\n  interpretation of an old custom.\n\nFootnote 861:\n\n  Xenophon, _Respublica Lacedaemoniorum_, xiii. 2 _sq._; Nicolaus\n  Damascenus, quoted by Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41 (vol. ii. p.\n  188 ed. Meineke); Hesychius, _s.v._ \u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u03c3\u03bf\u03c6\u03cc\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2.\n\nFootnote 862:\n\n  Herodotus, iv. 68.\n\nFootnote 863:\n\n  Aeschylus, _Cho\u00ebph._ 604 _sqq._; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 8. 2\n  _sq._; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 34. 6 _sq._; Ovid, _Metamorph._ viii. 445\n  _sqq._; Hyginus, _Fab._ 171 and 174.\n\nFootnote 864:\n\n  Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ x. 228.\n\nFootnote 865:\n\n  Le P. H. Geurtjens, \u201cLe C\u00e9r\u00e9monial des Voyages aux \u00celes Keij,\u201d\n  _Anthropos_, v. (1910) pp. 337 _sq._\n\n\n\n\n                             CHAPTER XVIII\n            THE SUCCESSION TO THE KINGDOM IN ANCIENT LATIUM\n\n\n[Sidenote: The Vestal fire and the great priesthoods appear to have been\ninstitutions common to the whole Latin race.] Thus it appears that a\nvariety of considerations combined to uphold, if not to originate, the\ncustom of maintaining a perpetual fire. The sanctity of the wood which\nfed it, the belief in the generative virtue of the process by which it\nwas kindled, the supposed efficacy of fire in repelling the powers of\nevil, the association of the hearth with the spirits of the dead and\nwith the majesty or even the life of the king all worked together to\ninvest the simple old custom with a halo of mystery and romance. If this\nwas so at Rome we may assume that matters were not very different in the\nother Latin towns which kept up a Vestal fire. These too had their kings\nof the Sacred Rites, their flamens, and their pontiffs, as well as their\nVestal Virgins.[866] All the great priesthoods of Rome appear, in fact,\nto have had their doubles in the other ancient cities of Latium; all\nwere probably primitive institutions common to the whole Latin\nrace.[867]\n\n[Sidenote: Priestly or divine functions of the Roman kings, including\nthe maintenance of the Vestal fire.] Accordingly, whatever is true or\nprobable of the Roman priesthoods, about which we know most, may\nreasonably be regarded as true or probable of the corresponding\npriesthoods elsewhere in Latium, about which for the most part we know\nnothing more than the names. Now in regard to the Roman king, whose\npriestly functions were inherited by his successor the king of the\nSacred Rites, the foregoing discussion has led us to the following\nconclusions. He represented and indeed personated Jupiter, the great god\nof the oak, the sky, and the thunder, and in that character made rain,\nthunder, and lightning for the good of his subjects, like many more\nkings of the weather in other parts of the world. Further, he not only\nmimicked the oak-god by wearing an oak wreath and other insignia of\ndivinity, but he was married to an oak-nymph Egeria, who appears to have\nbeen merely a local form of Diana in her character of a goddess of\nwoods, of waters, and of childbirth. Moreover, he was descended from the\noak, since he was born of a virgin who conceived by contact with a fire\nof sacred oak-wood. Hence he had to guard the ancestral fire and keep it\nconstantly burning, inasmuch as on its maintenance depended the\ncontinuance of the royal family. Only on certain stated occasions was it\nlawful and even necessary to extinguish the old fire in order to revive\nit in a purer and more vigorous form by the friction of the sacred wood.\nThis was done once a year on the first of March,[868] and we may\nconjecture that it was also done by the new king on his accession to\npower; for, as we have seen, it has been customary in [Sidenote: But the\nfire was formally extinguished and rekindled on certain occasions,\nperhaps on the death of the king.] various places to extinguish the\nking\u2019s fire at his death.[869] Among the ancient Persians the perpetual\nsacred fire was put out on the death of a king and remained unlit until\nafter his funeral.[870] It is a common practice to extinguish the fire\nin any house where a death has taken place,[871] apparently from a fear\nthat the ghost may scorch or singe himself at it, like a moth at the\nflame of a candle; and the custom of putting out the king\u2019s fire at his\ndecease may in its origin have been nothing more than this. But when the\nfire on the king\u2019s hearth came to be viewed as bound up in a mysterious\nfashion with his life, it would naturally be extinguished at his death,\nnot to spare his fluttering ghost the risk and pain of falling into it,\nbut because, as a sort of life-token or external soul, it too must die\nat his death and be born again from the holy tree. At all events, it\nseems probable that whenever and from whatever cause it became necessary\nto rekindle the royal and sacred fire by the friction of wood, the\noperation was performed jointly by the king and the Vestals, one or more\nof whom may have been his daughters or the daughters of his predecessor.\nRegarded as impersonations of Mother Vesta herself, these priestesses\nwould be the chosen vessels, not only to bring to birth the seed of fire\nin working the fire-drill, but also to receive the seed of the fire-god\nin their chaste wombs, and so to become the mothers of fire-begotten\nkings.\n\n[Sidenote: What is true of the Roman kings is probably true of the Latin\nkings in general.] All these conclusions, which we have reached mainly\nby a consideration of the Roman evidence, may with great probability be\napplied to the other Latin communities. They too probably had of old\ntheir divine or priestly kings, who transmitted their religious\nfunctions, without their civil powers, to their successors the kings of\nthe Sacred Rites.\n\n[Sidenote: What was the rule of succession to the Latin kingship?] But\nwe have still to ask, What was the rule of succession to the kingdom\namong the old Latin tribes? We possess two lists of Latin kings both\nprofessedly complete. One is the list of the kings of Alba, the other is\nthe list of the [Sidenote: The list of the Alban kings seems to imply\nthat the kingship was hereditary in the male line.] kings of Rome. If we\naccept as authentic the list of the Alban kings, we can only conclude\nthat the kingdom was hereditary in the male line, the son regularly\nsucceeding his father on the throne.[872] But this list, if it is not,\nas Niebuhr held, a late and clumsy fabrication, has somewhat the\nappearance of an elastic cord which ancient historians stretched in\norder to link Aeneas to Romulus.[873] Yet it would be rash to set these\nnames wholly aside as a chronological stop-gap deliberately foisted in\nby later annalists. In early monarchies, before the invention of\nwriting, tradition is remarkably retentive of the names of kings. The\nBaganda of Central Africa, for example, remember the names of more than\nthirty of their kings in an unbroken chain of twenty-two\ngenerations.[874] Even the occurrence of foreign names among the Alban\nkings is not of itself sufficient to condemn the list as a forgery; for,\nas I shall shew presently, this feature is explicable by a rule of\ndescent which appears to have prevailed in many ancient monarchies,\nincluding that of Rome. Perhaps the most we can say for the history of\nthe Alban kings is that their names may well be genuine, and that some\ngeneral features of the monarchy, together with a few events which\nhappened to strike the popular imagination, may have survived in the\nmemory of the people till they found their way into written history. But\nno dependence can be placed either on the alleged years of their reigns,\nor on the hereditary principle which is assumed to have connected each\nking with his predecessor.\n\nWhen we come to the list of the Roman kings we are on much firmer,\nthough still slippery ground. According to tradition there were in all\neight kings of Rome,[875] and with regard to the five last of them, at\nall events, we can hardly doubt that they actually sat on the throne,\nand that the traditional history of their reigns is, in its main\noutlines, correct.[876] Now it is very remarkable that though the first\nking of Rome, Romulus, is said to have been descended from the royal\nhouse of Alba, in which the kingship is represented as hereditary in the\nmale line, not one of the [Sidenote: On the other hand none of the Roman\nkings was immediately succeeded by his son, but three were succeeded by\ntheir sons-in-law, who were foreigners.] Roman kings was immediately\nsucceeded by his son on the throne. Yet several left sons or grandsons\nbehind them.[877] On the other hand, one of them was descended from a\nformer king through his mother, not through his father,[878] and three\nof the kings, namely Tatius, the elder Tarquin, and Servius Tullius,\nwere succeeded by their sons-in-law,[879] who were all either foreigners\nor of foreign descent.[880] This [Sidenote: This suggests that the\nkingship was transmitted in the female line and was held by foreigners\nwho married the royal princesses.] suggests that the right to the\nkingship was transmitted in the female line, and was actually exercised\nby foreigners who married the royal princesses. To put it in technical\nlanguage, the succession to the kingship at Rome and probably in Latium\ngenerally would seem to have been determined by certain rules which have\nmoulded early society in many parts of the world, namely exogamy,\n_beena_ marriage, and female kinship or mother-kin. Exogamy is the rule\nwhich obliges a man to marry a woman of a different clan from his own;\n_beena_ marriage is the rule that he must leave the home of his birth\nand live with his wife\u2019s people;[881] and female kinship or mother-kin\nis the system of tracing relationship and transmitting the family name\nthrough women instead of through men.[882] If these principles regulated\ndescent of the kingship among the ancient Latins, the state of things in\nthis respect would be somewhat as follows. The political and religious\ncentre of each community would be the perpetual fire on the king\u2019s\nhearth tended by Vestal Virgins of the royal clan. The king would be a\nman of another clan, perhaps of another town or even of another race,\nwho had married a daughter of his predecessor and received the kingdom\nwith her. The children whom he had by her would inherit their mother\u2019s\nname, not his; the daughters would remain at home; the sons, when they\ngrew up, would go away into the world, marry, and settle in their wives\u2019\ncountry, whether as kings or commoners. Of the daughters who stayed at\nhome, some or all would be dedicated as Vestal Virgins for a longer or\nshorter time to the service of the fire on the hearth, and one of them\nwould in time become the consort of her father\u2019s successor.\n\n[Sidenote: This hypothesis explains some obscure features in the\ntraditional history of the Latin kings, such as the stories of their\nmiraculous birth.] This hypothesis has the advantage of explaining in a\nsimple and natural way some obscure features in the traditional history\nof the Latin kingship. Thus the legends which tell how Latin kings were\nborn of virgin mothers and divine fathers become at least more\nintelligible. For, stripped of their fabulous element, tales of this\nsort mean no more than that a woman has been gotten with child by a man\nunknown; and this uncertainty as to fatherhood is more easily compatible\nwith a system of kinship which ignores paternity than with one which\nmakes it all-important. If at the birth of the Latin kings their fathers\nwere really unknown,[883] the fact points either to a general looseness\nof life in the royal family or to a special relaxation [Sidenote: The\nLatin kings perhaps begotten at a Saturnalia.] of moral rules on certain\noccasions, when men and women reverted for a season to the licence of an\nearlier age. Such Saturnalias are not uncommon at some stages of social\nevolution. In our own country traces of them long survived in the\npractices of May Day and Whitsuntide, if not of Christmas. Children born\nof the more or less promiscuous intercourse which characterises\nfestivals of this kind would naturally be fathered on the god to whom\nthe particular festival was dedicated.\n\n[Sidenote: The Roman festival of Midsummer was a kind of Saturnalia, and\nwas specially associated with the fire-born King Servius Tullius.] In\nthis connexion it may not be without significance that a festival of\njollity and drunkenness was celebrated by the plebeians and slaves at\nRome on Midsummer Day, and that the festival was specially associated\nwith the fire-born King Servius Tullius, being held in honour of\nFortuna, the goddess who loved Servius as Egeria loved Numa. The popular\nmerrymakings at this season included foot-races and boat-races; the\nTiber was gay with flower-wreathed boats, in which young folk sat\nquaffing wine.[884] The festival appears to have been a sort of\nMidsummer Saturnalia answering to the real Saturnalia which fell at\nMidwinter. In modern Europe, as we shall learn later on, the great\nMidsummer festival has been above all a festival of lovers and of fire;\none of its principal features is the pairing of sweethearts, who leap\nover the bonfires hand in hand or throw flowers across the flames to\neach other. And many omens of love and marriage are drawn from the\nflowers which bloom at this mystic season.[885] It is the time of the\nroses and of love. Yet the innocence and beauty of such festivals in\nmodern times ought not to blind us to the likelihood that in earlier\ndays they were marked by coarser features, which were probably of the\nessence of the rites. Indeed, among the rude Esthonian peasantry these\nfeatures seem to have lingered down to our own generation, if not to the\npresent day. One other feature in the Roman celebration of Midsummer\ndeserves to be specially noticed. The custom of rowing in flower-decked\nboats on the river on this day proves that it was to some extent a water\nfestival; and, as we shall learn later on, water has always, down to\nmodern times, played a conspicuous part in the rites of Midsummer Day,\nwhich explains why the Church, in throwing its cloak over the old\nheathen festival, chose to dedicate it to St. John the Baptist.[886]\n\n[Sidenote: But the uncertainty as to the paternity of the Roman kings\nmay only mean that in later times the names of their fathers were\nforgotten.] The hypothesis that the Latin kings may have been begotten\nat an annual festival of love is necessarily a mere conjecture, though\nthe traditional birth of Numa on the festival of the Parilia, when\nshepherds leaped across the spring bonfires,[887] as lovers leap across\nthe Midsummer fires, may perhaps be thought to lend it a faint colour of\nprobability. But it is quite possible that the uncertainty as to their\nfathers may not have arisen till long after the death of the kings, when\ntheir figures began to melt away into the cloudland of fable, assuming\nfantastic shapes and gorgeous colouring as they passed from earth to\nheaven. If they were alien immigrants, strangers and pilgrims in the\nland they ruled over, it would be natural enough that the people should\nforget their lineage, and forgetting it should provide them with\nanother, which made up in lustre what it lacked in truth. The final\napotheosis, which represented the kings as not merely sprung from gods\nbut as themselves deities incarnate, would be much facilitated if in\ntheir lifetime, as we have seen reason to think, they had actually laid\nclaim to divinity.\n\n[Sidenote: Where descent is traced through women only, girls of the\nhighest rank may be married to men of humble birth, even to aliens and\nslaves.] If among the Latins the women of royal blood always stayed at\nhome and received as their consorts men of another stock, and often of\nanother country, who reigned as kings in virtue of their marriage with a\nnative princess, we can understand not only why foreigners wore the\ncrown at Rome, but also why foreign names occur in the list of the Alban\nkings. In a state of society where nobility is reckoned only through\nwomen\u2014in other words, where descent through the mother is everything,\nand descent through the father is nothing\u2014no objection will be felt to\nuniting girls of the highest rank to men of humble birth, even to aliens\nor slaves, provided that in themselves the men appear to be suitable\nmates. What really matters is that the royal stock, on which the\nprosperity and even the existence of the people is supposed to depend,\nshould be perpetuated in a vigorous and efficient form, and for this\npurpose it is necessary that the women of the royal family should bear\nchildren to men who are physically and mentally fit, according to the\nstandard of early society, to discharge the important duty of\nprocreation. Thus the personal qualities of the kings at this stage of\nsocial evolution are deemed of vital importance. If they, like their\nconsorts, are of royal and divine descent, so much the better; but it is\nnot essential that they should be so.\n\n[Sidenote: In Ashantee, where the kingdom descends through women, the\nrank of the king\u2019s father is not regarded.] The hypothesis which we have\nbeen led to frame of the rule of succession to the Latin kingship will\nbe confirmed by analogy if we can shew that elsewhere, under a system of\nfemale kinship, the paternity of the kings is a matter of\nindifference\u2014nay, that men who are born slaves may, like Servius\nTullius, marry royal princesses and be raised to the throne. Now this is\ntrue of the Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast in West Africa. Thus\nin Ashantee, where the kingdom descends in the female line to the king\u2019s\nbrothers and afterwards to the sons of his sister in preference to his\nown sons, the sisters of the reigning monarch are free to marry or\nintrigue with whom they please, provided only that their husband or\nlover be a very strong and handsome man, in order that the kings whom he\nbegets may be men of finer presence than their subjects. It matters not\nhow low may be the rank and position of the king\u2019s father. If the king\u2019s\nsisters, however, have no sons, the throne will pass to the king\u2019s own\nson, and failing a son, to the chief vassal or the chief slave. But in\nthe Fantee country the principal slave succeeds to the exclusion of the\nson. So little regard is paid by these people to the lineage, especially\nthe paternal lineage, of their kings.[888] Yet Ashantee has attained a\nbarbaric civilisation as high perhaps as that of any negro state, and\nprobably not at all inferior to that of the petty Latin kingdoms at the\ndawn of history.\n\n[Sidenote: Traces of a similar state of things in Uganda.] A trace of a\nsimilar state of things appears to survive in Uganda, another great\nAfrican monarchy. For there the queen dowager and the queen sister are,\nor were, allowed to have as many husbands as they choose, without going\nthrough any marriage ceremony. \u201cOf these two women it is commonly said\nall Uganda is their husband; they appear to be fond of change, only\nliving with a man for a few days and then inviting some one else to take\nhis place.\u201d We are reminded of the legends of the lustful queen\nSemiramis, and the likeness may be more than superficial. Yet these\nwomen are not allowed, under pain of death, to bear children; hence they\npractise abortion.[889] Both the licence and the prohibition may be\nexplained if we suppose that formerly the kingdom descended, as it still\ndoes in Ashantee, first to the king\u2019s brothers and next to the sons of\nhis sisters. For in that case the next heirs to the throne would be the\nsons of the king\u2019s mother and of his sisters, and these women might\naccordingly be allowed, as the king\u2019s sisters still are allowed in\nAshantee, to mate with any handsome men who took their fancy, in order\nthat their offspring might be of regal part. But when the line of\ndescent was changed from the female to the male line, in other words,\nwhen the kings were succeeded by their sons instead of by their brothers\nor their sisters\u2019 sons, then the king\u2019s mother and his sisters would be\nforbidden to bear children lest the descent of the crown to the king\u2019s\nown children should be endangered by the existence of rivals who,\naccording to the old law of the kingdom, had a better right to the\nthrone. We may surmise that the practice of putting the king\u2019s brothers\nto death at the beginning of his reign, which survived till Uganda\npassed under English protection,[890] was instituted at the same time as\nthe prohibition of child-bearing laid on the king\u2019s mother and sisters.\nThe one custom got rid of existing rivals; the other prevented them from\nbeing born. That the kingship in Uganda was formerly transmitted in the\nfemale line is strongly indicated by the rule that the kings and the\nrest of the royal family take their totems from their mothers, whereas\nall the other people of the country get their totems from their\nfathers.[891]\n\n[Sidenote: In Loango also, where the blood royal is traced in the female\nline, the princesses are free to cohabit with whom they please, and\ntheir consorts are practically their slaves.] In Loango the blood royal\nis traced in the female line, and here also the princesses are free to\nchoose and divorce their husbands at pleasure, and to cohabit at the\nsame time with other men. These husbands are nearly always plebeians,\nfor princes and princesses, who are very numerous and form a ruling\ncaste in the country, may not marry each other. The lot of a prince\nconsort is not a happy one, for he is rather the slave and prisoner than\nthe mate of his imperious princess. In marrying her he engages never\nmore to look at a woman during the whole time he cohabits with his royal\nspouse. When he goes out he is preceded by guards who drive away all\nfemales from the road where he is to pass. If in spite of these\nprecautions he should by ill-luck cast his eyes on a woman, the princess\nmay have his head chopped off, and commonly exercises, or used to\nexercise, the right. This sort of libertinism, sustained by power, often\ncarries the princesses to the greatest excesses, and nothing is so much\ndreaded as their anger. No wonder that commoners in general avoid the\nhonour of a royal alliance. Only poor and embarrassed men seek it as a\nprotection against their creditors and enemies. All the children of such\na man by such a wife are princes and princesses, and any one of the\nprinces may in time be chosen king; for in Loango the crown is not\nhereditary but elective.[892] Thus it would seem that the father of the\nKing of Loango is nearly always a plebeian, and often little better than\na slave.\n\n[Sidenote: Similar rights enjoyed by queens in Central Africa.] Near the\nChambezi river, which falls into Lake Bengweolo in Central Africa, there\nis a small state governed by a queen who belongs to the reigning family\nof Ubemba. She bears the title of _Mamfumer_ or Mother of Kings. \u201cThe\nprivileges attached to this dignity are numerous. The most singular is\nthat the queens may choose for themselves their husband among the common\npeople. The chosen man becomes prince-consort without sharing in the\nadministration of affairs. He is bound to leave everything to follow his\nroyal and often but little accommodating spouse. To shew that in these\nhouseholds the rights are inverted and that a man may be changed into a\nwoman, the queen takes the title of _Monsieur_ and her husband that of\n_Madame_.\u201d[893]\n\n[Sidenote: Traces of female descent of the kingship in ancient Greece.]\nAt Athens, as at Rome, we find traces of succession to the throne by\nmarriage with a royal princess; for two of the most ancient kings of\nAthens, namely Cecrops and Amphictyon, are said to have married the\ndaughters of their predecessors.[894] This tradition is confirmed by the\nevidence, which I shall adduce presently, that at Athens male kinship\nwas preceded by female kinship.\n\n[Sidenote: With this rule of descent of the kingship males rule over\ndifferent kingdoms in successive generations.] Further, if I am right in\nsupposing that in ancient Latium the royal families kept their daughters\nat home and sent forth their sons to marry princesses and reign among\ntheir wives\u2019 people, it will follow that the male descendants would\nreign in successive generations over different kingdoms. Now this seems\nto have happened both in ancient Greece and in ancient Sweden; from\nwhich we may legitimately infer that it was a custom practised by more\nthan one branch of the Aryan stock in Europe. Take, for instance, the\ngreat house of Aeacus, the grandfather of Achilles and Ajax. Aeacus\nhimself reigned in Aegina, but his descendants, as has been justly\nobserved, \u201cfrom the beginning went forth to other lands.\u201d[895] His son\nTelamon migrated to the [Sidenote: Migrations of the male descendants of\nAeacus.] island of Salamis, married the king\u2019s daughter, and reigned\nover the country.[896] Telamon\u2019s son Teucer, in his turn, migrated to\nCyprus, wedded the king\u2019s daughter, and succeeded his father-in-law on\nthe throne.[897] Again, Peleus, another son of Aeacus, quitted his\nnative land and went away to Phthia in Thessaly, where he received the\nhand of the king\u2019s daughter, and with her a third of the kingdom.[898]\nOf Achilles, the son of Peleus, we are told that in his youth he was\nsent to the court of Lycomedes, King of Scyros, where he got one of the\nprincesses with child.[899] The tradition seems to shew that Achilles\nfollowed the custom of his family in seeking his fortune in a foreign\nland. His son Neoptolemus, after him, went away to Epirus, where he\nsettled and became the ancestor of the kings of the country.[900]\n\n[Sidenote: Migrations of the male descendants of Tydeus and Pelops.]\nAgain, Tydeus was a son of Oeneus, the King of Calydon in Aetolia, but\nhe went to Argos and married the king\u2019s daughter.[901] His son Diomede\nmigrated to Daunia in Italy, where he helped the king in a war with his\nenemies, receiving as his reward the king\u2019s daughter in marriage and\npart of the kingdom.[902] As another example we may take the family of\nthe Pelopidae, whose tragic fortunes the Greek poets never wearied of\ncelebrating. Their ancestor was Tantalus, King of Sipylus in Asia Minor.\nBut his son Pelops passed into Greece, won Hippodamia, the daughter of\nthe King of Pisa, in the famous chariot-race, and succeeded his\nfather-in-law on the throne.[903] His son Atreus did not remain in Pisa,\nbut migrated to Mycenae, of which he became king;[904] and in the next\ngeneration Menelaus, son of Atreus, went to Sparta, where he married\nHelen, the king\u2019s daughter, and himself reigned over the country.[905]\nFurther, it is very notable that, according to the old lyric poets,\nAgamemnon himself, the elder brother of Menelaus, reigned not at Mycenae\nbut in Lacedaemon, the native land of his wife Clytaemnestra, and that\nhe was buried at Amyclae, the ancient capital of the country.[906]\n\n[Sidenote: These migrations not understood in later times.] Various\nreasons are assigned by ancient Greek writers for these migrations of\nthe princes. A common one is that the king\u2019s son had been banished for\nmurder. This would explain very well why he fled his own land, but it is\nno reason at all why he should become king of another. We may suspect\nthat such reasons are afterthoughts devised by writers who, accustomed\nto the rule that a son should succeed to his father\u2019s property and\nkingdom, were hard put to it to account for so many traditions of kings\u2019\nsons who quitted the land of their birth to reign over a foreign\nkingdom.\n\n[Sidenote: Traces of similar migrations in Scandinavian tradition.] In\nScandinavian tradition we meet with traces of similar customs. For we\nread of daughters\u2019 husbands who received a share of the kingdoms of\ntheir royal fathers-in-law, even when these fathers-in-law had sons of\ntheir own; in particular, during the five generations which preceded\nHarold the Fair-haired, male members of the Ynglingar family, which is\nsaid to have come from Sweden, are reported in the _Heimskringla_ or\n_Sagas of the Norwegian_ Kings to have obtained at least six provinces\nin Norway by marriage with the daughters of the local kings.[907]\n\n[Sidenote: A reminiscence of the transmission of the kingship through\nwomen is preserved in popular tales.] Thus it would seem that among some\nAryan peoples, at a certain stage of their social evolution, it has been\ncustomary to regard women and not men as the channels in which royal\nblood flows, and to bestow the kingdom in each successive generation on\na man of another family, and often of another country, who marries one\nof the princesses and reigns over his wife\u2019s people. A common type of\npopular tale, which relates how an adventurer, coming to a strange land,\nwins the hand of the king\u2019s daughter and with her the half or the whole\nof the kingdom, may well be a reminiscence of a real custom.[908]\n\n[Sidenote: Where such customs prevail, the kingship is an appanage of\nmarriage with a princess.] Where usages and ideas of this sort prevail,\nit is obvious that the kingship is merely an appanage of marriage with a\nwoman of the blood royal. The old Danish historian Saxo Grammaticus puts\nthis view of the kingship very clearly in the mouth of Hermutrude, a\nlegendary queen of Scotland, and her statement is all the more\nsignificant because, as we shall see presently, it reflects the actual\npractice of the Pictish kings. \u201cIndeed she was a queen,\u201d says\nHermutrude, \u201cand but that her sex gainsaid it, might be deemed a king;\nnay (and this is yet truer), whomsoever she thought worthy of her bed\nwas at once a king, and she yielded her kingdom with herself. Thus her\nsceptre and her hand went together.\u201d[909] Wherever a custom of this sort\nis observed, a man may clearly acquire the kingdom just as well by\nmarrying the widow as the daughter of his predecessor. This is what\nAegisthus did at Mycenae, and what Hamlet\u2019s uncle Feng and Hamlet\u2019s\nsuccessor Wiglet did in Denmark; all three slew their predecessors,\nmarried their widows, and then sat peacefully on the throne.[910] The\ntame submission of the people to their rule would be intelligible, if\nthey regarded the assassins, in spite of their crime, as the lawful\noccupants of the throne by reason of their marriage with the widowed\nqueens. Similarly, Gyges murdered Candaules, King of Lydia, [Sidenote:\nThe Lydian kingship apparently transmitted through women.] married his\nqueen, and reigned over the country.[911] Nor was this the only instance\nof such a succession in the history of Lydia. The wife of King Cadys\nconspired against his life with her paramour Spermus, and though her\nhusband recovered from the dose of poison which she administered to him,\nhe died soon afterwards, and the adulterer married his leman and\nsucceeded to the throne.[912] These cases excite a suspicion that in the\nroyal house of Lydia descent was traced in the female line, and the\nsuspicion is strengthened by the legendary character of Omphale, the\nancestress of the dynasty. For she is represented as a masculine but\ndissolute queen of the Semiramis type, who wore male attire and put all\nher favoured lovers to death, while on the other hand her consort\nHercules was her purchased slave, was treated with indignity, and went\nabout dressed as a woman.[913] This plainly implies that the queen was a\nfar more powerful and important personage than the king, as would\nnaturally happen wherever it is the queen who confers royalty on her\nconsort at marriage instead of receiving it from him. The story that she\nprostituted the daughters of the Lydians to their male slaves[914] is of\na piece with the tradition that she herself married her slave Hercules.\nIt may mean little more than that the Lydians were indifferent to\npaternity, and that the children of freewomen by slaves ranked as free.\nSuch an indifference to fatherhood, coupled with the ancient accounts of\nthe loose morals of the Lydian girls, who were accustomed to earn a\ndowry by prostitution,[915] is a mark of the system of female kinship.\nHence we may conjecture that Herodotus was wrong in saying that from\nHercules to Candaules the crown of Lydia had descended for twenty-two\ngenerations from father to son.[916] The old mode of transmitting the\ncrown of Lydia through women probably did not end with Candaules. At\nleast we are told that his murderer and successor Gyges, like Hercules,\nthe mythical founder of the dynasty, gave himself and his kingdom into\nthe hands of the woman he loved, and that when she died he collected all\nthe slaves from the country round about and raised in her memory a mound\nso lofty that it could be seen from every part of the Lydian plain, and\nfor centuries after was known as the Harlot\u2019s Tomb.[917]\n\n[Sidenote: Marriage of Canute with the widow of his predecessor.] When\nCanute the Dane had been acknowledged King of England, he married Emma,\nthe widow of his predecessor Ethelred, whose throne he had overturned\nand whose children he had driven into exile. The marriage has not\nunnaturally puzzled the historians, for Emma was much older than her\nsecond husband, she was then living in Normandy, and it is very doubtful\nwhether Canute had ever seen her before she became his bride. All,\nhowever, becomes plain if, as the cases of Feng and Wiglet seem to shew,\nit was an old Danish custom that marriage with a king\u2019s widow carried\nthe kingdom with it as a matter of right. In that case the young but\nprudent Canute married the mature widow merely out of policy in order to\nclinch, according to Danish notions, by a legal measure his claim to\nthat crown which he had already won for himself by the sword.[918] Among\nthe Saxons and their near kinsmen the Varini it appears to have been a\nregular custom for the new king to marry his stepmother. Thus\nHermegisclus, King of the Varini, on his deathbed enjoined his son\nRadigis to wed his stepmother in accordance with their ancestral\npractice, and his injunction was obeyed.[919] Edbald, King of Kent,\nmarried his stepmother after the death of his father Ethelbert;[920] and\nas late as the ninth century Ethelbald, King of the West Saxons, wedded\nJudith, the widow of his father Ethelwulf.[921] Such marriages are\nintelligible if we suppose that old Saxon as well as old Danish law gave\nthe kingdom to him who married the late king\u2019s widow.\n\n[Sidenote: Traces of the system of female kinship among the Aryans.] To\nthe view that the right to the Latin kingship was derived from women and\nnot from men, it may be objected that the system of female kinship or\nmother-kin is unknown among the Aryans,[922] and that even if faint\ntraces of it may be met with elsewhere, the last place in the world\nwhere we should look for it would be Rome, the stronghold of the\npatriarchal family. To meet this objection it is necessary to point to\nsome facts which appear to be undoubted survivals among Aryan peoples of\na custom of tracing descent through the mother only.\n\n[Sidenote: Female kinship among the Athenians, the Epizephyrian\nLocrians, the Cantabrians, and the Germans.] In Attica tradition ran\nthat of old the women were the common property of the men, who coupled\nwith them like beasts, so that while every one knew his mother, nobody\nknew who his father was. This system of sexual communism was abolished\nby Cecrops, the first King of Athens, who introduced individual marriage\nin its place.[923] Little weight could be attached to this tradition, if\nit were not supported to a certain extent by the Attic usage which\nalways allowed a man to marry his half-sister by the same father but not\nhis half-sister by the same mother.[924] Such a rule seems clearly to be\na relic of a time when kinship was counted only through women. Again,\nthe Epizephyrian Locrians in Italy traced all ancestral distinction in\nthe female, not the male line. Among them the nobles were the members of\nthe hundred houses from whom were chosen by lot the maidens to be sent\nto Troy.[925] For in order, it is said, to expiate the sacrilege\ncommitted by the Locrian Ajax when he violated Cassandra in the\nsanctuary of Athena at Troy, the cities of Locris used annually to send\nto the Trojan goddess two maidens, whom the Trojans slew, and, burning\ntheir bodies on the wood of certain trees which bore no fruit, threw the\nashes into the sea. If the maidens contrived to escape they took refuge\nin the sanctuary of Athena, which they thenceforth swept and washed,\nnever quitting it except at night, and always going barefoot, shorn, and\nclad in a single garment. The custom is said to have been observed for a\nthousand years down to the fourth century before our era.[926] Among the\nLocrians, as elsewhere, the system of female kinship would seem to have\ngone hand in hand with dissolute morals; for there is reason to think\nthat of old the Locrians, like the Lydians and Armenians, had been wont\nto prostitute their daughters before marriage, though in later times the\ncustom fell into abeyance.[927] The Cantabrians of Spain seem also to\nhave had mother-kin; for among them it was the daughters who inherited\nproperty and who portioned out their brothers in marriage.[928] Again,\nthe ancient Germans deemed the tie between a man and his sister\u2019s\nchildren as close as that between a father and his children; indeed some\nregarded the bond as even closer and more sacred, and therefore in\nexacting hostages they chose the children of a man\u2019s sister rather than\nhis own children, believing that this gave them a firmer hold on the\nfamily.[929] The superiority thus assigned to the maternal uncle over\nthe father is an infallible mark of mother-kin, either present or past,\nas may be observed, for instance, in very many African tribes to this\nday, among whom both property and political power pass, not from father\nto son, but from the maternal uncle to his nephews.[930] Similarly, in\nMelanesia the close relation of the mother\u2019s brother to his nephew is\nmaintained even where the system of relationship has become\npatriarchal.[931] Amongst the Germans in the time of Tacitus, it is\ntrue, a man\u2019s heirs were his own children,[932] but the mother\u2019s brother\ncould never have attained the position he held except under a system of\nmaternal descent. Another vestige of mother-kin among a Teutonic people\nappears to be found in the Salic law. For it was a custom with the\nSalian Franks that when a widow married again, a price had to be paid to\nher family, and in laying down the order in which her kinsmen were\nentitled to receive this payment the law gave a decided preference to\nthe female over the male line; thus the first person entitled to claim\nthe money was the eldest son of the widow\u2019s sister.[933]\n\n[Sidenote: Among the Picts the kingship was transmitted through women.]\nIt is a moot point whether the Picts of Scotland belonged to the Aryan\nfamily or not;[934] but among them the kingdom was certainly transmitted\nthrough women. Bede tells us that down to his own time, in the early\npart of the eighth century, whenever a doubt arose as to the succession,\nthe Picts chose their king from the female rather than the male\nline.[935] The statement is amply confirmed by historical evidence. For\nwe possess a list of the Pictish kings and their fathers which was drawn\nup in the reign of Cenaed, King of the Scots, towards the end of the\ntenth century; and for the period from the year 583 to the year 840 the\nregister is authenticated by the Irish Annals of Tigernach and Ulster.\nNow, it is significant that in this list the fathers of the kings are\nnever themselves kings; in other words, no king was succeeded on the\nthrone by his son. Further, if we may judge by their names, the fathers\nof the Pictish kings were not Picts but foreigners\u2014men of Irish, Cymric,\nor English race. The inference from these facts seems to be that among\nthe Picts the royal family was exogamous, and that the crown descended\nin the female line; in other words, that the princesses married men of\nanother clan or even of another race, and that their issue by these\nstrangers sat on the throne, whether they succeeded in a prescribed\norder according to birth, or whether they were elected from among the\nsons of princesses, as the words of Bede might be taken to imply.[936]\n\n[Sidenote: Female kinship among the Etruscans.] Another European, though\napparently not Aryan, people among whom the system of female kinship\nappears to have prevailed were the Etruscans. For in Etruscan sepulchral\ninscriptions the name of the mother of the deceased is regularly\nrecorded along with or even without the name of the father; and where\nthe names of both father and mother are mentioned, greater prominence is\ngiven to the mother\u2019s name by writing it in full, whereas the father\u2019s\nname is, in accordance with Roman usage, merely indicated by an\ninitial.[937] The statement of Theopompus that among the Etruscans\nsexual communism was a recognised practice, and that paternity was\nunknown,[938] may be only an exaggerated way of saying that they traced\ntheir descent through their mothers and not through their fathers. Yet\napparently in Etruria, as elsewhere, this system of relationship was\ncombined with a real indifference to fatherhood and with the dissolute\nmorals which that indifference implies; for Etruscan girls were wont to\nearn a dowry by prostitution.[939] In these customs the Etruscans\nresembled the Lydians, and the similarity confirms the common opinion of\nantiquity, which modern historians have too lightly set aside, that the\nEtruscans were of Lydian origin.[940] However that may be, in\nconsidering the vestiges of mother-kin among the Latins, we shall do\nwell to bear in mind that the same archaic mode of tracing descent\nappears to have prevailed among the neighbouring Etruscans, who not only\nexercised a powerful influence on Rome, but gave her two, if not three,\nof her kings.[941]\n\n[Sidenote: Mother-kin may survive in the royal family after it has been\nexchanged for father-kin in all others.] It would be neither unnatural\nnor surprising if among the ancient Latins mother-kin survived in the\nroyal family after it had been exchanged for father-kin in all others.\nFor royalty, like religion, is essentially conservative; it clings to\nold forms and old customs which have long vanished from ordinary life.\nThus in Uganda persons of royal blood still inherit their totems from\ntheir mothers, while other people inherit them from their fathers. So in\nDenmark and Scandinavia, as we have seen, the kingdom would appear to\nhave been transmitted through women long after the family name and\nproperty had become hereditary in the male line among the people.\nSometimes the difference in custom between kings and commoners is\nprobably based rather on a distinction of race than on varying degrees\nof social progress; for a dynasty is often a family of alien origin who\nhave imposed their rule on their subjects by force of arms, as the\nNormans did on the Saxons, and the Manchus on the Chinese. More rarely,\nperhaps, it may have happened that from motives of policy or\nsuperstition a [Sidenote: Sometimes a conquering race may have left a\nnominal kingship to members of the old royal house.] conquering tribe\nhas left a nominal kingship to the members of the old royal house. Such\na concession would be most likely to be made where the functions of the\nking were rather religious than civil, and where the prosperity of the\ncountry was supposed to depend on the maintenance of the established\nrelations between the people and the gods of the land. In that case the\nnew-comers, knowing not how to appease and conciliate these strange\ndeities, might be glad to let the priestly kings of the conquered race\nperform the quaint rites and mumble the venerable spells, which had been\nfound to answer their purpose time out of mind.[942] In a commonwealth\nlike the Roman, formed by the union of different stocks, the royal\nfamily might thus belong either to the conquerors or to the conquered;\nin other words, either to the [Sidenote: This perhaps happened at Rome,\nwhere many of the kings seem to have been plebeians.] patricians or to\nthe plebeians. But if we leave out of account Romulus and Tatius, who\nare more or less legendary figures, and the two Tarquins, who came of a\nnoble Etruscan house, all the other Roman kings appear from their names\nto have been men of plebeian, not patrician, families.[943] Hence it\nseems probable that they belonged to the indigenous race, who may have\nretained mother-kin, at least in the royal succession, after they had\nsubmitted to invaders who knew father-kin only.\n\n[Sidenote: The abolition of the monarchy at Rome may have been a\nrevolution whereby the patricians wrested the shadow of sovereignty from\nthe plebeians and transferred it to themselves, who already wielded the\nsubstance.] If that was so, it confirms the view that the old Roman\nkingship was essentially a religious office; for the conquerors would be\nmuch more ready to leave an office of this sort in the hands of the\nconquered than a kingship of the type with which we are familiar. \u201cLet\nthese puppets,\u201d they might think, \u201crender to the gods their dues, while\nwe rule the people in peace and lead them in war.\u201d Of such priestly\nkings Numa was the type. But not all of his successors were willing to\nmodel themselves on his saintly figure and, rejecting the pomps and\nvanities of earth, to devote themselves to communion with heaven. Some\nwere men of strong will and warlike temper, who could not brook the dull\nroutine of the cloister. They longed to exchange the stillness and gloom\nof the temple or the sacred grove for the sunshine, the dust, and the\ntumult of the battlefield. Such men broke bounds, and when they\nthreatened to get completely out of hand and turn the tables on the\npatricians, it was time that they should go. This, we may conjecture,\nwas the real meaning of the abolition of the kingship at Rome. It put an\nend to the solemn pretence that the state was still ruled by the ancient\nowners of the soil: it took the shadow of power from them and gave it to\nthose who had long possessed the substance. The ghost of the monarchy\nhad begun to walk and grow troublesome: the revolution laid it for\ncenturies.\n\n[Sidenote: At first the intention seems to have been to leave the annual\nkingship or consulship to the old royal family.] But though the effect\nof the revolution was to substitute the real rule of the patricians for\nthe nominal rule of the plebeians, the break with the past was at the\noutset less complete than it seems. For the first two consuls were both\nmen of the royal blood. One of them, L. Junius Brutus, was sister\u2019s son\nof the expelled King Tarquin the Proud.[944] As such he would have been\nthe heir to the throne under a strict system of mother-kin. The other\nconsul, L. Tarquinius Collatinus, was a son of the late king\u2019s cousin\nEgerius.[945] These facts suggest that the first intention of the\nrevolutionaries was neither to abolish the kingship nor to wrest it from\nthe royal family, but, merely retaining the hereditary monarchy, to\nrestrict its powers. To achieve this object they limited the tenure of\noffice to a year and doubled the number of the kings, who might thus be\nexpected to check and balance each other. But it is not impossible that\nboth restrictions were merely the revival of old rules which the growing\npower of the kings had contrived for a time to set aside in practice.\nThe legends of Romulus and Remus, and afterwards of Romulus and Tatius,\nmay be real reminiscences of a double kingship like that of Sparta;[946]\nand in the yearly ceremony of the _Regifugium_ or Flight of the King we\nseem to detect a trace of an annual, not a life-long, tenure of\noffice.[947] The same thing may perhaps be true of the parallel change\nwhich took place at Athens when the people deprived the Medontids of\ntheir regal powers and reduced them from kings to responsible\nmagistrates, who held office at first for life, but afterwards only for\nperiods of ten years.[948] Here, too, the limitation of the tenure of\nthe kingship may have been merely the reinforcement of an old custom\nwhich had fallen into abeyance. At Rome, however, the attempt to\nmaintain the hereditary principle, if it was made at all, was almost\nimmediately abandoned, and the patricians openly transferred to\nthemselves the double kingship, which thenceforth was purely elective,\nand was afterwards known as the consulship.[949]\n\n[Sidenote: The abolition of the monarchy at Rome seems to have been\nhastened by an attempt of the last king to shift the succession from the\nfemale to the male line.] The history of the last king of Rome, Tarquin\nthe Proud, leads us to suspect that the offence which he gave by his\nambitious and domineering character was heightened by an attempt to\nshift the succession of the kingship from the female to the male line.\nHe himself united both rights in his own person; for he had married the\ndaughter of his predecessor, Servius Tullius, and he was the son or\ngrandson of Tarquin the Elder,[950] who preceded Servius Tullius on the\nthrone. But in asserting his right to the crown, if we can trust Roman\nhistory on this point, Tarquin the Proud entirely ignored his claim to\nit through women as the son-in-law of his predecessor, and insisted only\non his claim in the male line as the son or grandson of a former\nking.[951] And he evidently intended to bequeath the kingdom to one of\nhis sons; for he put out of the way two of the men who, if the\nsuccession had been through women in the way I have indicated, would\nhave been entitled to sit on the throne before his own sons, and even\nbefore himself. One of these was his sister\u2019s husband, the other was her\nelder son. Her younger son, the famous Lucius Junius Brutus, only\nescaped the fate of his father and elder brother by feigning, like\nHamlet, imbecility, and thus deluding his wicked uncle into the belief\nthat he had nothing to fear from such a simpleton.[952] This design of\nTarquin to alter the line of succession from the female to the male side\nof the house may have been the last drop which filled his cup of\nhigh-handed tyranny to overflowing. At least it is a strange\ncoincidence, if it is nothing more, that he was deposed by the man who,\nunder a system of female kinship, was the rightful heir, and who in a\nsense actually sat on the throne from which he pushed his uncle. For the\ncurule chair of the consul was little less than the king\u2019s throne under\na limited tenure.\n\n[Sidenote: The hereditary principle does not necessarily exclude the\nelective in the succession to a monarchy; many African chieftainships or\nkingships are both hereditary and elective.] It has often been asked\nwhether the Roman monarchy was hereditary or elective. The question\nimplies an opposition between the two modes of succession which by no\nmeans necessarily exists. As a matter of fact, in many African tribes at\nthe present day the succession to the kingdom or the chieftainship is\ndetermined by a combination of the hereditary and the elective\nprinciple, that is, the kings or chiefs are chosen by the people or by a\nbody of electors from among the members of the royal family. And as the\nchiefs have commonly several wives and many children by them, the number\nof possible candidates may be not inconsiderable. For example, we are\ntold that \u201cthe government of the Banyai is rather peculiar, being a sort\nof feudal republicanism. The chief is elected, and they choose the son\nof the deceased chief\u2019s sister in preference to his own offspring. When\ndissatisfied with one candidate, they even go to a distant tribe for a\nsuccessor, who is usually of the family of the late chief, a brother, or\na sister\u2019s son, but never his own son or daughter. When first spoken to\non the subject, he answers as if he thought himself unequal to the task\nand unworthy of the honour, but, having accepted it, all the wives,\ngoods, and children of his predecessor belong to him, and he takes care\nto keep them in a dependent position.\u201d Among these people \u201cthe children\nof the chief have fewer privileges than common free men. They may not be\nsold, but, rather than choose any one of them for a chief at any future\ntime, the free men would prefer to elect one of themselves who bore only\na very distant relationship to the family.\u201d[953]\n\n[Sidenote: Chiefs and kings in Africa elected from several families in\nrotation.] Sometimes the field of choice is extended still further by a\nrule that the chief may or must be chosen from one of several families\nin a certain order. Thus among the Bangalas of the Cassange Valley in\nAngola the chief is elected from three families in rotation.[954] And\nDiagara, a country bordering on Senegambia, is ruled by an absolute\nmonarch who is chosen alternately from two families, one of which lives\nin Diapina and the other in Badumar.[955] In the Winamwanga tribe, to\nthe south of Lake Tanganyika, \u201cthe first male child born to a chief\nafter he succeeds to the chieftainship is the natural heir, but many\nyears ago there were two claimants to the throne, whose supporters were\nabout equal, and to avoid a civil war the following arrangement was\nmade. One of them was allowed to reign, but the other claimant or his\nson was to succeed him. This was carried out, so that now there are\ncontinually alternate dynasties.\u201d[956] So in the Matse tribe of Togoland\nin West Africa, there are two royal families descended from two women,\nwhich supply a king alternately. Hence the palm forest which belongs to\nthe crown is divided into two parts; the reigning king has the right to\none part, and the representative of the other royal house has a right to\nthe other part.[957] Among the Yorubas in western Africa the sovereign\nchief is always taken from one or more families which have the\nhereditary right of furnishing the community with rulers. In many cases\nthe succession passes regularly from one to a second family alternately;\nbut in one instance, apparently unique, the right of succession to the\nsovereignty seems to be possessed by four princely families, from each\nof which the head chief is elected in rotation. The principle of\nprimogeniture is not necessarily followed in the election, but the\nchoice of the electors must always fall on one who is related to a\nformer chief in the male line. For paternal descent alone is recognised\nin Yorubaland, where even the greatest chief may take to wife a woman of\nthe lowest rank. Sometimes the choice of the ruling chief is made by\ndivine authority, intimated to the people through the high priest of the\nprincipal god of the district.[958] Among the Igaras, on the lower\nNiger, the royal family is divided into four branches, each of which\nprovides a king in turn. The capital and its district, both of which\nbear the name of Idah, are always occupied by the reigning branch of the\nroyal family, while the three other branches, not being allowed to live\nthere, retreat into the interior. Hence at the death of a king a double\nchange takes place. On the one hand the late reigning family, with all\ntheir dependants, have to leave the homes in which many of them have\nbeen born and brought up, and to migrate to towns in the forest, which\nthey know only by name. On the other hand, the new reigning family come\ninto the capital, and their people settle in the houses occupied by\ntheir forefathers four reigns ago. The king is generally elected by the\nleading men of his branch of the royal family; they choose the richest\nand most powerful of their number.[959]\n\n[Sidenote: Among the Khasis of Assam, also, the succession to the\nkingdom is partly hereditary and partly elective.] Again, among the\nKhasis of Assam we meet with the same combination of the hereditary with\nthe elective principle in the succession to the kingdom. Indeed, in this\npeople the kingship presents several features of resemblance to the old\nLatin kingship as it appears to have existed at the dawn of history. For\na Khasi king is the religious as well as the secular head of the state;\nalong with the sooth-sayers he consults the auspices for the public\ngood, and sometimes he has priestly duties to perform. Succession to the\nkingship always runs in the female line, for the Khasis have a regular\nsystem of mother-kin as opposed to father-kin; hence it is not the\nking\u2019s sons, but his uterine brothers and the sons of his uterine\nsisters who succeed him on the throne in order of birth. But this\nhereditary principle is controlled by a body of electors, who have the\nright of rejecting unsuitable claimants to the throne. Generally the\nelectors are a small body composed of the heads of certain priestly\nclans; but in some Khasi states the number of the electors has been\ngreatly increased by the inclusion of representative headmen of certain\nimportant lay clans, or even by the inclusion of village headmen or of\nthe chief superintendents of the village markets. Nay, in the Langrim\nstate all the adult males regularly vote at the election of a monarch;\nand here the royal family is divided into two branches, a Black and a\nWhite, from either of which, apparently, the electors are free to choose\na king. Similarly, in the Nobosohpoh state there are two royal houses, a\nBlack and a White, and the people may select the heir to the throne from\neither of them.[960]\n\n[Sidenote: Thus the Roman monarchy may have combined the hereditary with\nthe elective principle.] Thus the mere circumstance that all the Roman\nkings, with the exception of the two Tarquins, appear to have belonged\nto different families, is not of itself conclusive against the view that\nheredity was one of the elements which determined the succession. The\nnumber of families from whom the king might be elected may have been\nlarge. And even if, as is possible, the electors were free to chose a\nking without any regard to his birth, the hereditary principle would\nstill be maintained if, as we have seen reason to conjecture, it was\nessential that the chosen candidate should marry a woman of the royal\nhouse, who would generally be either the daughter or the widow of his\npredecessor. In this way the apparently disparate principles of\nunfettered election and strict heredity would be combined; the marriage\nof the elected king with the hereditary princess would furnish the link\nbetween the two. Under such a system, to put it otherwise, the kings are\nelective and the queens hereditary. This is just the converse of what\nhappens under a system of male kinship, where the kings are hereditary\nand the queens elective.\n\nIn the later times of Rome it was held that the custom had been for the\npeople to elect the kings and for the senate to ratify the\nelection.[961] But we may suspect, with Mommsen, that this was no more\nthan an inference from the mode of electing the consuls. The magistrates\nwho, under the republic, represented the kings most closely were the\ndictator and the King of the Sacred Rites, and neither of these was\nelected by the people. Both were nominated, the dictator by the consul,\nand the King of the Sacred Rites by the chief pontiff.[962] Accordingly\nit seems probable that under [Sidenote: The king was probably nominated\neither by his predecessor or by an interim king.] the monarchy the king\nwas nominated either by his predecessor or, failing that, by an interim\nking (_interrex_) chosen from the senate.[963] Now if, as we have been\nled to think, an essential claim to the throne was constituted by\nmarriage with a princess of the royal house, nothing could be more\nnatural than that the king should choose his successor, who would\ncommonly be also his son-in-law. If he had several sons-in-law and had\nomitted to designate the one who was to reign after him, the election\nwould be made by his substitute, the interim king.\n\n[Sidenote: Personal qualities which commended a man for marriage with a\nprincess and succession to the throne.] The personal qualities which\nrecommended a man for a royal alliance and succession to the throne\nwould naturally vary according to the popular ideas of the time and the\ncharacter of the king or his substitute, but it is reasonable to suppose\nthat among them in early society physical strength and beauty would hold\na prominent place.