{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_60590/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_60590","id":"gutenberg_60590","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/60590","summary":null,"tags":["Category: History - Other","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Dardistan (Pakistan) -- History"],"text":"DARDISTAN\n IN 1866, 1886 AND 1893\n\n _Being\n An Account of the History, Religions, Customs, Legends, Fables and\n Songs of Gilgit, Chilas, Kandia (Gabrial) Yasin, Chitral,\n Hunza, Nagyr and other parts of the Hindukush_,\n\n _AS ALSO A SUPPLEMENT TO THE SECOND EDITION OF_\n THE HUNZA AND NAGYR HANDBOOK\n\n _And An Epitome of\n PART III OF THE AUTHOR\u2019S \u201cTHE LANGUAGES AND RACES\n OF DARDISTAN\u201d_\n\n _By_\n G. W. LEITNER M.A., PH.D., LL.D., D.O.L., ETC.\n\n (_With appendices on recent events, a map and\n numerous illustrations_)\n\n [Illustration]\n\n MANJUSRI PUBLISHING HOUSE\n Kumar Gallery, 11, Sunder Nagar Market,\n NEW DELHI (India)\n\n PUBLISHED BY VIRENDRA KUMAR JAIN FOR MANJUSRI PUBLISHING HOUSE\n KUMAR GALLERY, SUNDER NAGAR MARKET\u2014NEW DELHI-110003 INDIA\n\n\n\n\n[Illustration: MAP OF DARDISTAN AND THE PAMIRS\n\n_E. G. Ravenstein_ _G. Philip & Son_]\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n\n PAGE\n\n A MAP OF DARDISTAN AND OF THE PAMIRS\n\n INTRODUCTION. A Note on Classical Allusions to the Dards and to Greek\n Influence in India (4 pages)\n\n LEGENDS, SONGS, CUSTOMS, AND HISTORY, OF DARDISTAN (with Illustrations)\n\n A. Demons\u2014Yatsh 1\n\n B. Fairies\u2014Bar\u00e1i 6\n\n C. Wizards and Witches\u2014Day\u00e1ll 7\n\n D. Historical Legend of the Origin of Gilgit 9\n\n The Feast of Firs and Songs 14\n\n Buj\u00f3ni\u2014Riddles, Proverbs, and Fables 17\n\n Songs\u2014(Gilgiti, Ast\u00f3ri, Guraizi, and Chil\u00e1si) 22\n\n _Manners and Customs_:\n\n (_a_) Amusements (Polo, Dances, etc.) 33\n\n (_b_) Beverages (beer, wine) 38\n\n (_c_) Birth Ceremonies 41\n\n (_d_) Marriage Ceremonies (Song to the Bride) 42\n\n (_e_) Funerals 46\n\n (_f_) Holidays 48\n\n (_g_) The Religious Ideas of the Dards 49\n\n (_h_) Form of Government among the Dards 53\n\n (_i_) Habitations 57\n\n (_j_) Divisions of the Dard race 58\n\n (_k_) Castes 62\n\n Legends regarding Animals, and note thereon 64\n\n _Genealogies and History of Dardistan (pages 67 to 111)_ 67\n\n Rough Chronological Sketch from 1800 to 1872 70\n\n Note on Events since 1872, and in 1891 and 1892 75\n\n Introduction to \u201cTHE DARD WARS WITH KASHM\u00ceR\u201d 77\n\n Routes to Chil\u00e1s 79\n\n I. Struggles for the Conquest of Chil\u00e1s 80\n\n II. Wars for the possession of Gilgit 88\n\n III. Wars on Yasin, and the massacre of its inhabitants 95\n\n IV. War with Nagyr and Hunza (1864) 98\n\n V. War with Dareyl (Yaghist\u00e1n) (1866) 101\n\n Mir Wali and Mulk Aman (with a note on the murder of Hayward) 104\n\n Account of Kashm\u00eer atrocities 106\n\n Remarks on Dardistan in 1893 108\n\n Treaty of the British Government with Kashm\u00eer 110\n\n Note on the Hunza-Nagyr Genealogy 111\n\n APPENDICES:\n\n I. Hunza, Nagyr, and the Pamir Regions. (With an Autograph\n Letter of the Tham of Nagyr, and other Illustrations) 24 pages\n\n II. Notes on Recent Events in Chil\u00e1s and Chitr\u00e1l, with a\n photograph of H. H. the present Mihtar of Chitr\u00e1l,\n Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk, his former Yasin Council and Chitr\u00e1li\n Musicians 19 pages\n\n III. Fables, Legends, and Songs of Chitr\u00e1l (one in musical\n notation), by H. H. Mihtar Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk 14 pages\n\n IV. Races and Languages of the Hindukush [The Kohist\u00e1n,\n Gabri\u00e1l, etc.], with a Note on Polo in Hunza-Nagyr 18 pages\n\n V. Anthropological Observations and Measurements 8 pages\n\n VI. Rough Itineraries in the Hindukush and to Central Asia,\n Routes i, ii, and iii 12 pages\n\n VII. (_a_) A Secret Religion in the Hindukush and in the\n Lebanon 14 pages\n\n (_b_) The Kel\u00e1m-i-p\u00eer and Esoteric Muhammadanism 9 pages\n\n VIII. On the Sciences of Language and of Ethnography, with\n special reference to the Language and Customs of\n Hunza (a separate pamphlet) 16 pages\n\n\n\n\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.\n\n\n ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT.\n\n 1. Map of Dardistan and of the Pamirs (abridged from Dr.\n Leitner\u2019s large Map of Dardistan and a number of\n Native Maps and Itineraries).\n\n 2. First Group of Dards, etc., taken in 1866. (Facing page 1.)\n\n 3. Group of Natives from Hunza, Yasin, and Nagyr,\n listening to a Chitr\u00e1li and a Badakhshi Musician. (Facing page 22.)\n\n 4. A Dance at Gilgit. (Facing page 36.)\n\n 5. Dr. Leitner\u2019s Tibet Dog, \u201cChang.\u201d (Facing page 66.)\n\n 6. \u201cOur Manufactured Foes:\u201d a Tangir Student, a\n Nagyri Peasant, a Dareyli Herdsman, and a Hunza\n Fighter (the first Hunza man taken to Europe in\n 1886). (Facing page 76.)\n\n 7. A Kashmir Soldier and a Balti Coolie. (Facing page 77.)\n\n 8. Two Chil\u00e1sis and a Gilgiti. (Facing page 80.)\n\n ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE APPENDICES.\n\n _Appendix I.\u2014(Hunza-Nagyr and the Pamir Regions.)_\n\n 9. Specimens of Burishkis of Hunza, Nagyr, and Yasin. (Facing page 1 of\n Appendix I.) \u201cHunza and Nagyri Warriors, separated by Yasinis.\u201d\n\n 10. Autograph Letter from the Chief (Tham) of Nagyr,\n Za\u2019far Khan. (Facing page 5.)\n\n 11. Dr. Leitner as a Bokhara Maulvi in 1866. (Facing page 17.)\n\n _Appendix II.\u2014(Recent Events in Chil\u00e1s and Chitr\u00e1l.)_\n\n 12. Mihtar Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk and his Yasin Council in 1886. (Facing page 6.)\n\n 13. Chitr\u00e1li Players and the Badakhshi Poet, Taigh\u00fbn\n Shah. (Facing page 7.)\n\n _Appendix IV.\u2014(Races and Languages of the Hindukush.)_\n\n 14. Group of Natives from Nagyr, Kol\u00e1b, Chitr\u00e1l, Gabri\u00e1l,\n Badakhshan, and Hunza. (Facing page 1.)\n\n 15. Heads of Natives from Dareyl, Gabri\u00e1l, Hunza,\n and Nagyr. (Facing page 2.)\n\n _Appendix V.\u2014(Anthropological Observations and Measurements.)_\n\n 16. Ethnological and Anthropological Groups. (Facing page 1.)\n\n 17. Jamsh\u00ead, the first Siah P\u00f4sh Kafir taken to Europe\n (in 1872). (Facing page 4.)\n\n 18. Comparative Table of Measurements of Dards and Kafirs.\n\n\n\n\nA NOTE ON CLASSICAL ALLUSIONS TO THE DARDS AND TO GREEK INFLUENCE ON\nINDIA.\n\n\nTHE DARDS.\n\nHerodotus (III. 102-105) is the first author who refers to the country of\nthe Dards, placing it on the frontier of Kashmir and in the vicinity of\nAfghanistan. \u201cOther Indians are those who reside on the frontiers of the\ntown \u2018Kaspatyros\u2019 and the Paktyan country; they dwell to the north of the\nother Indians and live like the Baktrians; they are also the most warlike\nof the Indians and are sent for the gold,\u201d etc. Then follows the legend\nof the gold-digging ants (which has been shown to have been the name of a\ntribe of Tibetans by Schiern), and on which, as an important side-issue,\nconsult Strabo, Arrian, Dio Chrysostomus, Flavius Philostratus the\nelder, Clemens Alexandrinus, \u00c6lian, Harpokration, Themistius Euphrades,\nHeliodorus of Emesa, Joannes Tzetzes, the Pseudo-Kallisthenes and the\nscholiast to the Antigone of Sophocles[1]\u2014and among Romans, the poems of\nPropertius, the geography of Pomponius Mela, the natural history of the\nelder Pliny and the collections of Julius Solinus.[2] The Mahabharata\nalso mentions the tribute of the ant-gold \u201cpaipilika\u201d brought by the\nnations of the north to one of the Pandu sons, king Yudhisthira.\n\nIn another place Herodotus [IV. 13-27] again mentions the town of\nKaspatyros and the Paktyan country. This is where he refers to the\nanxiety of Darius to ascertain the flow of the Indus into the sea. He\naccordingly sent Skylax with vessels. \u201cThey started from the town of\n\u039a\u03b1\u03c3\u03c0\u03ac\u03c4\u03c5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 and the \u03a0\u03b1\u03ba\u03c4\u03c5\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae \u03c7\u03ce\u03c1\u03b7 towards the east to the sea.\u201d I take\nthis to be the point where the Indus river makes a sudden bend, and for\nthe first time actually does lie between Kashmir and Pakhtu-land (for\nthis, although long unknown, must be the country alluded to),[3] in other\nwords, below the Makpon-i-Shang-Rong, and at Bunji, where the Indus\nbecomes navigable.[4] The Paktyes are also mentioned as one of the races\nthat followed Xerxes in his invasion of Hellas (Herod. VII. 67-85). Like\nour own geographers till 1866, Herodotus thought that the Indus from that\npoint flowed duly from north to south, and India being, according to his\nsystem of geography, the most easterly country, the flow of the Indus was\naccordingly described as being easterly. I, in 1866, and Hayward in 1870,\ndescribed its flow from that point to be due west for a considerable\ndistance (about one hundred miles). (The PAKTYES are, of course, the\nAfghans, called Patans, or more properly PAKHTUS, the very same Greek\nword). \u201cKaspatyros\u201d is evidently a mis-spelling for \u201cKaspapyros,\u201d the\nform in which the name occurs in one of the most accurate codes of\nHerodotus which belonged to Archbishop Sancroft (the Codex Sancroftianus)\nand which is now preserved at Emmanuel College, Cambridge. Stephanus\nByzantianus (A.V.) also ascribes this spelling to Hekat\u0153us of Miletus.[5]\n\nNow Kaspapyros or Kaspapuros is evidently _Kashmir_ or \u201c_Kasyapapura_,\u201d\nthe town of _Kasyapa_, the founder of Kashmir, and to the present day\none may talk indifferently of the town of Kashmir, or of the country of\n_Kashmir_, when mentioning that name, so that there is no necessity to\nseek for the _town_ of Srinagar when discussing the term Kaspatyrus, or,\nif corrected, Kaspapuros, of Herodotus.\n\nHerodotus, although he thus mentions the people (of the Dards) as one\nneighbouring (\u03c0\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c7\u03ce\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9) on Kashmir and residing between Kashmir and\nAfghanistan, and also refers to the invasions which (from time immemorial\nit may be supposed, and certainly within our own times) this people have\nmade against Tibet for the purpose of devastating the goldfields of the\nso-called ants, does not use the name of \u201cDard\u201d in the above quotations,\nbut Strabo and the elder Pliny, who repeat the legend, mention the very\nname of that people as _Derd\u00e6_ or _Dard\u00e6_, vide Strabo XV., \u1f10\u03bd \u0394\u03b9\u03c1\u03b4\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2\n\u1f14\u03b8\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9 \u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03ac\u03bb\u03c9 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03b5\u03ce\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f40\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd \u1f38\u03bd\u03b4\u1ff6\u03bd. Pliny, in his Natural\nHistory, XI. 36, refers to \u201c_in regione Septentrionalium Indorum, qui\nDard\u00e6 vacantur_.\u201d Both Pliny and Strabo refer to Megasthenes as their\nauthority in Chapter VI., 22. Pliny again speaks of \u201c_Fertilissimi sunt\nauri Dard\u00e6._\u201d The Dards have still settlements in Tibet where they are\ncalled Brokhpa (see page 60 of text). The Dards are the \u201cDarada\u201d of the\nSanscrit writers. The \u201cDarada\u201d and the \u201cHimavanta\u201d were the regions\nto which Buddha sent his missionaries, and the Dards are finally the\n\u201cDards, an independent people which plundered Dras in the last year,\nhas its home in the mountains three or four days\u2019 journey distant, and\ntalks the _Pakhtu_ or DARADI language. Those, whom they take prisoners\nin these raids, they sell as slaves\u201d (as they do still). (Voyage par Mir\nIzzetulla in 1812 in Klaproth\u2019s Magasin Asiatique, II., 3-5.) (The above\narrangement of quotations is due to Schiern.)[6]\n\n\nINFLUENCE OF GREECE ON ASIA IN GENERAL AND INDIA IN PARTICULAR.\n\nThe most important contribution to this question, however, is Plutarch\u2019s\n_Speech_ on Alexander\u2019s fortune and virtue (\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u1f08\u03bb\u03b5\u03be\u03ac\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c4\u03cd\u03c7\u03b7\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n\u1f00\u03c1\u03b5\u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2), the keynote to which may be found in the passage which contains\nthe assertion that he \u039a\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03b5 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f08\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u1f11\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9, but the\nwhole speech refers to that marvellous influence.\n\nThat this influence was at any rate believed in, may be also gathered\nfrom a passage in Aelian, in which he speaks of the Indians and Persian\nkings singing Homer in their own tongues. I owe the communication of\nthis passage to Sir Edward Fry, Q.C., which runs as follows; \u1f4c\u03c4\u03b9 \u1f38\u03bd\u03b4\u03bf\u1f76\n\u03c4\u1fc6 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1 \u03c3\u03c6\u03af\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c7\u03c9\u03c1\u03b9\u03ac \u03c6\u03c9\u03bd\u03b7 \u03c4\u03ac \u1f49\u03bc\u03ae\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac\u03c8\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f84\u03b4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50 \u03bc\u03ac\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9,\n\u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bf\u1f32 \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03c3\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f76 \u03c4\u03b9 \u03c7\u03c1\u03b7 \u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5\u03cd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f55\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\n\u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9.\u2014Aeliani Vari\u00e6 Histori\u00e6, Lib. XII., Cap. 48. [I find from\na note in my edition that Dio Chrysostom tells the same story of the\nIndians in his 53rd Oration.\u2014E.F.]\n\nI trust to be able to show, if permitted to do so, in a future note (1)\nthat the Aryan dialects of Dardistan are, at least, contemporaneous with\nSanskrit, (2) that the Khajun\u00e1 is a remnant of a prehistoric language,\n(3) that certain sculptors followed on Alexander\u2019s invasion and taught\nthe natives of India to execute what I first termed \u201cGr\u00e6co-Buddhistic\u201d\nsculptures, a term which specifies a distinct period in history and in\nthe history of Art.\n\n G. W. LEITNER.\n\nP.S. in 1893.\u2014The above, which appeared in \u201cthe Calcutta Review\u201d of\nJanuary 1878, was also reprinted in the _Asiatic Quarterly Review_\nof April 1893 with reference to Mr. J. W. McCrindle\u2019s recent work on\n\u201cAncient India: Its Invasion by Alexander the Great,\u201d in which he omits\nto draw attention to the importance of Plutarch\u2019s _Speech_ on the\ncivilizing results of Alexander\u2019s invasion, and makes no mention whatever\nof the traces which Greek art has left on the Buddhistic sculptures of\nthe Panjab.\n\nHe only just mentions Plutarch\u2019s speech on page 13 of his otherwise\nexcellent work, published by Messrs. Constable of 14 Parliament Street,\nLondon. As that speech, which is divided into two parts, is, however, of\nthe utmost importance in showing what were believed to be in Plutarch\u2019s\ndays the results of Alexander\u2019s mission, I think it necessary to quote\nsome of the most prominent passages from it relating to the subject under\ninquiry. I also propose to show in a monograph on the gr\u00e6co-buddhistic\nsculptures, now at the Woking Museum, which I brought from beyond the\nPanjab frontier, that Alexander introduced not only Greek Art but also\nGreek mythology into India. I will specially refer to the \u201cPallas\nAthene,\u201d \u201cthe rape of Ganymede,\u201d and \u201cthe Centaur\u201d in my collection,\nleaving such sculptures as \u201cOlympian games,\u201d \u201cGreek soldiers accompanying\nBuddhist processions,\u201d \u201cthe Buddhist Parthenon,\u201d [if not also Silanion\u2019s\n\u201cSappho with the lyre,\u201d]\u2014all executed by Indian artists\u2014to tell their own\ntale as to the corroborations in sculpture of passages in ancient Greek\nand Roman writers relating to the genial assimilation of Eastern with\nWestern culture which the Great Conqueror of the Two Continents, \u201cthe\npossessor of two horns,\u201d the \u201cZu\u2019l-Qarnein\u201d (Al-Asghar) of the Arabs,\nendeavoured to bring about.\n\nThe following passages from Plutarch\u2019s Speech may, I hope, be read with\ninterest. The author endeavours to answer his question as to whether\nAlexander owed his success \u201cto his fortune or to his virtue\u201d by showing\nthat he was almost solely indebted to his good qualities:\n\n\u201cThe discipline of Alexander ... oh marvellous philosophy, through which\nthe Indians worship the Greek gods.\u201d\n\n\u201cWhen Alexander had recivilized Asia, they read Homer and the children\nof the Persians ... sang the tragedies of Euripides and Sophocles.\u201d\n\u201cSocrates was condemned in Athens because he introduced foreign Gods ...\nbut, through Alexander, Bactria and the Caucasus worshipped the Greek\nGods.\u201d \u201cFew among us, as yet, read the laws of Plato, but myriads of men\nuse, and have used, those of Alexander, the vanquished deeming themselves\nmore fortunate than those who had escaped his arms, for the latter had no\none who saved them from the miseries of life, whilst the conqueror had\nforced the conquered to live happily.\u201d\n\n\u201cPlato only wrote one form of Government and not a single man followed\nit because it was too severe, whereas Alexander founded more than\n70 cities among barbarous nations and permeating Asia with Hellenic\nInstitutions....\u201d Plutarch makes the conquered say that if they had not\nbeen subdued \u201cEgypt would not have had Alexandria nor India Bucephalia,\u201d\nthat \u201cAlexander made no distinction between Greek and Barbarian, but\nconsidered the virtuous only among either as Greek and the vicious as\nBarbarian\u201d and that he by \u201cintermarriages and the adaptation of customs\nand dresses sought to found that union which he considered himself as\nsent from heaven to bring about as the arbitrator and the reformer of the\nuniverse.\u201d \u201cThus do the wise unite Asia and Europe.\u201d \u201cBy the adoption of\n(Asiatic) dress, the minds were conciliated.\u201d Alexander desired that \u201cOne\ncommon justice should administer the Republic of the Universe.\u201d\n\n\u201cHe disseminated Greece and diffused throughout the world justice and\npeace.\u201d Alexander himself announces to the Greeks, \u201cThrough me you will\nknow them (the Indians) and they will know you, but I must yet strike\ncoins and stamp the bronze of the barbarians with Greek impressions.\u201d\nThe fulfilment of this statement is attested by the Bactrian coins. I\nsubmit that he who left his mark on metal did so also on sculpture,\nas I have endeavoured to show since 1870 when I first called my finds\n\u201cgr\u00e6co-buddhistic,\u201d a term which has, at last, been adopted after much\nopposition, as descriptive of a period in History and in the history of\nArt and Religion.\n\n[The above quotations are all from the 1st Part of Plutarch\u2019s oration;\nthe second is reserved for the proposed monograph.]\n\n G. W. LEITNER.\n\nFor \u201cDivisions of the Dard Race\u201d and the countries which they occupy see\npage 58.\n\n[Illustration: FIRST GROUP OF DARDS, ETC., TAKEN IN 1866.\n\nGulam Muhammad, of Gilgit (A Shiah Muhammadan).\n\nGharib Shah and Friend, Both of Chilas (Sunni Muhammadans).\n\nMirza beg, of Astor (Sunni).\n\nKazim, From Skardo (Little Tibet). (Shiah).\n\nMalek and Batshu (Kalasha and Bashgali Kafirs) (Subjects of Chitral).]\n\n\n\n\nLEGENDS, SONGS, AND CUSTOMS OF DARDISTAN,[7]\n\n(GILGIT, YASIN, HUNZA, NAGYR, CHITR\u00c1L, &C., AND KAFIRISTAN).\n\n1. Dardu Legends, _in Shin\u00e1_ (the language, with dialectic modifications,\nof Gilgit, Astor, Guraiz, Chilas, H\u00f3dur, Dareyl, Tang\u00eer, etc., and the\nlanguage of historical songs in Hunza and Nagyr).\n\n(_Committed to writing for the first time in 1866, By DR. G. W. LEITNER,\nfrom the dictation of Dards. This race has no written character of its\nown._)\n\n\n\n\nA.\u2014DEMONS = YATSH[8] (YUECCI?).\n\n\nDemons are of a gigantic size, and have only _one eye, which is on\nthe forehead_. They used to rule over the mountains and oppose the\ncultivation of the soil by man. They often dragged people away into their\nrecesses. Since the adoption of the Muhammadan religion, the demons\nhave relinquished their possessions, and only occasionally trouble the\nbelievers.\n\nThey do not walk by day, but confine themselves to promenading at night.\nA spot is shown near Astor, at a village called Bulent, where five large\nmounds are pointed out which have somewhat the shape of huge baskets.\nTheir existence is explained as follows. A Zemindar (cultivator) at\nGrukot, a village farther on, on the Kashmir road, had, with great\ntrouble, sifted his grain for storing, and had put it into baskets and\nsacks. He then went away. The demons came\u2014five in number\u2014carrying huge\nleather-sacks, into which they put the grain. They then went to a place\nwhich is still pointed out and called \u201c_Gu\u00e9_ Gutume Yatsheyn gau boki,\u201d\nor \u201cThe place of the demons\u2019 loads at the hollow\u201d\u2014Gu\u00e9 being the Shin\u00e1\nname for the present village of Gruk\u014dt. There they brought up a huge\nflat stone\u2014which is still shown\u2014and made it into a kind of pan, \u201ctawa,\u201d\nfor the preparation of bread. But the morning dawned and obliged them\nto disappear; they converted the sacks and their contents into earthen\nmounds, which have the shape of baskets and are still shown.\n\n\n1.\u2014THE WEDDING OF DEMONS.\n\nA Shikari (sportsman) was once hunting in the hills. He had taken\nprovisions with him for five days. On the sixth day he found himself\nwithout any food. Excited and fatigued by his fruitless expedition, he\nwandered into the deepest mountain recesses, careless whither he went\nas long as he could find water to assuage his thirst, and a few wild\nberries to allay his hunger. Even that search was unsuccessful, and,\ntired and hungry, he endeavoured to compose himself to sleep. Even that\ncomfort was denied him, and, nearly maddened with the situation, he\nagain arose and looked around him. It was the first or second hour of\nnight, and, at a short distance, he descried a large fire blazing a most\ncheerful welcome to the hungry, and now chilled, wanderer. He approached\nit quietly, hoping to meet some other sportsman who might provide\nhim with food. Coming near the fire, he saw a very large and curious\nassembly of giants, eating, drinking, and singing. In great terror, he\nwanted to make his way back, when one of the assembly, who had a squint\nin his eye, got up for the purpose of fetching water for the others.\nHe overtook him, and asked him whether he was a \u201cchild of man.\u201d Half\ndead with terror, he could scarcely answer that he was, when the demon\ninvited him to join them at the meeting, which was described to be a\nwedding party. The Shikari replied: \u201cYou are a demon, and will destroy\nme\u201d; on which the spirit took an oath, _by the sun and the moon_, that\nhe certainly would not do so. He then hid him under a bush and went back\nwith the water. He had scarcely returned when a plant was torn out of the\nground and a small aperture was made, into which the giants managed to\nthrow all their property, and, gradually making themselves thinner and\nthinner, themselves vanished into the ground through it. Our sportsman\nwas then taken by the hand by the friendly demon, and, before he knew\nhow, he himself glided through the hole and found himself in a huge\napartment, which was splendidly illuminated. He was placed in a corner\nwhere he could not be observed. He received some food, and gazed in mute\nastonishment on the assembled spirits. At last, he saw the mother of the\nbride taking her daughter\u2019s head into her lap and weeping bitterly at the\nprospect of her departure into another household. Unable to control her\ngrief, and in compliance with an old Sh\u00een custom, she began the singing\nof the evening by launching into the following strains:\n\n SONG OF THE MOTHER.\n\n ORIGINAL:\u2014\n\n _Ajjeyn Bir\u00e1ni![9] mey palise, sh\u00edkk san\u00e9y,_\n (Thy) mother\u2019s Bir\u00e1ni! my little darling, ornaments will wear,\n _Inne Buldar B\u00fatshe angai tapp bey hani,_\n (Whilst) here at Buldar B\u00fatshe the heavens dark will become,\n _N\u00e1geri Phall Tsh\u00e1tshe Kani mir\u00e1ni in,_\n The Nagari (of race) Phall Tsh\u00e1tshe of Khans the prince will come,\n _T\u00e9yn M\u00eerk\u00e2n m\u00e1lose tsh\u00e9 g\u00f9m bag\u00e9y,_\n Thy Mirkan father\u2014from new corn will be distributed.\n _S\u00e1lti Yabeo wey bo! Shad\u00fa Malik bojum th\u00e9um._\n Seven rivers\u2019 water be! Shadu Malik a going will make,\n _Tey Mirkann malo Tshe gi bage._\n Thy Mirkann, father, now ghee will distribute.\n\n TRANSLATION:\u2014\n\n \u201cOh, Bir\u00e1ni, thy mother\u2019s own; thou, little darling, wilt wear\n ornaments, whilst to me, who will remain here at Buldar Butshe,\n the heavens will appear dark. The prince of Lords of Phall\n Tshatshe race is coming from Nagyr; and Mirkann, thy father,\n now distributes corn (as an act of welcome). Be (as fruitful\n and pleasant) as the water of _seven rivers_, for Shadu Malik\n (the prince) is determined to start, and now thy father Mirkann\n is distributing ghee (as a compliment to the departing guest).\u201d\n\nThe Shikari began to enjoy the scene and would have liked to have stayed,\nbut his squinting friend told him now that he could not be allowed to\nremain any longer. So he got up, but before again vanishing through\nthe above-mentioned aperture into the human world, he took a good look\nat the demons. To his astonishment he beheld on the shoulders of one a\nshawl which he had safely left at home. Another held his gun; a third was\neating out of his own dishes; one had his many-coloured stockings on, and\nanother disported himself in pidjamas (drawers) which he only ventured\nto put on, on great occasions. He also saw many of the things that had\nexcited his admiration among the property of his neighbours in his native\nvillage, being most familiarly used by the demons. He scarcely could be\ngot to move away, but his friendly guide took hold of him and brought him\nagain to the place where he had first met him. On taking leave he gave\nhim three loaves of bread. As his village was far off, he consumed two\nof the loaves on the road. On reaching home, he found his father, who\nhad been getting rather anxious at his prolonged absence. To him he told\nall that had happened, and showed him the remaining loaf, of which the\nold man ate half. His mother, a good housewife, took the remaining half\nand threw it into a large granary, where, as it was the season of Shar\u00f3\n(autumn), a sufficient store of flour had been placed for the use of the\nfamily during the winter. Strange to say, that half-loaf brought luck,\nfor demons mean it sometimes kindly to the children of men, and only hurt\nthem when they consider themselves offended. The granary remained always\nfull, and the people of the village rejoiced with the family, for they\nwere liked and were good people.\n\nIt also should be told that as soon as the Shikari came home he looked\nafter his costly shawl, dishes, and clothes, but he found all in its\nproper place and perfectly uninjured. On inquiring amongst his neighbours\nhe also found that they too had not lost anything. He was much astonished\nat all this, till an old woman who had a great reputation for wisdom,\ntold him that this was the custom of demons, and that they invariably\nborrowed the property of mankind for their weddings, and as invariably\nrestored it. On occasions of rejoicings amongst them they felt kindly\ntowards mankind.\n\nThus ends one of the prettiest tales that I have heard.\n\n\n2.\u2014THE DEMON\u2019S PRESENT OF COALS IS TURNED INTO GOLD.\n\nSomething similar to what has just been related, is said to have happened\nat Doyur, on the road from Gilgit to Nagyr. A man of the name of Ph\u00fbko\nhad a son named Laskirr, who, one day going out to fetch water was caught\nby a Yatsh, who tore up a plant (\u201creeds\u201d?) \u201cphuru\u201d and entered with the\nlad into the fissure which was thereby created. He brought him to a large\npalace in which a number of goblins, male and female, were diverting\nthemselves. He there saw all the valuables of the inhabitants of his\nvillage. A wedding was being celebrated and the mother sang:\u2014\n\n G\u00fam bag\u00e9 d\u00e9y, Budul\u00e9y Khat\u00fani.\n G\u00fam bag\u00e9 d\u00e9y, huh_\u00e1_ huh\u00e1!!\n Gi bag\u00e9 d\u00e9y, Budul\u00e9y Khat\u00fanise.\n Gi bag\u00e9 d\u00e9y, huh_\u00e1_ huh\u00e1!!\n Motz bag\u00e9 d\u00e9y, Budul\u00e9y Khat\u00fani.\n Motz bag\u00e9 d\u00e9y, huh\u00e1 huh\u00e1!!\n M\u00f4 bag\u00e9 d\u00e9y, huh\u00e1 huh\u00e1!! &c., &c.\n\n TRANSLATION:\u2014\n\n Corn is being distributed, daughter of Budal.\n Corn is being distributed, hurrah! hurrah! (_Chorus._)\n Ghee is being distributed, &c. (_Chorus._)\n Meat is being distributed, &c. (_Chorus._)\n Wine is being distributed, &c., &c. (_Chorus._)\n\nOn his departure, the demon gave him a sackful of coals, and conducted\nhim through the aperture made by the tearing up of the reed, towards\nhis village. The moment the demon had left, the boy emptied the sack of\nthe coals and went home, when he told his father what had happened. In\nthe emptied sack they found a small bit of coal, which, as soon as they\ntouched it, became a gold coin, very much to the regret of the boy\u2019s\nfather, who would have liked his son to have brought home the whole\nsackful.\n\n\n\n\nB.\u2014\u201cBARAI,\u201d \u201cPERIS,\u201d \u201cFAIRIES.\u201d\n\n\nThey are handsome, in contradistinction to the Yatsh or Demons,\nand stronger; they have a beautiful castle on the top of the Nanga\nParbat or Dyarmul (so called from being inaccessible). This castle is\nmade of crystal, and the people fancy they can see it. They call it\n\u201cShell-battek\u014dt\u201d or \u201cCastle of Glass-stone.\u201d\n\n\n1.\u2014THE SPORTSMAN AND THE CASTLE OF THE FAIRIES.\n\nOnce a sportsman ventured up the Nanga Parbat. To his surprise he found\nno difficulty, and venturing farther and farther, he at last reached\nthe top. There he saw a beautiful castle made of glass, and pushing one\nof the doors he entered it, and found himself in a most magnificent\napartment. Through it he saw an open space that appeared to be the garden\nof the castle, but there was in it only one tree of excessive height, and\nwhich was entirely composed of pearls and corals. The delighted sportsman\nfilled his sack in which he carried his corn, and left the place, hoping\nto enrich himself by the sale of the pearls. As he was going out of\nthe door he saw an innumerable crowd of serpents following him. In his\nagitation he shouldered the sack and attempted to run, when a pearl fell\nout. It was eagerly swallowed by a serpent which immediately disappeared.\nThe sportsman, glad to get rid of his pursuers at any price, threw pearl\nafter pearl to them, and in every case it had the desired effect. At\nlast, only one serpent remained, but for her (a fairy in that shape?)\nhe found no pearl; and urged on by fear, he hastened to his village,\nTarsing, which is at the very foot of the Nanga Parbat. On entering his\nhouse, he found it in great agitation; bread was being distributed to the\npoor as they do at funerals, for his family had given him up as lost.\nThe serpent still followed and stopped at the door. In despair, the man\nthrew the corn-sack at her, when lo! a pearl glided out. It was eagerly\nswallowed by the serpent, which immediately disappeared. However, the\nman was not the same being as before. He was ill for days, and in about\na fortnight after the events narrated, died, for fairies never forgive a\nman who has surprised their secrets.\n\n\n2.\u2014THE FAIRY WHO PUNISHED HER HUMAN LOVER.\n\nIt is not believed in Astor that fairies ever marry human beings, but\nin Gilgit there is a legend to that effect. A famous sportsman, Kib\u00e1\nLor\u00ed, who never returned empty-handed from any excursion, kept company\nwith a fairy to whom he was deeply attached. Once in the hot weather the\nfairy said to him not to go out shooting during \u201cthe seven days of the\nsummer,\u201d \u201cCaniculars,\u201d which are called \u201cBard\u00e1,\u201d and are supposed to be\nthe hottest days in Dardistan. \u201cI am,\u201d said she, \u201cobliged to leave you\nfor that period, and, mind, you do not follow me.\u201d The sportsman promised\nobedience and the fairy vanished, saying that he would certainly die if\nhe attempted to follow her. Our love-intoxicated Nimrod, however, could\nnot endure her absence. On the fourth day he shouldered his gun and went\nout with the hope of meeting her. Crossing a range, he came upon a plain,\nwhere he saw an immense gathering of game of all sorts and his beloved\nfairy milking a \u201cKill\u201d (markhor) and gathering the milk into a silver\nvessel. The noise which Kib\u00e1 Lor\u00ed made caused the animal to start and to\nstrike out with his legs, which upset the silver vessel. The fairy looked\nup, and to her anger beheld the disobedient lover. She went up to him\nand, after reproaching him, struck him in the face. But she had scarcely\ndone so when despair mastered her heart, and she cried out in the deepest\nanguish that \u201che now must die within four days.\u201d \u201cHowever,\u201d she said,\n\u201cdo shoot one of these animals, so that people may not say that you have\nreturned empty-handed.\u201d The poor man returned crestfallen to his home,\nlay down, and died on the fourth day.\n\n\n\n\nC.\u2014DAYALL = WIZARDS AND WITCHES.\n\n\nThe gift of second sight, or rather the intercourse with fairies, is\nconfined to a few families in which it is hereditary. The wizard is\nmade to inhale the fumes of a fire which is lit with the wood of the\n_tshili_[10] (Panjabi = Padam), a kind of fir-wood which gives much\nsmoke. Into the fire the milk of a white sheep or goat is poured. The\nwizard inhales the smoke till he apparently becomes insensible. He is\nthen taken on the lap of one of the spectators, who sings a song which\nrestores him to his senses. In the meanwhile, a goat is slaughtered,\nand the moment the fortune-teller jumps up, its bleeding neck is\npresented to him, which he sucks as long as a drop remains. The assembled\nmusicians then strike up a great noise, and the wizard rushes about\nin the circle which is formed round him and talks unintelligibly. The\nfairy then appears at some distance and sings, which, however, only the\nwizard hears. He then communicates her sayings in a song to one of the\nmusicians, who explains its meaning to the people. The wizard is called\nupon to foretell events and to give advice in cases of illness, etc.\nThe people believe that in ancient times these Dayalls invariably spoke\ncorrectly, but that now scarcely one saying in a hundred turns out to\nbe true. Wizards do not now make a livelihood by their talent, which is\nconsidered its own reward.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThere are few legends so exquisite as the one which chronicles the\norigin, or rather the rise, of Gilgit. The traditions regarding Alexander\nthe Great, which Vigne and others have imagined to exist among the people\nof Dardistan, are unknown to, at any rate, the Shin\u00e1 race, excepting in\nso far as any Munshi accompanying the Maharajah\u2019s troops may, perhaps,\naccidentally have referred to them in conversation with a Sh\u00een. Any such\ninformation would have been derived from the Sikandarnama of Niz\u00e1mi, and\nwould, therefore, possess no original value. There exist no ruins, as far\nas I have gone, to point to an occupation of Dardistan by the soldiers\nof Alexander. The following legend, however, which not only lives in\nthe memories of all the Sh\u00een people, whether they be Chilasis, Astoris,\nGilgitis, or Brokhp\u00e1 (the latter, as I discovered, living actually side\nby side with the Baltis in Little Tibet), but which also an annual\nfestival commemorates, is not devoid of interest from either a historical\nor a purely literary point of view.\n\n\n\n\nD.\u2014HISTORICAL LEGEND OF THE ORIGIN OF GILGIT.\n\n\n\u201cOnce upon a time there lived a race at Gilgit, whose origin is\nuncertain. Whether they sprang from the soil, or had immigrated from a\ndistant region, is doubtful; so much is believed, that they were Gayup\u00ed\n= spontaneous, aborigines, unknown. Over them ruled a monarch who was\na descendant of the evil spirits, the Yatsh, that terrorized over the\nworld. His name was Shiribadatt, and he resided at a castle, in front of\nwhich there was a course for the performance of the manly game of Polo.\n(See my Hunza Nagyr Handbook.) His tastes were capricious, and in every\none of his actions his fiendish origin could be discerned. The natives\nbore his rule with resignation, for what could they effect against a\nmonarch at whose command even magic aids were placed? However, the\ncountry was rendered fertile and round the capital bloomed attractive\ngardens.\n\n\u201cThe heavens, or rather the virtuous Peris, at last grew tired of his\ntyranny, for he had crowned his iniquities by indulging in a propensity\nfor cannibalism. This taste had been developed by an accident. One day\nhis cook brought him some mutton broth, the like of which he had never\ntasted. After much inquiry as to the nature of the food on which the\nsheep had been brought up, it was eventually traced to an old woman, its\nfirst owner. She stated that her child and the sheep were born on the\nsame day, and losing the former, she had consoled herself by suckling\nthe latter. This was a revelation to the tyrant. He had discovered the\nsecret of the palatability of the broth, and was determined to have\na never-ending supply of it. So he ordered that his kitchen should\nbe regularly provided with children of tender age, whose flesh, when\nconverted into broth, would remind him of the exquisite dish he had once\nso much relished. This cruel order was carried out. The people of the\ncountry were dismayed at such a state of things, and sought slightly to\nimprove it by sacrificing, in the first place, all orphans and children\nof neighbouring tribes! The tyrant, however, was insatiable, and soon was\nhis cruelty felt by many families at Gilgit, who were compelled to give\nup their children to slaughter.\n\n\u201cRelief came at last. At the top of the mountain Ko, which it takes a\nday to ascend, and which overlooks the village of Doyur, below Gilgit,\non the side of the river, appeared three figures. They looked like men,\nbut much more strong and handsome. In their arms they carried bows and\narrows, and turning their eyes in the direction of Doyur, they perceived\ninnumerable flocks of sheep and cattle grazing on a prairie between that\nvillage and the foot of the mountain. The strangers were fairies, and had\ncome (perhaps from Nagyr?) to this region with the view of ridding Gilgit\nof the monster that ruled over it. However, this intention was confined\nto the two elder ones. The three strangers were brothers, and none of\nthem had been born at the same time. It was their intention to make Azru\nShemsher, the youngest, Rajah of Gilgit, and, in order to achieve their\npurpose, they hit upon the following plan.\n\n\u201cOn the already-noticed plain, which is called Diding\u00e9, a sportive calf\nwas gamboling towards and away from its mother. It was the pride of its\nowner, and its brilliant red colour could be seen from a distance. \u2018Let\nus see who is the best marksman,\u2019 exclaimed the eldest, and saying this,\nhe shot an arrow in the direction of the calf, but missed his aim. The\nsecond brother also tried to hit it, but also failed. At last, Azru\nShemsher, who took a deep interest in the sport, shot his arrow, which\npierced the poor animal from side to side and killed it. The brothers,\nwhilst descending, congratulated Azru on his sportsmanship, and on\narriving at the spot where the calf was lying, proceeded to cut its\nthroat, and to take out from its body _the titbits, namely the kidneys\nand the liver_.\n\n\u201cThey then roasted these delicacies, and invited Azru to partake of them\nfirst. He respectfully declined, on the ground of his youth; but they\nurged him to do so, \u2018in order,\u2019 they said, \u2018to reward you for such an\nexcellent shot.\u2019 Scarcely had the meat touched the lips of Azru, than the\nbrothers got up, and vanishing into the air, called out, \u2018Brother! you\nhave touched impure food, which Peris never should eat, and we have made\nuse of your ignorance of this law, because we want to make you a human\nbeing,[11] who shall rule over Gilgit; remain therefore at Doyur.\u2019\n\n\u201cAzru in deep grief at the separation, cried, \u2018Why remain at Doyur,\nunless it be to grind corn?\u2019 \u2018Then,\u2019 said the brothers, \u2018go to Gilgit.\u2019\n\u2018Why,\u2019 was the reply, \u2018go to Gilgit, unless it be to work in the\ngardens?\u2019 \u2018No, no,\u2019 was the last and consoling rejoinder; \u2018you will\nassuredly become the king of this country, and deliver it from its\nmerciless oppressor.\u2019\n\n\u201cNo more was heard of the departing fairies, and Azru remained by\nhimself, endeavouring to gather consolation from the great mission\nwhich had been bestowed on him. A villager met him, and, struck by his\nappearance, offered him shelter in his house. Next morning he went on\nthe roof of his host\u2019s house, and calling out to him to come up, pointed\nto the Ko mountain, on which, he said, he plainly discerned a wild goat.\nThe incredulous villager began to fear he had harboured a maniac, if no\nworse character; but Azru shot off his arrow, and accompanied by the\nvillager (who had assembled some friends for protection, as he was afraid\nhis young guest might be an associate of robbers, and lead him into a\ntrap), went in the direction of the mountain. There, to be sure, at the\nvery spot that had been pointed out, though many miles distant, was lying\nthe wild goat, with Azru\u2019s arrow transfixing its body. The astonished\npeasants at once hailed him as their leader, but he exacted an oath of\nsecrecy from them, for he had come to deliver them from their tyrant, and\nwould keep his incognito till such time as his plans for the destruction\nof the monster were matured.\n\n\u201cHe then took leave of the hospitable people of Doyur, and went to\nGilgit. On reaching the place, which is scarcely four miles distant from\nDoyur, he amused himself by prowling about in the gardens adjoining\nthe royal residence. There he met one of the female companions of\nShiribadatt\u2019s daughter (_goli_ in Hill Punjabi, _Shadr\u00f3y_ in Gilgiti)\nfetching water for the princess, a lady both remarkably handsome, and of\na sweet disposition. The companion rushed back, and told the young lady\nto look from over the ramparts of the castle at a wonderfully handsome\nyoung man whom she had just met. The princess placed herself in a spot\nfrom which she could observe any one approaching the fort. Her maid then\nreturned, and induced Azru to come with her on the Polo ground, the\n\u201cShavaran,\u201d in front of the castle; the princess was smitten with his\nbeauty and at once fell in love with him. She then sent word to the young\nprince to come and see her. When he was admitted into her presence, he\nfor a long time denied being anything else than a common labourer. At\nlast, he confessed to being a fairy\u2019s child, and the overjoyed princess\noffered him her heart and hand. It may be mentioned here that the tyrant\nShiribadatt had a wonderful horse, which could cross a mile at every\njump, and which its rider had accustomed to jump both into and out of the\nfort, over its walls. So regular were the leaps which that famous animal\ncould take, that he invariably alighted at a distance of a mile from the\nfort and at the same place.\n\n\u201cOn that very day on which the princess had admitted young Azru into\nthe fort, King Shiribadatt was out hunting, of which he was desperately\nfond, and to which he used sometimes to devote a week or two at a time.\nWe must now return to Azru, whom we left conversing with the princess.\nAzru remained silent when the lady confessed her love. Urged to declare\nhis sentiments, he said that he would not marry her unless she bound\nherself to him by the most stringent oath; this she did, and _they became\nin the sight of God as if they were wedded man and wife_.[12] He then\nannounced that he had come to destroy her father, and asked her to kill\nhim herself. This she refused; but as she had sworn to aid him in every\nway she could, he finally induced her to promise that she would ask her\nfather _where his soul was_. \u2018Refuse food,\u2019 said Azru, \u2018for three or four\ndays, and your father, who is devotedly fond of you will ask for the\nreason of your strange conduct; then say, \u201cFather, you are often staying\naway from me for several days at a time, and I am getting distressed lest\nsomething should happen to you; do reassure me by letting me know where\nyour soul is, and let me feel certain that your life is safe.\u201d\u2019 This\nthe princess promised to do, and when her father returned refused food\nfor several days. The anxious Shiribadatt made inquiries, to which she\nreplied by making the already-named request. The tyrant was for a few\nmoments thrown into mute astonishment, and finally refused compliance\nwith her preposterous demand. The love-smitten lady went on starving\nherself, till at last her father, fearful for his daughter\u2019s life, told\nher not to fret herself about him, as _his soul was [of snow?] in the\nsnows_, and that he could only perish by fire. The princess communicated\nthis information to her lover. Azru went back to Doyur and the villages\naround, and assembled his faithful peasants. Them he asked to take twigs\nof the fir-tree or _tshi_, bind them together and light them\u2014then to\nproceed in a body with the torches to the castle in a circle, keep close\ntogether, and surround it on every side. He then went and dug out a very\ndeep hole, as deep as a well, in the place where Shiribadatt\u2019s horse used\nto alight, and covered it with green boughs. The next day he received\ninformation that the torches (_tal\u00ean_ in Gilgiti and _Lome_ in Astori)\nwere ready. He at once ordered the villagers gradually to draw near the\nfort in the manner which he had already indicated.\n\n\u201cKing Shiribadatt was then sitting in his castle; near him his\ntreacherous daughter, who was so soon to lose her parent. All at\nonce he exclaimed, \u2018I feel very close; go out, dearest, and see what\nhas happened.\u2019 The girl went out, and saw torches approaching from a\ndistance; but fancying it to be something connected with the plans of her\nhusband, she went back, and said it was nothing. The torches came nearer\nand nearer, and the tyrant became exceedingly restless. \u2018Air, air,\u2019 he\ncried, \u2018I feel very, very ill; do see, daughter, what is the matter.\u2019\nThe dutiful lady went, and returned with the same answer as before. At\nlast, the torch-bearers had fairly surrounded the fort, and Shiribadatt,\nwith a presentiment of impending danger, rushed out of the room, saying\n\u2018that he felt he was dying.\u2019 He then ran to the stables and mounted his\nfavourite charger, and with one blow of the whip made him jump over the\nwall of the castle. Faithful to its habit, the noble animal alighted at\nthe same place, but alas! only to find itself engulfed in a treacherous\npit. Before the king had time to extricate himself, the villagers had\nrun up with their torches. \u2018Throw them upon him,\u2019 cried Azru. With one\naccord all the blazing wood was thrown upon Shiribadatt, who miserably\nperished. Azru was then most enthusiastically proclaimed king, celebrated\nhis nuptials with the fair traitor, _and, as sole tribute, exacted the\noffering of one sheep, instead of that of a human child, annually from\nevery one of the natives_.[13] This custom has prevailed down to the\npresent day, and the people of Shin, wherever they be, celebrate their\ndelivery from the rule of a monster, and the inauguration of a more\nhumane government, in the month preceding the beginning of winter\u2014a month\nwhich they call Dawaki\u00f3 or Dayki\u00f3\u2014after the full moon is over and the\nnew moon has set in. The day of this national celebration is called \u2018n\u00f4s\ntshil\u00ed,\u2019 \u2018the feast of firs.\u2019 The day generally follows four or five\ndays after the meat provision for the winter has been laid in to dry. A\nfew days of rejoicing precede the special festivity, which takes place\nat night. Then all the men of the villages go forth, having torches in\ntheir hands, which, at the sound of music, they swing round their heads,\nand throw in the direction of Gilgit, if they are at any distance from\nthat place; whilst the people of Gilgit throw them indifferently about\nthe plain in which that town, if town it may be called, is situated. When\nthe throwing away of the brands is over, every man returns to his house,\nwhere a curious custom is observed. He finds the door locked. The wife\nthen asks: \u2018Where have you been all night? I won\u2019t let you come in now.\u2019\nThen her husband entreats her and says, \u2018I have brought you property, and\nchildren, and happiness, and everything you desire.\u2019 Then, after some\nfurther parley, the door is opened, and the husband walks in. He is,\nhowever, stopped by a beam which goes across the room, whilst all the\nfemales of the family rush into an inner apartment to the eldest lady of\nthe place. The man then assumes sulkiness and refuses to advance, when\nthe repenting wife launches into the following song:\u2014\n\n ORIGINAL:\u2014\n\n _M\u00f9 t\u00fat\u00e8 sh\u00e1bil\u00e8s, w\u00f3 raj\u00f3 toly\u00e1._\n I of thee glad am, oh Rajah\u2019s presented with tolahs!\n _M\u00f9 t\u00fat\u00e8 sh\u00e1bil\u00e8s, w\u00f3 ashpa panu._\n I of thee glad am, oh steed\u2019s rider.\n _M\u00f9 t\u00fat\u00e8 sh\u00e1bil\u00e8s, w\u00f3 tum\u00e1k ginu._\n I of thee glad am, oh gun-wearer. [Evidently a modern interpolation.]\n _M\u00fa t\u00fat\u00e8 sh\u00e1bil\u00e8s, w\u00f3 kang\u00e1r ginu._\n I of thee glad am, oh sword-wearer.\n _M\u00fa t\u00fat\u00e8 sh\u00e1bil\u00e8s, w\u00f3 tshap\u00e0n banu._\n I of thee glad am, oh mantle-wearer.\n _M\u00fa t\u00fat\u00e8 sh\u00e1bil\u00e8s, sh\u00e1 mul d\u00e9 ginum._\n I of thee glad am, pleasure\u2019s price giving I will buy.\n _M\u00fa t\u00fat\u00e8 sh\u00e1bil\u00e8s, w\u00f3 g\u00famy tshino._\n I of thee glad am, oh corn-heap!\n _Sh\u00e1bil\u00e8s sh\u00e1 mul de ginum._\n Rejoicing pleasure\u2019s price giving I will buy.\n _M\u00fa t\u00fat\u00e8 sh\u00e1bil\u00e8s, w\u00f3 gi\u00e9y loto._\n I of thee glad am, oh ghee-ball.\n _Sh\u00e1bil\u00e8s sha mul de ginum._\n Rejoicing pleasure\u2019s price giving I will buy.\n\n TRANSLATION:\u2014\n\n Thou hast made me glad! thou favourite of the Rajah!\n Thou hast rejoiced me, oh bold horseman!\n I am pleased with thee who so well usest gun and sword!\n Thou hast delighted me, oh thou who art invested with a mantle of\n honour!\n Oh great happiness! I will buy it all by giving pleasure\u2019s price.\n Oh thou [nourishment to us] a heap of corn and a store of ghee!\n Delighted will I buy it all by giving pleasure\u2019s price!\n\n\u201cThen the husband relents and steps over the partition beam. They all\nsit down, dine together, and thus end festivities of the \u2018N\u00f4s.\u2019 The\nlittle domestic scene is observed at Gilgit; but it is thought to be\nan essential element in the celebration of the day by people whose\nancestors may have been retainers of the Gilgit Raja Azru Shemsher, and\nby whom they may have been dismissed to their homes with costly presents.\n\n\u201cThe song itself is, however, well known at Gilgit.\n\n\u201cWhen Azru had safely ascended the throne, he ordered the tyrant\u2019s palace\nto be levelled to the ground. The willing peasants, manufacturing spades\nof iron, \u2018Killi\u2019, flocked to accomplish a grateful task, and sang whilst\ndemolishing his castle:\n\n ORIGINAL:\u2014\n\n _K\u00fbro t\u00e9yto Shiri-ga-Bad\u00e0t dj\u00e9 kur\u00f3_\n [I am] hard said Shiri and Badatt![14] why hard?\n _Demm Sing\u00e9y Khot\u00f3 k\u00faro_\n Dem Sing\u2019s Khot\u00f3 [is] hard\n _Na tshum\u00e1re kille t\u00e9y r\u00e1ke phala th\u00e8m_\n [With] this iron spade thy palace level I do\n _Tsh\u00e1k\u00e9! t\u00fato Shatsh\u00f3 Malika Demm Sing\u00e9y_\n Behold! thou Shatsh\u00f3 Malika Dem Singh\u2019s\n _Khot\u00f3 kur\u00f3 na tshumare kill\u00e9yi_\n Khot\u00f3 hard; [with] this iron spade\n _T\u00e9y rake-ga phalat\u00e9m, tshak\u00e9_\n Thy palace very I level, behold!\u201d\n\n TRANSLATION:\u2014\n\n \u201c\u2018My nature is of a hard metal,\u2019 said Shiri and Badatt. \u2018Why\n hard? I Khoto, the son of the peasant Dem Singh, am alone\n hardy; with this iron spade I raze to the ground thy kingly\n house. Behold now, although thou art of race accursed, of\n Shatsho Malika, I, Dem Singh\u2019s son, am of hard metal; for with\n this iron spade I level thy very palace; look out! look out!\u2019\u201d\n\nDuring the Nauroz [evidently because it is not a national festival] and\nthe Eed, none of these national Sh\u00een songs are sung. Eggs are dyed in\ndifferent colours and people go about amusing themselves by trying which\neggs are hardest by striking the end of one against the end of another.\nThe possessor of the hard egg wins the broken one. The women, however,\namuse themselves on those days by tying ropes to trees and swinging\nthemselves about on them.\n\n\n\n\n_BUJONI = RIDDLES, PROVERBS AND FABLES._\n\n\nA. RIDDLES.\n\n\nTHE NAVEL.\n\n 1. _Tishk\u00f3reya ushk\u00farey hal\u00f3l._\n \u201cThe perpendicular mountain\u2019s sparrow\u2019s nest.\n The body\u2019s sparrow\u2019s hole.\u201d\n\n\nA STICK.\n\n 2. _M\u00e9y_ _sazik_ _heyn_, _s\u00fareo_ _per\u00e9yn_, _b\u00e1s_ _darre_\n my sister is at day [_she_] walks, at night door\n\n _pat\u00f3_; _b\u00faja._[15]\n behind; listen!\n\n\u201cNow listen! My sister walks in the day-time and at night stands behind\nthe door.\u201d As \u201cSas\u201d \u201cSazik\u201d also means a stick, ordinarily called\n\u201cKunali\u201d in Astori, the riddle means: \u201cI have a stick which assists me in\nwalking by day and which I put behind the door at night.\u201d\n\n3. The Gilgitis say \u201cm\u00e9y k\u00e1ke tr\u00e9 pay; dashtea\u201d = my brother has three\nfeet; explain now. This means a man\u2019s two legs and a stick.\n\n\nA RADISH.\n\n 4. _Ast\u00f3ri mi\u00f3 d\u00e1do dimm d\u00e1wa-l\u00f3k; d\u00e1yn sarpa-l\u00f3k, buja._\n My grandfather\u2019s body [is] in Hades; his beard [is in] this\n world, [now] explain!\n\nThis riddle is explained by \u201cradish\u201d whose body is in the earth and whose\nsprouts, compared to a beard, are above the ground. Remarkable above all,\nhowever, is that the unknown future state, referred to in this riddle,\nshould be called, whether blessed or cursed, \u201cDawal\u00f3k\u201d [the place of\nGods] by these nominal Muhammadans. This world is called \u201cSarpal\u00f3k,\u201d\n= the world of serpents. \u201cSarpe\u201d is also the name for man. \u201cL\u00f3k\u201d is\n\u201cplace,\u201d but the name by itself is not at present understood by the\nShins.\n\n\nA HOOKA.\n\n 5. _G._ _m\u00e9y_ DADI _shish\u00e9dji_ _ag\u00e1r_, _l\u00fapenu_\n my father\u2019s mother on her head fire is burning.\n\nThe top of the Hooka is the _dadi\u2019s_ or grandmother\u2019s head.\n\n\nA SWORD.\n\n 6. _Tut\u00e2ng_ _got\u00e9jo_ _r\u00fai_ _nikai_\n \u201cDarkness from the house the female demon is coming out,\u201d\n\nviz., \u201cout of the dark sheath the beautiful, but destructive, steel\nissues.\u201d It is remarkable that the female Yatsh should be called \u201cR\u00fbi.\u201d\n\n\nRED PEPPER.\n\n 7. _L\u00f3lo bakur\u00f3 sh\u00e9 tsh\u00e1 l\u00e1 h\u00e1\u2014b\u00faja!_\n In the red sheep\u2019s pen white young ones many are\u2014attend!\n\nThis refers to the Redpepper husk in which there are many white seeds.\n\n\nB. PROVERBS.\n\n\nDOTAGE.\n\nTo an old man people say:\n\n 8. _T\u00fa_ _djarro_ _m\u00f4to_ _sh\u00fbdung_\n thou and old brains delivered,\n\n\u201cYou are old and have got rid of your senses.\u201d\n\nOld women are very much dreaded and are accused of creating mischief\nwherever they go.\n\n\nDUTIES TO THE AGED.\n\n 9. (_G._[16]) _Djuwanie_ _keneru_ _digasus_, _djarvelo_ _betshumus_.\n In youth\u2019s time I gave, in old age I demand.\n\n\u201cWhen young I gave away, now that I am old you should support me.\u201d\n\n\nA BURNT CHILD, ETC., ETC.\n\n 10. _Ek damm ag\u00e1ru d\u00e1ddo dug\u00fani shang th\u00e9!_\n Once in fire you have been burnt, a second time take care!\n\n\nEVIL COMMUNICATIONS, ETC., ETC.\n\n 11. _Ek khatsh l\u00e1tshek bilo b\u00fado donate she._\n One bad sheep if there be, to the whole flock is an insult\n\n= One rotten sheep spoils the whole flock.\n\n12. _Ek khatsho man\u00fajo budote sha_ = _one_ bad man is to _all_ an insult.\n\n\nADVICE TO KEEP GOOD COMPANY.\n\n 13. A. _Mishto man\u00fajo\u2014katshi b\u00e9yto, to mishto sitsh\u00e9_\n _Katsho manujo\u2014katshi b\u00e9yto, to katsho sitshe_\n\nWhen you [who are bad?] are sitting near a good man you learn good things.\n\nWhen you [who are bad?] are sitting near a bad man you learn bad things.\n\nThis proverb is not very intelligible, if literally translated.\n\n\nDIMMI CON CHI TU PRATTICHI, ETC., ETC.\n\n14. _T\u00fas m\u00e1te r\u00e1: mey shughulo r\u00f3 hun, mas tute r\u00e1m: tu ko hanu_ = \u201cTell\nme: my friend is such and such a one, I will tell you who _you_ are.\u201d\n\n\nDISAPPOINTMENT.\n\n15. _Sh\u00e1har\u00e8 k\u00e9ru g\u00e9 shing sh\u00e9m th\u00e9\u2014konn tshin\u00ed tey tshin\u00ed t\u00e9yan\u00fa._\n\n\u201cInto the city he went horns to place (acquire), but ears he cut thus he\ndid. He went to acquire horns and got his ears cut off.\u201d\n\n\nHOW TO TREAT AN ENEMY.\n\n_D\u00ee d\u00e9, putsh k\u00e0h_ = \u201cgive the daughter and eat the son,\u201d is a\nGilgit proverb with regard to how one ought to treat an enemy. The\nrecommendation given is: \u201cmarry your daughter to your foe and then kill\nhim,\u201d [by which you get a male\u2019s head which is more valuable than that of\na female.] The Dards have sometimes acted on this maxim in order to lull\nthe suspicions of their Kashmir enemies.[17]\n\n\nC. FABLES.\n\n\nTHE WOMAN AND THE HEN.\n\n 16. _Eyk tsh\u00e9ekeyn kok\u00f3i ek as\u00edlli; s\u00e9se s\u00f3ni th\u00fal (han\u00e9) d\u00e9li;\n\n setsh\u00e9y-se kok\u00f3\u00efte zanm\u00e1 l\u00e1o w\u00eei; tul\u00e9 d\u00f9 d\u00e9y th\u00e9;\n (food, grain) eggs two giving does;\n\n s\u00e8 \u00e9kenu lang bil\u00ed; kok\u00f3i d\u00ear p\u00e1y, m\u00fay._\n this one rid got; the hen\u2019s stomach bursting, died.\n\nMORAL.\u2014_An\u00e9sey man\u00ed an\u00ed han\u00ed_ = the meaning of this is this:\n\n _L\u00e1o_ _ar\u00e9m th\u00e9_ _\u00e1pejo_ _lang_ _bil\u00f3_.\n Much to gain the little lost becomes.\n\n_Translation._\n\nA woman had a hen; it used to lay one golden egg; the woman thought that\nif she gave much food it would lay two eggs; but she lost even the one,\nfor the hen died, its stomach bursting.\n\nMORAL.\u2014People often lose the little they have by aspiring to more.\n\n\n17. THE SPARROW AND THE MOUNTAIN.\n\n\u201cA sparrow who tried to kick the mountain himself toppled over.\u201d\n\n _Shun\u00fatur-se_ _tsh\u00edshe\u2014s\u00e1ti_ _p\u00e1jja dem th\u00e9_ _n\u00e1re_ _g\u00f3_.\n The sparrow with the mountain kicked fall went.\n\n\n18. THE BAT SUPPORTING THE FIRMAMENT.\n\nThe bat is in the habit of sleeping on its back. It is believed to be\nvery proud. It is supposed to say as it lies down and stretches its legs\ntowards heaven, \u201cThis I do so that when the heavens fall down I may be\nable to support them.\u201d\n\n _Tilte\u00f2_ _r\u00e1te_ _s\u00fato\u2014to_ _pey_ _h\u00fante_ _ang\u00e1i\u2014war\u00ec_ _theun_;\n A bat at night sleeping its legs upwards heaven\u2014ward does;\n\n _ang\u00e1i_ _w\u00e1ti\u2014to_ _p\u00eay\u2014g\u00ec_ _sanarem theun_.\n the heavens when falling with my feet uphold I will.\n\n\n19. \u201cNEVER WALK BEHIND A HORSE OR BEFORE A KING\u201d as you will get kicked\nin either case.\n\n _ashpe_ _patan\u00ed_ _n\u00e8 b\u00f3_; _raj\u00f3_ _mutshan\u00ec_ _n\u00e8 b\u00f3_.\n horse behind not walk; raja in front not walk.\n\n\n20. UNION IS STRENGTH.\n\n\u201cA kettle cannot balance itself on one stone; on three, however, it does.\u201d\n\n _Ey p\u00fbtsh! \u00e8k gutur-y\u00e1 d\u00eah n\u00e8 quriyein; tr\u00e9[18] g\u00fat\u00farey \u00e1 dek qur\u00e9yn._\n Oh son! one stone on a kettle not stops; three stones on a kettle stop.\n\nThe Gilgitis instead of \u201cya\u201d = \u201cupon\u201d say \u201cdja.\u201d\n\n\u201cGutur\u201d is, I believe, used for a stone [ordinarily \u201cb\u00e0tt\u201d] only in the\nabove proverb.\n\n\n21. THE FROG IN A DILEMMA.\n\n\u201cIf I speak, the water will rush against my mouth, and if I keep silent I\nwill die bursting with rage.\u201d\n\nThis was said by a frog who was in the water and angry at something that\noccurred. If he croaked, he would be drowned by the water rushing down\nhis throat, and if he did not croak he would burst with suppressed rage.\nThis saying is often referred to by women when they are angry with their\nhusbands, who may, perhaps, beat them if they say anything. A frog is\ncalled \u201cmanok.\u201d\n\n _T\u00f3s_ _th\u00e8m\u2014to_ _\u00e1ze\u2014jya_[19] _w\u00e9y_ _boj\u00e9_; _n\u00e9 them_\n Voice I do\u2014if mouth in water will come; not do,\n\n _to py_ _muos_.\n then bursting I will die.\n\n\n22. THE FOX AND THE UNIVERSE.\n\nWhen a man threatens a lot of people with impossible menaces, the reply\noften is \u201cDon\u2019t act like the fox \u2018L\u00f3yn\u2019 who was carried away by the\nwater.\u201d A fox one day fell into a river: as he swept past the shore\nhe cried out, \u201cThe water is carrying off the universe.\u201d The people on\nthe banks of the river said, \u201cWe can only see a fox whom the river is\ndrifting down.\u201d\n\n\n23. THE FOX AND THE POMEGRANATE.\n\n _L\u00f3yn_ _dan\u00f9_ _n\u00e9 utsh\u00e0tte_ _somm_ _tsh\u00e0mm_\n The fox the pomegranate not reached on account sour,\n\n _th\u00f9_: _tsh\u00f9rko_ _han\u00fa_.\n spitting, sour it is.\n\n\u201cThe fox wanted to eat pomegranates: as he could not reach them, he went\nto a distance and _biting his lips_ [as \u201ctsh\u00e0mm\u201d was explained by an\nAstori although Gilgitis call it \u201ctshapp\u00e9,\u201d] spat on the ground, saying,\nthey are too sour.\u201d I venture to consider the conduct of this fox more\ncunning than the one of \u201csour grapes\u201d memory. His biting his lips and,\nin consequence, spitting on the ground, would make his disappointed face\nreally look as if he had tasted something sour.\n\n\n\n\n_SONGS._\n\n\nTHE GILGIT QUEEN AND THE MOGULS.\n\n\n1. GILGITI SONG.\n\nOnce upon a time a Mogul army came down and surrounded the fort of\nGilgit. At that time Gilgit was governed by a woman, Mirz\u00e9y Juw\u0101ri[20]\nby name. She was the widow of a Rajah supposed to have been of Balti\ndescent. The Lady seeing herself surrounded by enemies sang:\n\n I. Mirz\u00e9y Juw\u0101ri = Oh [daughter of] Mirza, Juw\u0101ri!\n Shaker\u00e9y pi\u00e1l; dar\u00fa = [Thou art a] sugar cup; in the\n Duny\u00e1 sang tar\u00e9ye = world [thy] light has shone\n II. Abi Kh\u0101nn[21] dj\u0101lo = Abi Kh\u0101n [my son] was born\n Lam\u00e2yi tey! latsh\u0101r t\u0101ro = [I thy mother] am thy sacrifice;\n the morning star\n Nik\u0101to = has risen\n\nThe meaning of this, according to my Gilgiti informant, is: Juwari\nlaments that \u201cI, the daughter of a brave King, am only a woman, a cup of\npleasures, exposed to dangers from any one who wishes to sip from it. To\nmy misfortune, my prominent position has brought me enemies. Oh, my dear\nson, for whom I would sacrifice myself, I have sacrificed you! Instead of\npreserving the Government for you, the morning-star which shines on its\ndestruction has now risen on you.\u201d\n\n\nSONG OF DEFIANCE.\n\n\n2. GILGITI WAR SONG.\n\nIn ancient times there was a war between the Rajahs of Hunza and Nagyr.\nMuko and B\u00e1ko were their respective Wazeers. Muko was killed and B\u00e1ko\nsang:\n\n_Gilgiti._\n\n Ala, mard\u0101ney, B\u00e1ko-se: m\u00e1 shos they!\n M\u00fako-se: m\u00e1 shos they!\n B\u00e1ko-ga d\u012bn sajj\u00e9y\n M\u00fako may\u00e1ro they\n\n_English._\n\n Hurrah! warriors, Bako [says]: _I_ will do well\n Muko [also says] _I_ will do well\n And Bako turned out to be the lion\n [Whilst] Muko was [its prey], a [mere] Markh\u014dr [the wild\n \u201csnake-eating\u201d goat]\n\n[Illustration: GROUP OF NATIVES FROM HUNZA, YASIN, AND NAGYR LISTENING TO\nMUSICIANS FROM CHITR\u00c1L AND BADAKHSH\u00c1N.]\n\n\nLAMENT FOR THE ABSENT WARRIOR BY HIS MOTHER.\n\n3. ANOTHER GILGITI WAR SONG.\n\n _Biyasht\u00ebyn n\u00e1ng Kash\u00edru_\n A Paradise [is the lot of whoever is struck by] the bullet of Kashiru?\n\n _G\u00f3u n\u00e9lli,[22] \u00e1je Sahibe Khann_\n He has gone, my child, mother of Sahibe Khann [to the wars].\n\n _Suregga kar\u00e9 wey jill bey?_\n And the sun when coming will it shining become?\n (When will his return cause the sun again to shine for me?)\n\n _Mutsh\u00fatshul shong put\u00e9ye_\n Of Mutshutshul[23] the ravine he has conquered\n\n _H\u00edyokto bij\u00e9y, lamayi_\n Yet my soul is in fear, oh my beloved child, [literally: oh my\n sacrifice]\n\n _Ard\u00e0m Dol\u00f3ja yuj\u00e9y_\n To snatch [conquer] Doloja[24] is [yet necessary = has yet to be done].\n\n_Translation._\n\n\u201cThe bullet of Kashiru sends many to Paradise. He has gone to the wars,\noh my child and mother of Sahib Khan! Will the sun ever shine for me by\nhis returning? It is true that he has taken by assault the ravine of\nMutshutshul, but yet, oh beloved child, my soul is in fear for his fate,\nas the danger has _not_ passed, since the village Doloja yet remains to\nbe conquered.\u201d\n\n\n4. THE SHIN SHAMMI SHAH.\n\nOLD NATIONAL SHINA SONG.\n\n _Shammi Shah Sha\u00eeting\u00eay m\u00edtojo._\n Shammi Shah Sha\u00edting, from his courtyard.\n\n _Dj\u00e1lle_ _tsh\u00e2ye_ _d\u00fbloe_ _d\u00ean_.\n The green fields\u2019 birds promenade they give.\n\n _Ny\u00e9_ _tzir\u00e9ye_ _tshayote_ _k\u00f3y bij\u00e9y_.\n They (near) twitter birds who fears?[25]\n\n _T\u00f3mi tom_ _shiud\u00f3ke_ _d\u00ean_.\n From tree to tree a whistle they give.\n\n _Alld\u00e1tey_ _p\u00f3tskeyn_ _m\u00edtojo_.\n Alld\u00e1t\u2019s grandson\u2019s from the courtyard.\n\n _Djalle_ _tshaye_ _d\u00faloe_ _d\u00ean_.\n The green fields birds promenade give.\n\n _Ny\u00e9_ _tzir\u00e9ye_ _tshayote_ _k\u00f3y bijey_.\n They twitter birds who fears?[25]\n\n _Tomi tom_; _shiud\u00f4ke_ _den_.\n From tree to tree; a whistling they give.\n\nShammi Shah Sha\u00edthing was one of the founders of the Sh\u00edn rule. His wife,\nalthough she sees her husband surrounded by women anxious to gain his\ngood graces, rests secure in the knowledge of his affections belonging\nto her and of her being the mother of his children. She, therefore,\nridicules the pretensions of her rivals, who, she fancies, will, at the\nutmost, only have a temporary success. In the above still preserved song\nshe says, with a serene confidence, not shared by _Indian_ wives.\n\n_Translation._\n\n \u201cIn the very courtyard of Shammi Sha Sha\u00eeting.\n \u201cThe little birds of the field flutter gaily about.\n \u201cHear how they twitter; yet, who would fear little birds,\n \u201cThat fly from tree to tree giving [instead of lasting love] a\n gay whistle?\n \u201cIn the very courtyards of Alldat\u2019s grandson these birds flutter\n gaily about, yet who would fear them?\n \u201cHear how they twitter, etc., etc., etc.\n\n\n5. A WOMAN\u2019S SONG (GILGITI).\n\n[THE DESERTED WIFE AND THE FAITHLESS HUSBAND.]\n\n_The Wife_:\n\n _Mey_ _kuk\u00fari_ _Patan_ _gayta_ _b\u00e9yto_ _dj\u00e9k t\u00f2n_?\n My kukuri Path\u00e1n going he sat what am I to do?\n\n _P\u00edpi_ _batz\u00edsse_ _gar\u00e1o_ _d\u00ean_; _m\u00faso tsh\u00fbsh_.\n Aunt! from the family he absence has given; I cocoon.\n\n _G\u00e1_ _sikk\u00ecm_ _qat\u00ec_ _bring_ _b\u00e1leo_ _d\u00eas_;\n And coloured silk spinning animal bind do = could.\n\n _Mi\u00f3_ _dud\u00e9lo_ _tsh\u00fbt_ _bil\u00f3_!\n My milk-sweet late has become!\n\n_The Husband_:\n\n _An\u00ec_ _Azari_ _rey_[26]\n That Azari, [is] a Deodar cedar[?]\n\n _Raj\u00f3y_, _n\u00e0_ _s\u00f3mmo_? _an\u00ec_ _Azareo_ _r\u00f4k_ _bil\u00f4s_.\n Kingly, is it not so [my] love! That Azari illness I have.\n\n _An\u00ec_ _Waz\u00edreyn_ _shuyi_ _gas-mall_, _na_ _sommo_!\n This Waz\u00eer\u2019s child princess, not [so] love?\n\n _B\u00e1lli_ _dap\u00fajo_ _g\u00ee_ _bem_; _an\u00ec_ _p\u00e2r_\n Then from my waist (girdle) taking I\u2019ll sit; this beyond\n\n _tsh\u00edsheyn_.\n the mountains.\n\n _S\u00fari_ _war_ _tsh\u00eesheyn_ _djondj\u00ec_[27] _tz\u00e1e_ _bij\u00f4te_.\n Sun this side\u2019s mountain birch tree(?) to you both.\n\n _Somm_ _tshin\u00e8m_; _an\u00f9_ _sh\u00eb\u00f2_ _qo\u00e1reyn_ _kin\u00ec_\u2014_ga_\n Alike I love; This white hawk black and\n\n _Tshikki_[28] _m\u00e9y_ _beg\u00e0_ _be\u00ech_; _balli_ _pash\u00e9jo_\n fragrant bag mine being sit; Then on my turban\n\n _gi_ _beyim_.\n wearing I will sit.\n\n_Translation of \u201cA Woman\u2019s Song.\u201d_\n\n_The deserted wife sings_:\u2014My Pathan! oh kuk\u00fari, far away from me has he\nmade a home; but, aunt, what am I to do, since he has left his own! The\nsilk that I have been weaving during his absence would be sufficient to\nbind all the animals of the field. Oh, how my darling is delaying his\nreturn!\n\n_The faithless husband sings_:\u2014[My new love] Azari is like a royal\nDeodar; is it not so, my love? for Azari I am sick with desire. She is\na Wazeer\u2019s princess; is it not so, my love? Let me put you in my waist.\nThe sun on yonder mountain, and the tree on this nigh mountain, ye both I\nlove dearly. I will recline when this white hawk and her black fragrant\ntresses become mine; encircling with them my head I will recline [in\nhappiness.]\n\n\n6. THE JILTED LOVER\u2019S DREAM.\n\n[IN THE ASTORI DIALECT.]\n\n _Tshunni_ _nazdik_ _mulayi_.[29]\n (Oh) Little delicate [maid] woman.\n\n _Bar\u00eayo_ _b\u00e1ro_, _na_.[30]\n The husband old is, [is he not?]\n\n _Hap\u00f3tok_ _thyay\u00e9_ _g\u00e9_.\n With a bear done it going, [you have \u201cbeen and gone and done it.\u201d]\n\n _S\u00f3mmi_ _r\u00e1tijo_ _S\u00f3mmi_ _shakejo_ _Mey nish haray\u00e9_\n In the sleep of night The sleep from the arm. My sleep awake\n\n _g\u00e9_. _Mash\u00e0q_ _phir\u00ec_ _ph\u00f9t_ _tal\u00f3sto_.\n has gone. Turning round again opening hastily I saw.\n\n _M\u00e9y lakt\u00e9y_ _p\u00edribann_ _tsh\u00eetsho_ _h\u00e4un_. _Datsh\u00eeno_ _hata-j\u00f3_\n My darling waistband variegated was. Right hand-from\n\n _aina_ _gin\u00ed_, _Tshak\u00e9oje_ _wazze_. _Nu_ _kabbo_ _hata-j\u00f3_\n mirror taking, Looking she came. This left hand-from\n\n _surm\u00e1_ _gin\u00ed_. _Pal\u00e9oje_ _wazze_.\n antimony taking, Applying she came.\n\nThe above describes the dream of a lover whose sweetheart has married one\nolder than herself; he says:\n\n_Translation._\n\n \u201cThat dear delicate little woman has a frightful old husband.\n \u201cThou hast married a bear! In the dead of night, resting on my arm,\n \u201cMy sleep became like waking. Hastily I turned and with a quick\n glance saw\n \u201cThat my darling\u2019s waistband shone with many colours,\n \u201cThat she advanced towards me holding in her right a mirror into\n which she looked,\n \u201cThat she came near me applying with her left the antimony to her\n eyes.\u201d\n\n\n7. MODERN ASTORI SONG.\n\nThis Song was composed by Rajah Bahadur Khan, now at Ast\u014fr, who fell in\nlove with the daughter of the Rajah of Hunza to whom he was affianced.\nWhen the war between Kashmir and Hunza broke out, the Astoris and Hunzas\nwere in different camps; Rajah Bahadur Khan, son of Rajah Shakul Khan, of\nthe Sh\u00edah persuasion,[31] thus laments his misfortunes:\n\n _Lotsh\u00fako_ _sab\u00e4in_ _k\u00ean_ _nim\u00e2z_ _th\u00e9_ _duw\u00e1_\n Early in morning\u2019s time [usual] prayers done supplication\n\n _them_ _Qab\u00fbl th\u00e9_, _Rah\u00eema_ _Gar\u00ecb\u00eby_ _duwa_\n I make Accept, oh merciful [God] of the poor the prayer.\n\n _D\u00f2n_ _mah\u00ee_\u2014_yeen_ _dim_\n [her] teeth [are] of fish bone = like ivory, [her] body\n\n _puru_\u2014_yeen_ _tsham\u00fbye_ _tsh\u00eek\u00e9_ _hane_ _me_ _arm\u00e1n_\n [like a] reed[32] [her] hair musk is. My longing\n\n _t\u00fbte_ _hane_ _Bulb\u00fal_ _shak\u00e0r_.\n to you is [Oh] nightingale sweet!\n\n_Chorus_ falls in with \u201c_hai, hai, arm\u00e2n bulb\u00fal_\u201d = \u201coh, oh, the longing\n[for the] nightingale!\u201d[33]\n\n_Translation._\n\nAfter having discharged my usual religious duties in the early morning,\nI offer a prayer which, oh thou merciful God, accept from thy humble\nworshipper. [Then, thinking of his beloved.] Her teeth are as white as\nivory, her body as graceful as a reed, her hair is like musk. My whole\nlonging is towards you, oh sweet nightingale.\n\nChorus: Alas, how absorbing this longing for the nightingale.\n\n\n8. GURAIZI SONGS.\n\nThis district used to be under Ahmad Shah of Skardo, and has since\nits conquest by Ghulab Singh come permanently under the Maharajah of\nKashm\u00eer. Its possession used to be the apple of discord between the\nNawabs of Astor and the Rajahs of Skardo. It appears never to have\nhad a real Government of its own. The fertility of its valleys always\ninvited invasion. Yet the people are of Sh\u00een\u00e1 origin and appear much\nmore manly than the other subjects of Kashm\u00eer. Their loyalty to that\npower is not much to be relied upon, but it is probable that with the\ngreat intermixture which has taken place between them and the Kashm\u00eeri\nMussulmans for many years past, they will become equally demoralized.\nThe old territory of Guraiz used in former days to extend up to Kuyam\nor Bandipur on the Wular Lake. The women are reputed to be very chaste,\nand Colonel Gardiner told me that the handsomest women in Kashm\u00eer came\nfrom that district. To me, however, they appeared to be tolerably plain,\nalthough rather innocent-looking, which may render them attractive,\nespecially after one has seen the handsome, but sensual-looking, women\nof Kashm\u00eer. The people of Guraiz are certainly very dirty, but they are\nnot so plain as the Chil\u00e1sis. At Guraiz three languages are spoken:\nKashm\u00eeri, Guraizi (a corruption of a Shin\u00e1 dialect), and Panjabi\u2014the\nlatter on account of its occupation by the Maharajah\u2019s officials. I found\nsome difficulty in getting a number of them together from the different\nvillages which compose the district of Guraiz, the Arcadia of Kashmir,\nbut I gave them food and money, and after I got them into a good humour\nthey sang:\n\n\nGURAIZI HUNTING SONG.\n\n _Guraizi._ _English._\n\n _Pere, tshak\u00e9, gaz\u00e0ri meyaru_ = Look beyond! what a fine stag!\n Beyond, look! a fine stag.\n\n Chorus. _P\u00e9re, tshak\u00e9, dj\u00f4k maar = Chorus. Look beyond! how\n \u00e2ke dey._ gracefully he struts.