{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_60567/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_60567","id":"gutenberg_60567","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/60567","summary":null,"tags":["Category: History - Medieval/Middle Ages","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Philosophy & Ethics","Fastolf, John, 1378?-1459","French poetry -- To 1500 -- Translations into English"],"text":"THE EPISTLE OF OTHEA TO HECTOR\n\n\n[Illustration:\n\n  OTHEA DELIVERS HER EPISTLE TO HECTOR.\n\n  _Harley MS. 4431_, FOL. 97b.\n]\n\n\n\n\n                     The Epistle of Othea to Hector\n                                   OR\n                         THE BOKE OF KNYGHTHODE\n\n           _Translated from the French of Christine de Pisan_\n             _With a Dedication to Sir John Fastolf, K.G._\n\n\n                                   BY\n\n                        STEPHEN SCROPE, ESQUIRE\n\n                                 EDITED\n\n                  FROM A MANUSCRIPT IN THE LIBRARY OF\n\n                          THE MARQUIS OF BATH\n\n                                   BY\n                            GEORGE F. WARNER\n\n    _M.A., D.Litt., F.S.A., Assistant Keeper of MSS. British Museum_\n\n\n                                 LONDON\n              J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, PARLIAMENT MANSIONS\n                         VICTORIA STREET, S.W.\n\n                                 1904.\n\n\n\n\n                                 LONDON\n              J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, PARLIAMENT MANSIONS\n                         VICTORIA STREET, S.W.\n\n\n\n\n                                   TO\n\n                       THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS\n\n                                   OF\n\n                           The Roxburghe Club\n\n                              THIS VOLUME\n\n                       Is Dedicated and Presented\n\n                                            BY THEIR OBEDIENT SERVANT\n\n                                                                    BATH\n\n LONGLEAT, MARCH, 1904\n\n\n\n\n                          The Roxburghe Club.\n\n\n                                 MCMIV.\n\n                             LORD ALDENHAM.\n\n                               PRESIDENT.\n\n DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE, K.G.\n DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH, K.T.\n DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND, K.G.\n DUKE OF SUTHERLAND, K.G.\n MARQUESS OF BATH.\n EARL OF PEMBROKE AND MONTGOMERY.\n EARL OF CRAWFORD, K.T.\n EARL OF ROSEBERY, K.G.\n EARL COWPER, K.G.\n EARL OF CARYSFORT, K.P.\n EARL OF POWIS.\n EARL BEAUCHAMP.\n EARL BROWNLOW.\n EARL OF CAWDOR.\n EARL OF ELLESMERE.\n EARL OF CREWE.\n THE LORD BISHOP OF SALISBURY.\n LORD ZOUCHE.\n LORD WINDSOR.\n LORD AMHERST OF HACKNEY.\n HON. ALBAN GEORGE HENRY GIBBS.\n RIGHT HON. ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR.\n RIGHT HON. MOUNTSTUART GRANT DUFF, G.C.S.I.\n SIR WILLIAM REYNELL ANSON, BART.\n SIR THOMAS BROOKE, BART.\n SIR JOHN EVANS, K.C.B.\n SIR EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON, K.C.B.\n CHARLES BUTLER, ESQ.\n INGRAM BYWATER, ESQ.\n GEORGE BRISCOE EYRE, ESQ.\n ALFRED HENRY HUTH, ESQ., _Treasurer_.\n ANDREW LANG, ESQ.\n CHARLES BRINSLEY MARLAY, ESQ.\n JOHN MURRAY, ESQ.\n EDWARD JAMES STANLEY, ESQ.\n HENRY YATES THOMPSON, ESQ.\n REV. EDWARD TINDAL TURNER.\n VICTOR WILLIAM BATES VAN DE WEYER, ESQ.\n W. ALDIS WRIGHT, ESQ.\n\n------------------------------------------------------------------------\n\n\n\n\n                                CONTENTS\n\n\n       INTRODUCTION.\n       ERRATA.\n       THE EPISTLE OF OTHEA TO HECTOR; OR THE BOKE OF KNYGHTHODE.\n       GLOSSARY.\n       INDEX.\n\n[Illustration:\n\n  THE EPISTLE OF OTHEA, TEXT XX.\n\n  _Longleat MS. 253_, FOL. 22b.\n]\n\n\n\n\n                             INTRODUCTION.\n\n\nThe English version here printed for the first time of Christine de\nPisan\u2019s \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a la deesse \u00e0 Hector\u201d is taken from a MS. which is\nbelieved to be unique, and which, if not actually the original, can be\nvery little removed from it. The volume of which it forms a part is\nnumbered MS. 253 in the valuable library of the Marquis of Bath at\nLongleat, but how or when it found its way thither it is impossible to\nsay. There is little doubt, however, that it was acquired at least as\nearly as the time of Thomas Thynne, first Viscount Weymouth, who died in\n1714, and it is not unlikely that it has been at Longleat ever since the\nhouse was built by Sir John Thynne in the latter part of the 16th\ncentury. It is a small vellum folio, 9\u00be inches by 7, in modern binding,\nand in its present state it consists of ninety-five leaves, the first\nseventy-five of which are occupied by the work in question and the\nremainder by an English poem or series of poems, probably also\ntranslated from the French, in which love is compared with the growth of\na tree. The hand appears to be the same throughout and of a date about\nthe middle of the 15th century. As may be seen from the page here\nreproduced (_cf._ p. 33), it is fairly neat and regular, but it is\nhardly the hand of a professional book-scribe, the type being that more\ncommonly found in correspondence and business documents of the period.\nAs to ornament, there is none whatever; for, although blank spaces were\nleft for rubrics and initials, and in a few instances apparently for\nminiatures as well, for some reason they were never filled in. But the\ndeficiencies of the MS. in this respect are of less practical importance\nthan the mutilation inflicted later upon the text. In the main article,\nand consequently in this edition of it, there are two lacun\u00e6, one of a\nsingle leaf (p. 13) and the other of a whole quire of eight (p. 53),\nwhile the supplementary matter has been shorn both of its first leaf and\nof an unknown number at the end. Nor is the mischief confined to the\nloss of these portions of the text. Probably, as in the case of another\nwork by the same translator,[1] there was a colophon which would have\ngiven interesting particulars of the origin of the whole MS., and\nunfortunately this also has perished. As the translator has been\nidentified and as specimens of his handwriting are available for\ncomparison,[2] the question whether the copy is in his autograph is\neasily decided in the negative, but beyond this little can be\nascertained of its history. For reasons which will appear further on it\nis a tempting supposition that it is the \u201cBoke de Othea, text and\nglose ... in quayers\u201d (_sc._ quires), which is included in an \u201cInventory\noff Englysshe boks\u201d belonging to John Paston the younger (?) in the time\nof Edward IV. (after 1474).[3] If, however, the latter MS. in its turn\nwas identical with the \u201cOthea pistill\u201d which one William Ebesham wrote\nfor Sir John Paston at a cost of 7sh. 2d. about 1469,[4] it contained no\nmore than forty-three leaves. In the margin of f. 75b is an entry, made\nabout 1500, of a certificate of the banns of marriage, real or\nimaginary, of William Stretford and Joyce Helle, the certifying minister\nbeing William Houson, curate; and from scribblings on f. 50 and\nelsewhere it may be inferred that at a later date in the 16th century\nthe MS. was in the hands of a certain William Porter, who, to judge from\nthe nature of his entries, was perhaps a scrivener\u2019s clerk. There is\nmore decisive evidence of ownership in the signature \u201cJo. Malbee\u201d on the\nfirst page, written towards the end of the 16th century under the moral\ndistich:\n\n        \u201cViue diu, sed viue Deo; nam viuere mundo\n          Mors est. H\u00e6c vera est viuere vita Deo.\u201d\n\nThe same page also contains the initials J. M., probably meaning John\nMalbee, together with the old library mark, ix D. 72.\n\nBefore commenting upon the English translation something must be said of\nthe original \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a\u201d and the remarkable woman who was its\nauthor.[5] In no sense was Christine de Pisan French by birth. Her\nfather Thomas de Pisan, or de Boulogne, was, as she tells us,[6] a\nnative of Bologna, and he may reasonably be identified with Tommaso di\nBenvenuto di Pizzano, who was Professor of Astrology there between 1345\nand 1356.[7] Later he obtained the salaried office of State Councillor\nat Venice, where also he married, and where Christine, probably the\neldest of his three children and the only girl, was born in 1364.[8] It\nwas shortly after her birth that he was prevailed upon by the French\nking Charles V. to remove to Paris, and the fact that Louis the Great of\nHungary was equally anxious to attract him to Buda shows how widely the\nfame of his learning and science had spread.[9] For fifteen years he had\nno cause to regret his change of country, for Charles not only made him\nhis physician and astrologer with handsome emoluments, but treated him\naltogether with marked distinction. Christine, who with her mother\njoined him at the end of 1368, was thus brought up at the most brilliant\nand intellectual court of the time, and when, at the early age of\nfifteen, she was married to \u00c9tienne du Castel in 1379, her ties with it\nwere further strengthened by her husband\u2019s appointment as secretary to\nthe king. This prosperity was rudely interrupted by the premature death\nof Charles V. on 16th September, 1380. In her own words, \u201cOr fu la porte\nouverte de noz infortunes, adonc faillirent \u00e0 mon dit p\u00e8re ses grans\npensions.\u201d[10] Thomas de Pisan in fact was growing old and out of\nfashion; with the loss of his place at court and its prestige he soon\nfell into neglect, and when in a few years he died, his wife and two\nsons were left dependent upon his daughter and son-in-law. Happily the\nlatter still retained his post under the new king, and if he had lived\nall might have gone well, though possibly in that case Christine\u2019s\nlatent powers would never have been called into activity. As a climax,\nhowever, to her misfortunes \u00c9tienne du Castel was carried off by an\nepidemic at Beauvais in 1389, and she thus found herself a widow at\ntwenty-five with three children besides others[11] to support out of\nwhat little she could rescue from the claimants to her husband\u2019s estate.\n\nCurious details of the protracted lawsuits and other troubles by which\nshe was harassed during the next few years are given in several of her\nworks; but it is enough to say that her tenacity and force of character\ncarried her safely through until she made for herself a literary\nposition which for one of her sex was probably without precedent.\nExcepting a few short pieces anterior perhaps to her husband\u2019s death,\nshe appears to have begun writing poetry as a solace in her widowhood.\nSuch pathetic effusions as \u201cSeulete suy et seulete vueil estre\u201d and \u201cJe\nsuis vesve, seulete et noir vestue,\u201d[12] with others in a similar\nstrain, could hardly fail to excite sympathy, and she was thus\nencouraged to utilize her pen for procuring more material support. At\nthe end of the 14th century all that an author struggling with poverty\nhad to depend upon was the patronage and munificence of the great, and\nit may therefore have been mainly to suit the taste of those to whom she\nlooked for favour and assistance that she composed the lighter and more\namatory of the \u201cBallades,\u201d \u201cLais\u201d and \u201cVirelais,\u201d \u201cRondeaux\u201d and \u201cJeux \u00e0\nvendre,\u201d which were the earliest, and not the least charming, of her\npoems. Besides Charles VI. and his queen, the Dukes of Berry, Burgundy,\nand Orleans, and other princes, nobles, and great ladies of the French\ncourt, it is interesting to find among her warmest patrons the English\nEarl of Salisbury,[13] who came on an embassy to Paris in December,\n1398. The theory that it was for him that she made the collection of her\n\u201cCent Ballades\u201d rests on little, if any, foundation, but his friendly\nregard for her is shown by his having taken her elder son Jean du\nCastel, then thirteen, to England, in order to educate him with a boy of\nhis own of similar age. By her own account, as it appears,[14] this was\nat the time of the marriage of Isabella, daughter of Charles VI., to\nRichard II., which took place at Calais on 4th November, 1396, so that\nshe may have become acquainted with the earl during a previous visit to\nParis, or while he was in France with Richard, who crossed over for the\nmarriage as early as 27th September. If he had not met a tragic fate on\n7th January, 1400, in an abortive attempt in favour of his deposed\nsovereign, Christine herself might have followed her son. At the same\ntime Salisbury was not the only nor most influential admirer of her\ntalent on this side of the Channel. After his death the usurper Henry\nIV. himself took charge of the boy and tried to induce her to settle in\nEngland, and it is to her credit that loyalty to the earl\u2019s memory among\nother reasons made her obdurate. In order, however, to get back her son\nshe feigned compliance until he was sent to fetch her, when she kept him\nwith her and remained in France.[15]\n\nBefore this she had entered on the second stage of her literary career,\nto which the \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a\u201d most probably belongs. In 1399 she\nresolved to attempt longer and more serious poems, animated by a more or\nless definite moral purpose, and she began by preparing herself for this\ntask by a strenuous course of study, as nearly encyclop\u00e6dic in character\nas was then possible, though there is no reason to suppose that she was\nacquainted with Greek authors except through Latin translations. But her\nearliest poems of any length, issued between 1399 and 1402, were still\nof the nature of \u201cDits d\u2019Amour.\u201d Such, for example, were the \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre au\ndieu d\u2019amour\u201d and the \u201cDit de la Rose,\u201d the \u201cD\u00e9bat de deux amants,\u201d the\n\u201cDit de Poissy,\u201d with its lively account of her visit in 1400 to Poissy\nAbbey, where her daughter was a nun, and the idyllic \u201cDit de la\npastoure.\u201d[16] The first two of these poems were written in defence of\nwomen against the aspersions of Jean de Meun in the \u201cRoman de la Rose\u201d\nand his school, and they involved her in a protracted controversy, in\nwhich with the valuable support of Jean Gerson she fully held her own.\nThe moralizing element is much more strongly developed in the \u201cChemin de\nlong estude,\u201d[17] and the \u201cMutation de Fortune,\u201d[18] which were composed\nin 1402 and 1403. In the earlier of these somewhat prolix, but withal\nextremely interesting, works Christine is conducted by the Sibyl\nAmalthea through the known world,[19] and then ascends with her as far\nas the fifth heaven. After recounting these experiences she proceeds to\ninculcate doctrines of right and justice by means of an elaborate\nallegory, in which Raison, Sagesse, Noblesse, Chevalerie, and Richesse\nplay the leading parts, room being also found for a glowing eulogy of\nCharles V. In the \u201cMutation de Fortune\u201d she again indulges her taste for\nallegory, but in place of geography and astronomy other sciences have\ntheir turn. The introduction, which is rich in personal interest, deals\nwith her father\u2019s life and her own and then leads up to her dream or\nvision of the great \u201cChastel de Fortune.\u201d This castle is in fact the\nworld, and those who lodge in it are the various classes of mankind, who\nfrom pope and king downwards are vividly characterized; while the\nsubjects painted on the walls of the hall give occasion for summaries of\nphilosophy and of universal history to the birth of Christ, followed by\nallusions to more recent events and by another tribute to the virtues of\nThomas de Pisan\u2019s royal patron. On 1st January, 1403\u20134, Christine\npresented this poem as a new-year\u2019s gift to Philip, Duke of Burgundy,\nbrother of Charles V. The immediate result was a commission to write the\nlate king\u2019s life, and although the duke himself died on 27th April\nfollowing, she completed this task within the year, sending a copy to\nhis elder brother John, Duke of Berry, on 1st January, 1404\u20135.\n\nThe \u201cLivre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V.\u201d is the best\nknown and in many respects the most valuable of all her writings,[20]\nand it also marks the beginning of the period when she practically\nabandoned verse in favour of prose. Though full of interesting details,\nthe work is not so much a regular biography as an appreciation of the\nking\u2019s character from the point of view of an enthusiastic partisan. To\nsome extent Charles V. realized Christine\u2019s ideal of chivalry, and in\nher discursive way she seized her chance to enforce by his example the\nparamount necessity to a ruler of a sound education and virtuous\nprinciples, with covert reflections no doubt upon the political\nrivalries and dissolute morals which under the unhappy circumstances of\nhis successor\u2019s mental disease were bringing ruin upon France. Of her\nremaining works \u201cLa Vision,\u201d[21] which appeared later in 1405, is of\npeculiar interest for its self-revelation. It was apparently meant as a\nreply to those who, on the ground of her sex and foreign origin,\nquestioned her right to pose as an authority on French history and\nmorals; but with a frank recital of her chequered fortunes and a defence\nof her position she mixes up a curious allegory on the mighty power of\n\u201cDame Opinion\u201d and a discussion on the comfort to be derived from\nphilosophy. To quote a simile which she more than once applies to\nherself,[22] \u201cpetite clochete grant voix sonne\u201d; and this may certainly\nbe said of two ambitious treatises written seemingly about 1407. One of\nthem is the well-known \u201cLivre des faits d\u2019armes et de chevalerie,\u201d[23]\nwhich is nothing less than an attempt to teach the whole art of war,\ngrounded largely upon Vegetius and other authorities, but not without\nshrewd and pertinent observations of her own; while in the other,\nentitled \u201cLe Corps de Policie,\u201d she takes up the subject of civil\ngovernment, more particularly with regard to the education of princes\nand the duties and mutual relations of the several orders in the state.\nThe \u201cCit\u00e9 des Dames\u201d[24] and its complement the \u201cLivre des Trois\nVertus\u201d[25] deal on the contrary with subjects which fell less\ndisputably within her natural sphere. As we have seen, she had already\nchampioned her sex in verse. In coming forward again in its defence, but\nthis time in prose, she went further, taking upon herself to lay down\nrules of guidance for women of all ranks, which she effectively did by\nallegory as well as by precepts and by historical examples.\n\nIn all these works her aims were moral rather than political. But\nalthough, considering her relations with the leaders of the contending\nfactions, it is not surprising that she abstained from decisively taking\na side, there is no doubt that she was profoundly moved by the growing\nmiseries of her adopted country. As early as 1405 she addressed to the\nqueen, Isabella of Bavaria, a letter[26] strongly advocating peace, and\nfive years later she returned to the subject in a passionate appeal[27]\nto the princes generally and the Duke of Berry in particular. The \u201cLivre\nde la Paix,\u201d the different parts of which were composed respectively in\n1412 and 1413 in connexion with the transient pacifications of Auxerre\nand of Pontoise, is of less restricted scope.[28] It was dedicated by\nChristine to the youthful Dauphin, Louis, Duke of Guienne, and after an\nearnest exhortation to harmony it is expanded into a formal treatise on\nthe virtues that go to form the perfect prince, Charles V. providing her\nas usual with an ever ready example. This appears to have been the\nlatest, as it is one of the most important, of her prose works; for\nalthough possibly some of her religious verses were composed in the\ninterval, so far as is known she maintained an unbroken silence until\n1429, when the triumphs of the Maid of Orleans drew from her a poem\nringing with patriotic fervour,[29] her joy at the approaching\ndeliverance of France being no doubt all the greater because its\npromised saviour was a woman. What her feelings were when these hopes\nwere again deferred can only be imagined, for nothing more is heard of\nher. In the opening lines of her poem she states that she had then been\neleven years in a convent,[30] but she omits to give its name, and the\ndate and the place of her death thus alike remain unidentified.\n\nOf all her works the one with which we are here specially concerned\npresents perhaps most difficulty with regard to date. In the best\ncopies, as in Harley MS. 4,431,[31] it is headed \u201cCi commence lepistre\nOthea la deesse, que elle envoya a Hector de Troie _quant il estoit en\nlaage de quinze ans_,\u201d for which reason, coupled with its dedication to\nLouis, Duke of Orleans, it has been too hastily assigned to 1386,[32]\nwhen Louis himself was of that age. Against this date it is almost\nenough to urge that Christine was then only twenty-two years old, and\nfrom all that we know of her she was not in the least likely to have\nbegun authorship so early with a long didactic treatise mostly in prose;\nbut, apart from this, Louis was not made Duke of Orleans until 4th June,\n1391, so that the work could not have been addressed to him, as it is,\nunder that title five years before. Another theory, that, although\ndedicated to Louis, it was designed for the edification of his son and\nheir Charles[33] is not open to the same objections; for, as the future\npoet-duke was born in 1391, the date would then be 1406, at which time\nChristine was in full career as a moralist and prose-writer, with strong\nviews, as may be seen in her \u201cFais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles\nV.\u201d, on the subject of chivalrous qualities. On the other hand, if the\nfacts were as supposed, in addressing the work to the father she would\nhardly have failed to make some explanatory reference to the son. Her\nomission to do so therefore makes this theory hardly less untenable than\nthe other. It is more likely that the date lies between these two\nextremes. The significance of the dedication may easily be overrated. It\nwas Christine\u2019s habit to send her works with a separate dedicatory\npreface to her several patrons as new-year\u2019s gifts for no other reason\nprobably than the hope of a tangible acknowledgment, and we know in fact\nthat other copies of the \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a\u201d were sent both to Charles VI.\nand the Duke of Berry.[34] If it is necessary to look for some\nparticular youth of fifteen to whom she wished to play the part of a\nmoral instructress, he may perhaps be found in her own son, for whom on\nanother occasion she wrote the \u201cEnseignemens Moraux.\u201d[35] Jean du Castel\nwas probably of the required age about 1400, so that in this case the\nwork represents, as it well may, the first-fruits of the studies in\nwhich she immersed herself shortly before, and its date moreover exactly\naccords with its position in her own collections of her works, where it\ncomes after the \u201cDit de Poissy\u201d (1400) and before the \u201cChemin de long\nestude\u201d (1402).[36]\n\nAlthough without any claim to be reckoned among the best of her works,\nit is at least admirable in motive. Ostensibly it is addressed by the\nGoddess of Prudence or Wisdom to her _prot\u00e9g\u00e9_ Hector with the object of\ninciting him to the attainment of true knighthood by the practice of\nvirtue, the name of the goddess being clearly no more than the Greek\nvocative \u1f66 \u03b8\u03b5\u03ac, commonly used in Homer in speeches addressed to\nAthena.[37] The plan of the work is somewhat peculiar. The epistle\nproper, which purports to be Othea\u2019s own, is in verse, and is divided\ninto a hundred \u201ctextes,\u201d each of which after the first five consists of\na single quatrain. These hundred \u201ctextes\u201d serve as a medium for\ninstilling into the mind of the pupil as many moral precepts or rules of\nbehaviour, wrapped up in an allusion to some story from mythology, from\nthe history of Troy or, very rarely, from other sources, without the\nleast regard for chronological propriety. Othea indeed anticipates the\ncharge of anachronism by claiming at the outset (p. 6) the divine\nprerogative of prophecy, by which means she obviates the incongruity of\ndrawing lessons for Hector from the circumstances of his own death (p.\n105), from the story of Cyrus and Queen Tomyris (p. 63), and even from\nthe vision of Christ shown by the Sibyl to the Roman emperor Augustus\n(p. 113). Perhaps the most glaring anachronism is the reference to the\nfate of \u201cThune\u201d (p. 110). It has been suggested in a note on the passage\nthat this is a corruption in the MSS. for \u201cThyre\u201d or Tyre; but the rhyme\nboth in the French and English versions requires \u201cThune,\u201d and possibly\nthe allusion is to the much vaunted expedition of Louis, Duke of\nBourbon, against Tunis in 1391. If so, this is a single instance of a\nreference to an event in more recent times. The \u201ctextes,\u201d however, are\nnot left to stand alone, being invariably followed by a \u201cglose\u201d and an\n\u201call\u00e9gorie,\u201d both of which are in prose and often of some length. The\nbulk of the work therefore is really a commentary by Christine herself\nupon Othea\u2019s supposed teaching. Thus, in the \u201cglose\u201d she amplifies and\nexplains the allusion in the \u201ctexte,\u201d and as a rule points its\napplication by a maxim from an ancient philosopher; and, having done\nthis to her own satisfaction, she next dilates in the \u201call\u00e9gorie\u201d on its\nmore spiritual meaning, which she illustrates by a passage from one of\nthe Fathers or some later theologian, and finally by a more or less\nappropriate verse from Scripture. These last citations are from the\nLatin Vulgate, and from the fact that the translator omits them it may\nbe inferred that he was either ignorant of Latin or intended to supply\nthem from the Wycliffite English version. In this way Christine works\nthrough the Virtues and Vices, the Articles of the Creed, the Ten\nCommandments, the properties and influences of the seven planets, and so\nforth; and the whole forms a curious and ill-assorted medley, which is\nnot without interest as a reflection of the taste of the time, but which\ncontains, it must be confessed, little either to attract or to edify the\nmodern reader.\n\nNo critical edition of the original work has yet appeared, and the\npreface to a translation is hardly the place in which to enter minutely\ninto its composition. Apart, however, from the Latin Vulgate and the\ntheological writers whose names may be found in the index, there are\nthree sources from which the matter appears to be mainly derived.\nChristine\u2019s classical mythology, it is clear, comes almost entirely from\nthe Metamorphoses of Ovid, but whether she had recourse to the original\nor to a moralized medi\u00e6val adaptation is a question not so easily\ndetermined. There is a work of the latter kind in French verse and of\nprodigious length, fourteen MSS. of which are known, including one in\nthe British Museum (Add. MS. 10,324). By some misunderstanding it was\nformerly attributed to Philippe de Vitry, Bishop of Meaux (1351\u20131362).\nModern criticism, however, has proved that it was really written by\nChr\u00e9tien Legouais, a Friar Minor, for the queen of Philip IV., Jeanne de\nChampagne, who died in 1305.[38] There was a copy in the library of\nChristine\u2019s patron, the Duke of Berry,[39] but it was apparently\nacquired in 1403, after the \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a\u201d was written. Although it is\nquite possible that she had a direct knowledge of this poem, she is more\nlikely to have used a moralized prose paraphrase of the Metamorphoses by\nthe Benedictine Pierre Bersuire, who in his second edition, written at\nParis in 1342, laid Legouais under contribution. Bersuire wrote in\nLatin, which language Christine certainly understood, and how soon his\nwork appeared in French it is difficult to say. In the Berry Library\nthere were three MSS. of the Metamorphoses apparently in vernacular\nprose,[40] any one, if not all, of which may have been Bersuire in a\nFrench version. There is also a French prose version in Brit. Mus. Royal\nMS. 17 E. iv. in company with the \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a\u201d itself, but the MS.\nis not earlier than the latter part of the 15th century. This version is\nclosely connected with that printed at Bruges in 1484 by Colard Mansion,\nwho supposed the original author to have been, not Bersuire, but Thomas\nWaleys or de Galles. The two are, however, not quite identical, and the\nformer possibly represents an older version, which Mansion revised for\nprinting. But whatever the particular form of Ovid\u2019s Metamorphoses which\nChristine utilized, her naive interpretations of his mythological tales\nare no doubt largely her own. In this respect she was certainly not in\nadvance of her age. In the usual euhemeristic fashion she regarded the\nclassical deities and demigods as men and women who by the \u201cprerogative\nof some grace\u201d had raised themselves above their fellows and were for\nthis reason accorded divine honours; or, on the other hand, they were\nmere inventions of the poets, who, for instance, by inverting the\nprocess by which the planets were named from the gods, made gods of the\nplanets. A fair sample of her method may be seen in the story of Perseus\n(p. 15). This hero, whose name, by the way, our English translator\nchanged into that of the better known Arthurian Sir Perceval, was a\n\u201cmoult vaillant chevalier,\u201d his steed Pegasus was \u201cbonne renomm\u00e9e\u201d or\nfame, which carried his name into all lands, and his deliverance of\nAndromeda teaches the aspirant to knighthood the duty of relieving all\nwomen in distress. So much may be learnt from the \u201cglose\u201d; but in the\n\u201call\u00e9gorie\u201d Pegasus becomes the spiritual knight\u2019s good angel, \u201cqui fera\nbon rapport de lui au jour de jugement,\u201d while Andromeda is his soul,\nwhich he frees from the power of the fiend.\n\nWith regard to the many personages and incidents from Trojan history\nintroduced into the work, Christine\u2019s authority was evidently a French\nprose romance which in a 15th century copy in the British Museum (Add.\nMS. 9,785) is entitled \u201cLa vraye ystoire de Troye.\u201d Its origin has been\ntraced in an instructive article by M. Paul Meyer entitled \u201cLes\npremi\u00e8res compilations fran\u00e7aises d\u2019histoire ancienne.\u201d[41] It appears\nto be founded upon the well-known romance of Troy in French verse by\nBeno\u00eet de Ste. More and to have been composed before 1287, and it was\nemployed, instead of Dares Phrygius as was previously the case, in the\nsecond edition of the compilation known as the \u201cHistoire ancienne\njusqu\u2019\u00e0 C\u00e9sar.\u201d There is, however, no reason to doubt that what\nChristine worked from was the \u201cVraye histoire\u201d itself.\n\nThe third authority of which she habitually made use was of a different\ncharacter, supplying her, not with mythological or legendary tales, but\nwith moral maxims, one of which, as we have already remarked, she\ngenerally quoted at the end of each \u201cglose.\u201d These maxims are derived\nfrom a singular work known as \u201cDicta Philosophorum,\u201d and consisting of\nlong strings of apophthegms attached to the names of various ancient\nsages. They begin with Sedechias, of whom it is said \u201cprimus fuit per\nquem nutu Dei lex precepta fuit,\u201d and besides Homer, Solon, Hippocrates,\nPythagoras, Diogenes, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Alexander of Macedon,\nand Ptolemy, they include Hermes Trismegistus and such strange and\nevidently corrupted names as Tac, Salquinus (or, as it is written in\nsome MSS., Zaqualquin), Rabion (or Sabion), Assaron, Longinon,\nMagdarges, Texillus (or Thesillus) and others, some of which have a\ndistinctly oriental appearance. The Arabic original in fact exists in a\nwork written by Abu-\u2019l-Waf\u00e1 Mobasschir ibn-F\u00e1tik al K\u00e1\u00efd, an emir of\nEgypt, in 1053.[42] Sedechias appears there as Adam\u2019s son Seth, and some\nother of the above names may be dimly recognized in Sab, ancestor of the\nSab\u00e6ans, L\u00f3kman, Mah\u00e1da Gis, and Basilius. From the heading of the Latin\nversion in the MS. from which it has been published,[43] it seems that\nthe work was first translated from Arabic into Greek, and then again\nfrom Greek into Latin, the last version being by John de Procida, famous\nfor the prominent part he took in the revolution which freed Sicily from\nCharles of Anjou and the French in 1282. Christine de Pisan, however,\napparently employed a popular French version made from the Latin for\nCharles VI. by one of his chamberlains, Guillaume de Tignonville, who\nwas afterwards Provost of Paris (1401\u20131408) and died in 1414. As a copy\nof it at Paris was written in 1402,[44] it was certainly completed\nbefore then, and the probability is that it preceded the \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre\nd\u2019Oth\u00e9a\u201d by several years. It possesses a special interest from the fact\nthat an English version of it had the honour of being the first book\nactually printed in this country. This was the famous _Dictes and\nSayengis of the Philosophres_, which Anthony Wydeville, second Earl\nRivers, translated from a copy of De Tignonville\u2019s work lent to him when\nhe was going on a pilgrimage to Compostella in 1473, and which Caxton\nissued from his newly established press at Westminster in 1477.[45]\nNeither of them seems to have been aware that another English version\nwas in existence, which dated from 1450.[46] This is still preserved in\ntwo MSS. in the British Museum, but has never been printed. The late\n15th century copy in Add. MS. 34,193 (ff. 137\u2013201) has the advantage of\nbeing complete, but it bears no evidence of origin, having neither title\nnor preface and ending merely with the words \u201cHic est finis libri\nmoralium philosophorum.\u201d Harley MS. 2,266, on the contrary, though it is\nmutilated at the beginning and elsewhere, fortunately has the following\ncolophon:\n\n  \u201cThis boke byfore wretyn is callid in Frensh lettris Ditz de\n  Philisophius and in Englysh for to sey the doctryne and \u00fee wysedom\n  of the wyse auncyent philysophers, as Arystotle, Plato, Socrates,\n  Tholome and suche o\u00feer, translatid out of laten in to frensh to\n  (_sc._ for) kyng Charles the vi^{te} of Fraunse by Wyllyam\n  Tyngnovyle, knyght, late provest of the cyte of Parys, and syth now\n  late translatyd out of frensh tung in to englysh the yere of oure\n  Lord m^lccccl. to (_sc._ for) John Fostalf, knyght, for his\n  contemplacion and solas by Stevyn Scrope, squyer, sonne in law to\n  the seide Fostalle. Deo gracias.\u201d\n\nThe truth of the statement here made may be accepted without hesitation,\nnor is its interest confined to the translation of the \u201cDis des\nPhilosophes\u201d to which it is attached, for, as will be seen below, it\nalso materially helps to determine the similar origin of the English\nversion of Christine de Pisan\u2019s \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a,\u201d which we now have to\nconsider.\n\nIf the rubricator had done his work, no doubt the \u201cEpistle of Othea to\nHector\u201d would have had this title prefixed in conformity with the MSS.\nof the French original. As it is, the text begins abruptly without a\nword of heading three lines from the bottom of the first page, and the\nonly preliminary indication of its nature is furnished by the\ninscription \u201cThe Booke of Knyghthode,\u201d written, apparently by a somewhat\nlater hand, on the old vellum cover, which now serves for a fly-leaf.\nThis alternative title is peculiar to the English version, and is\nextracted from the translator\u2019s dedicatory preface, to which source we\nare also indebted for a clue to his identity and the knowledge of the\ncircumstances under which the translation was made. The anonymous\npatron, \u201cnoble and worshipfull among the ordre of cheualrie,\u201d to whom\nthe preface is addressed was obviously a person of some consequence. He\nwas of knightly rank and had won great renown in France and\nelsewhere[47] abroad, having spent most part of his life in \u201cdedys of\ncheualrie and actis of armis.\u201d He was now, however, sixty years of age,\nand was compelled by failing strength to seek retirement, and he is\nthereupon somewhat pointedly reminded that it behoved him to devote the\nremainder of his days to conflict with those spiritual enemies that war\nagainst the soul. If this were all, it might have applied to more than\none veteran of the protracted French war which began in 1415; but, when\nthe writer goes on to speak of himself (p. 2) as \u201cI, yowre most humble\nson Stevyn,\u201d there can hardly be a doubt that, as in the case of the\nabove-mentioned translation of the \u201cDis des Philosophes,\u201d we have to do\nwith that famous old warrior Sir John Fastolf, K.G., and his stepson[48]\nStephen Scrope, esquire.\n\nThe briefest summary of Fastolf\u2019s military career[49] will suffice to\nshow how closely it accords with the writer\u2019s description. Son of a\nNorfolk squire and born in or about 1378, he appears to have begun\nactive service early in the reign of Henry IV. with that king\u2019s second\nson, Thomas, afterwards Duke of Clarence. In 1401, though a mere lad of\nfourteen, Thomas of Lancaster, as he was then called, was appointed his\nfather\u2019s Lieutenant in Ireland. Fastolf was in his train there in 1402,\nif not before, and on 14th April, 1406,[50] he had from him a grant of\nthe office of joint Chief Butler of Ireland during the minority of the\nEarl of Ormonde. He was still in Ireland when he married Millicent,\ndaughter of Robert, Lord Tiptoft, and widow of the Deputy Lieutenant,\nSir Stephen Scrope. The marriage took place on 13th January, 1409, only\nfour months after the death (4th September, 1408) of the lady\u2019s first\nhusband,[51] whose son and heir Stephen was a minor ten or twelve years\nold at the time.[52] Besides other advantages, it gave Fastolf the\ncontrol over lands of his wife and stepson in Yorkshire, at Castle Combe\nin Wiltshire, and elsewhere, and he seems to have exercised it with\nlittle regard to any one\u2019s interest except his own. His earliest service\nin France probably dated from 1412. He figures in the long muster-roll\nof esquires who joined the expedition under Clarence in August of that\nyear,[53] and before its close he had become Lieutenant of the castle of\nBordeaux.[54] With the accession of Henry V. his energy and undoubted\ntalent for war found ample scope. His contract in June, 1415,[55] to\nserve the king with ten men-at-arms and thirty archers was speedily\nfollowed by Henry\u2019s invasion of France and the siege of Harfleur.\nEvidently it was not long before he attracted notice, for when the town\nsurrendered on 22nd September he was at once put in command of it under\nthe king\u2019s uncle, Thomas Beaufort, Earl of Dorset.[56] This did not\nprevent him from displaying his prowess a month later at Agincourt; and\nhe was again active in the sieges of Caen and Rouen and in other\noperations during Henry\u2019s second invasion of Normandy in 1417\u20131419.\nHardly any name in fact of secondary rank more frequently recurs in the\nchronicles and documents of the war for a quarter of a century. Already\nknighted before 29th January, 1415\u20136,[57] he was made a knight banneret\nin 1423 and a Knight of the Garter in 1426; and, only to mention a few\nof the posts conferred upon him,[58] in 1420 he was made Governor of the\nBastille of St. Antoine at Paris, in 1422 Master of the Household to\nJohn, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, and in 1423 Lieutenant of\nNormandy and Governor of Anjou and Maine. In the minor battles and\nsieges which made up so much of the desultory warfare of the time he was\neverywhere conspicuous. On 2nd March, 1423, with the Earl of Salisbury,\nhe recovered Meulan; on 17th August, 1424, he shared in the victory at\nVerneuil and took the Duke of Alen\u00e7on prisoner; on 11th October in the\nsame year he captured Sill\u00e9 le Guillaume, from which he acquired the\ntitle of baron; on 2nd August, 1425, again with Salisbury, he received\nthe surrender of Le Mans[59]; and on 12th February, 1429, when in\ncommand of a convoy of much needed supplies for the English camp before\nOrleans, he signally defeated a far stronger force of French and Scots\nat Rouvray St. Denis in the famous \u201cBattle of the Herrings.\u201d Up to this\npoint, so far as is known, he had met with almost uninterrupted success;\nbut after the advent of Jeanne Darc had caused the raising of the siege\nof Orleans, when the English were routed and Lord Talbot was taken\nprisoner at Pataye on 18th June following, he barely succeeded in\nescaping from the field. Unfortunately for his fame with posterity, the\ncharge of cowardice on this occasion made against him in Monstrelet\u2019s\nChronicle was repeated by Hall and Holinshed and has been perpetuated in\nthe \u201cFirst Part of Henry VI.\u201d[60] The effect of the charge at the time\nwas, however, transient at most, and there is no need to dwell upon it\nhere, either on its own account or in its bearing upon the question\nwhether he was the original of Shakespeare\u2019s Sir John Falstaff. It is\ncontradicted by the chronicler Wavrin, who fought in the battle under\nhim, and it is out of keeping with his whole career; moreover, Talbot,\nwho was his bitterest accuser, was already on ill terms with him and,\nhaving flouted his advice just before the battle, in his chagrin at\ndefeat was perhaps only too ready to make him a scapegoat. The Regent\nBedford\u2019s action in the matter is significant; for, although Fastolf was\nat first badly received by him, after a formal inquiry he was again\ntaken into favour and the Garter, of which he is said to have been\ndeprived, was restored to him in spite of Talbot\u2019s protests. Nor was\nless use made of his services afterwards. Thus, between 1430 and 1434 we\nfind him Lieutenant of Caen and of Alen\u00e7on and Captain of Fresnay, and\nin 1431 he relieved Vaudemont and captured the Duke of Bar. As late as\n1435 he is spoken of as Governor of Anjou and Maine,[61] and until the\nDuke of Bedford\u2019s death on 14th September of that year he continued at\nthe head of his household, being so described both in a list of the\nRegent\u2019s retinue in 1435 and in a highly interesting report on the\nconduct of the war which he himself drew up about the same time.[62]\nBedford\u2019s confidence in him to the last is also clear from the fact that\nhe named him one of the executors of his will. Notwithstanding the loss\nof so powerful a patron and his own advancing years, Fastolf was plainly\nin no hurry to put off his armour; for, with the exception of occasional\nvisits to England as before, he remained abroad for at least five years\nlonger. His retirement is generally fixed in 1440, but there is evidence\nof his being in Maine in the following year.[63] On 12th May, 1441, the\nDuke of York, Bedford\u2019s successor as Regent, granted him a yearly\npension of \u00a320 for his services,[64] and probably therefore it was not\nvery long before or after that date that he finally turned his back upon\nthe country from whose unhappy distractions he had won fame and fortune.\n\nIt is at this stage of his life that we get a glimpse of him in the\ndedication of the \u201cEpistle of Othea.