[964] We have seen that in Ashantee the husbands or\nparamours of the princesses must always be men of fine presence, because\nthey are to be the fathers of future kings. Among the Ethiopians in\nantiquity, as among the Ashantees and many other African tribes to this\nday, the crown passed in the female line to the son of the king\u2019s\nsister, but if there was no such heir they chose the handsomest and most\nvaliant man to reign over them.[965] We are told that the Gordioi\n[Sidenote: Fat kings.] elected the fattest man to the kingship,[966] nor\nis this incredible when we remember that in Africa corpulence is still\nregarded as a great distinction and beauty, and that both the chiefs and\ntheir wives are sometimes so fat that they can hardly walk. Thus among\nthe Caffres chiefs and rich men attain to an enormous bulk, and the\nqueens fatten themselves on beef and porridge, of which they partake\nfreely in the intervals of slumber. To be fat is with them a mark of\nriches, and therefore of high rank; common folk cannot afford to eat and\ndrink and lounge as much as they would like to do.[967] The Syrakoi in\nantiquity are reported to have bestowed the crown on the tallest man or\non the man with [Sidenote: Long-headed kings and chiefs.] the longest\nhead in the literal, not the figurative, sense of the word.[968] They\nseem to have been a Sarmatian people to the north of the Caucasus,[969]\nand are probably the same with the long-headed people described by\nHippocrates, who says that among them the men with the longest heads\nwere esteemed the noblest, and that they applied bandages and other\ninstruments to the heads of their children in infancy for the sake of\nmoulding them into the shape which they admired.[970] Such reports are\nprobably by no means fabulous, for among the Monbuttu or Mang-bettou of\nCentral Africa down to this day \u201cwhen the children of chiefs are young,\nstring is wound round their heads, which are gradually compressed into a\nshape that will allow of the longest head-dress. The skull thus treated\nin childhood takes the appearance of an elongated egg.\u201d[971] Similarly\n[Sidenote: Heads artificially moulded as a mark of high rank.] some of\nthe Indian tribes on the north-west coast of America artificially mould\nthe heads of their children into the shape of a wedge or a sugar-loaf by\ncompressing them between boards; some of them regard such heads as a\npersonal beauty, others as a mark of high birth.[972] For instance, \u201cthe\npractice among some of the Salish seems to have had a definite social,\nas well as aesthetic, significance. There appear to have been recognised\ndegrees of contortion marking the social status of the individual. For\nexample slaves, of which the Salish kept considerable numbers, were\nprohibited from deforming the heads of their children at all,\nconsequently a normal, undeformed head was the sign and badge of\nservitude. And in the case of the base-born of the tribes the heads of\ntheir children were customarily but slightly deformed, while the heads\nof the children born of wealthy or noble persons, and particularly those\nof chiefs, were severely and excessively deformed.\u201d[973]\n\n[Sidenote: Among the Bororos the best singers are the chiefs.] Among the\nBororos of Brazil at the present day the title to chieftaincy is neither\ncorpulence nor an egg-shaped head, but the possession of a fine musical\near and a rich baritone, bass, or tenor voice. The best singer, in fact,\nbecomes the chief. There is no other way to supreme power but this.\nHence in the education of the Bororo youth the main thing is to train,\nnot their minds, but their voices, for the best of the tuneful quire\nwill certainly be chief. In this tribe, accordingly, there is no such\nthing as hereditary chieftainship; for if the son of a chief has an\nindifferent ear or a poor voice, he will be a commoner to the end of his\ndays. When two rival songsters are found in the same village, they sing\nagainst each other, and he who is judged to have acquitted himself best\nin the musical contest mounts the throne. His defeated rival sometimes\nretires in a huff with his admirers and founds a new village. Once\nseated in the place of power, the melodious singer is not only highly\nhonoured and respected, but can exact unconditional obedience from all,\nand he gives his orders, like an operatic king or hero, in a musical\nrecitativo. It is especially at eventide, when the sun has set and the\nlabours of the day are over, that he pours out his soul in harmony. At\nthat witching hour he takes up his post in front of the men\u2019s\nclub-house, and while his subjects are hushed in attention he bursts\ninto sacred song, passing from that to lighter themes, and concluding\nthe oratorio by chanting his commands to each individual for the next\nday.[974] When Addison ridiculed the new fashion of the Italian opera,\nin which generals sang the word of command, ladies delivered their\nmessages in music, and lovers chanted their billet-doux, he little\nsuspected that among the backwoods of Brazil a tribe of savages in all\nseriousness observed a custom which he thought absurd even on the\nstage.[975]\n\n[Sidenote: Succession to the throne determined by a race.] Sometimes\napparently the right to the hand of the princess and to the throne has\nbeen determined by a race. The Alitemnian Libyans awarded the kingdom to\nthe fleetest runner.[976] Amongst the old Prussians, candidates for\nnobility raced on horseback to the king, and the one who reached him\nfirst was ennobled.[977] According to tradition the earliest games at\nOlympia were held by Endymion, who set his sons to run a race for the\nkingdom. His tomb was said to be at the point of the racecourse from\nwhich the runners started.[978] The famous story of Pelops and\nHippodamia [Sidenote: Greek traditions of princesses whose hands were\nwon in a race.] is perhaps only another version of the legend that the\nfirst races at Olympia were run for no less a prize than a kingdom. For\nOenomaus was king of Pisa, a town close to Olympia; and having been\nwarned by an oracle that he would die by the hand of the man who married\nhis daughter Hippodamia, he resolved to keep her a maid. So when any one\ncame a-wooing her, the king made the suitor drive away in a chariot with\nHippodamia, while he himself pursued the pair in another car drawn by\nfleet horses, and, overtaking the unlucky wight, slew him. In this way\nhe killed twelve suitors and nailed their heads to his house, the ruins\nof which were shewn at Olympia down to the second century of our era.\nThe bodies of the suitors were buried under a lofty mound, and it is\nsaid that in former days sacrifices were offered to them yearly. When\nPelops came to win the hand of Hippodamia, he bribed the charioteer of\nOenomaus not to put the pins into the wheels of the king\u2019s chariot. So\nOenomaus was thrown from the car and dragged by his horses to death. But\nsome say he was despatched by Pelops according to the oracle. Anyhow, he\ndied, and Pelops married Hippodamia and succeeded to the kingdom.[979]\nThe grave of Oenomaus was shown at Olympia; it was a mound of earth\nenclosed with stones.[980] Here, too, precincts were dedicated to Pelops\nand Hippodamia, in which sacrifices were offered to them annually; the\nvictim presented to Pelops was a black ram, whose blood was poured into\na pit.[981] Other traditions were current in antiquity of princesses who\nwere offered in marriage to the fleetest runner and won by the victor in\nthe race. Thus Icarius at Sparta set the wooers of his daughter Penelope\nto run a race; Ulysses won and wedded her. His father-in-law is said to\nhave tried to induce him to take up his abode in Sparta; which seems to\nshew that if Ulysses had accepted the invitation he would have inherited\nthe kingdom through his wife.[982] So, too, the Libyan King Antaeus\nplaced his beautiful daughter Barce or Alceis at the end of the\nracecourse; her many noble suitors, both Libyans and foreigners, ran to\nher as the goal, and Alcidamus, who touched her first, gained her in\nmarriage.[983] Danaus, also, at Argos is said to have stationed his many\ndaughters at the goal, and the runner who reached them first had first\nchoice of the maidens.[984] Somewhat different from these traditions is\nthe story of Atalante, for in it the wooers are said to have contended,\nnot with each other, but with the coy maiden herself in a foot-race. She\nslew her vanquished suitors and hung up their heads in the racecourse,\ntill Hippomenes gained the race and her hand by throwing down the golden\napples which she stooped to pick up.[985]\n\n[Sidenote: Custom of racing for a bride among the Kirghiz and Calmucks.]\nThese traditions may very well reflect a real custom of racing for a\nbride, for such a custom appears to have prevailed among various\npeoples, though in practice it has degenerated into a mere form or\npretence. Thus \u201cthere is one race, called the \u2018Love Chase,\u2019 which may be\nconsidered a part of the form of marriage among the Kirghiz. In this the\nbride, armed with a formidable whip, mounts a fleet horse, and is\npursued by all the young men who make any pretensions to her hand. She\nwill be given as a prize to the one who catches her, but she has the\nright, besides urging on her horse to the utmost, to use her whip, often\nwith no mean force, to keep off those lovers who are unwelcome to her,\nand she will probably favour the one whom she has already chosen in her\nheart. As, however, by Kirghiz custom, a suitor to the hand of a maiden\nis obliged to give a certain _kalym_, or purchase-money, and an\nagreement must be made with the father for the amount of dowry which he\ngives his daughter, the \u2018Love Chase\u2019 is a mere matter of form.\u201d[986]\nSimilarly \u201cthe ceremony of marriage among the Calmucks is performed on\nhorseback. A girl is first mounted, who rides off in full speed. Her\nlover pursues; and if he overtakes her, she becomes his wife, and the\nmarriage is consummated on the spot, after which she returns with him to\nhis tent. But it sometimes happens that the woman does not wish to marry\nthe person by whom she is pursued, in which case she will not suffer him\nto overtake her; and we were assured that no instance occurs of a\nCalmuck girl being thus caught unless she has a partiality for her\npursuer. If she dislikes him she rides, to use the language of English\nsportsmen, \u2018neck or nothing,\u2019 until she has completely escaped, or until\nthe pursuer\u2019s horse is tired out, leaving her at liberty to return, to\nbe afterwards chased by some more favoured admirer.\u201d[987] The race for\nthe bride is found also among the Koryaks of north-eastern Asia. It\ntakes place in a large tent, round which many separate compartments\ncalled _pologs_ are arranged in a continuous circle. The girl gets a\nstart and is clear of the marriage if she can run through all the\ncompartments without being caught by the bridegroom. The women of the\nencampment place every obstacle in the man\u2019s way, tripping him up,\nbelabouring him with switches, and so forth, so that he has little\nchance of succeeding unless the girl wishes it and waits for him.[988]\nAmong some of the rude indigenous tribes of the Malay Peninsula\n\u201cmarriage is preceded by a singular ceremony. An old man presents the\nfuture couple to the assembled guests, and, followed by their families,\nhe leads them to a great circle, round which the girl sets off to run as\nfast as she can. If the young man succeeds in overtaking her, she\nbecomes his mate; otherwise he loses all rights, which happens\nespecially when he is not so fortunate as to please his bride.\u201d[989]\nAnother writer tells us that among these savages, when there is a river\nat hand, the race takes place on the water, the bride paddling away in\none canoe and pursued by the bridegroom in another.[990] Before the\nwedding procession starts for the [Sidenote: Caffre race for bride.]\nbridegroom\u2019s hut, a Caffre bride is allowed to make one last bid for\nfreedom, and a young man is told off to catch her. Should he fail to do\nso, she is theoretically allowed to return to her father, and the whole\nperformance has to be repeated; but the flight of the bride is usually a\npretence.[991]\n\n[Sidenote: The bride-race among Teutonic peoples, and its traces in\nmodern Europe.] Similar customs appear to have been practised by all the\nTeutonic peoples; for the German, Anglo-Saxon, and Norse languages\npossess in common a word for marriage which means simply\nbride-race.[992] Moreover, traces of the custom survived into modern\ntimes. Thus in the Mark of Brandenburg, down to the first half of the\nnineteenth century at least, it was the practice for bride and\nbridegroom to run a race on their wedding day in presence of all the\nguests. Two sturdy men took the bride between them and set off. The\nbridegroom gave them a start and then followed hot-foot. At the end of\nthe course stood two or three young married women, who took from the\nbride her maiden\u2019s crown and replaced it by the matron\u2019s cap. If the\nbridegroom failed to overtake his bride, he was much ridiculed.[993] In\nother parts of Germany races are still held at marriage, but the\ncompetitors are no longer the bride and bridegroom. Thus in Hesse at the\nwedding of a well-to-do farmer his friends race on horseback to the\nhouse of the bride, and her friends similarly race on horseback to the\nhouse of the bridegroom. The prize hangs over the gate of the farmyard\nor the door of the house. It consists of a silken or woollen\nhandkerchief, which the winner winds round his head or fastens to his\nbreast. The victors have also the right to escort the marriage\nprocession.[994] In Upper Bavaria, down at least to some fifty years\nago, a regular feature of a rustic wedding used to be what was called\nthe \u201cbride-race\u201d or the \u201ckey-race.\u201d It generally took place when the\nbridal party was proceeding from the church to the alehouse. A course\nwas marked out and two goals, consisting of heaps of straw, were set up\nat distances of three and four hundred yards respectively. The strongest\nand fleetest of the young fellows raced barefoot, clad only in shirt and\ntrousers. He who first reached the further goal received the first\nprize; this was regularly a key of gilt wood, which the winner fastened\nto his hat. Often, as in some of the Greek legends, the bride herself\nwas the goal of the race. The writers who record the custom suggest that\nthe race was originally for the key of the bridechamber, and that the\nbridegroom ran with the rest.[995] In Scotland also the guests at a\nrustic wedding used to ride on horseback for a prize, which sometimes\nconsisted of the bride\u2019s cake set up on a pole in front of the\nbridegroom\u2019s house. The race was known as the _broose_.[996] At\nWeitensfeld, in Carinthia, a festival called the Bride-race is still\nheld every year. It is popularly supposed to commemorate a time when a\nplague had swept away the whole people except a girl and three young\nmen. These three, it is said, raced with each other in order that the\nwinner might get the maiden to wife, and so repeople the land. The race\nis now held on horseback. The winner receives as the prize a garland of\nflowers called the Bride-wreath, and the man who comes in last gets a\nwreath of ribbons and pig\u2019s bristles.[997] It seems not impossible that\nthis custom is a relic of a fair at which the marriageable maidens of\nthe year were assigned in order of merit to the young men who\ndistinguished themselves by their feats of strength and agility. A\npractice of this sort appears to have prevailed [Sidenote: Assignment of\nbrides to picked young men among the Samnites.] among the ancient\nSamnites. Every year the youths and maidens were tested publicly, and\nthe young man who was adjudged best had first choice of the girls; the\nsecond best had the next choice, and so on with the rest.[998] \u201cThey\nsay,\u201d writes Strabo, \u201cthat the Samnites have a beautiful custom which\nincites to virtue. For they may not give their daughters in marriage to\nwhom they please, but every year the ten best maidens and the ten best\nyouths are picked out, and the best of the ten maidens is given to the\nbest of the ten youths, and the second to the second, and so on. But if\nthe man who wins one of these prizes should afterwards turn out a knave,\nthey disgrace him and take the girl from him.\u201d[999] The nature of the\ntest to which the young men and women were subjected is not mentioned,\nbut we may conjecture that it was mainly athletic.\n\n[Sidenote: Contests for a bride other than races.] The contests for a\nbride may be designed to try the skill, strength, and courage of the\nsuitors as well as their horsemanship and speed of foot. Speaking of\nKing\u2019s County, Ireland, in the latter part of the eighteenth century,\nArthur Young says: \u201cThere is a very ancient custom here, for a number of\ncountry neighbours among the poor people, to fix upon some young woman\nthat ought, as they think, to be married; they also agree upon a young\nfellow as a proper husband for her; this determined, they send to the\nfair one\u2019s cabin to inform her that on the Sunday following \u2018she is to\nbe horsed,\u2019 that is, carried on men\u2019s backs. She must then provide\nwhisky and cyder for a treat, as all will pay her a visit after mass for\na hurling match. As soon as she is horsed, the hurling begins, in which\nthe young fellow appointed for her husband has the eyes of all the\ncompany fixed on him: if he comes off conqueror, he is certainly married\nto the girl; but if another is victorious, he as certainly loses her,\nfor she is the prize of the victor. These trials are not always finished\nin one Sunday, they take sometimes two or three, and the common\nexpression when they are over is, that \u2018such a girl was goal\u2019d.\u2019\nSometimes one barony hurls against another, but a marriageable girl is\nalways the prize. Hurling is a sort of cricket, but instead of throwing\nthe ball in order to knock down a wicket, the aim is to pass it through\na bent stick, the ends stuck in the ground.\u201d[1000] In the great Indian\nepic the _Mahabharata_ it is [Sidenote: The Indian _Svayamvara_.]\nrelated that the hand of the lovely Princess Draupadi or Krishna,\ndaughter of the King of the Panchalas, was only to be won by him who\ncould bend a certain mighty bow and shoot five arrows through a\nrevolving wheel so as to hit the target beyond. After many noble wooers\nhad essayed the task in vain, the disguised Arjun was successful, and\ncarried off the princess to be the wife of himself and his four\nbrothers.[1001] This was an instance of the ancient Indian practice of\n_Svayamvara_, in accordance with which a maiden of high rank either\nchose her husband from among her assembled suitors or was offered as the\nprize to the conqueror in a trial of skill. The custom was occasionally\nobserved among the Rajputs down to a late time.[1002] The Tartar king\nCaidu, the cousin and opponent of Cublay Khan, is said to have had a\nbeautiful daughter named Aijaruc, or \u201cthe Bright Moon,\u201d who was so tall\nand brawny that she outdid all men in her father\u2019s realm in feats of\nstrength. She vowed she would never marry till she found a man who could\nvanquish her in wrestling. Many noble suitors came and tried a fall with\nher, but she threw them all; and from every one whom she had overcome\nshe exacted a hundred horses. In this way she collected an immense\nstud.[1003] In the _Nibelungenlied_ the fair Brunhild, Queen of Iceland,\nwas only to be won in marriage by him who could beat her in three trials\nof strength, and the unsuccessful wooers forfeited their heads. Many had\nthus perished, but at last Gunther, King of the Burgundians, vanquished\nand married her.[1004] It is said that Sithon, King of the Odomanti in\nThrace, had a lovely daughter, Pallene, and that many [Sidenote:\nHippoclides at Sicyon, and how he danced away his marriage.] men came\na-wooing her not only from Thrace but from Illyria and the country of\nthe Don. But her father said that he who would wed his daughter must\nfirst fight himself and pay with his life the penalty of defeat. Thus he\nslew many young men. But when he was grown old and his strength had\nfailed, he set two of the wooers, by name Dryas and Clitus, to fight\neach other for the kingdom and the hand of the princess. The combat was\nto take place in chariots, but the princess, being in love with Clitus,\nbribed his rival\u2019s charioteer to put no pins in the wheels of his\nchariot; so Dryas came to the ground, and Clitus slew him and married\nthe king\u2019s daughter.[1005] The tale agrees closely with that of Pelops\nand Hippodamia. Both stories probably contain, in a legendary form,\nreminiscences of a real custom. Within historical times Clisthenes,\ntyrant of Sicyon, made public proclamation at the Olympian games that he\nwould give his daughter Agariste in marriage to that suitor who, during\na year\u2019s trial, should prove himself the best. So many young men who\nprided themselves on their persons and on their lineage assembled at\nSicyon from all parts of the Greek world. The tyrant had a racecourse\nand a wrestling school made on purpose for them, and there he put them\nthrough their paces. Of all the suitors none pleased him so much as\nHippoclides, the handsomest and richest man of Athens, a scion of the\nold princely house of Cypselus. And when the year was up and the day had\ncome on which the award was to be made, the tyrant sacrificed a hundred\noxen and entertained the suitors and all the people of Sicyon at a\nsplendid banquet. Dinner being over, the wine went round and the suitors\nfell to wrangling as to their accomplishments and their wit. In this\nfeast of reason the gay Hippoclides outshone himself and them all until,\nflushed with triumph and liquor, he jumped on a table, danced to music,\nand then, as a finishing touch, stood on his head and sawed the air with\nhis legs. This was too much. The tyrant in disgust told him he had\ndanced away his marriage.[1006]\n\n[Sidenote: The annual flight of the king (_regifugium_) at Rome may have\nbeen a relic of his contest for the kingdom and for the hand of the\nprincess.] Thus it appears that the right to marry a girl, and\nespecially a princess, has often been conferred as a prize in an\nathletic contest. There would be no reason, therefore, for surprise if\nthe Roman kings, before bestowing their daughters in marriage, should\nhave resorted to this ancient mode of testing the personal qualities of\ntheir future sons-in-law and successors. If my theory is correct, the\nRoman king and queen personated Jupiter and his divine consort, and in\nthe character of these divinities went through the annual ceremony of a\nsacred marriage for the purpose of causing the crops to grow and men and\ncattle to be fruitful and multiply. Thus they did what in more northern\nlands we may suppose the King and Queen of May were believed to do in\ndays of old. Now we have seen that the right to play the part of the\nKing of May and to wed the Queen of May has sometimes been determined by\nan athletic contest, particularly by a race.[1007] This may have been a\nrelic of an old marriage custom of the sort we have examined, a custom\ndesigned to test the fitness of a candidate for matrimony. Such a test\nmight reasonably be applied with peculiar rigour to the king in order to\nensure that no personal defect should incapacitate him for the\nperformance of those sacred rites and ceremonies on which, even more\nthan on the despatch of his civil and military duties, the safety and\nprosperity of the community were believed to depend. And it would be\nnatural to require of him that from time to time he should submit\nhimself afresh to the same ordeal for the sake of publicly demonstrating\nthat he was still equal to the discharge of his high calling. A relic of\nthat test perhaps survived in the ceremony known as the Flight of the\nKing (_regifugium_), continued to be annually observed at Rome down to\nimperial times. On the twenty-fourth day of February a sacrifice used to\nbe offered in the Comitium, and when it was over the King of the Sacred\nRites fled from the Forum.[1008] We may conjecture that the Flight of\nthe King was originally a race for an annual kingship, which may have\nbeen awarded as a prize to the fleetest runner. At the end of the year\nthe king might run again for a second term of office; and so on, until\nhe was defeated and deposed or perhaps slain. In this way what had once\nbeen a race would tend to assume the character of a flight and a\npursuit. The king would be given a start; he ran and his competitors ran\nafter him, and if he were overtaken he had to yield the crown and\nperhaps his life to the lightest of foot among them. In time a man of\nmasterful character might succeed in seating himself permanently on the\nthrone and reducing the annual race or flight to the empty form which it\nseems always to have been within historical times.[1009] The rite was\nsometimes interpreted as a commemoration of the expulsion of the kings\nfrom Rome; but this appears to have been a mere afterthought devised to\nexplain a ceremony of which the old meaning was forgotten. It is far\nmore likely that in acting thus the King of the Sacred Rites was merely\nkeeping up an ancient custom which in the regal period had been annually\nobserved by his predecessors the kings. What the original intention of\nthe rite may have been must probably always remain more or less a matter\nof conjecture. The present explanation is suggested with a full sense of\nthe difficulty and obscurity in which the subject is involved.\n\n[Sidenote: The theory is confirmed by the evidence that at the\nSaturnalia a man used to personate the god Saturn and to be put to death\nin that character.] Thus, if my theory is correct, the yearly flight of\nthe Roman king was a relic of a time when the kingship was an annual\noffice awarded, along with the hand of a princess, to the victorious\nathlete or gladiator, who thereafter figured along with his bride as a\ngod and goddess at a sacred marriage designed to ensure the fertility of\nthe earth by homoeopathic magic. Now this theory is to a certain extent\nremarkably confirmed by an ancient account of the Saturnalia which was\ndiscovered and published some years ago by a learned Belgian scholar,\nProfessor Franz Cumont of Ghent. From that account we learn that down to\nthe beginning of the fourth century of our era, that is, down nearly to\nthe establishment of Christianity by Constantine, the Roman soldiers\nstationed on the Danube were wont to celebrate the Saturnalia in a\nbarbarous fashion which must certainly have dated from a very remote\nantiquity. Thirty days before the festival they chose by lot from among\nthemselves a young and handsome man, who was dressed in royal robes to\nresemble the god Saturn. In that character he was allowed to indulge all\nhis passions to the fullest extent; but when his brief reign of thirty\ndays was over, and the festival of Saturn was come, he had to cut his\nown throat on the altar of the god he personated.[1010] We can hardly\ndoubt that this tragic figure, whom a fatal lot doomed to masquerade for\na short time as a deity and to die as such a violent death, was the true\noriginal of the merry monarch or King of the Saturnalia, as he was\ncalled, whom a happier lot invested with the playful dignity of Master\nof the Winter Revels.[1011] In all probability the grim predecessor of\nthe frolicsome King of the Saturnalia belonged to that class of puppets\nwho in some countries have been suffered to reign nominally for a few\ndays each year merely for the sake of discharging a burdensome or fatal\nobligation which otherwise must have fallen on the real king.[1012] If\nthat is so, we may infer that the part of the god Saturn, who was\ncommonly spoken of as a king,[1013] was formerly played at the\nSaturnalia by the Roman king himself. And a trace of the Sacred Marriage\nmay perhaps be detected in the licence accorded to the human\nrepresentatives of Saturn, a licence which, if I am right, is strictly\nanalogous to the old orgies of May Day and other similar festivals. It\nis to be observed that Saturn was [Sidenote: Saturn the god of seed, and\nthe Saturnalia a festival of sowing.] the god of the seed, and the\nSaturnalia the festival of sowing held in December,[1014] when the\nautumn sowing was over and the husbandman gave himself up to a season of\njollity after the long labours of summer and autumn.[1015] On the\nprinciples of homoeopathic magic nothing could be more natural than\nthat, when the last seeds had been committed to the earth, the marriage\nof the powers of vegetation should be simulated by their human\nrepresentatives for the purpose of sympathetically quickening the seed.\nIn short, no time could be more suitable for the celebration of the\nSacred Marriage. We have seen as a matter of fact that the sowing of the\nseed has often been accompanied by sexual orgies with the express\nintention of thereby promoting the growth of the crops. At all events\nthe view that the King\u2019s Flight at Rome was a mitigation of an old\ncustom of putting him to death at the end of a year\u2019s tenure of office,\nis confirmed by the practice of annually slaying a human representative\nof the divine king Saturn, which survived in some parts of the Roman\nempire, though not at Rome itself, down to Christian times.\n\n[Sidenote: If the Latin kings were begotten at the licentious festival\nof the Saturnalia, we could understand why their paternity was sometimes\nuncertain, and why they might be of servile parentage.] This theory\nwould throw light on some dark passages in the legends of the Roman\nkingship, such as the obscure and humble births of certain kings and\ntheir mysterious ends. For if the sacred marriage took place at a\nlicentious festival like the Saturnalia, when slaves were temporarily\ngranted the privileges of freemen,[1016] it might well be that the\npaternity of the children begotten at this time, including those of the\nroyal family, was a matter of uncertainty; nay, it might be known that\nthe king or queen had offspring by a slave. Such offspring of a royal\nfather and a slave mother, or of a royal mother and a slave father,\nwould rank as princes and princesses according as male or female kinship\nprevailed. Under a system of male kinship the union of the king with a\nslave woman would give birth to a Servius Tullius, and, according to one\ntradition, to a Romulus. If female kinship prevailed in the royal\nfamily, as we have seen reason to suppose, it is possible that the\nstories of the birth of Romulus and Servius from slave mothers is a\nlater inversion of the facts, and that what really happened was that\nsome of the old Latin kings were begotten by slave fathers on royal\nprincesses at the festival of the Saturnalia. The disappearance of\nfemale kinship would suffice to account for the warping of the\ntradition. All that was distinctly remembered would be that some of the\nkings had had a slave for one of their parents; and people living under\na system of paternal descent would naturally conclude that the slave\nparent of a king could only be the mother, since according to their\nideas no son of a slave father could be of royal blood and sit on the\nthrone.[1017]\n\n[Sidenote: The violent ends of the Roman kings.] Again, if I am right in\nsupposing that in very early times the old Latin kings personated a god\nand were regularly put to death in that character, we can better\nunderstand the mysterious or violent ends to which so many of them are\nsaid to have come. Too much stress should not, however, be laid on such\nlegends, for in a turbulent state of society kings, like commoners, are\napt to be knocked on the head for much sounder reasons than a claim to\ndivinity. Still, it is worth while to note that Romulus is said to have\nvanished mysteriously like Aeneas, or to have been cut to pieces by the\npatricians whom he had offended,[1018] [Sidenote: Death of Romulus on\nthe seventh of July, the _Nonae Caprotinae_, at a festival resembling\nthe Saturnalia.] and that the seventh of July, the day on which he\nperished, was a festival which bore some resemblance to the Saturnalia.\nFor on that day the female slaves were allowed to take certain\nremarkable liberties. They dressed up as free women in the attire of\nmatrons and maids, and in this guise they went forth from the city,\nscoffed and jeered at all whom they met, and engaged among themselves in\na fight, striking and throwing stones at each other. Moreover, they\nfeasted under a wild fig-tree, made use of a rod cut from the tree for a\ncertain purpose, perhaps to beat each other with, and offered the milky\njuice of the tree in sacrifice to Juno Caprotina, whose name appears to\nmean either the goddess of the goat (_caper_) or the goddess of the wild\nfig-tree, for [Sidenote: The _Nonae Caprotinae_ seems to have been the\nfestival of the fertilisation of the fig.] the Romans called a wild\nfig-tree a goat-fig (_caprificus_). Hence the day was called the _Nonae\nCaprotinae_ after the animal or the tree. The festival was not peculiar\nto Rome, but was held by women throughout Latium.[1019] It can hardly be\ndissociated from a custom which was observed by ancient husbandmen at\nthis season. They sought to fertilise the fig-trees or ripen the figs by\nhanging strings of fruit from a wild fig-tree among the boughs. The\npractice appears to be very old. It has been employed in Greece both in\nancient and modern times, and Roman writers often refer to it. Palladius\nrecommends the solstice in June, that is Midsummer Day, as the best time\nfor the operation; Columella prefers July.[1020] In Sicily at the\npresent day the operation is performed either on Midsummer Day (the\nfestival of St. John the Baptist) or in the early days of July;[1021] in\nMorocco and North Africa generally it takes place on Midsummer\nDay.[1022] The wild fig-tree is a male and the cultivated fig-tree is a\nfemale, and the fertilisation is effected by insects, which are\nengendered in the fruit of the male tree and convey the pollen to the\nblossom of the female.[1023] Thus the placing of wild figs, laden with\npollen and insects, among the boughs of the cultivated fig-tree is, like\nthe artificial fertilisation of the date-palm,[1024] a real marriage of\nthe trees, and it may well have been regarded as such by the peasants of\nantiquity long before the true theory of the process was discovered. Now\nthe fig is an [Sidenote: Importance of the fig as an article of diet.]\nimportant article of diet in countries bordering on the Mediterranean.\nIn Palestine, for example, the fruit is not, as with us, merely an\nagreeable luxury, but is eaten daily and forms indeed one of the staple\nproductions of the country. \u201cTo sit every man under his vine, and under\nhis fig tree\u201d was the regular Jewish expression for the peaceable\npossession of the Holy Land; and in the fable of Jotham the fig-tree is\ninvited by the other trees, next after the olive, to come and reign over\nthem.[1025] When Sandanis the Lydian attempted to dissuade Croesus from\nmarching against the Persians, he represented to him that there was\nnothing to be gained by conquering the inhabitants of a barren country\nwho neither drank wine nor ate figs.[1026] An Arab commentator on the\nKoran observes that \u201cGod swears by these two trees, the fig and the\nolive, because among fruit-trees they surpass all the rest. They relate\nthat a basket of figs was offered to the prophet Mohammed, and when he\nhad eaten one he bade his comrades do the same, saying, \u2018Truly, if I\nwere to say that any fruit had come down from Paradise, I would say it\nof the fig.\u2019\u201d[1027] Hence it would be natural that a process supposed to\nbe essential to the ripening of so favourite a fruit should be the\noccasion of a popular festival. We may suspect that the license allowed\nto slave women on this day formed part of an ancient Saturnalia, at\nwhich the loose behaviour of men and women was supposed to secure the\nfertilisation of the fig-trees by homoeopathetic magic.\n\n[Sidenote: At the festival of the seventh of July women were probably\nthought to be fertilised by the fig as well as to fertilise it.] But it\nis possible and indeed probable that the fertilisation was believed to\nbe mutual; in other words, it may have been imagined, that while the\nwomen caused the fig-tree to bear fruit, the tree in its turn caused\nthem to bear children. This conjecture is confirmed by a remarkable\nAfrican parallel. The Akikuyu of British East Africa attribute to the\nwild fig-tree [Sidenote: Supposed fertilisation of barren women by the\nwild fig-tree among the Akikuyu of British East Africa.] the power of\nfertilising barren women. For this purpose they apply the white sap or\nmilk to various parts of the body of the would-be mother; then, having\nsacrificed a goat, they tie the woman to a wild fig-tree with long\nstrips cut from the intestines of the sacrificial animal. \u201cThis seems,\u201d\nwrites Mr. C. W. Hobley, who reports the custom, \u201cto be a case of the\ntree marriage of India. I fancy there is an idea of ceremonial marriage\nwith the ancestral spirits which are said to inhabit certain of these\nfig-trees; in fact it supports the Kamba idea of the spiritual\nhusbands.\u201d[1028] The belief in spiritual husbands, [Sidenote: Belief of\nthe Akamba that the spirits of the dead live in wild fig-trees.] to\nwhich Mr. Hobley here briefly refers, is as follows. The Akamba of\nBritish East Africa imagine that every married woman is at the same time\nthe wife of a living man and also the wife of the spirit of some\ndeparted ancestor (_aimu_). They are firmly convinced that the fertility\nof a wife depends to a great extent on the attentions of her spiritual\nhusband, and if she does not conceive within six months after marriage\nthey take it as a sign that her spiritual husband is neglecting her; so\nthey offer beer and kill a goat as a propitiatory sacrifice. If after\nthat the woman still remains barren, they make a bigger feast and kill a\nbullock. On the other hand, if a wife is found to be with child soon\nafter marriage, they are glad and consider it a proof that she has found\nfavour in the eyes of her ghostly husband. Further, they believe that at\ndeath the human spirit quits the bodily frame and takes up its abode in\na wild fig-tree (_mumbo_); hence they build miniature huts at the foot\nof those fig-trees which are thought to be haunted by the souls of the\ndead, and they periodically sacrifice to these spirits.[1029]\nAccordingly, we may conjecture, though we are not told, that amongst the\nAkamba, as among the Akikuyu, a barren woman sometimes resorts to a wild\nfig-tree in order to obtain a child, since she believes that her\nspiritual spouse has his abode in the tree. The Akikuyu clearly\nattribute a special power of fertilisation to the milky sap of the tree,\nsince they apply it to various parts of the woman who desires to become\na mother: perhaps they regard it as the seed of the fig. This may\nexplain why the Roman slave-women offered the milky juice of the tree to\nJuno Caprotina; they may have intended thereby to add to the fecundity\nof the mother goddess. And we can scarcely doubt that the rods which\nthey cut from the wild fig-tree, for the purpose apparently of beating\neach other, were supposed to communicate the generative virtue of the\ntree to the women who [Sidenote: Supposed fertilisation of women by the\nwild banana-tree among the Baganda.] were struck by them. The Baganda of\nCentral Africa appear to ascribe to the wild banana-tree the same power\nof removing barrenness which the Akikuyu attribute to the wild fig-tree.\nFor when a wife has no child, she and her husband will sometimes repair\nto a wild banana-tree and there, standing one on each side of the tree,\npartake of the male organs of a goat, the man eating the flesh and\ndrinking the soup and the woman drinking the soup only. This is believed\nto ensure conception after the husband has gone in to his wife.[1030]\nHere again, as among the Akikuyu, we see that the fertilising virtue of\nthe tree is reinforced by the fertilising virtue of the goat; and we can\ntherefore better understand why the Romans called the male wild fig-tree\n\u201cgoat-fig,\u201d and why the Messenians dubbed it simply \u201che-goat.\u201d\n\n[Sidenote: The Roman king may have celebrated a sacred marriage on the\n_Nonae Caprotinae_ as a charm to make the fig-trees bear fruit.] The\nassociation of the death of Romulus with the festival of the wild\nfig-tree can hardly be accidental, especially as he and his twin-brother\nRemus were said to have been suckled by the she-wolf under a fig-tree,\nthe famous _ficus Ruminalis_, which was shewn in the forum as one of the\nsacred objects of Rome and received offerings of milk down to late\ntimes.[1031] Indeed, some have gone so far both in ancient and modern\ntimes as to derive the names of Romulus and Rome itself from this\nfig-tree (_ficus Ruminalis_); if they are right, Romulus was \u201cthe\nfig-man\u201d and Rome \u201cthe fig-town.\u201d[1032] Be that as it may, the clue to\nthe association of Romulus with the fig is probably furnished by the old\nbelief that the king is responsible for the fruits of the earth and the\nrain from heaven. We may conjecture that on this principle the Roman\nking was expected to make the fig-trees blossom and bear figs, and that\nin order to do so he masqueraded as the god of the fig-tree and went\nthrough a form of sacred marriage, either with his queen or with a\nslave-woman, on the July day when the husbandmen resorted to a more\nefficacious means of producing the same result. The ceremony of the\nsacred marriage need not have been restricted to a single day in the\nyear. It may well have been repeated for many different crops and\nfruits. If the Queen of Athens was annually married to the god of the\nvine, why should not the King of Rome have annually wedded the goddess\nof the fig?\n\n[Sidenote: The marriage of the divine king or human god often followed\nby his death.] But, as we have seen, Romulus, the first king of Rome, is\nsaid to have perished on the day of this festival of the fig, which, if\nour hypothesis is correct, was also the day of his ceremonial marriage\nto the tree. That the real date of his death should have been preserved\nby tradition is very improbable; rather we may suppose that the reason\nfor dating his death and his marriage on the same day was drawn from\nsome ancient ritual in which the two events were actually associated.\nBut we have still to ask, Why should the king\u2019s wedding-day be also the\nday of his death? The answer must be deferred for the present. All we\nneed say now is that elsewhere the marriage of the divine king or human\ngod has been regularly followed at a brief interval by his violent end.\nFor him, as for others, death often treads on the heels of love.[1033]\n\n[Sidenote: Violent ends of Tatius, Tullus Hostilius, and other Roman\nkings.] Another Roman king who perished by violence was Tatius, the\nSabine colleague of Romulus. It is said that he was at Lavinium offering\na public sacrifice to the ancestral gods, when some men to whom he had\ngiven umbrage despatched him with the sacrificial knives and spits which\nthey had snatched from the altar.[1034] The occasion and the manner of\nhis death suggest that the slaughter may have been a sacrifice rather\nthan an assassination. Again, Tullus Hostilius, the successor of Numa,\nwas commonly said to have been killed by lightning, but many held that\nhe was murdered at the instigation of Ancus Marcius, who reigned after\nhim.[1035] Speaking of the more or less mythical Numa, the type of the\npriestly king, Plutarch observes that \u201chis fame was enhanced by the\nfortunes of the later kings. For of the five who reigned after him the\nlast was deposed and ended his life in exile, and of the remaining four\nnot one died a natural death; for three of them were assassinated and\nTullus Hostilius was consumed by thunderbolts.\u201d[1036] This implies that\nKing Ancus Marcius, as well as Tarquin the Elder and Servius Tullius,\nperished by the hand of an assassin. No other ancient historian, so far\nas I know, records this of Ancus Marcius, though one of them says that\nthe king \u201cwas carried off by an untimely death.\u201d[1037] Tarquin the Elder\nwas slain by two murderers whom the sons of his predecessor, Ancus\nMarcius, had hired to do the deed.[1038] Lastly, Servius Tullius came by\nhis end in circumstances which recall the combat for the priesthood of\nDiana at Nemi. He was attacked by his successor and killed by his\norders, though not by his hand. Moreover, he lived among the oak groves\nof the Esquiline Hill at the head of the Slope of Virbius, and it was\nhere, beside a sanctuary of Diana, that he was slain.[1039]\n\n[Sidenote: The succession to the Latin kingshipmay sometimes have been\ndecided by single combat.] These legends of the violent ends of the\nRoman kings suggest that the contest by which they gained the throne may\nsometimes have been a mortal combat rather than a race. If that were so,\nthe analogy which we have traced between Rome and Nemi would be still\ncloser. At both places the sacred kings, the living representatives of\nthe godhead, would thus be liable to suffer deposition and death at the\nhand of any resolute man who could prove his divine right to the holy\noffice by the strong arm and the sharp sword. It would not be surprising\nif among the early Latins the claim to the kingdom should often have\nbeen settled by single combat; for down to historical times the Umbrians\nregularly submitted their private disputes to the ordeal of battle, and\nhe who cut his adversary\u2019s throat was thought thereby to have proved the\njustice of his cause beyond the reach of cavil.[1040] \u201cAny one who\nremembers how in the forests of Westphalia the _Femgericht_ set the\nmodern civil law at defiance down into the eighteenth century, and how\nin the mountains of Corsica and Sardinia blood-revenge has persisted and\npersists to our own days, will not wonder that hardly a century after\nthe union of Italy the Roman legislation had not yet succeeded in\nputting down the last relics of this ancient Italian or rather\nIndo-European mode of doing justice in the nests of the\nApennines.\u201d[1041]\n\n[Sidenote: Combats for the kingdom in Africa.] A parallel to what I\nconceive to have been the rule of the old Latin kingship is furnished by\na West African custom of to-day. When the Maluango or king of Loango,\nwho is deemed the representative of God on earth, has been elected, he\nhas to take his stand at _Nkumbi_, a large tree near the entrance to his\nsacred ground. Here, encouraged by one of his ministers, he must fight\nall rivals who present themselves to dispute his right to the\nthrone.[1042] This is one of the many instances in which the rites and\nlegends of ancient Italy are illustrated by the practice of modern\nAfrica. Similarly among the Banyoro of Central Africa, whose king had to\ntake his life with his own hand whenever his health and strength began\nto fail, the succession to the throne was determined by a mortal combat\namong the claimants, who fought till only one of them was left\nalive.[1043] Even in England a relic of a similar custom survived till\nlately in the coronation ceremony, at which a champion used to throw\ndown his glove and challenge to mortal combat all who disputed the\nking\u2019s right to the crown. The ceremony was witnessed by Pepys at the\ncoronation of Charles the Second.[1044]\n\n[Sidenote: In Greece and Italy kings probably personated Cronus and\nSaturn, the god of the seed, before they personated Zeus and Jupiter,\nthe god of the oak.] In the foregoing enquiry we have found reason to\nsuppose that the Roman kings personated not only Jupiter the god of the\noak, but Saturn the god of the seed and perhaps also the god of the\nfig-tree. The question naturally arises, Did they do so simultaneously\nor successively? In other words, did the same king regularly represent\nthe oak-god at one season of the year, the seed-god at another, and the\nfig-god at a third? or were there separate dynasties of oak-kings,\nseed-kings, and fig-kings, who belonged perhaps to different stocks and\nreigned at different times? The evidence does not allow us to answer\nthese questions definitely. But tradition certainly points to the\nconclusion that in Latium and perhaps in Italy generally the seed-god\nSaturn was an older deity than the oak-god Jupiter, just as in Greece\nCronus appears to have preceded Zeus. Perhaps Saturn and Cronus were the\ngods of an old indigenous and agricultural people; while Jupiter and\nZeus were the divinities of a ruder invading race, which swarmed down\ninto Italy and Greece from the forests of central Europe, bringing their\nwild woodland deities to dwell in more fertile lands, under softer\nskies, side by side with the gods of the corn and the vine, the olive\nand the fig. If that was so, we may suppose that before the irruption of\nthese northern barbarians the old kings of Greece and Italy personated\nthe gods of the fat field and fruitful orchard, and that it was not till\nafter the conquest that their successors learned to pose as the god of\nthe verdant oak and the thundering sky. However, on questions so obscure\nwe must be content to suspend our judgment. It is unlikely that the\nstudent\u2019s search-light will ever pierce the mists that hang over these\nremote ages. All that we can do is to follow the lines of evidence\nbackward as far as they can be traced, till, after growing fainter and\nfainter, they are lost altogether in the darkness.\n\nFootnote 866:\n\n  J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd Ed., 237, 321; C.\n  Julian, in Daremberg et Saglio, _Dictionnaire des antiquit\u00e9s grecques\n  et romaines_, ii. 1173. As to Vesta and the Vestals, see above, vol.\n  i. pp. 13 _sq._\n\nFootnote 867:\n\n  C. Julian, _l.c._\n\nFootnote 868:\n\n  See above, p. 186 note 1.\n\nFootnote 869:\n\n  Above, pp. 261-263.\n\nFootnote 870:\n\n  Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 114.\n\nFootnote 871:\n\n  Thus in some African tribes the household fire is put out after a\n  death, and afterwards relit by the friction of sticks (Sir H. H.\n  Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 439; L. Concradt, \u201cDie Ngumbu\n  in S\u00fcdkamerun,\u201d _Globus_, lxxxi, (1902) p. 352). In Laos the fire on\n  the hearth is extinguished after a death and the ashes are scattered;\n  afterwards a new fire is obtained from a neighbour (Tournier, _Notice\n  sur le Laos fran\u00e7ais_, p. 68). A custom of the same sort is observed\n  in Burma, but there the new fire must be bought (C. J. F. S. Forbes,\n  _British Burma_, p. 94). Among the Miris of Assam the new fire is made\n  by the widow or widower (W. H. Furness, in _Journal of the Anthrop.\n  Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 462). In Armenia it is made by flint and\n  steel (M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_, p. 71). In Argos\n  fire was extinguished after a death, and fresh fire obtained from a\n  neighbour (Plutarch, _Quaest. Graec._ 24). In the Highlands of\n  Scotland all fires were put out in a house where there was a corpse\n  (Pennant\u2019s \u201cTour in Scotland,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n  iii. 49). Amongst the Bogos of East Africa no fire may be lit in a\n  house after a death until the body has been carried out (W. Munzinger,\n  _Sitten und Recht der Bogos_, p. 67). In the Pelew Islands, when a\n  death has taken place, fire is transferred from the house to a shed\n  erected beside it (J. S. Kubary, \u201cDie Todtenbestattung auf den\n  Pelau-Inseln,\u201d _Original-Mittheilungen aus der Ethnologischen\n  Abtheilung der K\u00f6niglichen Museen zu Berlin_, i. 7). In the Marquesas\n  Islands fires were extinguished after a death (Vincendon-Dumoulin et\n  Desgraz, _Iles Marquises_, p. 251). Among the Indians of Peru and the\n  Moors of Algiers no fire might be lighted for several days in a house\n  where a death had occurred (Cieza de Leon, _Travels_, Markham\u2019s\n  translation, p. 366; Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_, p. 176). The\n  same custom is reported of the Mohammedans of India (Mandelsloe, in J.\n  Harris\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, i. (London, 1744) p. 770). In the East\n  Indian island of Wetter no fire may burn in a house for three days\n  after a death, and according to Bastian the reason is the one given in\n  the text, to wit, a fear that the ghost might fall into it and hurt\n  himself (A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, ii. 60). For more evidence, see my\n  article \u201cOn certain Burial Customs,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n  Institute_, xv. (1886) p. 90.\n\nFootnote 872:\n\n  For the list of the Alban kings see Livy, i. 3. 5-11; Ovid, _Fasti_,\n  iv. 39-56; _id._, _Metam._ xiv. 609 _sqq._; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n  _Antiquit. Rom._ i. 70 _sq._; Eusebius, _Chronic._ bk. i. vol. i.\n  coll. 273, 275, 285, 287, 289, 291, ed. A. Schoene; Diodorus Siculus,\n  vii. 3rd ed. L. Dindorf; Sextus Aurelius Victor, _Origo gentis\n  Romanae_, 17-19; Zonaras, _Annales_, vii. 1.\n\nFootnote 873:\n\n  See B. G. Niebuhr, _History of Rome_, i. 205-207; A. Schwegler,\n  _R\u00f6mische Geschichte_, i. 339, 342-345. However, Niebuhr admits that\n  some of the names may have been taken from older legends.\n\nFootnote 874:\n\n  H. M. Stanley, _Through the Dark Continent_ (London, 1878), i. 380; C.\n  T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, _Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan_ (London,\n  1882), i. 197; Fr. Stuhlman, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_\n  (Berlin, 1894), pp. 192 _sq._; J. Roscoe, \u201cFarther Notes on the\n  Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n  Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 25, with plates i. and ii.; Sir Harry\n  Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_, ii. 681 _sq._\n\nFootnote 875:\n\n  Romulus and Tatius reigned for a time together; after Romulus the\n  kings were, in order of succession, Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius,\n  Ancus Marcius, the elder Tarquin, Servius Tullius, and Tarquin the\n  Proud.\n\nFootnote 876:\n\n  See A. Schwegler, _R\u00f6mische Geschichte_, i. 579 _sq._\n\nFootnote 877:\n\n  According to one account, Romulus had a son and a daughter (Plutarch,\n  _Romulus_, 14). Some held that Numa had four sons (Plutarch, _Numa_,\n  21). Ancus Marcius left two sons (Livy, i. 35. 1, i. 40; Dionysius\n  Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ iii. 72 _sq._, iv. 34. 3). Tarquin the\n  Elder left two sons or grandsons (Livy, i. 46; Dionysius Halic., _Ant.\n  Rom._ iv. 6 _sq._ iv. 28).\n\nFootnote 878:\n\n  Pompilia, the mother of Ancus Marcius, was a daughter of Numa. See\n  Cicero, _De re publica_, ii. 18. 33; Livy, i. 32. 1; Dionysius\n  Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ ii. 76. 5, iii. 35. 3, iii. 36. 2;\n  Plutarch, _Numa_, 21.\n\nFootnote 879:\n\n  Numa married Tatia, the daughter of Tatius (Plutarch, _Numa_, 3 and\n  21); Servius Tullius married the daughter of the elder Tarquin (Livy,\n  i. 39. 4); and Tarquin the Proud married Tullia the daughter of\n  Servius Tullius (Livy, i. 42. 1, i. 46. 5).\n\nFootnote 880:\n\n  Numa was a Sabine from Cures (Livy, i. 18; Plutarch, _Numa_, 3;\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ ii. 58); Servius Tullius,\n  according to the common account, was the son of Ocrisia, a slave woman\n  of Corniculum (Livy, i. 39. 5; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._\n  iv. 1.), but according to another account he was an Etruscan (see\n  above, p. 196 note); and Tarquin the Proud was a son of the elder\n  Tarquin, who was an Etruscan from Tarquinii (Livy, i. 34; Cicero, _De\n  re publica_, ii. 19 _sq._, \u00a7\u00a7 34 _sq._). The foreign birth of their\n  kings naturally struck the Romans themselves. See the speech put by\n  Livy (i. 35. 3), in the mouth of the elder Tarquin: _\u201cSe non rem novam\n  petere, quippe qui non primus, quod quisquam indignari mirarive\n  posset, sed tertius Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet; et Tatium non ex\n  peregrino solum sed etiam ex hoste regem factum, et Numam ignarum\n  urbis non petentem in regnum ultro accitum: se, ex quo sui potens\n  fuerit, Romam cum conjuge ac fortunis omnibus commigrasse._\u201d And see a\n  passage in a speech actually spoken by the Emperor Claudius: \u201c_Quondam\n  reges hanc tenuere urbem, nec tamen domesticis successoribus eam\n  tradere contigit. Supervenere alieni et quidem externi, ut Numa Romulo\n  successerit ex Sabinis veniens, vicinus quidem sed tunec externus_,\u201d\n  etc. The speech is engraved on bronze tablets found at Lyons. See\n  Tacitus, ed. Baiter and Orelli, i. 2nd Ed., p. 342.\n\nFootnote 881:\n\n  \u201cIn Ceylon, where the higher and lower polyandry co-exist, marriage is\n  of two sorts\u2014Deega or Beena\u2014according as the wife goes to live in the\n  house and village of her husbands, or as the husband or husbands come\n  to live with her in or near the house of her birth\u201d (J. F. McLennan,\n  _Studies in Ancient History_ (London, 1886), p. 101).\n\nFootnote 882:\n\n  The system of mother-kin, that is, of tracing descent through females\n  instead of through males, is often called the matriarchate. But this\n  term is inappropriate and misleading, as it implies that under the\n  system in question the women govern the men. Even when the so-called\n  matriarchate regulates the descent of the kingdom, this does not mean\n  that the women of the royal family reign; it only means that they are\n  the channel through which the kingship is transmitted to their\n  husbands or sons.\n\nFootnote 883:\n\n  Ancient writers repeatedly speak of the uncertainty as to the fathers\n  of the Roman kings. See Livy, i. 4. 2; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n  _Ant. Rom._ ii. 2. 3; Cicero, _De re publica_, ii. 18. 33; Seneca,\n  _Epist._ cviii. 30; Aelian, _Var. Hist._ xiv. 36.\n\nFootnote 884:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 773-784; Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi. 17. Compare\n  L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., ii. 180 _sq._\n\nFootnote 885:\n\n  See _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 266 _sqq._, 328 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 886:\n\n  See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 203 _sqq._; _The\n  Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 318 _sq._\n\nFootnote 887:\n\n  Plutarch, _Numa_, 3.\n\nFootnote 888:\n\n  T. E. Bowdich, _Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee_, New\n  Edition (London, 1873), pp. 185, 204 _sq._; A. B. Ellis, _The\n  Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, pp. 287, 297 _sq._; _id._,\n  _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 187.\n\nFootnote 889:\n\n  J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d\n  _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 36, 67.\n  In Benin \u201cthe legitimate daughters of a king did not _marry_ any one,\n  but bestowed their favours as they pleased.\u201d (Mr. C. Punch, in H. Ling\n  Roth\u2019s _Great Benin_ (Halifax, England, 1903), p. 37).\n\nFootnote 890:\n\n  C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, _Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan_\n  (London, 1882), i. 200; J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and\n  Customs of the Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n  xxxii. (1902) p. 67.\n\nFootnote 891:\n\n  J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 27, 62. Mr. Roscoe says: \u201cThe royal family\n  traces its pedigree through the maternal clan, but the nation through\n  the paternal clan.\u201d But he here refers to the descent of the totem\n  only. That the throne descends from father to son is proved by the\n  genealogical tables which he gives (Plates I. and II.).