\n Beyond, look! how he struts!\n\n _P\u00e9re, tshak\u00e9, bhap\u00fbri bay b\u00e2ro_ = Look beyond! he bears twelve\n Beyond, look! shawl wool 12 loads. loads of wool.\n\n Chorus. _P\u00e9re, tshak\u00e9, dj\u00f4k maar\u00e2ke = Chorus. Look beyond! how\n dey._ gracefully he struts.\n Beyond, look! how he does strut!\n\n _P\u00e9re, tshak\u00e9, d\u00f2ni shil\u00e9lu_ = Look beyond! his very teeth\n Beyond, look! [his] teeth are of are of crystal.\n crystal [glass]\n\n Chorus. _P\u00e9re, tshak\u00e9, dj\u00f4k maar\u00e2ke = Chorus. Look beyond! how\n dey._ gracefully he struts.\n\nThis is apparently a hunting song, but seems also to be applied to\nsinging the praises of a favourite.\n\nThere is another song, which was evidently given with great gusto, in\npraise of Sheir Shah Ali Shah, Rajah of Skardo.[34] That Rajah, who is\nsaid to have temporarily conquered Chitr\u00e1l, which the Chilasis call\nTshatsh\u00e1l,[35] made a road of steps up the Atsho mountain which overlooks\nB\u00fbnji, the most distant point reached before 1866 by travellers or the\nGreat Trigonometrical Survey. From the Atsho mountain Vigne returned,\n\u201cthe suspicious Rajah of Gilgit suddenly giving orders for burning the\nbridge over the Indus.\u201d It is, however, more probable that his Astori\ncompanions fabricated the story in order to prevent him from entering an\nunfriendly territory in which Mr. Vigne\u2019s life might have been in danger,\nfor had he reached B\u00fbnji he might have known that the Indus never was\nspanned by a bridge at that or any neighbouring point. The miserable\nKashm\u00eeri coolies and boatmen who were forced to go up-country with the\ntroops in 1866 were, some of them, employed, in rowing people across, and\nthat is how I got over the Indus at B\u00fbnji; however to return from this\ndigression to the _Guraizi Song_:\n\n\n9. PRAISE OF THE CONQUEROR SHEIR SHAH ALI SHAH.\n\n _Guraizi._ _English._\n\n Sheir Shah Ali Shah = Sheir Shah Ali Shah.\n N\u014dmega djong = I wind myself round his name.[36]\n K\u00e1 k\u014dlo shing phut\u00e9 = He conquering the crooked Lowlands.\n Djar s\u00fantsho tar\u00e9ga = Made them quite straight.\n K\u00e2ne Makpon\u00e9 = The great Khan, the Makpon.\n K\u00e2no nom mega djong = I wind myself round the Khan\u2019s name.\n K\u00f3 Tsham\u016bgar b\u00f2sh phut\u00e9 = He conquered bridging over [the Gilgit\n river] below Tsham\u00fbgar.\n Sar[37] s\u00fantsho tar\u00e9ga = And made all quite straight.\n\nI believe there was much more of this historical song, but unfortunately\nthe paper on which the rest was written down by me as it was delivered,\nhas been lost together with other papers.\n\n\u201cTsham\u016bgar,\u201d to which reference is made in the song, is a village on the\nother side of the Gilgit river on the Nagyr side. It is right opposite to\nwhere I stayed for two nights under a huge stone which projects from the\nbase of the Nilud\u00e2r range on the Gilgit side.\n\nThere were formerly seven forts at Tsham\u016bgar. A convention had been made\nbetween the Rajah of Gilgit and the Rajah of Skardo, by which Tsham\u016bgar\nwas divided by the two according to the natural division which a stream\nthat comes down from the Batk\u00f4r mountain made in that territory. The\npeople of Tsham\u016bgar, impatient of the Skardo rule, became all of them\nsubjects to the Gilgit Rajah, on which Sher Shah Ali Shah, the ruler of\nSkardo, collected an army, and crossing the Makpon-i-shagaron[38] at\nthe foot of the Haram\u00fbsh mountain, came upon Tsham\u016bgar and diverted the\nwater which ran through that district into another direction. This was\nthe reason of the once fertile Tsham\u016bgar becoming deserted; the forts\nwere razed to the ground. There are evidently traces of a river having\nformerly run through Tsham\u016bgar. The people say that the Skardo Rajah\nstopped the flow of the water by throwing quicksilver into it. This is\nprobably a legend arising from the reputation which Ahmad Shah, the most\nrecent Skardo ruler whom the Guraizis can remember, had of dabbling in\nmedicine and sorcery.[39]\n\n\nCHILASI SONGS.\n\n[The Chilasis have a curious way of snapping their fingers, with which\npractice they accompany their songs, the thumb running up and down the\nfingers as on a musical instrument.]\n\n\n10. CHILASI.\n\n T\u00f9 h\u00f9n G\u00edtshere b\u00f3dje s\u00f2mmo d\u00edmm bam\u00e8m\n M\u00e8y shah\u00ednni pashal\u00f3to dew\u00e0 sal\u00e1m d\u00e1ute\n R\u00e1s; Aje g\u00f3je b\u00f3mto m\u00e9y d\u00f9ddi aje nush\n Harg\u00ecnn Z\u00fae d\u00e9y mo bej\u00f3mos\n Samat Kh\u00e1nay s\u00f3ni m\u00f3 b\u00e1sh\u00e9mm tut\u00e0k\n M\u00f9ug\u00e0 deyto; m\u00f3 dabtar d\u00e8m\n\n11.\n\n A. Tshek\u00f2n th\u00f3nn; tikki w\u00e9y nush, oh Berader\n Ad\u00f2n; th\u014dn; mad\u00e9y nush; ey Berader\n\n B. Ham\u00edrey tsh\u00fbki, p\u00faki th\u00e0s, pal\u00fatos\n Ni r\u00e1tey l\u00f3 ne b\u0115y, oh Berader!\n\nThe last word in each sentence, as is usual with all Sh\u00edn songs, is\nrepeated at the beginning of the next line. I may also remark that I have\naccentuated the words _as pronounced in the songs_ and not as put down in\nmy Vocabulary.\n\n_Translation._\n\nMESSAGE TO A SWEETHEART BY A FRIEND.\n\n You are going up to Gitshe, oh my dearest friend,\n Give my compliment and salute when you see my hawk.\n Speak to her. I must now go into my house; my mother is no more\n And I fear the sting of that dragon,[40] my step-mother\u2014\n Oh noble daughter of Samat Khan; I will play the flute\n And give its price and keep it in my bosom.\n\nThe second song describes a quarrel between two brothers who are resting\nafter a march on some hill far away from any water or food wherewith to\nrefresh themselves.\n\n _Younger brother._\u2014Am I to eat now, what am I to say, there is, oh\n my brother, neither bread nor water.\n Am I to fetch some [water] what am I to say, there is no masak\n [a water-skin], oh my brother!\n\n _Elder brother._\u2014The lying nonsense of Hamir (the younger brother)\n wounds me deeply (tears off the skin of my heart).\n There will be no day to this long night, oh my brother!\n\n\n12. THE TRANSITORINESS OF THIS WORLD.\n\n _K\u00e0ka_, _mos\u00e8_ _dj\u00f2_ _r\u00e2um_ | _M\u00e8y_ _d\u00e1ssga_ _n\u00e8 b\u00e8y_ | _T\u00e0b\u00e0m_\n Brother! I what am to say? | My choice it is not | In the\n\n\n _ares\u00e0_ _d\u00e1ro_ | _M\u00f3dje_ _l\u00e0shga_ _n\u00e8 b\u00e9y_ | _Daj\u00e1la_\n whole of the present time | To me shame is not | The next\n\n _\u00e9le_ _jilto_ | _J\u00e1ko_ _ud\u00e0s\u00f3ne_ _han_\n world near has come | People despairing will be\n\n _2nd Verse._\n\n _Wat\u00e0n_ _d\u00e1ro_ _z\u00e1r_ | _Tu_ _mashah\u00fare_ _bill\u00e9_ | _Ash_\n In my country famous | You famous have become | To-day\n\n _baj\u00f3ni_ _d\u00e9gi_ _b\u00e1rri_ _musafiri_ | _Zari_ _m\u00f3jo_\n to get you prepared on a great journey | Openly me\n\n _lai lang\u00edddi_ = _\u00edje_ | _Dj\u00edll_ _mey_ _hawall\u00ed_ | _S\u00edn qat\u00edda_\n much pains | My soul is in your keeping | The river\n\n _ph\u00fane_ | _Sud\u00e0_ _chogarong_\n is flowing, the large flower | Of silver colour.[41]\n\n\nA PRAYER OF THE BASHGELI KAFIRS.\n\n[_In the Kal\u00e1sha dialect._]\n\nThe ideas and many of the words in this prayer were evidently acquired by\nmy two Kafirs on their way through Kashmir:\n\n\u201cKhud\u00e1, tandrusti d\u00e9, prushk\u00e1ri roz\u00ec de, abatt\u00ec kari, dewalat man. Tu\ngh\u00f3na asas, tshik intara, tshik tu faid\u00e1 k\u00e1y asas. Sat asm\u00e1n t\u00ec, Stru\nsuri mastruk m\u00f3tshe d\u00e9.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n_MANNERS AND CUSTOMS._\n\n\nA. AMUSEMENTS.\n\nThe Chaughan Bazi or Hockey on horseback, so popular everywhere north of\nKashmir, and which is called Polo by the Baltis and Ladakis, who both\nplay it to perfection and in a manner which I shall describe elsewhere,\nis also well known to the Ghilgiti and Astori subdivisions of the Shina\npeople. On great general holidays as well as on any special occasion of\nrejoicing, the people meet on those grounds which are mostly near the\nlarger villages, and pursue the game with great excitement and at the\nrisk of casualties. The first day I was at Astor, I had the greatest\ndifficulty in restoring to his senses a youth of the name of Rustem Ali\nwho, like a famous player of the same name at Mardo, was passionately\nfond of the game, and had been thrown from his horse. The place of\nmeeting near Astor is called the Eedgah. The game is called TOPE in\nAstor, and the grounds for playing it are called SHAJARAN. At Gilgit\nthe game is called BULLA, and the place SHAWARAN. The latter names are\nevidently of Tibetan origin.\n\nThe people are also very fond of target practice, shooting with bows,\nwhich they use dexterously but in which they do not excel the people\nof Nagyr and Hunza. Game is much stalked during the winter. At Astor\nany game shot on the three principal hills\u2014_Tshham\u00f4_, a high hill\nopposite the fort, _Dem\u00eddeld\u00e8n_ and _Tsh\u00f3lokot_\u2014belong to the Nawab of\nAstor\u2014the sportsman receiving only the head, legs and a haunch\u2014or to his\nrepresentative, then the Tahsildar Munshi Rozi Khan. At Gilgit everybody\nclaims what he may have shot, but it is customary for the Nawab to\nreceive some share of it. Men are especially appointed to watch and track\ngame, and when they discover their whereabouts notice is sent to the\nvillages from which parties issue, accompanied by musicians, and surround\nthe game. Early in the morning, when the \u201cL\u00f3he\u201d dawns, the musicians\nbegin to play and a great noise is made which frightens the game into the\nseveral directions where the sportsmen are placed.\n\nThe guns are matchlocks and are called in Gilgiti \u201c_turm\u00e0k_\u201d and in Ast\u00f3r\n\u201ctum\u00e1k.\u201d At Gilgit they manufacture the guns themselves or receive them\nfrom Badakhshan. The balls have only a slight coating of lead, the inside\ngenerally being a little stone. The people of Hunza and Nagyr invariably\nplace their guns on little wooden pegs which are permanently fixed to\nthe gun and are called \u201cDugaz\u00e1.\u201d The guns are much lighter than those\nmanufactured elsewhere, much shorter and carry much smaller bullets than\nthe matchlock of the Maharajah\u2019s troops. They carry very much farther\nthan any native Indian gun and are fired with almost unerring accuracy.\nFor \u201csmall shot\u201d little stones of any shape\u2014the longest and oval ones\nbeing preferred\u2014are used. There is one kind of stone especially which is\nmuch used for that purpose; it is called \u201cBal\u00f3sh Batt,\u201d which is found\nin Hanza, Nagyr, Skardo, and near the \u201cDem\u00eddeld\u00e8n\u201d hill already noticed,\nat a village called Pareshinghi near Astor. It is a very soft stone and\nlarge cooking utensils are cut out from it, whence the name, \u201cBal\u00f3sh\u201d\nKettle, \u201cBatt\u201d stone, \u201cBal\u00f3sh Batt.\u201d The stone is cut out with a chisel\nand hammer; the former is called \u201cG\u00fatt\u201d in Astori and \u201cGukk\u201d in Gilgiti;\nthe hammer \u201cto\u00e1\u201d and \u201cTotsh\u00fang\u201d and in Gilgiti \u201csamdenn.\u201d The gunpowder\nis manufactured by the people themselves.[42]\n\nThe people also play at backgammon, [called in Ast\u00f3ri \u201cPatshis,\u201d and\n\u201cTAKK\u201d in Gilgiti,] with dice [called in Ast\u00f3ri and also in Gilgiti\n\u201cdall.\u201d]\n\nFighting with iron wristbands is confined to Chilasi women who bring them\nover their fists which they are said to use with effect.\n\nThe people are also fond of wrestling, of butting each other whilst\nhopping, etc.\n\nTo play the Jew\u2019s harp is considered meritorious as King David played it.\nAll other music good Mussulmans are bid to avoid.\n\nThe \u201cSitara\u201d [the Eastern Guitar] used to be much played in Yassen, the\npeople of which country as well as the people of Hunza and Nagyr excel\nin dancing, singing and playing. After them come the Gilgitis, then the\nAstoris, Chilasis, Baltis, etc. The people of Nagyr are a comparatively\nmild race. They carry on goldwashing which is constantly interrupted by\nkidnapping parties from the opposite Hunza. The language of Nagyr and\nHunza is the Non-Aryan Khajun\u00e1 and no affinity between that language and\nany other has yet been traced. The Nagyris are mostly Shiahs. They are\nshort and stout and fairer than the people of Hunza [the Kunj\u00fbtis] who\nare described[43] as \u201ctall skeletons\u201d and who are desperate robbers. The\nNagyris understand Tibetan, Persian and Hindustani. Badakhshan merchants\nwere the only ones who could travel with perfect safety through Yassen,\nChitral and Hunza.\n\n\nDANCES[44]\n\nFall into two main divisions: \u201cslow\u201d or \u201cB\u00fati Harip\u201d = Slow Instrument\nand Quick \u201cDanni Harip,\u201d = Quick Instrument. The Yassen, Nagyr and Hunza\npeople dance quickest; then come the Gilgitis; then the Ast\u00f3ris; then the\nBaltis, and slowest of all are the Ladakis.\n\nWhen all join in the dance, cheer or sing with gesticulations, the dance\nor recitative is called \u201cthapnatt\u201d in Gilgiti, and \u201cBurr\u00f3\u201d in Ast\u00f3ri.\n\nWhen there is a solo dance it is called \u201cn\u00e0tt\u201d in Gilgiti, and \u201cnott\u201d in\nAst\u00f3ri.\n\n\u201cCheering\u201d is called \u201cHalamush\u201d in Ghilgiti, and \u201cHalam\u00f9sh\u201d in Ast\u00f3ri.\nClapping of hands is called \u201ctza.\u201d Cries of \u201c_Y\u00fa_, Y\u00fa dea; tza the\u00e1, Hi\u00fa\nHi\u00fa dea; Halamush thea; shab\u00e2sh\u201d accompany the performances.\n\nThere are several kinds of Dances. The PRASULKI NATE, is danced by ten or\ntwelve people ranging themselves behind the bride as soon as she reaches\nthe bridegroom\u2019s house. This custom is observed at Astor. In this dance\nmen swing above sticks or whatever they may happen to hold in their\nhands.\n\n[Illustration: A DANCE AT GILGIT (DR. LEITNER AND HIS PANJABI ATTENDANTS\nLOOKING ON).]\n\nThe BUR\u00d3 NATT is a dance performed on the Nao holiday, in which both men\nand women engage\u2014the women forming a ring round the central group of\ndancers, which is composed of men. This dance is called THAPPNATT at\nGilgit. In Dareyl there is a dance in which the dancers wield swords and\nengage in a mimic fight. This dance Gilgitis and Ast\u00f2ris call the _Darel\u00e2\nnat_, but what it is called by the Dareylis themselves I do not know.\n\nThe mantle dance is called \u201cGOJA NAT.\u201d In this popular dance the dancer\nthrows his cloth over his extended arm.\n\nWhen I sent a man round with a drum inviting all the Dards that were to\nbe found at Gilgit to a festival, a large number of men appeared, much\nto the surprise of the invading Dogras, who thought that they had all\nrun to the hills. A few sheep were roasted for their benefit; bread and\nfruit were also given them, and when I thought they were getting into\na good humour, I proposed that they should sing. Musicians had been\nprocured with great difficulty, and after some demur, the Gilgitis sang\nand danced. At first, only one at a time danced, taking his sleeves well\nover his arm so as to let it fall over, and then moving it up and down\naccording to the cadence of the music. The movements were, at first,\nslow, one hand hanging down, the other being extended with a commanding\ngesture. The left foot appeared to be principally engaged in moving or\nrather jerking the body forward. All sorts of \u201cpas seuls\u201d were danced;\nsometimes a rude imitation of the Indian N\u00e1tsh; the by-standers clapping\ntheir hands and crying out \u201cShab\u00e2sh\u201d; one man, a sort of Master of\nCeremonies, used to run in and out amongst them, brandishing a stick,\nwith which, in spite of his very violent gestures, he only lightly\ntouched the bystanders, and exciting them to cheering by repeated calls,\nwhich the rest then took up, of \u201cHi\u00f9, Hi\u00f9.\u201d The most extraordinary dance,\nhowever, was when about twelve men arose to dance, of whom six went on\none side and six on the other, both sides then, moving forward, jerked\nout their arms so as to look as if they had all crossed swords, then\nreceded and let their arms drop. This was a war dance, and I was told\nthat properly it ought to have been danced with swords, which, however,\nout of suspicion of the Dogras, did not seem to be forthcoming. They\nthen formed a circle, again separated, the movements becoming more and\nmore violent till almost all the bystanders joined in the dance, shouting\nlike fiends and literally _kicking_ up a frightful amount of dust, which,\nafter I had nearly become choked with it, compelled me to retire.[45] I\nmay also notice that before a song is sung the rhythm and melody of it\nare given in \u201csolo\u201d by some one, for instance\n\n D\u0101n\u0103 d\u0101ng d\u0101n\u016d d\u0103ngd\u0101\n n\u0103da\u00f1g d\u0101n\u016d, etc., etc., etc.\n\n\nB. BEVERAGES.\n\n\nBEER.\n\nFine corn (about five or six _seers_ in weight) is put into a kettle with\nwater and boiled till it gets soft, but not pulpy. It is then strained\nthrough a cloth, and the grain retained and put into a vessel. Then it\nis mixed with a drug that comes from Ladak which is called \u201cPapps,\u201d and\nhas a salty taste, but in my opinion is nothing more than hardened dough\nwith which some kind of drug is mixed. It is necessary that \u201cthe marks of\nfour fingers\u201d be impressed upon the \u201cPapps.\u201d The mark of \u201cfour fingers\u201d\nmake one stick, 2 fingers\u2019 mark \u00bd a stick, and so forth. This is scraped\nand mixed with the corn. The whole is then put into an earthen jar with\na narrow neck, after it has received an infusion of an amount of water\nequal to the proportion of corn. The jar is put out into the sun\u2014if\nsummer\u2014for twelve days, or under the fire-place\u2014if in winter\u2014[where a\nseparate vault is made for it]\u2014for the same period. The orifice is almost\nhermetically closed with a skin. After twelve days the jar is opened and\ncontains a drink possessing intoxicating qualities. The first infusion\nis much prized, but the corn receives a second and sometimes even a\nthird supply of water, to be put out again in a similar manner and to\nprovide a kind of Beer for the consumer. This Beer is called \u201cM\u014d,\u201d and is\nmuch drunk by the Ast\u00f3ris and Chilasis [the latter are rather stricter\nMussulmans than the other Shin\u00e1 people]. After every strength has been\ntaken out of the corn it is given away as food to sheep, etc., which they\nfind exceedingly nourishing.\n\n\nWINE.[46]\n\nThe Gilgitis are great wine-drinkers, though not so much as the people\nof Hunza. In Nagyr little wine is made. The mode of the preparation\nof the wine is a simple one. The grapes are stamped out by a man who,\nfortunately before entering into the wine press, washes his feet and\nhands. The juice flows into another reservoir, which is first well\nlaid round with stones, over which a cement is put of chalk mixed\nwith sheep-fat which is previously heated. The juice is kept in this\nreservoir; the top is closed, cement being put round the sides and only\nin the middle an opening is made over which a loose stone is placed.\nAfter two or three months the reservoir is opened, and the wine is used\nat meals and festivals. In Dareyl (and not in Gilgit, as was told to\nVigne,) the custom is to sit round the grave of the deceased and eat\ngrapes, nuts and Tshilg\u014dzas (edible pine). In Astor (and in Chil\u00e2s?) the\ncustom is to put a number of Ghi (clarified butter) cakes before the\nMulla, [after the earth has been put on the deceased] who, after reading\nprayers over them, distributes them to the company who are standing round\nwith their caps on. In Gilgit, three days after the burial, bread is\ngenerally distributed to the friends and acquaintances of the deceased.\nTo return to the wine presses, it is to be noticed that no one ever\ninterferes with the store of another. I passed several of them on my road\nfrom Tshakerk\u014dt onward, but they appeared to have been destroyed. This\nbrings me to another custom which all the Dards seem to have of burying\nprovisions of every kind in cellars that are scooped out in the mountains\nor near their houses, and of which they alone have any knowledge. The\nMaharajah\u2019s troops when invading Gilgit often suffered severely from\nwant of food when, unknown to them, large stores of grain of every kind,\nbutter, ghi, etc., were buried close to them. The Gilgitis and other\nso-called rebels, generally, were well off, knowing where to go for food.\nEven in subject Astor it is the custom to lay up provisions in this\nmanner. On the day of birth of anyone in that country it is the custom\nto bury a stock of provisions which are opened on the day of betrothal\nof the young man and distributed. The ghi, which by that time turns\nfrightfully sour, and [to our taste] unpalatable and the colour of which\nis red, is esteemed a great delicacy and is said to bring much luck.\n\nThe chalk used for cementing the stones is called \u201cSan B\u00e0tt.\u201d Grapes\nare called \u201cDjatsh,\u201d and are said, together with wine, to have been\nthe principal food of Ghazanfar, the Rajah of Hunza, of whom it is\nreported that when he heard of the arrival of the first European in Astor\n(probably Vigne) he fled to a fort called Gojal and shut himself up in it\nwith his flocks, family and retainers. He had been told that the European\nwas a great sorcerer, who carried an army with him in his trunks and who\nhad serpents at his command that stretched themselves over any river in\nhis way to afford him a passage. I found this reputation of European\nsorcery of great use, and the wild mountaineers looked with respect and\nawe on a little box which I carried with me, and which contained some\npictures of clowns and soldiers belonging to a small magic lantern. The\nGilgitis consider the use of wine as unlawful; probably it is not very\nlong since they have become so religious and drink it with remorse. My\nGilgitis told me that the Mughull\u00ed\u2014a sect living in Hunza, Gojal, Yassen\nand Punyal[47]\u2014considered the use of wine with prayers to be rather\nmeritorious than otherwise. A Drunkard is called \u201cM\u00e1to.\u201d\n\n\nC. BIRTH CEREMONIES.\n\nAs soon as the child is born the father or the Mulla repeats the \u201cB\u00e2ng\u201d\nin his ear \u201cAllah Akbar\u201d (which an Ast\u00f3ri, of the name of Mirza Khan,\nsaid was never again repeated in one\u2019s life!). Three days after the\nreading of the \u201cB\u00e2ng\u201d or \u201cNam\u00e1z\u201d in Gilgit and seven days after that\nceremony in Astor, a large company assembles in which the father or\ngrandfather of the newborn gives him a name or the Mulla fixes on a\nname by putting his hand on some word in the Koran, which may serve\nthe purpose or by getting somebody else to fix his hand at random on a\npassage or word in the Koran. Men and women assemble at that meeting.\nThere appears to be no pardah whatsoever in Dardu land, and the women are\nremarkably chaste.[48] The little imitation of pardah amongst the Ranis\nof Gilgit was a mere fashion imported from elsewhere. Till the child\nreceives a name the woman is declared impure for the seven days previous\nto the ceremony. In Gilgit 27 days are allowed to elapse till the woman\nis declared pure. Then the bed and clothes are washed and the woman is\nrestored to the company of her husband and the visits of her friends. Men\nand women eat together everywhere in Dardu land. In Ast\u00f3r, raw milk alone\ncannot be drunk together with a woman unless thereby it is intended that\nshe should be a sister by faith and come within the prohibited degrees of\nrelationship. When men drink of the same raw milk they thereby swear each\nother eternal friendship. In Gilgit this custom does not exist, but it\nwill at once be perceived that much of what has been noted above belongs\nto Mussulman custom generally. When a son is born great rejoicings take\nplace, and in Gilgit a musket is fired off by the father whilst the\n\u201cB\u00e2ng\u201d is being read.\n\n\nD. MARRIAGE.\n\nIn Gilgit it appears to be a more simple ceremony than in Chil\u00e2s and\nAst\u00f3r. The father of the boy goes to the father of the girl and presents\nhim with a knife about 1\u00bd feet long, 4 yards of cloth and a pumpkin\nfilled with wine. If the father accepts the present the betrothal is\narranged. It is generally the fashion that after the betrothal, which is\nnamed: \u201c_Sh\u00e9ir qatar w\u00edye, ball\u00ed p\u00edye_, = 4 yards of cloth and a knife\nhe has given, the pumpkin he has drunk,\u201d the marriage takes place. A\nbetrothal is inviolable, and is only dissolved by death so far as the\nwoman is concerned. The young man is at liberty to dissolve the contract.\nWhen the marriage day arrives the men and women who are acquainted with\nthe parties range themselves in rows at the house of the bride, the\nbridegroom with her at his left sitting together at the end of the row.\nThe Mulla then reads the prayers, the ceremony is completed and the\nplaying, dancing and drinking begin. It is considered the proper thing\nfor the bridegroom\u2019s father, if he belongs to the true Sh\u00edn race, to pay\n12 tolas of gold of the value [at Gilgit] of 15 Rupees Nanakshahi (10\nannas each) to the bride\u2019s father, who, however, generally, returns it\nwith the bride, in kind\u2014dresses, ornaments, &c., &c. The 12 tolas are not\nalways, or even generally, taken in gold, but oftener in kind\u2014clothes,\nprovisions and ornaments. At Ast\u00f3r the ceremony seems to be a little more\ncomplicated. There the arrangements are managed by third parties; an\nagent being appointed on either side. The father of the young man sends\na present of a needle and three real (red) \u201cm\u00fangs\u201d called \u201cl\u00fajum\u201d in\nChil\u00e2si, which, if accepted, establishes the betrothal of the parties.\nThen the father of the bride demands _pro form\u00e2_ 12 tolas [which in Ast\u00f3r\nand Chil\u00e2s are worth 24 Rupees of the value of ten annas each.]\n\nAll real \u201cSh\u00edn\u201d people must pay this dowry for their wives in money,\nprovisions or in the clothes which the bride\u2019s father may require. The\nmarriage takes place when the girl reaches puberty, or perhaps rather\nthe age when she is considered fit to be married. It may be mentioned\nhere in general terms that those features in the ceremony which remind\none of Indian customs are undoubtedly of Indian origin introduced into\nthe country since the occupation of Ast\u00f3r by the Maharaja\u2019s troops.\nGilgit which is further off is less subject to such influences, and\nwhatever it may have of civilization is indigenous or more so than is the\ncase at Ast\u00f3r, the roughness of whose manners is truly Chil\u00e2si, whilst\nits apparent refinement in some things is a foreign importation.\n\nWhen the marriage ceremony commences the young man, accompanied by twelve\nof his friends and by musicians, sits in front of the girl\u2019s house. The\nmother of the girl brings out bread and Ghi-cakes on plates, which she\nplaces before the bridegroom, round whom she goes three times, caressing\nhim and finally kissing his hand. The bridegroom then sends her back\nwith a present of a few rupees or tolas in the emptied plates. Then,\nafter some time, as the evening draws on, the agent of the father of the\nboy sends to say that it is time that the ceremony should commence. The\nmother of the bride then stands in the doorway of her house with a few\nother platefuls of cakes and bread, and the young man accompanied by his\nbridesman [\u201cShun\u00e8rr\u201d in Ast\u00f3ri and \u201cShamaderr\u201d in Gilgiti,] enters the\nhouse. At his approach, the girl, who also has her particular friend,\nthe \u201cShaner\u00f3y\u201d in Ast\u00f3ri, and \u201cShamaderoy\u201d in Gilgiti, rises. The boy is\nseated at her right, but both in Ast\u00f3r and in Gilgit it is considered\nindecent for the boy to turn round and look at her. Then a particular\nfriend, the \u201cDharm-bhai\u201d[49] of the girl\u2019s brother asks her if she\nconsents to the marriage. In receiving, or imagining, an affirmative,\nhe turns round to the Mulla, who after asking three times whether he,\nshe and the bridegroom as well as all present are satisfied, reads the\nprayers and completes the ceremonial. Then some rice, boiled in milk, is\nbrought in, of which the boy and the girl take a spoonful. They do not\nretire the first night, but grace the company with their presence. The\npeople assembled then amuse themselves by hearing the musicians, eating,\n&c.\n\nIt appears to be the custom that a person leaves an entertainment\nwhenever he likes, which is generally the case after he has eaten enough.\n\nIt must, however, not be imagined that the sexes are secluded from\neach other in Dardistan. Young people have continual opportunities of\nmeeting each other in the fields at their work or at festive gatherings.\nLove declarations often take place on these occasions, but if any evil\nintention is perceived the seducer of a girl is punished by this savage,\nbut virtuous, race with death. The Dards know and speak of the existence\nof \u201cpure love,\u201d \u201cp\u00e2k \u00e2shiqi.\u201d Their love songs show sufficiently that\nthey are capable of a deeper, than mere sexual, feeling. No objection to\nlawful love terminating in matrimony is ever made unless the girl or the\nboy is of a lower caste. In Gilgit, however, the girl may be of a lower\ncaste than the bridegroom. In Ast\u00f3r it appears that a young man, whose\nparents\u2014to whom he must mention his desire for marrying any particular\nperson\u2014refuse to intercede, often attains his point by threatening to\nlive in the family of the bride and become an adopted son. A \u201cSh\u00een\u201d of\ntrue race at Astor may live in concubinage with a girl of lower caste,\nbut the relatives of the girl if they discover the intrigue revenge the\ninsult by murdering the paramour, who, however, does not lose caste by\nthe alliance.\n\nThe bridegroom dances as well as his twelve companions. The girl ought\nnot to be older than 15 years; but at 12 girls are generally engaged.[50]\n\nThe Balti custom of having merely a _claim to dowry_ on the part of the\nwoman\u2014the prosecution of which claim so often depends on her satisfaction\nwith her husband or the rapacity of her relatives\u2014is in spite of the\nintercourse of the Baltis with the Sh\u00een people never observed by the\nlatter; not even by the Sh\u00een colonists of little Tibet who are called\n\u201cBrokhp\u00e1.\u201d\n\nWhen the bridegroom has to go for his bride to a distant village he is\nfurnished with a bow. On arriving at his native place he crosses the\nbreast of his bride with an arrow and then shoots it off. He generally\nshoots three arrows off in the direction of his home.\n\nAt Ast\u00f3r the custom is sometimes to fire guns as a sign of rejoicing.\nThis is not done at Gilgit.\n\nWhen the bridegroom fetches his bride on the second day to his own home,\nthe girl is crying with the women of her household and the young man\ncatches hold of her dress in front (at Gilgit by the hand) and leads\nher to the door. If the girl cannot get over embracing her people and\ncrying with them quickly, the twelve men who have come along with the\nbridegroom (who in Ast\u00f3ri are called \u201chilal\u00e9e\u201d = bridegrooms and \u201cgar\u00f3ni\u201d\nin Gilgiti) sing the following song:\u2014\n\n INVITATION TO THE BRIDE.\n\n _Nik\u00e0stal\u00ec_ _qu\u00e1ray kus\u00fani_ (_\u201castali\u201d is added to the fem. Imp_).\n Come out hawk\u2019s daughter.\n\n _Nikastali_ _ke_ _karan\u00edli\u00e8_ (\u201c_balan\u00eele_,\u201d in Gilgiti).\n Come out why delayest thou!\n\n _Nikastali_ _m\u00e1leyn_ _gut\u00edjo_.\n Come out (from) thy father\u2019s tent.\n\n _Nikastali_ _ke_ _karan\u00edli\u00e8_.\n Come out why delayest thou.\n\n _N\u00e9 ro_ _tshar\u00e9yn_ _bar\u00e1ye_.\n Do not weep waterfall\u2019s fairy.\n\n _N\u00e9 ro_ _teyn_ _r\u00f3ng_ _boje_.\n Do not weep thy colour will go.\n\n _N\u00e9 ro_ _jaro_ _shidati_.\n Do not weep brethren\u2019s beloved.\n\n _N\u00e9 ro_ _t\u00e9y_ _r\u00f3ng_ _boje_.\n Do not weep thy colour will go.\n\n _N\u00e9 ro_ _maleyn_ _shidati_.\n Do not weep father\u2019s beloved.\n\n _N\u00e9 ro_ _t\u00e9y_ _r\u00f3ng_ _boje_.\n Do not weep thy colour will go.\n\n_Translation._\n\n Come out, O daughter of the hawk!\n Come out, why dost thou delay?\n Come forth from thy father\u2019s tent,\n Come out and do not delay.\n Weep not! O fairy of the waterfall!\n Weep not! thy colour will fade;\n Weep not! thou art the beloved of us all who are thy brethren,\n Weep not! thy colour will fade.\n O Weep not! thou beloved of fathers, [or \u201cthy father\u2019s darling.\u201d]\n For if thou weepest, thy face will grow pale.\n\nThen the young man catches hold of her dress, or in Gilgit of her arm,\nputs her on horseback, and rides off with her, heedless of her tears and\nof those of her companions.\n\n\nE. FUNERALS.\n\nFunerals are conducted in a very simple manner. The custom of eating\ngrapes at funerals I have already touched upon in my allusion to Dureyl\nin the chapter on \u201cWine.\u201d Bread is commonly distributed together with\nGh\u00ee, etc., three days after the funeral, to people in general, a custom\nwhich is called \u201cNash\u00ed\u201d by the Ast\u00f3ris, and \u201cKhatm\u201d by the Gilgitis.\nWhen a person is dead, the Mulla, assisted generally by a near friend\nof the deceased, washes the body which is then placed in a shroud.\nWomen assemble, weep and relate the virtues of the deceased. The body\nis conveyed to the grave the very day of the decease. In Astor there is\nsomething in the shape of a bier for conveying the dead. At Gilgit two\npoles, across which little bits of wood are placed sideways and then\nfastened, serve for the same purpose. The persons who carry the body\nthink it a meritorious act. The women accompany the body for some fifty\nyards and then return to the house to weep. The body is then placed in\nthe earth which has been dug up to admit of its interment. Sometimes the\ngrave is well-cemented and a kind of small vault is made over it with\npieces of wood closely jammed together. A P\u00eer or saint receives a hewn\nstone standing as a sign-post from the tomb. I have seen no inscriptions\nanywhere. The tomb of one of their famous saints at Gilgit has none. I\nhave heard people there say that he was killed at that place in order\nto provide the country with a shrine. My Gilgiti who, like all his\ncountrymen, was very patriotic, denied it, but I heard it at Gilgit from\nseveral persons, among whom was one of the descendants of the saint. As\nthe Saint was a Kashmiri, the veracity of his descendant may be doubted.\nTo return to the funeral. The body is conveyed to the cemetery, which\nis generally at some distance from the village, accompanied by friends.\nWhen they reach the spot the Mulla reads the prayers standing as in\nthe \u201cDjenaz\u00e1\u201d\u2014any genuflexion, \u201cruku\u201d \u200e\u200f\u0631\u06a9\u0648\u0639\u200f\u200eand prostration are, of\ncourse, inadmissible. After the body has been interred the Mulla recites\nthe Fatiha, [opening prayer of the Koran] all people standing up and\nholding out their hands as if they were reading a book. The Mulla prays\nthat the deceased may be preserved from the fire of hell as he was a\ngood man, etc. Then after a short benediction the people separate. For\nthree days at Gilgit and seven days at Astor the near relatives of the\ndeceased do not eat meat. After that period the grave is again visited\nby the deceased\u2019s friends, who, on reaching the grave, eat some gh\u00ed and\nbread, offer up prayers, and, on returning, slaughter a sheep, whose\nkidney is roasted and divided in small bits amongst those present. Bread\nis distributed amongst those present and a little feast is indulged in,\nin memory of the deceased. I doubt, however, whether the Gilgitis are\nvery exact in their religious exercises. The mention of death was always\nreceived with shouts of laughter by them, and one of them told me that a\ndead person deserved only to be kicked. He possibly only joked and there\ncan be little doubt that the Gilgit people are not very communicative\nabout their better feelings. It would be ridiculous, however, to deny\nthem the possession of natural feelings, although I certainly believe\nthat they are not over-burdened with sentiment. In Ast\u00f3r the influence of\nKashmir has made the people attend a little more to the ceremonies of the\nMussulman religion.\n\nIn Chil\u00e2s rigour is observed in the maintenance of religious practices,\nbut elsewhere there exists the greatest laxity. In fact, so rude are the\npeople that they have no written character of their own, and till very\nrecently the art of writing (Persian) was confined to, perhaps, the Rajas\nof these countries or rather to their Munshis, whenever they had any.\nSome of them may be able to read the Koran. Even this I doubt, as of\nhundreds of people I saw only one who could read at Gilgit, and he was a\nKashmiri who had travelled far and wide and had at last settled in that\ncountry.\n\n\nF. HOLIDAYS.\n\nThe great holiday of the Sh\u00een people happened in 1867, during the\nmonth succeeding the Ramazan, but seems to be generally on the sixth\nof February. It is called the \u201cShin\u00f3 n\u00e1o,\u201d \u201cthe new day of the Sh\u00een\npeople.\u201d The Gilgitis call the day \u201cShin\u00f3 baz\u00f3no,\u201d \u201cthe spring of the\nSh\u00een people.\u201d [The year, it will be remembered, is divided into bazono\n= spring; walo = summer; shero = autumn; yono = winter.] The snow is\nnow becoming a little softer and out-of-door life is more possible. The\nfestivities are kept up for twelve days. Visits take place and man and\nwife are invited out to dinner during that period. Formerly, when the\nSh\u00eens had a Raja or Nawab of their own, it used to be the custom for\nwomen to dance during those twelve days. Now the advent of the Sepoys and\nthe ridiculous pseudo-morality of the Kashmir rule have introduced a kind\nof Pardah and the chaste Sh\u00een women do not like to expose themselves to\nthe strangers. Then there is the Naur\u00f4z, which is celebrated for three,\nand sometimes for six, days.\n\nThere are now five great holidays in the year:\n\n The I\u2019d of Ramaz\u00e2n.\n The Shin\u00f3-N\u00e1o.\n The Naur\u00f4z.\n Kurban\u012b I\u2019d.\n The K\u00f9y N\u00e1o,[51] { Ast\u00f3ri.\n D\u00famnik\u00e1, { Gilgiti.\n\nOn the last-named holiday the game of Polo is played, good clothes are\nput on, and men and women amuse themselves at public meetings.\n\nThe Sh\u00een people are very patriotic. Since the Maharaja\u2019s rule many of\ntheir old customs have died out, and the separation of the sexes is\nbecoming greater. Their great national festival I have already described\nunder the head of \u201cHistorical Legend of Gilgit\u201d (pages 14 to 16).\n\n\nG. THE RELIGIOUS IDEAS OF THE DARDS.\n\nIf the Dards\u2014the races living between the Hindu-Kush and Kagh\u00e1n\u2014have\npreserved many Aryan customs and traditions, it is partly because they\nhave lived in almost perfect seclusion from other Muhammadans. In\nChil\u00e2s, where the Sunni form of that faith prevails, there is little to\nrelieve the austerity of that creed. The rest of the Muhammadan Dards\nare Shiahs, and that belief is more elastic and seems to be more suited\nto a quick-witted race, than the orthodox form of Islam. Sunniism,\nhowever, is advancing in Dardistan and will, no doubt, sweep away many\nof the existing traditions. The progress, too, of the present invasion\nby Kashmir, which, although governed by Hindus, is chiefly Sunni, will\nfamiliarize the Dards with the notions of orthodox Muhammadans and will\ntend to substitute a monotonous worship for a multiform superstition. I\nhave already noticed that, in spite of the exclusiveness of Hinduism,\nattempts are made by the Maharaja of Kashmir to gather into the fold\nthose races and creeds which, merely because they are not Muhammadan,\nare induced by him to consider themselves Hindu. For instance, the Siah\nPosh Kafirs, whom I venture also to consider Dards, have an ancient form\nof nature-worship which is being encroached upon by Hindu myths, not\nbecause they are altogether congenial but because they constitute the\nreligion of the enemies of Muhammadans, their own bitter foes who kidnap\nthe pretty Kafir girls and to kill whom establishes a claim among Kafirs\nto consideration. In the same way there is a revival of Hinduism in the\nBuddhist countries of Ladak and Zanskar, which belong to Kashmir, and\nideas of caste are welcomed where a few years ago they were unknown. As\nno one can become a Hindu, but any one can become a Muhammadan, Hinduism\nis at a natural disadvantage in its contact with an advancing creed and,\ntherefore, there is the more reason why zealous Hindus should seek to\nstrengthen themselves by amalgamation with other idolatrous creeds. To\nreturn to the Mussulman Dards, it will be easy to perceive by a reference\nto my ethnographical vocabulary what notions are Muhammadan and what\ntraces there remain of a more ancient belief. The \u201cworld of Gods\u201d is not\nthe mere \u200e\u200f\u0627\u062e\u0631\u0629\u200f\u200e which their professed religion teaches, nor is the\n\u201cserpent world\u201d a Muhammadan term for our present existence. Of course,\ntheir Maulvis may read \u201creligious lessons\u201d and talk to them of Paradise\nand Hell, but it is from a more ancient source that they derive a kindly\nsympathy with the evil spirits \u201cYatsh;\u201d credit them with good actions,\ndescribe their worship of the sun and moon, and fill the interior of\nmountains with their palaces and songs. Again, it is not Islam that tells\nthem of the regeneration of their country by fairies\u2014that places these\nlovely beings on the top of the Himalayas and makes them visit, and\nally themselves to, mankind. The fairies too are not all good, as the\nYatsh are not all bad. They destroy the man who seeks to surprise their\nsecrets, although, perhaps, they condone the offence by making him live\nfor ever after in fairy-land. Indeed, the more we look into the national\nlife of the Dards the less do we find it tinctured by Muhammadan distaste\nof compromise. Outwardly their customs may conform to that ceremonial,\nbut when they make death an opportunity for jokes and amusement we cannot\nrefuse attention to the circumstance by merely explaining it away on the\nground that they are savages. I have noticed the prevalence of caste\namong them, how proud they are of their Sh\u00een descent, how little (with\nthe exception of the more devout Chil\u00e2sis) they draw upon Scripture for\ntheir personal names, how they honour women and how they like the dog, an\nanimal deemed unclean by other Muhammadans. The Dards had no hesitation\nin eating with me, but I should not be surprised to hear that they did\nnot do so when Mr. Hayward visited them, for the Hinduized Mussulman\nservants that one takes on tours might have availed themselves of their\nsupposed superior knowledge of the faith to inform the natives that they\nwere making an improper concession to an infidel. A good many Dards,\nhowever, have the impression that the English are Mussulmans\u2014a belief\nthat would not deter them from killing or robbing a European traveller in\nsome districts, if he had anything \u201cworth taking.\u201d Gouhar-Am\u00e1n [called\n\u201cG\u00f4rm\u00e1n\u201d by the people] of Yasin used to say that as the Koran, the word\nof God, was sold, there could be no objection to sell an expounder of\nthe word of God, a Mulla, who unfortunately fell into his hands. I did\nnot meet any real Sh\u00een who was a Mulla,[52] but I have no doubt that,\nespecially in Hunza, they are using the services of Mullas in order to\ngive a religious sanction to their predatory excursions. I have said\nthat the Dards were generally Shiahs\u2014perhaps I ought not to include\nthe Shiah Hunzas among Dards as they speak a non-Aryan language unlike\nany other that I know[53]\u2014and as a rule the Shiahs are preyed upon by\nSunnis. Shiah children are kidnapped by Sunnis as an act both religious\nand profitable. Shiahs have to go through the markets of Bokhara denying\ntheir religion, for which deception, by the way, they have the sanction\nof their own priests.[54] Can we, therefore, wonder that the Mul\u00e1i Hunzas\nmake the best of both worlds by preferring to kidnap Sunnis to their\nown co-religionists? A very curious fact is the attachment of Shiahs to\ntheir distant priesthood. We know how the Indian Shiahs look to Persia;\nhow all expect the advent of their Messiah, the Im\u00e1m Mahdi; how the\nappointment of Kazis (civil functionaries) is made through the Mujtehid\n[a kind of high priest] and is ratified by the ruling power, rather than\nemanate direct from the secular authorities, as is the case with Sunnis.\nThe well-known Sayad residing at Bombay, Agha Khan, has adherents even\nin Dardistan, and any command that may reach them from him [generally\na demand for money] is obeyed implicitly. Indeed, throughout India and\nCentral Asia there are men, some of whom lead an apparently obscure\nlife, whose importance for good or evil should not be underrated by the\nauthorities. [See my \u201cHunza and Nagyr Handbook, 1893.\u201d]\n\nWhat we know about the religion of the Siah-Posh Kafirs [whom I include\nin the term \u201cDards\u201d] is very little. My informants were two Kafir lads,\nwho lived for some weeks in my compound and whose religious notions had,\nno doubt, been affected on their way down through Kashmir. That they go\nonce a year to the top of a mountain as a religious exercise and put a\nstone on to a cairn; that the number of Muhammadan heads hung up in front\nof their doors indicates their position in the tribe; that they are said\nto sit on benches rather than squat on the ground like other Asiatics:\nthat they are reported to like all those who wear a curl in front; that\nthey are fair and have blue eyes, that they drink a portion of the blood\nof a killed enemy\u2014this and the few words which have been collected of\ntheir language is very nearly all we have hitherto known about them.\nWhat I have been able to ascertain regarding them, will be mentioned\nelsewhere.[55]\n\n\nH. FORMS OF GOVERNMENT AMONG THE DARDS.\n\nChil\u00e2s, which sends a tribute every year to Kashmir for the sake of\nlarger return-presents rather than as a sign of subjection, is said to be\ngoverned by a council of elders, in which even women are admitted.[56]\nWhen I visited Gilgit, in 1866, it was practically without a ruler, the\ninvading troops of Kashmir barely holding their own within a few yards\nof the Gilgit Fort\u2014a remarkable construction which, according to the\nreport of newspapers, was blown up by accident in 1876, and of which the\nonly record is the drawing published in the _Illustrated London News_ of\nthe 12th February 1870.[57] There is now (1877) a Thanadar of Gilgit,\nwhose rule is probably not very different from that of his rapacious\ncolleagues in Kashmir. The Gilgitis are kept quiet by the presence of\nthe Kashmir army, and by the fact that their chiefs are prisoners at\nSrinagar, where other representatives of once reigning houses are also\nunder surveillance. Mansur Ali Khan, the supposed rightful Raja of\nGilgit is there; he is the son of Asghar Ali Khan, son of Raja Khan, son\nof Gurtam Khan\u2014but legitimate descent has little weight in countries\nthat are constantly disturbed by violence, except in Hunza, where the\nsupreme right to rob is hereditary.[58] The Gilgitis, who are a little\nmore settled than their neighbours to the West, North and South, and who\npossess the most refined Dardu dialect and traditions, were constantly\nexposed to marauding parties, and the late ruler of Yasin, Gouhar-Am\u00e1n,\nwho had conquered Gilgit, made it a practice to sell them into slavery on\nthe pretext that they were Shiahs and infidels. Yasin was lately ruled\nby Mir Wali, the supposed murderer of Mr. Hayward, and is a dependency\nof Chitr\u00e1l, a country which is ruled by Am\u00e1n-ul-mulk. The Hunza people\nare under Ghazan Khan, the son of Ghazanfar,[59] and seem to delight in\nplundering their Kirghiz neighbours, although all travellers through that\ninhospitable region, with the exception of Badakhshan merchants, are\nimpartially attacked by these robbers, whose depredations have caused the\nnearest pass from Central Asia to India to be almost entirely deserted\n(1866). At Gilgit I saw the young Raja of Nagyr, with a servant, also a\nNagyri. He was a most amiable and intelligent lad, whose articulation\nwas very much more refined than that of his companion, who prefixed a\nguttural to every Khajun\u00e1 word beginning with a vowel. The boy was kept\na prisoner in the Gilgit Fort as a hostage to Kashmir for his father\u2019s\ngood behaviour, and it was with some difficulty that he was allowed to\nsee me and answer certain linguistic questions which I put to him. If he\nhas not been sent back to his country, it would be a good opportunity for\nour Government to get him to the Panjab in the cold weather with the view\nof our obtaining more detailed information than we now possess regarding\nthe Khajun\u00e1, that extraordinary language to which I have several times\nalluded. [This was done on my second official mission to Kashmir in 1886.]\n\nThe name of _R\u00e1_, _R\u00e1sh_, _Raja_, applied to Muhammadans, may sound\nsingular to those accustomed to connect them with Hindu rulers but it\nis the ancient name for \u201cKing\u201d at Gilgit (for which \u201cNawab\u201d seems a\nmodern substitute in that country)\u2014whilst Shah Kathor[60] in Chitr\u00e1l,\nTham in Hunza and Nagyr, Mit\u00e9rr (Mihtar) and Bakht\u00e9 in Yasin and Trakhn\u00e9\nin Gilgit offer food for speculation. The Hunza people say that the\nKing\u2019s race is Mogholote (or Mogul?); they call the King _Sawwash_ and\naffirm that he is Aishea (this probably means that he is descended from\nAyesha, the wife of Muhammad).[61] Under the king or chief, for the time\nbeing, the most daring or intriguing hold office and a new element of\ndisturbance has now been introduced into Dardistan by the Kashmir faction\nat every court [or rather robber\u2019s nest] which seeks to advance the\ninterests or ulterior plans of conquest of the Maharaja, our feudatory.\nWhilst the name of Wazir is now common for a \u201cminister,\u201d we find the\nnames of the subordinate offices of Trangp\u00e1, Yarf\u00e1, Zeyt\u00fa, Gop\u00e1, etc.,\netc., which point to the reminiscences of Tibetan Government and a\nreference to the \u201cOfficial Designations\u201d in Part II. of my \u201cDardistan\u201d\nwill direct speculation on other matters connected with the subject.\n\nI need scarcely add that under a Government, like that of Chitr\u00e1l,\nwhich used to derive a large portion of its revenue from kidnapping,\nthe position of the official slave-dealer (Diw\u00e1nbigi)[62] was a high\none. Shortly before I visited Gilgit, a man used to sell for a good\nhunting dog (of which animal the Dards are very fond), two men for a\npony and three men for a large piece of patt\u00fa (a kind of woollen stuff).\nWomen and weak men received the preference, it being difficult for them\nto escape once they have reached their destination. Practically, all\nthe hillmen are republicans. The name for servant is identical with\nthat of \u201ccompanion;\u201d it is only the prisoner of another tribe who is\na \u201cslave.\u201d The progress of Kashmir will certainly have the effect of\nstopping, at any rate nominally, the trade in _male_ slaves, but it will\nreduce all subjects to the same dead level of slavery and extinguish\nthat spirit of freedom, and with it many of the traditions, that have\npreserved the Dard races from the degeneracy which has been the fate of\nthe Aryans who reached Kashmir and India. The indigenous Government is\none whose occasional tyranny is often relieved by rebellion. I think\nthe Dard Legends and Songs show that the Dards are a superior people\nto the Dogras, who wish to take their country in defiance of treaty\nobligations,[63] and I, for one, would almost prefer the continuance of\npresent anarchy which may end in a national solution or in a _direct\nalliance_ with the British, to the _\u00e9picier_ policy of Kashmir which,\nwithout shedding blood,[64] has drained the resources of that Paradise\non earth and killed the intellectual and moral life of its people. The\nadministration of justice and the collection of the taxes in Dardistan\nare carried on, the former with some show of respect for religious\ninjunctions, the latter with sole regard to whatever the tax-gatherer can\nimmediately lay his hand upon.\n\n\nI. HABITATIONS.\n\nMost of the villages, whose names I have given elsewhere, are situate\non the main lines of roads which, as everywhere in Himalayan countries,\ngenerally coincides with the course of rivers. The villages are sometimes\nscattered, but as a rule, the houses are closely packed together. Stones\nare heaped up and closely cemented, and the upper story, which often is\nonly a space shielded by a cloth or by grass-bundles on a few poles, is\ngenerally reached by a staircase from the outside.[65] Most villages are\nprotected by one or more wooden forts, which\u2014with the exception of the\nGilgit fort\u2014are rude blockhouses, garnished with rows of beams, behind\nwhich it is easy to fight as long as the place is not set on fire. Most\nvillages also contain an open space, generally near a fountain, where\nthe villagers meet in the evening and young people make love to each\nother.[66] Sometimes the houses contain a subterranean apartment which\nis used as a cellar or stable\u2014at other times, the stable forms the\nlower part of the house and the family live on the roof under a kind\nof grass-tent. In L\u00e1dak, a little earth heaped up before the door and\nimpressed with a large wooden seal, was sufficient, some years ago, to\nprotect a house in the absence of its owner. In Dardistan bolts, etc.,\nshow the prevailing insecurity. I have seen houses which had a courtyard,\nround which the rooms were built, but generally all buildings in\nDardistan are of the meanest description\u2014the mosque of Gilgit, in which\nI slept one night whilst the Sepoys were burying two or three yards away\nfrom me, those who were killed by the so-called rebels, being almost\nas miserable a construction as the rest. The inner part of the house\nis generally divided from the outer by a beam which goes right across.\nMy vocabulary will show all the implements, material, etc., used in\nbuilding, etc. Water-mills and windmills are to be found.\n\nCradles were an unknown commodity till lately. I have already referred\nto the wine and treasury cellars excavated in the mountains, and which\nprovided the Dards with food during the war in 1866, whilst the invading\nKashmir troops around them were starving. Baths (which were unknown till\nlately) are sheltered constructions under waterfalls; in fact, they are\nmere sheltered douche-baths. There is no pavement except so far as stones\nare placed in order to show where there are _no_ roads. The rooms have a\nfire-place, which at Astor (where it is used for the reception of live\ncoals) is in the middle of the room. The conservancy arrangements are\non the slope of the hills close to the villages, in front of which are\nfields of Indian corn, etc.\n\n\nJ. DIVISIONS OF THE DARD RACES.\n\nThe name of Dardistan (a hybrid between the \u201cDarada\u201d of Sanscrit writings\nand a Persian termination) seems now to be generally accepted. I include\nin it all the countries lying between the Hindu Kush and Kaghan (lat. 37\u00b0\nN. and long. 73\u00b0 E. to lat. 35\u00b0 N., long. 74\u00b0 30\u00b4 E.). In a restricted\nsense the Dards are the race inhabiting the mountainous country of\nShin\u00e1ki, detailed further on, but I include under that designation not\nonly the Chil\u00e2sis, Ast\u00f3ris, Gilgitis, Dareylis, etc., but also the people\nof Hunza, Nagyr, Yasin, Chitr\u00e1l and Kafiristan.[67] As is the case with\nuncivilized races generally, the Dards have no name in common, but\ncall each Dard tribe that inhabits a different valley by a different\nname. This will be seen in subjoined Extract from my Ethnographical\nVocabulary. The name \u201cDard\u201d itself was not claimed by any of the race\nthat I met. If asked whether they were \u201cDards\u201d they said \u201ccertainly,\u201d\nthinking I mispronounced the word \u201cd\u00e1de\u201d of the Hill Panjabi which means\n\u201cwild\u201d \u201cindependent,\u201d and is a name given them by foreigners as well as\n\u201cyaghi,\u201d = rebellious [the country is indifferently known as Yaghistan,\nKohistan and, since my visit in 1866 as \u201cDardistan,\u201d a name which I see\nMr. Hayward has adopted]. I hope the name of Dard will be retained, for,\nbesides being the designation of, at least, _one_ tribe, it connects the\ncountry with a range known in Hindu mythology and history. However, I\nmust leave this and other disputed points for the present, and confine\nmyself now to quoting a page of Part II. of my \u201cDardist\u00e1n\u201d for the\nservice of those whom the philological portion of that work has deterred\nfrom looking at the descriptive part.\n\n\u201cSHIN are all the people of Chil\u00e2s, Ast\u00f3r, Dareyl or _Dar\u00e8ll_, G\u00f4r,\nGhilghit[68] or _Gil\u00ect_. All these tribes do not acknowledge the\n\u2018Guraizis,\u2019 a people inhabiting the Guraiz valley between Chil\u00e2s and\nKashm\u00eer, as _Sh\u00een_, although the Guraizis themselves think so. The\nGuraizi dialect, however is undoubtedly Shin\u00e1, much mixed with Kashmiri.\n\n\u201cThe Sh\u00eens[69] call themselves \u2018Shin, Shin\u00e1 l\u00f4k, Shin\u00e2ki,\u2019 and are very\nproud of the appellation, and in addition to the above-named races\ninclude in it the people of T\u00f2rr, H\u00e1rben, Saz\u00een, [districts of, or rather\nnear, Chil\u00e2s]; Tanyire [Tang\u00eer] belonging to Darell; also the people of\nKholi-Palus whose origin is Sh\u00een, but who are mixed with Afghans. Some\ndo not consider the people of Kholi-Palus as Sh\u00een.[70] They speak both\nShin\u00e1 and Pukhtu [pronounced by the Sh\u00een people \u2018Post\u00f3.\u2019] The Baltis, or\nLittle Tibetans, call the Sh\u00een and also the Nagyr people \u2018Brokhp\u00e1,\u2019 or,\nas a term of respect, \u2018Brokhp\u00e1 b\u00e1bo.\u2019[71] Offshoots of the \u2018Sh\u00een\u2019 people\nlive in Little Tibet and even the district of Dras, near the Zojil\u00e1\npass on the Lad\u00e2k road towards Kashm\u00eer, was once Sh\u00een and was called by\nthem _Hum\u00e9ss_. I was the first traveller who discovered that there were\nSh\u00een colonies in Little Tibet, viz.: the villages of Shing\u00f4tsh, S\u00e1spur,\nBrashbrialdo, Bash\u00f3, Dan\u00e0l dj\u00fanele, T\u00e2tshin, Dor\u00f4t (inhabited by pure\nSh\u00eens), Zung\u00f4t, Tortz\u00e9 (in the direction of Rongdu) and Dur\u00f2, one day\u2019s\nmarch from Skardo.\u201d[72]\n\n The Chil\u00e1sis call themselves _Bot\u00e9_.[73]\n \u201d \u201d \u201d their fellow-countrymen of Takk =\n \u201c_Kan\u00e9_\u201d or _Takke-Kan\u00e9_.\n\n [the _Matshuk\u00e9_ are now an extinct race, at all events in\n Dardistan proper.]\n\n The Chil\u00e2sis call Gilgitis = _Gil\u00eet\u00ed_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Ast\u00f3ris = _Astor\u00edjje_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d G\u00f4rs = _Gor\u00edje_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Dureylis = _Dar\u00eale_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Baltis = _Pal\u00f3ye_. Gil. = _Pol\u00f4le_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Lad\u00e1ki = _Bot\u00ec_. Pl. of B\u00f4t.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Kashmiris = _Kash\u00eere_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Dogras = _Sikk\u00ec_ [Sikhs] now \u201cD\u00f4gr\u00e9y.\u201d\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Affghans = _Pat\u00e1ni_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Nagyris = _Khadjun\u00ec_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Hunzas = _Hunz\u00edje_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Yas\u00eenis = _Por\u00e9_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Punyalis = _Puny\u00e9_.\n \u201d \u201d \u201d Kirghiz = _Kirgh\u00ecz_.\n\nNOTE.\u2014The Kirghiz are described by the Chil\u00e2sis as having flat faces and\nsmall noses and are supposed to be very white and beautiful, to be Nomads\nand to feed on milk, butter and mutton.\n\nThe Chil\u00e2sis call the people between Hunza and the Pam\u00ear [our Pamir] on\nthe Yarkand road = G\u00f3j\u00e1l.\n\nThere are also other Goj\u00e1ls under a Raja of Goj\u00e1l on the Badakhsh\u00e1n road.\n\nThe Ch\u00edl\u00e2sis call the Siah P\u00f4sh K\u00e2firs = Bashgal\u00ed (Bashgal is the name of\nthe country inhabited by this people who enjoy the very worst reputation\nfor cruelty). They are supposed to kill every traveller that comes within\ntheir reach and to cut his nose or ear off as a trophy.[74]\n\nThe Chil\u00e2sis were originally four tribes; viz.:\n\n The Bagot\u00e9 of Buner.\n The Kan\u00e9 of Takk.\n The Bot\u00e9 of the Chil\u00e2s fort.\n The Matshuk\u00e9 of the Matshuk\u00f3 fort.\n\nThe Bot\u00e9 and the Matshuk\u00e9 fought. The latter were defeated, and are said\nto have fled into Astor and Little Tibet territory.\n\nA Foreigner is called \u201c\u00f3sho.\u201d\n\nFellow-countrymen are called \u201cmal\u00eaki.\u201d\n\nThe stature of the Dards is generally slender and wiry and well suited\nto the life of a mountaineer. They are now gradually adopting Indian\nclothes, and whilst this will displace their own rather picturesque dress\nand strong, though rough, indigenous manufacture, it may also render them\nless manly. They are fairer than the people of the plains (the women of\nYasin being particularly beautiful and almost reminding one of European\nwomen), but on the frontier they are rather mixed\u2014the Chil\u00e2sis with\nthe Kaghanis and Ast\u00f3ris\u2014the Ast\u00f3ris and Gilgitis with the Tibetans,\nand the Guraizis with the Tibetans on the one hand and the Kashmiris on\nthe other. The consequence is that their sharp and comparatively clear\ncomplexion (where it is not under a crust of dirt) approaches, in some\nDistricts, a Tatar or Moghal appearance. Again, the Nagyris are shorter\nthan the people of Hunza to whom I have already referred. Just before\nI reached the Gilgit fort, I met a Nagyri, whose yellow moustache and\ngeneral appearance almost made me believe that I had come across a\nRussian in disguise. I have little hesitation in stating that the pure\nSh\u00een looks more like a European than any high-caste Brahmin of India.\nMeasurements were taken by Dr. Neil of the Lahore Medical College, but\nhave, unfortunately, been lost, of the two Sh\u00eens who accompanied me to\nthe Panjab, where they stayed in my house for a few months, together\nwith other representatives of the various races whom I had brought down\nwith me.[75] The prevalence of caste among the Sh\u00eens also deserves\nattention. We have not the Muhammadan Sayad, Sheykh, Moghal, and Pathan\n(which, no doubt, will be substituted in future for the existing caste\ndesignations), nor the Kashmiri Muhammadan equivalents of what are\ngenerally mere names for occupations. The following List of Dard Castes\nmay be quoted appropriately from Part II. of my \u201cDardistan\u201d:\u2014\n\n\nK. CASTES.\n\n\u201cRaja (highest on account of position).\n\n\u201cWaz\u00eer (of SH\u00ceN race, and also the official caste of \u2018R\u00f3no\u2019).\n\n\u201cSHIN the highest caste; the Shin\u00e1 people of pure origin, whether they be\nAst\u00f3ris, Gilgitis, Chil\u00e2sis, etc., etc.[75]\n\n\u201cThey say that it is the same race as the \u2018Moghals\u2019 of India. Probably\nthis name only suggested itself to them when coming in contact with\nMussulmans from Kashmir or the Panjab. The following castes are named in\ntheir order of rank (for exact details, see \u201cHunza Handbook\u201d):\n\n \u201c_Y\u00e1shkunn_ [the great = a caste formed by the intermixture (?)\n land-owning race between the Sh\u00een and a lower [aboriginal?]\n found in possession race. A Sh\u00een may marry a Y\u00e1shkunn woman\n by the invading [called \u2018Y\u00e1shk\u00fbni;\u2019] but no Y\u00e1shkunn can\n Sh\u00eens.] marry a Sh\u00een\u00f3y = Sh\u00een woman.\n \u201c_Tatsh\u00f6n_ = caste of carpenters.\n \u201c_Tsh\u00e2jj\u00e1_ = weavers. The Gilgitis call this caste:\n \u2018_By\u00eatshoi_.\u2019\n \u201c_Ak\u00e1r_ = ironmonger.\n \u201c_K\u00fbl\u00e1l_ = potter.\n \u201c_D\u00f4m_[76] = musician }\n \u201c_Kram\u00ecn_ = tanner? } (the lowest castes).\n\n\u201c_N.B._ The _Brokhp\u00e2_ are a mixed race of Dardu-Tibetans, as indeed are\nthe Astoris [the latter of whom, however, consider themselves very pure\nSh\u00eens]; the _Gur\u00e1\u00efzis_ are probably Dardu-Kashmiris; but I presume that\nthe above division of caste is known, if not upheld, by every section\nof the Sh\u00een\u00e1 people. The castes most prevalent in Guraiz are evidently\nKashmiri as:\n\n\u201cBhat. L\u00f4n. D\u00e2r. W\u00e2y. R\u00e2ter. Th\u00f4kr. Bag\u00e2.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n_LEGENDS RELATING TO ANIMALS._[77]\n\n\n1.\u2014A BEAR PLAYS WITH A CORPSE.\n\nIt is said that bears, as the winter is coming on, are in the habit of\nfilling their dens with grass and that they eat a plant, called \u201cajal\u00ed,\u201d\nwhich has a narcotic effect upon them and keeps them in a state of torpor\nduring the winter. After three months, when the spring arrives, they\nawake and go about for food. One of these bears once scented a corpse\nwhich he disinterred. It happened to be that of a woman who had died a\nfew days before. The bear, who was in good spirits, brought her to his\nden, where he set her upright against a stone and fashioning a spindle\nwith his teeth and paws gave it to her into one hand and placed some wool\ninto the other. He then went on growling \u201cm\u00fb-m\u00fb-m\u00fb\u201d to encourage the\nwoman to spin. He also brought her some nuts and other provisions to eat.\nOf course, his efforts were useless, and when she after a few days gave\nsigns of decomposition he ate her up in despair. This is a story based on\nthe playful habits of the bear.\n\n\n2.\u2014A BEAR MOURNS A GIRL.\n\nAnother curious story is related of a bear. Two women, a mother and her\nlittle daughter, were one night watching their field of Indian corn\n\u201cmakai,\u201d against the inroads of these animals. The mother had to go to\nher house to prepare the food and ordered her daughter to light a fire\noutside. Whilst she was doing this a bear came and took her away. He\ncarried her into his den, and daily brought her to eat and to drink. He\nrolled a big stone in front of the den, whenever he went away on his\ntours, which the girl was not strong enough to remove. When she became\nold enough to be able to do this he used daily to lick her feet, by which\nthey became swollen and gradually dwindled down to mere misshapen stumps.\nThe girl eventually died in childbirth, and the poor bear after vain\nefforts to restore her to life roamed disconsolately about the fields.\n\n\n3.\u2014ORIGIN OF BEARS.\n\nIt is said that bears were originally the offspring of a man who was\ndriven into madness by his inability to pay his debts, and who took to\nthe hills in order to avoid his creditors.[78]\n\n\n4.\u2014THE BEAR AND THE ONE-EYED MAN.\n\nThe following story was related by a man of the name of Ghalib Shah\nresiding at a village near Ast\u00f3r, called Parishing. He was one night\nlooking out whether any bear had come into his \u201ctromba\u201d field.[79] He\nsaw that a bear was there and that he with his forepaws alternately took\na pawful of \u201ctromba,\u201d blew the chaff away and ate hastily. The man was\none-eyed [sh\u00e9o = blind; my Ghilgiti used \u201cKyor,\u201d which he said was a\nPersian word, but which is evidently Turkish] and ran to his hut to get\nhis gun. He came out and pointed it at the bear. The animal who saw this\nran round the blind side of the man\u2019s face, snatched the gun out of his\nhand and threw it away. The bear and the man then wrestled for a time,\nbut afterwards both gave up the struggle and retired. The man, after he\nhad recovered himself went to look for the gun, the stock of which he\nfound broken. The match-string by which the stock had been tied to the\nbarrel had gone on burning all night and had been the cause of the gun\nbeing destroyed. The son of that man still lives at the village and tells\nthis story, which the people affect to believe.\n\n\n5.\u2014WEDDING FESTIVAL AMONG BEARS.\n\nA Mulla, of the name of Lal Mohammad, said that when he was taken a\nprisoner into Chil\u00e1s,[80] he and his escort passed one day through one\nof the dreariest portions of the mountains of that inhospitable region.\nThere they heard a noise, and quietly approaching to ascertain its cause\nthey saw a company of bears tearing up the grass and making bundles of\nit which they hugged. Other bears again wrapped their heads in grass,\nand some stood on their hind-paws, holding a stick in their forepaws\nand dancing to the sound of the howls of the others. They then ranged\nthemselves in rows, at each end of which was a young bear; on one side\na male, on the other a female. These were supposed to celebrate their\nmarriage on the occasion in question. My informant swore to the story and\nmy Ghilgiti corroborated the truth of the first portion of the account,\nwhich he said described a practice believed to be common to bears.\n\n\n6.\u2014THE FLYING PORCUPINE.\n\nThere is a curious superstition with regard to an animal called\n\u201cHarginn,\u201d which appears to be more like a porcupine than anything else.\nIt is covered with bristles; its back is of a red-brownish and its belly\nof a yellowish colour. That animal is supposed to be very dangerous, and\nto contain poison in its bristles. At the approach of any man or animal\nit is said to gather itself up for a terrific jump into the air, from\nwhich it descends unto the head of the intended victim. It is said to\nbe generally about half a yard long and a span broad. Our friend Lal\nMohammad, a saintly Akhunzada, but a regular M\u00fcnchhausen, affirmed to\nhave once met with a curious incident with regard to that animal. He was\nout shooting one day when he saw a stag which seemed intently to look in\none direction. He fired off his gun, which however did not divert the\nattention of the stag. At last, he found out what it was that the stag\nwas looking at. It turned out to be a huge \u201cHarginn,\u201d which had swallowed\na large Markhor with the exception of his horns! There was the porcupine\nout of whose mouth protruded the head and horns of the Markhor!! My\nGhilgiti, on the contrary, said that the Harginn was a great snake \u201clike\na big fish called Nang.\u201d Perhaps, Harginn means a monster or dragon, and\nis applied to different animals in the two countries of Ghilghit and\nAstor.\n\n\n7.\u2014A FIGHT BETWEEN WOLVES AND A BEAR WHO WANTED TO DIG THEIR GRAVE.\n\nA curious animal something like a wolf is also described. The species\nis called \u201cK\u014d.\u201d[81] These animals are like dogs; their snouts are of a\nred colour, and are very long; they hunt in herds of ten or twenty and\ntrack game which they bring down, one herd or one K\u014d, as the case may\nbe, relieving the other at certain stages. A Shik\u00e1ri once reported that\nhe saw a large number of them asleep. They were all ranged in a single\nlong line. A bear approached, and by the aid of a long branch measured\nthe line. He then went to some distance and measuring the ground dug it\nout to the extent of the line in length. He then went back to measure the\nbreadth of the sleeping troop when his branch touched one of the animals\nwhich at once jumped up and roused the others. They all then pursued him\nand brought him down. Some of them harassed him in front, whilst one of\nthem went behind and sucked his stomach clean out. This seems to be a\nfavourite method of these animals in destroying game. They do not attack\nmen, but bring down horses, sheep and game.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe Flora and Fauna of Dardistan have been so minutely described in\nPart II. of my \u201cLanguages and Races of Dardistan,\u201d though mainly from a\nlinguistic standpoint, that I have nothing to say here about the products\nand animals of that country. Nor need I say anything about the dress\nof its people, except that its rolled-up woollen cap is, practically,\nthe sign of the brotherhood (sometimes like that of Cain) among all\nmembers of the Dard race, and, at once, distinguishes them from Pathans,\nAffghans, Kashmiris, and others. The beautifully-knit stockings are also\na Dard art, and seem to have suggested, rather than followed, Kashmir\npatterns. Above all, the quasi-Celtic brass brooches of the women, and\nthe family axes of the Hunza-Nagyris denote the antiquity of the Dard\nrace. Curious is also the dress, light as air and softly warm, made of\nthe fluff of the white giant vulture or of that of the wild fowl. I\nmust also refer the reader who wishes to know details about the rivers,\nmountains, etc., of Dardistan, and the occupations of its peoples, to\nPart II. of my \u201cLanguages and Races of Dardistan,\u201d and to the main\nvolume, of which this is a Supplement, namely, the so-called \u201cHunza and\nNagyr Handbook,\u201d a volume of 247 folio pages.\n\n[Illustration: DR. LEITNER\u2019S TIBET DOG \u201cCHANG.\u201d]\n\n\n\n\nGENEALOGIES AND HISTORY OF DARDISTAN.\n\n\nI do not propose to do more in this place than give the roughest outline\nof this subject, as sketched in 1866 and 1872, and now rapidly brought up\nto date. My reason is to prevent those falsifications of History which\nare inevitable when a conqueror annexes a new country and the vilest\nin it naturally becomes his first friends, and fabricate their family\ntree. Therefore, with all its errors, which subsequent enquiries have\ncorrected, there is an element of actuality in the following accounts\ngathered from Dards in 1866, the value of which will become apparent when\nI write the history of the events that are drawing Dardistan into the\ndevastating range of European influences and politics:\n\n\n_GENEALOGY OF THE GILGIT, YASIN, CHITRAL, NAGYR, HUNZA, AND OTHER\nDYNASTIES SINCE 1800._\n\n\nI.\u2014GILGIT\n\n Gurtam Khan (1800), hereditary ruler of\n | Gilgit, whose dynasty can be traced\n | to the daughter of Shiribadatt, the\n | last, almost mythical, pre-Muhammadan\n | Raja of Gilgit. Killed in\n | 1810 by Suleyman Shah of Yasin.\n +-----------------------+------------------------------+\n | | |\n Raja Khan (?) died Muhammad Khan reigns till Abbas Ali, killed\n | 1814. 1826 and is killed by in 1815 by Suleiman\n | Suleyman Shah of Yasin. Shah.\n +--------------------------+\n |\n Asghar Ali killed on his flight to Nagyr by Suleyman Shah.\n |\n Mansur Ali Khan,\n (the rightful Raja of Gilgit, probably still a prisoner in Srinagar).\n\n 1827.\u2014Azad Shah, Raja of Gakutsh, appointed ruler of Gilgit by Suleyman\n Shah whom he kills in 1829.\n Tahir Shah of Nagyr conquers Gilgit in 1834\n | and kills Azad.\n +--------------------------+---------------------------+\n | | |\n Sakandar Khan, killed Ker\u00eem Khan, (Raja of G\u00f4r), Suleyman Khan.\n by Gauhar Aman of (calls in Kashmir troops\n Yasin, in 1844. under Nathe Shah in 1844)\n was killed in 1848 in Hunza.\n |\n +--------------------------+--------------+-------------+\n | | | |\n Muhammad Khan died Suleyman Khan. Sultan Muhammad. Rustam\n in 1859 when on a Khan.