\u201d From its language this was written\nsoon after he finally returned home; in fact it gives his age, no doubt\nsomewhat loosely, as sixty, whereas even in 1440 he was probably\nsixty-two. During the greater part of the period which elapsed before\nhis death on 5th November, 1459, he seems to have resided chiefly in\nSouthwark, where he was within easy reach of a summons to the King\u2019s\nCouncil, of which he was a member; and there is something attractive in\nthe picture which Stephen Scrope\u2019s words suggest of the war-worn old\nsoldier beguiling his leisure with literary studies. Nor are the\n\u201cEpistle of Othea\u201d and the \u201cSayings of the Philosophers\u201d the only two\ntranslations made at his \u201ccommaundement\u201d and for his \u201ccontemplacion and\nsolas.\u201d In 1481 Caxton printed an English version, rendered from the\nFrench of Laurence de Premierfait, of Cicero\u2019s \u201cDe Senectute.\u201d[65] On\nthe question of its authorship I shall have some remarks to make further\non; but meanwhile it deserves notice that its preface states that it\n\u201cwas translated and thystoryes openly declared by the ordenaunce and\ndesyre of the noble auncyent knyght Syr Johan Fastolf of the countee of\nNorfolk banerette, lyuyng the age of four score yere, excercisyng the\nwarrys in the Royame of Fraunce and other countrees, ffor the diffence\nand vnyuersal welfare of bothe royames of englond and ffraunce by fourty\nyeres enduryng, the fayte of armes hauntyng, and in admynystryng justice\nand polytique gouernaunce vnder thre kynges, that is to wete Henry the\nfourth, Henry the fyfthe, Henry the syxthe, and was gouernour of the\nduchye of Angeou and the countee of Mayne, Capytayn of many townys,\nCastellys and fortressys in the said Royame of ffraunce, hauyng the\ncharge and saufgarde of them dyuerse yeres, ocupyeng and rewlynge thre\nhonderd speres and the bowes acustomed thenne, and yeldyng good acompt\nof the forsaid townes castellys and fortresses to the seyd kynges and of\ntheyr lyeutenauntes, Prynces of noble recomendacion, as Johan regent of\nffraunce Duc of Bedforde, Thomas duc of excestre, Thomas duc of clarence\n& other lyeutenauntes,\u201d etc.\n\nAt the same time, there was another side to Fastolf\u2019s character, which\nis revealed in that mine of curious information on the social life and\nmanners of the time, the well-known _Paston Letters_. Through his\nintimacy with John Paston,[66] who was ultimately his executor and\nprincipal heir, many of his private letters and papers are there\npreserved, and they certainly do not exhibit him in a favourable\nlight.[67] Hot-tempered, arbitrary and rapacious, harsh and mean to his\ndependents, an exacting creditor and a rancorous litigant, he was the\nreverse of Chaucer\u2019s type of the \u201cverray perfight, gentil knight.\u201d\nWealthy as he was and childless, he was still bent on making gain,\npartly no doubt to pay for the building of his great castle at Caister\nin Norfolk, the ruins of which may still be seen. No one perhaps knew\nhim better or had suffered more from his hard dealing than his stepson.\nSome years later than the present work Stephen Scrope drew up a formal\nstatement of his wrongs,[68] in which he not only complained that in the\ndisposal of his wardship Fastolf had bought and sold him \u201cas a beast,\u201d\nbut even charged him with being the cause of illnesses which had marked\nhim for life[69] and with having at a later period used him so scurvily\nthat he was compelled to sell his manor of Hever in Kent and take\nservice with the Duke of Gloucester. Apparently this sign of\nindependence did not meet Fastolf\u2019s views, for he soon managed to get\nhim into his own retinue, and, as the other admits, at this time he\nshowed him \u201cgood fatherhood,\u201d employing him at Honfleur and elsewhere,\nprobably in a civil capacity,[70] until he returned home in pique at\nsome slight. Fastolf\u2019s dealings with regard to Scrope\u2019s inheritance are\nsomewhat obscure, but by some arrangement he contrived to secure Castle\nCombe for life.[71] As Lady Fastolf died in 1446, her son by her first\nmarriage, to whom it should have then come by right, was thus kept out\nof it for thirteen years longer, only enjoying it from his stepfather\u2019s\ndeath in 1459 until his own in 1472. But in spite of differences the two\nwere apparently not altogether on bad terms; otherwise neither this\ntranslation nor that of the \u201cDis des Philosophes\u201d would have been made,\nand still less would Scrope have spoken of Fastolf as he here does. His\nlanguage indeed is something more than respectful and laudatory. While\nhe fully endorses Wavrin\u2019s description of Sir John as \u201cmoult sage et\nvaillant chevallier,\u201d[72] there is a tone of humility which makes it\ndifficult to realize that the writer was upwards of forty years of age\nand at least Fastolf\u2019s equal by birth. The nature of their relations may\nbe gathered from a singular letter to the latter about 1455 from Sir\nRichard Bingham, Justice of the King\u2019s Bench, whose daughter Stephen\nScrope had recently married.[73] In imploring help for him the writer\nsays[74]:\n\n  \u201c... My saide son is and hath be, and will be to hys lifes ende,\n  your true lad and servaunt, and glad and well willed to do that\n  myght be to your pleaser, wirschip and profit, and als loth to\n  offend yow as any person in erth, gentill and well disposid to every\n  person. Wherfore I besech your gode grace that ye will vouchesafe\n  remember the premissez, my saide sons age, his wirschipfull birth,\n  and grete misere for verrey povert, for he hath had no liflode to\n  life opon sithen my lady his moder deed, safe x. marc of liflode\n  that ye vouched safe to gife hym this last yer, and therffore to be\n  his good maister and fader. And thof he be not worthy to be your\n  son, make hym your almesman, that he may now in his age life of your\n  almesse, and be your bedeman, and pray for the prosperite of your\n  noble person....\u201d\n\nThe result of this appeal, and of more to the same effect, is not\nrecorded, but that Fastolf could be gracious enough in words is evident\nfrom the only letter from him to Scrope which is included in the _Paston\nLetters_,[75] written on 30th October, 1457. It is addressed,\n\u201cWorschepeful and my right wel beloved sone,\u201d and, after thanking him\nfor his \u201cgood avertismentys and right well avysed lettres,\u201d begs him to\nrecommend to his father-in-law, Justice Bingham, a suit in which the\nwriter was interested, and the tone throughout is unexceptionable. There\nis, however, another letter in the _History of Castle Combe_ (p. 270),\nwritten from Calais, and, according to the editor, about 1420, which is\nnot so amiable. After Scrope\u2019s second marriage he and his stepfather no\ndoubt lived apart, but at the time when the \u201cEpistle of Othea\u201d was\ntranslated they were probably under the same roof, and as late as 1454,\nwhen Caister Castle was completed and Fastolf was about to take up his\nresidence there, it is expressly stated that Scrope would live with\nhim.[76]\n\nWhile there is little doubt that he was incapacitated by weak health\nfrom military service and that he was deficient also in force of\ncharacter, it cannot be said that, so far as we can judge from his two\ntranslations from the French, he possessed much literary ability. There\nis nothing original in either of them except the short preface to the\n\u201cEpistle of Othea\u201d here printed, and, interesting as this is in other\nrespects, its style is so involved that in places it is hardly\nintelligible. Nor is the writer more fortunate in his account of the\nFrench work which he translated; for by some strange misunderstanding he\ndeprives its authoress of the credit of it and makes out (p. 3) that it\nwas compiled by doctors of the University of Paris merely at the\ninstance and prayer of the \u201cfulle wyse gentylwoman of Frawnce called\nDame Cristine.\u201d It is curious that a very similar statement is made as\nto her works generally in a marginal note in the \u201cBoke of Noblesse,\u201d[77]\nwith reference to a passage taken from her \u201cLivre des faits d\u2019armes,\u201d\nwhich, however, is wrongly spoken of as the \u201cArbre des batailles.\u201d It is\nthere said that Christine was a lady of high birth and character, who\ndwelt in a house of religious ladies at Passy (Poissy?) near Paris, that\nshe maintained with exhibitions several clerks studying in the\nUniversity of Paris and caused them to compile divers virtuous books,\nsuch as the \u201cArbre des batailles,\u201d and that the doctors in consequence\nattributed the books to Christine herself. As this note is in the hand\nof the well-known William Worcester or Botoner, who was servant and\nsecretary to Fastolf, the two statements no doubt had a common origin,\ncoming perhaps from Sir John himself.\n\nFrom the prominent way in which Scrope mentions the Duke of Berry it is\nreasonable to conclude that the French MS. which supplied him with the\noriginal text contained a dedicatory address by the authoress to that\nfamous royal bibliophil, who, as we know, was one of her special\npatrons. In the inventory of his library, among the MSS. acquired soon\nafter 1401, there is in fact the entry,[78] \u201cItem le livre de l\u2019espitre\nque Oth\u00e9a la deesse envoia \u00e0 Ethor (_sc._ Hector), compil\u00e9 par\ndamoiselle Christine de Pizan, escript en fran\u00e7ois de lettre de court,\ntr\u00e8s bien histori\u00e9 .... le quel livre la dicte Cristine a donn\u00e9 \u00e0 mon\ndit seigneur\u201d; and the probability is that on Fastolf\u2019s return to\nEngland he brought with him either this identical MS. or a transcript of\nit, together with a copy of De Tignonville\u2019s \u201cDis des philosophes.\u201d\nExisting copies of the \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a\u201d are not uncommon. In the\nBiblioth\u00e8que Nationale at Paris there are twelve,[79] and Koch (p. 59)\nmentions six others at Brussels, while the British Museum possesses\nfour. One of these is included in the fine collection of Christine\u2019s\npoems and other works in Harley MS. 4,431. It is the MS. \u201cH,\u201d readings\nfrom which are given here in the notes, and the collotype frontispiece,\nwhich depicts the goddess Othea personally handing her letter to Hector,\nis reproduced from the second of its numerous miniatures, one of which\nprecedes each of the hundred \u201ctextes.\u201d The collection, which is of the\nhighest importance, including pieces found nowhere else,[80] was made by\nChristine herself, apparently about 1410\u20131415, for the French queen,\nIsabella of Bavaria, the MS. beginning with an introductory poem of\nninety-six lines addressed to her.[81] Probably it came into the\npossession of John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, in 1425[82] among\nother MSS. from the royal library of the Louvre; for the signature\n\u201cJaquete\u201d of his second wife, Jacquetta of Luxemburg, is written on the\nfly-leaf, together with that of Anthony Wydeville, Earl Rivers, her son\nby her second marriage, in 1437, with Sir Richard Wydeville, who was\ncreated Earl Rivers in 1466. As we have already seen, Anthony, Earl\nRivers, translated the \u201cDis des philosophes,\u201d and he also made an\nEnglish version, printed by Caxton in 1478, of Christine\u2019s \u201cProverbes\nmoraux,\u201d the text of which he no doubt obtained from this MS. After he\nperished on the scaffold in 1488, the volume passed by some means to\nLouis de Bruges, Sieur de Gruythuyse, created Earl of Winchester in\n1472, whose motto and name, \u201cPlus est en vous. Gruthuse,\u201d appear on the\nsame page. In 1676 it belonged to Henry Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle,\nand no doubt it found its way into the Harley collection by the marriage\nof his grand-daughter Lady Henrietta Cavendish-Holles in 1713 to Edward\nHarley, Lord Harley, second Earl of Oxford in 1724. That it was known to\nFastolf, when Master of the Household to the Regent Bedford, is likely\nenough; but the copy of the \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a\u201d included in it can hardly\nhave been the one used by Scrope, as it is dedicated, not to the Duke of\nBerry, but to his nephew Louis, Duke of Orleans. After some lines of\napostrophe to the \u201cFleur de lis\u201d and to \u201cSeigneurie,\u201d which begin,\n\n        \u201cTres haulte flour, par le monde louee,\n        A tous plaisant et de dieu auouee,\u201d\n\nit proceeds,\n\n        \u201cEt a vous tres noble prince excellant,\n        Dorliens duc loys, de grant renom,\n        Filz de Charles Roy quint de cellui nom,\n        Qui fors le roy ne congnoiscez greigneur,\n        Mon tres loue et redoubte seigneur,\n        Dumble vouloir moy, poure creature,\n        Femme ignorant, de petite estature,\n        Fille iadis philosophe et docteur,\n        Qui conseiller et humble seruiteur\n        Vostre pere fu, que dieu face grace,\n        Et iadis vint de Boulongne la grace,\n        Dont il fu ne, par le sien mandement,\n        Maistre Thomas de pizan, autrement\n        De Boulonge, fu dit et surnomme,\n        Qui sollempnel clerc estoit renomme.\u201d\n\n               *       *       *       *       *\n\nThis is the dedication which appears, not only in some other MSS. but in\nthe edition printed by Philippe Pigouchet at Paris, probably in 1490,\nunder the title _Les cent histoires de troye_.[83] Of the other three\nmanuscript copies in the British Museum, Royal MS. 14 E. ii. (f. 294)\nand 17 E. iv. (f. 272) have no dedication at all, while that in Harley\nMS. 219 (f. 106) appeals to a third patron:\n\n        \u201cPrince excellent de haute renommee,\n        De qui grand vois par le mond est semee,\n        Tres noble en fais, sage, duit et apris\n        De touz les biens qui en bon sont compris,\n        Roy noble et haut chiualer conquerour,\n        Digne destre par vaillaunce Emperour,\n        A vous puissant, tres redoute seignour,\n        Qui dessur vous ne cognoise greignour,\n        Soit tres humble recommendacioun\n        Deuant mise de vray entencioun\n        De par moy que en sagesse non digne\n        Femme ignorant suy nommee Cristine,\n        Fille iadis philosophe et docteur,\n        Qui conseiller fu, humble seruiteur\n        Au Roy Charles quint, qui dieu face grace.\u201d\n\n               *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe king who is thus addressed can be no other than the unfortunate\nCharles VI., although any hopes that he once excited had by this time\nbeen dispelled by his strange intermittent fits of insanity, which dated\nfrom 1392. Very similar terms were employed in the dedication to him by\nname of the \u201cChemin de long estude\u201d in 1402:\n\n        \u201cA vous, bon roy de France redoubtable,\n        Le VI^e Charles du nom notable,\n        Que Dieux maintienge en joie et en sante,\n        Mon petit dit soit premier presente,\n        Tout ne soit il digne qu\u2019en telz mains aille,\n        Mais bon vouloir comme bon fait me vaille.\u201d\n\nIn this instance, however, Christine associated with him his uncles\nBerry and Burgundy and his brother Orleans, who during his incapacity\ndivided the real power between them:\n\n        \u201cEt puis a vous, haulz ducs magnifiez,\n        Dicelle fleur fais et ediffiez,\n        Dont l\u2019esplendeur s\u2019espant par toute terre,\n        Par quel honneur fait los a France a querre.\u201d\n\nIn her presentation copies she was not wont to measure her language, and\nprobably Scrope\u2019s extravagant eulogy of the Duke of Berry was based upon\nwhat he found in his MS., although, instead of translating the\ndedication as it stood, he chose to embody it in his preface. On the\nother hand, Christine of course was in no way responsible for the\nstatement that the duke lived for a hundred years (p. 3). How it\noriginated is a mystery, for there is no doubt whatever that he died on\n15th June, 1416, at the age of seventy-six.[84] Jean Bouchet indeed in\nhis _Annales d\u2019Aquitaine_,[85] although he records the date of his death\ncorrectly, states that he was ninety or thereabouts, but he gives no\nauthority, and it is enough to say that Berry\u2019s father King John II. was\nborn in 1319, and his eldest brother Charles V. in 1337. It will be seen\nthat Scrope represents him as a perfect paragon of chivalrous qualities,\nunrivalled in his time both in war and in council, as well as for deeds\nof piety. In more sober history, however, he by no means appears to such\nadvantage. His cultured and sumptuous tastes, his splendid buildings and\nhis library and other rich collections, have shed a certain lustre on\nhis name; but, as he showed especially in his government of Languedoc,\nhe was cruel, rapacious, and unprincipled, and in critical times his\nlife was that of a selfish and prodigal voluptuary. For war he had\nneither talent nor zest; his real element appears to have been\ndiplomacy, and, apart from his patronage of art and letters and his\nbenefactions to the church, his chief claim to credit rests on his\nrepeated attempts to mediate between the Burgundian and Orleanist\nfactions. Scrope\u2019s estimate of him is in striking contrast with that of\nmodern historians, such as Raynal[86] and Martin, the latter of whom in\nrecording his death writes, \u201cCe prince laissa une m\u00e9moire souill\u00e9e entre\ntoutes dans cette \u00eapoque de souillures. Il joignait \u00e0 bien d\u2019autres\nvices le vice que la France pardonne le moins \u00e0 ses chefs, le p\u00e9ch\u00e9\nirremissible, la l\u00e2chet\u00e9.\u201d[87]\n\nTo pass from the preface to the \u201cEpistle of Othea\u201d itself, there is no\nreason to suppose that the translator had received the training of a\nscholar; on the contrary, the probability is that, owing to a sickly\nyouth and other drawbacks, his education had been more or less\nneglected. It is not even certain that he had been regularly taught\nFrench. From a curious passage interpolated by Trevisa in his\ntranslation of Higden\u2019s \u201cPolychronicon,\u201d which was finished in 1387, it\nseems that the fashion was then already dying out among the class to\nwhich by birth he belonged,[88] and possibly therefore he learnt all he\nknew of the language while he was with his stepfather in France. Be that\nas it may, his rendering of Christine de Pisan\u2019s French may claim on the\nwhole to be fairly well done. The verse of his \u201ctextes\u201d is too much of\nthe doggrel type and his meaning is sometimes obscure, but as a rule he\nfollows the original closely, while the orthography of the MS., though\natrociously bad, is no worse than what we are accustomed to in the\n_Paston Letters_ and elsewhere at the same period. Occasionally, as is\nonly natural, he goes astray, though it is of course possible that the\nfault lay with the MS. from which he translated. In most cases the\nsource of his errors is obvious. Thus he translates \u201cton bon cuer\u201d (p.\n5) by \u201call good hertys,\u201d having evidently mistaken \u201cton\u201d for \u201ctou[t]\u201d;\nand again \u201cen quant fraisle vaissel est sa vie contenue\u201d (p. 28) by \u201cin\nhow frele (_sc._ frail) a vessel his lyff is all naked\u201d (toute nue)!\nSimilarly \u201cconscience pour soy\u201d (p. 16) appears as \u201cconscience for\nfeyth\u201d (foy); \u201cala querre les autres dieux\u201d (p. 62) as \u201cthanne went he\nforth [to seek] the tothir ii^o\u201d (deux); \u201cmais a nostre propos [la\nfable] veult dire\u201d (_ibid._) as \u201cMars to owre purpose seith\u201d; and \u201cgard\ntoy de lagait (l\u2019agait) de tes ennemis\u201d (p. 73) as \u201ckepe the (_sc._\nthee) from the peple (la gent) of thyn ennemyes.\u201d It is not so easy to\nunderstand the process by which the simple sentence \u201cVanite fist lange\ndevenir deable\u201d (p. 15) was transformed into \u201cVanite made avoyde degre\nto becum a fende,\u201d whatever that may mean; or why in the story of Acis\nand Galatea (p. 65) \u201cun iouuencel qui Acis estoit nommez\u201d became \u201cand he\nwas dede\u201d (_sc._ dead), though possibly in this case there was some\nconfusion between \u201cacis\u201d and \u201coccis.\u201d But the strangest mistranslation\nis in the words \u201cAveryse and covetise be ii^o sausmakers the which\nsesseth neuer to seye, \u2018Bryng, Bryng\u2019\u201d (p. 105), where the French text\nhas \u201csont ii. sancsues,\u201d sanguisug\u00e6, or leeches. The reference of course\nis to Proverbs xxx. 15, \u201cThe horseleach hath two daughters, crying,\n\u2018Give, give\u2019\u201d; and, as stated in the note, \u201chorseleeches\u201d is in fact the\nrendering given in another translation of Christine\u2019s work. Scrope\u2019s\n\u201csausmakers\u201d can hardly be anything but \u201csauce-makers,\u201d[89] but it is\nnot impossible that he coined the mongrel word \u201csanc-suckers,\u201d which the\nscribe miscopied.\n\nThe second English translation of the \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a\u201d referred to above\ncan be so little known that a brief account of it will not be\nsuperfluous. It exists only in the form of a small printed octavo in\nblack-letter with the title _Here foloweth the C. Hystoryes of Troye_,\nand there is no doubt that it was taken from Pigouchet\u2019s French edition\nof 1490,[90] or one of the reprints; in fact it copies the second title\nin French, merely omitting the imprint \u201c\u00e0 Paris.\u201d Many of its rough\nwoodcuts, one of which accompanies each \u201ctexte,\u201d also come from the same\nsource, being generally reversed, but others are independent and their\nsubjects often have no connexion whatever with the text. In place of the\ndedication to the Duke of Orleans the translator gives a prologue of his\nown in ten seven-line stanzas, the first two of which are as follows:\n\n        \u201cBoke, of thy rudenesse by consyderacion\n        Plunged in the walowes of abasshement,\n        For thy translatoure make excusacion\n        To all to whom thou shalt thy selfe present,\n        Besechynge them vpon the sentement\n        In the composed to set theyr regarde\n        And not on the speche cancred and frowarde.\n\n        \u201cShewe them that thy translatour hath the wryten,\n        Not to obtain thankes or remuneracions,\n        But to the entent to do the to be wryten\n        As well in Englande as in other nacyons.\n        And where mysordre in thy translation is,\n        Vnto the perceyuer with humble obeysaunce\n        Excuse thy reducer, blamyng his ygnoraunce.\u201d\n\nAll the information which he gives about himself in this prologue is\nthat, when he made his translation, he was \u201cflowring in youth,\u201d but\nafter the \u201cFinis\u201d he has added, \u201cThus endeth the .C. Hystories of Troye,\ntranslated out of Frenche in to Englysshe by me. R.W.\u201d This again is\nfollowed by the colophon, \u201cImprynted by me Robert Wyer, dwellyng in S.\nMartyns parysshe at Charyng Crosse at the sygne of S. John\u0304 Euangelist\nbesyde the Duke of Suffolkes place\u201d; and it is therefore highly probable\nthat R. W. and Robert Wyer were identical, though the latter is not\notherwise known except as a printer. A list of nearly a hundred books\nissued by him has been made up,[91] ranging in date from 1530 to 1556,\nand all those which, as in this instance, have the Duke of Suffolk\u2019s\nname in the imprint must have been published after 1536, when the\nproperty referred to, which previously belonged to the Bishop of\nNorwich, passed into his possession. The date of the book therefore is\nabout 1540\u20131550, though the translation may have been made some years\nbefore. For the sake of comparison with the earlier version of Stephen\nScrope, one of the texts with its commentary is here given:\n\n\n                          THE .XXVIII. TEXTE.\n\n        Loue and prayse Cadmus so excellente,\n        And his dyscyples holde thou in chyerte.\n        He gaygned the fountayne of the Serpente\n        With ryght great payne afore that it wolde be.\n\n\n                          THE .XXVIII. GLOSE.\n\n  Cadmus was a moche noble man and founded Thebes, whiche cytie was\n  greatly renomed. He set there a study & he hym selfe was moche\n  profoundly lettered and of great science. And therfore sayth the\n  fable that he daunted the serpent at the fountayne, that is to\n  vnderstande the science and sages that alwayes springeth; the\n  Serpent is noted for the payne and trauayle which it behoueth the\n  student to daunte afore that he maye purchase scyence. And the fable\n  sayth that he hym self became a serpent, which is to vnderstande he\n  was a corrector and mayster of other. So wol Othea say that the good\n  knight ought to loue and honour the clerkes lettered, which ben\n  grounded in science. To this purpose sayeth Arystotle to Alexandre,\n  \u201cHonour thou scyence and fortyfie it by good maysters.\u201d\n\n\n                        THE .XXVIII. ALLEGORIE.\n\n  Cadmus whiche daunted the Serpent at the fountayne, whiche the good\n  knyght ought to loue, we may vnderstande the blyssed humanite of\n  Jesu christ, which dompted the serpent and gaigned the fountayne,\n  that is to say the lyfe of this world, from the which he passed\n  afore with great payne and with great trauayle. Wherof he had\n  perfyte victory whan he rose agayne the thyrd day, as sayth S.\n  Thomas, \u201cTertia die resurrexit a mortuis.\u201d\n\nIn conclusion it only remains to say a few words on the possible\nconnexion of Stephen Scrope with two other works already mentioned,\nwhich, like his \u201cEpistle of Othea\u201d or \u201cBoke of Knyghthode\u201d and his\n\u201cSayings of the Philosophers,\u201d were written for Sir John Fastolf or\nunder his influence. One of them, the \u201cBoke of Noblesse,\u201d is preserved\nin a unique copy in the British Museum, Royal MS. 18 B. xxii., and was\nedited for the Roxburghe Club in 1860 by Mr. J. Gough Nichols. In the\nform in which it has come down to us, it was addressed to Edward IV. at\nthe time of his invasion of France in 1475, professing to be \u201cwrite and\nentitled to courage and comfort noble men in armes to be in perpetuite\nof remembraunce for here noble dedis, as right conuenient is soo to\nbee,\u201d or, more precisely, for the purpose of inciting the English to\nrecover by force of arms their lost foreign conquests. The contents were\nadmirably summarized in the editor\u2019s introduction, and all that need be\nsaid of them here is that, in addition to a highly interesting\nretrospect of English relations with France, they include a large amount\nof matter derived from a French treatise on the art of war, which is\nspoken of as the \u201cArbre de Batailles\u201d and attributed to \u201cDame Cristyn.\u201d\nAlthough the editor failed to identify the author, he pointed out that\nhe must have been intimately associated with Fastolf and had access to\nhis papers. Strictly speaking, Fastolf\u2019s name is not specially prominent\nexcept in the marginal insertions and notes, where the writer refers to\nhim as \u201cmyne autor\u201d and gives several curious anecdotes as heard from\nhis lips. The body of the MS. is clearly not autograph; but these\nadditions, together with the title and colophon,[92] are in a different\nhandwriting, and, although the editor seems to have been unaware of the\nfact, it is beyond question that of William Worcester, or Botoner, who\nwas not only Fastolf\u2019s servant and secretary, but is also known as an\nannalist and a diligent collector of matter on historical, topographical\nand other subjects.[93] The editor therefore dismissed his claims to the\nauthorship of the work rather too hastily, for, as the final touches\nwere certainly his, the only question is whether he was also responsible\nfor the whole of it from its inception. From the limit of date of the\nevents mentioned there is some reason to believe that it was originally\ncomposed within Fastolf\u2019s lifetime and was only revised and enlarged in\n1475 for a special occasion; and its date may perhaps be fixed still\nmore exactly, since there is an allusion (p. 42) to \u201canother gret armee\nand voiage fordone for defaut and lak of spedy payment _this yere_ of\nCrist M^lccccli.\u201d Apart from the final additions there is evidence to\nconnect Worcester with it in a passage of the prologue to a series of\ndocuments relating to the wars in France which were collected by\nhim,[94] mainly no doubt from materials that belonged to Fastolf, and\nwhich may be regarded as _pi\u00e8ces justificatives_ to the \u201cBoke of\nNoblesse.\u201d This collection also appears to have been designed for Edward\nIV., but the original prologue was awkwardly recast, as we now have it,\nafter Worcester\u2019s death by his son for dedication to Richard III. The\npassage in it referred to, for which he is responsible, is as follows:\n\n  \u201cAnd I, as moost symple of reasone, youre righte humble legemane,\n  cannot atteyne to understond the reasons and bokes that many wise\n  philosophurs of gret auctorite have writtene upone this vertue of\n  Force, but that my pore fadyr, William Worcestre ... toke upone hym\n  to write in this mater and compiled this boke to the most highe and\n  gretly redoubted kyng, your most nobille brodyr and predecessoure,\n  shewyng after his symple connyng, after the seyng of the masters of\n  philosophie, as Renatus Vegesius in his Boke of Batayles, also\n  Julius Frontinus in his Boke of Knyghtly Laboures, callid in Greke\n  Stratagematon, a new auctoure callid The Tree of Batayles.\u201d\n\nObviously this cannot apply to the purely historical documents of which\nthe collection itself consists. It is, however, strongly suggestive of\nthe \u201cBoke of Noblesse,\u201d to which they are, as it were, an appendix, and\ncoupled with the evidence of the handwriting of the additions, it leaves\nlittle room for doubt that William Worcester was its author. At the same\ntime, it is by no means unlikely that Stephen Scrope also had a hand in\nit. If indeed it was wholly compiled in 1475, this is impossible, since\nhe died in 1472.[95] Assuming, however, for the reason given above, that\nit dates from 1451, or thereabouts, he was residing at the time with\nFastolf and was no doubt on familiar terms with Worcester. As already\nremarked, a prominent feature of the work is the number of extracts\ntranslated from the so-called \u201cArbre de Batailles\u201d of \u201cDame Cristyn.\u201d\nThis, however, was not, as the editor supposed, Honor\u00e9 Bonet\u2019s treatise\nof that name[96] assigned to a wrong author, but Christine de Pisan\u2019s\n\u201cFaits d\u2019armes et de chevalerie\u201d under a wrong title.[97] Whether\nWorcester was capable of making translations from it as early as 1451 is\nsomewhat doubtful; for he seems to have only begun to learn French about\nAugust, 1458,[98] little more than a year before Fastolf\u2019s death. Scrope\non the contrary had before this translated two French works for the\nlatter, one of them being by the same Christine, and it is therefore in\nthis part of the \u201cBoke of Noblesse,\u201d if at all, that he may possibly\nhave collaborated.\n\nUnlike the last-named work, the anonymous English version of Cicero\u2019s\n\u201cDe Senectute\u201d which Caxton printed in 1481 has already been attributed\nto William Worcester,[99] the ground of this assumption being an entry\nmade in his \u201cItinerarium,\u201d[100] that on 10th August, 1473, he presented\nto Bishop Waynflete at Esher a translation which he had made of this\ntreatise, but got nothing in return. Apart from this statement there is\nno more reason for attributing Caxton\u2019s text to Worcester than to\nScrope. The language is better than might have been expected from either\nof them, but as no MS. copy exists, we cannot tell to what extent it was\nedited by Caxton. In the preface, as may be seen above (p. xxx.), it is\nsaid that the translation was made from the French of Laurence de\nPremierfait by Sir John Fastolf\u2019s \u201cordenaunce and desyre.\u201d As there is\nno reason to doubt this, its date cannot be later than 1459, so that, if\nWorcester was the translator, he kept it at least thirteen years before\nhe offered it to Waynflete. This does not seem very likely, and his\ntranslation was therefore possibly a different one altogether, completed\nshortly before the occasion when the bishop so disappointed him by his\ncold acceptance of it. The earlier version in that case was almost\ncertainly by Scrope; but, where so much is left to conjecture, the most\nthat can be said is that the evidence upon which it has hitherto been\nassigned to Worcester is not wholly conclusive.\n\n                                                                G. F. W.\n\n\n\n\n                                ERRATA.\n\n\nP. 2, l. 6, _for_ yowr emost _read_ yowre most.\n\nP. 11, l. 1, _for_ streygth _read_ strey[n]gth.\n\nP. 19, l. 17, _for_ yif is _read_ yif it.\n\nP. 56, Text lii., l. 3, _transfer semicolon to end of line_.\n\nP. 72, note 3, _for_ metu Dei _read_ nutu Dei.\n\nP. 104, Text xci., l. 3, _for_ thyre _read_ thyne.\n\n\n\n\n                    THE EPISTLE OF OTHEA TO HECTOR;\n                                   OR\n                        THE BOKE OF KNYGHTHODE.\n\n\nNoble[101] and worshipfull among the ordre of cheualrie, renommeed ffor\nin as much as ye and suche othir noble knyghtes and men of worchip haue\nexerciced and occupied by long continuaunce of tyme the grete part of\nyowre dayes in dedys of cheualrie and actis of armis, to the whic[h]e\nentent ye resseyved the ordre of cheualrie, that is to sey, principaly\nto be occupied in kepyng and defendyng the cristyn feythe, \u00fee rigth of\nthe chirch, the lond, the contre and the comin welefare of it\u2014And now,\nseth it is soo that the naturel course off kynde, by revolucion and\nsuccessyon of .lx. yeeres growyn vpon yowe at this tyme of age and\nfeblenesse, ys comen, abatyng youre bodly laboures, takyng away yowre\nnaturall streyngtht and power from all such labouris as concernyth the\nexercysing off dedis of cheuallrie, be it yowre noble courage and\naffeccion of such noble and worchipfull actis and desirys departyth not\nfrom yow, yet rygth necessarie [it] now were to occupie the tyme of\nyowre agys and feblenes of bodie in gostly cheuallrie off dedes of armes\nspirituall, as in contemplacion of morall wysdome and exercisyng gostly\nwerkys which that may enforce and cavse yow to be callid to the ordire\nof knyghthode that schal perpetuelly endure and encrese in ioye and\nworship endelese.\n\nAnd therefor I, yowre most humble sone Stevyn, whiche that haue wele\npoundered and consideryd the many and grete entreprises of labouris and\naventuris that ye haue embaundoned and yovyn youre selph to by many\nyeeris contynued, as wele in Fraunce [and] Normandie as in othir\nstraunge regions, londes and contrees\u2014and God, which is souuerayne\ncheueten and knyght off all cheualrie, hath euer preseruyd and defendid\nyow in all yowre seyde laboures off cheualrye into this day, ffor the\nwhich ye be most specyaly obliged and bownden to becom hys knyght in\nyovre auncient age, namely for to make ffyghtyng ayen youre goostly\nennemyes, that allwey be redy to werre wyth youre sovle, the [Sidenote:\nf. 3.] which, and ye ouerecom hym, shall cawse yow to be in renomme and\nworchyp in Paradis euerlastyng\u2014I, consideryng thees premisses wyth\nothir, have (be the suffraunce off yowre noble and good ffadyrhode and\nby yowre commaundement) take vpon me at this tyme to translate ovte off\nFrenche tong, ffor more encrese of vertu, and to reduce into owre modyr\ntong a Book off Knyghthode, as wele off gostly and spirituell actis off\narmys for the sowle hele as of wordly[102] dedys and policie\ngouernaunce, and which is auctorised and grounded fryst vpon the .iiii.\nCardinal Vertous, as Justice, Prudence, Fors and Temperaunce, also\nexempled vpon the grete conceytys and doctrine off fulle wyse pooetys\nand philosophurs, the whiche teche and covnesell how a man schuld be a\nknyght for the world prynspally, as in yeftis off grace vsyng, as the\nCardinalle Vertuus make mencion, ffryst in iustice kepyng, prvdently hym\nself gouuernyng, hys streynght bodely and gostly vsyng, and magnanimite\nconseruyng, and allso gouuernyng hymself as a knyght in the seyde\nCardinall Vertuouse kepyng. Which materis, conseytys and resons be\nauctorised and approued vpon the textys and dictes off the holde[103]\npoetys and wyse men called Philosophurs. And allso ye schal fynde here\nin this seyde Boke off Cheuallry how and in whatte maner ye, and all\nothir off whatte astate, condicion or degre he be off, may welle be\ncalled a knyght that ouercomyth and conqveryth hys gostly ennemyes by\nthe safegard repuignand defence off hys sovle, wich among all othir\nvictories [and] dedys off worchip is most expedient and necessarie,\nwhere as dayly in grettest aventures a man puttyth hym inne and most\nwery he is to be renommed in worchip and callid a knyght that dothe\nexercise hys armes and dedys off knyghthode in gostly dedys, in\nconqveryng his gostly ennemees and ouyrcomyng \u00fee peple and aventure off\nthe world.\n\nAnd this seyde boke, at the instavnce and praer off a fulle wyse\ngentylwoman of Frawnce called Dame Cristine, was compiled and grounded\nby the famous doctours of the most excellent in clerge the nobyl\nVniuersyte off Paris, made to the ful noble famous prynce and knyght off\nrenovnne in his dayes, beyng called Jon, Duke of Barry, thryd son to\nKyng Jon of Frawnce, that he throwe hys knyghtly labourys, as welle in\ndedys of armes temporell as spirituell exercisyng by the space and tyme\nof .c. yeerys[104] lyvyng, flowrid and rengnyd in grete worchip and\nrenownne of cheualry. And in thre thyngges generaly he exercisyd his\nknyghtly labowris. Thereof oon was in victories, dedis of cheualrie and\nof armys, in defendyng the seyde royalme of Frawnce from his ennemyes.\n[The second was] in grete police vsyng, as of grete cowneseylles and\nwysdomys, yevyng and executing the same for the conseruacyon of iustice\nand transquillite and alsoo pease kepyng for all the comon welleffare of\nthat noble royaulme. The thredde was in spirytuell and gostly dedys\nyovyn ontoo for the helthe and wellfare of hys sovle. And in euery of\nthese thre thynggys the seyde prynce was holden ful cheualrouse and\nsuremounted in his dayes above all othir. Wych schewyth welle opynly to\neuery vnder-stander [Sidenote: f. 4.] in the seyde booke redyng that it\nwas made acordyng to hys seyde victorious dedis and actis of worchip\nexercysyng.\n\nAnd the seyde booke ys diuidyd in thre partys gederid in a summe of\nan .c. textys, drawen vpon the dictis and conceytys of the seyd most\nfamous poetys off olde tyme beyng, as Vyrgyl, Ouyde, Omer and othir; and\nalso with an .c. commentys therevpon, callid exposicyons or glosis vpon\nthe seyde textys, of exemplys temporell of policie gouernaunce and\nworldlye wysdoms and dedys, grovndyed and also exempled by experiens and\nby auctorite of the auncient philosophurs and clerkes, as Hermes,[105]\nPlato, Salomon, Aristotiles, Socrates, Ptholome and suche othir. And\nvpon thies exemplis and glosis is made and wretyn also an othyr .c.\nallegories and moralizacions, applied and moralized to actis and dedys\nof werkyng spirituell, for to doctrine enforme and to lerne euery man\nnov lyvyng in this world how he schuld be a knyht exercisyng and doyng\nthe dedys of armys gostly, for euerlastyng victorie and helthe of the\nsovle. Which allegories and moralizacions ben grovnded and auctorised\nvpon the .iiii. holy doctoris of the chirche, as Austyn, Jerom,\nGregorie, Ambrose, alsoo vpon the Bible, the Holy Ewaungelistes and\nEpistollys and othyr holy doctorus, as here textis more opynly schalle\nappere hereafftyr. Fiat. Fiat. Amen.\n\n\n                                   I.\n\n        Othea, of prudence named godesse,\n        That setteth goode in worthynesse,\n        To the,[106] Hector, noble prince myghty,\n        That in armes is evere worthye,\n        The sone of Mars,[107] the god of bateyle,\n        In dedys of armes which wyll not fayle,\n        And of myghty Minerve, the godes, [Sidenote: f. 5.]\n        The whiche in armes is hy maystres,\n        Sucessoure of the noble Troyens,\n        Heyre[108] of Troye and of the ceteseyns,\n        Salutacion afore sette plenere\n        I sende, wyth love feyned in no manere.\n        O good lorde, how am I desyryng\n        Thi grete avayle, which I goo sekeyng,\n        And that aumented and preseruyd\n        It may be, and euer obseruede\n        Thy worchipe and worthines in old age,\n        That thow hast gretly hadde in thi fryst age.\n        Now for to schewe the my pistile playnely,\n        I wyll the enorte and telle verily\n        Off thyngges that be ful necessarie\n        To hye worthynesse and the contrarie,\n        To the opposite off worthinesse,\n        So that all goode hertys may theym dres[109]\n        For to gete be goode besy lernynge\n        The hors that in the eyre is flyynge\n        (It is named the Pegasus truly),\n        That all louers loueth hyly.[110]\n        And because of thi condycion\n        I knowe be rygth inclynacion\n        Able to take knythly dedys on hand\n        More than is in othir .v. score thowsand\n        (For as a godes I haue knovynge,\n        Not by the assay but by kunnyng,\n        Of thynges the which be on to kome),\n        I owthe to thynkke on the, hole and some[111];\n        For I knowe thowe shalte be euer duryng,\n        Worthiest of all the worthy lyvyng,\n        And schall afore all othir namyd be,\n        So that I may be belouyd of the.\n        Belovyd, why schuld not I be soo?\n        I am that the which arayeth all thoo\n        That loueth me and holdyth me dere;\n        I rede theym lessons in chaiere,\n        Which maketh theym clyme heuen onto.\n        I pray the that thow be oon off tho\n        That will here inne beleve me wele.[112]\n        Now sete it well thane in thy mynd and fele\n        The wordes that I wyll to the endyte,\n        And yf thowe here me owght telle, sey or wryte\n        Any thyng that for to come may be\n        As that I seye, vmbethynke the\n        As that they were past, so do thow oughte\n        Knowe ryght wele that they be in my thought\n        In the spyrite off profecie.\n        Vndirstonde wele nowe and greve not the,\n        For I shall no thyng sey but that schalle falle.\n        Thynke wele the comyng is not yet at all.\n\nOthea opon the Greke may be takyn for the wysedome off man and\nwoman[113], and as ancient pepyll of hold tyme, not havynge yit at that\ntyme lyght of feythe, wirchippyd many goddys, vndyr the which lawe be\npassed the hyest lordes that hathe ben in the world, as the reaume off\nAssire, of Perse, the Grekys, the Troyens, Alexandre, the Romaynes and\nmany other, anamly the grettest philosophurs that[114] euer was\u2014so as\nyet at that tyme God hade not oppenyd the \u021date off mercy, but we Crysten\nmen and women now at this tyme by the grace of God enlumynid wyth very\nfeyth may bryng ayene to morall mynde the oppinyons of ancient pepyll\nand thereopon many feyre allegories may be made\u2014and as they hade\n[Sidenote: f. 6.] a costom to worchipe all thynge the which above the\ncomon cours of thynges hade prerogatyue of some grace, many wyse ladyes\nin there tyme were called godesses. And trwe it ys, aftyr the storie,\nthat in the tyme that grete[115] Troye fflorishede in his grete name a\nful wyse ladie callede Othea, consyderyng the ffre thought[116] of\nHector of Troye, the which that tyme ffloryshed in vertues, and that it\nbe a shewynge of fortunes to be in hym in tyme commynge, sche sent hyme\nmany grete and notabil yiftys, and namly the fayre stede that men callyd\nGalathee, the which had no felawe in all the worlde. And becavse that\nall wordly grace[s] that a good man oughte for to have were in Hector,\nmorally we may sey that he toke theyme by the cownsel of Othea, the\nwhich sent hyme this pystylle.\n\nBy Othea we schall vndirstond by the vertu of prudence and of wysedome,\nwherewyth he was arayed; and because the Cardinal Vertues ben necessarie\nto good pollicie, we schall speke of them, sewynge ich after othyr. And\nto \u00fee fryst we have youen a name and takyn a maner of speche in some\nwyse poetykly, the bettyr to folewe owre matere acordyng to the very\nstorie, and to owre purpoyse we schall take some auctoritees of ancient\nphilosophres. Thus we schall sey that by the seyde lady this present was\nyovyn or sente to goode Hector, the which in lech wyse may be to all\nother desirynge bounte and wysedome. And as the vertue of prudence ought\ngretely to be recomendede, Aristotle, the prynce off philosophurs,\nseyth, \u201cBecavse that wysedome is \u00fee most noble off all othir thynges, it\nschulde be shevyd by the best resone and the most behouely maner that\nmyghte be.