\n\nFootnote 892:\n\n  Proyart\u2019s \u201cHistory of Loango,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n  xvi. 570, 579 _sq._; L. Degrandpr\u00e9, _Voyage \u00e0 la c\u00f4te occidentale\n  d\u2019Afrique_ (Paris, 1801), pp. 110-114; A. Bastian, _Die deutsche\n  Expedition an der Loango K\u00fcste_, i. 197 _sqq._ Time seems not to have\n  mitigated the lot of these unhappy prince consorts. See R. E. Dennett,\n  _At the Back of the Black Man\u2019s Mind_ (London, 1906), pp. 36 _sq._,\n  134. Mr. Dennett says that the husband of a princess is virtually her\n  slave and may be put to death by her. All the sisters of the King of\n  Loango enjoy these arbitrary rights over their husbands, and the\n  offspring of any of them may become king.\n\nFootnote 893:\n\n  Father Guillem\u00e9, \u201cAu Bengou\u00e9olo,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xxxiv.\n  (1902) p. 16. The writer visited the state and had an interview with\n  the queen, a woman of gigantic stature, wearing many amulets.\n\nFootnote 894:\n\n  Pausanias, i. 2. 6.\n\nFootnote 895:\n\n  Pausanias, ii. 29. 4. I have to thank Mr. H. M. Chadwick for pointing\n  out the following Greek and Swedish parallels to what I conceive to\n  have been the Latin practice.\n\nFootnote 896:\n\n  Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72. 7. According to Apollodorus (iii. 12. 7),\n  Cychreus, King of Salamis, died childless, and bequeathed his kingdom\n  to Telamon.\n\nFootnote 897:\n\n  J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 450. Compare Pausanias, ii. 29. 4.\n\nFootnote 898:\n\n  Apollodorus, iii. 13. 1. According to Diodorus Siculus (iv. 72. 6),\n  the king of Phthia was childless, and bequeathed his kingdom to\n  Peleus.\n\nFootnote 899:\n\n  Apollodorus, iii. 13. 8; Hyginus, _Fabulae_, 96.\n\nFootnote 900:\n\n  Pausanias, i. 11. 1 _sq._; Justin, xvii. 3.\n\nFootnote 901:\n\n  Apollodorus, i. 8. 5.\n\nFootnote 902:\n\n  Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._ 37; Ovid, _Metam._ xiv. 459 _sq._,\n  510 _sq._ Compare Virgil, _Aen._ xi. 243 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 903:\n\n  Diodorus, iv. 73; Hyginus, _Fabulae_, 82-84; Servius, on Virgil,\n  _Georg._ iii. 7.\n\nFootnote 904:\n\n  Thucydides, i. 9; Strabo, viii. 6. 19, p. 377.\n\nFootnote 905:\n\n  Apollodorus, iii. 10. 8.\n\nFootnote 906:\n\n  Schol. on Euripides, _Orestes_, 46; Pindar, _Pyth._ xi. 31 _sq._;\n  Pausanias, iii. 19. 6.\n\nFootnote 907:\n\n  H. M. Chadwick, _The Origin of the English Nation_ (Cambridge, 1907),\n  pp. 332 _sq._ In treating of the succession to the kingdom in\n  Scandinavia, the late K. Maurer, one of the highest authorities on old\n  Norse law, also remarked that \u201csome ancient authorities\n  (_Quellenberichte_) profess to know of a certain right of succession\n  accorded to women, in virtue of which under certain circumstances,\n  though they could not themselves succeed to the kingdom, they\n  nevertheless could convey it to their husbands.\u201d And he cites a number\n  of instances, how one king (Eysteinn Halfdanarson) succeeded his\n  father-in-law (Eirikr Agnarsson) on the throne; how another (Gudrodr\n  Halfdanarson) received with his wife Alfhildr a portion of her\n  father\u2019s kingdom; and so on. See K. Maurer, _Vorlesungen \u00fcber\n  altnordische Rechtsgeschichte_, i. (Leipsic, 1907) pp. 233 _sq._\n\nFootnote 908:\n\n  G. W. Dasent, _Popular Tales from the Norse_, pp. 131 _sqq._; S.\n  Grundtvig, _D\u00e4nische Volksm\u00e4rchen_, First Series (Leipsic, 1878), pp.\n  285 _sqq._ (Leo\u2019s German translation); Cavallius und Stephens,\n  _Schwedische Volkssagen und M\u00e4rchen_, No. 4, pp. 62 _sqq._\n  (Oberleitner\u2019s German translation); Grimm, _Household Tales_, No. 60;\n  Kuhn und Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_, pp.\n  340 _sqq._; J. W. Wolf, _Deutsche Hausm\u00e4rchen_, pp. 372 _sqq._; Philo\n  vom Walde, _Schlesien in Sage und Brauch_, pp. 81 _sqq._; I. V.\n  Zingerle, _Kinder- und Hausm\u00e4rchen aus Tirol_, No. 8, pp. 35 _sqq._\n  No. 35, pp. 178 _sqq._; J. Haltrich, _Deutsche Volksm\u00e4rchen aus dem\n  Sachsenlande in Siebenb\u00fcrgen_, 4th ed., No. 15, pp. 103 _sqq._; J. F.\n  Campbell, _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_, No. 4, vol. i. pp. 77\n  _sqq._; A. Schleicher, _Litauische M\u00e4rchen, Sprichw\u00f6rte, R\u00e4tsel und\n  Lieder_, pp. 57 _sqq._; A. Leskien und K. Brugmann, _Litauische\n  Volkslieder und M\u00e4rchen_, No. 14, pp. 404 _sqq._; Basile,\n  _Pentamerone_, First day, seventh tale, vol. i. pp. 97 _sqq._\n  (Liebrecht\u2019s German translation); E. Legrand, _Contes populaires\n  grecques_, pp. 169 _sqq._; J. G. von Hahn, _Griechische und\n  albanesische M\u00e4rchen_, No. 98, vol. ii. pp. 114 _sq._; A. und A.\n  Schott, _Walachische Maehrchen_, No. 10, pp. 140 _sqq._; W. Webster,\n  _Basque Legends_, pp. 36-38; A. Schiefner, _Awarische Texte_ (St.\n  Petersburg, 1873), No. 2, pp. 21 _sqq._; J. Rivi\u00e8re, _Contes\n  populaires de la Kabylie_, pp. 195-197.\n\nFootnote 909:\n\n  Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_, bk. iv. p. 126 (Elton\u2019s\n  translation). The passage occurs on p. 158 of P. E. M\u00fcller\u2019s edition\n  of Saxo.\n\nFootnote 910:\n\n  The story of Hamlet (Amleth) is told, in a striking form, by Saxo\n  Grammaticus in the third and fourth books of his history. Mr. H. M.\n  Chadwick tells me that Hamlet stands on the border-line between legend\n  and history. Hence the main outlines of his story may be correct.\n\nFootnote 911:\n\n  Herodotus, i. 7-13.\n\nFootnote 912:\n\n  Nicolaus Damascenus, vi. frag. 49, in _Fragmenta Historicorum\n  Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iii. 380.\n\nFootnote 913:\n\n  Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp. 515 F-516 B; Apollodorus, ii. 6. 3; Diodorus\n  Siculus, iv. 31; Joannes Lydus, _De magistratibus_, iii. 64; Lucian,\n  _Dialogi deorum_, xiii. 2; Ovid, _Heroides_, ix. 55 _sqq._; Statius,\n  _Theb._ x. 646-649.\n\nFootnote 914:\n\n  Athenaeus, _l.c._\n\nFootnote 915:\n\n  Herodotus, i. 93; Clearchus, quoted by Athenaeus, xii. 11, p. 516 A B.\n  The Armenians also prostituted their daughters before marriage,\n  dedicating them for a long time to the profligate worship of the\n  goddess Anaitis (Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532 _sq._). The custom was\n  probably practised as a charm to secure the fertility of the earth as\n  well as of man and beast. See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition,\n  pp. 32 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 916:\n\n  Herodotus, i. 7.\n\nFootnote 917:\n\n  Clearchus, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 31, p. 573 A B.\n\nFootnote 918:\n\n  See E. A. Freeman, _History of the Norman Conquest of England_, i. 3rd\n  Ed., 410-412, 733-737. I am indebted to my friend Mr. H. M. Chadwick\n  both for the fact and its explanation.\n\nFootnote 919:\n\n  Procopius, _De bello Gothico_, iv. 20 (vol. ii. p. 593, ed. J. Haury).\n  This and the following cases of marriage with a stepmother are cited\n  by K. Weinhold, _Deutsche Frauen_ 2nd Ed., (Vienna, 1882), ii. 359\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 920:\n\n  Bede, _Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum_, ii. 5. 102; compare i.\n  27. 63.\n\nFootnote 921:\n\n  Prudentius Trecensis, \u201cAnnales,\u201d anno 858, in Pertz\u2019s _Monumenta\n  Germaniae historica_, i. 451; Ingulfus, _Historia_, quoted _ibid._\n\nFootnote 922:\n\n  This is in substance the view of Dr. W. E. Hearn (_The Aryan\n  House-hold_, pp. 150-155) and of Prof. B. Delbr\u00fcck (\u201cDas Mutterrecht\n  bei den Indogermanen,\u201d _Preussische Jahrb\u00fccher_, lxxix. (1895) pp.\n  14-27).\n\nFootnote 923:\n\n  Clearchus of Soli, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 2. p. 555 D; John of\n  Antioch, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iv.\n  547; Charax of Pergamus _ib._ iii. 638; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on\n  Lycophron_, 111; _id._, _Chiliades_, v. 650-665; Suidas, _s.v._\n  \u039a\u03ad\u03ba\u03c1\u03bf\u03c8; Justin, ii. 6. 7.\n\nFootnote 924:\n\n  \u1f49 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u1f00\u03b8\u03b7\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 \u03a3\u03cc\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c6\u03b5\u1f76\u03c2 \u1f04\u03b3\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2\n  \u1f10\u03ba\u03ce\u03bb\u03c5\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd, \u1f41 \u03b4\u1f72 \u039b\u03b1\u03ba\u03b5\u03b4\u03b1\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03bf\u03b8\u03ad\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 \u1f14\u03bc\u03c0\u03b1\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd, \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2\n  \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03b3\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b3\u03ac\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03c1\u03ad\u03c8\u03b1\u03c2, \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c0\u03b5\u03bd, Philo\n  Judaeus, _De specialibus legibus_, vol. ii. p. 303, ed. Th. Mangey.\n  See also Plutarch, _Themistocles_, 32; Cornelius Nepos, _Cimon_, 1;\n  Schol. on Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1371; L. Beauchet, _Histoire du\n  droit priv\u00e9 de la R\u00e9publique Ath\u00e9nienne_, i. (Paris, 1897) pp. 165\n  _sqq._ Compare Minucius Felix, _Octavius_, 31.\n\nFootnote 925:\n\n  Polybius, xii. 5.\n\nFootnote 926:\n\n  Strabo, xiii. 1. 40, pp. 600 _sq._; Plutarch, _De sera numinis\n  vindicta_, 12; and especially Lycophron, _Cassandra_, 1141 _sqq._,\n  with the scholia of J. Tzetzes, who refers to Timaeus and Callimachus\n  as his authorities.\n\nFootnote 927:\n\n  Justin, xxi. 3. 1-6.\n\nFootnote 928:\n\n  Strabo, iii. 4. 18.\n\nFootnote 929:\n\n  Tacitus, _Germania_, 20. Compare L. Dargun, _Mutterrecht und Raubehe\n  und ihre Reste im germanischen Recht und Leben_ (Breslau, 1883), pp.\n  21 _sq._\n\nFootnote 930:\n\n  A. Giraud-Teulon, _Les Origines du mariage et de la famille_, pp. 206\n  _sqq._; A. H. Post, _Afrikanische Jurisprudenz_, i. 13 _sqq._; Sir\n  Harry H. Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 471; A. B. Ellis, _The\n  Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, pp. 297 _sq._; _id._, _The\n  Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 207 _sqq._ Much more\n  evidence will be found in my _Totemism and Exogamy_.\n\nFootnote 931:\n\n  R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 50, note 2.\n\nFootnote 932:\n\n  Tacitus, _Germania_, 20.\n\nFootnote 933:\n\n  A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 286 _sqq._\n  The _reipus_ or payment made on the remarriage of a widow is discussed\n  by L. Dargun, _op. cit._ pp. 141-152.\n\nFootnote 934:\n\n  W. F. Skene held that the Picts were Celts. See his _Celtic Scotland_,\n  i. 194-227. On the other hand, H. Zimmer supposes them to have been\n  the pre-Celtic inhabitants of the British Islands. See his paper \u201cDas\n  Mutterrecht der Pikten,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung f\u00fcr\n  Rechtsgeschichte_, xv. (1894) Romanistische Abtheilung, pp. 209 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 935:\n\n  \u201c_Cumque uxores Picti non habentes peterent a Scottis, ea solum\n  conditione dare consenserunt, ut ubi res perveniret in dubium, magis\n  de feminea regum prosapia quam de masculina regem sibi eligerent; quod\n  usque hodie apud Pictos constat esse servatum_,\u201d Bede, _Historia\n  ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum_, ii. 1. 7.\n\nFootnote 936:\n\n  W. F. Skene, _Celtic Scotland_, i. 232-235; J. F. McLennan, _Studies\n  in Ancient History_ (London, 1886), pp. 68-70; H. Zimmer, _loc. cit._\n\nFootnote 937:\n\n  K. O. M\u00fcller, _Die Etrusker_ (Stuttgart, 1877), ii. 376 _sq._; J. J.\n  Bachofen, _Die Sage von Tanaquil_ (Heidelberg, 1870), pp. 282-290.\n\nFootnote 938:\n\n  \u0398\u03b5\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03bc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03c4\u03b5\u03c3\u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u1fc7 \u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03c4\u1fc3 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03b9\u1ff6\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\n  \u03c6\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03a4\u03c5\u03c1\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u03ac\u03c1\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03ba\u03b1\u03c2 ... \u03c4\u03c1\u03ad\u03c6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72\n  \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03a4\u03c5\u03c1\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03b3\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c0\u03b1\u03b9\u03b4\u03af\u03b1, \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u03b5\u1f30\u03b4\u03cc\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f45\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c0\u03ac\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u1f76\u03bd\n  \u1f15\u03ba\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd, Athenaeus, xii. 14, p. 517 D E.\n\nFootnote 939:\n\n  \u201c_Non enim hic, ubi ex Tusco modo Tute tibi indigne dotem quaeras\n  corpore_\u201d (Plautus, _Cistellaria_, ii. 3. 20 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 940:\n\n  Herodotus, i. 94; Strabo, v. 2. 2, p. 219; Tacitus, _Annals_, iv. 55;\n  Timaeus, cited by Tertullian, _De spectaculis_, 5; Festus, _s.v._\n  \u201cTurannos,\u201d p. 355, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 2; Velleius\n  Paterculus, i. 1. 4; Justin, xx. 1. 7; Valerius Maximus, ii. 4. 4;\n  Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 67. On the other hand, Dionysius of\n  Halicarnassus held that the Etruscans were an indigenous Italian race,\n  differing from all other known peoples in language and customs (_Ant.\n  Rom._ i. 26-30). On this much-vexed question, see K. O. M\u00fcller, _Die\n  Etrusker_ (Stuttgart, 1877), i. 65 _sqq._; G. Dennis, _Cities and\n  Cemeteries of Etruria_, 3rd Ed., i. pp. xxxiii. _sqq._; F. Hommel,\n  _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des Alten Orients_, 2nd Ed.,\n  pp. 63 _sqq._ (in Iwan von M\u00fcller\u2019s _Handbuch der klassischen\n  Altertumswissenschaft_, vol. iii.).\n\nFootnote 941:\n\n  It is doubtful whether Servius Tullius was a Latin or an Etruscan. See\n  above, p. 195, note 1.\n\nFootnote 942:\n\n  \u201cAll over India the hedge-priest is very often an autochthon, his long\n  residence in the land being supposed to confer upon him the knowledge\n  of the character and peculiarities of the local gods, and to teach him\n  the proper mode in which they may be conciliated. Thus the Doms\n  preserve to the present day the animistic and demonistic beliefs of\n  the aboriginal races, which the Khasiyas, who have succeeded them,\n  temper with the worship of the village deities, the named and\n  localised divine entities, with the occasional languid cult of the\n  greater Hindu gods. The propitiation of the vague spirits of wood, or\n  cliff, river or lake, they are satisfied to leave in charge of their\n  serfs\u201d (W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, London, 1907, pp. 104\n  _sq._). When the Israelites had been carried away captives into\n  Assyria, the new settlers in the desolate land of Israel were attacked\n  by lions, which they supposed to be sent against them by the god of\n  the country because, as strangers, they did not know how to propitiate\n  him. So they petitioned the king of Assyria and he sent them a native\n  Israelitish priest, who taught them how to worship the God of Israel.\n  See 2 Kings xvii. 24-28.\n\nFootnote 943:\n\n  H. Jordan, _Die K\u00f6nige im alten Italien_ (Berlin, 1884), pp. 15-25.\n\nFootnote 944:\n\n  Livy, i. 56. 7; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ iv. 68. 1.\n\nFootnote 945:\n\n  Livy, i. 34. 2 _sq._, i. 38. 1, i. 57. 6; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n  _Ant. Rom._ iv. 64.\n\nFootnote 946:\n\n  I owe to Mr. A. B. Cook the interesting suggestion that the double\n  consulship was a revival of a double kingship.\n\nFootnote 947:\n\n  As to the _Regifugium_ see below, pp. 308-310.\n\nFootnote 948:\n\n  Pausanias, iv. 5. 10; G. Gilbert, _Handbuch der griech.\n  Staatsalterth\u00fcmer_, i. 2nd Ed., 122 _sq._\n\nFootnote 949:\n\n  The two supreme magistrates who replaced the kings were at first\n  called praetors. See Livy, iii. 55. 12; B. G. Niebuhr, _History of\n  Rome_, 3rd Ed., i. 520 _sq._; Th. Mommsen, _R\u00f6misches Staatsrecht_,\n  ii. 3rd Ed., 74 _sqq._ That the power of the first consuls was, with\n  the limitations indicated in the text, that of the old kings is fully\n  recognised by Livy (ii. 1. 7 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 950:\n\n  It was a disputed point whether Tarquin the Proud was the son or\n  grandson of Tarquin the Elder. Most writers, and Livy (i. 46. 4) among\n  them, held that he was a son. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, on the other\n  hand, argued that he must have been a grandson; he insists strongly on\n  the chronological difficulties to which the ordinary hypothesis is\n  exposed if Servius Tullius reigned, as he is said to have reigned,\n  forty-four years. See Dionysius Halic. _Ant. Rom._ iv. 6 _sq._\n\nFootnote 951:\n\n  Livy, i. 48. 2; Dionysius Halic. _Ant. Rom._ iv. 31 _sq._ and 46.\n\nFootnote 952:\n\n  Livy, i. 56; Dionysius Halic. _Ant. Rom._ iv. 67-69, 77; Valerius\n  Maximus, vii. 3. 2; Aurelius Victor, _De viris illustribus_, x. The\n  murder of Brutus\u2019s father and brother is recorded by Dionysius; the\n  other writers mention the assassination of his brother only. The\n  resemblance between Brutus and Hamlet has been pointed out before. See\n  F. York Powell, in Elton\u2019s translation of Saxo Grammaticus\u2019s _Danish\n  History_ (London, 1894), pp. 405-410.\n\nFootnote 953:\n\n  D. Livingstone, _Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa_,\n  pp. 617 _sq._ Many more examples are given by A. H. Post,\n  _Afrikanische Jurisprudenz_ (Oldenburg and Leipsic), i. 134 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 954:\n\n  D. Livingstone, _op. cit._ p. 434.\n\nFootnote 955:\n\n  H. Hecquard, _Reise an die K\u00fcste und in das Innere von West-Afrika_\n  (Leipsic, 1854), p. 104. This and the preceding example are cited by\n  A. H. Post, _l.c._\n\nFootnote 956:\n\n  J. A. Chisholm, \u201cNotes on the Manners and Customs of the Winamwanga\n  and Wiwa,\u201d _Journal of the African Society_, No. 36 (July 1910), p.\n  384.\n\nFootnote 957:\n\n  J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 784 _sq._\n\nFootnote 958:\n\n  Sir William MacGregor, \u201cLagos, Abeokuta, and the Alake,\u201d _Journal of\n  the African Society_, No. 12 (July 1904), pp. 470 _sq._\n\nFootnote 959:\n\n  C. Partridge, \u201cThe Burial of the Atta of Igaraland, and the\n  \u2018Coronation\u2019 of his Successor,\u201d _Blackwood\u2019s Magazine_, September\n  1904, pp. 329 _sq._ Mr. Partridge kindly gave me some details as to\n  the election of the king in a letter dated 24th October 1904. He is\n  Assistant District Commissioner in Southern Nigeria.\n\nFootnote 960:\n\n  Major P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), pp. 66-75.\n\nFootnote 961:\n\n  Livy, i. 17; Cicero, _De re publica_, ii. 17. 31.\n\nFootnote 962:\n\n  As to the nomination of the King of the Sacred Rites see Livy, xl. 42;\n  Dionysius Halic. _Ant. Rom._ v. 1. 4. The latter writer says that the\n  augurs co-operated with the pontiff in the nomination.\n\nFootnote 963:\n\n  Th. Mommsen, _R\u00f6misches Staatsrecht_, ii. 3rd Ed., 6-8; A. H. J.\n  Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_, pp. 45 _sqq._ Mr. Greenidge thinks\n  that the king was regularly nominated by his predecessor and only\n  occasionally by an interim king. Mommsen holds that he was always\n  nominated by the latter.\n\nFootnote 964:\n\n  Compare Lucretius, v. 1108 _sqq._:\n\n                \u201c_Condere coeperunt urbis arcemque locare\n                Praesidium reges ipsi sibi perfugiumque,\n                Et pecus atque agros divisere atque dedere\n                Pro facie cujusque et viribus ingenioque;\n                Nam facies multum valuit viresque vigentes._\u201d\n\nFootnote 965:\n\n  Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41 (_Frag.\n  Histor. Graec._ ed. C. M\u00fcller, iii. 463). Other writers say simply\n  that the tallest, strongest, or handsomest man was chosen king. See\n  Herodotus, iii. 20; Aristotle, _Politics_, iv. 4; Athenaeus, xiii. 20,\n  p. 566 c.\n\nFootnote 966:\n\n  Zenobius, _Cent._ v. 25.\n\nFootnote 967:\n\n  J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_, pp. 4 _sq._ Compare D. Livingstone,\n  _Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa_, p. 186; W. Max\n  M\u00fcller, _Asien und Europa_ (Leipsic, 1893), p. 110.\n\nFootnote 968:\n\n  Zenobius, _Cent._ v. 25.\n\nFootnote 969:\n\n  Strabo, xi. 21, p. 492.\n\nFootnote 970:\n\n  Hippocrates, _De aere locis et aquis_ (vol. i. pp. 550 _sq._ ed.\n  K\u00fchn).\n\nFootnote 971:\n\n  Captain Guy Burrows, _The Land of the Pigmies_ (London, 1898), p. 95.\n  Speaking of this tribe, Emin Pasha observes: \u201cThe most curious custom,\n  however, and one which is particularly observed in the ruling\n  families, is bandaging the heads of infants. By means of these\n  bandages a lengthening of the head along its horizontal axis is\n  produced; and whereas the ordinary Monbutto people have rather round\n  heads, the form of the head in the better classes shows an\n  extraordinary increase in length, which certainly very well suits\n  their style of hair and of hats.\u201d See _Emin Pasha in Central Africa,\n  being a Collection of Letters and Journals_ (London, 1888), p. 212.\n\nFootnote 972:\n\n  Lewis and Clark, _Expedition to the Sources of the Missouri_, ch. 23,\n  vol. ii. 327 _sq._ (reprinted at London, 1905); D. W. Harmon, quoted\n  by Rev. J. Morse, _Report to the Secretary of War of the United States\n  on Indian Affairs_ (Newhaven, 1822), Appendix, p. 346; H. R.\n  Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, ii. 325 _sq._; R. C. Mayne, _Four Years\n  in British Columbia_, p. 277; G. M. Sproat, _Scenes and Studies of\n  Savage Life_, pp. 28-30; H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific\n  States_, i. 180.\n\nFootnote 973:\n\n  C. Hill-Tout, _The Far West, the Home of the Salish and D\u00e9n\u00e9_ (London,\n  1907), p. 40. As to the custom in general among these tribes, see\n  _ibid._ pp. 38-41. In Melanesia the practice of artificially\n  lengthening the head into a cone by means of bandages applied in\n  infancy is observed by the natives of Malikolo (Malekula) in the New\n  Hebrides and also by the natives of the south coast of New Britain,\n  from Cape Roebuck to Cape Bedder. See Beatrice Grimshaw, _From Fiji to\n  the Cannibal Islands_ (London, 1907), pp. 258-260; R. Parkinson,\n  _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), pp. 204-206.\n\nFootnote 974:\n\n  V. Fric and P. Radin, \u201cContributions to the Study of the Bororo\n  Indians,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906)\n  pp. 388 _sq._\n\nFootnote 975:\n\n  See _The Spectator_, Nos. 18 and 20.\n\nFootnote 976:\n\n  Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41 (_Fragmenta\n  Historic. Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iii. 463).\n\nFootnote 977:\n\n  Simon Grunau, _Preussische Chronik_, Tract. ii. cap. iii. \u00a7 2, p. 66,\n  ed. M. Perlbach. This passage was pointed out to me by Mr. H. M.\n  Chadwick.\n\nFootnote 978:\n\n  Pausanias, v. 1. 4, vi. 20. 9.\n\nFootnote 979:\n\n  Apollodorus, _Epitoma_, ii. 4-9, ed. R. Wagner (Apollodorus,\n  _Bibliotheca_, ed. R. Wagner, pp. 183 _sq._); Diodorus Siculus, iv.\n  73; Pausanias, v. 1. 6 _sq._, v. 10. 6 _sq._, v. 14. 7, v. 17. 7\n  _sq._, v. 20. 6 _sq._, vi. 21. 7-11.\n\nFootnote 980:\n\n  Pausanias, vi. 21. 3.\n\nFootnote 981:\n\n  Pausanias, v. 13. 1-6, vi. 20. 7.\n\nFootnote 982:\n\n  Pausanias, iii. 12. 1, 20. 10 _sq._\n\nFootnote 983:\n\n  Pindar, _Pyth._ ix. 181-220, with the Scholia.\n\nFootnote 984:\n\n  Pindar, _Pyth._ ix. 195 _sqq._; Pausanias, iii. 12. 2.\n\nFootnote 985:\n\n  Apollodorus, iii. 9. 2; Hyginus, _Fab._ 185; Ovid, _Metam._ x. 560\n  _sqq._\n\nFootnote 986:\n\n  E. Schuyler, _Turkistan_ (London, 1876), i. 42 _sq._ This and the four\n  following examples of the bride-race have been already cited by J. F.\n  McLennan, _Studies in Ancient History_ (London, 1886), pp. 15 _sq._,\n  181-184. He supposes them to be relics of a custom of capturing women\n  from another community.\n\nFootnote 987:\n\n  E. D. Clarke, _Travels in Various Countries_, i. (London, 1810), p.\n  333. In the fourth octavo edition of Clarke\u2019s _Travels_ (vol. i.,\n  London, 1816), from which McLennan seems to have quoted, there are a\n  few verbal changes.\n\nFootnote 988:\n\n  J. McLennan, _op. cit._ pp. 183 _sq._, referring to Kennan\u2019s _Tent\n  Life in Siberia_ (1870), which I have not seen. Compare W. Jochelson,\n  \u201cThe Koryak\u201d (Leyden and New York, 1908), p. 742 (_Memoir of the\n  American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n  Expedition_, vol. vi.).\n\nFootnote 989:\n\n  Letter of the missionary Bigandet, dated March 1847, in _Annales de la\n  Propagation de la Foi_, xx. (1848) p. 431. A similar account of the\n  ceremony is given by M. Bourien, \u201cWild Tribes of the Malay Peninsula,\u201d\n  _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London_, N.S. iii. (1865)\n  p. 81. See further W. W. Skeat and C.O. Blagden, _Pagan Races of the\n  Malay Peninsula_ (London, 1906), ii. 68, 77 _sq._, 79 _sq._, 82 _sq._\n\nFootnote 990:\n\n  J. Cameron, _Our Tropical Possessions in Malayan India_ (London,\n  1865), pp. 116 _sq._\n\nFootnote 991:\n\n  Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 219.\n\nFootnote 992:\n\n  Middle High German _br\u00fbtlouf_, modern German _Brautlauf_, Anglo-Saxon\n  _brydhl\u00e9ap_, old Norse _brudhlaup_, modern Norse _bryllup_. See Grimm,\n  _Deutsches W\u00f6rterbuch_, _s.v._ \u201cBrautlauf\u201d; K. Weinhold, _Deutsche\n  Frauen_, 2nd Ed., i. 407. The latter writer supposes the word to refer\n  merely to the procession from the house of the bride to the house of\n  the bridegroom. But Grimm is most probably right in holding that\n  originally it applied to a real race for the bride. This is the view\n  also of K. Simrock (_Deutsche Mythologie_, 5th Ed. pp. 598 _sq._).\n  Another writer sees in it a trace of marriage by capture (L. Dargun,\n  _Mutterrecht und Raubehe_ (Breslau, 1883), p. 130). Compare K.\n  Schmidt, _Jus primae noctis_ (Freiburg i. B. 1881), p. 129.\n\nFootnote 993:\n\n  A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 358.\n\nFootnote 994:\n\n  W. Kolbe, _Hessische Volks-sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Marburg, 1888), pp.\n  150 _sq._\n\nFootnote 995:\n\n  Lentner and Dahn, in _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs\n  Bayern_, i. (Munich, 1860) pp. 398 _sq._\n\nFootnote 996:\n\n  J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 153-155 (Bohn\u2019s edition); J.\n  Jamieson, _Dictionary of the Scottish Language_, _s.v._ \u201cBroose.\u201d\n\nFootnote 997:\n\n  E. Herrmann, \u201c\u00dcber Lieder und Br\u00e4uche bei Hochzeiten in K\u00e4rnten,\u201d\n  _Archiv f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, xix. (1891) p. 169.\n\nFootnote 998:\n\n  Nicolaus Damascenus, quoted by Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41;\n  _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iii. 457.\n\nFootnote 999:\n\n  Strabo, v. 4. 12, p. 250.\n\nFootnote 1000:\n\n  Arthur Young, \u201cTour in Ireland,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n  iii. 860.\n\nFootnote 1001:\n\n  _Mahabharata_, condensed into English by Romesch Dutt (London, 1898),\n  pp. 15 _sqq._; J. C. Oman, _The Great Indian Epics_, pp. 109 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1002:\n\n  J. D. Mayne, _A Treatise on Hindu Law and Usage_ 3rd Ed., (Madras and\n  London, 1883), p. 56; _The Vikram\u00e2nkadevacharita_, edited by G. B\u00fchler\n  (Bombay, 1875), pp. 38-40; A. Holtzmann, _Das Mah\u0101bharata und seine\n  Theile_, i. (Kiel, 1895), pp. 21 _sq._; J. Jolly, _Recht und Sitte_,\n  pp. 50 _sq._ (in G. B\u00fchler\u2019s _Grundriss der indo-arischen\n  Philologie_).\n\nFootnote 1003:\n\n  _The Book of Ser Marco Polo._, Yule\u2019s translation, 2nd Ed., bk. iv.\n  ch. 4, vol. ii. pp. 461-463.\n\nFootnote 1004:\n\n  _The Lay of the Nibelungs_, translated by Alice Horton (London, 1898),\n  Adventures vi. and vii.\n\nFootnote 1005:\n\n  Parthenius, _Narrat. Amat._ vi. This passage was pointed out to me by\n  Mr. A. B. Cook, who has himself discussed the contest for the\n  kingship. See his article, \u201cThe European Sky-god,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xv.\n  (1904) pp. 376 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1006:\n\n  Herodotus, vi. 126-130. It is to be observed that in this and other of\n  the examples cited above the succession to the kingdom did not pass\n  with the hand of the princess.\n\nFootnote 1007:\n\n  See above, pp. 69, 84, 90 _sq._ These customs were observed at\n  Whitsuntide, not on May Day. But the Whitsuntide king and queen are\n  obviously equivalent to the King and Queen of May. Hence I allow\n  myself to use the latter and more familiar titles so as to include the\n  former.\n\nFootnote 1008:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 685 _sqq._; Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 63; J.\n  Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd Ed., 323 _sq._; W.\n  Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_, pp. 327\n  _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1009:\n\n  Another proposed explanation of the _regifugium_ is that the king fled\n  because at the sacrifice he had incurred the guilt of slaying a sacred\n  animal. See W. Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the Period of the\n  Republic_, pp. 328 _sqq._ The best-known example of such a ritual\n  flight is that of the men who slew the ox at the Athenian festival of\n  the _Bouphonia_. See _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, ii. 294.\n  Amongst the Pawnees the four men who assisted at the sacrifice of a\n  girl to Ti-ra\u2019-wa used to run away very fast after the deed was done\n  and wash themselves in the river. See G. B. Grinnell, _Pawnee Hero\n  Stories and Folk-Tales_ (New York, 1889), pp. 365 _sq._ Among the\n  ancient Egyptians the man whose duty it was to slit open a corpse for\n  the purpose of embalming it fled as soon as he had done his part,\n  pursued by all the persons present, who pelted him with stones and\n  cursed him, \u201cturning as it were the pollution on him; for they suppose\n  that any one who violates or wounds or does any harm to the person of\n  a fellow-tribesman is hateful\u201d (Diodorus Siculus, i. 91. 4). Similarly\n  in the western islands of Torres Straits the man whose duty it was to\n  decapitate a corpse for the purpose of preserving the skull was shot\n  at with arrows by the relatives of the deceased as an expiation for\n  the injury he had done to the corpse of their kinsman. See _Reports of\n  the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v.\n  (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 249, 251. This explanation of the _regifugium_\n  certainly deserves to be considered. But on this as on so many other\n  points of ancient ritual we can hardly hope ever to attain to\n  certainty.\n\nFootnote 1010:\n\n  F. Cumont, \u201cLes Actes de S. Dasius,\u201d _Analecta Bollandiana_, xvi.\n  (1897) pp. 5-16. See further Messrs. Parmentier and Cumont, \u201cLe Roi\n  des Saturnales,\u201d _Revue de Philologie_, xxi. (1897) pp. 143-153; _The\n  Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 138 _sqq._ The tomb of St. Dasius,\n  a Christian soldier who was put to death at Durostorum in 303 A.D.\n  after refusing to play the part of Saturn at the festival, has since\n  been discovered at Ancona. A Greek inscription on the tomb records\n  that the martyr\u2019s remains were brought thither from Durostorum. See F.\n  Cumont, \u201cLe Tombeau de S. Dasius de Durostorum,\u201d _Analecta\n  Bollandiana_, xxvii. (1908) pp. 369-372. Professor A. Erhard of\n  Strasburg, who has been engaged for years in preparing an edition of\n  the _Acta Martyrum_ for the Berlin Corpus of Greek Fathers, informed\n  me in conversation at Cambridge in the summer of 1910 that he ranks\n  the Acts of St. Dasius among the authentic documents of their class.\n  The plain unvarnished narrative bears indeed the stamp of truth on its\n  face.\n\nFootnote 1011:\n\n  Tacitus, _Annals_, xiii. 15; Arrian, _Epicteti dissert._ i. 25. 8;\n  Lucian, _Saturnalia_, 4.\n\nFootnote 1012:\n\n  As to these temporary kings see _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition,\n  ii. 24 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1013:\n\n  Varro, _Rerum rusticarum_, iii. 1. 5; Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 324;\n  Tibullus, i. 3. 35; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 19. Compare\n  Wissowa, in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_,\n  iv. 433 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1014:\n\n  On Saturn as the god of sowing and the derivation of his name from a\n  root meaning \u201cto sow,\u201d from which comes _satus_ \u201csowing,\u201d see Varro,\n  _De lingua Latina_, v. 64; Festus, _s.v._ \u201cOpima spolia,\u201d p. 186, ed.\n  C. O. M\u00fcller; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 2, 3. 13, 15;\n  Wissowa, in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_,\n  iv. 428. The derivation is confirmed by the form Saeturnus which\n  occurs in an inscription (_Saeturni pocolom_, H. Dessau, _Inscript.\n  Latinae selectae_, No. 2966). As to the Saturnalia see L. Preller,\n  _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., ii. 15 _sqq._; J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische\n  Staatsverwaltung_, 2nd Ed., pp. 586 _sqq._; Dezobry, _Rome au si\u00e8cle\n  d\u2019Auguste_, iii. 143 _sqq._; W. Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the\n  Period of the Republic_, pp. 268 _sqq._ The festival was held from the\n  seventeenth to the twenty-third of December. I formerly argued that in\n  the old days, when the Roman year began with March instead of with\n  January, the Saturnalia may have been held from the seventeenth to the\n  twenty-third of February, in which case the festival must have\n  immediately preceded the Flight of the King, which fell on February\n  the twenty-fourth. See _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 144\n  _sqq._; _Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship_, p. 266. But\n  this attempt to bring the ancient Saturnalia into immediate\n  juxtaposition to the King\u2019s Flight breaks down when we observe, as my\n  friend Mr. W. Warde Fowler has pointed out to me, that the Saturnalia\n  fell in December under the Republic, long before Caesar, in his reform\n  of the calendar, had shifted the commencement of the year from March\n  to January. See Livy, xxii. 1. 19 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1015:\n\n  Roman farmers sowed wheat, spelt, and barley in December, flax up to\n  the seventh of that month, and beans up to the eleventh (the festival\n  of Septimontium). See Palladius, _De re rustica_, xiii. 1. In the\n  lowlands of Sicily at the present day November and December are the\n  months of sowing, but in the highlands August and September. See G.\n  Pitr\u00e8, _Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano_,\n  iii. (Palermo, 1889) pp. 132 _sqq._ Hence we may suppose that in the\n  Roman Campagna of old the last sowing of autumn was over before the\n  middle of December, when the Saturnalia began.\n\nFootnote 1016:\n\n  This temporary liberty accorded to slaves was one of the most\n  remarkable features of the Saturnalia and kindred festivals in\n  antiquity. See _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 139 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1017:\n\n  The learned Swiss scholar, J. J. Bachofen long ago drew out in minute\n  detail the parallel between these birth legends of the Roman kings and\n  licentious festivals like the Roman Saturnalia and the Babylonian\n  Sacaea. See his book _Die Sage von Tanaquil_ (Heidelberg, 1870), pp.\n  133 _sqq._ To be frank, I have not had the patience to read through\n  his long dissertation.\n\nFootnote 1018:\n\n  Livy, i. 16; Dionysius Halic. _Ant. Rom._ ii. 56; Plutarch, _Romulus_,\n  27; Florus, i. 1. 16 _sq._ See above, pp. 181 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1019:\n\n  Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi. 18; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 29; _id._,\n  _Camillus_, 33; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 11. 36-40. The analogy of this\n  festival to the Babylonian Sacaea was long ago pointed out by J. J.\n  Bachofen. See his book _Die Sage von Tanaquil_ (Heidelberg, 1870), pp.\n  172 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1020:\n\n  Aristotle, _Hist. anim._ v. 32, p. 557_b_, ed. Bekker; Theophrastus,\n  _Hist. Plant._ ii. 8; _id._, _De causis plantarum_, ii. 9; Plutarch,\n  _Quaest. conviv._ vii. 2. 2; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xv. 79-81, xvi. 114,\n  xvii. 256; Palladius, iv. 10. 28, vii. 5. 2; Columella, xi. 2. 56;\n  _Geoponica_, iii. 6, x. 48. As to the practice in modern Greece and\n  the fig-growing districts of Asia Minor, see P. de Tournefort,\n  _Relation d\u2019un voyage du Levant_ (Amsterdam, 1718), i. 130; W. R.\n  Paton, \u201cThe _Pharmakoi_ and the Story of the Fall,\u201d _Revue\n  arch\u00e9ologique_, IV\u00e8me S\u00e9rie, ix. (1907) p. 51. For an elaborate\n  examination of the process and its relation to the domestication and\n  spread of the fig-tree, see Graf zu Solms-Laubach, \u201cDie Herkunft,\n  Domestication und Verbreitung des gew\u00f6hnlichen Feigenbaums (_Ficus\n  Carica_, L.),\u201d _Abhandlungen der K\u00f6niglichen Gesellschaft der\n  Wissenschaften zu G\u00f6ttingen_, xxviii. (1882) pp. 1-106. This last\n  writer thinks that the operation was not practised by Italian\n  husbandmen, because it is not mentioned by Cato and Varro. But their\n  silence can hardly outweigh the express mention and recommendation of\n  it by Palladius and Columella. Theophrastus, it is true, says that the\n  process was not in use in Italy (_Hist. Plantarum_, ii. 8. 1), but he\n  can scarcely have had exact information on this subject.\n  _Caprificatio_, as this artificial fertilisation of fig-trees is\n  called, is still employed by the Neapolitan peasantry, though it seems\n  to be unknown in northern Italy. Pliny\u2019s account has no independent\n  value, as he merely copies from Theophrastus. The name \u201cgoat-fig\u201d\n  (_caprificus_) applied to the wild fig-tree may be derived from the\n  notion that the tree is a male who mounts the female as the he-goat\n  mounts the she-goat. Similarly the Messenians called the tree simply\n  \u201che-goat\u201d (\u03c4\u03c1\u03ac\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2). See Pausanias, iv. 20. 1-3.\n\nFootnote 1021:\n\n  G. Pitr\u00e8, _Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano_,\n  iii. 113.\n\nFootnote 1022:\n\n  Budgett Meakin, _The Moors_ (London, 1902), p. 258; E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie\n  et religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers, 1908), p. 568.\n\nFootnote 1023:\n\n  A. Engler, in V. Hehn\u2019s _Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere_, 7th Ed.,\n  (Berlin, 1902), p. 99. Compare Graf zu Solms-Laubach, _op. cit._;\n  _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cFig-tree,\u201d vol. iv. 1519. The\n  ancients were well aware of the production of these insects in the\n  wild fig-tree and their transference to the cultivated fig-tree.\n  Sometimes instead of fertilising the trees by hand they contented\n  themselves with planting wild fig-trees near cultivated fig-trees, so\n  that the fertilisation was effected by the wind, which blew the\n  insects from the male to the female trees. See Aristotle, _l.c._;\n  Theophrastus, _De causis plantarum_, ii. 9; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xv.\n  79-81; Palladius, iv. 10. 28. On subject of the fertilisation of the\n  fig the late Professor H. Marshall Ward of Cambridge kindly furnished\n  me with the following note, which will serve to supplement and correct\n  the brief account in the text:\u2014\u201cThe fig is a hollow case full of\n  flowers. In the wild fig a small gall wasp (_Cynips psenes_) lays its\n  eggs: this kind of fig is still called _Caprificus_. The eggs hatch in\n  the female flowers at the base of the hollow fig: at the top, near the\n  ostiole observable on any ripe fig, are the male flowers. When the\n  eggs hatch, and the little insects creep through the ostiole, the male\n  flowers dust the wasp with pollen, and the insect flies to another\n  flower (to lay its eggs), and so fertilises many of the female flowers\n  in return for the nursery afforded its eggs. Now, the cultivated fig\n  is apt to be barren of male flowers. Hence the hanging of branches\n  bearing wild figs enables the escaping wasps to do the trick. The\n  ancients knew the fact that the propinquity of the _Caprificus_ helped\n  the fertility of the cultivated fig, but, of course, they did not know\n  the details of the process. The further complexities are, chiefly,\n  that the fig bears two kinds of female flowers: one especially fitted\n  for the wasp\u2019s convenience, the other not. The _Caprificus_ figs are\n  inedible. In Naples three crops of them are borne every year, viz.\n  _Mamme_ (in April), _Profichi_ (in June), and _Mammoni_ (in August).\n  It is the June crop that bears most male flowers and is most useful.\u201d\n  The suggestion that the festival of the seventh of July was connected\n  with this horticultural operation is due to L. Preller (_R\u00f6mische\n  Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 287).\n\nFootnote 1024:\n\n  See above, pp. 24 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1025:\n\n  1 Kings iv. 25; 2 Kings xviii. 31; Isaiah xxxvi. 16; Micah iv. 4;\n  Zechariah iii. 10; Judges ix. 10 _sq._; H. B. Tristram, _The Natural\n  History of the Bible_ 9th Ed. (London, 1898), pp. 350 _sqq._;\n  _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cFig Tree,\u201d vol. ii. 1519 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1026:\n\n  Herodotus, i. 71.\n\nFootnote 1027:\n\n  Zamachschar, cited by Graf zu Solms-Laubach, _op. cit._ p. 82. For\n  more evidence as to the fig in antiquity see V. Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen\n  und Hausthiere_, 7th Ed., pp. 94 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1028:\n\n  Letter of Mr. C. W. Hobley to me, dated Nairobi, British East Africa,\n  July 27th, 1910. This interesting information was given spontaneously\n  and not in answer to any questions of mine.\n\nFootnote 1029:\n\n  C. W. Hobley, _The Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African Tribes_\n  (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 85, 89 _sq._ In British Central Africa \u201cevery\n  village has its \u2018prayer-tree,\u2019 under which the sacrifices are offered.\n  It stands (usually) in the _bwalo_, the open space which Mr. Macdonald\n  calls the \u2018forum,\u2019 and is, sometimes, at any rate, a wild fig-tree.\u201d\n  \u201cThis is the principal tree used for making bark-cloth. Livingstone\n  says, \u2018It is a sacred tree all over Africa and India\u2019; and I learn\n  from M. Auguste Chevalier that it is found in every village of Senegal\n  and French Guinea, and looked on as \u2018a fetich-tree\u2019\u201d (Miss A. Werner,\n  _The Natives of British Central Africa_, pp. 62 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 1030:\n\n  From the unpublished papers of the Rev. John Roscoe, which he has\n  kindly placed at my disposal.\n\nFootnote 1031:\n\n  Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 54; Livy, i. 4. 5; Ovid, _Fasti_, ii.\n  411 _sq._; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xv. 77; Festus, pp. 266, 270, 271, ed.\n  C. O. M\u00fcller; Tacitus, _Annals_, xiii. 58; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._\n  viii. 90; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 4; _id._, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 57;\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquitates Romanae_, iii. 71. 5. All the\n  Roman writers speak of the tree as a cultivated fig (_ficus_), not a\n  wild fig (_caprificus_), and Dionysius agrees with them. Plutarch\n  alone (_Romulus_, 4) describes it as a wild fig-tree (\u1f10\u03c1\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2). See\n  also above, p. 10.\n\nFootnote 1032:\n\n  Festus, p. 266, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Ettore Pais, _Ancient Legends of\n  Roman History_ (London, 1906), pp. 55 _sqq._ Festus indeed treats the\n  derivation as an absurdity, and many people will be inclined to agree\n  with him.\n\nFootnote 1033:\n\n  On the fifth of July a ceremony called the Flight of the People was\n  performed at Rome. Some ancient writers thought that it commemorated\n  the dispersal of the people after the disappearance of Romulus. But\n  this is to confuse the dates; for, according to tradition, the death\n  of Romulus took place on the seventh, not the fifth of July, and\n  therefore after instead of before the Flight of the People. See Varro,\n  _De lingua Latina_, vi. 18; Macrobius, _Sat._ iii. 2. 14; Dionysius\n  Halicarn. _Ant. Rom._ ii. 56. 5; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 29; _id._,\n  _Camillus_, 33; W. Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the Period of the\n  Republic_, pp. 174 _sqq._ Mr. Warde Fowler may be right in thinking\n  that some connexion perhaps existed between the ceremonies of the two\n  days, the fifth and the seventh; and I agree with his suggestion that\n  \u201cthe story itself of the death of Romulus had grown out of some\n  religious rite performed at this time of year.\u201d I note as a curious\n  coincidence, for it can hardly be more, that at Bodmin in Cornwall a\n  festival was held on the seventh of July, when a Lord of Misrule was\n  appointed, who tried people for imaginary crimes and sentenced them to\n  be ducked in a quagmire called Halgaver, which is explained to mean\n  \u201cthe goat\u2019s moor.\u201d See T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular\n  Customs_, p. 339. The \u201cgoat\u2019s moor\u201d is an odd echo of the \u201cgoat\u2019s\n  marsh\u201d at which Romulus disappeared on the same day of the year (Livy,\n  i. 16. 1; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 29; _id._, _Camillus_, 33).\n\nFootnote 1034:\n\n  Livy, i. 14. 1 _sq._; Dionysius Halicarn. _Ant. Rom._ ii. 52. 3;\n  Plutarch, _Romulus_, 23.\n\nFootnote 1035:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarn. _Ant. Rom._ iii. 35; Zonaras, _Annales_, vii. 6.\n  As to his reported death by lightning, see above, p. 181.\n\nFootnote 1036:\n\n  Plutarch, _Numa_, 22. I have pruned the luxuriant periods in which\n  Plutarch dwells, with edifying unction, on the righteous visitation of\n  God which overtook that early agnostic Tullus Hostilius.\n\nFootnote 1037:\n\n  Aurelius Victor, _De viris illustribus_, v. 5.\n\nFootnote 1038:\n\n  Livy, i. 40; Dionysius Halicarn. _Ant. Rom._ iii. 73.\n\nFootnote 1039:\n\n  Livy, i. 48; Dionysius Halicarn. _Ant. Rom._ iv. 38 _sq._; Solinus, i.\n  25. The reading _Virbium clivum_ (\u201cthe slope of Virbius\u201d) occurs only\n  in the more recent manuscripts of Livy: the better-attested reading\n  both of Livy and Solinus is _Urbium_. But the obscure _Virbium_ would\n  easily and naturally be altered into _Urbium_, whereas the reverse\n  change is very improbable. See Mr. A. B. Cook, in _Classical Review_,\n  xvi. (1902) p. 380, note 3. In this passage Mr. Cook was the first to\n  call attention to the analogy between the murder of the slave-born\n  king, Servius Tullius, and the slaughter of the slave-king by his\n  successor at Nemi. As to the oak-woods of the Esquiline see above, p.\n  185.\n\nFootnote 1040:\n\n  Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, x. 70. _Fragmenta\n  Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iii. 457.\n\nFootnote 1041:\n\n  H. Jordan, _Die K\u00f6nige im alten Italien_ (Berlin, 1887), pp. 44 _sq._\n  In this his last work Jordan argues that the Umbrian practice,\n  combined with the rule of the Arician priesthood, throws light on the\n  existence and nature of the kingship among the ancient Latins. On this\n  subject I am happy to be at one with so learned and judicious a\n  scholar.\n\nFootnote 1042:\n\n  R. E. Dennett, _At the Back of the Black Man\u2019s Mind_ (London, 1906),\n  pp. 11 _sq._, 111, 131 _sq._, 135. The word translated \u201csacred ground\u201d\n  (_xibila_, plural _bibila_) means properly \u201csacred grove.\u201d Such\n  \u201csacred groves\u201d are common in this part of Africa, but in the \u201csacred\n  grove\u201d of the king of Loango the tree beside which the monarch takes\n  post to fight for the crown appears to stand solitary in a grassy\n  plain. See R. E. Dennett, _op. cit._ pp. 11 _sq._, 25, 96 _sqq._, 110\n  _sqq._ We have seen that the right of succession to the throne of\n  Loango descends in the female line (above, pp. 276 _sq._), which\n  furnishes another point of resemblance between Loango and Rome, if my\n  theory of the Roman kingship is correct.\n\nFootnote 1043:\n\n  J. G. Frazer, _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 530. My authority is the\n  Rev. John Roscoe, formerly of the Church Missionary Society in Uganda.\n\nFootnote 1044:\n\n  _Memoirs of Samuel Pepys_, edited by Richard, Lord Braybrooke, Second\n  Edition (London, 1828), i. 193 _sq._ (under April 23rd, 1661).\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XIX\n                       ST. GEORGE AND THE PARILIA\n\n\n[Sidenote: The early Italians were as much a pastoral as an agricultural\npeople, and their kings would be expected to ensure the safety and\nfecundity of the flocks and herds.] In the course of the preceding\ninvestigation we found reason to assume that the old Latin kings, like\ntheir brethren in many parts of the world, were charged with certain\nreligious duties or magical functions, amongst which the maintenance of\nthe fertility of the earth held a principal place. By this I do not mean\nthat they had to see to it only that the rain fell, and that the corn\ngrew and trees put forth their fruit in due season. In those early days\nit is probable that the Italians were quite as much a pastoral as an\nagricultural people, or, in other words, that they depended for their\nsubsistence no less on their flocks and herds than on their fields and\norchards. To provide their cattle with grass and water, to ensure their\nfecundity and the abundance of their milk, and to guard them from the\ndepredations of wild beasts, would be objects of the first importance\nwith the shepherds and herdsmen who, according to tradition, founded\nRome;[1045] and the king, as the representative or embodiment of the\ndeity, would be expected to do his part towards procuring these\nblessings for his people by the performance of sacred rites. The Greeks\nof the Homeric age, as we have seen, thought that the reign of a good\nking not only made the land to bear wheat and barley, but also caused\nthe flocks to multiply and the sea to yield fish.[1046]\n\n[Sidenote: Numa is said to have been born and Rome to have been founded\non the shepherds\u2019 festival of the Parilia, the twenty-first of April.]\nIn this connexion, accordingly, it can be no mere accident that Rome is\nsaid to have been founded and the pious king Numa to have been born on\nthe twenty-first of April, the day of the great shepherds\u2019 festival of\nthe Parilia.[1047] It is very unlikely that the real day either of the\nfoundation of the city or of Numa\u2019s birth should have been remembered,\neven if we suppose Numa to have been an historical personage rather than\na mythical type; it is far more probable that both events were\narbitrarily assigned to this date by the speculative antiquaries of a\nlater age on the ground of some assumed fitness or propriety. In what\ndid this fitness or propriety consist? The belief that the first Romans\nwere shepherds and herdsmen would be reason enough for supposing that\nRome was founded on the day of the shepherds\u2019 festival, or even that the\nfestival was instituted to commemorate the event.[1048] But why should\nNuma be thought to have been born on that day of all days? Perhaps it\nwas because the old sacred kings, of whom he was the model, had to play\nan important part in the ceremonies of the day. The birthdays of the\ngods were celebrated by festivals;[1049] the kings were divine or\nsemi-divine; it would be natural, therefore, that their birthdays should\nbe identified with high feasts and holidays. Whether this was so or not,\nthe festival of the Parilia presents so many points of resemblance to\nsome of the popular customs discussed in these volumes that a brief\nexamination of it may not be inappropriate in this place.[1050]\n\n[Sidenote: The Parilia, a festival celebrated by shepherds and herdsmen\nin honour of Pales, for the safety and increase of their flocks and\nherds.] The spring festival of the twenty-first of April, known as the\nbirthday of Rome,[1051] was deemed second in importance to none in the\ncalendar.[1052] It was held by shepherds and herdsmen for the welfare\nand increase of their flocks and herds.[1053] The pastoral deity to whom\nthey paid their devotions was Pales, as to whose sex the ancients\nthemselves were not at one. In later times they commonly spoke of her as\na goddess; but Varro regarded Pales as masculine,[1054] and we may\nfollow his high authority. The day was celebrated with similar rites\nboth in the town and the country, but in its origin it must have been a\nstrictly rural festival. Indeed, it could hardly be carried out in full\nexcept among the sheepfolds and cattle-pens. At some time of the day,\nprobably in the morning, the people repaired to the temple of Vesta,\nwhere they received from the Vestal Virgins ashes, blood, and bean-straw\nto be used in fumigating themselves and probably their beasts. The ashes\nwere those of the unborn calves which had been torn from their mothers\u2019\nwombs on the fifteenth of April; the blood was that which had dripped\nfrom the tail of a horse sacrificed in October.[1055] Both were probably\nsupposed to exercise a fertilising as well as a cleansing influence on\nthe people and on the cattle;[1056] for apparently one effect of the\nceremonies, in the popular opinion, was to quicken the wombs of women no\nless than of cows and ewes.[1057] At break of day the shepherd purified\nhis sheep, after sprinkling and sweeping the ground. The fold was decked\nwith leafy boughs, and a great wreath was hung on the door.[1058] The\npurification of the flocks apparently consisted in driving them over\nburning heaps of grass, pine-wood, laurel, and branches of the male\nolive-tree.[1059] Certainly at some time of [Sidenote: The flocks\npurified by being driven through fire.] the day the sheep were compelled\nto scamper over a fire.[1060] Moreover, the bleating flocks were touched\nwith burning sulphur and fumigated with its blue smoke.[1061] Then the\nshepherd offered to Pales baskets of millet, cakes of millet, and pails\nof warm milk. Next he prayed to the god that he would guard the fold\nfrom the evil powers, including probably witchcraft;[1062] that the\nflocks, the men, and the dogs might be hale and free from disease; that\nthe sheep might not fall a prey to wolves; that grass and leaves might\nabound; that water might be plentiful; that the udders of the dams might\nbe full of milk; that the rams might be lusty, and the ewes prolific;\nthat many lambs might be born; and that there might be much wool at\nshearing.[1063] This prayer the shepherd had to repeat four times,\nlooking to the east; then he washed his hands in the morning dew. After\nthat he drank a bowl of milk and wine, and, warmed with the liquor,\nleaped ever burning heaps of crackling straw. This practice of jumping\nover a straw fire would seem to have been a principal part of the\nceremonies: at least it struck the ancients themselves, for they often\nrefer to it.[1064]\n\n[Sidenote: The shepherd\u2019s prayer.] The shepherd\u2019s prayer at the Parilia\nis instructive, because it gives us in short a view of the chief wants\nof [Sidenote: The shepherd has to propitiate the tree-spirits and\nwater-spirits.] the pastoral life. The supplication for grass and leaves\nand water reminds us that the herdsman no less than the husbandman\ndepends ultimately on vegetation and rain; so that the same divine\npowers which cover the fields of the one with yellow corn may be\nconceived to carpet the meadows of the other with green grass, and to\ndiversify them with pools and rivers for the refreshment of the thirsty\ncattle. And it is to be borne in mind that in countries where grass is\nless plentiful than under the rainy skies of northern Europe, sheep,\ngoats, and cattle still subsist in great measure on the leaves and juicy\ntwigs of trees.[1065] Hence in these lands the pious shepherd and\ngoatherd cannot afford to ignore or to offend the tree-spirits, on whose\nfavour and bounty his flocks are dependent for much of their fodder.\nIndeed, at the Parilia the shepherd made elaborate excuses to these\ndivine beings for any trespass he might unwittingly have committed on\ntheir hallowed domain by entering a sacred grove, sitting in the shadow\nof a holy tree, or lopping leafy branches from it with which to feed a\nsickly sheep.[1066] In like manner he craved pardon of the water-nymphs,\nif the hoofs of his cattle had stirred up the mud in their clear pools;\nand he implored Pales to intercede for him with the divinities of\nsprings \u201cand the gods dispersed through every woodland glade.\u201d[1067]\n\n[Sidenote: The Parilia was perhaps the time when the flocks and herds\nwere turned out for the first time in spring to graze in the open.] The\nParilia was generally considered to be the best time for coupling the\nrams and the ewes;[1068] and it has been suggested that it was also the\nseason when the flocks and herds, after being folded and stalled\nthroughout the winter, were turned out for the first time to pasture in\nspring.[1069] The occasion is an anxious one for the shepherd,\nespecially in countries which are infested with wolves, as ancient Italy\nwas.[1070] Accordingly the Italian shepherd propitiated Pales with a\nslaughtered victim before he drove his flocks afield in spring;[1071]\nbut it is doubtful whether this sacrifice formed part of the Parilia.\nNone of the ancient authors who expressly describe the Parilia mention\nthe slaughter of a victim; and in Plutarch\u2019s day a tradition ran that of\nold no blood was shed at the festival.[1072] But such a tradition seems\nto point to a contrary practice in after-times. In the absence of\ndecisive evidence the question must be left open; but modern analogy, as\nwe shall see, strongly supports the opinion that immediately at the\nclose of the Parilia the flocks and herds were driven out to graze in\nthe open pastures for the first time after their long winter\nconfinement. On this view a special significance is seen to attach to\nsome of the features of the festival, such as the prayer for protection\nagainst the wolf; for the brute could hardly do the sheep and kine much\nharm so long as they were safely pent within the walls of the sheepcote\nand the cattle-stall.\n\n[Sidenote: The Roman kings had perhaps to discharge some important\nreligious function at the Parilia.] As the Parilia is said to have been\ncelebrated by Romulus, who sacrificed to the gods and caused the people\nto purify themselves by leaping over flames,[1073] some scholars have\ninferred that it was customary for the king, and afterwards for his\nsuccessor, the chief pontiff, or the King of the Sacred Rites, to offer\nsacrifices for the people at the Parilia.[1074] The inference is\nreasonable and receives some confirmation, as we shall see presently,\nfrom the analogy of modern custom. Further, the tradition that Numa was\nborn on the day of the Parilia may be thought to point in the same way,\nsince it is most naturally explicable on the hypothesis that the king\nhad to discharge some important function at the festival. Still, it must\nbe confessed that the positive evidence for connecting the Roman kings\nwith the celebration of the twenty-first of April is slight and dubious.