\n visit to Srinagar. |\n | |\n Alid\u00e1d Khan (son of Muhammad Ghulam Hayder.\n Khan\u2019s sister).\n\n\nII.\u2014YASIN DYNASTY.\n\nIt is said that both the Yasin and the Chitral dynasties are descended\nfrom a common ancestor \u201cKath\u00f4r.\u201d The Gilgitis call the Yas\u00eenis \u201cPoryal\u00e9\u201d\nand the Chitralis \u201cKator\u00e9.\u201d\n\n_Khushwakt_(?) died 1800(?) from whom the present dynasty derives the\nname of \u201cKhushwaktia.\u201d [A Raja of that name and dignity often met me at\nSrinagar in 1886.]\n\nHe had two sons _Suleyman Shah and Malik Am\u00e1n Shah_. The former died\nabout 1829 and left four sons and a daughter whom he married to\nGhazanfar, the Rajah of Hunza. The names of the sons are Azmat Shah the\neldest, Ahmad Shah, Rah\u00eem Khan and Zarmast Khan.\n\n_Malik Am\u00e1n Shah_ was the father of seven or, as some say, of ten sons,\nthe most famous of whom was GAUHAR AMAN, surnamed \u201cAdam farosh\u201d (the\nman-seller) the third son. The names of the sons are: Khuda Am\u00e1n Duda\nAm\u00e1n, Gauhar Am\u00e1n, Khal\u00eel Am\u00e1n, Akhar Am\u00e1n (who was killed by his nephew\nMalik Am\u00e1n, eldest son of his brother Gauhar Am\u00e1n): ISA BAHADUR (son of\nMalik Am\u00e1n Shah by a concubine), Gulsher, Mahter Sakhi, Bahadur Khan (who\nwas murdered) and Mir Am\u00e1n(?) of Mistuch(?)\n\n_Gauhar Am\u00e1n_ left seven sons: MALIK AM\u00c1N (also called M\u00eer Kammu? now in\nTang\u00eer?) Bahadur Am\u00e1n, murdered by Lochan Singh, MIR VALI (who killed\nHayward), Mir Gh\u00e1zi, PAHLWAN (who killed Mir Vali), Khan Daur\u00e1n and\nShaj\u00e1yat Khan. [The Khushwaktia Dynasty has since been dispossessed by\nthe kindred dynasty of Chitr\u00e1l in 1884.]\n\n\nIII.\u2014CHITRAL OR \u201cSHAH KATHORIA\u201d DYNASTY.\n\nSHAH KATHOR, the son of Shah Afzal, (who died about 1800) was a soldier\nof fortune who dispossessed the former ruler, whose grandson Vigne saw in\nthe service of Ahmad Shah, the independent ruler of Little Tibet in 1835.\nCunningham considers that the name of Kath\u00f4r is a title that has been\nborne by the rulers of Chitr\u00e1l for 2,000 years.\n\n_Shah Kathor_ had a brother, Sarbaland Khan, whose descendants do not\nconcern us, and four sons and a daughter married to Gauhar Am\u00e1n of Yasin.\nThe names of the sons were: _Shah Afzal_ (who died in 1858), Tajammul\nShah who was killed in 1865 by his nephew Adam-khor\u2014or man-eater\u2014(so\ncalled from his murderous disposition; his real name was Muhtarim Shah),\nGhazab Shah (who died a natural death) and Afrasiab (who was killed). The\nmurdered Tajammul Shah left two sons namely Malik Shah (who revenged his\nfather\u2019s death by killing Adam Kh\u00f4r), and Sayad Ali Shah.\n\n_Shah Afzal_ left AM\u00c1N-UL-MULK, his eldest son, the present ruler of\nChitr\u00e1l [1872] Adam-kh\u00f4r (who usurped the rule for a time); Kohk\u00e1n Beg,\nruler of Drus; a daughter whom he married to Rahmat-ulla-Khan, chief of\nD\u00eer; Muhammad Ali Beg; Yadgar Beg; Bahadur Khan; and another daughter\nwhom Gauhar-Am\u00e1n married as well as Shah Afzal\u2019s sister and had Pahlwan\nby her.\n\nAm\u00e1n-ul-Mulk married a daughter of the late Ghazan Khan, chief of D\u00eer,\nby whom he had Sardar (his eldest son), also called Nizam-ul-Mulk.\nAm\u00e1n-ul-Mulk\u2019s other sons are Murad and others whose names will be found\nelsewhere. One of his daughters is married to Jehandar Shah, the former\nruler of Badakhsh\u00e1n and the other to the son of the present Chief, M\u00eer\nMahmud Shah. [Full details are given elsewhere of the Yasin-Chitr\u00e1l\nhouse.]\n\n\nIV.\u2014The names of the principal chiefs of the Chil\u00e2sis and of the\nYaghistanis (the independent Hill tribes of Dar\u00eal, H\u00f4d\u00fbr, Tang\u00ecr, etc.)\nhave already been given in my \u201chistory\u201d of their \u201cWars with Kashmir.\u201d\nJust as in Chil\u00e2s and Kandi\u00e1, the administration is in the hands of a\nBoard of Elders. The Maharaja of Kashmir only obtains tribute from three\nvillages in Chilaz, _viz._, the villages of Chil\u00e1s, Takk and Bundar.\n\n\nV.\u2014NAGYR,[82]\n\n[is tributary to Ahmad Shah of Little Tibet about the beginning of this\ncentury, but soon throws off this allegiance to Ahmad Shah under Alif\nKhan.](?)\n\n[See \u201cHistorical Legend of the Origin of Gilgit,\u201d pages 9 to 16. The\nNagyr-Hunza Rajas or Thams similarly claim a divine origin and account\nfor it through the two fairy-brothers who disappeared at Gilgit. See\nnote on page 111.]\n\n[\u201cNagyr,\u201d which Col. Biddulph very properly writes \u201cNager\u201d (like \u201cPam\u00e8r\u201d)\nis now spelt \u201cNag_a_r,\u201d so as to confound it with the Indian \u201cNagar\u201d for\n\u201ctown,\u201d from which it is quite different.]\n\n Alif Khan. 1800(?)\n |\n Raja Za\u2019far Khan Z\u00e1hid (the present Raja of Nagyr).\n |\n |\n Son (a hostage for his father\u2019s adhesion to Kashm\u00eer, whom I saw\n at Gilgit in 1866). The names of his maternal uncles are Shah\n Iskandar and Raja Ker\u00eem Khan(?) the elder brother. (The full\n genealogy of Hunza Nagyr is given elsewhere.)\n\n\nVI.\u2014HUNZA\n\n Ghazanfar, died 1865.\n |\n Ghazan Khan, present ruler.[83] (1866)\n\n\nVII.\u2014BADAKHSHAN\n\n _Sult\u00e2n Shah._\n |\n +----------------+--------+\n | |\n Rejeb Shah. Mirza Kal\u00e1n.\n | |\n Ahmad Shah. +-----------+--+----+\n | | | |\n | NIZAM-UD-DIN Yusuf Saad-ulla\n | (surnamed Ali Khan.\n +------+---------------+ MIR SHAH). Khan.\n | | | |\n Rahmat Shah MAHMUD SHAH [1872] +---------+-------+---------+----+\n Shah. Ibrahim (present ruler of | | | | |\n Khan. Badakhshan Shaj\u00e1-ul JEHANDAR Suleyman Shahzada |\n under Kabul) Mulk. SHAH, Shah. Hasan. |\n stayed a long the former |\n time with his ruler, Abdulla\n maternal uncle, independent Khan (by\n the ruler of Kunduz, of Kabul a concubine).\n whence he (now (1872)\n has often been a fugitive;\n miscalled \u201ca Sayad infests the\n from Kunduz.\u201d Kolab road).\n\nYusuf Ali Khan had seven sons: Mirza Kal\u00e1n, surnamed Mir Jan; Hazrat J\u00e1n;\nIsmail Khan; Akbar Khan; Umr Khan, Sultan Shah; Abdurrahim Khan (by a\nconcubine).\n\nSaad-ulla Khan had two sons: Baba Khan and Mahmud Khan (by a concubine).\n\n\nVIII.\u2014DIR\n\n Ghazan Khan (a very powerful ruler. Chitr\u00e1l is said to have once\n | been tributary to him).\n |\n Rahmat-ulla Khan and other eight sons (dispersed or killed in\n struggles for the Chiefship).\n\nThe connection of Little Tibet with the Dard countries had ceased before\n1800.\n\n\n\n\n_ROUGH CHRONOLOGICAL SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF DARDISTAN SINCE 1800._\n\n\n 1800.\u2014Gurtam Khan, hereditary ruler of the now dispossessed\n Gilgit Dynasty, rules 10 years in peace; is killed in an\n engagement with Suleyman Khan, Khushwaktia, great uncle of the\n famous Gauhar Am\u00e1n (or Gorm\u00e1n) of Yasin.\n\n 1811.\u2014Muhammad Khan, the son of Gurtam Khan, defeats Suleyman\n Khan, rules Gilgit for 15 years in peace and perfect\n independence whilst\u2014\n\n 1814.\u2014(Sirdar Muhammad Azim Khan, Barakzai, is ruler of\n Kashmir).\n\n 1819.\u2014Ranjit Singh annexes Kashmir.\n\n 1826.\u2014Suleyman Khan of Yasin again attacks Gilgit and kills\n Muhammad Khan and his brother, Abbas Ali. Muhammad Khan\u2019s son,\n Asghar Ali, is also killed on his flight to Nagyr.\n\n 1827.\u2014Suleyman Shah appoints Azad Khan(?), petty Raja of\n Gakutsh, over Gilgit as far as Bunji; Azad Khan ingratiates\n himself with the people and rebels against Suleyman Shah whom\n he kills(?) in 1829.\n\n 1829.\u2014Suleyman Shah, head of the Khushwaktia family of Yasin,\n dies.\n\n 1833.\u2014Gauhar Am\u00e1n turns his uncle, Azmat Shah, out of Yasin.\n\n 1834.\u2014Azad Khan is attacked by Tahir Shah of Nagyr and killed.\n Tahir Shah, a Shiah, treats his subjects well. Dies 1839. Vigne\n visits Ast\u00f3r in 1835, but Tahir Shah will not allow him to\n cross over to Gilgit. At that time the Sikhs had not conquered\n any Dard country. Ahmad Shah was independent ruler of Little\n Tibet (Baltistan) and under him was Jabar Khan, chief of Ast\u00f3r\n (whose descendants,[84] like those of Ahmad Shah himself and\n of the Ladak rulers are now petty pensioners under Kashmir\n surveillance). (The Little Tibet dynasty had once, under Shah\n Murad, about 1660, conquered Hunza, Nagyr, Gilgit and Chitr\u00e1l,\n where that ruler built a bridge near the fort.) Zorawar Singh\n conquers Little Tibet in 1840, but no interference in Dard\n affairs takes place till 1841 when the Sikhs are called in as\n temporary allies by the Gilgit ruler against Gauhar Am\u00e1n of\n Yasin.\n\n 1840.\u2014Sakandar Khan, son of Tahir Shah, succeeds to the throne\n of Gilgit and rules the country\u2014with his brothers, Kerim Khan\n and Suleyman Khan.\n\n 1841.\u2014Gauhar Am\u00e1n of Yasin conquers Gilgit. Its ruler, Sikandar\n Khan, asks Sheikh Ghulam Muhi-ud-din, Governor of Kashmir on\n behalf of the Sikhs, for help.\n\n 1842.\u20141,000 Kashmir troops sent under Nathe Shah, a Panjabi.\n\n 1843.\u2014Sikandar Khan is murdered at Bakr\u00f4t at the instigation of\n Gauhar Am\u00e1n.\n\n 1844.\u2014Gauhar Am\u00e1n of Yasin re-conquers the whole country,\n selling many of its inhabitants into slavery.\n\n Nathe Shah, joined by Kerim Khan, younger brother of Sikandar\n Khan and 4,000 reinforcements, takes Numal Fort, but his\n subordinate Mathra Das is met at Sher Kila (20 miles from\n Gilgit) by Gauhar Am\u00e1n and defeated.\n\n 1845.\u2014Karim Khan succeeds his brother as ruler (called \u201cRaja,\u201d\n although a Muhammadan) of Gilgit and pays a small sum for the\n retention of some Kashmir troops in the Gilgit Fort under Nathe\n Shah. The Rajas of Hunza, Nagyr and Yasin [Gauhar Am\u00e1n sending\n his brother Khalil Am\u00e1n to Sheikh Iman-ud-din] now seek to be\n on good terms with Kashmir, especially as its representatives,\n the tyrannical Nathe Shah and his equally unpopular successor,\n Atar Singh, are removed by its Muhammadan Governor.\n\n 1846.\u2014Karim Khan, Raja of Gor, another son of Tahir Shah,\n calls in Nathe Shah and defeats Gauhar Am\u00e1n at Basin, close\n to Gilgit. A succession of officers of Ghulab Singh then\n administer the country in connexion with the Raja of Gilgit\n (Wazir Singh, Ranjit Rai, Bakhshu, Ali Bakhsh and Ahmad Ali\n Shah, brother or cousin of Nathe Shah). By Treaty (see page\n 110):\n\n \u201cKASHMIR AND ITS DEPENDENCIES EASTWARD OF THE INDUS\u201d are\n made over by the British to the Hindu Ghulab Singh. Gilgit,\n which lies to the _westward_ of the Indus, is thus excluded\n from the dominions of that Maharaja. Gilgit was also,\n strictly speaking, not a dependency of Kashmir, nor was\n Chil\u00e1s.\n\n 1847.\u2014The Maharaja restores Nathe Shah, whilst confirming\n his cousin Nazar Ali Shah as Military Commandant of Gilgit.\n Raja Kerim Khan sends his brother Suleyman Khan on a friendly\n mission to Srinagar, where he dies. Vans Agnew arrives at Chalt\n on the Gilgit frontier towards Nagyr and makes friends with the\n people, who at first thought that he came accompanied by troops.\n\n 1848.\u2014Isa Bahadur, the half-brother of Gauhar Am\u00e1n by a\n concubine of Malik Am\u00e1n Shah, is expelled from Sher Kila, a\n Fort belonging to Punyal, a dependency of Yasin, and finds\n refuge with the Maharaja, who refuses to give him up. Gauhar\n Am\u00e1n accordingly sends troops under his brother Akbar Am\u00e1n and\n captures the Bargu and Shukay\u00f4t Forts in Gilgit territory. The\n Rajas of Hunza and Nagyr combine with Gauhar Am\u00e1n and assisted\n by the Gilgit people, with whom Kerim Khan was unpopular\n because of his friendship for Kashmir, defeat and kill Nathe\n Shah and Kerim Khan. Gauhar Am\u00e1n captures the Gilgit and\n Chapr\u00f4t Forts. The Kashmir troops re-invade the country and at\n the beginning of\n\n 1849.\u2014Wrest all the forts in Gilgit territory from Gauhar Am\u00e1n,\n and make over the rule of that country to Raja Muhammad Khan,\n son of Kerim Khan, assisted by the Kashmir representative, Aman\n Ali Shah as Thanadar, soon removed for oppression.\n\n 1850.\u2014The raids of the Chil\u00e2sis on Ast\u00f3r is made the occasion\n for invading the country of Chil\u00e2s, which, _not_ being a\n dependency of Kashmir, is _not_ included in the Treaty of 1846.\n (See page 110.) The Maharaja gives out that he is acting under\n orders of the British Government. Great consternation among\n petty chiefs about Muzaffarabad, regarding ulterior plans of\n the Maharaja. The Sikhs send a large army, which is defeated\n before the Fort of Chil\u00e2s.\n\n 1851.\u2014Bakhshi Hari Singh and Dewan Hari Chand are sent with\n 10,000 men against Chil\u00e2s and succeed in destroying the fort\n and scattering the hostile hill tribes which assisted the\n Chil\u00e2sis.\n\n 1852.\u2014The Maharaja\u2019s head officers, Santu Singh and Ramdhan,\n are murdered by the people of Gilgit whom they oppressed. The\n people again assist Gauhar Am\u00e1n, who defeats and kills Bhup\n Singh and Ruknuddin (for details _vide_ Appendix), and drives\n the Kashmir troops across the Indus to Ast\u00f3r.\n\n 1853.\u2014The Maharaja now confines himself to the frontier,\n assigned to him by nature as well as the treaty, at Bunji, on\n the east of the Indus, but sends agents to sow discord in the\n family of Gauhar Am\u00e1n. In addition to Isa Bahadur, he gained\n over two other brothers, Khalil Am\u00e1n and Akbar Am\u00e1n, but failed\n with Mahtar Sakhi, although an exile. He also attracted to his\n side Azmat Shah, Gauhar Am\u00e1n\u2019s uncle.\n\n 1854.\u2014The Maharaja instigated Shah Afzal of Chitr\u00e1l to attack\n Gauhar Am\u00e1n, and accordingly in\n\n 1855.\u2014Adam Khor, son of Shah Afzal of Chitr\u00e1l, drove Gauhar\n Am\u00e1n from the possession of Mistuch and Yasin and restricted\n him to Punyal and Gilgit.\n\n 1856.\u2014The Maharaja sends a force across the Indus under Wazir\n Zoraweru and Atar Singh assisted by Raja Zahid Jafar of\n Nagyr,[85] and Gauhar Am\u00e1n thus attacked in front and flank,\n retreats from Gilgit and dispossesses Adam Khor from Yasin and\n Mistuch.\n\n 1857.\u2014Gauhar Am\u00e1n again conquers Gilgit and drives out Isa\n Bahadur, officiating Thanadar of that place. Gauhar Am\u00e1n and\n the Maharaja intrigue against each other in Chitr\u00e1l, Nagyr,\n Hunza, etc.\n\n 1858.\u2014Shah Afzal of the Shah Kathor branch, ruler of Chitr\u00e1l,\n dies.\n\n Intrigues in Gilgit against Gauhar Am\u00e1n, by Muhammad Khan,\n son of Raja Karim Khan, assisted by Kashmir. Muhammad Khan is\n conciliated by marrying the daughter of Gauhar Am\u00e1n. The Sai\n District of Gilgit beyond the Niludar range is still held by\n the Sikhs.\n\n 1859.\u2014Mir Shah of Badakhshan and Raja Ghazanfar of Hunza assist\n Gauhar Am\u00e1n in attacking Nagyr, which is under the friendly\n Raja Zahid Jafar, and in trying to turn out the Sikhs from Sai\n and even Bunji. Azmat Shah, uncle of Gauhar Am\u00e1n, is expelled\n from Chitr\u00e1l where he had sought refuge.\n\n Aman-ul-Mulk, King of Chitr\u00e1l, dispossesses his younger\n brother, Adam Khor, who had usurped the throne, from the rule\n of Chitr\u00e1l and joins Gauhar Am\u00e1n against Kashmir.\n\n 1860.\u2014The Maharaja instigates Adam Khor and Azmat Shah, who\n were in the country of Dir with Ghazan Khan, a friendly chief\n to Kashmir, to fight Gauhar Am\u00e1n\u2014Adam Khor was to have Yasin,\n Asmat Shah was to take Mistuch and Sher Kila (Payal) was to be\n given to Isa Bahadur, the Maharaja to have Gilgit. Intrigues of\n the Maharaja with the Chiefs of Dir, Badakhshan, etc.\n\n Gauhar Am\u00e1n dies, which is the signal for an attack by the\n Maharaja co-operating with the sons of Raja Kerim Khan of\n Gilgit. Gilgit falls easily to Lochan Singh, who murders\n Bahadur Khan, brother of Gauhar Am\u00e1n, who was sent with\n presents from Malik Am\u00e1n, also called Mulk Am\u00e1n, son of Gauhar\n Am\u00e1n. The Sikhs, under Colonels Devi Singh and Hushiara and\n Radha Kishen, march to Yasin expelling Mulk Am\u00e1n from that\n country (which is made over to Azmat Shah) as also from\n Mistuch. Isa Bahadur is reinstated as ruler of Payal, but Mulk\n Am\u00e1n returns and drives him and Azmat Shah out. The Kashmir\n troops fail in their counter-attacks on Yasin, but capture some\n prisoners, including Mulk Am\u00e1n\u2019s wife.\n\n 1861.\u2014Malik Am\u00e1n murders his uncle, Akbar Am\u00e1n, a partisan of\n Kashmir. Badakhshan, Chitr\u00e1l and Dir ask the Maharaja to assist\n them against the dreaded invasion of the Kabul Amirs, Afzal\n Khan and Azim Khan. Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk tries to get up a religious\n war (Jeh\u00e1d) among all the Muhammadan Chiefs. Hunza and Nagyr\n make friends. Both Adam Khor and Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk, who have again\n become reconciled, send conciliatory messages to the Maharaja,\n who frustrates their designs, as they are secretly conspiring\n against him.\n\n Even Mulk Am\u00e1n makes overtures, but unsuccessfully.\n\n 1862.\u2014Kashmir troops take the Fort of Roshan. A combination is\n made against Mulk Am\u00e1n, whose uncle Gulsher and brother Mir\n Ghazi go over to the Maharaja.\n\n 1863.\u2014Mulk Am\u00e1n advancing on Gilgit is defeated in a very\n bloody battle at the Yasin Fort of Shamir. Massacre of women\n and children by the Kashmir troops at Yasin.\n\n 1864.\u2014Mir Vali and his Vazir Rahmat become partisans of the\n Maharaja.\n\n 1865.\u2014Ghazanfar, the Raja of Hunza and father-in-law of Mulk\n Am\u00e1n, dies, which causes Mirza Bahadur of the rival Nagyr to\n combine for an attack on Hunza with Kashmir. Adam Khor murders\n his uncle, Tajammul Shah, whose son, Malik Shah, murders\n\n 1866.\u2014Adam Khor (some say at the instigation of his elder\n brother, Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk). Malik Shah seeks refuge with the\n Maharaja who will not give him up to Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk. Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk\n then sprung the mine he had long prepared, and when the long\n contemplated campaign against Hunza took place in 1866, all\n the Mussulman Chiefs who had been adherents of the Maharaja,\n including Mir Vali, fell away. The Kashmir troops which had\n advanced on Nummal were betrayed, and defeated by the Hunza\n people (now ruled by Ghazan Khan, son of Ghazanfar).\n\n All the hill tribes combine against Kashmir and reduce the\n Dogras to the bare possession of Gilgit, which however held\n out successfully against more than 20,000 of the allied Dards,\n headed by Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk, Ghazan Khan and Mir Vali. Very large\n reinforcements were sent by Kashmir,[86] at whose approach the\n besiegers retreated, leaving, however, skirmishers all over the\n country.\n\n Wazir Zoraweru followed up the advantage gained by invading\n Dareyl. Whilst the place was yet partially invested, Dr.\n Leitner made his way to the Gilgit Fort and frustrated two\n attempts made against him by the employ\u00e9s of the Maharaja, who\n ostensibly were friends.\n\n 1867.\u2014Jehand\u00e1r Shah of Badakhshan is expelled from his country\n by the Governor of Balkh and seeks refuge in Kabul, where he\n is restored a year afterwards to his ancestral throne by the\n influence of Abdurrahman Khan, son of the Amir Afzal Khan and\n by his popularity. His rival, Mahmud Shah, leaves without a\n struggle. Mir Vali, joining Mulk Am\u00e1n, made an unsuccessful\n attack on Isa Bahadur and Azmat Shah, who beat them off with\n the help of Kashmir troops from Gilgit. The consequence was\n general disappointment among the Muhammadan Chiefs and the Hill\n tribe of Dareyl (which had been subdued in the meantime) and\n all opened friendly relations with Kashmir, especially.\n\n 1868.\u2014Mir Vali rules Yasin with Pahlwan.[87] Mulk Am\u00e1n flees to\n Chitr\u00e1l.\n\n 1869.\u2014Mulk Am\u00e1n takes service with Kashmir and is appointed on\n salary, but under surveillance, at Gilgit.\n\n 1870.\u2014Mr. Hayward visits Yasin in March; is well received by\n the Chief, Mir Vali, but returns, as he finds the passes on\n to the Pamir closed by snow\u2014visits the country a second time\n in July, after exposing the conduct and breach of treaty of\n the Kashmir authorities, and is murdered, apparently without\n any object, at Dark\u00f4t in Yasin, one stage on to Wakhan, by\n some men in the service of his former friend, Mir Vali, who,\n however, soon flies the country in the direction of Badakhshan,\n then seeks refuge with the Akhund of Swat, and finally returns\n to Yasin, where he is reported to have been well received by\n Pahlwan. Whilst in Chitr\u00e1l, he was seen by Major Montgomerie\u2019s\n Havildar and was on good terms with Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk, who is\n supposed, chiefly on the authority of a doubtful seal, to\n be the instigator of a murder which was not, apparently, to\n his interests and which did not enrich him or Mir Vali with\n any booty, excepting a gun and a few other trifles. Much of\n the property of Mr. Hayward was recovered by the Kashmir\n authorities, and a monument was erected by them to his memory\n at Gilgit, where there is already a shrine, which is referred\n to on pages 47 and 51.\n\n 1871.\u2014Jehand\u00e1r Shah, son of Mir Shah, who had again been turned\n out of the rule of Badakhshan in October 1869 by Mir Mahmud\n Shah with the help of the Afghan troops of Amir Sher Ali, finds\n an asylum in Chitr\u00e1l with Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk (whose daughter had\n been married to his son) after having for some time shared the\n fortunes of his friend, the fugitive Abdurrahman Khan of Kabul.\n (Chitr\u00e1l pays an annual tribute to the Chief of Badakhshan in\n slaves, which it raises either by kidnapping travellers or\n independent Kafirs or by enslaving some of its own Shiah and\n Kafir subjects\u2014the ruler being of the Sunni persuasion.)\n\n 1872.\u2014Late accounts are confused, but the influence of Amir\n Sher Ali seems to be pressing through Badakhsh\u00e1n on Chitr\u00e1l\n and through Bajaur on Swat on the one hand and on the Kafir\n races on the other. The Maharaja of Kashmir on the one side and\n the Amir of Kabul on the other seem to endeavour to approach\n their frontiers at the expense of the intervening Dard and\n other tribes. Jehand\u00e1r Shah infests the Kolab road and would\n be hailed by the people of Badakhshan as a deliverer from the\n oppressive rule of Mahmud Shah, as soon as the Kabul troops\n were to withdraw.\n\n\nSo far my \u201cDardistan,\u201d in which a detailed \u201cHistory of the Wars with\nKashmir\u201d will be found. The events since 1872 need only to be indicated\nhere in rough outline, and, unfortunately, confirm my worst anticipations\nas to the destruction of the independence of the Dardu tribes, of their\nlegendary lore, and, above all, of the purity of their languages,\nincluding the prehistoric Khajun\u00e1 or \u201cBurishki\u201d spoken in Hunza-Nagyr,\nand a part of Yasin. What are the admitted encroachments of our Ally, the\nMaharaja of Kashmir, have been utilized in our supposed interests, and\nwe have stepped in to profit, as we foolishly think, by his sins, whilst\nhe is tricked out of their reward. Falsely alleging that Hunza-Nagyr\nwere rebellious vassals of Kashmir, when Hunza at all events was under\nChinese protectorate, we have reduced their patriotic defenders to\npractical servitude, and, by to-day\u2019s _Times_ (21st November, 1892), are\nstarting, along with 250 rifles and two guns, some 100 men of a Hunza\nlevy to Chitr\u00e1l to put down a trouble which our ill-judged interference\nhas created in another independent principality, where we have put\naside the rightful heir, Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk, for his younger brother,\nAfzul-ul-Mulk, on the pretext that the former was intriguing with the\nRussians. I believe this allegation to be absolutely false, for I know\nhim to be most friendly to British interests. In 1886 he offered to send\na thousand men from Warshigum over the passes to the relief of Colonel\n(now General Sir) W. Lockhart, then a temporary prisoner at Panjah Fort\nin Affghan hands. As Padishah of Turikoh, Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk was, in his\nfather\u2019s life-time, the _acknowledged_ heir to the Chitr\u00e1l throne, and\nhe was made by his father Raja of Yasin in succession to Afzul, who had\ntaken it in 1884 from Mir Am\u00e1n, the maternal uncle of Pehliw\u00e1n, who\nwas ruler of Yasin in 1880, when Colonel Biddulph wrote his \u201cTribes of\nthe Hindukush,\u201d and with whom the Khushwaqtia dynasty, as such, came\nto an end. This Pehliwan killed Mir Wali, the murderer of Hayward, but\nPehliwan made the mistake of attacking Biddulph in 1880, and was ousted\nby Mir Am\u00e1n. With Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk, therefore, begins the rule over Yasin\nby the Kathoria Dynasty of Chitr\u00e1l. He is now a fugitive at Gilgit; had\nhe been intriguing with Russia he would certainly not have sought refuge\nfrom his brother in the British lion\u2019s mouth at Gilgit. All I can say is\nthat in 1886 he did not even know the name of Russia, and that when he\nwrote to me in 1887 he referred to the advent of the French explorers\nCapus, Pepin and Bonvalot, as follows: \u201cthey call themselves sometimes\nFrench, and at other times Russians.\u201d In the \u201cAsiatic Quarterly Review\u201d\nof January, 1891, there is a paper from Raja Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk on \u201cthe\nLegends of Chitr\u00e1l.\u201d He is thus the first Central Asian prince whose\nliterary effusion has appeared in the pages of a British, or indeed of\nany other, Review. His first letters, sent in the hollow of a twig, like\nhis latter ones sent through British officers, all breathe a spirit\nof what might be called the sincerest loyalty to the Queen-Empress,\nwere he not an absolutely independent ruler. There will be an evil day\nof reckoning when the \u201cmeddling and muddling,\u201d which has created the\nRussian Frankenstein, will be followed by the exasperation of princes and\npeople, within and beyond our legitimate frontier. To revert to Hunza\nand Nagyr, Mr. F. Drew, an Assistant Master of Eton College, who was _in\nthe service of the Maharaja of Kashmir_, wrote in 1877 in his \u201cNorthern\nBarrier of India\u201d\u2014which, alas! our practical annexation of Kashmir, and\nour interference with the Hindukush tribes are breaking down\u2014as follows:\n\u201cHunza and Nagyr are two small INDEPENDENT RAJASHIPS. Nagyr has generally\nshown a desire to be on friendly terms with the Dogras at Gilgit, while\nHunza has been a thorn in their side.\u201d There is not a word here of these\nStates being tributaries of Kashmir, whilst Colonel Biddulph, who was\nour Resident at Gilgit, shows that the last Hunza raid was committed in\n1867, and that slavery and kidnapping were unknown in inoffensive, if not\n\u201ctimid,\u201d Nagyr. My article in the \u201cAsiatic Quarterly Review\u201d of January,\n1892, shows that raiding and slavery had been recently revived in\nconsequence of alike Russian and English advances, and that the fussiness\nand ambition of our officials have alone _indicated_ and _paved_ \u201cthe\nnearest way to India.\u201d\n\n _Woking, 21st November, 1892._\n\nP.S.\u2014In correcting this proof of a paper on the Fairy-land that adjoins\n\u201cthe Roof of the World,\u201d which our imprudence has drawn within the\nrange of practical politics, I never anticipated that I should have to\nrefer to my \u201crough sketch of the History of Dardistan\u201d brought down to\n1872 as a refutation of the history written to order by some of our\nleading journals which, to suit the policy of the moment, would make the\nAmir of Affghanistan responsible for Badakhshan, and yet blame him for\ninterfering with Chitr\u00e1l, as is hinted in a telegram in to-day\u2019s _Times_.\nI shall deal with this matter elsewhere. (See also Appendix II.)\n\n _Woking, 29th November, 1892._\n\n[Illustration: Our Manufactured Foes\n\nA student from Tangir.\n\nA Nagyri Peasant.\n\nA Dareyli Herdsman. [_notice fine head and ample forehead_]\n\n(_Already published_) A well-known Hunza Fighter, Brought to England by\nDr. Leitner in 1887.]\n\n[Illustration: KASHMIR SOLDIER (HIGHLANDER), (Wearing a Great Lama\u2019s Hat).\n\nA BALTI COOLIE (LITTLE TIBET). (The Baltis are used as Coolies by the\nKashmir invaders.)]\n\n\n\n\n_HISTORY OF THE DARD WARS WITH KASHMIR_\n\nIN 5 CHAPTERS\u2014(CHAPTER I. CHIL\u00c1S)\n\n(_Committed to writing from the statements of a Saz\u00edni Dard who took part\nin many of the engagements._)\n\n\nINTRODUCTION. (JUIN, 1893.)\n\nChil\u00e1s has already been referred to in my \u201crough Chronological Sketch\nof the History of Dardistan from 1800 to 1892.\u201d[88] I now propose to\nrepublish \u201cthe History of the Wars of the Dard tribes with Kashmir\u201d\nbeginning with the account given to me by a Saz\u00eeni Dard in 1866 of the\nfirst war with the Chil\u00e1sis.[89] Its importance at the present moment,\nconsists in the fact that these wars with the Dards were almost all\nprovoked by Kashmir, as they, practically, now are by ourselves. The\nattack on peaceful and pious Nagyr was excused by the usual calumnies\nthat precede and justify annexation, till their exposure comes too\nlate either to prevent aggression or to punish their authors, who, if\nsoldiers, obtain honours, and if writers, an evanescent popularity. Now\nthat the manuscripts of the Hunza Library have been sold by auction,\nthat its fairies have been silenced, that its ancient weapons have been\ndestroyed, that its language and religion have been assimilated to those\nof its neighbours, a living chapter has disappeared of the most ancient\ntraditions of mankind safe in their mountain recesses for ages, till\nEnglish and Russian subalterns wanted promotion at the expense of the\nsafety of their respective Asiatic Empires. In 1866, I already pointed\nout that the Legends and Customs of the Dards were gradually vanishing\nbefore the incidental inroads of Orthodox Sunni Muhammadanism and that\ntheir preservation was a duty of the civilized world. Now we have simply\nkilled them outright as also a number of interesting Aryan republics,\nlike Chil\u00e1s and other picturesque and peaceful autonomies. In 1875, Mr.\nDrew reported that the abhorrence of the Shin race to the cow, which\nprobably marked the almost pre-historical separation of the D\u00e1radas, the\nlowest of the twice-born, from the Brahmins of Kashmir, was ceasing,\nand in 1886 I saw a son of the excellent Raja of Nagyr in European garb\nall except the head-dress. Now that his country is practically annexed,\nits Chief is called \u201cpatriarchal,\u201d just as the Chil\u00e1sis are now patted\non the back \u201cas brave and by no means quarrelsome\u201d by journals which\na few months ago termed them \u201craiders,\u201d \u201ckidnappers\u201d, \u201crobbers\u201d and\n\u201cslave-dealers,\u201d etc., forgetting that there exist the annual reports of\nour Deputy Commissioners of Abbottabad speaking of them since 1856 as a\npeaceable people. No doubt _before_ that date, the Sunni Chil\u00e1sis raided\nShiah Astor, just as the Astoris raided what they could.[90]\n\nThe following account, it will be seen, and my own notes, do not, in\nthe least, palliate the shortcomings of the Dards, but I maintain that\nthere were _no_ raids since 1856, and that in 1866 _six_ Kashmir Sepoys,\n(not 6,000, as alleged by a recent writer) kept the Astor-Bunji road in\na state of perfect safety; there were, no doubt, small detachments of\ntroops at these places themselves, _not_ to protect the road against the\npuritanical peasantry of Chil\u00e1s, but as Dep\u00f4ts for the _then_ War with\nall the united Dard tribes _except Chil\u00e1s_. Yet we are told by a recent\nwriter, ignorant of Dard Languages and History, that we took Chil\u00e1s in\norder to protect Kashmir from raids (which had ceased for 42 years),\nthat we spend less on the safety of the frontier than Kashmir, that the\nNagyr Raja was a slave-dealer, etc., etc. Fortunately, we have official\nand other reports written before the passions of the moment obscured\nhistorical truth, and these Reports will long bear witness against the\nvandalism and folly by which our Northern Barrier of India was broken\ndown and a military road was constructed for an invader to the heart of\nthe Panjab. This road is the one from Abbottabad to Hunza, of which I\nobtained the particulars in 1866 (when I was sent on a linguistic Mission\nby the Panjab Government to Kashmir and Chil\u00e1s), but which, for obvious\nreasons, I did not publish. Now that the Indian papers constantly urge\nand discuss its construction, I have no hesitation in giving the details\nof this, as I have of other roads and as _now_ ought to be done of the\nvarious means of communication throughout what was once called, and what\nshould, and could, for ever have remained, the \u201cneutral zone\u201d between\nthe British and the Russian spheres of influence or interference. The\nfirst part of the projected road is to Chil\u00e1s, and extends, roughly\nspeaking, for 125 miles, namely Abbottabad to Mansehra 16 miles; Mansehra\nto Juba 10 miles; thence to Balak\u00f4t 12 miles; Kawaie 12, Jared 12,\nKaghan 12, Naran 14, Batakundi 6, Burawaie 6, Sehri 5, Lulusar (where\nthere is a fine lake 11,000 feet over the sea level) 5, Chil\u00e1s 15. (For\ndetails see elsewhere.) Of this 15 miles are on independent territory,\nso that there was no occasion for the precipitate subjugation of an\ninoffensive population, whose sense of security is so great that they\nabandon their houses entirely unprotected during the hottest part of the\nsummer when they leave with their families for the cooler surrounding\nhills. In another Dard republic, full of Arabic Scholars, Kandi\u00e1,\nthere are no forts, and weapons may not be carried. Major Abbott, from\nwhom Abbottabad so deservedly takes its name, reporting to the Lahore\nBoard of Administration in July 1855, when the Maharaja of Kashmir had\nmisinformed him of the successful conclusion of his campaign against\nChil\u00e1s and had asked the British Government, \u201cwhether he was to hold it\nwith garrison, or to punish the people by burning their villages and then\nto retreat,\u201d gave as his opinion that the latter course would exasperate\nthe Chil\u00e1sis into renewing their incursions, and that on the other hand\n\u201cthe possession of Chil\u00e1s by Jummoo would altogether destroy the hopes of\nthe Syuds of Kaghan. And as the odium of this very unpopular expedition\nhas been carefully attributed to the British Government by the Maharaja\u2019s\nMinisters, so much of advantage may possibly be derived from it.\u201d I must\nnow allow my Saz\u00eeni and other Dards to give an account of Wars which not\nonly include the struggles for the conquest of Chil\u00e1s, but detail the\nexpeditions to Hunz\u00e1-Nagyr, the massacre of women and children at Yasin,\nthe Dareyl and other conflicts, all interspersed with characteristic\nanecdotes and the names of men and places that have, or may yet, come to\nthe front.\n\n\nROUTES TO CHIL\u00c1S.\n\nThe manners, tribal sub-divisions, and occupations of the Chil\u00e1sis and\nthe names of the mountains, streams, products, etc., of the country, as\nalso the road from Takk to Kashmir by the Kanagamunn pass, Di\u00fang, Shiril,\nKoja, Ujatt, etc., are detailed in my \u201cDardistan,\u201d where a Chil\u00e1si\nvocabulary, dialogues, songs, etc., will also be found. There are also\nroads from Abbottabad to Chil\u00e1s through Agr\u00f4r, of Black Mountain fame,\npracticable for camels. Another road, fit for ponies, goes by Muzafarabad\nby Sharidi and the lovely Kishenganga and Sargan Rivers in Kashmir, by\nthe Kamakduri Galli, to Ni\u00e1t in Chil\u00e1s. As already mentioned, the easiest\nroad to our last conquest is by Kaghan through the Takk valley. There\nis also the long and dangerous road on the banks of the Indus to Bunji,\nwhich skirts, as its occupation would irritate, the Kohistani tribes\nwho are Pathans, not Dards, including the rival traders with Gilgit\nof Koli-Palus. Thence, on that route, comes Jalkot and the road that\nbranches off into learned Kandi\u00e1, which I have described at length in\nthe _A.Q.R._ of July 1892. The road, such as it is, constantly crosses\nand recrosses the Indus (by rafts), and at the Lahtar river is reached\nthe boundary between the true Kohistan and the Dard country, which is\nthere called Shin\u00e1ki, because it is inhabited by the ruling Shin\u00e1 race.\nWe then come to pretty Saz\u00edn, from which my Saz\u00een\u00ed informant. Opposite to\nit runs the Tangir valley and country, whence there is a road to Yasin\nto which Tang\u00eer owed a sort of loose bond. We then continue by the right\nbank of the Indus opposite Saz\u00edn, passing Shati\u00e1l and on to the Dareyl\nstream, which comes from the Dareyl country that eventually joins on to\nGilgit. Crossing the Dareyl stream, we pass Harban on the left bank and a\nfew miles further on, the Tor village, and arrive at the H\u00f4dur village,\nwhence we go on to Chil\u00e1s, after as bad a road of about 200 miles as\nit is possible to conceive. Besides, if we touch the independence of\nthese various republics _en route_, we shall constantly be in a hornets\u2019\nnest, and provoke the coalition of the Dard with the Pathan or Afghan\nirreconcilable tribes, whereas, by keeping to the Kashmir route or, at\nleast, confining ourselves to the Kaghan-Chil\u00e1s road, and prohibiting\nour men from going to the right or to the left of it, we may yet resume\nfriendly relations with the harmless and religious Chil\u00e1sis and keep the\nroad open for the eventual advance of Russian troops! In the meanwhile,\nlet us not destroy villages inhabited by hereditary genealogists, who,\nbefore our advent, were the living historians of an irrecoverable portion\nof, perhaps, the earliest Aryan settlements.\n\n\nI. STRUGGLES FOR THE CONQUEST OF CHILAS.\n\n\u201cAbout twenty-three years ago there was a very strong fort at Chil\u00e1s.\nTwo years before the outbreak of the wars, a man named Lassu came [on\nthe part of Kashm\u00edr?] to the frontier of Chil\u00e1s. This man\u2019s ancestors\nhad been in the service of the Dogras and for ninety years had possessed\nproperty and the Sirdarship at Gor\u00e9 (?) (probably Gura\u00efz) in the family.\nIt is not known why or whether he was dismissed the Kashm\u00eer service, but\nhe came with his family in 1847 to Chil\u00e1s and became the cause of all\nthe subsequent disturbances. This man had been renowned for bravery in\nhis youth, but when he came was old and feeble, though full of intrigue.\nIn the valley of Marung\u00e1 is a place called Ney\u00e1tt, where he established\nhimself with about twenty families of Kashmiris and others, who had\nfollowed him from Guraiz. His two brothers were also with him. Where he\nfixed his residence there is\u2014at some distance below\u2014a village of the\nname of G\u00f4sher, inhabited by the people of Takk. The valley is called\nKar\u00fang\u00e1 at its exit. In these two years he cultivated his fields and the\nfriendship of the Chil\u00e1sis. Purchasing also cattle and horses he became\na great chief, to whom the Chil\u00e1sis used to pay visits of ceremony. He\nalso used constantly to visit them, and when he had acquired a decisive\ninfluence, he assembled all the Lumberdars of Chil\u00e1s and said, \u201cWhat a\npity that Ast\u00f3r being so near, whose inhabitants are all Shiahs, you\nshould not attack them according to the Shera\u2019 [religious Law].\u201d The\nignorant Chil\u00e1sis then began to go on plundering excursions in the\ndirection of Astor, which were often successful. When the Governor of\nAst\u00f3r became unable to resist these attacks, he requested the assistance\nof the Maharaja of Kashm\u00eer, who refused it to him, but himself advanced\ndirect on Chil\u00e1s with an army. (In this war I was present for about a\nmonth.) One day a battle began in the early morning and lasted till\nthe evening. The Maharaja\u2019s army drove us right into the Chil\u00e1s Fort.\nWe sent off men at once in all directions for help. For two days there\nwas no other engagement. On the 3rd day came allies of the valley of\nG\u00eene, from Dar\u00eal, Jalk\u00f4t, Takk and Torr, Harb\u00e0nn, Shati\u00e1l, Saz\u00edn, Hud\u00far,\nK\u00f3li, and 200 Tang\u00eeris (we were in all about 20 \u201cthousand\u201d men, women\nand children, in that great fort[91]). They poured in all day, and by\nevening the struggle was renewed in which, as I saw myself, women took\npart. As the Sikhs were pressing on to the walls, the women threw\nbedsteads and planks on their heads; stones and kitchen-utensils were\nalso used. The result was not decisive. A stream was flowing into the\nfort in which we had four reservoirs kept filled in case of need. H\u00eamur,\na brave man, whose son Sadur is now a Chief, a Yashkunn,[92] sat there\ngiving a pumpkin full of water (about half a pint) to a man during the\nday and a pint at night, as it was more quiet then. There was a row of\nmen stationed handing the gourd in and out and taking care that nobody\ngot more than his share. Often we went without food for two days. The\nChil\u00e1si women cooked and cast bullets\u2014the other women chiefly fought.\nThe besiegers diverted the stream from the fort into the valley. We then\ndrank the water of the reservoirs. This lasted for a month. We only lost\nin killed about three or four a day, as we fought behind cover. The\nenemy lost from 80 to 120 a day as they were in the open plain. When\ntheir provisions failed and supplies did not reach them, they retired\nwith the loss of a third of their army, their treasury and goods. (300\nwomen were appointed for the purpose of working and casting bullets all\nday.) In the day time we used to exchange shots\u2014at night we would attack\ntheir camp, when they were tired or asleep. The walls were loopholed for\nthe guns, and altogether the management of the affair was very good.\nWe looted 100 mule-loads of powder: as much of lead, 40 tents\u2014100 beds\n(charpoys), 2 boxes filled with money (Chilkis[93])\u201450 sound muskets\nand 150 injured muskets,\u2014120 brass kettles\u201450 brass jugs\u2014200 sheets\nand 400 brass gharras (pitchers)\u2014100 shawls, good and bad\u2014200 Chaplis\n(sandals)\u201420 chairs\u20145 loads of sticks\u2014200 lances\u2014200 bayonets\u2014a heap of\n100 swords\u201420 daggers\u201420 iron hammers, 130 tent pegs of iron and 800 of\nwood\u20142 big guns\u20143 field guns, and miscellaneous property too numerous and\nvarious to detail. Two days after the flight of the Dogras the people\nassembled and began to divide the spoil. We began by giving 10 Chilkis to\neach man, but it did not last for all; so, whoever got no money, took a\ngun, lance, tent, etc. The big guns were put into the fort. I was shot in\nthe leg in that siege. We used to bury our dead in their clothes within\ntwo or three days of their death. The Sikhs also used to burn, and the\nbesieging Muslims in their service to bury, the dead for some time. When,\nhowever, the casualties increased, the besiegers gave up attending to the\ndead. It was in the midst of summer; so the stench was very great and\ndisease also spread in the Sikh camp. Seven days after the flight of the\nenemy, the tribes who had come to help left for their own places. The\nfollowing is the list of the Sirdars killed in the siege: Dey\u00fbri Khan,\na Sh\u00een, one-eyed, Sirdar of Chil\u00e1s; Hashm Shah, a Sh\u00een, of Chil\u00e1s; Nasr\nAli Khan, a Yashkunn, of Chil\u00e1s; Malik Faul\u00e1d, a Yashkunn, of Harbenn.\nThe following Sirdars survived: Rahmat Ulla, Sh\u00een, Chil\u00e1si; Akbari, Sh\u00een,\nLamberdar of Takk; Murad Shah, Yashkunn of T\u00f2rr; Adam Shah, Yashkunn of\nT\u00f2rr; Bah\u00e1dur (Baghd\u00far), Sh\u00een of Harb\u00e1nn; Naik Numa, a Kam\u00ecn, Harbann;\nFaizulla Khan, Sh\u00een, Harbann; Mard Shah, Kam\u00ecn of Shati\u00e1l; Shah Jeh\u00e1n,\nKam\u00ecn of Shati\u00e1l; Malek Nazr-ud-din, Sh\u00een of Sazin; Hajem Khan, Sh\u00een\nof Sazin; Lala Khan, Yashkkunn of Dareyl; Jeld\u00e1r, Yashkkunn of Dareyl;\nIzzat, Sh\u00een of Ph\u00fagotsh (Dareyl); Rahmi, Sh\u00een of Samagi\u00e1l in Dareyl;\nMatshar Khan (a great Sird\u00e1r) Sh\u00een, Samagial; Los\u00een, Sh\u00een of Barz\u00een;\nMirza Khan, Sh\u00een, Barz\u00een; Shah Merd\u00e1n, Sh\u00een of Hud\u00far; Kazilbik, Yashkunn\nof B\u00fader.\n\n[Illustration: TWO CHIL\u00c1SIS.\n\nA GILGITI.]\n\nAfter a year had passed, the Chilasis and the Yaghist\u00e1nis[94] assembled\nat Chil\u00e1s with the intention of plundering Ast\u00f3r, whose Governors then\nwas Jabr Khan and Wazir Gurb\u00fand, subjects of Kashm\u00eer and of the Shiah\nfaith, and therefore fit objects for the attack of orthodox Mussulmans\n(Sunnis). We were in all about 108,000 Yaghistanis (the ideas of number\nare very vague in those countries\u2014though not so vague as in Lughm\u00e1ni\nwhere there is not a separate name for a number above 400, and the\nforeign appellation of _haz\u00e1r_ = 1,000 is the equivalent for 400. _Vide_\nLughm\u00e1ni and Kandi\u00e1 Vocabularies in which numeration is by twenties). The\nAst\u00f3ris were only 6,000, but we went in large numbers, as we counted on\nhaving to meet the Dogras of Kashmir.\n\nThe following is the List of the confederate Yaghistanis: From Koli,\n1,000; Palus, 4,000; Jalk\u00f3t, 3,000; Sazin, 500; Shati\u00e1l, 500; Harbann,\n1,000; Takk, 1,000; Chilas, 3,000; Torr, 1,000; Tangir, 4,000; Dareyl,\n10,000; G\u00f4rdjan, 5,000 (probably G\u00f4r); G\u00eene, 100; B\u00fbder, 100; Gorm\u00e2ni,\n2,000 (probably auxiliaries from Gauhar-Am\u00e1n, the ruler of Yasin,\npopularly called G\u00f4rm\u00e1n); Gilgit, 5,000; Sai, 5,000.\n\n(This only brings the allied Dard forces up to 48,200, perhaps only\n19,000, as already explained. Since then the Dards have been more than\ndecimated, and the destruction of Gilgit with all its traditions, etc.,\nis one of the saddest results of the Kashmir frontier war. There are,\nhowever, Gilgit emigrants to be found in Saz\u00een and other places.) We\nmarched on to the mountains of Astor and Gauhar-Am\u00e1n with 2,000 men\nstopped at Jalk\u00f4t (j as in French) in the S\u00e1i territory, 6 koss far.\nHe told us that when the Dogras came up to assist Astor, he would at\nonce advance with more troops to that place. When we came near Astor,\nthe Governor was informed of our approach. Most of the Astoris fled,\nmany leaving their property behind. The 6,000 fighting men remained;\nthey had, however, sent most of their property away. The people of the\nAstor village, Dashkin, had not heard of our arrival; so we surprised\nit about midnight, killed 2 men and wounded 9\u2014100 were captured (men\nand women). We took 80 cows, 500 goats, clothes to the value of 400\nRupees, 40 hatchets, 100 swords, and 100 muskets. Out of the house of\nthe Waz\u00eer Gorb\u00fand we got 8 kettles. There are many Yashkunns at Astor,\nthree-fourths being of that race and the remainder being half Sh\u00eens and\nthe other half Kam\u00edns.[95] Our arrival at Astor was announced by a man\nwhom with his companion we surprised seated at the bridge of Sugark\u00f4t.\nA man of Shati\u00e1l killed the companion by throwing a stone at him; the\nother effected his escape and enabled the Astoris to get away with their\nproperty. The reason why we killed so few was because we wanted to make\nthe people our slaves, either to keep or sell; being Kafirs their lives\nare forfeited to the Mussulmans, but it is harder on them to be slaves\nthan die and therefore we prefer to enslave them. Besides it is more\nprofitable. In the morning a rumour of the approach of the Maharajah\u2019s\ntroops reached us. We were greatly surprised at this and retired on to\nHashu Gher (probably the Atsho pir, a very high mountain which overlooks\nBunji, on the Kashmir side of the Indus) by the Burderik\u00f4t road\u2014a very\ndifficult one\u2014on the way to Chil\u00e1s, which we reached only the 6th day\nafter our retreat. We then divided the spoil. Some sold their slaves\nin Chil\u00e1s. Most took them to their homes. We did not lose any one in\nkilled or wounded on this excursion. Jabar Khan of Astor then went to\nthe Maharaja as a suppliant\u2014saying he and his people were children and\nsubjects of Kashmir and implored help against the marauders, who, he\nurged, should themselves be attacked and punished. The Maharaja advised\nhim to be quiet for a year, as he would then bring a large army. This\nwas satisfactory for Jabar Khan, who was intent on revenge. In fact,\n14 months later, when he and his minister with 60 men again presented\nthemselves at Srinagar, in order to urge the fulfilment of the promise,\n50,000 men (!!) were sent to Chil\u00e1s. I was then at Min\u00f4r in the Gilgit\nterritory, but my father and brother went into the war and it is from\nthem that I have heard the following particulars. When the Sikh General\n(whose name I forget) reached the Kashm\u00eer river [the Kishnganga (?)] he\ndivided the Army into two parts\u2014one to go by way of Guraiz, the other\nby the Darau valley which goes straight to Chilas and actually reached\nTakk. [From Takk there are 2 valleys\u2014the one of Babuserr; the other of\nMarung\u00e2.] The reason of the division of the forces was that the Kashm\u00eer\ntroops feared to trust their whole body into mountainous country where\nthey might all be cut up. Two days before the enemy came, we were at\nS\u00eehil, below Takk, 1,000 strong. The Yaghistanis were collecting at\nChil\u00e1s, but most were still on the roads or starting from their homes.\nThe news of the approach of the Maharajah\u2019s troops had also frightened\naway most of the tribes. Indeed there were only 500 besides the force\nat S\u00eehil. The following came: 100 from Saz\u00een, 200 from Harb\u00e1n, 40 from\nChitr\u00e1l, 60 from Dareyl, 40 from Jalk\u00f4t, 100 from Tang\u00eer, 200 from T\u00f3rr,\n40 from Hud\u00far, 200 from Takk, 100 from B\u00fbder. 800 had collected in G\u00f4r,\nbut never came up, but were at Talp\u00e8nn on the other side of the Indus, 4\nk\u00f4s from Chilas. The following Chiefs came: Nazar Khan, Kas\u00eem and Masta\nKhan of Saz\u00een. The 2 former were Sh\u00eens, the other a Yashkunn. Rav\u00een,\na Yashkunn of Shatial; Der Jihan, Kamin, of Shatial; Alang\u00eer, Kamin,\nof Harbann; Tapa Khan, Kamin, of Harbann; Jeldar Mama and Sheithing\nof Dareyl, Shins; Amet\u00ee, Yashkunn, Jalk\u00f4t; Keremo, Shin, Khairulla,\nYashkunn, Tang\u00eer; Marat Shah Mama, Adam Shah, Great Sirdars of Torr,\nShins; Shahmard Kaka and his brother of Hud\u00fbr, Shins; Akbari and Az\u00e1d,\nKamins, of Takk; Kizilb\u00eek of B\u00fbder, Yashk\u00fann; Sadar Khan, Yashk\u00fann, G\u00f4r;\nWaz\u00eer Khan, Yashk\u00fann, G\u00f4r; Ramanni, Yashk\u00fann, G\u00f4r; Rahmat ulla Khan,\nNasir Ali, and Hasham Shah, Yashk\u00fanns, Chil\u00e1s.\n\nWhen the Sikh troops came to the bridge of S\u00eehil, it was 6 A.M. (before\ndawn). We were in ambush and rushed upon them sword in hand. There\nwas great fighting till the evening\u2014such as had never been before in\nYaghistan. When night broke in, we were beaten and fled back into the\nmountains. Then two Sirdars, Ameti Khan and Ser End\u00e1z Khan of Jalk\u00f3t,\nrushed in alone on the army of the infidels and after killing some were\ncut down. Ameti\u2019s body fell into the water below the bridge and came up\nagain after one month at Jalk\u00f3t on the river side, where Jalk\u00f3t is. A\nboatman of the name of Mehr Gul, came to the place but did not recognise\nthe body. He told the villagers, who went out with Mira Khan, the uncle\nof Amet\u00ed, who had not gone to the wars as he was very old. Amet\u00ed\u2019s wife\ntoo went to the bank. Nobody recognised the corpse, when the wife knew\nhim from his pij\u00e1mas. He was buried and a shrine was built over his\nbody, which is known by the name of the \u201cshrine of the martyr.\u201d Amet\u00ed\nhad said when about to charge the Sikhs that \u201cif he should be killed\nhis body would still get to Jalk\u00f4t and be buried there.\u201d Many Sirdars\ntestify to this. During the night, the enemy sleeping from fatigue, Mulla\nShemsh\u00ear, and Mulla Khand\u00e1d and the Pir Padishah M\u00eea, a great Sayad,\nrallied the Yaghistanis and told them of the advantage of assaulting the\ninfidels at night, which was accounted as a twofold righteousness in\nthis and the next world. When the Yaghis heard this Fatwa (authoritative\nmanifesto) their courage increased and they attacked the enemy\u2019s camp\nin a body. Our men went on slashing at their heads and other limbs. It\nwas winter and the blood clotted our hands and froze them to the sword\nhilts. Rustam and Afrasiab\u2019s wars would be forgotten as trifles, if I\ncould describe the terrors of that night. The slaughter lasted all night.\nAs the day approached and showed the smallness of our numbers we were\nagain defeated and fled from Sihil to Chil\u00e1s which is at the distance of\n6 k\u00f4s (or about 9 miles). We were followed by the enemy. Whenever they\ncame up to a suitable place, the fight was renewed and hundreds were\nkilled. At Dasur, Matshuko-Jal and in the valley of Chil\u00e1s, there being\nan open space, a stand was made, especially at the last place, which we\nreached at noon and kept our ground fighting till far into the night\n(10 o\u2019clock). We were again defeated and fled into the fort, which was\nsurrounded by the Maharajah\u2019s army. The following days and nights were\noccupied in constant fighting. The enemy again cut off the stream. Then\nthe Yaghis again appointed Hemur to undertake the distribution of water\nfrom the reservoirs and made the women cook and cast bullets for them, as\nduring the first siege. This siege, however, was greatly protracted\u2014the\nwater became scarce and whilst formerly a man would get three gourdsful\n(two during the night and one in the day) now only one gourdful was\ndistributed during the whole twenty-four hours. This lasted for three\nmonths. At night assaults were made and shots were exchanged during the\nday through the loopholes. When the enemy approached under the walls,\nstones, etc., etc., were thrown on him. We did all we could, but were\nstill beaten\u2014the reason God alone knows. Oh God! when the water became\nscarce, the enemy also put poison into the reservoirs; so some died from\nthirst and many from poison. When the enemy saw this, he had recourse to\nanother _ruse_. They tied stems of trees together with ropes and using\nthem as ladders, tried to mount on the fort, firing all the day. We\nhad not seen this before and in our surprise lost more men than perhaps\nwas necessary in defending ourselves. Neither water nor an escape was\ndestined for us; so the remainder consulted about evacuating the place\nand getting into the hills. At midnight two-thirds of the men, taking\nthe women and children with them, left the Fort and began to fly. The\nvoices of the children roused the blood-thirsty enemy, who, like a wolf,\ncame after the lambs. Some of the Sikhs entered the Fort and killed those\nthey found; when they became exhausted with murdering, they took about\n680 men, women and children as prisoners for the Sikh General and 120\nwere destined for the revenge of Jabar Khan and taken away with their\nproperty. The fort was at once set on fire and burnt down. Such property\nas they could take they did take. As for the fugitives, it was a running\nslaughter till sunrise, when we reached Kitsh\u00f3ri. Here we rallied and\nrenewed the fight. Kitsh\u00f3ri is 2 k\u00f4s below Chilas and is a village on\nthe Indus. Our men fought, hungry and tired though they were, till noon\nand were considerably thinned in numbers. It seemed now useless to us to\ncontinue the fight, for we said that we should all be at last overpowered\nand cut down to a man. We must therefore flee. We, therefore, retraced\nour march in the direction of the mountains and were not followed up, as\nthe enemy did not perhaps, think it worth while, our numbers being so\nreduced. The pursuers returned to the Chil\u00e1s fort. When they got there\nthey agreed to return to Kashmir. As they reached the place where the\ntwo roads branch off, [one for Astor, the other for Kashm\u00eer] the Sikh\nGeneral gave leave to Jabar Khan, who took his prisoners with him. All\nwere in great joy. The following is the list of the Sird\u00e1rs who escaped\nthe slaughter: Alengir, Habba Khan, and M\u00eer Matta, of Harbenn; Rahmi, of\nDar\u00eal.\n\nAladdin of Shatial and Ahmeti and Sir Andaz of Jalk\u00f4t were killed; also\nAzur, and Alahmun of Saz\u00een. Mard Shah Baba of Torr got away. Azad of Takk\nwas killed. Nasr Ali, Hashm Shah, Paulad and Anwar\u00ed of Chilas were all\nkilled. They were all Yashkunns. Serrkushu of Tangir was killed. M......\nof Somer, a Sh\u00een, my cousin, was killed by a bullet going through his\nmouth. 500 were killed and 800 taken prisoners\u2014200 escaped. Among the\nprisoners was Sirdar Rahmat Ulla Khan, who was sent to Jammu. When he was\ncaptured, a Sikh went into the fort after his daughter, who threw herself\noff the walls in order to escape disgrace and was dashed to pieces on a\nstone. There is no doubt that we were the first to be in fault, as we\nattacked Astor without provocation and at the instigation of Lassu seven\ntimes before the Maharaja went to war with us. I never joined these\nplundering excursions but my cousin, M......, went every time and also\nS......, my brother, who is still alive. Once they brought back a man and\n6 women to Min\u00f4r\u2014the whole razzia having secured 60 prisoners, 800 goats,\netc. Thinking it was \u201chal\u00e1l\u201d or lawfully acquired property, they divided\nit with great glee and they ate the goats also as \u201chal\u00e1l,\u201d as they had\ntaken them from Shiahs.\n\nThere is a suspicion that Lassu was an agent of Kashm\u00eer sent to foment\nthis discord and bring about the subjection of Chil\u00e1s. In former times we\nused to assist Astor, being our neighbour. There is also no difference\nin our language. That of Khapul (Khapol\u00f3r) is different. It is Tibetan:\nthey call a man \u201csh\u00eeshek\u201d and for \u201cgo there\u201d say \u201cgaz yut\u201d and \u201cbakhmula\ngihrit\u201d (there is a mistake here) and for \u201cbury\u201d say \u201cs\u00f9mduk\u201d and for\n\u201cdoes he go or not\u201d \u201cyidd mitt.\u201d \u201cSon\u201d they call \u201cbh\u00faman.\u201d [Some of\nthe words are Kashm\u00eer\u00ee.] I remember these words, having once known the\nlanguage, as a woman of Khapul, called Miriam, had fallen to the lot of\nmy brother in the division of the booty. A neighbour of mine also had a\nslave of the same place called Kolitsh, who used to come to see us. I was\nvery young then and could converse with both. A year after, my brother,\nin consequence of his greed for money, took her to Kami, a village of\nTang\u00eer and sold her to Batret Shah, Sirdar, the son of Babar Shah, for\n8 tolas of gold (each tolah of the value of 9 Rupees 5 annas). This was\na good price as she was very good-looking, but she should not have been\nsold.\n\n * * * * *\n\nWhen the Kashm\u00eer troops attacked Chilas, Lassu joined us secretly and\nalthough himself old and feeble told us what to do\u2014but his two brothers\nand two nephews openly fought on our side in the battle of the valley\nof Chil\u00e1s. Indeed at Sihil, Lassu fought himself and used to send the\nSirdars forward with his instructions. In short, as far as he was able,\nhe tried to injure the Sikhs. When the Sikhs had cut the water off the\nfort, he had arranged about putting only one man in charge of it and\nfixed the rate at which it should be distributed. He was ever ready\nwith advice. He used to allow the Sikhs to beat up supplies in villages\nand then would cut them up while encumbered with them. This is how we\nmanaged to be fed (the plundered supplies reaching us by a mountain road)\nfor three months. A relative of Lassu was in the Sikh Camp and told the\nGeneral about Lass\u00fa\u2019s doings. The attention of the besiegers was then\ndirected towards capturing him, but in vain, and in both wars he escaped\nbeing taken prisoner or receiving a wound. His younger brother was\nshot in the palm of the hand. In short, after the conquest of Chilas,\nLassu again resided with his brothers at Ney\u00e1tt and kept up his visits\nto Chilas. When the Sirdars arranged to offer their submission to the\nMaharaja at Jammu, they sent for Lassu and asked him to help them to\nrecover their friends and relatives who had been taken prisoners to\nKashmir. Lassu refused on the ground that he had left the Maharajah\u2019s\nservice and had been his bitter enemy ever since and that therefore his\nlife was not safe if he ventured into his presence. Finally, Lassu was\nprevailed upon to go. The following Sirdars went to Jammu to ask for\nforgiveness: Hashm Shah, Sattari, Baland Khan, and Daria Khan, of Chilas,\nwith 36 Bot\u00e9s (poor people); Buyedad, Daru Khan, and Mir, Sh\u00eens of B\u00fbder;\nAzad and Sakhi, Sh\u00eens of Takk; Tatari, Kam\u00ecn, and Baghd\u00f9r, Shin, also of\nTakk.\n\nWhen the Maharaja saw the suppliants, and also noticed Lassu, it was\nas if an arrow had pierced him. He was greatly indignant, having heard\neverything from his General about Lassu often defeating his troops and\nbeing the origin of the wars and of the numerous plans by which his\nsoldiers had been destroyed by thousands\u2014for instance at the ambush at\nS\u00eehil. Finally after a long talk, the Maharaja made the forgiveness of\nthe Chilasis conditional on the execution of Lassu. The Chilasis said \u201cBy\nall means, if this man and his ancestors have not been your servants.\nYou expelled him and we received him. In gratitude for this he may have\ngiven us sometimes advice, but he has never raised his hands against\nyou. Had he not given us even advice _we_ should have killed him. It\nwas his duty to do so. Let His Highness therefore pardon him.\u201d The\nMaharaja refused, and ordered his General to strike off his head there\nand then, put the blood into a plate and give it to him to drink [this\nwas probably meant metaphorically, as a Hindu would not drink blood,\nespecially not that of a Muhammadan. However, the Chilasi Chiefs appear\nto have understood the threat literally]. The Sirdars all interposed as\nthey could not witness his death. They offered to pay taxes, if he were\nspared. [This was probably the object of this comedy.] Then the Maharaja\nfixed an annual tribute of Rs. 2 per house, in lieu of the blood of\nLassu. The Chiefs thought it too much for their poor people, so at last\none Rupee per house was settled. He then dismissed them, but wanted them\nagain to appear next year with the tribute, viz. Balang Khan, Dery\u00e1 Khan,\nMatshar and Lassu. \u201cWhen this is done, he added, I will send Lassu with\na khilat[96] to Guraiz and re-instate him as Governor and you shall also\nreceive presents.\u201d This was accepted and the Chiefs returned with all the\npeople (men, women and children) who had been taken prisoners. He also\nsent a letter to Jabar Khan of Astor to restore the 120 prisoners whom he\nhad taken to the Chilas Chiefs. This was done and nearly all returned,\nexcepting the few that had died in course of nature. Thus was Chilas\nagain re-peopled and is inhabited to the present day.\n\nThe following villages in Chilas became subject to Kashmir: Chilas, then\n300 houses, now only 200, 100 having died out in consequence of disease\nbrought on by the bad water of that place, B\u00fbder, 120 houses, Takk,\n131 houses. The rest did not submit, nor will they ever do so, as they\nhave heard about the tyranny and oppression practised in Kashmir. We\nYaghistanis have thus become even greater enemies than before, but are\nhelpless. To revert to my story. After a year the following Sirdars went\nwith the tribute to Srinagar, viz.: Dery\u00e1 Khan, Balang Khan, Satari,\nRahmat-ulla, Matshar and Lassu. The Maharaja gave each a present of 120\nRupees and made them stay a month at Jammu. Lassu was sent with much\nhonour to Guraiz and reinstated. On the expiration of the month the\nSirdars came to Srinagar and requested leave to go as the harvest-time\nhad come near. The Maharaja received them kindly and requested that in\nfuture two Chilasis should come with the tribute and remain for a year\nas servants (really hostages) when they would be allowed to return and\ntwo others be appointed in their stead. The hostages were to receive some\npay from the Maharaja. The Sirdars then returned each to his own village.\nThis arrangement is still in force. (For a more chronological account of\nthe conquest of Chil\u00e1s vide Historical Sketch, page 72.)\n\n\nII.\u2014WAR WITH GOUHAR AMAN FOR THE POSSESSION OF GILGIT.\n\nA year later, the same Sikh General was despatched with 3,000 horse and\nfoot to Astor and fixed a tribute of one-third of the produce on all.\nHe also established a Thanna at S\u00f3gar, a village close to Astor. At the\nThanna he laid in ammunition, etc. Next year he went down with his troops\nalong the river of Astor to the Indus and established a Thanna at B\u00fbnji,\nwhich is on this side of the Indus and opposite to Sai. Duru was at that\ntime Governor of Bunji on behalf of Gouhar Aman, the ruler of Yasin and\nGilgit. He also crossed the Indus at Sai and arranged for a Thanna at\nJalk\u00f4t, but the Sai country was subject to Gouhar Aman who was residing\nat Gilgit. When he heard of the encroachments of Kashmir he sent off men\nto Dareyl and Tang\u00eer, asking these tribes to come down on the Sikhs by\nthe mountain paths near Bunji, whilst he would take the road along the\nIndus and attack Sai. He stated that as he and they were Sunnis, a Jih\u00e1d\n[religious war] on the Sikhs became their common duty. 5,000 young men\nfrom Dareyl and Tang\u00eer at once collected and came down to Bunji in 10\ndays. Gouhar Aman with 3,000 Gilgiti horse and 2,000 coolies, fell on\nS\u00e1i at 2 o\u2019clock in the afternoon of the day on which the mountaineers\nreached in the morning. The following Yaghistani Chiefs came: From\nDareyl\u2014Kalashmir, Lala Khan Izzetti, Bira Khan, Muhammad Khan, Shaithing,\nJald\u00e1r; from Tangir\u2014Khairulla, Mans\u00fbr, Rustami, Nay\u00fbn.\n\nThe only son of Gouhar Aman who came was Mulk Aman\u2014Gouhar Aman himself\nbeing detained at Min\u00f4r by illness. The following also came: From N\u00f3mal\n200 men, from Bhagr\u00f4t 2,000(!!), from Sakwal 100, and from Min\u00f4r 200.\nThese men carried loads of provisions and ammunition. They reached\nthe Nilud\u00e1r range on that day, one kos from the Sai District. Thence\npreparations were made for an attack\u2014the Sikhs having 8,000 men\u2014the\nbattle began at Chakark\u00f4t which is three k\u00f4s from the Indus. There is\na field there under cultivation where the fight began. It was summer.\nThe Sikhs had got into the Chakark\u00f4t Fort which was surrounded by the\nGilgitis. Mulk Aman dashed into it with his horsemen. The Chakarkoti\nvillagers facilitated their entry and opened the gates for him. The fight\nlasted all day and night within and without the Fort. The Sikhs were\ndefeated; most were killed fighting and some jumped off the walls and\nwere dashed to pieces. 100 only escaped crossing the river [Indus] back\nto Bunji. Gouhar Aman only lost 60 horsemen and 40 Dareylis and Tang\u00eeris,\nalso Sirdar Muhammad Khan, a Shin of Dar\u00eal. Mulk Aman did not cross over\nto Bunji and dismissed the mountaineers, telling them, however, to be in\nreadiness for renewed fighting. He then returned to Gilgit. A curious\ncircumstance occurred with two Sikhs who were taken away as prisoners by\nthe Dareylis. In taking them over the J\u00e1mu rocks,[97] which on account\nof their difficulty, we call \u201c\u00e1kho\u201d (Atsho?), one fell into the Indus\nand was never again seen, whilst the other slipped down and rose again\nto the surface\u2014an event never known to occur with any one who falls into\nthe Indus at that place where it is very rapid. He, however, made his way\nover to Bunji, and just as he was reaching it, a stone fell on his head\nand he was drowned.\n\n * * * * *\n\nA year had scarcely elapsed after the battle of Chakark\u00f2t, when, in\nthe spring, about 20,000 Kashmir troops with the former General came\nto Astor. He sent a letter of defiance to Gauhar Aman, challenging him\nto do his worst, to assemble the mountaineers and to meet him on an\nopen plain. Gauhar Aman at once told the mountaineers that they should\nquietly get into Jalkot (Sai District) by way of the valley of K\u00e1mberi,\nover the mountain Hudurga, to the village Kirinjot, and get out by the\nmountains of Puh\u00fbt. This was done. Gauhar Aman again fell ill at Min\u00f4r.\nHis son just got there in time to meet the Sikhs (10,000 in number) near\nthe Niludar, the mountain ridge which is between Gilgit and Sai. It was\nnight, and so both armies encamped; in the morning the fight began. 7,000\nDareylis and Tang\u00eeris had come under Jeldar, and Lala Khan of Gaya in\nDareyl and Izzet\u00ed, P\u00e1tsha Khan of Phogutsh of Dareyl\u2014also Matshar Khan\nof Samagi\u00e1l\u2014Bitori, Kalashmir of another Samagial, Kusuti of Maneky\u00e1l,\nArzennu of Dareyl\u2014R\u00fastami, K\u00e2mi of Tang\u00eer, Muhammad Mir, Adab Shah of\nGali, Khairulla of Jag\u00f4t\u2014Karim, Moya Shah, Maw\u00eashi, Matti of the Deyamur\nvillage\u2014Merdumi of L\u00farak\u2014Akbaro of Sheikho\u2014[2,000 came from Tangir, 5,000\nfrom Dareyl]. Gouhar Aman\u2019s son had 3,000 infantry and 6,000 horsemen.\nThe Sikhs were on the roads below the mountains, whilst the Yaghistanis\nwere firing from the tops. The Sikhs necessarily wasted their shot in\nsuch an encounter, whilst the mountaineers had it all their own way.\nThis lasted the whole day. All (10,000!!) were destroyed\u2014only one sepoy\nescaped to Bunji to tell the news to the other half of the army. The\nGeneral was not present in this as in the Chakark\u00f3t battles, but stayed\nat Bunji. The Yaghis only lost 2 men, one from Ph\u00fagutsh and the other\nfrom Samagial, viz.: Shahbaz, also called \u201cOsmin,\u201d and Uzet Shah. The\nmountaineers then accompanied the victorious army back to Min\u00f4r and\nGilgit, where they consulted regarding the future safety from the Sikhs.\nGauhar Aman thought that the Gilgit Fort could not stand a siege and that\nit should therefore be strengthened and the walls made higher. This view\nwas shared by the mountaineers who looked upon Gilgit as their centre: so\nthey all set to work to improve the fort and raised it twenty yards in\nheight and gave six yards of depth to the walls. Bullocks were constantly\ntreading down the stones as the walls were being raised. The Zamindars\nalso helped. The Mountaineers assisted and were fed during the month that\nit took to strengthen the place. Then all left, when Gauhar Aman fell\nvery ill. He sent Mulk Aman, with 5,000 horsemen against Yasin to fight\nMahtar and A\u2019smat Shah, sons of Suleyman Shah, descendants of P\u00e1tsha (?),\nShins. They came there on the fourth day and surrounded the place. Mahtar\nwould not fight, and surrendered on the tenth day, saying that they all\ncame from one stock and were subjects to Gauhar Aman. A\u2019smat Shah fled to\nSwat. Mahtar paid his respects with 1,000 young men and was apparently\nreceived in a friendly manner by Mulk Aman, who said he wanted to talk to\nhim privately. There is a hall for the princes 100 yards from the Fort,\nand to this he led Mahtar and after a conversation of two hours struck\noff his head. Then he came out and killed 20 of Mahtar\u2019s relatives and\nfriends. The rest he put into the Fort, as they were merely Zamindars.\nHe then asked Gauhar Aman to come to Yasin with his whole family. On the\ngood news reaching him he assembled the Gilgitis and told them that, as\nhis illness was sure to carry him off, he wanted to be buried in his own\ncountry where also his ancestors reposed. In reality, he wanted to marry\nthe widow of Mahtar. When he came near Yasin, some one told him that his\nson had married the widow. This rendered him furious and made him think\nof killing his son. In this state of mind he reached Yasin, where he said\nnothing but ascertained that the widow had been married eight days ago.\nHe then threw Mulk Aman into a prison which was at the top of the highest\ntower of the Yasin fort and ordered that he should not receive sufficient\nfood. The woman was also placed under surveillance. He left Ghulam as\nWazir of Gilgit. Gauhar Aman remained ill for a year, being unable to\nmove and one side being shrivelled up. When he felt his death nigh, he\nreleased Mulk Aman and made the woman over to him. A few days after he\ndied and Mulk Aman had accomplished the funeral rites, he ascended the\nthrone. When Isa Baghd\u00f9r [Isa Bah\u00e1dur] and the fugitive A\u2019smat Shah\nheard this in Swat, they rejoiced as they did not think that Mulk Aman\nwas a hero like his father. Isa Bahadur of Sher Kila\u2019 had also fled to\nSwat having heard of the defeat of the Sikhs and being afraid of being\ndispossessed by Gauhar Aman\u2014an idea which was confirmed by Akbar Aman,\nthe brother on the father\u2019s side of Gauhar Aman\u2014(Isa Bahadur and Akbar\nwere cousins, sons of two sisters) (Isa Bahadur and Gauhar Am\u00e1n were\ntarburs \u200e\u200f\u062a\u0631\u0628\u0648\u0631\u200f\u200e, namely brothers\u2019 children). There is a road from Swat\nto Yasin which is much used and is near. Mulk Aman, wishing to conquer\nother countries, enquired who had caused Isa Bahadur\u2019s flight and offered\na reward for the information. Hay\u00e1tulla, a servant of Gauhar Am\u00e1n, told\nhim a month after about his uncle being the cause, as they were related\non the women\u2019s side (the stronger tie; being related on the father\u2019s side\nis not a strong bond wherever polygamy is common). This convinced Mulk\nAman, for having taken the throne from his uncle to whom it by right\nbelonged, he always felt suspicious of him. However, he kept his own\ncounsel, when one day he invited Akbar Aman to go out shooting with him.\nThey went about one k\u00f4s from the Yas\u00een fort, where a fine plain comes in\nview. Mulk Aman advised all retainers to get down from their horses as\nhe wanted to rest a little and then start the game which would come in\nsight in that place. This they did not do, so he jumped from his horse,\npretending that he saw game in different directions and ran after it.\nThen Akbar Aman also got down from his horse. He had scarcely moved about\nfor a few yards, when a ball, fired by Mulk Aman, struck him dead. Mulk\nAman then returned to govern in peace of mind. This news Isa Bahadur had\nalso heard in Swat. What with wishing to revenge Akbar and thinking of\nthe confusion which would be sure to follow the discord of the brothers\nof Mulk Aman (M\u00eer Wali, Pahlivan, etc.) he and Asm\u00e1r got ready and came\nback\u2014but I don\u2019t know whether he came _via_ Kandi\u00e1 [a hitherto unexplored\nDistrict, referred to elsewhere] or by what road. Anyhow he appeared at\nSai with the 20 followers whom he had taken with him from Sher Kila\u2019\non his flight. There he found Sultan, the ex-Wazir of Pohordu Shah, a\ndescendant of the Queen Johari (Jow\u00e2ri\u2014_vide_ 1st Song, page 22) who in\nancient times was the ruler of Sai and whose descendants had fled from\nGauhar Aman into the hills. When Gauhar Aman died, all these fugitives\ncame back and so Sultan turned up at Sai. When Isa and Asmat met him\nthey contracted an alliance by oath and went together to Jammu by way\nof Astor in order to offer their services to the Maharajah. Indeed,\nthey offered their allegiance, if he would help them with troops. The\nMaharajah made them swear on the Koran, because he said, \u201cyour religious\nbigotry may induce you to turn on me and induce you to be again friends\nwith Mulk Aman. Besides, you all belong to one family and I alone shall\nbe the loser.