\u201d\n\nFore to bryng ayen to allegorie the purpos of owre matyr to owre wordes,\nwe schall applique Holy Scrypture to edificacion of the soule, beyng in\nwrecheed worlde. As by the grete wysedome and hye my\u021dte of God all\nthynges that be resonabily made all scholde streche to the ende of hyme,\nand becawse that owre speryt, mad off God to hys lekenes, is made of\nthynges moste noble aftyr the aungelles, it is behouely and necessarie\nthat it be arayed wyth vertues, whereby it may be conveyed to the ende\nfor the which it was made. And becavse it was lettyd by the assautes of\nthe wacches[117] of the enemy of helle, the which is his dedely enemye\nand aduersarie and oftyn distourbeth it to come to hys beaute,[118] we\nmay calle mankyndely lyfe very cheualrie, as the Scripture seyth in many\npartes, and standyng[119] all erthyly thynges[120] be desceyvable,[121]\nwe schulde haue in contynuell mynde the tyme [Sidenote: f. 7.] for to\ncome, which is wythowte ende. And because this is the grete wysedome of\nperfite knygthhode and that all othir be of no comparison to regarde of\nthe victorius peple the which be corounede in blys, we schal take a\nmaner of speche of gostly knyhthode, that [is] to be done princypally to\nthe preysynge of God and to the profyth of thoo \u00feat wylle delyte theyme\nto here this present dittee.\n\nHowe prudence and wysedome is modyr and conditoures of all vertues,\nwythowte the which the tothire may not be well gouernede, it is\nnecessarie to gostly knyghthode to be arayed wyth prudence, as Seynte\nAustyn seyth in the book of Singularite off Clerkes,[122] that in what\nmaner of place prudence be men may lyghtly cesse and amende[123] all\ncontrarius thynges, but there w[h]ere prudence is despisyd all\ncont[r]arius thynges hath domynacyon. And to this purpoose Salamon seyth\nin his Proverbis, \u201cSi [intraverit sapientia cor tuum et scientia anim\u00e6\ntu\u00e6 placuerit, consilium custodiet te et prudentia servabit te.\u201d][124]\n\n\n                                  II.\n\n        And to the entent that know may be\n        What thou schuldeste do, drawe vnto \u00fee\n        The vertues that may the most restore,\n        The bettir to come to that seyde afore\n        Of the worshipful chevalroures.[125]\n        Allthoughe that it be aventerous,\n        Yet schall I sey whi that I sey thus.\n        A cosyn germayne[126] I haue, I wys.\n        Fullefyllyd sche is beaute wyth all;\n        But of all thynges in specyall\n        Sche ys ful softe and temperede full wele;\n        Of stroke of ire felyth sche no dele; [Sidenote: f. 8.]\n        Sche thynkkyth no thynge but of rygth balance.\n        It is the godesse of Temperance.\n        I may not all only but by hyre face\n        Haue the name of that by myghty grace;\n        For yef the weghte ne were sche to the made,\n        The all were not worthe a leke blade.[127]\n        Therefor I wyll that with me sche love the.\n        Yf she wyll, lete hire note forgetyn be;\n        For she is ryght a wele lerned godesse,\n        Hyr witte I love and prays myche in distrese.\n\nOthea seyth that Temperance is here cosyn germayne,[128] the which he\nschuld loue; for the vertu of temperance may veryly be seyde cosyn\ngermayne and lykennd [to] prudence, for temperans is schewer of prudence\nand of prudence folwyth temperance. Therefor it is seide that he shulde\nhold hyr for his love; and euery good knygth shulde do the same, that\ndesiryth due prayse of goode peple. As the philosophre Demetricus[129]\nseyth, \u201cTemperance moderath vices and perfyteth vertues.\u201d\n\nThe good spiryte shuld haue the vertue of temperance, the whiche [hath]\nthe propirte to lemyte and to sede on syde superfluytes.[130] For Seynt\nAustyn seyth in the book of the condycions[131] ... of concupyscence,\nthe whiche be contrary to vs and lettyth vs from Godes lawe, and more\nalso to dispite fleschely delytys and worldly praysynge. Seynt Petir\nspekyth to that purpose in hys fyrst Pystyl, [\u201cObsecro vos tanquam\nadvenas et peregrinos abstinere vos a carnalibus desideriis, qu\u00e6\nmilitant adversus animam\u201d].[132]\n\n\n                                  III.\n\n        And wyth vs strey[n]gth be honesty \u00fee yete.\n        If that be gretter vertues thou sete,\n        Thou moste the turne toward Hercules\n        And behold wele his grete worthines,\n        In whome there was full myche bounte.\n        And to thi lenage all thoughe that he\n        Was contrarie and a grete name hym gate, [Sidenote: f. 9.]\n        For all that haue thou neuer the more hate\n        To his vertue, streyngth and nobylnese,\n        Which opynned the \u021dates of worthinese.\n        Yet, though that thowe wylt folwe hys weye\n        And also hys worthines, I sey\n        It nedyth no thyng to the to make\n        Were[133] with theyme of hell ne no stryfe take,\n        Ne for to were wyth the god Pluto\n        For ony fauour Proserpyng onto,\n        The godes dowter called Ceres,\n        Whome he rauysched on the se of Gres.[134]\n        Ne onto the it is no mystyr[135]\n        That thow be Serebrus,[136] the portar\n        Of helle, besye the hys cheynes to breke,\n        Ne of theyme of helle to take any wreke,\n        The which to vntrewe wynnors be;[137]\n        Nor for his felaws as dede he,\n        Pirotheus and Theseus,[138] in fere,\n        The which that nere hand desceyuyd were\n        [To] auenture theyme in that valy soo,\n        W[h]ere many a sowle hath ful mych woo;\n        For werre inougth in herthe[139] \u00feou schalt fynd felle,\n        Thougth thow goo not to sek yt in helle.\n        It is no thinge necessarie to the\n        So to purchase or do armes, parde,\n        To go and fyghte with serpentes stynggyng,\n        With boores wylde or beerys rampyng.[140]\n        Wheythir thou ymagen this I wote noghte,\n        Or ell of wyldenes it commyth in thy thougth\n        Of worthines for to have a name.\n        In dystres, yf it be not for the same,\n        As ffor thy body the ffor to defende,\n        Yf that sych bestis wylde the offende,\n        Than diffence, if asailled thou be,\n        Withowte dowte it is worchip to the;\n        Yf thow ouercome theym and the saue,\n        Bothe grete lavde and worchip thou shalt haue.\n\nThe vertu of strength is not only to vndyrstonde bodely strength, but\nthe stabilnes and stedefastenes that a goode knygth schulde haue in all\nhys dedis by deliberaciou of good wytte and strength to resyst ayens\ncontrariousnes that may come onto hym, weythir it be infortunes or\ntribulacions, where strengh and myghti corage may be vaylable to the\nexaussyng of worthines. And alyche[141] Hercules for to gif exampel of\nstrengh, to the entent that it may be doble availe, that is to seye, in\nas myche as tocheth to his vertue and anamly in dedes of knygthhode,\nwherin he was ryghte excellent. And for the hynes of Hector, it is a\nbehouely thynge to gyfe hyme hy[142] example. Hercules was a knyghte of\nGrece of meruelyous strengh and broute to ende many knyghtly worthines.\nA grete iorneyer he was in the worlde, and, for the grete and meruelyous\nviagis and thinges of grete strenghe that he made and dede, the poietes,\nthe wyche spak couertly and in maner of fable, seyde that he wente into\nhelle to fygth wyth the prynces off helle and that [he] favth[143] wyth\nserpentes and fiers bestis, by the wyche is to vndirstonden the grete\nand stronge entreprises.[144] * * *\n\n\n                                  IV.\n\n               *       *       *       *       *\n\n        Elles arte thou note worthy an helme to were, [Sidenote: f. 10.]\n        Ne for to gouerne a reaume nowhere.[145]\n\nPrudence seith to the good knyghte that, yf he will be on of the goode\nmennes rowe, he most haue the vertue of iustice, that is to seye,\nryghtwyse iustice. And Aristotle seith he that is a rytewyse iusticer\nfryst shulde iustifie hym selph, ffor he that iustifies not hym self is\nnot worthi to iustifye anothir. This is to vndirstond that a man shulde\ncorrecte his owne defavtes, so \u00feat thei be holy fordone, and than a man\nso correctid may wele, and schulde, be a corrector of othir men. And to\nspeke morally, ve shall tell a fable to this purpoise vndir the\ncouertvre of poyetis. Minos, as poyetis sey, is a iusticer off helle or\na prouoste or a cheife bayle, and afore hym is broughte alle the sowles\ndescendyng into that vaylie; and afftir that they haue disseruede of\npenance as many degrees as he wille that thei be sette deipe, as ofte he\nturnyth his tayle abwte hym. And becawse that he is thee iustice ande\nthe punyschment of God, lete vs take owre maner to speke oure speche\nveryly to that purpose. O trouth there was a kyng in Grece[146] called\nMynos of mervelious fairnes,[147] and in hym was grete rigoure of\niustice; and therefor the poietis seyde that aftir his deth he was\ncommytted to be iusticer of helle. And Aristotile seyth, \u201cJustice is a\nmesure that God hath sette in erthe for to limitte thereby thynges\nryghtwysly.\u201d\n\nAnd even as God is hede of iustice and of all orderes, it is necessarye\nto the cheualerous sperit that wille come to the victorius blysse for to\nhave this vertue. And Seynt Bernard seith in a sermone[148] that iustice\nis not ellis but to giffe euery man that his is. \u201cYife than,\u201d seith he,\n\u201cto .iii. maner of peple that the whiche is theires, that is to say, to\nthi souereyne, to thi felawe and to thi soget: to thi souereyne\nreuerence and obeissance of body; to thi falawe thou schulde gyffe\ncounsel and helpe, counsel in teschyng hym where he is ignorant and\nhelpe hym in comfortynge his owyn power[149]; to thi soget, thow\nschuldest gyf hym chastissyng and kepyng hym frome euyl dedes, in\nchastisyng[150] hym forgiffeyng hym that he hath doo amysse.\u201d And thus\nhereto seyth Salomon in his Proverbis, \u201cEx[cogitat iustus de domo impii\nut detrahat impios a malo.... Gaudium est iusto facere iusticiam\u201d].[151]\n\n\n                                   V.\n\n        Also remenbre the of Percyvale,[152] [Sidenote: f. 11.]\n        Whos name is knowen ouer alle\n        Throwghowte the worlde, both soft and hard,\n        The swyffte hors Pegasus afterward.\n        He roode hyme through the eyre flyyng,\n        And Andromeda in hys goyng\n        Fro the bellue[153] he hyr delyueryd\n        And wyth his streynght hir from hym revede,\n        As a ryght good errant myghtty knyghte\n        Brought hyr ageyne to hir kyne ful ryght.\n        Thys dede in yowre mynde loke that it holde,\n        For a good knyght shuld kepe that is bolde\n        Thys wey, if that he will haue exprese\n        Wyrchip, which is mych better than ryches.\n        Hys shynnynge shelde than loke thou opon,\n        The which haue euer ouercome many one.\n        Wythe his fauchon loke that thou arme the,\n        Both strong and stedefast than shalt thou be.\n\nAnd because that it is acordyng thyng[154] for a good knyght to haue\nwirchip and reuerence, we shalle make a fygure aftyr the maner of\npoietis. Percevale was a ful worthi knyght and whan[155] many reaumes,\nand the name off the grete lande of Perce come of hyme. And poyetis\nseide that he roode the hors that flawe in the eyre, the which was\ncalled Pegasus; and that is to vnderstonde a goode name, the which\nflyeth through the eyre. He bare in his honde a fauchon or a glayve; the\nwhiche is seide for the grete multytude of peple that were discomfyte by\nhym in maney batayles. He delyueryd Andromeda from the bellue; this was\na kynggys doghter, the which he delyuered from a monstre of the see, the\nwhich by the sentence of the godes shulde a[156] deuoured hire. This is\nto vndirstonde that alle knyghtes shulde socovre women that hade nede of\nthere socoure. This Percivale and the hors [Sidenote: f. 12.] the which\nfleeth[157] may[158] be notede for the good name that a goode knyghte\nshulde haue and gete by hys good desertes; and there shuld he ryde, that\nis to seye, that hys goode name shulde be borne in all contrees. And\nAristotile seyth that a good name of a man maketh a name shynnyng to the\nworlde and agreable in presence of princes.\n\nThe cheualerours sperit shulde desyre a goode name among the felachipe\nof the seyntis of heuen gotten by his goode desertes. The good hors\nPegasus that [beareth][159] hyme shall be his good angel, the which\nshall make good reporte off hyme at the day of dome. Andromeda that shal\nbe delyuered, it is his sowle, the which he delyueres fro the feend of\nhell by the ouercomyng off synne. And that a man on the same maner wyse\nshuld wylne to haue a good name in this worlde to the plesaunce of God\nand not for vayne glorie, Seynt Austin seyth in the Booke of\nCorreccion[160] that \u201cii. thyngges be necessarie to beleve wele,[161]\nthat is to sey, good conscience and good name, conscience for\nfeyth,[162] good name for his neyburwe; and [w]ho so trostyth in\nconscience and dyspiteth a good name, he is cruel\u201d; for it is a synge of\na nobyll corage to loue the wele of a good name. And to this purpoise\nseyth the wyse man, \u201cCuram habe [de bono nomine, magis enim permanebit\ntibi quam mille thesauri preciosi\u201d].[163]\n\n\n                                  VI.\n\n        And wyth thyne inclynacions\n        Off Jouis[164] softe condiccions\n        Loke thou haue; the better thou shalt be,\n        Whene that thow kepes theme ryghtfulle.\n\nAs it is seyde, poyetis, the whiche worchipped many godes, they helde\nthe planetis of heuen ffor speciall godes, and of the .vii. planetes\nthey made the .vii. dayes of the weke. They worchypped and helde Jouis\nor Jubiter for there grettest god, because that he is sette in the hyest\nspere of the planetis vndyr Saturne. The day off Thurseday is named of\nJouis. And anamely the philosophres yaf and compared the vertues of\nthe .vii. metallis to the .vii. planetis and named the teremys of there\nsciences by the same planetis, as a man may se in Geber[165] and\nNicholas[166] and in othir auctoris of that science. To Jouys is youyne\ncopyr or bras. Jouis or Jubiter is a planete of softe condicion, amiable\nand ful gladde and fygure[167] to sanguyne comp[l]eccion. Therefor Othea\nseyth, that is to sey, Prudence, that a good knyght shuld haue the\ncondicion of Jubiter, and the same shulde euery nobyll man haue,\npursewyng knyghtthode. [Sidenote: f. 13.] To this purpose seythe\nPictogoras[168] that a kyng shuld be gracyously conuersaunt wyth his\npeple and shew to them a glade visage; and on the same wyse it is to\nvnderstond off all wordly peple tendyng to wirchippe.\n\nNow lete vs brynge to owre purpoyse in allegorie the properteis of\nthe .vii. planetis. Jouis, the which is a softe and a mankyndly[169]\nplanete, of the whyche the good knyght schulde haue condicions, may\nsygnifie to vs mercy and compassyon that the good knyght hade, Jhesu\nCryste that is, the which the sperit schulde haue in hym selfe. For\nSeynte Gregorie seyth in the pistylle of Pontian,[170] \u201cI remembre not,\u201d\nseith he, \u201cthat euer I herde or redde that he dyed of heuy dethe that\nhathe wylle to fulfylle the dedes of mercy, ffor mercy hathe many\nprayeres and it is inpossyble but that many prayeres most nedes be\nexauced.\u201d To this purpose oure Lord seythe in the Gospell, \u201cBeati\n[misericordes, quoniam ipsi misericordiam consequentur\u201d].[171]\n\n\n                                  VII.\n\n        Off Venus in no wyse make thi godesse,\n        And for no thynge sette store by here promysse.\n        To folowe here it is rauenous,[172]\n        Both vnworchippefull and peryllous.\n\nVenus is a planete of heuen, aftyr whome the Fryday is named; and the\nmetall that we call tynne or pewter is yovyn to the same. Venus yiffeth\ninfluence of loue and of ydylnes, and she was a lady called soo, the\nwhich was qwene of Cippre. And because that [she] excedyd all women in\nexcellent beaute and jolynesse, and was ryght amerous and not stedefast\nin o loue, and becawse that she yevyth influence of lecheri, Othea seyth\nto the good knyght that he make here not his godes. This is to\nvndirstond, that in sech lyfe he shuld not abaundon his body ne his\nentent. Armes[173] seyth that the vice of lecherye steynyth all vertues.\n\nVenus, of whom the good knyght shuld not make hys godes, it is \u00feat the\ngood speryth in hym selphe shuld haue no vanyte. And Cassidore seyth\nvpon the Sawtyr, \u201cVanite made avoyde degre[174] to becum a fende and\nyafe dethe[175] to the fryste man and voyeddid hyme frome the\nblyssidnesse that was grawntyd on to hyme.\u201d Vanite is modyr off all\nevelles, welle off all vices, and the weyne[176] of wykydnesse, the\nwhich puttyth a man oute of the grace of God and setti[t]h hym in his\nhate. To this purpose Dauid seyth in his Sauter, spekyng to God, \u201cOdisti\n[observantes vanitates supervacue\u201d].[177]\n\n\n                                 VIII.\n\n        Yf thou asemble the in jugement, [Sidenote: f. 14.]\n        Be leke to Saturne in avisement;\n        Or that thou gyf thy sentence, veryly\n        Be ware that thou yif it not doutously.\n\nSatyrday is named after Saturne, ande the metall lede is youen therto,\nand it is a planete of slow condicion, hevy and wyse. And there was a\nkyng in Grece hadde the same name, the [which] was full wyse, off whom\npoyetis spake vnder conuerteure of fable, and they seyde that his sone\nJubiter kutte from hym his preuy menbres. The which is to vnderstond\nthat he toke ffrom hym his myghte and dysheryted him and drwe[178] hym\navay. And becawse that Saturne is hevy and wyse, Othea seyth that a good\nknyght shuld peyse a thynge grettely or[179] that he[180] shulde yefe\nhis sentence, weythir that it be in pris of armes or of ony othir dede.\nAnd euery iuge may not[181] the same that hathe offices longgynge to\niugement. And to thys purpoise Hermes seith, \u201cThynkke wele on all\nthinges that thou hast for to do and in especyall of iugement of othyr.\u201d\n\nAs the good knyghte scholde be slowe in the iugement of othir, that is\nto sey, to peise wele the sentence or \u00feat he gyf it, on the same wyse\nthe goode spiryte shulde doo in that the which longyth to hyme; for to\nGode longeth the iugement, the which can discerne cawses ryghtwysly. And\nSeynt Grigorye seyth in hys Moralles[182] that, whan owre frelnes cannot\ncomprehende the iugementes of God, we oughte not to discute them in\nbolde wordes, but we ought to worchippe thyme wyth ferefull scilens and,\nhow mervelyous that euer we thowght theyme, we shulde holde them iuste.\nAnd to this purpoose spekyth Dauid in the Sawter-booke, \u201cTimor [Domini\nsanctus, permanet in seculum seculi. Judicia Domini vera iustificata in\nsemet ipsa\u201d].[183]\n\n\n                                  IX.\n\n        Lete thi worde be clere and trwe in kynde.\n        Appollo shall gif it the in mynde,\n        For he by no mene may non ordure\n        Suffir no wyse vndere couerture.\n\nAppollo or Phebus, that is the sone, to whom the Sonday is yoven and\nallsoo the metall that is callyd golde. The sonne by hys clerenes\nshewyth thynges that be hidde; and therefore trewth, the whiche is clere\nand shewith secrete thynges, may be yofe to hyme. The which vertue\nshulde be in the herte and in the mowthe of euery good knyghte. And to\nthis purpose seyth Hermes, \u201cLove Godde, trowthe euer, and gyffe good\ncounsell.\u201d\n\nApollo, the whiche is to sey the sonne, by whom we notyfye trowthe, we\nmay take that man shulde haue in hys mouth the trwthe of the very knyght\nJhesu Cryst and flee all falsenes. As Cassiodyr seyth in the booke of\nPraysyng of Seynt Powle,[184] \u201cThe condicion of falsenes ys swche that,\nwhere as it hath no geyneseyyng, yit it falleth in hym selphe; butte the\ncondycion of trowth is to the contrary, ffor it is so sete that the more\ngeyneseynges of aduersytes that it hath, the more it encresyth and\nreysyth hym selphe.\u201d To this purpose seith Holy Scripture, \u201cSuper [omnia\nvincit veritas].\u201d[185]\n\n\n                                   X.\n\n        Vnto Phebe resemble not. For why?\n        He[186] is to chaungable and enemye\n        To stedefastnes and to courage strong,\n        Malencolius is and full of wronge.\n\nPhebe is called the mone, off whom the Moneday hath his name; and to\nhyme is yoven the metall that we calle syluyr. The mone resteth non oure\nin a ryghte poynte and yiffeth influens of vnstefastenes and foly, and\ntherefore it is seyde \u00feat a goode knyght shulde kepe hym from which\nvicys. And to this purpose Hermes seith, \u201cVse wisedome and be\nstedefast.\u201d\n\nPhebe the moone, that we not for vnstedefastnes, the whiche a goode\nknyght shulde not haue; on the same wyse the good sperit. As Seynt\nAmbrose seith in the pistil of Simpliciain,[187] that a foole is\nschawnegeable as the moone, but a wyse man is euer stedefast in o state,\nwhere he neythir brekyth for fere ner schawngyth for no myght; he\nreyseth hym notte in prosperite ner plangeth not in heuynes.[188] \u201cThere\nwhere wysedome is, there is vertue, strengh and stedefastnes. The wise\nman is euer of oon corage; it lessyth it notte, ne encressyth not, for\n[he] schawngyth notte in no maner wyse for no thyng; he flotereth not in\ndyuers opynions, but abydyth perfythe in Jhesu Cryst, gon growndid in\ncharite and roted in feyth.\u201d And to this purpose seythe Holy Scripture,\n\u201cHomo sanctus [in sapientia manet sicut sol, nam stultus sicut luna\nmutatur\u201d].[189]\n\n\n                                  XI.\n\n        I dowte notte in no wyse Mars thi fadyr.\n        Thow shalt folowe hyme in heuery matyr;\n        For thy hy and nobil condycion\n        Draweth therto thyne inclynacion.\n\nThe Twysday is named after Mars; and that metalle that we [Sidenote: f.\n16.] callen iren is youen to hym. Mars is a planete that yifeth\ninfluence of werris and batayles; therefore euery knyght that loveth and\nschewyth armes and dedes of knyghthod and hathe a grete name off\nworthines may be callyd the sone of Mars. And therfor Othea named Hector\nso, notwythstondyng he was sone to Knyng Pryant, and seyde he wolde well\nfolowe hys fadir in as moche as a goode knyght ought to doo. And a wyse\nman seith that by the dedes of a man men may knowe his inclynacions.\n\nMars the god of bateyle may wele be called the Sone of God, the whiche\nbateilled victoriously in this worlde, by example; [and the good sperit\nshulde] folow[190] his Fadere Jhesu Cryst and fyght ayens vicis. Seynte\nAmbrose seyth in the fryst booke off Offices that how so will be Godes\nfrend, he must be the fendes enemy, whoo so will haue pees wyth Jhesu\nCryst, he most haue werre withe vices. And even as in veyne men maketh\nwerre in the felde wyth foreyne enemys there where the cete is full of\nhomely spyes, on the same wyse non may ouercome the eveles outewarde\nthat wyll not were strongly wyth the synnes of there sowlys; ffor it is\nthe most gloryous victorie that may be, for a man to ouercome hyme\nselphe. And tho this purpose seyth Seynt Poule the postyle, [\u201cNon est\nvobis colluctatio adversus carnem et sanguinem sed adversus principes et\npotestates,\u201d etc.].[191]\n\n\n                                  XII.\n\n        Of thi faucon[192] be thou bolde and pleyne,\n        And of thi worde bothe clene and certeyne.\n        Mercurye schall teche the that, holde[193] and sounde,\n        The which of good spech knowyth wele the grounde.\n\nThe Wednysday is named after Mercurye, [the which] ys a planete that\nyevyth influence off pontificall behavynge and of fayre langage arayed\nwyth retorique. Therefor it is seide to the good knyte that he shulde be\narayed therewyth, for wirchipfull behavynge and faire langage ys full\nbehovely to all nobill pepyll desyryng the hy pris of worchipe, so that\nthey kepe them fro to myche langage; ffor Dyogeneys seyth that off all\nvertues the more the bettir, saue of speche.\n\nBe Mercurie, the whiche is called god of langage, we may [Sidenote: f.\n17.] vndirstonde that the knyghte of Jhesu Cryste shulde be armed wyth\ngood prechynges and wordes of techynges, and all so thei shulde loue and\nworchyppe the schewers thereof. And Seynte Gregory seithe in his Omelyis\n\u00feat men shulde haue the prechores of Holy Scripture in grete reuerence,\nfor they be the masseyngeres that gone to[fore][194] owre Lord God and\nowre Lorde followyth them. Holy prechyng maketh the way, and than owre\nLord commeth into the dwellyng place of owre hert; the wordes of\nexortacion maketh the coorse, and so trwthe is reseyuyd intoo owre\nvndirstondyng. And to this purpose owre Lorde seyth to his aposteles,\n[\u201cQui vos audit me audit, et qui vos spernit me spernit\u201d].[195]\n\n\n                                 XIII.\n\n        Of all maner sortes of armure\n        For to arme the wyth, bothe wele and sure,\n        Be thi moder inough sygned shall be,[196]\n        Mynerve, the which is not bitter to the.\n\nMynerve was a lady of grete connyng and fonde the craft to make armure;\nfor afore the pe[p]yl armed theyme but wyth cuirboyle.[197] And for the\ngrete wysdom that was in this lady thei called hyr a godes; and because\nthat Hector cowde sette armure welle on werke and that it was hys ryght\ncraft, Othea called hym the sone of Mynerve, notwythstondyng that he was\nsone to qwen Ecuba of Troye. And in the same wyse all that loueth armes\nmay be named. And to this purpose an auctoure seith that knyghtes youen\nto armes be soggettes to the same.\n\nWhere it is seide that good armurs and strong inewgh shall be delyuered\nto the good knygh by his modir, wee may vndirstond the vertu of feyth,\nthe whiche is a devyne vertue and is modir to the good spyrite. And that\nshe delyuerith armoures inow, Cassiodir seythe in the Exposicion of the\nCrede[198] that feyth is the lyth[199] of the sowle, the yate off\nparadyse, the wynddowe of lyve, and the gronde of the euerlastyng\nhelthe, for wythowte feythe non may plese God. And to this purpose seyth\nSeynt Poule in the pystyll, [\u201cSine fide impossibile est placere\nDeo\u201d].[200]\n\n\n                                  XIV.\n\n        Joyne thou to the Pallas the godesse,\n        And sette hir ryght wyth thi worthinesse.\n        Yf thow haue hir, good fortune thou shalt fele;\n        Pallas wyth Mynerve is fittyng[201] full wele.\n\nAll so where it is seyde that Pallas sholde be ioyned wyth Mynerve, the\nwhich is wele fyttyng, men shall vndirstonde that Pallas and Mynerve ys\nall o thyng, but the names be diueres and be takyn to .ii.\nvndirstondynges. For the lady that is callyd [Sidenote: f. 18.] Mynerve\nwas so surnamed Pallas of an yle that is called Pallance[202] of the\nwhiche she was borne; and because that she generally in all thynges was\nwyse and foonde many nwe craftes, fayre and sotle, thei called hyr\ngoodes of kunnyng. Mynerve is called thus in that which longeth too\nknyghthode, and Pallas in all thynges that longeth to wysdom; and\ntherefore it is seyde that he sholde yeuen[203] wysdom and knythhode,\nthe which is ful wele acordvng therto, and that armes shulde be keptte\nmay be vndirstonde be feyth. To this purpose seythe Hermes, \u201cJoyne the\nloue of feithe wyth wisedom.\u201d\n\nAnd as that Pallas, the whiche is notyd for wysedom, shulde be ioyned\nwith knyghthode, the vertue[204] of hope shuld be ioyned with good\nvertues of the knyghtly speryte, wyhtowte the which he may not avayle.\nFor Orygene seyth in the Omelies opon Exode that the hoope of the goodes\nthat be for to come is the solase of theyme that trauellyth in this\nbodely lyffe, leche as to laboreres the hoope of there payment softeth\nthere laboures off there besynes, and as [to] champyons that be in\nbateyle the hoope of the corowne of victorie esyth the woo of there\nwondes. And to this purpose seyth Seynt Poule the apostyll,\n[\u201cFortissimum solatium habemus, qui confugimus ad tenendam propositam\nspem,\u201d etc.].[205]\n\n\n                                  XV.\n\n        Pantassele[206] haue thou fauour vnto,\n        That ffor thi deth shall haue moch woo;\n        Syth a woman shuld be loued and knowe,\n        Off whom so noble a voys is sowe.[207]\n\nPantasselle was a ful fayre mayden and qwen of Damazonie[208] and off\nmervelyous worthines in armes and in hardines; and for the grete goodnes\nthat the hy name witnessed through the worlde of Hector the worthy she\nloved hyme ryght hertyly, and fro the parties of the est she come to\nTroye in the tyme of the grete segge for to se Hector. But qwen she fond\nhym dede, she was owte off mesure hevy and wyth a grete oste [of] ful\ncheualrous gentilwomen vigerously she vengyd his dethe, where she dide\nmervelyous worthynesses. And many grete greuaunces she dide to the\nGrekes. And because she was vertuouse, it is seide to the good knyght\nthat he shuld love hyr, and that is to vndirstonde that euery good\nknyght shulde loue and prayse euer[y] vertuous persone, anamely a woman\nin strong vertue of wytte and off concyens. And this woman that is\nwoofull for the dethe of Hector is vndirstonde by worthines and valure,\nwhen it is dull and deded in knyghthode. And a wyse man seyth, \u201cBounte\nshulde be alowyd where that it is perceyued.\u201d\n\nBe Pantasselle, that was socourable, we may vndirstonde the [Sidenote:\nf. 19.] vertue off cherite, the whiche is the .iii^e. devyne vertue that\nthe good speryte shuld perfytely haue in hym self. Cassyodir[209] seith\nthat charyte is as the reyne, the which fallyth in the prime temps, for\nit distillyth the dropes of vertues, vndir the whiche greine [of] good\nwille groweth[210] and good hoope fructifyeth, that is to be pacient in\naduersite, tempered in prosperyte, pacient in mekenesse, ioyeus in\nafflicciones, wellwyllyng to his enemyes and frendes, anamely to his\nenemyes to be comuniall of his goodis.[211] To this purpose seyth Poule\nthe postel, [\u201cCaritas patiens est, benigna est, caritas non emulatur,\nnon agit perperam,\u201d etc.].[212]\n\n\n                                  XVI.\n\n        Narcisus[213] looke ye resemble not,\n        Nor into mych pride knyt your knot;\n        For to ouerwenyng hawteyn knyght\n        Off many a grace is voide full ryght.\n\nNarcisus [was] a yonge bachelere that ffor his grete beaute seysyd hym\nin so grete pride[214] that he hadde all other in disprayes. And because\nthat he praysed noon but hym selphe, it is seyde that he was so amerous\nand assottede of hym selfe that he dyede after that he hade beholden hym\nselfe in the welle. This is to vndirstonde by the ouerwenyng or\nouctrecuidez man of hym selfe, wherein he beholdyth hym.[215] Therefor\nit is diffendyth the good knyght to beholde hym selfe in hys good dedes,\nwhere throwe he myght be ouerwenyng. And to this purpose seith Socrates,\n\u201cSone, be ware thou be not disseyvyd in thi beaute of thi youthe, ffor\nthat is no durable thyng.\u201d\n\nNow lete vs sette an allegorie applyyng to owre purpose to the .vii.\ndedely synnys. Be Narcisus we shall vndirstond the synne of pride, fro\nthe wyche the goode speryte shulde kepe hym. And Orygene seyth in the\nOmelees, \u201cWhereof it is that erth and asshes prydeth hyme, or how derre\na man rayse hym in arogance, when he thynketh whereof he is comyn and\nwhat he shall become, and in how frele a vessel his[216] lyff is all\nnaked and in what harlotrees he is plongeden and what onclene maters he\nsesseth neuer to cast from hys flesch be all the condittes off hys\nbody?\u201d And to this purpose seith Holy Scripture, [\u201cSi ascenderit ad\nc\u0153lum superbia ejus et caput ejus nubes tetigerit, quasi sterquilinium\nin fine perdetur\u201d].[217]\n\n\n                                 XVII.\n\n        Athamas full of ryght grete madnes, [Sidenote: f. 20.]\n        The goodes verily of woodnes,\n        She feirsly strangled hir childern tweyne.[218]\n        Therefor ire I thefende the pleyne.\n\nAthamas was a kyng maried to qwene Yno, the which made sothyn[219] corne\nto be sowne for to disheryte hyr[220] stepe childire, for she[221] with\nmony coromped the prestes of the lawe, the which reported the answeres\nof the godes, thus seyyng to the kyng or to theyme of the cuntre that\nthe corne that the men hadden sowene profyted not, where it plesyd the\ngodes that .ii.^o fayre and ientyl childir the whiche the kyng hade were\ndreven away and exiled. And becawse that the kyng consentyd [to] the\nexillyng of the .ii.^o childyrne, all though that he dyde [it] ayens hys\nwylle and wyth grete sorowe, the fabyl seyth that the godes Iuno[222]\nwolde take vengance therefor and went into helle to compleyne to the\ngodesse of woodnes that sche myght come to the kyng Athamas. Than the\norrible and the fereful goodes come with all hir serpently herres and\nsette hyr on the fumerelle[223] of the palais and streged hir armes to\nbothe sydys of the yate, and than there began sych stryfe betwene the\nkyng and the qwene that werrant[224] yche of them hade slayne othir. And\nwhan they wend a hade rune oute of the palais, than \u00fee woode goodes drwe\nout of hyr ryght foule herres .ii^o. horrible serpentis and kest in\nthere lappes; and qwen that the goodes saw theyme so ferefull,[225] than\nthey wexe both madde. Athamas slewe the qwene for woodnes and than\nhis .ii.^o childerne, and hym selfe leep into the see of frome a h[i]ght\nroche. The exposycion of this fable may wele be that a qwen myght be so\ndyuers to stepe chyldirne that for some malice she myght disheryte hem,\nfor the which after pes myght notte be hadde betwene the fadir and the\nsteppe modir. And it myght be soo that at the last he slewe theyme. And\nbecause that ire is a dedly vice and soo evyle that he that is sore\nteynt therewyth hath no knowyng of reson, it is seide to the goode\nknyght that he shuld kepe hym from ire, for it is too grete defaute in a\ngoode knyght to be angry. And there[fore] Arystotile seithe \u201cKepe the\nfrom ire, for it trobelyth the vndyrstondyng and destroubeth reson.\u201d\n\nBe Athamas, the which was soo full of ire, we shall propirly vnderstond\nthe synne of ire, the whiche the goode spyryte shuld woyde from hyme.\nAnd Seynte Austyn seith in a pistyll, \u201cLech as venegre, where it is\npoote, corrompeth the vessell that it is in, yf it abyde longe therinne,\nso ire corrumpyth the hert wherein it is sette, yf that it abyde long\nthereinne, that is to seye fro day to day.\u201d[226] [Sidenote: f. 21.]\nTherfor seyth Seynt Poule the postell, [\u201cSol non occidat super\niracundiam vestram\u201d].[227]\n\n\n                                 XVIII.\n\n        Off all thyng that thou may se with ey\n        Fle euer the fals godes envie,\n        That made Aglaros[228] grennere than ivie,\n        The which to a ston chaunged was \u00feerby.\n\nA ffable seyth that Aglaros was systyr to Herce, the which was soo feire\nthat for hir beaute Mercurius the god of langage wedded hyr, and thei\nweyre Cycropos doghters, kyng off Athenes. But Aglaros hade so mych\nenvie to hir syster Herce, the which for beaute was so avaunced as to be\nmaried to a god, that sche become throw here ensorgyng in envye dry[229]\nand discolourd and grene as ivy leffe for the envie that she hade to hyr\nsystyr. On a day Aglaros was sette on the thresshefolde of the dore and\nlettyd Mercurius the entre into the hous, ne for no prayowr that he\nprayed hyre she woolde not suffre hym to hentre. Then the gode wexe\nwroothe and seide that euer myght she abide there stylle, as harde as\nhyr corage was; and than Aglaros becomme as hard as a stone. Thys fable\nmay be lekend in leche case to fall to some personys. Mercurius may be a\nmyghty man, weele spekynge, the which made his sistir to be presound or\nto dye for some displesure that she hade doon to hyme, and therefor it\nis seide that she was chaunged to a stone. And becawse it is to folow a\naspotte[230] ayens ientylnes to be envyous, it is seide to the goode\nknyght that of all thynges he kepte hym therfro. And Socrates seyth, \u201cHe\nthat beryth the fardell of envie hathe perpetuell peyne.\u201d\n\nLyche as this auctorite dyffendyth the good knyghte envie the vice, Holy\nScripture defendyth the good spyryte. And Seynt Austyn seyth[231] that\nenvie ys hate of othir felycite, for the dedes of the envyos man\nstrecheth ayens tho that be gretter than he by cawse that he is not so\ngrete as they, ayens tho that be evenly to hyme because that he is notte\ngretter than they, and ayens tho that be lesse than he for fere that\nthey shold wexe as grete as he. To this purpose Holy Scripture seyth,\n[\u201cNequam est oculus invidi et avertens faciem suam\u201d].[232]\n\n\n                                  XIX.\n\n        Ferre ne[233] slowe be ware that thou not be;\n        Fro[234] the malyce loke that thou kepe the\n        Off Vlyxes, that the geauntes ye[235]\n        Stale, though he looke neuer so clerely.\n\nA ffable seyth that, when Vlixes retorned into Grece aftir the\n[Sidenote: f. 22.] destruccion off Troye, grete rages of tempestes\nbrought hys chip into an ile where a geaunt was that hade but on eye in\nthe myddes of his forred, the whiche was of an hooges gretnes. Vlixes by\nhy sutylte stale it and toke it fro hym, that ys to saye he putte it\nowte. This is to vndyrstond that the good knyght shulde be ware that\nslowthe ouercome hym not with disseytes and willes of malycyous peple,\nso that his eye be not takyn away, that is to seye, the eye of his\nvndirstondynge in his worchip, in his gettyng or in that the which is\nderrer to hym, as many inconu[en]iencies falleth ofte throwe slowthe and\nlachesse. And to this purpose Hermes seythe, \u201cBlyssyd is he that vsyth\nhys dayes in dwe occupacions.\u201d\n\nWhere it is seide that the good knygh shulde not be ferre ne slowe, we\nmay vndyrstond the synne of slewthe, the which the good spiryte shuld\nnot haue. For, as Bede[236] seith in Salomones Prouerbes, the slowe man\nis not worthi to rengne with God, the which wil not laboure for the lowe\nof God, and he is not worthi to receyve the coronne promysyd to knyghtes\nthat is a coward to vndyrtake feldes of baytaile. Therefor the Scripture\nseyth, [\u201cCogitationes robusti semper in abundantia, omnis autem piger\nsemper in egestate est\u201d].[237]\n\n\n                                  XX.\n\n        In no wyse stryve wyth no frosses,[238]\n        Ne defoule the not in there brothes.\n        Ayens Lathonna thei assembled sore,\n        And trobled the clere water hir afore.\n\nThe fable seith that the godesse Lathonna was modyr to Phebus and to\nPhebe, the which is the sone and the moone, and she bare theyme both in\nher wombe. Juno chased hir in euery contre becawse she was conseyvyd\nwyth Jubiter hir housbond. On a day the godesse Lathonna was trauelled\ngretly, and she arivede on a wassh and than she aboode opon the watter\nfor to stawnsh hyr grete thyrste there where a grete feleshyp of carles\nwere ffor to bathe them in the watyr ffor the hete of the sone. And\n[they] began to chide Lathonna and trobylyd hyr watyr that she\n[thought][239] to haue dronkyn of, and for no prayer that she made they\nwolde not suffyr hir drynke ne had no pete of hyre myschefe. Than she\ncoursyd theyme and seyde that euer aftyr mote they abyde stylle in the\nbroththe[240]; than were they fowle and abominable and cesyd neuer of\nbrayeng ne chydyng. So the carles become frosshes, the which neuer\nsythyn cessed of brayng, as it shewyth in somer tyme by reuerys sydys.\nThis may be takyn be communes that dedde some dysplesur to summe grete\nmaystres, the which made them to be cast in a reuer and to be drounede,\nand thus become they [Sidenote: f. 23.] frosshes. And it is to\nvndyrstond that a knyght goodly shuld not fyll hyme in the brothe of\nveleny, ffor leche as veleny may not suffre ientylnesse, on the same\nwyse ientylnes in hym self may not suffre velany, anamely not to stryve\nne make debate wyth a persone vilens of condicions, ne to speke\noutrageously. Platon seith he that ioyneth to his ientylnes nobilnesse\nof goode condicions is to prayse and he that holdyth hym content with\nthe ientylnes that comyth of his kyne withowtyn addyng thereto some\ngoode condicions shulde not be holdyn nobyll.\n\nBe the carles that become frosshes we may vndyrstonde the synne of\ncovetyse, the which is contrary to the good sperit. For Seynt\nAustyn[241] seith that a couetous man is leche to hell, for hell cannot\nswolve so many sowlis to seye that he hathe inowe. Euen so, thow all\ntresowre of the worlde were heppid togedir to the possession of the\ncouetous man, he shuld not yette [be] satisffiede. To this purpose the\nScripture seith, [\u201cInsatiabilis oculus cupidi in partes iniquitatis non\nsatiabitur\u201d].[242]\n\n\n                                  XXI.\n\n        Acorde for no thyng with the god Bachus,\n        For his tachys[243] be bothe fowle and vicyous.\n        His disportis be neyther goode ne fyne,\n        For he maketh the pepyll turne to swyne.\n\nBachus was the man that fryst plantyde vines in Grece, and qwan thei of\nthe cuntre felthe the streyngth of the wyne, \u00fee which made thyme\ndrownkyn, thei seide that Bachus was a god, the which hadde yovyn syche\nstreynghte to his plante. By Bachus is vndirstond drwnkkynnes, as that\nthe whiche is a full vnbehouely thyng to all noble men and to a man that\nwolde vse reson. And to this purpose Ypocras[244] seyth that\nsuperfluites of vynes and metes distroyith body, sowle and vertues.\n\nBe the god Bachus we may vndirstond the synne off glotenye, ffor the\nwhich the good spyryt shuld kepe hym. Seynt Grigory seyth in his\nMorralles[245] that, qwan the vice of glotenye hathe the maystry of a\nperson, he lesseth all the good that he hath doone; for, qwenne the bely\nis not restreynyd by abstynence, all vertues ben drouned togedir. And\ntherefor Seynt Poule seith, [\u201cQuorum finis interitus, quorum deus venter\nest,\u201d etc.][246]\n\n\n                                 XXII.\n\n        Pimaliones ymage for to fele,\n        Iff that thou be wyse, sette \u00feerby no deele, [Sidenote: f. 24.]\n        For of siche an ymage so wele wroght\n        The beaute thereof is to dere bought.\n\nPymalion was a ful sotyl workeman in makyng of ymages, and a ffable\nseith \u00feat, for \u00fee grete lewdenes that he sawe in the women of\nCidonie,[247] he dispreisyd them and seyde he shuld make an ymage\nwherein ther shulde be no thyng for to blame. He mad an ymage after a\nwoman, of souereyne beaute. When he had full made it, loue, the which\nsotely can ravysshe hertis, made hym to be amorous opon the ymage, so\nthat for hire he was vexed with wooes of love, full of clamorous and\nfull of petyous syghynges that he made to hit. Butte the ymage, which\nwas of ston, vndirstode hym notte. Pymalion wente to the temple of Venus\nand he made there so deuote prayores to hyre that the godesse [was full]\nof pete,[248] and in shewyng therof the brond that she helde be hire\nselfe began to take fire and shew flame, and than the louer was mery for\n\u00feat tokyn and wente toward his ymage and toke it in his armes and warmed\nit so sore wyth hys nakyd flesch that the ymage hadde lyff and began to\nspeke, and so Pymalyon recouuered ioye.\n\nTo this fable may be set [many][249] exposicions, and in leche wise to\nothir sich fables; and the poietes made them becawse that mennes\nvndirstondyng shuld be the more scharppe and subtyle to fynde dyueres\nexposicions. It may be vnderstond also by the dyspreysyng that Pymalion\ndispreysed the lewdenes of lewde wemen and enamoured hym on a mayden of\nryght grete beaute, the which wolde not, or myght not, vnderstond hys\npetous pleyntes, no more than the ymage of a ston had done; that is to\nsey, that by thynkkyng on the fayre beautes he was enamoured, but at the\nlast he prayed hir so myche and kepte hym so nere hir that the maydyn\nlouyd hym and at his wille [he] had hir to mariage. And thus the ymage\nthat was hard as stone recouuered lyff by the godesse Venus. So it wolde\nbe seyde that the good knygh shuld not be assottede of sych a made ymage\nin sych wise that he lyst to folowe[250] the crafte of armes, to the\nwhich he is bownde by \u00fee ordere of knyghthode. And to this purpose seyth\nAbtalin,[251] \u201cIt longghit nothyng ffor a prynce to assote hym on\nnothyng that is to be reproued.