\n\n[Sidenote: The Parilia intended to ensure the welfare of the cattle and\nto guard them against witches and wolves.] On the whole the festival of\nthe Parilia, which probably fell at or near the time of turning out the\ncattle to pasture in spring, was designed to ensure their welfare and\nincrease, and to guard them from the insidious machinations or the open\nattacks of their various enemies, among whom witches and wolves were\nperhaps the most dreaded.\n\n[Sidenote: A celebration of the same sort is still held in eastern\nEurope on the twenty-third of April, the festival of St. George, the\npatron saint of cattle, horses, and wolves.] Now it can hardly be a mere\ncoincidence that down to modern times a great popular festival of this\nsort has been celebrated only two days later by the herdsmen and\nshepherds of eastern Europe, who still cherish a profound belief in\nwitchcraft, and still fear, with far better reason, the raids of wolves\non their flocks and herds. The festival falls on the twenty-third of\nApril and is dedicated to St. George, the patron saint of cattle,\nhorses, and wolves. The Esthonians say that on St. George\u2019s morning the\nwolf gets a ring round his snout and a halter about his neck, whereby he\nis rendered less dangerous till Michaelmas. But if the day should chance\nto be a Friday at full moon, or if before the day came round any person\nshould have been so rash as to thump the dirty linen in the wash-tub\nwith two beetles, the cattle will run a serious risk of being devoured\nby wolves. Many are the precautions taken by the anxious Esthonians\n[Sidenote: Precautions taken by the Esthonians against wolves and\nwitches on St. George\u2019s Day.] on this day to guard their herds from the\nravening beasts. Thus some people gather wolf\u2019s dung on the preceding\nnight, burn it, and fumigate the cattle with it in the morning. Or they\ncollect bones from the pastures and burn them at a cross-road, which\nserves as a charm against sickness, sorcery, and demons quite as well as\nagainst wolves. Others smoke the cattle with _asa foetida_ or sulphur to\nprotect them against witchcraft and noxious exhalations. They think,\ntoo, that if you sew stitches on St. George\u2019s morning the cubs of the\nwolves will be blind, no doubt because their eyes are sewed up by the\nneedle and thread. In order to forecast the fate of their herds the\npeasants put eggs or a sharp weapon, such as an axe or a scythe, before\nthe doors of the stalls, and the animal which crushes an egg or wounds\nitself will surely be rent by a wolf or will perish in some other\nfashion before the year is out. So certain is its fate that many a man\nprefers to slaughter the doomed beast out of hand for the sake of saving\nat least the beef.\n\n[Sidenote: The Esthonians generally drive their cattle out to pasture\nfor the first time on St. George\u2019s Day.] As a rule the Esthonians drive\ntheir cattle out to pasture for the first time on St. George\u2019s Day, and\nthe herdsman\u2019s duties begin from then. If, however, the herds should\nhave been sent out to graze before that day, the boys who look after\nthem must eat neither flesh nor butter while they are on duty; else the\nwolves will destroy many sheep, and the cream will not turn to butter in\nthe churn. Further, the boys may not kindle a fire in the wood, or the\nwolf\u2019s tooth would be fiery and he would bite viciously. By St. George\u2019s\nDay, the twenty-third of April, there is commonly fresh grass in the\nmeadows. But even if the spring should be late and the cattle should\nhave to return to their stalls hungrier than they went forth, many\nEsthonian farmers insist on turning out the poor beasts on St. George\u2019s\nDay in order that the saint may guard them against his creatures the\nwolves. On this morning the farmer treats the herdsman to a dram of\nbrandy, and gives him two copper kopecks as \u201ctail-money\u201d for every cow\nin the herd. This money the giver first passes thrice round his head and\nthen lays it on the dunghill; for if the herdsman took it from his hand,\nit would in some way injure the herd. Were this ceremony omitted, the\nwolves would prove very destructive, because they had not been appeased\non St. George\u2019s Day. After receiving the \u201ctail-money\u201d some herdsmen are\nwont to collect the herd on the village common. Here they set up their\ncrook in the ground, place their hat on it, and walk thrice round the\ncattle, muttering spells or the Lord\u2019s Prayer as they do so. The\npastoral crook should be cut from the rowan or mountain-ash and\nconsecrated by a wise man, who carves mystic signs on it. Sometimes the\nupper end of the crook is hollowed out and filled with quicksilver and\n_asa foetida_, the aperture being stopped up with resin. Some Esthonians\ncut a cross with a scythe under the door through which the herd is to be\ndriven, and fill the furrows of the cross with salt to prevent certain\nevil beings from harming the cattle. Further, it is an almost universal\ncustom in Esthonia not to hang bells on the necks of the kine till St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day; the few who can give a reason for the rule say that the\nchiming of the bells before that season would attract the wild\nbeasts.[1075]\n\n[Sidenote: Sacrifices for horses offered on St. George\u2019s Day by the\nEsthonians of Dago.] In the island of Dago down to the early part of the\nnineteenth century there were certain holy trees from which no one dared\nto break a bough; in spite of the lack of wood in the island the fallen\nbranches were allowed to rot in heaps on the ground. Under such trees\nthe Esthonians used to offer sacrifices on St. George\u2019s Day for the\nsafety and welfare of their horses. The offerings, which consist of an\negg, a piece of money, and a bunch of horse-hair tied up with a red\nthread, were buried in the earth.[1076] The custom is interesting\nbecause it exhibits St. George in the two-fold character of a patron of\nhorses and of trees. In the latter capacity he has already met us more\nthan once under the name of Green George.[1077]\n\n[Sidenote: St. George as the patron of wolves and cattle in Russia; the\nherds are driven out to pasture for the first time on his day.] In\nRussia the saint is known as Yegory or Yury, and here, as in Esthonia,\nhe is a patron of wolves as well as of flocks and herds. Many legends\nspeak of the connexion which exists between St. George and the wolf. In\nLittle Russia the beast is known as \u201cSt. George\u2019s Dog,\u201d and the carcases\nof sheep which wolves have killed are not eaten, it being held that they\nhave been made over by divine command to the beasts of the field.[1078]\nThe festival of St. George on the twenty-third of April has a national\nas well as an ecclesiastical character in Russia, and the mythical\nfeatures of the songs which are devoted to the day prove that the saint\nhas supplanted some old Slavonian deity who used to be honoured at this\nseason in heathen times. It is not as a slayer of dragons and a champion\nof forlorn damsels that St. George figures in these songs, but as a\npatron of farmers and herdsmen who preserves cattle from harm, and on\nwhose day accordingly the flocks and herds are driven out to browse the\nfresh pastures for the first time after their confinement through the\nlong Russian winter. \u201cWhat the wolf holds in its teeth, that Yegory has\ngiven,\u201d is a proverb which shews how completely he is thought to rule\nover the fold and the stall. Here is one of the songs:\u2014\n\n                   \u201c_We have gone around the field,\n                   We have called Yegory ...\n                   \u2018O thou, our brave Yegory,\n                   Save our cattle,\n                   In the field, and beyond the field,\n                   In the forest, and beyond the forest,\n                   Under the bright moon,\n                   Under the red sun,\n                   From the rapacious wolf,\n                   From the cruel bear,\n                   From the cunning beast.\u2019_\u201d\n\nA White-Russian song represents St. George as opening with golden keys,\nprobably the sunbeams, the soil which has been frost-bound all the\nwinter:\u2014\n\n                   \u201c_Holy Jury, the divine envoy,\n                   Has gone to God,\n                   And having taken the golden keys,\n                   Has unlocked the moist earth,\n                   Having scattered the clinging dew\n                   Over White-Russia and all the world._\u201d\n\nIn Moravia they \u201cmeet the Spring\u201d with a song in which they ask Green\nThursday, that is, the day before Good Friday, what he has done with the\nkeys, and he answers: \u201cI gave them to St. George. St. George arose and\nunlocked the earth, so that the grass grew\u2014the green grass.\u201d In White\nRussia it is customary on St. George\u2019s Day to drive the cattle afield\nthrough the morning dew, and in Little Russia and Bulgaria young folk go\nout early and roll themselves in it.[1079] In the Smolensk Government on\nthis day the cattle are driven out first to the rye-fields and then to\nthe pastures. A religious service is held in the stalls before the\ndeparture of the herd and afterwards in the field, where the stool which\nsupported the holy picture is allowed to stand for several weeks till\nthe next procession with the pictures of the saints takes place. St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day in this government is the herdsmen\u2019s festival, and it is\nthe term from which their engagements are dated.[1080] And in the\nSmolensk Government, when the herds are being sent out to graze on St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day, the following spell is uttered:\u2014\n\n         \u201c_Deaf man, deaf man, dost thou hear us?_\u201d\n         \u201c_I hear not._\u201d\n         \u201c_God grant that the wolf may not hear our cattle!_\u201d\n         \u201c_Cripple, cripple, canst thou catch us?_\u201d\n         \u201c_I cannot catch._\u201d\n         \u201c_God grant that the wolf may not catch our cattle!_\u201d\n         \u201c_Blind man, blind man, dost thou see us?_\u201d\n         \u201c_I see not._\u201d\n         \u201c_God grant that the wolf may not see our cattle!_\u201d[1081]\n\n[Sidenote: In Russia witches try to steal the milk of the cattle on the\neve of St. George.] But in the opinion of the Russian peasant wolves are\nnot the only foes of cattle at this season. On the eve of St. George\u2019s\nDay, as well as on the night before Whitsunday and on Midsummer Eve,\nwitches go out naked in the dark and cut chips from the doors and gates\nof farmyards. These they boil in a milk-pail, and thus charm away the\nmilk from the farms. Hence careful housewives examine their doors and\nsmear mud in any fresh gashes they may find in them, which frustrates\nthe knavish tricks of the milk-stealing witch. Not to be baffled,\nhowever, the witches climb the wooden crosses by the wayside and chip\nsplinters from them, or lay their hands on stray wooden wedges. These\nthey stick into a post in the cattle-shed and squeeze them with their\nhands till milk flows from them as freely as from the dugs of a cow. At\nthis time also wicked people turn themselves by magic art into dogs and\nblack cats, and in that disguise they suck the milk of cows, mares, and\newes, while they slaughter the bulls, horses, and rams.[1082]\n\n[Sidenote: St. George\u2019s Day among the Ruthenians.] The Ruthenians of\nBukowina and Galicia believe that at midnight before St. George\u2019s Day\n(the twenty-third of April) the witches come in bands of twelve to the\nhills at the boundaries of the villages and there dance and play with\nfire. Moreover, they cull on the mountains the herbs they need for their\ninfernal enchantments. Like the Esthonians and the Russians, the\nRuthenians drive their cattle out to pasture for the first time on St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day; hence during the preceding night the witches are very busy\ncasting their spells on the cows; and the farmer is at great pains to\ndefeat their fell purpose. With this intent many people catch a snake,\nskin it, and fumigate the cows with the skin on the eve of the saint\u2019s\nday. To rub the udders and horns of the cows with serpent\u2019s fat is\nequally effective. Others strew meal about the animals, saying, \u201cNot\ntill thou hast gathered up this meal, shalt thou take the milk from my\ncow So-and-so.\u201d Further, sods of turf, with thorn-branches stuck in\nthem, are laid on the gate-posts; and crosses are painted with tar on\nthe doors. These precautions keep the witches from the cows. If,\nhowever, a beast should after all be bewitched, the farmer\u2019s wife drags\na rope about in the dew on the morning of St. George\u2019s Day. Then she\nchops it up small, mixes salt with it, and scatters the bits among the\ncow\u2019s fodder. No sooner has the afflicted animal partaken of this\ncompound than the spell is broken.[1083]\n\n[Sidenote: St. George\u2019s Day among the Huzuls of the Carpathians.] The\nHuzuls of the Carpathian Mountains believe that when a cow gives milk\ntinged with blood, or no milk at all, a witch is the cause of it. These\nmaleficent beings play their pranks especially on the eve of St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day and on Midsummer Eve, but they are most dangerous at the\nformer season, for that night they and the foul fiends hold their\ngreatest gathering or sabbath. To steal the cows\u2019 milk they resort to\nvarious devices. Sometimes they run about in the shape of dogs and smell\nthe cows\u2019 udders. Sometimes they rub the udders of their own cows with\nmilk taken from a neighbour\u2019s kine; then their own cows yield abundant\nmilk, but the udders of the neighbour\u2019s cows shrivel up or give only\nblood. Others again make a wooden cow on the spot where the real cows\nare generally milked, taking care to stick into the ground the knife\nthey used in carving the image. Then the wooden cow yields the witch all\nthe milk of the cattle which are commonly milked there, while the owner\nof the beasts gets nothing but blood from them.\n\n[Sidenote: Precautions taken by the Huzuls against the witches who try\nto steal milk on the eve of St. George.] Hence the Huzuls take steps to\nguard their cows from the machinations of witches at this season. For\nthis purpose they kindle a great fire before the house on the eve of St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day, using as fuel the dung which has accumulated during the\nwinter. Also they place on the gate-posts clods in which are stuck the\nbranches consecrated on Palm Sunday or boughs of the silver poplar, the\nwood of which is deemed especially efficacious in banning fiends.\nMoreover, they make crosses on the doors, sprinkle the cows with mud,\nand fumigate them with incense or the skin of a snake. To tie red\nwoollen threads round the necks or tails of the animals is also a\nsafeguard against witchcraft. And in June, when the snow has melted and\nthe cattle are led to the high mountain pastures, the herds have no\nsooner reached their summer quarters than the herdsman makes \u201cliving\nfire\u201d by the friction of wood and drives the animals over the ashes in\norder to protect them against witches and other powers of evil. The fire\nthus kindled is kept constantly burning in the herdsman\u2019s hut till with\nthe chill of autumn the time comes to drive the herds down the mountains\nagain. If the fire went out in the interval, it would be an ill omen for\nthe owner of the pastures.[1084]\n\n[Sidenote: Sacrifice for horses in Silesia on St. George\u2019s Day.] In some\nparts of Silesia the might of the witches is believed to be at the\nhighest pitch on St. George\u2019s Day. The people deem the saint very\npowerful in the matter of cattle-breeding and especially of\nhorse-breeding. At the Polish village of Ostroppa, not far from\nGleiwitz, a sacrifice for horses used to be offered at the little\nvillage church. It has been described by an eye-witness. Peasants on\nhorseback streamed to the spot from all the neighbouring villages, not\nwith the staid and solemn pace of pilgrims, but with the noise and\nclatter of merrymakers hastening to a revel. The sorry image of the\nsaint, carved in wood and about an ell high, stood in the churchyard on\na table covered with a white cloth. It represented him seated on\nhorseback and spearing the dragon. Beside it were two vessels to receive\nofferings of money and eggs respectively. As each farmer galloped up, he\ndismounted, led his horse by the bridle, knelt before the image of the\nsaint, and prayed. After that he made his offering of money or eggs,\naccording to his means, in the name of his horse. Then he led the beast\nround the church and churchyard, tethered it, and went into the church\nto hear mass and a sermon. Having thus paid his devotions to the saint,\nevery man leaped into the saddle and made for the nearest public-house\nas fast as his horse could lay legs to the ground.[1085]\n\n[Sidenote: Festival of St. George, as the patron of horses, at Ertringen\nin Bavaria.] At Ertringen, in South Bavaria, there is a chapel of St.\nGeorge, where a festival of the saint used to be held on April the\ntwenty-fourth down to the beginning of the nineteenth century. From the\nwhole neighbourhood people streamed thither on horseback and in waggons\nto take part in the ceremony. More than fourteen hundred riders are said\nto have been present on one occasion. The foundation of the chapel was\nattributed to the monastery of Holy Cross Vale (_Heiligkreuztal_), and\nthe abbot and prior with their suite attended the festival in state\nmounted on white horses. A burgher of Ertringen had to ride as patron in\nthe costume of St. George, whom he represented. He alone bestrode a\nfiery stallion. After the celebration of high mass the horses were\nblessed at the chapel. Then the procession of men on horseback moved\nround the common lands, winding up at the parish church, where it broke\nup.[1086] In many villages near Freiburg in Baden St. George is the\npatron of horses, and in some parts of Baden the saint\u2019s day (April the\ntwenty-third) is the season when cattle are driven out to pasture for\nthe first time in spring.[1087]\n\n[Sidenote: St. George\u2019s Day among the Saxons and Roumanians of\nTransylvania.] The Saxons of Transylvania think that on the eve of St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day the witches ride on the backs of the cows into the\nfarmyard, if branches of wild rosebushes or other thorny shrubs are not\nstuck over the gate of the yard to keep them out.[1088] Beliefs and\npractices of this sort are shared by the Roumanians of Transylvania.\nThey hold that on St. George\u2019s Day the witches keep their sabbath in\nsequestered spots, such as woodland glades, deserted farm-steadings, and\nthe like. In Walachia green sods are laid on the window-sills and on the\nlintels of the doors to avert the uncanny crew. But in Transylvania the\nRoumanians, not content with setting a thorn-bush in the doorway of the\nhouse, keep watch and ward all night beside the cattle or elsewhere, to\ncatch the witches who are at work stealing the milk from the cows. Here,\nas elsewhere, the day is above all the herdsman\u2019s festival. It marks the\nbeginning of spring; the shepherds are preparing to start for the\ndistant pastures, and they listen with all their ears to some wiseacre\nwho tells them how, if the milk should fail in the udders of the sheep,\nthey have only to thrash the shepherd\u2019s pouch, and every stroke will\nfall on the witch who is pumping the lost milk into her pails.[1089]\n\n[Sidenote: St. George\u2019s Day the herdsman\u2019s festival among the\nWalachians.] The Walachians look on St. George\u2019s Day as very holy; for\nthey are mainly a pastoral folk, and St. George is the patron of herds\nand herdsmen. On that day also, as well as on the day before and the day\nafter, the Walachian numbers his herd, beginning at one and counting\ncontinuously up to the total. This he never does at any other time of\nthe year. On this day, too, he milks his sheep for the first time into\nvessels which have been carefully scoured and are wreathed with flowers.\nThen too a cake of white meal is baked in the shape of a ring, and is\nrolled on the ground in sight of the herd; and from the length of its\ncourse omens are drawn as to the good or bad luck of the cattle in their\nsummer pastures. If the herd is owned by several men, they afterwards\nlay hold of the ring, and break it among them, and the one who gets the\nlargest piece will have the best luck. The milk is made into a cheese\nwhich is divided; and the pieces of the cake are given to the shepherds.\nIn like manner the wreaths of flowers which crowned the pails are thrown\ninto the water, and from the way in which they float down-stream the\nshepherds presage good or evil fortune.[1090]\n\n[Sidenote: St. George\u2019s Day among the Bulgarians and South Slavs.] The\nBulgarians seem to share the belief that cattle are especially exposed\nto the machinations of witches at this season, for it is a rule with\nthem not to give away milk, butter, or cheese on the eve of St. George\u2019s\nDay; to do so, they say, would be to give away the profit of the milch\nkine.[1091] They rise very early on the morning of this day, and wash\nthemselves in the dew, that they may be healthy.[1092] It is said, too,\nthat a regular sacrifice is still offered on St. George\u2019s Day in\nBulgaria. An old man kills a ram, while girls spread grass on which the\nblood is poured forth.[1093] The intention of the sacrifice may be to\nmake the herbage grow abundantly in the pastures. Amongst the South\nSlavs the twenty-third of April, St. George\u2019s Day, is the chief festival\nof the spring. The herdsman thinks that if his cattle are well on that\nday they will thrive throughout the year. As we have already seen,[1094]\nhe crowns the horns of his cows with garlands of flowers to guard them\nagainst witchcraft, and in the evening the garlands are hung on the\ndoors of the stalls, where they remain until the next St. George\u2019s Day.\nEarly in the morning of that day, when the herdsman drives the cows from\nthe byres, the housewife takes salt in one hand and a potsherd with\nglowing coals in the other. She offers the salt to the cow, and the\nbeast must step over the smouldering coals, on which various kinds of\nroses are smoking. This deprives the witches of all power to harm the\ncow. On the eve or the morning of the day old women cut thistles and\nfasten them to the doors and gates of the farm; and they make crosses\nwith cow\u2019s dung on the doors of the byres to ward off the witches. Many\nknock great nails into the doors, which is thought to be a surer\npreventive even than thistles. In certain districts the people cut\nthistles before sunrise and put some on each other\u2019s heads, some on the\nfences, the windows, the doors, and some in the shape of wreaths round\nthe necks of the cows, in order that the witches may be powerless to\nharm man and beast, house and homestead, throughout the year. If,\nnevertheless, a witch should contrive to steal through the garden fence\nand into the byre, it is all over with the cows. A good housewife will\nalso go round her house and cattle-stalls early in the morning of the\nfateful day and sprinkle them with holy water. Another approved means of\ndriving the witches away is furnished by the froth which is shot from\nthe spokes of a revolving mill-wheel; for common-sense tells us that\njust as the froth flies from the wheel, so the witches will fly from our\nhouse, if only we apply the remedy in the right way. And the right way\nis this. On the eve of St. George\u2019s Day you must send a child to fetch\nfroth from the mill, three stones from three cross-roads, three twigs of\na blackberry bush, three sprigs of beech, and three shoots of a wild\nvine. Then you insert the plants in a buttered roll, put the stones in\nthe fire, boil the froth, toast the buttered roll over the glowing\nstones, and speak these words: \u201cThe blackberry twigs gather together,\nthe beeches pull together, but the foam from the wheel shakes all evil\naway.\u201d Do this, and you may take my word for it that no witch will be\nable to charm away the milk from your cows.[1095]\n\n[Sidenote: Precautions of the same sort are taken against wolves and\nwitches whenever the cattle are driven out to pasture for the first time\nin spring.] Thus on the whole the festival of St. George at the present\nday, like the Parilia of ancient Italy, is a ceremony intended to guard\nthe cattle against their real and their imaginary foes, the wolves and\nthe witches, at the critical season when the flocks and herds are driven\nout to pasture for the first time in spring. Precautions of the same\nsort are naturally taken by the superstitious herdsman whenever, the\nwinter being over, he turns his herds out into the open for the first\ntime, whether it be on St. George\u2019s Day or not. Thus in Prussia and\nLithuania, when the momentous morning broke, the herd-boy ran from house\nto house in the village, knocked at the windows, and cried: \u201cPut out the\nfire, spin not, reel not, but drive the cattle out!\u201d Meantime the\nherdsman had fetched sand from the church, which he strewed on the road\nby which the beasts must go from the farmyard. At the same time he laid\na woodcutter\u2019s axe in every doorway, with the sharp edge outwards, over\nwhich the cows had to step. Then he walked in front of them, speaking\nnever a word, and paying no heed to the herd, which was kept together by\nthe herd-boys alone. His thoughts were occupied by higher things, for he\nwas busy making crosses, blessing the cattle, and murmuring prayers,\ntill the pastures were reached. The axe in the doorway signified that\nthe wolf should flee from the herd as from the sharp edge of the axe:\nthe sand from the church betokened that the cattle should not disperse\nand wander in the meadows, but should keep as close together as people\nin church.[1096]\n\n[Sidenote: Swedish observances at turning out the cattle to graze after\ntheir winter confinement.] In Sweden the cattle are confined almost\nwholly to their stalls during the long and dreary northern winter; and\nthe first day in spring on which they are turned out into the forest to\ngraze has been from time immemorial a great popular festival. The time\nof its celebration depends more or less on the mildness or severity of\nthe season. For the most part it takes place about the middle of May. On\nthe preceding evening bonfires are kindled everywhere in the forest,\nbecause so far as their flickering light extends the cattle will be safe\nfrom the attacks of wild beasts throughout the summer. For the same\nreason people go about the woods that night firing guns, blowing horns,\nand making all kinds of discordant noises. The mode of celebrating the\nfestival, which in some places is called the feast of flowers, varies\nsomewhat in different provinces. In Dalsland the cattle are driven home\nthat day from pasture at noon instead of at evening. Early in the\nmorning the herd-boy repairs with the herd to the forest, where he decks\ntheir horns with wreaths of flowers and provides himself with a wand of\nthe rowan or mountain-ash. During his absence the girls pluck flowers,\nweave them into a garland, and hang it on the gate through which the\ncattle must pass on their return from the forest. When they come back,\nthe herd-boy takes the garland from the gate, fastens it to the top of\nhis wand, and marches with it at the head of his beasts to the hamlet.\nAfterwards the wand with the garland on it is set up on the muck-heap,\nwhere it remains all the summer. The intention of these ceremonies is\nnot said, but on the analogy of the preceding customs we may conjecture\nthat both the flowers and the rowan-wand are supposed to guard the\ncattle against witchcraft. A little later in the season, when the grass\nis well grown in the forest, most of the cattle are sent away to the\n_s\u00e4ter_, or summer pastures, of which every hamlet commonly has one or\nmore. These are clearings in the woods, and may be many miles distant\nfrom the village. In Dalecarlia the departure usually takes place in the\nfirst week of June. It is a great event for the pastoral folk. An\ninstinctive longing seems to awaken both in the people and the beasts.\nThe preparations of the women are accompanied by the bleating of the\nsheep and goats and the lowing of the cattle, which make incessant\nefforts to break through the pens near the house where they are shut up.\nTwo or more girls, according to the size of the herd, attend the cattle\non their migration and stay with them all the summer. Every animal as it\ngoes forth, whether cow, sheep, or goat, is marked on the brow with a\ncross by means of a tar-brush in order to protect it against evil\nspirits. But more dangerous foes lie in wait for the cattle in the\ndistant pastures, where bears and wolves not uncommonly rush forth on\nthem from the woods. On such occasions the herd-girls often display the\nutmost gallantry, belabouring the ferocious beasts with sticks, and\nrisking their own lives in defence of the herds.[1097]\n\n[Sidenote: These modern parallels throw light on some features of the\nParilia.] The foregoing customs, practised down to modern times by\nshepherds and herdsmen with a full sense of their meaning, throw light\non some features of the Parilia which might otherwise remain obscure.\nThey seem to shew that when the Italian shepherd hung green boughs on\nhis folds, and garlands on his doors, he did so in order to keep the\nwitches from the ewes; and that in fumigating his flocks with sulphur\nand driving them over a fire of straw he sought to interpose a fiery\nbarrier between them and the powers of evil, whether these were\nconceived as witches or mischievous spirits.\n\n[Sidenote: Green George a personification of a spirit of trees or of\nvegetation in general.] But St. George is more than a patron of cattle.\nThe mummer who dresses up in green boughs on the saint\u2019s day and goes by\nthe name of Green George[1098] clearly personifies the saint himself,\nand such a disguise is appropriate only to a spirit of trees or of\nvegetation in general. As if to make this quite clear, the Slavs of\nCarinthia carry a tree decked with flowers in the procession in which\nGreen George figures; and the ceremonies in which the leaf-clad masker\ntakes a part plainly indicate that he is thought to stand in intimate\nconnexion with rain as well as with cattle. This counterpart of our Jack\nin the Green is known in some parts of Russia, and the Slovenes call him\nGreen George. Dressed in leaves and flowers, he appears in public on St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day carrying a lighted torch in one hand and a pie in the\nother. Thus arrayed he goes out to the cornfields, followed by girls,\nwho sing appropriate songs. A circle of brushwood is then lighted, and\nthe pie is set in the middle of it. All who share in the ceremony sit\ndown around the fire, and the pie is divided among them. The observance\nhas perhaps a bearing on the cattle as well as on the cornfields, for in\nsome parts of Russia when the herds go out to graze for the first time\nin spring a pie baked in the form of a sheep is cut up by the chief\nherdsman, and the bits are kept as a cure for the ills to which sheep\nare subject.[1099]\n\n[Sidenote: \u201cRinging out the grass\u201d on St. George\u2019s Day.] At Schwaz, an\nold Tyrolese town in the lower valley of the Inn, young lads assemble on\nSt. George\u2019s Day, which is here the twenty-fourth of April, and having\nprovided themselves with bells, both large and small, they go in\nprocession ringing them to the various farms of the neighbourhood, where\nthey are welcomed and given milk to drink. These processions, which take\nplace in other parts of the Tyrol also, go by the name of \u201cringing out\nthe grass\u201d (_Grasausl\u00e4uten_), and it is believed that wherever the\nbell-ringers come, there the grass grows and the crops will be abundant.\nThis beneficial effect appears to be ascribed to the power of the bells\nto disperse the evil spirits, which are thought to be rampant on St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day. For the same purpose of averting demoniac influence at\nthis time, people in Salzburg and the neighbouring districts of Upper\nAustria go in procession round the fields and stick palm branches or\nsmall crosses in them; also they fasten branches of the _Prunus Padus_,\nL., at the windows of the houses and cattle-stalls.[1100] In some parts\nof Germany the farmer looks to the height of his corn on St. George\u2019s\nDay, expecting that it should then be high enough to hide a crow.[1101]\n\n[Sidenote: St. George supposed to get barren women with child.] Even\nwhen we have said that St. George of Eastern Europe represents an old\nheathen deity of sheep, cattle, horses, wolves, vegetation, and rain, we\nhave not exhausted all the provinces over which he is supposed to bear\nsway. According to an opinion which appears to be widely spread, he has\nthe power of blessing barren women with offspring. This belief is\nclearly at the root of the South Slavonian custom, described above,\nwhereby a childless woman hopes to become a mother by wearing a shirt\nwhich has hung all night on a fruitful tree on St. George\u2019s Eve.[1102]\nSimilarly, a Bulgarian wife who desires to have a child will strike off\na serpent\u2019s head on St. George\u2019s Day, put a bean in its mouth, and lay\nthe head in a hollow tree or bury it in the earth at a spot so far from\nthe village that the crowing of the cocks cannot be heard there. If the\nbean buds, her wishes will be granted.[1103]\n\n[Sidenote: Love-charms practised among the Slavs on St. George\u2019s Day.]\nIt is natural to suppose that a saint who can bestow offspring can also\nbring fond lovers together. Hence among the Slavs, with whom St. George\nis so popular, his day is one of the seasons at which youths and maidens\nresort to charms and divination in order to win or discover the\naffections of the other sex. Thus, to take examples, a Bohemian way of\ngaining a girl\u2019s love is as follows. You catch a frog on St. George\u2019s\nDay, wrap it in a white cloth, and put it in an ant-hill after sunset or\nabout midnight. The creature croaks terribly while the ants are gnawing\nthe flesh from its bones. When silence reigns again, you will find\nnothing left of the frog but one little bone in the shape of a hook and\nanother little bone in the shape of a shovel. Take the hook-shaped bone,\ngo to the girl of your choice, and hook her dress with the bone, and she\nwill fall over head and ears in love with you. If you afterwards tire of\nher, you have only to touch her with the shovel-shaped bone, and her\naffection will vanish as quickly as it came.[1104] Again, at Ceklinj, in\nCrnagora, maidens go at break of day on St. George\u2019s morning to a well\nto draw water, and look down into its dark depth till tears fill their\neyes and they fancy they see in the water the image of their future\nhusband.[1105] At Krajina, in Servia, girls who would pry into the book\nof fate gather flowers in the meadows on the eve of St. George, make\nthem up into nosegays, and give to the nosegays the names of the various\nlads whose hearts they would win. Late at night they place the flowers\nby stealth under the open sky, on the roof or elsewhere, and leave them\nthere till daybreak. The lad on whose nosegay most dew has fallen will\nlove the girl most truly throughout the year. Sometimes mischievous\nyoung men secretly watch these doings, and steal the bunches of flowers,\nwhich makes sore hearts among the girls.[1106] Once more, in wooded\ndistricts of Bohemia a Czech maiden will sometimes go out on St.\nGeorge\u2019s Eve into an oak or beech forest and catch a young wild pigeon.\nIt may be a ring-dove or a wood-pigeon, but it must always be a male.\nShe takes the bird home with her, and covers it with a sieve or shuts it\nup in a box that nobody may know what she is about. Having kept and fed\nit till it can fly, she rises very early in the morning, while the\nhousehold is still asleep, and goes with the dove to the hearth. Here\nshe presses the bird thrice to her bare breast, above her heart, and\nthen lets it fly away up the chimney, while she says:\u2014\n\n                      \u201c_Out of the chimney, dove,\n                        Fly, fly from here.\n                      Take me, dear Hans, my love,\n                        None, none so dear._\n\n                      \u201c_Fly to your rocks, fair dove,\n                        Fly to your lea.\n                      So may I get, my love,\n                        None, none but thee._\u201d[1107]\n\n[Sidenote: St. George in Syria esteemed a giver of offspring to\nchildless women.] In the East, also, St. George is reputed to be a giver\nof offspring to barren women, and in this character he is revered by\nMoslems as well as Christians. His shrines may be found in all parts of\nSyria; more places are associated with him than with any other saint in\nthe calendar. The most famous of his sanctuaries is at Kalat el Hosn, in\nNorthern Syria. Childless women of all sects resort to it in order that\nthe saint may remove their reproach. Some people shrug their shoulders\nwhen the shrine is mentioned in this connexion. Yet many Mohammedan\nwomen who desired offspring used to repair to it with the full consent\nof their husbands. Nowadays the true character of the place is beginning\nto be perceived, and many Moslems have forbidden their wives to visit\nit.[1108] Such beliefs and practices [Sidenote: The Syrian St. George\nmay represent Tammuz.] lend some colour to the theory that in the East\nthe saint has taken the place of Tammuz or Adonis.[1109]\n\n[Sidenote: In Europe St. George seems to have displaced an old Aryan god\nof the spring, such as the Lithuanian Pergrubius.] But we cannot suppose\nthat the worship of Tammuz has been transplanted to Europe and struck\nits roots deep among the Slavs and other peoples in the eastern part of\nour continent. Rather amongst them we must look for a native Aryan deity\nwho now masquerades in the costume of the Cappadocian saint and martyr\nSt. George. Perhaps we may find him in the Pergrubius of the\nLithuanians, a people who retained their heathen religion later than any\nother branch of the Aryan stock in Europe. This Pergrubius is described\nas \u201cthe god of the spring,\u201d as \u201che who makes leaves and grass to grow,\u201d\nor more fully as \u201cthe god of flowers, plants, and all buds.\u201d On St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day, the twenty-third of April, the heathen Prussians and\nLithuanians offered a sacrifice to Pergrubius. A priest, who bore the\ntitle of _Wurschait_, held in his hand a mug of beer, while he thus\naddressed the deity: \u201cThou drivest away the winter; thou bringest back\nthe pleasant spring. By thee the fields and gardens are green, by thee\nthe groves and the woods put forth leaves.\u201d According to another\nversion, the prayer ran as follows: \u201cThou drivest the winter away, and\ngivest in all lands leaves and grass. We pray thee that thou wouldst\nmake our corn to grow and wouldst put down all weeds.\u201d After praying\nthus, the priest drank the beer, holding the mug with his teeth, but not\ntouching it with his hands. Then without handling it he threw the mug\nbackward over his head. Afterwards it was picked up and filled again,\nand all present drank out of it. They also sang a hymn in praise of\nPergrubius, and then spent the whole day in feasting and dancing.[1110]\nThus it appears that Pergrubius was a Lithuanian god of the spring, who\ncaused the grass and the corn to grow and the trees to burst into leaf.\nIn this he resembles Green George, the embodiment of the fresh\nvegetation of spring, whose leaf-clad representative still plays his\npranks on the very same day in some parts of Eastern Europe. Nothing,\nindeed, is said of the relation of Pergrubius to cattle, and so far the\nanalogy between him and St. George breaks down. But our accounts of the\nold Lithuanian mythology are few and scanty; if we knew more about\nPergrubius we might find that as a god or personification of spring he,\nlike St. George, was believed to exert all the quickening powers of that\ngenial season\u2014in other words, that his beneficent activity was not\nconfined to clothing the bare earth with verdure, but extended to the\ncare of the teeming flocks and herds, as well as to the propagation of\nmankind. Certainly it is not easy to draw a sharp line of division\nbetween the god who attends to cattle and the god who provides the food\non which they subsist.\n\n[Sidenote: The Roman equivalent of St. George was Pales, who may have\nbeen personated by the king at the Parilia.] Thus Pergrubius may perhaps\nhave been the northern equivalent of the pastoral god Pales, who was\nworshipped by the Romans only two days earlier at the spring festival of\nthe Parilia. It will be remembered that the Roman shepherds prayed to\nPales for grass and leaves, the very things which it was the part of\nPergrubius to supply. Is it too bold to conjecture that in rural\ndistricts of Italy Pales may have been personated by a leaf-clad man,\nand that in the early age of Rome the duty of thus representing the god\nmay have been one of the sacred functions of the king? The conjecture at\nleast suggests a reason for the tradition that Numa, the typical\npriestly king of Rome, was born on the day of the Parilia.\n\nFootnote 1045:\n\n  Varro, _Rerum rusticarum_, ii. 1. 9 _sq._ \u201c_Romanorum vero populum a\n  pastoribus esse ortum quis non dicit?_\u201d etc. Amongst other arguments\n  in favour of this view Varro refers to the Roman personal names\n  derived from cattle, both large and small, such as _Porcius_,\n  \u201cpig-man,\u201d _Ovinius_, \u201csheep-man,\u201d _Caprilius_, \u201cgoat-man,\u201d\n  _Equitius_, \u201chorse-man,\u201d _Taurius_, \u201cbull-man,\u201d and so forth. On the\n  importance of cattle and milk among the ancient Aryans see O.\n  Schrader, _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_\n  (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 541 _sq._, 689 _sqq._, 913 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1046:\n\n  Above, vol. i. p. 366.\n\nFootnote 1047:\n\n  As to the foundation of Rome on this date see Varro, _Rerum\n  rusticarum_, ii. 1. 9; Cicero, _De divinatione_, ii. 47. 98; Festus,\n  _s.v._ \u201cParilibus,\u201d p. 236, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._\n  xviii. 247; Propertius, v. 4. 73 _sq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 801-806;\n  _id._, _Metam._ xiv. 774 _sq._; Velleius Paterculus, i. 8. 4;\n  Eutropius, i. 1; Solinus, i. 18; Censorinus, _De die natali_, xxi. 6;\n  Probus on Virgil, _Georg._ iii. 1; Schol. Veronens. on Virgil, _l.c._;\n  Dionysius Halicarnas, _Ant. Rom._ i. 88; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 12; Dio\n  Cassius, xliii. 42; Zonaras, _Annales_, vii. 3; Joannes Lydus, _De\n  mensibus_, i. 14, iv. 50. As to the birth of Numa, see Plutarch,\n  _Numa_, 3. The festival is variously called Parilia and Palilia by\n  ancient writers, but the form Parilia seems to be the better attested\n  of the two. See G. Wissowa, _s.v._ \u201cPales,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s\n  _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, iii. 1278.\n\nFootnote 1048:\n\n  Dionysius of Halicarnassus (_Ant. Rom._ i. 88) hesitates between these\n  two views. With truer historical insight Plutarch (_Romulus_, 12)\n  holds that the rustic festival was older than the foundation of Rome.\n\nFootnote 1049:\n\n  See, for example, vol. i. above, p. 32.\n\nFootnote 1050:\n\n  For modern discussions of the Parilia, see L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische\n  Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 413 _sqq._; J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische\n  Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd Ed., 207 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Antike\n  Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 309-317; W. Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals_,\n  pp. 79-85; G. Wissowa, _s.v._ \u201cPales,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der\n  griech. u. r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, iii. 1276-1280; _id._, _Religion und\n  Kultus der R\u00f6mer_, pp. 165 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1051:\n\n  Cicero, _De divinatione_, ii. 47. 98; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 806; Calendar\n  of Philocalus, quoted by W. Warde Fowler, _op. cit._ p. 79; Probus on\n  Virgil, _Georg._ iii. 1; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 12; Zonaras, _Annales_,\n  vii. 3.\n\nFootnote 1052:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ i. 88.\n\nFootnote 1053:\n\n  Festus, _s.v._ \u201cPales,\u201d p. 222, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Dionysius Halic.\n  _l.c._\n\nFootnote 1054:\n\n  Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ iii. 1. See also Arnobius, _Adversus\n  nationes_, iii. 40; Martianus Capella, i. 50.\n\nFootnote 1055:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 637-640, 731-734; Propertius, v. 1. 19 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1056:\n\n  See above, p. 229. As to the sacrifice of the horse in October see\n  _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, ii. 315 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1057:\n\n  Tibullus, ii. 5. 91 _sq._:\u2014\n\n                  \u201c_Et fetus matrona dabit, natusque parenti\n                  Oscula comprensis auribus cripict._\u201d\n\nFootnote 1058:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 735-738. In his account of the festival Ovid\n  mentions only shepherds and sheep; but since Pales was a god of cattle\n  as well as of sheep (Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, iii. 23), we may\n  suppose that herds and herdsmen equally participated in it. Dionysius\n  (_l.c._) speaks of four-footed beasts in general.\n\nFootnote 1059:\n\n  So Mr. W. Warde Fowler understands Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 735-742.\n\nFootnote 1060:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 805 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1061:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 739 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1062:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 747 _sq._:\u2014\n\n             \u201c_Consule, dic, pecori pariter pecorisque magistris:\n               Effugiat stabulis noxa repulsa meis._\u201d\n\n  With this sense of _noxa_ compare _id._ vi. 129 _sq._, where it is\n  said that buckthorn or hawthorn \u201c_tristes pellere posset a foribus\n  noxas_.\u201d\n\nFootnote 1063:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 763-774. The prayer that the wolves may be kept far\n  from the fold is mentioned also by Tibullus (ii. 5. 88).\n\nFootnote 1064:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 779-782; Tibullus, ii. 5. 89 _sq._; Propertius, v.\n  1. 19, v. 4. 77 sq.; Persius, i. 72; Probus on Virgil, _Georg._ iii.\n  1.\n\nFootnote 1065:\n\n  I owe this observation to F. A. Paley, on Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 754. He\n  refers to Virgil, _Georg._ ii. 435, _Ecl._ x. 30; Theocritus, xi. 73\n  _sq._; to which may be added Virgil, _Georg._ iii. 300 _sq._, 320\n  _sq._; Horace, _Epist._ i. 14. 28; Cato, _De re rustica_, 30;\n  Columella, _De re rustica_, vii. 3. 21, xi. 2. 83 and 99-101. From\n  these passages of Cato and Columella we learn that the Italian farmer\n  fed his cattle on the leaves of the elm, the ash, the poplar, the oak,\n  the evergreen oak, the fig, and the laurel.\n\nFootnote 1066:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 749-754.\n\nFootnote 1067:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 757-760.\n\nFootnote 1068:\n\n  Columella, _De re rustica_, vii. 3. 11. In this respect the practice\n  of ancient Italian farmers would seem to have differed from that of\n  modern English breeders. In a letter (dated 8th February 1908) my\n  friend Professor W. Somerville of Oxford writes: \u201cIt is against all\n  modern custom to arrange matters so that lambs are born five months\n  after April 21, say the end of September.\u201d And, again, in another\n  letter (dated 16th February 1908) he writes to me: \u201cThe matter of\n  coupling ewes and rams in the end of April is very perplexing. In this\n  country it is only the Dorset breed of sheep that will \u2018take\u2019 the ram\n  at this time of the year. In the case of other breeds the ewe will\n  only take the ram in autumn, say from July to November, so that the\n  lambs are born from January to May. We consider that lambs born late\n  in the season, say May or June, never thrive well.\u201d\n\nFootnote 1069:\n\n  The suggestion was made by C. G. Heyne in his commentary on Tibullus,\n  i. 5. 88.\n\nFootnote 1070:\n\n  O. Keller, _Thiere des classischen Alterthums_ (Innsbruck, 1887), pp.\n  158 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1071:\n\n  Calpurnius, _Bucol._ v. 16-28.\n\nFootnote 1072:\n\n  Plutarch, _Romulus_, 12.\n\nFootnote 1073:\n\n  Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ 1. 88.\n\nFootnote 1074:\n\n  This is the view of J. Marquardt (_R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.\n  2nd Ed., 207), and Mr. W. Warde Fowler (_Roman Festivals_, p. 83, note\n  1).\n\nFootnote 1075:\n\n  Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen und\n  Gewohnheiten_, pp. 82-84, 116-118; F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren\n  und \u00e4usseren Leben der Ehsten_, pp. 332, 356-361; Holzmayer,\n  \u201cOsiliana,\u201d _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft zu\n  Dorpat_, vii. (1872) p. 61.\n\nFootnote 1076:\n\n  F. J. Wiedemann, _op. cit._ p. 413.\n\nFootnote 1077:\n\n  See above, pp. 75 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1078:\n\n  W. R. S. Ralston, _Russian Folk-tales_, pp. 344, 345.\n\nFootnote 1079:\n\n  W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, pp. 229-231. In the\n  island of Rhodes also it is customary for people to roll themselves on\n  the grass for good luck on St. George\u2019s Day. See Mary Hamilton, _Greek\n  Saints and their Festivals_ (Edinburgh and London, 1910), p. 166.\n\nFootnote 1080:\n\n  Olga Bartels, \u201cAus dem Leben der weissrussischen Landbev\u00f6lkerung,\u201d\n  _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxxv. (1903) p. 659.\n\nFootnote 1081:\n\n  W. R. S. Ralston, _op. cit._ p. 389. French peasants of the Vosges\n  Mountains believe that St. George shuts the mouths of wild beasts and\n  prevents them from attacking the flocks which are placed under his\n  protection (L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 127).\n\nFootnote 1082:\n\n  W. R. S. Ralston, _op. cit._ pp. 319 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1083:\n\n  R. F. Kaindl, \u201cZauberglaube bei den Rutenen in der Bukowina und\n  Galizien,\u201d _Globus_, lxi. (1892) p. 280.\n\nFootnote 1084:\n\n  R. F. Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_ (Vienna, 1894), pp. 62 _sq._, 78, 88\n  _sq._; _id._, \u201cZauberglaube bei den Huzulen,\u201d _Globus_, lxxvi. (1899)\n  p. 233.\n\nFootnote 1085:\n\n  P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_, i.\n  (Leipsic, 1903) pp. 106 _sq._ The authority quoted for the sacrifice\n  is Tiede, _Merkw\u00fcrdigkeiten Schlesiens_ (1804), pp. 123 _sq._ It is\n  not expressly said, but we may assume, that the sacrifice was offered\n  on St. George\u2019s Day.\n\nFootnote 1086:\n\n  A. Birlinger, _Aus Schwaben_ (Wiesbaden, 1874), ii. 166. Compare\n  _id._, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, ii. 21 n. 1.\n\nFootnote 1087:\n\n  E. H. Meyer, _Badisches Volksleben im neunzehnten Jahrhundert_\n  (Strasburg, 1900), pp. 219, 408.\n\nFootnote 1088:\n\n  J. Haltrich, _Zur Volkskunde der Siebenb\u00fcrger Sachsen_ (Vienna, 1885),\n  p. 281.\n\nFootnote 1089:\n\n  W. Schmidt, _Das Jahr und seine Tage in Meinung und Brauch der Rom\u00e4nen\n  Siebenb\u00fcrgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1866), pp. 9, 11. Compare R. F. Kaindl,\n  \u201cZur Volkskunde der Rum\u00e4nen in der Bukowina,\u201d _Globus_, xcii. (1907)\n  p. 284. It does not appear whether the shepherd\u2019s pouch\n  (\u201c_Hirtentaschen_\u201d) in question is the real pouch or the plant of that\n  name.\n\nFootnote 1090:\n\n  A. und A. Schott, _Walachische Maehrchen_ (Stuttgart and T\u00fcbingen,\n  1845), pp. 299 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1091:\n\n  A. Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 287.\n\nFootnote 1092:\n\n  A. Strausz, _op. cit._ p. 337.\n\nFootnote 1093:\n\n  W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 230.\n\nFootnote 1094:\n\n  Above, pp. 126 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1095:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, pp.\n  125-127; _id._, _Kroatien und Slavonien_ (Vienna, 1889), pp. 105 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1096:\n\n  W. J. A. Tettau und J. D. H. Temme, _Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens,\n  Litthauens und Westpreussens_ (Berlin, 1837), p. 263.\n\nFootnote 1097:\n\n  L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_, pp. 246-251; A. Kuhn, _Herabkunft\n  des Feuers_, 2nd Ed., pp. 163 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1098:\n\n  See above, pp. 75 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1099:\n\n  W. R. S. Ralston, _Russian Folk-tales_, p. 345.\n\nFootnote 1100:\n\n  Marie Andree-Eysn, _Volkskundliches aus dem bayrisch-\u00f6sterreichischen\n  Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp. 180-182.\n\nFootnote 1101:\n\n  E. H. Meyer, _Badisches Volksleben im neunzehnten Jahrhundert_\n  (Strasburg, 1900), p. 423; K. Freiherr von Leoprechting, _Aus dem\n  Lechrain_ (Munich, 1855), p. 168.\n\nFootnote 1102:\n\n  See above, pp. 56 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1103:\n\n  A. Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_, pp. 337, 385 _sq._ There seems to be a\n  special connexion between St. George and serpents. In Bohemia and\n  Moravia it is thought that up to the twenty-third of April serpents\n  are innocuous, and only get their poison on the saint\u2019s day. See J. V.\n  Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_, \u00a7\u00a7 326,\n  580, pp. 51, 81; W. M\u00fcller, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in\n  M\u00e4hren_, p. 323. Various other charms are effected by means of\n  serpents on this day. Thus if you tear out the tongue of a live snake\n  on St. George\u2019s Day, put it in a ball of wax, and lay the ball under\n  your tongue, you will be able to talk down anybody. See J. V.\n  Grohmann, _op. cit._, \u00a7\u00a7 576, 1169, pp. 81, 166.\n\nFootnote 1104:\n\n  J. V. Grohmann, _op. cit._ \u00a7 1463, p. 210.\n\nFootnote 1105:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, p. 175.\n\nFootnote 1106:\n\n  F. S. Krauss, _op. cit._ pp. 175 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1107:\n\n  Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_, pp. 194 _sq._; J.\n  V. Grohmann, _op. cit._, \u00a7 554, p. 77.\n\nFootnote 1108:\n\n  S. J. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_, pp. 83 _sq._, 118\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 1109:\n\n  S. Baring-Gould, _Curious Myths of the Middle Ages_, pp. 278 _sqq._\n  The authority for this identification is the nominal translator, but\n  real author, of the work called _The Agriculture of the Nabataeans_.\n  See D. A. Chwolson, _\u00dcber Tammuz und die Menschenverehrung bei den\n  alten Babyloniern_ (St. Petersburg, 1860), pp. 56 _sq._ Although _The\n  Agriculture of the Nabataeans_ appears to be a forgery (see above, p.\n  100, note 2), the identification of the oriental St. George with\n  Tammuz may nevertheless be correct.\n\nFootnote 1110:\n\n  J. Maeletius (Menecius), \u201cDe sacrificiis et idolatria veterum\n  Borussorum Livonum aliarumque vicinarum gentium,\u201d _Mitteilungen der\n  Litterarischen Gesellschaft Masovia_, Heft 8 (L\u00f6tzen, 1902), pp. 185,\n  187, 200 _sq._; _id._ in _Scriptores rerum Livonicarum_, ii. (Riga and\n  Leipsic, 1848), pp. 389, 390; J. Lasicius, \u201cDe diis Samagitarum\n  caeterorumque Sarmatarum,\u201d ed. W. Mannhardt, in _Magazin herausgegeben\n  von der Lettisch-liter\u00e4rischen Gesellschaft_, xiv. (1868) pp. 95 _sq._\n  The first form of the prayer to Pergrubius is from the Latin, the\n  second from the German, version of Maeletius\u2019s (Jan Malecki\u2019s) work.\n  The description of Pergrubius as \u201che who makes leaves and grass to\n  grow\u201d (\u201c_der lest wachssen laub unnd gras_\u201d) is also from the German.\n  According to M. Praetorius, Pergrubius was a god of husbandry\n  (_Deliciae Prussicae_, Berlin, 1871, p. 25).\n\n\n\n\n                               CHAPTER XX\n                         THE WORSHIP OF THE OAK\n\n\n                \u00a7 1. The Diffusion of the Oak in Europe\n\n\n[Sidenote: The Latin kings represented Jupiter, the god of the oak, the\nsky, the thunder, and the rain.] In a preceding chapter some reasons\nwere given for thinking that the early Latin kings posed as living\nrepresentatives of Jupiter, the god of the oak, the sky, the rain, and\nthe thunder, and that in this capacity they attempted to exercise the\nfertilising functions which were ascribed to the god. The probability of\nthis view will be strengthened if it can be proved that the same god was\nworshipped under other names by other branches of the Aryan stock in\nEurope, and that the Latin kings were not alone in arrogating to\nthemselves his powers and attributes. In this chapter I propose briefly\nto put together a few of the principal facts which point to this\nconclusion.\n\n[Sidenote: Why should the god of the oak be also the god of the sky, the\nthunder, and the rain?] But at the outset a difficulty presents itself.\nTo us the oak, the sky, the rain, and the thunder appear things totally\ndistinct from each other. How did our forefathers come to group them\ntogether and imagine them as attributes of one and the same god? A\nconnexion may be seen between the sky, the rain, and the thunder; but\nwhat has any of them to do with the oak? Yet one of these apparently\ndisparate elements was probably the original nucleus round which in time\nthe others gathered and crystallised into the composite conception of\nJupiter. Accordingly we must ask, Which of them was the original centre\nof attraction? If men started with the idea of an oak-god, how came they\nto enlarge his kingdom by annexing to it the province of the sky, the\nrain, and the thunder? If, on the other hand, they set out with the\nnotion of a god of the sky, the rain, and the thunder, or any one of\nthem, why should they have added the oak to his attributes? The oak is\nterrestrial; the sky, the thunder, and the rain are celestial or aerial.\nWhat is the bridge between the two?\n\n[Sidenote: In the composite character of Jupiter the oak is probably\nprimary, the sky, the rain, and the thunder secondary and derivative.]\nIn the sequel I shall endeavour to shew that on the principle of\nprimitive thought the evolution of a sky-god from an oak-god is more\neasily conceivable than the converse; and if I succeed, it becomes\nprobable that in the composite character of Jupiter the oak is primary\nand original, the sky, the rain, and the thunder secondary and\nderivative.\n\n[Sidenote: Europe covered with vast oak forests in prehistoric times.]\nWe have seen that long before the dawn of history Europe was covered\nwith vast primaeval woods, which must have exercised a profound\ninfluence on the thought as well as on the life of our rude ancestors\nwho dwelt dispersed under the gloomy shadow or in the open glades and\nclearings of the forest.[1111] Now, of all the trees which composed\nthese woods the oak appears to have been both the commonest and the most\nuseful. The proof of this is drawn partly from the statements of\nclassical writers, partly from the remains of ancient villages built on\npiles in lakes and marshes, and partly from the oak forests which have\nbeen found embedded in peat-bogs.