\u201d Then they all agreed and he made them swear on the Koran,\nafter getting them to wash themselves first; \u201cthat they would never ally\nthemselves or be subject to any one but the Maharaja and consult nobody\u2019s\ninterests but his.\u201d The three swore most solemnly and assured H. H. that\nhe need not be under any anxiety in future regarding his army and their\nown movements. They then asked leave in order to avail themselves of the\ndissensions of the brothers and prevent their becoming friends again.\nThen H. H. sent 6,000 infantry and 4 guns (mule-batteries) with Isa,\nSultan and Asmat\u2014Rs. 200 cash were given to Isa and a dress of honour;\nRs. 100 and a gun to Sultan and Rs. 120 and a horse to Asmat Shah. The\nMaharaja recommended them always to keep the garrisons at Astor and\nBunji, which were each 5,000 strong, at half their strength and to take\nthe rest in order to prevent surprises and the loss of places which were\ndifficult to acquire and to reduce to taxation. He thus allowed them\nto take 11,000 troops with them in all\u2014_viz._ 6,000 men whom he sent\ndirect and 5,000 from the garrisons of Astor and Bunji. Thus they started\nwith the General and the J\u00edtan Sahib (Adjutant?) for Astor. There they\nremained a month to see whether the roads ahead were safe. They sent\na Kashmiri, called Abdulla, into Yaghistan, _via_ Sai, Min\u00f4r, Gilgit,\nYasin, Dareyl, Tang\u00eer, Hunza, Nagyr, etc., to enquire what the tribes\nwere doing and going to do. He went to Gilgit and instead of fulfilling\nhis mission himself, he sent Nor\u00f4z, a Zemindar and a subject of Mulk\nAman, who, of course, went to Yasin and told Mulk Aman all he had heard\nfrom Abdulla and that Isa and his allies were advancing. On his return\nhe told Abdulla that he had seen the tribes, that they had no idea that\nanything was impending and that Isa might advance with safety at once.\nAbdulla returned to Astor, whilst Mulk Aman summoned the Dar\u00eal and Tang\u00eer\ntribes, saying that unless they fought now they would lose their country.\nHe also sent a messenger to Ghazanfar, Raja of Hunza and one to Shah\nMurad, Wazir of Nagyr (?) telling them to forget their enmity with him in\nthe advance of a common foe to their country and religion (although the\npeople of Hunza and Nagyr are Shiahs, necessity made Mulk Aman, a Sunni,\ncall them Mussulmans) and asking them to meet him with their young men\nat Gilgit. Ghazanfar promised to come on the ninth day and asked him to\ngo ahead. Mulk Aman, however, waited nine days and when nobody came, he\nadvanced with the friendly hill tribes of Dar\u00eal and Tang\u00eer to Gilgit.\nIsa Bahadur and his allies, altogether 9,500 men, started from Astor,\n2,500 soldiers joined them at Bunji and they all advanced to within the\ndistance of one k\u00f4s from the Gilgit Fort, which they surrounded. Wazir\nZoraveru commanded in this war on the part of the Sikhs\u2014there were also\nSirdar Muhammad Khan of Swat, the Sirdar Jitani (Adjutant) and others\nwhose names I forget. On behalf of the tribes there were: (1) from\nDAREYL: Lal\u00e1 Khan, Jeld\u00e1r Bura Khan of Gay\u00e1\u2014with 1,000 Zemindars;\u2014Izzeti\nand Muhammad Khan of Phugotsh with 700 Zemindars\u2014Matshar Khan and Mahman\nfrom Karini (lower) Samegial with 1,000 men\u2014Mirza Khan and Kalashmir\nfrom Upper Samegial and 1,000 men\u2014Kas\u00fbti from Karini Manikyal with\n1,000 men\u2014Hamza Khan and Arzennu from Upper Manikyal and 900 men\u2014Bitori\nof Yatsho and 40 men\u2014Sury\u00f3 from Jutyal and 60 men\u2014Tuby\u00f3 and Syad Amir\nof Dudishal and 30 men\u2014altogether 5,846 from Dareyl. (2) from TANGIR:\nMardum\u00ec (is still alive), Talipu of Lurak and 40 men\u2014Moza Shah and\nMaweshi (still alive) of D\u00eeyamar and 400 men\u2014Khairulla and Mansur (still\nalive) of Julk\u00f4t and 140 Zemindars\u2014Adab Shah and Mansur (still alive),\nof Gali and 60 men,\u2014N\u00e9yo and Rustam Khan of Kami (still alive) and 400\nmen\u2014Multan of Korgah (still alive) and 60 men\u2014Akbaru of Sheikho and 40\nmen\u2014altogether 1,153 men and Chiefs. With Mulk Aman there came from\nYASIN: his brother Mir Vali Khan, the Wazirs Rahmat and Nasir\u2014Hayatalla,\nHabib\u2014Padisha Mia, Balhi, Syad Khan (of Swat) with 100 Pathans\u2014Muhammad\nHussain, a great Chief of Yasin and 10,000 men, horse and foot, from\nYasin and friendly countries.\n\nAt the dictation of Pehliwan, son of the sister of Aman-ul-Mulk, ruler\nof Chitral or little Kashgh\u00e1r, a messenger of the name Balli\u2014was sent to\nChitr\u00e1l, saying that Hunza and Nagyr had broken their promise and that,\nnow that their father was dead, all his enemies had assembled to destroy\nthem, 11,000 infidels, described as \u200e\u200f\u0643\u0627\u0641\u0631 \u0646\u0627\u0628\u0643\u0627\u0631 \u0688\u0648\u06af\u0631\u0647 \u0628\u064a \u0627\u0650\u0639\u062a\u0628\u0627\u0631\u200f\u200e,\nor useless unbelievers and perfidious Dogras, had already surrounded\nGilgit with the help of faithless Isa, the fugitive Asmat and the traitor\nSultan. \u201cWhen we shall be dead, what is the use of you, a relative,\nstriking your forehead with a stone (as a sign of grief)\u201d? Balli taking\nforced marches reached Aman-ul-Mulk speedily, who, at once sent Lakhtar\nKhan, his nephew, son of Adam Khor (whom he had caused to be killed) with\n8,000 men of sorts to Gilgit and wrote to promise further help, if Balli\nwere sent again. Indeed it was said that Aman-ul-Mulk might come himself.\nSo there advanced to the rescue of Gilgit the united forces of Mulk Aman\nand the auxiliaries from Chitr\u00e1l. Mulk Aman then told the Dareylis and\nTang\u00eeris to lay in ambush behind Parmas and Bas\u00een in the valley, as the\nSikh troops were there. He himself at 6 o\u2019clock in the evening went to\nattack these places. About 1,000 Sikhs were there, not suspecting any\ndanger, in their tents. The attack was sudden and 120 were at once\ndespatched to the lowest regions [of hell]; 100 Sikhs were captured.\nThen he called out to his young horsemen that having done so much they\nshould attack the besiegers and that the infantry would follow them.\nHe himself rode ahead, thereby inspiring his troops with courage. The\nenemy was attacked, but was now ready for them. A fierce struggle began\nand the Sikhs were forced on to the fortress with the loss of twenty\nyouths and a loss of three Dareylis on our side, who had rashly followed\nthe Sikhs into the fort. Then Mulk Aman halted in front of the fort and\nattacked it in the early morning and called out. \u201cIf you want to fight,\nwell and good\u2014if not, I will let you depart for Astor.\u201d Isa Bahadur\nreplied: \u201cWe will certainly not do so till we uproot the foundations of\nyour houses.\u201d Saying this, he fired his musket and killed Hayatulla (who\nhad been the cause of his uncle\u2019s death). Then volleys were exchanged.\nSo the fight lasted for a month, during the day\u2014Mulk Aman retiring to a\nshort distance at night\u2014the Sikhs, however, picking off stragglers at\nnight also. On the 27th day after the siege, the Raja of Hunza reached\nwith 12,000 soldiers, but did not join the fight. 6,000 soldiers, in\naddition to the 8,000 already sent, also came from Chitr\u00e1l who, at once,\nassisted in the siege. There was plenty of wheat which had been cut and\nheaped up by the Gilgit Zemindars who had fled at the approach of the\nSikhs. The soldiers of Aman-ul-Mulk would take the sheaves, crush them\nwith stones and boil them in water. Food was taken at night. Three days\nlater, when the besiegers still held out, the Chitr\u00e1l forces thought of\nreturning. On the last day, Makhsat, a servant of Asmat Shah, renowned\nall over Yaghistan as an incomparable hero, came out of the fort with\nsword and buckler and called out. \u201cIs there any one who will fight [me]\nthe mountain eating lion?\u201d Then Balli, the servant of Mulk-Aman, replied:\n\u201cCome out and fight with me in the open space, for brave men do not\nboast.\u201d So he, snatching a sword and shield, met him. After boasts and\ninsults on both sides, they closed; but Makhsat\u2019s sword could only find\nBalli\u2019s shield to strike, whilst Balli, in protecting himself always\nfound an exposed part of Makhsat to hit. At last Balli struck a blow\nwhich not only cut through Makhsat\u2019s shield, but falling on his right\nshoulder caused the sword to pass out on his left side, thus dividing\nthe body into two pieces. On seeing this, Mulk Aman considered that a\nsufficient victory had been gained and passed on to Yasin, accompanied\nby the Allies. Of the prisoners he had captured at Barmas, in order to\nwreak his revenge, having been disappointed in taking the Gilgit fort,\nhe selected twenty four of the officers and ordered them to be executed\nat Kuffark\u00f4t, four k\u00f4s from Gilgit near the Indus. This was accordingly\ndone by some men in Lakhtar Khan, the Chitr\u00e1l General\u2019s army. When their\nsouls had reached the angels of Hell, Mulk Aman ordered the rest also\nto be killed, for, he said, these infidels have made martyrs of many\nof our friends and countrymen. Lakhtar Khan interposed on the ground\nthat they were helpless, now that their officers were dead, and made a\nclaim to carry them off himself, as a satisfaction for the losses of\nhis army. \u201cI want,\u201d he said, \u201cto bring them to my country and sell them\nfor red gold to the T\u00e1jiks. Thus I shall obtain compensation for the\nblood of martyrs that has been shed and they will be punished by being\nsold from place by the T\u00e1jiks.\u201d Then Mulk Aman conferred the desired\npresent on Lakhtar Khan, but kept one (the only officer who was spared)\nwho was called \u201cCommand\u00e2n Bah\u00e1dur\u201d and presented him to Jald\u00e1r Khan of\nGay\u00e1 (Dareyl), as many martyrs [so called because they were Muhammadans,\nwho had been killed in the war with the \u201cinfidel\u201d Dogras] had fallen\nfrom that District. When the troops had gone back for another k\u00f4s (from\nKuff\u00e1rk\u00f4t) to a place called Serga\u2014a very deep valley\u2014Jald\u00e1r Khan told\nthe \u201cCommand\u00e1n\u201d to come near him, as he was in his charge. He caught\nhold of his hand and led him along. He then noticed a talisman round the\nSikh\u2019s neck and wanted to snatch it away, forgetting that he was exposing\nhimself to an attack by the movement. The \u201cCommandan\u201d saw a sword hanging\non Jald\u00e1r\u2019s shoulder, so he let Jald\u00e1r take his talisman and drawing\nthe sword struck off his head. When the Dareylis saw the death of their\nchief, they rushed upon the murderer and secured him. Separating in\ngroups to consult as to the best means of putting him to death, the\npeople of Gay\u00e1 (Jald\u00e1r\u2019s village) advised his arms and legs being tied to\nfour horses and his body being torn to pieces by the horses being set off\nat a gallop. This proposal was not favourably received by Khosh\u00e1l Khan,\nthe brother of Jald\u00e1r. The people of Samegi\u00e1l suggested that his tongue\nshould be torn out with red-hot pincers, then to flay him alive, cover\nhis body afterwards with salt and pepper and finally to burn him and make\nhim over to the ruler of Jahannam [Hell]. This suggestion being favoured\nby Khosh\u00e1l Khan, it was ordered to be carried out. Thus the \u201cCommand\u00e1n\nBah\u00e1dur\u201d died. The Dareylis then rushed on his ashes and half-burnt flesh\nand taking a handful, secured it in their clothes as a reminiscence of\nthe event. I have mentioned this affair at length, because Jald\u00e1r was\na very celebrated man for his hospitality, eloquence, good manners and\nadministrative capacity. Rich and poor obeyed him, for he was wise and\nhis death was a great advantage to the Sikhs.\n\nMulk Aman set out for Yasin, as I have said, and dismissed the\nYaghistanis. Lakhtar Khan also asked for his leave through Pahliwan,\nMulk Aman\u2019s brother and offered to let the army remain if he himself was\nallowed to go. This was permitted and the army remained with Pahliwan,\nhis mother\u2019s brother (a sister of Adamkhor of Chitr\u00e1l was Gauhar-Aman\u2019s\nwife and Gauhar Aman\u2019s sister was Adamkhor\u2019s wife). The following is the\nlist of the chiefs killed before Gilgit: [The Sikhs lost 221 killed,\nwounded and prisoners.] Wazirs Nuseir and Hayatulla of Yasin; Jald\u00e1r Khan\nof Gay\u00e1 (Dareyl); Tal\u00eepu of Tang\u00eer; B\u00e9ra Khan of Gaya; Mirza Khan of\nHun\u00eeni Samagi\u00e1l; Sirdar of Hun\u00eeni Samagi\u00e1l; and Padshah Mia of Yasin.\n\n_Dareyl_ lost 203 Zemindars; _Tang\u00eer_ 101 men; _Gakutsh_ [or _Galk\u00fbtsh_]\n50; _Tsh\u00e9r_, 40; _Sher\u00f4t_ 52; _Shukoy\u00f4t_ 30; _Guluph\u00far_ 44. Mulk Aman\nlost 160 of his retainers; (altogether 376 of his subjects.) The\nChitr\u00e1lis lost 410, altogether 1,090 were killed on our side. [For a\nmore chronological account of the conquest of Gilgit vide \u201cChronological\nHistory of Dardistan,\u201d pages 70-75.]\n\n\nIII.\u2014WAR ON YASIN AND THE MASSACRE OF ITS INHABITANTS. [1860]\n\nWhen Lakhtar Khan informed the ruler of Chitr\u00e1l of all that had occurred,\nAman-ul-Mulk sent a messenger to the ruler of Yasin with the advice to\nfortify Gakutsh, lest that too should be lost by him and he should be\nblamed for not advising him in time. He also thought that the Sikhs would\nnot advance before they had strengthened their hold on Gilgit. Therefore\nhe asked for his army to be sent back; next year he promised to send a\nlarger force, as then an attack from the Sikhs might be possible. Mulk\nAman delayed the messenger for ten days, but sent Sirdar Musta\u00e1n, son\nof General Hayat-ulla of Yasin, with the Chitr\u00e1l army to Aman-ul-Mulk.\nThey were 5,880 horse; 7,720 foot and 12 mules with ammunition. Mulk Aman\nthen remained at Yasin, feeling quite safe and established a Thanna of\nfive men at Gakutsh, one day\u2019s march from Yasin, in order to scour the\ncountry and enquire from travellers and Zemindars about the movements of\nthe Sikhs. He advised them to treat informants well and let him know in\ntime, lest Aman-ul-Mulk\u2019s warning should come true. The outpost kept a\ngood look-out, entertained travellers and daily sent in news of the state\nof affairs. Five months afterwards Wazir Zoraweru of Kashmir sent Wazir\nMukht\u00e1r with twenty young men to Gakutsh to surprise the Thanna at night,\nand establish themselves as an outpost and intercept all travellers\nfrom or to Yasin. He also sent after them Sab\u00fbr, a Kashmiri, with ten\nHindu Sipahis and Atta\u00ec, Kashmiri, with ten Muhammadan Sipahis, and\nordered Atta\u00ec to establish himself at 100 yards above Gakutsh and Sabur\nat the same distance below Gakutsh and intercept the roads. Three days\nafterwards, Zoraweru, Isa Bahadur, Ghulam Haydar, Mizra Wazir, Baghdur\nShah, Zohrab Khan, Asmat Shah and Saif Ali, the Commandant, with 9,000\ninfantry and 3,000 cavalry, advanced on Gakutsh. We must now leave them\non the road and see what the surprise party is doing. They came there\nshortly after mid-night, surrounded the Thanna and captured the five men.\nMukhtar then established himself as Thannadar and Atta\u00ec and Sab\u00fbr took\nup their appointed posts and captured all travellers of whatever age and\nsex, sending them in to the Thanna; in all, three women, four children,\ntwo foreign youths and one Yasini were captured. When the army came to\nGakutsh, Zoraweru left the Thanna as it was, and advanced the same day\nwithout stopping, so as to prevent all notice of his march reaching\nYasin before he himself arrived, marching all night, and at about 4\no\u2019clock came to Cham\u00fbgar, a village, about twenty nine k\u00f4s from Yasin.\nAccidentally, Muhammad Hussain, a Sayad, had gone out hunting that day.\nHis horse rearing without any apparent cause he looked round and saw\nclouds of dust at Cham\u00fbgar. He, at once, suspected what was taking place,\ngalloped back to Yasin and called out before Mulk Aman\u2019s house: \u201cWhy are\nyou sitting at your ease? the enemy is on you\u2014now do anything if you\ncan.\u201d Mulk Aman at once got his horses saddled and fled with his family\nover the mountains in the direction of Chitr\u00e1l. When the army came near\nYasin, Isa Bahadur, who knew the country, ordered it to be divided into\nthree corps, one of which marched straight on Yasin\u2014the second to go to\nthe right of Yasin by the village of Martal and the third to go to the\nleft of the place, so that the inhabitants should not be able to escape.\nWhen the Sikhs entered Yasin with Asmat Khan preceding them (who got all\nhis friends and relatives out of the way) acts of oppression occurred\nwhich I have heard related by the people of Kholi and which have never\nbeen surpassed by any nation of infidels. In traditions much is told,\nbut all is nothing compared with the following atrocities which surpass\nthe doings of demons, jins and witches. We, say the Kholi informants,\nwith our own sinful eyes saw these ferocities practised by Mussulmans on\nMussulmans. That blood thirsty Kafir, Isa Bahadur, ordered the houses to\nbe entered and all the inhabitants, without regard to sex or age, to be\nkilled. We swear that Isa Bahadur descended from his horse and distinctly\nordered the soldiers to snatch the babes from their mothers\u2019 arms and\nkill them, so that his heart might be set at ease. He then put one knee\non the ground, putting his hands on his knees and waiting for the babes.\nAs they were brought to him, he put one of their small legs under his\nfoot and tore the other off with his hand. Even the Sikh soldiery could\nnot bear looking on this spectacle. However, this accursed infidel,\n(infidel, although he was a Sunni) kept on tearing them to pieces. The\nslaughter lasted five days and nights. The blood of the victims flowed\nin streams through the roads: there is not a word of exaggeration in\nall this. After these dreadful five days were over, Zoraweru sent for\nAsmat Shah and enquired after his relatives, whom he had put in safety.\nThey were brought forward and Yasin committed to their charge, but what\nwas left of Yasin!?[98] Thus 2,000 men, women, and children above ten\nyears of age and a countless number of infants and babes became martyrs\nat the hands of the bloody Sikhs\u20143,000 persons (chiefly women) a very\nfew children as also a few old men were kept as prisoners and brought\nin three days to Gilgit, Zoraweru being elated with excessive joy which\nhe manifested in various ways _en route_. When he came to Gilgit, Isa\nBahadur and Asmat Shah, selecting 1,000 of the more beautiful women, took\nthem to Jammu with 3,000 soldiers. They were so delighted that they took\ndouble marches in order to be early with their good news. At a public\nassembly at Jammu, these scoundrels narrated, with much boasting and\neloquence, their own achievements and those of the Sikhs and spoke with\nthe loud tone in which victories are reported.\n\nWhen they had finished, the Maharaja asked them whether their hearts were\npleased with all these doings. Isa Bahadur said that all his heart\u2019s\ndesire had not been accomplished, though he certainly had experienced a\nslight satisfaction in the fate of the people of Yasin, who had been his\nenemies in the times of Gauhar Aman. \u201cGod be praised,\u201d he said, \u201cthat\nI have lived to revenge myself on them.\u201d The Maharaja enquired what\nelse there remained to afford him complete satisfaction. \u201cPerhaps,\u201d he\nsaid, \u201cI may be able to meet your views.\u201d Isa Bahadur replied. \u201cAlas,\nMulk Aman with all his family has escaped unhurt to Chitr\u00e1l! I should\nhave liked to have treated him as the Command\u00e1n Sahib who killed Jald\u00e1r\nwas treated, and to have taken his wife for myself and to have killed\nhis children, as I did the infants of Yasin and, moreover, to burn\nthem. Then alone will my heart be at ease. However, in consequence of\nYour Highness\u2019s good fortune, much has been done. If your shadow only\ncontinues to protect me, I may, some day, be able to have my heart\u2019s\ndesire on Mulk Aman.\u201d The Maharaja then bestowed on him a splendid and\ncomplete dress of honor, a horse and Rs. 500. He also gave Rs. 100, a\ndress and a horse to Asmat Shah. He finally placed the 3,000 soldiers\nwhom he had brought under his command and made him Governor of Sher Kila\n(where he is still). Isa Bahadur, after the usual deprecatory forms\nof politeness used at oriental Courts, suggested that, in the midst\nof Yaghistan, he would not be able to hold his own even with 30,000\nsoldiers, unless the Maharaja placed Pahlivan, the son of the sister of\nAman-ul-Mulk at the head of the Government of Yasin even without troops,\nas he had all the prestige of Aman-ul-Mulk on his side. At last, the Lord\nof Srinagar said that he agreed to it, if Isa Bahadur could manage to\nget Pahlivan appointed to Yasin, a matter which, naturally, was out of\nhis own control. Isa Bahadur then asked for troops, not against Chitr\u00e1l,\nwhose interests would now be conciliated, but against the Dareylis and\nthe other hill tribes. So the Maharaja gave him the troops, warning him\nat the same time to be on his guard against Pahlivan tampering with his\ntroops and so causing a general revolt against the Maharaja\u2019s authority.\n\nHis Highness then ordered Asmat Shah to go to Yasin in order to keep a\nwatch on the movements of Pahlivan and to inform Waz\u00eer Zoraweru of all\nthat was going on. Asmat Shah feared that his life would not be safe at\nYasin and wished for some other employment. The Maharaja then said his\nsalary should be Rs. 40 per mensem[99] and he should go with Isa Bahadur,\nas Thanadar of Gak\u00fbtsh. Isa Bahadur, however, thought that it could not\nbe done and that it would be better to send him to Bas\u00een. This was agreed\nto and the two got ready to depart. The Maharaja advised him to take the\n2,000 prisoners left at Gilgit back with him to Sher Kila, so that the\nplace might be well populated, a plan that would not only give him more\nincome from the produce of fields but provide him with assistance against\nan enemy. \u201cLeave,\u201d he added, \u201cyour first wife at Gilgit, (as a hostage,\nno doubt, for Isa\u2019s fidelity to the Maharaja) and take your second wife\nand her children with you to Sh\u00ear.\u201d So they returned to Gilg\u00eet, Asmat\nShah setting up with his family at Bas\u00een, where he is still and receives\nhis pay. Isa Bahadur also settled at Sh\u00ear in the manner suggested by the\nMaharaja. He then sent Daulat Sh\u00f9, a Zemindar of Gulmutti, eight k\u00f4s\nfrom Sh\u00ear, to Aman-ul-Mulk of Chitr\u00e1l asking him to appoint Pahlivan as\nGovernor of Yasin, who would be quite safe there. Daulat Sh\u00f9 was sent\nbecause he knew the roads and had often gone to Chitr\u00e1l. He reached\nthe place in seven days. Aman-ul-Mulk replied that he could not send\nPahlivan, unless Isa Bahadur also agreed to MIR VALI and Wazir Rahmat.\nHe gave Daulat Sh\u00f9 a parting present of a gun, sword and horse. Daulat\nSh\u00f9 told Isa Bahadur of the result of his mission. Isa at once set off\nfor Gilgit to consult with Zoraweru. He represented to him that unless\nAman-ul-Mulk was allowed to have his way, he himself could not hold his\nown at Sher Kila. Zoraweru, upon this, gave him full permission to act\nas he liked, taking the responsibility on his own shoulders in the event\nof the Maharaja asking any questions, as the only means of securing some\npeace. Isa then again despatched Daulat Sh\u00f9 in all haste, who reached\nChitr\u00e1l in five days, with the message that Aman-ul-Mulk should do him\nthe favour of sending the three men he had suggested. Aman-ul-Mulk\nentertained Daulat Sh\u00f9 for twenty days, during which time he assembled\n2,000 young men and sent them to Yasin with Pahlivan, Mir Vali and\nRahmat. He made those three take an oath on the Koran that they would\nnever intrigue against each other, \u201cfor, if you do, you will fall an easy\nprey to Isa Bahadur.\u201d When they reached Yasin, they sent on Daulat Sh\u00f9\nto Isa Bahadur. The first thing they did was to get the fugitive Yasinis\nback to their country which they ruled as in former days. Isa Bahadur was\nglad at this and gave eight tolahs of gold to the messenger.[100]\n\n\nIV.\u2014WAR WITH NAGYR AND HUNZA. [1864]\n\nIt is now nine years since these wars have taken place or two years after\nthe conclusion of the war with Yasin. The Maharaja wrote to Zoraweru\nthat after all what he wanted to conquer were the countries of Nagyr and\nHunza, as there was no profit to be gained from Gilgit and Yaghistan,\nwhence hitherto, he said, \u201cwe have only reaped stony districts and\nloss of men,\u201d [in reality, Gilgit and Yasin are fertile, whilst Hunza\nis \u201cstony\u201d]. Zoraweru at once set out for N\u00f4mal, which is twelve k\u00f4s\nfrom Gilgit in the direction of Nagyr and sent Mehd\u00een Khan of Bunair\nand Sultan Wazir of the Janheri descendants and Saif Ali, Commandant,\nwith 8,000 infantry. Zoraweru himself remained at N\u00f4mal in order to\nfacilitate communications and bring up help, if necessary. The army\nadvanced next day to Chapr\u00f4t, Guy\u00e9tsh and Hini, of which the latter is\nin Nagyr and the former in Hunza and encamped between these places on\na plain.[101](?) Guy\u00e9tsh and Chapr\u00f4t are on the frontier of Hunza. Its\ninhabitants speak the same language as the people of Hunza. Hini was on\nthe other side of the army and is on the frontier of Nagyr. The Chief\nof Chapr\u00f4t is Shah Murad Wazir, whilst Sirdar Mamal Beg is at Hini and\nPhagoi, the Lumbardar, at Guy\u00eatsh, whose son is Shukar Beg, a brave young\nman. The chief command of the invading troops was given to Sultan, who\nhad previously sent a man, Uruz Ali, to the Hunza Raja, to announce his\narrival. He told him to lie in ambush at Nilamutsh in order to destroy\nthe troops under the other Kashmir Officers. \u201cI will draw off,\u201d he said,\n\u201chalf the army in the direction of the Valley.\u201d Uruz Ali was by origin\na Hunza man who had settled at Gilgit. The Raja of Hunza acted on the\nadvice thus sent. When Waz\u00eer Sultan came to Nilamutsh, he started with\nsome youths towards Chapr\u00f4th. Now Nilamutsh is a place so surrounded by\ninaccessible and high mountains that escape from an enemy who occupies\nthem is impossible and even a great army is helpless. No one prevented\nor questioned the movements of Sultan, who advanced about one k\u00f4s out of\nNilamutsh\u2014Mahdin and Saif Ali now entered the place when they were at\nonce assailed with stones and bullets on every side by invisible enemies\nand lost 400 young men killed between forenoon and evening. Two Nagyris\nonly were wounded, one being shot through the mouth who is still alive\nand the other receiving a bullet in his thigh from which he subsequently\ndied at Nagyr. When the surprised Generals consulted at night on the\nevents of the day, they inferred from the absence of Sultan and the fact\nthat he had got safely through Nilamutsh, as well as from the unexpected\npresence of the enemy, that treachery had been at work. The reason of\nthis conduct was that Sultan, although the bravest to fight on behalf\nof the Maharaja, had not been rewarded with land as Isa and Azmat had\nbeen, but had remained under the direct orders of Zoraweru, who had put\nhim forward in the war in order to get him killed and who had poisoned\nthe Maharaja\u2019s mind against him. \u201cHowever,\u201d the Generals added, \u201cat\npresent we must think of getting out of this place; otherwise not a man\nwill remain alive to tell the news at N\u00f4mal.\u201d They then decided, on the\nsuggestion of Saif Ali, to send two Dareylis, Fir\u00f4z and K\u00faweti, into\nthe Hunza lines, as they might have influence with them, being also\nYaghistanis, in order to secure the safe return of the Army. The task\nwas reluctantly accepted by the Dareylis whose presence in the Sikh Army\nnaturally compromised them. However, they went and swore on behalf of the\nSikhs that if they were allowed to depart no future invasion should ever\ntake place. Naudin, the Wazir of Nagyr and Ghazanfar of Hunza refused,\non which the Dareylis requested that they might be shot and their bodies\nthrown in the valley, as a proof that they had done their best and failed\nin their mission. \u201cWe are Mussulmans and you should forgive us and as a\nnatural consequence those whom we represent.\u201d The men now prepared for\ndeath, when Naudin interposed and got their request sanctioned, on the\nunderstanding that the Sikhs would at once return to Gilgit or else he\nwould attack within an hour. The Kashmir Army, which had been re-joined\nby Sultan in the meanwhile, were only too glad to get away on these terms\nand returned to N\u00f4mal. Sultan gave out that he had gone ahead in order\nto clear the road in advance. However, Zoraweru was informed of the\ntreachery, and, at once, put Sultan in chains and sent him to Jammu with\na detailed letter under strict charge of Sirdars Baghd\u00f9r Shah and Ghulam\nHaidar and ten soldiers.\n\nZoraweru then took the army back to Gilgit. When the Maharaja read the\nletter, from which it appeared that no one except Sultan\u2019s _confidant_,\nUr\u00f9z Ali, who, the Gilgitis said, was always going backwards and forwards\nto Hunza, could have gone to inform the Hunza people of an attack, which\nmust have been successful, had they not been forewarned, he condemned\nSultan to imprisonment for life. I think that it was a got-up affair,\nfor Zoraweru had often and in vain tried to take Hunza-Nagyr. As a proof\nof this I may mention that Hilli Shah of Hunza had come to Gilgit a few\ndays before the expedition to buy merchandise. The Waz\u00eer sent for him,\ngave him money and took him into his confidence. Seven days after he\nasked Hilli Shah to assist him in an attack on Nilamutsh which he was\ncontemplating a month hence. Hilli said that he and his brother Mirza\nKhan, an artilleryman famous for his bravery and influence, would guide\nthe Sikh Army through Nilamutsh into Hunza. So they swore to abide by\nthis plan and the Wazir dismissed him with a present of Rs. 40 and a\nLungi. He also promised great rewards in the event of the success of the\nexpedition. Hilli Shah told Mirza Khan, who was delighted. Uruz reached\nHunza after Hilli Shah and told the Raja of it, who sent for Hilli Shah\nand enquired from him whether he had heard anything at Gilgit about\nthe movements of the Sikhs or of an attack on Hunza. Hilli Shah said\nthat he had not been to Gilgit and had heard nothing. However, the Raja\nnoticed the Lungi which Hilli wore and which Uruz said had been given by\nZoraweru. When he set out to surprise the Sikhs he sent for the brothers:\nMirza Khan came at once, but Hilli Shah hid himself at Gakkark\u00f4t, five\nk\u00f4s above Hunza. When Ghazanfar returned from the war, he sent for Hilli\nShah. The messenger found him returning from a hunting expedition and\nbrought him to Ghazanfar who asked him, why he had not gone to the war\nagainst the infidels; \u201chas the Lungi on your head bribed you?\u201d and added\n\u201cit is improper that you should live.\u201d He was accordingly cut into pieces\n(literally) before the eyes of Mirza Khan, his brother (who is still\nalive and braver than Hilli Shah and also a better artilleryman); as\nfor Uruz Ali, he was put in prison for a fortnight by the order of the\nMaharaja, as soon as he came to Gilgit, although Zoraweru wanted him to\nshare the fate of Sultan. At that time Kalashmir of Dareyl visited Gilgit\nand was well entertained by Zoraweru for twenty days, when he presented\nhim with a shawl and Rs. 100 and gave cheap shawls to the Sirdars who\ncame with Kalashmir. Zoraweru then asked them, as he had conquered the\nwhole of Yaghistan, to collect tribute for the Maharaja. This was agreed\nto, but when Kalashmir returned to his country he did nothing. In the war\nthat will ensue I was present all through.\n\n\nV.\u2014WAR WITH DAREYL [YAGHISTAN] 1866.\n\nWhen Zoraweru saw that the Hill, or Yaghistan tribes kept quiet he\nthought it a good opportunity for attacking Dareyl, which, he fancied,\nwould fall easily. He appointed spies to bring to him any Dareylis that\nmight happen to visit Gilgit. Aziz, a Lamberd\u00e1r of Manikial, came with\n100 goats to Gilgit and when he had sold them, visited Zoraweru, who\nreceived him kindly and entertained him for two days. When he left, the\nKashmir General asked him to remind Kalashmir that he had not sent the\ntribute of Dareyl and Tangir, which had been promised two years ago and\ngave him an ultimatum of one month in which to come himself or send the\ntribute, otherwise Zoraweru would pay Kalashmir a visit with his army.\nKalashmir replied that the Kashmiris had better come and take the taxes\nand that there was no occasion for his fellow-countrymen to take the\nleast notice of the threat. When twenty days of the month had passed, two\nother messengers, one a Kashmiri, Kurban, residing at Kiner in Chil\u00e1s;\nthe other, Rahm Nur of Samegial\u2014both traders, happening to be at Gilgit,\nwere sent to announce Zoraweru\u2019s immediate attack and to ask the Hillmen\nto prepare themselves, because, as Zoraweru said, \u201cit is my custom to\ngive my enemy notice three times.\u201d Kalashmir replied he did not care and\nnext day requested the tribes to assemble at Samegi\u00e1l\u2014_viz_: the people\nof T\u00f3rr, Harbenn, Shati\u00e1l, Saz\u00een, S\u00f4mer\u2014and of Tangi, Lurok, Dayamur,\nSheikho, Jalk\u00f4t, Galli, Kammi, and Korgah. He even sent to the Kandi\u00e1\npeople for help, who, however, replied that their harvest was just\ngetting ready and that Dareyl was too far off. He also sent to Jagloth,\nChil\u00e1s, Hudur, Takk, Buder, and Gor. The Chil\u00e1sis flatly refused on the\nground of being subjects of Kashmir and being helpless. Jalk\u00f4t also\ndid not send, as the notice had reached them too late and the war was\nimmediately impending. The rest all assembled at Samegi\u00e1l on the 10th day\nand were 7,000 in number; there were also 7,000 men from Dareyl itself.\nThe Sikhs also started from Gilgit, on hearing which Kalashmir appointed\nfour scouts at each of the following six posts: in the Karg\u00e1 valley\u2014at\nKar\u00f3ri-J\u00f3ji\u2014at Ruro-Dader, fifteen kos off\u2014at Gitsh\u00e1r, at the same\ndistance\u2014at Bar\u00eega, sixteen kos distance\u2014and at Naran\u00e9iga, fifteen kos.\n\nFrom Samegial the tribes marched over the Dummu-dummu mountain to the\nvalley of Bariga where they halted. Next morning at about 9 o\u2019clock,\nafter only a few had taken food, the heavens seemed to become dark.\nLooking round we saw a Dareyli waving his dress at the Karori-Joji post,\nwhich was a sign of the approach of the enemy. We all got ready and an\nhour afterwards the enemy came up, who had taken 11,000 men from Gilgit.\nA Sirdar of Samegial, Kuw\u00e9ti, who had fled about four years ago to Gilgit\nfrom his village in consequence of the enmity of another fellow-villager,\nDod\u00e1r, now showed the way to the Sikhs. When the forces reached Yatshotsh\nbelow Dummu-dummu on the Gilgit side, he asked Zoraweru to confide the\nguidance of the troops to him, as he alone knew the paths. Zoraweru\nassenting, Kuweti divided the forces into three bodies; one under General\nHar Chand in the direction of the valley of Dutial, the second under\nSirdar Shahzada he despatched to the Yatshotsh valley\u2014whilst the third\nwas forwarded with Zoraweru to the Bariga valley\u2014he himself going with\nthe first column. We did not know these tricks and thought we had only to\ndeal with the troops advancing on Bar\u00eega and rushed on them at once. The\nfight lasted till four in the afternoon. Accidentally, a Dareyli looking\nin the direction of Jad\u00e1ri-J\u00f9t, saw from that \u201cgrassy plain\u201d such a cloud\nof dust arise that the sky was darkened and out of which troops emerged.\nThe Manikialis, whose village is five kos from that plain, fled at once\nto defend their homes, as they thought the enemy threatened Manikial.\nThis was followed by the flight of the Samegialis by the Dareyl valley\u2014an\nhour afterwards the people of Phugotsh, then the people of Gay\u00e1, also\nfled in the same direction. Now the fight ceased and night broke in.\nWe remained at Bariga. The fugitives on reaching their villages,\nfled onwards with their families, some to Sazin, others to Tang\u00eer,\nothers again to Shatial. Yet we only lost five in killed and three in\nwounded\u2014the losses of the Sikhs it is impossible to estimate. I alone\ncounted twenty from where I stood. The Sikhs during the night surrounded\nus and cut off our retreat. At day-break, the fight was renewed and\nlasted till noon, when we discovered a mountain path for flight which\nwe took and came to Samegial. The second day we lost nine men and the\nSikhs thirty. The Sikhs remained for ten days at Jad\u00e1ri-J\u00f9t and then\nadvanced on Samegial _via_ the District of Manikial, of which they burnt\ntwo villages, Shin\u00f3 Kot and Yashkun\u00f3 Kot, and killed the old women and\nchildren who had not been able to get away; four boys were found ill and\nalso killed. Reaching Samegial, they found that we had fled on to Gay\u00e1.\nIn that District the Sikhs also burnt two deserted villages, Dud\u00f3 Kot and\nBiri\u00f3 Kot; they found, however, twelve fugitive women and children _en\nroute_ and killed them. The Sikhs stayed at Samegial, where 200 of us had\nremained concealed at about a mile from the place. A fight took place\nwith a loss of four on our side and twelve on the part of the Sikhs. We\nwere not followed up to Gay\u00e1. The Sikhs returned to Manikial where they\nremained ten days and indulged in eating the grapes which had become\nover-ripe and are very abundant in that District. Many died from disease\nengendered by this over-indulgence, but the Sikh Sirdars spread a report\nthat the tribes had scattered poison on the grapes. Winter also set in,\nand snow fell, so the Sikhs returned to Gilgit. _En route_ snow-storms\nset in, which blinded some and froze others. The Sikhs lost in dead\nabout 120 men. The fugitive villagers now returned to their homes and\nrebuilt the burnt down villages. Six months later, Kalashm\u00eer of Dudok\u00f4t\n(Samegi\u00e1l) and Duran of Phug\u00f4tsh and Suri\u00f3 of Kar\u00eenokot (M\u00e1nikial) and\nBursh\u00f9 Sirdar of Biliok\u00f4t, (Manikial) and Sirdar of Gay\u00e1 and Nur Muhammed\nof Shur\u00f4t started for Gilgit and offered allegiance to Zoraweru. He\nreplied; \u201cOh! Kalashmir, thou hast given me much trouble and inflicted\nmuch injury. Now I want a goat per annum from every two houses throughout\nDareyl.\u201d He then dismissed them with Khilats and now the tribute is\nregularly paid from those villages that I have named as being represented\non that occasion by their Sirdars.\n\nIt is necessary to say a few words about the treatment of those who had\nassisted Kashmir. After Doulat Sh\u00f9 had arranged matters with Chitr\u00e1l,\nZoraweru appointed him over the yield of the gold washing of Bakr\u00f4t,\nSakw\u00e1r, Jutial, Dey\u00far, Min\u00f4r, Nomal, and Gilgit. The mode of taxation on\ngold washings is as follows: the men work two months in spring and two\nmonths in autumn and have to pay Rs. 3, or 2 gold Rupees = about 5 Chilki\nRupees, for each season per head. Taxes are also raised on the produce,\nviz., a third of the whole. Doulat Sh\u00f9 received 10 Chilkis per mensem\nfor that service. He went one autumn for the first time and brought back\nthe taxes collected, which were sent to the Maharajah through Baghdur\nShah. Six weeks later, some gold washers came to Gilgit to pay their\nrespects to Zoraweru, who asked them whether they had had a bad season\nas the taxes paid had been small. The goldwashers said that it had been\nas good as usual: so Zoraweru, on referring to the accounts of the\npreceding year, found a difference of 5 tolas (about 60 Rupees). Doulat\nShu was at once thrown into chains and sent to Jammu in charge of Ghulam\nHaidar and Mirza. The Maharajah sent him to the same place in which\nSultan is confined and where both are now. In neither case was there an\ninvestigation. When Isa Bahadur heard of the imprisonment of men who\nhad rendered such services as Sultan and Doulat Shu he came to Gilgit,\nwhere he found Ghulam Haidar and Mirza and took them to Jammu. They\nthere interceded for the prisoners with the Maharajah and represented\nthat brave and faithful men should not be punished with perpetual\nimprisonment, one of whom had conquered a country for His Highness, which\nthe other had kept for Kashmir by his admirable arrangement with Chitr\u00e1l.\nThe Maharajah told them to go about their own business. When they heard\nthis, they left, but, in their correspondence during four years, they\nconstantly urged the release of the prisoners on His Highness. Two years\nago they again presented themselves at Jammu and represented that the\nyears that Sultan and Doulat Shu had already passed in prison were a\nsufficient punishment. They conjured His Highness by his idol, but the\nMaharajah threatened to send them to keep company with the prisoners if\nthey did not at once desist from their importunities.\n\nWhen Isa Bahadur heard such words, he left the same night and galloped on\nwithout stopping, till he had got to Sher Kila. He still considers that\nhe has been very discourteously treated by Kashmir and his correspondence\nwith the Maharajah has ceased. I have heard him lament over the past.\nGhulam Haidar and Mirza kept on for a whole month importuning His\nHighness, who resolved on imprisoning them, when they fortunately asked\nand obtained leave to go home to Gilgit. The three Chiefs have not\nvisited Jammu since the affair which I have related.\n\n\n\n\nPRESENT STATE OF MIR VALI.\n\n\nA year and a half ago Mir Vali (who drugs himself with charas = a\npreparation of hemp) got offended with Pahlivan, (probably on account\nof a difference of opinion in _re_ Hayward);[102] went to Kandi\u00e1 (road\ndescribed elsewhere) and to Maniki\u00e1l [not the village so often referred\nto in the account of the Wars] on the borders of Swat. Thence he went to\nTall, Ramta, Berahmar and then to Be\u00efk\u00e9y, the Akh\u00fbn of Swat, who asked\nhim why he had come. Mir Vali said that Pahlivan had annoyed him and as\nthe Akhun was a great Saint he had come to him, having no other friends.\nThe Akhun entertained him for eight months, after which, on a Friday\n(when service takes place at noon instead of 2 P. M.) he told him to\ngo back to Yasin, \u201cfor your heart\u2019s desire has been accomplished.\u201d Mir\nVali at once started off on horseback, taking the bank of the Indus. On\nthe third day he reached Ghorband; thence he went to Damtirey, Bilk\u00e1i,\nRanulia and Jaji\u00e1l; there he crossed the river to K\u00fai; thence to Palus,\nGagr\u00e9y Khware (or in Gilgiti, Gabr\u00e9ga), Shogobind (a place for pasture)\nJagl\u00f4th, Tekkeg\u00e1, Parb\u00e1h (a place for pasture) Lat\u00f3r, Sazin, Dareyl,\n_viz_: Gay\u00e1, Samegial (where he stayed a week in order to consult Mulk\nAman, who was there) Manekial, the Matr\u00eat valley (pasture place for\nGujers), and finally to Yasin. There he was well received by Pahlivan\nwho could not understand why he had left and now the brothers love each\nother more than before. The rule is in the hands of Mir Vali who keeps up\nfriendly relations with the Dogras and would strengthen these relations\nstill further were it not for fear of Aman-ul-mulk, who is a great enemy\nof the Maharajah and who has ordered him to have as little to do with\nthem or Isa Bahadur as possible. [_Vide_ note on next page.]\n\n\nMULK AMAN.\n\nWhen Mulk Aman remembered his country, Yasin, he fell home-sick in\nChitr\u00e1l and begged Aman-ul-mulk to let him go and, if Aman-ul-mulk\nwould assist him, he would fight the Sikhs or else die as a martyr.\nAman-ul-mulk said that Mulk Aman could only do the latter, as he had\nno army left. \u201cI advise you, he added, to go to Dareyl and ask the\nMaharajah\u2019s forgiveness, who may give you some appointment. Serve\nhim, he said, as Isa Bahadur has done and you may be restored to the\nthrone of your ancestors.\u201d Aman-ul-mulk said this in order to get rid\nof the importunities of Mulk-Aman, who left for Samegial. Baghdur Shah\nand Kuweti, the Maharajah\u2019s agents, happened to be there and actually\noffered to intercede with the Maharajah on his behalf and to get him an\nappointment. Mulk Aman was delighted. The agents spoke in his favour to\nthe Maharajah who cheerfully ordered him to present himself. They came to\nSamegial and brought Mulk Aman to Jammu. His Highness bestowed a dress\nof honour, a horse and Rs. 200 on him and a monthly salary of Rs. 100\nfor himself, Rs. 30 for his son and Rs. 50 for the rest of his family\nand requested him to live at Gilgit outside the fort. \u201cRemain there\nfor 7 years; afterwards I will give you Yasin.\u201d This Mulk Aman did and\nbuilt a house about 100 yards from the fort. He did not, however, for\ntwo years send for his family from Samegial where he had left them when\nhe started for Jammu. When they came he continued serving Kashmir for\nfour years more. Isa Bahadur, however, happened to tell Zoraweru last\nyear (for Isa was the arch-enemy of Mulk Aman and feared his getting\nback to Yasin) that Mulk Aman intended to escape with his family to\nChitr\u00e1l, after which, as he had plotted with the Gilgitis, there would\nbe a general revolt which would end in his sharing the Government of\nYasin with Pahlivan. When Zoraweru heard this he consulted with Isa\nBahadur, who advised him to seize Mulk Aman and send him and his family\nto Jammu at once, so as not to give him time to rouse the country. This\npleased the Governor and a suitable hour was left to Isa\u2019s discretion\nfor surrounding the house and bringing Mulk Aman and his family before\nZoraweru. Isa Bahadur at once went and selected 400 young men whom he\nordered to be in readiness at four in the afternoon. Accidentally a\nfriend of Mulk Aman overheard the conversation between Zoraweru and Isa\nBahadur and at once informed him of what was contemplated and of the\narrangements made by Isa. The friend advised him to flee at once into the\nmountains. Mulk Aman, greatly astonished, went to his house and ordered\nhis family to get ready to start. Just as his women were coming out of\nthe house, he saw Isa Bahadur with his soldiers all round it. Mulk Aman\ndrew his sword, ran a-muck among the troops and after killing a few\nsoldiers managed to escape alone into the mountains in the direction of\nDareyl.[103] However swiftly pursued he could not be found; the Sikhs\nreturned from the mountain and took the family prisoners. Mulk Aman,\ndescending on the other side of the mountain, came to Samegial. Isa\nBahadur then presented the women and children as hostages to Zoraweru who\nforwarded them to Jammu, where they still remain. Shortly afterwards the\nMaharajah heard that Mulk Aman was perfectly innocent of any conspiracy\nand had been got out of the way by the calumny of Isa Bahadur, the enemy\nof the house of Gauhar Aman from which he had suffered. The Maharajah\nwas very sorry at what had taken place and ordered Muhammad Khan of Swat\nto bring the brave and unfortunate man back from Samegial under liberal\npromises of rewards and appointments. The Swati started and told Mulk\nAman that he was responsible that no treachery was intended. All was in\nvain; he insulted Muhammad Khan and raved about the loss of honour, etc.,\nwhich he had suffered at the hands of the Maharajah. \u201cIf he makes me his\ngreatest Sirdar he can not wipe out the stain of having taken away my\nwife.\u201d Muhammad Khan returned to Jammu from his fruitless expedition and\ntold the Maharajah, who was very sorry. Twenty eight days after Muhammad\nKhan\u2019s visit, Mulk Aman, considering himself unsafe, went to Harbenn,\nwhich is still Yaghistan [independent, wild]. Zoraweru then advised the\nMaharajah to send for him, as he had got among the Yaghis and might\nincite them to an attack on Gilgit. \u201cAbove all, make him satisfied.\u201d\nWhen the Maharajah read Zoraweru\u2019s letter, he again sent the Swati to\nHarbenn and told him to swear on the Koran, on his own behalf and that\nof His Highness, that it was all Isa\u2019s fault and that he would give Mulk\nAm\u00e1n his revenge for the wrong suffered and allow him double his former\nsalary. This Muhammad Khan did and saw Mulk Aman at Harbenn to whom he\nbrought a shawl as a present from himself. He told him, in private, after\n\u201csal\u00e2ming\u201d to him at a public meeting, all that he was charged to say and\ntook an oath in attestation of the sincerity of his promises. Mulk Aman\nreplied that he would not fall a victim to treachery and that if he said\nanother word or came again he would certainly kill him. So Muhammad Khan\nleft and again had to report his failure. \u201cOnly an army can bring him,\nhe said, back from Harbenn.\u201d The Maharajah is hoping now that he will\nget tired of wandering about and come back of his own accord. During the\nlast eight months he has sent nobody for him. Mulk Aman is very badly off\nand is now at Rimon (Dareyl) and I am quite sure that the Yaghistanis\nwill never assist him. His brothers will not help him. His wife (Mahtar\u2019s\nwidow) is now at Jammu and reports have spread about her conduct.\u201d\n\n * * * * *\n\nIn connexion with the Saz\u00eeni\u2019s account, which in all particulars relating\nto the tribes is very trustworthy, may be read the following statements\nof S... S... of K\u00fbner, on the borders of Kafiristan, now a Christian.\nHe relates that he was once a Sepoy in the Maharajah\u2019s Army and started\non one of the Gilgit expeditions [1860?] with 300 Affghans and 3,000\nDogras, etc., under the command of Samund Khan, Ata Muhammad, Badam\nSingh, Man Singh and Dula Singh. He believes that Wazir Pannu was with\nthe forces. At any rate, the attack on Gilgit was mere child\u2019s play. The\nKashm\u00eer troops bombarded it for two or three days, but the Dards had\nno cannon with which to reply. Wahh\u00e1b, the Wazir, looked out of one of\nthe fort loopholes and was shot and so was a Bhishti. Wahh\u00e1b\u2019s body was\nstripped and hung to a tree. S... S... adds, \u201cWe were well entertained by\nthe people who treated us to curds and we found grapes and wallnuts in\nabundance at Sher Kila\u2019. The women of the country cooked our food, but\nour soldiers repayed the hospitality which they received by plundering\nand ill-treating the inhabitants. I remained behind, but when my company\ncame back they told me that the Sikhs wanted to dig out the body of\nGauhar Aman, but were prevented from doing so by their own Muhammadan\ncomrades. We found caverns in the mountains which were filled with food\nfor the use of the enemy. It is the custom of this people to heap up\nfood in caverns to which the owners only know the way. After entrusting\nSher Kila\u2019 (a fort as big as that of Gilgit and constructed of wooden\nbeams and stone) to the administration of native partisans, we went to\nGao-Kutsh, where we found plenty of sport. Gauhar Aman used to sell\ncaptured Sepoys for hunting dogs.\u201d (This story is repeated from so many\ntrustworthy quarters that it seems to deserve credence. I heard it from\nmany at Gilgit in 1866. The kidnapping propensities of Gauhar Aman were\ngreat and one of my own retainers, a petty Chief, had been dragged off\nfor sale, when he escaped by sliding down a mountain side. Yet the people\nof Gilgit preferred his rule to that of Kashmir and revolted in his\nfavour, when oppressed by Santu Singh in 1852). \u201cWe had two Hindustani\nrebels of 1857 with us and there were also several with the petty\nRajahs.\u201d [This important statement can be somewhat confirmed by me. What\nI understood to be the fourth Light Kashmir Cavalry was said to be almost\nentirely composed of rebels of 1857. I found many of the stations in\ncharge of Swatis and numbers of soldiers of that race at Gilgit. One of\nthe Maharajah\u2019s Sepoys, who came to see me, admitted that he was formerly\nat Hyderabad and then had joined the rebels.]\n\n * * * * *\n\nI can also confirm the statements of the Saz\u00eeni with regard to the\natrocities committed in the War with Dareyl. In order to be able to\nreport victories, men, said to be innocent of complicity in the war,\nwere hanged and women were dragged into captivity in order to fill the\nZananas of the Kashm\u00eer Sepoys. I saw the body of a tall, and powerfully\nbuilt Dareyli, which had evidently been hacked about a good deal,\nsuspended on a tree by the way-side. It was said to be the body of a man\nwho was quietly returning to Sai, which had long been in the undisturbed\noccupation of the Maharajah. A little further on near Jagl\u00f4th [which is\nalso in long-occupied territory] there is a bridge on one of the poles\nof which I saw the skeleton head of a Lumberdar of the place, said to\nbe perfectly innocent of all participation in the war with Kashmir.\nThe roofs of the houses in Gilgit had been blown off, and most of the\ninhabitants had fled into the mountains (_vide_ \u201cdance at Gilgit\u201d page\n36). On the other hand, dreadful stories were related of the retaliation\nof the Dard tribes. Sepoys had been sold by hundreds into Badakhshan,\netc.; others had been used as fireworks and blown to atoms for the\namusement of the Kunj\u00fbtis. Personally, I found the Dards pleasant enough\nand consider them to be superior in many respects to either Dogras or\nPathans, but it is by no means improbable that they have been guilty\nof many of the atrocities which are laid to their charge. At the same\ntime, it must be remembered that the wanton cruelties of the Massacre of\nYasin (_vide_ page 69) and the fact that their country was invaded by\na stranger and an \u201cinfidel\u201d\u2014in defiance of treaty obligations\u2014is some\npalliation for their conduct. The Kashm\u00eer troops, and more particularly\nthe coolies sent with them, were also grossly neglected as regards food,\nclothing and shelter by their own authorities. It is said that out of\n12,000 Kashmiris, impressed for the purpose of carrying loads, only\n600 survived in the expedition of 1866. The roads were strewn with the\nskeletons of horses, etc. I saw men in the most emaciated condition and\nready to eat \u201cunlawful\u201d food. Three Mussulmans in a dying condition whom\nI met below the \u201cAcho\u201d summit,[104] were ready to take a tin containing\npork and could scarcely be restrained till \u201clawful\u201d food was brought to\nthem by my servants. Men were forced to go with the troops. One Hak\u00edm\nAli Shah, a teacher at Amritsar, was compelled to serve as a physician,\na post to which he had no other claim, except that his name happened to\nbe \u201cHak\u00edm.\u201d I rescued him. A virulent fever was destroying the troops\nat Gilgit, who, even after the siege of the fort had been raised, were\nliable to be shot down by prowlers from the tribes within a few yards of\nthe fort. I ordered the fort, etc., to be cleaned and, although myself\nin danger of life from my Kashm\u00eer friends, if not from the tribes, I\ninsisted on my order being obeyed, the assumption of an authoritative\ntone being often a traveller\u2019s only chance of safety among Asiatics. I\ndistributed medicine among the troops and was afterwards told in Durbar\nby the Maharajah that some medicine which I had sent to Wazir Zoraweru,\nwho was then on his Dureyl expedition, had saved his life.\n\n * * * * *\n\nSince then, the Dards have made the acquaintance of diseases for\nwhich there was not even a name in 1866. I refer chiefly to cholera\nand syphilis, which Kashmiri and Indian troops have introduced.\nSimultaneously, the indigenous methods of treatment, which are full of\nlessons for the impartial learner, are dying out. Industrial handicrafts,\nhistorical superstitions or reminiscences, national feasts which existed\nin 1866 exist no longer, and what exists now will soon vanish before\nthe monotony of orthodox Muhammadanism and the vulgarity of so-called\nEuropean civilization. \u201c_Und der G\u00f6tter bunt Gewimmel, Hat sogleich das\nstille Haus geleert._\u201d The fairies and prophetesses of Dardistan are\nsilent, the Tham of Hunza no longer brings down rain, the family axes\nare broken, the genealogists have been destroyed, and the sacred drum\nis heard no longer. The quaint computations of age, of months, seasons,\nyears and half-years, and the strange observations of shadows thrown\nat various times are dying out or are already dead. Worse than all for\nenquiry into ancient human history, the languages which contain the words\nof \u201c_what once was_,\u201d are being flooded by foreign dialects, and what\nmay survive will no longer appeal to the national understanding. This\nresult is most lamentable as regards Hunza, where the oldest human speech\nstill showed elementary processes of development. I fear that my attempt\nto commit, for the first time, to writing, in an adapted _Persian_\ncharacter, the Khajun\u00e1 language, has only been followed in a document\nof honour which the venerable Chief of Nagyr sent me some years ago.\nAlready do some European writers call him and his people \u201cignorant\u201d when\ntheir own ignorance is alone deserving of censure. I deeply regret that\nthe friendship of so many Dard Chiefs for me has made them unsuspicious\nof Europeans, and may have thus indirectly led to the loss of their\nindependence, but I rejoice that for over twenty-five years I have\nnot attracted the European adventurer to Dardistan by saying anything\nabout Pliny\u2019s \u201c_fertilissimi sunt auri Dard\u00e6_,\u201d except in Khajun\u00e1\nEthnographical Dialogues in the \u201cHunza-Nagyr Handbook,\u201d which exploiters\nwere not likely to read. Now others have published the fact, but not the\naccompanying risks.\n\nAs Kandi\u00e1 is learned, Nagyr pious, Chil\u00e1s puritanical, and all true Dard\ntribes essentially peaceful and virtuously republican, so, no doubt,\nHunza was the country of free love and of raiding, that had ceased\nin 1865, which _we_ practically revived (see Appendix I.). I doubt,\nhowever, whether picturesque vice, which, unfortunately, may form part\nof indigenous associations, is as reprehensible as the hypocrisy of\nthose hired knights of the pen, who, not practising the virtues which\nthey preach, take away the character of nations and of Chiefs, merely\nbecause they are opposed to us, and falsify their history. I do not,\nfor instance, palliate the old Hunza practice of lending one\u2019s wife to\na guest, or of kidnapping good-looking strangers in order to improve\nthe race, though the latter course may be preferred by a physiologist\nto a careless marriage, but I do find a reproach on European or Indian\nmorality in the fact that not a single Hunza woman showed herself to\nthe British or Kashm\u00eeri invaders, although the men, once conquered,\nfreely joined them in sport and drinking bouts. Europeans have a worse\nreputation among Orientals than Orientals among Europeans, and, in\neither case, ignorance, prejudice, want of sympathy and disinclination\nto learn the truth, are probably among the causes of such regrettable\npreconceptions. At any rate, it shall not be said that the races which\nI, so disastrously for them, discovered and named, shall suffer from\nany misrepresentation so far as I can help it, although the political\npassions of the moment may deprive my statements of the weight which\nhas hitherto attached to them as authoritative in this speciality. _V\u00e6\nvictis et victoribus_\u2014for history now marches rapidly towards the common\ndisaster. _Finis Dardarum._ \u201cIt has been decided that CHIL\u00c1S is to be\n_permanently_ held, and consequently the present strength of the garrison\nin the GILGIT district will be _increased_ by one native regiment, while\nthe 23rd Pioneers will complete the road through the Kaghan Valley\nto Chil\u00e1s, and will then _remain for duty on the advanced frontier_.\nThis strengthening of the garrison in the sub-Himalayan country will\neffectually _secure British influence_ over CHITRAL where an Agent is to\nbe _permanently_ stationed; it will also insure the _control of the Indus\nValley tribes_\u201d (_Times_ telegram of the 8th July, 1893\u2014the italics are\nmine). Alas that British influence should so destroy both itself and the\nfreedom of ancient races!\n\n * * * * *\n\n_Quem Deus vult perdere prius dementat._ Considering the promises of\nredress of all grievances made by the Great Northern Emancipator of\nOppressed Nationalities,[105] whose lightest finger is heavier than our\nentire yoke, it would be a great mistake on our part to still further\nreduce the independence of Native States, the troops of which are already\nat our disposal. Even as regards Kashmir, against the mismanagement of\nwhich I have protested for so many years, and the Agents of which made\nseveral attempts on my life in order to prevent my exposure of their\nfrontier encroachments in 1866, I am bound to say that our procedure\nhas been a great deal too peremptory, if not altogether illegal. The\nfollowing Treaty between Kashmir and the British Government shows alike\nthat Kashmir had no right to encroach on Chil\u00e1s and Gilgit (see preceding\npages), and still less on Hunza-Nagyr, and that the Government of India\nhas no right to convert Kashmir into a \u201c_semi_-independent State\u201d as\ncalled by the _Times_ of the 8th July, 1893. Kashmir is an _independent_\nState, whose independence has been paid for and must be protected by\nour honour against our ambition, as long as it is loyal to the British\nGovernment:\n\n \u201cTREATY between the British Government on the one part and\n MAHARAJAH GOLAB SING of JUMMOO on the other, concluded on the\n part of the British Government by FREDERICK CURRIE, ESQUIRE,\n and Brevet-Major HENRY MONTGOMERY LAWRENCE, acting under the\n orders of the Right Honourable SIR HENRY HARDINGE, G.C.B.,\n one of Her Britannic Majesty\u2019s Most Honourable Privy Council,\n Governor-General, appointed by the Honourable Company to direct\n and control all their affairs in the East Indies, and by\n MAHARAJAH GOLAB SING in person.\n\nARTICLE I.\n\nThe British Government transfers and makes over for ever, in INDEPENDENT\nPOSSESSION, TO MAHARAJAH GOLAB SING AND THE HEIRS MALE OF HIS BODY, all\nthe hilly or mountainous country, with its DEPENDENCIES, situated to the\nEASTWARD of the River Indus and westward of the River Ravee, including\nChumba, and excluding Lahul, being part of the territories ceded to the\nBritish Government by the Lahore State, according to the provisions of\nArticle IV. of the Treaty of Lahore, dated 9th March, 1846.\n\nARTICLE II.\n\nThe eastern boundary of the tract transferred by the foregoing Article\nto Maharajah Golab Sing shall be laid down by Commissioners appointed by\nthe British Government and Maharajah Golab Sing respectively for that\npurpose, and shall be defined in a separate Engagement after survey.\n\nARTICLE III.\n\nIn consideration of the transfer made to him and his heirs by the\nprovisions of the foregoing Articles, Maharajah Golab Sing will pay\nto the British Government the sum of seventy-five lakhs of Rupees\n(Nanukshahee), fifty lakhs to be paid on ratification of this Treaty, and\ntwenty-five lakhs on or before the first October of the current year,\nA.D. 1846.\n\nARTICLE IV.\n\nThe limits of the territories of Maharajah Golab Sing shall not be at any\ntime changed without the concurrence of the British Government.\n\nARTICLE V.\n\nMaharajah Golab Sing will refer to the arbitration of the British\nGovernment any disputes or questions that may arise between himself and\nthe Government of Lahore or any other neighbouring State, and will abide\nby the decision of the British Government.\n\nARTICLE VI.\n\nMaharajah Golab Sing engages for himself and heirs to join, with the\nwhole of his Military Force, the British troops, when employed within the\nhills, or in the territories adjoining his possessions.\n\nARTICLE VII.\n\nMaharajah Golab Sing engages never to take, or retain in his service,\nany British subject, nor the subject of any European or American State,\nwithout the consent of the British Government.\n\nARTICLE VIII.\n\nMaharajah Golab Sing engages to respect in regard to the territory\ntransferred to him, the provisions of Articles V., VI., and VII., of the\nseparate Engagement between the British Government and the Lahore Durbar,\ndated March 11th, 1846.\n\nARTICLE IX.\n\nThe British Government will give its aid to Maharajah Golab Sing in\nprotecting his territories from external enemies.\n\nARTICLE X.\n\nMaharajah Golab Sing acknowledges the supremacy of the British\nGovernment, and will, in token of such supremacy, present annually to\nthe British Government one horse, twelve perfect shawl goats of approved\nbreed (six male and six female), and three pairs of Cashmere shawls.\n\nThis Treaty, consisting of ten Articles, has been this day settled by\nFrederick Currie, Esquire, and Brevet-Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence,\nacting under the directions of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge,\nG.C.B., Governor-General, on the part of the British Government, and by\nMaharajah Golab Sing in person; and the said Treaty has been this day\nratified by the seal of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B.,\nGovernor-General.\n\n_Done at Umritsur, this Sixteenth day of March, in the year of our\nLord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Forty-six, corresponding with the\nSeventeenth day of Rubbee-ool-awal 1262 Hijree._\n\n (Signed) H. HARDINGE\n\n +-----+\n |SEAL.|\n +-----+\n\n (Signed) F. CURRIE.\n \u201d H. M. LAWRENCE.\n\n By order of the Right Honorable the Governor-General of India.\n\n (Signed) F. CURRIE,\n _Secretary to the Government of India, with the Governor-General_.\n\n * * * * *\n\n_Note on the Genealogy of the divine Rajas of Nagyr_ (given to me\nby Raja Habibulia Khan of Nagyr in 1886).\u2014At Doyur, near Gilgit, on\nthe mountain-top, three fairy-brothers shot at a calf, which only\nthe youngest (Azru) hit and was induced to eat, thereby losing his\nfairy-hood. The two others flew away and settled on another mountain, but\nthe crowing of a cock betrayed them to the people of Gilgit who made one\nof them, Tura Khan, Raja of Gilgit; the other, Chalis Khan, becoming Raja\nof Nagyr. [This account is incorrect as _Azru_ became Raja of Gilgit,\nbecause he had become man by eating meat (_incarnation_), but it is\ninteresting as showing the desire of Nagyris to be connected with the\nHistorical Legend of the origin of the neighbouring and more civilized\nGilgit. Some say that Chalis Khan had no son, but that the Rajas of Nagyr\nare the descendants of the Makpon rulers of Little Tibet (from which the\nMakpon-i-Shang-rong\u2014see page 107\u2014takes its name). Others say that Alladad\nwas a son of Chalis Khan: at all events, the founders of the Hunza-Nagyr\nDynasty, Girkis-Mogholot, two brothers, whether descended from Mogholot\nor Chalis, are called Mogholoti, Girkis becoming the Tham of Hunza, and\nMogholot that of Nagyr. As for Alladad, he was succeeded by Kamal, whom\nRahim and Babar (or tiger) followed in turn. Babar\u2019s son was Ferd\u00fbs, and\nhis son Alif Khan was the father of the present reigning Chief, Zafar\nKhan, whose progeny is very numerous]. [The above account, although\nvery deficient and confused, supplements, as regards Hunza-Nagyr, the\nimportant \u201chistorical legend of the origin of Gilgit,\u201d which will be\nfound on pages 9 to 16, and which chronicles the change in the Sh\u00een rule\nin Dardistan. The mystery in the Hunza-Nagyr dynasty fitly entitles it to\nbe called \u201cayesh\u00f3,\u201d or \u201cheavenly.\u201d I can quite understand that the Chief\nof Hunza, unable to convince European disbelievers of his divine origin,\nshould have claimed a descent from Alexander the Great, _faute de mieux_,\nsince the more terrestrial chiefs of Badakhshan and other neighbouring\ncountries claim to be descended from that conqueror.] (See note on page\n55 and page 69.)\n\nColonel Biddulph gives the following interesting version of the above\nstory:\n\n\u201cThe ruling family of Hunza is called Ayesh\u00e9 (heavenly), from the\nfollowing circumstance. The two States of Hunza and Nager were formerly\none, ruled by a branch of the Shahreis, the ruling family of Gilgit,\nwhose seat of government was Nager. Tradition relates that Mayroo Khan,\napparently the first Mahommedan Thum of Nager, some two hundred years\nafter the introduction of the religion of Islam in to Gilgit, married a\ndaughter of Trakhan of Gilgit, who bore him twin sons, named Moghlot and\nGirkis. From the former the present ruling family of Nager is descended.\nThe twins are said to have shown hostility to one another from their\nbirth. Their father, seeing this, and unable to settle the question of\nsuccession, divided his State between them, giving to Girkis the north,\nand to Moghlot the south, bank of the river.\n\nAge did not diminish their enmity, and Girkis, while out hunting, was\none day killed by an adherent of Moghlot, a native of Haramosh, named\nMogul Beg, who, under pretence of a quarrel with Moghlot, took service\nwith Girkis, and persuading him to look up at some game on the cliff\nabove him, drove an arrow into his throat. Girkis left only a daughter,\nwho, according to the custom of the country, became Queen or Ganish of\nHunza. Her first care was to avenge her father\u2019s death. The tradition\nrelates that having sworn to tear the murderer\u2019s liver with her teeth,\nshe carried out her vow to the letter. Left without a chaperon, she\nwas not long without getting into a scrape, as young ladies in similar\ncircumstances are apt to do. The young prince Kamal Khan of Nager, a\nyounger son of Moghlot, crossed the river by night, serenaded her and\nwon her heart. Night after night the lovers met, unknown to the rest of\nthe world, till serious consequences ensued; and one fine day it was\nannounced in Hunza that, though Providence had not yet provided the\nprincess with a husband, it had seen fit to bless her with a son. Morals\nin Hunza are not of the strictest even now, so that few questions were\nasked, and the good people generally contented themselves with beating\ntheir drums, dancing, and the usual festivities proper on the occasion of\nthe birth of the Prince Chiliss Khan. Kamal Khan seems to have \u2018behaved\nbadly\u2019 all through, as the above story is concealed in Hunza under the\nfiction that a prince of Shighnan became the husband of the princess, but\nthat his name being forgotten he is known only as Ayesh\u00f3 (Heaven-sent),\nfrom which the present ruling family of Hunza takes the name. The present\nThum of Hunza is Ghazan Khan\u201d (1880).\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDICES.\n\n\n i. _HUNZA-NAGYR AND THE PAMIRS._\n\n ii. _RECENT EVENTS IN CHILAS AND CHITRAL._\n\n iii. _FABLES, SONGS, AND LEGENDS OF CHITRAL._\n\n iv. _RACES AND LANGUAGES OF THE HINDUKUSH._\n\n v. _ANTHROPOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS._\n\n vi. _ROUGH ITINERARIES IN THE HINDUKUSH._\n\n vii. _A SECRET RELIGION IN THE HINDUKUSH._\n\n viii. _THE SCIENCES OF LANGUAGE AND OF ETHNOLOGY AS ILLUSTRATED\n BY THE LANGUAGE AND CUSTOMS OF HUNZA (A SEPARATE PAMPHLET)._\n\n[Illustration: SPECIMENS OF THE BURISHKI RACE OF HUNZA (ON A SLOPE OF THE\nPAMIR), OF NAGYR, AND OF YASIN.\n\nMATAVALLI, the first Hunza man who came to Europe.\n\nSOME BURISHKIS FROM YASIN separating the Hunza and Nagyri Warriors.\n\nSAYAD ALI, OF NAGYR.]\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX I.\n\nHUNZA, NAGYR, AND THE PAMIR REGIONS.[106]\n\n\nI wish to record how from small beginnings, owing to carelessness,\nexclusiveness, and official desire for promotion, Northern India may be\nlost and British interests in Europe and Asia become subordinate, as they\nhave often been, to Russian guidance; how statesmanship has laboriously\ninvited dangers which physical barriers had almost rendered impossible;\nand how it may still be practicable to maintain as independent States\nthe numerous mountain strongholds which Nature has interposed between\nencroachment and intrigue from either the Russian or the English sphere\nof action in Asia, much to the benefit of these two Powers and of the\npeace of mankind.\n\nWhen, after an enormous expenditure of men and money and during campaigns\nwhich lasted over thirty-six years, Russia had conquered independent\nCircassia\u2014a task in which she was largely aided by our preventing\nprovisions and ammunitions from reaching by sea the so-called rebels,\nalthough we ourselves were fighting against her in 1856, _quorum pars\nparva fui_, it was easy to foresee that our conduct, which some called\nchivalry, others loyalty, and some duplicity or folly, would give\nher the present command of the Black Sea and lead to the subjugation\nof Circassia. The same conduct was repeated at Panjdeh, and may be\nrepeated on the Pamir, much to the personal advantage of the discreet\nofficers concerned. We have also recently discovered that the holding of\nConstantinople by a neutral Power is not essential to British interests,\nas we had long ago found out that neither Merv nor Herat were keys to\nIndia. Indeed, as we give up position after position, a crop of honours\nfalls to those who bring about our losses and, like charity, covers a\nmultitude of political sins of ignorance or treason.\n\nIt seemed, however, that there was one obscure corner which the official\nsidelight could not irradiate. Valley after valley, plateau after\nplateau, high mountains and difficult passes separate the populations\nof India from those of Central Asia. Innumerable languages and warlike\nraces, each unconquerable in their own strongholds if their autonomy and\ntraditions are respected, intervene between invaders from either side\nwho would lead masses of disciplined slaves to slaughter and conquest.\nIt is not necessary to draw an imaginary line on Lord Salisbury\u2019s\nlarge or small Map of Asia across mountains and rivers, and dividing\narbitrarily tribes and kingdoms whose ancestry is the same, call it \u201cthe\nneutral zone.\u201d No sign-board need indicate \u201cthe way to India,\u201d and amid\nmuch ado about nothing by ambitious subordinates and puzzled superiors\nsettle to the momentary satisfaction of the British public that Russia\ncan go so far and no farther. Where the cold, the endless marching\nover inhospitable ground, and starvation do not show the frontier, the\nsparse population, the unknown tongue, and the bullet of the raider will\nindicate it sufficiently, without adding to the number of generals or\nknights for demarcating impossible boundaries.\n\nThe reassurances given by Lords Lansdowne and Cross to the native Princes\nof India indicate the policy that should be adopted with regard to all\nthe Mountain States beyond India proper. It is by everywhere respecting\nthe existing indigenous Oriental Governments that we protect them and\nourselves against invasion from without and treachery from within. The\nloyalty of our feudatories is most chivalrous and touching, but it should\nbe based on enlightened self-interest in order to withstand the utmost\nstrain. The restoration of some powers to the Maharaja of Kashm\u00eer came\nnot a minute too soon. Wherever elsewhere reasonable claims are withheld,\nthey should be generously and speedily conceded. The Indian princes\nknow full well that we are arming them, at their own expense, against\na common foe who is not wanting in promises, and who is already posing\nas a saviour to the people of Raushan, Shignan, Wakhan, Hunza, and even\nBadakhshan, whose native dynasties or traditions we have either already\nput aside or are believed to threaten.