\u201d\n\nPymaliones ymage on qwome \u00fee good knygh shuld not be assotted we shall\ntake for the synne of lechery, from \u00fee which \u00fee knyghtly gostly sperit\nshuld kepe his body. Wherefor Seynt [Sidenote: f. 25.] Jerom saith in a\npistill, \u201cO fire of hell,\u201d seith he, \u201cof whom the woode is glotenye, the\nflambe is pride, the sparkes is foule wordes, the smoke is evil name,\nthe asches is pouerte, and the ende is the turnementes of hell.\u201d To this\npurpose seyth Seynt Petir the apostel, [\u201cVoluptatem existimantes diei\ndelicias, coinquinationes et macul\u00e6 deliciis affluentes, in conviviis\nsuis luxuriantes\u201d].[252]\n\n\n                                 XXIII.\n\n        Off Dyane remenbre besely\n        For the honeste of thi body;\n        For hir plesyth no vileyns lyffe,\n        Ne non dyshoneste ne stryffe.\n\nDyane, that is the mone, and as \u00feer is no thyng so evile but \u00feat it hath\nsome goode propirte, the mone gyffeth chast condicion; and thei named it\nafter a lady that so was called, the which was full chaste and was euer\na vergyn. So it wolde be seyde that honeste of the body is full wele\nlonggyng to a good knygh. And to this purpose Hermes seith, \u201cHe may not\nbe off perfyte wite that hathe in hym no chastite.\u201d\n\nAnd for to bryng to mynde the Articles of the Feyth to owre purpose,\nwythowte the which a good sperit may lytell avayle, ffor Dyane we shall\ntake God of Heuen, the which is withowte onv spotte off onclen love, to\nwhome a thyng foulede with synne may not be agreable. To the knyghly\nspirite \u00fean it is necessari to beleve opon the Maker of heuen and of\nerthe, as \u00fee fyrst Article of the Feyth seith, the which Seynte Petir\nthe apostel sete, [\u201cCredo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, creatorem c\u0153li et\nterr\u00e6\u201d].[253]\n\n\n                                 XXIV.\n\n        Be thou leke to the godesse Ceres,\n        That tooke fro noon but yafe to corne encres;\n        In syche wyse abaundonede shulde be\n        The[254] good knygh, well sette in his degre.\n\nCeres was a lady that fond the craft to erye[255] the londe, for aforne\ngaineyers swe withowte laboure[256]; and because \u00feat \u00fee londe bare the\nmore plenteously after \u00feat it was erryed, thei seide that she was\ngodesse of cornes, and thei called the londe after hyr name. Wherefor it\nwold be seide \u00feat, as \u00fee lande[257] is habaundone[d] and a large yefer\nof all goodes, on the same wyse shuld a good knygh be habaundonede to\nall personys and [ought] to gyffe his helpe and comfort aftyr hys power.\nAnd Arystotyl seyth, \u201cBe a lyberall gyfer and thou shall hau frendys.\u201d\n\nHere [for] Ceres, to whom \u00fee good knygh shuld resemble, we [Sidenote: f.\n26.] shall take the Sone of God, whom the good spirit sholde folowe, \u00fee\nwhich hath yoven so largely to vs of hy goodnes,[258] and in hym shuld\nbe belewede stedeffastly, as the .ii.^o Article seith, the which Seynt\nJon sette, [\u201cEt in Ihesum Christum, filium eius unicum, Dominum\nnostrum\u201d].\n\n\n                                  XXV.\n\n        All hye vertues as that he wyll sette,\n        In the, as in Ysis[259] late theyme b[e] schette\n        And all maner graynes fructifie;\n        In sych wyse sholdest \u00feou edyfye.[260]\n\nYsys, poetes seyth, is a goodesse of plantes and gryffes, and she yevyth\ntheyme streynght and growyng to multiply. Therefor it is seide to \u00fee\ngood knyght \u00feat so shulde he fructifie in all vertues and eschew all\neuyl vicis. And Harmes[261] to this purpose seyth, \u201cO man, yf \u00feou knew\n\u00fee inconuenyency of vice, that \u00feou woldest be ware \u00feeroff and yf \u00feou\nknew the rewarde for worthinesse, that[262] \u00feou woldest loue it gretly.\u201d\n\nThere qwere it is seide \u00feat \u00fee good knygh shulde be leche to Ysys, the\nwhiche is a planter, may we vnderstond the blissyd Concepcion off Jhesu\nCryst by \u00fee Holy Gost in the Blyssyd Virgyne Marie, modyr off all grace,\nof whom the grete bountes may not be ymagenede ne holy seide, \u00fee which\nworthi Concepcion the good sperit shuld haue holy in hym and kepe this\nholy Artecle stedefastly, as Seynt James the gretter seith, [\u201cQui\nconceptus est de Spiritu Sancto, natus ex Maria virgine\u201d].\n\n\n                                 XXVI.\n\n        To the iugement in no wyse holde the\n        Of Mygdas, the which no thyng wysely\n        Juged; by his counsell sette thou no store,\n        For erys of an asse he hadde thereffore.\n\nMydas was a knyght[263] that hadde lytell vnderstondyng; and a fable\nseyth \u00feat Phebus and Pan,[264] the god of pastures,[265] strove togedir\nand Phebus seide that the sownde of the harpe is more to prayse than the\nsownde of the pype or off the flowte. Pan heelde the contrarye and seide\n\u00fee sownde of the flowte was more to prayse. Thei made Mygdas iuge off\nthat discorde, and affter that thei were both ioyned afore Mygdas, at\nlong leyser he iuged that the sownde of \u00fee flowte was bettyr and more\nplesaunte than \u00fee sownde of the [Sidenote: f. 27.] harpe. So the fable\nseith \u00feat Phebus, the which was g[r]evyd [and] hadde dyspyte off his\niugement, made hym rude erys leche an asse, in schewyng that he hadde\nvnderstondyng of an asse, the which hade iuged so folyly. It may be\nallso that some iuged lewdely ayens a prince or a myghty man, the whiche\npunychyd hym, makyng hym to bere on hym some syngne off a ffoole, the\nwhich is to vnderstond the eres of the asse. Also it is to vnderstond by\nthis fable that a good knyght shuld not hold hym content with a lewde\niugement, not grownded on reson, ne hym selfe shuld be no iuge of so\nfawty a sentence. A philosopher seyth to this purpose that a foole is\nleche a molle,[266] the which heryth and vnderstondyth not. And Dyogenes\nlykenyth the foole to a ston.\n\nThe iugement of Mygdas, the which a good knight shulde not kepe, we may\nvnderstond Pylate, the which iuged the blyssyd Sone of God to be taken\nand streyned as a harpe and to be hangged opon the gebet of \u00fee Crosse as\na bryboure,[267] he the which was pure wyth[out] ony spotte. Also it is\nto vnderstond \u00feat \u00fee goode speryt shulde be ware how he shulde iuge an\ninnocent, and he shulde beleve the Artycle that Seynt Andrewe seith,\n[\u201cPassus sub Poncio Pylato, crucifixus, mortuus et sepultus\u201d].\n\n\n                                 XXVII.\n\n        As trewe felawes of armes doth,\n        Vnto hell, whedir that sowles gothe,\n        Thou schuldest go, theyme to socoure serteyne\n        In nede,[268] lich Hercules dyde, as men seyne.\n\nThe fable seith that Thesus and Protheus[269] went into hell for to\nrescue Proserpyne \u00feat Pluto rauysshed, and thei hade ben evyle begone\nhade not Hercules a ben for there felawes; [for thei][270] hade not bene\nsocoured hade he ne be, the which dyde so notable dedes of armes that he\naffrayed all the peple off hell, and he smote in soundir Cereberus the\nporteris chynnes.[271] So it is seyde \u00feat a good knygh shulde not faile\nhis felawe for no maner of perell that myght be; for trewe felaws shuld\nbe evyn as on thyng and all on. And Pitagoras seyth, \u201cThou shuld kepe\nthe loue of thi freende dylygently.\u201d\n\nBy the auctorite that seith he shulde socoure his trwe freendis in armes\nvnto hell we may vnderstonde the blyssyd sowle of Jhesu Cryste, the\nwhich drewe owte the good sowles of holy patriarkes and profhetes \u00feat\nwere in lymbo; and be this example the goode sperite [Sidenote: f. 28.]\nscholde draw to hym all vertues and beleve the Article that Seynt Phelip\nseith, [\u201cDescendit ad inferna\u201d].\n\n\n                                XXVIII.\n\n        Cadimus[272] love and yife to hym preisyng,\n        And that auctorised may his techyng\n        Be in the; for the welle in serteyne\n        He whan[273] fro the serpent with grete peyne.\n\nCadimus was a full noble man and ffounded Thebes, the which was a cite\nof grete name. He sette \u00feerin a vniuersyte[274] and hym selph was gretly\nlettyrd and of grete kunnyng and wysdom. The whiche man, after that the\nfabyl seith, he dowted \u00fee serpent at the welle. This is to vnderstond\nkonnyng and wisdom, the which rysyth all weye, that is for the welle;\nthe serpent is notyd for the peyne and the trauell that a stodier most\ndoute or that he gete kunnyng. And the fable seithe that he become a\nserpent hym selfe, the which is to vndirstond that he become mayster and\ncorrectore of othir. So Othea seith that a good knygh shulde love and\nworchip clerkes that be letteryd, \u00fee which be growndyd in konnyng. To\nthis purpose Aristotle seide to Alysawndre, \u201cWorchip wisdom and fortyfie\nit wyth good maystres.\u201d\n\nBe Cadimus that douted the serpent at \u00fee well, \u00fee whiche \u00fee good knygh\nshuld love, we may vnderstond the blyssed manhode of Jhesu Cryste, the\nwhich douted the serpent and wanne the welle, \u00feat is to sey, the lyfe of\nthis worlde, \u00fee which he passed with grete peyne and with grete\ntrauelle, off whom he hade victorie be strengh, when he rose the thredde\nday, as Seynt Thomas seith, [\u201cTertia die resurrexit a mortuis\u201d].\n\n\n                                 XXIX.\n\n        Delyte gretly in the kunnyng\n        Of Yo more than good or othir thyng[275];\n        For by that thou mayst lerne full gretly\n        And of good theryng take largely.[276]\n\nYo was a yong ientilwoman and doughter to knyng Ynacus;[277] \u00fee which\nwas rygh konnyng and fond many maners of letteris \u00feat hade not be se\nafore. Though that some fables sey \u00feat Yo was Jupiteris love and \u00feat\nsche becam a kowe and after a woman as she was, [this was not so], but,\nas the poietis hathe hyde trowth vnder couerture of fable, it may be \u00feat\nJubiter lovid hire, \u00feat is to vndirstond by the vertues \u00fee which was in\nhere[278] she become a kowe, for, as a kowe yevith mylke, the which is\nswete and norisshyng, she be the letteris that she fonde gaffe\nnorysshyng to [Sidenote: f. 29.] vnderstondyng. And in that she was a\ncomon woman may be vndirstond that here wytte was comon to all, as\nlettris be comon to all peple. \u00deerfore it is seide \u00feat \u00fee good knygh\nshuld full mych love Yo,[279] \u00fee which may be vnderstondyn \u00fee letteris\nand scriptures and stories of good peple, \u00fee which \u00fee good knygh shold\nhire telle gladely and reede \u00fee example of, \u00fee which may be vailable to\nhym. To this purpos Hermes seith, \u201cWho so enforceth hyme to gete konyng\nand goode condicions, he fyndith \u00feat \u00fee which shall plese hym in this\nworlde and in the tothir.\u201d\n\nYo, the which is noted for letteris and scriptures, may be vnderstondyn\n\u00feat \u00fee good sperit shuld delyte hym to reede or to here Holy Writte and\nnot[280] \u00fee Scriptures in his mynde, and thereby may he lerne to clyme\nto hevyn with Jhesu Cryst by good werkys and holy contemplacion and\nshuld beleve the worethi Article that Seynt Bertylmw seith, [\u201cAscendit\nad c\u0153los, sedet ad dexteram Dei Patris Omnipotentis\u201d].\n\n\n                                  XXX.\n\n        Beware in whatte place so that it be\n        In the noyse of flowtes slepe not ye;\n        For Mercurius that softe syngeth\n        With his flowte \u00fee peple enchaunteth.\n\nA ffabill seyth \u00feat, when Jubiter louede fayre Yo, Juno had hym gretly\nin suspeccion and discendid from heven in a skye[281] for to take hire\nhusbonde whit[282] the dede. But qwhan Jubiter sawe hir come, he\nchawnged his love to a cowe; yit for all that Juno was [not] owt of\nsuspeccion, but askyd hym \u00fee cowe of yifte, and Jubiter ayens his lyst\ngrauntyd [it] to hyr, as he \u00feat dryst not ayens say hire for doute of\nsuspeccion. \u00dean Juno gaffe Argus, \u00fee which hade .c. yen, this cow to\nkepe, and euer he wchid[283] it. But the god Mercurius by \u00fee\ncommaundement of Jubiter toke his flowte, \u00fee which song softly, and blew\nso longe in Argus eyre \u00feat all his .c. eyne were aslepe. Than he smote\nof hys hede and toke the cowe.\n\nThe exposicion of this fable may be as \u00feat some myghthi man loved a\ngentilwoman; than his wyf tooke to hire for to make wache on hir\nhusbonde \u00feat he disseyvyd hire not, and \u00feeropon sette grete weches and\nclere seers, \u00fee which may be noted for Argus eyne. But \u00fee louer by a\nperson malicius and well spekyng dide so miche \u00feat \u00fee kepers concentyd\nto gyf hym hys love, and thus were thei browght aslepe by Mercurius\nflowte and hade there hedes smyttyn off. There[fore] it is seyde to \u00fee\ngood knyght \u00feat he shulde not suffre [himself] to be brought on slepe\nwith non swiche flovte as to be robbed of that \u00fee which he shuld kepe.\nAnd to this purpos Hermes seith, \u201cKepe thou fro \u00feo that is gouuernede be\nmalice.\u201d\n\nBe Mercurius flovte we may vnderstond \u00feat \u00fee goode sperit be [Sidenote:\nf. 30.] not disseyvid by \u00fee hold enemy trowe[284] ony mysbeleve of \u00fee\nfeyth or othir wyse than he shuld beleue stedefastly \u00fee Article \u00feat\nSeynt Matheu \u00fee Euangelist seith, \u00feat God shall come and iuge \u00fee qweke\nand the dede, where he seith, [\u201cInde venturus iudicare vivos et\nmortuos\u201d].\n\n\n                                 XXXI.\n\n        Thinketh that Pirus[285] shalle resemble\n        His fadire and that he shal trobyle\n        His enemyis and put theyme to distres;\n        The deth he shall venge for Achilles.\n\nPyrus was Achilles sone and resembled full wele his ffadir in streyngh\nand hardines, and after the deth of his fadyr he come to Troye and full\ncharply venged his fadir and hurte grettly the Troyens. Therefor it is\nseide to the good knyght \u00feat, yf he have myssedone to the ffadir, lete\nhym be ware of the sone, when he comyth to age, and, yf the fadir be\nworthi or manly, \u00fee sone shulde be \u00fee same. The wise[286] man seith to\nthis purpose that the fadris dethe asketh the sone \u00fee vengaunce \u00feerfore.\n\nThere where he seith \u00feat Pirus shulde be lech his fader, by \u00feat we may\nvnderstond the Holy Gost, the which procedyth of the Fadir, in whome the\ngood sperit shulde beleve, as Seynt James \u00fee lesse seith, [\u201cCredo in\nSpiritum Sanctum\u201d].\n\n\n                                 XXXII.\n\n        Haunt thow the temple and worchip in tyme\n        The godesse[287] of heven, and at all tyme\n        Aftir Cassaundra kepe thow the gyse,\n        Yif \u00feat \u00feou wilt be holdyn for wyse.\n\nCassandra was Kyng Priantes doghtere, and she was a full good lady and a\ndevoute in there lawe. She seruyd the godesse and haunted \u00fee temple and\nshe spak but lytell withowtyn cawse, and when she most speke she spake\nnothyng but that was trewe, ne she was neuer founde with no lesyng; she\nwas full konyng. Therefor it is seide to \u00fee good knygh \u00feat he shulde be\nleke hir, for lewde costomes and lesynges ys gretly to blame in a knyte;\nfor he shulde serue God and worchip the temple, \u00feat is to sey, the\nchirche and the ministres thereof. And Pictagoras seith, \u201cIt is a ryght\nloveable thyng to serue God and to halowe hys seyntes.\u201d[288]\n\nThe a[u]ctorite seyth \u00feat \u00fee good knygh shulde haunte the [Sidenote: f.\n31.] temple. In leche wyse the goode sperit shuld do, and he shulde haue\nsynguler deuocion in the feythefull holy chirche and in the communion of\nseyntes, as the Article seyth that Seynt Symond made, the which seyth,\n[\u201cSanctam ecclesiam catholicam, sanctorum communionem\u201d].\n\n\n                                XXXIII.\n\n        Yf \u00feou wylt often haunt the se,\n        Of Neptunus thou shuld ofte remenbre the,\n        And thou shuldest halow gretly his feste,\n        That he may kepe the euer fro tempest.\n\nNeptunus opon the paynemes lawe was called \u00fee god of \u00fee see, and\ntherefor it is seyde to the good knygh \u00feat he shuld serue hym, \u00feat is to\nvndirstond \u00feat knyghttes, the which gosh often in many viages on the se\nor in other diueres perelles, haue more nede to be devoute and to serue\nGod and his seyntens than othir peplyl, to the entente [\u00feat] at here\nnede he may be socourable and helpy to theyme. And thei shulde take a\nsynguler deuocion to some seynte be deuowte prayers, by the which thei\nmay calle to hym or hire in there besynes. And that prayer wyth hert is\nnot all only sufficiaunt, the wise man seith that God all only ys not\nwell serued be wordes but by goode dedes.\n\nBe Neptunus to whom the good knygh shulde calle yf he go ofte by the se\nwe shall vndirstond that the goode sperite, the [which] is continually\nin the se of the worlde, he shulde calle deuoutely opon his Maker and\npray that he wylle gyffe hym grace so to life that he may haue remissyon\nof his synnes, and he shulde beleve the Article \u00feat Seynt Jude seyth\n[\u201cRemissionem peccatorum\u201d].\n\n\n                                 XXXIV.\n\n        Looke at all tymes thou take goode hedde\n        Bothe to Acropose[289] craft and his spede,\n        Which smyteth and sparyth non in no kynde;\n        That shal make the to haue \u00fei soule in mynde.\n\nPoyetis calle deth Accropos; wherefor it is seide to the good knyght\nthat he shulde thyngke \u00feat he shal not euer lyffe in this worlde, but\nsone depart derefro. Therfor he shulde sette more store by the vertues\nof the soule than to delytte hym in bodely delytes; and all Christen\npepill[290] shulde thynkke \u00feeropon to the entent that [t]he[i] myght\nremembre to[291] provide for the soule, \u00fee which shall endure withowtyn\nende. And to this purpose Pytagoras seith that, lech as owre begynnyng\ncomyht of God, owre ende most [Sidenote: f. 32.] nedes be there.\n\nThere where it is seyde to the good knygh that he shulde take hede to\nAcropos, the which is notyd for deth, the same shuld the goode sperite\nhaue, the which by \u00fee merites of the Passyon of owre Lord Jhesu Cryste\nshulde haue stedefaste hoope with the payne and delygence that he shuld\nput therto to haue heuen at the last ende; and he shuld beleue\nstedefastly to ryse ayene at \u00fee day of dome to haue euerlestyng lyfe yf\nhe deserue it, as Seynt Mathi seith in the last Article, where he seith,\n[\u201cCarnis resurrectionem, vitam \u00e6ternam\u201d].\n\n\n                                 XXXV.\n\n        Belorophon[292] lete hym example be\n        In all maner of dedes that doo will he,\n        The which hade mech leuer to dye\n        Than to supporte vntrouth be any weye.\n\nBelorophon was a knyght of ryght grete beaute and full of trowthe. His\nstepmodir louyd hym so hoote \u00feat sche required it of hym and, because\nthat he wold not concent to hir will, sche dyde so myche that he was\ncondempned to be deuoured with feers bestis, and he had mo lyste to\nchese the deth[293] than to do vntrwthe. To this purpose Hermes seyth,\n\u201cBe glader to dye withowte cawse than to do a inconuenyence.\u201d\n\nWe schall come now to declare the Commawndementis off the Feyth, and\nthere too we shall take an allegorie to oure purpose.\n\nBerolophon, the which was so full of trowthe, may be noted for God of\nHeuen and, as his hy mercy hath ben to vs, and is, full of all trouth,\nwe may take the Fryst Commawndement, the which seith, \u201cThou shalt\nworchip no strawnge goddes.\u201d To this seith Seynt Austyn that the\nworchippe the which is called latre[294] thou shulde not do it, neythir\nto ydoile ne to ymage ne to no lekenes of no maner of creature, for that\nis a dew worchyppe all only to God, and in this Commawndement is\ndefendede all ydolatrie. To that owre Lord seyth in the Gospell,\n[\u201cDominum Deum tuum adorabis et illi soli seruies\u201d].[295]\n\n\n                                 XXXVI.\n\n        Maymon,[296] thyn owyn trewe cosyn indede,\n        The which is thy neyghburgh at \u00fei nede,\n        He louyd the so meche thou ought hym loue,\n        And for his nede arme thy body aboue.\n\nKyng Maymon was cosyn to Hector and of the Troyens lyne, [Sidenote: f.\n33.] and when Hector [was] in fers bayteyles, where he was oftyn\ngrettely oppressed with his enemyes, Maymon, the which was a full\nworchipfull knyght, folowed hym euer nere and socoured Hector and brake\nthe grete presses of pepyll. And that shewed wele; ffor when Achilles\nhade sleyn hym by treson, Maymons wonded Achilles sore and [wolde haue]\nsleyne[297] hym, hade not socoure acome to hym in hast. Therefor it is\nseide to the goode knygh \u00feat he shulde loue hym and socoure hym at his\nnede; and this is to vnderstonde that euery prince and goode knygh which\nhath kyne, be thei neuer so lytell or poore, so he be goode and\ntrwe,[298] he shulde loue hym and support hym in his dedes and en\nspecyall whene he felyth hym trewe to hym. And it happenyth some tyme\nthat a grete prince is better louede and more trwly of his poore kyne\nthan off a full myghtye man. And to this purpose seith Rabyon[299] the\nphelesophre, \u201cEncres ffrendes, for they shall be socourable to the.\u201d\n\nBe Maymon, \u00fee trwe cosyn, we may vnderstonde God of Heven, \u00fee which hath\nbene a full trwe cosyn for to take owre manhode, \u00fee which benefette we\nmay not guerdon. Thus here may we take the Secunde Commawndement, that\nseith, \u201cThow shalte not take the name of God in veyne,\u201d that is to sey,\nas Seynt Austyn seith,[300] \u201cThou shalt not swere dyshonestly, ne\nwithowte a cawse, ne for colour of falsenes, for there may no gretter\nabusyon ben than to brynge to a flasse[301] wittenes the chefe and the\nryghte stefast trowthe.\u201d And in this Commawndement all lesynges be\ndefendede, all periure and all blaspheme. The lawe seith to this\npurpose, [\u201cNon habebit Dominus insontem eum qui assumpserit nomen Domini\nDei sui frustra\u201d].[302]\n\n\n                                XXXVII.\n\n        Avyse the, or ony worde be shewede,\n        Off grete manisynges,[303] nyse or lewde,\n        Comyng forthe of thi mowth be to grete ire,\n        And looke well in Leomedom the fire.[304]\n\nLeomedon was kyng of Troye and fader to Priant and, when Jason, Hercules\nand theire felawes went to Colcos for to gete the flese of gold and were\narived and discendid at the porte of Troye ffor to refreysche theyme\nwithowte ony hurte of the cuntre, Leomedon, not wele avised, sent bostus\nmesangers[305] to voyde theyme of the lond and to manyce theym gretly,\nif thei voyded not in hast. Than the barons of Grece were so wrooth for\nthat wrongfull conveyng \u00feat after that folowede the destruccion of the\nfryst Troye. \u00deerfor it is seide to \u00fee good knyght that, stondyng the\nworde of manace is foule and velyens, it shulde be sadely passede[306]\nor that it were spokyne, for many grete hurtes oftyn [Sidenote: f. 34.]\ntymes folowyth theroff. To this purpose the poyete Omer seith, \u201cHe is\nwyse that can refreyne his mowth.\u201d\n\nHow the worde of grete manase cometh of arrogaunce, and \u00feat to breke \u00fee\nCommawndment it is also an ouerhoope,[307] we may vndyrstonde by this\nthat noon shulde breke the halyday, for \u00feat is ayenst the Commawndment\n\u00feat is seide, \u201cVmbethynke the to halowe the Sabat.\u201d By the which Seynt\nAustyn seith it is commawndede vs to halowe the Sunday in the stede of\nthe Jues Sabat, for than we shuld solemply allso take reste bodyly,\ncesyng solemply of all werkes of thralledom, and to be in rest of sowle\nin cesyng off all synne. And to this purpose Ysaye seyth, the profyte,\n[\u201cQuiescite agere perverse, discite bene facere\u201d].[308]\n\n\n                                XXXVIII.\n\n        Trust no thyng to be in certeynete\n        Vnto that \u00fee trowth wele knowyn be;\n        For a lytell of presumcion\n        Piramus maketh the mencion.\n\nPyramus was a yong ientylman of the cyte of Babylonie, and ffro that he\nwas but vii. yere olde loue woundede hym with his darte, and [he] was\nsore takyne with the loue of Tysbe the feyre yong ientylwoman, \u00fee which\nwas leke to hym in kyn and of age; and by \u00fee grete hauntyng of \u00fee twoo\nlouers togedir \u00fee grete loue was perseyuid and by a seruaunte accused to\n\u00fee modir of \u00fee yong gentylvoman, \u00fee which tooke hir dougter and schette\nhir in hir chambre and she shulde kepe hir wele inowgh from the hauntyng\nof Piramus. And \u00feerfor \u00feer was grete woo betwyne \u00fee two childyrne in\nfull pitous complayntes and wepyng. That prison dured longe, but as they\nwexe in age \u00fee sparke of loue encressed; for all ther longe absence it\nqwenchid neuer the more. Bytweyne \u00fee places of ther kyne[309] was but a\nthynne wall. Thesbe perceyved the wall crassed,[310] where throw she saw\nbrygnes[311] on the to\u00feer side; than she toke the pendavnde of hir\ngyrdill[312] and put it throw the crevesse to \u00fee entent \u00feat hir loue\nmyht perseyue it, as that he dede in schorte tyme. And there thei ii^o\nlouers made ofte there assembles wiht full petous compleyntes. At the\nlaste, as two sore constreynyd be loue, there acorde was sich that\n[that] nyte in the fryst qwarter of the nyght they shulde parte fro\nthere kynne and mete withowte the cyte at a well vndir a qwythe\nthorne,[313] w[h]ere in there childehode they were wonte to pleye. When\nThesbe was come to the welle all alone and ferefull, she harde a lyon\ncome full rudly, ffor the which she, full of fere, fledde and layde hyr\nin a bosche fast by; but in the waye felle from hir a white wymple.\nPiramus come, the which by the moneshyne perseyuyd the wymple, but the\nlyon hade fylyd it and made it all blody, the[314]\n\n                  *       *       *       *       *\n\nIn[315] as mych as the nutte is better than the shelle,[316] it is seyde\n[Sidenote: f. 35.] to the good knyght \u00feat he shulde not sette his\nthowght in felicite, \u00feat \u00fee parseyvyng of worthines be leste therefor.\nTo this purpose Hermes seith that it is better to haue pouerte in doyng\ngoode dedys than riches lewdly or evyl getyn, standing worthines is\neuerlestyng and riches voide and dissauable.\n\nJuno, whom he shulde not sette myche by, \u00fee which is takyn for ryches,\nwe may vnderstond \u00feerby \u00feat \u00fee good spyrit shulde disprayse ryches. And\nSeynt Bernard seith, \u201cO son off Adam, leue couetyse. Wherefor louest\nthou so mych this worldly ryches, the which be neythir trwe ne thei be\nnot yowres, and, whe\u00fe\u00feer ye will or non, at yowre dethe ye most nedis\nleue theyme?\u201d And the Gospell seyth \u00feat a chamelle shuld souner passe\nthrowe an nedelles ye than a riche man shuld entre into the kynddom of\nheuen; for a chamel hath but oo boche on the bake[317] and the evyl\nryche man hath .ii^o., on of evill possessions and \u00fee tothir of synnes.\nHe most nedis leue the fryst boche at the dethe, but \u00fee tothir, wheythir\nhe will or non, he shall bere with hym, if he leue it not afore or that\nhe dye. To this purpose oure Lord seith in \u00fee Gospell, [\u201cFacilius est\ncamelum per foramen acus transire quam divitem intrare in regnum\nc\u0153lorum\u201d].[318]\n\n\n                                   L.\n\n        Ayens Amphoras[319] sad counsell, I \u00fee sey,\n        Go not to distrye, for than thou shalt dye,\n        To Thebes, ne in the cete of Arges\n        Assemble not host with chelde ne targes.\n\nAmphoras was a full wyse clerk of the cete of Arges and hade myche\nconnyng, and, when kyng Adrastus wolde go oppon Thebes for to distrye\nthe cyte, Amphoras, \u00fee which by kunnyng knewe what harme myth fall\n\u00feerof, counseld the kyng not to goo, for, yf he wente, thei all shulde\nbe dede a[n]d dystroyed; but he was not beleuyd. Yit it felle as he\nseyde. Wherefor it is seide to the good knyght \u00feat ayens the counsell of\nwyse men he shulde take no grete enterpryse. But as Soleyne[320] seith,\n\u201cThe wyse manes counsell vayleth lytell to hym \u00feat wyl not do\ntherafter.\u201d\n\nBe Amphoras counsel, ayens the which non shulde goo to bateyle, we may\ntake that the goode sperit shuld folowe holy prechyngges. And Seynte\nGregorie seyth in his Omelies \u00feat, lech as the lyffe of the body may\nnotte be susteyned withowte that he take his refeccion bodyly, on the\nsame wyse \u00fee lyfe of the soule may not be [Sidenote: f. 36] susteined\nwithowte ofte heryng the good worde of God.[321] Than Godes wordes the\nwhich ye here[322] with youre bodely heris reseyue them in yowre hertis;\nfor, whan the word is hed and kepte in yowre wombe of mynde, than it may\nprofyte, but, as a seke stomak castyth owt his mete, and as men be in\ndispayre of hym that brokyth notte but casti[t]h all owte, euen so his\nhe in perell of euerlastyng dethe \u00feat heryth prechyng and doth not\n\u00feerafter. \u00deerfor the Scriptur seith, [\u201cNon in omni solo pane vivit homo,\nsed in omni verbo quod procedit de ore Dei.\u201d][323]\n\n\n                                  LI.\n\n        Gouerne thou thi tong aftir Saturne;\n        Late not evill theryn long soiorne.\n        To speke to mech it is a fowle custome,\n        And grete foly \u00feerin is to presume.\n\nSaturne, as I haue seide before,[324] is a planeth hevy and sclowe.\nTherfor it is seide to \u00fee good knyght that his tong shulde be leke to\nhym; for the tong shulde not be to hasty in spekyng to mych, but wysyly,\nso that it speke non harme of noon, ne no thyng \u00feat a mane myth there\nimpresun folye,[325] for a poyete seyth, \u201cBy the worde men knowyth a\nwyse man, and by the looke a foole.\u201d\n\nBe the tong, the which shulde be lech Saturne, is vndirstonden the\nsadenes[326] of speche. Hue of Seynt Victore seith to this purpose that\n\u00fee mouth \u00fee which hathe not the kepyng of discrecion farith as a cete\nthat is withoute a walle, as a vessell that hathe no bothom,[327] as an\nhorse that hath no brydel, and as a chippe \u00feat hath no rothir. An evil\nkepte tong glydith as an ele, it perchith as an arwe; frendes [are] sone\nturned therby and ennemyes multiplied. It is sclaunderus and soweth\ndiscordes; at a strok it smyttyth and kyllyth many persones. Whoso\nkepyth his tong kepith his soule; for[328] deth and lyffe is in the\npoure off \u00fee soule. And to this purpose Dauid seith in the Sawter booke,\n[\u201cProhibe linguam tuam a malo, et labia tua ne loquantur dolum\u201d].[329]\n\n\n                                  LII.\n\n        Beleue the Crow and his true counsell,\n        And be neuer besy ne trauele\n        In evil thyngges to be \u00fee berer;\n        Off thi deme thou mayst be \u00fee suerer.[330]\n\nThe fable seith that the crowe mette \u00fee ravyn when he browte the\ntidynges to Phebus of his loue Corinis, \u00fee which hade done [Sidenote: f.\n37.] amysse, and she[331] requiryd of hym so ferre \u00feat he tolde hyr[332]\nthe cawse of this iurneye. But[333] she dissalowed hyme because he went\nnot for to gyffe hym example of the same, the which for a lych cas hade\nben chassede owte of the pallas howse, where some [time] [s]he was wonte\nto be gretly avanced. But he wolde not beleue hyr, for \u00fee which harme\nfolowed to hym. Where it is seyde to \u00fee good knyght \u00feat he shulde trost\n\u00fee crowe; and Platon seith, \u201cBe no iangeler ne to the knyng grete\nreportur of tydynges.\u201d\n\nHow the crowe shulde be beleued, it is seide that the goode speryte\nshulde vse sych counsell. As Seynt Grigorie seith in his Omelies, \u00feat\nstrenght vailet not when counsel is not, ffor streynght is sone\nouerthrowyn, iffe it be not rested opon the gyfte of counsell, and the\nsoule \u00fee whych hath lost in hym the seege of counsell outewarde he is\ndysparbuled[334] in diuerse desires. Therefor the wyse man seyth, [\u201cSi\nintraverit sapientia cor tuum, consilium custodiet te et prudentia\nservabit te\u201d].[335]\n\n\n                                 LIII.\n\n        Iff thou enforce the with[336] any wyght\n        Strenger than thou to make playes of myghte,\n        Withdrawe the fayre \u00feat hurte thou ne be;\n        Off Ganymedes vmbethynk the.\n\nGanymedes[337] was a yong ientilman of the Troyens ligne; and a fable\nseith \u00feat Phebus and he strof togedir in castyng of a barre of yron,\nand, as Ganymedes myth not withstond the strenght of Phebus, he was\nslayne wyth \u00fee reboundyng of \u00fee barre Phebus hade lawnchyd so hye that\nhe had lost \u00fee syght \u00feerof. And \u00feerfor it is seyde that \u00fee stryffe is\nnot goode with a strenger and a myghtier than a man is hym selfe, ffor\nther may not cumme thereof but grete inconuenyencie. Where a wyse man\nseith, \u201cTo be besy with men \u00feat vse vngracious games, it is a syngne of\npride, and communly the ende is angry.\u201d\n\nFore to sey that a man shuld not enforce hym ayens a streynger \u00fean he is\nhym selfe, it is to vndirstond that the goode sperite shulde not take on\nhym to stronge pennawnce withowte counsell. Seynt Grigori in his\nMoralles spekyth hereof and seyth \u00feat penawnce profytteth not, yf it be\nnot discrete, ne the vertue of abstynens is not worthe, yf it be sette\nin sych wyse that it be scharper than the body may suffre. And \u00feerfor it\nis to conclude \u00feat no poore person shulde take it on hym withowte\ncounsel off more discrete than hym selfe. Where the wyse man seyth in\nhis Prouerbes, [\u201cUbi multa consilia, ibi est salus\u201d].[338]\n\n\n                                  LIV.\n\n        Resemble not to Jasone, that man [Sidenote: f. 38.]\n        The which throu\u021d Medee \u00fee fleze wan\n        Off golde, for \u00fee which soon afterwarde\n        He yafe hire right evill guerdon and harde.\n\nJason was a knyght of Grece, \u00fee which went into strawnge cuntreis, that\nis to sey, into the Ile of Colcos, by the enortyng off his vncle\nPelleus, the which of envy desired his deth. There was a chepe[339] \u00feat\nhadde a flees of golde and it was kepte by enchauntment; but the\nconquest was so strong that non comme thedir but that lost there lyfe.\nMedee, the whiche was the kynges doughter of that cuntre, toke so grete\nloue to Jason \u00feat by the enchauntmentes that sche cowde, off the which\nsche was a soueren maysteres, she made charmes and lerned Jason\nenchauntementis by the whiche he whanne the fleese of golde, wereby he\nhade worchip aboue all knyttes lyvynge, and by Medee was reserued fro\ndeth, to whom he hade promysyd euer to be trwe freende. But efftyr he\nfayled of hys feyth and loued anothir and left hyr holy[340] and forsoke\nhir, notwithstondyng she was off soueren beaute. Therfor it is seyde to\nthe good knyght that he shulde not be leke to Jason, the which was\nvnknowyn and to ontrwe to \u00feat the which hade schewed hym mych\ngoodenes.[341] Wherefor it is to veleyns a thyng for a knyght or any\nnobill person to be rekeles or evyll knowyng of goodenesse, iff any he\nhath reseyuyd, be it of lady or off gentylwoman or off ony othir\npersone; ffor he shulde euere thynke thereon and guerdon it vnto his\npowere. To this purpose Hermes seith, \u201cBe not slowe ne delayyng to\nremembre of hym \u00feat hath doone the goode, for thou shuldest euer thynkke\nthereopon.\u201d\n\nThe good sperite shulde not be leke to Jason, the which was rekeles, ne\nvncunnyng of the benefices reseyvid of his Maker. And Seynt Barnarde\nseith opon the Cantecles that vnkunnyng is ennemye to the soule, a\nlesser of vertues and dispraysyng of meritis and a lessyng of beneficis,\nand allso ingratitude fareth as nowght,[342] the which dryeth the well\nof pete, the dewe of grace and the reuer of mercye. And to this purpose\nthe wyse man seith, [\u201cIngrati enim spes tanquam hibernalis glacies\ntabescet et disperiet tanquam aqua supervacua.\u201d][343]\n\n\n                                  LV.\n\n        Kepe the wele fro the serpent Gorgon; [Sidenote: f. 39.]\n        Be ware that thou looke not hyr[344] opon;\n        Haue good sadde mynde opon Percyualle,[345]\n        And he shall the tell the story all.\n\nGorgon, as the fable seith, was a gentylvoman of souereyne beaute; but\nbecause that Phebus[346] lay by hyr in the temple of Diane, the godes\nwas so sore meved and grevyd that she schawnged hir into a serpent of\nryght orribil figure. And \u00feat serpent hade sich a propirte \u00feat euery man\nthat [be]helde hir was changed sodeynely into a ston; and for the harme\nthat folwed of hire Percyvale, the worthi knyght, went for to fyght with\nthat fers beste. And he behelde hym selfe in the bryghtnes of his\nshelde, the whiche was all golde, because he shulde not beholde the\nevill serpent, and he dide so mych \u00feat he smote of hir[347] hede. Many\nexposicions may be made of this fable, and Gorgon may be vndirstonden\nfor a cete or a towne \u00feat was wonte to be of grete bounte, but throw the\nvicis of the duellers \u00feerin it become a serpent and venemus; that is to\nvnderstonde, \u00feat it dede mych harme in the marches to there neygburs, as\nto robbe and to pyll holy chirche,[348] all tho \u00feat thei myghte gete,\nand merchawndys and othir passeris forby were takyn and holden and put\nin streyte presonys and thus were thei chawnged into stones. Percivale,\nthat behelde hym selfe in his chelde, \u00feat is to sey, in his strynght and\nknyghode, and went to fyght ayens the cite, he tooke it and tooke the\npower fro it, \u00feat it dede no more harme.[349] It myght be that some man\nmyght take a full feyre lady of evyll dedys, \u00fee which bi hire couetise\nput many from there goodes, but he put hir from \u00feat wyll; and many othir\nvndirstondynges may be sette herein. Therefor it is seide to \u00fee good\nknyght that he kepe hym fro behaldyng evill thyngges, \u00fee which myght\ndrawe hym to evyll. And Aristotil seith, \u201cFle peple full of wikydnes and\nbefolowe wyse men and stody in there bookes and beholde thy selfe in\ntheire dedes.\u201d\n\nHow that Gorgon shulde notte be beholden, \u00feat is to sey \u00feat \u00fee good\nsperite shuld not behold no thyng in no maner delyte, but beholde[350]\nhym in \u00fee childe[351] of \u00fee state of perfeccion, and \u00feat is for to fle\ndelites. Aristotyl[352] seithe \u00feat, as it is impossibyl \u00feat [fire shuld\nburn in water, so it is impossibyl \u00feat] compunccion[353] of herte is\namong wor[l]dly delites, for thei be .ii^o. contrary thynges \u00feat\ndistroyith iche of them othir, for compunccion is modir of terres and\ndelites engenderyth laughynges, compunccion restreynyth the [Sidenote:\nf. 40.] hert and delites enlargeth it. To thys purpose seyth Holy\nScripture, \u201cThey \u00feat sowyn in wepyng shal repyn in lawyng.\u201d[354]\n\n\n                                  LVI.\n\n        Yf that loue make shorte to \u00fee \u00fee nyght,\n        Be ware Phebus noye the not with his myght,\n        Wherby thou mayst be take and tied\n        In Vlnecans lyeines and ouerleyede.[355]\n\nA ffable seith that Mars and Venus loued togedir par amovres. It ffelle\non a nyght that \u00fee[356] loueres were aslepe, arme in arme. Phebus, the\nwhich sawe clerly, come opon theyme and for the which he accused theyme\nto Vulcans, Venus husbond. Than he, \u00feat sawe theyme in that plyte,\nforged a lyeine and a cheyne of bras and bond them togedir so that thei\nmyght not meve, as he \u00feat is smyth of heuen and can worke sotely, and\nthus he come opon theyme and thanne went he forth [to] the tothir\ngodes[357] and sheued theyme his shame. And the fable seith that sich\nrotters there be \u00feat wolde full fayne falle in \u00fee same mysdede.[358] To\nthis fabill may be sette diuers exposicions, and it may full souereynly\ntowche some poyntes of astronomye[359] to tho \u00feat sotely can vndirstond\nit. Mars[360] to owre purpose seith \u00feat \u00fee good knyght shulde kepe hym\n\u00feat in syche [cas] he be not ouerlede before yetilnes of tyme.[361] And\na wyse man seith, \u201cVnnethes is ony thynge of secrete but that of some it\nis perceyuyd.\u201d\n\nThere where \u00fee auctorite seith \u00feat, if lowe[362] schorte the nyghte to\nthe, we shall sey \u00feat \u00fee gode sperit shulde kepe hym from \u00fee wacches of\nthe fende. Seynt Leo the pope seith to this, \u00feat \u00fee holde ennemy, the\nwhich transfygured hym into an angell of lyght,[363] sesseth not to\nstrech his snaris of temptacions ouer all and to aspie how he may\ncorumpe \u00fee feithe of good beleuers; he beholdyth whome he shall embrace\nwith \u00fee fyer of couetyse, whom he shall enflame with the brennyng desyre\nof lechery, to whom he shall purpose the lekerousnes of glotenye; he\nexamynyth of all customes, discutyth of hertes, commyteth[364]\naffeccions and there seketh he cause of iniure where he fyndeth hyme.\nTherefor seyth Seynt Petyr the apostle, [\u201cSobrii estote et vigilate quia\nadversarius vester diabolus tanquam leo rugiens circuit qu\u00e6rens quem\ndevoret\u201d].[365]\n\n\n                                 LVII.\n\n        Thamaris[366] dispraysed may not well be, [Sidenote: f. 41.]\n        Though a voman she were of Femene.\n        Umbethynk the where takyn was Cyrus,\n        For ryght herde and dere he brought \u00feat distrus.[367]\n\nThamaris [was] qwen of Amazonie, a full worthy lady and full off grete\nworthynesse, of grete hardynes and wyse in armes and gouernauns. Cirus,\nthe grete kyng of Perse, the which hadde conqwered many a region, with a\ngrete host he meved ffor to goo ayens a grete reaume of Femene, of the\nwhich he sette but lytell by the streynghte. But she, the which was\nexperte and sotyll in crafte of armes, suffyrd hym to entre into hyr\nreaume wythowte ony mevyng of hyr into the tyme that he was comyn into\nstrate passage among hylles and grete mownteynes, where a full strong\ncuntre was. Than be Thamaris busshmentes[368] he was assaylled on\neuer[y] parte with the wymmens hoste and browght so ferre forthe \u00feat he\nwas takyn. The qwhen made hym to be browght before hir and made his hede\nbe smetyn off and to be cast in a tobbe full off his barons blode, the\nwhich she had made to be sheded in his presens, and Thamaris spak in\nthis wyse, \u201cCirus, the which had neuer inowgh of mannys blode, now mayst\nthow drynke inowthe.\u201d And thus endyd Cirus, the grete kyng of Perse, the\nwhich was neuer ouercome in no batayle affore. Therefor Othea seith to\nthe good knyght that he shulde neuer be ouertrostyng in hyme selphe, but\n\u00feat he shulde doute that he mytht happe amysse by some infortune and yit\nby symplere than he ys. To this purpose Platon seith, \u201cDisprayse noon,\nffor hys wertues may be grete.\u201d\n\nThamaris, the which shulde not be dispraysed, thowe \u00feat she be a voman,\nis to sey \u00feat a good speryte shulde not disprayse in hate[369] the state\nof mekenes, be it in relygion or ell where; and that mekenes is to\nprayse. Jon Cassian[370] seith that in no wyse the edifice of vertues in\noure sowle may not reyse ne dresse hym self if the fundement of very\nmekenes be not tastyd fryst in oure hertes, the which, and it be ryghte\nstedefastly sette, may susteyne \u00fee lynes of perfeccion and of charite.\nTherefor the wyse man seyth, [\u201cQuanto maior es humilia te ipsum in\nomnibus et coram Deo invenies gratiam\u201d].[371]\n\n\n                                 LVIII.\n\n        Thy witte to be ennorted[372] suffre nought\n        To foly delitys, ne herto brought\n        Thy wyrchip; if it be asked of the,\n        Anon beholde the wele in Medee.\n\nMedee was on of the konnyngest women of sorserye that euer [Sidenote: f.\n42.] was and hade most kunnyng; and \u00feat stories seith. Notwythstondyng\nshe suffred hire witte to be enorted at the owne will for to fullfylle\nhire delyte, as in lewde love she suffyrd hyre to be maystyrde, so \u00feat\nshe sette hire herte opon Jason and yaffe hym worchip, body and goodes;\nffor the which after that he yaffe hire a full evyll rewarde. Wherefor\nOthea seith that the good knyght shulde not suffre reson to be ouercome\nwyth lewde delyte in no maner cas, iff he will vse of the vertue of\nstreynght. And Platon seyth that a man of lyghte corage is sone\nmeved[373] wyth that the which he louede.