\n\n[Sidenote: Remains of oak forests found in peat-bogs.] These bogs, which\nattain their greatest development in Northern Europe, but are met with\nalso in the central and southern parts of the Continent, have preserved\nas in a museum the trees and plants which sprang up and flourished after\nthe end of the glacial epoch. Thus in Scotland the peat, which occupies\nwide areas both in the highlands and lowlands, almost everywhere covers\nthe remains of forests, among which the commoner trees are pine, oak,\nand birch. The oaks are of great size, and are found at heights above\nthe sea such as the tree would not now naturally attain to. Equally\nremarkable for their size are the pines, but though they also had a\nwider distribution than at present, they appear not to have formed any\nextensive forests at the lowest levels of the country. Still, remains of\nthem have been dug up in many lowland peat-mosses, where the bulk of the\nburied timber is oak.[1112] When Hatfield Moss in Yorkshire was drained,\nthere were found in it trunks of oak a hundred feet long and as black as\nebony. One giant actually measured a hundred and twenty feet in length,\nwith a diameter of twelve feet at the root and six feet at the top. No\nsuch tree now exists in Europe.[1113] Sunken forests and peat occur at\nmany places on the coasts of England, especially on low shelving shores\nwhere the land falls away with a gentle slope to the sea. These\nsubmerged areas were once mud flats which, as the sea retreated from\nthem, gradually became clothed with dense forests, chiefly of oak and\nScotch fir, though ash, yew, alder, and other trees sooner or later\nmingled with them.[1114] The great peat-bogs of Ireland shew that there\nwas a time when vast woods of oak and yew covered the country, the oak\ngrowing on the hills up to a height of four hundred feet or thereabout\nabove the sea, while at higher levels deal was the prevailing timber.\nHuman relics have often been discovered in these Irish bogs, and ancient\nroadways made of oak have also come to light.[1115] In the peat-bog near\nAbbeville, in the valley of the Somme, trunks of oak have been dug up\nfourteen feet thick, a diameter rarely met with outside the tropics in\nthe old Continent.[1116]\n\n[Sidenote: Former oak woods of Denmark and Scandinavia.] At present the\nwoods of Denmark consist for the most part of magnificent beeches, which\nflourish here as luxuriantly as anywhere in the world. Oaks are much\nrarer and appear to be on the decline. Yet the evidence of the peat-bogs\nproves that before the advent of the beech the country was overspread\nwith dense forests of tall and stately oaks. It was during the\nascendency of the oak in the woods that bronze seems to have become\nknown in Denmark; for swords and shields of that metal, now in the\nmuseum of Copenhagen, have been taken out of peat in which oaks abound.\nYet at a still earlier period the oak had been preceded by the pine or\nScotch fir in the Danish forests; and the discovery of neolithic\nimplements in the peat-bogs shews that savages of the Stone Age had\ntheir homes in these old pine woods as well as in the later forests of\noak. Some antiquaries are of opinion that the Iron Age in Denmark began\nwith the coming of the beech, but of this there is no evidence; for\naught we know to the contrary the beautiful beech forests may date back\nto the Age of Bronze.[1117] The peat-bogs of Norway abound in buried\ntimber; and in many of them the trees occur in two distinct layers. The\nlower of these layers consists chiefly of oak, hazel, ash, and other\ndeciduous trees; the upper is composed of Scotch firs and birches. In\nthe bogs of Sweden also the oak forests underlie the pine forests.[1118]\nHowever, it appears to be doubtful whether Scandinavia was inhabited in\nthe age of the oak woods. Neolithic tools have indeed been found in the\npeat, but generally not deeper down than two feet or so; hence one\nantiquary infers that in these bogs not more than two feet of peat has\nformed within historical times.[1119] But negative evidence on such a\npoint goes for little, as only a small portion of the bogs can have been\nexplored.\n\n[Sidenote: The ancient lake dwellings of Europe were built to a great\nextent on oaken piles.] Unequivocal proof of the prevalence of the oak\nand its usefulness to man in early times is furnished by the remains of\nthe pile villages which have been discovered in many of the lakes of\nEurope. In the British Islands the piles and the platforms on which\nthese crannogs or lake dwellings rested appear to have been generally of\noak, though fir, birch, and other trees were sometimes used in their\nconstruction. Speaking of the Irish and Scotch crannogs a learned\nantiquary remarks: \u201cEvery variety of structure observed in the one\ncountry is to be found in the other, from the purely artificial island,\nframed of oak-beams, mortised together, to the natural island,\nartificially fortified or enlarged by girdles of oak-piles or ramparts\nof loose stones.\u201d[1120] Canoes hollowed out of trunks of oak have been\nfound both in the Scotch and in the Irish crannogs.[1121] In the lake\ndwellings of Switzerland and Central Europe the piles are very often of\noak, but by no means as uniformly so as in the British Islands; fir,\nbirch, alder, ash, elm, and other timber were also employed for the\npurpose.[1122] That the inhabitants of these villages subsisted partly\non the produce [Sidenote: The inhabitants of the lake dwellings\nsubsisted partly on acorns.] of the oak, even after they had adopted\nagriculture, is proved by the acorns which have been found in their\ndwellings along with wheat, barley, and millet, as well as beech-nuts,\nhazel-nuts, and the remains of chestnuts and cherries.[1123] In the\nvalley of the Po the framework of logs and planks which supports the\nprehistoric villages is most commonly of elm wood, but evergreen oak and\nchestnut were also used; and the abundance of oaks is attested by the\ngreat quantities of acorns which were dug up in these settlements. As\nthe acorns were sometimes found stored in earthenware vessels, it\nappears that they were eaten by the people as well as by their\npigs.[1124]\n\n[Sidenote: Evidence of classical writers as to the oak forests of\nEurope.] The evidence of classical writers proves that great oak forests\nstill existed down to their time in various parts of Europe. Thus the\nVeneti on the Atlantic coast of Brittany made their flat-bottomed boats\nout of oak timber, of which, we are told, there was abundance in their\ncountry.[1125] Pliny informs us that, while the whole of Germany was\ncovered with cool and shady woods, the loftiest trees were to be seen\nnot far from the country of the Chauci, who inhabited the coast of the\nNorth Sea. Among these giants of the forest he speaks especially of the\noaks which grew on the banks of two lakes. When the waves had undermined\ntheir roots, the oaks are said to have torn away great portions of the\nbank and floated like islands on the lakes.[1126] The same [Sidenote:\nThe oak woods of Germany.] writer speaks of the vast Hercynian wood of\nGermany as an oak forest, old as the world, untouched for ages, and\npassing wonderful in its immortality. So huge were the trees, he says,\nthat when their roots met they were forced up above ground in the shape\nof arches, through which a troop of horse could ride as through an open\ngate.[1127] His testimony as to the kind of trees which composed this\nfamous forest is confirmed by its name, which seems to mean no more than\n\u201coak wood.\u201d[1128] In the second century before our era oak forests were\nstill so common in the valley of the Po that the herds of swine which\nbrowsed on the acorns sufficed to [Sidenote: The oak woods of ancient\nItaly and Greece.] supply the greater part of the demand for pork\nthroughout Italy, although nowhere in the world, according to Polybius,\nwere more pigs butchered to feed the gods, the people, and the\narmy.[1129] Elsewhere the same historian describes the immense herds of\nswine which roamed the Italian oak forests, especially on the coasts of\nTuscany and Lombardy. In order to sort out the different droves when\nthey mingled with each other in the woods, each swineherd carried a\nhorn, and when he wound a blast on it all his own pigs came trooping to\nhim with such vehemence that nothing could stop them; for all the herds\nknew the note of their own horn. In the oak forests of Greece this\ndevice was unknown, and the swineherds there had harder work to come by\ntheir own when the beasts had strayed far in the woods, as they were apt\nto do in autumn while the acorns were falling.[1130] Down to the\nbeginning of our era oak woods were interspersed among the olive groves\nand vineyards of the Sabine country in central Italy.[1131] Among the\nbeautiful woods which clothed the Heraean mountains in Sicily the oaks\nwere particularly remarked for their stately growth and the great size\nof their acorns.[1132] In the second century after Christ the oak\nforests of Arcadia still harboured wild boars, bears, and huge tortoises\nin their dark recesses.[1133]\n\n[Sidenote: The oak still the chief forest tree of Europe.] Even now the\npredominance of the oak as the principal forest tree of Europe has\nhardly passed away. Thus we are told that among the leaf-bearing trees\nof Greece, as opposed to the conifers, the oak still plays by far the\nmost important part in regard both to the number of the individuals and\nthe number of the species.[1134] And the British oak in particular\n(_Quercus robur_) is yet the prevailing tree in most of the woods of\nFrance, Germany, and southern Russia, while in England the coppice and\nthe few fragments of natural forest still left are mainly composed of\nthis species.[1135]\n\n[Sidenote: In Europe acorns have been used as human food both in ancient\nand modern times.] Thus the old classical tradition that men lived upon\nacorns before they learned to till the ground[1136] may very well be\nfounded on fact. Indeed acorns were still an article of diet in some\nparts of southern Europe within historical times. Speaking of the\nprosperity of the righteous, Hesiod declares that for them the earth\nbears much substance, and the oak on the mountains puts forth\nacorns.[1137] The Arcadians in their oak-forests were proverbial for\neating acorns,[1138] but not the acorns of all oaks, only those of a\nparticular sort.[1139] Pliny tells us that in his day acorns still\nconstituted the wealth of many nations, and that in time of dearth they\nwere ground and baked into bread.[1140] According to Strabo, the\nmountaineers of Spain subsisted on acorn bread for two-thirds of the\nyear;[1141] and in that country acorns were served up as a second course\neven at the meals of the well-to-do.[1142] In the same regions the same\npractice [Sidenote: Acorns as food in modern Europe.] has survived to\nmodern times. The commonest and finest oak of modern Greece is the\n_Quercus Aegilops_, with a beautiful crown of leaves, and the peasants\neat its acorns both roasted and raw.[1143] The sweeter acorns of the\n_Quercus Ballota_ also serve them as food, especially in Arcadia.[1144]\nIn Spain people eat the acorns of the evergreen oak (_Quercus Ilex_),\nwhich are known as _bellotas_, and are said to be much larger and more\nsucculent than the produce of the British oak. The duchess in _Don\nQuixote_ writes to Sancho\u2019s wife to send her some of them. But oaks are\nnow few and far between in La Mancha.[1145] Even in England and France\nacorns have been boiled and eaten by the poor as a substitute for bread\nin time of dearth.[1146] And naturally the use of acorns as food for\nswine has also lasted into modern times. It is on acorns that those hogs\nare fattened in Estremadura which make the famous Montanches hams.[1147]\nLarge herds of swine in all the great oak woods of Germany depend on\nacorns for their autumn subsistence; and in the remaining royal forests\nof England the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages still claim\ntheir ancient right of _pannage_, turning their hogs into the woods in\nOctober and November.[1148]\n\n\n          \u00a7 2. The Aryan God of the Oak and the Thunder[1149]\n\n\n[Sidenote: The many benefits received by the ancient Aryans from the oak\nnaturally led them to worship the tree.] Thus we may conclude that the\nprimitive Aryans of Europe lived among oak woods, used oak sticks for\nthe lighting of their fires, and oak timber for the construction of\ntheir villages, their roads, their canoes, fed their swine on acorns,\nand themselves subsisted in part on the same simple diet. No wonder,\nthen, if the tree from which they received so many benefits should play\nan important part in their religion, and should be invested with a\nsacred character. We have seen that the worship of trees has been\nworld-wide, and that, beginning with a simple reverence and dread of the\ntree as itself animated by a powerful spirit, it has [Sidenote: The\nworship of the tree itself gradually grew into a worship of the god of\nthe tree, but no sharp line of distinction can be drawn between the\ntwo.] gradually grown into a cult of tree gods and tree goddesses, who\nwith the advance of thought become more and more detached from their old\nhome in the trees, and assume the character of sylvan deities and powers\nof fertility in general, to whom the husbandman looks not merely for the\nprosperity of his crops, but for the fecundity of his cattle and his\nwomen. Where this evolution has taken place it has necessarily been slow\nand long. Though it is convenient to distinguish in theory between the\nworship of trees and the worship of gods of the trees, it is impossible\nto draw a hard and fast line between them in practice, and to say, \u201cHere\nthe one begins and the other ends.\u201d Such distinctions, however useful\nthey may be as heads of classification to the student, evade in general\nthe duller wit of the tree worshipper. We cannot therefore hope to lay\nour finger on that precise point in the history of the Aryans when they\nceased to worship the oak for its own sake, and began to worship a god\nof the oak. That point, if it were ideally possible to mark it, had\ndoubtless been left far behind them by the more intelligent, at least,\nof our forefathers before they emerged into the light of history. We\nmust be content for the most part to find among them gods of whom the\noak was an attribute or sacred adjunct rather than the essence. If we\nwish to find the original worship of the tree itself we must go for it\nto the ignorant peasantry of to-day, not to the enlightened writers of\nantiquity. Further, it is to be borne in mind that while all oaks were\nprobably the object of superstitious awe, so that the felling of any of\nthem for timber or firewood would be attended with ceremonies designed\nto appease the injured spirit of the tree,[1150] only certain particular\ngroves or individual oaks would in general receive that measure of\nhomage which we should term worship. The reasons which led men to\nvenerate some trees more than others might be various. Amongst them the\nvenerable age and imposing size of a giant oak would naturally count for\nmuch. And any other striking peculiarity which marked a tree off from\nits fellows would be apt to attract the attention, and to concentrate on\nitself the vague superstitious awe of the savage. We know, for example,\nthat with the Druids the growth of mistletoe on an oak was a sign that\nthe tree was especially sacred; and the rarity of this feature\u2014for\nmistletoe does not commonly grow on oaks\u2014would enhance the sanctity and\nmystery of the tree. For it is the strange, the wonderful, the rare, not\nthe familiar and commonplace, which excites the religious emotions of\nmankind.\n\n[Sidenote: The worship of the oak tree or of the oak god seems to have\nbeen common to all the Aryans of Europe.] The worship of the oak tree or\nof the oak god appears to have been shared by all the branches of the\nAryan stock in Europe. Both Greeks and Italians associated the tree\n[Sidenote: Worship of the oak in Greece; its association with Zeus.]\nwith their highest god, Zeus or Jupiter, the divinity of the sky, the\nrain, and the thunder.[1151] Perhaps the oldest and certainly one of the\nmost famous sanctuaries in Greece was that of Dodona, where Zeus was\nrevered in the oracular oak.[1152] The thunder-storms which are said to\nrage at Dodona more frequently than anywhere else in Europe,[1153] would\nrender the spot a fitting home for the god whose voice was heard alike\nin the rustling of the oak leaves and in the crash of thunder. Perhaps\nthe bronze gongs which kept up a humming in the wind round the\nsanctuary[1154] were meant to mimick the thunder that might so often be\nheard rolling and rumbling in the coombs of the stern and barren\nmountains which shut in the gloomy valley.[1155] In Boeotia, as we have\nseen, the sacred marriage of Zeus and Hera, the oak god and the oak\ngoddess, was celebrated with much pomp by a religious federation of\nstates.[1156] And on Mount Lycaeus in Arcadia the character of Zeus as\ngod both of the oak and of the rain comes out clearly in the rain charm\npractised by the priest of Zeus, who dipped an oak branch in a sacred\nspring.[1157]\n\n[Sidenote: Zeus as the rain god of the Greeks.] In his latter capacity\nZeus was the god to whom the Greeks regularly prayed for rain. Nothing\ncould be more natural; for often, though not always, he had his seat on\nthe mountains where the clouds gather and the oaks grow. On the\nacropolis at Athens there was an image of Earth praying to Zeus for\nrain.[1158] And in time of drought the Athenians themselves prayed,\n\u201cRain, rain, O dear Zeus, on the cornland of the Athenians and on the\nplains.\u201d[1159] The mountains which lay round their city, and to which\nthey looked through the clear Attic air for signs of the weather, were\nassociated by them with the worship of the weather-god Zeus. It was a\nsign of rain when, away to sea, a cloud rested on the sharp peak of\nAegina, which cuts the sky-line like a blue horn.[1160] On this far-seen\npeak Panhellenian Zeus was worshipped,[1161] and legend ran that once,\nwhen all Greece was parched with drought, envoys assembled in Aegina\nfrom every quarter and entreated Aeacus, the king of the island, that he\nwould intercede with his father Zeus for rain. The king complied with\nthe request, and by sacrifices and prayers wrung the needed showers from\nhis sire the sky-god.[1162]\n\n[Sidenote: Zeus as the god of fertility.] Again, it was a sign of rain\nat Athens when clouds in summer lay on the top or the sides of\nHymettus,[1163] the chain of barren mountains which bounds the Attic\nplain on the east, facing the westering sun and catching from his last\nbeams a solemn glow of purple light. If during a storm a long bank of\nclouds was seen lowering on the mountain, it meant that the storm would\nincrease in fury.[1164] Hence an altar of Showery Zeus stood on\nHymettus.[1165] Again, omens of weather were drawn when lightning\nflashed or clouds hung on the top of Mount Parnes to the north of\nAthens;[1166] and there accordingly an altar was set up to sign-giving\nZeus.[1167] The climate of eastern Argolis is dry, and the rugged\nmountains are little better than a stony waterless wilderness. On one of\nthem, named Mount Arachnaeus, or the Spider Mountain, stood altars of\nZeus and Hera, and when rain was wanted the people sacrificed there to\nthe god and goddess.[1168] On the ridge of Mount Tmolus, near Sardes,\nthere was a spot called the Birthplace of Rainy Zeus,[1169] probably\nbecause clouds resting on it were observed to presage rain. The members\nof a religious society in the island of Cos used to go in procession and\noffer sacrifices on an altar of Rainy Zeus, when the thirsty land stood\nin need of refreshing showers.[1170] Thus conceived as the source of\nfertility, it was not unnatural that Zeus should receive the title of\nthe Fruitful One,[1171] and that at Athens he should be worshipped under\nthe surname of the Husbandman.[1172]\n\n[Sidenote: Zeus as the god of thunder and lightning.] Again, Zeus\nwielded the thunder and lightning as well as the rain.[1173] At Olympia\nand elsewhere he was worshipped under the surname of Thunderbolt;[1174]\nand at Athens there was a sacrificial hearth of Lightning Zeus on the\ncity wall, where some priestly officials watched for lightning over\nMount Parnes at certain seasons of the year.[1175] Further, spots which\nhad been struck by lightning were regularly fenced in by the Greeks and\nconsecrated to Zeus the Descender, that is, to the god who came down in\nthe flash from heaven. Altars were set up within these enclosures and\nsacrifices offered on them. Several such places are known from\ninscriptions to have existed in Athens.[1176]\n\n[Sidenote: The Greek kings personified Zeus, as the Italian kings\npersonified Jupiter.] Thus when ancient Greek kings claimed to be\ndescended from Zeus, and even to bear his name,[1177] we may reasonably\nsuppose that they also attempted to exercise his divine functions by\nmaking thunder and rain for the good of their people or the terror and\nconfusion of their foes. In this respect the legend of Salmoneus[1178]\nprobably reflects the pretensions of a whole class of petty sovereigns\nwho reigned of old, each over his little canton, in the oak-clad\nhighlands of Greece. Like their kinsmen the Irish kings, they were\nexpected to be a source of fertility to the land and of fecundity to the\ncattle;[1179] and how could they fulfil these expectations better than\nby acting the part of their kinsman Zeus, the great god of the oak, the\nthunder, and the rain? They personified him, apparently, just as the\nItalian kings personified Jupiter.[1180]\n\n[Sidenote: Jupiter in Italy as the god of the oak, the thunder, and the\nrain.] In ancient Italy every oak was sacred to Jupiter, the Italian\ncounterpart of Zeus;[1181] and on the Capitol at Rome the god was\nworshipped as the deity not merely of the oak, but of the rain and the\nthunder.[1182] Contrasting the piety of the good old times with the\nscepticism of an age when nobody thought that heaven was heaven, or\ncared a fig for Jupiter, a Roman writer tells us that in former days\nnoble matrons used to go with bare feet, streaming hair, and pure minds,\nup the long Capitoline slope, praying to Jupiter for rain. And\nstraightway, he goes on, it rained bucketsful, then or never, and\neverybody returned dripping like drowned rats. \u201cBut nowadays,\u201d says he,\n\u201cwe are no longer religious, so the fields lie baking.\u201d[1183] And as\nJupiter conjured up the clouds and caused them to discharge their genial\nburden on the earth, so he drove them away and brought the bright\nItalian sky back once more. Hence he was worshipped under the titles of\nthe Serene, he who restores serenity.[1184] Lastly, as god of the\nfertilising showers [Sidenote: Jupiter as the god of fertility.] he made\nthe earth to bring forth; so people called him the Fruitful One.[1185]\n\n[Sidenote: The god of the oak and the thunder among the northern\nAryans.] When we pass from southern to central Europe we still meet with\nthe great god of the oak and the thunder among the barbarous Aryans who\ndwelt in the vast primaeval forests.[1186] Thus among the Celts of Gaul\nthe Druids esteemed nothing more sacred than the mistletoe and the oak\non which it grew; they chose groves of oaks for the scene of their\nsolemn service, and they performed none of their rites without oak\nleaves.[1187] \u201cThe Celts,\u201d says a Greek writer, \u201cworship [Sidenote:\nCeltic worship of the oak.] Zeus, and the Celtic image of Zeus is a tall\noak.\u201d[1188] The Celtic conquerors who settled in Asia in the third\ncentury before our era appear to have carried the worship of the oak\nwith them to their new home; for in the heart of Asia Minor the Galatian\nsenate met in a place which bore the pure Celtic name of Drynemetum,\n\u201cthe sacred oak grove\u201d or \u201cthe temple of the oak.\u201d[1189] Indeed the very\nname of Druids is believed by good authorities to mean no more than \u201coak\nmen.\u201d[1190] When Christianity displaced Druidism in Ireland, the\nchurches and monasteries were sometimes built in oak groves or under\nsolitary oaks,[1191] the choice of the site [Sidenote: Traces of sacred\noaks in Ireland.] being perhaps determined by the immemorial sanctity of\nthe trees, which might predispose the minds of the converts to receive\nwith less reluctance the teaching of the new faith.[1192] But there is\nno positive evidence that the Irish Druids performed their rites, like\ntheir Gallic brethren, in oak groves,[1193] so that the inference from\nthe churches of Kildare, Derry, and the rest is merely a conjecture\nbased on analogy.\n\nIn the religion of the ancient Germans the veneration for sacred groves\nseems to have held the foremost place,[1194] and according to Grimm the\nchief of their holy trees was the oak.[1195] It appears to have been\nespecially dedicated to the [Sidenote: The Teutonic god of the oak and\nthe thunder.] god of thunder, Donar or Thunar, the equivalent of the\nNorse Thor; for a sacred oak near Geismar, in Hesse, which Boniface cut\ndown in the eighth century, went among the heathen by the name of\nJupiter\u2019s oak (_robur Jovis_), which in old German would be _Donares\neih_, \u201cthe oak of Donar.\u201d[1196] That the Teutonic thunder god Donar,\nThunar, Thor was identified with the Italian thunder god Jupiter appears\nfrom our word Thursday, Thunar\u2019s day, which is merely a rendering of the\nLatin _dies Jovis_.[1197] Thus among the ancient Teutons, as among the\nGreeks and Italians, the god of the oak was also the god of the thunder.\nMoreover, he was regarded as the great fertilising power, who sent rain\nand caused the earth to bear fruit; for Adam of Bremen tells us that\n\u201cThor presides in the air; he it is who rules thunder and lightning,\nwind and rains, fine weather and crops.\u201d[1198] In these respects,\ntherefore, the Teutonic thunder god again resembled his southern\ncounterparts Zeus and Jupiter. And like them Thor appears to have been\nthe chief god of the pantheon; for in the great temple at Upsala his\nimage [Sidenote: The worship of Thor at Upsala.] occupied the middle\nplace between the images of Odin and Frey,[1199] and in oaths by this or\nother Norse trinities he was always the principal deity invoked.[1200]\nBeside the temple at Upsala there was a sacred grove, but the kinds of\ntrees which grew in it are not known. Only of one tree are we told that\nit was of mighty size, with great spreading branches, and that it\nremained green winter and summer alike. Here too was a spring where\nsacrifices were offered. They used to plunge a living man into the\nwater, and if he disappeared they drew a favourable omen. Every nine\nyears, at the spring equinox, a great festival was held at Upsala in\nhonour of Thor, the god of thunder, Odin, the god of war, and Frey, the\ngod of peace and pleasure. The ceremonies lasted nine days. Nine male\nanimals of every sort were sacrificed, that their blood might appease\nthe gods. Each day six victims were slaughtered, of whom one was a man.\nTheir bodies were fastened to the trees of the grove, where dogs and\nhorses might be seen hanging beside men.[1201]\n\n[Sidenote: Perun, the god of the oak and the thunder among the Slavs.]\nAmongst the Slavs also the oak appears to have been the sacred tree of\nthe thunder god Perun, the counterpart of Zeus and Jupiter.[1202] It is\nsaid that at Novgorod there used to stand an image of Perun in the\nlikeness of a man with a thunder-stone in his hand. A fire of oak wood\nburned day and night in his honour; and if ever it went out the\nattendants paid for their negligence with their lives.[1203] Perun\nseems, like Zeus and Jupiter, to have been the chief god of his people;\nfor Procopius tells us that the Slavs \u201cbelieve that one god, the maker\nof lightning, is alone lord of all things, and they sacrifice to him\noxen and every victim.\u201d[1204]\n\n[Sidenote: Perkunas, the chief Lithuanian god.] The chief deity of the\nLithuanians was Perkunas or Perkuns, the god of thunder and lightning,\nwhose resemblance to Zeus and Jupiter has often been pointed out.[1205]\nOaks were sacred to him, and when they were cut down by the Christian\nmissionaries, the people loudly complained that their sylvan deities\nwere destroyed.[1206] Perpetual fires, kindled with the wood of certain\noak-trees, were kept up in honour of Perkunas; if such a fire went out,\nit was lighted again by friction of the sacred wood.[1207] Men\nsacrificed to oak-trees for good crops, while women did the same to\nlime-trees; from which we may infer that they regarded oaks as male and\nlime-trees as female.[1208] And in time of drought, when they wanted\nrain, they used to sacrifice a black heifer, a black he-goat, and a\nblack cock to the thunder-god in the depths of the woods. On such\noccasions the people assembled in great numbers from the country round\nabout, ate and drank, and called upon Perkunas. They carried a bowl of\nbeer thrice round the fire, then poured the liquor on the flames, while\nthey prayed to the god to send showers.[1209] Thus the chief Lithuanian\ndeity presents a close resemblance to Zeus and Jupiter, since he was the\ngod of the oak, the thunder, and the rain.[1210]\n\n[Sidenote: The god of the oak and the thunder among the Esthonians.]\nWedged in between the Lithuanians and the Slavs are the Esthonians, a\npeople who do not belong to the Aryan family. But they also shared the\nreverence for the oak, and associated the tree with their thunder-god\nTaara, the deity of their pantheon, whom they called \u201cOld Father,\u201d or\n\u201cFather of Heaven.\u201d[1211] It is said that down to the beginning of the\nnineteenth century Esthonians used to smear the holy oaks, lime-trees,\nand ash-trees with the fresh blood of animals at least once a\nyear.[1212] The following prayer to thunder is instructive, because it\nshews how easily thunder, through its association with rain, may appear\nto the rustic mind in the character of a beneficent and fertilising\npower. It was taken down from the lips of an Esthonian peasant\n[Sidenote: Esthonian prayer to thunder.] in the seventeenth century.\n\u201cDear Thunder,\u201d he prayed, \u201cwe sacrifice to thee an ox, which has two\nhorns and four claws, and we would beseech thee for the sake of our\nploughing and sowing, that our straw may be red as copper, and our corn\nyellow as gold. Drive somewhere else all black, thick clouds over great\nmarshes, high woods, and wide wastes. But to us ploughmen and sowers\ngive a fruitful time and sweet rain. Holy Thunder, guard our fields,\nthat they may bear good straw below, good ears above, and good grain\nwithin.\u201d[1213] Sometimes in time of great drought an Esthonian farmer\nwould carry beer thrice round a sacrificial fire, then pour it on the\nflames with a prayer that the thunder-god would be pleased to send\nrain.[1214]\n\n[Sidenote: Parjanya, the old Indian god of thunder, rain, and\nfertility.] In like manner, Parjanya, the old Indian god of thunder and\nrain, whose name is by some scholars identified with the Lithuanian\nPerkunas,[1215] was conceived as a deity of fertility, who not only made\nplants to germinate, but caused cows, mares, and women to conceive. As\nthe power who impregnated all things, he was compared to a bull, an\nanimal which to the primitive herdsman is the most natural type of the\nprocreative energies. Thus in a hymn of the Rigveda it is said of him:\u2014\n\n    \u201c_The Bull, loud roaring, swift to send his bounty, lays in the\n       plants the seed for germination.\n    He smites the trees apart, he slays the demons: all life fears him\n       who wields the mighty weapon.\n    From him exceeding strong flees e\u2019en the guiltless when thundering\n       Parjanya smites the wicked._\n\n    \u201c_Like a car-driver whipping on his horses, he makes the messengers\n       of rain spring forward.\n    Far off resounds the roaring of the lion what time Parjanya fills\n       the sky with rain-cloud.\n    Forth burst the winds, down come the lightning-flashes: the plants\n       shoot up, the realm of light is streaming.\n    Food springs abundant for all living creatures what time Parjanya\n       quickens earth with moisture._\u201d[1216]\n\nIn another hymn Parjanya is spoken of as \u201cgiver of growth to plants, the\ngod who ruleth over the waters and all moving creatures,\u201d and it is said\nthat \u201cin him all living creatures have their being.\u201d Then the poet goes\non:\u2014\n\n    \u201c_May this my song to sovran lord Parjanya come near unto his heart\n       and give him pleasure.\n    May we attain the showers that bring enjoyment, and god-protected\n       plants with goodly fruitage.\n    He is the Bull of all, and their impregner: he holds the life of all\n       things fixed and moving._\u201d[1217]\n\nAnd in yet another hymn we read:\u2014\n\n    \u201c_Sing forth and laud Parjanya, son of Heaven, who sends the gift of\n       rain:\n    May he provide our pasturage.\n    Parjanya is the god who forms in kine, in mares, in plants of earth\n    And womanhood, the germ of life._\u201d[1218]\n\nIn short, \u201cParjanya is a god who presides over the lightning, the\nthunder, the rain, and the procreation of plants and living creatures.\nBut it is by no means clear whether he is originally a god of the rain,\nor a god of the thunder. For, as both phenomena are always associated in\nIndia, either of the two opinions is admissible, if no deciding evidence\ncomes from another quarter.\u201d[1219] On this point something will be said\npresently. Here it is enough to have indicated the ease with which the\nnotion of the thunder-god passes into, or is combined with, the idea of\na god of fertility in general.\n\n[Sidenote: God of thunder, rain, and fertility among the Iroquois.] The\nsame combination meets us in Heno, the thunder-spirit of the Iroquois.\nHis office was not only to hurl his bolts at evil-doers, but to cool and\nrefresh the ground with showers, to ripen the harvest, and to mature the\nfruits of the earth. In spring, when they committed the seeds to the\nsoil, the Indians prayed to him that he would water them and foster\ntheir growth: and at the harvest festival they thanked him for his gift\nof rain.[1220] The Hos [Sidenote: Goddess of lightning, rain, and\nfertility among the Hos.] of Togoland in West Africa distinguish two\ndeities of the lightning, a god Sogble and a goddess Sodza, who are\nhusband and wife and talk with each other in the sound of thunder. The\ngoddess has epithets applied to her which seem to shew that she is\nbelieved to send the rain and to cause the plants to grow. She is\naddressed as \u201cMother of men and beasts, ship full of yams, ship full of\nthe most varied fullness.\u201d Further, it is said to be she who blesses the\ntilled land. Moreover, like the Hindoo thunder-god Parjanya, who slays\ndemons, the Ho thunder-goddess drives away evil spirits and witches from\npeople\u2019s houses; under her protection children multiply and the inmates\nof the house remain healthy.[1221] The Indians of the Andes, about\n[Sidenote: Gods of thunder, rain, and fertility among the Indians of the\nAndes and the Abchases of the Caucasus.] Lake Titicaca, believe in a\nthunder-god named Con or Cun, whom they call the \u201clord\u201d or \u201cfather\u201d of\nthe mountains (_Ccollo-auqui_). He is regarded as a powerful being, but\nirritable and difficult of access, who dwells on the high mountains\nabove the line of perpetual snow. Yet he gives great gifts to those who\nwin his favour; and when the crops are languishing for lack of rain, the\nIndians try to rouse the god from his torpor by pouring a small libation\nof brandy into a tarn below the snow-line; for they dare not set foot on\nthe snow lest they should meet the dreadful thunder-god face to face.\nHis bird is the condor as the eagle was the bird of the Greek\nthunder-god Zeus.[1222] Similarly in time of drought the Abchases of the\nCaucasus sacrifice an ox to Ap-hi, the god of thunder and lightning, and\nan old man prays him to send rain, thunder, and lightning, telling him\nthat the crops are parched, the grass burnt up, and the cattle\nstarving.[1223] These examples shew how readily a thunder-god may come\nto be viewed as a power of fertility; the connecting link is furnished\nby the fertilising rain which usually accompanies a thunder-storm.\n\n[Sidenote: Traces of the worship of the oak in modern Europe.] As might\nhave been expected, the ancient worship of the oak in Europe has left\nits print in popular custom and superstition down to modern times. Thus\nin the French department of Maine it is said that solitary oak-trees in\nthe fields are still worshipped, though the priests have sought to give\nthe worship a Christian colour by hanging images of saints on the\ntrees.[1224] In various parts of Lower Saxony and Westphalia, as late as\nthe first half of the nineteenth century, traces survived of the\nsanctity of certain oaks, to which the people paid a half-heathenish,\nhalf-Christian worship. In the principality of Minden young people of\nboth sexes used to dance round an old oak on Easter Saturday with loud\nshouts of joy. And not far from the village of Wormeln, in the\nneighbourhood of Paderborn, there stood a holy oak in the forest, to\nwhich the inhabitants of Wormeln and Calenberg went every year in solemn\nprocession.[1225] Another vestige of superstitious reverence for the oak\nin Germany is the custom of passing sick people and animals through a\nnatural or artificial opening in the trunk of an oak for the purpose of\nhealing them of their infirmities.[1226] At a village near Ragnit in\nEast Prussia there was an oak which, down to the seventeenth century,\nthe villagers regarded as sacred, firmly believing that any person who\nharmed it would be visited with misfortune, especially with some bodily\nailment.[1227] About the middle of the nineteenth century the\nLithuanians still laid offerings for spirits under ancient oaks;[1228]\nand old-fashioned people among them preferred to cook the viands for\nfuneral banquets on a fire of oak-wood, or at least under an\noak-tree.[1229] On the rivulet Micksy, between the governments of Pskov\nand Livonia in Russia, there stood a stunted, [Sidenote: Worship of the\noak in modern Russia.] withered, but holy oak, which received the homage\nof the neighbouring peasantry down at least to 1874. An eye-witness has\ndescribed the ceremonies. He found a great crowd of people, chiefly\nEsthonians of the Greek Church, assembled with their families about the\ntree, all dressed in gala costume. Some of them had brought wax candles\nand were fastening them about the trunk and in the branches. Soon a\npriest arrived, and, having donned his sacred robes, proceeded to sing a\ncanticle, such as is usually sung in the Orthodox Church in honour of\nsaints. But instead of saying as usual, \u201cHoly saint, pray the Lord for\nus,\u201d he said, \u201cHoly Oak Hallelujah, pray for us.\u201d Then he incensed the\ntree all round. During the service the tapers on the oak were lighted,\nand the people, throwing themselves on the ground, adored the holy tree.\nWhen the pastor had retired, his flock remained till late at night,\nfeasting, drinking, dancing, and lighting fresh tapers on the oak, till\neverybody was drunk and the proceedings ended in an orgy.[1230]\n\n[Sidenote: Ceremonial fires kindled by the friction of oak-wood.]\nAnother relic of the ancient sanctity of the oak has survived to modern\ntimes in the practice of kindling ceremonial fires by means of the\nfriction of oak-wood. This has been done, either at stated seasons of\nthe year or on occasions of distress, by Slavs, Germans, and\nCelts.[1231] Taken together with the perpetual sacred fires of oak-wood\nwhich we have found among the Slavs, the Lithuanians, and the ancient\nRomans,[1232] the wide prevalence of the practice seems clearly to point\nback to a time when the forefathers of the Aryans in Europe dwelt in\nforests of oak, fed their fires with oak-wood, and rekindled them, when\nthey chanced to go out, by rubbing two oaken sticks against each other.\n\n[Sidenote: In the great European god of the oak, the thunder, and the\nrain, the original element seems to have been the oak.] From the\nforegoing survey of the facts it appears that a god of the oak, the\nthunder, and the rain was worshipped of old by all the main branches of\nthe Aryan stock in Europe, and was indeed the chief deity of their\npantheon.[1233] It was natural enough that the oak should loom large in\nthe religion of people who lived in oak forests, used oak timber for\nbuilding, oak sticks for fuel, and oak acorns for food and fodder; but\nwe have still to explain how they were led to associate the thunder and\nthe rain with the oak in their conception of this great divinity. From\nthe nature of the case our solution of the problem must be conjectural;\nwe can only guess at the [Sidenote: The clue to the development of a\nlightning-god out of an oak-god may have been the notion that the\nheavenly fire or lightning was made, like the earthly fire, by the\nfriction of oak-wood.] train of thought which prompted our forefathers\nto link together things which to us seem so very different. Thunder and\nrain may indeed naturally be regarded as akin since the two so often\noccur together; but the difficulty is to understand why the oak should\nbe joined with them. Which of the three elements was the original\nnucleus about which the others afterwards clustered? In our ignorance of\nthe facts, this question amounts to asking whether, on the principles of\nsavage thought, it is easier to suppose that an original god of thunder\nand rain should afterwards add the oak-tree to his attributes, or that,\non the contrary, an old god of the oak should annex to himself the\nthunder and the rain? In favour of the first of these suppositions it\nmay be said that a god of thunder and rain might in time be regarded as\na god of the oak, because thunder and rain come from the sky, and the\noak reaches skyward and is often struck by lightning.[1234] But this\ntrain of thought is hardly likely to carry conviction even to the mind\nof a savage. On the other hand, it is not difficult to imagine how early\nman in Europe might suppose the thunder, or rather the lightning, to be\nderived from the oak. Seeing that fire on earth was regularly kindled by\nthe rubbing of oaken sticks together, he might readily infer that fire\nin heaven was produced in like manner; in other words, that the flash of\nlightning was the spark elicited by some one who was lighting his fire\nin the usual fashion up aloft; for the savage commonly explains natural\nphenomena by ideas drawn from the circle of his own daily life.\nSimilarly, people who are accustomed to make fire by means of flints\nsometimes suppose that lightning is produced in the same way. This is\nreported of the Armenians,[1235] and it may be inferred of the many\npeoples who believe that the flint implements of prehistoric races are\nthunder-bolts.[1236]\n\n[Sidenote: When an oak-god had once grown into a lightning-god, he would\neasily develop into a god of the rain and the sky.] Thus it is easy to\nconceive how a god of the oak, viewed as the source of earthly fire,\nshould come to be regarded as a god of the lightning, and hence, by an\neasy extension of ideas, as a god of thunder and rain. Accordingly we\nmay provisionally assume that the great Aryan gods who combine these\nvarious functions have been evolved in this fashion. A further step in\ntheir promotion would be taken when the whole sky was assigned to their\ndominion. The Greeks and Italians certainly advanced their Zeus and\nJupiter to this lofty position;[1237] but there seems to be no evidence\nthat the Aryans of the north ever raised their corresponding deities to\nthe rank of sky-gods in general. It is commonly indeed assumed that the\nsky was the original province of all these deities, or rather of the\nsingle Aryan god from which they are descended. But on this theory it is\nhard to see why the god of the sky should have taken up with the oak,\nand not only that, but should have clung to it even after he had, in\nsome places at least, begun to sit very loose to his old home, the vault\nof heaven. Surely his fidelity to the oak from the earliest to the\nlatest times among all the different families of his European\nworshippers is a strong argument for regarding the tree as the primary,\nnot a secondary, element in his composite nature.\n\nFootnote 1111:\n\n  See above, pp. 7 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1112:\n\n  J. Geikie, _Prehistoric Europe_ (Edinburgh, 1881), pp. 420 _sq._, 482\n  _sqq._, 495.\n\nFootnote 1113:\n\n  R. Munro, _Ancient Scottish Lake Dwellings or Crannogs_ (Edinburgh,\n  1882), p. 266, quoting Alton\u2019s _Treatise on the Origin, Qualities, and\n  Cultivation of Moss Earth_.\n\nFootnote 1114:\n\n  J. Geikie, _op. cit._ pp. 432-436.\n\nFootnote 1115:\n\n  J. Geikie, _op. cit._ pp. 461-463.\n\nFootnote 1116:\n\n  A. von Humboldt, _Kosmos_, i. (Stuttgart and T\u00fcbingen, 1845) p. 298.\n  The passage is mistranslated in the English version edited by E.\n  Sabine.\n\nFootnote 1117:\n\n  Sir Charles Lyell, _The Geological Evidence of the Antiquity of Man_\n  4th ed., (London, 1873), pp. 8, 17, 415 _sq._; Sir John Lubbock (Lord\n  Avebury), _Prehistoric Times_ 5th Ed., (London, 1890), pp. 251, 387;\n  J. Geikie, _op. cit._ pp. 485-487.\n\nFootnote 1118:\n\n  J. Geikie, _op. cit._ pp. 487 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1119:\n\n  J. Geikie, _op. cit._ p. 489.\n\nFootnote 1120:\n\n  R. Munro, _Ancient Scottish Lake Dwellings_, p. 20, quoting the\n  article \u201cCrannoges\u201d in _Chambers\u2019s Encyclop\u00e6dia_.\n\nFootnote 1121:\n\n  R. Munro, _op. cit._ p. 23. For more evidence of the use of oak in\n  British crannogs, see _id._, _op. cit._ pp. 6-8, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31,\n  32, 33 _sq._, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 51 _sq._, 53, 61, 62, 97, 122, 208,\n  262, 291-299; _id._ _The Lake Dwellings of Europe_ (London, Paris, and\n  Melbourne, 1890), pp. 350, 364, 372, 377.\n\nFootnote 1122:\n\n  F. Keller, _The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland and other Parts of\n  Europe_ 2nd Ed., (London, 1878), i. 37, 48, 65, 87, 93, 105, 110, 129,\n  156, 186, 194, 201, 214, 264, 268, 289, 300, 320, 375, 382, 434, 438,\n  440, 444, 446, 465, 639.\n\nFootnote 1123:\n\n  F. Keller, _op. cit._ i. 332, 334, 375, 586.\n\nFootnote 1124:\n\n  W. Helbig, _Die Italiker in der Poebene_ (Leipsic, 1879), pp. 12, 16\n  _sq._, 26. The bones of cattle, pigs, goats, and sheep prove that\n  these animals were bred by the people of the Italian pile villages.\n  See W. Helbig, _op. cit._ p. 14.\n\nFootnote 1125:\n\n  Strabo, v. 4. 1, p. 195.\n\nFootnote 1126:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 5.\n\nFootnote 1127:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 6 \u201c_Hercyniae silvae roborum vastitas ...\n  glandiferi maxime generis omnes, quibus honos apud Romanos\n  perpetuus._\u201d\n\nFootnote 1128:\n\n  H. Hirt, \u201cDie Urheimat der Indogermanen,\u201d _Indogermanische\n  Forschungen_, i. (1892), p. 480; P. Kretschmer, _Einleitung in die\n  Geschichte der griechischen Sprache_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1896), p. 81; O.\n  Schrader, _Reallexikon der Indogermanischen Altertumskunde_, _s.v._\n  \u201cEiche,\u201d p. 164. This etymology assumes that _Hercynia_ represents an\n  original _Perkunia_, and is connected with the Latin _quercus_.\n  However, the derivation is not undisputed. See O. Schrader, _op. cit._\n  pp. 1015 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1129:\n\n  Polybius, ii. 15. Compare Strabo, v. 1. 12, p. 218.\n\nFootnote 1130:\n\n  Polybius, xii. 4.\n\nFootnote 1131:\n\n  Strabo, v. 3. 1, p. 228.\n\nFootnote 1132:\n\n  Diodorus Siculus, iv. 84.\n\nFootnote 1133:\n\n  Pausanias, viii. 23. 8 _sq._ For notices of forests and groves of oak\n  in Arcadia and other parts of Greece, see _id._ ii. 11. 4, iii. 10. 6,\n  vii. 26. 10, viii. 11. 1, viii. 25. 1, viii. 42. 12, viii. 54. 5, ix.\n  3. 4, ix. 24. 5. The oaks in the Arcadian forests were of various\n  species (_id._ viii. 12. 1).\n\nFootnote 1134:\n\n  C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_\n  (Breslau, 1885), p. 378.\n\nFootnote 1135:\n\n  _Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica_, 9th Ed., xvii. 690.\n\nFootnote 1136:\n\n  Virgil, _Georg._, i. 7 _sq._, 147-149; Lucretius, v. 939 _sq._, 965;\n  Tibullus, ii. 1. 37 _sq._, ii. 3. 69; Ovid, _Metam._ i. 106; _id._,\n  _Fasti_, i. 675 _sq._, iv. 399-402; Juvenal, xiv. 182-184; Aulus\n  Gellius, v. 6. 12; Dionysius Halicarnas. _Ars rhetorica_, i. 6, vol.\n  v. p. 230, ed. Reiske; Pollux, i. 234; Poryphry, _De abstinentia_, ii.\n  5.\n\nFootnote 1137:\n\n  Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 232 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1138:\n\n  Herodotus, i. 66.\n\nFootnote 1139:\n\n  Pausanias, viii. 1, 6. According to Pausanias it was only the acorns\n  of the _phegos_ oak which the Arcadians ate.\n\nFootnote 1140:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 15.\n\nFootnote 1141:\n\n  Strabo, iii. 3. 7, p. 155.\n\nFootnote 1142:\n\n  Pliny, _l.c._\n\nFootnote 1143:\n\n  C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von\n  Griechenland_, p. 379.\n\nFootnote 1144:\n\n  C. Neumann and J. Partsch, _op. cit._, p. 382, note.\n\nFootnote 1145:\n\n  Cervantes, _Don Quixote_, part ii. ch. 50, vol. iv. p. 133 of H. E.\n  Watts\u2019s translation, with the translator\u2019s note (new edition, London,\n  1895); Neumann und Partsch, _op. cit._ p. 380; P. Wagler, _Die Eiche\n  in alter und neuer Zeit_, i. (Wurzen, 1891) p. 35. The passage in _Don\n  Quixote_ was pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W. Wyse.\n\nFootnote 1146:\n\n  _Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica_, 9th. Ed., xvii. 692.\n\nFootnote 1147:\n\n  H. E. Watts, _loc. cit._\n\nFootnote 1148:\n\n  _Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica_, _l.c._\n\nFootnote 1149:\n\n  To avoid misapprehension, I desire to point out that I am not here\n  concerned with the evolution of Aryan religion in general, but only\n  with that of a small, though important part of it, to wit, the worship\n  of a particular kind of tree. To write a general history of Aryan\n  religion in all its many aspects as a worship of nature, of the dead,\n  and so forth, would be a task equally beyond my powers and my\n  ambition. Still less should I dream of writing a universal history of\n  religion. The \u201cgeneral work\u201d referred to in the preface to the first\n  edition of _The Golden Bough_ is a book of far humbler scope.\n\nFootnote 1150:\n\n  For examples of such ceremonies, see above, pp. 18-20, 34-38.\n\nFootnote 1151:\n\n  For evidence of these aspects of Zeus and Jupiter, see L. Preller,\n  _Griechische Mythologie_, i. 4th ed., 115 _sqq._; _id._, _R\u00f6mische\n  Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 184 _sqq._ In former editions of this book I\n  was disposed to set aside much too summarily what may be called the\n  meteorological side of Zeus and Jupiter.\n\nFootnote 1152:\n\n  See my note on Pausanias, ii. 17. 5; P. Wagler, _Die Eiche in alter\n  und neuer Zeit_, ii. (Berlin, 1891), pp. 2 _sqq._; A. B. Cook, \u201cZeus,\n  Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_, xvii. (1903) pp. 178 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1153:\n\n  Aug. Mommsen, _Delphika_ (Leipsic, 1878), pp. 4 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1154:\n\n  Strabo, Frag. vii. 3; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ \u0394\u03c9\u03b4\u03ce\u03bd\u03b7; Suidas,\n  _s.vv._ \u0394\u03c9\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd and \u0394\u03c9\u03b4\u03ce\u03bd\u03b7; Apostolius, _Cent._ vi. 43;\n  Zenobius, _Cent._ vi. 5; Nonnus Abbas, _Ad S. Gregorii orat. ii.\n  contra Julianum_, 19 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, xxxvi. 1045). The\n  evidence on this subject has been collected and discussed by Mr. A. B.\n  Cook (\u201cThe Gong at Dodona,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xxii.\n  (1902) pp. 5-28). The theory in the text is obviously consistent, both\n  with the statement that the sound of the gongs was consulted as\n  oracular, and with the view, advocated by Mr. Cook, that it was\n  supposed to avert evil influences from the sanctuary. If I am right,\n  the bronze statuette which, according to some accounts, produced the\n  sound by striking the gong with a clapper would represent Zeus himself\n  making his thunder.\n\nFootnote 1155:\n\n  On the natural surroundings of Dodona, see C. Carapanos, _Dodone et\n  ses ruines_ (Paris, 1878), pp. 7-10.\n\nFootnote 1156:\n\n  Above, pp. 140 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1157:\n\n  Above, vol. i. p. 309. On the oak as the tree of Zeus, see Dionysius\n  Halicarn. _Ars rhetorica_, i. 6, vol. v. p. 230 ed. Reiske; Schol. on\n  Aristophanes, _Birds_, 480. On this subject much evidence, both\n  literary and monumental, has been collected by Mr. A. B. Cook in his\n  articles \u201cZeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_, xvii.\n  (1903) pp. 174 _sqq._, 268 _sqq._, 403 _sqq._, xviii. (1904) pp. 75\n  _sqq._, 327 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1158:\n\n  Pausanias, i. 24. 3.\n\nFootnote 1159:\n\n  Marcus Antoninus, v. 7.\n\nFootnote 1160:\n\n  Theophrastus, _De signis tempestatum_, i. 24.\n\nFootnote 1161:\n\n  Pausanias, i. 30. 4.\n\nFootnote 1162:\n\n  Pausanias, ii. 29. 7 _sq._; Isocrates, _Evagoras_, 14; Apollodorus,\n  iii. 12. 6. Aeacus was said to be the son of Zeus by Aegina, daughter\n  of Asopus (Apollodorus, _l.c._). Isocrates says that his relationship\n  to the god marked Aeacus out as the man to procure rain.\n\nFootnote 1163:\n\n  Theophrastus, _De signis tempestatum_, i. 20, compare 24.\n\nFootnote 1164:\n\n  Theophrastus, _op. cit._ iii. 43.\n\nFootnote 1165:\n\n  Pausanias, i. 32. 2.\n\nFootnote 1166:\n\n  Theophrastus, _op. cit._ iii. 43 and 47. Compare Aristophanes,\n  _Clouds_, 324 _sq._; Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u03a0\u03ac\u03c1\u03bd\u03b7\u03c2.\n\nFootnote 1167:\n\n  Pausanias, i. 32. 2.\n\nFootnote 1168:\n\n  Pausanias, ii. 25. 10. As to the climate and scenery of these barren\n  mountains, see A. Philippson, _Der Peloponnes_ (Berlin, 1891), pp. 43\n  _sq._, 65.\n\nFootnote 1169:\n\n  Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 48.\n\nFootnote 1170:\n\n  Paton and Hicks, _The Inscriptions of Cos_ (Oxford, 1891), No. 382;\n  Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_, 2nd Ed., No. 735.\n  There were altars of Rainy Zeus also at Argos and Lebadea. See\n  Pausanias, ii. 19. 8, ix. 39. 4.\n\nFootnote 1171:\n\n  \u1f18\u03c0\u03b9\u03ba\u03ac\u03c1\u03c0\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u1ff6\u03bd, Aristotle, _De mundo_, 7, p. 401 a, ed.\n  Bekker; Plutarch, _De Stoicorum repugnantiis_, xxx. 8.\n\nFootnote 1172:\n\n  _Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum_, iii. No. 77; E. S. Roberts,\n  _Introduction to Greek Epigraphy_, ii. No. 142, p. 387; Ch. Michel,\n  _Recueil d\u2019inscriptions grecques_, No. 692; L. R. Farnell, _Cults of\n  the Greek States_, i. 66 and 172.\n\nFootnote 1173:\n\n  Hesiod, _Theogony_, 71 _sq._; L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_,\n  4th ed., i. 119.\n\nFootnote 1174:\n\n  Pausanias, v. 14. 7; H. Roehl, _Inscriptiones Graecae antiquissimae_\n  (Berlin, 1882), No. 101; Fr\u00e4nkel, _Inschriften von Pergamon_, i. No.\n  232; Joannes Malalas, _Chronographia_, viii. p. 199, ed. L. Dindorf.\n\nFootnote 1175:\n\n  Strabo, ix. 2. 11, p. 404.\n\nFootnote 1176:\n\n  Pollux, ix. 41; Hesychius, _s.v._ \u1f20\u03bb\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd; _Etymologicum Magnum_, p.\n  341. 8 _sqq._; Artemidorus, _Onirocrit._ 11. 9; Pausanias, v. 14. 10;\n  Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_, 2nd Ed., No. 577,\n  with Dittenberger\u2019s note.\n\nFootnote 1177:\n\n  See above, p. 177.\n\nFootnote 1178:\n\n  See above, vol. i. p. 310.\n\nFootnote 1179:\n\n  See above, vol. i. p. 366.\n\nFootnote 1180:\n\n  For more evidence that the old Greek kings regularly personified Zeus,\n  see Mr. A. B. Cook, \u201cThe European Sky-god,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xv. (1904)\n  pp. 299 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1181:\n\n  Virgil. _Georg._ iii. 332, with Servius\u2019s note; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._\n  xii. 3.\n\nFootnote 1182:\n\n  As to the oak of Jupiter on the Capitol and the god\u2019s oak crown, see\n  above, p. 176. With regard to the Capitoline worship of Thundering\n  Jupiter, see Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 21, xxxiv. 10 and 79, xxxvi. 50.\n  He was worshipped in many places besides Rome as the god of thunder\n  and lightning. See Festus, p. 229, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Apuleius, _De\n  mundo_, xxxvii. 371; H. Dessau, _Inscriptones Latinae selectae_, Nos.\n  3044-3053.\n\nFootnote 1183:\n\n  Petronius, _Sat._ 44. That the slope mentioned by Petronius was the\n  Capitoline one is made highly probable by a passage of Tertullian\n  (_Apologeticus_ 40: \u201c_Aquilicia Jovi immolatis, nudipedalia populo\n  denuntiatis, coelum apud Capitolium quaeritis, nubila de laquearibus\n  exspectatis_\u201d). The church father\u2019s scorn for the ceremony contrasts\n  with the respect, perhaps the mock respect, testified for it by the\n  man in Petronius. The epithets Rainy and Showery are occasionally\n  applied to Jupiter. See Tibullus, i. 7. 26; Apuleius, _De mundo_,\n  xxxvii. 371; H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae selectae_, No. 3043.\n\nFootnote 1184:\n\n  H. Dessau, _op. cit._ No. 3042; Apuleius, _l.c._\n\nFootnote 1185:\n\n  Apuleius, _l.c._, \u201c_Plures eum Frugiferum vocant_\u201d; H. Dessau, _op.\n  cit._ No. 3017.\n\nFootnote 1186:\n\n  On this subject see H. Munro Chadwick, \u201cThe Oak and the Thunder-god,\u201d\n  _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxx. (1900) pp. 22-42.\n\nFootnote 1187:\n\n  Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 249.\n\nFootnote 1188:\n\n  Maximus Tyrius, _Dissert._ viii. 8. H. D\u2019Arbois de Jubainville\n  supposed that by Celts the writer here meant Germans (_Cours de la\n  litt\u00e9rature celtique_, i. 121 _sqq._). This was not the view of J.\n  Grimm, to whose authority D\u2019Arbois de Jubainville appealed. Grimm says\n  that what Maximus Tyrius affirms of the Celts might be applied to the\n  Germans (_Deutsche Mythologie_, 4th ed., i. 55), which is quite a\n  different thing.\n\nFootnote 1189:\n\n  Strabo, xii. 5. 1, p. 567. As to the meaning of the name see (Sir) J.\n  Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_, p. 221; H. F. Tozer, _Selections from\n  Strabo_, p. 284. On the Galatian language see above, p. 126, note 2.\n\nFootnote 1190:\n\n  G. Curtius, _Griech. Etymologie_, 5th Ed., pp. 238 _sq._; J. Rhys,\n  _op. cit._ pp. 221 _sq._; P. Kretschmer, _Einleitung in die\n  Geschichte der griech. Sprache_, p. 81. Compare A. Vanicek,\n  _Griechisch-lateinisch. etymologisches W\u00f6rterbuch_, pp. 368-370.\n  Oak in old Irish is _daur_, in modern Irish _dair_, _darach_, in\n  Gaelic _darach_. See G. Curtius, _l.c._; A. Macbain, _Etymological\n  Dictionary of the Gaelic Language_ (Inverness, 1896), _s.v._\n  \u201cDarach.\u201d On this view Pliny was substantially right (_Nat. Hist._\n  xvi. 249) in connecting Druid with the Greek _drus_, \u201coak,\u201d though\n  the name was not derived from the Greek. However, this derivation\n  of Druid has been doubted or rejected by some scholars. See H.\n  D\u2019Arbois de Jubainville, _Cours de la litt\u00e9rature celtique_, i.\n  (Paris, 1883), pp. 117 _sqq._; O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der\n  indogermanischen Altertumskunde_, pp. 638 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1191:\n\n  See above, p. 242.\n\nFootnote 1192:\n\n  The Gael\u2019s \u201cfaith in druidism was never suddenly undermined; for in\n  the saints he only saw more powerful druids than those he had\n  previously known, and Christ took the position in his eyes of the\n  druid \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u2019 \u1f10\u03be\u03bf\u03c7\u03ae\u03bd. Irish druidism absorbed a certain amount of\n  Christianity; and it would be a problem of considerable difficulty to\n  fix on the point where it ceased to be druidism, and from which\n  onwards it could be said to be Christianity in any restricted sense of\n  that term\u201d (J. Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_, p. 224).\n\nFootnote 1193:\n\n  P. W. Joyce, _Social History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 236.\n\nFootnote 1194:\n\n  J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_, 4th ed., i. 55 _sq._ Tacitus often\n  mentions the sacred groves of the Germans, but never specifies the\n  kinds of trees of which they were composed. See _Annals_, ii. 12, iv.\n  73; _Histor._ iv. 14; _Germania_, 7, 9, 39, 40, 43.\n\nFootnote 1195:\n\n  J. Grimm, _op. cit._ ii. 542.\n\nFootnote 1196:\n\n  Willibald\u2019s _Life of S. Boniface_, in Pertz\u2019s _Monumenta Germaniae\n  historica_, ii. 343 _sq._; J. Grimm, _op. cit._ i. pp. 58, 142.\n\nFootnote 1197:\n\n  J. Grimm, _op. cit._ i. 157. Prof. E. Maass supposes that the\n  identification of Donar or Thunar with Jupiter was first made in Upper\n  Germany between the Vosges mountains and the Black Forest. See his\n  work _Die Tagesg\u00f6tter_ (Berlin, 1902), p. 280.\n\nFootnote 1198:\n\n  Adam of Bremen, _Descriptio insularum Aquilonis_, 26 (Migne\u2019s\n  _Patrologia Latina_, cxlvi. col. 643).\n\nFootnote 1199:\n\n  Adam of Bremen, _l.c._\n\nFootnote 1200:\n\n  E. H. Meyer, _Mythologie des Germanen_ (Strasburg, 1903), p. 290.\n\nFootnote 1201:\n\n  Adam of Bremen, _op. cit._ 26, 27, with the Scholia (Migne\u2019s\n  _Patrologia Latina_, cxlvi. coll. 642-644).\n\nFootnote 1202:\n\n  J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_, 4th ed., i. 142 _sq._; L. Leger, _La\n  Mythologie slave_ (Paris, 1901), pp. 54-76.\n\nFootnote 1203:\n\n  L. Leger, _op. cit._ pp. 57 _sq._, translating Guagnini\u2019s _Sarmatiae\n  Europaeae descriptio_ (1578). The passage is quoted in the original by\n  Chr. Hartknoch (_Alt- und neues Preussen_, Frankfort and Leipsic,\n  1684, p. 132), who rightly assigns the work to Strykowski, not\n  Guagnini. See W. Mannhardt, in _Magazin herausgegeben von der\n  Lettisch-Literarischen Gesellschaft_, xiv. (1868) pp. 105 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1204:\n\n  Procopius, _De bello Gothico_, iii. 14 (vol. ii. p. 357, ed. J.\n  Haury).\n\nFootnote 1205:\n\n  Matthias Michov, \u201cDe Sarmatia Asiana atque Europea,\u201d in Simon\n  Grynaeus\u2019s _Novus Orbis regionum ac insularum veteribus incognitarum_\n  (Paris, 1532), p. 457; _id._, in J. Pistorius\u2019s _Polonicae historiae\n  corpus_ (B\u00e2le, 1582), i. 144; Martin Cromer, _De origine et rebus\n  gestis Polonorum_ (B\u00e2le, 1568), p. 241; J. Maeletius (Menecius, Ian\n  Malecki), \u201cDe sacrificiis et idolatria veterum Borussorum, Livonum,\n  aliarumque vicinarum gentium,\u201d _Scriptores rerum Livonicarum_, ii.\n  (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) p. 390; _id._, in _Mitteilungen der\n  Litterarischen Gesellschaft Masovia_, Heft 8 (L\u00f6tzen, 1902), p. 187;\n  Chr. Hartknoch, _Alt- und neues Preussen_ (Frankfort and Leipsic,\n  1684), pp. 131 _sqq._; S. Rostowski, quoted by A. Br\u00fcckner, _Archiv\n  f\u00fcr slavische Philologie_, ix. (1886) pp. 32, 35; M. T\u00f6ppen,\n  _Geschichte der preussischen Historiographie_ (Berlin, 1853), p. 190\n  (\u201c_Perkunos ist in allen andern Ueberlieferungen so gross und hehr,\n  wie nur immer der griechische und r\u00f6mische Donnergott, und kein\n  anderer der G\u00f6tter darf sich ihm gleich stellen. Er ist der Hauptgott,\n  wie nach andern Berichten in Preussen, so auch in Litthauen und\n  Livland_\u201d); Schleicher, \u201cLituanica,\u201d _Sitzungsberichte der\n  philosoph.-histor. Classe d. kais. Akademie d. Wissen._ (Vienna), xi.\n  (1853 pub. 1854) p. 96; H. Usener, _G\u00f6tternamen_ (Bonn, 1896), p. 97.\n\nFootnote 1206:\n\n  M. Praetorius, _Deliciae Prussicae_ (Berlin, 1871), pp. 19 _sq._; S.\n  Rostowski, _op. cit._ pp. 34, 35. On the sacred oaks of the\n  Lithuanians see Chr. Hartknoch, _op. cit._ pp. 117 _sqq._; Tettau und\n  Temme, _Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und Westpreussens_, pp.\n  19-22, 35-38.\n\nFootnote 1207:\n\n  M. Praetorius, _l.c._; S. Grunau, _Preussische Chronik_, ed. M.\n  Perlbach, i. (Leipsic, 1876) p. 78 (ii. tract. cap. v. \u00a7 2). The\n  chronicler, Simon Grunau, lived as an itinerant Dominican friar at the\n  beginning of the sixteenth century in the part of Prussia which had\n  been ceded to Poland. He brought his history, composed in somewhat\n  rustic German, down to 1529. His familiar intercourse with the lowest\n  classes of the people enabled him to learn much as to their old\n  heathen customs and superstitions; but his good faith has been doubted\n  or denied. In particular, his description of the images of the three\n  gods in the great oak at Romove has been regarded with suspicion or\n  denounced as a figment. See Chr. Hartknoch, _op. cit._ pp. 127 _sqq._;\n  M. Toeppen, _op. cit._ pp. 122 _sqq._, 190 _sqq._; M. Perlbach\u2019s\n  preface to his edition of Grunau; H. Usener, _G\u00f6tternamen_, p. 83. But\n  his account of the sanctity of the oak, and of the perpetual sacred\n  fire of oak-wood, may be accepted, since it is confirmed by other\n  authorities. Thus, according to Malecki, a perpetual fire was kept up\n  by a priest in honour of Perkunas (Pargnus) on the top of a mountain,\n  which stood beside the river Neuuassa (Niewiaza, a tributary of the\n  Niemen). See Malecki (Maeletius, Menecius), _op. cit._, _Scriptores\n  rerum Livonicarum_, ii. 391; _id._, _Mitteilungen der Litterarischen\n  Gesellschaft Masovia_, Heft 8 (L\u00f6tzen, 1902), p. 187. Again, the\n  Jesuit S. Rostowski says that the Lithuanians maintained a perpetual\n  sacred fire in honour of Perkunas in the woods (quoted by A. Br\u00fcckner,\n  _Archiv f\u00fcr slavische Philologie_, ix. (1886) p. 33). Malecki and\n  Rostowski do not mention that the fire was kindled with oak-wood, but\n  this is expressly stated by M. Praetorius, and is, besides,\n  intrinsically probable, since the oak was sacred to Perkunas.\n  Moreover, the early historian, Peter of Dusburg, who dedicated his\n  chronicle of Prussia to the Grand Master of the Teutonic Knights in\n  1326, informs us that the high-priest of the nation, whom the\n  Prussians revered as a pope, kept up a perpetual fire at Romow, which\n  is doubtless the same with the Romowo or Romewo of Grunau\n  (_Preussische Chronik_, pp. 80, 81, compare p. 62, ed. M. Perlbach).\n  See P. de Dusburg, _Chronicon Prussiae_, ed. Chr. Hartknoch (Frankfort\n  and Leipsic, 1679), p. 79. Martin Cromer says that the Lithuanians\n  \u201cworshipped fire as a god, and kept it perpetually burning in the more\n  frequented places and towns\u201d (_De origine et rebus gestis Polonorum_,\n  B\u00e2le, 1568, p. 241). Romow or Romowo is more commonly known as Romove.\n  Its site is very uncertain. See Chr. Hartknoch, _Alt- und neues\n  Preussen_, pp. 122 _sqq._ Grunau\u2019s account of Romove and its sacred\n  oak, with the images of the three gods in it and the fire of oak-wood\n  burning before it, is substantially repeated by Alex. Guagnini. See J.\n  Pistorius, _Polonicae historiae corpus_ (B\u00e2le, 1582), i. 52;\n  _Respublica sive status regni Poloniae, Lituaniae, Prussiae,\n  Livoniae_, etc. (Leyden, 1627), pp. 321 _sq._ I do not know whether\n  the chronicler, Simon Grunau, is the same with Simon Grynaeus, editor\n  of the _Novus Orbis regionum ac insularum veteribus incognitarum_,\n  which was published at Paris in 1532.\n\nFootnote 1208:\n\n  S. Rostowski, _op. cit._ p. 35.\n\nFootnote 1209:\n\n  D. Fabricius, \u201cDe cultu, religione et moribus incolarum Livoniae,\u201d\n  _Scriptores rerum Livonicarum_, ii. 441. Malecki (Maeletius) also says\n  that Perkunas was prayed to for rain. See _Mitteilungen der\n  Litterarischen Gesellschaft Masovia_, Heft 8 (L\u00f6tzen, 1902), p. 201.\n\nFootnote 1210:\n\n  According to Prof. H. Hirt, the name Perkunas means \u201cthe oak-god,\u201d\n  being derived from the same root _querq_, which appears in the Latin\n  _quercus_ \u201coak,\u201d the _Hercynian_ forest, the Norse god and goddess\n  _Fj\u00f6rygn_, and the Indian _Parjanya_, the Vedic god of thunder and\n  rain. See H. Hirt, \u201cDie Urheimat der Indogermanen,\u201d _Indogermanische\n  Forschungen_, i. (1892) pp. 479 _sqq._; _id._, _Die Indogermanen_\n  (Strasburg, 1905-1907), ii. 507; P. Kretschmer, _Einleitung in die\n  Geschichte der griechischen Sprache_, pp. 81 _sq._ The identity of the\n  names Perkunas and Parjanya had been maintained long before by G.\n  B\u00fchler, though he did not connect the words with _quercus_. See his\n  article, \u201cOn the Hindu god Parjanya,\u201d _Transactions of the (London)\n  Philological Society_, 1859, pp. 154-168. As to Parjanya, see below,\n  pp. 368 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1211:\n\n  Fr. Kreutzwald und H. Neus, _Mythische und magische Lieder der Ehsten_\n  (St. Petersburg, 1854), pp. 16, 26, 27, 56, 57, 104; F. J. Wiedemann,\n  _Aus dem inneren und \u00e4usseren Leben der Ehsten_, pp. 427, 438.\n  Sometimes, however, a special thunder-god Kou, Koo, Piker or Pikne is\n  distinguished from Taara (Tar). See F. J. Wiedemann, _op. cit._ p.\n  427; Kreutzwald und Neus, _op. cit._ pp. 12 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1212:\n\n  Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen und\n  Gewohnheiten_ (St. Petersburg, 1854), p. 2.\n\nFootnote 1213:\n\n  J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_, 4th ed., i. 146.\n\nFootnote 1214:\n\n  F. J. Wiedemann, _op. cit._ p. 427.\n\nFootnote 1215:\n\n  See above, p. 367, note 3.\n\nFootnote 1216:\n\n  _Rigveda_, Book v. Hymn 83, R. T. H. Griffith\u2019s translation (Benares,\n  1889-1892), vol. ii. pp. 299 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1217:\n\n  _Rigveda_, Book vii. Hymn 101, Griffith\u2019s translation (vol. iii. pp.\n  123 _sq._).\n\nFootnote 1218:\n\n  _Rigveda_, Book vii. Hymn 102, Griffith\u2019s translation (vol. iii. p.\n  124). On Parjanya see further G. B\u00fchler, \u201cOn the Hindu god\n  _Parjanya_,\u201d _Transactions of the (London) Philological Society_,\n  1859, pp. 154-168; _id._ in _Orient und Occident_, i. (1862) pp.\n  214-229; J. Muir, _Original Sanscrit Texts_, v. 140-142; H. Oldenberg,\n  _Die Religion des Veda_, p. 226; A. Macdonnell, _Vedic Mythology_, pp.\n  83-85.\n\nFootnote 1219:\n\n  G. B\u00fchler, _op. cit._ p. 161.\n\nFootnote 1220:\n\n  L. H. Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, 1851), pp. 157\n  _sq._\n\nFootnote 1221:\n\n  J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 424-427.\n\nFootnote 1222:\n\n  E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford,\n  1892) pp. 407 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1223:\n\n  N. Seidlitz, \u201cDie Abchasen,\u201d _Globus_, lxvi. (1894) p. 73.\n\nFootnote 1224:\n\n  P. Wagler, _Die Eiche in alter und neuer Zeit_, ii. (Berlin, 1891) p.\n  37.\n\nFootnote 1225:\n\n  J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_, 4th ed., i. 59.\n\nFootnote 1226:\n\n  P. Wagler, _Die Eiche in alter und neuer Zeit_, i. (Wurzen, 1891) pp.\n  21-23. For many more survivals of oak-worship in Germany see P.\n  Wagler, _op. cit._ ii. 40 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1227:\n\n  M. Praetorius, _Deliciae Prussicae_ (Berlin, 1871), p. 16.\n\nFootnote 1228:\n\n  J. G. Kohl, _Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen_ (Dresden and\n  Leipsic, 1841), ii. 31; compare 33.\n\nFootnote 1229:\n\n  Schleicher, \u201cLituanica,\u201d _Sitzungsberichte der philos.-histor. Classe\n  der kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, xi. (1853, pub. 1854) p. 100.\n\nFootnote 1230:\n\n  James Piggul, steward of the estate of Panikovitz, in a report to\n  Baron de Bogouschefsky, _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n  iii. (1874) pp. 274 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1231:\n\n  The evidence will be given later on, when we come to deal with the\n  fire-festivals of Europe. Meantime I may refer the reader to _The\n  Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 347 _sqq._, where, however, the\n  statement as to the universal use of oak-wood in kindling the\n  need-fire is too absolute, exceptions having since come to my\n  knowledge. These will be noticed in the third edition of that part of\n  _The Golden Bough_.\n\nFootnote 1232:\n\n  See above, pp. 186, 365, 366.\n\nFootnote 1233:\n\n  The only positive evidence, so far as I know, that the Celtic oak-god\n  was also a deity of thunder and rain is his identification with Zeus\n  (see above, p. 362). But the analogy of the Greeks, Italians, Teutons,\n  Slavs, and Lithuanians may be allowed to supply the lack of more\n  definite testimony.\n\nFootnote 1234:\n\n  It is said to have been observed that lightning strikes an oak twenty\n  times for once that it strikes a beech (J. Grimm, _Deutsche\n  Mythologie_, 4th ed., iii. 64). But even if this observation were\n  correct, we could not estimate its worth unless we knew the\n  comparative frequency of oaks and beeches in the country where it was\n  made. The Greeks observed that a certain species of oak, which they\n  called _haliphloios_, or sea-bark, was often struck by lightning\n  though it did not grow to a great height; but far from regarding it as\n  thereby marked out for the service of the god they abstained from\n  using its wood in the sacrificial rites. See Theophrastus, _Histor.\n  plant._ iii. 8. 5; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 24.\n\nFootnote 1235:\n\n   M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_, p. 90.\n\nFootnote 1236:\n\n  E. B. Tylor, _Early History of Mankind_, 3rd Ed., pp. 223-227. For\n  more evidence of this wide-spread belief see M. Baudrouin et L.\n  Bonnem\u00e8re, \u201cLes Haches polies dans l\u2019histoire jusqu\u2019au XIXe si\u00e8cle,\u201d\n  _Bulletins et M\u00e9moires de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 d\u2019Anthropologie de Paris_, Ve\n  S\u00e9rie, v. (1904) pp. 496-548; Lieut. Boyd Alexander, \u201cFrom the Niger,\n  by Lake Chad, to the Nile,\u201d _The Geographical Journal_, xxx. (1907)\n  pp. 144 _sq._; A. B. Ellis, _Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_,\n  pp. 37 _sq._; H. Seidel, \u201cDer Yew\u2019e Dienst im Togolande,\u201d _Zeitschrift\n  f\u00fcr afrikanische und oceanischen Sprachen_, iii. (1897) p. 161; H.\n  Klose, _Togo unter deutscher Flagge_, pp. 197 _sq._; L. Conradt, \u201cDie\n  Ngumbu in S\u00fcdkamerun,\u201d _Globus_, lxxxi. (1902) p. 353; Guerlach,\n  \u201cM\u0153urs et superstitions des sauvages Ba-hnars,\u201d _Missions\n  Catholiques_, xix. (1887) pp. 442, 454; J. A. Jacobsen, _Reisen in die\n  Inselwelt des Banda-Meeres_ (Berlin, 1896), pp. 49 _sq._, 232; C.\n  Ribbe, \u201cDie Aru-Inseln,\u201d _Festschrift des Vereins f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu\n  Dresden_ (Dresden, 1888), p. 165; E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in\n  Southern India_, p. 351; Rev. P. O. Bodding, \u201cAncient Stone Implements\n  in the Santal Parganas,\u201d _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_,\n  lxx. Part iii. (1901) pp. 17-20; E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk-tales_\n  (London, 1908), p. 75; _County Folk-lore, III. Orkney and Shetland\n  Islands_, collected by G. F. Black (London, 1903), p. 153; P. Hermann,\n  _Nordische Mythologie_, pp. 339 _sq._, 352; M. Toeppen, _Aberglauben\n  aus Masuren_ 2nd Ed., (Danzig, 1867), pp. 42 _sq._ Dr. E. B. Tylor has\n  pointed out how natural to the primitive mind is the association of\n  spark-producing stones with lightning (_Primitive Culture_, 2nd Ed.,\n  ii. 262).\n\nFootnote 1237:\n\n  L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_, 4th ed., i. 116 _sq._; _id._,\n  _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 184 _sqq._ As to Jupiter see in\n  particular Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 19, \u201c_Coelum enim esse\n  Jovem innumerabiliter et diligenter affirmant_\u201d; and Ennius, quoted by\n  Cicero, _De natura deorum_, ii. 25, 65, \u201c_Aspice hoc sublimen candens,\n  quem invocant omnes Jovem_.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n                              CHAPTER XXI\n                            DIANUS AND DIANA\n\n\n[Sidenote: Recapitulation.] In this chapter I propose to recapitulate\nthe conclusions to which the enquiry has thus far led us, and drawing\ntogether the scattered rays of light, to turn them on the dark figure of\nthe priest of Nemi.\n\n[Sidenote: Rise of sacred kings, who are supposed to be endowed with\nmagical or divine powers.] We have found that at an early stage of\nsociety men, ignorant of the secret processes of Nature and of the\nnarrow limits within which it is in our power to control and direct\nthem, have commonly arrogated to themselves functions which in the\npresent state of knowledge we should deem superhuman or divine. The\nillusion has been fostered and maintained by the same causes which begot\nit, namely, the marvellous order and uniformity with which Nature\nconducts her operations, the wheels of her great machine revolving with\na smoothness and precision which enable the patient observer to\nanticipate in general the season, if not the very hour, when they will\nbring round the fulfilment of his hopes or the accomplishment of his\nfears. The regularly recurring events of this great cycle, or rather\nseries of cycles, soon stamp themselves even on the dull mind of the\nsavage. He foresees them, and foreseeing them mistakes the desired\nrecurrence for an effect of his own will, and the dreaded recurrence for\nan effect of the will of his enemies. Thus the springs which set the\nvast machine in motion, though they lie far beyond our ken, shrouded in\na mystery which we can never hope to penetrate, appear to ignorant man\nto lie within his reach: he fancies he can touch them and so work by\nmagic art all manner of good to himself and evil to his foes. In time\nthe fallacy of this belief becomes apparent to him: he discovers that\nthere are things he cannot do, pleasures which he is unable of himself\nto procure, pains which even the most potent magician is powerless to\navoid. The unattainable good, the inevitable ill, are now ascribed by\nhim to the action of invisible powers, whose favour is joy and life,\nwhose anger is misery and death. Thus magic tends to be displaced by\n[Sidenote: Transition from magic to religion.] religion, and the\nsorcerer by the priest. At this stage of thought the ultimate causes of\nthings are conceived to be personal beings, many in number and often\ndiscordant in character, who partake of the nature and even of the\nfrailty of man, though their might is greater than his, and their life\nfar exceeds the span of his ephemeral existence. Their sharply-marked\nindividualities, their clear-cut outlines have not yet begun, under the\npowerful solvent of philosophy, to melt and coalesce into that single\nunknown substratum of phenomena which, according to the qualities with\nwhich our imagination invests it, goes by one or other of the\nhigh-sounding names which the wit of man has devised to hide his\nignorance. Accordingly, so long as men look on their gods as beings akin\nto themselves and not raised to an unapproachable height above them,\nthey believe it to be possible for those of their own number who surpass\ntheir fellows to attain to the divine rank after death or even in life.\nIncarnate human deities of this latter sort may be said [Sidenote:\nIncarnate human deities.] to halt midway between the age of magic and\nthe age of religion. If they bear the names and display the pomp of\ndeities, the powers which they are supposed to wield are commonly those\nof their predecessor the magician. Like him, they are expected to guard\ntheir people against hostile enchantments, to heal them in sickness, to\nbless them with offspring, and to provide them with an abundant supply\nof food by regulating the weather and performing the other ceremonies\nwhich are deemed necessary to ensure the fertility of the earth and the\nmultiplication of animals. Men who are credited with powers so lofty and\nfar-reaching naturally hold the highest place in the land, and while the\nrift between the spiritual and the temporal spheres has not yet widened\ntoo far, they are supreme in civil as well as religious matters: in a\nword, they are kings as well as gods. Thus the divinity which hedges a\nking has its roots deep down in human history, and long ages pass before\nthese are sapped by a profounder view of nature and man.\n\n[Sidenote: The King of the Wood at Nemi seems to have been one of these\ndivine kings and to have mated with the divine Queen of the Wood,\nDiana.] In the classical period of Greek and Latin antiquity the reign\nof kings was for the most part a thing of the past; yet the stories of\ntheir lineage, titles, and pretensions suffice to prove that they too\nclaimed to rule by divine right and to exercise superhuman powers. Hence\nwe may without undue temerity assume that the King of the Wood at Nemi,\nthough shorn in later times of his glory and fallen on evil days,\nrepresented a long line of sacred kings who had once received not only\nthe homage but the adoration of their subjects in return for the\nmanifold blessings which they were supposed to dispense. What little we\nknow of the functions of Diana in the Arician grove seems to prove that\nshe was here conceived as a goddess of fertility, and particularly as a\ndivinity of childbirth.[1238] It is reasonable, therefore, to suppose\nthat in the discharge of these important duties she was assisted by her\npriest, the two figuring as King and Queen of the Wood in a solemn\nmarriage, which was intended to make the earth gay with the blossoms of\nspring and the fruits of autumn, and to gladden the hearts of men and\nwomen with healthful offspring.\n\n[Sidenote: Virbius, whom the King of the Wood represented, was probably\na form of Jupiter regarded as god of the greenwood, and especially of\nthe oak.] If the priest of Nemi posed not merely as a king, but as a god\nof the grove, we have still to ask, What deity in particular did he\npersonate? The answer of antiquity is that he represented Virbius, the\nconsort or lover of Diana.[1239] But this does not help us much, for of\nVirbius we know little more than the name. A clue to the mystery is\nperhaps supplied by the Vestal fire which burned in the grove.[1240] For\nthe perpetual holy fires of the Aryans in Europe appear to have been\ncommonly kindled and fed with oak-wood,[1241] and we have seen that in\nRome itself, not many miles from Nemi, the fuel of the Vestal fire\nconsisted of oaken sticks or logs, which in early days the holy maidens\ndoubtless gathered or cut in the coppices of oak that once covered the\nSeven Hills.[1242] But the ritual of the various Latin towns seems to\nhave been marked by great uniformity;[1243] hence it is reasonable to\nconclude that wherever in Latium a Vestal fire was maintained, it was\nfed, as at Rome, with wood of the sacred oak. If this was so at Nemi, it\nbecomes probable that the hallowed grove there consisted of a natural\noak-wood, and that therefore the tree which the King of the Wood had to\nguard at the peril of his life was itself an oak; indeed it was from an\nevergreen oak, according to Virgil, that Aeneas plucked the Golden\nBough.[1244] Now the oak was the sacred tree of Jupiter, the supreme god\nof the Latins. Hence it follows that the King of the Wood, whose life\nwas bound up in a fashion with an oak, personated no less a deity than\nJupiter himself. At least the evidence, slight as it is, seems to point\nto this conclusion. The old Alban dynasty of the Silvii or Woods, with\ntheir crown of oak leaves, apparently aped the style and emulated the\npowers of Latian Jupiter, who dwelt on the top of the Alban Mount.[1245]\nIt is not impossible that the King of the Wood, who guarded the sacred\noak a little lower down the mountain, was the lawful successor and\nrepresentative of this ancient line of the Silvii or Woods.[1246] At all\nevents, if I am right in supposing that he passed for a human Jupiter,\nit would appear that Virbius, with whom legend identified him, was\nnothing but a local form of Jupiter, considered perhaps in his original\naspect as a god of the greenwood.[1247]\n\n[Sidenote: Diana and the oak.] The hypothesis that in later times at all\nevents the King of the Wood played the part of the oak god Jupiter, is\nconfirmed by an examination of his divine partner Diana. [Sidenote:\nDiana, the divine partner of the King of the Wood at Nemi, seems to have\nbeen especially associated with the oak.] For two distinct lines of\nargument converge to shew that if Diana was a queen of the woods in\ngeneral, she was at Nemi a goddess of the oak in particular. In the\nfirst place, she bore the title of Vesta, and as such presided over a\nperpetual fire, which we have seen reason to believe was fed with oak\nwood.[1248] But a goddess of fire is not far removed from a goddess of\nthe fuel which burns in the fire; primitive thought perhaps drew no\nsharp line of distinction between the blaze and the wood that blazes. In\nthe second place, the nymph Egeria at Nemi appears to have been merely a\nform of Diana, and Egeria is definitely said to have been a Dryad, a\nnymph of the oak.[1249] Elsewhere in Italy the goddess had her home on\noak-clad mountains. Thus Mount Algidus, a spur of the Alban hills, was\ncovered in antiquity with dark forests of oak, both of the evergreen and\nthe deciduous sort. In winter the snow lay long on these cold hills, and\ntheir gloomy oak-woods were believed to be a favourite haunt of Diana,\nas they have been of brigands in modern times.[1250] Again, Mount\nTifata, the long abrupt ridge of the Apennines which looks down on the\nCampanian plain behind Capua, was wooded of old with evergreen oaks,\namong which Diana had a temple. Here Sulla thanked the goddess for his\nvictory over the Marians in the plain below, attesting his gratitude by\ninscriptions which were long afterwards to be seen in the temple.[1251]\nOn the whole, then, we conclude that at Nemi the King of the Wood\npersonated the oak-god Jupiter and mated with the oak-goddess Diana in\nthe sacred grove. An echo of their mystic union has come down to us in\nthe legend of the loves of Numa and Egeria, who according to some had\ntheir trysting-place in these holy woods.[1252]\n\n[Sidenote: In nature and in name Dianus (Janus) and Diana seem to be\nonly dialectically different forms of Jupiter and Juno.] To this theory\nit may naturally be objected that the divine consort of Jupiter was not\nDiana but Juno, and that if Diana had a mate at all he might be expected\nto bear the name not of Jupiter, but of Dianus or Janus, the latter of\nthese forms being merely a corruption of the former. All this is true,\nbut the objection may be parried by observing that the two pairs of\ndeities, Jupiter and Juno on the one side, and Dianus and Diana, or\nJanus and Jana, on the other side, are merely duplicates of each other,\ntheir names and their functions being in substance and origin identical.\nWith regard to their names, all four of them come from the same Aryan\nroot _DI_, meaning \u201cbright,\u201d which occurs in the names of the\ncorresponding Greek deities, Zeus and his old female consort\nDione.[1253] In regard to their functions, Juno and Diana were both\ngoddesses of fecundity and childbirth, and both were sooner or later\nidentified with the moon.[1254] As to the true nature and functions of\nJanus the ancients themselves were puzzled;[1255] and where they\nhesitated, it is not for us confidently to decide. But the view\nmentioned by Varro that Janus was the god of the sky[1256] is supported\nnot only by the etymological identity of his name with that of the\nsky-god Jupiter, but also by the relation in which he appears to have\nstood to Jupiter\u2019s two mates, Juno and Juturna. For the epithet Junonian\nbestowed on Janus[1257] points to a marriage union between the two\ndeities; and according to one account Janus was the husband of the\nwater-nymph Juturna,[1258] who according to others was beloved by\nJupiter.[1259] Moreover, Janus, like Jove, was regularly invoked, and\ncommonly spoken of, under the title of Father.[1260] Indeed, he was\nidentified with Jupiter not merely by the logic of a Christian\ndoctor,[1261] but by the piety of a pagan worshipper who dedicated an\noffering to Jupiter Dianus.[1262] A trace of his relation to the oak may\nbe found in the oak-woods of the Janiculum, the hill on the right bank\nof the Tiber, where Janus is said to have reigned as a king in the\nremotest ages of Italian history.[1263]\n\n[Sidenote: Zeus and Dione, Jupiter and Juno, Dianus (Janus) and Diana\nrepresent a single original pair of Aryan deities, which through purely\ndialectical differences of nomenclature gradually diverged from each\nother and came to be regarded as separate pairs of deities.] Thus, if I\nam right, the same ancient pair of deities was variously known among the\nGreek and Italian peoples as Zeus and Dione, Jupiter and Juno, or Dianus\n(Janus) and Diana (Jana), the names of the divinities being identical in\nsubstance, though varying in form with the dialect of the particular\ntribe which worshipped them. At first, when the peoples dwelt near each\nother, the difference between the deities would be hardly more than one\nof name; in other words, it would be almost purely dialectical. But the\ngradual dispersion of the tribes, and their consequent isolation from\neach other, would favour the growth of divergent modes of conceiving and\nworshipping the gods whom they had carried with them from their old\nhome, so that in time discrepancies of myth and ritual would tend to\nspring up and thereby to convert a nominal into a real distinction\nbetween the divinities. Accordingly when, with the slow progress of\nculture, the long period of barbarism and separation was passing away,\nand the rising political power of a single strong community had begun to\ndraw or hammer its weaker neighbours into a nation, the confluent\npeoples would throw their gods, like their dialects, into a common\nstock; and thus it might come about that the same ancient deities, which\ntheir forefathers had worshipped together before the dispersion, would\nnow be so disguised by the accumulated effect of dialectical and\nreligious divergencies that their original identity might fail to be\nrecognised, and they would take their places side by side as independent\ndivinities in the national pantheon.[1264]\n\n[Sidenote: This explanation of Janus as equivalent to Jupiter is more\nprobable than the view that Janus was originally nothing but the god of\nthe door (_janua_); for the door (_janua_) seems rather to have been\nnamed after Janus than he after it.] This duplication of deities, the\nresult of the final fusion of kindred tribes who had long lived apart,\nwould account for the appearance of Janus beside Jupiter, and of Diana\nor Jana beside Juno in the Roman religion.[1265] At least this appears\nto be a more probable theory than the opinion, which has found favour\nwith some modern scholars, that Janus was originally nothing but the god\nof doors.[1266] That a deity of his dignity and importance, whom the\nRomans revered as a god of gods[1267] and the father of his people,\nshould have started in life as a humble, though doubtless respectable,\ndoorkeeper appears to me, I confess, very unlikely. So lofty an end\nhardly consorts with so lowly a beginning. It is more probable that the\ndoor (_janua_) got its name from Janus than that he got his name from\nit. This view is strengthened by a consideration of the word _janua_\nitself. The regular word for door is the same in all the languages of\nthe Aryan family from India to Ireland. It is _dur_ in Sanscrit, _thura_\nin Greek, _T\u00fcr_ in German, _door_ in English, _dorus_ in old Irish, and\n_foris_ in Latin.[1268] Yet besides this ordinary name for door, which\nthe Latins shared with all their Aryan brethren, they had also the name\n_janua_, to which there is no corresponding term in any Indo-European\nspeech. The word has the appearance of being an adjectival form derived\nfrom the noun _Janus_. I conjecture that it may have been customary to\nset up an image or symbol of Janus at the principal door of the house in\norder to place the entrance under the protection of the great god. A\ndoor thus guarded might be known as a _janua foris_, that is, a Januan\ndoor, and the phrase might in time be abridged into _janua_, the noun\n_foris_ being understood but not expressed. From this to the use of\n_janua_ to designate a door in general, whether guarded by an image of\nJanus or not, would be an easy and natural transition.[1269]\n\n[Sidenote: The double-headed figure of Janus may have originated in a\ncustom of placing his image as guardian of doorways so as to face both\nways, outwards and inwards, at the same time.] If there is any truth in\nthis conjecture, it may explain very simply the origin of the double\nhead of Janus, which has so long exercised the ingenuity of\nmythologists. When it had become customary to guard the entrance of\nhouses and towns by an image of Janus, it might well be deemed necessary\nto make the sentinel god look both ways, before and behind, at the same\ntime, in order that nothing should escape his vigilant eye. For if the\ndivine watchman always faced in one direction, it is easy to imagine\nwhat mischief might have been wrought with impunity behind his back.\n\n[Sidenote: This explanation is confirmed by the double-headed idols\nwhich the Bush negroes of Surinam set to guard the entrances of their\nvillages.] This explanation of the double-headed Janus at Rome is\nconfirmed by the double-headed idol which the Bush negroes in the\ninterior of Surinam regularly set up as a guardian at the entrance of a\nvillage. The idol consists of a block of wood with a human face rudely\ncarved on each side; it stands under a gateway composed of two uprights\nand a cross-bar. Beside the idol generally lies a white rag intended to\nkeep off the devil; and sometimes there is also a stick which seems to\nrepresent a bludgeon or weapon of some sort. Further, from the cross-bar\nhangs a small log which serves the useful purpose of knocking on the\nhead any evil spirit who might attempt to pass through the\ngateway.[1270] Clearly this double-headed fetish at the gateway of the\nnegro villages in Surinam bears a close resemblance to the double-headed\nimages of Janus which, grasping a stick in one hand and a key in the\nother, stood sentinel at Roman gates and doorways;[1271] and we can\nhardly doubt that in both cases the heads facing two ways are to be\nsimilarly explained as expressive of the vigilance of the guardian god,\nwho kept his eye on spiritual foes behind and before, and stood ready to\nbludgeon them on the spot. We may, therefore, dispense with the tedious\nand unsatisfactory explanations which the wily Janus himself fobbed off\nan anxious Roman enquirer.[1272] In the interior of Borneo the Kenyahs\ngenerally place before the main entrance of their houses the wooden\nimage of Balli Atap, that is, the Spirit or God (_Balli_) of the Roof,\nwho protects the household from harm of all kinds.[1273] But it does not\nappear that this divine watchman is provided with more than one face.\n\n[Sidenote: Thus the King of the Wood at Nemi seems to have personated\nthe great Aryan god of the oak, Jupiter or Janus, and to have mated with\nthe oak-goddess Diana.] To apply these conclusions to the priest of\nNemi, we may suppose that as the mate of Diana he represented originally\nDianus or Janus rather than Jupiter, but that the difference between\nthese deities was of old merely superficial, going little deeper than\nthe names, and leaving practically unaffected the essential functions of\nthe god as a power of the sky, the thunder, and the oak. If my analysis\nof this great divinity is correct, the original element in his composite\nnature was the oak. It was fitting, therefore, that his human\nrepresentative at Nemi should dwell, as we have seen reason to believe\nhe did, in an oak grove. His title of King of the Wood clearly indicates\nthe sylvan character of the deity whom he served; and since he could\nonly be assailed by him who had plucked the bough of a certain tree in\nthe grove, his own life might be said to be bound up with that of the\nsacred tree. Thus he not only served but embodied the great Aryan god of\nthe oak; and as an oak-god he would mate with the oak-goddess, whether\nshe went by the name of Egeria or Diana. Their union, however\nconsummated, would be deemed essential to the fertility of the earth and\nthe fecundity of man and beast. Further, as the oak-god had grown into a\ngod of the sky, the thunder, and the rain, so his human representative\nwould be required, like many other divine kings, to cause the clouds to\ngather, the thunder to peal, and the rain to descend in due season, that\nthe fields and orchards might bear fruit and the pastures be covered\nwith luxuriant herbage. The reputed possessor of powers so exalted must\nhave been a very important personage; and the remains of buildings and\nof votive offerings which have been found on the site of the sanctuary\ncombine with the testimony of classical writers to prove that in later\ntimes it was one of the greatest and most popular shrines in Italy. Even\nin the old days when the champaign country around was still parcelled\nout among the petty tribes who composed the Latin League, the sacred\ngrove is known to have been an object of their common reverence and\ncare. And just as the kings of Cambodia used to send offerings to the\nmystic kings of Fire and Water far in the dim depths of the tropical\nforest, so, we may well believe, from all sides of the broad Latian\nplain the eyes and footsteps of Italian pilgrims turned to the quarter\nwhere, standing sharply out against the faint blue line of the Apennines\nor the deeper blue of the distant sea, the Alban Mountain rose before\nthem, the home of the mysterious priest of Nemi, the King of the Wood.\nThere, among the green woods and beside the still waters of the lonely\nhills the ancient Aryan worship of the god of the oak, the thunder, and\nthe dripping sky lingered in its early, almost Druidical form, long\nafter a great political and intellectual revolution had shifted the\ncapital of Latin religion from the forest to the city, from Nemi to\nRome.\n\nFootnote 1238:\n\n  Above, vol. i. pp. 6 _sq._, 12; vol. ii. pp. 124 _sq._, 128 _sq._, 171\n  _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1239:\n\n  Above, vol. i. pp. 19 _sqq._, 40 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1240:\n\n  Above, vol. i. pp. 12 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1241:\n\n  Above, pp. 365, 366, 372.\n\nFootnote 1242:\n\n  Above, p. 186.\n\nFootnote 1243:\n\n  Above, vol. i. pp. 13 _sq._, vol. ii. pp. 184, 266.\n\nFootnote 1244:\n\n  Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 205 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1245:\n\n  See above, pp. 178 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1246:\n\n  This suggestion is due to Mr. A. B. Cook. See his articles, \u201cZeus,\n  Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_, xviii. (1904) pp. 363\n  _sq._; and \u201cThe European Sky-God,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) pp. 277\n  _sq._ On the other hand see above, pp. 1 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1247:\n\n  Virbius may perhaps be etymologically connected with _viridis_,\n  \u201cgreen,\u201d and _verbena_, \u201ca sacred bough.\u201d If this were so, Virbius\n  would be \u201cthe Green One.\u201d We are reminded of those popular\n  personifications of the spring, Green George and Jack in the Green.\n  See above, pp. 75 _sq._, 82 _sq._ As to the proposed derivation from a\n  root meaning \u201cgreen\u201d Professor R. S. Conway writes to me (10th January\n  1903): \u201cFrom this meaning of the root a derivative in _-bus_ would not\n  strike me as so strange; _vir-bho_ might conceivably mean \u2018growing\n  green.\u2019\u201d In my _Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship_ (pp.\n  282 _sq._) I followed Mr. A. B. Cook in interpreting a passage of\n  Plautus (_Casina_, ii. 5. 23-29) as a reference to the priests of Nemi\n  in the character of mortal Jupiters. But a simpler and more probable\n  explanation of the passage has been given by Dr. L. R. Farnell. See A.\n  B. Cook, \u201cThe European Sky-god,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) pp. 322\n  _sqq._; L. R. Farnell, in _The Hibbert Journal_, iv. (1906) p. 932.\n\nFootnote 1248:\n\n  See above, vol. i. p. 13, vol. ii. pp. 378 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1249:\n\n  Above, pp. 171 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1250:\n\n  Horace, _Odes_, i. 21. 5 _sq._, iii. 23. 9 _sq._, iv. 4. 5 _sq._,\n  _Carmen Saeculare_, 69; Livy, iii. 25. 6-8; E. H. Bunbury, in Smith\u2019s\n  _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_, _s.v._ \u201cAlgidus.\u201d\n\nFootnote 1251:\n\n  Festus, _s.v._ \u201cTifata,\u201d p. 366, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Velleius\n  Paterculus, ii. 25. 4; E. H. Bunbury, _op. cit._ _s.v._ \u201cTifata.\u201d For\n  more evidence of the association of Diana with the oak, see Mr. A. B.\n  Cook, \u201cZeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_, xviii. (1904)\n  pp. 369 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1252:\n\n  Above, vol. i. pp. 17 _sq._, vol. ii pp. 172 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1253:\n\n  The original root appears plainly in _Diovis_ and _Diespiter_, the\n  older forms of _Jupiter_ (Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 66; Aulus\n  Gellius, v. 12). The form Dianus is attested by an inscription found\n  at Aquileia (_Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, v. 783), and the form\n  Jana by Varro (_Rerum rusticarum_, i. 37. 3) and Macrobius (_Saturn._\n  i. 9. 8). In _Zeus_, _Dione_, _Jupiter_, and _Juno_ the old root _DI_\n  appears in the expanded form _DIV_. As to the etymology of these\n  names, see Ch. Ploix, \u201cLes Dieux qui proviennent de la racine _DIV_,\u201d\n  _M\u00e9moires de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de Linguistique de Paris_, i. (1868) pp.\n  213-222; G. Curtius, _Grundz\u00fcge der griechischen Etymologie_, 5th Ed.,\n  pp. 236 _sq._, 616 _sq._; A. Vanicek, _Griechisch-lateinisches\n  etymologisches W\u00f6rterbuch_, i. 353 _sqq._; W. H. Roscher, _Lexikon der\n  griech. u. r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 45 _sq._, 578 _sq._, 619; S. Linde,\n  _De Jano summo Romanorumdeo_ (Lund, 1891), pp. 7 _sq._; J. S. Speijer,\n  \u201cLe Dieu romain Janus,\u201d _Revue de l\u2019Histoire des Religions_, xxvi.\n  (1892) pp. 37-41; H. Usener, _G\u00f6tternamen_, pp. 16, 35 _sq._, 326; P.\n  Kretschmer, _Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache_,\n  pp. 78 _sqq._, 91, 161 _sq._ Messrs. Speijer and Kretschmer reject the\n  derivation of Janus from the root _DI_.\n\nFootnote 1254:\n\n  As to Juno in these aspects, see L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_,\n  3rd Ed., i. 271 _sqq._; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_,\n  pp. 117 _sqq._; W. H. Roscher, _Lexikon der griech. u. r\u00f6m.\n  Mythologie_, ii. 578 _sqq._ As to Diana, see above, vol. i. p. 12,\n  vol. ii. pp. 124, 128 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1255:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 89 _sqq._; Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 9; Servius, on\n  Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 610; Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 1 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1256:\n\n  Varro, quoted by Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 28; Joannes Lydus,\n  _De mensibus_, iv. 2. Compare Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 9. 11. See R.\n  Agahd, _M. Terentii Varronis rerum divinarum libri I. XIV. XV. XVI._\n  (Leipsic, 1898) pp. 117 _sqq._, 203 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1257:\n\n  Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 9. 15, i. 15. 19; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vii.\n  610; Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 1. Prof. G. Wissowa thinks that\n  sacrifices were offered to Janus as well as to Juno on the first of\n  every month (_Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_, pp. 91 _sq._); but this\n  view does not seem to me to be supported by the evidence of Macrobius\n  (_Sat._ i. 9. 16, i. 15. 18 _sq._), to which he refers. Macrobius does\n  not say that the first of every month was sacred to Janus.\n\nFootnote 1258:\n\n  Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, iii. 29.\n\nFootnote 1259:\n\n  Virgil, _Aen._ xii. 138 _sqq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 585 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1260:\n\n  Cato, _De agri cultura_, 134; Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 357; Horace,\n  _Epist._ i. 16. 59, compare _Sat._ ii. 6. 20; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._\n  xxxvi. 28; Juvenal, vi. 394; Martial, x. 28. 6 _sq._; Aulus Gellius,\n  v. 12. 5; Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, iii. 29; H. Dessau,\n  _Inscriptiones Latinae selectae_, Nos. 3320, 3322, 3323, 3324, 3325,\n  5047; G. Henzen, _Acta fratrum Arvalium_, p. 144; Athenaeus, xv. 46,\n  p. 692 D, E.\n\nFootnote 1261:\n\n  Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 9 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1262:\n\n  _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, v. No. 783.\n\nFootnote 1263:\n\n  Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 7. 19; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 319 and\n  357; Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, iii. 29; Athenaeus, xv. 46, p. 692\n  D. As to the oak-woods of the Janiculum, see above, p. 186.\n\nFootnote 1264:\n\n  As dialectal differences in the ancient Italian languages seem to have\n  created a multiplicity of deities, so in the Malay language they\n  appear to have created a multiplicity of fabulous animals. See R. J.\n  Wilkinson, _Malay Beliefs_ (London and Leyden, 1906), p. 56: \u201cThe\n  wealth of Malay nomenclature in the province of natural history is in\n  itself a fruitful source of error. The identity of different dialectic\n  names for the same animal is not always recognized: the local name is\n  taken to represent the real animal, the foreign name is assumed to\n  represent a rare or fabulous variety of the same genus.\u201d In these\n  cases mythology might fairly enough be described as a disease of\n  language. But such cases cover only a small part of the vast mythical\n  field.\n\nFootnote 1265:\n\n  Mr. A. B. Cook, who accepts in substance my theory of the original\n  identity of Jupiter and Janus, Juno and Diana, has suggested that\n  Janus and Diana were the deities of the aborigines of Rome, Jupiter\n  and Juno the deities of their conquerors. See his article, \u201cZeus,\n  Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical Review_, xviii. (1904) pp. 367 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1266:\n\n  This is the opinion of Dr. W. H. Roscher (_Lexikon der griech. u. r\u00f6m.\n  Mythologie_, ii. 47), Mr. W. Warde Fowler (_Roman Festivals of the\n  Period of the Republic_, pp. 282 _sqq._), and Prof. G. Wissowa\n  (_Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_, p. 96). It is rejected for the\n  reasons given in the text by Ph. Buttmann (_Mythologus_, ii. pp. 72,\n  79) and S. Linde (_De Jano summo Romanorum deo_, pp. 50 _sqq._).\n\nFootnote 1267:\n\n  He was so saluted in the ancient hymns of the Salii. See Macrobius,\n  _Sat._ i. 9. 14; compare Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vii. 26 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1268:\n\n  G. Curtius, _Grundz\u00fcge der griechischen Etymologie_, 5th Ed.,, p. 258;\n  O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_, p.\n  866.\n\nFootnote 1269:\n\n  This theory of the derivation of _janua_ from _Janus_ was suggested,\n  though not accepted, by Ph. Butmann (_Mythologus_, ii. 79 _sqq._). It\n  occurred to me independently. Mr. A. B. Cook also derives _janua_ from\n  _Janus_, but he would explain the derivation in a different way by\n  supposing that the lintel and two side-posts of a door represented a\n  triple Janus. See his article \u201cZeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,\u201d _Classical\n  Review_, xviii. (1904) p. 369.\n\nFootnote 1270:\n\n  K. Martin, \u201cBericht \u00fcber eine Reise ins Gebiet des Oberen-Surinam,\u201d\n  _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_,\n  xxxv. (1886) pp. 28 _sq._ I am indebted to Mr. A. van Gennep for\n  pointing out this confirmation of my theory as to the meaning of the\n  double-headed Janus. See his article \u201cJanus Bifrons,\u201d _Revue des\n  traditions populaires_, xxii. (1907) pp. 97 _sq._\n\nFootnote 1271:\n\n  Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 9. 7, \u201c_Sed apud nos Janum omnibus praeesse\n  januis nomen ostendit, quod est simile_ \u03b8\u03c5\u03c1\u03b1\u03af\u1ff3. _Nam et cum clavi ac\n  virga figuratur, quasi omnium et portarum custos et rector viarum_\u201d;\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 95, 99, \u201c_Sacer ancipiti mirandus imagine Janus ...\n  tenens dextra baculum clavemque sinistra_.\u201d\n\nFootnote 1272:\n\n  Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 89 _sqq._\n\nFootnote 1273:\n\n  C. Hose and W. McDougall, \u201cThe Relations between Men and Animals in\n  Sarawak,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p.\n  175.\n\n\n\n\n                                 INDEX\n\n\n Abbas Effendi, i. 402\n\n Abchases of the Caucasus, the, ii. 370\n\n Abolition of the kingship at Rome, ii. 289 _sqq._\n\n Abraham and Sarah, ii. 114\n\n Acacia-tree worshipped, ii. 16\n\n Achelous and Dejanira, ii. 161 _sq._\n\n Achilles, ii. 278\n\n Acorns as food, ii. 353, 355 _sq._;\n   as fodder for swine, 354, 356\n\n Adam of Bremen, ii. 364\n\n Adonis at Byblus, i. 30\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Venus (Aphrodite), i. 21, 25, 40, 41\n\n \u2014\u2014 or Tammuz, ii. 346\n\n Adoption, pretence of birth at, i. 74 _sq._\n\n Adultery supposed to blight the fruits of the earth, ii. 107 _sq._, 114\n\n Aeacus, ii. 278, 359\n\n Aegira, priestess of Earth at, i. 381 _sq._\n\n Aegisthus, ii. 281\n\n Aeneas and the Golden Bough, i. 11, ii. 379;\n   his disappearance in a thunderstorm, 181\n\n Aeolus, i. 326\n\n Aeschines, spurious epistles of, ii. 162 _n._ 2\n\n Aesculapius brings Hippolytus to life, i. 20;\n   at Cos, ii. 10\n\n Africa, rise of magicians, especially rain-makers, to chieftainship and\n    kingship in, i. 342 _sqq._, 352;\n   human gods in, 392 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 North, magical images in, i. 65 _sq._\n\n Afterbirth (placenta), contagious magic of, i. 182-201;\n   placed in tree, 182, 187, 190, 191, 194, 199;\n   part of child\u2019s spirit in, 184;\n   regarded as brother or sister of child, 189, 191, 192, 193;\n   regarded as a second child, 195;\n   seat of external soul, 200 _sq._\n\n Agamemnon, ii. 279;\n   sceptre of, i. 365\n\n Agni, the fire-god, ii. 249\n\n _Agnihotris_, Brahman fire-priests, ii. 247 _sqq._\n\n _Agriculture of the Nabataeans_, ii. 100\n\n Ainos, i. 60\n\n Akamba, the, ii. 317\n\n Akikuyu, the, ii. 44, 150, 316, 317;\n   pretence of new birth among the, i. 75 _sq._, 96 _sq._\n\n Alba Longa, the kings of, ii. 178 _sqq._, 268 _sq._\n\n Alban Hills, i. 2\n\n \u2014\u2014 Mountain, the, ii. 187 _sq._, 202\n\n Albigenses, the, i. 407\n\n _Alcheringa_, legendary time, i. 98\n\n Alfai, priesthood of the, ii. 3\n\n Algidus, Mount, ii. 187, 380\n\n Algonquins, the, ii. 147\n\n Amata, \u201cBeloved,\u201d title of Vestals, ii. 197;\n   Amata, wife of King Latinus, 197\n\n Amboyna, ii. 28\n\n Amenophis III., birth of, ii. 131 _sqq._\n\n American Indians, power of medicine-men among the, i. 355 _sqq._\n\n Amethyst, i. 165\n\n Ammon, the god, married to the Queen of Egypt, ii. 130 _sqq._;\n   human wives of the god, 130 _sqq._;\n   costume of the god, 133;\n   King of Egypt masqueraded as, 133;\n   at Thebes, high priests of, 134\n\n Ammonite, black fossil, ii. 26, 27 _n._ 2\n\n Amphictyon, ii. 277\n\n Amulius Sylvius, ii. 180\n\n Anaitis, Oriental goddess, i. 16 _sq._, 37 _n._ 2\n\n _Anatomie of Abuses_, ii. 66\n\n Anazarbus, the olives of, ii. 107\n\n Ancestor-worship among the Bantu peoples, ii. 221;\n   in relation to fire-worship, 221\n\n Ancestors, prayers to, i. 285, 287, 345, 352;\n   sacrifices to, 339;\n   souls of, in trees, ii. 30, 31, 32;\n   dead, regarded as mischievous beings, 221;\n   represented by sacred fire-sticks, 222 _sqq._;\n   souls of, in the fire on the hearth, 232\n\n Ancestral spirits worshipped at the hearth, ii. 221 _sq._\n\n Ancestral tree, fire kindled from, ii. 221, 233 _sq._\n\n Ancus Martius, his death, ii. 320\n\n Andaman Islanders, ii. 253\n\n Andania, ii. 122\n\n Anderida, forest of, ii. 7\n\n Andromeda and Perseus, ii. 163\n\n Animals, homoeopathic magic of, i. 150 _sqq._;\n   rain-making by means of, 287 _sqq._\n\n Animism passing into polytheism, ii. 45\n\n _Anitos_, spirits of ancestors, ii. 30\n\n Anjea, mythical being, who causes conception in women, i. 100, 184\n\n Annals of Tigernach and Ulster, ii. 286\n\n Annandale, Nelson, ii. 237 _n._\n\n Anointing weapon which caused wound, i. 202 _sqq._\n\n Antaeus, ii. 300\n\n Antigone, death of, ii. 228 _n._ 5\n\n Antigonus, i. 391 _n._ 1\n\n Antimores of Madagascar, i. 354\n\n Apaches, land of the, i. 306\n\n Apepi, Egyptian fiend, i. 67\n\n Apes thought to be related to twins, i. 265\n\n Ap-hi, god of thunder and lightning, ii. 370\n\n Aphrodite and Adonis, i. 25\n\n \u2014\u2014 Askraia, i. 26\n\n Apollo, i. 384, 386;\n   at Delos, 32, 34 _sq._;\n   at Delphi, 28;\n   grave of, at Delphi, 35;\n   Erithasean, ii. 121;\n   at Patara, 135\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Artemis, birthdays of, i. 32\n\n \u2014\u2014 Diradiotes, i. 381\n\n Apologies offered to trees for cutting them down, ii. 18 _sq._, 36\n    _sq._\n\n Apples at festival of Diana, i. 14, 16\n\n April 15th, sacrifice on, ii. 229, 326\n\n \u2014\u2014 21st, date of the Parilia, ii. 325, 326\n\n \u2014\u2014 23rd, St. George\u2019s Day, ii. 330 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 24th, in some places St. George\u2019s Day, ii. 337, 343\n\n Arab charms, i. 152, 153, 157, 165 _sq._, 181, 303\n\n Arabs of Moab, i. 276\n\n Aratus, sacrifices to, i. 105\n\n Araucanians of Chili, the, ii. 183\n\n Arden, forest of, ii. 7\n\n Ardennes, goddess of the, ii. 126\n\n _Aren_ palm-tree, ii. 22\n\n Ariadne and Dionysus, ii. 138\n\n Aricia, i. 3, 4, 10, ii. 2;\n   \u201cmany Manii at,\u201d i. 22\n\n Arician grove, the sacred, i. 20, 22, ii. 115;\n   horses excluded from, i. 20\n\n Arikara Indians, i. 115\n\n Aristotle, ii. 137\n\n Arkon, in R\u00fcgen, ii. 241 _n._ 4\n\n Armenia, rain-making in, i. 275 _sq._\n\n Arrephoroi at Athens, the, ii. 199\n\n Arrian, on sacrifices to Artemis, ii. 125 _sq._\n\n Arrows shot at sacred trees, ii. 11;\n   fire-tipped, shot at sun during an eclipse, i. 311\n\n Artemis, temple dedicated to her by Xenophon, i. 7;\n   birthday of, i. 32, ii. 125;\n   the Asiatic, i. 7;\n   at Delos, 28;\n   of Ephesus, 7, 37 _sq._, ii. 128, 136;\n   a goddess of the wild life of nature, i. 35 _sq._;\n   sacrifices to, ii. 125;\n   worshipped by the Celts, 125 _sq._;\n   Saronian, i. 26;\n   Wolfish, 26 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Apollo, birthdays of, i. 32;\n   and Hippolytus, 19 _sq._, 24 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 _Parthenos_, i. 36\n\n Arunta, the, of Central Australia, i. 98;\n   magical ceremonies among, 85 _sqq._;\n   burial customs of the, 102\n\n Arval Brothers, the, ii. 203\n\n Aryan god of the oak and thunder, ii. 356 _sqq._;\n   god of the sky, 374 _sq._\n\n Aryans, magical powers ascribed to kings among the, i. 366 _sqq._;\n   perpetual fires among the, ii. 260;\n   female kinship among the, 283 _sqq._\n\n Ascanius or Julus, ii. 197\n\n Ascension Day, ii. 69, 166\n\n Ashantee, licence accorded to king\u2019s sisters in, ii. 274 _sq._\n\n Ashes scattered as rain-charm, i. 304;\n   in magic, 314;\n   of unborn calves used in a fertility charm, ii. 229, 326\n\n Asia Minor, pontiffs in, i. 47\n\n Assimilation of rain-maker to water, i. 269 _sqq._\n\n Association of ideas, magic based on a misapplication of the, i. 221\n    _sq._\n\n Assumption of the Virgin in relation to the festival of Diana, i. 14-16\n\n Astarte at Byblus, i. 30\n\n Atalante, ii. 301\n\n Athenian sacrifices to the Seasons, i. 310\n\n Athens, barrow of Hippolytus at, i. 25;\n   new fire brought to, 32 _sq._;\n   King and Queen at, 44 _sq._;\n   marriage of Dionysus at, ii. 136 _sq._;\n   female kinship at, 277\n\n Atkinson, J. C., i. 199\n\n Atreus, ii. 279\n\n Attacking the wind, i. 327 _sqq._\n\n Attica, traces of female kinship in, ii. 284\n\n Attis and Cybele (Mother of the Gods), i. 18, 21, 40, 41\n\n _Atua_, Polynesian term for god, i. 387 _n._ 1\n\n August, the Ides (13th) of, Diana\u2019s day, i. 12, 14-17\n\n \u2014\u2014 15th, the day of the Assumption of the Virgin, i. 14-16\n\n Augustine on the one God, i. 121 _n._ 1\n\n Australia, aboriginal paintings in, i. 87 _n._ 1;\n   magic universally practised but religion nearly unknown among the\n      aborigines of, 234;\n   government of old men in aboriginal, 334 _sq._;\n   influence of magicians in aboriginal, 334 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Central, magical ceremonies for the supply of food in, i. 85 _sqq._\n\n Australian aborigines, magical images among the, i. 62;\n   ceremonies of initiation among the, 92 _sqq._;\n   contagious magic of teeth among the, 176;\n   magic of navel-string and afterbirth among the, 183 _sq._\n\n Autun, procession of goddess at, ii. 144\n\n Auxesia and Damia, i. 39\n\n Avebury, Lord, i. 225 _n._\n\n Aventine, Diana on the, ii. 128\n\n\n Baal, prophets of, cutting themselves, i. 258\n\n Baalim, the, lords of underground waters, ii. 159\n\n Babar Archipelago, i. 72, 131\n\n Babaruda, i. 273\n\n Babylon, magical images in ancient, i. 66 _sq._;\n   sanctuary of Bel at, ii. 129 _sq._\n\n Babylonian kings, divinity of the early, i. 417\n\n Bacchanals chew ivy, i. 384\n\n Bachofen, J. J., ii. 313 _n._ 1, 314 _n._ 1\n\n Bacon, Francis, on anointing weapon that caused wound, i. 202\n\n Badonsachen, King of Burma, i. 400\n\n Baganda, the, i. 395;\n   superstitions as to the navel-string and afterbirth (placenta), 195\n      _sq._;\n   their customs in regard to twins, ii. 102 _sq._;\n   their belief in the influence of the sexes on vegetation, 101 _sq._;\n   Vestal Virgins among the, 246;\n   their list of kings, 269\n\n Bagba, a fetish, i. 327\n\n Bagishu, i. 103\n\n Bahaus or Kayans of Borneo, ii. 40, 109\n\n Bakers, Roman, required to be chaste, ii. 115 _sq._, 205\n\n Balli Atap, ii. 385\n\n _Baloi_, mythical beings, i. 177\n\n Bambaras, the, ii. 42\n\n Banana-tree, wild, supposed to fertilise barren women, ii. 318\n\n Bandicoot in rain-charm, i. 288\n\n Bangalas, the, ii. 293\n\n Banks\u2019 Islanders, i. 314\n\n Bantu peoples, ancestor-worship among the, ii. 221\n\n Banyai, chieftainship among the, ii. 292\n\n Banyoro, the, ii. 322;\n   king of the, as rain-maker, i. 348\n\n Baobab-trees, ii. 47\n\n Baptist, St. John the, i. 277\n\n _Bar_-tree (_Ficus Indica_), ii. 25, 43\n\n Barea, the, ii. 3\n\n Barenton, fountain of, i. 306, 307\n\n Bari, rain-making among the, i. 346 _sq._\n\n Barotse, the, i. 392 _sq._\n\n Barren women, charms to procure offspring for, i. 70 _sqq._;\n   thought to sterilise gardens, 142;\n   fertilised by trees, ii. 51, 56 _sq._, 316 _sq._;\n   thought to blight the fruits of the earth, 102;\n   fertilised by water-spirits, 159 _sqq._\n\n _Basilai_ at Olympia, i. 46 _n._ 4\n\n Basoga, the, ii. 19, 112\n\n Basutos, the, i. 71, 177\n\n Bath before marriage, intention of, ii. 162\n\n Bathing as a rain-charm, i. 277 _sq._\n\n Battas or Bataks of Sumatra, i. 71, 398 _sq._, ii. 108\n\n Battus, King, i. 47\n\n Bayfield, M. A., ii. 228 _n._ 5\n\n Bean, sprouting of, in superstitious ceremony, i. 266\n\n Beasts, sacred, in Egypt held responsible for failure of crops, i. 354\n\n Bechuana charms, i. 150 _sq._\n\n Bechuanas, the, i. 313\n\n Bedouins, fire-drill of the ancient, ii. 209\n\n Beech-woods of Denmark, ii. 351\n\n _Beena_ marriage, ii. 271\n\n Bees, the King Bees (Essenes) at Ephesus, ii. 135 _sq._\n\n Bel of Babylon, ii. 129\n\n Belep, the, of New Caledonia, i. 150\n\n Bell-ringing as a charm to dispel evil influences, ii. 343 _sq._\n\n Benefits conferred by magic, i. 218 _sq._\n\n Benin, king of, as a god, i. 396\n\n Benvenuto Cellini, ii. 197 _n._ 6\n\n Benzoni, G., i. 57 _n._\n\n Bes, the god, ii. 133\n\n Betsileo, the, i. 397\n\n Bevan, Professor A. A., ii. 210 _n._\n\n Bezoar stone in rain-charms, i. 305\n\n Bhagavati, goddess of Cochin, i. 280\n\n Birch, crowns of, ii. 64;\n   leaves, girl clad in, 80;\n   tree dressed in woman\u2019s clothes, 64;\n   a protection against witches, 54\n\n Birth, pretence of, at adoption, i. 74 _sq._;\n   at return of supposed dead man, 75;\n   at circumcision, 75 _sq._;\n   simulation of a new, 380 _sq._;\n   from the fire, ii. 195 _sqq._\n\n Birthday, Greek custom of sacrificing to a dead man on his, i. 105\n\n Birthdays of Apollo and Artemis, i. 32\n\n \u201cBirthplace of Rainy Zeus,\u201d ii. 360\n\n Black animals in rain-charms, i. 250, 290 _sqq._;\n   colour in magic, 83;\n   in rain-making ceremonies, 269 _sq._\n\n Blackfoot Indians, i. 116, 150;\n   their worship of the sun, ii. 146 _sq._\n\n Bleeding trees, ii. 18, 20, 33\n\n Blighting effect of illicit love on the fruits of the earth, ii. 107\n    _sqq._\n\n Blindness, charm to cause, i. 147\n\n Blood drawn from virgin bride, i. 94;\n   shed at circumcision and subincision, uses of, 92, 94 _sq._;\n   sympathetic connexion between wounded person and his shed blood, 205;\n   used to imitate rain, 256, 257 _sq._;\n   as a means of inspiration, 381 _sqq._;\n   offered to trees, ii. 13, 16, 34, 44, 47;\n   of pigs in purificatory rites, 107, 108, 109;\n   of incestuous persons, blighting effects attributed to the, 110\n      _sq._;\n   reluctance to spill royal, 228;\n   smeared on sacred trees, 367\n\n Blood, human, in _intichiuma_ ceremonies, i. 85, _sqq._ 90, _sqq._;\n   offered at grave, 90 _sq._;\n   given to sick people, 91;\n   used to knit men together, 92\n\n Blood-stone, i. 165\n\n Bloomfield, Professor M., i. 229\n\n Boanerges, i. 266\n\n Bodio, fetish king, i. 353\n\n Bogomiles, the, i. 407\n\n Boiled meat offered to the Seasons, i. 310\n\n Bones of dead in magic, i. 148;\n   human, buried as rain-charm, 287;\n   burned as a charm against sorcery, ii. 330\n\n Bonfires at midsummer, ii. 65\n\n Bongo, the, i. 347\n\n Boni, G., ii. 186 _n._ 1\n\n Borewell, the, ii. 161\n\n Borlase, W., ii. 67\n\n Born thrice, said of Brahmans, i. 381\n\n Borneo, i. 59, 73;\n   beliefs as to the blighting effect of sexual crime in, ii. 108 _sqq._\n\n Bororos, the, ii. 298\n\n Bough, the Golden, plucked by Aeneas, i. 11, ii. 379;\n   the plucking of it not a piece of bravado, 123 _sq._;\n   grew on an evergreen oak, 379\n\n\n Boughs, green, a charm against witches, ii. 52-55, 127.