\n\nAs for the small States offering a fruitful field for intrigue, their\nnumber and internal jealousies (except against a common foreign invader)\nare in themselves a greater safeguard than the resistance of a big but\nstraggling ally, whose frontier, when broken through at one of its many\nweak points, finds an unresisting population from which all initiative\nhas disappeared. The intrigue or treachery of a big ally is also a more\nserious matter than that of a little State. What does it matter if\nEnglish and Russian agents intrigue or fraternize among the _ovis poli_,\nand the Kirghiz shepherds of the Pamir, or advocate their respective\ncivilizations in Yasin, Chitr\u00e1l, Wakhan, Nagyr, Hunza, etc. Ambitious\nemployes of both empires will always trouble waters, in order to fish in\nthem; but their trouble is comparatively innocuous, and resembles that of\nSisyphus when it has to be repeated or wasted in a dozen States, before\nthe real defences of either India or of Russia in Asia are reached.\nIndeed, so far as India is concerned, the physical difficulties on\nour side of the Himalayas or of the Hindukush, except at a few easily\ndefensible passes, are insuperable to an invader, even after he has\ncrowned the more approachable heights when coming from the North.\n\nThe only policy worthy of the name is to leave the Pamir alone. Whatever\nline is drawn, it is sure to be encroached upon by either side. Races\nwill be found to overlap it, and in the attempt to gather the fold, as\nwith the Sarik and Salor Turkomans, a second Panjdeh is sure to follow.\nIntrigues will be active on both sides of the line; and, as in Kashm\u00eer,\nthe worried people will hail the foreigner as a saviour, so long as he\nhas not taken possession, when they find his little finger heavier than\nthe whole body of the indigenous oppressor. I have suffered so much from\nmy persistent exposure of the misrule and intrigues of Kashm\u00eer by those\nwho now hail the _fait accompli_ of its practical annexation, that I may\nclaim to be heard in favour of at least one feature of its former native\nadministration. With bodies of troops averaging from 20 to 200, the\nlate Maharaja, who foresaw what has happened after his death, kept the\nHunza-Nagyr frontier in order. It certainly was by rule of thumb, and had\nno dockets, red tape, and reports. Indeed, his frontier guardians were,\nas I found them, asleep during a state of siege in 1866, or, when war\nwas over, were engaged in storing grain _outside_ the forts; but peace\nwas kept as it will never be again, in spite of 2,000 Imperial troops,\nfirst-rate roads, and suspension bridges over the \u201cShaitan Nar\u00e9,\u201d instead\nof the rotten rope-way that spanned \u201cSatan\u2019s Gorge,\u201d or of boats dragged\nup from Srinagar over the mountains to enable a dozen sepoys to cross\nthe Indus at a time, or to convey couriers with a couple of bullets,\nsome dried butter-cakes, and an open letter or two, who ran the siege at\nGilgit and brought such effective reinforcements to its defenders!\n\n[Illustration]\n\nNor has our diplomacy been more effectual than our arms, as the encounter\nat Chalt with Hunza-Nagyr, hereditary foes, but whom our policy has\nunited against us, has shown. To us Nagyr is decidedly friendly; but\na worm will turn if trodden on by some of our too quickly advanced\nsubalterns. That, however, the wise and amiable Chief of Nagyr, a\npatriarch with a large progeny, and preserving the keenness of youth in\nhis old age, is really friendly to us in spite of provocation, may be\ninferred from the following letter to me, which does credit alike to his\nhead and heart, and which is far from showing him to be our inveterate\nfoe, as alleged by the _Pioneer_. His eldest son began to teach me the\nremarkable Khajun\u00e1 language, which I first committed to writing in 1866,\nduring the siege of Gilgit, and another son continued the lessons in\n1886. The latter is a hostage in Kashm\u00eer, to secure the good behaviour\nof his tribe, which is really infinitely superior in culture and piety to\nthose around them. The father, who is over 90, writes in Persian to the\nfollowing effect, after the usual compliments:\u2014\u201cThe affairs of this place\nare by your fortune in a fair way, and I am in good health and constantly\nask the same for you from the Throne which grants requests. Your kind\nfavour with a drawing of the Mosque has reached me, and has given me much\npleasure and satisfaction. The reason of the delay in its receipt and\nacknowledgment is due to the circumstance that, owing to disturbances\n(_fes\u00e1d_) I have not sent agents to Kashm\u00eer this year. After the\nrestoration of peace, I will send [a letter] with them. In the meanwhile,\nI have caught your hem [seek your protection] for my son Habibullah\nKhan, a beloved son, about whom I am anxious; the aforesaid son is a\nwell-wisher to the illustrious English Government.\u2014ZA\u2019FAR KHAN.\u201d [The\nletter was apparently written in June last, when _The Times_ reported a\n\u201crising,\u201d because the British Agent was at Chalt with 500 men.]\n\nIt seems to me that none but a farseeing man could, in the midst of a\nmisunderstanding, if not a fight, with us, so write to one in the enemy\u2019s\ncamp, unless he were a true man alike in war and peace, and a ruler\nwhose good-will was worth acquiring. As for his son, I know him to be\nindeed well-disposed to our Government. He was very popular among our\nofficers when I saw him in Kashm\u00eer, owing to his modesty, amiability, and\nunsurpassed excellence at Polo. In fact, my friendship with several of\nthe chiefs since 1866 has aided our good relations with them; and it is a\npity if they should be destroyed for want of a little \u201c_savoir_,\u201d as also\n\u201c_savoir faire_,\u201d on our part.\n\nBetween the States of Nagyr and Hunza there exists a perpetual feud.\nThey are literally rivals, being separated by a swift-flowing river on\nwhich, at almost regulated distances, one Nagyr fort on one bank frowns\nat the Hunza fort on the other. The paths along the river sides are very\nsteep, involving at times springing from one ledge of a rock to another,\nor dropping on to it from a height of six feet, when, if the footing\nis lost, the wild torrent sweeps one away. Colonel Biddulph does not\ncredit the Nagyris with bravery. History, however, does not bear out his\nstatement; and the defeat inflicted on the Kashm\u00eer troops under Nathu\nShah in 1848 is a lesson even for the arrogance of a civilized invader\narmed with the latest rifle. The Nagyris are certainly not without\nculture; in music they were proficient before the Muhammadan piety of the\nShiah sect somewhat tabooed the art. At all events, they are different\nin character from the Hunzas with whom they share the same language, and\ntheir chiefs the same ancestry. The Hunzas, in whom a remnant of the\nHuns may be found, were great kidnappers; but under Kashm\u00eer influence\nthey stopped raiding since 1869, till the confusion incidental to our\ninterference revived their gone occupation. Indeed, it is asserted on\ngood authority, that even our ally of Chitr\u00e1l, who had somewhat abandoned\nthe practice of selling his Shiah or Kal\u00e1sha Kafir subjects into slavery,\nand who had so disposed of the miners for not working his ruby mines\nto profit, has now returned to the trade in men, \u201cwith the aid of our\npresent of rifles and our moral support.\u201d Nor is Bokhara said to be\nbehind Chitr\u00e1l in the revival of the slave-trade from Darw\u00e1z, in spite of\nRussian influence; so that we have the remarkable instance of two great\nPowers both opposed to slavery and the slave-trade, having revived it in\ntheir approach to one another. Nor is a third Power, quite blameless in\nthe matter; for when we worried Hunza, that robber-nest remembered its\nold allegiance to distant Kit\u00e1i and arranged with the Chinese authorities\nat Yarkand to be informed of the departure of a caravan. Then, after\nintercepting it on the Kulanuldi road, the Hunzas would take those they\nkidnapped from it back for sale to Yarkand!\n\nAs a matter of fact, we have now a scramble for the regions surrounding\nand extending into the Pamirs by three Powers, acting either directly or\nthrough States of Straw. The claims of Bokhara to Karategin and Darw\u00e1z\u2014if\nnot to Shign\u00e1n, Raushan, and Wakhan are as little founded as are those\nof Afghanistan on the latter three districts. Indeed, even the Afghan\nright to Badakhshan is very weak. The Russian claims through Khokand on\nthe pasturages of the Kirghiz in two-thirds of the Pamirs are also as\nfanciful as those of Kashmir or China on Hunza. As in the scramble for\nAfrica, the natives themselves are not consulted, and their indigenous\ndynasties have been either destroyed, or dispossessed, or ignored.\n\n * * * * *\n\nIn an Indian paper, received by to-day\u2019s mail (29 Nov., 1891), I find\nthe following paragraph: \u201cCol. A. G. Durand, British Agent at Gilgit,\nhas received definite orders to bring the robber tribes of Hunza and\nNagar under control. These tribes are the pirates of Central Asia, whose\nchief occupation is plundering caravans on the Yarkand and Kashgar.\nAny prisoners they take on these expeditions are sold into slavery.\nColonel Durand has established an outpost at Chalt, about thirty miles\nbeyond Gilgit, on the Hunza river, and intends making a road to Aliabad,\nthe capital of the Hunza chief, at once. That he will meet with armed\nopposition in doing so is not improbable.\u201d\n\nFor some months past the _mot d\u2019ordre_ appears to have been given to the\nAnglo-Indian Press, to excite public feeling against Hunza and Nagyr,\ntwo States which have been independent for fourteen centuries. The\ncause of offence is not stated, nor, as far as I know, does one exist\nof sufficient validity to justify invasion. In the _Pioneer_ and the\n_Civil and Military Gazette_ I find vague allusions to the disloyalty\nor recalcitrance of the above-mentioned tribes, and to the necessity\nof punishing them. As Nagyr is extremely well-disposed towards the\nBritish, and is only driven into making common cause with its hereditary\nfoe and rival of Hunza by fear of a common danger,\u2014the loss of their\nindependence,\u2014I venture to point out the impolicy and injustice of\ninterfering with these principalities.\n\nI have already referred to a letter from the venerable chief of Nagyr, in\nwhich he strongly commends to my care one of his sons, Raja Habibulla, as\na well-wisher of the English Government. Indeed, he has absolutely done\nnothing to justify any attack on the integrity of his country; and before\nwe invade it other means to secure peace should be tried. I have no doubt\nthat I, for one, could induce him to comply with everything in reason,\nif reason, and not an excuse for taking his country, is desired. Nagyr\nhas never joined Hunza in kidnapping expeditions, as is alleged in the\nabove-quoted paragraph. Indeed, slavery is an abomination to the pious\nand peaceful agriculturist of that interesting country. The Nagyris are\nmusical and were fond of dances, polo, ibex _battue_-hunting, archery and\nshooting from horseback, and other manly exercises; but the growing piety\nof the race has latterly proscribed music and dancing. The accompanying\ndrawing of a Nagyri dance in the neighbouring Gilgit gives a good idea of\nsimilar performances at Nagyr.\n\nThe country is full of legendary lore, but less so than Hunza, where\nGrimm\u2019s fairy tales appear to be translated into actual life. No war is\nundertaken except at the supposed command of an unseen fairy, whose drum\nis on such occasions sounded in the mountains. Ecstatic women, inhaling\nthe smoke of a cedar-branch, announce the future, tell the past, and\ndescribe the state of things in neighbouring valleys. They are thus\nalike the prophets, the historians, and the journalists of the tribe.\nThey probably now tell their indignant hearers how, under the pretext of\nshooting or of commerce, Europeans have visited their country, which they\nnow threaten to destroy with strange and murderous weapons; but Hunza\nis \u201cayesh\u00f3,\u201d or \u201cheaven-born,\u201d and the fairies, if not the inaccessible\nnature of the country, will continue to protect it.\n\nThe folly of invading Hunza and Nagyr is even greater than the physical\nobstacles to which I have already referred. Here, between the Russian and\nthe British spheres of influence in Central Asia, we have not only the\nseries of Pamirs, or plateaux and high valleys, which I first brought\nto notice on linguistic grounds, in the map accompanying my tour in\nDardistan in 1866 (the country between Kashmir and Kabul), and which\nhave been recently confirmed topographically; but we have also a large\nseries of mountainous countries, which, if left alone, or only assured\nof our help against a foreign invader, would guarantee for ever the\npeace alike of the Russian, the British, and the Chinese frontiers.\nUnfortunately, we have allowed Afghanistan to annex Badakhshan, Raushan,\nShignan, and Wakhan, at much loss of life to their inhabitants; and\nRussia has similarly endorsed the shadowy and recent claims of Bokhara on\nneighbouring provinces, like Darw\u00e1z and Karategin.\n\nIt is untrue that Hunza and Nagyr were ever tributaries of Kashm\u00eer,\nexcept in the sense that they occasionally sent a handful of gold dust\nto its Maharaja, and received substantial presents in return. It is to\nChina or Kit\u00e1i that Hunza considers itself bound by an ancient, but\nvague, allegiance. Hunza and Nagyr, that will only unite against a\nforeign common foe, have more than once punished Kashm\u00eer when attempting\ninvasion; but they are not hostile to Kashm\u00eer, and Nagyr even sends one\nof the princes to Srinagar as a guarantee of its peaceful intentions. At\nthe same time, it is not very many months ago that they gave us trouble\nat Chalt, when we sought to establish an outpost, threatening the road to\nHunza and the independence alike of Hunza and Nagyr.\n\nJust as Nagyr is pious, so Hunza is impious. Its religion is a perversion\neven of the heterodox Mul\u00e1i faith, which is Shiah Muhammadan only in\nname, but pantheistic in substance. It prevails in Puny\u00e1l, Zebak, Darw\u00e1z,\netc. The Tham, or Raja, of Hunza used to dance in a Mosque and hold\nrevels in it. Wine is largely drunk in Hunza, and like the Druses of the\nLebanon, the \u201cinitiated\u201d Mul\u00e1is may consider nothing a crime that is not\nfound out. Indeed, an interesting connection can be established between\nthe doctrines of the so-called \u201cAssassins\u201d of the Crusaders, which have\nbeen handed down to the Druses, and those of the Mul\u00e1is in various parts\nof the Hindukush. Their spiritual chief gave me a few pages of their\nhitherto mysterious Bible, the \u201cKel\u00e1m-i-Pir,\u201d in 1886, which I have\ntranslated, and shortly intend to publish. All I can now say is, that,\nwhatever the theory of their faith, the practice depends, as elsewhere,\non circumstances and the character of the race.\n\nThe language of Hunza and Nagyr solves many philological puzzles. It\nis a prehistoric remnant, in which a series of simple consonantal or\nvowel sounds stands for various groups of ideas, relationships, etc. It\nestablishes the great fact, that customs and the historical and other\nassociations of a race are the basis of the so-called rules of grammar.\nThe cradle, therefore, of human thought as expressed in language, whether\nof the Aryan, the Turanian, or the Shemitic groups, is to be found in the\nspeech of Hunza-Nagyr; and to destroy this by foreign intervention, which\nhas already brought new diseases into the Hindukush, as also a general\nlinguistic deterioration, would be a greater act of barbarism than to\npermit the continuance of Hunza raiding on the Yarkand road. Besides,\nthat raiding can be stopped again, by closing the slave-markets of\nBadakhshan, Bokhara, and Yarkand, or by paying a subsidy, say of \u00a31,000\nper annum, to the Hunza chief.\n\nIndeed, as has already been pointed out, the recrudescence of kidnapping\nis largely due to the state of insecurity and confusion caused by our\ndesire to render the Afghan and the Chinese frontiers conterminous with\nour own, in the vain belief that the outposts of three large and distant\nkingdoms, acting in concert, will keep Russia more effectively out of\nIndia than a number of small independent republics or principalities.\nAfghanistan may now be big, but every so-called subject in her outlying\ndistricts is her inveterate foe. As stated in a letter from Nevsky to\nthe Calcutta _Englishman_, in connection with Colonel Grambcheffsky\u2019s\nrecent explorations:\n\n\u201cOne and all, these devastated tribes are firm in their conviction that\nthe raids of their Afghan enemies were prompted and supported by the gold\nof Abdur Rahman\u2019s English protectors. They will remember this on the\nplateau of Pamir, and among the tribes of Kaffiristan.\u201d\n\nHowever colourable this statement may be as regards Shign\u00e1n, Raushan, and\nperhaps even Wakhan, I believe that the Kafirs are still our friends.\nAt the same time it should not be forgotten that, owing to the closing\nof the slave-markets in Central Asia, the sale of Shiah subjects had\ntemporarily stopped in Chitr\u00e1l. The Kafirs were being less molested by\nkidnapping Muhammadan neighbours; the Hunzas went back to agriculture,\nwhich the Nagyris had never abandoned; Kashm\u00eer, India, and the Russian\nside of Central Asia afforded no opening for the sale of human beings.\nThe insensate ambition of officials, British and Russian, the gift of\narms to marauding tribes and the destruction of Kashm\u00eer influence, have\nchanged all this, and it is only by a return to \u201cmasterly inactivity,\u201d\nwhich does not mean the continuance of the Cimmerian darkness that now\nexists as to the languages and histories of the most interesting races\nof the world, that the peace and pockets of three mighty empires can be\nsaved.\n\nIn the meanwhile, it is to the interest of Russia to force us into\nheavy military expenditure by false alarms; to create distrust between\nourselves and China by pretending that Russia and England alone have\ncivilizing missions in Central Asia, with which Chinese tyranny would\ninterfere; to hold up before us the Will-o\u2019-the-wisp of an impossible\ndemarcation of the Pamirs, and finally, to ally itself with China\nagainst India. For let it not be forgotten, that once the Trans-Siberian\nrailway is completed, China will be like wax in her hand; and that she\nwill be compelled to place her immense material in men and food at the\ndisposal of an overawing, but, as far as the _personnel_ is concerned,\nnot unamiable neighbour. The tribes, emasculated by our overwhelming\ncivilization, and driven into three large camps, will no longer have the\npower of resistance that they now possess separately.\n\nLet us therefore leave intact the two great belts of territories that\nNature has raised for the preservation of peace in Asia\u2014the Pamir with\nits adjacent regions to the east and west, and the zone of the Hindukush\nwith its hives of independent tribes, intervening between Afghanistan on\nthe one side and Kashm\u00eer on the other, till India proper is reached. This\nwill never be the case by a foreign invader, unless diplomatists \u201cmeddle\nand muddle,\u201d and try to put together what Nature has put asunder. What\nwe require is the cultivation of greater sympathy in our relations with\nnatives; and, comparing big things with small, it is to this feeling that\nI myself owed my safety, when I put off the disguise in which I crossed\nthe Kashm\u00eer frontier in 1866 into countries then wrongly supposed by our\nGovernment to be inhabited by cannibals. This charge was also made, with\nequal error, by one tribe against the other. Then too, as in 1886, the\nIndian Press spoke of Russian intrigues; but then, as in 1886, I found\nthe very name of Russia to be unknown, except where it had been learnt\nfrom a Kashm\u00eer Munshi, who had no business to be there at all, as the\ntreaty of 1846, by which we sold Kashm\u00eer to Ghulab Singh, assigned the\nIndus as his boundary on the west. Now, as to the question as to \u201cWhat\nand where are the Pamirs?\u201d I have already stated my view in a letter to\nthe Editor of the _Morning Post_, which I trust I may be allowed to quote:\n\n\u201cAs some of the statements made at the Royal Geographical Society are\nlikely to cause a sense of false security, as dangerous to peace as\na false alarm, I write to say that \u2018Pamirs\u2019 do not mean \u2018deserts,\u2019\nor \u2018broken valleys,\u2019 and that they are not uninhabitable or useless\nfor movements of large bodies of men. They may be all this in certain\nplaces, at certain periods of the year, and under certain conditions;\nbut had our explorers or statesmen paid attention to the languages of\nthis part of the world, as they should in regard to every other with\nwhich they deal, they would have avoided many idle conjectures and the\ncomplications that may follow therefrom. I do not wish them to refer to\nphilologists who have never been to the East, and who interpret \u2018Pamir\u2019\nas meaning the \u2018Upa-Meru\u2019 Mountain of Indian mythology, but to the people\nwho frequent the Pamirs during the summer months, year after year, for\npurposes of pasturage, starting from various points, and who in their own\nlanguages (Yarkandi, Turki, and Kirghiz) call the high plain, elevated\nvalley, table-land, or plateau which they come across \u2018Pamir.\u2019 There\nare, therefore, in one sense many \u2018Pamirs,\u2019 and as a _tout-ensemble_,\none \u2018Pamir,\u2019 or geographically, _the_ \u2018Pamir.\u2019 The legend of the two\nbrothers, \u2018Alichur and Pamir,\u2019 is merely a personification of two\nplateaux. Indeed, the obvious and popular idea which has always attached\nto the word \u2018Pamir,\u2019 is the correct one, whether it is the geographical\n\u2018roof of the world,\u2019 the \u2018B\u00e1m-i-dunya\u2019 of the poet, or the \u2018Pamir-dunya\u2019\nof the modern journalist. We have, therefore, to deal with a series of\nplateaux, the topographical limits of which coincide with linguistic,\nethnographical, and political limits. To the North, the Pamirs have the\nTrans-Altaic Mountain range marking the Turki element, under Russian\ninfluence; the Panja river, by whatever name, on the West is a Tadjik\nor Iranian Frontier [Affghan]. The Sarikol on the East is a Tibetan,\nMongolian, or Chinese Wall, and the South is our natural frontier,\nthe Hindukush, to go beyond which is physical death to the Hindu, and\npolitical ruin to the holder of India, as it also is certain destruction\nto the invader, except by one pass, which I need not name, and which\nis accessible from a Pamir. That the Pamirs are not uninhabitable may\nbe inferred from Colonel Grambcheffsky\u2019s account [which is published\nat length elsewhere in this issue of the ASIATIC QUARTERLY REVIEW]. A\nfew passages from it must now suffice:\u2014\u2018The Pamir is far from being a\nwilderness. It contains a permanent population, residing in it both\nsummer and winter.\u2019 \u2018The population is increasing to a marked extent.\u2019\n\u2018Slavery on the Pamir is flourishing: moreover, the principal contingents\nof slaves are obtained from Chatrar, Jasen, and Kanshoot, chanates\nunder the protectorate of England.\u2019 \u2018On descending into Pamir we found\nourselves between the cordons of the Chinese and Affghan armies.\u2019 \u2018The\npopulation of Shoognan, numbering 2,000 families, had fled to Pamir,\nhoping to find a refuge in the Russian Provinces\u2019 (from \u2018the untold\natrocities which the Affghans were committing in the conquered provinces\nof Shoognan,\u2019 etc.). \u2018I term the whole of the tableland \u201cPamir,\u201d in view\nof the resemblance of the valleys to each other.\u2019\n\n\u201cThe climate of the Pamirs is variable, from more than tropical heat\nin the sun to arctic cold in the shade, and in consequence, is alike\nprovocative and destructive of life. Dr. G. Capus, who crossed them from\nnorth to south, exactly as Mr. Littledale has done, but several months\nin the year before him, says in his \u2018Observations M\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques sur le\nPamir,\u2019 which he sent to the last Oriental Congress,\u2014\u2018The first general\nfact is the inconstancy of severe cold. The nights are generally coldest\njust before sunrise.\u2019 \u2018We found an extreme amplitude of 61 deg. between\nthe absolute minimum and maximum, and of 41 deg. between the minimum\nand the maximum in the shade during the same day.\u2019 \u2018The thermometer\nrises and falls rapidly with the height of the sun.\u2019 \u2018Great cold is less\nfrequent and persistent than was believed to be the case at the period\nof the year dealt with\u2019 (March 13 to April 19), \u2018and is compensated by\ndaily intervals of elevation of temperature, which permit animal life,\nrepresented by a fairly large number of species, and including man, to\nkeep up throughout the winter under endurable conditions.\u2019 Yet \u2018the\nwater-streak of snow, which has melted in contact with a dark object,\nfreezes immediately when put into the shadow of the very same object.\u2019\n... The solution of political difficulties in Central Asia is not in a\npractically impossible, and certainly unmaintainable, demarcation of the\nPamirs, but in the strengthening of the autonomy of the most interesting\nraces that inhabit the series of Circassias that already guard the\nsafety alike of British, Chinese, and of Russian dominion or spheres of\ninfluence in Central Asia.\u201d\n\n * * * * *\n\nWOKING, _Nov. 29_.\n\nIt is not impossible that the tribes may again combine in 1892 as they\ndid in 1866 to turn out the Kashm\u00eer troops from Gilgit. The want of\nwisdom shown in forcing on the construction of a road from Chalt to\nAliabad, in the centre of Hunza, as announced in to-day\u2019s _Times_,\nmust bring on, if not a confederation of the tribes against us, at\nany rate their awakened distrust. It is doubtful whether it was ever\nexpedient to establish an outpost at Gilgit, and the carrying it still\nfarther to the traditional apple of discord, the holding of Chalt, which\ncommands the Hunza road, is still more impolitic. As in Affghanistan,\nso here, whatever power does _not_ interfere is looked upon as the\nsaviour from present evils. Once we have created big agglomerations\nunder Affghanistan, or China, or Kashmir, we are liable to the dangers\nfollowing either on collapse, want of cohesion, treachery from within,\nthe ambitions of a few men at the respective courts, or, as with us,\nto serious fluctuations in foreign politics due to the tactics of\nEnglish parties. The change, therefore, from natural boundaries to the\nwirepulling of diplomatists at Kabul, Peking, or Downing Street is not\nin the interests of peace, of our empire, or of civilization. Besides,\nit should not be forgotten that we have added an element of disturbance,\nfar more subtle than the Babu, to our frontier difficulties. The timid\nKashm\u00eeri is unsurpassed as an intriguer and adventurer among tribes\nbeyond his frontier. The time seems to have arrived when, in the words\nof the well-known Persian proverb,[107] the sparseness of races round\nthe Pamirs should bid us to be on our guard against the Affghan, the\n\u201cbad-raced\u201d Kashm\u00eer\u00ee, and the Kamb\u00f3 (supposed to be the tribe on the\nbanks of the Jhelum beyond Mozaffarabad). Perhaps, however, the Kamb\u00f3 is\nthe Heathen Chinee; and the proverb would then be entirely applicable\nto the present question. After the construction of the Trans-Siberian\nRailway, Russia will be able to exert the greatest pressure on China.\nThe Russian strength at Vladivostok is already enormous, and when the\ntime comes she can hurl an overwhelming force on what remains of Chinese\nManchuria, before which Chinese resistance will melt like snow. Peking\nand the north of China are thus quite at the mercy of Russia. She will\nfind there the most populous country of those she rules in Asia, and with\nample supplies. China has a splendid raw material, militarily speaking;\nand Russia could there form the biggest army that has ever been seen in\nAsia, to hold _in terrorem_ over a rival or to hurl at the possessions of\na foe.\n\nIt is against such possibilities that the maintenance of \u201cmasterly\ninactivity,\u201d qualified by the moral and, if need be, pecuniary or other\nmaterial support of the Anglo-Indian Government is needed. This is\nthe object of this paper, before I enter into the more agreeable task\nof describing the languages, customs, and country of perhaps the most\ninteresting races that inhabit the globe.\n\n * * * * *\n\n_The Times_ of the 30th November publishes a map of the Pamirs and an\naccount of the questions connected with them that, like many other\nstatements in its articles on \u201cIndian affairs,\u201d are incorrect and\nmisleading. Having been on a special mission by the Panjab Government, in\n1866, when I discovered the races and languages of \u201cDardistan,\u201d and gave\nthe country that name, and again having been on special duty with the\nForeign Department of the Government of India in 1886 in connection with\nthe Boorishki language and race of Hunza, Nagyr, and a part of Yasin,\nregarding which I have recently completed Part I. of a large work, I\nmay claim to speak with some authority as regards these districts, even\nif I had no other claim. The point which I wish to specially contradict\nat present, is the one relating to the Russians bringing themselves into\nalmost direct contact with \u201cthe Hunza and other tribes subject to Kashm\u00eer\nand, as such, entitled to British protection and under British control.\u201d\n\n[Illustration: DR. LEITNER AS A BUKHARA MAULVI, WHEN CROSSING THE\nFRONTIER IN 1866 DURING THE KASHM\u00ceR WAR WITH THE DARD TRIBES.]\n\nWhen I crossed the then Kashm\u00eer frontier in 1866, in the disguise of\na Bokhara Maulvi, armed with a testimonial of Muhammadan theological\nlearning, I found that the tribes of Hunza, Nagyr, Dareyl, Yasin, and\nChitr\u00e1l had united under the leadership of the last-named to expel the\nKashm\u00eer invaders from the Gilgit Fort. My mission was a purely linguistic\none; but the sight of dying and dead men along the road, that of heads\nstuck up along the march of the Kashm\u00eer troops, and the attempts made on\nmy life by our feudatory, the late Maharaja of Kashm\u00eer, compelled me to\npay attention to other matters besides the languages, legends, songs, and\nfables of the interesting races with whom I now came in contact under\ncircumstances that might not seem to be favourable to the accomplishment\nof my task. I had been warned by the then Lieutenant-Governor of the\nPanjab, Sir Donald McLeod, whose like we have not seen again, not to\ncross the frontier, as the tribes beyond were supposed to be cannibals;\nbut as I could not get the information of which I was in search within\nour frontier, I had to cross it. My followers were frightened off by all\nsorts of wild stories, till our party was reduced from some fifty to\nthree, including myself. The reason for all this was, that the Maharaja\nwas afraid that I should find out and report his breach of the Treaty by\nwhich we sold Kashm\u00eer to him in 1846, and in which the Indus is laid down\nas his boundary on the west. In 1866, therefore, at any rate, even the\ntenure of Gilgit, which is on the other side of the Indus, was contested\nand illegal, whilst the still more distant Hunza and Nagyr had more than\nonce inflicted serious punishment on the Kashm\u00eer troops that sought\nto invade districts that have preserved their autonomy during the last\nfourteen centuries, as was admitted by _The Times_ of the 2nd November,\n1891, before its present change with the times, if an unintentional pun\nmay be permitted.\n\nThen, as ever, the Anglo-Indian newspapers spoke of Russian intrigues in\nthose regions. I am perfectly certain that if, instead of the fussiness\nof our statesmen and the sensationalism of our journals, the languages,\nhistory, and relations of these little-known races had been studied by\nthem, we should never have heard of Russia in that part of the East. It\nis also not by disingenuousness and short cuts on maps or in diplomacy,\nbut by _knowledge_, that physical, ethnographical, and political problems\nare to be solved; nor will the bold and brilliant robberies of Russia be\nchecked by our handing over the inhabitants of the supposed \u201ccradle of\nthe human race\u201d to Affghan, Kashm\u00eer, or Chinese usurpations. Above all,\nit is a loss of time to palm off myths as history in order to suit the\npolicy or conceal the ignorance of the moment.\n\nJust as little as Darwaz and Karategin are ancestral dominions of\nBokhara, and, therefore, under Russian influence, so little did even\nBadakhshan, and much less so, Raushan, Shignan, and Wakhan, ever really\nbelong to Affghanistan. As for the Chinese hold on Turkistan, we\nourselves denied it when we coquetted with Yakub Khush Begi, though Kit\u00e1i\nwas ever the acknowledged superior of Eastern Turkistan. If Hunza admits\nany allegiance, it is to China, and not to Kashm\u00eer; and the designations\nof offices of rule in that country are of Chinese, and not of Aryan\norigin, including even \u201cTh\u00e0m,\u201d the title of its Raja.\n\nAs a matter of fact, however, the vast number of tribes that inhabit\nthe many countries between the Indus and the Kuner own no master except\ntheir own tribal head or the tribal council. From kidnapping Hunza,\nwhere the right to plunder is monarchical, hereditary, and \u201cayesh\u00f3\u201d\n= \u201cheaven-born,\u201d to the peace and learning of republican Kandi\u00e1 or\nGabri\u00e1l, all want to be left alone. If a neighbour becomes troublesome,\nhe is raided on till an interchange of presents restores harmony. It\nis impossible to say that either side is tributary to the other. The\nwealthier gives the larger present; the bigger is considered the superior\nin a general sort of way, and so two horses, two dogs, and a handful of\ngold dust are yearly sent by Hunza to Kashm\u00eer or to Yarkand as a cloak\nfor much more substantial exactions in return. Nagyr sends a basket of\napricots instead of the horses and dogs. In 1871 Chitr\u00e1l still paid a\ntribute to Badakhshan in slaves, but it would be absurd to infer from\nthis fact that Chitr\u00e1l ever acknowledged the suzerainty of Jehandar Shah,\nor of the Affghan faction that dispossessed him. Nor were the Khaibaris,\nor other highway robbers, our rulers, because we paid them blackmail, or\nthey our subjects because they might bring us \u201csweetmeats.\u201d\n\nThe points in which most Englishmen are as deficient as Russians are\ngenerally proficient, are language and a sympathetic manner with natives.\nThat, however, linguistic knowledge is not useless may be inferred from\nthe fact that it enabled me, to use the words of my Chief, Commissary\nGeneral H. S. Jones, C.B., during the Russian War in 1855, \u201cto pass\nunharmed through regions previously unknown and among tribes hitherto\nunvisited by any European.\u201d\n\nAlso in topography and geography linguistics are necessary; and the\nabsurd mistakes now made at certain learned societies and in certain\nscientific journals, regarding the Pamirs, would be avoided by a little\nstudy of the Oriental languages concerned. In 1866, the map which\naccompanies my philological work on \u201cDardistan\u201d shows, on linguistic\ngrounds, and on the basis of native itineraries, the various Pamirs that\nhave been partially revealed within the last few weeks, or have been\nlaboriously ascertained by expensive Russian and British expeditions\nbetween 1867 and 1890. The publication of my material, collected at\nmy own expense and which shall no longer be delayed, would have saved\nmany complications; but when, _e.g._, I pointed out, in 1866, that\nthe Indus, after leaving Bunji, ran west instead of south, as on the\nthen existing maps, I got into trouble with the Topographical Survey,\nwhich \u201cdiscovered\u201d the fact through its well-known \u201cMulla\u201d in 1876. The\nsalvation of India that is not made \u201cdepartmentally\u201d is crucified; and\nwhoever does not belong to the regular military or civil services has no\nbusiness to know or to suggest. Mr. Curzon, when presiding at a meeting\nof the late Oriental Congress, assured us that a new era had risen; but\nonly the other night, at the Royal Geographical Society, a complaint was\nmade of the reluctance of official departments in giving the Society\ninformation. As a rule, the mysteriousness of offices only conceals their\nignorance, of which we have an instance in Capt. Younghusband being sent\nto shut the passes after the Russians had already stolen a march on, or\nthrough, them.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe neutralization of the Pamirs is the only solution of a difficulty\ncreated by the conjectural treaties of diplomatists and the ambition of\nmilitary emissaries. Left as a huge happy hunting-ground for sportsmen,\nor as pasturage for nomads from whatever quarter, the Pamirs form the\nmost perfect \u201cneutral zone\u201d conceivable. That the wanderings of these\nnomads should be accompanied by territorial or political claims, whether\nby Russia, China, Affghanistan, Kashmir, or ourselves, is the height of\nabsurdity. As for Hunza-Nagyr, the sooner they are left to themselves the\nbetter for us, who are not bound to help Kashm\u00eer in encroaching on them.\nKashm\u00eer managed them very fairly after 1848; and when it was occasionally\ndefeated, its prestige did not suffer, for the next summer invariably\nfound the tribal envoys again suing for peace and presents. The sooner\nthe Gilgit Agency is withdrawn, the greater will be our reputation for\nfair dealing. Besides, we can take hostages from the Chiefs\u2019 families\nas guarantees of future tranquillity. Hunza-Nagyr are certainly not\nfavourable to Russia, whilst Nagyr is decidedly friendly to us. The\nsensational account of Colonel Grambcheffsky\u2019s visit to Hunza, which\nhe places on his map where Nagyr is, seems to be one of the usual traps\nto involve us in great military expenditure and to alienate the tribes\nfrom us. It is also not creditable that, for party or personal purposes,\nthe peaceful and pious Nagyris,\u2014whom our own Gilgit Resident, Colonel\nBiddulph, has reported on as distinguished for \u201ctimidity and incapacity\nfor war,\u201d \u201cnever having joined the Hunza raids,\u201d \u201cslavery being unknown\nin Nagyr,\u201d\u2014should be described as \u201ckidnappers,\u201d \u201craiders along with\nHunza,\u201d \u201cslave-dealers,\u201d \u201crobbers,\u201d and \u201cscoundrels,\u201d\u2014statements made by\na correspondent from Gilgit in a morning newspaper of to-day, and to all\nof which I give an unqualified contradiction.\n\nThe establishment of the Gilgit Agency has already drawn attention to\nthe shortest road for the invasion of India; and it is significant that\nits advocate at Gilgit should admit that all the tribes of the Indus\nValley \u201csympathized with the Hunzas,\u201d from whose depredations they are\nerroneously supposed to have suffered, and that they were likely \u201cto\nattack the British from behind by a descent on the Gilgit road\u201d to\nKashm\u00eer. Why should \u201cthe only other exit from Gilgit by way of the Indus\nValley be through territories held by tribes hostile to the British\u201d?\nHave the Gilgit doings already alienated the poor, but puritanical\nChil\u00e1sis, tributaries of Kashm\u00eer, who adjoin our settled British district\nof Kaghan? Are we to dread the Republic of Muhammadan learning, Kandi\u00e1,\nthat has not a single fort; pastoral Dareyl; the Koli-Palus traders;\nagricultural Tangir, and other little Republics\u2014one only of eleven\nhouses? As for the places beyond them, our officials at Attock, Peshawur,\nRawalpindi, and Abbottabad will deal with the Pathan tribes in their own\nneighbourhood, which have nothing to do with the adjoining Republics of\nquiet, brave, and intelligent Dards, on both sides of the Indus, up to\nGilgit, to which I have referred, and which deserve our respectful study,\nsympathy, and unobtrusive support.\n\n G. W. LEITNER.\n\n_16th December, 1891._\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe following account, published by Reuter\u2019s Telegram Company, will\nsupplement the preceding article:\u2014\n\n \u201cWOKING, _Dec. 13_.\n\n\u201cA representative of Reuter\u2019s Agency interviewed Dr. Leitner at his\nresidence at Woking to-day, with the object of eliciting some information\non the subject of the Hunza and Nagyr tribes, with whom the British\nforces are at present in conflict.\n\n\u201cDr. Leitner, it is needless to say, is the well-known discoverer of\nthe races and languages of Dardistan (the country between Kabul and\nKashmir), which he so named when sent on a linguistic mission by the\nPunjab Government in 1864, at a time when the various independent tribes,\nincluding Hunza and Nagyr, had united in order to turn the troops of the\nMaharaja of Kashmir out of Gilgit. At that time it was considered that\nthe treaty of 1846, by which Great Britain sold Kashmir to the Maharaja,\nhad confined him to the Indus as his westward boundary, and had therefore\nrendered his occupation of Gilgit an encroachment and breach of treaty.\n\n\u201cDr. Leitner, although the country was in a state of war, which is\nnot favourable to scientific research, managed to collect a mass of\ninformation, and a fine ethnographical collection, which is at the museum\nat Woking. He has also made many friends in the country, and is doubtless\nthe highest, if not the only, authority regarding these countries.\n\n\u201cDr. Leitner, who was quite unprepared for to-day\u2019s visit, said that the\nrelations which he had kept up with the natives of Gilgit, Hunza, Nagyr,\nand Yasin forced him to the conclusion that a conflict had been entered\ninto which might have easily been avoided by a little more sympathy and\nknowledge, especially of the Nagyr people. Indeed, it was not a light\nmatter that could have induced the venerable chief of Nagyr to make\ncommon cause with his hereditary foe of Hunza, unless he feared that the\nBritish threatened their respective independence.\n\n\u201cNot many weeks ago Dr. Leitner received a letter from the chief of\nNagyr, in which he recommended to his kind attention his son, now in\nKashmir, on the ground that he, even more so than any other member of his\nnumerous family, was a well-wisher to the British Government. At that\ntime the chief could not have had any feelings of animosity, although\nhe might have protested, together with his rival of Hunza, against the\nBritish occupation of Chalt. In fact, it was not true that Nagyr and\nHunza were really subject to Kashmir, except in the vague way in which\nthese States constantly recognised the suzerainty of a neighbouring power\nin the hope of getting substantial presents for their offerings of a\nfew ounces of gold dust, a couple of dogs, or basket of apricots, etc.\nThus Chitr\u00e1l, the ally of Great Britain, used to pay a tribute of slaves\nto the Ameers of Badakshan; but it would be absurd on that ground to\nrender Chitr\u00e1l a part of Afghanistan, because Badakshan now, in a manner,\nbelongs to Abdurrahman. Hunza, again, sends a tribute to China; and, in\na general way, China is the only Power that ever had a shadow of claim\non these countries, but it is a mere shadow. Dr. Leitner said, the only\npolicy for Great Britain is, in the words of the Secretary of State or\nViceroy, \u2018to maintain and strengthen all the indigenous Governments.\u2019\nThis policy he would extend to the triangle which has Peshawur for its\nbase, and thereby interpose a series of almost impregnable mountainous\ncountries, which would be sufficiently defended by the independence of\ntheir inhabitants. If Circassia could oppose Russia for thirty years,\neven although Russia had the command of the Black Sea, how much more\neffective would be the resistance of the innumerable Circassias which\nProvidence had placed between ourselves and the Russian frontier in Asia?\nWe ought to have made these tribes look upon us as a distant but powerful\nfriend, ready to help them in an emergency; but now, by attacking two\nof them, we caused Russia to be looked upon as the coming Saviour;\nindeed, the people of Wakhan, on the Pamir side of Hunza, were already\ndoing so, whilst Shignan and Roshan, which had been almost depopulated\nby our friends, the Afghans, had already begun to emigrate into Russian\nterritory. Here Dr. Leitner added that the Russian claims through Bokhara\nwere as illusory as those of Kashmir, and historically even less founded\nthan those of China. Indeed, no one had a right to these countries\nexcept the indigenous peoples and chiefs who inhabited them; and in\nthis scramble for the regions round the Pamir, great Britain was simply\nbreaking down her natural defences by stamping out the independence of\nnative tribes and making military roads; for it was the absence of those\nroads on the British side that rendered it impossible to an invader to do\nEngland any real harm or to advance on India proper.\n\nAsked why the trouble had broken out at the present time, Dr. Leitner\nsaid, that he had been kept without information of the immediate cause,\nbut he felt certain that it was owing to the attempt to construct a\nmilitary road to Hunza, whereby England would only facilitate the advent\nof a possible invader from that direction, besides making Hunza throw in\nits lot with that invader. It was perfectly untrue, as alleged in some of\nthe Indian papers, that the Nagyris were kidnappers, and that our attack\nwould be an advantage to the cause of anti-slavery. The fact was just\nthe other way. Kidnapping had been stopped in 1869 as far as Hunza was\nconcerned.\n\nThe Nagyris never raided at all; Chitr\u00e1l also gave up selling its K\u00e1fir\nor Shiah subjects into slavery when the markets of Badakshan were closed;\nbut now that confusion had caused the English and Russian advance,\nHunza had again taken to raiding, and Chitr\u00e1l to selling slaves. As for\nNagyr, the case was quite different; they were an excellent people and\nvery quiet, so much so that Colonel Biddulph, the Resident, described\nthem as \u201cnoted for timidity and incapacity for war,\u201d whereas in his\n\u201cTribes of the Hindu Kush\u201d he also states that the people of Hunza are\nnot warlike in the sense in which the Afghans are said to be so. No\ndoubt the Nagyris dislike war, but would fight bravely if driven to do\nso. Colonel Biddulph adds: \u201cThey are settled agricultural communities,\nproud of the independence they have always maintained for fourteen\ncenturies, hemmed in by lofty mountains, and living under rulers who\nboast of long, unbroken descent from princes of native blood.\u201d He also\nbears testimony to the fact that \u201cthe Nagyr people were never concerned\nin these raids, and slavery does not exist among them.\u201d At the same time\nDr. Leitner fully admitted that the Hunza people were not a model race,\nsince they used to be desperate raiders and kidnappers, and very immoral\nand impious. The father of the present king used to dance in a state of\ndrunkenness in the mosque; but, on the other hand, we were not bound to\nbe the reformers of Hunza by pulling down one of the bulwarks to our\nIndian Empire. Hunza was a picturesque country in every sense; it was\nnominally governed by fairies: ecstatic women were the prophetesses of\nthe tribe, recounted its past glories, and told what was going on in the\nneighbouring valleys, so they were its historians and journalists as well\nas its prophetesses. No war was undertaken unless the fairies gave their\nconsent, and the chief fairy, Yudeni, who protects the \u201cTham\u201d (a Chinese\ntitle), has no doubt already struck the sacred drum in order to call the\nmen of the country to defend the \u201cHeaven-born,\u201d as their chief is called.\nThe two \u201cThams\u201d of Hunza and Nagyr, who have a common ancestry, are also\ncredited with the power of causing rain, and there would certainly appear\nto be some foundation for this remarkable fact.\n\nThe two tribes are great polo players; archery on horseback is common\namongst them; and they are very fair ibex hunters.\n\nThe people of Nagyr are as pious and gentle as those of Hunza are the\ncontrary. Their language went back to simple sounds as indicative of\na series of human relations or experiences, and clearly showed that\nthe customs and associations of a race were at the basis of so-called\nrules of grammar. Nothing more wonderful than their language could be\nconceived; it went to the root of human thought as expressed in language,\nbut the language had already suffered by foreign influences between 1866,\nwhen one son of the Rajah of Nagyr taught him, and 1886, when another son\nof the Rajah continued his lessons.\n\nAs regards religion, the Hunzas are Mulais, a mysterious and heretical\nsect, akin to the Druses of the Lebanon, practising curious rites,\nand practically infidels. He had obtained a few pages of their secret\nBible, the Kelam-i-pir, which throws much light on the doctrines of\nthe so-called \u201cassassins\u201d during the Crusades. The Nagyris are pious\nMuhammadans of the Shiah denomination.\n\nDr. Leitner then showed the map accompanying his linguistic work on\nDardistan. After comparing it with the most recent Russian and British\nmaps, that of Dr. Leitner gives the fullest and clearest information,\nnot only as regards Hunza-Nagyr, where all the places where fighting\nhas occurred are marked, but also as regards the various Pamirs, thus\nanticipating in 1866 on linguistic grounds and native itineraries the\ndifferent Pamirs that have recently been settled geographically. It\nshows that the ethnographical frontier of the Pamirs to the north are\nthe Turki-speaking nomads of the trans-Altaic range (now Russian); to\nthe west the Persian, or Tajiks (now Afghan); to the south the Aryan\nHindu Kush [British]; and to the east the wall of the Serikol Mountains,\ndividing or admitting Chinese, Tibetan, or Mongolian influence. The\nindeterminate river courses through the Pamir, or a line stretched across\nits plateaux, valleys, and mountains, are obviously an unmaintainable\ndemarcation, which is liable to be transgressed by shepherds under\nwhatever rule; but the whole of the Pamirs together, as a huge and\nhappy hunting-ground, are, no doubt, if neutralized by the three Powers\nconcerned, the best possible frontier, as \u201cno man\u2019s land,\u201d and a perfect\nneutral zone. \u201cWhat matter,\u201d continued Dr. Leitner, \u201cif the passes are\neasy of access on the Russian side, it is on the descent, and on the\nascent on our side that almost insuperable difficulties begin. Where we\nare now fighting in Hunza-Nagyr only the low state of the river which\ndivides Hunza from Nagyr enables us to make a simultaneous advance on\nboth. Otherwise we should have to let ourselves man by man down from one\nledge of rock to another, and if we miss our footing be whirled away\nin the most terrible torrent the imagination can conceive. Why, then,\ndestroy such a great defence in our favour if Hunza is kept friendly,\nas it so easily can be, especially with the pressure exercised on it by\nthe Nagyris, whose forts frown on those of Hunza all down the river that\nseparates their countries? I cannot conceive anything more wanton or\nsuicidal than the present advance even if we should succeed in removing\none of the most important landmarks in the history of the human race by\nshooting down the handful of Nagyris and Hunzas that oppose us. They\npreserve the pre-historic remnants of legends and customs that explain\nmuch that is still obscure in the life and history of European races.\nA few hundred pounds a year judiciously spent and the promise of the\nwithdrawal of the Gilgit Agency, which was already once before attacked\nwhen under Colonel Biddulph, would be a far better way of securing\npeace than shooting down with Gatlings and Martini-Henry rifles people\nwho defend their independence within their crags with bows, arrows,\nbattleaxes, and a few muskets; and promise of the withdrawal of the\nGilgit Agency might be contingent upon the increase of the number of\nhostages belonging to the chiefs\u2019 families that are now annually sent to\nKashmir as a guarantee of friendly relations.\n\nThe Hunzas and Nagyris are not to be despised as foes; they are very\ngood marksmen. In 1886, when the Kashmir troops thought they had cleared\nthe plain before the Gilgit Fort entirely of enemies, and not a person\nwas to be seen outside it, the tribesmen would glide along the ground\nunperceived behind a stone pushed in front of them, and resting their\nold flint muskets on them shoot off the Maharajah\u2019s Sepoys whenever they\nshowed themselves outside the fort. Indeed, it was this circumstance\nthat induced Dr. Leitner to abandon the protection of the fort and make\nfriends with the tribesmen outside. All the tribes desired was to be\nleft alone in their mountain fastnesses. They had sometimes internecine\nfeuds, but would unite against the common foe. It was merely emasculating\ntheir powers of resistance to subject them, either on the one side to\nBokhara, which meant Russia, or to Afghanistan or Kashmir, which meant\nGreat Britain, or to China, which meant dependence on a Power that might\nbe utilized any day against Great Britain after the completion of the\ntrans-Siberian railway. Diplomatists, frontier delimitation commissions,\nand officers, both British and Russian, anxious for promotion, had,\ncontinued Dr. Leitner, created the present confusion; and it was now high\ntime to rely rather on the physical obstacles that guaranteed the safety\nalike of the British, Russian, and Chinese frontiers than on the chapter\nof political accidents.\n\nDr. Leitner, who is going to give a lecture at the Westminster Town-hall\nto-morrow afternoon on \u201cThe Races, Religions, and Politics of the Pamir\nRegions,\u201d then showed our representative Col. Grambcheffsky\u2019s map,\nwhich put Hunza where Nagyr ought to be, and ignored the latter place\naltogether, just as did the last map of the Geographical Society in\nconnection with Mr. Littledale\u2019s tour. Grambcheffsky\u2019s map, however, had\nsince been corrected by evidently an English map, and it was strange that\nRussians had easier access to English maps than Englishmen themselves.\nIn fact, all this secrecy, Dr. Leitner maintained, was injurious to\nthe acquisition of full knowledge regarding imperfectly known regions.\nAttention was then directed to a number of maps, that of Mr. Drew, a\nKashmir official, showing Hunza-Nagyr to be beyond Kashmir influence.\nThis was practically confirmed by several official maps and the\nstatements of Colonels Biddulph and Hayward, the latter of whom placed\nthe Kashmir frontier towards Hunza at Nomal, whilst the British are now\nfighting sixteen and a half miles beyond in front of Mayun, where the\nfirst Hunza fort is. The Nagyr frontier Dr. Leitner places at Jaglot,\nwhich is nineteen miles from Nilt, where we are simultaneously fighting\nthe first Nagyr fort.\n\nDr. Leitner, in conclusion, expressed his conviction, from his knowledge\nof the people concerned, that any one with a sympathetic mind could get\nthem to do anything in reason; but that encroachments, whether overt or\ncovert, would be resisted to the utmost. Indeed, England\u2019s restlessness\nhad brought on the present trouble.\n\nIn 1866, he stated, the very name of Russia was unknown in these parts,\nand in 1886 was only known to a few. Yet the English Press in both these\nyears spoke of Russian intrigues among the tribes. He did not fear them\nas long as the Indian Empire relied on its natural defences, its inner\nstrength, and on justice to its chiefs and people, and as long as its\npolicy with the tribes was guided by knowledge and good feeling.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX II.\n\nNOTES ON RECENT EVENTS IN CHIL\u00c1S AND CHITR\u00c1L.\n\n\nIn 1866 I was sent by the Punjab Government on a linguistic mission to\nKashmir and Chil\u00e1s at the instance of the Bengal Asiatic Society and\non the motion of the late Sir George Campbell, who hoped to identify\nKail\u00e1s or the Indian Olympus with Chil\u00e1s.[108] Although unable to\nsupport that conjecture, I collected material which was published in\nPart I. of my \u201cDardistan\u201d and which the Government declared \u201cas throwing\nvery considerable and important light on matters heretofore veiled in\ngreat obscurity.\u201d That some obscurity still exists, is evident from the\n_Times_ telegram of to-day (5th December, 1892), in which an item of\nnews from the Tak [Takk] valley is described as coming from _Chitr\u00e1l_,\na distant country with which Chil\u00e1s has nothing to do. The Takk village\nis fortified, and through the valley is the shortest and easiest road\nto our British district of Kagh\u00e1n. It is alleged that some headmen of\nTakk wished to see Dr. Robertson at Gilgit, who thereupon sent a raft to\nbring them, but the raft was fired on and Capt. Wallace, who went to its\nassistance, was wounded. [Chil\u00e1s is on the Kashmir side of the Indus, and\nthe Gilgit territory is reached by crossing the Indus at Bunji.]\n\nThe incident is ascribed either to \u201c_the treachery of the men who\nprofessed willingness to COME IN_\u201d or to the mischievousness of \u201cother\npersons.\u201d It is probable from this suggestion of treachery and the\nunconscious use of the words \u201cto come in,\u201d which is the Anglo-Indian\nequivalent for \u201csurrender,\u201d that the headmen of Takk were _not_ willing\nto make over their Fort to the British or to open the road to Gilgit.\nThe Takk incident, therefore, is not a part of the so-called \u201c_Chitr\u00e1l\nusurpation_,\u201d under which heading it immediately appears, but is a part\nof _our_ usurpation on the tribes inhabiting the banks of the Indus. In\n1843, these tribes inflicted a severe loss on the Sikh invaders, and\nin my \u201chistory of the wars with Kashmir\u201d the part taken by the manly\ndefenders of Takk, now reduced from 131 to some 90 houses, is given in\ndetail. It seems to me that as the Gilgit force was unable to support\n\u201cthe Chitr\u00e1l usurpation\u201d of our prot\u00e9g\u00e9, Afzul-ul-Mulk, owing to his\nbeing killed by his uncle Sher Afzul, it is to be employed to coerce the\nIndus tribes to open out a road which ought never to have been withdrawn\nfrom their hold. About 50 years ago the Takk men were stirred into\nso-called rebellion by Kashmir agents in order to justify annexation. It\nis to be hoped that history will not repeat itself, or that, at any rate,\nthe next 50 years will see the Indus tribes as independent and peaceful\nas they have been since 1856, especially in Chil\u00e1s (before 1892), and as\nmysterious as Hunza ought to have remained till our unnecessary attack on\nthat country caused practically unknown Russia to be looked upon as the\nSaviour of Nations \u201crightly struggling to be free\u201d (see Baron Vrevsky\u2019s\nreply to the Hunza deputation). _Quem Deus vult perdere, prius dementat_;\nand no greater instance of folly can be conceived, than the construction\nof a military road through countries in which the chamois is often\npuzzled for its way. Nor was the attention of the Russians drawn to them\nbefore we made our own encroachments.\n\nAs for the Pamirs, whatever may be the present interpretation of Prince\nGortchakoff\u2019s Convention, the Russians were unwilling to let political\nconsequences or limits accompany the erratic wanderings of Kirghiz sheep\nin search of pasturage in that region. Prince Gortchakoff\u2019s advocacy of\na Neutral Zone and of the autonomy of certain tribes was justified by\nthe facts (which he, however, rather guessed than knew) and was worthy\nalike of that Diplomatist and of our acceptance in the interests of India\nand of peace. The incorporation of certain Districts in the domain, or\nunder the sphere of influence, of Afghanistan, was distasteful to tribes\nattached to their hereditary rulers or to republican institutions and was\nnot too willingly accepted by the Amir of Afghanistan, who now expects\nus to defend the white Elephants that we have given him better than we\ndid Panjdeh. Some Mul\u00e1is that had fled from Russian tyranny to Afghan\nterritory assured me that \u201cthe finger of an Afghan was more oppressive\nthan the whole Russian army.\u201d Indeed, so far as Central Asia is\nconcerned, Russia, with the exception of certain massacres, has hitherto\nbehaved, on the whole, as a great civilizing power.[109]\n\nAs for Sirdar Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk, this is his _name_ and not his _title_. He\nis the \u201cMihtar\u201d or \u201cPrince\u201d Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk, and neither an Indian \u201cSird\u00e1r\u201d\nnor a \u201cNiz\u00e1m.\u201d He is also the \u201cBadshah\u201d of Turikoh, this being the\ndistrict assigned to him in his father\u2019s lifetime as the heir-apparent.\nHe was snubbed by us for offering to relieve that excellent officer,\nCol. Lockhart, when a prisoner in Wakhan! He has written to me from\nTurikoh for \u201cEnglish phrases and words with their Persian equivalents\nas a pleasure and a requirement.\u201d This does not look like hostility to\nthe British. He spoke to me in 1886 of his brother Afzul\u2019s bravery with\naffection and pride, though he has ever maintained his own acknowledged\nright as the successor of his father Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk. If he has been\nalienated from us or has ever been tempted to throw himself into the arms\nof Russia, it has most assuredly been our fault. Besides, just as we have\nabandoned the Shiah Hazaras, our true friends during the late Afghan War,\nto be destroyed by their religious and political foe, the Sunni Amir\nAbdurrahman, so have the Amir Sher Ali and the Tham of Hunza, Safdar Ali\nKhan, rued their trust in Russian Agents. I regret, therefore, to find\nin the _Times_ telegram of to-day that \u201cthe Niz\u00e1m\u201d \u201cis acting without\nthe support of the British Agent\u201d \u201cwho has not interfered,\u201d when he had\nalready interfered in favour of the usurper Afzul-ul-Mulk.\n\nAs for the connivance of Amir Abdurrahman, my \u201crough history of Dardistan\nfrom 1800 to 1872\u201d shows that, in one sense, Chitr\u00e1l is tributary to\nBadakhsh\u00e1n and as we have assigned Badakhsh\u00e1n to the Amir, he, no doubt,\ntakes an interest in Chitr\u00e1l affairs. I believe, however, that interest\nto be somewhat platonic, and he knows that his friend Jehand\u00e1r Shah\n(the late wrongfully deposed hereditary ruler of Badakhsh\u00e1n) never paid\nany tribute to Afghanistan. But Chitr\u00e1l once also paid tribute to D\u00eer,\nwith whose able Chief, Rahmat-ullah-Khan, \u201cthe Niz\u00e1m\u201d is connected by\nmarriage. Chitr\u00e1l on the other hand has _received_ a subsidy from Kashmir\nsince 1877, but this was as much a tribute from Kashmir to Aman-ul-Mulk,\nas a sign of his subjection to Kashmir, for shortly after he made offers\nof allegiance to Kabul. With all alike it is\n\n \u201cThe good old rule, the simple plan,\n That they should take who have the power\n And they should keep who can.\u201d\n\nIt is misleading to speak of their relations to neighbouring States as\n\u201ctributary.\u201d Are the Khyberis tributary to us or we to them, because we\npay them a tribute to let our merchants travel through their Pass? Have\nwe never ourselves come, first as suppliants, then as merchants, then as\nguests, then as advisers, then as protectors, and, finally, as conquerors?\n\nThe procedure of Afghanistan, of Chitr\u00e1l, of Kashmir, and of our own is\nvery much alike and so are the several radii of influence of the various\nfactors in \u201cthe question.\u201d We have our fringe of independent frontier\ntribes with whom we flirt, or wage war, as suits the convenience of the\nmoment. Afghanistan has a similar fringe of independent Ishmaelites round\nit and even through it, whose hands are against everybody and everybody\u2019s\nhands against them. Chitr\u00e1l is threatened all along its line by the\nKafirs, who even make a part of Badakhsh\u00e1n insecure, but are nevertheless\nour very good friends. Kashmir has its fringe on its extreme border,\nespecially since, in violation of our treaty of 1846, it has attacked\ncountries _beyond the Indus on the west_, including the Kunj\u00fbtis of\nHunza, who resumed their raiding\u2014which had ceased in 1867\u2014during and\nafter Col. Lockhart\u2019s visit in 1886. Yet there can be little doubt about\n\u201cthe loyalty\u201d of those concerned. The Amirs of Afghanistan consider\nthemselves \u201c_shields of India_,\u201d as I have heard two of them say, and\nso did our Ally of Kashmir, who ought never to have been reduced to a\nsubordinate feudatory position. What wonder then that old Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk of\nChitr\u00e1l should also have tried to become a buffer between Afghanistan on\nthe West, Kashmir on the East, India on the South and, latterly, Russia\nin the North, if indeed the whole story of Russian intrigue in Chitr\u00e1l\nbe at all truer than a similar mare\u2019s nest which we discovered in Hunza?\nIt is the policy of Russia to create false alarms and thereby to involve\nus in expenditure, whilst standing by and posing as the future saviour\nof the tribes. Our tendency to compromises and subservient Commissions\nof delimitation and to \u201cscuttling\u201d occasionally, is also well known and\nso we are offered in Russian papers \u201c_an Anglo-Russian understanding on\nthe subject of Chitr\u00e1l_,\u201d as if Chitr\u00e1l was not altogether out of the\nsphere of Russia\u2019s legitimate influence! It is also amusing to find in\nthe _Novosti_ that Russia\u2019s sole desire is \u201cto prevent _Afghanistan_ from\nfalling into British hands.\u201d We are already spending at Gilgit on food\netc. for our troops more in one year than were spent in the 40 years of\nthe so-called mismanagement of Kashmir, which I myself steadily exposed,\nbut which kept the frontier far more quiet than it has been since the\nrevival of the Gilgit Agency. There is every prospect now of heavier and\ncontinued expenditure as the policy of the Foreign Department of the\nGovernment of India develops. On that policy a _veto_ should at once\nbe put by the British Parliament and public, if our present Liberal\nAdministration cannot do so without pressure from without. We should\nconciliate Nizam-ul-Mulk before it is too late. He is connected with Umra\nKhan of Jand\u00f4l and with the influential Mullah Shahu of Bajaur through\nhis maternal uncle, Kokhan Beg. He has also connections in Badakhshan,\nHunza and D\u00eer, as already stated. Indeed, we ought to have given him our\nsupport from the beginning. I doubt whether it would be desirable to\nsubdivide Chitr\u00e1l as stated in to-day\u2019s _Times_, letting Sher Afzul keep\nChitr\u00e1l proper, giving Yasin to \u201cthe Niz\u00e1m\u201d and letting Umra Khan retain\nwhat he has already seized of Southern Chitr\u00e1l. As for Sher Afzul, I\nbelieve, that he is also \u201cloyal.\u201d\n\nAs for Hunza, I am not at all certain that the fugitive, Safdar Ali Khan,\nreally murdered his father. At all events when the deed was committed,\nI find that it was attributed to Muhammad Khan,[110] probably not the\npresent Mir Muhammad Nazim who has acknowledged the suzerainty of\nEngland (through Kashmir) and of China. The latter power has always had\nsomething to say to Hunza, and the very title of its Chief \u201cTham\u201d is\nof Chinese origin. The subsidy that China used to pay for keeping open\nthe commercial road from Badakhshan and Wakhan through the Pamirs along\nKunj\u00fbt (Hunza) to Yarkand, was about \u00a3380 per annum, and this sum was\ndivided between four States and ensured the immunity of the route from\nraids.[111] I doubt whether in future \u00a3380 a year on Hunza alone will\nenable us to keep it quiet, and I am sure that the lofty superciliousness\nwith which Chinese officials discuss the Pamir question, as something\nthat scarcely concerns them, is no evidence of that pertinacious power\nabandoning claims to a suzerainty in those regions which are historically\nfounded, although their exercise has been more by an appeal to\nimagination of the glorious and invincible, if distant, \u201cKhit\u00e1i,\u201d than by\nactual interference.\n\nIndeed, it is China alone that has a grievance\u2014against Russia for the\noccupation of the Alichur Pamir\u2014against Afghanistan for expelling her\ntroops from Somatash (of subsequent Yanoff fame)\u2014and against England\nfor encroaching on her ancient feudatory of Hunza, whose services in\nsuppressing the Khoja rebellion in 1847 are commemorated in a tablet on\none of the gates of Yarkand.\n\n[Illustration: H. H. Mihtar Nizam-ul-Mulk and his late Yasin Council.]\n\n[Illustration: Chitrali Musicians and the Badakshi Poet, Taighun Shah.]\n\nNOTE.\u2014We add a reproduction of the photographs of the Mihtar and Badshah\nNizam-ul-Mulk, sitting in Council with his uncle, Bahadur Khan, now at\nGilgit, where he represented Afzul-ul-Mulk. On the Nizam\u2019s left is his\nfoster-uncle, Maimun Shah, whilst behind him stand our Indian Agent,\nWafad\u00e1r Khan and a Chitr\u00e1li office-holder, Waz\u00eer Khan, of corresponding\nrank. We also give the portrait of the Chitr\u00e1l Court poet and musician,\nthe celebrated Taigh\u00fbn Shah, one of whose songs, with its notation, was\npublished in our issue of the 1st of January, 1891. He is seated with the\ntwo flute-players who always precede the King of Chitr\u00e1l when on a tour.\n\n * * * * *\n\nAlthough the period may be past in which a great English Journal could\nask, \u201c_what_ is Gilgit?\u201d the contradictory telegrams and newspaper\naccounts which we receive regarding the countries adjoining Gilgit show\nthat the Press has still much to learn. Names of places, as far apart\nas Edinburgh and London, are put within a day\u2019s march on foot. Names of\nmen figure on maps as places and the relationships of the Chiefs of the\nregion in question are invented or confounded as may suit the politics\nof the moment, if not the capacity of the printer. The injunctions of\nthe Decalogue are applied or misapplied, extended or curtailed, to suit\nimmediate convenience, and a different standard of morality is constantly\nbeing found for our friends of to-day or our foes of to-morrow. The youth\nAfzul-ul-Mulk was credited with all human virtues and with even more than\nBritish manliness, as he was supposed to be friendly to us. He had given\nhis country into our hands in order to receive our support against his\nelder brother, the acknowledged heir of the late Aman-ul-Mulk of Chitr\u00e1l,\nbut that elder brother, Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk, was no less friendly to English\ninterests, although he has the advantage of being a man of capacity\nand independence. The sudden death of Aman-ul-Mulk coincided with the\npresence of our prot\u00e9g\u00e9 at Chitr\u00e1l, and the first thing that the virtuous\nAfzul-ul-Mulk did, was to invite as many brothers as were within reach to\na banquet when he murdered them. No doubt, as a single-minded potentate,\nhe did not wish to be diverted from the task of governing his country by\nthe performance of social duties to the large circle of acquaintances in\nbrothers and their families which Providence bestows on a native ruler or\nclaimant in Chitr\u00e1l and Yasin. A member of the Khush-waqtia dynasty of\nYasin, which is a branch of the Chitr\u00e1l dynasty, told me when I expressed\nmy astonishment at the constant murders in his family: \u201cA real relative\nin a high family is a person whom God points out to one to kill as an\nobstacle in one\u2019s way, whereas a foster-relative (generally of a lower\nclass) is a true friend who rises and falls with one\u2019s own fortune\u201d (it\nbeing the custom for a scion of a noble house to be given out to a nurse.)\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe dynasty of Chitral is said to have been established by Baba Ayub,\nan adventurer of Khorassan. He adopted the already existing name of\n_Kat\u00f3r_, whence the dynasty is called Katore. The Emperor Baber refers\nto the country of Kat\u00f3r in his Memoirs and a still more ancient origin\nhas been found in identifying Kat\u00f3r with \u201cKitolo, the King of the Great\nYuechi, who, in the beginning of the 5th century, conquered Balkh and\nGandhara, and whose son established the Kingdom of the Little Yuechi,\nat Peshawur.\u201d (See Biddulph\u2019s \u201cTribes of the Hindoo Koosh,\u201d page 148.)\nGeneral Cunningham asserts that the King of Chitr\u00e1l takes the title of\nShah Kator, which has been held for nearly 2,000 years, and the story of\ntheir descent from Alexander may be traced to the fact that they were the\nsuccessors of the Indo-Grecian Kings in the Kabul valley. If Kat\u00f3r is a\ncorruption of Kaisar, then let it not be said that the remnant of the\nKatore exclaimed with the Roman gladiator: \u201cAve, Kaisar-i-Hind, morituri\nte salutant.\u201d\n\nAm\u00e1n-ul-Mulk, the late ruler of Chitr\u00e1l, was, indeed, a terrible man,\nwho to extraordinary courage joined the arts of the diplomatist. He\nsucceeded his elder brother, surnamed Adam-Kh\u00f4r or \u201cman-eater.\u201d His\nyounger brother, Mir Afzul, is said to have been killed by him or to\nhave committed a convenient suicide; another brother, Sher Afzul, who is\nnow in possession of Chitr\u00e1l, was long a fugitive in Badakhshan whence\nhe has just returned with a few Afghans (such as any pretender can ever\ncollect) and a hundred of the Chitr\u00e1li slaves that used to be given in\ntribute to the Mir of Badakhshan, which itself never paid a tribute to\nKabul before the late Sher Ali of Afghanistan installed Mahmud Shah, who\nexpelled his predecessor Jehandar Shah, the friend of Abdur-Rahman, the\npresent Amir of Afghanistan. Another brother of Aman-ul-Mulk was Kokhan\nBeg, whose daughter married the celebrated Mullah Shahu Baba, a man of\nconsiderable influence in Bajaur, who is feared by the Badshah of Kunar\n(a feudatory of Kabul and a friend of the British) and is an enemy of\nthe Kam\u00f4ji Kafirs, that infest one of the roads to Chitr\u00e1l. This Kokhan\nBeg, who was a maternal uncle of Afzul-ul-Mulk, was killed the other\nday by his brother Sher Afzul coming from Badakhshan. I mention all\nthis, as in the troubles that are preparing, the ramifications of the\ninterests of the various pretenders are a matter of importance. Other\nbrothers of Aman-ul-Mulk are: Muhammad Ali (Moriki), Y\u00e1dgar Beg, Sh\u00e1dman\nBeg and Bah\u00e1dur Kh\u00e1n (all by a mother of lower degree), and another\nBah\u00e1dur Kh\u00e1n, who was on the Council of Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk. Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk has\ntherefore to contend with one or more of his uncles, and by to-day\u2019s\ntelegram[112] is on his way to the Chitr\u00e1l Fort in order to expel Sher\nAfzul with the aid of the very troops that Sher Afzul had sent to turn\nout Afzul-ul-Mulk\u2019s Governor from Yasin. I believe that Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk\nhas or had two elder half-brothers, Gholam of Oy\u00f4n and Majid Dastagir of\nDr\u00f4shp; but, in any case, he was the eldest legitimate son and, according\nto Chitr\u00e1l custom, was invested with the title of Badshah of Turikoh,\nthe rule of which valley compelled his absence from Chitr\u00e1l and not \u201chis\nwicked and intriguing disposition\u201d as alleged by certain Anglo-Indian\njournals. Of other brothers of Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk was Shah Mulk (of lower\nbirth), who was Governor of Daraung and was killed by Afzul-ul-Mulk. He\nused to live at Dros (near Pathan in Shashi). Afzul-ul-Mulk of Drasun,\nwhom we have already mentioned as a wholesale fratricide, was killed in\nhis flight to one of the towers of the Chitr\u00e1l Fort from the invading\nforce of his uncle, Sher Afzul of Badakhshan. A younger half-brother is\nalso Behram-ul-Mulk (by a lower mother), called \u201cVil\u00e1yeti,\u201d of Moroi in\nAndarti. Other brothers are: Amin-ul-Mulk, a brother of good birth of\nOy\u00f4n (Shogh\u00f4t), who was reared by a woman of the Zondr\u00e9 or highest class;\nWazir-ul-Mulk (of low birth) of Br\u00f4z; Abdur-Rahman (low-born) at Owir\n(Barp\u00e8sh), and Badshah-i-Mulk, also of Owir, who was reared by the wife\nof Fath-Ali Shah. There are no doubt other brothers also whose names I do\nnot know. Murid, who was killed by Sher Afzul, is also an illegitimate\nbrother.\n\nA few words regarding the places mentioned in recent telegrams may\nbe interesting: Shog\u00f4th is the name of a village, of a fort, and of\na district which is the north-western part of Chitr\u00e1l, and it also\ncomprises the Ludkho and tributary valleys. Through the district is\nthe road leading to the Dara and Nuqs\u00e1n passes, to the right and left\nrespectively, at the bottom of which is a lake on which official toadyism\nhas inflicted the name of Dufferin in supersession of the local name.\nDarushp (Dr\u00f4shp) is another big village in this district and in the\nLudkho valley, and Andarti is a Fort in it within a mile of the Kafir\nfrontier. The inhabitants of Shog\u00f4th are descendants of Munjanis, whose\ndialect (Yidgah) I refer to elsewhere, and chiefly profess to be Shiahs,\nin consequence of which they have been largely exported as slaves by\ntheir Sunni rulers. Baidam Khan, a natural son of Aman-ul-Mulk, was the\nruler of it. The Ludkho valley is traversed by the Arkari river which\nfalls into that of Chitr\u00e1l. At the head of the Arkari valley are three\npasses over the Hindukhush, including the evil-omened \u201cNuqs\u00e1n,\u201d which\nleads to Zeibak, the home of the heretical Maulais (co-religionists\nof the Assassins of the Crusades) in Badakhsh\u00e1n. It is shorter, more\ndirect, and freer from Kafir raids than the longer and easier Dora pass.\n_Owir_ is a village of 100 houses on the Arkari river, and is about 36\nmiles from Zeibak. _Drasan_ is both the name of a large village and of\na fort which commands the Turikoh valley, a subdivision of the Drasan\nDistrict, which is the seat of the heir-apparent to the Chitr\u00e1l throne\n(Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk). Yet the _Pioneer_, in its issue of the 5th October last,\nconsiders that Lord Lansdowne had settled the question of succession\nin favour of Afzul-ul-Mulk, that Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk would thus be driven to\nseek Russian aid, but that any such aid would be an infringement of\nthe rights of Abdur-Rahman. Now that Abdur-Rahman is suspected, on the\nflimsiest possible evidence, to have connived at Sher Afzul\u2019s invasion\nof Chitr\u00e1l, we seek to pick a quarrel with him for what a few weeks\nago was considered an assertion of his rights. Let it be repeated once\nfor always that if ever Abdur-Rahman or Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk, or the Chief of\nHunza or Kashmir or Upper India fall into the arms of Russia, it will\nbe _maxima nostra culpa_. I know the Amir Abdur-Rahman, as I knew the\nAmir Sher Ali, as I know Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk, and of all I can assert that\nno truer friends to England existed in Asia than these Chiefs. Should\nAbdur-Rahman be alienated, as Sher Ali was, or Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk might\nbe, it will be entirely in consequence of our meddlesomeness and our\nprovocations. Russia has merely to start a will-o\u2019-the-wisp conversation\nbetween Grombcheffsky and the Chief of Hunza, when there is internal\nevidence that Grombcheffsky was never in Hunza at all, and certainly\nnever went there by the Muztagh Pass, that we, ignoring the right of\nChina and of the treaty with Kashmir in 1846, forgetful of the danger\nin our rear and the undesirability of paving for an invader the road in\nfront, fasten a quarrel on Hunza-Nagyr, and slaughter its inhabitants.\nNo abuse or misrepresentation was spared in order to inflame the British\npublic even against friendly and inoffensive Nagyr. What wonder that a\nDeputation was sent from Hunza to seek Russian aid and that it returned\ncontented with presents, and public expressions of sympathy which\nexplained away the Russian official refusal as softened by private\nassurances of friendship? Whatever may be the disaster to civilization in\nthe ascendancy of Russian rule, the personal behaviour of Russian agents\nin Central Asia is, generally, pleasant. As in Hunza, so in Afghanistan,\nsome strange suspicion of the disloyalty of its Chief, suggested by\nRussia, may involve us in a senseless war and inordinate expense, with\nthe eventual result that Afghanistan must be divided between England and\nRussia, and their frontiers in Asia become conterminous. Then will it\nbe impossible for England ever to oppose Russia in Europe, because fear\nof complications in Asia will paralyze her. Then the tenure of India\nwill depend on concessions, for which that country is not yet ripe, or\non a reign of terror, either course ending in the withdrawal of British\nadministration from, at any rate, Northern India. Yet it is \u201c_Fas ab\nhosti doceri_,\u201d and when Prince Gortschakoff urged the establishment of a\nneutral zone with autonomous states, including Badakhshan, he advocated\na policy that would have conducted to centuries of peace and to the\npreservation of various ancient forms of indigenous Oriental civilization\nby interposing the mysterious blanks of the Pamirs and the inaccessible\ncountries of the Hindukush between Russian and British aggression.\n\n * * * * *\n\nInstead of this consummation so devoutly to be wished, and possible even\nnow, though late, if action be taken under good advice and in the fulness\nof knowledge, either Power\u2014\n\n \u201cThus with his stealthy pace\n With Tarquin\u2019s ravishing strides, towards his design\n Moves like a ghost.\u201d\n\nIf ever the pot called the kettle black, it is the story of Anglo-Russian\nrecriminations. Russian intrigues are ever met by British man\u0153uvres and\nMuscovite earth-hunger can only be paralleled by English annexations.\n_Here_ a tribe is instigated to revolt, so that its extermination\nmay \u201crectify a boundary,\u201d _there_ an illusory scientific frontier is\ngradually created by encroachments on the territories of feudatories\naccused of disloyalty, if not of attempts to poison our agents. By\nsetting son against father, brother against brother and, in the general\ntumult, destroying intervening republics and monarchies, Anglo-Russian\ndominions are becoming conterminous. Above all\n\n \u201cThere\u2019s not a one of them but in his house\n I keep a servant fee\u2019d.\u201d\n\nAnd it is this unremitting suspicion which is alike the secret of present\nsuccess and the cause of eventual failure in wresting and keeping\nAsiatic countries and of the undying hatred which injured natives feel\ntowards Europeans.\n\nThe attempt to obtain the surrender of the Takk fort, and of the Takk\nvalley, a short and easy road to the British District of Kagh\u00e1n, has\nmerely indicated to Russia the nearest way to India, just as we forced\nher attention to Hunza and are now drawing it to Chitr\u00e1l. David Urquhart\nused to accuse us of conspiracy with Russia in foreign politics. Lord\nDufferin in his Belfast speech sought the safety of India in his\nfriendship with M. de Giers and his Secretary popularized Russia in India\nby getting his work on \u201cRussia\u201d translated into Urdu. Certainly the\ncoincidence of Russian as well as British officials being benefited by\ntheir respective encroachments, Commissions, Delimitations, etc., would\nshow their \u201cmutual interest\u201d to consist in keeping up the farce of \u201cCox\nand Box\u201d in Central Asia, which must end in a tragedy.\n\nAs an official since 1855, when I served Her Majesty during the Russian\nWar, I wish to warn the British public against the will-o\u2019-the-wisp of\nour foreign policy, especially in India. I can conceive that a small,\nmoral and happy people should seek the ascendancy of its principles, even\nif accompanied by confusion in the camps of its enemies. I can understand\nthat the doctrines of Free Trade, of a free Press, a Parliamentary rule,\nthe Anti-Slavery propaganda and philanthropic enterprises generally,\nwith which the British name is connected, should have been as good as\nan army to us in every country of the world in which they created a\nLiberal party, but these doctrines have often weakened foreign Executive\nGovernments, whilst \u201cFree Trade\u201d ruined their native manufacture. What\nI, however, cannot understand is that a swarming, starving and unhappy\npopulation should seek consolation for misery at home in Quixotism\nabroad, especially when that Quixotism is played out. If bread costs as\nmuch now as in 1832 although the price of wheat has fallen from 60s. to\n27s. a quarter, it is, indeed, high time that we should lavish no more\nblood and treasure on the stones of foreign politics, but that we should\nfirst extract the beam from our own eye before we try to take out the\nmote from the eye of others.\n\nWhat these foreign politics are worth may be inferred from the growing\ndistrust on the Continent of British meddlesomeness or from what we\nshould ourselves feel if even so kindred a race as the Prussians sought\nto monopolize British wealth and positions. It would be worse, if they\ndid so without possessing a thorough knowledge of the English language\nor of British institutions. Yet we are not filled with misgivings when\nour Indian Viceroys or Secretaries of State cannot speak Hindustani, the\n_lingua franca_ of India or when an Under-Secretary has a difficulty in\nfinding Calcutta on the Map.\n\nIndia should be governed in the fulness of knowledge and sympathy, not by\nshort cuts. It should not be the preserve of a Class, but the _one_ proud\nboast of its many and varied peoples. When Her Majesty assumed Her Indian\ntitle, it was by a mere accident, in which _pars magna fui_, at the last\nmoment, that the Proclamation was translated to those whom it concerned\nat the Imperial Assemblage. This superciliousness, wherever we can safely\nshow it, the cynical abandonment of our friends, the breach of pledges,\nthe constant experimentalizing on the natives, the mysteriousness that\nconceals official ignorance, is the enemy to British rule in India, not\nRussia. A powerful Empire can afford to discard the arts of the weak,\nand _should_ even \u201cshow its hand.\u201d India should be ruled by a permanent\nViceroy, a member of the Royal family, not by one whom the exigencies\nof party can appoint and shift. When in 1869 the Chiefs and people of\nthe Panjab deputed me to submit their petition that H.R.H. the Prince of\nWales be pleased to visit India, it was because they felt that it was\ndesirable in the interests of loyalty to the Throne. If it be true that\nH.R.H. the Duke of Connaught is going out as the next Viceroy, I can only\nsay that the longer his admirers miss him in England, the better for\nIndia, which requires its best interests to be grouped round a permanent\nChief.\n\n * * * * *\n\n_Dec. 7th._\u2014As for the wanton aggression on Chil\u00e1s which never gave us\nthe least trouble, as all our Deputy Commissioners of Abbottabad can\ntestify, it is a sequel of our interference last year with Hunza-Nagyr.\nThe Gilgit Residency has disturbed a peace that has existed since 1856\nand now continues in its suicidal policy of indicating and paving the\nnearest military road to British territory to an invader. In November\n1891 I wrote of the possibility of driving even the peaceful, if\npuritanical, Chil\u00e1sis into aggression and now the _Times_ telegraphs the\ncock-and-bull story of the raft, enlarged in to-day\u2019s _Times_ telegram\ninto an attack of the Chil\u00e1si tribesmen aided by those of Dar\u00eal (another\nnewly-created foe) on our convoy proceeding from Bunji\u2014the extreme\nfrontier of Kashmir according to the treaty of 1846\u2014to Dr. Robertson\u2019s\nCamp at (now) Talpenn (spelt \u201cThalpin\u201d in the telegram) and (then) G\u00f4r,\nwith, of course, the inevitable result of the victory of the heroism of\nrifles against a few old muskets and iron wrist-bands (which the Chil\u00e1sis\nuse in fighting).\n\nThere are still other realms to conquer for our heroes. There is the\nsmall Republic of Talitsha of 11 houses; there is Chil\u00e1s itself which\nadmits women to the tribal Councils and is thus in advance even of the\nIndia Office and of the Supreme Council of the Government of India; there\nis the Republic of Muhammadan learning, Kandi\u00e1, that has not a single\nfort; there is, of course, pastoral Dareyl; there are the Koli-Palus\ntribes, agricultural Tang\u00eer and other little Republics. Soon may we\nhear of acts of \u201ctreachery,\u201d \u201cdisloyalty,\u201d etc. from H\u00f4dur and Saz\u00een,\ntill we shoot down the supposed offenders with Gatlings and destroy the\nsurvivors with our civilization. I humbly protest against these tribes\nbeing sacrificed to a mistaken Russophobia. I have some claim to be\nheard. I discovered and named Dardistan and am a friend of its peoples.\nAlthough my life was attempted more than once by agents of the Maharaja\nof Kashmir, I was the means of saving that of his Commander-in-Chief,\nZoraweru, when on his Dareyl expedition. This is what the Gilgit Doctor\ndid in 1866 and what the Gilgit Doctor should do in 1892. This is how\nfriendship for the British name was, and should be, cemented, and not by\nshedding innocent blood or by acts worthy of _agents provocateurs_.\n\n * * * * *\n\nAs for the \u201c_toujours perdrix_\u201d of the Afghan advance from Asmar\n(_Times_, December 8th) it is better than the telegram in the _Standard_\nof the 2nd December 1892, in which the Amir makes Sher Afzul Ruler of\nKafiristan, a country that has yet to be conquered, and which says\n\u201cConsequently there is now no buffer-state between Afghanistan and\nthe Pamirs\u201d!! \u201cGoods carried from India to Russian Turkestan, through\nChitral and _Kafiristan_, will pay _duty to the Amir_.\u201d Such journalistic\nforecasts and geography are inevitable when full and faithful official\ninformation, such as it is, is, in a free country, not obtainable by\nParliament, the Press, and the Public. Reuter\u2019s Central Asian Telegrams,\nthough meagre, are more correct than those of certain correspondents of\nthe _Times_ and _Standard_.\n\n * * * * *\n\n_Dec. 9th._\u2014Dr. Robertson has, at last, entered Chil\u00e1s, and found\nit deserted. _Solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant._ The _Times_\nCorrespondent now admits that Chil\u00e1s has no connexion with Chitr\u00e1l, but\nhe still gives us \u201cTangail\u201d for \u201cTangir,\u201d and omits the name of the\nmember of the ex-royal family of Yasin, who is supposed to have stirred\nup against us the tribes of Darel and \u201cTangail,\u201d among whom he has\nresided for years. This is one of the Khushwaqtias, though not the loyal\nchief to whom I have referred, and who has rendered us good service.\nSo we have now an excuse for entering Tangir also. In the meanwhile,\nthe Russian _Svet_ points out that the Russians \u201cwould only have to\nmarch some 250 miles along a good road to enter Cashmere,\u201d \u201csince it is\nimpossible to invade India vi\u00e2 Afghanistan.\u201d Yet are we nibbling at the\nAmir Abdurrahman, whose troops merely occupy the _status quo ante_ at\nAsmar, confronted by Umra Khan on the other side of the Kuner river.\nWe are forgetting the lessons of the Afghan campaigns, and especially\nthat, although Abdurrahman allowed himself to be proclaimed by us, in\nhis absence, as Amir, he marched in at one side of Kabul, whilst we\nmarched out at the other. We forget that, with the whole country against\nus in a revived Jeh\u00e1d, with the discontent among our native troops and\nwith a crushing expenditure, we preferred a political fiasco in order\nto avoid a still greater military fiasco. The Russians also urge \u201cthe\nconstruction of a military road on their side from Marghelan across the\nPamirs\u201d leaving us to finish it for them on our side of the Hindukush.\nThe pretension to Wakhan, however, is already disposed of in Prince\nGortchakoff\u2019s Convention with Lord Granville in 1872, and no notice\nneed be taken of the preposterous claim of the _Svet_ to place Chitr\u00e1l\nunder a Russian protectorate! Thus have we sown the wind and reaped the\nwhirlwind. Our real defence of India lies, as Lord Lawrence ever held,\nin its good government, and to this I would respectfully add, in justice\nto its Chiefs, wherever they have a legitimate grievance. Mere speeches\nof Viceroys, unaccompanied by acts, will not convince them of our \u201cgood\nintentions.\u201d It is also not by emasculating the Dard tribes and breaking\ndown their powers of resistance to the level of Slaves to the British,\nthat we can interpose an effectual barrier to the invading Myriads of\nSlavs that threaten the world\u2019s freedom. By giving to the loyalty of\nIndia the liberty which it deserves, on the indigenous bases that it\nalone really understands and in accordance with the requirements of the\nage, we can alone lead our still martial Indian Millions in the defence\nof the Roman Citizenship which should be the reward of their chivalrous\nallegiance to the Queen.\n\n G. W. LEITNER.\n\n_P.S._\u201415 Dec. 1892. The just cause of Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk appears to have\ntriumphed. Sher Afzul is said to have fled. So far Chitr\u00e1l. As for\nChil\u00e1s, the people have come to Dr. Robertson\u2019s Camp and express\nfriendliness.\n\n * * * * *\n\nLETTERS FROM MIHTAR NIZAM-UL-MULK TO DR. LEITNER:\n\n My kind and true friend and dear companion, may you know:\n\n That before this, prompted by excess of friendship and belief\n in me, you had written to me a letter of sincerity full of\n pleasing precepts and words of faithfulness. These were\n received and caused joy to my heart. My true friend, whatever\n words of faith and sincere regard there were, these have\n been written in my mind. For I am one of your disciples and\n well-wishers here, and have no other care but that of serving\n and well-wishing my friends. My heart sorrows at separation\n from friends, but there is no remedy except resignation. _As\n I consider your stay there [in London] as my own stay, I hope\n from your friendship that you have expressed words of my\n well-being and my sincerity towards the Lord Bahadoor and the\n Great Queen and thus performed the office of friendship and\n caused joy there._ Another request is that if you have found a\n good dog like \u201cZulu,\u201d when you come to Delhi please send it to\n Jummoo. My men are there, and shall bring it to me. Further,\n the volume of papers on the customs of Chitr\u00e1r and the old\n folk-tales have been written partly in Persian and partly in\n the Chitr\u00e1ri language. We are frontier and village people, and\n are deficient in intelligence and eloquence. They have not\n been very well done, and I don\u2019t know if they will please you\n or not. But we have no better eloquence or practice as we are\n hillmen.\n\n Tuesday 11th Shavval 1304 despatched from Turikoh to London.\n\n * * * * *\n\n The standard of affection and friendship, the foundation-stone\n of kindness and obligation, my friend, may his kindness\n increase!\n\n After expressing the desire of your joy-giving meeting be it\n known to your kind self, that the condition of _this_ your\n faithful friend is such as to call for thanks to the Almighty.\n The safety and good health of _that_ friend [yourself] is\n always wished for. As you had sent me several volumes of bound\n papers to write on them the customs of the Chitrar people and\n their folk-tales, partly in Persian and partly in Chitrari\n language, I have in accordance with this request of _that_\n true friend got them written partly in Persian and partly in\n Chitrari and sent to you. Inshallah, they will reach you, but\n I do not know whether they will please you or not; in any case\n you know, that whatever may be possible to do by a faithful\n friend or by his employ\u00e9s I will do, with the help of God,\n if you will forgive any faulty execution of your wishes, and\n continue to remember me for any services in my power, and keep\n me informed continually of your good health so as to dispel\n my anxiety. The condition here is of all news the best, as\n no new event has happened; but three persons, wayfarers and\n travellers, have come from Wakhan to Mastuch and two of these\n persons I have sent on to Chitrar, and one of these wanderers\n has remained (behind) at Mastuch. They don\u2019t know anybody.\n Sometimes they say we are Russians, and sometimes they say we\n are Frenchmen. And I with my own eye have not seen them. If I\n had seen them, they might have told me. Another desire is that\n you send me something worth reading in English words and write\n opposite to them their translation into Persian, so that it may\n be a pleasure and useful to me. I have another request to make\n which is that you may be pleased to give an early fulfilment\n to your kind promise of visiting Chitrar with your lady for\n the purpose of sight-seeing and sport and study. I have been\n waiting ever since for your arrival. It is really only right\n that you should come now when the weather is very delightful,\n game is abundant, and I have made every arrangement for our\n hunting together. Everything is tranquil and you will be able\n to return before the winter, greatly pleased. Let this become\n a fact. The writer Sirdar Nizam-ul-Mulk, Tuesday the 11th of\n Shevv\u00e1l, from Turikoh to London. May it be received!\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX III.\n\nFABLES, LEGENDS, AND SONGS OF CHITRAL[113]\n\n(_called Chitr\u00e1r by the natives_).\n\nCollected by H. H. SIRDAR NIZ\u00c1M-UL-MULK, Raja of Yasin, etc., and by Dr.\nG. W. LEITNER, and translated from Persian or Chitr\u00e1li.\n\n\nI. FABLES.\n\n\n1. THE VINDICTIVE FOWL.\n\nA fowl sat near a thistle, and opened a rag, in which corals were tied\nup. Suddenly one fell into the thistle; the fowl said, \u201cO thistle, give\nme my coral.\u201d The thistle said, \u201cThis is not my business.\u201d The fowl\nsaid, \u201cThen I will burn thee.\u201d The thistle agreed. The fowl then begged\nthe fire to burn the thistle. The fire replied, \u201cWhy should I burn this\nweak thorn?\u201d The fowl thereupon threatened to extinguish the fire by\nappealing to water: \u201cO water, kill this fire for my sake.\u201d The water\nasked, \u201cWhat is thy enmity with the fire, that I should kill it?\u201d The\nfowl said, \u201cI will bring a lean cow to drink thee up.\u201d The water said,\n\u201cWell\u201d; but the cow refused, as it was too lean and weak to do so. Then\nthe fowl threatened to bring the wolf to eat the cow. The wolf refused,\nas he could feed better on fat sheep. The fowl threatened the wolf with\nthe huntsman, as he would not eat the lean cow. The huntsman refused to\nshoot the wolf, as it was not fit to eat. The fowl then threatened the\nhuntsman with the mouse. The huntsman replied, \u201cMost welcome.\u201d But the\nmouse said that it was feeding on almonds and other nice things, and had\nno need to gnaw the leather-skin of the huntsman. The fowl then said, \u201cI\nwill tell the cat to eat thee.\u201d The mouse said, \u201cThe cat is my enemy in\nany case, and will try to catch and eat me, wherever it comes across me,\nso what is the use of your telling the cat?\u201d The fowl then begged the cat\nto eat the mouse. The cat agreed to do so whenever it was hungry: \u201cNow,\u201d\nit added, \u201cI do not care to do so.\u201d The fowl then became very angry, and\nthreatened to bring little boys to worry the cat. The cat said, \u201cYes.\u201d\nThe fowl then begged the little boys to snatch the cat one from the\nother, so that it might know what it was to be vexed. The boys, however,\njust then wanted to play and fight among themselves, and did not care to\ninterrupt their own game. The fowl then threatened to get an old man to\nbeat the boys. The boys said, \u201cBy all means.\u201d But the old man refused to\nbeat the boys without any cause, and called the fowl a fool. The fowl\nthen said to the P\u00eer (old man), \u201cI will tell the wind to carry away thy\nwool.\u201d The old man acquiesced; and the wind, when ordered by the fowl,\nwith its usual perverseness, obeyed the fowl, and carried off the old\nman\u2019s wool. Then the old man beat the boys, and the boys worried the cat,\nand the cat ran after the mouse, and the mouse bit the huntsman in the\nwaist, and the huntsman went after the wolf, and the wolf bit the cow,\nand the cow drank the water, and the water came down on the fire, and the\nfire burnt the thistle, and the thistle gave the coral to the fowl, and\nthe fowl took back its coral.\n\n\n2. THE STORY OF THE GOLDEN MOUSE WHO TELLS THE STORY OF A MOUSE AND A\nFROG.\n\nThere was a kind of mice that had a golden body. They never went out\nof their hole. One day one of them thought: \u201cI will go out and see the\nwonders of God\u2019s creation.\u201d So it did; and when thirty or forty yards\nfrom its hole, a cat, prowling for game, saw it come out from the hole.\nThe cat, that was full of wiles, plotted to get near the hole, awaiting\nthe return of the mouse, who, after its peregrinations, noticed the mouth\nof the hole closed by the wicked cat. The mouse then wished to go another\nway, and turned to the left, towards a tree, on which sat concealed a\ncrow, expecting to devour the mouse when it should run away from the\ncat. The crow then pounced on the mouse, who cried out to God, \u201cO God,\nwhy have these misfortunes overtaken such a small being as myself? My\nonly help is in thee, to save me from these calamities.\u201d The mouse was\nconfused, and ran hither and thither, in vain seeking a refuge, when it\nsaw another cat stealthily approaching it; and, in its perplexity, the\nmouse nearly ran into the cat\u2019s paws; but that cat had been caught in\na hunter\u2019s net, and could do nothing. The crow, and the cat which was\nwatching at the hole, saw that the mouse had got near another cat between\nthe two. They thought that the mouse had fallen a victim to the second\ncat, and that it was no use remaining. It was the fortune of the mouse\nthat they should be so deceived. The trembling mouse saw that the two\nenemies had gone. It thanked the Creator for having escaped from the cat\nand the crow, and it said, \u201cIt would be most unmanly of me not to deliver\nthe cat in the net, as it has been the instrument of my safety; but then,\nif I set it free, it will eat me.\u201d The mouse was immersed in thought,\nand came to the conclusion to gnaw the net at a distance from the cat,\nand that as soon as the hunter should come in sight, the cat then, being\nafraid of the hunter, would seek its own safety, and not trouble itself\nabout the mouse. \u201cThus I will free the cat from the hunter and the net,\nand deliver my own life from the cat,\u201d was the thought of the mouse.\nIt then began to gnaw the net at a distance. The cat then said to the\nmouse, \u201cIf you want to save me, for God\u2019s sake, then gnaw the net round\nmy throat, and not at a distance; that is no use to me when the hunter\nwill come. You err if you think that I will eat you as soon as I get out.\nFor all the faults, hitherto, have been on the side of cats, which you\nmice have never injured, so that, if you are magnanimous and release me,\nthere is no such ungrateful monster in the world as would return evil for\nthe unmerited good that I implore you to bestow on me.\u201d The golden mouse,\nwhich was very wise, did not attend to this false speech, but continued\nto gnaw the net at a distance, so that, when the hunter came, there\nonly remained the threads round the neck of the cat, which the mouse\nbit asunder at the last moment and then ran back into its hole. The cat\nbolted up the tree where the crow had sat, the huntsman saw that the cat\nhad escaped, and that his net was gnawed in several places, so he took\nthe net to get it repaired in the Bazaar.\n\nThen the cat descended from the tree and said to herself, \u201cThe time of\nmeals is over, it is no use to go home; I had better make friends with\nthe mouse, entice it out of the hole, and eat it.\u201d This she did, and\ngoing to the hole, called out: \u201cO faithful companion and sympathizing\nfriend, although there has been enmity between cats and mice for a long\ntime, thou hast, by God\u2019s order, been the cause of my release, therefore\ncome out of the hole, and let us lay the foundation of our friendship.\u201d\nThe mouse replied: \u201cI once tried to come out, and then I fell from one\ndanger into another. Now it is difficult for me to comply with your\nrequest. I have cut the threads encircling your throat, not out of\nfriendship for you, but out of gratitude to God. Nor is our friendship of\nany use in this world, as you will gather from the story of\n\n\n3. \u201cTHE FROG AND THE MOUSE.\u201d\n\nThe mouse then narrated: \u201cThere was once a mouse that went out for a\npromenade, and going into people\u2019s houses, found food here and there, and\nin the dawn of the next morning it was returning to its home. It came to\na place where there was a large tank, round which there were flowers and\ntrees; and a voice was heard from out of the tank. Coming near, it saw\nthat it emanated from a being that had no hair on its body, no tail, and\nno ear. The mouse said to itself: \u2018What is this ill-formed being?\u2019 and\nthanked God that it was not the ugliest of creatures. With this thought\nthe mouse, that was standing still, shook its head to and fro. The frog,\nhowever, thought that the mouse was smitten with astonishment at his\nbeauty and entranced with pleasure at his voice, and jumping out of the\ncorner of the tank came near: \u2018I know, beloved, that you are standing\ncharmed with my voice; we ought to lay the firm basis of our friendship,\nbut you are sharper than I am, therefore go to the house of an old woman\nand steal from it a thread, and bring it here.\u2019 The mouse obeyed the\norder. The frog then said: \u2018Now tie one end to your tail and I will tie\nthe other end to my leg, because I want to go to your house, where you\nhave a large family and there are many other mice, so that I may know you\nfrom the others. If again you visit me, the tank is large, my friends\nmany, and you too ought to distinguish me from the rest. Again, when\nI want to see you I will follow the thread to your hole, and when you\nwant to see me you will follow it to the tank.\u2019 This being settled, they\nparted. One day the frog wanted to see the mouse. Coming out of the tank\nhe was going to its hole, when he saw the mouse-hawk, who pounced upon\nthe frog as he was limping along, and flew up with him in its claws. This\npulled the end to which the mouse was tied. It thought that its lover\nhad come to the place and wanted to see it; so it came out, only to be\ndragged along in the air under the mouse-hawk. As the unfortunate mouse\npassed a Bazaar it called out: \u2018O ye Mussulmans, learn from my fate what\nhappens to whoever befriends beings of a different species.\u2019\n\n\u201cNow,\u201d said the golden mouse to the cat, \u201cthis is the story which teaches\nme what to do; and that is, to decline your friendship and to try never\nagain to see your face.\u201d\n\n\n4. THE QUAIL AND THE FOX.\n\n The Quail said: I teach thee art.\n Night and day I work at art;\n Whoever lies, the shame is on his neck.\n\nA quail and a fox were friends. The fox said: \u201cWhy should you not make\nme laugh some day?\u201d The quail replied, \u201cThis is easy.\u201d So they went to\na Bazaar, where the quail, looking through the hole in the wall of a\nhouse, saw a man sitting, and his wife turning up and down the \u201csamanak\u201d\nsweetmeat with a big wooden ladle (much in the same way as the Turkish\n_rakat lokum_, or lumps of delight, are made). The quail then settled on\nthe head of the man. The woman said to him, \u201cDon\u2019t stir; I will catch\nit.\u201d Then the quail sat on the woman\u2019s head, so the man asked the woman\nto be quiet, as he would catch the quail, which, however, then flew back\nto the head of the man. This annoyed the wife, who struck at the quail\nwith the wooden ladle, but hit instead the face of her husband, whose eye\nand beard were covered with the sweetmeat, and who thereupon beat his\nwife. When the fox saw this, he rejoiced and laughed greatly; and both\nthe fox and quail returned to their home. After a time the fox said to\nthe quail: \u201cIt is true that you have made me laugh, but could you feed\nme?\u201d This the quail undertook to do, and with the fox went to a place\nwhere a woman was carrying a plate of loaves of bread to her husband in\nthe fields. Then the quail repeated her tactics, and sat on the head of\nthe woman, who tried to catch it with one hand. The quail escaped and\nsettled on one shoulder, then on another, and so on till the woman became\nenraged, put the plate of bread on the ground, and ran after the quail,\nwho, by little leaps, attracted her further and further away till she was\nat a considerable distance from it, when the fox pounced on the bread and\nappeased his hunger.\n\nSome time after, the fox wanted to put the cleverness of the quail again\nto the test, and said: \u201cYou have made me laugh, you have fed me, now make\nme weep.\u201d The quail replied, \u201cWhy, this is the easiest task of all,\u201d so\nshe took the fox to the gate of the town and called out: \u201cO ye dogs of\nthe Bazaar, come ye as many as ye are, for a fox has come to the gate!\u201d\nSo all the dogs, hearing this good news, assembled to hunt the fox,\nwhich, seeing the multitude of its enemies, fled till he reached a high\nplace. Turning round, he saw the dogs following, so he jumped down and\nbroke his back. The fox therefore helplessly sat down and said to the\napproaching quail: \u201cO sympathizing companion, see how my mouth has become\nfilled with mud and blood, and how my back has been broken. This is my\nfate in this world; now, could you kindly clean my mouth from mud and\nblood, as my end is near?\u201d The intention of the fox was, that he should\ntake the opportunity of this artifice to swallow the quail in revenge of\nher being the cause of its death. The quail, in her unwise friendship,\nbegan to clean the fox\u2019s mouth. The accursed fox caught her in his mouth;\nbut the quail, which was intelligent and clever, said, \u201cO beloved friend,\nyour eating me is lawful, because I forgive you my blood, on condition\nthat you pronounce my name, otherwise you will suffer an injury.\u201d The\nbase fox, although full of wiles, clouded by approaching death, fell into\nthe trap, and as soon as he said \u201cO quail,\u201d his teeth separated, and the\nquail flew away from him and was safe, whilst the fox died.\n\n\nII. STORIES AND LEGENDS.\n\nThere is a story which seems to illustrate the fact that private hatred\nis often the cause of the injury that is ascribed to accident. A man\nslaughtered a goat, and kept it over-night in an outhouse. His enemy put\na number of cats through the airhole, and when their noise awoke the\nmaster of the house he only found the bones of his goat. But he took\ntheir bones, and scattered them over the field of his enemy the same\nnight; and the dogs came, smelling the bones, searched for them, and\ndestroyed the wheat that was ripe for reaping. One blamed the cats, the\nother blamed the dogs; but both had the reward of their own actions.\n\n * * * * *\n\nSulei was a man well known on the frontier of Chitr\u00e1l for his eloquence.\nOne day, as he was travelling, he met a man from Badakhshan, who asked\nhim whether he knew Persian. Sulei said, \u201cNo.\u201d \u201cThen,\u201d replied the\nBadakhshi, \u201cyou are lost\u201d [nobody, worthless]. Sulei at once rejoined,\n\u201cDo you know Khow\u00e1r?\u201d (the language of Chitr\u00e1l). \u201cNo,\u201d said the\nBadakhshi. \u201cThen you too are lost,\u201d wittily concluded Sulei (to show that\npersonal worth or eloquence does not depend on knowing any particular\nlanguage).\n\n * * * * *\n\nIt is related that beyond Upper Chitr\u00e1r there is a country called _Shin_\nor Rashan. It is very beautiful, and its plains are gardens, and its\ntrees bear much fruit, and its chunars (plane trees) and willows make it\na shaded land. Its earth is red, and its water is white and tasty. They\nsay that in ancient times the river of that district for a time flowed\nwith milk without the dashing (of the waves) of water.\n\n * * * * *\n\nBesir is a place near Ayin towards Kafiristan. The inhabitants were\nformerly savage Kafirs, but are now subjects of the Mehter (Prince) of\nChitr\u00e1r. They carry loads of wood, and do not neglect the work of the\nMehter. They are numerous and peaceful, and in helplessness like fowls,\nbut they are still Kafirs; though in consequence of their want of energy\nand courage they are called \u201cKal\u00e0sh.\u201d The people of Ayin say that in\nancient times five savages fled into the Shidi Mount and concealed\nthemselves there.\n\n * * * * *\n\nShidi is below Ayin opposite Gher\u00e1t on the east (whence Shidi is on the\nwest). Between them is a river. It is said that these savages had to get\ntheir food by the chase. One day word came to them from God that \u201cto-day\nthree troops of deer will pass; don\u2019t interfere with the first, but do\nso with the others.\u201d When, however, the troops came, the savages forgot\nthe injunctions of God, and struck the first deer. Now there was a cavern\nin the mountain where they lived, into which they took the two or three\ndeer that they had killed and were preparing to cook, two being sent out\nto fetch water. By God\u2019s order the lips of the cavern were closed, and\nthe three men imprisoned in it. God converted the three into bees, whilst\nthe two who had gone to fetch water fled towards Afghanistan. Thus were\ncreated the first honey-bees, who, finding their way out of the cavern,\nspread themselves and their sweet gift all over the world. This is a\nstory told by the Kal\u00e0sh, who credit that the bees are there still; but\nit is difficult to get there, as the mountains are too steep, but people\ngo near it and, pushing long rods into the hole of the cavern, bring them\nback covered with honey.\n\n * * * * *\n\nShah Muhterim is the name of a Mehter (prince), the grandfather of the\npresent Ruler of Chitr\u00e1r. This Mehter was renowned as a descendant of\nfairies, who all were under his command. Whatever he ordered the fairies\ndid. Thus some time passed. From among them he married a fairy, with\nwhom he made many excursions. She bore him a daughter. Seven generations\nhave passed since that time. This daughter is still alive, and her sign\namong the fairies is that her hair is white, which does not happen to\nordinary fairies. Whenever a descendant of the Shah Muhterim leaves this\ntransitory world for the region of permanence, all the fairies, who\nreside in the mountains of Chitr\u00e1r, together with that white-haired lady,\nweep and lament, and their voices are clearly heard. This statement is\nsure and true, and all the men on the frontiers of Chitr\u00e1r are aware of\nthe above fact.\n\n\nTHE PEOPLE OF AUJER (THE B\u0152OTIA OF CHITRAL).\n\nThere is a country \u201cAujer,\u201d on the frontier of Chitr\u00e1r (or Chitr\u0101l as\nwe call it), the inhabitants of which in ancient times were renowned\nfor their stupidity. One had taken service at Chitr\u00e1r, and at a certain\npublic dinner noticed that the King (Padishah) ate nothing. So he\nthought that it was because the others had not given anything to the\nking. This made him very sorry. He left the assembly, and reached home\ntowards evening; there he prepared a great amount of bread, and brought\nit next day to the council enclosure, beckoning to the king with his\nfinger to come secretly to him. The king could not make this out, and\nsent a servant to inquire what was the matter; but the man would not\nsay anything except that the king should come himself. On this the king\nsent his confidant to find out what all this meant. The man answered the\ninquiries of the confidant by declaring that he had no news or claim, but\n\u201cas they all ate yesterday and gave nothing to the king, my heart has\nbecome burnt, and I have cooked all this bread for him.\u201d The messenger\nreturned and told the king, who told the meeting, causing them all to\nlaugh. The king, too, smiled, and said: \u201cAs this poor man has felt for\nmy need, I feel for his;\u201d and ordered the treasurer to open for him the\ndoor of the treasury, so that he might take from it what he liked. The\ntreasurer took him to the gate, next to which was the treasurer\u2019s own\nhouse, where he had put a big water-melon, on which fell the eye of that\nstupid man from Aujer. He had never seen such a thing, and when he asked,\n\u201cWhat is it?\u201d the treasurer, knowing what a fool he had to deal with,\nsaid, \u201cThis is the egg of a donkey.\u201d Then he showed him the gold, silver,\njewels, precious cloths, and clean habiliments of the treasury from\nwhich to select the king\u2019s present. The man was pleased with nothing,\nand said, \u201cI do not want this; but, if you please, give me the egg of\nthe donkey, then I shall indeed be glad.\u201d The treasurer and the king\u2019s\nconfidant, consulting together, came to the conclusion that this would\namuse the king to hear, and gave him the melon, with the injunction not\nto return to the king, but to take the egg to his house, and come after\nsome nights (days). The fool was charmed with this request, went towards\nhis home, but climbing a height, the melon fell out of his hand, rolled\ndown towards a tree and broke in two pieces. Now there was a hare under\nthat tree, which fled as the melon touched the tree. The fool went to\nhis house full of grief, said nothing to his wife and children, but\nsat mournfully in a corner. The wife said, \u201cO man, why art thou sorry?\nand what has happened?\u201d The man replied: \u201cWhy do you ask? there is no\nnecessity.\u201d Finally, on the woman much cajoling him, he said: \u201cFrom the\ntreasury of the prince (mehter) I had brought the egg of the donkey; it\nfell from me on the road, broke, and the young one fled out from its\nmidst. I tried my utmost, but could not catch it.\u201d The woman said: \u201cYou\nsilly fellow! had you brought it, we might have put loads on it.\u201d The\nman replied, \u201cYou flighty thing! how could it do so, when it was still\nso young? Why, its back would have been broken.\u201d So he got into a great\nrage, took his axe, and cut down his wife, who died on the spot.\n\n * * * * *\n\nOnce, a donkey having four feet, in this country of donkeys having two\nfeet, put his head into a jar of j\u00e1o (barley), but could not extricate\nit again. So the villagers assembled, but could not hit on a plan to\neffect this result. But there was a wise man in that land, and he was\nsent for and came. He examined all the circumstances of the case, and\nfinally decided that they should do him \u201cBismillah\u201d; that is to say, that\nthey should cut his throat with the formula, \u201cin the name of God,\u201d which\nmakes such an act lawful. When they had done this to the poor donkey, the\nhead remained in the jar, and the wise man ordered them now to break the\njar. This they did, and brought out the head of the donkey. The wise man\nthen said: \u201cIf I had not been here, in what manner could you have been\ndelivered of this difficulty?\u201d This view was approved by all, even by the\nowner of the donkey.\n\n * * * * *\n\nTwo brothers in that country of idiots, being tired of buying salt\nevery day, decided on sowing it over their fields, so that it may bring\nforth salt abundantly. The grass grew up, and the grasshoppers came;\nand the brothers, fearing that their crop of salt would be destroyed,\narmed themselves with bows and arrows to kill the grasshoppers. But the\ngrasshoppers jumped hither and thither, and were difficult to kill; and\none of the brothers hit the other by mistake with an arrow instead of a\ngrasshopper, and he got angry, and shot back and killed his brother.\n\n * * * * *\n\nA penknife once fell into the hands of this people, so they held a\ncouncil in order to consider what it was. Some thought it was the young\none of a sword, the others that it was the baby of an axe, but that its\nteeth had not yet come out. So the argument waxing hot, they fell to\nfight one another, and many were wounded and killed.\n\n * * * * *\n\nA number of these people, considering that it was not proper that birds\nalone should fly, and that they were able to do so, clad themselves in\nposteens (some of which are made from the light down of the Hindukush\neagle), and threw themselves down from a great height, with the result\nthat they reached the ground killed and mangled.\n\n\nIII. SONGS.\n\n\n_A Song (of evidently recent date, as the influence on it of Persian\npoetry is obvious)._\n\nTHE CONFESSION OF THE SOUL.\n\n 1. (_He._) If thy body be as lithe as (the letter) Alif (\u200e\u200f\u0627\u200f\u200e),\n thy eye is as full as (the letter) N\u00fbn (\u200e\u200f\u0646\u200f\u200e).\n If thou art Laila, this child (or lover) is Majn\u00fbn (referring\n to the well-known story of these true lovers).\n\n 2. (_She._) If thou art the Prince of the Sultan of R\u00fbm (Turkey)\n Come and sit by me, free from constraint;\n My eye has fallen on thee, and I now live.\n\n 3. My friend had scarcely come near me\u2014why, alas, has he left?\n My flesh has melted from these broken limbs.\n\n 4. How could I guard against the enmity of a friend?\n May God now save me from such grief!\n\n 5. (_He._) Were I to see 200 Fairies and 100,000 Houris,\n I should be a K\u00e1fir (infidel), O my beloved!\n If my thoughts then even strayed from thee.\n\n 6. Yea, not the Houri nightingale, nor my own soul and eyes as\n Houris,\n Would, on the day of judgment, divert my thought from thee.\n\n 7. I envy the moth, for it can fly\n Into the fire in which it is burnt (whereas I cannot meet thee).\n\n 8. (_She._) My friend, who once came nigh me, suddenly left me\u2014to\n weep.\n My grief should move the very highest heaven.\n A coral bed with its root has been torn out and gone.\n\n 9. A ship of pilgrims (Calend\u00e1rs) has sunk, and yet the world does\n not care.\n The end of all has been a bad name to me.\n\n 10. (_He._) On this black earth how can I do (sing) thy praise?\n Imbedded in the blue heaven (of my heart) thou wilt find it;\n And yet, O child (himself), how great a failure (and below thy\n merits)!\n\n 11. Before thy beauty the very moon is nothing,\n For sometimes she is full and sometimes half.\n May God give thee to me, my perfect universe!\n\n 12. (_She._) If an angel were a mortal like myself,\n It would be ashamed to see my fate (unmoved).\n\n 13. (_He._) O angel! strangely without pity,\n Thou hast written her good with my evil (linked our fates).\n\n 14. (_Both._) All have friends, but my friend is the Chief (God),\n And of my inner grief that friend is cognizant;\n His light alone loves our eyes and soul.\n\n 15. Break with the world, its vanities, its love;\n Leave ignorance, confess, and let thy goal be heaven!\n\nThe following is an attempt to render the pretty tune of a more worldly\nLaila and Majn\u00fbn song, which reminds one of the \u201cYodeln\u201d of the Tyrolese.\nIt was sung to me by Taigh\u00fbn Shah, the poet-minstrel of the Raja, to the\naccompaniment of a kind of guitar. The Chitr\u00e1li language, it will be\nperceived, is musical.\n\n[Music: Shin\u00b7dj\u00f9r is-pr\u00fbo sar ma bul-bul hut b\u00f3\u00b7wor Ts\u00e1\u00b7ren-tu ru-p\u00e9\n\nd\u016br thu mor lo - l\u00e9 gam - - b\u016b - - ro sh\u016bnn donn do - s\u00e9\n\nLai - l\u012b - ki ha - r\u014dsh o - r\u00e9 Majnun o lo - - l\u00e9!]\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX IV.\n\nTHE RACES AND LANGUAGES OF THE HINDU-KUSH.\n\nBy DR. G. W. LEITNER.\n\n\n[Illustration: GROUP OF DARDS AND CENTRAL ASIATICS WITH DR. LEITNER.\n\n_Standing_ Nos. 1 2 3 4 5 6 (_see next page_.)\n\n_Sitting_ Nos. 7 8 9 10 11 (_see next page_.)\n\n_Standing_\u20141. Khundayar, son of a Shiah Akhun (priest) at Nagyr; 2.\nMaulvi Najmuddin, a poet from Kolab; 3 and 4. Khudadad and Hatamu,\npilgrims from Nagyr; 5. A Chitrali soldier; 6. Matavalli, of Hunza.\n\n_Sitting_\u20147. Mir Abdullah, a famous Arabic scholar and jurist from\nGabrial; 8. Hakim Habibullah, a Tajik, a physician from Badakshan; 9.\nGhulam Muhammad, Dr. Leitner\u2019s Gilgit retainer; 10. Ibrahim Khan, a\nShiah, Rono (highest official caste), of Nagyr; 11. Sultan Ali Yashkun,\nof Nagyr.]\n\nThe accompanying illustration was autotyped some years ago from a\nphotograph taken in 1881, and is now published for the first time.\nFollowing the numbers on each figure represented we come first to No.\n1, the tall Khuday\u00e1r, the son of an Akhun or Shiah priest of Nagyr, a\ncountry ruled by the old and wise Tham or Raja Zafar Ali Khan, whose\ntwo sons, Alid\u00e1d Khan in 1866, and Habib ulla Khan in 1886, instructed\nme in the Khajun\u00e1 language, which is spoken alike in gentle but brave\nNagyr and in its hereditary rival country, the impious and savage Hunza\n\u201cHun-land,\u201d represented by figure 6, Matavalli, the ex-kidnapper whom I\ntook to England, trained to some Muhammadan piety, and sent to Kerbel\u00e1 a\nyear ago. No. 2 was an excellent man, an Uzbek visitor from Kol\u00e1b, one\nNajmuddin, a poet and theologian, who gave me an account of his country.\nNos. 3 and 4 are pilgrims from Nagyr to the distant Shiah shrine in Syria\nof the martyrdom of Husain at Kerbel\u00e1; No. 5 is a Chitr\u00e1li soldier,\nwhilst No. 7 is a distinguished Arabic Scholar from Gabri\u00e1l, from whom\nmuch of my information was derived regarding a peaceful and learned home,\nnow, alas! threatened by European approach, which my travels in 1866 and\n1872, and my sympathetic intercourse with the tribes of the Hindu Kush,\nhave unfortunately facilitated. The Jalk\u00f3ti, Dareyli, and others, who are\nreferred to in the course of the present narrative, will either figure\non other illustrations or must be \u201ctaken as read.\u201d No. 8 is the Sunni\nMoulvi Habibulla, a T\u00e1jik of Bukhara and a Hak\u00eem (physician). No. 9 is my\nold retainer, Ghul\u00e1m Muhammad, a Shiah of Gilgit, a Sh\u00een Dard (highest\ncaste), who was prevented by me from cutting down his mother, which he\nwas attempting to do in order \u201cto save her the pain of parting from him.\u201d\n10. Ibrahim Khan, a Shiah, R\u00f4no (highest official caste) of _Nagyr_,\npilgrim to Kerbel\u00e1. 11. Sultan Ali Yashkun (2nd Sh\u00een caste) Shiah, of\nNagyr, pilgrim to Kerbel\u00e1. The word \u201cYashkun\u201d is, perhaps, connected with\n\u201cYuechi.\u201d\n\nThe languages spoken by these men are: Khajun\u00e1 by the Hunza-Nagyr men;\nArnyi\u00e1 by the Chitr\u00e1li; Turki by the Uzbek from Kol\u00e1b; Shin\u00e1 by the\nGilgiti; Pakhtu and Shuthun, a dialect of Shin\u00e1, by the Gabri\u00e1li. The\npeople of _Hunza_ are dreaded robbers and kidnappers; they, together\nwith the people of Nagyr, speak a language, Khajun\u00e1, which philologists\nhave not yet been able to classify, but which I believe to be a remnant\nof a pre-historic language. They are great wine-drinkers and most\nlicentious. They are nominally Mul\u00e1is, a heresy within the Shiah schism\nfrom the orthodox Sunni Muhammadan faith, but they really only worship\ntheir Chief or Raja, commonly called \u201cTh\u00e0m.\u201d The present ruler\u2019s name\nis Mohammad Khan. They are at constant feud with the people of _Nagyr_,\nwho have some civilization, and are _now_ devoted Shiahs (whence the\nnumber of pilgrims, four, from one village). They are generally fair, and\ntaller than the people of Hunza, who are described as dark skeletons.\nThe Nagyris have fine embroideries, and are said to be accomplished\nmusicians. Their forts confront those of Hunza on the other side of the\nsame river. The people of _Badakhsh\u00e1n_ used to deal largely in kidnapped\nslaves. A refugee, Shahzada Hasan, from the former royal line (which\nclaims descent from Alexander the Great), who has been turned out by the\nAfghan faction, was then at Gilgit with a number of retainers on fine\nBadakhshi horses, awaiting the fortunes of war, or, perhaps, the support\nof the British. He was a younger brother of Jehand\u00e1r Shah, who used to\ninfest the Kol\u00e1b road, after being turned out by a relative, Mahm\u00fbd Shah,\nwith the help of the Amir of Kabul. _Kol\u00e1b_ is about eleven marches from\n_Faizab\u00e1d_, the capital of Badakhsh\u00e1n. The Chitr\u00e1li is from Shog\u00f2t, the\nresidence of Adam Khor (man-eater), brother of Aman-ul-Mulk, of Chitr\u00e1l,\nwho used to sell his Shiah subjects regularly into slavery and to kidnap\nBashgeli Kafirs. The man from _Gabri\u00e1l_ was attracted to Lahore by the\nfame of the Oriental College, Lahore, as were also several others in\nthis group; and there can be no doubt that this institution may still\nserve as a nucleus for sending pioneers of our civilization throughout\nCentral Asia. Gabri\u00e1l is a town in Kandi\u00e1, or Kili\u00e1, which is a secluded\nDard country, keeping itself aloof from tribal wars. _Gilgit_ and its\nrepresentative have been described in my \u201cDardistan,\u201d to which refer,\npublished in parts between 1866 and 1877.\n\n\nI. POLO IN HUNZA-NAGYR.\n\nAlthough our first practical knowledge of \u201cPolo\u201d was derived from the\nManipuri game as played at Calcutta, it is not Manipur, but Hunza and\nNagyr, that maintain the original rules of the ancient \u201cChaugh\u00e1n-bazi,\u201d\nso famous in Persian history. The account given by J. Moray Brown for the\n\u201cBadminton Library\u201d of the introduction of Polo into England (Longmans,\nGreen & Co., 1891), seems to me to be at variance with the facts within\nmy knowledge, for it was introduced into England in 1867, not 1869,\nby one who had played the Tibetan game as brought to Lahore by me in\n1866, after a tour in Middle and Little Tibet. Since then it has become\nacclimatized not only in England, but also in Europe. The Tibet game,\nhowever, does not reach the perfection of the Nagyr game, although it\nseems to be superior to that of Manipur. Nor is Polo the only game in\nHunza-Nagyr. \u201cShooting whilst galloping\u201d at a gourd filled with ashes\nover a wooden scaffold rivals the wonderful performances of \u201carchery on\nhorseback,\u201d in which the people of Hunza and Nagyr (not \u201cNagar,\u201d or the\ncommon Hindi word for \u201ctown,\u201d as the telegram has it) are so proficient.\nNor are European accompaniments wanting to these Central Asian games;\nfor prizes are awarded, people bet freely in Hunza as they do here,\nthey drink as freely, listen to music, and witness the dancing of lady\ncharmers, the Day\u00e1l, who, in Hunza, are supposed to be sorceresses,\nwithout whom great festivities lose their main attraction. The people\nare such keen sportsmen that it is not uncommon for the Tham, or ruler,\nto confiscate the house of the unskilful hunter who has allowed a\nMarkh\u00f4r (Ibex) that he might have shot to escape him. Indeed, this even\nhappens when a number of Markh\u00f4rs are shut up in an enclosure, \u201c_ts\u00e1_,\u201d\nas a preserve for hunting. The following literally translated dialogue\nregarding Polo and its rules tells an attentive reader more \u201cbetween the\nlines\u201d than pages of instructions:\u2014\n\n POL\u00d3 = Bol\u00e1.\u2014The Raja has ordered many people: To-morrow Polo I\n will play. To the musicians give notice they will play.\n\n Hast thou given notice, O (thou)?\n\n Yes, I have given notice, O Naz\u00far; let me be thy offering\n (sacrifice).\n\n Well, we will come out, that otherwise it will become (too) hot.\n\n The Raja has gone out for Polo; go ye, O (ye); the riders will\n start.\n\n Now divided will be, O ye! (2) goals nine nine (games) we will\n do (play). Tola-half (= 4 Rupees) a big sheep bet we will do.\n\n Now bet we have made. To the Raja the _ball_ give, O ye,\n _striking_ (whilst galloping) he will take.\n\n O ye, efforts (search) make, young men, to a man disgrace is\n death; you your own _party_ abandon not; The Raja has taken the\n _ball to strike_; play up, O ye musicians!\n\n Now descend (from your horses) O ye; Tham has come out\n (victorious); now again the day after to-morrow, he (from\n fatigue) _recovering Pol\u00f3_ we will strike (play).\n\n _Rules_:\u2014The musical instruments of Polo; the ground for the\n game; the riders; the goals; 9, 9 games let be (nine games\n won); the riders nine one side; nine one (the other) side; when\n this has become (the case) the drum (Tsag\u00e0r) they will strike.\n\n First the Tham takes the ball (out into the Maidan to strike\n whilst galloping at full speed).\n\n The Tham\u2019s _side_ upper part will take.\n\n The rest will strike from the lower part (of the ground).\n\n Those above the goal when becoming will take to the lower part.\n\n Those below the goal when becoming to above taking the ball\n will send it flying.\n\n Thus being (or becoming) whose goal when becoming, the ball\n will be sent flying and the musicians will play.\n\n Whose nine goals when has become, they issue (victorious).\n\n[Illustration: No. 1. Dareyli.\n\nNo. 2. Gabriali.\n\nNo. 3. Hunza Man.\n\nNo. 4. Nagyri.]\n\n\nII. THE KOHIST\u00c1N OF THE INDUS, INCLUDING GABRI\u00c1L.\n\nACCOUNT OF MIR ABDULLA.\n\nThe real native place of Mir Abdulla is in the territory of Nandiyar; but\nhis uncle migrated to, and settled in, Gabri\u00e1l. The Mir narrates:\u2014\n\n\u201cIn the country of Kunar there is a place called _Pusht_, where lives a\nMulla who is famous for his learning and sanctity. I lived for a long\ntime as his pupil, studying Logic, Philosophy, and Muhammadan Law, the\nsubjects in which the Mulla was particularly proficient. When my absence\nfrom my native place became too long, I received several letters and\nmessages from my parents, asking me to give up my studies and return\nhome. At last I acceded to their pressing demands and came to my native\nvillage. There I stayed for a long time with my parents; but as I was\nalways desirous to pursue my studies, I was meditating on my return to\nPusht, or to go down to India.\n\nIn the meantime I met one Abdulqudd\u016bs of Kohistan, who was returning\nfrom India. He told me that a D\u00e1r-ul-u\u2019l\u00fbm (House of Sciences) had been\nopened at Lahore, the capital of the Punjab, where every branch of\nlearning was taught, and that it was superintended by Dr. L., who being\nhimself a proficient scholar of Arabic and Persian, was a patron of\nlearning and a warm supporter of students from foreign countries. I was\naccompanied by two pupils of mine, named Sher Muhammad and Burh\u00e1nuddin;\nand I started together with them from my native village. We passed\nthrough the territory of _Dir_, which is governed by Nawab Rahmatulla\nKhan. The Qazi of that place was an old acquaintance of mine, and he\npersuaded me to stop my journey, and promised to introduce me to the\nNawab, and procure for me a lucrative and honourable post. I declined his\noffer, and continued my journey. The next territory we entered in was\nthat of Nawab _Tore Mian Khan_, who reigns over eight or nine hundred\npeople. After staying there some days we reached _Kanan Gharin_, which\nwas governed jointly by Nawabs Fazl Ahmad and Bayazid Khan. After two\ndays\u2019 march we came to _Chakesur_, which was under a petty chief named\nSuhe Khan. Here we were told that there are two roads to India from this\nplace\u2014one, which is the shorter, is infested with robbers; and the other,\nthe longer one, is safe; but we were too impatient to waste our time, and\ndecided at once to go by the shorter way, and proceeded on our journey.\nWe met, as we were told, two robbers on the road, who insisted on our\nsurrendering to them all our baggage. But we made up our minds to make a\nstand, though we were very imperfectly armed, having only one \u201ctamancha\u201d\namong three persons. In the conflict which ensued, one of the robbers\nfell, and the other escaped; but Burhanuddin, one of our party, was also\nseverely wounded, and we passed the night on the banks of a neighbouring\nstream, and reached next day _Ganagar Sirkol Jatkol_, where we halted\nfor eight or nine days. In this place the sun is seen only three or four\ntimes a year, when all the dogs of the village, thinking him an intruding\nstranger, begin to bark at him. Burhanuddin, having recovered there,\nwent back to his home, and I, with the other companion, proceeded to the\nPunjab, and passing through the territory of a chief, named _Sh\u00e1lkhan_,\nentered the British dominions. On arriving at Lahore we were told that\nDr. L. was not there, and my companion, too impatient to wait, went down\nto Rampur, and I stayed at Lahore.\u201d He then gave an account of\u2014\n\n\nTHE KOHIST\u00c1N (OR MOUNTAINOUS COUNTRY).\n\n(A DIFFERENT COUNTRY FROM ONE OF THE SAME NAME NEAR KABUL.)\n\n_Boundaries._\u2014It is bounded on the north by _Chitr\u00e1l_, _Yasin_, and\n_Hunza_, on the east by _Chilas_, _Kashmir_, and a part of _Hazara_; on\nthe south by _Yaghist\u00e1n_ (or wild country); on the west by _Swat_ and\n_Yaghist\u00e1n_.\n\nIt is surrounded by three mountainous ranges running parallel to each\nother, dividing the country into two parts (the northern part is called\n_Gabri\u00e1l_). The Indus flows down through the country, and has a very\nnarrow bed here, which is hemmed in by the mountains.\n\nThe northern part, which is called Gabri\u00e1l, has only two remarkable\nvillages\u2014_Kandy\u00e1_, on the western side of the river, and _Siwa_ on the\neastern; and the southern part contains many towns and villages:\u2014\n\n On the eastern side of the river,\u2014\n\n Name of influential\n Town. Malak\n (Landowner).\n (1) Ladai Mach\u00fa.\n (2) Kolai Shah Said.\n (3) Palas (9,000 pop.) Lachur.\n (4) Mar\u00edn Karm Kh\u00e1n.\n\n On the western side of the river,\u2014\n\n Name of influential\n Town. Malak\n\n (5) Batera\n (6) Patan (8,000 pop.) Qudrat Ali.\n (7) Chakarga\n (8) Ranotia\n\nThat part of _Yaghist\u00e1n_ which bounds Kohistan on the west is divided\ninto (1) _Thakot_, which is governed by Shalkh\u00e1n, and (2) _Dish\u00e1n_, which\nis under Ram Khan; and that part of Yaghist\u00e1n which bounds it on the\nsouth is divided into three valleys,\u2014\n\n (1) Alahi, governed by Arsalan Khan.\n (2) Nandiyar, \u201d Zafar Khan.\n (3) Tikr\u00e1\u00ed, \u201d Ghaffar Khan (has also two cannons).\n\nBetween the southern part of Kohistan and Alahi, in the eastern corner,\nthere is a plain, of a circular form, surrounded on all sides by\nmountains. This plain is always covered with grass, and streams of clear\nand fresh water run through it. Both the grass and the water of this vast\nmeadow are remarkable for their nourishing and digestive qualities. This\nplain is called \u201c_Chaur_,\u201d and is debatable ground between the Kohistanis\nof Ladai, Kolai, and Palas, and the Afghans of Alahi.\n\n_People._\u2014The people of this country are not allied to the Afghans, as\ntheir language shows, but have the same erect bearing and beautiful\nfeatures.\n\n_Language._\u2014Their language is altogether different from that of their\nneighbours, the Afghans, as will be shown by the following comparison:\u2014\n\n KOHISTANI. PUSHTO (THE AFGHAN LANGUAGE).\n\n 1. To-morrow night to Lahore I 1. To-morrow night to Lahore I\n will go. will go.\n _Douche rate Lahore bajanwa._ _Saba shapa ba Lahore shazam._\n\n 2. Thou silent be. 2. Thou silent be.\n _Tohe chut guda._ _Tah chup shai._\n\n 3. Prepare, ye young men. 3. Prepared be, O young men.\n _Jubti masha._ _Saubhal she zalm\u00fa._\n\nThere is a song very current in Kohistan which begins,\u2014\n\n_Palas kulal mariga, Patane jirga hotiga, Johle johal madado prop\u00e1r\nas\u00e1li_ = \u201cIn Palas a potter was killed, in Patan the jirga (or tribal\nassembly) sat.\u201d\n\n\u201cThe corrupted (Jirga of Malaks) took a bribe, and retaliation was\nignored.\u201d The Afghans are called Pathans.\n\n_Religion._\u2014They have been converted to Isl\u00e1m since four or five\ngenerations, and they have forsaken their old religion so completely that\nno tinge of it now remains; and when a Kohistani is told that they are\n\u201cnau-Muslims,\u201d that is, \u201cnew Muhammadans,\u201d he becomes angry.\n\nMuslim learning, and the building of mosques have become common in\nKohistan, and now we find twenty or thirty learned mullas in every\nconsiderable town, besides hundreds of students, studying in mosques.\n\n_Dress._\u2014Their national dress consists of a woollen hat, brimmed like\nthat of Europeans, and a loose woollen tunic having a long \u200e\u200f \u062c\u0627\u0643\u0649\u200f\u200e\nalong the right breast, so that one can easily get out the right hand to\nwield one\u2019s arms in a fight. Their trousers are also made of wool and are\nvery tight. In the summer they wear a kind of leathern shoes borrowed\nfrom the Afghans, but in the winter they wear a kind of boots made of\ngrass (the straw of rice) reaching to the knees. They call it \u201cp\u00e1jola.\u201d\n\nTill very lately their only arms were a small \u201ckhanjar\u201d (dagger), bows\nand arrows; but they have borrowed the use of guns and long swords from\nthe Afghans.\n\nThe dress of their women consists of a loose woollen head-dress with\nsilken fringes, a woollen tunic and blue or black trousers of cotton\ncloth, which they call \u201c_shakara_.\u201d Generally their women work with their\nhusbands in the corn-fields, and do not live confined to their houses.\n\n_Government._\u2014They have no chiefs like the Afghans, but influential\nMalaks lead them to battle, who are paid no tribute, salary, etc.\n\nWhen an enemy enters their country they whistle so sharply that the sound\nis heard for miles; then the whole tribe assembles in one place for the\ndefence of their country, with their respective Malaks at their heads.\n\n_Mode of Living, and other Social Customs._\u2014In winter they live in the\nvalleys, in houses made of wood and stones; but in summer they leave\ntheir houses in the valleys for those on the peaks of mountains, and the\nmass of the population spends the summer in the cooler region; but those\nwho cultivate the land live the whole day in the valley, and when night\ncomes go up to their houses on the heights. Their food is the bread of\nwheat, and milk furnished by their herds of cattle (ga\u00f3mesh, cows, goats,\nand sheep), which is their sole property. There are no regular Baz\u00e1rs\neven in the large villages; but the arrival of a merchant from India is\ngenerally hailed throughout the country. The woollen cloth which they use\ngenerally is manufactured by them.\n\n_Marriage._\u2014Very lately there was a custom amongst them that the young\nman was allowed to court any girl he wished; but now, from their contact\nwith the Afghans, the system of \u201cbetrothal\u201d at a very early age is\nintroduced, and the boy does not go till his marriage to that part of the\nvillage in which the girl betrothed to him lives. The Kohistanis say that\nthey have learned three things from the Afghans:\u2014\n\n(1) The use of leathern shoes,\n\n(2) The use of long swords and guns,\n\n(3) The system of betrothal.\n\n\nIII. A ROUGH SKETCH OF KHATL\u00c1N (KOL\u00c1B) AND ADJOINING COUNTRIES.[114]\n\nBy MAULVI NAJMUDDIN, a Theologian and Poet from Kol\u00e1b.\n\nNAMES OF MANZILS (STATIONS) FROM KOLAB TO THE PUNJAB.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u06a9\u0648\u0644\u0627\u0628 \u200f\u200e (1) Kolab.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0635\u06cc\u0627\u062f \u200f\u200e (2) Sayad. Situated on this side of the Amoo, and\n belongs to Badakhshan.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u06cc\u0646 \u0642\u0644\u0639\u200f\u200e (3) Yan-Qal\u00e1.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0686\u0627\u06be\u06cc\u0627\u0628 \u200f\u200e (4) Chahy\u00e1b. Governed then (18 years ago) by Sultan\n Azdahar, son of Yusuf Ali Kh\u00e1n.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u062f\u0634\u062a \u0633\u0628\u0632 \u200f\u200e (5) Dashti-sabz. A halting-place.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0631\u0633\u062a\u0627\u0642 \u200f\u200e (6) Rust\u00e1q. Governed then by Ismail Kh\u00e1n, son of Yusuf\n Ali Kh\u00e1n.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0642\u0632\u0644 \u062f\u0631\u06c1 \u200f\u200e (7) Kizil Dara.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0627\u0644\u200c\u06a9\u0627\u0634\u0627\u0646 \u200f\u200e (8) Elk\u00e1sh\u00e1n. The Himalaya begins.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0627\u062a\u0646 \u062c\u0644\u0628 \u200f\u200e (9) \u00c1tin Jalab. Here the river _Kokcha_[115] is crossed.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u062f\u0634\u062a \u0633\u0641\u06cc\u062f \u200f\u200e (10) Dasht-e-sufed.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0641\u06cc\u0636 \u0627\u0628\u0627\u062f\u200f\u200e (11) Fa\u00edzabad. Capital of Badakhshan; governed then by\n Jahand\u00e1r Shah; is situated on the river Kokch\u00e1.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0631\u0628\u0627\u0637 \u200f\u200e (11) Rub\u00e1t.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u062f\u0634\u062a \u0641\u0631\u0627\u062e\u200f\u200e (12) Dashti Far\u00e1kh.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0648\u0631\u062f\u0648\u062c \u200f\u200e (13) Ward\u00faj. Contains a mine of sulphur.\n\n (14) } Names are forgotten.\n (15) }\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0632\u06cc\u0628\u0627\u0642 \u200f\u200e (16) Zib\u00e1q. Peopled by _Shi\u2019as_ (or rather Mul\u00e1is).\n\n \u200e\u200f\u062f\u06c1 \u06af\u0648\u0644\u200f\u200e (17) Deh G\u00f4l. The frontier village of Badakhsh\u00e1n; only\n a kind of inn.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0633\u0646\u06af\u0631 \u200f\u200e (18) Sanghar. A halting-place.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0686\u062a\u0631\u0627\u0644 \u200f\u200e (19) Chitr\u00e1l. Governed then by Aman-ul-mulk (as now).\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0633\u0631\u063a\u0627\u0644 \u200f\u200e (20) Sargh\u00e1l.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0631\u0628\u0627\u0637\u064e\u0643 \u200f\u200e (21) Rubatak.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u062f\u06cc\u0631 \u200f\u200e (22) D\u00edr. Governed then by Ghazan Kh\u00e1n.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u0633\u0648\u0627\u062a \u200f\u200e (23) Swat.\n\n \u200e\u200f\u067e\u0634\u0627\u0648\u0631 \u200f\u200e (24) Peshawar.\n\nThat part of the country lying at the foot of the Hindu Kush mountains,\nwhich is bounded on the north by Kokand and Karatigan, on the east by\nDurwaz, on the south by Badakhshan and the Amu, on the west by Sherabad\nand Hissar (belonging to Bukhara) is called _Khatlan_ \u200e\u200f\u062e\u062a\u0644\u0627\u0646\u200f\u200e. KOL\u00c1B,\na considerable town containing a population of about ten thousand, is\nsituated at the distance of five miles from the northern bank of the\nAmu, and is the capital of the province. The other towns of note are\n_Muminabad_ \u200e\u200f\u0645\u0624\u0645\u0646 \u0627\u0628\u0627\u062f\u200f\u200e, Daulatabad \u200e\u200f\u062f\u0648\u0644\u062a\u0627\u0628\u0627\u062f\u200f\u200e, Khawaling \u200e\u200f\u062e\u0648\u0627\u0644\u0646\u06af\u200f\u200e,\nBaljawan \u200e\u200f\u0628\u0644\u062c\u0648\u0627\u0646\u200f\u200e, and Sarchashm\u00e1 \u200e\u200f\u0633\u0631\u0686\u0634\u0645\u06c1\u200f\u200e.\n\nThe country, being situated at the foot of mountains, and being watered\nby numerous streams, is highly fertile. The most important products\nare rice, wheat, barley, kharpaz\u00e1, etc.; and the people generally are\nagricultural.\n\nThere is a mine of salt in the mountains of \u200e\u200f\u062e\u0648\u0627\u062c\u0647 \u0645\u0624\u0645\u0646\u200f\u200e _Khawaja\nMumin_; and the salt produced resembles the Lahori salt, though it is not\nso pure and shining, and is very cheap.\n\nCattle breeding is carried on on a great scale, and the wealth of a\nman is estimated by the number of cattle he possesses. There is a kind\nof goat in this country which yields a very soft kind of wool (called\nTibit); and the people of Kolah prepare from it hoses and a kind of\nturban, called _Shamali_ (from shamal, the northern wind, from which it\ngives shelter).\n\n_Religion._\u2014Generally the whole of the population belongs to the Sunni\nsect (according to the Hanafi rite).\n\n_Tribes._\u2014The population of the country is divided into _Laqai_,\n_Battash_, and _Tajiks_. The Laqais live in movable tents (khargah) like\nthe Kirghiz, and lead a roving life, and are soldiers and thieves by\nprofession. The Battashes live in villages, which are generally clusters\nof _kapp\u00e1s_ (thatched cottages), and are a peaceful and agricultural\npeople. The Tajiks live in the towns, and are mostly artisans.\n\n_Language._\u2014Turki is spoken in the villages and a very corrupt form of\nPersian in the towns. Most of the words are so twisted and distorted that\na Persian cannot understand the people of the country without effort.\n\n_Government._\u2014The country is really a province of Bukh\u00e1r\u00e1; but a native\nof Kolab, descended from the Kapchaqs by the father\u2019s and from the Laqais\nby the mother\u2019s side, became independent of Bukhar\u00e1. After his death,\nhis four sons, Sayer Khan, Sara Khan, Qamshin Khan, Umra Khan, fought\nwith one another for the crown; and Sara Khan, having defeated the other\nthree, came to be the Chief of the province, but was defeated by an army\nfrom Bukhar\u00e1 and escaped to Kabul.\n\nWhen Najmuddin left his country, it was governed by a servant of the\ncourt of Bukh\u00e1r\u00e1.\n\nThe houses are generally built of mud, cut into smooth and symmetrical\nwalls, and are plastered by a kind of lime called _guch_. Burnt bricks\nare very rare, and only the palace of the governor is made partially of\nthem. The walls are roofed by thatch made of \u201cdamish\u201d (reeds), which grow\nabundantly on the banks of the Amoo.\n\nThe _dress_ consists of long, flowing chogh\u00e1s (stuffed with cotton) and\nwoollen turbans. The Khatlanis wear a kind of full boot which they call\n_chamush_, but lately a kind of shoe is introduced from Russia, and is\ncalled _nughai_.\n\nThe country is connected with Yarkand by two roads, one running through\nKokand and the other through the Pamir.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe above and following accounts were in answer to questions by Dr.