\n\nThat a man shulde not suffre his wytte to be ennorted to lewde delyte\nmay be vnderstondyn that the goode sperit shulde not suffre his propir\nwill to haue dominacion; for, yf propir will of dominacion cesyd not,\nthere shulde be noon hell ne the fyer off hell shuld haue no dominacion\nbut opon the person that sufferyth his propir will to be lorde of hym,\nffor propir will feythyt ayens God and enprideth the selfe. That is the\nwhich dispoilleth Paradyse and clothit hell and voydeth the valu of the\nblode of Cryst Jhesu and submyttyth the worlde to the tharledom of the\nfeend. To this purpose the wyse man seyth, [\u201cVirga atque correptio\ntribuit sapientiam; puer autem qui dimittitur voluntati su\u00e6 confundit\nmatrem suam.\u201d][374]\n\n\n                                  LIX.\n\n        Iff thou be soget to god Cupido,\n        The wood[375] giant looke thou kepe the fro,\n        That the harde roche in no wyse may put be\n        Opon Acis and opon Galatee.[376]\n\nGalatee was a fayre godesse, the which had a yong ientilman that she\nloued and he was dede.[377] There was a gyant of a fowle stature that\nloued hir, but she lyste not to loue hym; but he aspied hir so besily\nthat he perceyued theyme bothe in the creues of a roche. Thanne were\nthey ouerleyde[378] with a sodeyne rage, and the roche trembled in syche\nwyse that it holy brak and raffe asownedyr. But Galatee, the which was a\nfayrye,[379] dressyd hir into the see[380] and askapid therby. This is\nto vndirstond that the good knyght shulde be ware in sich case to be\nouerleyde with sich as hath myght and wyll to greve hym.\n\nHow he shuld be ware of the gyant, the which is yoven to Cupido, itt is\nto vnderstond that the good speryte [shuld] be wele ware that he hath\nnon ymagenacion to the worlde ne to no thynge [Sidenote: f. 43.] \u00feerof,\nbut euer thynke that all woordly thynges may litell while endure. For\nSeynt Jerom seyth opon Jeremye that there is no thyng may be noysed long\nemong those thynges which shalle haue ende; so all owre tyme is as of\nlitell regarde to the euerlastyng terme. To this purpose the wyse man\nseyth, [\u201cTransierunt omnia illa tanquam umbra et tanquam nuntius\npercurrens\u201d].[381]\n\n\n                                  LX.\n\n        Fleeth euer the godesse of Dyscorde;\n        Euyl be hire lyenis and hire corde.\n        Pellus[382] mariage full sore she trobled,\n        For the which after mych foolke assembled.\n\nDyscorde is a godesse of evil dedys, and a fabyll seyth that whan Pellus\nweddyd the godesse Thetis, off whome Achilles was after that borne,\nJubiter and all the tothir godes and godesses were at the mariage, but\nthe godes of Discorde was not prayed therto and therefor for invie she\ncom onsent for. But she come not all for noghte, for she dide verily hir\noffice. When they were sette at dynne at a borde, the .iii. myghty\ngodesses Pallas, Juno and Venus, there come Discorde and cast an appell\nof golde opon the borde, whereon was wretyn \u201cLete this be gouen to the\nffayrest\u201d; and than the fest was trobeld, for yche off theyme sey thei\nought to haue it. They went afore Jubiter for to be iuged of that\ndiscorde, but he wolde not plese on to displese anothir. Wherefore thei\nputte the debate opon Paaris of Troye,[383] the [which] was an herde man\nthan,[384] as his modir drempt, when sche was grete with hyme, that he\nschulde be cawse off distruccion of Troye; he was sent therfor to the\nforest to the herdeman, venyng[385] to hym that he hadde bene his sone.\nAnd there Mercurius, the wiche [conducted] the ladies,[386] tolde hym\nwhos sone that he was; than he lefte kepyng of shepe and went to Troye\nto his grete kynne. The fabill witneschit thus, where the weri stori is\nhidde vndir poyetikly couertoure, and because that often tymes many\ngrete mischevis hath fallen and fallyth throwe discorde and debate,\nOthea seith to the goode knyth that he shulde be ware of discorde; so\nthat, as it is a fowle thyng to be a debatoure and to move riottes,\nPitagoras seith \u201cGo not,\u201d seith he, \u201cin that weye where that hattes[387]\ngrowes.\u201d\n\nWhere it is seyde that discorde shuld be fleed, on the same wyse the\ngood sperit shulde flee all lettynges of consience and [Sidenote: f.\n44.] eschewe stryvis and riottes. [Cassiodorus][388] souuerainly seith,\n\u201cHe fleeth stryves and riottes; for to stryve ayens pes it is woodnes,\nto stryue ayens his souereyne it is maddenes, to stryve ayens his\nsoogette it is grete velany.\u201d Therefor Seynte Powle seith, [\u201cNon in\ncontentione et \u00e6mulatione\u201d].[389]\n\n\n                                  LXI.\n\n        Thyne evyll misdede forgete thou noght,\n        Iff thou to any[390] haue so myche wroughte,\n        For the reward he will wele kepe fro the.\n        Distroyed was Leomedon, parde.\n\nLeomedon, as I haue seide, was kyng off Troye, and he hadde done grete\nvelany to the barons of Grece[391] to voyde them fro his lande[392]; the\nwiche they foryate noght, but Leomedon hathe foryeten it whan the Grekes\nron on hym, the wiche ouercome hym, he oncouered and disporveide, so\nthey distroyyd hym. Therefor it is seide to the good knyght that, yf he\nhathe mysdone to any, that he kepe hym wele, ffor he may be sekyr it\nshal notte be foryeten, but rather wenged,[393] whanne he may haue tyme\nand place. And to this purpose Hermes seyth, \u201cBe ware that thynne\nennemyes com not vpon the, and thou disporveyde.\u201d\n\nThat he shuld not forgete the myssedede that he hathe done to anothir\nmay be vndirstondyn \u00feat, when the good sperite felyth hym in synne for\nfawte of resistence, he shulde thynke that he shuld be ponnysshede, as\nthei be that be dampnyd, yf he amende hym notte. And therof seith Seynt\nGregorie that the dome of God goth nowe fair and softely and a sclowe\npas, but in tyme comyng it shall recompence the more greuously the mercy\nshall tarry of his acte. To this purpose the prophete Joel seith,\n[\u201cConvertimini ad Dominum Deum vestrum, quia benignus et misericors\nest,\u201d etc.].[394]\n\n\n                                 LXII.\n\n        Iff it happe thou be of loue doited,[395]\n        Be ware at the leste to whom thou tell it;\n        That thi dedes discouered not be,\n        Vmbethynke the welle of Semelle.[396]\n\nThe fable seith that Semelle was a gentylwoman that Jubiter loved\nparamours. Juno, the wiche was in ialoucie, tooke the lekenes of an\nauncient woman and cam to Semelle and with fayre wordys began to reson\nhyre in so moche that Semelle knowliged to hyre all the love off hyre\nand of hyr loue, and to [be] well beloued and knowen of hyme she vaunted\nhire. The godesse \u00feanne seyde to hir, the [Sidenote: f. 45.] wiche tooke\nno hede of the dissayte, [that] she perceyued[397] nothyng yit of the\nlove of hire love, [but] when she shulde be nexte with hym, that she\nshulde aske hym a yifte and, when she hadde well requyred hym and that\nhe hadde grawnted, that she shulde desyre of hym that he wolde\nvouchesafe to halse[398] hir in syche wyse as [he] halsed Juno his\nwyffe, when that he wolde solace hym with here, and in syche wyse myght\nshe perceyue the loue of hyre love. Semelle fforyate it not, and when\nshe hade made the requeste to Jubiter, the wiche hade promysyd it hyre\nand as a god that myght not calle it agayne, he was full sori and wyst\nwele that sche hadde bene disseyved. Than Jubiter tooke lekenes of\nfire[399] and halsed his loue, the wiche in a litell while was all\nbruled and brent, for the wiche Jubiter was full hevy of \u00feat aventure.\nOpon this fabill may be takyn many vnderstondynges, anamly opon the\nscience off astronomie, as maystris seyne. But it may be allso that be\nsome weye a gentilwoman may be disseyved by the wyffe of hyr loue,\nwherethrowgh hym selfe made hir to die be inaduertance. And therfor it\nis seyde to the good knyght that he shuld be ware, whanne he spekyth of\na thyng that he wolde that it were secrete, afore or he speke hys worde,\nto whome he seyth it and whatte he seyth, for by the circumstances\nthyngges ma ben vndirstondyn. Therefor Hermes seith, \u201cShewe not the\nsecretes of thi thoughtes but to thoo that thou hast well preued.\u201d\n\nHow he shulde take hede to whome he spekyth we may vndirstond that the\ngood sperite, what so euer hys thowtys be, he shulde be ware in euery\ncas where evil suspeccion myght falle to ony othir. As Seynt Austyn\nseith in the booke of Job,[400] that we shuld not all only sete store to\nhaue good conscience, but in as myche as owre infirmyte may, and as\nmyche [as] the diligence of mankyndly frelnes may, wee shuld take good\nhede that we dede no thyng that myght come to evil suspeccion to owre\nstedefast brothir.[401] To this purpose seith Seynt Poule the apostle,\n[\u201cIn omnibus pr\u00e6be te ipsum exemplum bonorum operum\u201d].[402]\n\n\n                                 LXIII.\n\n        The disporte trust not to mychyll opon\n        Of Dyane, for \u00feer is disporte right none\n        For them \u00feat ben in knyghthode pursewyng\n        That shuld cause them to haunt to mych huntyng.\n\nDyane is called godess off the wode and of huntyng; so it is seide to\nthe good knyght pursewyng the hight name of armes \u00feat he shulde not mvse\nto myche in the disportes of huntyng, for it is a [Sidenote: f. 46.]\nthyng that longeth to ydylnes. And Arystotle seith that ydilnes ledyth a\nman to all inconveniences.\n\nThat a man shuld not folwe to myche Dyanes disporte, the wiche is take\nfor ydilnes, the goode speryte may noote the same, and that is to\neschew. Seynt Grygori seyth, \u201cDo euer some goode thynge, that the fende\nmay allway fynde the occupied in some goode occupacion.\u201d To this purpose\nthe wyse man seith, [\u201cConsideravit semitas domus su\u00e6 et panem otiosa non\ncomedit\u201d].[403]\n\n\n                                 LXIV.\n\n        Avaunte the not, for grete harme fell therefore[404]\n        To Yragnes,[405] the wich myssetook hir sore,\n        That ayens Pallas hire so avaunted,\n        For the wyche the goodesse hire enchaunted.\n\nThe fable seyth that Yragnes was a gentylwoman full sotyll and kunnyng\nin schapyng, wevyng and sewyng, but she was too presumtuos of hir\nconnyng and indede she vaunted hire ayens Pallas. For the wyche the\ngodes was greued wyth here that fore that foly vauntyng sche schawneged\nhyr into an yraigne and than seyde, \u201cThou vaunted the so myche in wevyng\nand sewyng that thou shalt euer aftir this weve and spynne werke of no\nvalue,\u201d and fro thiens come the yraignes that be yite, the wiche sessyth\nnot of spynnyng and wevyng. It may be so vndirstonden that some persone\nwanted ayens hir maystres, ffor the wiche in some wyse thei tooke harme.\nTherefor it is seide to the good knyght that he shuld not vaunt hyme,\nstandyng it is a foule thyng for a knyght to be a vauntoure, for it may\nabuse to myche the prayse of his bownte. And in the same wyse Platon\nseyth, \u201cWhen thou dost a t[h]yng,\u201d seith he,[406] \u201cbetter than anothir,\nbe ware thou avaunte not therof, for yf thou doo thyne avayle is myche\nthe lesse.\u201d\n\nFor that a man shuld not vaunte hym, we may sey that the goode sperite\nshulde be ware of wauntyng, for Seynt Austyn spekith ayens vauntyng in\nthe .xii. boke of the Cete of God, \u00feat vauntyng is not mankyndly\npraysyng, but is aturnyd to vyse of the sovle, the wich louyth mankyndly\npraysynges and dispithet the wery wytnes of his propyr consyence. To\nthis purpose the wyse man seythe, [\u201cQuid nobis profuit superbia, aut\ndiuitiarum jactantia?\u201d].[407]\n\n\n                                  LXV.\n\n        Iff to grete desyre will them brynge\n        To loue mechell disporte of huntynge,\n        Dadonius[408] than remenbre may the,\n        For with a woode wilde bore dede was he.\n\nDadanius was a ioly gentylman[409] and of grete beaute. Venus loued hym\nparamoures, but because he delytyd hym to myche in huntyng, Venus, the\nwich douted that some hurt myth com to hym by some aventure, she prayed\nhym ofte to be ware how he huntyd to grete bestes. But Dadonius wolde\nnot be ware, and therfor he was slayne wyth a wilde bore. Therfor it is\nseyde to the good knyght that, yf he wille all gates hunte, late [hym]\nkepe hym from sych huntyng that may doo hym harme. To this purpose the\nprofete Sedechias[410] seith that a knyght shulde not suffre his sone\nhunte to myche ne be ydyll, but he shulde make hym to be enformed to\ngoode condicions and to fle vanyte.\n\nHow he shulde thynke on Dadonius may be vnderstondyn that, yif the goode\nsperite be in any wyse out off the weye, that at the leste he shulde\nthynke on the grete perell of perseuerance; for, as the fende hath grete\nmyght opon synners, Seynt Petir seythe in the secund Pystyll[411] that\nsynners ben bownde to corupcion and the fende hath power ouer theyme,\nfor he that in batayle is ouercome of an othir is becomyn bonde to hym.\nAnd in tokyn therof it is seyde in the Pocalipse, [\u201cData est besti\u00e6\npotestas in omnem tribum et populum.\u201d][412]\n\n\n                                 LXVI.\n\n        If so be thette there assaile the any,\n        Be ware thou ne thi men ryse not lyghtly\n        Ayens theyme, that thi town of strenght not slake;\n        Off the fryst Troye example thou mayst take.\n\nWhenne Hercules wyth mych pepyll com opon the fryst Troye and that kyng\nLeomedon herd seye of there comyng, than he with all the peple that he\nmyght gete in the cete yode owte and went ayens theyme to the water\nsyde, and there theye assembled wyth full ferse bataile and \u00fee cete was\nleft voyde of peple. Than Thelamen Ayaux, the wich was enbushed wyth a\ngrete oste nere the walles of the cete, enteryd into it, and thus the\nfryst Troye was takyn. Therefor it is seyde to the goode knyght that he\nshulde kepe hym, that in siche wyse he be not disseyuyd wyth his\n[Sidenote: f. 48.] ennemyes. And Hermes seyth, \u201cKepe the from the\npeple[413] of thyn ennemyes.\u201d\n\nWhere it is seyde that a man shuld kepe hym, yf he be assayled, that his\ncete be not voide, it is to sey that the good spyryte shulde euer kepe\nhym sesid and filled with vertues. And hereto seyth Seynt Austyn that,\nlyche as in tyme of werre men of armes shuld not be onsesyde of theyre\narmes ne owt of theyme nyght ner day, on the same wyse duryng the tyme\nof this present lyfe he shulde not be dyspoyled of vertues, for he thate\nthe fende fyndeth withowte vertues faryth as he that the aduersari\nfyndyth withoute armes. Therfor the Gospel seyth, [\u201cFortis armatus\ncustodit atrium suum\u201d].[414]\n\n\n                                 LXVII.\n\n        Opon the harpe assot the not to sore\n        Off Orpheus. Yf thou sete any store\n        Be armes, thou wylte \u00feerin wele spede.\n        To fre[415] instrementis thou hast non nede.\n\nOrpheus was a poyete, and the fabill seyth that he cowde welle pleye on\nthe harrpe, so that the ryngyng[416] wateres all only tournyd theyre\ncoruse, and the birdes of the eyre, the wylde bestes and the fres[417]\nserpentis foryate there cruelnes and restyd to here the songge and the\nswete sounde of his harpe. This is to vnderstond he pleyith so wele that\nall maner of pepill of whate condicions that they were delytede theyme\nto here the poietis pley. And becawse that syche instrumentis sotted\noften the hertis of men, it is seyde to the goode knyght that he shuld\nnot delyte hym to meche therein, for it longeth not to the sones of\nknyghthode to mvse to mych in instrumentis ne in othir ydylnes. To this\npurpose an auctorite seyth, \u201cThe soule of the instrument is the snare of\nthe serpent\u201d; and Platon seyth, \u201cHe \u00feat settyth holy his plesauns of\nfleysly delythes is more bond \u00fean a sclawe,\u201d that is to seye, than a man\nthat is bought and solde.\n\nOrpheus harpe, vpon the wich a man shulde not be assotted, we may\nvndirstonde that the knyghtly sperite shulde not be assotted ne mvsyd in\nno maner of wordly felacheppe, be it kynne or othir. Seynt Austyn seyth\nin the booke of the Syngularyte off Clerkis that the solytary man felyth\nlesse prekynges of his fleych that havntyth not voluptuousenes than he\nthat hawntyth it, and lesse it [Sidenote: f. 49.] sterith to couetyse\nthe which seeth not wordly riches[418] than he that seeth it. Therefor\nDauyd seith, [\u201cVigilavi et factus sum sicut passer solitarius in\ntecto\u201d].[419]\n\n\n                                LXVIII.\n\n        Grownde yow not opon noone avysyons,\n        Ne opon no lewde illusyons\n        Off grete emprise, thought it be ryght or wrong,\n        And of Paaris remenbre yow among.\n\nBecause that Paryis hadde dremed that he shulde ravysch Helayne in\nGrece, a grete army was made and sent ffro Troye into Grece, where that\nParyis ravysshede Heleyne. Than for that wrongfull dede they com after\nthat opon Troye with all the power off Grece. There was soo grete a\ncovnetre at that tyme that it lastyd to the contre that we calle now\nPuille[420] and Calebre in Ytaly, and that tyme it was called Lytyl\nGrece.[421] And of that contre was Achilles and \u00fee Mirmedewes, the which\nwere so worthi fyters. That grete quantite of pepill confoundid Troye\nand all the contre. Therefor it is seyde to the good knyght that he\nshulde not ondirtake to doo no grete thynge opon avysiones, for grete\nharme and grete besynes may come thereoff. And that a grete emprise\nshuld not be done wythowte good deliberacion of counsell, Platon seyth,\n\u201cDo nothyng,\u201d seith he, \u201cbut that thy wytte hath ouerseen afore.\u201d\n\nThat a grete empryse shuld not be takyn for avisyon, that is to sey that\nthe good sperite shulde in no vyse presume ne reyse hym selphe in\narrogance for no maner of grace that God hath yoven hym. And Seynt\nGregorie seyth in his Morales that there be .iiii. spices[422] in the\nwhiche all bolnynges of arrogances be shewed. The fryst is when they\nnoyse they haue of them selfe the goodnes that they haue; the .ii. is\nwhen they wene welle that they haue deseruyd and reseyuyd it for ther\nmeritis the goodnes \u00feat they haue; the .iii. is when they avant to haue\nthe goodnes that they haue not; and the .iiii. is when that they\ndysprese othir and desire that men shuld know the goo[d]nes that is in\ntheyme. Ayens this vyse the wyse man spekyth in his Prouerbes,\n[\u201cArrogantiam et superbiam et os bilingue detestor\u201d].[423]\n\n\n                                 LXIX.\n\n        Iff thou loue well houndes an birdes, than\n        On Anteon,[424] the fayre yong gentilman,\n        The which becomme an herte, vmbethynk well \u00fee,\n        And loke that siche fortune com not to the.\n\nAntheon was a full corteis ientylman and of gentyl condicions [Sidenote:\nf. 50.] and loued houndes and birdes to myche; fore the fabill seith\nthat on a day as he huntyd all alone in a thykke forest, wheryn his men\nhadde lost hym, thane as Dyane the godesse of the woode hadde huntyd in\nthe forest to it was the oure of noone, she was sore chaffede and hoote\nfor the grete hete of the sunne, for \u00fee which she had a lyste to bathe\nhir in a f[a]yre welle and a clere, the whiche was ther fast by, and as\nshe was in the welle all nakyde envyrouned wyth fayreis[425] and godes\nthe whiche seruyd hyre, Antheon, the which tooke non heede, com sodeynly\nopon hire and sawe all the godes, of whome for hire grete castite the\nvesage wexe reede for shame and was full sory. And than she seide,\n\u201cBecawse that I know wele that thysse yong gentilman wyll vaunt hym of\nladies and gentilwomen\u2014to the entent that thou schalte not mowe vante\nthe that hathe see me naked, I shall take the myght of thy speche from\nthe.\u201d Than she cursyd hym, and anon Antheon becomme a wilde herte and no\nthyng was lefte hym of mankyndly shape but all only vndirstondyng. Than\nhe, full of grete sorowe and off sodeyne feere, wente fleyng throwe the\nbusches, and anon he was reseyuyd with his owen houndes and halewed wyth\nhys owen men that serched the forest for hym, but nowe they haue founde\nhyme and knowe hym not. There Antheon was drawe doune, the whych wepte\ngrete teres afore his owne men and fayne woolde haue cryed theyme mercy\nyif he myght haue spokyn. And sene that tyme hethir to hertes euer at\nthere dethe wepyn. Antheon was slayne and martired with grete woo with\nhis owen menye, the which in a litell while had all devowred hym. Many\nexposicions may be made vpon this fable; but to oure purpose it may be\nseide of a yong man that habaundoneth hym holy in ydylnes and dispendith\nhis goodes and his gettynges in delyte off his body and in disportes of\nhuntyng and to kepe ydel menye. Hereby may it be seide that he was hated\nof Dyane, the which is noted for chastite, and deuowred of his owen\nmenye. Therefor it is seide to the good knyght that he shuld be ware he\nwere not deuowred in leche wyse. And a wyse man seith, \u201cIdilnes\nengendyrth idylnes[426] and errour.\u201d\n\nBe Antheon, the which become an herte, we may vnderstond the veray\nrepentaunt man that was wonnte to be a synner and now hath ouercome his\nfleyssch and made it bonde to the good sperite [and] takyn the state of\npennaunce. Seynt Austyn seith in the Sawtyr that pennance is an esy\nthyng or dede and a lyght charge; it owght not to be called a grete\ncharge for a man but wenges off a byrde fleyng, for, as a birde in herth\nhere bereth the charge of [Sidenote: f. 51.] there wenges and there\nwenges berith theyme to heven, on the same wyse, yff we bere on erthe\nhere the charge off pennawnce, it shal bere vs to heven. To this purpose\n\u00fee Gospell seith, [\u201cP\u0153nitentiam agite, appropinquavit enim regnum\nc\u0153lorum\u201d].[427]\n\n\n                                  LXX.\n\n        I seye go notte to the yates of helle\n        For to seke Euridice be my counselle.\n        Litell he wanne there with his harpe and play,\n        Orpheus, as that I haue ofte herd seye.\n\nOrpheus the poyete, the which harpede so well,[428] a fabil seith that\nhe maried hym to Euridice, but on the day of mariage thei wente to\ndisporte theyme in a medwe barefoote ffor the grete hete of the sonne,\nand an herde coveytyd that fayyr woman and ranne ffor to a rauysshed\nhyr, and as she flede afore hym for fere of hym she was betyn with a\nserpent that was hyd wnder the gresse of the medwe, and within a litell\nwhile after the mayden dyed. Orpheus was ryght heuy of that mysse\naventure; yit he tooke his harpe and wentte to \u00fee yattes of helle in the\ndyrke waly afore the helle paleys, and thanne he begane to harppe\npytously and he pleyyd so swetely that all the tormentes off helle cesyd\nand all the helly offices lefte there besynes for to here the sownde of\nthe harppe, and anamly Proserpyne, the godes off helle, was meuyd with\ngrete pete. Than Pluto, Lucifere, Cerebrus and Acaron,[429] the which\nfor the harpor sawe that the offices off hell peynnes lefte and cesed,\ntoke hym hys wyff vpon a condicion that he shulde goo afore and sche\nafter, and that he shulde notte loke behynde hym to he come owt of the\nvaly of helle, and yff he looked behynde hym he shuld lefe hire. Opon\nthis condicion she was delyuered to hym ayen. So Orpheus wente afore and\nhis loue after, but he that was to hoote in loue, the which desired to\nbeholde hire, myght not kepe hym from lokyng ayen after his loue, and\nanoon as [he] loked byhynd hym Euredice partyd from hyme and was ayen in\nhelle, so that he myght no more haue hire. This fable may be\nvndyrstondyn in many maneres. It myght be so that some man had his wyff\ntakyn fro hyme and he had getten hire ayen; on the same wyse it may be\nof a castell or of anothir thyng. But to owre purpose it may be seide\nthat he seketh veryly Euredice in hell, the which sekyth an inpossibyl\nthyng and, thowgh a man may notte recouer that, he owghte not to be\nwrothe. Salamon seyth the same, \u201cIt is a foly thyng,\u201d he seith, \u201cto seke\nthat the which is impossybylle to be hadde.\u201d [Sidenote: f. 52.]\n\nBe that a man shulde not goo to seke Euredice in hell, we may vndirstond\nthat the goode speryte shulde aske ne requyre of God no thyng that is\nmeruellious,[430] ne that mervell to be thyng oon, that is to sey, to\ntempte God. And Seynt Austyn seith opon Seynt John Gospell that Godes\ncreature is not exavced when he requiryth a thyng the which may not be\ndoone or shuld not be doone, or a thyng the which he wolde vse amysse yf\nthat it were grawntyd hyme, or ell a thyng that shuld hurte the sowle yf\nit were exauuced. And therfor it comyth of the mercy off God, if he gyff\nnot to a creature a thyng the which he knowyth he wolde vse amysse. To\nthis purpose Seynt James the apostell seyth in his Pistell, [\u201cPetitis et\nnon accipitis eo quod male petatis\u201d].[431]\n\n\n                                 LXXI.\n\n        Iff thou will veraly knowe a knyght\n        In cloystir or clos where he be dyght,\n        The say[432] that was made to Achilles\n        Sall lerne the to proue theym doutles.\n\nThe fable seith that Achilles was sone to the godes Thetis, and becawse\nthat, as a godes, she knew if hir sone haunted armes that he shu[l]d\ndye, she, the which louyd hym with to grete love, hide hym in maydinis\nclothyng and made hyme were a vaile leche a nonne. In the godesse\nabbay[433] he lyffed so, and Achilles was long hydde vnto that some\npersones perseyuyd hym, and the fabill seith that there he begate\nPirus[434] opon the kynges dougther, the which was after that full\ncheualerous. Than began the Troyens grete werres, and the Grekes knew\nwele that thei hadde nede of Achilles for to streynght theyme. He was\nsowte ouer all, but thei myght not here of hym. Vlixes, the which was\nfull of grete malice, sowgth hym ouer all [and] come to the temple, but\nyit he myght not perseyue the trowght. He avysyd hym of grete malice and\nsotilte, and than Vlixes toke keuercheffes, girdill and all maner of\niowell[435] longyng to ladies and therwith feyre armure and bryghte and\ncast all doune in the myddes of the place in presens of the ladyes and\npraide iche of theyme to take[436] that the which plessede theyme best;\nand than, as euery thyng drawith to his nature, the ladies ronne to the\njowell and Achilles sessede the armure. And thanne Vlixes ranne and\ntooke hyme in his armys and seyde, \u201cThis is he that I seke.\u201d And becawse\nthat knyghtes shulde be more inclyned to armes than to plesawnce,[437]\nwhich longgeth to ladies, the auctorite seith that therby a man may\nknowe the veray knyght. And to this purpose Legaron[438] seith that a\nknyghte is not [Sidenote: f. 53.] knowen but be his dedes of armes.[439]\nAnd Hermes seith that thou shuldest preue a man afore or that thou trost\nhym to gretely.\n\nWhere it is seyde, \u201cYf thou wylte knowe a goode knyght,\u201d we may\nvnderstondyn that the good knyght [of] Cryst Jhesu shuld be know by the\ndede of armes in goode workyng, and that siche a knyght shulde haue the\ndwe prayse that longgeth to goode men. Seynt Jerom seith in a pistil\nthat, as the ryghtvisnes of God levyth non evil thyng vnponysshede, on\nthe same wyse it levith no goode thyng vnrewarded. So than to good\npepill noo labour shulde be thought to harde, ne no tyme to longe,\nstandyng that thei [are] abydyng[440] the euerlastyng hire and blys.\nTherfor Holy Scripture seith, [\u201cConfortamini et non dissolvantur manus\nvestr\u00e6, erit enim merces operi vestro\u201d].[441]\n\n\n                                 LXXII.\n\n        Wyth Athalenta stryue thou not nowe,\n        For she hath gretter talent \u00fean thou.\n        It was hir crafte for to renne fast.\n        To siche a rennyng haue thou non hast.\n\nAthalenta was on of the fayre[442] and lyche to a gentilvoman of grete\nbeaute, but hire destonye was diuerse; ffor because of hire mony lost\nther lyves. This gentilvoman for hire grete beaute was covetyde of mony\noon to be hadde to maryage, but ther was made sich a conuenawnt that non\nshulde haue hire but he ouerranne hir, and yf she ouerranne hym, he\nshuld dye. Athalenta was mervelious swyft, so that non myght streche to\nhir in rennyng and that cawsed many on for to die. This rennyng may be\nvnderstondyn in many maneres. It may be as some thyng that is gretly\ncovetyid of many persones, but yit it may notte be hadde withowte grete\ntraueyle; the rennyng that she made is the defence or the resistence of\nthe same thynges. And allso the fabill may be noted anamly for tho that\nmakyth grete stryve and nedith not. Also the auctorite seyth that a hard\nman and a coragius ought not to myche to stryve for onprofytabyll\nthynges, the whiche he shulde not set by, stondyng that thei\n[t]owche[443] not to his worchyppe for many grete [h]urtes folwyth off\nsich stryues. And Thessille[444] [se]ith, \u201cThou shuldest doo that the\nwhich is moste [pro]fetable to the body and most behouely to the soule\nand fle the contrarye.\u201d\n\nThat we shulde notte stryve wyth Athalenta may be vnderstondyn that the\ngoode speryte shulde not be letted with non thyng [Sidenote: f. 54.]\nthat the worlde dothe, of what gouernans it be. And to the same Seynt\nAustyn seyth in a pistil that the worlde is more perlious to creaturis\nwhen it is eesy than whan it is sharpe, for the softer he seeth it the\nles it shulde lete hym and lees he shulde drawe it to his love then\nwhenne it yeffyth hym cause to dispite it. To this purpose Seynt John\nthe Euaungelist seyth in his fryst Pistill, [\u201cSi quis diligit mundum,\nnon est charitas Patris in eo\u201d].[445]\n\n\n                                LXXIII.\n\n        As that Paris iugede iuge thou noght,\n        For many men hau ben full hard brought\n        Be grauntyng of evil sentence\n        And had \u00feerfor ryght greuous recompence.\n\nThe fable seith that .iii. godesses of grete myght, that is to sey,\nPallas godes of kunnyng,[446] Juno godes of goode,[447] and Venus godes\noff love, com before Paris holdyng an apple of golde,[448] the which\nseide, \u201cLete this be youen to the fayrest and the myghttyest of vs.\u201d\nThere was grete discord ffor this appyll, for iche of theyme seyde they\nought to haue it, and at the last thei tooke Paris for to iuge the\ncavse. Paris sought delegently the strenghte and the myghte of ich of\ntheyme by the selfe. Than seide Pallas, \u201cI am godes of cheualry and of\nwysdom, for by me armes is departed to knyghtes and konyng to clerkes,\nand yf thou wilt yiff me the appyll, tryst veryli that I shall make the\nto paase[449] all othir in koonyng and in knytehode.\u201d After that Juno,\ngodes of goode, seide, \u201cAnd by me is departyd the grete lordshippes and\nalso tresowrys off the worlde. If thou wyl gyff me the appyll, I shall\nmake the recher and mygh[t]ier than ony othir.\u201d And than spake Venus\nwyth full louyng wordes and seide, \u201cI am she that kepyth scoles of loue\nand off iolines[450] and maketh fooles to be wyse men and wyse men to do\nfoly, and I make ryche men poore and tho \u00feat be exiled riche. There is\nno myght that may compare wyth my myght. Iff thou wylt yeffve me the\nappyll, by me thou shalt haue \u00fee love of fayre Helaine of Grece, the\nwhich may avayle the more than any maner of ryches.\u201d And thanne Paris\ngaff his sentence and forsoke bothe knyghthode, wisdom and riches for\nVenus, to whome he gaff the appyll; for the which after that Troye was\ndystryd. This is to vnderstonde, because that Paris was not cheuallrous\nne reche, he sette be noo thyng, but all his thought was on loue, and\ntherefor yaffe he the appill to Venus. Werefor it is seide to the goode\nknyght that he shuld not demene hym so. And Pictagoras seith, [Sidenote:\nf. 55.] \u201cThe iuge that iugede not iustyly, diserveth myche evyll.\u201d\n\nBe Parys that iuged folely is vnderstonden that the goode sperite shulde\nbe ware how he iuged o\u00feer. Seynt Austyn spekyth thereoff ayens the\n[Manichees][451] that there be .ii. thynges the whych in especiall we\nshulde eschewe, fryst to iuge othir persones, for we know not of what\ncorage thynges be done, the which to contempne it is \u00feerfor[452] grete\npresumcion, for we shuld take theyme to the better partye; secundly for\nbecause we be not incerteyne what the[i] shall be that now be goode or\nnow evill. Owre Lord to this purpose seith in \u00fee Gospell, [\u201cNolite\njudicare et non judicabimini, in quo enim judicio judicaveritis\njudicabimini.\u201d][453]\n\n\n                                 LXXIV.\n\n        In Fortvne, that grete myghty godesse,\n        Trist not to mych, ne in hyre promyse;\n        For in a lytell space she chaungeth,\n        And the hyest ofte ouerthroweth.\n\nFortune aftyr the spekyng off poyetis may be wele called the grete\ngodes, for by hire we see that wordly thynges be gouernde. And becauce\nshe promysyth to many prosperite inowght\u2014and indede to some she yeffeth\nit\u2014and in litell space takyth it awaye when it plesyth hire, it is seide\nto the goode knyght that he shuld not trost in hire promysses ne\ndiscomfort hym not in his aduersites. And Socrates seith the cours of\nfortvne farith as engins.[454]\n\nBecavse whi that he seith that he shulde not trost in fortvne, we may\nvnderstond that the good spirite shuld fle and disprayse wordly\ndelittes. Therefor Boys[455] seith in the .iii. booke of Consolacion\nthat the felicite off the Epicuriens shulde be called vnfelicite, for\nthe full and the perfy\u021dth felicite it is that the which [can] make man\nsufficiently myghty, reuerende, solempne and ioyeux, the which\ncondicions resiste not to thynges whereopon wordly peple settyth there\nfelycite.[456] Thereffor God seyth by the profyte Ysaie, [\u201cPopule meus,\nqui te beatum dicunt, ipsi te decipiunt\u201d].[457]\n\n\n                                 LXXV.\n\n        To vndirtake to avance werre, [Sidenote: f. 56.]\n        Make thou not Paris the begynner;\n        Better he cowde (take vittenes aboue)\n        Disporte in the feyre armes of his loue.\n\nParis was nothyng condicionned to armes, but all to loue. Therefor it is\nseide to the goode knyght that he shuld not make a cheuetayne of his\nhost ne of his bateilles a knyght the whiche is not apte to armes. And\ntherefor Aristotyl seith to Alizaunder, \u201cThou shuldest make hym\nconnestabil of thyne oste that thou knowes is wyse and experte in\narmes.\u201d\n\nThat ye shulde not make Paaris to begynne yowre werres, it is to\nvnderstonde that the good knyght gostly, tendyng only to the knyghthode\nof heuen, shuld be holly drawen fro the worlde and ches contemplatyue\nlyffe. And Seynt Grigore seith vpon Ezeciell that the lyffe\ncontemplatyue is of ryght preferred afore the actiue liue as for the\nworthier and the gretter, for the actiue life travellith hymselfe in the\nlaboure of this present lyfe, but the contemplatyve lyfe farith as he\nthat tristith[458] the sauour of the reste that is for to come. Wherefor\nthe Gospell seith off Mary Magdalene, be whom contemplacion is figured,\n[\u201cOptimam partem elegit sibi Maria, qu\u00e6 non auseretur ab ea\u201d].[459]\n\n\n                                 LXXVI.\n\n        Sette the not to be a spy, I the seye,\n        But loke thou kepe euer the hey weye.\n        Sephalus[460] wyth his [s]harpe iaueloth[461]\n        Lereth it the, and the wyff of Lothe.\n\nThe fabill seith that Sephalus was an ancient knyght the which delyted\nhym grettely all his lyue in the disporte of huntyng, and he coude cast\na darte hade sich a propirte that it was neuer cast in veyne, but it\nkyllyd all \u00feat it tovched. And because that he hade a costome to ryse in\nthe mornyng and to goo to the forest to aspye the wylde bestis, his wyff\nwas ielous ouer hyme and supposed that he loued othir than hire, and for\nto know the trowthe she went after to aspy hym. Sephalus, the which was\nin the woode, when he herde the leues make noyse where that his wyff\nwent, supposed that it hadde ben some wylde best, kest his iauelot and\nkyllyd his wyff. He was hevy of that mysse aventure, but there myght no\nremedy be hadde. The woman Lothes wyffe, as that Holy Scripture\nwytnessyth, turnyd ayen ayens the commawndment off the aungell, when she\nherde that the .v. cetees sanke behynde hyr, and therfor anon she was\nchawnged into a [Sidenote: f. 57.] salte ston. And be all sich figures\nmay be sette many vndirstondynges. For the trwthe and for to take it in\nexample for the trowthe, no good man shulde delyte hym to spye anothir\nin thynges that longeth not to hym; and to the entend that no man wolde\nbe aspyed, Hermes seith, \u201cDo not to thi felawe that the which thou\nwoldyst not were done to the, and strech no snaris for to take men\nwythall, ne purches noon harme to theyme be aspyeng ne be wyles, for at\nthe last it will turne opon \u00feiselfe.\u201d\n\nThat a man shulde not sette hym for to spye may be vndirstondyn that the\ngood sperite shuld not peyne hym to knowe othir mennis dedes, ne to\nenqwere tydyngges of othir. For Seynt John Crisostome seith opon the\nGospell of Seynt Mathieu, \u201cHowe takys thow so grete hede,\u201d seith he, \u201cof\nso many litell defawtes of othir men and latyst pase so many grete\ndefawtes in thyn owyn dedes? Yf thou loued thi selfe better than thi\nneyghburght, whi empechest thou his dedes and leuys thyne owyn? Be\ndiligent to considir thin owyn dedes fryst, and than consider the dedes\noff othir.\u201d To this purpose owre Lorde seith in the Gospelle, [\u201cQuid\nautem vides festucam in oculo fratris tui, trabem autem in oculo tuo non\nvides?\u201d].[462]\n\n\n                                LXXVII.\n\n        Disprayse not of Helene the councell;\n        I counsel the so wythowte fayle,\n        For ofte many hurtes falleth then,\n        Because that we beleue not wyse men.\n\nHelene was brothir to Hector and Kyng Priantes sone of Troye. He was a\nfull wyse clerke and full off konyng. As mych as he myght, he counseyled\nthat Paarys shulde not goo into Grece to rauyssh Helayne; but thei wolde\nnot do aftyr hym, for the which the Troyens were hurte. Therefor it is\nseide to the good knyght that he shuld beleue wyse men and there\ncouncell, and Hermes seith, \u201cWho so worchyppyth wyse men and vsyth there\ncouncell, thei be euerlestyng pepyll.\u201d\n\nHelene, the which counselled ayens the werre, that is to sey that the\ngoode sperite shulde eschwe temptacions. And Seynt Jerom seith that a\nsynner hath noon excusacion whereby he howght to suffyr temptacions to\nouercome hym, for the temptyng feend is so febill that he may ouercome\nnoon but thoo that wyll be yolden to hyme. And thereopon Seynt Povle the\napostyl seyth, [\u201cFidelis [Sidenote: f. 58.] Deus qui non patietur vos\ntemptari supra id quod potestis,\u201d etc.].[463]\n\n\n                                LXXVIII.\n\n        Be not to mery ne to sori\n        For thi dremes, though thei be hevy.\n        Morpheus byddyth, the messanger\n        Off the god of slepe and dremes seere.[464]\n\nA ffabill seyth that Morpheus is sone to the god of slepe, and he is his\nmassenger and he is god of dremes and cawsyth men to dreme. And because\nthat dremes be trobolous thynges and a derke and some tyme it may\nsyngnifie contrarie to the dreme, \u00feer is noon so wyse that may propirly\nspeke[465] liche as the expositours seith of theyme[466]. Therfor it ys\nseide to the good knyght that he shulde not be to heuy ne to mery ffor\nsich avysyons, be the which a man may not shewe no certeyne knowlych ne\nto what thyng thei sal turne, and anamely \u00feat a man shulde not be to\nmery ne to hevy ffor thynges off fortune, the which be transsitorie.\nSocrates seith, \u201cThou that arte a man, thou shuld not be to hevy ne to\nmery ffor no maner cawse.\u201d\n\nWhere it is seide that a man shuld not be to mery ne to hevy for non\navysyons, we shall seye that the good speryte shuld not be to heuy ne to\nmeri for no maner cause that cometh to hym and that he shuld suffre\ntribulacions paciently. Seynt Austyn seith vpon the Savter, \u201cFayre son,\u201d\nseith he, \u201cyf thou wilte wepe for thi sorres that thou felest, veepe\nvnder the correccion off thi Fadir; yf thou wepe ffor tribulacions that\ncomyth to the, be ware that it be not for indignacion ne for pride, for\nthe aduersyte that God sendyth to the it is a medycyne and no payne, it\nis a chastisment and no dampnacion. Put not fro the thi Fadris rodde but\nyf that \u00feou wylt that [he] put the from his heritage; and thynk not on\nthe payne that thow owghtes to suffre of his scorge, but considir what\nplace thow haste in his testament.\u201d To this purpose the wyse [man]\nseythe, [\u201cOmne quod tibi applicitum fuerit accipe et in dolore sustine,\net in humilitate tua patientiam habe.\u201d][467]\n\n\n                                 LXXIX.\n\n        Be the see yf thou wylt vndertake\n        Perlyous viages for to make,\n        Off Alchion[468] beleue the counsell.\n        Ceys therof the soth may the tell.\n\nCeys was a kyng, a full good man, and loued wele Alchyon [Sidenote: f.\n59.] his wyff. The kyng tooke a deuocion ffor to go a perlyows passage\non the see in a tempest, but Alchyon his wyffe, the whiche loued hym\nryght hertily, dyde gretyly hir besynes to meve hym fro[469] that vyage\nand with grete teris of wepyng prayde hyme full besyly; but it myght not\nbe remedied by here ne he woold not suffir hir to goo with hym, stondyng\nthat she wolde all gates haue gone with hymme and at the departyng she\nstyrte on to the shepe.[470] But Ceys the kyng comfortyd hir and with\nforce made hyre to abyde, for the which she was full anggwyssous and\nhevy and in ryght grete woo. Neuer the lesse Eolus,[471] the god of\nwyndes, meved theyme soo gretely opon the see that the kyng Ceys within\nfewe dayes perysshed on the see; ffor the which, whenne Alchyon knew\nthat aventure, she kest hire selfe into the see. The ffabill seith that\nthe godes had pyte \u00feeroff and chawnged the bodyes of the .ii. louers\ninto .ii. birdes, to the intent that there grete loue myght be had in\nperpetuell mynde. And yette \u00fee same birdes flee opon the see syde, the\nwhich be called Alchions and there fedres be whyte; and whan the\nmaryneris see theyme come, \u00fean be they sekyr of a tempest.[472] The\nryght exposicion hereof may be that in mariage .ii^o. loueres loued\ntogedir in lich wyse, the which poyetes lykeneth to the .ii^o. byrdes\nthat hade sich a case and aventure. Therefor it is seide to the goode\nknyght that he shulde not put hym in no perlyous passage ayens the\ncounsell off his good ffrendis. And Assaron[473] seyth that the wyse man\nenforseth hym to draw hym fro hurtes, and the foole doth his diligence\nto fynde hurtes.\n\nFor to beleue Alchion, it is to vnderstond that the goode speryte by\nsome evil temptacion is empeched with some errowe or dowte in his\nthowght, in the which he shuld reporte hym to the openyon off the\ncherche. For Seynt Ambrose seyth in the .ii. booke off Offices that he\nis fro hym selfe that dispyseth the counsell of the cherche, for Joseph\nhelped kyng Pharaon more profitably with the cownsell off his prudence\nthan though he had yoven hyme eythir gold or syluer; for syluer my\u021dgh\nnot a purueyde for the famyn of Egypte the space of vii. yere. Therefor\nit is concluded, \u201ctrust counsell and thou shalt not repent the.\u201d To this\npurpose the wyse man seith in his Proverbes to the persone of holy\nchirch, [\u201cCustodi legem atque consilium et erit vita anim\u00e6 tu\u00e6\u201d].[474]\n\n\n                                 LXXX.\n\n        Off a chylde beleue notte the counsell,\n        For off Troylus remenbre the wele.\n        Trest[475] ye may men aged and prouede,\n        That in armes hath sore bene charged.\n\nWhen Kyng Priant had repared Troye ayen, the which was dystroyede\nbecause of the greuyng of theym that went into Colcos, [Sidenote: f.\n60.] than Priant thought to take vengance for that distraccion and\nasemblyd his counsell, where that were many hy barons and wyse men, for\nto wete wheythir it were good that Paaris his sone shulde goo into Grece\nto ravyssh Elen or noon in achaunge for Esyona[476] his sistir, the\nwhich was taken be the Thelomonailles[477] and ledde into thraldom. But\nall the wyse men seyde nay, becavse of proficies and of scriptores, the\nwhiche seide through that rauysshyng Troye shuld be dystroyed. Than\nTroylus, the whiche was a child and the yongest of Priantes sones, seyde\nthat men shulde not in counsell of werre beleue olde men ne there\nprouerbes, the which threwe[478] there cowardyse counselleth euer to\nrest; so he counselled that they shulde goo togedir. Troylus conseil was\nholdyn, of the which felle myche harme. Therefor it is seyde to the good\nknyght that he shuld not holde ne beleve the counsell of a childe, the\nwhich of nature is full lyght and lityll to consydir. An auctorite seith\nto this purpose that where a childe is kyng \u00fee londe ys onappy.