\n   _See also_ Branches\n\n Bovillae, ii. 179\n\n Bradbury, Professor J. B., ii. 139 _n._ 1\n\n Brahman, derivation of name, i. 229\n\n \u2014\u2014 fire-priests, ii. 247 _sqq._;\n   marriage ceremony, i. 160;\n   householder, temporary inspiration of, i. 380 _sq._\n\n Brahmans deemed superior to the gods, i 226;\n   divinity of the, 403 _sq._;\n   thrice-born, 381\n\n\n Branches dipped in water as a rain-charm, i. 248, 250, 309.\n   _See also_ Boughs\n\n Brazil, Indians of, power of medicine-men among the, i. 358 _sq._\n\n Breath, holy fire not to be blown upon with the, ii. 241\n\n Brethren of the Free Spirit, i. 408;\n   of the Tilled Fields (_Fratres Arvales_), ii. 122\n\n Brhaspati, as a magician, i. 241\n\n Bride tied to tree at marriage, ii. 57;\n   the Whitsuntide, 89, 96;\n   the May, 95;\n   race for a, 301 _sqq._;\n   contests for a, 305 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 of God, the, i. 276\n\n \u2014\u2014 race among Teutonic peoples, ii. 303 _sqq._\n\n Bridegroom of May, ii. 91, 93\n\n Bridget in Scotland and the Isle of Man, ii. 94 _sq._\n\n Brigit, a Celtic goddess, ii. 95, 240 _sqq._\n\n Brimo and Brimos, ii. 139\n\n Brincker, Dr. P. H., ii. 224 _n._ 4\n\n Brooke, Rajah, i. 361\n\n Brotherhood formed with trees by sucking their sap, ii. 19 _sq._\n\n Brothers reviled by sisters for good luck, i. 279\n\n Brown, A. R., ii. 254 _n._\n\n Brown, Dr. George, i. 340\n\n Brunhild, Queen of Iceland, ii. 306\n\n Brutus, L. Junius, ii. 290, 291\n\n Bryant, Jacob, i. 334\n\n Buckthorn, a protection against witches, ii. 54, 191\n\n Buddha, images of, drenched as a rain-charm, i. 308\n\n Buddhas, living, i. 410 _sq._\n\n Buddhist animism not a philosophical theory, ii. 13 _sq._\n\n B\u00fchler, G., ii. 367 _n._ 3, 369\n\n Bulgaria, rain-making in, i. 274\n\n Bull, the thunder-god compared to a, ii. 368\n\n Bull-roarer used as a wind-charm, i. 324\n\n Bull\u2019s blood drunk as means of inspiration, i. 381 _sq._;\n   as ordeal, i. 382 _n._ 1\n\n Bulls, white, sacrificed, ii. 188 _sq._\n\n Bunjil Kraura, i. 324\n\n Bunsen, on St. Hippolytus, i. 21 _n._ 2\n\n Burglars, charms employed by, to cause sleep, i. 148 _sq._\n\n Burgundians and their kings, i. 366\n\n Burial alive, punishment of unfaithful virgins, ii. 244\n\n \u2014\u2014 customs intended to ensure re-incarnation, i. 101 _sqq._\n\n Burma, magical images in, i. 62 _sq._\n\n Burning of sacred trees or poles, ii. 141 _sq._\n\n Burning-glass or mirror, fire kindled by, ii. 243, 244 _n._ 1\n\n Buryats, the, ii. 32\n\n Bush negroes of Surinam, ii. 385\n\n Bushmen, i. 123\n\n Butlers, Roman, required to be chaste, ii. 115 _sq._, 205\n\n Buttmann, P., i. 40 _n._ 2\n\n B\u00fcttner, C. G., ii. 218\n\n Byblus, Astarte at, i. 30\n\n\n Cabbages, charm to make cabbages grow, i. 136 _sq._\n\n Cactus, sacred, telepathy in search for, i. 123 _sq._\n\n Cadys, ii. 281\n\n Caeculus born from the fire, ii. 197\n\n Caelian hill at Rome, ii. 185\n\n Caesar, Julius, his villa at Nemi, i. 5\n\n Caesars, their name derived from _caesaries_, ii. 180\n\n Caingua Indians, the, ii. 258\n\n Calah, ancient capital of Assyria, ii. 130\n\n Caland, Dr. W., i. 229\n\n Caldwell, Bishop R., i. 382\n\n _Calica Puran_, i. 63\n\n Caligula, his barges on the lake of Nemi, i. 5;\n   and the priest of Nemi, 11\n\n Calmucks, race for a bride among the, ii. 301 _sq._\n\n Cambodia, the regalia in, i. 365;\n   Kings of Fire and Water in, ii. 3 _sqq._\n\n Cambridge, May Day custom at, ii. 62\n\n Camden, W., ii. 53.\n\n Camillus, his triumph, ii. 174 _n._ 2\n\n Camphor, taboos observed in search for, i. 114 _sq._;\n   telepathy in search for, 124 _sq._\n\n Candaules, ii. 281, 282\n\n Candlemas, ii. 94\n\n Cannibalism in Australia, i. 106 _sq._\n\n Cantabrians, mother-kin among the, ii. 285\n\n Canute, King of England, his marriage with Emma, ii. 282 _sq._\n\n Cape York Peninsula in Queensland, i. 99, 100\n\n Capena, the Porta, at Rome, i. 18\n\n Capitol, temple of Jupiter on the, ii. 174, 176, 184\n\n _Caprificatio_, ii. 314 _n._ 2\n\n _Caprificus_, the wild fig-tree, ii. 314 _sq._\n\n Car Nicobar, i. 314\n\n Caribs, war custom of the, i. 134\n\n Carna, nymph, ii. 190\n\n Carpenter, son of, as a human god, i. 376\n\n Carpet-snakes, magical ceremony for the multiplication of, i. 90\n\n Castor and Pollux, i. 49 _sq._\n\n Cat in rain-charm, i. 289, 291, 308 _sq._\n\n Cat\u2019s cradle as a charm to catch the sun, i. 316 _sq._\n\n Catlin, G., i. 356\n\n Cato the Elder on dedication of Arician grove to Diana, i. 22, 23\n\n Cato, on expiation, ii. 122\n\n Cattle crowned, ii. 75, 126 _sq._, 339, 341;\n   charm to recover strayed, i. 212;\n   influence of tree-spirits on, ii. 55\n\n \u2014\u2014 stall, the, at Athens, ii. 137\n\n Caul, superstitions as to, i. 187 _sq._, 190 _sq._, 199 _sq._\n\n Caves, prehistoric paintings of animals in, i. 87 _n._ 1\n\n Cecrops, ii. 277;\n   said to have instituted marriage, 284\n\n Cedar, sacred, ii. 49, 50 _sq._;\n   smoke of, inhaled as mode of inspiration, i. 383 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 tree, girl annually sacrificed to, ii. 17\n\n \u2014\u2014 wood burned as a religious rite, ii. 130\n\n Celebes, i. 109;\n   magical virtue of regalia in, 362 _sqq._\n\n Celtic divinity akin to Artemis, ii. 126\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Italian languages akin, ii. 189\n\n \u2014\u2014 Vestals, ii. 241 _n._ 1\n\n Celts, their worship of the Huntress Artemis, ii. 125 _sq._;\n   their worship of the oak, 362 _sq._;\n   of Gaul, their harvest festival, i. 17;\n   of Ireland, their belief in the blighting effect of incest, ii. 116\n\n Ceos, funeral customs in, i. 105\n\n Ceremonies, initiatory, of Central Australian aborigines, i. 92 _sqq._\n\n Chadwick, H. M., ii. 278 _n._ 1, 283 _n._ 1\n\n Chaka, the Zulu despot, i. 350\n\n Champion at English coronation ceremony, ii. 322\n\n Chams, the, i. 120, 131, 144\n\n Chariot in rain-charm, i. 309\n\n \u2014\u2014 and horses dedicated to the sun, i. 315\n\n Charles II. touches for scrofula, i. 368 _sq._\n\n Charms to ensure long life, i. 168 _sq._;\n   to prevent the sun from going down, 316 _sqq._\n   _See also_ Magic\n\n\n Chastity observed for sake of absent persons, i. 123, 124, 125, 131;\n   practised to make the crops grow, ii. 104 _sqq._;\n   required of persons who handle dishes and food, 115 _sq._, 205;\n   Milton on, 118 _n._ 1;\n   as a virtue not understood by savages, 118;\n   observed by sacred men, perhaps the husbands of a goddess, 135, 136;\n   observed by sacred women, 137;\n   required in those who make fire by friction, 238 _sq._\n   _See also_ Continence\n\n Chauci, the, ii. 353\n\n Cheremiss, the, ii. 44, 49\n\n Cherokees, homoeopathic magic of plants among the, i. 144, 146 _sq._;\n   homoeopathic magic of animals among the, i. 155 _sq._\n\n Chibchas, the, i. 416\n\n Chi-chi Mama, i. 276\n\n Chiefs, supernatural power of, in Melanesia, i. 338 _sqq._;\n   as magicians, especially rain-makers, in Africa, 342 _sqq._;\n   not allowed to leave their premises, 349;\n   punished for drought and dearth, 352 _sqq._;\n   as priests, ii. 215 _sq._;\n   chosen from several families in rotation, 292 _sqq._\n\n Chilcotin Indians, i. 312\n\n Child\u2019s Well at Oxford, ii. 161\n\n Childbirth, Diana as goddess of, i. 12, ii. 128\n\n Children, newborn, brought to the hearth, ii. 232\n\n _Chili_, sacred cedar, ii. 49, 50 _sq._\n\n China, emperors of, i. 47;\n   homoeopathic magic of city sites in, 169 _sq._;\n   the Emperor of, superior to the gods, 416 _sq._\n   _See also_ Chinese\n\n Chinchvad, human gods at, i. 405 _sq._\n\n\n Chinese, magical images among the, i. 60 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 belief in spirits of plants, ii. 14\n\n \u2014\u2014 charms to ensure long life, i. 168 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 emperor responsible for drought, i. 355\n\n \u2014\u2014 empire, incarnate human gods in the, i. 412 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 modes of compelling the rain-god to give rain, i. 297 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 superstition as to placenta (after-birth), i. 194\n\n Chingilli, the, i. 99\n\n Chios, kings of, i. 45\n\n Chissumpe, the, i. 393\n\n Chitom\u00e9, the, a pontiff of Congo, ii. 261\n\n Christians, pretenders to divinity among, i. 407 _sqq._\n\n Christs, Russian sect of the, i. 407 _sq._\n\n Chuckchees, sacred fire-boards of the, ii. 225 _sq._\n\n _Churinga_, in Australia, i. 88, 199, 335\n\n Cimbrians, the, i. 331 _n._ 2\n\n Ciminian forest, ii. 8\n\n Circassians, their custom as to pear-trees, ii. 55 _sq._\n\n Circumcision, pretence of new birth at, i. 76, 96 _sq._;\n   uses of blood shed at, 92, 94 _sq._;\n   suggested origin of, 96 _sq._\n\n Cithaeron, Mount, ii. 140\n\n Clans, paternal and maternal, of the Herero, ii. 217\n\n Cleanliness promoted by contagious magic, i. 175, 342\n\n Clisthenes and Hippoclides, ii. 307 _sq._\n\n Clitus and Pallene, ii. 307\n\n Clothes, sympathetic connexion between a person and his, i. 205-207\n\n Clouds imitated by smoke, i. 249;\n   by stones, i. 256;\n   by rain-maker, 261, 262, 263\n\n Clouds, magicians painted in imitation of, i. 323\n\n Clove-trees in blossom treated like pregnant women, ii. 28\n\n Cloves, ceremony to make cloves grow ii. 100\n\n Clown in spring ceremonies, ii. 82, 89\n\n Clytaemnestra, ii. 279\n\n Cockatoos, ceremony for the magical multiplication of, i. 89\n\n Coco-nut sacred, ii. 51\n\n \u2014\u2014 palms worshipped, ii. 16\n\n Codrington, Dr. R. H., quoted, i. 227 _sq._, 338\n\n Coligny calendar, i. 17 _n._ 2\n\n Collatinus, L. Tarquinius, ii. 290\n\n Columella, ii. 314;\n   quoted, 205\n\n Combat, mortal, for the kingdom, ii. 322\n\n Communism, tradition of sexual, ii. 284\n\n Compelling rain-gods to give rain, i. 296 _sqq._\n\n Complexity of social phenomena, i. 332\n\n Comrie, ii. 161\n\n Con or Cun, a thunder-god, ii. 370\n\n Conception in women, supposed cause of, i. 100;\n   caused by trees, ii. 51, 56 _sq._, 316-318\n\n Concord, temple of, at Rome, i. 11, 21 _n._ 2\n\n Concordia, nurse of St. Hippolytus, i. 21 _n._ 2\n\n Condor, the bird of the thunder-god, ii. 370\n\n Confession of sins, i. 266\n\n Conflicts, sanguinary, as rain-charm, i. 258\n\n Conquerors sometimes leave a nominal kingship to the conquered, ii. 288\n    _sq._\n\n \u201cConsort, the divine,\u201d ii. 131, 135\n\n Consuls, the first, ii. 290\n\n Consulship at Rome, institution of, ii. 290 _sq._\n\n Contact or contagion in magic, law of, i. 52, 53\n\n Contagious Magic, i. 174-214;\n   of teeth, 176-182;\n   of navel-string and afterbirth (placenta), 182-201;\n   of wound and weapon, 201 _sqq._;\n   of footprints, 207-212;\n   of other impressions, 213 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 taboos, i. 117\n\n Contest for the kingship at Whitsuntide, ii. 89\n\n Contests for a bride, ii. 305 _sqq._\n\n\n Continence required in magical ceremonies, i. 88;\n   required at rain-making ceremonies, 257, 259;\n   required of parents of twins, 266;\n   practised in order to make the crops grow, ii. 104 _sqq._\n   _See also_ Chastity\n\n Conway, Professor R. S., ii. 379 _n._ 5\n\n Conybeare, F. C., i. 407 _n._ 3\n\n Cook, A. B., i. 23 _n._, 40 _n._ 3 and 4, 42 _n._ 1, ii. 172 _n._ 3,\n    173 _n._ 2, 177 _n._ 6, 178 _n._ 3, 187 _n._ 4, 220 _n._ 3, 290 _n._\n    3, 307 _n._ 2, 321 _n._ 1, 358 _n._ 4, 379 _n._ 4 and _n._ 5, 380\n    _n._ 4, 383 _n._ 2\n\n Cooks, Roman, required to be chaste, ii. 115 _sq._, 205\n\n Cora Indians, i. 55 _sq._\n\n Corc, his purification, ii. 116\n\n Corn, defiled persons kept from the, ii. 112;\n   reaped ear of, displayed at mysteries of Eleusis, 138 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -mother, the, at Eleusis, ii. 139\n\n \u2014\u2014 -reaping in Greece, date of, i. 32\n\n Cornel-tree, sacred, ii. 10\n\n Cornish customs on May Day, ii. 52, 67\n\n _Corp chre_, i. 68, 69\n\n Corpus Christi Day, ii. 163\n\n Cos, King of, i. 45\n\n Crab in rain-charm, i. 289\n\n Crannogs, ii. 352\n\n Crannon in Thessaly, i. 309\n\n Crawley, E., i. 201 _n._ 1\n\n Crocodiles, girls sacrificed to, ii. 152\n\n Cronus and Zeus, ii. 323\n\n Crooke, W., i. 406 _n._ 1, ii. 57 _n._ 4, 288 _n._ 1\n\n Cross River, i. 349\n\n Crossbills in magic, i. 81 _sq._\n\n Crown of oak leaves, ii. 175, 176 _sq._, 184\n\n Crowning cattle, ii. 75, 126 _sq._, 339, 341\n\n \u2014\u2014 dogs, custom of, i. 14, ii. 125 _sq._, 127 _sq._\n\n Crowns, magical virtue of royal, i. 364 _sq._;\n   of birch at Whitsuntide, ii. 64;\n   or wreaths, custom of wearing, 127 _n._ 2\n\n Crows in magic, i. 83\n\n Crystals, magic of, i. 176;\n   used in rain-making, 254, 255, 304, 345, 346\n\n Cumont, Professor Franz, ii. 310\n\n Cup-and-ball as a charm to hasten the return of the sun, i. 317\n\n Curses, public, i. 45;\n   supposed beneficial effects of, i. 279 _sqq._\n\n Cursing at sowing, i. 281\n\n \u2014\u2014 fishermen and hunters for good luck, i. 280 _sq._\n\n Curtiss, Professor S. I., i. 402\n\n Cuzco, ii. 243\n\n Cybele, ii. 144 _sq._;\n   and Attis, i. 18, 21, 40, 41\n\n Cyrene, kingship at, i. 47\n\n\n Daedala, festival of the, ii. 140 _sq._\n\n Dainyal or Sibyl, i. 383\n\n Dalai Lama of Lhasa, i. 411 _sq._\n\n Damaras or Herero, their fire-customs, ii. 211 _sqq._\n\n Damia and Auxesia, i. 39\n\n Danaus, ii. 301\n\n Dance at giving of oracles, i. 379;\n   of milkmaids on May-day, ii. 52\n\n Dances of women while men are away fighting, i. 131-134;\n   as means of inspiration, 408 _n._ 1;\n   round sacred trees, ii. 47, 55;\n   found the May-pole, 65, 69, 74 _sq._;\n   on graves, 183 _n._ 2\n\n Dancing as a fertility charm, i. 137 _sqq._, ii. 106\n\n Danes, female descent of the kingship among the, ii. 282 _sq._\n\n Daphnephoria, ii. 63 _n._ 2\n\n Date-month, the, ii. 25\n\n\n \u2014\u2014 -palm, artificial fertilisation of the, ii. 24 _sq._\n\n Dawn, the rosy, i. 334\n\n Day of Stones, i. 279\n\n De Groot, J. J. M., i. 416 _sq._, ii. 14\n\n Dead, hair offered to the, i. 31;\n   pretence of new birth at return of supposed dead man, 75;\n   homoeopathic magic of the, 147 _sqq._;\n   sacrifices to, 163;\n   making rain by means of the, 284 _sqq._;\n   trees animated by the souls of the, ii. 29 _sqq._;\n   the illustrious, represented by masked men, 178;\n   thunder and lightning made by the, 183;\n   spirits of the, in wild fig-trees, 317\n\n Death, pretence of, in magic, i. 84;\n   infection of, 143;\n   at ebb tide, 167 _sq._;\n   puppet called, carried out of village, ii. 73 _sq._\n\n Deceiving the spirits of plants and trees, ii. 22 _sqq._\n\n Deir el Bahari, paintings at, ii. 131, 133\n\n Deities duplicated through dialectical differences in their names, ii.\n    380 _sq._\n\n Dejanira and Achelous, ii. 161 _sq._\n\n Delivery, easy, granted to women by trees, ii. 57 _sq._\n\n Delos, graves of Hyperborean maidens in, i. 28, 33 _sqq._;\n   Apollo and Artemis at, 28, 32-35\n\n Delphi, Apollo at, i. 28;\n   new fire sent from, 32 _sq._;\n   King of, 45 _sq._\n\n Demeter and Zeus, their marriage at Eleusis, ii. 138 _sq._\n\n Demetrius Poliorcetes deified at Athens, i. 390 _sq._\n\n Denmark, Whitsun bride in, ii. 91 _sq._;\n   the beech-woods of, 351\n\n Dennett, R. E., ii. 277 _n._ 1\n\n _De\u00f2ce_, a divine spirit, i. 410\n\n Departmental kings of nature, ii. 1 _sqq._\n\n Derry, the oaks of, ii. 242 _sq._\n\n Devil-dancers, i. 382\n\n Dew on May morning, custom of washing in the, ii. 54, 67, 327, 339;\n   rolling in the, 333\n\n \u201cDew-treading\u201d in Holland, ii. 104 _n._ 2\n\n Dhurma Rajah, i. 410\n\n _DI_, Aryan root meaning \u201cbright,\u201d ii. 381\n\n Dia, grove of the goddess, ii. 122\n\n Dialectical differences a cause of the duplication of deities, ii. 382\n    _sq._\n\n Diana, her sanctuary at Nemi, i. 2 _sqq._;\n   as huntress at Nemi, 6;\n   as patroness of cattle, 7, ii. 124;\n   her priest at Nemi, i. 8 _sqq._;\n   the Tauric, 10 _sq._, 24;\n   as goddess of childbirth, 12, ii. 128;\n   as Vesta at Nemi, i. 13, ii. 380;\n   in relation to vines, i. 15 _sq._;\n   the mate of the King of the Wood at Nemi, 40, 41, ii. 380;\n   as a goddess of fertility, 120 _sqq._;\n   in relation to animals of the woods, 124, 125 _sqq._;\n   as the moon, 128;\n   the goddess of fruits, 128;\n   as a goddess of the oak at Nemi, 380\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Dianus, ii. 376 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 (Jana), a double of Juno, ii. 190 _sq._, 381 _sq._\n\n \u201cDiana\u2019s Mirror,\u201d i. 1\n\n Dianus (Janus), a double of Jupiter, ii. 190 _sq._, 381 _sq._\n\n Diels, Professor H., i. 390 _n._ 2\n\n Dieri, the, i. 90, 177, ii. 29;\n   rain-making ceremonies of the, i. 255 _sqq._\n\n Dinka or Denka nation, i. 347\n\n Diodorus Siculus, i. 74\n\n Diomede, ii. 278;\n   at Troezen, i. 27;\n   sacred grove of, 27\n\n Dione, wife of Zeus at Dodona, ii. 189;\n   the old consort of Zeus, 381, 382\n\n Dionysius of Halicarnassus, quoted, ii. 202 _sq._\n\n Dionysus, marriage of, to the Queen of Athens, ii. 136 _sq._;\n   and Ariadne, 138\n\n Discovery of fire, ii. 255 _sqq._\n\n Disease-makers in Tana, i. 341 _sq._\n\n \u201cDivine consort, the,\u201d ii. 131\n\n Divinity of kings, i. 48 _sqq._;\n   among the Hovas, 397;\n   among the Malays, 398;\n   in great historical empires, 415 _sqq._;\n   growth of the conception of the, ii. 376 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 of the Brahmans, i. 403 _sq._\n\n Division of labour in relation to social progress, i. 420\n\n Diwali, the feast of lamps, ii. 160\n\n Dixon, Dr. W. E., ii. 139 _n._ 1\n\n Djakuns, their mode of making fire, ii. 236\n\n Djuldjul, i. 274\n\n Dodola, the, i. 273\n\n Dodona, oracular spring at, ii. 172;\n   Zeus at, 177;\n   Zeus and Dione at, 189;\n   oracular oak at, 358\n\n Dog, black, sacrificed for rain, i. 291;\n   used to stop rain, 303\n\n Dogs crowned, i. 14, ii. 125 _sq._, 127 _sq._\n\n Dollar-bird associated with rain, i. 287 _sq._\n\n Domalde, a Swedish king, i. 366 _sq._\n\n Donar or Thunar, the German thunder god, ii. 364\n\n Doors, Janus as a god of, ii. 383 _sq._\n\n Doreh, in New Guinea, i. 125\n\n Dos Santos, J., i. 392\n\n Double-headed fetish among the Bush negroes of Surinam, ii. 385;\n   Janus, explanation of, ii. 384 _sq._\n\n Dragon, rain-god represented as, i. 297;\n   or serpent of water, ii. 155 _sqq._;\n   of Rouen, destroyed by St. Romain, 164 _sqq._;\n   the Slaying of the, at Furth, 163 _sq._\n\n Dramas, magical, to promote vegetation, ii. 120\n\n Dramatic exhibitions sometimes originate in magical rites, ii. 142;\n   weddings of gods and goddesses, ii. 121\n\n Draupadi or Krishna, ii. 306\n\n Dreams, modes of counteracting evil, i. 172 _sq._\n\n Drenching people with water as a rain-charm, i. 250, 251, 269 _sq._,\n    272, 273, 274, 275, 277 _sq._, ii. 77\n\n Dropsy, ancient Greek mode of preventing, i. 78\n\n Drought supposed to be caused by unburied dead, i. 287;\n   and dearth, chiefs and kings punished for, 352 _sqq._;\n   supposed to be caused by sexual crime, ii. 110, 111, 113\n\n Drowning as a punishment, ii. 109, 110, 111;\n   sacrifice by, 364\n\n Druids, oak-worship of the, ii. 9;\n   of Gaul, their sacrifices of white bulls, 189;\n   female, 241 _n._ 1;\n   venerate the oak and the mistletoe, 358, 362;\n   derivation of the name, 363\n\n Drums, homoeopathic magic at the making of, i. 134 _sq._;\n   beaten as a charm against a storm, 328\n\n Drynemetum, ii. 363\n\n Du Pratz, ii. 263 _n._ 1\n\n Dudul\u00e9, the, i. 274\n\n Duplication of deities an effect of dialectical differences, ii. 382\n    _sq._\n\n Durostorum, martyrdom of St. Dasius at, ii. 310 _n._ 1\n\n Dwarf tribes of Central Africa, ii. 255\n\n Dyaks of Borneo, the, i. 73, 127, ii. 13;\n   the Sea, 127\n\n\n Ea, the inventor of magic, i. 240\n\n Eagle hunters, taboos observed by, i. 116;\n   charms employed by, 149 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -wood, telepathy in search for, i. 120\n\n Eagles, sacred, ii. 11\n\n Earth and Sun, marriage of the, ii. 98 _sq._, 148\n\n \u2014\u2014 goddess, pregnant cows sacrificed to, ii. 229\n\n Earthquakes supposed to be caused by incest, ii. 111\n\n Ebb tide, death at, i. 167 _sq._\n\n Eclipse, ceremonies at an, i. 311 _sq._\n\n Economic progress a condition of intellectual progress, i. 218\n\n Egeria, water nymph at Nemi, i. 17-19, 41, ii. 171 _sq._;\n   an oak-nymph, 172;\n   a double of Diana, 380;\n   and Numa, i. 18, ii. 172 _sqq._, 193, 380\n\n Egerius Baebius or Laevius, i. 22\n\n Eggs collected at spring ceremonies, ii. 65, 78, 81, 84, 85;\n   or egg-shells, painted, in spring ceremonies, 63, 65;\n   in purificatory rite, 109\n\n Egypt, magical images in ancient, i. 66, 67 _sq._;\n   magicians in ancient, 225;\n   confusion of magic and religion in ancient, 230 _sq._;\n   kings of, deified in their lifetime, 418 _sqq._;\n   the Queen of, married to the god Ammon, ii. 131 _sq._;\n   king of, masquerading as Ammon, 133\n\n Egyptian kings and queens, their begetting and birth depicted on the\n    monuments, ii. 131 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 worship of sacred beasts, i. 29 _sq._\n\n Egyptians, the ancient, worshipped men and animals, i. 389 _sq._;\n   sycamores worshipped by the ancient, ii. 15\n\n _Eiresione_, ii. 48\n\n Elder-tree, ii. 43\n\n Elective and hereditary monarchy, combination of the two, ii. 292\n    _sqq._\n\n Electric lights on mast-heads, spears, etc., i. 49 _sq._\n\n Elephant-hunters, telepathy of, i. 123\n\n Eleusis, mysteries of, ii. 138 _sq._\n\n Elipandus of Toledo, i. 407\n\n Elizabeth, Queen, i. 368\n\n _Emblica officinalis_, a sacred tree, ii. 51\n\n Emin Pasha, ii. 297 _n._ 7\n\n Empedocles, his claim to divinity, i. 390\n\n Emus, ceremony for the multiplication of, i. 85 _sq._\n\n Endymion, ii. 299\n\n Ephesian Artemis, ii. 128\n\n Ephesus, Artemis of, i. 37 _sq._;\n   nominal kings at, 47;\n   the Essenes or King Bees at, ii. 135 _sq._\n\n Epicurus, sacrifices offered to, i. 105\n\n Erechtheum, the, ii. 199\n\n Erechtheus and Erichthonius, ii. 199\n\n Erhard, Professor A., ii. 310 _n._ 1\n\n Erichthonius, i. 21;\n   and Erechtheus, ii. 199\n\n Eruptions of volcanoes supposed to be caused by incest, ii. 111\n\n Esquiline hill at Rome, ii. 185\n\n Esquimaux, i. 70, 113, 121, 316, 327\n\n Essenes or King Bees at Ephesus, i. 47 _n._ 2, ii. 135 _sq._\n\n Esthonian folk-tale of a tree-elf, ii. 71 _sqq._;\n   marriage custom, 234\n\n Esthonians, St. George\u2019s Day among the, ii. 330 _sqq._;\n   their thunder-god Taara, 367\n\n Etruscans, female kinship among the, ii. 286 _sq._\n\n Eudanemi, the, at Athens, i. 325 _n._ 1\n\n Europe, contagious magic of footprints in, i. 210 _sq._;\n   confusion of magic and religion in modern, 231-233;\n   forests of ancient, ii. 7 _sq._;\n   relics of tree-worship in modern, 59 _sqq._;\n   diffusion of the oak in, 349 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 South-Eastern, rain-making ceremonies in, i. 272 _sqq._\n\n Euros, magical ceremony for the multiplication of, i. 89\n\n Evelyn, John, i. 369\n\n Evergreen oak, the Golden Bough grew on, ii. 379\n\n \u2014\u2014 trees in Italy, i. 8\n\n Evolution of kings out of magicians or medicine-men, i. 420 _sq._;\n   industrial, from uniformity to diversity of function, 421;\n   political, from democracy to despotism, 421\n\n Exaggerations of anthropological theories, i. 333\n\n Exogamy, ii. 271\n\n Expiation for adultery or fornication, ii. 107 _sq._;\n   for incest, 115, 116\n\n External soul in afterbirth or navel-string, i. 200 _sq._\n\n Extinction of fires at king\u2019s death, ii. 261 _sqq._, 267;\n   in houses after any death, 267 _sq._\n\n Ezekiel, i. 87 _n._ 1\n\n\n Falerii, Juno at, ii. 190 _n._ 2\n\n Falstaff, death of, i. 168\n\n Families, royal, kings chosen from several, ii. 292 _sqq._\n\n Fan tribe, i. 349\n\n Farnell, Dr. L. R., i. 36, ii. 379 _n._ 5\n\n Fasting obligatory, i. 124, 131\n\n Father Jove and Mother Vesta, ii. 227 _sqq._\n\n Fattest men chosen kings, ii. 297\n\n February, first of, St. Bride\u2019s day, i. 94 _sq._\n\n Fehrle, E., ii. 199 _n._ 5\n\n Female descent of the kingship in Rome, ii. 270 _sqq._;\n   in Africa, 274 _sqq._;\n   in Greece, 277 _sq._;\n   in Scandinavia, 279 _sq._;\n   in Lydia, 281 _sq._;\n   among Danes and Saxons, 282 _sq._\n\n\n \u2014\u2014 kinship in descent of the Roman kingship, ii. 271;\n   indifference to paternity of kings under female kinship, 274 _sqq._;\n   at Athens, 277;\n   indifference to paternity in general under, 282;\n   among the Aryans, 283 _sqq._\n   _See also_ Mother-kin\n\n Female slaves, licence accorded to them on the _Nonae Caprotinae_, ii.\n    313 _sq._\n\n Feng and Wiglet, ii. 281, 283\n\n Fennel, fire carried in giant, ii. 260\n\n Fertilisation, artificial, of the date palm, ii. 24 _sq._;\n   of the fig-tree, 314 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 of women by the wild fig-tree, ii. 316;\n   by the wild banana-tree, 318\n\n Fertilising virtue attributed to trees, ii. 49 _sqq._, 316 _sqq._\n\n Fertility, Diana as a goddess of, ii. 120 _sqq._;\n   the thunder-god conceived as a deity of fertility, 368 _sqq._\n\n _Fictores Vestalium, fictores Pontificum_, ii. 204\n\n _Ficus Ruminalis_, ii. 318\n\n _Fierte_ or shrine of St. Romain, ii. 167, 168, 170 _n._ 1\n\n Fig, as an article of diet, ii. 315 _sq._\n\n Fig-tree of Romulus (_ficus Ruminalis_), ii. 10, 318\n\n \u2014\u2014 artificial fertilisation (_caprificatio_) of the, ii. 314 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 sacred, ii. 44, 99, 249, 250\n\n \u2014\u2014 the wild, a male, ii. 314 _sq._;\n   supposed to fertilise women, 316 _sq._;\n   haunted by spirits of the dead, 317\n\n Fiji, catching the sun in, i. 316\n\n Fijians, gods of the, i. 389\n\n Finnish-Ugrian peoples, sacred groves of the, ii. 10 _sq._\n\n Finnish wizards and witches, i. 325\n\n Fire in the worship of Diana, i. 12 _sq._;\n   supposed to be subject to Catholic priests, 231;\n   used to stop rain, 252 _sq._;\n   as a charm to rekindle the sun, 311, 313;\n   of Vesta at Rome fed with oak wood, ii. 186;\n   birth from the, 195 _sqq._;\n   the king\u2019s, 195 _sqq._;\n   impregnation of women by, 195 _sqq._, 230 _sqq._, 234;\n   taken from sacred hearth to found a new village, 216;\n   on the hearth, souls of ancestors in the, 232;\n   reasons for attributing a procreative virtue to, 233 _sq._;\n   made jointly by man and woman or boy and girl, 235 _sqq._;\n   custom of extinguishing fire and rekindling it by the friction of\n      wood, 237 _sq._;\n   need-fire made by married men, 238;\n   holy, not to be blown upon with the breath, 240, 241;\n   tribes reported to be ignorant of the art of kindling, 253 _sqq._;\n   discovery of, by mankind, 255 _sqq._;\n   carried about by savages, 257 _sqq._;\n   kept burning in houses of chiefs and kings, 260 _sqq._;\n   carried before king or chief, 263 _sq._;\n   a symbol of life, 265;\n   leaping over a, 327, 329\n\n Fire and Water, Kings of, ii. 3 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -bearer, the, i. 33\n\n \u2014\u2014 -boards, sacred, of the Chuckchees and Koryaks, ii. 225 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 customs of the Herero or Damaras, ii. 211 _sqq._;\n   compared to those of the Romans, ii. 227 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -drill, the, ii. 207 _sqq._, 248 _sqq._, 258 _sq._, 263;\n   the kindling of fire by it regarded by savages as a form of sexual\n      intercourse, 208 _sqq._, 218, 233, 235 _sq._, 239, 249 _sq._;\n   of the Herero, 217 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -god married to a human virgin, ii. 195 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 kindled by the friction of wood, ii. 207 _sqq._, 235 _sqq._, 243,\n    248 _sqq._, 258 _sq._, 262, 263, 336, 366, 372;\n   from ancestral tree, 221, 233 _sq._;\n   by natural causes, 256;\n   by lightning, 263\n\n \u2014\u2014 \u201cliving,\u201d ii. 237;\n   a charm against witchcraft, 336\n\n \u2014\u2014 \u201cnew,\u201d ii. 237;\n   sent from Delos and Delphi, i. 32 _sq._;\n   made at beginning of king\u2019s reign, ii. 262, 267;\n   made at Midsummer, 243\n\n \u2014\u2014 -priests (_Agnihotris_) of the Brahmans, ii. 247 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -sticks of fire-drill regarded as male and female, ii. 208 _sqq._,\n    235, 238, 239, 248 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -worship a form of ancestor-worship, ii. 221\n\n Fires ceremonially extinguished, i. 33;\n   kept up for sake of absent persons, 120 _sq._, 128, 129;\n   extinguished at death of kings, ii. 261 _sqq._, 267;\n   at any death, 267 _sq._;\n   ceremonial, kindled by the friction of oak-wood, 372\n\n \u2014\u2014 perpetual, of Vesta, i. 13 _sq._;\n   in Ireland, ii. 240 _sqq._;\n   in Peru and Mexico, 243 _sqq._;\n   origin of, 253 _sqq._;\n   associated with royal dignity, 261 _sqq._;\n   of oak-wood, 365, 366\n\n First-fruits, dedication of, i. 32\n\n Fish, magical ceremony for the multiplication of, i. 90;\n   in rain-charm, 288 _sq._\n\n Fishermen, Shetland, i. 69\n\n \u2014\u2014 and hunters cursed for good luck, i. 280 _sq._\n\n Fishing and hunting, homoeopathic magic in, i. 108 _sqq._;\n   telepathy in, 120 _sqq._\n\n Fison, Rev. Lorimer, i. 316, 331 _n._ 2, 378, 389 _n._ 3, ii. 13 _n._ 1\n\n Fladda\u2019s chapel, i. 322\n\n _Flamen_, derivation of the name, ii. 235, 247\n\n \u2014\u2014 Dialis, the, ii. 179, 235, 246, 247, 248;\n   an embodiment of Jupiter, 191 _sq._\n\n Flaminica, the, ii. 191, 235\n\n Flax, charms to make flax grow tall, i. 138 _sq._, ii. 86, 164\n\n Flight of the king (_Regifugium_) at Rome, ii. 308 _sqq._, 311 _n._ 4;\n   of sacrificer after the sacrifice, 309;\n   of the People at Rome, 319 _n._ 1\n\n Flint implements supposed to be thunderbolts, ii. 374\n\n Floquet, A., ii. 168, 169\n\n Flowers, divination from, ii. 345\n\n Food, homoeopathic magic for the supply of, i. 85 _sqq._\n\n Foods tabooed, i. 117 _sqq._\n\n Footprints, contagious magic of, i. 207-212\n\n \u201cForced fire\u201d or need-fire, ii. 238\n\n Foreigners marry princesses and receive the kingdom with them, ii. 270\n    _sqq._\n\n Foreskins removed at circumcision, uses of, i. 92 _sq._, 95;\n   used in rain-making, 256 _sq._\n\n Forests of ancient Europe, ii. 7 _sq._\n\n Fortuna and Servius Tullius, ii. 193 _n._ 1, 272\n\n Forum at Rome, prehistoric cemetery in the, ii. 186, 202\n\n Foucart, P., ii. 139 _n._ 1\n\n Fowler, W. Warde, ii. 311 _n._ 4, 319 _n._ 1, 327 _n._ 2, 329 _n._ 6,\n    383 _n._ 3\n\n Fox in magic, i. 151\n\n _Fratres Arvales_, ii. 122\n\n Free Spirit, Brethren of the, i. 408\n\n French peasants ascribe magical powers to priests, i. 231-233\n\n Frey, the god of fertility and his human wife, ii. 143 _sq._;\n   his image and festival at Upsala, 364 _sq._\n\n Friction of wood, fire kindled by, ii. 207 _sqq._, 235 _sqq._, 243, 248\n    _sqq._, 258 _sq._, 262, 263, 336, 366, 372\n\n Frog, magic of, i. 151;\n   worshipped, 294 _sq._;\n   love-charm made from the bone of a, ii. 345\n\n \u2014\u2014 flayer, the, ii. 86\n\n Frogs in relation to rain, i. 292 _sqq._\n\n Froth from a mill-wheel as a charm against witches, ii. 340\n\n Fruit-trees fertilised by women, i. 140 _sq._\n\n Fruits blessed on day of Assumption of the Virgin, i. 14 _sqq._;\n   Artemis and Diana as patronesses of, 15 _sq._\n\n Fuegians, the, ii. 258\n\n Fumigating flocks and herds as a charm against witchcraft, ii. 327,\n    330, 335, 336, 339, 343\n\n Furth in Bavaria, the Slaying of the Dragon at, ii. 163 _sqq._\n\n Furtw\u00e4ngler, A., i. 309 _n._ 6\n\n Futuna, i. 388\n\n _Fylgia_ or guardian spirit in Iceland, i. 200\n\n\n Galatians, their Celtic language, ii. 126 _n._ 2\n\n Galelareesc, the, i. 110, 113, 131, 143, 145, ii. 22\n\n Gallas, kings of the, i. 48;\n   sacred trees of the, ii. 34\n\n Garcilasso de la Vega, ii. 244 _n._ 1\n\n Gardiner, Professor J. Stanley, ii. 154\n\n _Gargouille_ or dragon destroyed by St. Romain, ii. 167\n\n Garlands on May Day, ii. 60 _sqq._, 90 _sq._\n\n Gaul, the Druids of, ii. 189\n\n Gauri, harvest-goddess, ii. 77 _sq._\n\n Gayos, the, ii. 125\n\n Gennep, A. van, ii. 385 _n._ 1\n\n Geomancy in China, i. 170\n\n George, Green, ii. 75, 76, 79\n\n Germans, worship of women among the ancient, i. 391;\n   tree-worship among the ancient, ii. 8 _sq._;\n   evidence of mother-kin among the, 285;\n   worship of the oak among the ancient, 363 _sq._\n\n _Gerontocracy_ in Australia, i. 335\n\n Gervasius of Tilbury, i. 301\n\n Getae, the, i. 392\n\n Ghosts in Melanesia, supposed powers of, i. 338 _sq._\n\n Gilyaks, the, i. 122, ii. 38\n\n Girl annually sacrificed to cedar-tree, ii. 17\n\n Girls married to nets, ii. 147;\n   sacrificed to crocodiles, 152\n\n Glory, the Hand of, i. 149\n\n Glover, T. R., ii. 231 _n._ 6\n\n Goat, blood of, drunk as means of inspiration, i. 382, 383\n\n God, Bride of, i. 276;\n   savage ideas of, different from those of civilised men, 375 _sq._\n\n \u201cGod-boxes,\u201d i. 378\n\n Gods viewed as magicians, i. 240 _sqq._, 375;\n   sacrifice themselves by fire, 315 _n._ 1;\n   conception of, slowly evolved, 373 _sq._;\n   incarnate human, 373 _sqq._;\n   gods and men, no sharp line of distinction between, in Fiji, 389;\n   and goddesses, dramatic weddings of, ii. 121;\n   the marriage of the, 129 _sqq._;\n   married to women, 129 _sqq._, 143 _sq._, 146 _sq._, 149 _sqq._\n\n Gold in magic, i. 80 _sq._\n\n Golden Bough plucked by Aeneas, i. 11, ii. 379;\n   the breaking of it not a piece of bravado, i. 123 _sq._;\n   grew on an evergreen oak, ii. 379\n\n Golden lamb of Mycenae, i. 365\n\n \u201cGolden summer,\u201d the, i. 32\n\n Gonds, their belief in reincarnation, i. 104 _sq._\n\n Gongs beaten in a storm, i. 328 _sq._;\n   at Dodona, ii. 358\n\n Government of old men in aboriginal Australia, i. 334 _sq._\n\n Grafting, superstitious ceremony at, ii. 100\n\n Granger, Professor F., i. 42 _n._ 1\n\n _Grasausl\u00e4uten_, ii. 344\n\n Grass King, the, ii. 85 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 seed, magical ceremony for the multiplication of, i. 87 _sq._;\n   continence at magical ceremony for growth of, ii. 105\n\n Graveclothes, homoeopathic magic of, in China, i. 168 _sq._\n\n Graves, rain-charms at, i. 268, 286, 291;\n   trees planted on graves, ii. 31;\n   dances on, 183 _n._ 2;\n   of Hyperborean maidens at Delos, i. 28, 33 _sqq._\n\n Great Sun, the, title of chief, ii. 262, 263\n\n Greece, priestly kings in, i. 44 _sqq._;\n   kings and chiefs sacred or divine in ancient, 366;\n   human gods in ancient, 390 _sq._;\n   forests of, ii. 8;\n   female descent of kingship in ancient, 278 _sq._\n\n Greek kings called Zeus, ii. 177, 361\n\n Greeks, the modern, rain-making ceremonies among, i. 272 _sq._;\n   and Romans, rain-charms among the ancient, 309 _sq._\n\n Green boughs a charm against witches, ii. 52-55, 127, 342 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 George, ii. 75, 76, 79, 343\n\n \u2014\u2014 Thursday, ii. 333\n\n Greenwich-hill, custom of rolling down, ii. 103\n\n Gregory of Tours, ii. 144\n\n Grimm, J., ii. 8, 362 _n._ 6, 364\n\n Grizzly bears supposed to be related to human twins, i. 264 _sq._\n\n Groves, sacred, ii. 10 _sq._, 44;\n   Arician, i. 20, 22, ii. 115;\n   in Chios, i. 45;\n   in ancient Greece and Rome, ii. 121 _sqq._\n\n Grunau, Simon, ii. 366 _n._ 2\n\n Guanches of Teneriffe, i. 303\n\n Guardian spirit associated with caul, i. 199 _sq._\n\n Guaycurus, the, i. 330\n\n Gunkel, H., i. 101 _n._ 2\n\n Gunnar Helming, ii. 144\n\n Gunputty, elephant-headed god, human incarnation of, i. 405 _sq._\n\n Gyges, ii. 281, 282\n\n Gypsies, Green George among the, ii. 75 _sq._\n\n Gypsy ceremonies for stopping rain, i. 295 _sq._\n\n\n Hack-thorn sacred, ii. 48\n\n Haddon, Dr. A. C., i. 262\n\n Hahn, Dr. C. H., ii. 213 _n._ 2\n\n Haida Indians, i. 70, 133\n\n Hair offered to gods and goddesses, heroes and heroines, i. 28 _sq._;\n   offered to the dead, 31, 102;\n   offered to rivers, 31;\n   clippings of, used in magic, 57, 64, 65, 66;\n   charms to make hair grow, 83, 145, 153 _sq._, 154;\n   loose as a charm, 136;\n   human, used in rain-making, 251 _sq._;\n   long, a symbol of royalty, ii. 180\n\n Hakea flowers, ceremony for the multiplication of, i. 86\n\n Hakim Singh, i. 409\n\n Halford in Warwickshire, May Day customs at, ii. 88 _sq._\n\n Hamlet, ii. 281, 291\n\n Hammer worshipped, i. 317 _sq._\n\n Hammurabi, code of, ii. 130\n\n Hand of Glory, i. 149\n\n Hardy, Thomas, i. 136\n\n Hares as witches, i. 212, ii. 53\n\n Harran, the heathen of, i. 383, ii. 25, 100 _n._ 2\n\n Harris, J. Rendel, i. 15 _n._ 1, 21 _n._ 2\n\n Harrison, Miss J. E., ii. 137 _n._ 1, 139 _n._ 1\n\n Hartland, E. S., i. 52 _n._ 1, ii. 156 _n._ 2\n\n Harvest in Greece, date of, i. 32\n\n \u2014\u2014 May, the, ii. 47 _sq._\n\n Hatshopsitou, birth of Queen, ii. 131 _sqq._\n\n\n Hawaii, insignia of royal family of, i. 388 _n._ 3\n\n Hawthorn on May Day, ii. 52, 60;\n   a protection against witches, 55, 127\n\n Head-hunters, rules observed by people at home in absence of, i. 129\n\n Headmen of totem clans in Central Australia, i. 335\n\n Heads, custom of moulding heads artificially, ii. 297 _sq._\n\n Hearn, Dr. W. E., ii. 283 _n._ 5\n\n Hearth, the king\u2019s, at Rome, ii. 195, 200, 206;\n   sacred, of the Herero, 213, 214;\n   the sacred, seat of the ancestral spirits, 221;\n   custom of leading a bride round the, 230, 231;\n   new-born children brought to the, 232\n\n Hearts of men and animals offered to the sun, i. 315\n\n Heaven, vault of, imitated in rain-charm, i. 261, 262\n\n Heavenly Master, the, i. 413\n\n Hebrew prohibition of images, i. 87 _n._ 1\n\n \u2014\u2014 prophets, their ethical religion, i. 223\n\n Hebrews, their notion of the blighting effect of sexual crime, ii. 114\n    _sq._\n\n Hegel on magic and religion, i. 235 _n._ 1, 423 _sqq._\n\n Hehn, V., on evergreens in Italy, i. 8 _n._ 4\n\n _Heimskringla_, ii. 280\n\n Heine, H., _Pilgrimage to Kevlaar_, i. 77\n\n Hekaerge and Hekaergos, i. 33, 34, 35\n\n _Helaga_, taboo, ii. 106 _n._ 2\n\n Helbig, W., i. 20 _n._ 5\n\n Helernus, grove of, ii. 190 _sq._\n\n Hellebore, curses at cutting black, i. 281\n\n Hemlock as an anaphrodisiac, ii. 138, 139 _n._ 1\n\n Hemp, charms to make hemp grow tall, i. 137 _sq._\n\n Heno, the thunder-spirit of the Iroquois, ii. 369 _sq._\n\n Hera and Hercules, i. 74\n\n Hercules, sacrifice to, i. 281\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Achelous, ii. 162\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Hera, i. 74\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Omphale, ii. 281\n\n Hercynian forest, the, ii. 7, 354;\n   etymology of the name, 354 _n._ 2\n\n Hereditary and elective monarchy, combination of the two, ii. 292\n    _sqq._\n\n Herero or Damaras, their fire-customs, ii. 211 _sqq._\n\n Hermutrude, legendary queen of Scotland, ii. 281\n\n Herodotus, i. 49, 331\n\n Hersilia, a Sabine goddess, ii. 193 _n._ 1\n\n Heyne, C. G., ii. 329 _n._ 1\n\n Hidatsa Indians, ii. 12\n\n Hierapolis, i. 29\n\n Hierophant at Eleusis temporarily deprived of his virility, ii. 138\n\n Highlands of Scotland, St. Bride\u2019s day in, ii. 94\n\n Hindoo Koosh, sacred cedar of the, i. 383;\n   the Kafirs of the, 385\n\n \u2014\u2014 Trinity, i. 225\n\n Hindoos, magical images among the, i. 63 _sqq._\n\n Hippoclides and Clisthenes, ii. 307 _sq._\n\n Hippocrates, sacrifices offered to, i. 105\n\n Hippodamia and Pelops, ii. 279, 299 _sq._\n\n Hippolytus in relation to Virbius at Nemi, i. 19 _sq._;\n   offerings of hair to, 28\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Artemis, i. 19 _sq._, 24 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Saint, martyrdom of, i. 21\n\n Hirn, Y., i. 52 _n._ 1, 54 _n._ 1\n\n Hirt, Professor H., ii. 367 _n._ 3\n\n Hobby Horse at Padstow, ii. 68\n\n Hobley, C. W., ii. 316\n\n Hog\u2019s blood, purifying virtue of, i. 107\n\n Holed stone in magic, i. 313\n\n Holland, Whitsuntide customs in, ii. 104\n\n Holy Basil, ii. 26\n\n Homoeopathic taboos, i. 116;\n   magic for the making of rain, 247 _sqq._\n   _See also_ Magic\n\n Hopi Indians, the, ii. 208 _sq._\n\n Horse, sacred, i. 364;\n   sacrificed at Rome in October, ii. 229, 326\n\n Horses excluded from Arician grove, i. 20;\n   dedicated by Hippolytus to Aesculapius, 21 _n._ 2, 27;\n   branded with mark of wolf, 27;\n   in relation to Diomede, 27;\n   sacrifice of white, 27;\n   sacrificed to the sun, 315 _sq._;\n   sacrificed to trees, ii. 16;\n   sanctity of white, 174 _n._ 2;\n   sacrifices for, on St. George\u2019s Day, 332, 336 _sq._\n\n Horus, the golden, i. 418\n\n Hos, the, of Togoland, i. 396 _sq._, ii. 19, 370\n\n Hot water drunk as a charm, i. 129\n\n House-timber, homoeopathic magic of, i. 146\n\n Housebreakers, charms employed by, to cause sleep, i. 148 _sq._\n\n Hovas, divinity of kings among the, i. 397\n\n Howitt, A. W., i. 176, 207, 208\n\n Hubert and Mauss, Messrs., i. 111 _n._ 2\n\n Huichol Indians, i. 71, 123\n\n Human gods, i. 373 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 victims sacrificed to water-spirits, ii. 157 _sqq._\n\n Humboldt, A. von, i. 416\n\n Hunters employ contagious magic of footprints, i. 211 _sq._\n\n Huntin, a tree-god, ii. 15\n\n Hunting and fishing, homoeopathic magic in, i. 108 _sqq._;\n   telepathy in, 120 _sqq._\n\n \u201cHurling\u201d for a bride, ii. 305 _sq._\n\n Hurons, the, ii. 147;\n   reincarnation among the, i. 105;\n   their mode of counteracting an evil dream, 172 _sq._\n\n Husbands, spiritual, ii. 316 _sq._\n\n Hut-urns of ancient Latins, ii. 201 _sq._\n\n Huts, round, of the ancient Latins, ii. 200 _sqq._;\n   in Africa, 227 _n._ 3\n\n Huzuls, the, i. 113, 137;\n   their precautions against witches, ii. 336\n\n Hymettus, ii. 360\n\n Hyperborean maidens at Delos, i. 33\n\n\n Ibn Batutah, ii. 153\n\n Icarius, ii. 300\n\n Iceland, superstitions as to the caul in, i. 199 _sqq._\n\n Iddah, king of, i. 396\n\n Igaras, succession to the kingship among the, ii. 294\n\n Illicit love supposed to blight the fruits of the earth, ii. 107 _sqq._\n\n Images, Hebrew prohibition of, i. 87 _n._ 1\n\n \u2014\u2014 magical, to injure people, i. 55 _sqq._;\n   to procure offspring, 70-74;\n   to win love, 77\n\n Impressions, bodily, contagious magic of, i. 213 _sq._\n\n Incarnate human gods, i. 373 _sqq._\n\n Incarnation of gods in human form temporary or permanent, i. 376;\n   examples of temporary incarnation, 376 _sqq._;\n   examples of permanent incarnation, 386 _sqq._;\n   mystery of, 396 _n._ 5\n\n Incas, the children of the Sun, i. 415\n\n Incense, fumes of, inhaled to produce inspiration, i. 379, 384\n\n \u2014\u2014 -gatherers, chastity of, ii. 106 _sq._\n\n Incest, blighting effects attributed to, ii. 108, 110 _sq._, 113, 115\n    _sqq._;\n   of domestic animals abhorred by the Basoga, 112 _sq._;\n   of animals employed as a rain-charm, 113\n\n India, ancient, confusion of magic and religion in, i. 228 _sq._;\n   magical power of kings in, 366;\n   incarnate human gods in, 376, 402 _sqq._\n\n Indifference to paternity of kings under female kinship, ii. 274 _sqq._\n\n Indra, thunderbolt of, i. 269\n\n Industrial evolution from uniformity to diversity of function, i. 421\n\n Infidelity of wife disastrous to absent husband, i. 123, 131\n\n Influence of the sexes on vegetation, ii. 97 _sqq._\n\n Initiatory ceremonies of Central Australian aborigines, i. 92 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 rites of Australian aborigines, suggested explanation of, i. 106.\n\n Inquisition, the, i. 407, 408\n\n Insects, homoeopathic magic of, i. 152\n\n Inspiration, i. 376 _sqq._;\n   by incense, 379;\n   by blood, 381 _sqq._;\n   by sacred plant or tree, 383 _sqq._;\n   of victims, 384 _sqq._\n\n Inspired or religious type of man-god, i. 244\n\n \u2014\u2014 priests and priestesses, i. 377 _sqq._\n\n Intellectual progress dependent on economic progress, i. 218\n\n Intercourse of the sexes practised to make the crops and fruits grow,\n    ii. 98 _sqq._\n\n _Intichiuma_, magical totemic ceremonies in Central Australia, i. 85\n\n Invulnerability, charm to produce, i. 146 _sq._\n\n Ireland, perpetual fires in, ii. 240 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 sacred oak groves in ancient, 242 _sq._\n\n Irish kings, magical virtues attributed to, i. 367\n\n Irle, J., ii. 223 _n._ 2\n\n Iron, homoeopathic magic of, i. 159 _sq._\n\n Iroquois, the, ii. 12;\n   their thunder-god, 369 _sq._\n\n Isle of Man, St. Bridget in the, ii. 94 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 of May, ii. 161\n\n Ivy chewed by Bachanals, i. 384;\n   in fire-making, ii. 251 _sq._\n\n\n Jack-in-the-Green, ii. 82\n\n Jana, another form of Diana, ii. 381, 382, 383\n\n _Jangam_, priest of the Lingayats, i. 404\n\n Janiculum hill, the, ii. 186\n\n _Janua_, derived from Janus, ii. 384\n\n Janus, as a god of doors, ii. 383 _sq._;\n   explanation of the two-headed, 384 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Carna, ii. 190\n\n \u2014\u2014 (Dianus) and Diana, doubles of Jupiter and Juno, ii. 190 _sq._, 381\n    _sq._\n\n Jaundice treated by homoeopathic magic, i. 79 _sqq._\n\n Java, ceremonies to procure offspring in, i. 73;\n   ceremonies for preventing rain in, 270 _sq._\n\n Jerome of Prague, i. 317\n\n Jevons, F. B., i. 105, 225 _n._\n\n Jewitt, J. R., i. 264\n\n Jinnee of the sea, virgins married to, ii. 153 _sq._\n\n Job\u2019s protest, ii. 114\n\n Johnson, Dr. S., i. 368, 370\n\n Johnston, Sir H. H., ii. 227 _n._ 3\n\n Jordan, H., ii. 321 _n._ 3\n\n Joubert, quoted, i. 223 _n._ 2\n\n Jove (Father) and Mother Vesta, ii. 227 _sqq._\n\n Jubainville, H. d\u2019Arbois de, ii. 362 _n._ 6\n\n Judah, idolatrous kings of, i. 315\n\n Jukagirs, the, i. 122\n\n Julian, the Emperor, ii. 7\n\n Julii, the, ii. 179, 192\n\n Julus, the Little Jupiter, ii. 179, 197\n\n July the 7th, the _Nonae Caprotinae_, a Roman festival, ii. 313 _sqq._\n\n June, the first of, a Roman festival, ii. 190\n\n Juno on the Capitol, ii. 184;\n   at Falerii, 190 _n._ 2;\n   a duplicate of Diana, 381 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Caprotina, ii. 313, 317\n\n \u2014\u2014 Moneta, ii. 189\n\n Jupiter, costume of, ii. 174 _sq._;\n   the Roman kings in the character of, 174 _sqq._;\n   Capitoline, 176;\n   the Little, 179, 192;\n   Latian, 187, 379;\n   as god of the oak, the thunder, the rain, and the sky, 358, 361\n      _sq._;\n   as sky-god, 374;\n   a duplicate of Janus (Dianus), 381 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Juno, doubles of Janus and Diana, ii. 190 _sq._;\n   sacred marriage of, 190\n\n \u2014\u2014 Dianus, ii. 382\n\n \u2014\u2014 Elicius, ii. 183\n\n \u2014\u2014 Indiges, ii. 181\n\n Jupiters, many local, in Latium, ii. 184\n\n Juturna, a nymph, ii. 382\n\n\n Kachins of Burma, the, ii. 237\n\n Kafirs of the Hindoo Koosh, i. 133 _sq._, 385\n\n Kaitish tribe of Central Australia, i. 87\n\n Kali, the goddess, i. 383\n\n Kamilaroi, the, i. 101\n\n Kangaroos, ceremony for the multiplication of, i. 87 _sq._\n\n Kara-Kirghiz, ii. 57\n\n Karens of Burma, i. 209;\n   their custom in regard to fornication and adultery, ii. 107 _sq._\n\n Karo-Bataks, the, of Sumatra, i. 277\n\n _Kausika Sutra_, i. 209, 229\n\n Kayans or Bahaus of Borneo, i. 328, ii. 109\n\n Kei Islands, i. 126, 131, 145\n\n Kenyahs of Borneo, i. 59, ii. 385\n\n Keremet, a god of the Wotyaks, ii. 145 _sq._\n\n Kevlaar, Virgin Mary of, i. 77\n\n \u201cKey-race,\u201d ii. 304\n\n Keys, the golden, ii. 333\n\n Khasis of Assam, succession to the kingdom among the, ii. 294 _sq._\n\n Khnoumou, the god, ii. 132\n\n Kidd, Dudley, i. 49 _n._ 3, 350, ii. 211, 224 _n._ 4\n\n Kildare, fire and nuns of St. Brigit at, ii. 240 _sq._\n\n Kimbugwe, high official in Uganda, i. 196\n\n King, J. E., i. 105 _n._ 4\n\n King gives oracles, i. 377;\n   the Grass, ii. 85 _sq._;\n   the Leaf, 85;\n   the Roman, as Jupiter, 174 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Queen at Athens, i. 44 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 of Sacred Rites at Rome, i. 44, ii. 201;\n   his flight, 309\n\n \u2014\u2014 of the Saturnalia, ii. 311\n\n \u2014\u2014 of the Wood at Nemi, i. 1 _sqq._, ii. 1;\n   a mate of Diana, i. 40, 41, ii. 380;\n   a personification of the oak-god Jupiter, 378 _sqq._\n   _See also_ Priest of Nemi\n\n \u2014\u2014 Bees (Essenes) at Ephesus, ii. 135 _sq._\n\n Kingdom, mortal combat for the, ii. 322;\n   in ancient Latium, succession to, 266 _sqq._\n\n Kings, priestly, i. 44 _sqq._;\n   titular or sacred, in Greece, 44 _sqq._;\n   Teutonic, 47;\n   magicians as, 332 _sqq._;\n   as rain-makers in Africa, 348, 350 _sqq._;\n   punished for drought and dearth, 353 _sqq._;\n   among the Aryans, magical powers attributed to, 366 _sqq._;\n   divinity of, in great historical empires, 415 _sqq._;\n   of nature, ii. 1 _sqq._;\n   of rain, 2;\n   Roman, as deities in a Sacred Marriage, 172 _sq._, 192, 193 _sq._;\n   Greek, called Zeus, 177, 361;\n   expected to make thunder, 180 _sq._;\n   the Latin, thought to be the sons of the fire-god by mortal mothers,\n      195 _sqq._;\n   perpetual fire in houses of, 261 _sq._;\n   Roman, as personifications of Jupiter, 266 _sq._;\n   paternity of, a matter of indifference under female kinship, 274\n      _sqq._;\n   sometimes of a different race from their subjects, 288 _sq._;\n   chosen from several royal families in rotation, 292 _sqq._;\n   fat, 297;\n   handsomest men, 297;\n   long-headed, 297;\n   sacred or divine, development of, 376 _sqq._\n   _See also_ Latin _and_ Roman\n\n Kings\u2019 Evil (scrofula), touching for the, i. 368 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 fire, the, ii. 195 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Race, the, ii. 84\n\n \u2014\u2014 sisters, licence accorded to, ii. 274 _sqq._\n\n Kingship, annual, in ancient Greece, i. 46\n\n \u2014\u2014 contest for the, at Whitsuntide, ii. 89\n\n \u2014\u2014 descent of the, in the female line, at Rome, ii. 270 _sqq._;\n   in Africa, 274 _sqq._;\n   in Greece, 277 _sq._;\n   in Scandinavia, 279 _sq._;\n   in Lydia, 281 _sq._;\n   among the Danes and Saxons, 282 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 evolution of the sacred, i. 420 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 nominal, left by conquerors to indigenous race, ii. 288 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Roman, abolition of the, ii. 289 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 the old Roman, a religious office, ii. 289\n\n Kingsley, Miss Mary H., i. 411 _n._ 1\n\n Kintu, ii. 261\n\n Kirghiz, \u201cLove Chase\u201d among the, ii. 301\n\n Knocking out of teeth as initiatory ceremony in Australia, i. 97 _sqq._\n\n Knots, tying up the wind in, i. 326\n\n Kolkodoons, the, i. 93\n\n Kondhs, their belief in reincarnation, i. 104\n\n Koniags, the, i. 121\n\n Koryaks, sacred fire-boards of the, ii. 225;\n   race for a bride among the, 302\n\n Krishna, i. 406;\n   marriage of, to the Holy Basil, ii. 26\n\n Kunama, the, ii. 3\n\n Kvasir, i. 241\n\n Kwakiutl Indians, their superstitions as to twins, i. 263\n\n\n Lac, taboos observed in gathering, i. 115\n\n Lacueva, Father, ii. 205 _n._\n\n Ladder to facilitate the descent of the sun, ii. 99\n\n _Laetare_ Sunday, ii. 63\n\n _Laibon_, i. 343\n\n Lake-dwellings of prehistoric Europe, ii. 352 _sq._\n\n Lakes, gods of lakes married to women, ii. 150 _sq._\n\n Lakshmi, wife of Vishnu, ii. 26\n\n Lamas, transmigrations of the Grand, i. 410 _sqq._\n\n Lamb of Mycenae, the golden, i. 365\n\n Lamb, blood of, as means of inspiration, i. 381\n\n Lambing, time of, ii. 328 _n._ 4\n\n Lamps, dedication of burning, i. 12 _sq._\n\n Lane, E. W., ii. 209 _n._ 4\n\n Language, special, for kings and persons of blood royal, i. 401\n\n _Lapis manalis_ at Rome, i. 310\n\n Larch-tree, sacred, ii. 20\n\n Lares, the, ii. 206\n\n\n Latin confederacy, the, in relation to sacred Arician grove, i. 22\n    _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 kings thought to be the sons of the fire-god by mortal mothers, ii.\n    195 _sqq._;\n   lists of, 268 _sqq._;\n   stories of their miraculous birth, 272\n\n Latinus, changed into Latian Jupiter, ii. 187;\n   his wife a Vestal, 235\n\n Latium, many local Jupiters in, ii. 184;\n   in antiquity, the woods of, 188;\n   succession to the kingdom in ancient, 266 _sqq._\n\n Latuka, rain-makers among the, i. 346, 354\n\n Laurel chewed as means of inspiration, i. 384;\n   in fire-making, ii. 251 _sq._\n\n Lavinium, worship of Vesta at, i. 14\n\n Lazy Man, the, ii. 83\n\n Leaf-clad mummers, ii. 74 _sqq._, 78 _sqq._;\n   mock marriage of, ii. 97\n\n Leaf King, the, ii. 85\n\n \u2014\u2014 Man, the Little, ii. 80 _sq._\n\n Leafy bust at Nemi, portrait of the King of the Wood, i. 41 _sq._\n\n Leaping over a fire, ii. 327, 329\n\n \u2014\u2014 and dancing to make the crops grow high, i. 137 _sqq._\n\n Lemnos, new fire brought to, i. 32\n\n Lengua Indians, i. 313, 330, 359\n\n Lent, fourth Sunday in, ii. 73, 87\n\n Lerons of Borneo, i. 59\n\n Leschiy, a woodland spirit, ii. 124 _sq._\n\n Leto, ii. 58\n\n L\u00e9vi, Professor Sylvain, i. 228\n\n Lhasa, i. 411 _sq._\n\n Licence accorded to slaves at the Saturnalia, ii. 312;\n   to female slaves at the _Nonae Caprotinae_, 313 _sq._\n\n Lightning, charm against, i. 82;\n   imitation of, 248, 303;\n   thought to be the father of twins, 266;\n   wood of tree that has been struck by, 319;\n   fire kindled by, ii. 263;\n   African deities of, 370;\n   supposed to be produced by means of flints, 374;\n   Zeus, i. 33, ii. 361\n\n Lime-trees sacred, ii. 366, 367\n\n Lindus in Rhodes, i. 281\n\n Lingayats, the, i. 404\n\n Lithuanians, the heathen, i. 317, ii. 46;\n   tree-worship among the, 9;\n   sacrifice to Pergrubius, 347;\n   the thunder-god Perkunas of the, 365 _sqq._;\n   their reverence for oaks, 366, 371\n\n Little Jupiter, the, ii. 179, 192\n\n \u2014\u2014 Leaf Man, ii. 80 _sq._\n\n \u201cLiving fire,\u201d ii. 237;\n   as a charm against witchcraft, 336\n\n Lo Bengula, i. 351, 352, 394\n\n Loango, king of, revered as a god, i. 396;\n   fights all rivals for his crown, ii. 322\n\n \u2014\u2014 licence of princesses in, ii. 276 _sq._\n\n _Lobo_, spirit-house, ii. 39\n\n Local totem centres, i. 96\n\n Locrians, the Epizephyrian, ii. 284 _sq._\n\n \u201cLongevity garments,\u201d i. 169\n\n Long-headed men chosen kings, ii. 297\n\n Loon, the bird, associated with rain, i. 288\n\n Lord of the Wood, ii. 36;\n   of Misrule, 319 _n._ 1\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Lady of the May, ii. 90 _sq._\n\n Loucheux, the, i. 356\n\n Love, cure for, i. 161;\n   illicit, thought to blight the fruits of the earth, ii. 107 _sqq._\n\n Love-charms practised on St. George\u2019s Day, ii. 345 _sq._\n\n \u201cLove Chase\u201d among the Kirghiz, ii. 301\n\n Lovers of goddesses, their unhappy ends, i. 39 _sq._\n\n Low, Sir Hugh, ii. 30, 31\n\n _Lubare_, god, i. 395\n\n Lucian on hair offerings, i. 28\n\n Lucius, E., i. 13 _n._ 1\n\n Luxor, paintings at, ii. 131, 133\n\n Lyall, Sir A. C., i. 224 _n._ 1\n\n Lycaeus, Mount, ii. 359\n\n Lycurgus, king of Thrace, i. 366\n\n Lydia, female descent of kingship in, ii. 281 _sq._\n\n\n Mabuiag, i. 59, 263, 323\n\n Macdonald, Rev. J., i. 110, ii. 210 _sq._\n\n \u201cMacdonald\u2019s disease, the,\u201d i. 370 _n._ 3\n\n MacGregor, Sir William, i. 337\n\n \u201cMacleod\u2019s Fairy Banner,\u201d i. 368\n\n Macrobius, ii. 385 _n._ 2\n\n Madagascar, King of, i. 47 _sq._;\n   foods tabooed in, 117 _sq._;\n   custom of women in Madagascar while men are at war, 131;\n   modes of counteracting evil omens in, 173 _sq._\n\n Madness, cure of, i. 161\n\n Maeander, the river, supposed to take the virginity of brides, ii. 162\n\n Magian priests, ii. 241 _n._ 4\n\n\n Magic, principles of, i. 52 _sqq._;\n   negative, 111 _sqq._;\n   public and private, 214 _sq._;\n   benefits conferred by, 218 _sq._;\n   its analogy to science, 220 _sq._;\n   attraction of, 221;\n   fatal flaw of, 221 _sq._;\n   based on a misapplication of the association of ideas, 221 _sq._;\n   opposed in principle to religion, 224;\n   older than religion, 233 _sqq._;\n   universality of belief in, 234-236;\n   transition from magic to religion, 237 _sqq._, ii. 376 _sq._;\n   the fallacy of, not easy to detect, i. 242 _sq._\n\n Magic, Contagious, i. 52-54, 174-214;\n   of teeth, 176-182;\n   of navel-string and afterbirth (placenta), 182-201;\n   ofwound and weapon, 201 _sqq._;\n   of foot-prints, 207-212;\n   of other impressions, 213 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Homoeopathic or Imitative, i. 52 _sqq._;\n   in medicine, 78 _sqq._;\n   for the supply of food, 85 _sqq._;\n   in fishing and hunting, 108 _sqq._;\n   to make plants grow, 136 _sqq._;\n   of the dead, 147 _sqq._;\n   of animals, 150 _sqq._;\n   of inanimate things, 157 _sqq._;\n   to annul evil omens, 170-174;\n   for the making of rain, 247 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Sympathetic, i. 51 _sqq._;\n   the two branches of, 54;\n   examples of, 55 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and religion, i. 220-243, 250, 285, 286, 347, 352;\n   confused together, 226 _sqq._;\n   their historical antagonism comparatively late, 226;\n   Hegel on, 423 _sqq._\n\n Magical control of rain, i. 247 _sqq._;\n   of the sun, 311 _sqq._;\n   of the wind, 319 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 dramas to promote vegetation, ii. 120\n\n \u2014\u2014 origin of certain religious dramas, ii. 142 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 type of man-god, i. 244\n\n\n Magician, public, his rise to power, i. 215 _sqq._\n\n Magician\u2019s progress, the, i. 214 _sqq._, 335 _sqq._\n\n Magicians claim to compel the gods, i. 225;\n   gods viewed as, 240 _sqq._;\n   importance of rise of professional magicians, 245 _sqq._;\n   as kings, 332 _sqq._;\n   develop into kings, 420 _sq._\n   _See also_ Medicine-men\n\n _Mahabharata_, the, ii. 306\n\n Maharajas, a Hindoo sect, i. 406, ii. 160\n\n Maidu Indians, i. 122, 357\n\n _Maillotins_, ii. 63\n\n Maimonides, i. 140, ii. 100 _n._ 2\n\n Maize, continence at sowing, ii. 105\n\n Makalakas, the, i. 394\n\n Makatisses, the, i. 71\n\n Makrizi, i. 252, ii. 151 _n._ 2\n\n Malay charms, i. 57 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 magic, i. 110 _sq._, 114 _sq._, 127\n\n \u2014\u2014 Peninsula, the wild tribes of the, i. 360\n\n \u2014\u2014 region, divinity of kings in, i. 398\n\n Malays, their superstitious veneration for their rajahs, i. 361;\n   regalia among the, 362\n\n Maldive Islands, ii. 153, 154\n\n Malecki (Maeletius, Menecius), J., ii. 366 _n._ 2\n\n Man, E. H., ii. 253\n\n \u201cMan, the True,\u201d i. 413\n\n \u2014\u2014 -god, the two types of, i. 244 _sq._;\n   notion of a man-god belongs to early period of religious history, 374\n      _sq._\n\n _Mana_, supernatural or magical power in Melanesia, i. 111 _n._ 2, 227,\n    228 _n._ 1, 339\n\n Mangaia, i. 378\n\n _Mania_, a bogey, i. 22\n\n Manii at Aricia, i. 22\n\n Manius Egerius, i. 22\n\n Manna, ceremony for the magical multiplication of, i. 88 _sq._\n\n Mannhardt, W., i. 140 _n._ 6, ii. 47, 78 _sq._, 84, 87\n\n _Mantras_, sacred texts, i. 403 _sq._\n\n _Manu, the Laws of_, i. 366, 402\n\n Maoris, the, i. 71;\n   magic of navel-string and afterbirth among the, 182 _sq._;\n   their belief as to fertilising virtue of trees, ii. 56\n\n Maraves, the, i. 393, ii. 31\n\n Marcellus of Bordeaux, i. 84\n\n Marduk, chief Babylonian god, as a magician, i. 240 _sq._;\n   his wives, ii. 130\n\n Marett, R. R., i. 111 _n._ 2\n\n Marigolds, magic of, i. 211\n\n Marquesas or Washington Islands, human gods in the, i. 386 _sq._\n\n Marriage to trees, i. 40 _sq._, ii. 57;\n   of trees to each other, 24 _sqq._;\n   mock, of leaf-clad mummers, 97;\n   the Sacred, 121 _sqq._;\n   of the gods, 129 _sqq._;\n   bath before, 162\n\n Marsh-marigolds, a protection against witches, ii. 54;\n   on May Day, 63\n\n Martius, C. F. Phil. von, i. 359\n\n Martyrdom of St. Hippolytus, i. 21\n\n Masai, power of medicine-men among the, i. 343 _sq._\n\n Mashona, the, i. 393\n\n Maskers, representing the dead, ii. 178\n\n Masp\u00e9ro, Sir Gaston, i. 230, ii. 133 _sq._\n\n \u201cMass of the Holy Spirit,\u201d i. 231 _sq._\n\n Mass of Saint S\u00e9caire, i. 232 _sq._\n\n Master, the Heavenly, i. 413\n\n \u2014\u2014 of Sorrows, i. 280\n\n Matabeles, king of the, i. 48;\n   as rain-maker, 351 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 magical effigies among the, i. 63\n\n Maternal uncle preferred to father, mark of mother-kin, ii. 285\n\n Maurer, K., ii. 280 _n._ 1\n\n Mauss and Hubert, Messrs., i. 111 _n._ 2\n\n May Bride, the, ii. 95, 96\n\n May bridegroom, ii. 91, 93\n\n \u2014\u2014 -bush, ii. 84, 85, 89, 90, 142\n\n \u2014\u2014 Day, celebration of, ii. 59 _sqq._;\n   licence of, 67, 103 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Fools, ii. 91\n\n \u2014\u2014 garlands, ii. 60 _sqq._, 90 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 King, ii. 85 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Lady, the, ii. 62\n\n \u2014\u2014 -poles, ii. 59, 65 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Queen, ii. 84, 87 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Rose, the Little, ii. 74\n\n \u2014\u2014 -trees, ii. 59 _sq._, 64, 68 _sq._;\n   or may-poles, fertilising virtue of, 52\n\n Mayos or Mayes, ii. 80\n\n\n Medicine-men (magicians, sorcerers), power of, among African tribes, i.