\nLeitner, whose independent researches regarding Kandi\u00e1 in 1866-72 were\nthus corroborated in 1881, and again in 1886, when the photographs which\nserve as the basis of our illustrations were taken.\n\n\nIV. THE LANGUAGE, CUSTOMS, SONGS, AND PROVERBS OF GABRI\u00c1L.\n\nPOSITION.\u2014A town in _Kandi\u00e1_, a part of Yaghistan (the independent,\nor wild, country) situated beyond the river Indus (Haw\u0101-sinn), which\nseparates it from _Chil\u00e1s_. The country of _Kandi\u00e1_ extends along both\nsides of the _Kheri Gh\u00e1_, a tributary of the Indus, and is separated from\n_Tangir_ by a chain of mountains.\n\nThe town of _Gabri\u00e1l_ is situated three days\u2019 march from _Jalk\u00f4t_, in a\nnorth-west direction, and is one day\u2019s march from _Patan_, in a northerly\ndirection. _Patan_ is the chief city of Southern Kandi\u00e1.\n\nINHABITANTS.\u2014The whole tract of Kandi\u00e1 can send out 20,000 fighting men.\nThey are divided into the following castes:\u2014\n\n(1) Sh\u00een, the highest, who now pretend to be Quraishes, the Arabs of the\ntribe to which the Prophet Muhammad belonged. (Harif Ull\u00e1, the Gabri\u00e1li,\nand Ghulam Mohammad, of Gilgit, _call themselves Quraishes_.)\n\n(2) Yashkun, who now call themselves Mughals, are inferior to the Sh\u00een. A\nYashkun man cannot marry a _Sh\u00een_ woman. Ahmad Shah, the Jalkoti belonged\nto this caste.\n\n { (3) Doe\u00fazgar, carpenters.} In reality these people constitute no\n { (4) Jol\u00e1, weavers. } distinct castes, but all belong to a\n 3 { (5) Akh\u00e1r, blacksmiths. } third, the Kam\u00ecn, caste.\n { (6) D\u00f4m, musicians.\n { (7) K\u00e1m\u00ecn, lowest class.\n\nThe people of _Northern Kandi\u00e1_ (Gabri\u00e1l) are called _Bunz\u00e1r\u00ee_, and of\nthe southern part (_i.e._, Patan) _Man\u00ed_, as the Chilasis are called\n_Bot\u00e9_. A foreigner is called _Rar\u00e1wi_, and fellow-countryman, _Muq\u00e1mi_.\n\nRELIGION.\u2014The Gabri\u00e1lis, as well as all the people of _Chil\u00e1s_, _Patan_,\nand _Palas_, are Sunnis, and are very intolerant to the _Shias_, who are\nkidnapped and kept in slavery (Ghulam Mohammad, the Gilgiti, has been\nfor many years a slave in Chil\u00e1s, as Ahmad Shah reports). The Gabri\u00e1lis\nwere converted to Muhammadanism by a saint named _B\u00e2b\u00e2ji_, whose shrine\nis in Gabri\u00e1l, and is one of the most frequented places by pilgrims.\nThe Gabri\u00e1lis say that this saint lived six or seven generations ago.\nMir Abdulla (who is really of Afghanistan, but now lives in Gabri\u00e1l,)\nsays that the Gabri\u00e1lis were converted to Isl\u00e1m about 150 years ago.\nLately, this religion has made great progress among the people of Kandi\u00e1\ngenerally. Every little village has a mosque, and in most of the towns\nthere are numerous mosques with schools attached to them, which are\ngenerally crowded by students from every caste. In Gabri\u00e1l, the Mullahs\nor priests are, for the most part, of the Sh\u00een caste, but men of every\ncaste are zealous in giving education to their sons. Their education is\nlimited to Muhammadan law (of the Hanifite school), and Arabian logic\nand philosophy. Very little attention is paid to Arabic or Persian\ngeneral literature and caligraphy, that great Oriental art; so little,\nindeed, that Harifullah and Mir Abdulla, who are scholars of a very high\nstandard, are wholly ignorant of any of the caligraphic forms, and their\nhandwriting is scarcely better than that of the lowest primary class boys\nin the schools of the Punjab.\n\nThe most accomplished scholar in Kandi\u00e1 is the high priest and chief of\nPatan, named Hazrat Ali, who is a Sh\u00een.\n\nThe people generally are peaceful, and have a fair complexion and erect\nbearing. Their social and moral status has lately been raised very high.\nRobbery and adultery are almost unknown, and the usual punishment for\nthese crimes is death. Divorce is seldom practised; polygamy is not rare\namong the rich men (wad\u00e1n), but is seldom found among the common people.\n\nGOVERNMENT.\u2014Every village or town is governed by a Council of elders,\nchosen from among every tribe or \u201cta\u00edfa.\u201d The most influential man\namong these elders for the time being is considered as the chief of\nthe Council. These elders are either Sh\u00eens or Yashkun. No Kam\u00ecn can be\nelected an elder, though he may become a Mull\u00e1, but a Mulla-kam\u00ecn also\ncannot be admitted to the Council.\n\nThe reigning Council of Gabri\u00e1l consists of 12 persons, of whom 9 are\nShins and 3 Yashkuns. Patsh\u00e9 Kh\u00e2n is the present chief of the Council.\nThe post of Chief of the Council is not hereditary, but the wisest and\nthe most influential of the elders is elected to that post. Justice is\nadministered by the Mullahs without the interference of the Council,\nwhose operation is limited to inter-tribal feuds.\n\nCUSTOMS AND MANNERS.\u2014Hockey on horseback, which is called \u201clugh\u00e2t\u201d in\nGabri\u00e1l, is played on holidays; and the place where they meet for the\nsport is called \u201clugh\u00e2t-k\u00e1rin-jha.\u201d\n\nGuns are called \u201cn\u00e2li\u201d in Gabri\u00e1l, and are manufactured in the town by\nblacksmiths.\n\nDancing is not practised generally, as in the other Shin countries. Only\n\u201cDoms\u201d dance and sing, as this is their profession; they play on the\n\u201csur\u00fai\u201d (pipe), rab\u00e1b (harp), and sha\u1e47do (drum).\n\nThe \u201cpurd\u00e1\u201d system, or \u201cveiling\u201d women, is prevalent among the gentry,\nbut it is only lately that the system was introduced into this country.\n\nWhen a son is born, a musket is fired off, and the father of the newborn\nson gives an ox as a present to the people, to be slaughtered for a\ngeneral festival.\n\nInfanticide is wholly unknown.\n\nMARRIAGE.\u2014The father of the boy does not go himself, as in Gilgit, to\nthe father of the girl, but sends a man with 5 or 6 rupees, which he\noffers as a present. If the present is accepted, the betrothal (l\u00f3li) is\narranged. As far as the woman is concerned the \u201cl\u00f3li\u201d is inviolable. The\nusual sum of dowry paid in cash is 80 rupees.\n\nA bride is called \u201czhiy\u00e1n,\u201d and the bridegroom \u201czhiy\u00e1n lo.\u201d\n\nLANGUAGE.\u2014On account of the want of intercourse between the tribes the\nlanguage of Kohistan is broken into numerous dialects; thus the structure\nof the dialects spoken in Kandi\u00e1, _i.e._, in Gabri\u00e1l and Patan, differs\nfrom that of the language spoken in Chil\u00e1s and Palus, _i.e._, in the\ncountries situated on this side of the Indus. Harifullah, a Gabri\u00e1li, did\nnot understand any language except his own; but Ahmad Shah, an inhabitant\nof Jalk\u00f4t (situated in the southern part of Chil\u00e1s), understood Gabri\u00e1li,\nas he had been there for a time. Ghulam Mohammad, our Gilgiti man, who\nhad been captured in an excursion, and had lived as a slave in Chil\u00e1s,\nalso thoroughly understood Jalk\u00f3ti.\n\nThe language of Kohistan (as Chil\u00e1s, Kandi\u00e1, etc., are also called) is\ndivided into two dialects, called _Sh\u00e9n\u00e1_ and _Sh\u00fathun_ respectively.\nIn the countries situated on that side of the Indus, that is in Kandi\u00e1,\nSh\u00fathun is spoken.\n\nThe following pages are devoted to _Ballads_, _Proverbs_, _Riddles_, and\n_Dialogues_ in the Sh\u00fathun dialect.\n\n_Songs_ = G\u00edla. Mesh\u00f3n g\u00edla = men\u2019s songs; Ghar\u00f3n g\u00edla = female songs.\n\n\n1. AN ELEGY.\n\nFifteen years ago a battle was fought between _Arsl\u00e1n Khan_ of _Kali_,\nand _Qamar Ali Khan_ of _P\u00e1lus_, in which 300 men were killed on both\nsides. _Phaju_, on whose death the elegy is written by his sister, was\none of the killed. The inhabitants of Palus are called \u201cSikhs,\u201d in\nreproach.\n\ni.\n\n _Rug\u00e9 n\u00edle, jim\u00e1ty\u00e1n-kachh-d\u00fak\u00e1nt_,\n In a green place, next a mosque, in a sitting (resting) place,\n _Ch\u00e1 ch\u00e1p\u00e1r g\u00e1la maz\u00e9, shahzada mar\u00e9gil_\n In a surrounded fort within, the prince was killed\n _Rug\u00e9 n\u00edle, jim\u00e1ty\u00e1n kachh, d\u00fak\u00e1nt_\n In a green place, next a mosque, in a resting place\n _She\u00fa w\u00e1le, bathr\u00ed, s\u00f3h vir\u00e1ti wal\u00e9gil_.\n Bring the bier, lay it down, (so that) that heirless one may be\n brought to his home.\n\nii.\n\n _R\u00fage n\u00edle, wo Sh\u00e9rkot shar hoga\u00e9_,\n In the green place, that Sherkot, where the halting-places of guests\n _Diri Sik\u00e1no qatle kar\u00e9gil_.\n Are deserted, the Sikhs (infidels, that is the P\u00e1lusis) slaughter\n committed (did).\n _R\u00fage n\u00edle, Sh\u00e9rkot, bar\u00ed big\u00e1 hojowo_,\n In the green place, in Sherkot, a great fight happened to be,\n _Kali Khel, Phaj\u00fa dasg\u00edr mar\u00e9gil_.\n O Kalikhel (a tribe of Kohistan) Phaj\u00fa is captured and killed.\n\nTRANSLATION.\n\n 1. In a green place, next the mosque, in a place of rest.\n Within an enclosure the prince was killed.\n In a green place, next a mosque, in a spot of rest,\n Bring the bier and lay it down, to bring him home who has no heir.\n\n 2. In the green place, that Sherk\u00f4t, where the halting-place of guests\n Is deserted, the Sikhs committed slaughter.\n In the green place, in Sherkot, a great fight took place,\n Oh, Kalikhel tribe, Phaj\u00fa was captured and killed.\n\n2. The following song is a ch\u00e2rbait, or quatrain, composed by Qamr\u00e1n, a\nGabriali poet. The song treats of the love between Saif-ul-mulk, a prince\nof R\u00fam, and Shahpar\u00ec (the Fairy-queen).\n\nThe first line of a _charbait_ is called _Sarn\u00e2m\u00e2h_, and the remaining\npoem is divided into stanzas or \u201cKhh\u00e0\u1e5b\u00e1o,\u201d consisting each of four lines.\nAt the end of every stanza the burden of the song is repeated:\n\n SARNAMAH.\u2014_Ma h\u00faga musfar, mi saf\u00e1r hug\u00e2e Hindustan wa\u00edn_\n I became a stranger, my travel became towards Hindustan.\n _M\u00ed du\u00e2\u2019 sal\u00e1m, du\u00e2\u2019 sal\u00e1mi ahl Kohistan wa\u00edn_\n My prayer-compliments, prayer-compliments, to the\n inhabitants of Kohistan (may go forth).\n _Mal\u00e1 Mal\u00fakh th\u00fb, O Badr\u00e1i tou \u00edn\u00ea haragilua_\n I myself am Malukh (name of the Prince Saif-ul-mulk), O\n Badra, thou didst lose me.\n\n BURDEN.\u2014_H\u00e1i, Mal\u00e1 Mal\u00fakh th\u00fb, O Badr\u00e1i, ch\u00e9 Mal\u00fakh t\u00ee\u1e47 t\u00e2\u00f3 bar\n z\u00edthu_\n Woe, I am Malukh, O Badra, now thy Malukh from thy sorrow\n has lost his senses.\n\ni.\n\n STANZAS.\u20141. _Mala Malukh thu, O Badrai, Mal\u00fakh t\u00ee\u1e47, t\u00e2\u00f3 th\u00fa daz\u00e9lo_\n I myself am Malukh, O Badra, thy Malukh burnt has been from\n thy heat.\n\n 2. _Hy\u00f3 n\u00ede\u1e47 nidh\u00e9to qar\u00e2r\u00e9, Mal\u00fakh Badr\u00e9 w\u00e1tbe th\u00fa harz\u00e9lo_\n In the heart there is no ease, which Malukh after Badra\n has lost.\n\n 3. _Be t\u00ed \u00e1\u1e47s y\u00e2r\u00e2\u00fa\u00e2, mah pai-mukh\u00e9 \u00e1\u2019\u1e47s soh w\u00e9lo\u1e47_\n Ours, yours, was friendship, I beardless at that time.\n\n 4. _Gini kir\u00ed thi, h\u00e1\u00ea h\u00e1\u00ea, mi Azli qalam zikzithu_\n Why dost thou ... woe! woe! the pen of Eternity wrote so.\n\n BURDEN.\u20145. _H\u00e1i, Mal\u00e1 Mal\u00fakh thu, O Badrai, Ch\u00e9 Malukh t\u00ee\u1e47 t\u00e2\u00f3 harzi\n thu._\n Woe, I am Malukh, O Badra, etc., etc.\n\nii.\n\n 1. _Gini kiri the, hae hae, mi azl\u00f3 maz\u00e9 l\u00eckh taqd\u00eer th\u00fa_\n Why dost thou ... woe, woe! in Eternity did Fate write so.\n\n 2. _Darw\u00e1zo\u1e47 maz\u00e1 gal\u00e1chhe dhu\u00ee Mato ti\u1e47 dar\u00e1\u1e47 faq\u00eer thu_\n On thy gate I lit fire (like J\u00f4g\u00eds), I a boy was the beggar of thy\n door.\n\n 3. _To hikmat biu b\u00e1z-sh\u00e2\u00ee thi kish\u00e9u l\u00fb\u1e47go maza zanz\u00eer thu_\n By thy stratagem thou takest the eagle a prisoner in the chain of\n thy black locks.\n\n 4. _Kisheu l\u00fbng\u00e1, narai narai, panar m\u00fb\u1e47la b\u00e9 the zetdu_\n Black locks, in strings, on thy bright face are twined.\n\n 5. _Hae Mala Malukh thu...._\n Woe, I am Malukh, etc....\n\niii.\n\n 1. _Kisheu l\u00fbng\u00e1 narai narai, panar m\u00fb\u1e47 la \u00e2wiz\u00e2\u1e47 thu_\n Black locks in strings on thy bright face are hanging.\n\n 2. _Mi la\u1e5bm\u00fb\u1e47 maz\u00e1 kar\u00e1\u00e9, tiu makhch\u00fae gi mi arm\u00e2\u1e47 thu_\n In my body is the knife, thine is this deed which was my desire.\n\n 3. _A\u2019khir dhar h\u00e9\u1e47ti n\u00edmgar\u00e9 sho\u1e47 f\u00e1ni na, mal\u00e1 raw\u00e2\u1e47 thu_\n At length will remain unfinished this waning (world), I now depart.\n\n 4. _Hy\u00f3 mi kir s\u00fara\u00ed s\u00fara\u00ed, Jandun gin\u00e1 thu, ma mari thu_\n My heart didst thou pierce in holes, where is my life, I am dead.\n\n 5. _Hae Hae...._\n Woe, I am Malukh, etc.\n\niv.\n\n 1. _Hy\u00f3 mi kir s\u00fara\u00ed s\u00fara\u00ed t\u00e9rubir, te\u1e47 shon ni\u00e1zah ghiu_\n My heart didst thou pierce throughout, by this thy spear.\n\n 2. _M\u00e1la thu mu\u1e5b\u00e9, ti dalbar\u00e1\u1e47, lailo b\u00e1 mi jan\u00e1zah ghiu_\n I am thy dead boy, thy lover, O dearest, go off from my bier.\n\n 3. _Kh\u00fan tiu g\u1e25a\u1e5b hoga, ghi tul\u00e1 nibh\u00e1\u00e9 ansi kh\u00e9vah ghiu_\n My blood is on thy neck, alas! thou didst not sit with me, being\n engaged in thy toilet.\n\n 4. _Kh\u00e9vah kirethi zhare tin soh khiy\u00e1l mud\u00e1 chaizbith\u00fa_\n Thy toilet do now, now that thy remembrance of me is slackened\n by Time.\n\n\nMATAL (Masl = Proverbs).\n\n PROVERBS.\u2014(1) _Z\u00e1nda chap\u00e9lo razan bhiy\u00e1\u1e47t._\n One who is struck by all, fears even a rope.\n\n (2) _Zo\u1e5bo\u1e47 wa\u00e9 nh\u00e1l\u00e9 k hur\u00e1 zhik\u00e1._\n Looking towards (the length of) the sheet, extend your feet.\n\n (3) _H\u00e1te ch\u00e9 rachh\u00e9l\u00fa darw\u00e1ze a\u1e5bat kara._\n Elephant if you keep, make your door wide.\n\n (4) _Ka\u1e5bot\u00e1l ghut\u00e1gir, l\u00e1w\u00e1\u1e47 na hol kir._\n The Lion attacks, the Jackal makes water.\n\n (5) _Q\u00e1 mil tillu g\u00fb\u1e47 ka\u00e1\u1e47t, b\u00e1z mil tillu m\u00e1s\u00e9u kh\u00e1nt._\n With crow went, ate dung; with eagle went, ate flesh.\n _i.e._ In the company of the crow you will learn to eat dung\n and in that of the eagle, you will eat flesh.\n\n (6) _Ta\u1e47g\u00e1 gatam kar\u00e9 rupa\u00e9 baly\u00fa\u1e47._\n A penny, for collecting went, lost rupee.\n\n (7) _A\u00ed\u1e47 tale ka\u1e47wal\u00e9 d\u00e9th\u00e9, maz\u00e9 h\u00e1\u1e5b sh\u00e1r\u00e1 t\u00fa\u1e47._\n Big mouth flattery does, inwardly (in mind) breaks bones.\n\n (8) _D\u00fa\u1e47\u00ed law\u00e1\u1e47o kar\u00fa m\u00e1rch._\n Two Jackals a lion kill.\n\n (9) _Dhon maz\u00e9 ek bakr\u00ed budi agalu, b\u00fbto\u1e47 bakro\u1e47 ethi._\n In a flock, if a contagious disease to one goat come, it comes to\n all goats.\n\n (10) _G\u00fa\u1e47 khuch t\u00e1\u1e47t so\u1e47, gh\u00e1\u1e47o ch\u00e1\u00ed hont._\n Dung is spread out however much, bad smell so much more becomes.\n\n (11) _Zh\u00e1 zhui d\u00e1r\u00fa._\n Brother\u2019s remedy is brother.\n\n (12) _T\u00e1lai\u1e47 uthi, koz\u00e1 dish\u00e1l, tiu d\u00fa bo\u1e47di._\n A sieve rose, to pot said, \u201cYou have two holes.\u201d\n\n (13) _Zar b\u00e1dshah tamam hoto\u1e47, hiy\u00e1 bandg\u00e1r shil\u00e1t._\n Money of the king is spent, heart of the treasurer pains.\n\n\nISHOL\u00c1 (Question).\n\n RIDDLES.\u2014(1) _Sh\u00fa\u1e47 gh\u00e9l\u00e1 ch\u00edz thu\u1e47, che nah\u00e1l\u00e1\u1e47t tasi w\u00e1i\u1e47 pash\u00e1\u1e47t am\u00e1?_\n Such what thing is, which they see towards it, they see\n themselves in it?\n _Answer: Mirror._ _Sh\u00fa\u1e47 \u00e1han thi._ = Such _mirror_ is.\n\n (2) _Sh\u00fa\u1e47 ghe\u1e37\u00e1 ch\u00edz th\u00fa\u1e47 che surat z\u00e1n\u00e9 thi, tilh\u00e1\u1e47t nai?_\n Such what thing is, whose figure serpent-like is, does not move?\n _Answer: Rope._ _Sh\u00fa\u1e47 r\u00e1s thi._ = Such rope is.\n\n (3) _Sh\u00fa\u1e47 ghel\u00e1 ch\u00edz th\u00fa\u1e47, a\u1e47g\u00e1r dher\u00e1ni gell\u00fa, dh\u00faa\u1e47 darya bau nik\u00e1\u1e47t?_\n Such what thing is, fire is applied to dry grass, the river of\n smoke flows from it.\n _Answer: Hook\u00e2h._\n\n (4) _Sh\u00fa\u1e47 gh\u00e9l\u00e1 ch\u00edz th\u00fa\u1e47, che mut surt\u00e9 war\u00e9 nah\u00e1le? has\u00e1\u1e47t, khuro\u1e47\n we nah\u00e1le ro\u1e47t?_\n Such what thing is, who seeing towards other body laughs, seeing\n towards feet, weeps?\n _Answer: Peacock._\n\n\nSH\u00daTHUN.\n\nWORDS AND DIALOGUES.\n\n\n_Words._\n\n God, _Kh\u00e1va\u1e47d_.\n fairy, _kh\u00e1per\u00e9_.\n demon, _div_.\n female demon, _bal\u00e1i_.\n paradise, _janat_.\n fire, _a\u1e47g\u00e1r_.\n earth, _uzmuk_.\n water, _w\u00ed_.\n heaven, _asm\u00e1n_.\n moon, _y\u00fa\u1e47_.\n star, _tar\u00e1_.\n darkness, _tam\u00e1\u00ed_.\n shadow, _chho\u1e47l_.\n day, _des_.\n light, _l\u00e1war_.\n night, _r\u00e1l_.\n midday, _mazardi_.\n midnight, _\u00e1\u1e5b-r\u00e1l_.\n evening, _nosh\u00e1\u1e47_.\n to-day, _\u00e1zuk des_.\n yesterday, _bayaluk des_.\n to-morrow, _r\u00e1lya\u1e47k des_.\n heat, _ta\u00f3_, _t\u00e1t_.\n cold, _hew\u00e1n_.\n flame, _l\u00e1m_.\n smoke, _dh\u00fa\u00e1\u1e47_.\n thunder, _hag\u00e1-dazi-g\u00e9_.\n lightning, _mili_.\n rain, _\u00e1jo_.\n drop, _\u00e1jo-t\u00ecpo_.\n rainbow, _bijon\u1e5b_.\n snow, _hi\u1e47 y\u00fa\u1e47_.\n ice, _kambuk_.\n hail, _m\u00e9kh_.\n dew, _pal\u00fas_.\n earthquake, _bh\u00fan\u00e1l_.\n dust, _udh\u00fan_.\n pebbles, _lakh-bato_.\n sand, _sigh\u00e1l_.\n mud, _chich\u00e1l_.\n plain, _maid\u00e1n_, _mer\u00e1h_.\n valley, _dar\u00e1_.\n mount, _kh\u00e1u_.\n foot of mountain, _m\u00fandh_.\n river, _s\u00edn_.\n wooden bridge, _s\u00ed\u00fa_.\n rivulet, _uchhu_.\n streamlet, _kh\u00e1\u1e5b_.\n avalanche, _hi\u1e47\u00e1l_.\n lake, _dh\u00e1m_.\n pond, _dhamkal\u00fa_.\n confluence, _milil_.\n banks, _sin-ka\u00ed_.\n yonder bank, _p\u00edr sinkai_.\n this bank, _\u00e1r sinkai_.\n a well, _kohi_.\n country, _watau_.\n village, _g\u00e1\u1ee5_.\n\n place, _zha\u00ed_.\n army, _kau\u00e1r_.\n leader, _kau\u00e1r sard\u00e1r_.\n lumberd\u00e1r, _malak_.\n tax-gatherer, _j\u00e1m kai_.\n policeman, _zeit\u00fa_.\n cannon, _tof_.\n gun, _n\u00e1li_.\n sword, _tarw\u00e1l_.\n dagger, _kar\u00e1i_.\n lance, _naiz\u00e1_, _shel_.\n powder, _n\u00e1l\u00e1\u1e47 daru_.\n ball, _goli_.\n ditches, _kahe_.\n war, _kali_.\n thief, _l\u00fa_.\n sentinel, _r\u00e1th_.\n guard, _ch\u00e1r_.\n guide, _pan-pash\u00e1\u1e47tuk_.\n coward, _khi\u00e1 to_.\n traitor, _fatand\u00e1r_.\n bribe, _ba\u1e5bi_.\n prisoner, _bandi_.\n slave, _dim_.\n master, _maul\u00e1_.\n servant, _naukar_.\n drum, _shaudo_.\n sheath, _k\u00e1ti_.\n grip, _kauz\u00e1_.\n bottom of sheath, _kundi_.\n hatchet, _ckh\u00e1\u00ed_.\n file, _so\u00e1n_.\n smoothing iron, _rambi_.\n scythe, _li\u1e47zh_.\n tongs, _ochh\u00fa\u1e47_.\n razor, _chh\u00far_.\n mirror, _\u00e1hin_.\n plough, _h\u00f3l_.\n oar, _phiy\u00e1_.\n yoke, _\u00fa\u1e47_.\n ladle, _tag\u00fa_.\n kneading roller, _chhag\u00f3r_.\n kettle, _chati_.\n little kettle, _chedin_.\n stone kettle, _bot\u00e1-bh\u00e1\u1e47_.\n pan, _to_.\n coal, _ph\u00fathe_.\n key, _kunji_.\n lion, _khar\u00e1_.\n shawl, _sh\u00edy\u00fa\u1e47_.\n bedding, _bath\u00e1r_.\n lock, _s\u00e1\u1e5b_.\n bolt, _hul_.\n vineyard, _dh\u00e1\u1e47g\u00e1_.\n stable, _ghozai_.\n \u201d for cattle, _g\u00e1\u1e47 zai_.\n \u201d for sheep, _bakro\u1e47-ghuz\u00e1l_.\n water mill, _y\u00e1\u1e47zh_.\n iron peg, _kili_.\n bullet-bag, _koti_.\n powder-flask, _dar\u00fa kothi_.\n iron and flint, _t\u00edz_.\n tinder, _kh\u00fa_.\n bow, _sh\u00e1e_.\n arrow, _k\u00e1\u1e47\u00f3_.\n quiver, _k\u00e1\u1e47\u00f3 bha\u1e47_.\n ship, _jah\u00e1z_.\n boat, _he\u1e5bi_.\n\n century, _shol k\u00e1la_.\n year, _k\u00e1la_.\n half-year, _a\u1e5ba-k\u00e1la_.\n three months, _sha-y\u00fa\u1e47_.\n week, _s\u00e1t-d\u00e9s_.\n spring, _bas\u00e1\u1e47_.\n summer, _barish_.\n autumn, _sharal_.\n\nLUNAR MUHAMMADAN MONTHS.\n\n Khud\u00e1 t\u00e1l\u00e1 y\u00fa\u1e47, Rajab.\n Shahqadar, Shaaban.\n Rozo\u1e47 y\u00fa\u1e47, Ramazan.\n Lukut (smaller) eed y\u00fa\u1e47, Shawal.\n Kh\u00e1li y\u00fa\u1e47, Zi Q\u00e1ad.\n Gh\u00e1\u00ed\u1e47 eed y\u00fa\u1e47, Zi Haj.\n Hasan Husain y\u00fa\u1e47, Muharram.\n Ch\u00e1r bhey\u00e1\u1e47 (four sisters), four months of Rabiulawwal: Rabi 2,\n Jamadi 1, Jamadi 2.\n\n man, _m\u00e1\u1e47sho_.\n male, _m\u00e9sh_.\n woman, _gharo\u1e47_.\n new-born child, _chinot_.\n girl, _mati_.\n virgin, _bikra-mati_.\n bachelor, _ch\u00e1ur_.\n old man, _z\u00e1r\u00e1_.\n old woman, _z\u00edr\u00ed_.\n puberty, _zu\u00e1ni_.\n life, _zhigi_.\n death, _m\u00e1reg_.\n sickness, _r\u00e1\u1e47s_.\n sick, _naj\u00far_.\n health, _mith r\u00e1hat_.\n relation, _zh\u00e1v\u00e1_.\n brotherhood, _sak zh\u00e1_.\n friend, _y\u00e1r_.\n aunt, _m\u00e1fi_.\n father, _ab\u00e1_.\n paternal uncle, _pich\u00e1_.\n mother, _y\u00e1_.\n brother, _zh\u00e1_.\n sister, _bhiy\u00fa\u1e47_.\n son, _p\u00fash_.\n daughter, _dh\u00ed_.\n daughter\u2019s husband, _zam\u00e1 zh\u00fa_.\n grandson, _p\u00e1zho_.\n granddaughter, _pozhi_.\n nephew, _zh\u00e1-lichh_.\n husband, _bary\u00fa_.\n wife\u2019s brother, _sh\u00e1bri_.\n wife\u2019s mother, _ichosh_.\n wife\u2019s father, _shor_.\n pregnancy, _ghale\u00ed\u1e47_.\n nurse, _raz\u00e1\u00ed mahal_.\n priest, _mol\u00e1\u1e47_.\n mosque, _jam\u00e1at_.\n pupil, _sh\u00e1gar_.\n sportsman, _dh\u00e1uz\u00edr_.\n goldwasher, _kery\u00e1\u1e47_.\n peasant, _d\u00e9q\u00e1n_.\n horse-stealer, _g\u00e1lw\u00e1\u1e47_.\n robber, _l\u00fa_.\n brick-baker, _ust\u00e1 k\u00e1r_.\n butcher, _qas\u00e1bi_.\n shepherd, _pay\u00e1l_.\n cowherd, _go-ch\u00e1r_.\n groom, _kharbal_.\n\n body, _surt\u00e9 ad\u00fam\u00e1_.\n skin, _ch\u00e1m_.\n bones, _h\u00e1r_.\n marrow, _m\u00e9tho_.\n flesh, _mas\u00e9\u1e47_.\n fat, _miy\u00fan_.\n blood, _r\u00e1t_.\n veins, _rage_.\n head, _shish_.\n occiput, _shish\u00e1\u1e47-kokar_.\n brain, _metho_.\n curls, _cha\u1e47d\u00fa_.\n tresses, _p\u00e9t\u00fa_.\n forehead, _t\u00e1l_.\n eyes, _a\u1e47chhi_.\n eyebrow, _ruz\u00ed_.\n eyelids, _pap\u00e1\u00ed\u1e47_.\n pupil, _machh\u00e1_.\n tears, _\u00e1\u1e47chhe_.\n ears, _kan\u00e1_.\n hearing, _sh\u00fao\u1e47_.\n cheeks, _hargel_.\n chin, _d\u00e1\u00ed_.\n nose, _nath\u00far_.\n nostrils, _sh\u00fali_.\n odour, _gh\u00e1\u1e47_.\n sneezing, _zhit\u00e1_.\n upper lip, _bul-dh\u00fat_.\n nether lip, _m\u00fa\u1e47-dh\u00fat_.\n mouth, _\u00e1i\u1e47_.\n taste, _kho\u1e47d_.\n licking, _chara_.\n sucking, _ch\u00fasho\u1e47_.\n beard, _d\u00e1\u00ed-b\u00e1l_.\n moustaches, _phu\u1e47ge_.\n teeth, _dan\u00e1_.\n tongue, _z\u00edb_.\n jaw, _t\u00e1l\u00fa_.\n throat, _marri_.\n neck, _sh\u00e1k_.\n shoulder, _phy\u00e1_.\n back, _dah_.\n fore-arm, _mut\u00e1_.\n palm, _k\u00e1t-zil_.\n nails, _na\u1e33h\u00e1_.\n thumb, _a\u1e47g\u00fa_.\n middle finger, _mazw\u00e1l ang\u00fai_.\n breast, _he\u1e47 li_.\n lungs, _phap_.\n liver, _sh\u00far_.\n kidneys, _juk\u00e1_.\n breath, _dh\u00e9\u1e47s_.\n coughing, _kh\u00e1\u1e47g_.\n spleen, _shiy\u00e1\u1e47_.\n belly, _vari_.\n side, _sh\u00edg\u00e1t_.\n ribs, _pash_.\n thighs, _sethi_.\n knee, _k\u00fat\u00e1_.\n feet, _khur\u00e1_.\n sole, _sh\u00e1\u1e47d\u00e1_.\n\n anger, _rush_.\n aversion, _achh\u00e1q_.\n boastful, _am\u00e1-tik\u00fa_.\n cheating, _t\u1e25ag_.\n courage, _hyo-kura_.\n cowardice, _bhiy\u00e1to_.\n\n blind, _sh\u00e9o_.\n deaf, _bor\u00e1_.\n dumb, _ch\u00e1o_.\n dwarf, _kh\u00e1to\u1e47_.\n giant, _zhigo_.\n hunch-back, _dakoro_.\n stammering, _hup-hup_.\n one-eyed, _ek-\u00e1chh\u00e1_.\n\n bed, _shi-\u00fa\u1e47_.\n broom, _l\u00e1h\u00fali_.\n canal, _y\u00e1h_.\n fort, _kal\u00e1_.\n house, _b\u00e1o_.\n ladder, _p\u00e1rcha\u1e47gi_.\n street, _durro_.\n water-jug, _dhomb-l\u00fa_.\n wall, _k\u00fa\u1e5b_.\n window, _b\u00e1-\u00fa\u1e47_.\n\n guest, _mal\u00e1shi_.\n host, _mal\u00e1sh-khais_.\n breakfast, _v\u00e9pli_.\n midday meal, _ashari-goli_.\n luncheon, _mazardi\u1e47-goli_.\n evening meal, _bilal\u00fa-ki-goli_.\n sour dough, _kham bir\u00e1_.\n light, _law\u00e1r_.\n\n I, _m\u00e1_.\n thou, _t\u00fa_.\n he, _\u00fa\u1e47_.\n we, _am\u00e9\u1e47_.\n you, _tus_.\n they, _\u00e1i\u1e47_.\n\n great, _gh\u00e9ro\u1e47_.\n small, _lakho_.\n much, _che_.\n beautiful, _sug\u00e1_.\n ugly, _adash_.\n clean, _s\u00e1f_.\n dirty, _mulg\u00e1n_.\n deep, _khato\u1e47_.\n rich, _poyand\u00e1_.\n poor, _k\u00e1m to\u00e1\u1e47_.\n miserly, _sakh_.\n\n oath, _s\u00fag\u00e1u_.\n\n\n_Dialogues._\n\n What is your name? _ti\u1e47 n\u00e1 gi th\u00fa?_\n\n Where do you come from? _t\u00fa gul\u00e1\u1e47 eth\u00fa?_\n\n Where do you go to? _t\u00fa gul\u00e1\u1e47 by\u00e1\u1e47 th\u00fa?_\n\n When did you come? _t\u00fa kal eth\u00fa?_\n\n Come quickly, _zino \u00e9_.\n\n Go slowly, _suple bh\u00e1_.\n\n Beat him now, _as usk\u00e9\u1e47 koteh_.\n\n Kill him afterwards, _as hil\u00e9k p\u00e1srih m\u00e1reh_.\n\n How is the road between this and there? _u\u1e47g\u00e1\u00ed sh\u00e1lg\u00e1i har p\u00e1\u1e47\n goshe the?_\n\n Very bad and dangerous, _cha\u00ed khar\u00e1b thi, chai gi a\u1ee5 thi_.\n\n Very easy; a plain, and nothing to fear, _cha\u00ed has\u00e1n thi; bodi\n maia\u00e1n kingi bh\u00edl nithi_.\n\n Is there any water on the road? _pa\u00fa maz\u00e9 wi th\u00fa ya na th\u00fa_\n (way-in water is or not is)?\n\n Why should there not be any? _gin\u00e9 nith\u00fa?_\n\n There is plenty, and good water, _cho th\u00fa, sains th\u00fa_.\n\n The water is bad and salty, _achhak th\u00fa, l\u00fasul\u00e1e mil\u00e1l th\u00fa_.\n\n There is a big river on the road, which you will not be able to\n cross, _p\u00e1nda maz\u00e9, gh\u00e1i sin thi, pir-khing\u00ed_ (on that side)\n _ni bih\u00e1\u1e47t_.\n\n Why? Is there no bridge? _ginah? s\u00ed\u00fa nith\u00fa?_\n\n There was a rope bridge, but to-day it broke, _bil\u00e1l\u00e1 s\u00ed\u00fa \u00e1\u1e47s,\n \u00e1z sher thi_.\n\n Can it be not repaired? _s\u00e1\u1e47dhat nai \u00e9\u1e47?_\n\n There are no men for two days\u2019 march all round. There are\n neither twigs nor ropes to be got. How am I to do? _sh\u00e1sh taraf\n se m\u00e1sh nithu, do\u1e47 di\u1e47 so mazal\u00f3-maz\u00e9, gish\u00ed sandhy\u00ed?_\n\n How can he come; he has gone about some business, _s\u00f3h gish\u00e9\n \u00e9sh\u00f3to, soh k\u00e1mi b\u00e9jth\u00fa_.\n\n Go! be silent. Bring him at once, or else I shall be very\n angry, _b\u00f3h! chubb\u00f3; m\u00e1 khap\u00e1 hothi\u00fa, zino b\u00e1di \u00e1_.\n\n What do you want? _t\u00fa gi lukh\u00e1t?_\n\n I do not want anything except to drink and eat, _m\u00e0 ki\u1e47geh ni\n lukha\u1e47t, kh\u00e1\u1e47 p\u00far lukh\u00e1\u1e47t_.\n\n I have nothing; what can I give you? _minge k\u00edng\u00e9 nith\u00fa, m\u00e1 gi\n d\u00e1w\u00e1?_\n\n First of all bring cold water, _butt\u00f3 m\u00fa t\u1e25o t\u00fa mit\u1e25a wi \u00e1_.\n\n Afterwards bring milk, ghi, butter, _pait\u00f3\u1e47 sh\u00edr, ghil,\n shisha\u1e47_.\n\n How many days will you stay here? _t\u00fa ondh\u00e1\u1e47 ket\u00fak desi\n bhay\u00e1\u1e47to?_\n\n I will start to-morrow early, _m\u00e1 r\u00e1li b\u00e9\u1e47to_.\n\n Get coolies (porters), _petw\u00e1re \u00e1_.\n\n How many coolies do you want? _ket\u00fak petw\u00e1re pak\u00e1r th\u00fa?_\n\n The road is full of stones, _p\u00e1\u1e47d\u00e1 maze bat\u00e1h cha\u00ed va\u1e47te_.\n\n Your loads are very heavy, _t\u00ed\u1e47 a\u00ed\u1e47_ (-this) _pet\u00e9 cha\u00ed abur\n th\u00ed\u1e47_.\n\n The coolies will not be able to carry them, _za\u1e47 petwar\u00e9 b\u00fa\u00ed\n ner ha\u1e47th\u00e9_.\n\n I beg that you will make your loads a little lighter, and then\n you will arrive quicker, _mi arz\u00ed thi, as pet\u00e9 hil\u00e9k achhr\u00e1;\n am\u00e9n h\u00e1lo chh\u00edl_.\n\n Be patient; I will pay for all; I will give the rate to the\n coolies. If you act well I will reward you, _sabar kar\u00e9; m\u00f3\u1e47h\n buto mazd\u00fari dashul; t\u00e9\u1e47 mi\u1e6dh k\u00e1m karlu, m\u00e1 tigh\u00e9 in\u00e1m dashut_.\n\n Get the horses ready, _gh\u00fa\u00ed tay\u00e1r kar\u00e1h_.\n\n Put the saddle on, _gh\u00fa\u00ed tal k\u00e1t\u1e25\u00ed sambh\u00e1l kar\u00e9_.\n\n Take the saddle and bridle off, _gh\u00fa\u00ed na mal\u00e1ni al\u00fa kar\u00e9, h\u00e1\u1e47\n k\u00e1th\u00e9_.\n\n Catch hold of this, _as dh\u00e1\u00ed_.\n\n Do not lose it, _as phat nir\u00e9_.\n\n Do not forget what I say, _m\u00ed\u1e47 b\u00e1l_ (my word) _n\u00e9 ush\u00e1_.\n\n Hear! look! take care, _k\u00e1no hin sh\u00fan\u00e1, anchh\u00ed n\u00e1hl\u00ed l fikar\n kar\u00e9_.\n\n Tie the horse to that tree, _gho as g\u00e1\u00ed m\u00e9l g\u00e1\u1e47d\u00e1_.\n\n Keep watch all night, _r\u00e1l chokid\u00e1r\u00ed kar\u00e1h_.\n\n Are there many thieves here? _\u00fand\u00e1 l\u00fa ch\u00e9 th\u00e9?_\n\n What is this noise? _sh\u00fan aw\u00e1z kasi\u1e47 th\u00fa\u1e47?_\n\n Who are you? _t\u00fa k\u00e1\u1e47 th\u00fa\u1e47?_\n\n Get away from here, _u\u1e47d g\u00e1\u00ed b\u00e1h_.\n\n Shoot him the moment he comes near, _u\u1e47g\u00e1\u00ed \u00edg\u00e1lo, as\u00ed\u1e47 tumak\u00e1h\n deh_.\n\n This man is treacherous, _\u00fa\u1e47 m\u00e1sh bepat th\u00fa_.\n\n Don\u2019t let him go, _as m\u00e1sh \u00fa\u1e47d\u00fa phat niy\u00e1r\u00e9h_.\n\n Bind him, imprison him, enchain him; put him into stocks, _as\n ga\u1e47d\u00e1h; asi\u1e47 h\u00e1the zanz\u00edr g\u00e1l\u00e1h; as kundi gal\u00e1h_.\n\n I am going to sleep, _h\u00fa \u00ed\u1e47 m\u00e1 s\u00fat\u00e1 bij\u00e1\u1e47ta\u00e9_.\n\n Don\u2019t make a noise, _chozuk niy\u00e1reh_.\n\n How many people are there in the village? _as g\u00e1\u1e47\u00f3 maz kat\u00fa\n ma\u1e47sh th\u00e9?_\n\n I have not counted them, _m\u00e9\u1e47 ishm\u00e1r niy\u00e1rch\u00ed_.\n\n Is the soil fertile or sterile? _dol n\u00edl th\u00e9, g\u00edh sh\u00edshi th\u00e9?_\n\n Is there much fruit? _m\u00e9v\u00e1 cha\u00ed th\u00e9?_\n\n Is there much grain in the village? _as watn\u00e9 maz \u00e1n cho th\u00fa?_\n\n How many taxes do you pay in the year? _ek k\u00e1l maz ket\u00fak mas\u00fal\n diy\u00e1\u1e47t tus?_\n\n Are you satisfied? _t\u00fa khush-h\u00e1l th\u00fa?_\n\n How is your health? _t\u00fa u\u1e47d\u00e1\u1e47 ar\u00e1m th\u00fa?_\n\n I am in good health, _ar\u00e1m th\u00fa_.\n\n Good temper, _taby\u00e1t s\u00e1f_.\n\n Bad temper, _taby\u00e1t asak_.\n\n God bless you, _khud\u00e1\u00e9 tig\u00e9 barakat d\u00e9_.\n\n May God lengthen your life, _khud\u00e1e ti\u1e47 umar chai kare_.\n\n My name is Gharib Shah, _m\u00ed\u1e47 n\u00e1 Ghar\u00edb Sh\u00e1h th\u00fa_.\n\n My age is twenty years, _m\u00ed\u1e47 umar b\u00edsh k\u00e1l\u00e1h th\u00fa_.\n\n My mother is dead; my father is alive; _m\u00ed\u1e47 mh\u00e1\u1e47li marigai, m\u00ed\u1e47\n mah\u00e1lo zan\u00e1 th\u00fa_.\n\n How is the road, good or bad? _p\u00e1n mit thi ghi achak thi?_\n\n In one or two places it is good, in others bad, _ek d\u00fa z\u00e1\u00e9 mit\n th\u00ed\u1e47, ek d\u00fa z\u00e1\u00e9 achak th\u00ed\u1e47_.\n\n How did you come from Chilas? _t\u00fa Chilas\u00fa\u1e47 gish\u00e9\u00ed th\u00fa?_\n\n I could not get a horse, I went on foot, _gho nyans, maton,\n khuron tal eth\u00fa_.\n\n Are the mountains on the road high? _p\u00e1n maze kh\u00e1n\u00e1 \u00fachat th\u00e9?_\n\n When are you going back? _t\u00fa kai\u00e1 bashot\u00e1?_\n\n I am poor, _m\u00e1 ghar\u00edh th\u00fa_.\n\n We kill all infidels, _b\u00e9 bud kafra mar\u00e1\u1e47 the_.\n\n I have come to learn the language, _m\u00e1 z\u00edb chhit\u00e1\u00ed\u1e47 \u00e9th\u00fa_.\n\n What do I care about? _mi\u1e47 gi parw\u00e1 th\u00fa?_\n\n I make my prayers five times every day, _m\u00e1 har d\u00e9s panjwaqt\u00fa\u1e47\n nim\u00e1z kar\u00e1\u1e47 th\u00e9_.\n\n Where did you come from? _tu gul\u00e1\u1e47 eth\u00fa?_\n\n Come into the house, _b\u00e1 khun\u00ed \u00e9_.\n\n Sit at your ease, _mitho bha\u00ed_.\n\n Are you well? _t\u00fa mit th\u00fa?_\n\n Are your children well? _t\u00edu chinomati j\u00fa\u1e5b th\u00e9?_\n\n Is your sister\u2019s son well? _t\u00edu saz\u00fa j\u00fa\u1e5b th\u00e9?_\n\n Are you very ill? _t\u00fa cho \u00e1ch\u00e1q_ (sick) _th\u00e9?_\n\n May God restore you to health! _khud\u00e1 t\u00e1l\u00e1 t\u00fa jo\u1e5b k\u00e9r\u00e9._\n\n Light the fire, _ang\u00e1r guy\u00e1h_.\n\n Cook the food, _goli paz\u00e1h_.\n\n Spread the bed, _bath\u00e1ri kar\u00e9_.\n\n It is very cold, _cha\u00ed l\u00fa\u00ed th\u00e9_.\n\n It is very hot, _cha\u00ed tut th\u00e9_.\n\n Put on your clothes, _z\u00far sh\u00e1_.\n\n Catch hold of the horse, _gho dha\u00ed_.\n\n Look at that man, _p\u00edshas m\u00e1sh nah\u00e1l\u00e1_.\n\n Take care, _fikar kar\u00e9_.\n\n You will fall, _t\u00fa ull\u00e1 shat_.\n\n Take a good aim, _mit\u1e25i nazir kar\u00e9_.\n\n I will give you help, _ma tim\u00e1l madat kar\u00e9shat_.\n\n I am hungry, bring food that I may eat, _m\u00e1 h\u00fashoshat, goli \u00e1,\n kh\u00e9ij_.\n\n I am thirsty, bring water that I may drink, _m\u00e1 ch\u00faha h\u00faga, wi\n \u00e1, p\u00fam\u00e1_.\n\n I am sleepy now, I will go to sleep, _mig\u00e9 n\u00edzh \u00edge, nizh\n kar\u00e1\u1e47th\u00fa_.\n\n What do you call this in your language? _tus shas chiz\u00ed ta\u00ed z\u00edb\n h\u00edn gim\u00e1 man\u00e1th?_\n\n How much is the produce of this land? _as za\u00edmuz ket\u00fak paid\u00e1\n h\u00fant?_\n\n Can you sing? _tige gila e\u1e47the?_\n\n\n\n\nV.\u2014ANTHROPOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS ON DARDS AND KAFIRS IN DR. LEITNER\u2019S\nSERVICE.\n\n\n(_Measurements in Centimetres._)\n\n1. ABDUL GHAF\u00dbR, KAFIR OF KAM\u00d4Z, _about 24 or 25 years of age_.\n\n Height, 168\u00b75; hair, black; eyes, hazel; colour of face, ruddy;\n colour of body, very light brown; narrow forehead; high instep;\n big boned; length round the forehead, biggest circumference of\n head, 53\u00b775; protruding and big ears; square face; long nose,\n slightly aquiline; good regular teeth; small beard; slight\n moustache and eyebrows; distance between eyebrows, ordinary;\n good chest; fine hand; well-made nails. Weight, 10 st. 2\u00be lbs.\n\n2. KHUDAY\u00c1R, YASHKUN N\u00c1GYRI; _age 24_.[116]\n\n Height, 182; colour of body, light yellow brown; round the\n head, 52\u00b75; teeth, good, regular; nose, very slightly aquiline;\n little growth on upper lip; none on cheeks; long, straight,\n coarse black hair; eyes, hazel; ears, not so protruding;\n better-proportioned forehead; small hand; good instep; foot\n bigger, in proportion, than hand (not so good as other\u2019s hand);\n 80 pulse. Weight, 9 st. 10 lbs.\n\n3. IBRAH\u00cdM, R\u00d4NO, NAGYRI; _age 34_.\n\n Height, 162\u00b73; round the head, 56\u00b75; eyes, dark brown; big\n hands and feet; instep, good; colour, brown; good muscular\n foot; strong arms; hair, black; plentiful growth on upper lip;\n nose, aquiline; broad nostrils; full lips. Weight, 10 st. 12\n lbs. (No. 10 on Drawing 1 of Appendix IV.)\n\n4. MATAVALLI, YASHKUN OF HUNZA; _age 30_.[116]\n\n Height, 164\u00b70; very hairy, including hands; round the head,\n 54\u00b70; head, pyramidal pointed; sinister countenance; very big\n hands and feet; thin lips; great moustache, coarser hair; more\n flat-soled than rest. Weight, 9 st. 8\u00bd lbs. (_Full details in\n \u201cComparative Table.\u201d_)\n\n5. SULTAN ALI, YASHKUN OF NAGYR; _age 35_.\n\n Height, 165\u00b725; round the head 53\u00b775; square head; retrouss\u00e9,\n small nose; small mouth; red beard, plentiful; black hair;\n brown eyes; very big hands and feet, also instep. Weight, 9 st.\n 12 lbs. (No. 11 on Drawing 1 of Appendix IV.)\n\n6. KHUDADAD OF NAGYR; _age 30_.\n\n Height, 163\u00b73; round the head, 54\u00b74; stupid expression; big\n chest; ordinary hands and feet; low forehead; rising head; very\n muscular; eyes, brown; complexion, brown; thickish nose; very\n narrow forehead; underhung jaw; lots of hair. Weight, 9 st. 12\n lbs. (No. 3 on Drawing 1 of Appendix IV.)\n\n7. HAT\u00c1MU OF NAGYR; _age 16_.\n\n Height, 162\u00b71; round the head, 54\u00b74 (broad head); low Grecian\n forehead; small nose; eyes, dark brown; light brown complexion;\n small hands and feet; regular, white teeth. Weight, 7 st. 13\n lbs. (No. 4 of above Drawing.)\n\n8. GHULAM MUHAMMAD, SH\u00ceN OF GILGIT; _age 38_.[116]\n\n Height, 161\u00b70; round the head, 54; beard, prematurely grey;\n lost second incisor; small hands and feet; fair instep; brown\n eyes and complexion; nose, straight; ears all right. Weight 8\n st. 5 lbs.\n\n[Illustration: ANTHROPOLOGICAL.\n\nGilgiti (Ghulman Muhammad).\n\nNagyri (Khudayar).\n\nHunza Man (Matavalli).\n\nETHNOLOGICAL. (_See also Drawing 1 of Appendix IV._)\n\nA Gabriali Student and two Messengers (A Chitrali and a Yasini), from a\nBrother of the late Mihtar Aman-ul-Mulk, Ruler of Chitral.]\n\n\nFURTHER MEASUREMENTS OF THE ABOVE MEN BY THE SCHWARZ SYSTEM.\n\n(_See explanations of these numbers further on, page 5._)\n\n +---------------------------------------------------------------------+\n |NUMBERS BY SCHWARZ. |\n | |1. ABDUL-GHAF\u00dbR, KAM\u00d4Z K\u00c1FIR. |\n | | |2. KHUDAYAR YASHKUN, NAGYRI. |\n | | | |3. IBRAH\u00ceM, NAGYRI R\u00d3NO. |\n | | | | |4.[117] MATAVALLI, HUNZA YASHKUN. |\n | | | | | |5. SULTAN ALI, YASHKUN, NAGYRI. |\n | | | | | | |6. KHUDAD\u00c1D NAGYRI. |\n | | | | | | | |7. HATAMU NAGYRI.|\n | | | | | | | | |8. GHULAM |\n | | | | | | | | | MUHAMAD,|\n | | | | | | | | | GILGITI |\n | | | | | | | | | SH\u00ceN. |\n +----+-------+-------+-------+------+-------+-------+------+----------+\n | 28 | 30 |26\u00b77\u00b75 | 29\u00b72 | 31\u00b75 | 25\u00b75 | 28\u00b75 | 24\u00b77 | 29\u00b75 |\n | 29 | 15 |24\u00b77\u00b75 | 14 | 13\u00b75 | 14 | 11\u00b775 | 31\u00b71 | 15\u00b75 |\n | 30 | 14\u00b75 | 13\u00b75 | 14\u00b75 | 13\u00b76 |13\u00b77\u00b75 | 14\u00b72 | 12\u00b77 | 14 |\n | 31 |10\u00b72\u00b75 | 8\u00b77\u00b75 | 9\u00b75 | 9\u00b76 | 8\u00b77\u00b75 | 9\u00b72 | 8\u00b71 | 9\u00b71 |\n | 32 | 3\u00b77\u00b75 | 3\u00b75 | 3 |3\u00b77\u00b75 | 3\u00b725 | 3\u00b73 | 3\u00b78 | 3\u00b79 |\n | | | | | | | | | |\n | 34 | 3\u00b79 | 4 | 4\u00b76 | 4\u00b71 | 3\u00b76 | 3\u00b76 | 3\u00b74 | 3\u00b75 |\n | 35 | 5\u00b75 | 4 | 4\u00b77\u00b75 | 5 | 4\u00b71 | 5\u00b75 | 4\u00b75 | 4\u00b78 |\n | 36 | 14 | 11\u00b72 |11\u00b77\u00b75 |11\u00b725 | 11\u00b72 | 11\u00b72 | 11\u00b71 | 10\u00b72 |\n | 37 |18\u00b77\u00b75 |20\u00b72\u00b75 | 20\u00b76 | 20\u00b78 | 19 | 20\u00b775 | 19\u00b72 | 18\u00b75 |\n | | | | | | | | | |\n | 39 | 46 |44\u00b77\u00b75 | 48 | 44\u00b75 | 44\u00b75 | 48\u00b76 | 41\u00b75 | 39\u00b76 |\n +----+-------+-------+-------+------+-------+-------+------+----------+\n\n\nDESCRIPTION OF JAMSH\u00c9D, THE SIAH P\u00d4SH KAFIR.\n\nJamsh\u00ead of Kat\u00e1r, the nephew of General Feramorz, the renowned Kafir\nGeneral in the service of the late Amir Sher Al\u00ed of Kabul, was a\nconfidential orderly both in the service of the Amir Sher Al\u00ed and in\nthat of Yak\u00fab Khan, whose cause he espoused against that of his father,\nin consequence of which, when his master was imprisoned, he fled to\nRawalpindi, where he came to me. He had witnessed some of the most\nexciting scenes in modern Kabul history, had risen to the rank of Major,\nand had served with Prince Iskandar of Her\u00e1t, whom he afterwards again\nmet in London.\n\nIn 1872 I published from Jamsh\u00ead\u2019s dictation an account of the\n\u201cAdventures of Jamsh\u00e8d, a Siah P\u00f4sh Kafir, and his wanderings with\nAmir Sher Al\u00ed,\u201d and also \u201ca statement about slavery in Kabul, etc.,\u201d\nwhich contained the names of places and tribes previously unknown to\nGeographers and Ethnographers, as well as historical and political\nmaterial, the value of which has been proved by subsequent events. I\ntook him with me to England, not only on account of the interest which\nexists in certain scientific quarters as regards the \u201cmysterious race\u201d\nof which he was a member, but also in order to draw the attention of the\nAnti-slavery Society and of Government to the kidnapping of Kafirs\u2014the\nsupposed \u201cpoor relations\u201d of the European\u2014which is carried on by the\nAfghans.\n\nHis measurement was taken, according to the systems of both Broca\nand Schwarz (of the Novara expedition), by Dr. Beddoe, and the type\nappeared to approach nearest to that of the slavonized Macedonians of\nthe Herzegovina, like one of whose inhabitants he looked, thus creating\nfar less attention, especially when dressed _\u00e0 l\u2019europ\u00e9enne_ in Europe,\nthan he did at Lahore, where Lord Northbrook saw him. The Anti-slavery\nSociety sent him to the Chiefs of Kat\u00e1r with a communication to the\neffect that Englishmen strongly disapproved of slavery, and that they\nshould represent their case to the Panjab Government. A curious incident\nin connection with his presence in England may be mentioned. It was\nthe 6th May, 1874, the day of the \u201cTwo Thousand\u201d; the result of the\nNewmarket race was eagerly expected, when the _Globe_ came out with the\nfollowing titles placed on the posters: \u201cResult of the \u2018Two Thousand.\u2019\u201d\n\u201cAn Interesting Race\u201d (the latter was an article on the race of the Siah\nP\u00f4sh Kafirs). The result may be imagined. Hundreds of Welshers plunged\ninto an account of the Siah P\u00f4sh Kafirs under the notion that they were\ngoing to have a great treat in a telegraphic description of a Newmarket\nrace. I was informed that the wrath of the sporting roughs who besieged\nthe office was awful when they found out their mistake. Poor Jamsh\u00ead was\nseen across the Panjab border by one of my Munshis, but returned some\nmonths later to Lahore, whence he found his way to Brussa, in Asia Minor.\nIt is supposed that he took service in the Turkish Army, but he has not\nsince been heard of. As I intend to publish an account of the K\u00e1firs of\nKat\u00e1r (now, I fear, all Nimchas, or half-Muhammadans), Gambir, etc., I\nreserve the interesting statements of Jamsh\u00ead to their proper Section in\nmy \u201cK\u00e1firist\u00e1n.\u201d\n\n[Illustration: JAMSH\u00caD, THE SIAH P\u00d4SH KAFIR,\n\nBROUGHT TO ENGLAND BY PROF. LEITNER IN 1872.]\n\n\nCOMPARATIVE TABLE OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS ON SOME OF THE DARDS IN\nDR. LEITNER\u2019S SERVICE.\n\n(_The first five and the last are described by the French system;\nthe sixth by the German system, put into millimetres and centimetres\nrespectively._)\n\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n | | A |\n | | MATAVALLI.[118] |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n |Date and place of observation | 2-6-81: Simla |\n |Age; sex; profession | 32 yrs.; m.; peasant |\n | | and warrior |\n |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Yashkun; Khajun\u00e1; |\n | | Burishki |\n |Religion and birthplace | Shiah; (probably Mul\u00e1i) |\n | | Hunza |\n |Thin, medium, or stout | medium |\n |Weight[121] | 9 st. 8\u00bd lb. |\n |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 53 (red brown) |\n | { \u201d covered parts | 21 (light red brown) |\n | { hair | 48 (black) |\n | { beard | 41 (black) |\n | { eyes | 3 (light brown) |\n |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | |\n | or woolly | straight |\n |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | thick, long and stiff |\n |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | very hairy |\n |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | No. 2 (nearly quite |\n | | straight) |\n |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | medium (arched) |\n | \u201d straight, or turned outwards | straight |\n |Teeth: large, medium, or small | small |\n | \u201d incisors, straight (vertical), | straight (incisors wide |\n | slanting, or very slanting | apart) |\n |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | |\n | bad, or very bad | good (but dirty) |\n | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 195 millim. |\n | { \u201d \u201d inial | 192 \u201d |\n | { \u201d transverse, maximum | 144 \u201d |\n |Skull{ \u201d auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 116 \u201d |\n | {Curves: inio-frontal | 345 \u201d |\n | { \u201d horizontal | 540 \u201d |\n | { \u201d transverse sub-auricular | 330 \u201d |\n | {facial angle (Camner) | 81 \u201d |\n |From point of chin to edge of hair | 185 \u201d |\n | \u201d ophryon to alveolar point | 95 \u201d |\n |Breadth between zygomata | 139 \u201d |\n |Length of nose | 48 \u201d |\n |Breadth of nose | 31 \u201d |\n |From ophryon to root of nose | 12 \u201d |\n |Width between inner angle of eyes | |\n | \u201d \u201d cheekbones | 94 \u201d |\n |Height (standing) | 164 centim. |\n | \u201d (sitting) | 126 \u201d |\n |Greatest extension of arms | 162 \u201d |\n | \u201d \u201d of span | 20 \u201d |\n |Total length of foot | 25 \u201d |\n |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 20 \u201d |\n |Forehead | high; slightly receding |\n |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | very marked |\n |Intra-ocular distance | scarcely any |\n |Eyebrows | bushy, crossing, |\n | | forming but one line |\n |Eyes | straight |\n |Cheeks | little salient |\n |Zygomatic arch | very salient |\n |Chin | oval |\n |Ears | medium, little salient |\n | | (round, small) |\n |Mouth | |\n |Neck | strong |\n |Torso | strong |\n |Extremities | very small |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n | | B |\n | | KHUD\u00c1Y\u00c1R. |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n |Date and place of observation | 2-6-81: Simla |\n |Age; sex; profession | 21 yrs.; m.; student |\n |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Yashkun; Khajun\u00e1; |\n | | Burishki |\n |Religion and birthplace | Shiah; Nagyr |\n |Thin, medium, or stout | thin |\n |Weight[121] | 9 st. 10 lb. |\n |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 54 |\n | { \u201d covered parts | 47 |\n | { hair | 42 |\n | { beard | 43 |\n | { eyes | 3 |\n |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | |\n | or woolly | curly |\n |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | scanty |\n |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | a little hairy |\n |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | 5 |\n |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | medium |\n | \u201d straight, or turned outwards | straight |\n |Teeth: large, medium, or small | medium |\n | \u201d incisors, straight (vertical), | |\n | slanting, or very slanting | straight |\n |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | |\n | bad, or very bad | very good |\n | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 183 |\n | { \u201d \u201d inial | 180 |\n | { \u201d transverse, maximum | 144 |\n |Skull{ \u201d auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 110 |\n | {Curves: inio-frontal | 315 |\n | { \u201d horizontal | 525 |\n | { \u201d transverse sub-auricular | 315 |\n | {facial angle (Camner) | |\n |From point of chin to edge of hair | |\n | \u201d ophryon to alveolar point | |\n |Breadth between zygomata | |\n |Length of nose | |\n |Breadth of nose | |\n |From ophryon to root of nose | |\n |Width between inner angle of eyes | |\n | \u201d \u201d cheekbones | |\n |Height (standing) | 182 |\n | \u201d (sitting) | 131 |\n |Greatest extension of arms | 180 |\n | \u201d \u201d of span | 16\u00bd |\n |Total length of foot | 26 |\n |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 21\u00bd |\n |Forehead | high; slightly |\n | | retreating |\n |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | well developed |\n |Intra-ocular distance | deep |\n |Eyebrows | very bushy |\n |Eyes | straight |\n |Cheeks | little salient |\n |Zygomatic arch | salient |\n |Chin | oval |\n |Ears | |\n |Mouth | |\n |Neck | proportioned |\n |Torso | square |\n |Extremities | fine |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n | | C |\n | | GHULAM MUHAMMAD. |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n |Date and place of observation | 2-6-81: Simla |\n |Age; sex; profession | 40 yrs.; m.; |\n | | agriculturist |\n |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Shin\u00e1 |\n |Religion and birthplace | Shiah; Gilgit |\n |Thin, medium, or stout | medium |\n |Weight[121] | 8 st. 5 lb. |\n |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 38 |\n | { \u201d covered parts | 38 |\n | { hair | grey |\n | { beard | grey |\n | { eyes | 2 |\n |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | |\n | or woolly | curly |\n |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | very thick |\n |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | a little hairy |\n |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | 5 |\n |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | medium |\n | \u201d straight, or turned outwards | straight |\n |Teeth: large, medium, or small | large |\n | \u201d incisors, straight (vertical), | |\n | slanting, or very slanting | straight |\n |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | |\n | bad, or very bad | good |\n | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 186 |\n | { \u201d \u201d inial | 187 |\n | { \u201d transverse, maximum | 144 |\n |Skull{ \u201d auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 123 |\n | {Curves: inio-frontal | 325 |\n | { \u201d horizontal | 540 |\n | { \u201d transverse sub-auricular | 320 |\n | {facial angle (Camner) | |\n |From point of chin to edge of hair | |\n | \u201d ophryon to alveolar point | |\n |Breadth between zygomata | |\n |Length of nose | |\n |Breadth of nose | |\n |From ophryon to root of nose | |\n |Width between inner angle of eyes | |\n | \u201d \u201d cheekbones | |\n |Height (standing) | 161 |\n | \u201d (sitting) | 124 |\n |Greatest extension of arms | 174 |\n | \u201d \u201d of span | 16 |\n |Total length of foot | 25 |\n |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 19 |\n |Forehead | medium; straight |\n |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | much developed |\n |Intra-ocular distance | very deep |\n |Eyebrows | arched, bushy, crossed |\n |Eyes | straight |\n |Cheeks | salient |\n |Zygomatic arch | salient |\n |Chin | oval |\n |Ears | |\n |Mouth | medium |\n |Neck | proportioned |\n |Torso | proportioned |\n |Extremities | fine |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n | | D |\n | | GHUL\u00c1M. |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n |Date and place of observation | \u2014\u2014 Simla |\n |Age; sex; profession | 18 yrs.; m. |\n |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Sh\u00een (Kashmir subject) |\n |Religion and birthplace | Sunni; Guruk\u00f4t near |\n | | Astor |\n |Thin, medium, or stout | |\n |Weight[121] | |\n |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 52 |\n | { \u201d covered parts | 53 |\n | { hair | 48 |\n | { beard | 48 |\n | { eyes | 1 |\n |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | |\n | or woolly | curly |\n |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | thick |\n |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | very hairy |\n |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | 5 |\n |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | thin |\n | \u201d straight, or turned outwards | straight |\n |Teeth: large, medium, or small | small |\n | \u201d incisors, straight (vertical), | |\n | slanting, or very slanting | straight |\n |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | |\n | bad, or very bad | very good |\n | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 187 |\n | { \u201d \u201d inial | 185 |\n | { \u201d transverse, maximum | 144 |\n |Skull{ \u201d auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 110 |\n | {Curves: inio-frontal | 335 |\n | { \u201d horizontal | 540 |\n | { \u201d transverse sub-auricular | 335 |\n | {facial angle (Camner) | |\n |From point of chin to edge of hair | |\n | \u201d ophryon to alveolar point | |\n |Breadth between zygomata | |\n |Length of nose | |\n |Breadth of nose | |\n |From ophryon to root of nose | |\n |Width between inner angle of eyes | |\n | \u201d \u201d cheekbones | |\n |Height (standing) | 159 |\n | \u201d (sitting) | 125 |\n |Greatest extension of arms | 167 |\n | \u201d \u201d of span | 20 |\n |Total length of foot | 24\u00bd |\n |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 20 |\n |Forehead | medium; straight |\n |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | scarcely any |\n |Intra-ocular distance | not deep |\n |Eyebrows | arched, bushy, crossed |\n |Eyes | straight |\n |Cheeks | little salient |\n |Zygomatic arch | much developed |\n |Chin | oval |\n |Ears | |\n |Mouth | small |\n |Neck | well proportioned |\n |Torso | well made |\n |Extremities | medium |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n | | E |\n | | ABDULLAH. |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n |Date and place of observation | 2-6-81: Simla |\n |Age; sex; profession | 40 yrs.; m.; |\n | | agriculturist |\n |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Sh\u00een; (Kashmir subject) |\n |Religion and birthplace | Sunni; Guruk\u00f4t near |\n | | Astor |\n |Thin, medium, or stout | medium |\n |Weight[121] | |\n |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 37 |\n | { \u201d covered parts | 37 |\n | { hair | 48 |\n | { beard | 48 |\n | { eyes | 1 |\n |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | |\n | or woolly | curly |\n |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | very thick |\n |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | very hairy |\n |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | 5, very high nostrils |\n |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | medium |\n | \u201d straight, or turned outwards | little turned outward |\n |Teeth: large, medium, or small | small |\n | \u201d incisors, straight (vertical), | |\n | slanting, or very slanting | straight |\n |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | |\n | bad, or very bad | very bad |\n | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 193 |\n | { \u201d \u201d inial | 183 |\n | { \u201d transverse, maximum | 140 |\n |Skull{ \u201d auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 114 |\n | {Curves: inio-frontal | 345 |\n | { \u201d horizontal | 520 |\n | { \u201d transverse sub-auricular | 320 |\n | {facial angle (Camner) | 81 |\n |From point of chin to edge of hair | 177 |\n | \u201d ophryon to alveolar point | 75 |\n |Breadth between zygomata | 132 |\n |Length of nose | 52 |\n |Breadth of nose | 39 |\n |From ophryon to root of nose | 20 |\n |Width between inner angle of eyes | 38 |\n | \u201d \u201d cheekbones | 108 |\n |Height (standing) | 152 |\n | \u201d (sitting) | 124 |\n |Greatest extension of arms | 165 |\n | \u201d \u201d of span | 19 |\n |Total length of foot | 23\u00bd |\n |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 19\u00bd |\n |Forehead | high; straight |\n |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | scarcely any |\n |Intra-ocular distance | not deep |\n |Eyebrows | arched, bushy, crossed |\n |Eyes | straight |\n |Cheeks | little salient |\n |Zygomatic arch | much developed |\n |Chin | oval |\n |Ears | medium flat |\n |Mouth | thick |\n |Neck | strong |\n |Torso | slim (svelte) |\n |Extremities | medium |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n | | F |\n | | MIR ABDULLAH.[119] |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n |Date and place of observation | 23-3-86: Lahore |\n |Age; sex; profession | 30 yrs.; m.; Jurist |\n |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Dard; Gabri\u00e1l |\n |Religion and birthplace | Sunni |\n |Thin, medium, or stout | medium |\n |Weight[121] | |\n |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | forehead & cheeks, |\n | | reddish-brown |\n | { \u201d covered parts | lips, pink; covered |\n | | parts, lighter |\n | { hair | black |\n | { beard | red-brown |\n | { eyes | _iris_: dark brown; |\n | | _ball_: white, bluish, |\n | | injected |\n |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | |\n | or woolly | black, short, curly |\n |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | straight; woolly; |\n | | brown-reddish |\n |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | hairy on breast, little |\n | | on arms |\n |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | convex |\n |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | thin, arched |\n | \u201d straight, or turned outwards | thin, straight |\n |Teeth: large, medium, or small | small |\n | \u201d incisors, straight (vertical), | |\n | slanting, or very slanting | straight |\n |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | |\n | bad, or very bad | transparent, very white |\n | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 191 |\n | { \u201d \u201d inial | 186 |\n | { \u201d transverse, maximum | 141 |\n |Skull{ \u201d auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 119 |\n | {Curves: inio-frontal | |\n | { \u201d horizontal | 530 |\n | { \u201d transverse sub-auricular | |\n | {facial angle (Camner) | |\n |From point of chin to edge of hair | 191 |\n | \u201d ophryon to alveolar point | |\n |Breadth between zygomata | 136 |\n |Length of nose | 59 |\n |Breadth of nose | 35 |\n |From ophryon to root of nose | |\n |Width between inner angle of eyes | 34 |\n | \u201d \u201d cheekbones | |\n |Height (standing) | 166 |\n | \u201d (sitting) | |\n |Greatest extension of arms | 165 |\n | \u201d \u201d of span | |\n |Total length of foot | 25\u00bd |\n |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | |\n |Forehead | high; breadth of |\n | | forehead 107 |\n |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | pronounced |\n |Intra-ocular distance | deep; distance 3\u00b74 |\n |Eyebrows | standing far apart, |\n | | thin |\n |Eyes | straight |\n |Cheeks | very salient |\n |Zygomatic arch | salient |\n |Chin | oval |\n |Ears | long; height of ear 6\u00b73 |\n |Mouth | length of mouth 5\u00b73 |\n |Neck | proportioned |\n |Torso | proportioned |\n |Extremities | small |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n | | G[120] |\n | | DR. LEITNER. |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n |Date and place of observation | 2-6-81: Simla |\n |Age; sex; profession | 40 yrs. |\n |Caste, tribe, and tongue | |\n |Religion and birthplace | |\n |Thin, medium, or stout | stout |\n |Weight[121] | 14 st. 4 lb. |\n |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 25 (very fair) |\n | { \u201d covered parts | 24 (very fair) |\n | { hair | fair |\n | { beard | fair; slightly red |\n | { eyes | 14 (blue) |\n |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | |\n | or woolly | curly |\n |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | abundant |\n |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | very hairy |\n |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | 5 |\n |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | medium |\n | \u201d straight, or turned outwards | thin, straight |\n |Teeth: large, medium, or small | medium |\n | \u201d incisors, straight (vertical), | |\n | slanting, or very slanting | vertical |\n |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | |\n | bad, or very bad | medium |\n | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 201 |\n | { \u201d \u201d inial | 200 |\n | { \u201d transverse, maximum | 163 |\n |Skull{ \u201d auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 126 |\n | {Curves: inio-frontal | 340 |\n | { \u201d horizontal | 600 |\n | { \u201d transverse sub-auricular | 330 |\n | {facial angle (Camner) | 73 |\n |From point of chin to edge of hair | 193 |\n | \u201d ophryon to alveolar point | 94 |\n |Breadth between zygomata | 133 |\n |Length of nose | 54 |\n |Breadth of nose | 33 |\n |From ophryon to root of nose | 16 |\n |Width between inner angle of eyes | 35 |\n | \u201d \u201d cheekbones | 103 |\n |Height (standing) | 171 |\n | \u201d (sitting) | 126 |\n |Greatest extension of arms | 182 |\n | \u201d \u201d of span | 19 |\n |Total length of foot | 27 |\n |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 22 |\n |Forehead | high; slightly receding |\n |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | very pronounced |\n |Intra-ocular distance | very small |\n |Eyebrows | arched |\n |Eyes | straight |\n |Cheeks | salient |\n |Zygomatic arch | not salient |\n |Chin | square |\n |Ears | medium |\n |Mouth | medium |\n |Neck | strong |\n |Torso | vigorous |\n |Extremities | medium[123] |\n +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+\n\n\nJAMSH\u00caD.\u2014A KAT\u00c1R K\u00c1FIR; NEPHEW OF GENERAL FERAMORZ.\n\nMEASUREMENTS OF HEAD (BY DR. JOHN BEDDOE).\n\n ENGLISH INCHES.\n\n MILLIMETRES.\n\n 1. Greatest length of head from glabella 6\u00b78 172\u00b77\n 2. Length from tuber occip. to greatest convexity of\n frontal arch 6\u00b77 170\u00b72\n 3. Length from tuber occip. to glabella 6\u00b78 172\u00b77\n 4. Greatest length of head from smooth depression above\n glabella (ophryon) 6\u00b775 171\u00b74\n 5. Greatest length of head from depression at root of 6\u00b765 168\u00b79\n nose\n 6. Length from chin to vertex 9\u00b71 231\u00b71\n 7. Least breadth between frontal crests 3\u00b77 94\n 8. Greatest breadth between zygomata 5\u00b71 129\u00b75\n 9. Breadth from tragus to tragus 5\u00b7 127\n 10. Greatest breadth of head, yielding cranial index 86\u00b77 5\u00b79 149\u00b78\n 11. Breadth between greatest convexities of mastoid 5\u00b73 134\u00b76\n processes\n 12. Greatest circumference of head 20\u00b76 523\u00b72\n 13. Circumference at glabello-inial line 20\u00b74 518\u00b71\n 14. Circumference at inion and frontal convexity 20\u00b75 520\u00b76\n 15. Arc from nasal notch to inion (tuber occip.) 12\u00b78 325\u00b71\n 16. Arc from one meatus to the other across top of head 14\u00b74 365\u00b77\n 17. Arc from one meatus to the other over glabella 11\u00b75 292\u00b71\n 18. Length of face (nasal notch to chin), giving facial\n index, 80\u00b74 4\u00b71 104\u00b71\n Height from meatus to vertex 5\u00b73 133\u00b75\n Bigoniac breadth 4\u00b71 103\u00b75\n\nThe head, though strongly brachy-cephalic, is distinctly of Aryan type;\nhigh and round, but not at all acro-cephalic; the inion is placed very\nhigh.\n\n\nJAMSH\u00c8D\u2014(_continued_).\n\nTHE FOLLOWING MEASUREMENTS ARE ACCORDING TO THE SYSTEM OF SCHWARZ, OF THE\nNOVARA EXPEDITION.\n\n CENTIMETRES.\n\n 28. From the growth of hair to the incisura semilunaris sterni 25\u00b7\n 29. From the inion to the Halswirbel (vertebra prominens) 14\u00b745\n 30. Direct diameter, from one meatus aud. ext. to the other 11\u00b785\n 31. Outer angle of the eye to the other 8\u00b775\n 32. Inner angle of the eye to the other 2\u00b775\n 33. Distance of the fixed points of the ear 4\u00b705\n 34. Breadth of the nose 3\u00b72\n 35. Breadth of the mouth 5\u00b7\n 36. Distance of the two angles of the lower jaw 10\u00b735\n 37. From incis. semil. sterni to the seventh vertebra 12\u00b795\n 38. From the axillary line over the mamm\u00e6 to the other 26\u00b74\n 39. From sternum to columna vertebralis, straight across 19\u00b73\n 40. From one spina anterior superior ilii to the other 22\u00b735\n 41. From one troch. maj. to other 26\u00b705\n 42. Circumference of the neck 33\u00b75\n 43. From one tuberculum majus to the other 37\u00b7\n 44. From middle line of axillary line over the chest, above mamm\u00e6,\n to the other middle line 41\u00b75\n 45. Circumference of chest on the same level 88\u00b725\n 46. From nipple to nipple 19\u00b725\n 47. Between anterior spines of ilia 26\u00b785\n 48. From trochanter major to the spina anterior ilii of the same\n side 13\u00b75\n 49. From the most prominent part of the sternal articulation of\n the clavicular to above 43\u00b74\n 50. From same point to the navel 39\u00b72\n 51. From navel to upper edge of the symphysis ossium pubis 14\u00b775\n 52. From the 5th lumbar vertebra along the edge of the pelvis to\n the edge of the symphysis 43\u00b7\n 53. From the 7th vertebra to the end of the os coccygis 60\u00b735\n 54. From one acromion to the other across the back 43\u00b77\n 55. From the acromion to the condyl. ext. humeri 32\u00b725\n 56. From ext. condyl. humeri to processus styloideus radii 25\u00b7\n 57. From processus styloideus radii to metacarpal joint 10\u00b72\n 58. From the same joint to the top of the middle finger 9\u00b78\n 59. Circumference of the hand 21\u00b74\n 60. Greatest circumference of upper arm over the biceps 26\u00b78\n 61. Greatest circumference of forearm 24\u00b75\n 62. Smallest circumference of forearm 15\u00b72\n 63. From trochanter major to condyl. ext. femoris 34\u00b735\n 64.\n 65.\n 66.\n 67.\n 68. From condyl. ext. femoris to mal. ext. 38\u00b76\n 69. Circumference of knee joint 32\u00b74\n 70. Circumference of calf 36\u00b74\n 71. Smallest circumference of leg 21\u00b73\n 72. Length of the foot 23\u00b73\n 73. Circumference of instep 23\u00b75\n 74. Circumference of metatarsal joint 23\u00b75\n 75. From external malleolus to ground 8\u00b71\n 76. From condyl. intern. to malleolus int. 36\u00b79\n 77. Greatest circumference of thigh 48\u00b75\n 78. Smallest circumference of thigh 35\u00b75\n 79. Round the waist 68\u00b74\n 80. Height of man (English, 5\u00b4 3\u00be) 161\u00b79\n 81. Colour of hair, very dark reddish-brown.\n 82. Colour of eyes, hazel-grey.\n 83. Colour of face, yellowish-brown.\n 84. Colour of skin of body, lighter than above.\n 85. Weight,\n 86. Strength,\n 87. Pulsation, 80 (a little excited).\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX VI.\n\nA ROUGH ACCOUNT, COLLECTED IN 1886, OF ITINERARIES IN THE \u201cNEUTRAL ZONE\u201d\nBETWEEN CENTRAL ASIA AND INDIA. By RAJA KHUSHWAQTIA AND DR. G. W. LEITNER.\n\n\nROUTE I.\n\nFROM GILGIT TO KABUL, vi\u00e2 Dareyl, Tangir, Kandi\u00e1, Uj\u00f9, Torw\u00e1l, Swat, Dir,\nMaid\u00e1n, Jand\u016bl, Bajaur, Muravarri, Pash\u00e0t, Kun\u00e8r, Jelalabad, Kabul.\n\nGILGIT TO SHERKILA, 9 katsha (rough) k\u00f4s[124] (1\u00bd miles), ruled by Isa\nBahadur\u2019s son, Raja Akbar Khan, under Kashm\u012br, a faithful ally, contains\n70 zemindars\u2019 (peasants\u2019) houses on the Yasin river.\n\nSHERKILA TO PAT\u00c0RI (is uninhabited), over a ridge P\u012br (17 katsha k\u00f4s)\ncalled Batr\u00e8t, which is a plateau on which the Dareylis graze their\nflocks in the spring.\n\nPAT\u00c0RI TO YATSH\u014cT (12 katsha k\u00f4s), road stony and jungly. Yatsh\u014dt is\na village of Dareyl of one hundred houses, occupied by zemindars who\nhave cattle, sheep, goats, and _buffaloes_ (which are not found in\nBadakhshan). The ground produces much white maize (from which bread is\nmade), wheat, barley, grapes growing to a gigantic size, nuts, etc.\nThere is excellent water, but it is very cold. The people are Sunnis,\nand speak Shin\u00e1 (the dialect of Chil\u00e1s). [The Shins appear to have been\na Hindu tribe expelled from Kashmir territory and converted to a sort\nof Muhammadanism, both Shiah and Sunni. They are the highest caste in\nDardistan; but, instead of the Brahminical veneration for the cow, they\nabhor everything connected with it\u2014its flesh and milk\u2014and only touch its\ncalf at the end of a prong.] Yatsh\u014dt has two mosques, and Mullas who\nunderstand Arabic well. The Dareylis are very religious, and attentive to\ntheir ceremonial practices. The streamlet of Dareyl runs past it.\n\nYATSH\u014cT TO MANIK\u00c1L, 3 katsha k\u00f4s, a plain easy march through a prairie.\nManik\u00e1l has two forts, one of which has about 500 houses, and is called\nD\u00f2rkans; and the other, Manik\u00e1l proper, which has 300 houses and an old\nMosque. Manik\u00e1l is surrounded by forests. When the Kashm\u012br troops reached\nManik\u00e1l, the Dareylis, after fighting, burned down their old fort rather\nthan surrender. There are many Mullas and disciples there, some coming\nfrom Peshawar, Swat, etc.\n\nMANIK\u00c1L TO SAMANG\u00c1L, 3 katsha k\u00f4s, over an inhabited plain. The fort\ncontains 800 houses. A great elder (Djashtero) called Kalashm\u012br resides\nthere, whom all the Dareylis respect and follow, although there are many\nother Djashteros, like Muqaddams (elders, mayors), in Kashmir villages.\nHe is wise and rich, possessing, perhaps, in addition to cattle, etc.,\n5 or 6 thousand tolas of gold; and he has one wife and two or three\nchildren. Persian is read there in addition to Arabic. There is also\nanother fort containing 500 houses, also called Samang\u00e1l, a few hundred\nyards from the first. In fact, Dareyl, although a small country, is\nthickly populated.\n\nSAMANG\u00c1L TO P\u00d9GUTSH, a fort, with 500 houses, 2 katsha k\u00f4s\u2014thence 1\nkatsha k\u00f4s to Gay\u00e1l, a fort with 600 houses\u2014all an easy road.\n\nGAY\u00c1L TO K\u00c0MI, Fort Tang\u012br, over a high mountain called K\u00f9bbekunn,\nvery windy, and wooded. Water must be taken with one when starting\nfrom Gay\u00e1l, as none is found before reaching R\u00eem, a small village of\n20 houses, on the Tang\u012br side. The road for 8 k\u00f4s is difficult, being\nan ascent of 4 k\u00f4s on each side. From R\u00eem to Tang\u012br the road is good,\nwater abundant, and habitations numerous. K\u00e0mi fort has 1,000 houses\nof Gujars (a shepherd and cowherd tribe that is found following its\npeaceful occupation, either as settlers or nomads, in the most dangerous\ndistricts), and zemindars, who are tributaries to Yasin, paying taxes in\ngold and kind. There is a direct road from Tang\u012br to Yasin, vi\u00e2 Sat\u00ecl\u20146\nk\u00f4s, plain, with many Gujars, paying their grazing tax in gold; thence\nover a small peak, Mayir\u00e9y, to the plateau of Batr\u00eat, 8 katsha k\u00f4s. (See\nsecond stage of this route.)\n\nFROM BATR\u00caT TO R\u00c0USHAN, over a small mountain. R\u00e0ushan is a small fort\nof Yasin, whence there are roads to Yasin, Chitr\u00e1l, Gilgit, etc. Gold is\nwashed from the Indus, which is 3 katsha k\u00f4s from K\u00e0mi. The Tang\u012bris are\nbraver than the Dareylis and equally religious, having many Mullas; but\nthe country, although larger, is not so well populated as Dareyl, the\npeople of which are also rather shepherds than hunters. The _Gab\u00e1r_ are\nthe ruling people in Tang\u012br, about 1,000 families, of which 500 are in\nK\u00e0mi. They are the old proprietors of the country, and are all Shins who\n_now_ have given up their old aversion to the cow, its flesh and milk.\n\nK\u00c0MI, over the mountain Tr\u00e0k, called by the Pathans Chaudunno, which has\nno snow on the Tang\u012br side, but a snow-covered plateau 1\u00bd k\u00f4s long on the\nKandi\u00e1 side. Then comes a green plain. To the foot of the mountain Tr\u00e0k\non the Tang\u012br side 11 k\u00f4s pakka (11 good k\u00f4s, or nearly 22 miles), over\na tree-covered plain. Then over the Tr\u00e0k pass and plateau, the road goes\nalong a plain which extends for 17 k\u00f4s to GABRI\u00c1L. There are a great many\nGujars along the road. [The road to Yasin is through the Gujar-frequented\ndistrict of Kuranj\u00e1, belonging to Tang\u012br. Mult\u00e1n is the Muqaddam of the\nGujars, a brave man.]\n\nGABRI\u00c1L has only 40 houses, but the country of Gabri\u00e1l generally is\nstudded with habitations. The famous Mullah Hab\u00eebulla, a relative of\nRaja Khushwaqtia, is a most influential man among Kohistanis. His tribe\nis Mullakheyl, and all the Gujars of Kandi\u00e1 are obedient to him. The\nMullakheyl are Sh\u00eens, but Yashkuns also live there. Yashkuns are the\npeasantry of Dardistan, including Hunza, and supposed to be aborigines,\nthough some derive the Yashkuns of Hunza from the white Yuechi, or Huns,\nand others give them a Western origin. They have always been Sunnis.\n(The Dareylis were formerly Shiahs.) (See detailed account of Gabri\u00e1l by\none of its Maulvis, Mir Abdullah, and of Kandi\u00e1 or Kili\u00e1, translated\nby Dr. G. W. Leitner.) The people of Kandi\u00e1 are wealthy in flocks, ghi\n(= clarified butter, exported to Peshawur, 18 to 25 pakka seers for the\nrupee). It is subject to Yasin. They possess double or Indian rupees and\nmahmudshahis, some having 10 or 20 thousand rupees. The poorest have 10\nto 12 cows, 100 sheep, etc. The greatest among the Gujars intermarry\nwith Yasin chiefs. The Kohistanis are independent, but the Gujars pay a\ntribute to Yasin. The Samu or Samasi village is 2 k\u00f4s from Gabri\u00e1l. From\nGabri\u00e1l, \u00bd k\u00f4s distant, is a mountain called by the same name, with an\nascent of five to six pakka k\u00f4s, with excellent water; road only open\nin summer. A descent of 5 k\u00f4s brings one to _Ushu_, a big village of\n600 houses inhabited by Bashkaris. (See special account by Dr. Leitner\nof Bashkar and its language.) The Swat river touches it. The Bashkaris\npay a small tribute to Yasin, but are practically independent. They are\ngenerally on good terms with the Torwaliks, who were formerly their\nrulers. The languages of Torwal and Bashkar are different.\n\nFROM USH\u00d9 TO TORW\u00c1L, 13 k\u00f4s, very bad, stony road, after Kal\u00e1m (2 miles\nfrom Ush\u00f9). Torw\u00e1l has 200 houses. They are not so rich as the people of\nKandi\u00e1 and Jalk\u00f4t.\n\nFROM TORW\u00c1L TO BRANIH\u00c1L, the frontier of Torw\u00e1l, 12 to 13 k\u00f4s, a bad\nstony road, 600 houses and a Baz\u00e1r in which there are 5 or 6 Hindu\nmerchants. [The Hindu traders are not molested in Yaghist\u00e1n (\u201cthe wild\nland\u201d as Dardist\u00e1n, the country between Kabul and Kashmir is often\ncalled), because no one is afraid of them; whereas if a Sahib (English\nman) came, people would be afraid.] There are many wealthy people in\nBranih\u00e1l, which may be considered to be the capital of Torw\u00e1l.\n\nBRANIH\u00c1L TO SWAT, a plain; at only 1\u00bd k\u00f4s is Shagr\u00e1m, composed of 3\nvillages, under the children of the Sayad (descendant of the prophet\nMuhammad), Pir B\u00e2ba. The three villages are inhabited by Sayads and\ncontain 500 houses. Then to Tir\u00e1h (1 mile, a plain), where the M\u00eena or\nAkhunkheyls live (300 houses).\n\nTIR\u00c1H TO LAND\u00c9Y, 1 k\u00f4s pakka, a Pat\u00e1n village, in which rice grows,\nbeginning from Branih\u00e1l; Land\u00e9y to Lalk\u00fan (a small village away from the\nbig road to Hoti Murdan) 5 k\u00f4s, a plain. Thence Fazil banda, 12 k\u00f4s, a\nplain; thence to a mountain, Bark\u00e0nn, 12 k\u00f4s, a plain, leaving the Swat\nfor the D\u012br territory. Jarughey (hamlet of Gujars) is the halting-place.\nFrom Jarughey into the Dara of Ushur\u00e9y, in Yaghistan proper; it is the\nhome of the Khan of D\u012br, and is inhabited by the Panda Kheyl tribe.\nHalt at J\u00e0bar, a village 14 k\u00f4s from Jarughey, a fairly inhabited road.\nFrom J\u00e0bar to Maid\u00e1n (16 k\u00f4s) by the mountain K\u00e1ir Dara, and passing\nthe fort B\u012bbi\u00f3l (100 houses) a fort of the Khan of D\u012br. The mountain is\nhigh. Maid\u00e1n fort and Bazar, and Bandey fort (500 houses), Kumb\u00e0r 1 k\u00f4s\ndistant, 1,000 houses, of M\u012bans, and Bazar with many Hindus. Thence to\nBandey May\u00e1r, a great Baz\u00e1r, and a renowned Zi\u00e1ret (shrine), and Langar\n(almshouse) of Saukan\u00f3 M\u012b\u00e2n, a village of Peshawar, are 2,000 or 3,000\nhouses, belonging to Jand\u016bl. It is 14 k\u00f4s distant from Maid\u00e1n, over an\ninhabited plain. Umr Khan, the ruler, has 240 excellent horsemen, 3,000\ninfantry, fights with D\u012br, who has 500 inferior horses and numerous\nfootmen, but not so brave as Jand\u00fal. Terkan\u00ec is the name of the Jand\u00fal\nruler and tribe up to Jellalabad, and Irubs\u00ec that of D\u00eer, Swat, Buneyr,\nSam\u00e8, Pakli, etc. At 1\u00bd k\u00f4s of Mayar is Mi\u00e1kil, a big town, of 5,000\nhouses and a Bazar. Mi\u00e1kil to (Bajaur) Bad\u00e2m, are Kakazis, of the Mam\u00f9nd\ntribe, for 16 k\u00f4s a plain, 400 houses, Y\u00e1gis (wild); Bad\u00e0m to _Mureweri_,\nare 16 k\u00f4s, over a small mountain (Mohmands) in Yaghistan, has 1,000\nhouses. (At Nawagai is a Khan, Ajdar Khan, with 20 horsemen and 3,000\nfootmen.) At Kh\u00e0r was another Kh\u00e1n, Dilawar Khan, who fled to Peshawar,\nhis place having been conquered by Ajdar Khan; 100 houses. The place is\nsurrounded by the Tuman-kheyl tribe. On the other side of the river,\nKabul rule begins, and opposite is Chagar Sarai, leading to Kat\u00e1r, once\na stronghold of Kafirs. Gamb\u012br is subject to Kabul, the rest of the Siah\nPosh being independent; and another road leads to Petsh, which is Y\u00e1gi,\nor independent.