[479]\n\nThat a good speryte shulde not agre hym to the counsell of a childe, it\nis to vndirstond that he shulde [not] be ignorant, but knowyng and full\nlerned in that the which may be prophyte to his helth; ffor ayens\nignorant pepyll Seynt Austyn seith, \u201cIgnorance is a full evyl modir, the\nwhich hath full evill doughteris, that is to sey, falssenes and doute;\nthe fyrst is myschawnce, the secund is wreechednes, the fyrst is\nvicyous, but the secund is softer,[480] and these .ii. is drawen away by\nwysdome.\u201d Therefor the wyse man seyth, [\u201cSapientiam pr\u00e6tereuntes non\ntantum in hoc lapsi sunt ut ignorarent bona, sed insipienti\u00e6 su\u00e6\nreliquerunt hominibus memoriam\u201d].[481]\n\n\n                                 LXXXI.\n\n        Hate Calcas and his false disseytes,\n        Off whome the infynyte malicis\n        Betrayeth many reaumes expres[482];\n        Off wordly pepyll \u00feer is no wers.\n\nCalcas was a sootyl clerke of the cete of Troye,[483] and, whan Kyng\nPriante knew that the Grekes come opon hym with a grete oste, he sent\nCalcas into Delphos to wete of the god Appolonie[484] how the werre\nshulde fortvne. But after that the god hade aunsweryd, the which seide\n[that] after .x. yere the Grekes shulde haue the victorie, Calcas turned\ntowarde the Grekes and aqwaynttyd hym with Achilles, the which was comme\ninto [Sidenote: f. 61.] Delphos for the same cause, and with hym he went\nto the Grekes, whome he helpid for to cownsel ayens his owen cete and\nofte tymes disturbed the pes betwyne the Grekys and the Troyens. And\nbecawse he was a traytore, it is seide to the goode knyghte that he\nshulde hate sich evill sotell pepyll, ffor theyre traysones so done be\nwilles may hurte gretly reaumes and empires and all maner of pepyll.\nTherefor Platon seith, \u201cA soothel[485] enemy, though he be poore and not\nmyghty, may greue more than a ennemy myghty and ryche vnknowyn.\u201d\n\nCalcas, the which shuld be hatyd, may be vnderstonden that the good\nsperyte shulde hate all fraudelous malice ayens his neyghburgh, for he\nshulde in no wyse consent thertoo. For Seynt Jerom seith that a\ntraytoure will not be sowpled, neythir for familiarite off felachep ne\nfor homlynes of mete and drynke ne for grace of seruyce ne for plente\noff benefices. Off this vice seith Seynt Poule the aposstell, [\u201cErunt\nhomines cupidi, elati, superbi, proditores, tumidi\u201d].[486]\n\n\n                                LXXXII.\n\n        Be thou notte harde for to graunt, I say,\n        Sich a thyng as welle enploy thou may;\n        To Hermofrodicus[487] haue tendyyng,[488]\n        The whiche tooke harme for his denying.\n\nHermofrodicus was a beauteous yong thyng, and on of the fayree[489] was\nsore enamourede of hymme, but he in no wyse had leste to love hire and\nshe purswed hym ouer all. Yt felle on a tyme that the yong thyng was\nfull wery of the purswte wherein he hadd trauelled all the day. Than he\ncome to a well-spryng sette abovte with salwes,[490] by the whiche was a\nfayre stanke, styll and clere, ffor the which a lest he hade to bathe\nhym.[491] He dyde of his clothes and went into the water. Whan she off\nthe fayree sawe hym onclothyd and all naked, she went in to hym and for\ngrete loue tooke that yong thyng in hir armes; but he, the which was\nfull froward, put hire fro hym ryght rudely, so she myght not wynne his\nhert for no prayour. Than she of the fayree, full of woo, prayde to the\ngodes that she myght neuer parte from hire loue, the whiche put hire so\nfro hym. The godes of pete harde hire deuoute prayere; than sodanly they\nchaunged the .ii^o. bodies into oone, the which were of .ii^o.\nseytis.[492] This fabill may be vnderstondyn in many maneres, lich as\nsothell clerkes and philosopheris hath hide there grete secretes vndir\ncouertoure of fable. Thereto it may be [Sidenote: f. 62.] vnderstondyn\nsentence longyng to the science of astronomy, and as wele of\nnygromancye,[493] as that maystrys seyth. And because that the matyr of\nloue is more delictable to here than othir, gladely[494] they made there\ndistinccions[495] opon loue for to be the more delectable to here,\nanamly to rude pepill, the whiche take but the barke, and the more\nagreable to subtile, the which sowketh the lyquor. But to owre purpose\nwe may vndirstond that it is velany and a fowle thyng to refuse or to\ngrawnte wyth grete daunger that the which may not turne to vyce ne to\npreiudice, thowgh it be grawnttyd. For Hermes seyth, \u201cMake no long delay\nto put it in execucion that the which \u00feou shuld doo.\u201d\n\nThe goode speryte shulde notte be harde to graunt there where he seyth\nnecessite, but reconforte the nedy to his power. As Seynt Gregore seith\nin his Moralles that, whan we wyll reconforte any that is afrayed in\nheuynes, we shulde fryst make heuynes with theyme, for he may not veryly\nreconforte the hevy person which cordeth hyme not with his heuines. For\nleche a man[496] may not ioyne oon yren to anothir yf thei be note hote\nbothe .ii^o. and softyd with the fire, on the same wyse we may not\nredresse anothir yif oure hertes be not softted be compassyon. To this\npurpose Holy Scripture seith, [\u201cConfortate manus dissolutas et genua\ndebilia roborate\u201d].[497]\n\n\n                                LXXXIII.\n\n        Thou mayst wyth the pleys the solace\n        Off Vlixes, when thou hast tyme and space\n        In the tyme of trwes and of fest,\n        For they be both sotel and honest.\n\nVlyxes was a baron of Grece and off grete sotylte and duryng the long\nseege afore Troye, the whiche lestyd .x. yere, [when] that trwes were,\nhe fond pleys full sotyll and feyre for to disporte knyttes therewyth in\nthe tyme of soioure and rest. And some seyne that he fonde the game of\nthe chesse and sich othir lich. Therefor it is seide to the good knyght\nthat in dwe tyme men may wele play at sich games; for Solyn seith, \u201cAll\nthyngges that is sottyl and honest is lefull to be doone.\u201d\n\nThe pleyes of Vlixes may be vnderstondyn that, when the knyghtly speryte\nshall be wery off prayer and of beyng in contemplacion, he may wele\ndisporte in redyng of Holy Scriptures; ffor, as Seynt Jerom seith, Holy\nScripture is sete in the yen of owre[498] [Sidenote: f. 63.] hertis as a\nmerowre, to the entent that we shuld se the herdly face[499] of owre\nsowle, and therefor may we see the lewdenes, there may we see who\nmyche[500] that we profyte and how fayre we ben [fro] profyte.[501] To\nthis purpose owre Lord seith in the Gospell, [\u201cScrutamini scripturas,\nquia vos putatis in ipsis vitam \u00e6ternam habere\u201d].[502]\n\n\n                                LXXXIV.\n\n        Yif thou wilt yeff the to Cupido,\n        Thy hert and all abaundon hire to,\n        Thynkke on Cresseides nwefanggyllnesse,[503]\n        For hire hert hade to meche dobylnesse.\n\nCresseide [was] a gentilwoman of grete beaute, an[d] she was yit more\nqwaynte and sotell to drawe pepill to hir.[504] Troylus, the yongest of\nPriantes sones, [the which] was full of grete gentilnesse, of beaute and\nof worthines, loued hire ryght hertily and she hade youen hym hir loue\nand promysyd to hym that it shuld neuyr fayle. Calcas, fadir to the\ngentilwoman, the which knew by science that Troye shuld be distroyid,\ndide so myche that his doughter was delyuered to hym and browght owte of\nthe cete and ledde to the seege among the Grekes, where hir fadir was.\nGrete was the sorowe and full petous the[505] complayntis of the .ii^o.\nlouers at the departyng. Neuerthelesse within a while aftir Dyomed, the\nwhich was a hye baron and a full worthi knyght, aqweynttyd hym with\nCresseide and labowrd so soore to hir that she loued hym and only[506]\nforyate hir trwe loue Troylus. Because that Cresseide was so lyght of\ncorage, it is seide to the gode knyght that, yf he will sette his herte\nin ony plase, late hym be ware that he be not aqwauyntyd with sich a\nlady as Cresseide was. And Hermes seith, \u201cKepe the from evill felachepe,\nthat thou be not on of theyme.\u201d\n\nCresseide, of whom a man shulde be ware to aqweynt hym, is veyne glori,\nwith the which the good sperite shuld not aqwaynte hym, but fle it onto\nhis power, for it is to lyghte and commyth to sodenly. And Seynt Austyn\nopon the Sauter seith that he the which hath wele lerned and asayed by\nexperiens to ouergoo degrees of vices, he is coume to the knowlyge that\nthe synne of veyne glory is holy or most specyaly to eschwe of perfy\u021dte\nmen, ffor emong all othir synnes it is hardest to ouercom. Therefor the\napostil Seynt Poule seith, [\u201cQui gloriatur, in Domino glorietur\u201d].[507]\n\n\n                                 LXXXV.\n\n        When thou hast kylled Patroclus,\n        Ware of Achilles, I counsell \u00fee thus,\n        Yf thou loue me, for thei be all on, [Sidenote: f. 64.]\n        There goods betweyne theym be comon.\n\nPatroclus and Achilles were felawes togedir and ryght dere freendis, so\nthat there were neuer to[508] brethere loued better togedir, and thei\nand here goodes were comon as all o thyng. And because that Hector slew\nPatroclus in batayle Achilles had grete hate to Hector, and fro theyns\nforthe swore his dethe. But because he doutyd meche his grete streynght,\nhe lefte neuer to wayte how he myght fynde hym discouered to betray hym.\nTherfor Othea seide to Hector, as by profecye of that which was for to\ncome, that, when he hadde sleyne Patroclus, it were nede for hym to be\nware of Achilles. That is to vnderstond \u00feat euery man the which hath\nslayne or mysdoon to anothir mannys trwe freen, his[509] felawe will\ntake vengance if he may. Therefor Magdare[510] seith, \u201cIn what [place]\nthat euer thou be wyth thy ennemye, holde hym euer in suspecte,\nthow[511] that thow be myghtyer than he.\u201d\n\nWhere it is seide that, when thow hast sleyne Patroclus thou shulde be\nware of Achilles, we may vnderstond that, yf the goode speryte suffir\nhym by the feend to bowe to synne, he howte[512] to dowte euerlastyng\ndethe. And Solyn seith,[513] \u201cThis present lyue is but a knyghthode\nan[d] in tokyn theroff this present lyf is called werre in deference of\nthat aboue, the which is called victorius, for it hath euer of enemyes.\u201d\nTo this purpose the apostil Seynt Poule seith, [\u201cInduite vos armaturam\nDei, ut possitis stare adversus insidias diaboli.\u201d][514]\n\n\n                                LXXXVI.\n\n        Be ware thou voide note fro the Echo,\n        Ne hir[515] petous complayntes also;\n        Susteyne all hir wille, yif it may be,\n        For thou wote not what may com to the.\n\nThe fabill seith that Echo was a fayre woman, and because she was wont\nto be to grete a iangelere and by hir iangyllyng on a day accused Juno,\nthe which for ialousie on day lay in awayte on hir husbond, the godesse\nwas wroothe and seide, \u201cFor hens forth thou shalt no more speke fryst,\nbut after anothir.\u201d Echo was anamored on faire Arcisus,[516] but neyther\nfor prayer ne for sygne of love that she made to hym he lyst not to haue\npete off hire, in so mych that the faire creature diede for his love.\nBut dyeng she prayed to the godesse that she myght be vengyd of hyme in\nwhome [Sidenote: f. 65.] she hade fownde so mych cruellnes that ons yit\nthei myghte make hym to fele the charpenesse of loue, whereby he may\npreue the grete woo \u00feat veray louers haue the which in loue be\nrefussede; \u00fean she died. So Eccho made an ende, but hire voyse remaneth,\nwhich lestyth yitte. And there the godes made it perpetuall for memorie\nof that aventure, and yit it answheris to pepill in valeyys and on\nreueres aftyr the woyse of othir, but it may not speke fryst. Eccho may\nsyngnyfie a persone the which off grete necessite requyryth the voyse\nthat is youen to anothir; that is to sey, of nedy pepyll there is\nabydyng enowe, for they may not helpe themselffe withowte helpe of\nothir.[517] Therefor it is seyde to the good knyght that he shuld haue\npete of nedy pepill that reqwyrith it. And Zaqualquin[518] seith, \u201cWho\nso will kepe wele the lawe, shulde helpe hys frend with his goode and\nleue to nedi pepill and be gracious, not denying iustice to his enemy,\nand kepe hym fro vice and dishonour.\u201d\n\nBe Echo, the which shuld not be refusyd, may be notyd the mercy \u00feat the\ngood sperite shulde haue in hym selfe. And Seynt Austyn seith in the\nbook of owre Lo[r]dis Sermon that he made on the Hille that blyssyd be\nthoo that willyngly socourith poore pepill, the which be in penowrye,\nfor thei discerue mercy of God opon them that is in penuery. And it is a\niust thyng that who so will be holpyn of a souereyne more myghtye than\nhe shuld helpe[519] a sympler than he is, in as myche that he is mythyer\nthan he. Therefor the wyse man seith in his Prouerbis, [\u201cQui pronus est\nad misericordiam benedicetur.\u201d][520]\n\n\n                                LXXXVII.\n\n        Iff thou wilte haue a croune of victorie,\n        Which is better than ony good wordly,\n        Damee[521] thou most folue and purswe\n        And shalt haue hir, if thou will wele swe.\n\nThe fabil seith Damee was a gentylwoman that Phebus loued hertily, and\nhe purswede hire sore, but she wolde not agre to hym. It felle on a day\nthat he sawe the fayre creature go in a way and he folowed and, whanne\nshe sawe hym come, she fledde and the god aftir. And when he was so nere\nthat she sawe well she myght not scape hym, she made hir prayers to the\ngodes Diane that she shulde save hire virginite, and the body of the\nmaydyn chaunged into a grene lorier; and when Phebus was come nere\ntherto, he tooke of the brawnches of the tre and made hym a chaplete in\nsyngne of victorie. And anamly in the tyme[522] of the Romayns greete\nfelicite the victorius pepill of theyme were crowned with [Sidenote: f.\n66.] lorier. This fabill may haue many vndirstondynges. It myght happe\nthat some myty man with long traveyle swed a lady in so mych that with\nhis grete pursvte he com to his will vndir a lorier, and for that cavse\nfro theyns forth he loued the lorier and bare it in his devyse in signe\nof the victorie that he hade of his love vndir the lorier. And allso the\nlorier may be take for golde, the which betokynyth worchippe. It is\nseide to the good knyght that he most pursue Damee, if that he will haue\na croune of lorier, that is to seyne, payne and traveyle, yf he will com\nto worchippe. To this purpose Omer seyth, \u201cBe grete diligence a man\ncomyth to grete perfeccion.\u201d\n\nThat Damee wolde be purswede for to have a croune of lorier, we may\nvndirstonde that, yf the goode speryth will haue a glorius victorie, he\nmust haue perseuerance, the which sall lede hym to the victorie of\nparadyse, of the which the ioies be infynite. As Seynt Grygory seith,\n\u201cWho hath \u00feat tong that may suffice to tell it, and where is the\nvndirstondyng that may or canne comprehend it, who[523] many ioyes be\nthere in that souereyne cete off paradyse, euer to be present[524] ...\nvisage of God, to se the vnscribable lyght, to be in surte neuer to haue\nfere off deth, to be mery with the gyfte of euerlastyng clennes?\u201d To\nthis purpose Dauid seith in \u00fee Savter, [\u201cGloriosa dicta sunt de te,\ncivitas Dei\u201d].[525]\n\n\n                               LXXXVIII.\n\n        To the also I make mencion\n        Off Andromathais[526] vision;\n        Dispite not thi wyfe, I counsell the,\n        Ne othir wemen that wise be.\n\nAvdromatha was Hectoures wyffe, and the nyght afore that he was sleyne\nthere com to his wyfe in a vision that the next daye that Hector went to\nthe batayle withowten dowte there he shuld be sleyne. For the which\nAndromatha with grete seghens and vepynges dide hire power that he shuld\nno goo into the batayle; but Hector wold not beleue hir and there he was\nslayne. Wherefor it is seide that a goode knyght shuld not holy\ndisprayse visions of his wife, that is to sey, in avice and the counsell\nof his wyfe, if he be wyse and well condiciond, and anamly of othir wise\nwomen. For Platon seith, \u201cThou shuld not disprayse the counsell of a\nlytill wise person, for, \u00feough thou be neuer so olde, be not ashamed to\nlerne, though a childe wolde teche the, for some tyme the ingnorant may\navise the wise man.\u201d\n\nThe avision of Andromatha, the whiche shulde not be dispreysed,\n[Sidenote: f. 67.] is that a good purpose sent by the Holy Gost Jhesu\nCristis knyght shuld not sette it at nought, but anoon sette it in\neffecte vnto his power. Thereoff spekyth Seynt Gregory in his Moralles\nthat the good Sperite for to draw vs to goodnes andmonychit vs, meveth\nvs and techitht vs. He admonychyt owre mynde, he meuith oure will and\ntechyt owre vnderstondynges. The Sperite, softe and swete, suffirth no\nmaner of litell spote of chaffe[527] abydyng in the habitacion of the\nherte where he inspiryth, but broyleth it anoon with his subtile\ncircunspeccion.[528] Therefore the postile Seynt Powle seith, [\u201cSpiritum\nnolite extinguere\u201d].[529]\n\n\n                                LXXXIX.\n\n        If that thoue haue grete werre and besy,\n        In Babilonies streynght verely\n        Troste not, for be Minos[530] and that soone\n        It was take; trosteth not than thereone.\n\nGrete Babilony was founded bi the grete gyaunt Nambroth,[531] and it was\nthe streyngest cete that euer was; but notwithstondyng it was take by\nknynght Minos.[532] Therefore it is seide to the good knyght that he\nshuld not so myche truste in the streynght of his cete or off his\ncastell in tyme off werre, but that it be full purveide off pepyll and\nof all thyng that behoueth for dwe defence. For Platon seith, \u201cWho so\ntrostith all only in his streyngth is often ouercomen.\u201d\n\nBe the streynth of Babilonie, wherein men shuld not trost, it is to\nvndirstonde that the good sperite shulde not trust ne attende to thynges\nthat the worlde promysith; and Seynt Austyn spekith therof in the booke\nof Syngularite of Clerkes,[533] that it is to lewde a trust[534] to name\nhis lyffe to be swre ayens the perell of this worlde. And it is a folych\nhope to wene to be saue among the byttynges[535] of synnys; yit the\nvictorie incerteyne is as long as men be among the dartes of there\nenmyes and kepith theyme vnhurte,[536] but who so is envirouned with\nflawmes is not lyghtly delyuered withowtyn brennyng. Trost to hym that\nhath the experience; though the world lawith[537] on the, tryst it not,\nlete thi hoope be sette in God. Therefor seith the prophete Dauid,\n\u201cSpera in Domino,\u201d etc.[538]\n\n\n                                  XC.\n\n        Hector me must pronunce thi deth smerte.\n        Wherefor grete sorwe bitteth my herte.\n        That shall [be] whene that Priant the kyng\n        [Thou] woldest not trost, which come the praying.[539]\n\nThe day that Hector was sleyne in bataile Andromatha his [Sidenote: f.\n68.] wiffe come to pray Kyng Priant with full grete compleyntes and\nwepynges that he wolde not that day suffre Hector to goo to bataile, for\nwithowte dowte he shulde be sleyne yf he went thedir.[540] Mars, the god\nof bataile, and Minerve, the godesse of armes, hade veraly shewed it\nthere in hir slepe,[541] where thei apperid to hir. Priant dide all that\nhe myghte for he shulde not fyght that day, but Hector stale fro his\nfadir and stirte owte of the cete by a waye vndir the erthe and went to\nthe bataile, where he was sleyne. And for because he neuer dishobehed\nhis fadir but that day, [it] may be seide the day that he shulde\ndishabey his ffadir than shulde he die. And it may be vnderstond that\nnoon shulde dishobey his souereyne ne his good ffrendes, when they awyse\nhym as in reson. And therfor Aristotil seide to Alexandir, \u201cAs long as\nthou trustist the cownsell of theyme that vsith wisdom and that loued\nthe truly, thou salt reigne glorously.\u201d\n\nWhere she[542] seide to Hector that she most pronounce his name,[543]\n[it] is that the good sperite shulde haue contynell mynde on the owre of\ndeth. Thereof seith Seynt Bernard[544] that in mankyndely thynges men\nfynde no thyng more certeyne \u00fean deth, ne lesse incerteyne than is the\nowre of deth; for deth hath no mercy of pouerte and dothe no worshippe\nto reches; it sparith neythir wisedom, condicions ne age; men hath non\nothir certeyne of deth but that it is at the doores of aged men and it\nis in the mydwes[545] of yong men. To this purpose the wise man seith,\n[\u201cMemor esto, quoniam mors non tardat\u201d].[546]\n\n\n                                  XCI.\n\n        I purpose yet to make the sadde and wyse,[547]\n        That thou vse in batailes ffor no gise\n        Off thyne harneis discouered for to be,\n        For thi deth than it will opyn to the.\n\nIn the bataile Hector was founde discouerede of his harneis, and thanne\nhe was sleyne. And therefor it is seide to the goode knyght that he\nshuld not in bataile be discouered of his harneis. For Hermes seyth that\ndeth farith as the stokke[548] of an arrowe and lyff farith as an arrowe\nthat is sette to shoote.[549]\n\nThere where it is seide that he shuld kepe hym couered with his harneis\nit is vndirstond that the good sperite shulde kepe his wittis cloose and\nnot voide. Seynt Grigori seith hereoff that a person the which departhit\nhys vittis fareth as a iowgolowre the [Sidenote: f. 69.] which fyndeth\nno wers hous than his owyn; therefor he is euer owte of his hows, euen\nas a man that kepith not his wittes clos is euer vagaunt and owte of the\nhous of his conscience and farith as an opyn hall where men may entre on\neuery syde. Therefor [our] Lorde seith in the Gospell, [\u201cClauso ostio,\nora Patrem tuum in abscondito.\u201d][550]\n\n\n                                 XCII.\n\n        Of Pollibetes[551] coveite not hastly\n        His harmes, for thei be vnhappy;\n        Of his dispoylyng folowed, parde,\n        Thi wofull deth be theyme \u00feat sewed \u00fee.\n\nPolibetes was a full myghty kyng, the which Hector slewe in the bataile\nafter many othir grete dedes that he hadde done that day. And becawse\nthat he was harmede with ffayre harmes and reche, Hector coveite theyme\nand stowpyd doung of his hors nekke for to dispoyle the body, and than\nAchilles, the which swede after hym with hole will to take hym\ndiscouerte, smote hym beneth for fawte off his harmure and at oo stroke\nkylled hym, of whom it was grete harme, ffor a worthier knyght was neuer\ngyrte whyth swerde of the which stories maken mencion. And that sich\ncouetyses may be no noyens[552] in sich places it shewith bi the seide\ncas. Therefor the philosophir seith, \u201cDisoordnet couetise[553] ledith a\nman to deth.\u201d\n\nThat we shulde not couete Polibetis armis, we may vndirstond that the\ngoode speryte shuld haue no couetise to no maner of wordly thynges. For\nInnocent seith[554] that it ledith a man to deth, for covetise it is a\nfyre that may not be stawnched. The couetous person is neuer content to\nhaue that the which he desyrith, for, whan he hath that he desiryd, he\ndesyrith euer more, euer he setteth his ende in as mych as that he\ntenteth to have more and not to that the which he hath. Averyse and\ncovetise be .ii^o. saus makers,[555] the which sesseth neuer to seye,\n\u201cBryng, bryng\u201d; and to the value that the money waxeth the loue of the\nmony waxeth. Couetise is the way to the gostly deth and oftetymes to\nbodily deth. Therefor the postyll Seynt Powle seith, [\u201cRadix omnium\nmalorum cupiditas est\u201d].[556]\n\n\n                                 XCIII.\n\n        Assote the not in love of strawnge kynde;\n        The deede of Achilles haue in mynde,\n        Which wende to make of hys enmye [Sidenote: f. 70.]\n        His veri lyffe and that interely.\n\nAchilles was asotyd in lowe of Polexene the faire mayden, the which was\nsister to Hector, as he sawe hir in the begynnyng of the yere at the\nservise off Ectoris yeris meynde[557] in the trwes tyme, where many\nGrekis went to Troye to see the nobilnes of the cete and of the reche\nterrement, that was the most solemny made that euer was made for the\nbody of a knyght. There Achilles sawe Polixenne, where he was sore takyn\nwith hir loue that he myght no wyse endure, and therefor he sent to\nHecuba the qwene that he wolde treite of mariage and he wolde make the\nwerre to sesse and the sege to departe and he shuld euer be there frend.\nIt was long after or Achilles armed ayens the Troyens becawse of that\nlowe and [he] dede grete peyne to make the ost to departe, but he myght\nnot doo it and therfor the mariage was notte made. After that Achilles\nslew Troylus, the which was so full of worthines that he was ryght leke\nto Hector his brothir, standyng the yong age that he hadde. But the\nqwene Ecuba was so full of woo for hym that she sent for Achilles to\ncome to hir to Troye ffor to treite of the mariage. He went thedir, and\nthere he was slayne. And \u00feerfor it is seide to the good knyghte that he\nshuld not assote hym vpon strawnge loues, ffor by ferre loues comyth\nharme. And therfor the wyse [man] seith, \u201cWhen thyn enemys may not venge\ntheyme, than hast thou nede to be ware.\u201d\n\nThat a goode spyryte shulde not assote hym vpon strawnge loues, that is\nto vndirstond that he shulde chawnge[558] no thynge but yf it comme holy\nof God and [be] determined in hym. \u201cAll strange loues\u201d is the worlde,\nthe which he shuld flee. That he shulde flee the worlde Seynt Austyn\nseith in expownyng of Seynt Jonis Pistil,[559] \u201cThe world passith [and\nits] concupiscens.[560] O resonable man,\u201d than seith he, \u201cwhethir had\nthou leuer loue the temperell worlde and passe with the tyme, or be\nwith[561] Cryst Jhesu and lyfe perpetualy with hyme?\u201d To this purpose\nSeynt Jon seith in his fryst Pistill, [\u201cNolite diligere mundum neque ea\nqu\u00e6 in mundo sunt\u201d].[562]\n\n\n                                 XCIV.\n\n        Vndirtake non harmes folely;\n        It is perell for sowle and body\n        A naked harme and no shelde to take;\n        Off Ayaux may thou example make.\n\nAyaux was a full prowd knyght of \u00fee Grekis and trostid to mych on\nhymselfe, but yet he was a goode knyght of his hand. [Sidenote: f. 71.]\nAnd for pride and soleynnes he vndyrtooke to doo armes with his arme\nnaked discouered withowte a chelde, and so he was boron through[563] and\nouerthrowen dede. Therefore it is seide to the goode knyght that to doo\nsiche armes, thei be neythir profitabill ne worchipfull, but rather thei\nbe named lewde and prowde, and thei be to perlyous. Aristotil seith that\nmany erreth be ignorance and fawte of knowyng and woote not whate it is\nto do ne to leue, and some fayle be arrogance and pride.\n\nHow armes shulde not be vndertake follely is \u00feat \u00fee good sperite shulde\nnot tryst in his owyn fragilite. As Seynt Tawstyn[564] seyth in a\nsermon, \u00feat non shulde presume in his owyn herte when he pronownceth a\nworde ne non sulde[565] [trust] in his streynghte when he sufferith\ntentacion, for, when we speke wysely goode wordes, thei coume of God and\nnot of owre wytte, and when we endure aduersitees stedefastly, it cometh\nof God and not of oure pacience. To this purpose the apostyl Seynt Powle\nseith, [\u201cFiduciam talem habemus per Christum ad Deum, non quod simus\nsufficientes aliquid cogitare ex nobis quasi ex nobis\u201d].[566]\n\n\n                                  XCV.\n\n        Antenor exile and chase away,\n        Which purchassed ayens his contrey\n        Bothe treson, falsenes and grete vntrouth;\n        But yif he were yolden it were routh.\n\nAnthenor was a baron of Troie, and when it com at the last to grete\nTroyenne bateylles, the Grekys that hadde long kepte sege afore the cete\nthey wost not how they myght haue a conclusyon to take the cete, ffor it\nwas of ryght grete streynghte, than by the tysyng[567] of Anthenor. For\nangre that he hadde to kyng Priaunt, he comforted theyme and seide that\nthei shulde make a pes with the kyng, and by that mene thei may putte\ntheyme selue into the cete and they shall be youen a wey. Thus thei\ndede, by the which Troye was betrayed. And because that the treson\nhereoff was to grete and to evill, it is seide to the good knyght that\nall sich semblable, where he knoweth theyme, he shulde exile and chasse\ntheyme awey, for sich pepill be gretili to hate. Platon seyth that\ndisseyte is capteyne and gouernowre off shrewes.[568]\n\nBe Anthenor, the which shulde be chassed awey, we may [Sidenote: f. 72.]\nvnderstonde that the goode sperite shulde dryve away all thynges whereby\nony inconuenyence myght come to hyme. To this Seynt Austyn seith that he\nthat is not besy to eschewe inconueniencees[569] is leche a b[u]tyrflye\nthat turnyth so ofte abowte the fyre of the lampe that he birneth his\nwenges and thanne is drowned in the oyle, and to the birde that flieth\nso ofte abowte the glewe that he lesyth his feddris. Example of Seynte\nPetir, the which aboode so long in the princes courte of the lawe that\nhe fell into sich an inconuenience to renye[570] his Maystir. And the\nwyse man seith, [\u201cFuge a via malorum, ne transeas per eam\u201d].[571]\n\n\n                                 XCVI.\n\n        In Mynervez tempell to offir\n        Thou shulde not thi ennemye suffre.\n        Take thou goode hede to the hors of tre;\n        Troye hadde yet bene, had that not be.\n\nThe Grekes hade made a feynte pes[572] with the Troyens by Anthemores\ntrayson. Thei seyde thei hadde avowed a gifte to Mynerve the godes, the\nwhich thei wolde offyr, and the[i] hadde made a horse of tre of an huge\ngrettenes, the which was full of men of armes, and it was so grete that\nthe yate of the cete most be brokyn for to late it cum in. And the hors\nwas sette opon whelis, that rolled it forth to the temple; and when\nnyght come and when the tovne was most in rest, than the knyghtes lepid\nowt of the hors and vent abowte in the cete, the which brente and kyllid\nand distroiid the towne. The[re]for it is seide to the good knyght that\nhe shulde not trost in no sich fantasies ne offerynges. To this purpose\na wyse man seith, \u201cA man shulde dowte the sotiltees and the spies of his\nenemie, yif he be wise, and his shrewdenes,[573] yf he be a foole.\u201d\n\nBy Minerve temple we may vnderstond holy chirch, where shulde not a been\noffird but prayer. And Seynt Awstyn seith in the booke of Feyth, that\nwithowte the ffelechippe of holy chirch and baptym no thyng may availe,\nne the dedes of mercye may not vaile to euerlastyng liffe, for withowte\nthe lappe of the chirch non helthe may be. There[for] Dauid seith in the\nSauter booke, [\u201cApud te laus mea in ecclesia magna\u201d].[574]\n\n\n                                 XCVII.\n\n        Trost not to haue a sure castell;\n        For Ylyones towre, sette full well,\n        Was take and brent, and so was Thune.[575]\n        All is in the handes of fortune.\n\nYlyon was the mayster doongon of Troye and the faryst and [Sidenote: f.\n73.] the strengest castell that euer was made of the which stories\nmakyth mencion; but notwithstondyng it was take and brent and broute to\nnowte, and so was the cete of Thune, the which was some tyme a grete\nthyng. And becavse that sich causes falleth bi the chaungabilnes of\nfortvne, it is desirid that the good knyght shulde not be prowde in hyme\nselfe ne thynke hym selfe sure for no streyngh. Therefor Tholome[576]\nseith, \u201cThe hyer that a lorde be raysed the perlyouser is the\nouyrthrowe.\u201d\n\nThat man shuld not wene to have a svre castell, we may vndirstond that\nthe good sperite shulde take non hede to no maner delite; for as\ndelitees be passyng and not svre and ledith a person to dampnacion,\nSeynt Jerom seith that it is inpossibile for a person to passe fro\ndelittes to delyttes, that is to sey, for to pase and lepe fro delites\nof this worlde to the delyttes of paradyse, the which fillyth the wombe\nhere and the sowle there. For the diuine condicion is vnbounde, for it\nis not yoven to thoo that weneth to haue the worlde euerlastyng in\ndelittes. And to this purpose is wreetyn in the Pocalipce, [\u201cQuantum\nglorificavit se et in deliciis fuit, tantum date ei tormentum et\nluctum\u201d].[577]\n\n\n                                XCVIII.\n\n        Eschwe thou shulde \u00fee swyn of Circes,\n        Where that the knyttes[578] off Vlixes\n        Were turnyd to swyne as to the ye.\n        Vmbethynke the wele of this partie.\n\nCyrces was a qwene, whos reaume was opon the see of Ytaile, and she was\na grete enchaunteresse and knew meche of sorcery and wichcraft. And whan\nVlixes, the which wente to the se after the destruccion off Troye, as he\nwent to a returnyd[579] into his cuntre, throwe many grete and perlyous\ntormentes that he hadde he aryved at a hauen of the same lande. He sent\nto the qwene by his knyghtes to wete wheythir he myght swrely taken\nhauen in her lond or noon. Circes reseyuyd his knyghtes full gentely and\nof curtesei made ordeyne for theyme a potage full delicious to drynke,\nbut the potage hade sich a strengh that sodenly the knyghttes were\nchaunged into swyne. Circes may be vnderstond in many maners. It ma[y]\nbe vndirstonde be a lande or a cuntre where that knyghtes were putte in\nfowle and veleyns preson; and allso she may be lekened to a lady full of\nwantonnesse and ydilnes, that by hire many errant knyghtes, that is to\nsey, sewyng armes, \u00fee which anamly were of Vlixes pepill, that is to\nvndirstonde, malicious and noyens, were kepte to soiorne as swyne. And\ntherefor it is seide to \u00fee good knyght that he shulde not reste in sich\na soioryng. For Arystotill [Sidenote: f. 74.] seith, \u201cHe that is\nholy[580] in fornicacion may not be aloved[581] in the ende.\u201d\n\nCyrceses swyne may we take for ypocrysy, the which the goode sperite\nshulde eschewe off all thynges. Ayens ypocrytes Seynt Gregory seith in\nhis Moralles,[582] that the lyfe of ypocrytes is but a frawdelous vysyon\nand as a fantasye ymagenid, the which shewith owtewarde lykenes of an\nymage, the which is not in very dede inwarde. To this purpose owre Lorde\nseith in the Gospell, [\u201cV\u00e6 vobis, hypocrit\u00e6, quia similes estis\nsepulchris dealbatis,\u201d etc.].[583]\n\n\n                                 XCIX.\n\n        Thou shulde no grete reson shewe to \u00fee man\n        The which as that tyme vndirstond ne can.\n        Yno, the which the soddyn corne dide sowe,\n        Noteth it to the well inowgh, I trowe.\n\nYno was a qwene, the which made sothyn[584] corne to be sowen, the which\ncomme not vppe. And therfor it is seide to the goode knyght \u00feat gode\nresons and weele sette and wyse autorites shulde not be tolde to the\npepill of rude vndirstondyng and that cannot vndirstond them, ffor they\nbe lost. And therfor Aristotile seith, \u201cAs reyne avaylith notte to corne\nthat is sowen on a stone, no more availleth argumentes to an onwyse\nman.\u201d\n\nThat faire and wise wordis shuld not be tolde to rude and ignorant\npepill, the which cannot vnderstond theyme, it is to sey that it is as a\nthyng loste, and than ignorance is to blame. Seynt Bernard seith in a\nbook of xv. Degrees of Mekenes that fore noght tho ascuse theyme of\nfragilite or off ignorance,[585] standyng that siche as syne most frely\nbe gladly ffreel and ignorant, and many thynges the which shuld be\nknowen be some tyme vnknowen, outhir be necligence to kune it....[586]\nAll sich ignorances hath non excusacion. Therefore the postil Seynt\nPovle seyth, [\u201cSi quis ignorat, ignorabitur\u201d].[587]\n\n\n                                   C.\n\n        Auctorites I haue written to the\n        An .c.; late theyme be take agre,[588]\n        For a woman lerned Augustus\n        To be worchipped and taught hym thus.\n\nCesar Augustus was Emperoure off the Romayns and off all [Sidenote: f.\n75.] the worlde, and because thet in th[e] tyme of his reygne pes was in\nall \u00fee world and that he reyngned pesibily, lewed pepill and\nmisse-beleueres thought that the pes was becawse of his goodnes; but it\nwas notte, for it was Crist Jhesu, the which was borne off the Virgine\nMary and was that tyme on \u00fee erth, and as long as he was on erth, it was\npes ouer all the worlde. So they wold haue worchippede Cesar as God; but\nthanne Sebille bad hym to be well ware that he made hyme note to be\nworchipped, and that ther was no God but on alone, \u00fee which had made all\nthynges. And thanne she lede hyme to an hy mounteyn withowte the cete\nand in the sone by the will of owre Lord aperyd a Vergine holdyng a\nChilde.[589] Sibille shewed it to hym and seyd to hyme that ther was\nvery God, the which shuld be worchipped, and than Cesar worchippede hym.\nAnd becaus that Ceesar Augustus, the [which] was prince off all the\nwor[l]de, lerned to knowe God and the Beleve off a woman, to the purpose\nmay be seide the auctorite that Hermes seith, \u201cBe not ashamed to here\ntrowth and good techyngges of whom that euer seith it, for trouth\nnoblyth hym \u00feat pronounceth it.\u201d\n\nThere where Othea seith that she hath wreten to hym an .c. [Sidenote: f.\n75b.] auctorites and that Augustus lerned of a woman, it is to\nvndirstond that good wordes and good techynges is to prayse of what\npersone \u00feat seith it.[590] Howe[591] de Seint Victor spekyth hereof in a\nboke called Didascalicon, that a wyse man gladdely herith all maner of\ntechynges; he dispisyth not the Scriptur, he dispyseth not the person,\nhe dispiseth not the doctrine; he sekyth indifferently ouer all, and all\nthat euer he seth the which he hath defaute; he considerith notte what\nhe is that spekyth, but [what] that is the which he seith[592]; he\ntaketh no hede how myche he can hymme selfe, but how mech he cannot. To\nthis purpose \u00fee wyse man seith, [\u201cAuris bona audiet cum omni\nconcupiscentia sapientiam\u201d].[593]\n\n\n\n\n                               GLOSSARY.\n\n\n\n\n a, _have_, 16, 78, 111\n\n abaundonede, _devoted_, 38\n\n a ben, _been_, 41\n\n abusyon (abusion, H.), _abuse_, 50\n\n accused (accusee, H.), _told_, _reported_, 52\n\n achaunge, _exchange_, 91\n\n acome, _come_, 50\n\n acorde, _agree_, 34\n\n acorde, _agreement_, 52\n\n acordyng (couuenable, H.), _fitting_, _proper_, 15, 25\n\n afore or, _before that_, 70\n\n affrayed, _terrified_, 41\n\n agre, _favourably_, _in good part_, 113\n\n all gates, _anyhow_, _by any means_, 72, 89\n\n all only but, _except_, 9\n\n aloved (louez, H.), _praised_, 112\n\n alyche (allegue, H.), _allege_, 12\n\n anamely, anamly, _namely_, 7, 12, 17, 27, 70, 78, etc.\n\n anggwyssous (angoisseuse, H.), _full of anguish_, 89\n\n applique, _apply_, 8\n\n arayed (aournez, H.), _equipped_, _adorned_, 7, 8, 23\n\n arayeth (arroie, H.), _equippeth_, 6\n\n armure, _armour_, 24\n\n arwe, _arrow_, 56\n\n assay (essay, H.), _trial_, _test_, 6\n\n assot, assote, _besot_, _make foolish_, 36, 74, 106\n\n assotted, _besotted_, 75\n\n assottede of, _besotted with_, _doting on_, 28, 36\n\n aturnyd, _turned_, 72\n\n auctorised, _authenticated_, _vouched for_, 2, 4\n\n availe, avayle, _advantage_, _profit_, 5, 12, 26, 37\n\n aventerous, _adventurous_, 9\n\n aventure, _adventure_, 12\n\n avisement, _reflection_, _counsel_, 19\n\n avowed, _vowed_, 109\n\n avysyons, _visions_, _dreams_, 75, 76, 88\n\n ayen, _against_, 2\n\n ayen, ayene, _again_, 7, 48, 79\n\n ayens, _against_, 12, 29, 32, etc.\n\n ayens say, _gainsay_, 47\n\n\n bachelere, _bachelor_, 28\n\n bateilled, _battled_, _fought_, 22\n\n bayle (baillif, H.), _bailiff_, 13\n\n be, _been_, 41\n\n beerys (ours, H.), _bears_, 12\n\n befolowe, _follow_, 60\n\n begone (_sc._ evylle b.), _affected_, _beset_, 41\n\n behouely (couuenable, H.), _proper_, _befitting_, 8, 12, 23, 82\n\n bellue (belue, H.), _monster_, 15\n\n ben, _be_, 70\n\n besy, _busy_, 5\n\n boche (boce, H.), _hump_ (_of a camel_), 54\n\n bolnynges (lenfleure, H.), _swellings_, _pride_, 76\n\n borde, _table_, 67\n\n bosche (buisson, H.), _bush_, 53\n\n bostus, _boastful_, _threatening_, 51\n\n boores, _boars_, 12\n\n bounte (bonte, bernage, _sc._ barnage, H.), _goodness_, _nobility_, 8,\n    11, 27, 60\n\n brayeng, braying (de brayre, H.), _croaking_ (_of frogs_), 34\n\n brennyng, _burning_, 62\n\n brent, _burnt_, 69, 110\n\n brokyth (retient, H.), _digests_, _retains_ (_on the stomach_), 55\n\n brond (brandon, H.), _brand_, _torch_, 36\n\n brothe, broththe (palu, H.), _muddy water_, 33, 34\n\n broute, browte, _brought_, 12, 56, 110\n\n bruled, _broiled_, _burnt_, 69\n\n bryboure (lierres, _sc._ larron, H.), _thief_, _robber_, 41\n\n busshmentes (embusches, H.), _ambushes_, 63\n\n b[u]tyrflye (papillon, H.), _butterfly_, 109\n\n\n carles (villains, H.), _churls_, _rustics_, 33, 34\n\n cesse (cesser, H.), _make to cease_, 9\n\n chaiere (chayere, H.), _chair_ (_of a professor_), 6\n\n chamel, chamelle, _camel_, 54\n\n chelde, _shield_, 54, 60\n\n chepe, _sheep_, 58\n\n ches, _choose_, 85\n\n chesse, the (esches, H.), _game of chess_, 95\n\n chevalroures (vaillance cheualereuse, H.), _chivalry_, 9\n\n cheualerous, cheualerours, _chivalrous_, 14, 16\n\n cheuetayne, cheueten (cheuetaine, H.), _chieftain_, _leader_, 2, 85\n\n chippe, _ship_, 56\n\n chynnes, _chains_, 41\n\n clyme (monter, H.), _climb_, 6, 44\n\n communes (paysans, H.), _common people_, 34\n\n communiall (communicaire, H.), _sharing with others_, 27\n\n condicionned (condicionne, H.), _accustomed_, 85\n\n conditoures (conduissaresse, H.), _conductress_, _guide_, 8\n\n condittes (conduis, H.), _conduits_, 28\n\n connestabil, _constable_, 85\n\n connyng (sauoir, H.), _knowledge_, 24\n\n contrarie, _contrary_, _adverse_, 11\n\n contrariousnes (les contrarietez, H.), _adversity_, 12\n\n contrarius, _contrary_, _adverse_, 9\n\n conveyed (conuoye, H.), _conducted_, _guided_ (_of the spirit_), 8\n\n conveyng (congeement, H.), _removal_, _expulsion_, 5\n\n copyr, _copper_, 17\n\n corage, _spirit_, _mind_, 31, 84, 96\n\n coromped, _corrupted_, 29\n\n corrompeth, corrumpyth, _corrupteth_, 30\n\n corumpe, _to corrupt_, 62\n\n cosyn germayne, _cousin german_, 9, 10\n\n coude, cowde, _could_, 85, 86\n\n couertly, _secretly_, _disguisedly_, 13\n\n couerture, _disguise_, _concealment_, 13, 19, 43, 93\n\n couetise, covetyse, _covetousness_, 34, 54, 60\n\n cowde, _knew_, 58\n\n crassed (creuee, H.), _cracked_, 52\n\n creues, crevesse (creueure, H.), _crevice_, 52, 65\n\n cuirboyle, _cuir-bouilli_, _boiled leather_, 24\n\n\n debatoure (discordant, H.), _debater_, _quarreller_, 67\n\n deded (amortie, H.), _deadened_, 27\n\n deele, dele, _part_, _whit_, 9, 35\n\n defavtes, _faults_, _defects_, 13\n\n defendyth, _forbiddeth_, 32\n\n deme, _judgment_, 56\n\n departed (departis, H.), _allotted_, 83\n\n desceyvable (faillible, H.), _deceitful_, _untrustworthy_, 8\n\n dictis, _dicts_, _sayings_, 4\n\n diffendyth, _forbidden_, 28\n\n discomfyte, _discomfited_, 15\n\n discouered, _uncovered_, _unprotected_, 97, 104\n\n discouerte, _uncovered_, 105\n\n discute, _discuss_, 20, 62\n\n disheryte, _disinherit_, 29, 30\n\n dispite, _despise_, 10, 100\n\n disportis, _amusements_, 34\n\n disporveide (despourveu, H.), _unprovided_, 68\n\n disprayes (despris, H.), _contempt_, 28\n\n disprayse (desprisier, H.), _contemn_, _despise_, 54, 84, 87\n\n dispraysyng (despercion, H.), _contemning_, _despising_, 59\n\n dispreisyd, dispreysed, _contemned_, _despised_, 35, 36\n\n dispreysyng, _contemning_, _despising_, 36\n\n dissalowed (desloua, H.), _disapproved_, _dissuaded_, 56\n\n dissauable, _deceitful_ (_of riches_), 53\n\n disseruede (desserui, H.), _served_, _performed_ (_sc._ _of penance_),\n    14\n\n dittee (dictie, H.), _treatise_, 8\n\n do armes (armes ... faire, H.), _perform exploits_, 12\n\n dobylnesse, _doubleness_, _duplicity_, 95\n\n doghter, _daughter_, 16, 31\n\n doited (affoles, H.), _doting_, 69\n\n dome, _judgment_, 16, 48, 68\n\n doo, _done_, 14\n\n doongon (dongion, H.), _keep_, _castle_, 110\n\n doute (dompter, H.), _conquer_, 42\n\n doutyd (doubtoit, H.), _doubted_, _feared_, 97\n\n douted, dowted (dompta, H.), _conquered_, 42\n\n doutously, _doubtfully_, 19\n\n dowter, _daughter_, 11\n\n dres (adrece, H.), _dress_, _direct_, _apply_, 5\n\n dressyd hyr (se ficha, H.), _betook herself_, 66\n\n drwe, _drew_, 30\n\n drwe avay (chaca, H.), _drove away_, 20\n\n dryst, _durst_, 44\n\n dured, _endured_, _lasted_, 52\n\n duryng (_sc._ euer d.), _lasting_, 6\n\n dyffendyth, _forbiddeth_, 32\n\n dyght, _disposed_, _placed_, 80\n\n dynne, _dinner_, 66\n\n dysheryted (desherita, H.), _disinherited_, 20\n\n dysparbuled (se espart, H.), _disparpled_, _divided_, 57\n\n dyspiteth (despite, H.), _despiseth_, 16\n\n dyspyte (despit, H.), _contempt_, _scorn_, 40\n\n dystres (destrece, H.), _distress_, 12\n\n\n ell, elles, ellis, _else_, 12, 13, 14\n\n embaundoned, _devoted_, 2\n\n empeched (empesche, H.), _hindered_, _injured_, 90\n\n empechest (empesches, H.), _impeach_, _find fault with_, 87\n\n emprise, _undertaking_, 75, 76\n\n enbushed, _ambushed_, 73\n\n encres, _increase_, 38\n\n endyte (escripre, H.), _write_, 6\n\n engins (engins, H.), _snares_, 84\n\n ennorted, _exhorted_, 64\n\n enorte (ennorter, H.), _exhort_, 5\n\n enortyng (enditement, H.), _exhortation_, 58\n\n ensorgyng, _grieving_, 31\n\n entent, _mind_, _understanding_, 19\n\n eres, erys, _ears_, 40\n\n errant (_sc._ e. knyghte), _wandering_, 15, 111\n\n erryed (aree, H.), _ploughed_, 38\n\n erye (arer, H.), _to plough_, 38\n\n exauced, _heard_, _granted_, 18, 79\n\n exavced (of a person praying), _heard_, _gratified_, 79\n\n exaussyng (exaussement, H.), _exalting_, 12\n\n excusacion, _excuse_, 87, 113\n\n exempled, _exemplified_, _justified_, 2, 4\n\n eyne, _eyes_, 44, 45\n\n eyre, _ear_, 44\n\n\n fardell (faissel, H.), _burden_, 32\n\n fauchon (fauchon, H.), _falchion_, _sword_, 15\n\n favth, _fought_, 13\n\n fawty, _faulty_, 40\n\n fayre, fayree, fayreis (nymphes, H.), _fairies_, 77, 81, 93\n\n felachep, felachipe, _fellowship_, 16, 92\n\n felawe, _fellow_, 14\n\n feleshyp, _fellowship_, _company_, 33\n\n felle, _savage_, _cruel_, 12\n\n feythyt, _fighteth_, 65\n\n flawe, _flew_, 15\n\n fleeth (vole, H.), _flyeth_, 16\n\n flotereth (flote, H.), _flutters_, _hesitates_, 22\n\n flowrid, _flourished_, 3\n\n flowte, _flute_, 40, 44\n\n folely, follely, _foolishly_, 83, 107, 108\n\n folwe (ensuiuir, H.), _follow_, 11\n\n folwyth (sensuit, H.), _followeth_, 10\n\n foly, _foolish_, 64, 79\n\n fond, foonde, _found_, _invented_, 24, 25, 38, 43\n\n fordone (amortis, H.), _destroyed_, _done away with_, 13\n\n foryate, _forgot_, 68, 69, 74, 96\n\n foryeten, _forgotten_, 68\n\n froward, _perverse_, 93\n\n fraudelous, _deceitful_, 92, 112\n\n frele, _frail_, 28\n\n frelnes, _frailty_, 20, 70\n\n frosses (renoulles, H.), _frogs_, 33, 34\n\n ful, fulle, _very_, 2, 3, 7, 12, 15\n\n fullefyllyd (remplie, H.), _filled_, 9\n\n fumerelle (sueil, H., _sc._ threshold), _smoke-hole_ (_in the roof_),\n    _hearth_, 30\n\n fundement, _foundation_, 64\n\n\n gaineyers, _husbandmen_, 38\n\n gate, _got_, 11\n\n gebet (gibet, H.), _gibbet_, 41\n\n geyneseyyng (contredisans, H.), _gainsaying_, 21\n\n glayve (faulx, H.), _sword_, 15\n\n glewe (gluyon, H.), _glue_, 109\n\n gosh, _go_, 47\n\n gostly, _ghostly_, _spiritual_, 2, 3, 8, 85\n\n grenner, _greener_, 31\n\n greuaunces, _evils_, _harm_, 27\n\n gryffes (cultiuemens, H.), _grafts_, _shoots_, 39\n\n guerdon (subst.), _reward_, 58\n\n guerdon (v.), _reward_, _estimate properly_, 50, 59\n\n gyf, _give_, 19\n\n gyrte, _girded_, 105\n\n gyse, _guise_, 46\n\n\n habaundonede, _devoted_, 38\n\n halse (accoller, H.), _embrace_, 69\n\n haunt, _follow_, _devote oneself to_, 70, 75, 80\n\n hauntyng (frequentise, H.), _intercourse_, 52\n\n hawteyn, _haughty_, _proud_, 27\n\n helly (infernaulx, H.), _hellish_, _of hell_, 78\n\n heppid (amassez, H.), _heaped_, 34\n\n herdly (enterine, H.), _earthly_ (?), 95\n   For \u201centerin,\u201d or, as sometimes spelt, \u201centerrin,\u201d see p. 95, note 2.