\n    342 _sqq._;\n   power of, among the American Indians, 355 _sqq._;\n   progressive differentiation of, 420 _sq._;\n   develop into kings, 420 _sq._;\n   the oldest professional class, 420.\n   _See also_ Magicians\n\n Melampus and Iphiclus, i. 158\n\n Melanesia, homoeopathic magic of stones in, i. 164;\n   supernatural power of chiefs in, 338 _sqq._\n\n Merker, Captain M., i. 343\n\n Merlin, i. 306\n\n Messiah, pretended, i. 409\n\n Metsik, a forest spirit, ii. 55\n\n Mexican kings, their oath, i. 356\n\n Mexicans, human sacrifices of the ancient, i. 314 _sq._\n\n Micah, quoted, i. 223\n\n Mice and rats, teeth of, in magic, i. 178 _sqq._\n\n Midsummer, new fire made at, ii. 242;\n   festival of, 272 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 bonfires, ii. 65, 141\n\n \u2014\u2014 Bride, ii. 92\n\n \u2014\u2014 customs, ii. 127;\n   in Sweden, ii. 65\n\n \u2014\u2014 Eve, a witching time, ii. 127\n\n Mikado, the, an incarnation of the sun goddess, i. 417\n\n Miklucho-Maclay, Baron von, ii. 253 _sq._\n\n Milk, witches steal milk on Walpurgis Night or May Day, ii. 52 _sqq._;\n   witches steal milk on Midsummer Eve, 127;\n   witches steal milk on Eve of St. George, 334 sqq;\n   not given away on St. George\u2019s Eve, 339\n\n \u2014\u2014 -pails wreathed with flowers, ii. 338, 339\n\n \u2014\u2014 -stones, i. 165\n\n Milkmen of the Todas sacred or divine, i. 402 _sq._\n\n Milton on chastity, ii. 118 _n._ 1\n\n Minangkabauers of Sumatra, i. 58, 140\n\n Miris of Assam, the, ii. 39\n\n Mirror or burning-glass, fire made by means of, ii. 243, 245 _n._\n\n Mistletoe venerated by the Druids, ii. 358, 362\n\n Moab, Arabs of, i. 276\n\n Mock sun, i. 314\n\n Moffat, Dr. R., i. 351\n\n Mohammed, on the fig, ii. 316\n\n Mommsen, Th., i. 23 _n._ 3, ii. 174 _n._ 1, 175 _n._ 1, 296\n\n Monarchy in ancient Greece and Rome, tradition of its abolition, i. 46;\n   rise of, 216 _sqq._;\n   essential to emergence of mankind from savagery, 217;\n   hereditary and elective, combination of the two, ii. 292 _sqq._\n\n Money, old Italian, i. 23\n\n Montanus, the Phrygian, i. 407\n\n Montezuma, i. 416\n\n Moon, singing to the, i. 125;\n   charm to hasten the, 319;\n   in relation to child-birth, ii. 128;\n   woman chosen to represent the, 146\n\n _Morbus regius_, jaundice, i. 371 _n._ 4\n\n Morgan, Professor M. H., ii. 207 _n._ 1\n\n \u201cMother of Kings,\u201d ii. 277\n\n \u2014\u2014 of the Gods, i. 21\n\n \u2014\u2014 of the Rain, i. 276\n\n\n Mother-kin, ii. 271;\n   in succession to Roman kingship, 271;\n   among the Aryans, 283 _sqq._;\n   superiority of maternal uncle to father under mother-kin, 285.\n   _See also_ Female Kinship\n\n Mother\u2019s brother preferred to father, mark of mother-kin, ii. 285\n\n Motu, the, i. 317, ii. 106\n\n Motumotu, the, i. 317, 327, 337;\n   or Toaripi, the, in New Guinea, 125\n\n Moulton, Professor J. H., ii. 182 _n._ 2, 189 _n._ 3, 247 _n._ 5\n\n Moxos Indians, i. 123\n\n Muata Jamwo, the, ii. 262\n\n Mukasa, god of the Baganda, ii. 150\n\n M\u00fcller, Max, i. 333 _sq._\n\n _Mulongo_, \u201ctwin,\u201d name applied by the Baganda to the navel-string, i.\n    195, 196\n\n Mummers dressed in leaves, branches, and flowers, ii. 74 _sqq._, 78\n    _sqq._\n\n Mundaris, the, ii. 39, 46\n\n Mundas, the, ii. 57\n\n Munro, Dr. R., ii. 352\n\n Mura-muras, i. 255 _sq._\n\n Mycenae, golden lamb of, i. 365\n\n Mysteries of Eleusis, ii. 138 _sq._\n\n Mytilene, kings at, i. 45\n\n\n _Nabataeans, Agriculture of the_, ii. 100\n\n Nabu, marriage of the god, ii. 130\n\n _Nahak_, rubbish used in magic, i. 341\n\n Nails knocked into trees, ii. 36, 42;\n   a charm against witchcraft, 339 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 pegs, or pins knocked into images, i. 61, 64, 65, 68, 69\n\n Nails, parings of, used in magic, i. 57, 64, 65, 66\n\n Names of kings changed to procure rain, i. 355\n\n Nandi, power of medicine-men among the, i. 344\n\n _Nanja_ spots or local totem centres, i. 96, 97\n\n _Nat_, spirit, ii. 46\n\n Natchez, the, i. 249;\n   their perpetual fires, ii. 262 _sq._\n\n \u201cNativity of the sun\u2019s walking-stick,\u201d i. 312\n\n Navarre, rain-making in, i. 307 _sq._\n\n Navel-string, contagious magic of, i. 182-201;\n   regarded as brother or sister of child, 186, 189;\n   called the \u201ctwin,\u201d 195;\n   seat of external soul, 200 _sq._\n\n Navel-strings hung on trees, ii. 56\n\n Negative magic or taboo, i. 111 _sqq._\n\n Nemi, the lake of, i. 1 _sqq._;\n   sanctuary of Diana at, 2 _sqq._;\n   the priest of, 8 _sqq._, 40, 41, ii. 376, 386, 387\n\n Neoptolemus, ii. 278\n\n Nerthus, procession of, ii. 144 _n._ 1\n\n Nets, marriage of girls to, ii. 147\n\n New birth, simulation of, i. 380 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -born children brought to the hearth, ii. 232\n\n \u2014\u2014 Caledonia, i. 78;\n   homoeopathic magic of stones in, 162 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Caledonians, the, i. 312, 313, 314\n\n \u2014\u2014 fire, ii. 237;\n   made at Midsummer, 243;\n   made at beginning of a king\u2019s reign, 262, 267\n\n \u2014\u2014 Guinea, influence of magicians in, i. 337 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Year festival, i. 251\n\n _Ngai_, god, ii. 44, 150\n\n Nias, i. 109, 143\n\n Nicholson, General, worshipped, i. 404\n\n Niebuhr, B. G., ii. 269\n\n Nightingale in magic, i. 154\n\n Nile, the Upper, rain-makers on the, i. 345 _sqq._;\n   the bride of the, ii. 151\n\n Nine animals sacrificed daily at a festival, ii. 365\n\n \u2014\u2014 years\u2019 festival at Upsala, ii. 364 _sq._\n\n Noah\u2019s ark, i. 334\n\n _Nonae Caprotinae_, ii. 314\n\n Nootkas, superstitions as to twins among the, i. 263 _sq._\n\n Norse trinities, ii. 364\n\n Noses bored, i. 94\n\n Numa, his birthday, ii. 273;\n   a priestly king, 289\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Egeria, i. 18, ii. 172 _sq._, 193, 380\n\n Numa\u2019s birthday, ii. 325, 348;\n   \u201cNuma\u2019s crockery,\u201d ii. 202\n\n Numbering the herds on St. George\u2019s Day, ii. 338\n\n Numicius, the river, ii. 181\n\n Nuns of St. Brigit, ii. 240 _sq._\n\n Nurin, i. 275, 276\n\n Nusku, Babylonian fire-god, i. 67\n\n Nyanza, Lake, god of, i. 395\n\n\n Oak, its diffusion in Europe, ii. 349 _sqq._;\n   worship of the, 349 _sqq._;\n   oracular, at Dodona, 358;\n   worshipped in modern Europe, 370 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and thunder, the Aryan god of the, ii. 356 _sqq._;\n   sky, rain, and thunder, god of the, 349 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 evergreen, in making fire, ii. 251;\n   the Golden Bough grew on an, 379\n\n \u2014\u2014 branch in rain charm, i. 309\n\n \u2014\u2014 -god married to the oak-goddess, ii. 142;\n   and oak-goddess, marriage of, 189;\n   how he became a god of lightning, thunder, and rain, 372 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 groves in ancient Ireland, ii. 242 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 leaves, crown of, ii. 175, 176 _sq._, 184\n\n \u2014\u2014 -nymphs at Rome, ii. 172, 185\n\n \u2014\u2014 -tree guarded by the King of the Wood at Nemi, i. 42\n\n \u2014\u2014 -trees, sacrifices to, ii. 366\n\n \u2014\u2014 -wood, Vesta\u2019s fire at Rome fed with, ii. 186;\n   perpetual fire of, 365, 366;\n   ceremonial fires kindled by the friction of, 372\n\n \u2014\u2014 -woods on the site of ancient Rome, ii. 184 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -worship of the Druids, ii. 9\n\n Oaken image dressed as a bride, ii. 140 _sq._\n\n Oaks at Troezen, i. 26;\n   of Ireland, ii. 363;\n   sacred among the old Prussians, 43\n\n Oaths on stones, i. 160 _sq._\n\n Ocrisia, ii. 195\n\n Octopus in magic, i. 156\n\n Odin as a magician, i. 241 _sq._;\n   the Norse god of war, ii. 364\n\n Oedipus, ii. 115\n\n Oenomaus, ii. 300\n\n Oesel, island of, i. 329\n\n Offspring, charms to procure, i. 70 _sqq._\n\n Ojebways, magical images among the, i. 55\n\n Olaf, King, i. 367\n\n Old men, government by, in aboriginal Australia, i. 334 _sq._\n\n Oldenberg, Professor H., i. 225 _n._, 228, 235 _n._ 1, 269, 270\n\n Olives planted and gathered by pure boys and virgins, ii. 107\n\n Olympia, races for the kingdom at, ii. 299 _sq._\n\n Omahas, the, i. 249, 320\n\n Omens, homoeopathic magic to annul evil omens, i. 170-174\n\n Omphale and Hercules, ii. 281\n\n _Omumborombonga_ (_Combretum primigenum_), the sacred tree of the\n    Herero, ii. 213 _sq._, 218, 219 _sq._, 233\n\n _Omuwapu_ tree (_Grevia spec._), ii. 219\n\n Opprobrious language levelled at goddess to please her, i. 280\n\n Oracles given by king, i. 377\n\n Oraons, marriage of Sun and Earth among the, ii. 148;\n   spring festival of the, 76 _sq._\n\n Oracular spring at Dodona, ii. 172\n\n Ordeal of battle among the Umbrians, ii. 321\n\n Orestes at Nemi, i. 10 _sq._, 21 _n._ 2, 24;\n   at Troezen, 26;\n   cured of his madness, 161\n\n Orgies, sexual, as fertility charms, ii. 98 _sqq._\n\n Orontes, the river, ii. 160\n\n Osiris threatened by magicians, i. 225\n\n Ostyaks, tree-worship among the, ii. 11\n\n Ovambo, the, i. 63, 209, ii. 46\n\n Ovid, ii. 176, 177, 191;\n   on Nemi, i. 4, 17\n\n\n Pacific, human gods in the, i. 386 _sqq._\n\n Padstow, custom of the Hobby Horse at, ii. 68\n\n _Pages_, medicine-men, i. 358\n\n Paint-house, the, ii. 111\n\n Paintings, prehistoric, of animals in caves, i. 87 _n._ 1\n\n Pais, E., i. 23 _n._\n\n Pales, ii. 326, 327, 328, 329, 348\n\n Pallades, female consorts of Ammon, ii. 135\n\n Palladius, ii. 314\n\n Pallene, daughter of Sithon, ii. 307\n\n Palm-tree, ceremony of tapping it for wine, ii. 100 _sq._\n   _See also_ Date-palm\n\n Panamara in Caria, i. 29\n\n Paparuda, i. 273\n\n Parasitic plants, superstitions as to, ii. 250, 251 _sq._\n\n Parilia, the, ii. 123, 229, 273;\n   a shepherds\u2019 festival, 325 _sqq._\n\n Parjanya, the ancient Hindoo god of thunder and rain, i. 270, ii. 368\n    _sq._\n\n Parkinson, R., i. 175\n\n Parricide, Roman punishment of, ii. 110 _n._ 2\n\n Parsees, the, ii. 241\n\n _Partheniai_, i. 36 _n._ 2\n\n _Parthenos_ as applied to Artemis, i. 36\n\n Parthian monarchs brothers of the Sun, i. 417 _sq._\n\n Partridge, C., ii. 394 _n._ 2\n\n Patara, Apollo at, ii. 135\n\n Paternity, uncertainty of, a ground for a theological distinction, ii.\n    135;\n   of kings a matter of indifference under female kinship, 274 _sqq._,\n      282\n\n Patriarchal family at Rome, ii. 283\n\n Paulicians, the, i. 407\n\n Payaguas, the, i. 330\n\n Payne, E. J., i. 415 _n._ 2\n\n Pear-tree as protector of cattle, ii. 55\n\n Peat-bogs of Europe, ii. 350 _sqq._\n\n _Peking Gazette_, i. 355\n\n Peleus, ii. 278\n\n Pelew Islands, human gods in, i. 389\n\n Pelopidae, the, ii. 279\n\n Pelops, ii. 279\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Hippodamia, ii. 299 _sq._\n\n Penates, the, ii. 205 _sq._\n\n Pennefather River in Queensland, i. 99, 100\n\n Peoples said to be ignorant of the art of kindling fire, ii. 253 _sqq._\n\n Peperuga, i. 274\n\n Pepys, S., i. 369, ii. 52, 333\n\n Pergrubius, a Lithuanian god of the spring, ii. 347 _sq._\n\n Periphas, king of Athens, ii. 177\n\n Perkunas or Perkuns, the Lithuanian god of thunder and lightning, ii.\n    365 _sqq._;\n   derivation of his name, 367 _n._ 3\n\n Perperia, i. 273\n\n Perpetual fires, origin of, ii. 253 _sqq._;\n   associated with royal dignity, ii. 261 _sqq._\n\n Perseus and Andromeda, ii. 163\n\n Peru, Indians of, i. 265, ii. 146;\n   the Incas of, 243 _sq._\n\n Perun, the thunder-god of the Slavs, ii. 365\n\n Peruvian Indians, i. 56\n\n \u2014\u2014 Vestals, ii. 243 _sqq._\n\n Pessinus, i. 47\n\n Peter of Dusburg, ii. 366 _n._ 2\n\n Phaedra and Hippolytus, i. 25\n\n Pheneus, lake of, ii. 8\n\n Phigalia, i. 31\n\n Philostratus, i. 167\n\n Phosphorescence of the sea, superstitions as to the, ii. 154 _sq._\n\n Picts, female descent of kingship among the, ii. 280 _sq._, 286\n\n Piers, Sir Henry, ii. 59\n\n Pig, blood of, drunk as a means of inspiration, i. 382;\n   in purificatory rites, ii. 107, 108, 109;\n   expiatory sacrifice of, 122\n\n Pigeon used in a love-charm, ii. 345 _sq._\n\n Pile-villages in the valley of the Po, ii. 8;\n   of Europe, 352 _sq._\n\n Pipal-tree (_ficus religiosa_), ii. 43\n\n Pipiles, the, of Central America, ii. 98\n\n Pity of rain-gods, appeal to, i. 302 _sq._\n\n Placenta (afterbirth) and navel-string, contagious magic of, i. 182-201\n\n Plantain-trees, navel-strings of Baganda buried at foot of, i. 195\n\n Plants, homoeopathic magic to make plants grow, i. 136 _sqq._;\n   influenced homoeopathically by a person\u2019s act or state, 139 _sqq._;\n   influence persons homoeopathically, 144 _sqq._;\n   sexes of, ii. 24;\n   marriage of, 26 _sqq._\n\n Plataea, festival of the Daedala at, ii. 140 _sq._\n\n Plato, i. 45, 104\n\n Plebeians, the Roman kings, ii. 289\n\n Pleiades, rising of the, i. 32\n\n Pliny the Elder, i. 49;\n   on sacredness of woods, ii. 123;\n   the Younger, i. 6\n\n Ploughing by women as a rain-charm, i. 282 _sq._\n\n Plover in connexion with rain, i. 259, 261\n\n Plutarch, i. 28, 80, ii. 172, 196, 320 _n._ 3, 325 _n._ 3;\n   on Numa and Egeria, i. 18\n\n Pole-star, homoeopathic magic of the, i. 166\n\n Political evolution from democracy to despotism, i. 421\n\n Polybius, ii. 354\n\n Polydorus, ii. 31\n\n Poplar, the white, at Olympia, a substitute for the oak, ii. 220\n\n Porphyry, i. 390, ii. 12\n\n Porta Capena at Rome, i. 18\n\n _Porta Querquetulana_, ii. 185 _n._ 3\n\n Poso in Celebes, i. 379, ii. 29\n\n Potrimpo, old Prussian god, ii. 248\n\n Pottery, primitive, employed in Roman ritual, ii. 202 _sqq._;\n   superstitions as to the making of, 204 _sq._\n\n _Pramantha_, ii. 249\n\n Prayers for rain, ii. 359, 362;\n   to Thunder, 367 _sq._;\n   to an oak, 372\n\n Precautions against witches, ii. 52 _sqq._\n\n Precious stones, homoeopathic magic of, i. 164 _sq._\n\n Pregnancy, ceremony in seventh month of, i. 72 _sq._\n\n Pregnant cows sacrificed to the Earth goddess, ii. 229;\n   victims sacrificed to ensure fertility, i. 141;\n   women employed to fertilise crops and fruit-trees, i. 140 _sq._\n\n Pretenders to divinity among Christians, i. 407 _sqq._\n\n Priest drenched with water as a rain-charm, ii. 77;\n   rolled on fields as fertility charm, 103;\n   of Diana at Nemi, i. 8 _sqq._\n\n\n \u2014\u2014 of Nemi, i. 8 _sqq._, 40, 41, ii. 376, 386, 387.\n   _See also_ King of the Wood\n\n Priestesses, inspired, i. 379 _sq._, 381 _sq._\n\n Priestly kings, i. 44 _sqq._\n\n Priests, magical powers attributed to priests by French peasants, i.\n    231-233;\n   inspired, 377 _sqq._\n\n Princesses married to foreigners or men of low birth, ii. 274 _sqq._\n\n Private magic, i. 214 _sq._\n\n Procopius, ii. 365\n\n Procreative virtue attributed to fire, ii. 233\n\n Proculus Julius, ii. 182\n\n Progress, intellectual, dependent on economic progress, i. 218;\n   social, 421\n\n Promathion\u2019s _History of Italy_, ii. 196, 197\n\n Prometheus, ii. 260\n\n Prophetic powers conferred by certain springs, ii. 172\n\n Prophets, the Hebrew, their ethical religion, i. 223\n\n Propitiation essential to religion, i. 222\n\n Prostitution before marriage, practice of, ii. 282, 285, 287\n\n Prothero, G. W., ii. 71 _n._ 1\n\n Provence, magical powers attributed to priests in, i. 232\n\n Prpats, i. 274\n\n _Prunus Padus_, L., ii. 344\n\n Prussians, the old, their worship of trees, ii. 43\n\n Prytaneum, fire in the, ii. 260\n\n Psylli, the, i. 331\n\n Public magic, i. 215\n\n Purification by fire, ii. 327, 329\n\n Purificatory rites for sexual crimes, ii. 107 _sqq._, 115, 116\n\n Pururavas and Urvasi, ii. 250\n\n Pythagoras, maxims of, i. 211, 213 _sq._\n\n Pythaists at Athens, i. 33\n\n Python, sacred, ii. 150\n\n\n Quack, the, ii. 81\n\n Quartz-crystals used in rain-making, i. 254, 255, 304\n\n Queen of Egypt married to the god Ammon, ii. 131 _sqq._;\n   of Athens married to Dionysus, 136 _sq._;\n   of May, ii. 84, 87 _sq._;\n   Charlotte Islands, i. 70;\n   sister in Uganda, licence accorded to the ii. 275 _sq._\n\n Queensland, rain-making in, i. 254 _sq._\n\n _Querquetulani_, Men of the Oak, ii. 188\n\n Quirinal hill, the, ii. 182, 185\n\n Quirinus, ii. 182, 185, 193 _n._ 1\n\n Quiteve, the, i. 392\n\n Quivering of the body in a rain-charm, i. 260, 361\n\n\n Ra, the Egyptian sun-god, i. 418, 419\n\n Race, the King\u2019s, ii. 84;\n   succession to kingdom determined by a, 299 _sqq._;\n   for a bride, 301 _sqq._\n\n Races at Whitsuntide, ii. 69, 84\n\n Raccoons in rain-charm, i. 288\n\n Rain, extraction of teeth in connexion with, i. 98 _sq._;\n   the magical control of, 247 _sqq._;\n   made by homoeopathic or imitative magic, 247 _sqq._;\n   Mother of the, 276;\n   supposed to fall only as a result of magic, 353;\n   excessive, supposed to be an effect of sexual crime, ii. 108, 113;\n   Zeus as the god of, 359 _sq._\n\n Rain-bird, i. 287\n\n \u201cRain-bush,\u201d ii. 46\n\n \u2014\u2014 -charm by ploughing, i. 282 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Country, i. 259\n\n \u2014\u2014 -doctor, i. 271\n\n \u2014\u2014 -god as dragon, i. 297\n\n \u2014\u2014 -gods compelled to give rain by threats and violence, i. 296 _sqq._;\n   appeal to the pity of the, 302 _sq._\n\n Rain King, i. 275, ii. 2\n\n \u2014\u2014 -maker among the Arunta, costume of the, i. 260;\n   assimilates himself to water, 269 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 makers, their importance in savage communities, i. 247;\n   in Africa, their rise to political power, 342 _sqq._, 352;\n   on the Upper Nile, 345 _sqq._;\n   unsuccessful, punished or killed, 345, 352 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -making by means of the dead, i. 284 _sqq._;\n   by means of animals, 287 _sqq._;\n   by means of stones, 304 _sqq._\n\n \u201cRain-stick,\u201d i. 254\n\n \u201cRain-stones,\u201d i. 254, 305, 345, 346\n\n \u2014\u2014 -temple, i. 250\n\n \u2014\u2014 totem, i. 258\n\n Rainbow in rain-charm, picture of, i. 258\n\n Rajahs among the Malays, supernatural powers attributed to, i. 361\n\n Ramsay, Sir W. M., i. 36 _n._ 2\n\n Rats and mice, teeth of, in magic, i. 178 _sqq._\n\n Raven in wind-charm, i. 320\n\n Raven\u2019s eggs in magic, i. 154\n\n Ray, S. H., ii. 208 _n._ 3\n\n Red colour in magic, i. 79, 81, 83\n\n \u2014\u2014 Karens of Burma, ii. 69\n\n \u2014\u2014 woollen threads, a charm against witchcraft, ii. 336\n\n Reddening the faces of gods, custom of, ii. 175 _sq._\n\n Regalia of Malay kings, i. 362 _sq._;\n   supernatural powers of, 398\n\n Regia, the king\u2019s palace at Rome, ii. 201\n\n _Regifugium_ at Rome, ii. 290;\n   perhaps a relic of a contest for the kingdom, 308 _sqq._\n\n Regillus, battle of Lake, i. 50\n\n Reinach, Salomon, i. 27 _n._ 6, 87 _n._ 1, ii. 232 _n._ 2, 241 _n._ 1\n\n Reincarnation, belief of the aboriginal Australians in, i. 96, 99\n    _sq._;\n   certain funeral rites perhaps intended to ensure, 101 _sqq._\n\n Religion defined, i. 222;\n   two elements of, a theoretical and a practical, 222 _sq._;\n   opposed in principle to science, 224;\n   transition from magic to, 237 _sqq._, ii. 376 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and magic, i. 220-243, 250, 285, 286, 347;\n   Hegel on, 423 _sqq._\n\n Religious dramas sometimes originate in magical rites, ii. 142 _sq._\n\n Remulus, ii. 180\n\n Renan, E., i. 236 _n._ 1\n\n Renouf, Sir P. le P., i. 418\n\n _Rex Nemorensis_, i. 11\n\n Rhetra, i. 383\n\n Rheumatism caused by magic, i. 207 _sq._, 213\n\n Rhodians worship the sun, i. 315\n\n Rhys, Sir John, i. 17 _n._ 2, ii. 363 _n._ 4\n\n Ribald songs in rain-charm, i. 267\n\n Rice, charm to make rice grow, i. 140;\n   in bloom treated like pregnant woman, ii. 28 _sq._;\n   chastity at sowing, 106\n\n Ridgeway, Professor W., ii. 103\n\n Rig Veda, i. 294;\n   quoted, ii. 368 _sq._\n\n \u201cRinging out the grass,\u201d ii. 344\n\n Rivers as lovers of women in Greek mythology, ii. 161 _sq._\n\n Rivers, Dr. W. H. R., i. 230 _n._, 403 _n._ 1, 421 _n._ 1\n\n Rivos, harvest-god of Celts in Gaul, i. 17\n\n Rivros, a Celtic month, i. 17 _n._ 2\n\n Robertson, Sir George Scott, i. 133\n\n Rock-crystals in rain-charms, i. 345\n\n Rogations, Monday of, ii. 166\n\n Rolling on the fields as a fertility charm, ii. 103;\n   at harvest, ii. 104\n\n \u2014\u2014 cakes on the ground for omens, ii. 338\n\n\n Roman fire-customs compared to those of the Herero, ii. 227 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 kings as deities in a Sacred Marriage, ii. 172 _sq._, 192, 193\n    _sq._;\n   as personifications of Jupiter, 266 _sq._;\n   list of, 269 _sq._;\n   rule of succession among, 270 _sq._;\n   plebeians, not patricians, 289;\n   how nominated, 295 _sq._;\n   their mysterious or violent ends, 312 _sqq._;\n   their obscure birth, 312 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 kingship, descent of, in the female line, ii. 270 _sq._;\n   abolition of the, 289 _sqq._;\n   a religious office, 289\n\n \u2014\u2014 punishment of parricide, 110 _n._ 2\n\n Rome, the kings of, ii. 171 _sqq._;\n   oak woods on the site of ancient, 184 _sqq._\n\n Romove, Romow, or Romowo, ii. 366 _n._ 2\n\n Romulus, fig-tree of, ii. 10, 318;\n   legend of his birth from the fire, 196;\n   hut of, 200;\n   death of, 181 _sq._, 313\n\n Roscher, W. H., ii. 137 _n._ 1, 383 _n._ 3\n\n Roscoe, Rev. J., ii. 276 _n._ 2, 318 _n._ 1, 322 _n._ 2\n\n Rose, the Little May, ii. 74\n\n Rostowski, S., ii. 366 _n._ 2.\n\n Rouen, St. Romain at, ii. 164 _sqq._\n\n Roumania, rain-making ceremonies in, i. 273 _sq._\n\n Round huts of the ancient Latins, ii. 200 _sqq._\n\n Rouse, Dr. W. H. D., i. 15 _n._ 3, ii. 82\n\n Rowan or mountain-ash used as a charm, ii. 331\n\n \u2014\u2014 tree, a protection against witches, ii. 53, 54\n\n Royalty conservative of old customs, ii. 288\n\n Rukmini, wife of Krishna, ii. 26\n\n Runaway slave, charm to bring back a, i. 317\n\n Runes, the magic, i. 241\n\n Russia, St. George\u2019s Day in, ii. 332 _sqq._\n\n Russian celebration of Whitsuntide, ii. 64, 93\n\n \u2014\u2014 sect of the Christs, i. 407 _sq._\n\n\n Sacred beasts in Egypt, i. 29 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 groves in ancient Greece and Rome, ii. 121 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Marriage, the, ii. 120 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 men, i. 386\n\n \u2014\u2014 sticks representing ancestors, ii. 222 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 women, i. 391\n\n Sacrifices offered to regalia, i. 363, 365;\n   to trees, 366\n\n Sacrificial King at Rome, i. 44\n\n St. Anthony\u2019s fire treated by homoeopathic magic, i. 81 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Bride in the Highlands of Scotland, ii. 94\n\n \u2014\u2014 Bridget, ii. 94 _sq._, 242.\n   _See_ St. Brigit\n\n\n \u2014\u2014 Brigit, holy fire and nuns of, at Kildare, ii. 240 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Columba, i. 407, ii. 242 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Dasius, ii. 310 _n._ 1\n\n \u2014\u2014 Eany\u2019s Well, ii. 161\n\n \u2014\u2014 Fillan, well of, ii. 161\n\n \u2014\u2014 Francis of Paola, i. 300\n\n \u2014\u2014 George and the Dragon, ii. 163 _sq._;\n   and the Parilia, 324 _sqq._;\n   patron saint of cattle, horses, and wolves, 330, 336, 337, 338;\n   chapel of, 337;\n   as a spirit of trees or vegetation, 343 _sq._;\n   as giver of offspring to women, 344 _sqq._;\n   in relation to serpents, 344 _n._ 4;\n   in Syria, 346\n\n \u2014\u2014 George\u2019s Day (23rd April), ii. 56, 75, 79, 103, 164 _n._ 1, 330\n    _sqq._;\n   eve of, a time when witches steal milk from the cows, 334 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Gervais, spring of, i. 307\n\n \u2014\u2014 Hippolytus, i. 21\n\n \u2014\u2014 James, i. 266;\n   quoted, 223, 224\n\n St. John, Eve of, in Sweden, ii. 65;\n   Sweethearts of, 92\n\n \u2014\u2014 John the Baptist, day of, i. 377;\n   his Midsummer festival, ii. 273\n\n \u2014\u2014 Leonhard, i. 7 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 Mary, Wells of, ii. 161;\n   _in Araceli_, 184\n\n \u2014\u2014 Ouen, ii. 165, 168\n\n \u2014\u2014 Paul, i. 407\n\n \u2014\u2014 Peter, as giver of rain, i. 307\n\n \u2014\u2014 Peter\u2019s Day (29th June), ii. 141\n\n \u2014\u2014 Romain and the dragon of Rouen, ii. 164 _sqq._;\n   the shrine (_fierte_) of, 167, 168, 170 _n._ 1\n\n \u2014\u2014 S\u00e9caire, Mass of, i. 232 _sq._\n\n Saints, violence done to images of saints in Sicily to procure rain, i.\n    300;\n   images of saints dipped in water as a rain-charm, 307 _sq._\n\n Sakai, the, i. 360\n\n Sakkalava, the, i. 397\n\n \u1e62akvar\u012b song, i. 269 _sq._\n\n _S\u00e2l_ trees, ii. 41;\n   and flowers, 76 _sq._\n\n _Salagrama_, fossil ammonite, ii. 26, 27 _n._ 2\n\n Salic law, re-marriage of widow under, ii. 285\n\n Salmon, twins thought to be, i. 263\n\n Salmoneus, King of Elis, i. 310, ii. 177, 181\n\n Salt, abstinence from, i. 124, 266, ii. 98, 105, 149;\n   as a charm, 331\n\n Samagitians, the, ii. 125;\n   their sacred groves, 43\n\n _Sami_ wood (_Prosopis spicigera_), ii. 248, 249, 250 _n._\n\n Samnites, marriage custom of the, ii. 305\n\n Samoa, gods of, in animal and human form, i. 389\n\n Sandwich Islands, King of, i. 377.\n   _See also_ Hawaii\n\n Santiago, the horse of, i. 267\n\n Sarah and Abraham, ii. 114\n\n Sardinia, Midsummer customs in, ii. 92\n\n _Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_, i. 380\n\n Saturn personified at the Saturnalia, ii. 310 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Jupiter, ii. 323\n\n Saturnalia, ii. 272;\n   as a fertility rite, 99;\n   how celebrated by Roman soldiers on the Danube, 310;\n   Saturn personified at the, 310 _sq._;\n   King of the, 311;\n   the festival of sowing, 311 _sq._\n\n Savile, Lord, his excavations at Nemi, i. 3 _n._ 2\n\n Saxo Grammaticus, i. 160, ii. 280\n\n Saxons, marriage with a stepmother among the, ii. 283;\n   of Transylvania, 337\n\n _Scaloi_, i. 274\n\n Scamander, the river, supposed to take the virginity of brides, ii. 162\n\n Scandinavia, female descent of the kingship in, ii. 279 _sq._\n\n Sceptre of Agamemnon, i. 365\n\n Schinz, Dr. H., ii. 213 _n._ 2, 218\n\n Scotland, magical images in, i. 68-70\n\n Scott, Sir Walter, i. 326\n\n Scratching the person with the fingers forbidden, i. 254\n\n Scrofula, kings thought to heal scrofula by their touch, i. 368 _sqq._\n\n Scythian kings, their regalia, i. 365\n\n Scythians put their kings in bonds, i. 354\n\n Sea, virgins married to the jinnee of the, ii. 153 _sq._;\n   phosphorescence of the, 154 _sq._\n\n Seasons, Athenian sacrifices to the, i. 310\n\n Secret societies, i. 340\n\n Semiramis, ii. 275\n\n Sena, island of, ii. 241 _n._ 1\n\n Seneca, on sacred groves, ii. 123\n\n Serpent, dried, in ceremony for stopping rain, i. 295 _sq._;\n   or dragon of water, 155 _sqq._\n\n Serpents in relation to St. George, ii. 344 _n._ 4\n\n Servia, rain-making ceremony in, i. 273\n\n Servius on Virbius, i. 20 _sq._, 40\n\n \u2014\u2014 Tullius, laws of, ii. 115, 129;\n   and Fortuna, 193 _n._ 1, 272;\n   legend of his birth from the fire, 195 _sq._;\n   his death, 320 _sq._\n\n Sewing forbidden, i. 121, 128\n\n Sexes, influence of the, on vegetation, ii. 97 _sqq._;\n   of plants, 24\n\n Sexual communism, tradition of, ii. 284\n\n \u2014\u2014 crime, blighting effects attributed to, ii. 107 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 intercourse practised to make the crops and fruits grow, ii. 98\n    _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 orgies as a fertility charm, ii. 98 _sqq._\n\n Shaking of victim as sign of its acceptance, i. 384 _sq._\n\n Shans of Burma, i. 128\n\n Sheaf of oats made up to represent St. Bride or Bridget, ii. 94 _sq._;\n   the last, 94 _n._ 2\n\n Sheep, black, sacrificed for rain, i. 290\n\n \u2014\u2014 driven through fire, ii. 327\n\n Shepherd\u2019s prayer, ii. 327 _sq._\n\n Shepherds\u2019 festival, ancient Italian, ii. 326 _sqq._\n\n Shetland, witches in, i. 326\n\n Shrew-mouse in magic, i. 83\n\n Shuswap Indians, i. 265\n\n Siam, King of, ii. 262;\n   divinity of, i. 401\n\n Sibyl, the, and the Golden Bough, i. 11\n\n Sicily, attempts to compel the saints to give rain in, i. 299 _sq._\n\n Sick people passed through a hole in an oak, ii. 371\n\n Sickness, homoeopathic magic for the cure of, i. 78 _sqq._\n\n Silesia, Whitsuntide customs in, ii. 89\n\n Silk-cotton trees reverenced, ii. 14 _sq._\n\n Silvanus, forest god, ii. 121, 124\n\n Silver poplar a charm against witchcraft, ii. 336\n\n Silvii, the family name of the kings of Alba, ii. 178 _sqq._, 192\n\n Silvius, first king of Alba, ii. 179\n\n Similarity in magic, law of, i. 52, 53\n\n Simplification, danger of excessive simplification in science, i. 332\n    _sq._\n\n Singer, the best, chosen chief, ii. 298 _sq._\n\n Sins, confession of, i. 266\n\n Sinuessa, waters of, ii. 161\n\n Sister\u2019s children preferred to man\u2019s own children, mark of mother-kin,\n    ii. 285\n\n Sisters of king, licence accorded to, ii. 274 _sqq._\n\n Siva, i. 404, ii. 77, 78\n\n Skeat, W. W., i. 360 _sq._\n\n Skeleton in rain-charm, i. 284\n\n Skene, W. F., ii. 286 _n._ 2\n\n Skoptsy, the, a Russian sect, ii. 145 _n._ 2\n\n Skulls, ancestral, used in magical ceremonies, i. 163;\n   in rain-charm, 285\n\n Sky, twins called the children of the, i. 267, 268;\n   Aryan god of the, ii. 374 _sq._\n\n Slave, charm to bring back a runaway, i. 152, 317\n\n \u2014\u2014 priests at Nemi, i. 11\n\n Slaves, licence granted to, at Saturnalia, ii. 312;\n   female, licence accorded to, at the _Nonae Caprotinae_, 313 _sq._\n\n Slavs, tree-worship among the heathen, ii. 9;\n   the thunder-god Perun, of the, 365\n\n Sleep, charms employed by burglars to cause, i. 148 _sq._\n\n \u201cSleep of war,\u201d ii. 147\n\n Smith, W. Robertson, i. 301 _n._ 2\n\n Smiths sacred, i. 349\n\n Smoke made as a rain-charm, i. 249;\n   of cedar inhaled as means of inspiration, 383 _sq._;\n   as a charm against witchcraft, ii. 330\n\n Snake-bites, charms against, i. 152 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 skin a charm against witchcraft, ii. 335\n\n Snakes, human wives of, ii. 149, 150\n\n \u201cSober\u201d sacrifices, i. 311 _n._ 1\n\n Social progress, i. 420\n\n Sodza, a lightning goddess, ii. 370\n\n Sofala, King of, i. 392\n\n Sogamozo, the pontiff of, i. 416\n\n Sogble, a lightning god, ii. 370\n\n Solar myth theory, i. 333\n\n Somerville, Professor W., ii. 328 _n._ 4\n\n Sophocles, ii. 115, 161\n\n Sorcerers. _See_ Magicians, Medicine-men\n\n Sorcery. _See_ Magic\n\n Sorrows, Master of, i. 280\n\n Soul, external, in afterbirth (placenta) or navel-string, i. 200 _sq._\n\n Souls ascribed to trees, ii. 12 _sqq._;\n   of ancestors supposed to be in fire on the hearth, 232\n\n Sowing, curses at, i. 281;\n   homoeopathic magic at, 136 _sqq._;\n   sexual intercourse before, ii. 98;\n   continence at, 105, 106;\n   in Italy and Sicily, time of, 311 _n._ 5\n\n Sparks of fire supposed to impregnate women, ii. 197, 231\n\n Sparta, the two kings of, i. 46 _sq._;\n   their relation to Castor and Pollux, 48-50\n\n Spartan sacrifice of horses to the sun, i. 315 _sq._\n\n Spencer and Gillen, i. 89, 107 _n._ 4\n\n Spieth, J., i. 397\n\n Spinning forbidden, i. 113 _sq._\n\n Spirit, Brethren of the Free, i. 408\n\n Spiritual husbands, ii. 316 _sq._\n\n Spittle, divination by, i. 99;\n   used in magic, 57\n\n Spring, oracular at Dodona, ii. 172\n\n Springs troubled to procure rain, i. 301;\n   which confer prophetic powers, ii. 172\n\n Squirting water as a rain-charm, i. 249 _sq._, 277 _sq._\n\n Star, falling, in magic, i. 84\n\n Stepmother, marriage with a, among the Saxons, ii. 283\n\n Stewart, C. S., i. 387 _n._ 1\n\n Sticks, sacred, representing ancestors, ii. 222 _sqq._\n\n Stone, holed, in magic, i. 313\n\n \u2014\u2014 curlew in magic, i. 80\n\n \u2014\u2014 throwing as a fertility charm, i. 39\n\n Stones tied to trees to make them bear fruit, i. 140;\n   oaths upon, 160 _sq._;\n   homoeopathic magic of, 160 _sqq._;\n   employed to make fruits and crops grow, 162 _sqq._;\n   precious, homoeopathic magic of, 164 _sq._;\n   the Day of, 279;\n   rain-making by means of, 304 _sqq._;\n   in charms to make the sun shine, 312, 313, 314;\n   put in trees to prevent sun from setting, 318;\n   in wind charms, 319, 322 _sq._\n\n Storeroom (_penus_), sacred, ii. 205 _sq._\n\n Strabo, ii. 305\n\n Stubbes, P., ii. 66\n\n Subincision, use of blood shed at, i. 92, 94 _sq._\n\n Succession to the chieftainship or kingship alternating between several\n    families, ii. 292 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 to the kingdom, in ancient Latium, ii. 266 _sqq._;\n   determined by a race, 299 _sqq._;\n   determined by mortal combat, ii. 322\n\n Sulka, the, of New Britain, ii. 148\n\n Sumatra, i. 58, 71\n\n Summer, bringing in the, ii. 74\n\n Sun, homoeopathic magic of setting, i. 165 _sq._;\n   supposed to send new teeth, 181;\n   magical control of the, 311 _sqq._;\n   charms to cause the sun to shine, 311 _sqq._;\n   eclipse of, ceremonies at 311, 312;\n   human sacrifices to the 314 _sq._;\n   chief deity of the Rhodians, 315;\n   supposed to drive in chariot, 315;\n   caught by net or string, 316;\n   charms to prevent the sun from going down, 316 _sqq._;\n   the father of the Incas, 415;\n   Parthian monarchs the brothers of the, 417 _sq._;\n   sanctuary of the, ii. 107;\n   high priest of the, 146 _sq._;\n   marriage of a woman to the, 146 _sq._;\n   worshipped by the Blackfoot Indians, 146;\n   round temple of the, 147;\n   temple of the Sun at Cuzco, 243;\n   virgins of the Sun in Peru, 243 _sqq._;\n   the Great, title of chief, 262, 263\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Earth, marriage of the, ii. 98 _sq._, 148\n\n \u2014\u2014 -god, no wine offered to the, i. 311\n\n \u2014\u2014 -god Ra in Egypt, i. 418, 419\n\n \u2014\u2014 goddess, i. 417\n\n Superstitions as to the making of pottery, ii. 204 _sq._\n\n _Svayamvara_, ii. 306\n\n Swami Bhaskaranandaji Saraswati, i. 404\n\n Swearing on stones, i. 160 _sq._\n\n Sweden, midsummer customs in, ii. 65;\n   Frey and his priestess in, 143 _sq._;\n   customs observed in, at turning out the cattle to graze for the first\n      time in spring, 341 _sq._\n\n Swedes sacrifice their kings, i. 366 _sq._\n\n Sweethearts of St. John, ii. 92\n\n Swine, herds of, in ancient Italy, ii. 354\n\n Sycamores worshipped, ii. 15;\n   sacred among the Gallas, 34\n\n Sylvii or Woods, the kings of Alba, ii. 379\n\n Sympathetic Magic, i. 51 _sqq._;\n   its two branches, 54;\n   examples of, 55 _sqq._\n   _See also_ Magic\n\n Syria, St. George in, ii. 346\n\n\n Taara, the thunder-god of the Esthonians, ii. 367\n\n Taboo, a negative magic, i. 111 _sqq._\n\n Taboos, homoeopathic, i. 116;\n   contagious, 117;\n   on food, 117 _sqq._;\n   laid on the parents of twins, 262, 263 _sq._, 266;\n   observed after house-building, ii. 40\n\n Tacitus, ii. 285\n\n Tagales, the, ii. 36\n\n Tahiti, kings of, deified, i. 388\n\n \u201cTail-money,\u201d ii. 331\n\n _T\u0101li_, tying the, ii. 57 _n._ 4\n\n Tamarinds, sacred, ii. 42, 44\n\n Tammuz or Adonis, ii. 346\n\n Tana, power of the disease-makers in, i. 341\n\n Tanaquil, the Queen, ii. 195\n\n Taoism, religious head of, i. 413 _sqq._\n\n Tapio, woodland god, ii. 124\n\n Tarahumares of Mexico, i. 249\n\n Tarquin the Elder, ii. 195\n\n \u2014\u2014 the Proud, his attempt to shift the line of descent of the kingship,\n    ii. 291 _sq._\n\n Tasmanians, the, ii. 257\n\n Tatius, death of, ii. 320\n\n Tauric Diana, i. 10 _sq._, 24\n\n Taylor, Isaac, ii. 189 _n._ 3\n\n Teeth, ceremony of knocking out teeth at initiation, i. 97 _sqq._;\n   extraction of teeth in connexion with rain, 98 _sq._;\n   charms to strengthen, 153, 157;\n   contagious magic of, 176-182;\n   of rats and mice in magic, 178 _sqq._\n\n Telamon, ii. 278\n\n Telchines, the, of Rhodes, i. 310\n\n Telepathy, magical, i. 119 _sqq._;\n   in hunting and fishing, 120 _sqq._;\n   in war, 126 _sqq._;\n   in voyages, 126\n\n Tertullian, i. 407;\n   on the Etruscan crown, ii. 175 _n._ 1\n\n Teucer, ii. 278\n\n Teutonic kings, i. 47;\n   thunder god, ii. 364\n\n Thargelion, Greek harvest month, i. 32\n\n Thebes, the Egyptian, ii. 130, 134;\n   high priests of Ammon at, 134\n\n Theocritus, witch in, i. 206\n\n _Theogamy_, divine marriage, ii. 121\n\n Theophrastus, on the woods of Latium, ii. 188\n\n Theopompus, ii. 287\n\n Thevet, F. A., i. 358\n\n Thieves\u2019 candles, i. 148, 149\n\n Things, homoeopathic magic of inanimate, i. 157 _sqq._\n\n Thistles, a charm against witchcraft, ii. 339, 340\n\n Thompson Indians, i. 70, 132;\n   the fire-drill of the, ii. 208\n\n Thor, the Norse thunder god, ii. 364\n\n Thorn-bushes as charms against witches, ii. 338\n\n Thoth, Egyptian god, ii. 131\n\n Threatening the thunder god, ii. 183 _n._ 2\n\n Thrice born, said of Brahmans, i. 381\n\n Thrones, sanctity of, i. 365\n\n Thunder, imitation of, i. 248;\n   kings expected to make, ii. 180 _sqq._;\n   thought to be the roll of the drums of the dead, 183;\n   rain, sky, and oak, god of the, 349 _sq._;\n   Esthonian prayer to, 367 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and oak, the Aryan god of the, ii. 356 _sqq._\n\n Thunder-bird, i. 309\n\n \u2014\u2014 god, threatening the, ii. 183 _n._ 2;\n   conceived as a deity of fertility, 368 _sqq._\n\n Thunderbolt of Indra, i. 269\n\n \u2014\u2014 Zeus, ii. 361\n\n Thunderbolts, kings killed by, ii. 181;\n   flint implements regarded as, 374\n\n Thunderstorms, disappearance of Roman kings in, ii. 181 _sqq._\n\n Thurston, E., i. 56 _n._ 3\n\n Thyiads, the, i. 46\n\n Tibet, the Grand Lamas of, i. 411 _sq._\n\n Tides, homoeopathic magic of the, i. 166 _sqq._\n\n Tiele, C. P., i. 419 _sq._\n\n Tifata, Mount, ii. 380\n\n Timber, homoeopathic magic of house timber, i. 146;\n   of houses, tree-spirits propitiated in, ii. 39 _sq._\n\n Timor, telepathy of high-priest of, in war, i. 128 _sq._\n\n Tinneh Indians, the, i. 357\n\n Toad in charm against storms, i. 325\n\n Toaripi or Motumotu, the, in New Guinea, i. 125, 337\n\n Toboongkoos, the, ii. 35\n\n Todas, the, i. 56;\n   divine milkmen of the, 402 _sq._;\n   magic and medicine among the, 421 _n._ 1\n\n Togoland, i. 265\n\n Tomori, the, of Celebes, ii. 29, 35, 110\n\n Tonga, chiefs of, believed to heal scrofula, i. 371\n\n Tonquin, kings of, responsible for drought and dearth, i. 355\n\n T\u00f6ppen, M., ii. 365 _n._ 5\n\n Toradjas, the, i. 109, 114, 129, 159\n\n Torres Straits, i. 59\n\n Tortoise, magic of, i. 151, 170\n\n Totem, confusion between a man and his totem, i. 107 _sq._\n\n Totemism in Central Australia not a religion, i. 107 _sq._\n\n Totems in Central Australia, magical ceremonies for the multiplication\n    of, i. 85 _sqq._;\n   custom of eating the, 107\n\n Touch-me-not (_Impatiens sp._), ii. 77\n\n Touching for the King\u2019s Evil (scrofula), i. 368 _sqq._\n\n Transmigrations of human deities, i. 410 _sqq._\n\n Tree, life of child connected with, i. 184;\n   that has been struck by lightning, 319;\n   culprits tied to sacred, ii. 112 _sq._;\n   fire kindled from ancestral, 221;\n   spirit represented simultaneously in vegetable and human form, ii. 73\n      _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -spirits, ii. 7 _sqq._;\n   in house-timber propitiated, 39 _sq._;\n   beneficent powers of, 45 _sqq._;\n   give rain and sunshine, 45 _sq._;\n   make crops grow, 47 _sqq._;\n   make cattle and women fruitful, 50 _sqq._, 55 _sqq._;\n   in human form or embodied in living people, 71 _sqq._\n\n Tree-worship among the European families of the Aryan stock, ii. 9\n    _sqq._;\n   in modern Europe, relics of, 59 _sqq._\n\n Trees, marriage to, i. 40 _sq._, ii. 57;\n   extracted teeth placed in, i. 98;\n   burial in, 102;\n   navel-strings placed in, 182, 183, 185, 186;\n   afterbirth (placenta) placed in, 182, 187, 190, 191, 194, 199;\n   worship of, ii. 7 _sqq._;\n   regarded as animate, 12 _sqq._;\n   sacrifices to, 15, 16 _sq._, 34, 44, 46, 47;\n   sensitive, 18;\n   apologies offered to trees for cutting them down, 18 _sq._, 36 _sq._;\n   bleeding, 18, 20, 33;\n   threatened to make them bear fruit, 20 _sqq._;\n   married to each other, 24 _sqq._;\n   animated by the souls of the dead, 29 _sqq._;\n   planted on graves, 31;\n   as the abode of spirits, 33 _sqq._;\n   ceremonies at cutting down, 34 _sqq._;\n   drenched with water as a rain-charm, 47;\n   grant women an easy delivery, 57 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and plants, attempts to deceive the spirits of, ii. 22 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 sacred, ii. 40 _sqq._;\n   smeared with blood, 367\n\n Trinity, the Hindoo, i. 225, 404;\n   the Norse, ii. 364\n\n Triumph, the Roman, ii. 174\n\n Troezen, sanctuary of Hippolytus at, i. 24 _sq._\n\n Troy, sanctuary of Athena at, ii. 284\n\n \u201cTrue Man, the,\u201d i. 413\n\n Trumpets, sacred, ii. 24\n\n Tshi-speaking peoples of Gold Coast, i. 132\n\n Tullius Hostilius, killed by lightning, ii. 181, 320\n\n Tumleo, i. 213\n\n Turner, Dr. George, i. 341\n\n Turner\u2019s picture of \u201cThe Golden Bough,\u201d i. 1\n\n Turning or whirling round, custom of, observed by mummers, i. 273, 275,\n    ii. 74, 80, 81, 87\n\n \u201cTwin,\u201d name applied by the Baganda to the navel-string, i. 195, 196\n\n Twins, i. 145;\n   in war, 49 _n._ 3;\n   taboos laid on parents of, 262, 263 _sq._;\n   supposed to possess magical powers, especially over the weather and\n      rain, 262-269;\n   supposed to be salmon, 263;\n   thought to be related to grizzly-bears, 264 _sq._;\n   thought to be related to apes, 265;\n   thought to be the sons of lightning, 266;\n   called the children of the sky, 267, 268;\n   water poured on graves of twins as a rain-charm, 268;\n   customs of the Baganda in regard to, ii. 102 _sq._\n\n Two-headed bust at Nemi, portrait of the King of the Wood, i. 41 _sq._\n\n Tydeus, ii. 278\n\n Tylor, E. B., i. 53 _n._ 1, ii. 208, 244 _n._ 1, 374 _n._ 2;\n   on fertilisation of date-palm, 25 _n._\n\n Tyndarids (Castor and Pollux), i. 49\n\n\n Uganda, Queen Dowager and Queen Sister in, ii. 275 _sq._\n\n Ulysses and Aeolus, i. 326;\n   and Penelope, ii. 300\n\n Umbrians, ordeal of battle among the, ii. 321\n\n Uncle, maternal, preferred to father, mark of mother-kin, ii. 285\n\n Upsala, sacred grove at, ii. 9;\n   temple of Frey at, 144;\n   great temple and festival at, 364 _sq._\n\n Urns, funereal, in shape of huts, ii. 201 _sq._\n\n Urvasi and Pururavas, ii. 250\n\n\n Vallabhacharyas, the, Hindoo sect, ii. 160\n\n Varro, ii. 185, 200, 326, 381\n\n Vatican hill, the, ii. 186\n\n Vaughan Stevens, H., ii. 236 _n._ 1\n\n Vegetation, influence of the sexes on, ii. 97 _sqq._;\n   spirit of, represented by a king or queen, ii. 84, 87, 88;\n   newly awakened in spring, ii. 70;\n   brought to houses, 74;\n   represented by mummers dressed in leaves, branches, and flowers, 74\n      _sqq._, 78 _sqq._;\n   represented by a tree and a living man, 76;\n   represented in duplicate by a girl and an effigy, 78;\n   men and women masquerading as, 120\n\n Vejovis, the Little Jupiter, ii. 179\n\n Veleda, deified woman, i. 391\n\n Veneti, the, ii. 353;\n   breeders of horses, i. 27\n\n Ventriloquism a basis of political power, i. 347\n\n Venus (Aphrodite) and Adonis, i. 21, 25, 40, 41\n\n Verrall, A. W., ii. 25 _n._ 2\n\n Vesta, her sacred fires in Latium, i. 13 _sq._;\n   at Rome, the grove of, ii. 185;\n   called Mother, not Virgin, 198;\n   round temple of, 200 _sq._;\n   as Mother, 227 _sqq._;\n   a goddess of fecundity, 229 _sq._;\n   her fire at Rome fed with oak wood, ii. 186\n\n Vestal fire at Rome a successor of the fire on the king\u2019s hearth, ii.\n    200 _sqq._;\n   kindled by the friction of wood, 207;\n   at Nemi, 378 _sq._, 380;\n   Virgins in Latium, i. 13 _sq._;\n   become mothers by the fire, ii. 196 _sq._;\n   regarded as wives of the fire-god, 198, 199, 229;\n   among the Baganda, 246\n\n Vestals, house of the, ii. 201;\n   of the Herero, 213, 214;\n   custom of burying alive unfaithful Vestals, 228;\n   adore the male organ, 229;\n   rites performed by them for the fertility of the earth and the\n      fecundity of cattle, 229, 326;\n   African, 150;\n   at Rome the wives or daughters of the kings, 228;\n   Celtic, 241 _n._ 1;\n   Peruvian, 243 _sqq._;\n   in Yucatan, 245 _sq._\n\n Victims give signs of inspiration by shaking themselves, i. 384 _sq._\n\n Victoria, the late Queen, worshipped in Orissa, i. 404\n\n Victoria Nyanza, god of the, ii. 150\n\n Viehe, Rev. G., ii. 213 _n._ 2, 223 _sq._\n\n Vines blessed on the Assumption of the Virgin (15th August), i. 14\n    _sq._\n\n Violent deaths of the Roman kings, ii. 313 _sqq._\n\n Viracocha, i. 56\n\n Virbius, the slope of, i. 4 _n._ 5, ii. 321;\n   the mate of Diana at Nemi, i. 19-21, 40 _sq._, ii. 129;\n   etymology of the name, 379 _n._ 5\n\n Virgil, ii. 184, 186, 379;\n   an antiquary as well as a poet, 178\n\n Virgin, the Assumption of the, in relation to Diana, i. 14-16;\n   festival of the, in the Armenian Church, 16;\n   Mary of Kevlaar, i. 77;\n   priestesses in Peru, Mexico, and Yucatan, ii. 243 _sqq._\n\n Virginity offered to rivers, ii. 162\n\n Virility, hierophant at Eleusis temporarily deprived of his, ii. 130;\n   sacrifice of, to a goddess, 144 _sq._\n\n Vishnu, ii. 26\n\n Vitellius at Nemi, i. 5\n\n Vituperation thought to cause rain, i. 278\n\n Votive offerings at Nemi, i. 4, 6, 12, 19, 23\n\n Voyages, telepathy in, i. 126\n\n Vulcan, father of Caeculus, ii. 197\n\n Vulture, magic of, i. 151\n\n\n Wagogo, the, i. 123\n\n Wagtail, the yellow, in magic, i. 79\n\n _Walber_, the, ii. 75\n\n Waldemar, I., King of Denmark, i. 367\n\n Wallace, Sir D. Mackenzie, i. 407 _sq._\n\n Walos, the, of Senegal, i. 370\n\n Walpurgis Night, ii. 52, 54, 55, 127\n\n Walton, Izaak, i. 326 _n._ 2\n\n War, telepathy in, i. 126 _sqq._\n\n \u201cWar, the sleep of,\u201d ii. 147\n\n Ward, Professor H. Marshall, ii. 252, 315 _n._ 1\n\n Ward, Professor James, i. 423\n\n Warramunga, the, i. 93, 95, 99\n\n Wasps in magic, i. 152\n\n Water sprinkled as rain-charm, i. 248 _sqq._;\n   serpent or dragon of, ii. 155 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Fire, kings of, ii. 3 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 -lilies, charms to make water-lilies grow, i. 95, 97, 98\n\n \u2014\u2014 nymphs, fertilising virtue of, ii. 162\n\n \u2014\u2014 -spirits, propitiation of, ii. 76;\n   sacrifices to, 155 _sqq._;\n   as beneficent beings, 159;\n   bestow offspring on women, 159 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 totem, i. 259\n\n Waterfalls, spirits of, ii. 156, 157\n\n Wax melted in magic, i. 77\n\n Wealth acquired by magicians, i. 347, 348, 351, 352\n\n Weapon and wound, contagious magic of, i. 201 _sqq._\n\n Weaving and twining thread forbidden, i. 131\n\n Wellhausen, J., i. 303\n\n Wells cleansed as rain-charm, i. 267;\n   married to the holy basil, ii. 26 _sq._;\n   bestow offspring on women, 160 _sq._\n\n Wends, their superstition as to oaks, ii. 55\n\n Werner, Miss A., ii. 317 _n._ 1\n\n Wernicke, quoted, i. 35 _sq._\n\n Wetting people with water as a rain-charm, i. 250, 251, 269 _sq._, 272,\n    273, 274, 275, 277 _sq._, ii. 77\n\n Whale-fishing, telepathy in, i. 121\n\n Whirling or turning round, custom of, observed by mummers, i. 273, 275,\n    ii. 74, 80, 81, 87\n\n Whirlwind, attacking the, i. 329 _sqq._\n\n White bulls sacrificed, ii. 188 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 horses, sacred, ii. 174 _n._ 2\n\n \u2014\u2014 poplar, the, at Olympia, ii. 220\n\n \u2014\u2014 thorn, a charm against witches, ii. 191\n\n \u2014\u2014 victims sacrificed for sunshine, i. 291, 292\n\n Whitekirk, ii. 161\n\n Whit-Monday, the king\u2019s game on, ii. 89, 103\n\n Whitsun-bride in Denmark, ii. 91 _sq._\n\n Whitsunday customs in Russia, ii. 64, 93;\n   races, ii. 69, 84;\n   contest for the kingship at, 89;\n   custom of rolling on the fields at, 103;\n   customs in Holland, 104\n\n \u2014\u2014 Bride, the, ii. 89, 96\n\n \u2014\u2014 Basket, the, ii. 83\n\n \u2014\u2014 Flower, ii. 80\n\n \u2014\u2014 King, ii. 84, 89, 90\n\n \u2014\u2014 -lout, the, ii. 81\n\n \u2014\u2014 Man, the Little, ii. 81\n\n \u2014\u2014 Queen, ii. 87, 90\n\n Widow, re-marriage of, in Salic law, ii. 285 _sq._\n\n Wiedemann, A., i. 230 _sq._\n\n Wiglet and Feng, ii. 281, 283\n\n Wilhelmina, a Bohemian woman, worshipped, i. 409\n\n Wilkinson, R. J., ii. 383 _n._ 1\n\n William the Third, i. 369\n\n Willow tree on St. George\u2019s Day, ii. 76\n\n Wind, magical control of the, i. 319 _sqq._;\n   charms to make the wind drop, 320;\n   fighting and killing the spirit of the, 327 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 clan, i. 320\n\n \u2014\u2014 of the Cross, i. 325\n\n \u2014\u2014 doctor, i. 321\n\n Winds tied up in knots, i. 326\n\n Wine not offered to the sun-god, i. 311\n\n Wiradjuri tribe, i. 335\n\n Wissowa, Professor G., i. 22 _n._ 5, 23 _n._, ii. 382 _n._ 1\n\n Witches raising the wind, i. 322, 326;\n   buried under trees, ii. 32;\n   steal milk on May Day or Walpurgis Night, 52 _sqq._;\n   steal milk on Midsummer Eve, 127;\n   steal milk on Eve of St. George, 334 _sqq._;\n   precautions against, 52 _sqq._;\n   as cats and dogs, 334, 335\n\n Witches\u2019 sabbath on the Eve of St. George, ii. 335, 338\n\n Witchetty grubs, ceremony for the multiplication of, i. 85\n\n \u201cWives of Marduk,\u201d ii. 130\n\n Wizards who raise winds, i. 323 _sqq._;\n   Finnish, 325\n\n Wolves in relation to horses, i. 27;\n   feared by shepherds, ii. 327, 329, 330 _sq._, 333, 334, 340, 341\n\n Women, fruitful, supposed to fertilise crops and fruit-trees, i. 140\n    _sq._;\n   employed to sow the fields, 141 _sq._;\n   ploughing as a rain-charm, 282 _sq._;\n   worshipped by the ancient Germans, 391;\n   married to gods, ii. 129 _sqq._, 143 _sq._, 146 _sq._, 149 _sqq._;\n   fertilised by water-spirits, 159 _sqq._;\n   impregnated by fire, 195 _sqq._, 230 _sq._;\n   alone allowed to make pottery, 204 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 barren, thought to sterilise gardens, i. 142;\n   fertilised by trees, ii. 316 _sqq._\n\n Wood, fire kindled by the friction of, ii. 207 _sqq._, 235 _sqq._, 243,\n    248 _sqq._, 258 _sq._, 262, 263, 336, 366, 372\n\n\n Wood, the King of the, i. 1 _sqq._;\n   Lord of the, ii. 36\n\n Woods, species of, used in making fire by friction, ii. 248-252\n\n Wordsworth, W., i. 104\n\n Worship of trees, ii. 7 _sqq._;\n   of the oak, 349 _sqq._\n\n Wotyaks, the, ii. 43, 145, 146\n\n Wound and weapon, contagious magic of, i. 201 _sqq._\n\n Wyse, Miss A., ii. 88 _n._ 1\n\n Wyse, William, i. 101 _n._ 2, 105 _n._ 5, ii. 356 _n._ 3\n\n\n Yakuts, the, i. 319\n\n Yam vines, continence at training, ii. 105 _sq._\n\n Yegory or Yury (St. George), ii. 332, 333\n\n Yellow birds in magic, i. 79 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 colour in magic, i. 79 _sqq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 River, girls married to the, ii. 152\n\n Ynglingar family, ii. 279\n\n Yorubas, the, i. 364;\n   chieftainship among the, ii. 293 _sq._;\n   rule of succession to the chieftainship among the, 293 _sq._\n\n Yucatan, Vestals in, ii. 245 _sq._\n\n Yuracares, the, of Bolivia, ii. 204\n\n\n Zela, i. 47\n\n Zeus, Greek kings called, ii. 177, 361;\n   as god of the oak, the rain, the thunder, and the sky, 358 _sqq._;\n   surnamed Lightning, 361;\n   surnamed Thunderbolt, 361;\n   as sky-god, 374\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Demeter, their marriage at Eleusis, ii. 138 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Dione, at Dodona, ii. 189\n\n \u2014\u2014 and Hera, sacred marriage of, ii. 140 _sq._, 142 _sq._\n\n \u2014\u2014 at Dodona, ii. 177;\n   priests of, 248\n\n \u2014\u2014 at Panamara in Caria, i. 28\n\n \u2014\u2014 Dictaean, ii. 122\n\n \u2014\u2014 Lightning, i. 33\n\n \u2014\u2014 Lycaeus, i. 309\n\n \u2014\u2014 Panhellenian, ii. 359\n\n \u2014\u2014 Rainy, ii. 376\n\n \u2014\u2014 Showery, ii. 360\n\n \u2014\u2014 the Descender, ii. 361\n\n Zimmer, H., ii. 286 _n._ 2\n\n Zulus, foods tabooed among the, i. 118 _sq._\n\nTHE END\n\n_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.\n\n\n\n\nWorks by Sir J. G. FRAZER, D.C.L., LL.D.\n\n\nTHE GOLDEN BOUGH\n\nA STUDY IN MAGIC AND RELIGION\n\nThird Edition, revised and enlarged. 8vo.\n\nPart I. THE MAGIC ART AND THE EVOLUTION OF KINGS. 4th Impression. Two\nvolumes. 20s. net.\n\nII. TABOO AND THE PERILS OF THE SOUL. 3rd Impression. One volume. 10s.\nnet.\n\nIII. THE DYING GOD. 3rd Impression. One volume. 10s. net.\n\nIV. ADONIS, ATTIS, OSIRIS. 3rd Impression. Two volumes. 20s. net.\n\nV. SPIRITS OF THE CORN AND OF THE WILD. 2nd Impression. Two volumes.\n20s. net.\n\nVI. THE SCAPEGOAT. One volume. 10s. net.\n\nVII. BALDER THE BEAUTIFUL: THE FIRE-FESTIVALS OF EUROPE AND THE DOCTRINE\nOF THE EXTERNAL SOUL. 2nd Impression. Two volumes. 20s. net.\n\nVol. XII. BIBLIOGRAPHY AND GENERAL INDEX. 20s. net.\n\n_TIMES._\u2014\u201cThe verdict of posterity will probably be that _The Golden\nBough_ influenced the attitude of the human mind towards supernatural\nbeliefs and symbolical rituals more profoundly than any other books\npublished in the nineteenth century except those of Darwin and Herbert\nSpencer.\u201d\n\n\n    =TOTEMISM AND EXOGAMY.= A Treatise on Certain Early Forms of\n    Superstition and Society. With Maps. Four vols. 8vo. 50s. net.\n\nMR. A. E. CRAWLEY in _NATURE_.\u2014\u201cThat portion of the book which is\nconcerned with totemism (if we may express our own belief at the risk of\noffending Prof. Frazer\u2019s characteristic modesty) is actually \u2018The\nComplete History of Totemism, its Practice and its Theory, its Origin\nand its End.\u2019... Nearly two thousand pages are occupied with an\nethnographical survey of totemism, an invaluable compilation. The maps,\nincluding that of the distribution of totemic peoples, are a new and\nuseful feature.\u201d\n\n\n    LECTURES ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE KINGSHIP. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.\n\n_ATHEN\u00c6UM._\u2014\u201cIt is the effect of a good book not only to teach, but also\nto stimulate and to suggest, and we think this the best and highest\nquality, and one that will recommend these lectures to all intelligent\nreaders, as well as to the learned.\u201d\n\n\n    =PSYCHE\u2019S TASK=, A Discourse concerning the Influence of\n    Superstition on the Growth of Institutions. Second Edition, revised\n    and enlarged. To which is added \u201cThe Scope of Social Anthropology.\u201d\n    8vo. 5s. net.\n\n_OUTLOOK._\u2014\u201cWhether we disagree or agree with Dr. Frazer\u2019s general\nconclusions, he has provided us with a veritable storehouse of\ncorrelated facts, for which, and for the learning that has gone to their\ncollection, and for the intellectual brilliance that has gone to their\narrangement, we can never be sufficiently grateful.\u201d\n\n\nMACMILLAN AND CO., LTD., LONDON.\n\n\n    =THE BELIEF IN IMMORTALITY AND THE WORSHIP OF THE DEAD.= Vol. I. The\n    Belief among the Aborigines of Australia, the Torres Straits\n    Islands, New Guinea, and Melanesia. The Gifford Lectures, St.\n    Andrews, 1911-1912. 8vo. 10s. net.\n\nMR. EDWARD CLODD in the _DAILY CHRONICLE_.\u2014\u201c\u2018If a man die, shall he live\nagain?\u2019 is a question asked chiliads before Job put it, and the\ngenerations of mankind repeat it. In this profoundly interesting volume,\nProfessor Frazer, out of the treasury of his knowledge, and with\nconsummate art of attractive presentment, gives the answers devised by\nthe Lower Races.\u201d\n\n\n=FOLK-LORE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.= 8vo.\n\n_In Preparation._\n\n    =PAUSANIAS\u2019S DESCRIPTION OF GREECE.= Translated with a Commentary,\n    Illustrations, and Maps. Second Edition. Six vols. 8vo. 126s. net.\n\n_ATHEN\u00c6UM._\u2014\u201cAll these writings in many languages Mr. Frazer has read\nand digested with extraordinary care, so that his book will be for years\n_the_ book of reference on such matters, not only in England, but in\nFrance and Germany. It is a perfect thesaurus of Greek topography,\narch\u00e6ology, and art.\u201d\n\n\n    =STUDIES IN GREEK SCENERY, LEGEND AND HISTORY.= Selected from his\n    Commentary on Pausanias by Sir J. G. FRAZER. Globe 8vo. 5s. net.\n\n_Eversley Series._\n\n_GUARDIAN._\u2014\u201cHere we have material which every one who has visited\nGreece, or purposes to visit it, most certainly should read and\nenjoy.... We cannot imagine a more excellent book for the educated\nvisitor to Greece.\u201d\n\n\n    =LETTERS OF WILLIAM COWPER.= Chosen and Edited, with a Memoir and a\n    few Notes, by Sir J. G. FRAZER. Two vols. Globe 8vo. 10s. net.\n\n_Eversley Series._\n\nMR. CLEMENT SHORTER in the _DAILY CHRONICLE_.\u2014\u201cThe introductory Memoir,\nof some eighty pages in length, is a valuable addition to the many\nappraisements of Cowper that these later years have seen.... Dr. Frazer\nhas given us two volumes that are an unqualified joy.\u201d\n\n\n    =ESSAYS OF JOSEPH ADDISON.= Chosen and Edited, with a Preface and a\n    few Notes, by Sir J. G. FRAZER. Two vols. Globe 8vo. 10s. net.\n\n_Eversley Series._\n\n\nMACMILLAN AND CO., LTD., LONDON.\n\n\n\n\n \u25cf Transcriber\u2019s Notes:\n    \u25cb Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.\n    \u25cb Typographical errors were silently corrected.\n    \u25cb Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only\n      when a predominant form was found in this book.\n    \u25cb Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).\n    \u25cb Footnotes have been moved to follow the chapters in which they are\n      referenced.\n    \u25cb Sidenotes are placed in the text where, in the original book, they\n      were in\n\n      the left margin near the text.","title":"The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 02 of 12)","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":199746}