\n      Scrope seems to have mistaken its meaning, connecting it with\n      \u201cterre.\u201d\n\n heris, _ears_, 55\n\n herres, _hairs_, 30\n\n hire (loyer, H.), _reward_, 81\n\n holde (_sc._ h. counsell), _take_, _follow_, 91\n\n holden, _held_, _considered_, 3\n\n holdyn, _taken_, _followed_, 91\n\n hole and some, _whole and sum_, _entirely_, 6\n\n holpyn, _helped_, 99\n\n homely (_sc._ h. spyes, priuees, H.), _domestic_, 23\n\n homlynes, (priuete, H.), _intimacy_, 92\n\n hooges, _huge_, 32\n\n hy, hye, _high_, 5, 7, 8, 23\n\n hyly, _highly_, 6\n\n hynes, _highness_, _greatness_, 12\n\n\n iangeler (iengleur, gengleresse, H.), _chatterer_, _prater_, 57, 98\n\n iangyllyng (gengle, H.), _chattering_, _prating_, 98\n\n iauelot, iaueloth (glavellot, H.), _dart_, _javelin_, 86\n\n ich, iche, _each_, 7, 80, 83\n\n inewgh, _enough_, 25\n\n inougth, _enough_, 12\n\n inowe, _enough_, 34\n\n inowgh, _enough_, 52, 63\n\n inowght, _enough_, 84\n\n inowthe, _enough_, 63\n\n iolines, iolynesse (ioliuete, H.), _gaiety_, _mirth_, 18, 83\n\n ioly (cointe, H.), _gay_, _sprightly_, 72\n\n iorneyer (voyager, H.), _traveller_, 13\n\n iowgolowre (iugleur, H.), _buffoon_, 104\n\n ioyeux, _joyous_, 84\n\n iren, _iron_, 22\n\n iusticer, _judge_, 13, 14\n\n iustifie (iusticier, H.), _to judge_, 13\n\n I wys, _sc._ iwis, _assuredly_, 9\n\n\n kest, _cast_, _threw_, 30, 89\n\n keuercheffes, _kerchiefs_, 80\n\n konyng, koonyng, _knowledge_, 83, 87\n\n kunnyng, _knowledge_, 6, 25, 83\n\n kynde, _nature_, 1\n\n\n lachesse, _negligence_, _remissness_, 32\n\n lavde (subst.), _praise_, 12\n\n lawyng, _laughing_, 61\n\n lech, leche, _like_, 8, 26, 31, 34, 36, etc.\n\n lede, _lead_ (_the metal_), 19\n\n lefull, _lawful_, 95\n\n leke, _leek_, 10\n\n lekend, _likened_, 31\n\n lekerousnes (alechemens, H.), _appetite_, _greediness_, 62\n\n lemyte, _limit_, 10\n\n lenage, _lineage_, 11\n\n lerned, _taught_, 113\n\n lessyng, _lessening_, 59\n\n lest, leste (talent, H.), _desire_, 93\n\n lesyng (menconge, H.), _lying_, 46\n\n lete (empescher, H.), _hinder_, 82\n\n letted, lettyd, _hindered_, 8, 31, 82\n\n letteryd, lettyrd (letrez, H.), _lettered_, 42\n\n lettynges (empeschemens, H.), _hindrances_, 67\n\n lettyth, _hinder_, 10\n\n leuer, _rather_, 48, 107\n\n lewde (fol, sotte, H.), _foolish_, 40, 46, 51, 102\n\n leyser, _leisure_, 40\n\n lich, _like_, 41\n\n longeth, longyth, _belongeth_, 20, 25, 71\n\n longgyng, _belonging_, 20, 37\n\n lorier (laurier, H.), _laurel_, 99, 100\n\n lyeines, lyenis (liens, H.), _bonds_, 61, 66\n\n lymbo (limbe, H.), _limbo_, _the outskirts of hell_, 41\n\n lyst, _desired_, 98\n\n lyst, lyste (courage, talent, H.), _will_, _desire_, 44, 49, 77\n\n\n ma, _may_, 70\n\n malencolius, _melancholy_, 21\n\n malice, _artfulness_, 80\n\n malicius, _artful_, 45, 111\n\n manace, _menace_, 51\n\n manisynges, _menacings_, 51\n\n mankyndely, mankyndly (humaine, H.), _human_, 8, 18, 70, 72, 103\n\n manyce, _menace_, 51\n\n marches (marches, H.), _borders_, 60\n\n masseyngeres, _messengers_, 23\n\n maystry, _mastery_, 35\n\n maystyr (mestier, H.), _office_, _business_, 11\n\n meche, _much_, 49\n\n mechell, _much_, 72\n\n mene, _means_, 20\n\n menye (mesgnee, maignee, H.), _company_, _pack_ (_of hounds_), 77\n\n merowre, _mirror_, 95\n\n mervelious, meruelyous, _marvellous_, 12, 13, 14, 20\n\n miche, _much_, 45\n\n molle (tauppe, H.), _mole_, 40\n\n mote, _must_, 33\n\n mowe, _more_, 77\n\n muse, _take amusement_, 71, 74\n\n mych, myche, _much_, 11, 12\n\n mychyll, _much_, 70\n\n mydwes, _meadows_, 104\n   Scrope\u2019s Fr. MS. probably read \u201caux piez\u201d (_cf._ 104, note 1), and he\n      confused it with \u201caux pr\u00e9z\u201d\n\n mysbeleve, _misbelief_, 45\n\n myschefe (meschief, H.), _misfortune_, 33\n\n myssedone (meffait, H.), _misdone_, _done amiss_, 45\n\n\n ne, _not_, 41\n\n nedelle (aguille, H.), _needle_, 54\n\n nedis, _needs_, 54\n\n neyburwe, _neighbour_, 16\n\n nerehand (a pou, H.), _nearly_, 11\n\n noblyth, _ennobleth_, 114\n\n noye (nuit, H.), _annoy_, _harm_, 61\n\n noyens (nuisible, H.), _harm_, _nuisance_, 105\n\n noyens, _harmful_, 111\n\n nwefanggyllnesse, _newfangledness_, _inconstancy_, 95\n\n nygromancye (arquemie, _sc._ _alchemy_, H.), _necromancy_, 94\n\n nyse (nyce, H.), _stupid_, _foolish_, 51\n\n\n o, _one_, 18, 22, 25, 97\n\n obeissance (obeyssance, H.), _deference_, _respect_, 14\n\n onsesyde of, _unseised of_, _without_, 74\n\n oo, _one_, 105\n\n or that, _before that_, 19, 20, 51\n\n ordure, _filth_, _vileness_, 20\n\n oste (ost, H.), _host_, 26\n\n ouctrecuidez, _proud_, _overweening_, 28\n\n ouer all (par tout, H.), _everywhere_, 80, 93, 114\n\n ouergoo (surmonter, H.), _master_, _conquer_, 96\n\n ouerhoope (oultrecuidance, H.), _presumption_, 51\n\n ouerlede, ouerleyde (surpris, H.), _surprised_, 61, 65\n\n ouerwenyng (oultrecuidez, H.), _inordinately proud_, 27, 28\n\n owthe (doit, H.), _ought_, 6\n\n\n paase (passer, H.), _surpass_, 83\n\n paramours (_adv._), _passionately_, 69, 72\n\n parde, _par dieu_, 12, 68, 105\n\n passede (pesee, H.), _weighed_, _considered_, 51\n\n paynemes (payens, H.), _pagans_, _heathen_, 47\n\n peise, peyse (peser, H.), _weigh_, _consider_, 20\n\n pendavnde, _pendant_, 52\n\n penowrye, penuery (misere, H.), _penury_, 99\n\n perchith (perce, H.), _pierceth_, 56\n\n perfite, _perfect_, 8\n\n perlious, perlyous, _perilous_, 82, 89\n\n perlyouser, _more perilous_, 110\n\n pes, _peace_, 30\n\n pewter (peaultre, H.), _pewter_, 18\n\n peyne hym, _trouble himself_, 87\n\n pistil, pistile, pistylle, _epistle_, 5, 18, 22\n\n plangeth (plunge, H.), _plunges_, 22\n\n plenere, _full_, 5\n\n plesauns, plesawnce, _pleasure_, 75, 81\n\n plongeden, _plunged_, 28\n\n plyte, _plight_, 61\n\n Pocalipse, _Apocalypse_, 73\n\n pontificall (pontifical, H.) _dignified_, 23\n\n prayed, _invited_, 66\n\n prerogatyue (prerogatiue, H.), _privilege_, _exclusive possession_, 7\n\n presound, _imprisoned_, 31\n\n prime temps, _spring_, 27\n\n pris (pris, H.), _prize_, 20, 23\n\n prouoste (preuost, H.), _provost_, 13\n\n purchase (_sc._ p. armes, pourchacier, H.), _pursue_, _follow_, 12\n\n purchassed (_sc._ p. trayson, pourchace, H.), _contrived_, 108\n\n purches (_sc._ p. harme, pourchacier, H.), _contrive_, 86\n\n purveide off (pourueu, H.), _provided with_, 102\n\n pyll, _pillage_, 60\n\n pystyl, pystylle, _epistle_, 7, 10\n\n\n qwan, _when_, 35\n\n qwaynte (cointe, H.), _clever_, _ingenious_, 95\n\n qweke (vifs, H.), _quick_, _living_, 45\n\n qwen, qwenne, _when_, 26, 30, 35\n\n qwere, _where_, 39\n\n qwhan, _when_, 44\n\n qwhen, _queen_, 63\n\n qwome, _whom_, 36\n\n qwythe thorne (morier blank, H.), _white thorn_, 35\n\n\n raffe, _split_, _was riven_, 65\n\n rampyng (rampans, H.), _rampant_, _raging_ (_of bears_), 12\n\n rauenous (traueilleux, H.), _vexatious_, _painful_, 18\n\n reaume, _realm_, 7, 13, 15, 111\n\n reconforte, _comfort_, 94\n\n refeccion (reffeccion, H.), _food_, 55\n\n renomme, _renown_, 2\n\n renommeed, _renowned_, 1\n\n repuignand, _resisting_, _repelling_, 3\n\n revede (tolue, H.), _tore away_, _rescued_, 15\n\n reyne, _rain_, 27\n\n rothir, _rudder_, 56\n\n rotters, _gallants_, 62\n\n rowe (renc, H.), _rank_, _class_, 13\n\n royalme, royaulme, _realm_, _kingdom_, 3\n\n ryght, _very_, 12, 15, 18, 29, 106\n\n ryghtwyse, _righteous_, 13\n\n ryghtwysly, _righteously_, 14, 20\n\n rytewyse (droicturiere, H.), _righteous_, 13\n\n\n sadde, _discreet_, _careful_, 59\n\n sadely, _carefully_, 51\n\n sadenes (_sc._ s. of speche, lente de parler, H.), _discretion_, 56\n\n salwes, _sallows_, _willows_, 93\n\n saue, _except_, 23\n\n say, _assay_, _test_, 80\n\n schawnegeable, _changeable_, 22\n\n schawneged, schawnged, _changed_, 60, 71\n\n schawngyth, _changeth_, 22\n\n schette, _shut_, _included_, 39, 52\n\n schewyth (suiue, H.), _sueth_, _followeth_, 22\n\n schorte, _shorten_, 62\n\n sclaunderus, _slanderous_, 56\n\n se, _sea_, 11, 47\n\n sede on syde, _set aside_, 10\n\n seege, _siege_ (_sc._ _the camp_), 96\n\n sege, _siege_ (_sc._ _the besieging force_), 106\n\n seege (_sc._ of counsell, siege de conseil, H.), _seat_, 57\n\n segge, _siege_, 26\n\n seghens, _sighings_, 101\n\n sekyr, _sure_, 89\n\n semblable, _similar_, 108\n\n serpently (serpentins, H.), _serpent-like_, 30\n\n sesid with (saisi de, H.), _seised_, _possessed of_, 74\n\n sewyng, sewynge, _following_, 7, 111\n\n seyntens, _saints_, 47\n\n seysyd hym in (_sc._ esleua en, H.), _arrogated to himself_, 28\n\n seytis, _sexes_, 93\n\n sheded, _shed_, 63\n\n shrewdenes (mauuaistie, H.), _wickedness_, 110\n\n shrewes (des mauuais, H.), _the wicked_, _vicious_, 108\n\n skye (nue, H.), _cloud_, 44\n\n slake, _fail_, _grow slack_, 73\n\n slewthe, slowthe, _sloth_, 32, 33\n\n smerte, _painful_, 103\n\n socourable, _helpful_, 27, 50\n\n socovre, _succour_, 16\n\n soffted (amoli, H.), _softened_, 94\n\n softeth (adoulcist, H.), _softeneth_, _easeth_, 26\n\n soget (subget, H.), _subject_, 14, 65\n\n soggettes (subges, H.), _subjects_, 24\n\n soioryng (seiour, H.), _resting place_, _abode_, 112\n\n soioure, _sojourn_, 95\n\n sonne, _sun_, 20\n\n soothel, sootyl, sotell, sothell, _subtle_, 92, 93, 94\n\n sorwe, _sorrow_, 103\n\n sotely, _subtly_, 36, 61\n\n soth, _truth_, _sooth_, 89\n\n sothyn (cuit, H.), _sodden_, 29, 112\n\n sotle, _subtle_, 25\n\n sotted (assottent, H.) _besotted_, _made foolish_, 74\n\n sottyl, _subtle_, 95\n\n sotyl, _subtle_, 35\n\n sotylte, _subtlety_, 95\n\n soundir, _sunder_, 41\n\n sowlehele, _salvation_, 2\n\n sowpled (se adoulcist, H.), _softened_, _mollified_, 92\n\n sowte, _sought_, 80\n\n spotte (tache, H.), _blemish_, _taint_, 37, 41\n\n stabilnes (constance, H.), _stability_, _constancy_, 12\n\n stale, _stole_, 32\n\n standing, standyng, stondyng, _considering that_, 8, 51, 53, 81, 82,\n    89, 106\n\n stanke (estanc, H.), _a pool_, 93\n\n stawnched, _quenched_ (_of fire_), 105\n\n stawnsh, _staunch_, _quench_, 33\n\n stepechildire (fillastres, H.), _step-children_, 29, 30\n\n stepmodir, steppemodir (marrastre, H.), _stepmother_, 30, 48\n\n stirte, styrte (sailli, se gita, H.), _hurried_, 89, 103\n\n stodier (lestudiant, H.), _studyer_, _student_, 42\n\n strate, _strait_, _narrow_, 63\n\n streche (tendre, H.), _stretch_, _tend_, 8\n\n streche to, _reach to_, _rival_, 82\n\n strecheth, _stretch_, _are directed_, 32\n\n streged, _stretched_, 30\n\n streyned, _strained_, _stretched_, 40\n\n streyte, _strait_ (_of a prison_), 60\n\n strof, _strove_, 57\n\n strong (fort, H.), _difficult_, 58\n\n suremounted, _raised_, 3\n\n suspeccion, _suspicion_, 70\n\n swe, _sowed_, 38\n\n swiche, _such_, 45\n\n swolve, _swallow_, 34\n\n synguler, _special_, 46, 47\n\n sythyn, _sithen_, _since_, 34\n\n\n tachys (condicions, H.), _manners_, 34\n\n targes (targes, H.), _target_, _shield_, 54\n\n tendyng (tendans, H.), _having regard_, 17\n\n tendyyng, _regard_, _attention_, 93\n\n teremys, _terms_, 17\n\n terrement (obseques, H.), _interment, burial_, 106\n\n teschyng, _teaching_, 14\n\n teynt (attaint, H.), _tainted_, _affected_, 30\n\n tharledom, thraldom, thralledom (seruitude, H.), _servitude_, 51, 65,\n    91\n\n thefende, _defend_, _forbid_, 29\n\n thredde, _third_, 3\n\n thresshefolde (sueil, H.), _threshold_, 31\n\n tobbe (tine, H.), _tub_, 63\n\n tocheth to (touche, H.), _regards_, _concerns_, 12\n\n to regard of, _in regard to_, 8\n\n trauell, _labour_, _travail_, 42\n\n trauellyth, _labour_, _travail_, 26\n\n trowght, _truth_, 80\n\n trwes (treues, H.), _truce_, 106\n\n turnementes (tourment, H.), _torments_, 37\n\n tweyne, _twain_, 29\n\n tynne, _tin_, 18\n\n tysyng (enditement, H.), _enticing_, 108\n\n\n vagaunt (vague, H.), _vagrant_, 104\n\n vailable, vaylable (valable, H.), _useful_, 12, 43\n\n vailet, vayleth (est proufitable, vault, H.), _availeth_, 54, 57\n\n valure (valeur, H.), _valour_, 27\n\n vauntoure (vanteur, H.), _boaster_, 71\n\n vaylie, _valley_, 14\n\n veleyns, velyens, _vile_, _abject_, 51, 59, 111\n\n venegre, _vinegar_, 30\n\n veray, very (vraye, Fr.), _true_, 7, 81, 98\n\n viagis, _voyages_, 13\n\n vilens, vileyns, _vile_, _abject_, 34, 37\n\n vmbethynke the, _consider_, 6, 57, 63, 69, 76, 111\n\n vnbehouely (inpartinent, H.), _unbecoming_, 35\n\n vncunnyng (ingrat, H.), _unmindful_, 59\n\n vndirstondynges (entendemens, H.), _meanings_, 25\n\n vngracious (_sc._ v. games, mal gracieux, H.), _discourteous_, 58\n\n vniuersyte, _university_, 3, 42\n\n vnknowyn (descongnoissant, H.), _unmindful_, _ungrateful_, 59\n\n vnkunnyng (ingratitude, H.), _unmindfulness_, _ingratitude_, 59\n\n vnnethes (a peine, H.), _scarcely_, _hardly_, 62\n\n voide, voyde, woyde, _remove_, _expel_, 30, 51, 68, 98\n\n voyded (vuidoient, H.), _removed_, _departed_, 51\n\n voyeddid (vuida, H.), _removed_, _expelled_, 19\n\n\n wacches (agais, H.), _watches_, _plots_, 8\n\n wassh (gue, H.), _lake_, _pool_, 33\n\n wchid (gaitoit, H.), _watched_, 44\n\n wellwyllyng (bien vueillant, H.), _benevolent_, 27\n\n wend, wende (cuiderent, cuida, H.), _weaned_, _thought_, 30, 106\n\n weneth (cuident, H.), _wean_, _think_, 111\n\n were (guerre faire, H.), _make war_, 11, 23\n\n weri, _very_, _real_, _true_, 67\n\n werre, _war_, 2, 12, 23\n\n wery, _truly_, 3\n\n wete (sauoir, H.), _wit_, _know_, _learn_, 91, 111\n\n wexe (deuiengnent, H.), _wax_, _become_, 32\n\n wexe, _waxed_, _grew_, 30, 31, 52\n\n weyne, _vein_, 19\n\n whan, whanne, _won_, 15, 42, 59\n\n whedir, _whither_, 41\n\n whit (_sc._ with) the dede (ou fait, H.), _in the act_, 44\n\n wombe (ventre, H.), _belly_, 111\n\n wombe of mynde (ventre de la memoire, H.), _inmost mind_, 55\n\n wood, woode (forsennee, enragez, H.), _mad_, _furious_, 30, 65, 72\n\n woodnes (forcennage, enragerie, H.), _madness_, _fury_, 29, 30, 67\n\n worthynesses (proueces, H.), _worthy deeds_, 27\n\n wote (scay, scez, H.), _know_, 12, 98\n\n wreke (ateines, H.), _vengeance_, 11\n\n wylne (v.), _will_, 16\n\n wymple (guimple, H.), _wimple_, 53\n\n wynnors (gaignons, H.), 11. According to Godefroy, _Dict. de l\u2019ancienne\n    langue Fran\u00e7aise_, _s.v._, \u201cgaignon\u201d means a \u201cm\u00e2tin, chien de\n    basse-cour,\u201d and then a \u201chomme vil et mechant,\u201d or, as we say, a\n    \u201ccur.\u201d Scrope seems to have confounded it with \u201cgaigneur,\u201d from\n    \u201cgagner,\u201d to win.\n\n wyse, _manner_, 16, 20, 40\n\n wytte (sens, H.), _wit_, _sense_, 12\n\n\n yaf, yafe, _gave_, 17, 19, 38\n\n yate, _gate_, 30\n\n yche, _each_, 67\n\n ye, _eye_, 32\n\n yef, _if_, 9\n\n yefe, _give_, 20\n\n yefer, _giver_, 38\n\n yeffeth, yeffyth, _giveth_, 82, 84\n\n yeffve, _give_, 83\n\n yeftis, _gifts_, 2\n\n yen, _eyes_, 44\n\n yeris meynde (luniversaire, H.), _anniversary_, 106\n\n yete, _get_ (imper.), 11. The line should probably be read, \u201cAnd wyth\n    vs strey[n]gth be (_sc._ by) honesty \u00fee yete,\u201d _cf._ \u201cEt auec nous\n    te couuient force,\u201d H.\n\n yeveth, yevyth, _giveth_, 18, 23, 39\n\n yevyng, _giving_, 3\n\n yif, yife, _give_ (imper.), 14, 19\n\n yiff, _give_, 83\n\n yiffeth, _giveth_, 18, 21\n\n yite, _yet_, 71\n\n yode, _went_, 73\n\n yofe, _given_, 21\n\n yolden, _yielded_, _given up_, 87\n\n youen, youyn, yoven, yovyn, _given_, 2, 7, 19, 20, 21, 22, etc.\n\n yraigne (yraigne, H.), _spider_, 71\n\n\n \u021date, _gate_, 7\n\n \u021dates, _gates_, 11\n\n\n\n\n                                 INDEX.\n\n\n Abtalin, the philosopher, maxim of, 36\n\n Achilles, 45, 50, 66, 75, 80, 92, 96, 105, 106\n\n Acis, son of Faunus, 65\n\n Act\u00e6on (Anteon, Antheon), 76\n\n Adonis (Dadonius), 72\n\n Adrastus, King of Argos, 54\n\n \u00c6olus (Eolus), god of winds, 89\n\n Aglauros (Aglaros), daughter of Cecrops, 31\n\n Ajax (Thelamen Ayaux, Thelomonailles, Ayaux), 73, 91, 107\n\n Alcyone (Alchion), wife of Ceyx, 89\n\n Alexander, King of Macedon, 85, 103\n\n Ambrose, St., 4;\n   quoted, 22, 23, 90\n\n Amphiaraus (Amphoras), 54\n\n Andrew, St., article of, in the Creed, 41\n\n Andromache (Andromatha), wife of Hector, 100, 103\n\n Andromeda, 15, 16\n\n Antenor (Anthenor), 108, 109\n\n Apocalypse (Pocalipse, Pocalipce), the, quoted, 73, 111\n\n Apollo (Appollo), 20. _See also_ Ph\u0153bus\n\n Apulia (Puille), 75\n\n Arachne (Yragnes), 71\n\n Argus, the hundred-eyed, 44\n\n Aristotle (Aristotiles, Aristotile, Aristotill), 4;\n   maxims of, 8, 13, 14, 16, 30, 38, 42, 60, 71, 85, 103, 107, 112\n\n Assaron, the philosopher, maxim of, 90\n\n Atalanta (Athalenta), 81\n\n Athamas, King, 29\n\n Atropos (Acropose, Accropos), 47, 48\n\n Augustine (Austyn, Tawstyn), St., 4;\n   quoted, 8, 10, 16, 30, 32, 34, 49, 50, 51, 70, 72, 74, 75, 78, 79,\n      82, 84, 88, 91, 96, 99, 103, 107, 108, 109, 110\n\n Augustus C\u00e6sar, 113\n\n\n Babylon (Babylonie, Babilonie), 52, 101\n\n Bacchus (Bachus), 34\n\n Bartholomew (Bartylmew), St., article of, in the Creed, 44\n\n Bede, quoted, 33\n\n Bellerophon (Belorophon, Berolophon), 48\n\n Bernard, St., quoted, 14, 54, 59, 103, 112\n\n Berry, John, Duke of (Jon, Duke of Barry), 3\n\n Boethius (Boys), quoted, 84\n\n\n Cadmus (Cadimus), 42\n\n Calabria (Calebre), 75\n\n Calchas (Calcas), 92, 96\n\n Cardinal Virtues, 2, 7\n\n Cassandra, daughter of Priam, 46\n\n Cassian, John, quoted, 64\n\n Cassiodorus, quoted, 19, 21, 25, 27, 67\n\n Cecrops (Cycropos), King of Athens, 31\n\n Cephalus (Sephalus), 86\n\n Cerberus (Serebrus, Cereberus, Cerebrus), 11, 41, 79\n\n Ceres, 11, 38\n\n Ceyx (Ceys), 89\n\n Charon (Acaron), 79\n\n Cidonie (Sidon?), 35\n\n Circe (Circes, Cyrces), 111\n\n Colchos (Coleos), 51, 58, 90\n\n Commandments, the Ten, 49\n\n Corinis, the nymph, 56\n\n Corinthians, St. Paul\u2019s Epistles to the, quoted, 27, 87, 96, 108, 113\n\n Correction, Book of, by St. Augustine, 16\n\n Creed, Articles of the, 37\n\n Cressida (Cresseide), 95\n\n Crow, 56\n\n Cupid, 65, 95\n\n Cyrus (Cirus), King of Persia, 63\n\n\n Dadonius. _See_ Adonis\n\n Daphne (Damee), 99\n\n Democritus (Demecritus), maxim of, 10\n\n Diana (Dyana), 37, 60, 70, 76, 77, 99\n\n Diogenes (Dyogeneys), maxims of, 23, 40\n\n Diomed (Dyomed), 96\n\n Discord, goddess of, 66\n\n\n Ecclesiasticus, book of, quoted, 16, 22, 32, 34, 64, 89, 104, 114\n\n Echo (Eccho, Echo), 98\n\n Ephesians, St. Paul\u2019s Epistle to the, quoted, 23, 31, 97\n\n Esdras, book of, quoted, 21\n\n Eurydice (Euredice, Euredice), 78\n\n\n Fastolf, Sir John, 1, note\n\n Femene (_sc._ Amazonia), kingdom of, 63\n\n Fortune, the goddess, 84\n\n\n Galatea (Galatee), the nymph, 65\n\n Galatea (Galathee), Hector\u2019s horse, 7\n\n Ganymedes, 57\n\n Geber, astronomer, 17\n\n Gorgon, 59, 60\n\n Gregory (Gregorie, Grigori, Grigory), St., 4;\n   quoted, 18, 20, 24, 35, 55, 57, 58, 68, 71, 76, 85, 94, 100, 101,\n      104, 112\n\n\n Hebrews, Epistle to the, quoted, 25, 26\n\n Hector, 5, 7, 22, 24, 26, 49, 97, 100, 103, 104, 105, 106\n\n Hecuba (Ecuba, Hecuba), 24, 106\n\n Helen (Helaine, Elen, etc.), 75, 83, 87, 91\n\n Helenus (Helene ), son of Priam, 87\n\n Hercules, 11, 12, 41, 51, 73\n\n Hermaphroditus (Hermofrodicus), 93\n\n Hermes (Armes, Harmes, Hermes), the philosopher, 4;\n   maxims of, 19, 20, 21 (2), 26, 32, 37, 39, 43, 45, 49, 53, 59, 68,\n      70, 73, 81, 86, 87, 94, 96, 104, 114\n\n Herse (Herce), daughter of Cecrops, 31\n\n Hesione, daughter of Laomedon, 91\n\n Hippocrates (Ypocras), maxim of, 35\n\n Homer (Omer), 4;\n   maxims of, 51, 100\n\n\n Ilium (Ylyon), 110\n\n Innocent III., Pope, quoted, 105\n\n Ino (Yno), wife of Athamas, 29, 112\n\n Io (Yo), daughter of Inacus, 43\n\n Isaiah (Ysaie, Ysaye), quoted, 52, 85, 94\n\n Isis (Ysis), 39\n\n\n James, St., the Greater, article of, in the Creed, 39;\n   epistle of, 79\n\n James, St., the Less, article of, in the Creed, 46\n\n Jason, 58, 64\n\n Jerome (Jerom), St., 4;\n   quoted, 37, 66, 81, 87, 93, 95, 110\n\n Jesus Christ, shown by the Sibyl to Augustus, 113\n\n Job, book of, quoted, 28\n\n Joel, book of, quoted, 68\n\n John (Jon), St., article of, in the Creed, 38;\n   Epistles of, quoted, 82, 107;\n   Gospel of, quoted, 95\n\n John Cassian (Jon Cassian), quoted, 64\n\n John Chrysostom, St., quoted, 87\n\n John II., King of France, 3\n\n John, Duke of Berry, 3\n\n Jude, St., article of, in the Creed, 47\n\n Juno, 33, 44, 53, 66, 69, 83\n\n Jupiter (Jouis, Jubiter), 17, 18, 19, 33, 43, 44, 66, 69\n\n\n Laomedon (Leomedon, Leomodon), King of Troy, 51, 68, 73\n\n Latona (Lathonna), 33\n\n Legaron (Leginon, H.), the philosopher, maxim of, 81\n\n Leo, St., pope, quoted, 62\n\n Lot (Lothe), wife of, 86\n\n Lucifer, 79\n\n Luke, St., Gospel of, quoted, 24, 85\n\n\n Magdare, the philosopher, maxim of, 97\n\n Mars, 5, 22, 61, 103\n\n Mary, St., the Virgin, shown by the Sibyl to Augustus, 113\n\n Matthew (Matheu), St., article of, in the Creed, 45;\n   Gospel of, quoted, 18, 54, 78, 84, 87, 104\n\n Matthias (Mathi), St., article of, in the Creed, 48\n\n Medea (Medee), 58, 64\n\n Memnon (Maymon), King, 49\n\n Mercury, 23, 31, 44, 67\n\n Midas (Mydas, Mygdas), 40\n\n Minerva (Mynerve, Minerve), 5, 24, 25, 103, 109\n\n Minos (Mynos), 13, 14\n\n Morpheus, 88\n\n Myrmidones (Mirmedewes), 75\n\n\n Narcissus (Narcisus, Arcisus), 27, 98\n\n Neptunus, 47\n\n Nicholas, astronomer, 17\n\n Nimrod (Nambroth), 102\n\n Ninus (Minos), 101\n\n\n Origen (Orygenes, Orygene), quoted, 26, 28\n\n Orpheus, 74, 78\n\n Othea, goddess of prudence, 5, 7, 10, 13, 17, etc.\n\n Ovid (Ouyde), 4\n\n\n Pallas, 25, 66, 71, 83\n\n Pan, 40\n\n Paris (Paaris, Paarys, etc.), 75, 85, 87;\n   judgment of, 67, 82\n\n Patroclus, 96\n\n Pegasus, 5, 15, 16\n\n Peirithous (Pirotheus, Protheus), 11, 41\n\n Peleus (Pellus), 66\n\n Pelleus, 58\n\n Pentheseleia (Pantasselle), Queen of the Amazons, 26\n\n Perceval. _See_ Perseus\n\n Perseus (Percyvale, Percyualle), 15, 59, 60\n\n Peter (Petir), St., article of, in the Creed, 37;\n   Epistles of, quoted, 10, 37, 62, 73\n\n Philip, St., article of, in the Creed, 41\n\n Philippians, St. Paul\u2019s Epistle to the, quoted, 35\n\n Ph\u0153be (Phebe), 21, 33\n\n Ph\u0153bus (Phebus), 20, 33, 40, 56, 57, 60, 61, 99\n\n Pisan, Christine de (Dame Cristine), 3\n\n Plato, 4;\n   maxims of, 34, 57, 63, 64, 72, 74, 76, 92, 101, 102, 108\n\n Pluto, 11, 41, 79\n\n Pollibetes, 105\n\n Polyphemus, 32, 65\n\n Polyxena (Polexena, Polixenne), daughter of Priam, 106\n\n Priam (Priant, Priaunt, etc.), King of Troy, 22, 51, 90, 92, 103, 108\n\n Proserpine (Proserpyng), 11, 41\n\n Prudence, goddess of. _See_ Othea\n\n Psalter, quoted, 19, 20, 56, 61, 75, 100, 110\n\n Ptolemy (Ptholome, Tholome), the philosopher, 4;\n   maxim of, 110\n\n Pygmalion (Pimalion, Pymalion), 35\n\n Pyramus, 52\n\n Pyrrhus (Pirus, Pyrus), son of Achilles, 45, 80\n\n Pythagoras (Pictagoras, Pitagoras, etc.), maxims of, 17, 41, 46, 48,\n    67, 83\n\n\n Rabyon, the philosopher, maxim of, 50\n\n Raven, 56\n\n Romans, St. Paul\u2019s Epistle to the, quoted, 67\n\n\n St. Victor, Hugh de, quoted, 56, 114\n\n Saturn, 19, 55\n\n Scrope, Stephen, 2, note\n\n Sedechias, the philosopher, maxim of, 72\n\n Semele (Semelle), 69\n\n Sibyl (Sebille), the, 113\n\n Simon, St., article of, in the Creed, 46\n\n Singularity of Clerks, book of, 8, 75, 102\n\n Socrates, 4;\n   maxims of, 28, 32, 84, 88\n\n Solomon, Proverbs of, quoted, 9, 14, 33, 57, 58, 65, 71, 76, 90, 99,\n    109\n\n Solon (Salamon, Soleyne, Solyn), 4;\n   maxims of, 54, 79, 95, 97\n\n\n Tawstyn, St. _See_ Augustine, St.\n\n Temperance, goddess of, 9, 10\n\n Theseus, 11, 41\n\n Thessalonians, St. Paul\u2019s Epistle to the, quoted, 101\n\n Thessille, the philosopher, maxim of, 82\n\n Thetis, 66, 80\n\n Thisbe (Tysbe, Thesbe), 52, 53\n\n Thomas, St., article of, in the Creed, 42\n\n Thune (Tyre?), 110\n\n Timothy, St. Paul\u2019s Epistle to, quoted, 93, 106\n\n Titus, St. Paul\u2019s Epistle to, quoted, 70\n\n Tomyris (Thamaris), Queen of the Amazons, 63\n\n Trojan horse, 109\n\n Troylus, son of Priam, 90, 95, 106\n\n Tyre? (Thune), 110\n\n\n Ulysses (Vlixes, Vlyxes), 32, 80, 94, 111\n\n\n Venus, 18, 36, 61, 66, 72, 83\n\n Virgil (Vyrgyl), 4\n\n Vulcan (Vlnecan), 61\n\n\n Wisdom, book of, quoted, 59, 66, 72, 91\n\n\n Ypocras. _See_ Hippocrates\n\n\n Zaqualquin, the philosopher, maxim of, 98\n\n\n PRINTED BY J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, ORCHARD STREET, VICTORIA STREET, S.W.\n\n-----\n\nFootnote 1:\n\n  See below, p. xxiv.\n\nFootnote 2:\n\n  Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 28,212, ff. 22b, 26.\n\nFootnote 3:\n\n  J. Gairdner, _The Paston Letters_, ed. 1896, iii. p. 301.\n\nFootnote 4:\n\n  _Ibid._, ii. p. 335 (_cf._ p. xxx. below, note 2). This copy was\n  included in a \u201cgrete booke,\u201d other articles of which now form\n  Lansdowne MS. 285. Ebesham\u2019s hand as they show it is not identical\n  with that of the Longleat MS., though it bears a certain resemblance\n  to it.\n\nFootnote 5:\n\n  Of the authorities used the best and most recent are E. Robineau,\n  _Christine de Pisan, sa vie et ses \u0153uvres_, St. Omer, 1882; F. Koch,\n  _Leben und Werke der Christine de Pizan_, Goslar, 1885; M. Roy,\n  _\u0152uvres po\u00e9tiques de Christine de Pisan_, Soc. des Anciens Textes\n  Fran\u00e7ais, i.\u2013iii. 1886\u20131896. The most interesting details are derived\n  from her own writings, many of which are still unprinted.\n\nFootnote 6:\n\n  See below, p. xxxvi.\n\nFootnote 7:\n\n  Koch, p. 14.\n\nFootnote 8:\n\n  This date may be inferred from two statements by herself, one in \u201cLe\n  Chemin de long estude,\u201d written in 1402, that she had then been\n  widowed thirteen years (ed. R. P\u00fcschel, Berlin, 1887, p. 6), and the\n  other in \u201cLa Vision\u201d (Koch, p. 12) that she was twenty-five when her\n  husband died, _sc._ in 1389.\n\nFootnote 9:\n\n  \u201cCar comme renomm\u00e9e lors tesmoignast par toute crestient\u00e9 la\n  souffisance de mon pere naturel \u00e9s sciences sp\u00e9culatives comme\n  supellatif astrologien, jusques en Ytalie en la cit\u00e9 de Boulongne la\n  grace par ses messages l\u2019envoya qu\u00e9rir\u201d (\u201cLivre des fais et bonnes\n  meurs du sage roy Charles V.,\u201d in Petitot\u2019s _Collection des M\u00e9moires_,\n  v. p. 275).\n\nFootnote 10:\n\n  Robineau, p. 10.\n\nFootnote 11:\n\n  Thus in \u201cLa Vision\u201d she writes \u201cle me tolli en fleur de ieunece, comme\n  en l\u2019aage de xxxiiij. ans, et moy de xxv. demouray chargee de iii.\n  enfans petiz et de grant maisnage\u201d (_cf._ p. xi. note 4).\n\nFootnote 12:\n\n  _\u0152uvres po\u00e9tiques_, ed. Roy, i. p. 12, \u201cCent Balades,\u201d No. xi., and p.\n  148, \u201cRondeaux,\u201d No. iii.\n\nFootnote 13:\n\n  John de Montacute or Montagu, who succeeded his father as second Baron\n  Montacute in 1390, his mother as Baron Monthermer in 1395 (?), and his\n  uncle as third Earl of Salisbury in 1397. One of the objects of his\n  embassy in 1398 was to hinder the marriage of Henry of Lancaster with\n  a daughter of the Duke of Berry. Christine speaks of him as \u201cgracieux\n  chevalier, aimant dictiez et luy mesme gracieux dicteur\u201d (Boivin, \u201cVie\n  de Chr. de Pisan,\u201d in K\u00e9ralio\u2019s _Collection des meilleurs ouvrages\n  Fran\u00e7ois_, 1787, ii. p. 118).\n\nFootnote 14:\n\n  Koch, p. 36.\n\nFootnote 15:\n\n  In a ballad praying the Duke of Orleans to take him into his service\n  (Roy, i. p. 232) she speaks of his having been three years in England:\n\n        Ja trois ans a que pour sa grant prouesse\n        L\u2019en amena le conte tr\u00e8s louable\n        De Salsbery, qui moru a destrece\n        Ou mal pa\u00efs d\u2019Angleterre, ou muable\n        Y sont la gent.\n\n  Elsewhere she says that Henry IV. \u201ctres joyeusement prist mon enfant\n  vers luy et tint chierement et en tr\u00e8s bon estat\u201d (Boivin, p. 119).\n\nFootnote 16:\n\n  All printed by Roy, vol. ii. 1891.\n\nFootnote 17:\n\n  An edition, \u201ctraduit de langue romanne en prose fran\u00e7oise par Jan\n  Chaperon,\u201d appeared at Paris in 1549. See also above, p. xi., note 4,\n  Koch, p. 76, and K\u00e9ralio, ii. p. 297.\n\nFootnote 18:\n\n  For an analysis see Koch, p. 63.\n\nFootnote 19:\n\n  In this part of the work she plagiarizes largely from the so-called\n  Travels of Sir John Mandeville (see article by P. Toynbee in\n  _Romania_, xxi. 1892, p. 228).\n\nFootnote 20:\n\n  Printed in Petitot\u2019s _Collection des M\u00e9moires_, 1824, vols. v. vi. and\n  elsewhere.\n\nFootnote 21:\n\n  Analysed by Koch, p. 73.\n\nFootnote 22:\n\n  As in the dedication of the \u201c\u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a\u201d partly printed below, p.\n  xxxvi.\n\nFootnote 23:\n\n  The original of _The book of fayttes of armes and of Chyualrye_,\n  printed by Caxton in 1489. He tells us in a note that it was given to\n  him by Henry VII. on 23rd January, 1489, to translate and print, \u201cto\n  thende that euery gentylman born to armes and all manere men of werre\n  captayns souldiours vytayllers and all other shold haue knowlege how\n  they ought to behaue theym in the fayttes of warre and of bataylles.\u201d\n  He adds that the translation was finished on the 8th July and printed\n  on the 14th. A French edition appeared at Paris in 1488, and others in\n  1497, etc.\n\nFootnote 24:\n\n  An English translation by Bryan Anslay, entitled _The boke of the cyte\n  of Ladyes_, was printed at London, 1521.\n\nFootnote 25:\n\n  For the dedication to the Dauphiness and the table of chapters see\n  Thomassy, _Essai sur les \u00e9crits politiques de Christine de Pisan_,\n  1838, p. 185.\n\nFootnote 26:\n\n  Printed by Thomassy, p. 133.\n\nFootnote 27:\n\n  _Ibid._, p. 141.\n\nFootnote 28:\n\n  For an analysis of its contents, with extracts, see _ibid._, p. 150.\n  The Dauphin Louis was born in 1396 and died in 1415.\n\nFootnote 29:\n\n  See Thomassy, p. xlii.; Martin, _Histoire de France_, 4th ed. 1878,\n  vi. p. 192. It is dated 31st July, 1429, a fortnight after the\n  coronation of Charles VII. at Reims.\n\nFootnote 30:\n\n  \u201cJe Christine, qui ay plour\u00e9 xi. ans en l\u2019abbaye close.\u201d It was\n  perhaps the abbey of Poissy, of which her daughter was already an\n  inmate in 1400 (above, p. xiv.), and which may possibly be meant by\n  \u201cPassy\u201d in the passage from the _Boke of Noblesse_ quoted in a note on\n  p. xxxiii.\n\nFootnote 31:\n\n  See below, p. xxxv.\n\nFootnote 32:\n\n  Koch, p. 81. Louis was born 13th March, 1372.\n\nFootnote 33:\n\n  Robineau, p. 89, speaks as if it was addressed to Charles himself, but\n  the words are \u201cDorliens duc Loys\u201d (see below, p. xxxvi.).\n\nFootnote 34:\n\n  See pp. xxxiv., xxxvii.\n\nFootnote 35:\n\n  \u201cLes enseignemens que je Cristine donne a Jehan de Castel mon filz\u201d\n  (_\u0152uvres po\u00e9tiques_, ed. Roy, iii. p. 27).\n\nFootnote 36:\n\n  See the comparative table in Roy, i. p. xxii.\n\nFootnote 37:\n\n  This was first pointed out by the Abb\u00e9 Sallier, _M\u00e9moires de\n  l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie Royale des Inscriptions_, xvii. 1751, p. 518.\n\nFootnote 38:\n\n  See articles by B. Haur\u00e9au in _M\u00e9moires de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie des\n  Inscriptions_, xxx. 1883, p. 45, and by G[aston] P[aris] in the\n  _Histoire Litt\u00e9raire de la France_, xxix. 1885, p. 502.\n\nFootnote 39:\n\n  Guiffrey, _Inventaires de Jean, Duc de Berry_, 1894, i. p. 237,\n  \u201cescript en fran\u00e7ois rim\u00e9\u201d; Delisle, _Le Cabinet des MSS._, iii. p.\n  192.\n\nFootnote 40:\n\n  Guiffrey, i. pp. 226, 229, ii. p. 127.\n\nFootnote 41:\n\n  _Romania_, xiv. 1885, p. 1.\n\nFootnote 42:\n\n  De Jong and De Goeje, _Catalogus codicum orientalium Bibl. Acad. Lugd.\n  Bat._, iii. p. 342; Brockelmann, _Geschichte der Arabischen\n  Literatur_, i. p. 459.\n\nFootnote 43:\n\n  Salv. de Renzi, _Collectio Salernitana_, iii. 1854, p. 69, \u201cIncipit\n  liber philosophorum moralium .... quem transtulit de Greco in Latinum\n  Mag. Johannes de Procida.\u201d The Latin text is quoted in the notes here\n  from Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 16,906, the French text from Royal MS. 19 B\n  iv., both of the 15th century.\n\nFootnote 44:\n\n  P. Paris, _Les MSS. fran\u00e7ois de la Bibl. du Roi_, v. p. 1.\n\nFootnote 45:\n\n  \u201cEnprynted by me William Caxton at Westmestre the yere of our lord\n  m.cccc.lxxvii.\u201d A second edition appeared in 1480 (?), and a third, by\n  W. de Worde, in 1528.\n\nFootnote 46:\n\n  Thus, the translator says in his preface, \u201cAnd at the last [I]\n  concluded in my self to translate it in to thenglyssh tong, wiche in\n  my jugement was not before,\u201d and Caxton adds in the colophon,\n  \u201cCertaynly I had seen none in englissh til that tyme.\u201d\n\nFootnote 47:\n\n  No doubt there is some rhetorical exaggeration in the expression\n  \u201cothir straunge regions, londes and contrees\u201d (p. 2, _cf._ p. xxx\n  below); at any rate, there is no evidence that Fastolf served anywhere\n  but in France, both north and south, and in Ireland.\n\nFootnote 48:\n\n  In the colophon to the other work he is styled son-in-law, but the\n  meaning is the same.\n\nFootnote 49:\n\n  There is a good account of him in the _Dict. of National Biography_,\n  vol. xviii. See also G. Poulett Scrope, _Hist. of Castle Combe_, 1852,\n  ch. vii. p. 169. Besides other authorities given in the first-named\n  work, some further particulars and corrections are supplied in Wylie\u2019s\n  _Hist. of England under Henry IV_., 1884\u20131898, and in Sir J. H.\n  Ramsay\u2019s _Lancaster and York_, 1892.\n\nFootnote 50:\n\n  Wylie, iii. p. 168.\n\nFootnote 51:\n\n  _Ibid._\n\nFootnote 52:\n\n  _Hist. of Castle Combe_, p. 282.\n\nFootnote 53:\n\n  Wylie, iv. p. 74.\n\nFootnote 54:\n\n  Wylie, iv. p. 86.\n\nFootnote 55:\n\n  The warrant for his pay, 18th June, is in Rymer\u2019s _F\u0153dera_, ed. 1740,\n  iv. pt. ii. p. 130.\n\nFootnote 56:\n\n  According to the _Boke of Noblesse_ (see below, p. xliii.), p. 15,\n  \u201cthe seyd erle made Ser John Fastolfe, chevaler, his lieutenaunt with\n  m^lv^c soudeours.\u201d\n\nFootnote 57:\n\n  Rymer, iv. pt. ii. p. 153. _Dict. Nat. Biogr._ has 1417\u201318.\n\nFootnote 58:\n\n  The _Boke of Noblesse_, after praising him for his care in\n  provisioning his garrisons, goes on to say (p. 68), \u201cand that policie\n  was one of the grete causes that the regent of Fraunce and the lordes\n  of the kyngys grete councelle lefft hym to hafe so many castells to\n  kepe that he ledd yerly iii^c sperys and the bowes.\u201d The value of his\n  foresight in this respect is then illustrated by an anecdote of what\n  happened when the Bastille was threatened with a siege in 1420.\n\nFootnote 59:\n\n  The _Dict. Nat. Biogr._ oddly calls the place Mons!\n\nFootnote 60:\n\n  Act iii. sc. 2, ll. 104\u2013109; Act iv. sc. 1, ll. 9\u201347.\n\nFootnote 61:\n\n  _Paston Letters_, i. p. 37; Stevenson, _Wars of the English in\n  France_, Rolls Series, ii. pt. ii. p. [549].\n\nFootnote 62:\n\n  Stevenson, pp. [433], [575].\n\nFootnote 63:\n\n  Ramsay, _Lancaster and York_, ii. p. 41.\n\nFootnote 64:\n\n  Brit. Mus. Add. ch. 14,598, \u201cpro notabili et laudabili seruicio ac\n  bono consilio que predilectus consiliarius noster Ioh. Fastolff miles\n  nobis impendit et impendet in futurum,\u201d 12 May, 19 Hen. VI. The future\n  service was no doubt to be rendered in the council-chamber rather than\n  the field.\n\nFootnote 65:\n\n  \u201cThus endeth the boke of Tulle of olde age translated ont of latyn in\n  to frenshe by laurence de primo facto ... and enprynted by me symple\n  persone William Caxton in to Englysshe ... the xii day of August the\n  yere of our lord m.cccc.lxxxi.\u201d\n\nFootnote 66:\n\n  He was father of Sir John Paston, for whom a copy of \u201cOthea\u201d was\n  written in 1469, as well as of John Paston the younger, who owned a\n  copy somewhat later (see above, p. x).\n\nFootnote 67:\n\n  See Gairdner\u2019s introduction, ed. 1896, i. p. lxxxvii. Fastolf\u2019s\n  relations with his stepson are also illustrated by numerous documents\n  in G. Poulett Scrope\u2019s _History of Castle Combe_, where there are\n  memoirs of both, as lords of that manor.\n\nFootnote 68:\n\n  _Hist. of Castle Combe_, p. 279.\n\nFootnote 69:\n\n  \u201cThorugh the wiche sale I tooke sekenesses that kept me a xiii. or\n  xiiii. yere swyng, whereby I am disfigured in my persone and shall be\n  whilest I lyve\u201d (_ibid._).\n\nFootnote 70:\n\n  From some curious accounts dealing with meat and fish in 1427\u20138\n  (_ibid._ p. 266) he was perhaps in the commissariat service.\n\nFootnote 71:\n\n  _Hist. of Castle Combe_, p. 169.\n\nFootnote 72:\n\n  _Chroniques_, ed. W. Hardy, Rolls Series, vol. for 1422\u201331, p. 289.\n  Elsewhere (p. 254) he describes him as \u201cmoult sage et prudent aux\n  armes au quel se fyoit grandement le duc de Bethfort, regent.\u201d\n\nFootnote 73:\n\n  She was a second wife, but the name of the first, who bore him a\n  daughter, is not known (_Hist. of Castle Combe_, p. 271).\n\nFootnote 74:\n\n  _Ibid._, p. 276; _Paston Letters_, i. p. 356.\n\nFootnote 75:\n\n  _Ibid._, p. 419.\n\nFootnote 76:\n\n  William Paston to John Paston: \u201cHe wyll dwelle at Caster, and Skrop\n  wyth hym\u201d (_Paston Letters_, i. p. 296). \u201cThe chaumboure sumtyme for\n  Stephen Scrope\u201d is mentioned in the inventory of Fastolf\u2019s effects at\n  Caister made after his death (_ibid._, i. p. 482).\n\nFootnote 77:\n\n  See below, p. xliii. The note (Roxburghe Club ed. p. 54) runs,\n  \u201cNotandum est quod Cristina [fuit] domina pr\u00e6clara natu et moribus et\n  manebat in domo religiosarum dominarum apud Passye prope Parys; et ita\n  virtuosa fuit quod ipsa exhibuit plures clericos studentes in\n  vniuersitate Parisiensi, et compilare fecit plures libros virtuosos,\n  utpote librum arborum bellorum, et doctores racione eorum exhibicionis\n  attribuerunt nomen autoris Cristine, sed aliquando nomen autoris\n  clerici studentis imponitur in diuersis libris; et vixit circa annum\n  Christi 1430, sed floruit ab anno Christi 1400.\u201d\n\nFootnote 78:\n\n  Guiffrey, _Inventaires_, i. p. 249; _cf._ Delisle, _Le Cabinet des\n  MSS._, iii. p. 193, no. 290.\n\nFootnote 79:\n\n  In answer to an inquiry M. Omont, keeper of MSS., kindly states that\n  only one of them, fran\u00e7. 12,438, a poor copy on paper, contains a\n  dedication to the Duke of Berry. It begins \u201cLe Prologue. Louenge \u00e0\n  Dieu soit .... et apr\u00e8s ensuivant \u00e0 tr\u00e8s noble fleur .... et puis \u00e0\n  vous excellant prince, saige, bon et vertueux, Jehan excellant,\n  redoubt\u00e9 filz au roy de France .... duc de Berry,\u201d etc.\n\nFootnote 80:\n\n  The \u201cCent Balades d\u2019Amant et de Dame\u201d (_\u0152uvres Po\u00e9tiques_, ed. Roy,\n  iii. p. 209), besides ten others.\n\nFootnote 81:\n\n  Printed by Roy, i. p. xiv. The MS. is there described and compared\n  with another rather earlier collection (now Bibl. Nat. fran\u00e7. 835,\n  606, 836, 605), which the Duke of Berry bought from Christine for 200\n  crowns. A reduced facsimile of the first page of the Harley MS., with\n  a large miniature of Christine presenting the volume to the queen in\n  her bedchamber, is prefixed to Roy\u2019s vol. iii. (_cf._ a note by P.\n  Meyer, p. xxii.). A coloured plate of the same miniature is given by\n  Shaw, _Dresses and Decorations of the Middle Ages_, 1843.\n\nFootnote 82:\n\n  Delisle, _Le Cabinet des MSS._, i. p. 52.\n\nFootnote 83:\n\n  This is the only edition in the British Museum. Its second title runs:\n  _Lepistre de Othea deesse de prudence enuoyee a lesperit cheualereux\n  Hector de troye auec cent hystoires. Nouuellement imprimee a Paris._\n  Other editions are said to have been issued at Lyons in 1497 and 1519,\n  and at Paris in 1522.\n\nFootnote 84:\n\n  Both date and age were given on his tomb at Bourges erected by Charles\n  VII. in 1457 (Raynal, _Histoire du Berry_, 1844, ii. pp. 504, 513;\n  Champeaux and Gauchery, _Les Travaux d\u2019art execut\u00e9s pour Jean de\n  France, Duc de Berry_, 1894, p. 43).\n\nFootnote 85:\n\n  Ed. 1644, p. 238. Bouchet was born in 1476, and his work first\n  appeared in 1524. I owe the reference to it to Mr. Wylie.\n\nFootnote 86:\n\n  _Histoire du Berry_, ii. p. 375.\n\nFootnote 87:\n\n  _Histoire de France_, 4th edition, 1878, vi. p. 25. The most\n  favourable view of his character is given by Guiffrey, _Inventaires_,\n  p. cxci.\n\nFootnote 88:\n\n  \u201cNow children of gramere scole conne\u00fe no more Frensch \u00fean can here\n  lift heele ... also gentil men habbe\u00fe now moche yleft for to teche\n  here childern Freynsch\u201d (R. Morris, _Specimens of Early English_,\n  1867, p. 339). See also the Rolls Series edition of Higden, ii. p.\n  161, where Trevisa\u2019s text is taken from another MS.\n\nFootnote 89:\n\n  See Chaucer\u2019s Nonne Prestes tale, l. 14, \u201cOf poynant saws hir needide\n  never a deel.\u201d\n\nFootnote 90:\n\n  See above, p. xxxvi. There is an imperfect copy of the English text in\n  the British Museum (C. 21. a. 34).\n\nFootnote 91:\n\n  H. R. Plomer, _Robert Wyer, printer and bookseller_, 1897. For an\n  account of the woodcuts, see p. 9.\n\nFootnote 92:\n\n  \u201cHere endyth thys Epistle, undre correccion, the xv. day of June, the\n  yeere of Crist M^ciiii^clxxv.,\u201d etc. (p. 85).\n\nFootnote 93:\n\n  Examples of his writing are fairly abundant, _e.g._ in the Brit. Mus.\n  MSS. Cotton Julius F. vii., Royal 13 C. i., Sloane 4 and Add.\n  27,443\u20134, 28,208, 34,888. In Sloane MS. 4, f. 38b, he gives a curious\n  account of Fastolf\u2019s last illness.\n\nFootnote 94:\n\n  Stevenson, _Wars of the English in France_, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp.\n  [519]\u2013[742], from Lambeth MS. 506, which is partly in Worcester\u2019s own\n  hand. His Annals, extending from 1324 to 1468, are printed in the same\n  volume, p. [743], from the autograph MS. in the College of Arms.\n\nFootnote 95:\n\n  _Hist. of Castle Combe_, p. 288.\n\nFootnote 96:\n\n  Written about 1385 and dedicated to Charles VI. It was first printed\n  at Lyons about 1480. See the modern edition by E. Nys, _L\u2019Arbre de\n  Batailles_, Brussels, 1883.\n\nFootnote 97:\n\n  The colophon of Caxton\u2019s English version (above, p. xvi.) points to\n  the source of the misnomer: \u201cThus endeth this boke whiche Xpyne of\n  Pyse made and drewe out of the boke named Vegecius de re militari and\n  out of tharbre of bataylles.\u201d Christine in fact made use of Bonet\u2019s\n  work.\n\nFootnote 98:\n\n  \u201cI may sey to you that William hath goon to scole to a Lumbard called\n  Karoll Giles, to lern and to be red in poetre or els in Frensh; for he\n  hath byn with the same Caroll every dey ii. tymes or iii. and hath\n  bought divers boks of hym,\u201d H. Wyndesore to J. Paston, 27th Aug. 1458\n  (_Paston Letters_, i. p. 431).\n\nFootnote 99:\n\n  _Paston Letters_, i. p. cxiv.; _Hist. of Castle Combe_, p. 194.\n\nFootnote 100:\n\n  Ed. J. Nasmith, 1778, p. 368, \u201c1473, die 10 Aug. presentavi W.\n  episcopo Wyntoniensi apud Asher librum Tullii de Senectute per me\n  translatum in anglicis, sed nullum regardum recepi de episcopo.\u201d\n\nFootnote 101:\n\n  For this dedication, addressed by the translator, Stephen Scrope, to\n  his stepfather, Sir John Fastolf, see the Introduction.\n\nFootnote 102:\n\n  _Sc._ worldly.\n\nFootnote 103:\n\n  _Sc._ old.\n\nFootnote 104:\n\n  So the MS., but John, Duke of Berry, was born 30th November, 1340, and\n  died 15th June, 1416.\n\nFootnote 105:\n\n  The mythical Hermes Trismegistus. The citations from these and other\n  less well known philosophers were taken by Christine de Pisan from\n  Guillaume de Tignonville\u2019s \u201cLes dis moraulx des Philosophes,\u201d which\n  Scrope himself translated into English (see Introduction). \u201cSalomon\u201d\n  here represents the \u201cSalon\u201d or \u201cZalon,\u201d _sc._ Solon, of the original.\n\nFootnote 106:\n\n  _Sc._ thee, which is spelt \u201cthe\u201d throughout.\n\nFootnote 107:\n\n  This parentage is explained further on, pp. 22, 24.\n\nFootnote 108:\n\n  _Sc._ Heir; Feyre MS.; Hoir, H.\n\nFootnote 109:\n\n  Affin que ton bon cuer sadrece, H. The translator no doubt read \u201ctout\n  bon c\u0153ur.\u201d\n\nFootnote 110:\n\n  Qui de tous vaillans est ame, H. Pegasus is explained below (p. 15) as\n  meaning \u201ca goode name, the which flyeth through the eyre.\u201d\n\nFootnote 111:\n\n  _Sc._ thee, whole and sum; me doit il de toy souuenir, H.\n\nFootnote 112:\n\n  Et que tu me vueilles bien croire, H.\n\nFootnote 113:\n\n  Sagesse de femme, H.\n\nFootnote 114:\n\n  Thas, MS.\n\nFootnote 115:\n\n  Greke, MS.; Troye la grant, H.\n\nFootnote 116:\n\n  La belle ieunece, H.\n\nFootnote 117:\n\n  Par les agais et assaulx, H.\n\nFootnote 118:\n\n  Beatitude, H.\n\nFootnote 119:\n\n  _Sc._ considering that.\n\nFootnote 120:\n\n  Kynges, MS.; toutes choses terrestres, H.\n\nFootnote 121:\n\n  Thesceyvable, MS., with \u201cde\u201d interlined.\n\nFootnote 122:\n\n  De Singularitate Clericorum, attributed to Cyprian and Origen as well\n  as to St. Augustine (Migne, _Patrologia Latina_, iv. col. 835). The\n  passage runs (col. 866): \u201cUbicumque fuerit providentia, frustrantur\n  universa contraria; ubi autem providentia negligitur, omnia contraria\n  dominantur.\u201d\n\nFootnote 123:\n\n  Cesser et anientir, H.\n\nFootnote 124:\n\n  Prov. ii. 10, 11. This and other quotations from the Vulgate are\n  supplied from the French text, being omitted by the translator,\n  possibly with the intention of filling them in from the Wycliffite\n  English version.\n\nFootnote 125:\n\n  De vaillance cheualereuse, H.\n\nFootnote 126:\n\n  Seur germaine, H.\n\nFootnote 127:\n\n  _Sc._ the leaf of a leek; Car selle nen faisoit le pois, Tout ne te\n  vauldroit pas vn pois, H.\n\nFootnote 128:\n\n  Serour, H.\n\nFootnote 129:\n\n  Democritus, H.\n\nFootnote 130:\n\n  De limiter les choses, H.\n\nFootnote 131:\n\n  Ou liure des meurs de leglise, que loffice dattrempance est\n  reffraindre et appaisier les meurs de concupiscence, H. The repetition\n  of \u201cmeurs\u201d caused the translator to omit some words. The reference is\n  to the treatise \u201cDe moribus ecclesi\u00e6 catholic\u00e6,\u201d i. 19 (Migne, xxxii.\n  1326).\n\nFootnote 132:\n\n  1 Pet. ii. 11.\n\nFootnote 133:\n\n  _Sc._ war, _cf._ next line; where, MS.\n\nFootnote 134:\n\n  Sur la mer de Grece, H.\n\nFootnote 135:\n\n  Maystyr, MS.; mestier, H.\n\nFootnote 136:\n\n  _Sc._ by Cerberus.\n\nFootnote 137:\n\n  Qui trop sont desloyaulx gaignons, H.\n\nFootnote 138:\n\n  See below, p. 41.\n\nFootnote 139:\n\n  _Sc._ on earth.\n\nFootnote 140:\n\n  Aux lyons ne aux ours rampans, H.\n\nFootnote 141:\n\n  _Sc._ allege, take example from; Et pour donner materiel exemple de\n  force, allegue Hercules, H.\n\nFootnote 142:\n\n  _Sc._ high; by, MS; hault exemple, H.\n\nFootnote 143:\n\n  _Sc._ fought.\n\nFootnote 144:\n\n  A leaf is here missing from the MS.\n\nFootnote 145:\n\n  The complete \u201ctexte\u201d in H. runs:\u2014\n\n        Encor se veulx estre des noz,\n        Ressembler te couuient Minos,\n        Tout soit il iusticier et maistres\n        Denfer et de tous li estres.\n        Car se tu te veulx auancier,\n        Estre te couuient iusticier,\n        Autrement de porter heaume\n        Nes digne ne tenir royaume.\n\nFootnote 146:\n\n  En Crete, H.\n\nFootnote 147:\n\n  Fierte, H.\n\nFootnote 148:\n\n  De adventu Domini Sermo iii. (Migne, clxxxiii. 45), but the passage is\n  not literally translated.\n\nFootnote 149:\n\n  Sa non puissance, H.\n\nFootnote 150:\n\n  Chastisyng in chastisyng, MS.; garde et discipline, garde en le\n  gardant de mal faire et discipline en le chastiant se il a mal fait,\n  H.\n\nFootnote 151:\n\n  Prov. xxi. 12, 15.\n\nFootnote 152:\n\n  Apres te mire en Perseus, H., and so below; _cf._ Ovid, Met. iv., 610\n  sq.\n\nFootnote 153:\n\n  Belue, H.; monstre, Wyer.\n\nFootnote 154:\n\n  Chose couuenable, H.\n\nFootnote 155:\n\n  _Sc._ won; il acquist, H.\n\nFootnote 156:\n\n  _Sc._ should have; deuourer la deuoit, H.\n\nFootnote 157:\n\n  _Sc._ flyeth; qui vole, H.\n\nFootnote 158:\n\n  Many, MS.\n\nFootnote 159:\n\n  Omitted in MS.; le porte, H.\n\nFootnote 160:\n\n  Sermo ccclv., de vita et moribus clericorum (Migne, xxxix. 1569).\n\nFootnote 161:\n\n  A bien viure, H.\n\nFootnote 162:\n\n  Pour soy, H.; conscientia tibi, fama proximo tuo, S. Aug. The\n  translator evidently read \u201cfoy.\u201d\n\nFootnote 163:\n\n  Eccl. xli. 15.\n\nFootnote 164:\n\n  _Sc._ the planet Jupiter; Joyus, MS.; de iouis les condicions, H.\n\nFootnote 165:\n\n  J\u0101bir ibn Aflah, an Arab astronomer of uncertain date, whose work on\n  Astronomy was published in Latin, in nine books, at Nuremberg in 1534.\n  A 15th century MS. of it is in the British Museum, Harley MS. 625.\n\nFootnote 166:\n\n  Perhaps Nicholas of Lynne, a Carmelite who lived in the latter part of\n  the 14th century, and whose astronomical tables were used by Chaucer\n  in his \u201cAstrolabe.\u201d Among other works he wrote tracts \u201cde natura\n  Zodiaci\u201d and \u201cde Planetarum domibus\u201d (Tanner, _Bibliotheca_, p. 346).\n\nFootnote 167:\n\n  Et est figuree a la compleccion sanguine, H.\n\nFootnote 168:\n\n  _Sc._ Pythagoras.\n\nFootnote 169:\n\n  Doulce et humaine, H.\n\nFootnote 170:\n\n  A Nepocian, H. The passage does not appear to be among the works of\n  St. Gregory, nor in St. Jerome\u2019s epistle to Nepotianus.\n\nFootnote 171:\n\n  Matt. v. 7.\n\nFootnote 172:\n\n  Traueilleux, H.\n\nFootnote 173:\n\n  _Sc._ Hermes Trismegistus.\n\nFootnote 174:\n\n  An unintelligible corruption; fist lange deuenir deable, H. and other\n  Fr. MSS.; doth [make] the aungell to become a devyll, Wyer; superbia\n  est per quam angelus cecidit, per quam Adam de natur\u00e6 su\u00e6 dignitate\n  dejectus est, Cass. Exp. in Psalterium (Migne, lxx. 843).\n\nFootnote 175:\n\n  Tethe, MS.; la mort, H.\n\nFootnote 176:\n\n  _Sc._ vein; la veine, H.\n\nFootnote 177:\n\n  Ps. xxx. 7.\n\nFootnote 178:\n\n  _Sc._ drove; le desherita et chaca, H.\n\nFootnote 179:\n\n  _Sc._ ere; peser la chose ains quil donne, H.\n\nFootnote 180:\n\n  Ye, MS.\n\nFootnote 181:\n\n  _Sc._ note; peuent notter tous sages, H.\n\nFootnote 182:\n\n  Moralia, xxvii. 3 (Migne, lxxvi. 401).\n\nFootnote 183:\n\n  Ps. xviii. 10.\n\nFootnote 184:\n\n  No such work appears under the name of Cassiodorus.\n\nFootnote 185:\n\n  Esdras iii. 12.\n\nFootnote 186:\n\n  The translator, not Christine de Pisan, is responsible for making\n  Ph\u0153be masculine.\n\nFootnote 187:\n\n  Ep. ad Simplicianum (Migne, xvi. 1085).\n\nFootnote 188:\n\n  Ne se plunge point, H.; non tristibus mergitur, St. Ambr.\n\nFootnote 189:\n\n  Eccl. xxvii. 12.\n\nFootnote 190:\n\n  Folowynge, MS. There is some confusion here in the translation, _cf._\n  en ce monde et que le bon esperit par son exemple [pot bien] ensuiuir\n  son bon pere Ihesu Crist et batailler contre les vices, H.\n\nFootnote 191:\n\n  Ephes. vi. 12.\n\nFootnote 192:\n\n  Soyes aourne de faconde, H. The translator seems to have\n  misinterpreted \u201cfaconde,\u201d eloquence, speech, as \u201cfalchion.\u201d\n\nFootnote 193:\n\n  _Sc._ old; ce tapprendra Mercurius, H.\n\nFootnote 194:\n\n  Qui vont deuant, H.\n\nFootnote 195:\n\n  Luke x. 16.\n\nFootnote 196:\n\n  _Sc._ By thy mother enough shall be assigned to thee; te liurera assez\n  ta mere, H. The MS. reads \u201cmodus,\u201d and in the next line \u201cbater\u201d\n  (amere, H.).\n\nFootnote 197:\n\n  Cuir-bouilli, leather boiled and moulded, while soft, into the\n  required shape.\n\nFootnote 198:\n\n  No exposition of the Creed appears among the works of Cassiodorus.\n\nFootnote 199:\n\n  _Sc._ light; lumiere, H.\n\nFootnote 200:\n\n  Hebr. xi. 6.\n\nFootnote 201:\n\n  Sittyng, MS., and so also below.\n\nFootnote 202:\n\n  There seems to be some confusion here between Pallas the goddess and\n  Pallas son of Lycaon and reputed founder of Pallantium, in Arcadia.\n\nFootnote 203:\n\n  ? join; il doit aiouster sagece a cheualerie, H.\n\nFootnote 204:\n\n  The whiche vertue, MS.\n\nFootnote 205:\n\n  Hebrews vi. 18.\n\nFootnote 206:\n\n  _Sc._ Penthesileia, queen of the Amazons.\n\nFootnote 207:\n\n  Dont si noble voix est semee, H.\n\nFootnote 208:\n\n  _Sic_, the first letter being of course the Fr. \u201cd\u2019.\u201d\n\nFootnote 209:\n\n  Expos. in Ps. xii. (Migne, lxx. 100).\n\nFootnote 210:\n\n  Soubz la quelle [pluye] germe la bonne voulente, H.\n\nFootnote 211:\n\n  Inimicis benevola, bonis suis superans malos, Cass.\n\nFootnote 212:\n\n  1 Corinth, xiii. 4.\n\nFootnote 213:\n\n  Narcissus, whose story is in Ovid, Met. iii. 341 sq.\n\nFootnote 214:\n\n  Se esleua en si grant orgueil, H.\n\nFootnote 215:\n\n  Cest a entendre loultrecuidance de lui meisme ou il se mira, H.\n\nFootnote 216:\n\n  Thi, MS.; est sa vie contenue, H. The translator seems to have read\n  \u201ctoute nue.\u201d\n\nFootnote 217:\n\n  Job xx. 6, 7.\n\nFootnote 218:\n\n  Wrongly translated. H. reads:\n\n        Athamas plain de grant rage\n        La deesse de forcennage\n        Fist estrangler ces (_sc._ ses) .ii. enfans.\n        Pour ce grant yre te deffens.\n\n  The story (Ovid, Met. iv. 420 sq.), which is introduced again further\n  on (p. 112), is much confused here. It is briefly as follows. Athamas\n  by command of Hera married the divine Nephele, and had by her Phrixus\n  and Helle. He was, however, more enamoured of Ino, who bore to him\n  Learchus and Melicertes. Nephele in her anger having returned to\n  heaven, Ino tried to get rid of her rival\u2019s children. For this purpose\n  she caused a famine by roasting the seed-corn before it was sown, and\n  then bribed the messengers whom Athamas sent to Delphi for an oracle\n  to bring back word that Phrixus must be sacrificed. Nephele, however,\n  carried off Phrixus and his sister on the ram with the golden fleece,\n  while Athamas, driven mad by Hera, killed his son Learchus, and Ino\n  threw herself into the sea with Melicertes.\n\nFootnote 219:\n\n  _Sc._ sodden; semer le ble cuit, H.\n\nFootnote 220:\n\n  Hys, MS.\n\nFootnote 221:\n\n  He, MS.\n\nFootnote 222:\n\n  Yno, MS.; la deesse iuno, H.\n\nFootnote 223:\n\n  A hole in the roof for the escape of smoke, here perhaps used for the\n  hearth; le sueil, H.\n\nFootnote 224:\n\n  _Sic_, meaning apparently \u201cwarring\u201d; but from the reading in H., \u201ca\n  pou ne se entretuoyent,\u201d it is perhaps a mistake for \u201cnear-hand,\u201d\n  _sc._ nearly, almost.\n\nFootnote 225:\n\n  Quant la deesse virent tant espouentable, H.\n\nFootnote 226:\n\n  Sic ira corrumpit cor, si in alium diem duraverit, S. Aug. Epist. ccx.\n  (Migne, xxxiii. 958).\n\nFootnote 227:\n\n  Ephes. iv. 26.\n\nFootnote 228:\n\n  Aglauros or Agraulos, daughter of Cecrops. Hermes changed her into a\n  stone for barring his access to her sister Herse (Ovid, Met. ii. 737\n  sq.).\n\nFootnote 229:\n\n  Dey, MS.; seche, H.\n\nFootnote 230:\n\n  _Sic_, probably for \u201ctoo feloun a spotte\u201d; trop est villeine tache et\n  contre gentillece, H.\n\nFootnote 231:\n\n  De Genesi ad litteram, xi. 13 (Migne, xxxiv. 436).\n\nFootnote 232:\n\n  Eccl. xiv. 8, but the Vulg. has \u201clividi.\u201d\n\nFootnote 233:\n\n  No, MS.; ne soyes pas lonc ne prolice, H.\n\nFootnote 234:\n\n  For, MS.\n\nFootnote 235:\n\n  _Sc._ the eye of Polyphemus.\n\nFootnote 236:\n\n  Bedeisus, MS.; no doubt a corruption of \u201c_Bede sur_ les Prouerbes,\u201d H.\n  The reference is apparently to Bede\u2019s Expositio super Parabolas, ii.\n  20 (Migne, xci. 995).\n\nFootnote 237:\n\n  Prov. xxi. 5.\n\nFootnote 238:\n\n  _Sc._ frogs. This story of Latona is from Ovid, Met. vi. 313 sq.\n\nFootnote 239:\n\n  Cuidoit, H.\n\nFootnote 240:\n\n  Palu, H; maresse, Wyer.\n\nFootnote 241:\n\n  Perhaps in error for St. Bernard, Liber de modo bene vivendi, xliv.\n  (Migne, clxxxiv. 1266).\n\nFootnote 242:\n\n  Eccl. xiv. 9.\n\nFootnote 243:\n\n  _Sc._ manners; car ses condicions sont ordes, H.\n\nFootnote 244:\n\n  _Sc._ Hippocrates, whose \u201cdictum\u201d was that \u201csanitas consistit .... non\n  in replendo corpus cibis et potibus\u201d (Add. MS. 16,906, f. 11).\n\nFootnote 245:\n\n  Moralia, xxx. 18 (Migne, lxxvi. 556).\n\nFootnote 246:\n\n  Philipp, iii. 19.\n\nFootnote 247:\n\n  The scene of the story was in Cyprus. Cidonie (Cydonie, H.) apparently\n  comes from a misunderstanding of Ovid, who says of Pygmalion,\n  \u201cCollocat hanc stratis concha Sidonide tinctis\u201d (Met. x. 267).\n\nFootnote 248:\n\n  En ot pitie. H.\n\nFootnote 249:\n\n  Omitted in MS.; plusieurs, H.\n\nFootnote 250:\n\n  Que il en lait a suiure, H.; leue to ensue, Wyer.\n\nFootnote 251:\n\n  Apthalin, H.; but it is doubtful who is meant. The name occurs in the\n  \u201cDicta Philosophorum,\u201d but not with this \u201cdictum.\u201d\n\nFootnote 252:\n\n  2 Pet. ii. 13.\n\nFootnote 253:\n\n  The assignment of a particular clause in the Creed to each of the\n  Apostles appears in a sermon printed among the spurious works of St.\n  Augustine (Migne, xxxix. 2190).\n\nFootnote 254:\n\n  To, MS.\n\nFootnote 255:\n\n  _Sc._ to plough.\n\nFootnote 256:\n\n  Car deuant semoient les gainages sans labourer, H. \u201cGaineyer\u201d is for\n  \u201cgaigneur,\u201d a husbandman.\n\nFootnote 257:\n\n  Lawde, MS.; ainsi que la terre est abandonnee et large donnarresse, H.\n\nFootnote 258:\n\n  Qui tant nous a largement donne de ses haulx biens, H.\n\nFootnote 259:\n\n  Isis, in her original character as wife of Osiris and inventor of the\n  cultivation of corn.\n\nFootnote 260:\n\n        Toutes vertus antes et plantes\n        En toy, comme Ysis fait les plantes\n        Et tous les grains fructifier;\n        Ainsi dois tu ediffier.\n\n  So H., where \u201cantes,\u201d _sc._ antez, entez, is from \u201center, placer,\n  faire entrer\u201d (Godefroy, _s.v._).\n\nFootnote 261:\n\n  _Sc._ Hermes.\n\nFootnote 262:\n\n  What, MS.\n\nFootnote 263:\n\n  Vn roy, H.\n\nFootnote 264:\n\n  Oan, MS., and so below.\n\nFootnote 265:\n\n  Pastours, H.\n\nFootnote 266:\n\n  _Sc._ mole; comme la tauppe, H.\n\nFootnote 267:\n\n  Lierres, _sc._ larron, H.\n\nFootnote 268:\n\n  And nede, MS.; au besoing, H.\n\nFootnote 269:\n\n  _Sc._ Theseus and Peirithous, who invaded the lower world in order to\n  carry off Persephone.\n\nFootnote 270:\n\n  There is some confusion in this passage; se Hercules, qui leur\n  compaignon yere, ne les eust secourus, qui tant y fist, _etc._, H.\n\nFootnote 271:\n\n  _Sc._ chains; chayennes, H.\n\nFootnote 272:\n\n  _Sc._ Cadmus, who founded Thebes and slew the dragon which guarded the\n  neighbouring well of Ares, and who also invented letters.\n\nFootnote 273:\n\n  _Sc._ won; gaigna, H.\n\nFootnote 274:\n\n  Lestude y mist, H.\n\nFootnote 275:\n\n  Plus quen nulle autre auoir, H.\n\nFootnote 276:\n\n  Et du bien largement y prendre, H. The strange word \u201ctheryng\u201d is\n  probably nothing more than \u201ctherein.\u201d\n\nFootnote 277:\n\n  See Ovid, Met. i. 583 sq. The source of the statement that Io invented\n  letters is doubtful. Possibly it rests only on the two lines (_ib._\n  649):\n\n        Littera pro verbis quam pes in pulvere duxit\n        Corporis indicium mutati triste peregit.\n\nFootnote 278:\n\n  Les vertus de iupiter, H.\n\nFootnote 279:\n\n  Tho, MS.\n\nFootnote 280:\n\n  _Sc._ note.\n\nFootnote 281:\n\n  _Sc._ cloud; en vne nue, H.\n\nFootnote 282:\n\n  _Sc._ with; surprendre ou fait, H.\n\nFootnote 283:\n\n  _Sc._ watched; la gaitoit, H.\n\nFootnote 284:\n\n  _Sc._ through.\n\nFootnote 285:\n\n  _Sc._ Pyrrhus.\n\nFootnote 286:\n\n  Which, MS.; vn sage, H.\n\nFootnote 287:\n\n  _Sc._ gods; les dieux, H.\n\nFootnote 288:\n\n  A wrong translation; tres louable chose est seruir dieu et sainctifier\n  ses sains, H.; tous ses sens humains, G. de Tign.\n\nFootnote 289:\n\n  Atropos, one of the Fates, here represented as masculine; a Atropos et\n  a son dart, H.\n\nFootnote 290:\n\n  Tout crestien, H.\n\nFootnote 291:\n\n  The, MS.; la prouision, H.\n\nFootnote 292:\n\n  Bellerophon, whose story is here confused with that of Hippolytus by\n  making Anteia his stepmother.\n\nFootnote 293:\n\n  Il mieulx ama eslire la mort, H.\n\nFootnote 294:\n\n  Decre, MS.; latrie, H.; latria, Wyer; eo ritu ac servitute qu\u00e6 gr\u00e6ce\n  \u03bb\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03b1 dicitur et uni vero Deo debetur, Aug. de Civitate Dei, vi.\n  pr\u00e6f. (Migne, xli. 173).\n\nFootnote 295:\n\n  Matt. iv. 10.\n\nFootnote 296:\n\n  Memnon, the Ethiopian, whose father Tithonus was half-brother to\n  Priam, being son of Laomedon by a different mother.\n\nFootnote 297:\n\n  Leust occis, H.\n\nFootnote 298:\n\n  Trwee, MS.\n\nFootnote 299:\n\n  \u201cRabion\u201d in the \u201cDicta Philosophorum\u201d (Add. MS. 16,906, f. 9b), where\n  the sentence is \u201cMultiplica amicos qui sunt medicamina animarum.\u201d The\n  Museum MSS. of G. de Tignonville\u2019s French version and of the English\n  versions of Earl Rivers and Scrope read \u201cSabion\u201d or \u201cZabion.\u201d\n\nFootnote 300:\n\n  _Cf._ Sermo clxxx. (Migne, xxxviii. 972).\n\nFootnote 301:\n\n  _Sc._ false.\n\nFootnote 302:\n\n  Exod. xx. 7.\n\nFootnote 303:\n\n  _Sc._ menacings; de grant menace, nyce et fole, H.\n\nFootnote 304:\n\n  Et en Leomedon te mire, H.\n\nFootnote 305:\n\n  Enuoya messages laidement congeer, H. The word \u201cbostus\u201d is apparently\n  connected with \u201cbost, boast,\u201d meaning \u201cboastful\u201d or \u201cthreatening.\u201d\n\nFootnote 306:\n\n  _Sc._ well weighed; moult pesee, H.\n\nFootnote 307:\n\n  Et brisier commandement soit autressi oultrecuidance, H.\n\nFootnote 308:\n\n  Isai. i. 16, 17.\n\nFootnote 309:\n\n  Les palais des parens, H.\n\nFootnote 310:\n\n  _Sc._ cracked; creuee, H.\n\nFootnote 311:\n\n  _Sc._ brightness; la leur, H.\n\nFootnote 312:\n\n  Le mordant de sa ceinture ficha par la creueure, H.\n\nFootnote 313:\n\n  Vn morier blanc, H., _sc._ a white mulberry, _cf._ Arbor ibi, niveis\n  uberrima pomis, Ardua morus, erat, Ovid, Met. iv. 89.\n\nFootnote 314:\n\n  These words are at the bottom of f. 34b, after which there is a lacuna\n  of a whole quire. The story in H. goes on \u201cle lyon qui sus ot vomy\n  lentraille dune beste quil ot deuouree. Oultre mesure fu grande la\n  douleur de Piramus, qui cuida samie deuouree des fieres bestes; donc\n  apres moult piteux reclaims soccist de son espee. Tisbee sailli du\n  buisson, mais quant elle entent les sanglos de son ami qui mouroit et\n  elle voit lespee et le sanc, adonc par grant douleur sus son ami chay,\n  qui a elle parler ne pot, et apres plusieurs grans plains, regrais et\n  pasmoisons soccist de la mesmes espee.\u201d The mythological personages\n  dealt with in the missing pages are \u00c6sculapius, Achilles, Busiris,\n  Leander, Helen, Aurora, Pasiphae, Adrastus, Cupid, Corinis, and Juno.\n\nFootnote 315:\n\n  The preceding \u201ctexte\u201d and \u201cglose\u201d in H. are as follows:\u2014\n\n        De Iuno ia trop ne te chaille,\n        Se le noyel mieulx que leschaille\n        Donneur desires a auoir,\n        Car mieulx vault proece quauoir.\n\n  Iuno est la deesse dauoir selon les fables des poetes, et pour ce que\n  auoir et richece couuient auoir et acquerir a grant soing et traueil\n  et que tel soing peut destourner a honneur acquerre et comme honneur\n  et vaillance soit plus louable que richeces de tant comme la noyel\n  vault mieulx que leschaille, _etc._\n\nFootnote 316:\n\n  Slelle, MS.\n\nFootnote 317:\n\n  _Sc._ one hump on the back.\n\nFootnote 318:\n\n  Matt. xix. 24.\n\nFootnote 319:\n\n  Amphiaraus, hero and seer, joint king of Argos with Adrastus, whose\n  sister Eriphyle he married. Against his own opinion he was induced by\n  his wife to join the expedition of the Seven against Thebes.\n\nFootnote 320:\n\n  _Sc._ Solon, but the sentence is not under his name in the \u201cDicta\n  Philosophorum.\u201d\n\nFootnote 321:\n\n  What St. Gregory really says is, \u201cSicut carni vestr\u00e6, ne deficiat,\n  cibos quotidie pr\u00e6betis, sic mentis vestr\u00e6 quotidiana alimenta bona\n  sunt opera. Cibo corpus pascitur, pio opere spiritus nutriatur,\u201d Hom.\n  v. in Evang. (Migne, lxxvi. 1092).\n\nFootnote 322:\n\n  Worde ye here the which, MS.\n\nFootnote 323:\n\n  Matt. iv. 4.\n\nFootnote 324:\n\n  See p. 19.\n\nFootnote 325:\n\n  Ne chose dont vn puist _presumer_ folie, H.\n\nFootnote 326:\n\n  _Sc._ discretion; lente de parler, H.\n\nFootnote 327:\n\n  Couuercle, H.\n\nFootnote 328:\n\n  Fro, MS.; qui garde sa lengue il garde son ame, car la mort et la vie\n  sont en la puissance de la lengue, H.\n\nFootnote 329:\n\n  Ps. xxxiii. 14.\n\nFootnote 330:\n\n  The \u201ctexte\u201d in H. is:\u2014\n\n        Croy la corneille et son conseil.\n        Jamais ne soyes en esueil\n        De male nouuelle apporter;\n        Le plus seur est sen depporter.\n\nFootnote 331:\n\n  He, MS.\n\nFootnote 332:\n\n  Hym, MS.\n\nFootnote 333:\n\n  Literally translated, this sentence should read: \u201cBut she (the crow)\n  dissuaded him from going by giving him an example of herself, who for\n  a like case had been driven from the house of Pallas,\u201d etc. See Ovid,\n  Met. ii. 542.\n\nFootnote 334:\n\n  Se espart, H.\n\nFootnote 335:\n\n  Prov. ii. 10, 11.\n\nFootnote 336:\n\n  Which, MS.\n\nFootnote 337:\n\n  Ganymedes was son of Tros and brother of Ilus and Assaracus. His\n  well-known story is here confused with that of Hyacinthus, who was\n  accidentally killed in a game of discus with Apollo (Ovid, Met. x.\n  184).\n\nFootnote 338:\n\n  Prov. xxiv. 6.\n\nFootnote 339:\n\n  _Sc._ sheep.\n\nFootnote 340:\n\n  _Sc._ wholly; du tout, H.\n\nFootnote 341:\n\n  Descongnoissant et desloyaulx a celle qui trop de bien lui ot fait, H.\n\nFootnote 342:\n\n  Comme vn vent sec, H.\n\nFootnote 343:\n\n  Sap. xvi. 29.\n\nFootnote 344:\n\n  Hym, MS.; ne la regardes, H.\n\nFootnote 345:\n\n  Perseus, H.\n\nFootnote 346:\n\n  Elsewhere it is Poseidon who was Medusa\u2019s lover\u2014Hanc pelagi rector\n  templo vitiasse Minerv\u00e6 Dicitur (Ovid, Met. iv. 797). Her hair alone\n  was changed into serpents.\n\nFootnote 347:\n\n  His his, MS.\n\nFootnote 348:\n\n  \u201cHoly chirche\u201d is the translator\u2019s addition, not being in H.\n\nFootnote 349:\n\n  Le pouoir de plus mal faire, H.\n\nFootnote 350:\n\n  He holde, MS.\n\nFootnote 351:\n\n  _Sc._ shield.\n\nFootnote 352:\n\n  Crisostome, H. and other Fr. MSS.\n\nFootnote 353:\n\n  Comme cest impossible que le feu arde en leaue, aussi est ce\n  impossible que compunccion, _etc._, H. The translator\u2019s omission of\n  the words in brackets was no doubt due to the repetition of\n  \u201cimpossible que.\u201d\n\nFootnote 354:\n\n  Ps. cxxv. (cxxvi.) 5. This is the only instance in which the quotation\n  at the end of an allegory is filled in.\n\nFootnote 355:\n\n  Es liens Vulcanus et surpris, H.\n\nFootnote 356:\n\n  That \u00feat, MS.\n\nFootnote 357:\n\n  ii^o (_sc._ two, deux), MS.; ala querre les autres dieux, H.\n\nFootnote 358:\n\n  Que tel sen rioit, qui bien voulsist en semblable meffait estre\n  encheut, H.\n\nFootnote 359:\n\n  Darguemie, _sc._ alchemy, H.\n\nFootnote 360:\n\n  Read \u201cBut to our purpose it seith.\u201d The translator has misread \u201cMais\u201d\n  in the original as \u201cMars\u201d; mais a nostre propos veult dire, H.\n\nFootnote 361:\n\n  Que en tel cas ne soit surpris par oubli, H.\n\nFootnote 362:\n\n  _Sc._ love.\n\nFootnote 363:\n\n  Myght, MS.\n\nFootnote 364:\n\n  Coniecture, H.\n\nFootnote 365:\n\n  1 Pet. v. 8.\n\nFootnote 366:\n\n  Tomyris, queen, not of the Amazons or \u201cFemeny,\u201d but of the Scythian\n  Massaget\u00e6 (Herod. i. 205).\n\nFootnote 367:\n\n  Despris, _sc._ m\u00e9pris, H.\n\nFootnote 368:\n\n  _Sc._ ambushments.\n\nFootnote 369:\n\n  Ne hayr, H.\n\nFootnote 370:\n\n  De coenobiorum institutis, xii. 31 (Migne. xlix. 472).\n\nFootnote 371:\n\n  Eccl. iii. 20.\n\nFootnote 372:\n\n  Ne laisses ton sens _au_orter, H.\n\nFootnote 373:\n\n  Sanuie (_sc._ s\u2019ennuie) tost, H.\n\nFootnote 374:\n\n  Prov. xxix. 15, somewhat corrupted in H.\n\nFootnote 375:\n\n  _Sc._ mad, furious; du geant enragez, H.\n\nFootnote 376:\n\n  The story was that Acis, son of Faunus, was beloved by the nymph\n  Galatea, and that the Cyclop Polyphemus, furious with jealousy,\n  crushed him beneath a huge rock (Ovid, Met. xiii. 750).\n\nFootnote 377:\n\n  Qui Acis estoit nommez, H. The mistranslation in the text is\n  inexplicable.\n\nFootnote 378:\n\n  Adonc fu [le geant] surpris de soubdaine rage et tellement escroula la\n  roche que tout en fu Axis acrauentez (_sc._ ecras\u00e9, bris\u00e9), H.\n\nFootnote 379:\n\n  Nymphe, H.\n\nFootnote 380:\n\n  Se ficha en la mer, H.\n\nFootnote 381:\n\n  Sap. v. 9.\n\nFootnote 382:\n\n  Peleus, to whose marriage with Thetis all the gods were invited except\n  Eris or Discord.\n\nFootnote 383:\n\n  For his judgment see below, p. 83.\n\nFootnote 384:\n\n  _Sc._ then; adonc, H.\n\nFootnote 385:\n\n  _Sc._ weaning; a qui il cuidoit estre filz, H.\n\nFootnote 386:\n\n  Qui conduisoit les dames, H.\n\nFootnote 387:\n\n  _Sc._ hates; ou croiscent les haynes, H.\n\nFootnote 388:\n\n  Cassiodore sus le Psaultier, H.\n\nFootnote 389:\n\n  Rom. xiii. 13.\n\nFootnote 390:\n\n  Iff thou aniy, MS.; _Sc._ tu las a qui que soit fait, H.\n\nFootnote 391:\n\n  See above, p. 51.\n\nFootnote 392:\n\n  Lawde, MS.\n\nFootnote 393:\n\n  _Sc._ avenged.\n\nFootnote 394:\n\n  Joel ii. 13.\n\nFootnote 395:\n\n  Damours affoles, H.\n\nFootnote 396:\n\n  Semele, whom Hera deceived in the form of her old nurse Beroe (Ovid,\n  Met. iii. 260).\n\nFootnote 397:\n\n  Ne perceyued, MS. The translator misunderstood the original, _cf._\n  dist a celle, qui garde ne sen prenoit de la deceuance, que de rien ne\n  sestoit ancore apperceue de lamour, mais quant elle seroit auecques\n  lui, _etc._, H.\n\nFootnote 398:\n\n  La voulsist accoller, H.\n\nFootnote 399:\n\n  Of hir, MS.; de feu, H.\n\nFootnote 400:\n\n  Ou liure des brebis, H., _Sc._ Sermo xlvii. de ovibus, in Ezech.\n  xxxiv. 17\u201331 (Migne, xxxviii. 303).\n\nFootnote 401:\n\n  A noz freres enfermes, H.; infirmo fratri, St. Aug.\n\nFootnote 402:\n\n  Tit. ii. 7.\n\nFootnote 403:\n\n  Prov. xxxi. 27.\n\nFootnote 404:\n\n  Thereoff, MS.\n\nFootnote 405:\n\n  Arachne, who challenged Athena to compete with her in weaving and was\n  changed by the goddess into a spider (Ovid, Met. vi. 1\u2013145).\n\nFootnote 406:\n\n  The, MS.\n\nFootnote 407:\n\n  Sap. v. 8.\n\nFootnote 408:\n\n  _Sc._ Adonis.\n\nFootnote 409:\n\n  Vn damoisel moult cointe, H.\n\nFootnote 410:\n\n  According to the \u201cDicta Philosophorum\u201d Sedechias \u201cprimus fuit per quem\n  nutu Dei lex precepta fuit et sapientia intellecta\u201d (Add. MS. 16,906,\n  f. 1).\n\nFootnote 411:\n\n  2 Pet. ii. 19.\n\nFootnote 412:\n\n  Apoc. xiii. 7.\n\nFootnote 413:\n\n  De lagait (l\u2019agait, _sc._ ruse, artifice), H. The translator seems to\n  have read \u201cla gent.\u201d\n\nFootnote 414:\n\n  Luke xi. 21.\n\nFootnote 415:\n\n  To follow? Dinstrumens _suiure_ nas mestier, H.\n\nFootnote 416:\n\n  _Sc._ running; courans, H.\n\nFootnote 417:\n\n  _Sc._ fierce; fiers, H.\n\nFootnote 418:\n\n  Et moins sent les molestes dauarice qui ne voit point les riches du\n  monde, H.\n\nFootnote 419:\n\n  Ps. ci. 8.\n\nFootnote 420:\n\n  Apulia and Calabria.\n\nFootnote 421:\n\n  This is an assumption from the fact that the Greek colonies of South\n  Italy had the name of Magna Gr\u00e6cia. Hellas originally was the district\n  of Phthiotis in Thessaly, where the Myrmidones dwelt.\n\nFootnote 422:\n\n  Especes, H.; quatuor sunt species quibus omnis tumor arrogantium\n  demonstratur, S. Greg. Moralia, xxiii. 6 (Migne, lxxvi. 258).\n\nFootnote 423:\n\n  Prov. viii. 13.\n\nFootnote 424:\n\n  Act\u00e6on, changed into a stag by Artemis (Ovid, Met. iii. 155).\n\nFootnote 425:\n\n  Nymphes, H.\n\nFootnote 426:\n\n  Ignorence, H., and so the \u201cDis des Philosophes.\u201d\n\nFootnote 427:\n\n  Matt. iii. 2.\n\nFootnote 428:\n\n  See above, p. 74.\n\nFootnote 429:\n\n  Either Charon is meant, or Acheron, as the eponym of the river of\n  Hades so named.\n\nFootnote 430:\n\n  Miraculeuse ne merueillable qui est appelle tempter Dieu, H.\n\nFootnote 431:\n\n  Jas. iv. 3.\n\nFootnote 432:\n\n  _Sc._ assay, test; Lessay con fist a Achilles, H.\n\nFootnote 433:\n\n  En labbaye la deesse Vesta, H.\n\nFootnote 434:\n\n  Pyrrhus, his son by Deidameia, daughter of Lycomedes of Scyros.\n\nFootnote 435:\n\n  Aneles, guimphes, conroyes et de tous ioyaulx, H.; quayntyses, prety\n  japes and jewelles, Wyer.\n\nFootnote 436:\n\n  Make, MS.\n\nFootnote 437:\n\n  Cointeries mignotes, H.\n\nFootnote 438:\n\n  Leginon, H.; Longinon, Add. MS. 16,906, f. 51b; Loginon, Roy. MS. 19\n  B. iv. f. 60.\n\nFootnote 439:\n\n  Le vaillant nest conqneu que en guerre, G. de Tign. (Roy. MS. 19 B.\n  iv. f. 64).\n\nFootnote 440:\n\n  Attendent la gloire pardurable en loyer, H.\n\nFootnote 441:\n\n  2 Paralip. xv. 7.\n\nFootnote 442:\n\n  _Sc._ fairies; vne nymphe, H.\n\nFootnote 443:\n\n  The letters in brackets have been torn away with the edge of the leaf.\n\nFootnote 444:\n\n  Texillus, Dicta Phil. (Add. MS. 16,906, f. 56).\n\nFootnote 445:\n\n  1 Joh. ii. 15.\n\nFootnote 446:\n\n  _Sc._ knowledge; de sauoir, H.\n\nFootnote 447:\n\n  _Sc._ riches; dauoir, H.\n\nFootnote 448:\n\n  See above, p. 66.\n\nFootnote 449:\n\n  _Sc._ pass, surpass.\n\nFootnote 450:\n\n  Ioliuete, H.\n\nFootnote 451:\n\n  Omitted in MS.; les Manichees, H.\n\nFootnote 452:\n\n  It is \u00feerfor it is, MS.\n\nFootnote 453:\n\n  Matt. vii. 1, 2; ut non judicemini, Vulg.\n\nFootnote 454:\n\n  _Sc._ snares; les tours de fortune sont comme engins, H.\n\nFootnote 455:\n\n  _Sc._ Boethius; Boece, H.\n\nFootnote 456:\n\n  Les quieulx addicions ne prestent point les choses ou les mondains\n  mettent leur felicite, H.\n\nFootnote 457:\n\n  Isai. iii. 12.\n\nFootnote 458:\n\n  _Sic_, ? tasteth; gouster, H.\n\nFootnote 459:\n\n  Luke x. 42.\n\nFootnote 460:\n\n  Cephalus, who killed his wife Procris in the way described (Ovid, Met.\n  vii. 836).\n\nFootnote 461:\n\n  Glauellot, H.\n\nFootnote 462:\n\n  Matt. vii. 3.\n\nFootnote 463:\n\n  1 Cor. x. 13.\n\nFootnote 464:\n\n  Au dieu qui dort et fait songer, H.\n\nFootnote 465:\n\n  That may propirly that may speke, MS.; qui proprement en puisse parler\n  quoyque les expositeurs en dient, H.\n\nFootnote 466:\n\n  Tyme, MS.\n\nFootnote 467:\n\n  Eccl. ii. 4.\n\nFootnote 468:\n\n  Alcyone, or Halcyone, wife of Ceyx, whose story is in Ovid, Met. xi.\n  410.\n\nFootnote 469:\n\n  For, MS.\n\nFootnote 470:\n\n  Dedens la nef se gita, H.\n\nFootnote 471:\n\n  Colus, MS.\n\nFootnote 472:\n\n  The fable was that for seven days before and after the winter\n  solstice, when the Halcyon was breeding, the sea remained calm.\n\nFootnote 473:\n\n  See the \u201cDis des Philosophes\u201d (Roy. MS. 19 B. iv. f. 60).\n\nFootnote 474:\n\n  Prov. iii. 21, 22.\n\nFootnote 475:\n\n  _Sc._ Trust.\n\nFootnote 476:\n\n  Hesione, whom Hercules rescued when she was exposed by command of an\n  oracle to be devoured by a sea monster, and whom he gave to Telamon\n  Ajax on being defrauded of his promised reward by her father Laomedon\n  (Ovid, Met. xi. 211).\n\nFootnote 477:\n\n  Thelamon Ayaulx, H.\n\nFootnote 478:\n\n  _Sc._ through.\n\nFootnote 479:\n\n  V\u00e6 tibi, terra, cujus rex puer est, Vulg. (Eccles x. 16).\n\nFootnote 480:\n\n  Plus moleste, H.\n\nFootnote 481:\n\n  Sap. x. 5.\n\nFootnote 482:\n\n  Et empires, H.\n\nFootnote 483:\n\n  Calchas was not a Trojan, but a son of Thestor of Mycen\u00e6 or Megara and\n  the foremost soothsayer on the Greek side. Christine de Pisan or her\n  authority seems to have misunderstood Dares Phrygius, ch. 15.\n\nFootnote 484:\n\n  _Sc._ Apollo; Apollin, H.\n\nFootnote 485:\n\n  _Sc._ subtle.\n\nFootnote 486:\n\n  2 Tim. iii. 2, 4, with omissions.\n\nFootnote 487:\n\n  _Sc._ Hermaphroditus (Ovid, Met. iv. 285 sq).\n\nFootnote 488:\n\n  A Hermofrodicus te mire, H.\n\nFootnote 489:\n\n  The nymph of the well Salmacis; vne nimphe, H.\n\nFootnote 490:\n\n  A la fontaine de Salmacis, H.\n\nFootnote 491:\n\n  Lui prist talent de soy baigner, H.\n\nFootnote 492:\n\n  _Sc._ sexes; qui ii. sexes auoit, H.\n\nFootnote 493:\n\n  Darquemie, _sc._ alchemy, H.\n\nFootnote 494:\n\n  Ghadely, MS.\n\nFootnote 495:\n\n  Leurs ficcions, H.\n\nFootnote 496:\n\n  Men, MS.\n\nFootnote 497:\n\n  Isai. xxxv. 3.\n\nFootnote 498:\n\n  Yen (_sc._ eyes) of yowre, MS.\n\nFootnote 499:\n\n  Lenterine face, H. (enterin, _sc._ entier, complet, Godefroy, _s.v._).\n\nFootnote 500:\n\n  _Sc._ how much.\n\nFootnote 501:\n\n  La pouons nous veoir nostre bel, la pouons nous veoir nostre lait, la\n  pouons nous veoir combien nous prouffitons et combien nous sommes\n  loings de prouffiter, H.\n\nFootnote 502:\n\n  Joh. v. 39.\n\nFootnote 503:\n\n  Gard toy Briseyda nacointier, H. The change is probably due to\n  Chaucer\u2019s \u201cTroylus and Cryseyde.\u201d\n\nFootnote 504:\n\n  Cointe et vague et attrayant, H.\n\nFootnote 505:\n\n  Of the, MS.\n\nFootnote 506:\n\n  _Sc._ wholly?; du tout, H.\n\nFootnote 507:\n\n  1 Cor. i. 31.\n\nFootnote 508:\n\n  _Sc._ two.\n\nFootnote 509:\n\n  Or, MS. The passage is confused, _cf._ que tout homme qui a occis ou\n  meffait au loyal compaignon dun autre que le compaignon en fera la\n  vengence, H.\n\nFootnote 510:\n\n  Madarge, H.; Magdargis, Add. MS. 16,906, f. 55b; Macdarge, Roy. MS. 19\n  B. iv. f. 65. The \u201cdit\u201d as given by G. de Tignonville in the\n  last-named MS. is \u201cEn quelque lieu que tu soyes auecques ton\n  enmemi .... fay touz iours bon guet; ia soit ce que tu soyes le plus\n  fort et plus puissant, si doys tu trauaillier a faire la paix.\u201d\n\nFootnote 511:\n\n  _Sc._ though.\n\nFootnote 512:\n\n  _Sc._ ought.\n\nFootnote 513:\n\n  This is not among Solon\u2019s sayings in the \u201cDis des Philosophes.\u201d\n\nFootnote 514:\n\n  Ephes. vi. 11.\n\nFootnote 515:\n\n  His, MS., both here and in the next line.\n\nFootnote 516:\n\n  _Sc._ Narcissus; Narcisus, H. See the story in Ovid, Met. iii. 356 sq.\n\nFootnote 517:\n\n  _Cf._ qui par grant necessite requiert autrui; la voix qui est\n  demouree, cest que de gens souffraiteux est il assez demoure ne ilz ne\n  peuent parler fors apres autrui, H.\n\nFootnote 518:\n\n  The fourth philosopher in the \u201cDicta\u201d; Salquin, Add. MS. 16,906, f.\n  7b; Zaqualkin, Roy. MS. 19 B. iv. f. 10b.\n\nFootnote 519:\n\n  To helpe, MS.\n\nFootnote 520:\n\n  Prov. xxii. 9.\n\nFootnote 521:\n\n  _Sc._ Daphne (Ovid, Met. i. 452 sq.); Damne, H.\n\nFootnote 522:\n\n  To theyme, MS.; ou temps, H.\n\nFootnote 523:\n\n  _Sc._ how.\n\nFootnote 524:\n\n  An omission by hom\u0153oteleuton; _cf._ estre tous iours present aux\n  ordres des anges auec les benois esperis assister a la gloire du\n  conditeur, regarder le present visage, _etc._, H. The quotation is\n  from Hom. xxxvii. in Evang. (Migne, lxxvi. 1275).\n\nFootnote 525:\n\n  Psal. lxxxvi. 3.\n\nFootnote 526:\n\n  _Sc._ Andromache\u2019s.\n\nFootnote 527:\n\n  Petite paille, H.\n\nFootnote 528:\n\n  La brusle du feu de sa soubtille circonspeccion, H.\n\nFootnote 529:\n\n  1 Thess. v. 19.\n\nFootnote 530:\n\n  Ninus, H.\n\nFootnote 531:\n\n  _Sc._ Nimrod.\n\nFootnote 532:\n\n  Le roy Ninus, H.\n\nFootnote 533:\n\n  De Singularitate Clericorum (Migne, iv. 837). The Latin text is\n  somewhat loosely rendered.\n\nFootnote 534:\n\n  Cest vne sotte fiance, H.; adversaria est confidentia, St. Aug.\n\nFootnote 535:\n\n  Estre sauf entre les morsures, H.\n\nFootnote 536:\n\n  And\u2014vnhurte, not in H. or Lat.\n\nFootnote 537:\n\n  _Sc._ laugheth; rit, H.\n\nFootnote 538:\n\n  Psal. xxxvi. 3; Bonum est confidere in Domino, _etc._ (Psal. cxvii.\n  8), H.\n\nFootnote 539:\n\n  Ce sera quant le roy Priant ne croiras, qui tira priant, H.\n\nFootnote 540:\n\n  See above, p. 100.\n\nFootnote 541:\n\n  Shepe, MS.\n\nFootnote 542:\n\n  _Sc._ Othea; he, MS., both here and a few words later on.\n\nFootnote 543:\n\n  Sa mort, H.\n\nFootnote 544:\n\n  Sermo de conversione ad clericos, ch. viii. (Migne, clxxxii. 843).\n\nFootnote 545:\n\n  En espies, H.; auxpiez, Roy. MSS. 14 E. ii. f. 327, 17 E. iv. f. 313;\n  adolescentibus in insidiis est, St. Bern.\n\nFootnote 546:\n\n  Eccl. xiv. 12; tardabit, H.\n\nFootnote 547:\n\n  Encor te vueil ie faire sage, H.\n\nFootnote 548:\n\n  ? Stroke; le coup de vne sayette, H. and G. de Tign.\n\nFootnote 549:\n\n  Qui met auenir, H.; qui meut a venir, G. de Tign (Roy. MS. 19 B. iv.\n  f. 7b).\n\nFootnote 550:\n\n  Matt. vi. 6.\n\nFootnote 551:\n\n  The Politenes of Beno\u00eet de Ste. Maure (l. 16105) and Guido delle\n  Colonne.\n\nFootnote 552:\n\n  Puit estre nuisible, H.\n\nFootnote 553:\n\n  Couuoitise desordenee, H.\n\nFootnote 554:\n\n  Dit Ygnocence ou liure de la vilte de condicion humaine, H. The\n  quotation is from Pope Innocent III., \u201cDe contemptu mundi,\u201d ii. 6\n  (Migne, ccxvii. 719).\n\nFootnote 555:\n\n  Sont ii. sancsues, H.; sanguisug\u00e6, Innoc., quoting Prov. xxx. 15.\n  Wyer\u2019s version rightly has \u201chorse-leeches\u201d; and the reading\n  \u201csauce-makers\u201d is inexplicable.\n\nFootnote 556:\n\n  Tim. vi. 10.\n\nFootnote 557:\n\n  A luniversaire (_sc._ l\u2019anniversaire) du chief de lan des obseques de\n  Hector, H.; vnyuersarie, Wyer.\n\nFootnote 558:\n\n  Amer, H.\n\nFootnote 559:\n\n  In ep. Joannis ad Parthos tract. ii. (Migne, xxxv. 1994).\n\nFootnote 560:\n\n  Et sa concupiscence, H.\n\nFootnote 561:\n\n  Amer, H.\n\nFootnote 562:\n\n  1 Ep. Joh. ii. 15.\n\nFootnote 563:\n\n  Perciez doultre en oultre, H.\n\nFootnote 564:\n\n  _Sc._ Augustine.\n\nFootnote 565:\n\n  Susde, MS.; ne nul en sa force ne se doit fyer, H.\n\nFootnote 566:\n\n  2 Cor. iii. 4, 5; tanquam ex nobis, H.\n\nFootnote 567:\n\n  Lenditement, H.; exhortacion, Wyer.\n\nFootnote 568:\n\n  Des mauuais, H.; Barat est le cappitaine des mauuoys et ire est son\n  gouuerneur, G. de Tign. (Roy. MS. 19 B. iv. f. 39).\n\nFootnote 569:\n\n  iii. (les, H.) inconueniencees, MS.\n\nFootnote 570:\n\n  _Sc._ deny; reyne, MS.; renyer, H.\n\nFootnote 571:\n\n  Prov. iv. 15.\n\nFootnote 572:\n\n  Paix par faintise, H.\n\nFootnote 573:\n\n  Sa mauuaistie, H.\n\nFootnote 574:\n\n  Psal. xxi. 26.\n\nFootnote 575:\n\n  So H. and other MSS.; perhaps a corruption for Thyre or Tyre.\n\nFootnote 576:\n\n  _Sc._ Ptolemy; Ptholomee, H.\n\nFootnote 577:\n\n  Apoc. xviii. 7.\n\nFootnote 578:\n\n  _Sc._ knights.\n\nFootnote 579:\n\n  _Sc._ as he weaned to have returned; si comme il cuidoit retourner, H.\n\nFootnote 580:\n\n  _Sc._ wholly.\n\nFootnote 581:\n\n  Louez, H.; loe, G. de Tign. (Roy. MS. 19 B. iv. f. 44b); lawded ne\n  alowed, Wyer.\n\nFootnote 582:\n\n  Moralia, xv. 6 (Migne, lxxv. 1084).\n\nFootnote 583:\n\n  Matt. xxiii. 27.\n\nFootnote 584:\n\n  _Sc._ sodden; le ble cuit, H. For the same story of Ino see above, p.\n  29.\n\nFootnote 585:\n\n  Frustra sibi de infirmitate vel ignorantia blandiuntur, qui ut\n  liberius peccent libenter ignorant vel infirmantur, Bern. de Gradibus\n  Humilitatis, cap. vi. (Migne, clxxxii. 951).\n\nFootnote 586:\n\n  There is an omission here, _cf._ ou par negligence de les sauoir ou\n  par parece de les demander ou par honte de les enquerir, H.\n\nFootnote 587:\n\n  1 Cor. xiv. 38.\n\nFootnote 588:\n\n  Si ne soient de toy despites, H.\n\nFootnote 589:\n\n  This story is from the \u201cAurea Legenda\u201d of Jacobus de Voragine with\n  slight variations (ed. Graesse, 1846, p. 44).\n\nFootnote 590:\n\n  De quelconques personne que ilz soient dis, H.\n\nFootnote 591:\n\n  Hugh de St. Victor, Eruditionis didascalic\u00e6 libri vii. (Migne, clxxvi.\n  739).\n\nFootnote 592:\n\n  Mais que cest que il dit, H.\n\nFootnote 593:\n\n  Eccl. iii. 31. H. has the colophon, \u201cExplicit lepistre Othea.\u201d\n\n------------------------------------------------------------------------\n\n\n\n\n                          TRANSCRIBER\u2019S NOTES\n\n\n 1. Table of Contents added by transcriber.\n 2. The #ERRATA# corrections were incorporated in the text.\n 3. There was no Chapter IL in the source.\n 4. Some sidenote numbers were missing in the source, for example \u201cf.\n      15\u201d.\n 5. P. 10, changed \u201cdesider\u00fcs\u201d to \u201cdesideriis\u201d.\n 6. P. 41, changed \u201csow e\u201d to \u201csowle\u201d.\n 7. P. 47, is missing footnote 2.\n 8. P. 62, added an anchor for footnote 7.\n 9. P. 65, changed \u201cseythyt ayens God and enprideth the selfe. That is\n      the which dispoilleth Paradyse and clothit hell and voydeth the\n      valu of the blode of Cryst Jhesu and submyttyth the worlde to the\n      tharledom of the seende\u201d to \u201cfeythyt ayens God and enprideth the\n      selfe. That is the which dispoilleth Paradyse and clothit hell and\n      voydeth the valu of the blode of Cryst Jhesu and submyttyth the\n      worlde to the tharledom of the feend\u201d.\n10. Silently corrected typographical errors.\n11. Except as noted, retained anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain\n      spellings as printed.\n12. Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers and collected together\n      at the end of the last chapter.\n13. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.\n14. Superscripts are denoted by a caret before a single superscripted\n      characters enclosed in curly braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}.","title":"The epistle of Othea to Hector; or, The boke of knyghthode","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":56551}