\n\nFROM MURAWERI TO PASH\u00d9TT, 5 or 6 k\u00f4s pakka. Below Muraweri, 2 k\u00f4s, is\nSerkanni, where there are 200 Kabul troops. From Pash\u00f9tt cross stream on\njhallas (inflated skins) to Jelalabad, 20 or 22 k\u00f4s; whence the road to\nKabul is too well known to need even a passing reference.\n\n * * * * *\n\nUninteresting as rough accounts of itineraries may be to the general\nreader, they are not without importance to the specialist. My material\non the subject of routes to, and through, the Hindu-kush territories is\nconsiderable, though necessarily defective. It was mainly collected in\n1866-72, when a portion of it was used by that leader of men, General Sir\nCharles MacGregor. I published a few \u201croutes\u201d at various intervals in\nthe hope of stimulating inquiry, and of eliciting corrections or further\ninformation; but Indian official Departments, instead of co-operating,\nare uncommunicative of the partial, and therefore often misleading,\nknowledge which they possess, and, above all, jealous of non-official\nspecialists. The First part of my work on Hunza has recently been printed\nby the Indian Foreign Office; where and when the Second will appear, is\ndoubtful. I think the public have a right to know how matters stand in\nwhat was once called \u201cthe neutral zone,\u201d the region between the Russian\nand the British spheres of influence in Asia. At any rate, the learned\nSocieties and International Oriental and other Congresses, that, on the\nstrength of the material already published, have done me the honour at\nvarious times to apply with but very partial success, to Government on\nbehalf of the elaboration of my material, shall not be deprived of it,\nthough I can only submit it to them in its rough primitive state. The\nreader of _The Asiatic Quarterly Review_ will, I hope, not be deterred\nby the dulness of \u201croutes\u201d from glancing at material which, in future\narticles, will include accounts, however rough, of the languages, the\nhistory and Governments, the customs, legends, and songs of, perhaps,\nthe most interesting countries and races in Asia. The information, often\ncollected under circumstances of danger, is based on personal knowledge,\nand on the accounts of natives of position in the countries to be dealt\nwith.\n\n G. W. L.\n\n[Reprinted from _The Asiatic Quarterly Review_, April, 1891.]\n\n\n\n\nROUGH ACCOUNTS OF ITINERARIES THROUGH THE HINDUKUSH AND TO CENTRAL ASIA.\n\nBY DR. G. W. LEITNER.\n\n\nROUTE II.\n\nIn connection with my note in \u201cRoutes in Dardistan,\u201d I now propose to\npublish a series of accounts which have been supplied to me by native\nIndian or Central Asian travellers of position and trustworthiness, and\nwhich cannot fail, whatever their scientific or literary deficiencies,\nto be of topographical and ethnographical, if not of political, value.\nI commence with the account of a loyal native Chief, who has had\nopportunities of comparing Russian with British administration. The\nChief first passes quickly from JELALABAD TO GANDAMAK, thence to Taz\u00een,\nButkh\u00e1k, Balahis\u00e1r (where he left his sword with D... S...); he then\nproceeds from KABUL TO CHALIK\u00c1R, (a distance of 17 k\u00f4s over a plain);\nthen stops at the _Sal\u00e1n_ village, at the foot of the Hindukush, 11\nk\u00f4s, and then goes on to say: \u201c_Sal\u00e1n_: one road goes to the Hindukush\nand one to _Bajg\u00e1_ (a halt) 14 k\u00f4s,[125] over a mountain into Afghan\nTurkistan. _Ander\u00e1b_, district of _Kund\u00fbz_, 17 k\u00f4s, plain; Ander\u00e1b\nto Bazder\u00e1; then Baghb\u00e1n; then Rob\u00e2t (where there is a camp of Kabul\ntroopers against Uzbak robbers), 14 k. in Haibak district to Haibak\ntown; stayed at a small place of Tashkurgh\u00e1n, which has 6,000 houses,\nand is held by a Ris\u00e1la (troop) of the Amir; stayed at an intermediate\ncantonment established by Kabul; then to Mazari Sharif, 13 k\u00f4s (all\nbelonging to Balkh). Daulatabad (300 houses); thence to the river Amu\nover a R\u0113g (sandy and dusty place) _in a buggy of two horses_, paid\nthree double rupees,[126] took water with us (20 k\u00f4s). There are 100 men\nover the ferry for protection against raiding Turkomans. Sherdil Khan\nLoin\u00e1b gave me a passport to visit the Zi\u00e1rat (shrine) of Khaja Bahauddin\nNaqshbandi, at Bokh\u00e1ra. Went on ferry with 100 cattle and 50 men all day\nlong, to the village of Talashkh\u00e1n (500 h.) in Bokh\u00e1ra territory, where\nwe rested in the evening. Next day by road to Sherabad, 7 k\u00f4s, plain\n(2,500 h.); then to Chinar\u00ec (600 houses), passing the _Khirga_ Nishin\nKhirghiz and Uzbak, \u201cliving in huts\u201d (also Zemindars); Cheshma-i-Hafiz,\n40 h., and a Serai for travellers. Then again on to the plain; made a\nhalt among the Khirga-nish\u012bn. Next day went on to the large city of\nGhuz\u00e1r (250,000 inhabitants, with villages, etc.). (Thence to Karshi to\nBokh\u00e1ra); thence to Karabagh (700 houses); to town of Chiraghtshi in\nShehrsabz (Ch. has 3,000 h.), whence it is four miles distant. Shehrsabz\nis a beautiful place of 6,000 houses. (The Bokh\u00e1ra army has a band in\nRussian style, and is drilled in a Russian way; it is better fed and\nclad than are the Afghans, but it is not so brave.) Thence to Kit\u00e1b,\n3,000 houses, and Bokh\u00e1ra troops; did not stay there, but went to Takhta\nKaratsha, 10 k\u00f4s: thence to Kurghantipp\u00e9 Baz\u00e1r; thence to _Samarcand_,\na paradise (500,000 inhabitants, two rivers); there is a H\u00e1kim and\nGeneral, the place belongs to the White Czar = the Ak Padishah. There\nwere 12 regiments of infantry, and 8 of cavalry there. Then to J\u00e1m, 4\nk\u00f4s (a large Russian force), 12 regiments of infantry, 4 of cavalry. I\nstayed with A.R. at Samarcand. There is a Russian cantonment between\nJezakh and Samarcand, K\u014dr, Khoshgur\u00f9. _The guns everywhere are directed\ntowards Yasin, or India._ I was nowhere molested in visiting Russian\ncantonments. Jezakh, Tamburabad, little Bokhara; Zam\u012bn, Uratippa, a great\ntown, and among 40,000 inhabitants there are 6 battalions and 8 regiments\nof infantry; N\u00e1u in Khojend district. Then Khojend, 800,000 inhabitants,\ngreat army; Mahr\u00e0m, Beshar\u00ech in Khokand, then to the city of Khokand;\nKarawultippa, 8 k\u00f4s, plain, Murghil\u00e1n, a big city, 350,000 inhabitants\nwith villages; Mintipp\u00e9, 3,000 houses (or inhabitants?), Arab\u00e1n; Ush, a\nlarge army (Kashgh\u00e1r is eleven days\u2019 march). Induj\u00e1n, big Russian army;\n150,000 (inhabitants). Then to the Kokand river, Derya S\u00eer, crossing to\nNamang\u00e1n, big city and army, thence returned to Induj\u00e1n, then to As\u00e1ka,\n8 k\u00f4s plain, 9,000 inhabitants and army (1 cavalry, 4 infantry), then\nto Shahrikh\u00e1n, 6 k\u00f4s, big city, 8,000 inhabitants or houses; then to\nKawa, 5 k\u00f4s. Utshkurgh\u00e1n, 10 k\u00f4s, big city in Khokand: thence into a\nvalley to a Langar, 17 k\u00f4s, plain, at night, where there are Khirghiz\nsubjects to Khokand; over a mountain into Alai, 13 k\u00f4s, plain of Pam\u012br,\ninhabited by Khirghiz, very cold; then to Chaghalmak, 15 k\u00f4s, plain, a\nsmall village, 100 houses of Khirghiz. District of Karateghin, which is\nsubject to Bokhara (Alai being under the Russians); Chaghalmak to Zank\u00f9,\n16 k\u00f4s, plain (horses are to be found everywhere for hire, according to\ndistance by Farsang). At Samarcand one mule\u2019s wheat load = two double\nrupees; a big sheep costs one rupee, and one and a half long-tailed sheep\nat Khokand, also one rupee. The fat of sheep is used instead of Ghi. Gold\nand notes abound more than silver. (Abdurrahman received 700 tungas = 350\nrupees per day, for self and eighty followers.) Silk Atlas one and a half\nyards is sold for one rupee. The Russian ladies are well dressed, and\ngreat respect is shown to them. The officers are very polite. There are\nfree dispensaries, and schools in which Russian and the Kor\u00e1n are taught.\n(Haldi and black pepper from India is dear); there is no tyranny, and\nthey are exactly like the English; the Russians live in bungalows. The\nK\u00e1zis and the man who beats the drum at night for Ramazan are paid by the\nRussians; sanitation is well attended to; all the troops are Europeans,\nexcept the Noghais, who are Tartars. I was much struck at Khojend by\nseeing the cavalry mounted according to the colour of the horses. (Gold\nis said to come from Kashgar and Khokand, but I have not seen the mine.)\nCamels abound and are eaten. Zank\u00f9 to Kila-i Lab-i Ab (300 houses), 16\nk\u00f4s, plain, to a village Sh\u00f2kh dar\u00e0 (300 houses).\n\nIt is a fine country; the people talk Persian, and are Sunnis (belongs to\nBokh\u00e1ra).\n\nKILA-I LAB-I AB, governed by a Bokh\u00e1ra Kard\u00e1r, called H\u00e1kim Muhammad\nNazir Beg, at a Fort Gharm to Shughdar\u00e9y, 12 k\u00f4s, plain, on horseback\nall along to Samarcand (300 h.), Shughdar\u00e9y to Fort Gharm, 3 k. (1,500\nhouses or inhabitants), Gharm to Childar\u00e1, a village in Derw\u00e1z, plain, 17\nk. packa (buggies do not go there), 150 h.; thence to Khawaling, Bazar,\n1,000 h. (in the District of _Kol\u00e1b_), 17 k\u00f4s, plain; carriages can go;\nthence to the city of Kol\u00e1b 14 k\u00f4s, plain (Kol\u00e1b is under Bokh\u00e1ra) (was\nformerly governed by Kartsh\u00een Khan, a raider), whose brother Serakhan\nis at K\u00e1bul. Kol\u00e1b, 6,000 houses, is a fine city, and there are six\nother cities belonging to it (Khawaling, Kung\u00e1r, etc.); thence to\nSar-i-Chashma, 10 k\u00f4s, plain; carriages can go (200 houses); thence to\nBar\u00e0k, 40 h. on the Amu 4 k\u00f4s, a warm place like Kol\u00e1b generally; cross\ninto Sampt\u00ec (60 h.), in the district of _Rost\u00e1k_, belonging to Badakhsh\u00e1n\n(paid 4 annas for conveyance of five horses costing me 3 tolas in Kol\u00e1b\n= 30 rupees); to Chay\u00e1p city, 2,000 houses (Jews are wealthy and not\noppressed, and at Kol\u00e1b there are Jews and Hindus, the latter with no\nfamilies). Jews wear front curls, and have furs; women are handsome,\nbut are dressed like Mussulman women; men, however, wear caps and\nnarrow trousers, not turbans, as a rule, or wide trousers. The Jews in\nTurkestan are very clean. \u201c_They have a learning like the Shastras of the\nPandits._\u201d They lend money to the Khan of Bokh\u00e1ra. (The utensils are of\nchina.)\n\nMare\u2019s milk is much consumed cooked with meat, and has a highly\nintoxicant effect. Chay\u00e0p to _Rost\u00e1k_, 8 k\u00f4s, plain, 2 Afghan regiments\nof cavalry, 4 regiments of infantry (there are also some troops at\nChay\u00e0p) 4,000 houses. Baz\u00e1r well-frequented; springs; is a hot place.\nAtunjul\u00e1b, 12 k\u00f4s, plain, carriages can go (60 houses); Faizab\u00e1d 16 k\u00f4s,\ngreat city and large Afghan force (3,500 houses?). I stayed at B\u00e1rak,\n10 k\u00f4s; a nice place for illustrious strangers (100 houses); plenty of\nZemindars, very easy, plain, full of fruit (apples, apricots, etc.);\nChaugar\u00e1n 9 kos, plain (200 houses); Tirgar\u00e1n (60 houses, of MUL\u00c1IS, the\nstrange sect regarding which elsewhere) 11 k\u00f4s, plain, with the exception\nof a small bad bit, over which horses, how ever, can go, called Raf\u00e0q =\nParr\u00ec in Punjabi. From Tirgar\u00e1n to Zerkhan in Zeb\u00e1k, 14 k\u00f4s, plain, but\ncarriages cannot go. Zeb\u00e1k is a fine cool place. Its great Mulai, Sayed\nAbdurrahim, has fled to Arkari in Chitr\u00e1l. Zerkhan has 500 Khassadars of\nKabul (even the infantry there have horses), and 150 houses. Zerkhan to\nShikash\u00ecm, small fort, 11 k\u00f4s, plain, 300 houses in villages all round;\nit is now well garrisoned with Kabulis (2 k. from Shikash\u00ecm are the ruby\nmines worked in winter near Ghar\u00e0n on the road to Shign\u00e1n). (In the time\nof Mir Shah rubies as large as candles were said to be got, lighting up\nthe place.) \u201cLajvard\u201d (Lapis lazuli) is got from Yumgan, a village in\nmountain above Jirm in Badakhshan. \u201cLajvard\u201d is sold at a rupee of a\nRupee size. (Gold streaks are often found in it.) Shikash\u00ecm to Kazi-deh,\n10 k\u00f4s, plain (carriages could go) in Wakhan, which begins at Putr about\nhalf k\u00f4s from Shikash\u00ecm (another road from Shikash\u00ecm to Shign\u00e1n in two\ndays _vi\u00e2_ Ghasann 10 k\u00f4s, plain, very cold); thence 12 k\u00f4s to a fort in\nShignan. Kazi-deh has 40 houses. Kazi-deh to Pigitsh 12 k\u00f4s, very plain,\n15 houses of very wealthy people, all Mulais; Shogh\u014dr under Chitr\u00e1l,\n500 houses. Fort over the Khatinza, Nuqsan and Dura passes from Zeib\u00e1k\nall under Chitr\u00e1l; the first-named pass is open all the year round, but\nviolent storms blow at the top.\n\nPIGITSH TO FORT PANJAH, a plain 12 k\u00f4s; Ali Murdan Khan, its former\nruler, is a refugee with Chitr\u00e1l; 200 Afghan cavalry; there are 5 or 6\nhouses in the fort, and a number of villages round it (Zr\u00f2ng, a warm\nmineral spring, 40 houses; Kishm, 40 houses, Gatskh\u00f2n, 30 houses. Above\nPigitsh are other villages. Khind\u00e0t, 50 houses; supplies are most\nplentiful).\n\nFrom PANJAH TO Z\u00c0NG (50 houses) 11 k\u00f4s, plain (artillery could go); Z\u00c0NG\nTO SERHADD 12 katcha k\u00f4s, 200 houses, plain, cold, much wheat, cattle,\netc.; _here the Pamir begins_. Thence to Ush\u00e0k, 14 k. plain, except a\nsmall elevation, very cold (here there is a road to Yarkand, and another\nto Hunza; the Wakhanis graze their cattle and flocks here in winter as\nthere is abundant grass); USH\u00c0K TO LANG\u00c0R, 12 k\u00f4s, plain; the roads\ndivide, of which the left one goes to Sarikol, and the right one to\nHunza. Cattle are kept there in winter by the Serhadd people; Lang\u00e0r to\nBaikar\u00e1 8 k\u00f4s plain.\n\nBARKAR\u00c1 TO BABAGUND\u00cc, 12 k\u00f4s over the Irsh\u00e1d Pir (somewhat steep and\nsnow-covered on the Wakhan side, but otherwise easy). Here there is\na road on the other side to Babagund\u00ec (small town); place for Ghazan\nKhan\u2019s cattle (Dannkut). Babagund\u00ec is a famous shrine of Pir Irsh\u00e1d,\nwhere even the Mulai Ghazankhan gives cooking pots for travellers, and\nmakes offerings; there are 5 or 6 houses of Zemindars, who look after the\nshrine. (Half a k\u00f4s beyond Babagund\u00ec the various roads to the Karumbar,\nBadakhshan, and one to Hunza join.)\n\nBABAGUNDI TO R\u00cdSHATT; small fort, 11 k\u00f4s; inhabited; 5 villagers\u2019 houses\nemployed in agriculture. R\u00edshatt; for 4 k\u00f4s there is a plain road; then\na difficult road, R\u00e1ship Jer\u00e1b, with precipices (6 k\u00f4s from R\u00edshatt),\nwhich can be destroyed, so as to make the approach from that side very\nhazardous; the road continues to Yubkat\u00ed, with scarcely much improvement,\nfor 1\u00bd k\u00f4s. There is a small town there, as generally on difficult\ndefiles, or places than can be defended. Yubkat\u00ed to Gircha, 1 k\u00f4s\nkatcha (10 houses); Gircha to Murkhon, 10 houses of Zemindars, 1 k\u00f4s; 2\nkatcha-k\u00f4s comes the Khaibar village of 4 houses, a defile defended by a\nsmall town, _with a door shutting the road_ (_Der-band_); Khaibar, 4 k\u00f4s\nto P\u00e0ss; road over snow or glacier for 1\u00bd k\u00f4s; below the glacier is the\nvillage of P\u00e0ss, 25 houses.\n\n_P\u00e0ss_ to Hussain, 20 houses; also a shrine 1\u00bd k\u00f4s; fair road; also\na deep natural tank (hauz) (where there is a place to keep cattle in\nwinter) a few hundred yards from village. Beyond there is again one of\nthe streaks of never-melting icefields, and dividing it from Ghulkin,\na village of 60 houses (the gardens flourishing in the close vicinity\nof these icefields). Immediately near Ghulkin is Gulm\u00f9tti, 100 houses;\nthence for 10 k\u00f4s to Alti, a bad road over an elevation, Ref\u00e1q, closed\nby one of the doors to which I have referred. The door is 1 k\u00f4s distant\nfrom Gulm\u00f9tti. Alti (150 houses), the residence of Salim Khan, father of\nGhazanfar, who built Balti, where his son, the present ruler of Hunza,\nGhazankhan, lives. Balti is \u00bd k\u00f4s from Alti, and above it. Balti has\n1,000 houses, Zemindars Mul\u00e1is; there are 50 Mosques, but no one reads\nprayers in them; people build them for the sake of glorification, not\nworship. They are used for dancing, drinking, etc. (the Raja used to\ndance himself on the Naur\u014dz, and give presents to the Zemindars). Hunza\n_may_ turn out 2,000 fighting men. Near it Fort Haiderabad (\u00bd k\u00f4s), with\n300 houses; close to it is another fort, Chumarsingh, with 100 houses;\nnear it D\u00f2rkhann Fort, with 200 houses (the inhabitants are more numerous\nthan the wasted ground can support. People live largely on apricots,\netc.; the land is generally sterile). \u00bd k\u00f4s from D\u00f2rkhann is Gannish\nFort, 600 houses, above the river which divides Hunza from Nagyr, where\nthe Sumeir Fort confronts Gannish. There is also a small fort near\nGannish, called Kar\u00e1l, with 50 houses. (Near D\u00f2rkhann is also a similar\nsmall fort, the name of which I forget.) Coming back to D\u00f2rkhann, and\ngoing from it straight in the Gilgit direction, is Aliabad Fort, with 600\nhouses, and close to it Hasanabad Fort, with 100 houses. There is also a\n\u201cDerrband\u201d between Hasanabad and Murtezabad, about a mile distant over\na stream. Murtezabad has 2 forts, one with 100, and the other with 50\nhouses.\n\nFROM MURTEZABAD TO HIR\u00cc for two k\u00f4s; difficult ascent and descent. Hir\u00ec,\na large village, with 800 houses of Zemindars _in_ the fort (Shins live\nthere); 2 k\u00f4s of bad road, excepting about 1 mile; to May\u00f3n, 50 houses.\nFour katcha k\u00f4s bring one without much difficulty, except over one\nascent, over the Budal\u00e8ss stream, violent in summer, where there is also\na fort (a warm spring in a fort called Barr, 25 houses, occupied by 20\nSepoys of the Maharaja) to Ch\u00e1lta, in Gilgit territory, near Budal\u00e8ss.\nThere is a fort there, 150 houses, and 100 Sepoys. Over the Nulla, about\none k\u00f4s above, is Chapr\u00f4t, 50 Sepoys and 60 houses; is a strong position\n(Natu Shah came to grief, with 1,000 men, between Budal\u00e8ss and May\u00f4n).\nFrom Ch\u00e1lta, crossing the river and a small mountain, is a plateau to\nNilt Fort, in Nagyr territory, 4 k\u00f4s from Ch\u00e1lta, and confronting May\u00f4n.\nFrom Ch\u00e1lta to Nomal, in Gilgit territory, with two Rif\u00e1qs each; near\nto these respective places for 11 k\u00f4s (kacha), 100 houses. There are 20\nSepoys in the Koti to guard the grain. The Zemindars now live outside the\nfort, which is merely used for the storage of grain. From Nomal to Gilgit\n12 k\u00f4s, plain, which now contains 200 houses.\n\n\nROUTE III.\n\nFROM ZEIB\u00c1K TO CHITR\u00c1L, over the Khatinza, a very high Pass, to Shoghor,\nor the other passes already mentioned. _Vi\u00e2_ the Khatinza, which is\nalways open, the road from Zeib\u00e1k to Deh-i-gul, 1 k\u00f4s, 25 houses.\n\nThere the roads separate, one going over the Nuqs\u00e1n, which is closed in\nwinter, and the other one over the Khatinza, both joining at Kurubakh,\na place ensconced by stones, and about 5 k\u00f4s either way from Deh-i-gul;\nfrom Kurubakh to Ow\u00eer, 20 houses, 3 k\u00f4s, easy road; from Ow\u00eer to Arkari,\n80 houses, 5 k\u00f4s, easy road (Sh\u00e1li, 10 houses, is one k\u00f4s from Arkari);\nM\u014dmi, 5 k\u00f4s farther on, 50 houses. From Arkari to Shoghor is 10 k\u00f4s\nkatcha. From Shoghor, 3 miles below, is Rondur, 5 or 6 houses; 4 k\u00f4s is\nanother Shali, 20 houses, and thence over a plain by a village (the name\nof which I forget) 5 katcha k\u00f4s.\n\nBelow Shoghor the streams of Arkari and Lodko join, at Andakhti, two\nkatcha k\u00f4s from Shoghor. The Rajah of Chitr\u00e0l\u2019s son lives there (Bahram);\nanother son, Murid, lived in Lodko district. There is little snowfall\non the high Khatinza, but there is plenty on the easy Nuqs\u00e1n. A third\nroad, over a plain, also leads to Chitr\u00e1l from Zeib\u00e1k, namely, to Usk\u00fatul\n(3 k\u00f4s from Zeib\u00e1k); thence to Singlich, 2\u00bd k\u00f4s, maid\u00e1n; thence to the\ngreat tank, lake, or Hauz, five miles long and 1\u00bd miles broad, full\nof big fish. Thence over the Durra, infested by Kafirs, only a katcha\nk\u00f4s, easy ascent, when the snow melts (otherwise impassable), and an\neasy descent of one k\u00f4s to Shai Sid\u00e8n, at foot of pass (below which is,\n2 k\u00f4s, Gob\u00f4r, where there is some cultivation in summer). (Birzin is\na village of 40 houses, about 8 k\u00f4s distant from Gob\u00f4r.) Parab\u00eag, 50\nhouses, 2 k\u00f4s; Parab\u00eag to Kui, 70 houses, 1 katcha k\u00f4s; below Kui, \u00bd\nk\u00f4s, is J\u00edtur; below is a ziarat of Pir Shah Nasir Khosr\u014d at Birgunn\u00ec,\none k\u00f4s, a warm spring, 50 houses; Birgunn\u00ec to Dr\u00f4shp, 2 katcha k\u00f4s,\nwhere Raja Im\u00e1n-ul-Mulk\u2019s son, Murid, resides. Dr\u00f4shp, 40 houses; one\nk\u00f4s further is Mogh, 20 houses; thence to And\u00e1khti, 4 or 5 k\u00f4s. Over the\nHauz is the Mand\u00e0l mountain towards the Siah Posh country. Ahmad Diwan\u00e8,\n50 houses, is the first village of Kafirs, subject to Chitr\u00e1l. Over\nGab\u00f4r is the Shuitsh Mountain, behind which is the Aptzai Fort of the\nSiah Posh Kafirs, 200 houses; these are the two places from which Kafirs\ndescend to plunder caravans coming from Peshawar, and of whose approach\nthey may have been warned from Chitr\u00e1l, keeping clothes and weapons for\nthemselves, and giving the horses, etc., to Chitr\u00e1l. The Kafirs of Kam\u014dz\n(2,000 houses) are subject to Chitr\u00e1l; also Ludde (1,000 houses), Aptsai\n(200 houses), Shudgol Fort (150 houses).\n\nIstag\u00e0z is subject (100 houses) to Chitr\u00e1l; M\u0113r (40 houses) subject to\nChitr\u00e1l; Mundj\u00e8sh, 500 houses; Madug\u00e0ll (500 houses and two forts), on\na difficult road, is between Kam\u014dz (1 k\u00f4s above it) and Kamt\u00e1n (Ludde,\nAptsai, Shudgol, Ahmad Diwan\u00e9), 4 k\u00f4s. These Madugallis are independent,\nand plunder caravans from D\u012br or Zemindars. Sometimes they are bribed by\nthe Chitr\u00e1l Raja to keep quiet.\n\n * * * * *\n\nDull as the above account may read, it is full of topographical, if not\npolitical, interest to whoever can read \u201cbetween the lines\u201d; and the\ntelegrams and articles in _The Times_ of the 23rd and 25th Sept., 1891,\nthrow light on an unpleasant and hitherto concealed situation. Since 1866\nI have, in vain, drawn the attention of the Indian Government to the\nGilgit frontier. In 1886, or twenty years after my exploration, Colonel\nLockhart\u2019s mission, no doubt, did service, as regards Chitr\u00e1l; but Hunza\nand Nagyr have been mismanaged, owing to the incompetent manner in which\nmy information has been used. I have recently, after three years\u2019 labour,\nmuch expense, and some danger, completed the first quarto volume of my\nwork on Hunza, Nagyr, and a part of Yasin, the language of which has been\na great puzzle, that has now been unravelled, giving a new departure\nto philology; and the Foreign Department of the Indian Government has\npresented me with 100 copies of my work, a compliment that is often paid\nto the honorary contributor of a paper to the ASIATIC QUARTERLY REVIEW.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX VII.\n\n(a) A SECRET RELIGION IN THE HINDUKUSH [THE PAMIR REGION] AND IN THE\nLEBANON.\n\n\nI.\u2014THE MUL\u00c1IS OF THE HINDUKUSH.\n\nA number of conjectures as to the origin of the word \u201cMul\u00e1i,\u201d all of\nwhich are incorrect, have been made by eminent writers unacquainted with\nArabic or the meaning of its theological history and terms. A few of\nthese conjectures, however, go very near some fact or view connected with\nthe \u201cMul\u00e1is.\u201d The word may not mean \u201cterrestrial gods,\u201d but there are\nno other, for practical purposes, in the creed of the \u201cMul\u00e1is.\u201d It is\ncertainly not a corruption of \u201cMul\u00e1hid\u201d or \u201cheretic,\u201d if not \u201catheist,\u201d\nalthough this term has been specially applied to them by their enemies.\nIt can have nothing whatever to do etymologically with \u201cMuw\u00e1hidin\u201d or\nworshippers of \u201cOne\u201d [God], though they, no doubt, call themselves so,\n_i.e._, \u201cUnitarians.\u201d There is this additional difficulty, moreover,\nintroduced into the question, that no name can be conclusive as to\nthe esoteric appellation of a sect that has been obliged to practise\n\u201cConformity\u201d or \u201cPious fraud\u201d or \u201cconcealment\u201d of its religion, in\norder to escape persecution or wholesale massacre. The Shiahs,[127]\nwhose belief, in the hereditary succession, through the descendants of\nA\u2019li, of the _spiritual_ \u201cIm\u00e1mat\u201d or leadership or apostleship of the\nprophet Muhammad, rendered them overt or covert enemies of those Sunni\nrulers who held the _temporal_ power or \u201cthe Khil\u00e1fat\u201d (misspelt as \u201cthe\nCaliphate\u201d), were, and are, allowed to practise \u201cTaqq\u00eea\u201d (which I have\nrendered as \u201cConformity\u201d) outwardly and the more exaggerated or exclusive\na particular A\u2019liite or Shiite sect, the more careful had it to be. The\nSunni and Shiah may both publicly confess \u201cThere is no God but God, and\nMuhammad is his prophet\u201d; but the Shiah adds under his breath, \u201cA\u2019li\nis the Deputy (Governor) of God and the heir of the prophet of God.\u201d\nNow this word for \u201cDeputy\u201d is \u201c_vali_,\u201d \u201cto be close to,\u201d whether it\nbe to God, a king, a priest, a master, or other position of eminence\nin Arabian belief, society, history, or intellectual creations.[128]\n\u201cMaul\u00e1\u201d or \u201cMul\u00e1\u201d comes from the same root and is generally applied\nto a spiritual master, but, among the Shiahs, specially to their\n\u201cLORD\u201d A\u2019li. Therefore, \u201cMul\u00e1is\u201d are the special followers of the\n\u201cLord A\u2019li,\u201d just as the Jesuits claim to be a fraternity of special\nfollowers of \u201cthe Lord Jesus.\u201d When, then, the term \u201cMaul\u00e1n\u00e1\u201d or our\n\u201cMaster or Lord\u201d is specially used in the Druse Covenant of Initiation\n[see further on], there is not far to seek for the meaning of the\nappellation \u201cMul\u00e1i,\u201d though it was left for me to find it out from the\nA\u2019liite songs of the Mul\u00e1is of the Hindukush. Whatever the innermost\ncoterie of the \u201cinitiated\u201d may practise or believe, a connecting link\nof the sect with some existing creed is necessary for their safety or\nrespectability. Thus, the _Ismailians_ might call themselves \u201c_Sadiqis_\u201d\nor \u201cthe righteous,\u201d in order to spread the belief of their being special\nadherents of the 6th Im\u00e1m, (in the order of descent from A\u2019li), the\nIm\u00e1m Ja\u2019far _S\u00e1diq_ (the righteous), without entering into the vexed\nquestion as to whether his son \u201c_Ism\u00e0\u00eel_\u201d was the real \u201cseventh\u201d Im\u00e1m\nor his other son, M\u00fbsa (through whom the bulk of Shiahs look for their\nMahdi or Messiah, the 12th Im\u00e1m). Nor would any such special fervour in\nrevering a particular phase or man be necessarily deemed to be heretical,\neven among Sunnis. I have often heard a Sunni, especially if he was a\nPersian scholar and the strange magic of that language had subdued him,\nadmit the impeachment of having \u201ca particular love for the house of\nA\u2019li,\u201d and the numerous class of Sayads, who claim to be descendants\nof the Prophet, is respected, if not venerated, among Sunnis, who, in\ntheory, oppose the \u201chereditary\u201d claims of Shiahs.[129] The M\u00e1ulais,\ntherefore, of the Hindukush, being, consciously or not, a sub-sect of\nShiahs, can make friends with the main body of Shiahs, and yet pretend to\nthe Sunnis as being, in many respects, with them. Normally, the Maul\u00e1is\nwould profess to be good Muhammadans of the Shiah persuasion, leaning,\nhowever, to the 7th Im\u00e1m; if surrounded by, or in danger of, Sunnis, they\nwould _outwardly_ \u201cconform\u201d (which is all that the Sunnis require), and,\nat home, practise their own rites. The Khojas of Bombay, who had been\nconverted from Hinduism, but whose very name is Ismailian, used to read\nthe \u201cDas-awtar\u201d or \u201cten incarnations,\u201d in which \u201cA\u2019li\u201d is made out to be\nthe \u201cTenth Incarnation,\u201d thus rendering their step from Wishnu Hinduism\nto Shiah Muhammadanism an easy one. \u201cAll things to all men\u201d is the dictum\nof the Mul\u00e1is, without, thereby, sacrificing their own convictions.\nThe more a Mul\u00e1i knows, the more he acts on Disraeli\u2019s sneer that all\nsensible men are of _one_ religion, but do not tell what that religion\nis. The less a Mul\u00e1i knows, the more fanatically is he an A\u2019liite,\ncentreing however his faith on the living descendant of the 7th Im\u00e1m.\n\u201cNothing is a crime that is not found out\u201d may, or may not be, the theory\namong the Druses, or the practice all over the world; the fact remains\nthat neither the Druses nor the Mul\u00e1is, whatever their belief, are worse\nthan their neighbours. Even the odious signification that attaches to the\nterm \u201cAssassin\u201d has been a calumny against those misguided Ismailians who\nsought to rid the world of tyrants who had ordered the general massacre\nof the sect or who sacrificed one man in order to save a whole people.\n\nIn 1866 I discovered the languages and races of \u201cDardistan\u201d and gave\nthat name to the countries between Kashmir and Kabul, including Hunza in\nthem. In 1886 I was again on a special mission regarding the language\nof Hunza-Nagyr and a part of Yasin. I had already pointed out in 1867\nthe importance which our good friend, His Highness Agha Khan of Bombay,\nthe Head of the Khojas in that city, enjoyed in those, then nearly\ninaccessible, regions, as also in Wakhan, Zebak, Shign\u00e1n, Raushan, Kol\u00e1b\nand Derw\u00e1z, where the Mul\u00e1is predominate and are governed by hereditary\nP\u00eers or ancient sages of their own choice,[130] to whom they yield\nimplicit obedience, as do also the covenanters with \u201cAl-H\u00e1kim\u201d among the\n\u201cinitiated\u201d of the Druses. Of these P\u00eers, Agha Khan is Chief, and any\ncommand by him would be obeyed in some of the most dangerous parts of the\nHindukush. Advantage was only taken in 1886 of this hint, when Colonel\nLockhart\u2019s mission was supplied with letters of recommendation by His\nHighness to the Mulais. My identification of their mysterious rites with\nthose of the Druses connects the Lebanon with the Hindukush through the\nIsmailia sect, which under the name of the \u201cAssassins\u201d enjoyed such an\nunenviable notoriety during the Crusades and establishes a link among the\nnations of Richard C\u0153ur de Lion,[131] of Palestine and of the Pamirs.\nThe connection of Hunza with the Huns or Hunas and the relations between\nthe \u201cOld Man of the Mountain\u201d and our own Richard may be the subject\nof a future article. At present, I will confine myself to translating\nfrom the Persian original a Pythian utterance out of the \u201cKel\u00e1m-i-P\u00eer\u201d\nor \u201cthe Word of the ancient Sage,\u201d which takes the place of the Kor\u00e1n\namong Maul\u00e1is, and of which the following is the first extract ever\ngiven from that hidden book. It was partly dictated to me and partly\nwritten out on the occasion of His Highness, the present Agha Khan,\npaying me a visit, by the leader of some Mul\u00e1is, who had fled, first\nfrom Russian tyranny, and then from the still heavier Afghan oppression\nin the border-countries of Central Asia, my own Hunza man also being\npresent on the occasion.[132] The extract was called the Mul\u00e1i \u201cMukti\u201d\nor \u201cSalvation\u201d Cry of the Mul\u00e1is. It may be incidentally mentioned that\nShah Abdurrahim in Zeibak was (and perhaps still is) the greatest P\u00eer in\nCentral Asia. He controls Hunza, so far as that God-forsaken country can\nbe controlled. In Wakhan, Khwaja Ibrahim Husain was the Mul\u00e1i leader,\nand in Sarikul, Shahzada Makin. Sayad Jafar Khan ruled what there is of\nthe sect in Bokhara, Balkh, Kabul and Kunduz. \u201c_The_ P\u00eer\u201d or \u201cancient\nsage,\u201d however, was the historical Shah Nasir Khosr\u00f4, who is styled \u201ca\nmissionary of H. H. Aga Khan\u2019s ancestor.\u201d He is said to have had the\ncomplete \u201cKel\u00e1m-i-P\u00eer,\u201d a book of which I have for so many years in\nvain tried to get a copy, although assisted by my friend, the Mihtar\nNiz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk of Yasin and Chitr\u00e1l. The following extract from it, in\none and the same breath, affirms and denies the special doctrine of\nmetempsychosis and other notions opposed to the professed Muhammadanism\nof the Mul\u00e1is:\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe MUKTI or \u201cSALVATION.\u201d\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe Mul\u00e1i \u201cA\u2019QIL\u201d or \u201cintelligent\u201d = \u201cinitiated\u201d [the singular of the\nDruse \u201cU\u2019qal\u00e1\u201d or \u201cinitiated\u201d] first asks, in inelegant and enigmatical\nPersian:\n\n * * * * *\n\n\u201cALA! In what I say, can I remain _knowingly_ an \u00c1\u2019qil?\u201d or \u201cinitiated\u201d\nor \u201cI remain knowingly an \u00c1\u2019qil, although what I say\n\n * * * * *\n\n1. \u201cCome, solve for me a difficult story [or conjecture]\n\nCome, tell me the Light which the spirit from the world-shape [this world\nof Phenomena]\n\nWhen it becomes [gets] beyond [of] this shape, where [is] its abode and\nstation? [place of descent = \u201cmanzil\u201d]\n\nIs its place [of existence] in plants or in the Higher Universe [the\nworld above?]\n\nOr in the Lower Universe between water, dust and clay\u201d [or stone]? [the\nstrata between the centre and the surface of the earth]\n\n * * * * *\n\n2. \u201cIf, _knowingly_, that secret, come and tell me: \u2018Light\u2019\n\nAnd, if not, away! not _knowing_, without head-wandering, careless [care\nnot]\n\nDear ones! The spirit of the _knowing_ when it departs from these chains,\n\nDoes it become [wend] towards the skies [heavens]? Is that its Station\nobtaining?[133]\n\nOr why in the shape of man [anthropomorphic shape] is the Adamite\ncreated?[134]\n\nNay (?) the perfect man [ko-burd] cultured perfect,[135] or \u2018the ruling\nman [if] perfect, develops perfect culture\u2019\n\nBut they who are not wanted [the useless] are ignorant doubters\u201d\n\n * * * * *\n\n3. \u201cLet me tell its Commentary; every one, Come! in the ear make it\nacceptable.\n\nThe present is one stride [or state of a man]\n\nWhen they put him outside the body\n\nThey bind him in chains; he becomes with cow or ass entering\n\nAnother time his place [of staying] is the [world of] plants. They hold\nhim [there]\n\nHe will remain inside these chains for three years [many a year] [under]\nthat vain curse\u201d [this is a vain word]\n\n * * * * *\n\n4. AL L\u00c1Y! Helper of Chosroes![136] Such secrets to men why recklessly\nimpart? [it only makes them impudent] Not will say ever this the _A\u2019qil_\n[or \u201cthe initiated one.\u201d]\n\n[The wise do not mention their religion; if they do, they only make the\nunwise impudent.]\n\n * * * * *\n\nSo, after all, we have not been told the process or secret of after-life,\nwhether ascending into air, descending into earth, renewing human life\nor migrating into animal, plant or stone. In fact, we are made to\nunderstand that our inquiry is folly and that its answer, whether true or\nnot, is also folly. Yet are we allowed to conjecture the belief of \u201cthe\ninitiated\u201d in transmigration.\n\nAs for the Mul\u00e1is \u201cbeing all things to all men\u201d in matters of\nreligion\u2014Sunnis with Sunnis and Shiahs with Shiahs\u2014this is, as already\nstated, a mere amplification of the Shiah doctrine of _Taqq\u00eeah_ or\nconcealment in times of danger, to which I have specially referred in my\n\u201cDardistan.\u201d\n\nThe leaning of the Mul\u00e1is is, of course, rather to poetical Shiism, with\nthe chivalrous martyr A\u2019li as its demigod or \u201cnext to God\u201d in the A\u2019lewia\nsect, than to prosaic and monotonous Sunniism, so that to strangers they\nseem to be Shiahs, as will be seen in an extract from a native Indian\nDiary[137] written some 20 years ago, and which, it may be incidentally\nstated, still throws much light on the present conflicts in Dir, Bajaur\nand other petty States bordering on our frontier. No stranger is allowed\nto see the Kel\u00e1m-i-Pir, which takes the place of the Koran with Mul\u00e1is,\nbut in the most popular poem that is recited by them, the Im\u00e1m-ul Zem\u00e1n\nor Sahib-al-Zeman = the Imam or Lord of the Age (H. H. Aga Khan) is\nworshipped as the Monarch of this World, the visible incarnation of the\nDeity, offerings or a pilgrimage to whom dispenses a Mul\u00e1i from prayer,\nfasting or a visit to the sacred shrines of Mecca or Madina, or rather\nthe Shiah Kerbel\u00e1, the place of the martyrdom of Hasan and Husain, which\nShiahs annually celebrate by what are inappropriately called \u201cmiracle\nplays,\u201d but which really are \u201celegies,\u201d and commemorative funeral\nrecitations and processions. A person who has seen \u201cthe Lord of the Age\u201d\nor who possesses some of the water in which he has washed his feet is\nan honoured guest in Mul\u00e1i countries. The poem above alluded to is a\nparallel to the Druse \u201cContract\u201d which will be considered further on, and\nbegins with an invocation for \u201cHelp, oh Ali.\u201d\n\n \u201cNobody will worship God, without worshipping Thee, Lord of the Age!\n Jesus will descend from the fourth heaven to follow Thee, Lord of the\n Age!\n Thy will alone will end the strife with Antichrist, Lord of the Age!\n Thy beauty gives light to heaven, the sun and the moon, Lord of the Age!\n May I be blessed by being under the dust of Thy feet, Lord of the Age!\u201d\n\nA Maul\u00e1i is, if sincere, already dead to sin, and can, therefore, not\ncommit any. He needs, therefore, no resurrection or last Judgment day.\nObedience to the P\u00eer is his sole article of faith, and he holds his\nproperty, family and life at this Chief\u2019s disposal.\n\nI must now conclude this introduction to a comparison of the creeds of\nthe Druses and of the Mul\u00e1is by quoting a few words from a rhapsody of\nA\u2019li, repeated by the ordinary Maul\u00e1is till the pious frenzy is at white\nheat:\n\n\u201cOh A\u2019li, to God, to God, oh A\u2019li, my sole aim, the only one, our Mula\nA\u2019li; My desire, the only our Mula A\u2019li; My passion only the beauty of\nA\u2019li; My longing day and night for union with A\u2019li; Higher and Higher\nA\u2019li, oh A\u2019li; A\u2019li is the Killer of difficulties, oh A\u2019li; He is the\nCommander of the Faithful, namely A\u2019li; _That_ one is the Im\u00e1m of the\nsteadfast in faith, namely A\u2019li,\u201d and so on _ad infinitum_ till we come\nto the natural connection between normal Shiism, its exaggeration into\nA\u2019li worship, its mysterious interpretation of the self-sacrifice of\nHusain to save the world, and, finally, to all other aberrations of\nwhich Maulaism is one. The poem then goes into wild Turkish and Arabic\nmeasures, which exhausted my informant, Ghulam Haidar, who adds on behalf\nof himself, also in verse: \u201cIt is not proper that I should not answer\nthe question which you ask me, but what am I to say? The answer from me\nis easy, but I see a difficulty in _your_ way. Oh Ghulam Haidar\u201d (thrice\nrepeated). Then in prose. \u201cIn the night of Friday, the Mul\u00e1i men (in\nHunza), instead of worship and prayer, taking Guitars and Drums (Rab\u00e1bs\nand \u1e0caffs) in their hands, play the above \u201cGhazals\u201d on them. Then six old\nmen, Akhunds (priests), having assembled, read (sing) them in the Mosque,\nwhen the men of the mass of the people gather and give ear to them:\n\n \u2018\u201cY\u00e1 A\u2019li, Y\u00e1 A\u2019li, Y\u00e1 Im\u00e1m-i-Zem\u00e1n\u201d\u2019\u2014\n \u2018\u201cOh Ali, Oh Ali, Oh Im\u00e1m (and Lord) of the Age\u201d\u2019\u2014\n\nis the mention (Chorus) which they take on their tongues. From the\nbeginning of the evening till the morning they thus show their zeal; the\nRaja then as a reward of thanks for that worship bestows (gold dust to\nthe value of) four tilas on the priests and gives them a quantity of\nbutter of the weight of four measures and one sheep or big calf and one\nmaund of wheat in order to hold a feast.\u201d\n\n\nII.\u2014THE COVENANT OF \u201cTHE INITIATED\u201d DRUSES.\n\nThe following is a rendering of the Covenant or Contract which the\nU\u2019qal\u00e1 or \u201cthe initiated\u201d amongst the Druses are reciting in mysterious\nseclusion. It was overheard by my informant, an \u201cuninitiated\u201d Druse.[138]\nIt formed, as it were, the evening prayer of his uncle and aunt. Although\nan educated and highly intelligent person, he was not aware of even\nits local interest, much less of its general historical and religious\nimportance.\n\n\n_The Covenant = Al Mith\u00e1q_:\n\n\u201cO Governor [Val\u00ee] of the Age,[139] may Allah\u2019s blessing and peace be\nupon him\u201d (this phrase seems intended to delude Muhammadans into the\nbelief that the Druses have the same Allah or God, but it has an esoteric\nsense which will become apparent further on). \u201cI put my confidence into\n\u2018our spiritual head the Lord\u2019 (literally \u2018OUR MAULA AL-H\u00c1KIM\u2019) (here\nis one of the esoteric formul\u00e6)\u2014\u2018the One, the Single, the Everlasting\n(Lord), the (serenely) Distinct from Duality and Number.\u2019 (This is a\nprotest not only against the female form of the Deity, but also against\nthe notion of a distinct good and evil principle, an Ahriman or Ormuz,\nwhilst its Muhammadan form would seem to outsiders to be merely a protest\nagainst giving any \u2018companion to God.\u2019) The initiator and the to be\n\u2018initiated\u2019 then go on repeating together the following, the former using\nthe 3rd, and the latter the 1st, person. \u2018I so and so\u2019 (here comes name\nof the initiated), \u2018son of such a one, CONFESS firmly the confession to\nwhich he (or I) respond from his [or my] soul, and bears testimony to it\nupon his spirit, whilst in a condition of soundness of his spirit and\nof his body, and with the (acceptance of the passing of the) lawfulness\nof the order, obeying without reluctance and under no violence: THAT he\nverily absolves (himself) from all Religions and Dogmas and Faiths and\nConvictions, all of them, in the various species of their contradictions,\nand that he does not acknowledge anything except the OBEDIENCE TO OUR\nMAULA AL-H\u00c1KIM, may his mention be glorious! and this obedience it is the\nworship, and that he will not associate in his worship any (other) that\nis past or is present, or is to come, and that he has verily entrusted\nhis spirit and his body, and whatever is to him and the whole of what he\nmay possess to OUR MAULA AL-H\u00c1KIM, and that he is satisfied to fulfil all\nHis orders unto himself and against himself without any contradiction,\nand not refusing anything and not denying (refusing) anything of His\nactions, whether this injures him or rejoices him, and that he, should he\never revert (apostatize) from the religion of our Maula Al-H\u00e1kim which he\nhas written upon his soul, and to which he has born testimony unto his\nspirit, that HE SHALL BE BEREFT (free) of the Creator, who is worshipped\nand deprived of the benefits of all the sanctions (rules, laws), and that\nhe shall be considered as deserving the punishment of God, the High, may\nHis mention be glorious! And that he, if he acknowledges that there is\nnot to him in Heaven and not in the Earth an Im\u00e1m in existence _except\nour Maula Al-H\u00e1kim_\u201d (this confession distinguishes the Druses of the\nLebanon and the Mul\u00e1is of the Hindukush from the orthodox Shiahs, who\nbelieve in the coming of the ever-present Mahdi, or the twelfth Im\u00e1m, a\nview that had been fostered by us in the Sud\u00e1n to our endless confusion\nby our inexcusable opposition to the Sultan of Turkey as the Khalifa\nof the Sunnis), \u201cthen will the mention of him (who only believes in\nAl-H\u00e1kim) become glorious, and he will be of the _Muw\u00e1hid\u00een_ (who profess\nthe unity of God), who will (eventually) conquer.\u201d (This appellation is\ncommon to the Druses and to the Mul\u00e1is, but is not admitted as being\napplicable to them by orthodox Shiahs or Sunnis. In retaliation they\ncall the Sunni a dog, and the Shiah an ass.) \u201cAnd (the above) has been\nwritten[140] in the month so and so of the year (chronology) of the I\u2019d\n(festival) of our Maula Al-H\u00e1kim, whose nation be glorious, whose Empire\nbe strengthened to Him alone.\u201d (The Maul\u00e1i Chronology is said to begin\nwith the _special_ revelation of the Im\u00e1m on the 17th Ramadan in the\n559th year of the Hejira, at the castle of Alam\u00fbt.)\n\n\n_The Special Recitation._\n\nThe following is repeated by Druses at the conclusion of their prayers:\n\u201cMay God\u2019s blessing be upon him who speaks (confesses) the Lord of\ngoodness and benefits. May God bless the Ruler of the Guidances (Hid\u0101y\u0101);\nto him be profit and sufficiency. May God\u2019s blessing be on our Lord the\nH\u0101di\u201d (the Guide or \u201cMehdi\u201d means one who is guided aright by God =\nthe coming Messiah of the Shiah world,) \u201cthe Im\u00e1m, the greatest of the\nperfect light\u201d (this is an allusion to the 7th Im\u00e1m, Ismail, descendant\nof _the_ light[141] (Mohammed)), \u201cwho is waiting for the refuge\n(salvation) of all living beings. On Him may be (our) trust, and from\nhim (may be) the peace. May God bless him and them whatever passes of\nnights and of days and of months and of years, whenever flashes the dawn\nof morning or night remains in darkness may abundant peace and trust be\nfor ever! _O Allah-humma!_\u201d (the mystic Muhammadan remnant of Elohim =\nLords, Gods) \u201cprovide us with _Thy_ contentment\u201d (this is a play of words\nimplying that our best \u201cdaily bread\u201d is God\u2019s contentment with us) \u201cand\nwith _Their_ contentment\u201d (this is either a Trinitarian or Polytheistic\ninvocation to \u201cElohim\u201d) \u201cand with _their_ intercession and with _Thy_\nmercy and with _their_ mercy in this world and in the next! O our Maula!\nand Lord of the Im\u00e1m\u201d (this is indeed significant as to the pretensions\nof Al-H\u00e1kim to the godhead, or to some dignity very near it).\n\n * * * * *\n\nNow comes an ancient curse with a modern application and an appeal to\narms (whispered along the line of assembled Druses):\n\n\u201cPray for the ornament of sons,\n\nIn the East the five[142] residing (compare also the Shiah \u2018Panjtan\u2019[143]\nand the five main Shiah sects)[144]\n\nThey say: Father Abraham has appeared,\n\nand they announce the good tidings to the worshippers of _One_ (the\nDruses).\n\nThey say: With the sword has Father Abraham appeared;\n\nA violence to his enemies\n\nO brethren! Prepare earnestly for the campaign,\n\nVisiting the House of Mecca.\n\nThe House of Mecca and the sacred places,\n\nOn them has destruction been ordained.\n\nOh people of the Berbers! Extermination is lawful.\n\nWith the sword shall ye be sacrificed.\n\nThe French are coming with stealth.\n\nThe \u2018A\u2019ql\u2019 [or \u2018the body of the initiated\u2019] will protect us with its\nsword.\n\nRejoice, people of China, in the hour of Thy arrival.\n\nWelcome to thee, city of Arin (?), oh my Lady!\u201d [Fatima?].\n\n * * * * *\n\nA Druse wedding-song may also be quoted here: (\u201cAllah, bill\u00e1li,\nbill\u00e1li.\u201d) _The Chorus_: \u201cO God, with the pearls, with the pearls,\u201d\n\u201cSway on to me, oh my Gazelle!\u201d _Song_: \u201cThou maid who combest her (the\nbride\u2019s) tresses, comb them gently, and give her no pain; for she is the\ndaughter of nobles, accustomed to being a pet\u201d [_dell\u00e1li_]. _Chorus_:\n_Allah, bill\u00e1li, bill\u00e1li; wa tanaqqal\u00ed, y\u00e1 Ghaz\u00e1li!_\n\n * * * * *\n\n_Another Song_: \u201cSing the praises of the shore, oh daughters; sing\nthe praises of the daughters of the shore; for we have passed by the\npomegranate-tree bearing full fruit, and we have compared it with the\ncheeks of the daughters of the shore.\u201d\n\n\n(b) THE KEL\u00c1M-I-P\u00ceR AND ESOTERIC MUHAMMADANISM.\n\nIt is not my wish to satisfy idle curiosity by describing the contents\nof a book, concealed for nine hundred years, the greater portion of\nwhich accident has placed in my hands after years of unsuccessful search\nin inhospitable regions. The fragmentary information regarding it and\nthe practices of its followers which I had collected, were contributed\nto publications, like this Review, of specialists for specialists\nor for genuine Students of Oriental learning. Nothing could be more\ndistressing to me than the formation of a band of \u201cesoteric Muhammadans,\u201d\nunacquainted with Arabic, which is the only key to the knowledge of\nIsl\u00e1m. The mastery of the original language of his holy Scripture is,\nstill more emphatically, the _sine qu\u00e2 non_ condition of a teacher, be he\nChristian, Muhammadan, or other \u201cpossessor of a sacred book.\u201d Nor should\nanyone discuss another\u2019s faith without knowing its religious texts in the\noriginal as well as its present practice.\n\nThe term \u201cesoteric\u201d has been so misused in connection with Buddhism, the\nleast mystic of religions, by persons unacquainted with Sanscrit, Pali\nand modern Buddhism, that it has become unsafe to adopt it as describing\nthe \u201cinner\u201d meaning of any faith. Were Buddha alive, he would regret\nhaving made the path of salvation so easy by abolishing the various\nstages of Brahminical preparation, through a studious, practical and\nuseful life, for the final retirement, meditation, and Nirvana. Yet\nthere are mysterious practices in the Tantric worship of \u201cthe Wisdom\nof the Knowable,\u201d which Buddha alone brought to the masses that were\nto be emancipated from the Brahminical yoke. Even transparent Judaism\nhas its Kabala, and the religion that brought God to Man has mysteries\nof grace and godliness, the real meaning of which is only known to the\ntrue Christian of one\u2019s own sect or school. Thus open, easy and simple\nMuhammadanism has its two triumphant orthodoxies of Sunnis and Imam\u00eea\nShiahs and 72 militant, or outwardly conforming, heterodoxies. Indeed,\nas long as words can be fought over, and even facts do not impress all\nalike, so long will the more or less proficient professors of a creed\nreach various degrees of \u201cesoteric\u201d knowledge.\n\nIt is the unknown merit of the religious system of the so-called\nAssassins of the Crusades to have discussed, dismissed and yet absorbed\na number of faiths and philosophies. It adapted itself to various stages\nof knowledge among its proselytes from various creeds, whilst the\ncircumstances of its birth, history and surroundings gave it a Muhammadan\nbasis. _Non omnia scimus omnes_ may be said by the most \u201cinitiated\u201d\nDruse, Ismailian or \u201cMul\u00e1i,\u201d the latter being the name by which I will,\nin future, designate all the ramifications of this remarkable system of\nPhilosophy, Religion and Practical politics.\n\nThis system elaborates the principle that all truths, except ONE, are\nrelative. It treats each man as it finds him, leading him through stages,\ncomplete in themselves, to the final secret. We, too, in a way admit\nthat strong meat and drink are not the proper food for babes. We speak\nof professional training and of the professional spirit, of _esprit de\ncorps_, terms which all have an \u201cesoteric\u201d sense, and imply preparation;\nindeed, every experience of life is an \u201cinitiation\u201d which he, who has not\nundergone it, cannot \u201crealize;\u201d we, too, have medical and other works\nwhich the ordinary reader does not buy and which are, so far, \u201cesoteric\u201d\nto him, but we have not laid down in practice that he, who does not\nknow, shall not teach or rule. This has been systematized, with a keen\nsense of proportion, by the Founders of the Ismailian sect. Fighting for\nits existence against rival Muhammadan bodies and in the conflicts of\nChristianity, Judaism, Magianism and various Philosophies, its emissaries\napplied the Pauline conduct of being \u201call things to all men\u201d in order to\ngain converts.\n\nAfter the establishment of mutual confidence, a Christian might be\nconfronted with puzzling questions regarding the Trinity, the Atonement,\nthe Holy Communion, etc.\u2014the Jew be called to explain an Universal God,\nyet exclusively beneficent to His people, or might be cross-examined\non the miracles of Moses; a Zoroastrian, to whom much sympathy should\nbe expressed, would be sounded as to his Magian belief; an idolater,\nif ignorant, could be easily shown the error of his ways and, if not,\nhis pantheism might be checked by the evidences of materialistic or\nmonotheistic doctrine; the orthodox Sunni would be required to explain\nthe apparent inconsistencies of statements in the Kor\u00e1n, and the various\nsects of Shiahs would be confounded by doubts being thrown on this or\nthat link of the hereditary succession of the apostleship of Muhammad;\nsceptics, philosophers, word-splitters, both orthodox and heterodox,\nwould be followed into their last retrenchments by contradictory\narguments, materialistic, idealistic, exegetical, as the case may be.\nWith every creed, to use an Indian simile, the peeling of the onion\nwas repeated, in which, after one leaf after the other of the onion\nis taken off in search of the onion, no onion is found and nothing is\nleft. The enquirer would thus be ready for the reception of such new\ndoctrine as might be taught him by the \u201cMul\u00e1i\u201d[145] preacher, or _D\u00e1i_,\nwho then revealed himself one step beyond the mental and moral capacity\nof his intended convert, whilst sharing with the latter a basis of\ncommon belief. Now this required ability of no mean order, as also of\ngreat variety, so as to be adapted to all conditions of men to whom\nthe _D\u00e1i_ might address himself. Sex, age, profession, heredity and\nacquired qualities, antecedents and attainments, all were taken into\nconsideration. At the same time, in an age of violence, the missionaries\nof the new faith had to keep their work a profound secret and to insist\non a covenant, identical with, or similar to, the one of the Druses,\nwhich I published in the last number of the _Asiatic Quarterly Review_.\nEven when confronted by Hinduism, the new creed could represent that\n\u00c1li, the son-in-law of the prophet Muhammad, was the 10th incarnation\nof Vishnu, which is expected, as was the Paraclete and as are the\nMessiah and the \u201cMehdi\u201d (many of those who adopted that title being\nsecret followers of the Ismailian creed).[146] I have pointed out in my\nlast article how the very name of \u2019Ali, his chivalrous character, his\neloquence, his sad death and the martyrdom of his sons lent themselves to\nhis more than apotheosis in minds already prepared by Magian doctrine and\nthe spirit of opposition to the successful Sunni oppressor. I think that\nI can quote extracts, in support of this statement from the \u201cKel\u00e1m-i-p\u00eer\u201d\nor the \u201c_Logos_ of the Ancient,\u201d showing how the contributor to it\n(for I take the \u201cKel\u00e1m-i-p\u00eer\u201d to be a collective name like \u201cHomer\u201d),\nthe eminent mathematician, historian and poet, Shah N\u00e1sir Khosr\u00fb, who\nwas born in the year 355 A.H. = 969 A.D. was led, after a long life of\npurity and piety, of abstemiousness and study, to examine and reject one\nreligion after the other and, finally, adopt the one with which we are\nnow concerned and of which His Highness, Agha Sultan Muhammad Shah is the\npresent hereditary spiritual head. His authority extends from the Lebanon\nto the Hindukush and wherever else there may be Ismailians, who either\nopenly profess obedience to him, as do the Khojahs in Bombay; or who are\nhis secret followers in various parts of the Muhammadan world in Asia and\nAfrica.[147] The present young, but enlightened, Chief is, as his father\nand grandfather, likely to exert his influence for good.\n\nThe following is a short biographical sketch of this lineal descendant\nof the prophet \u00c1li. His genealogy is incontestable and will, I hope, be\nincluded in my next paper.[148]\n\n\u201cH. H. Agha Sultan Muhammad Shah was born at Karachi on Nov. 2nd, 1877.\nIt was soon seen that it would be necessary to give him a good education,\nand his father, H. H. the late Agha Ali Shah, early grounded him in the\nhistory of Persia and the writings of its great poets. But this education\nwas certainly not sufficient in the present day, and Lady Ali Shah, after\nthe death of her husband, very wisely carried out his wishes by placing\nhis son under an English tutor, so that, whilst Persian was by no means\nneglected, a course of English reading was begun. Four years ago he\nstumbled over the spelling of monosyllables. The progress made now is\nreally surprising; with natural talents he has found it easy to acquire\na thorough English accent and converses freely with Englishmen. The\nhistories of Persia, India and England, the series of the Rulers of India\nand the Queen\u2019s Prime Ministers, McCarthy\u2019s \u2018History of our Own Times\u2019\nand the lives of eminent men that stock his library, mark a predilection\nfor History and Biography. The subjects of conversation during a\nmorning\u2019s ride are often the politics of the day or the turning points\nin the lives of illustrious men. But with this reading his other studies\nare not neglected. Algebra, Geometry, Arithmetic, elementary Astronomy,\nChemistry and Mechanics, with English authors like Shakespeare, Macaulay,\nand Scott, form a part of his scholastic course.\n\n\u201cUnlike his father and grandfather, the Aga Sahib has little love for\nhunting, though he is seen regularly on the racecourse and is well known\nin India as a patron of the turf. In the peculiarity of his position it\nwill be difficult for him to travel for some years, but his eyes are\ndirected to Europe and he looks forward to the pleasure of witnessing at\nsome future time an important debate in the House of Commons. From the\nfact that every mail brings English periodicals to his door, it will be\nseen that he closely follows everything that relates to English politics.\n\n\u201cWith the work amongst the Khojahs and his other followers devolving\nupon him at so early an age his studies are, of course, liable to be\ninterrupted, and it is hardly possible for him to devote himself to his\nbooks\u2014Oriental and English\u2014as much as he would wish to do. He is not yet\nmarried, nor does he seem inclined to marry early. A few years, however,\nmust see him the father of a family, and there is little doubt that his\nchildren will be educated with all the advantages of the best ancient and\nmodern education so as to make them worthy of their illustrious descent.\u201d\n\nHow far His Highness will be himself initiated into more than the\npractice and rites, public and private, of so much of his form of the\nIsmailian Faith as is necessary for the maintenance of his position and\nresponsibilities towards his followers, depends on his attainments,\nmental vigour, and character. With greater theoretical power than\neven the Pope, who is not hereditary, his influence is personal and\nrepresentative by the _consensus fidelium_. Nearly all of them are\nin the first, or second, degree, even their Pirs being generally in\nthe 3rd or 4th, with a general leaning to a mystic divine A\u2019li, not\nmerely the historical A\u2019li, whom their followers see incarnated in his\npresent living descendant. Few, if any, of the leaders are in higher\ndegrees, for they might be out of touch with the practical exigencies\nof their position in different countries and circumstances. Perhaps,\namong the Druses, there may be one professor in the highest stage of\nthe \u201cinitiated\u201d\u2014the Ninth\u2014but even then he would take his choice of\nPhilosophies and find a microcosm of theory and practice in each. The\nresult on mind and character would be ennobling, and he would die, if,\nindeed, an \u201cinitiated\u201d can die, carrying away with him the secret of\nhis faith, which he alone has been found worthy to discover. What that\nsecret is, no amount of divulging will impart to any one who is not\nfit to receive it, though the infinite variety of its manifestations\nadapt it to every form of thought or life. That even Masonic passwords\nmay, for practical purposes and in spite of published books, be kept a\nsecret, though possibly an open one, experience has shown, but the man\ndoes not yet exist who can, or will, apply the system, of which I have\nendeavoured to give a hint, to the Universal Federation of Religious\nAutonomies, which, in my humble opinion, the Ismailian doctrine was\nintended to found, little as its present followers may know of this use\nof the genuine ring of Truth, of which every religion, according to\nLessing\u2019s _Nathan der Weise_, claims to have the exclusive possession. If\nthis be not enough, I will, at the outset, give the advice that the old\nman in Lavengro with his dying breath gave to his disciple as the reward\nof a life-long devotion to learn the great secret\u2014\u201cLEARN ARABIC\u201d\u2014as a\nvariation on his \u201cLearn German.\u201d There is no royal road to learning or to\nsalvation, and mental culture is impossible without the synthesis which\nthe study of Classical languages\u2014Oriental or European\u2014still foster in\nthis age of destructive analysis and of that scepticism which does not\nseek to re-construct.\n\n * * * * *\n\nSince writing above another accident has placed in my hands an evidently\nancient manuscript in Persian verse, on the same or kindred subjects of\nIsmailian belief. The manuscript is duodecimo, about 200 pages in extent,\nand is written in exquisite miniature caligraphy. Its perusal may affect\nmy decision as to the manner of dealing with the question, so far as the\npublic is concerned; in the meanwhile, I am still in search of the name\nof its author, and of its date.\n\n\n\n\n APPENDIX VIII.\n ON THE\n SCIENCES OF LANGUAGE AND OF ETHNOGRAPHY\n\n WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO\n _The Language and Customs of the People of Hunza_\n\n BEING A REPORT ON AN EXTEMPORE ADDRESS\n\n BY G. W. LEITNER, M.A., PH.D., LL.D., D.O.L., ETC.\n\n _Publications of the Oriental Institute, Woking._\n\n LONDON\n SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO.\n PATERNOSTER SQUARE\n 1890\n\n\n\n\nON THE SCIENCES OF LANGUAGE AND OF ETHNOGRAPHY:\n\n_With special reference to the Language and Customs of the People of\nHunza._[149]\n\n\nThe time has long passed since grammar and its rules could be treated\nin the way to which we were accustomed at school. Vitality has now to\nbe breathed into the dry bones of conjugations and declensions, and\nno language can be taught, even for mere practical purposes, without\nconnecting custom and history with so-called \u201crules.\u201d The influences of\nclimate and of religion have to be considered, as well as the character\nof the people, if we wish to obtain a real hold on the language of our\nstudy. Do we desire to make language a speciality, the preparation of\nacquiring early in life two dissimilar languages, one analytic and the\nother synthetic, is absolutely necessary, because if that is not done, we\nshall always be hampered by the difficulty of dissociating the substance\nfrom the word which designates it. The human mind is extremely limited,\nand amongst the limits imposed upon it are those of, in early life,\nconnecting an idea, fact, or process, with certain words; and unless\ntwo languages, at least, are learnt, and those two are as dissimilar\nas possible, one is always, more or less, the slave of routine in the\nperception and in the application of new facts and of new ideas, and\nin the adaptation of any matter of either theoretical or practical\nimportance. It is a great advantage, for linguistic purposes, which are\nfar more practically important than may be generally believed, that\nthe study of the classical languages still holds the foremost place in\nthis country; because, however necessary scientific \u201cobservation\u201d may\nbe, it cannot take the place of a cultured imagination. The stimulus\nof illustration and comparison, which, in the historical sense of the\nterms, is an absolutely necessary primary condition to mental advance,\nis derived from classical and literary pursuits. The study of two very\nsimilar languages, however, is not the same discipline to a beginner in\nlinguistics; _e.g._, to learn French and Italian is not of the same value\nas French and German, for the more dissimilar the languages the better.\n\nAgain, if you desire to elicit a language of which you know nothing, from\na savage who cannot explain it and who does not understand your language,\nthere are certain processes with which some linguists, no doubt, are\nfamiliar, and others commend themselves in practical experience; for\ninstance, in pointing to an object which you wish to have, say, a fruit\nwhich you want to eat, you may not only obtain the name for it, but the\ngesture to obtain it, if you are surrounded by several savages whose\nlanguage you do not know, may also induce one of the men to order another\nto get it for you,\u2014I suppose on the principle that it is easy for one\nto command and for others to obey; but, be that as it may, this course,\nto the attentive observer, first obtains the name for the required\nthing and next elicits the imperative; you hear something with a kind\nof inflection which, once heard, cannot be mistaken for anything else\nthan the imperative. Further, the _reply_ to the imperative would either\nelicit \u201cyes,\u201d or \u201cno,\u201d or the indicative present. This process of inquiry\ndoes not apply to all languages, but it applies to a great many; and\nthe attitude which you have to assume towards every language that you\nknow nothing about, in the midst of strangers who speak it, is that, of\ncourse, of an entirely sympathetic student. You have, indeed, to apply\nto language the dictum which Buddhist Lamas apply to religion\u2014never to\nthink, much less to say, that your own religion (in this case your own\nlanguage) is the best; _i.e._, the form of expression in which you are in\nthe habit of conveying your thoughts, is one so perfectly conventional,\nthough rational in your case, that the greatest freedom from prejudice\nis as essential a consideration as the wish to acquire the language of\nothers. In other words, in addition to the mere elementary acquisition\nof knowledge, you have to cultivate a sympathetic attitude; and here,\nagain, is one of the proofs of a truth which my experience has taught me,\nthat, however great knowledge may be, sympathy is greater, for sympathy\nenables us to fit the key which is given by knowledge. Gestures also\nelicit a response in dealing, for instance, with numerals, where we are\nfacilitated by the fingers of the hand. Of course, one is occasionally\nstopped by a savage who cannot go, or is supposed not to be able to go,\nbeyond two, or beyond five.\n\nI take it that in the majority of cases of that kind, a good deal of\nour misconception with regard to the difficulty of the inquiry lies in\nourselves\u2014that ideas of multitude connected with the peculiar customs\nof the race that have yet to be ascertained, are at the bottom of the\ninability of that race to follow our numeration. For instance we go up\nto ten, and in order to elicit a name for eleven, we say \u201cone, ten;\u201d if\nthe man laughs, change the order, and say \u201cten, one;\u201d the chances are\nthat the savage will instinctively rejoin \u201cten _and_ one,\u201d and we then\nget the conjunction. Putting the fingers of both hands together may mean\n\u201cmultitude,\u201d \u201calliance,\u201d or \u201cenmity,\u201d according as the customs of the\nrace are interpreted by that gesture.\n\nI am reminded of this particular instance in my experience, because\nI referred to it in a discussion on an admirable paper on the Kafirs\nof the Hindukush by the eminent Dr. Bellew. If you do not take custom\nalong with a \u201crule,\u201d and do not try to explain the so-called rule by\neither historical events or some custom of the race, you make language\na matter entirely of memory, and as memory is one of the faculties that\nsuffers most from advancing age, or from modes of living and various\nother circumstances, the moment that memory is impaired your linguistic\nknowledge must suffer\u2014you, therefore, should make language a matter of\njudgment and of associations. If you do not do that, however great your\nlinguistic knowledge or scholarship, you must eventually fail in doing\njustice to the subject or to those with whom you are dealing.\n\nThe same principle applies as much to a highly civilised language like\nArabic, one of the most important languages in the way of expressing the\nmultifarious processes of human thought and action, as to the remnant of\nthe pre-historic Hunza language, which throws an unexpected light on the\nscience of language.\n\nLet us first take Arabic and the misconceptions of it by Arabic\nscholars. In 1859 I pointed out before the College of Preceptors, how\nit was necessary not only to discriminate between the Chapters in the\nKoran delivered at Mecca, and those given at Medina, but also to arrange\nthe verses out of various Chapters in their real sequence. I believe we\nare now advancing towards a better understanding of this most remarkable\nbook. But we still find in its translation such passages, for instance,\nas, \u201cwhen in war women are captured, _take_ those that are not married.\u201d\nThe meaning is nothing so arbitrary. The expression for \u201ctake\u201d that we\nhave there is _ankohu_\u2014marry, _i.e._, take in marriage or _nik\u00e1h_, as no\nalliance can be formed with even a willing captive taken in war, except\nthrough the process of _nik\u00e1h_, which is the religious marriage contract.\nAgain, we have the passage, \u201cKill the infidels wherever you find them.\u201d\nThere again is shown the want of sympathetic knowledge, which is distinct\nfrom the knowledge of our translators who render \u201cqatilu\u201d by \u201ckill,\u201d\nwhen it merely means \u201cfight\u201d and refers to an impending engagement with\nenemies who were then attacking Muhammed\u2019s camp. Apart from accuracy of\ntranslation, a sympathetic attitude is also of practical importance.\n_E.g._, had we gone into Oriental questions with more sympathy and, in\nconsequence, more real knowledge, many of our frontier wars would have\nbeen avoided, and there is not the least doubt that in dealing with\nOriental humanity, whether we had taken a firm or a conciliatory course,\nwe should have been upon a track more likely to lead to success than\nby taking action based on insufficient knowledge or on preconceptions.\nFor instance, in the _Times_ there was a telegram from Suakim about the\nMahdi, to the effect that El Senousi was opposing him successfully. I\ndo not know who El Senousi is, but very many years ago I pointed out\nthe great importance of the Senousi _sect_ in Africa, and, unless the\ndeceased founder of that name has now arisen, whether it is a man of\nthat name or the now well-known sect that is mentioned, one cannot say\nfrom the telegram. The sender of the message states that as sure as the\nEl Senousi rises to importance there will be a danger to Egypt and to\nIslam. It is Christian like to think well of Islam, and to try to protect\nit. This very few Christians do, and it shows a kind feeling towards a\nsister-faith, but I am not sure that the writer accurately knew what\nIslam is; though there can be no doubt that the rise of fanatical sects,\nlike the Senousi, which is largely due to the feeling of resistance\ncreated by the encroachments of so-called European civilisation, is\nopposed to orthodox Muhammedanism. Be that as it may, I have also\nturned to \u201cthe further correspondence on the affairs of Egypt\u201d which a\nfriend gave me, and, really, I now know rather less about Egypt than I\ndid before. For instance, I find (and I am specially referring to the\nblue-book in my hand) that letters of the greatest importance from the\nMahdi are treated in the following flippant manner: \u201cThis is nothing more\nor less than an unauthenticated copy of a letter sent by the deceased\nMahdi to General Gordon!\u201d Is this not enough to deserve attentive\ninquiry? General Gordon would, probably, not have agreed with the writer\nof this contemptuous remark, which is doubly out of place when we are\nalso told that the Mahdi was sending Gordon certain verses and passages\nfrom the Kor\u00e1n, illustrative of his position, which are eliminated by\nthe translator as unnecessary, of no importance, and of very little\ninterest! Now, considering that this gentleman knew Arabic, I think I am\nright when I add that with a little more sympathy he would have known\nmore, and had he known more he would have quoted those passages, for it\nis most necessary for us to know on what precise authority of the Kor\u00e1n\nor of tradition this so-called Mahdi based his claim, and knowledge of\nthis kind would give us the opportunity of dealing with the matter.\nAgain, on the question of Her Majesty\u2019s title of \u201cKaisar-i-hind,\u201d which,\nafter great difficulty, I succeeded in carrying into general adoption in\nIndia, the previous translators of \u201cEmpress\u201d had suggested some title\nwhich would either have been unintelligible or which would have given Her\nMajesty a disrespectful appellation, whilst none would have created that\nawe and respect which, I suppose, the translation of the Imperial title\nwas intended to inspire. Even the subsequent official adopter of this\ntitle, Sir W. Muir, advocated it on grounds which would have rendered\nit inapplicable to India. With the National Anthem similarly, we had a\ntranslation by a Persian into Hindustani, which was supported by a number\nof Oriental scholars in this country, who either did not study it, or who\ndealt with the matter entirely from a theoretical point of view, and what\nwas the result? The result was\u2014that for \u201cGod Save the Queen,\u201d a passage\nwas put which was either blasphemous, or which, in popular Muhammedan\nacceptance, might mean, \u201cGod grant that Her Majesty may again marry!\u201d\nwhereas one of the glories of Her Majesty among her Hindu subjects is\nthat she is a true \u201cSatti\u201d or Suttee, viz., a righteous widow, who ever\nhonours the memory of her terrestrial and spiritual husband\u2014neither of\nthose views being intended by the translator, or by that very large and\nresponsible body of men who supported him, and that still larger and\nemphatically loyal body that intended to give the translation of the\nNational Anthem as a gift to India at a cost of several thousand pounds,\nwhen for a hundred rupees a dozen accurate and respectful versions were\nelicited by me in India itself.\n\nI therefore submit that in speaking of the sciences of language and\nethnography, we have, or ought to have, passed, long ago, the standpoint\nof treating them separately; they must be treated together, and, as\nI said at the beginning, taking, _e.g._, Arabic, with its thirty-six\nbroken plurals (quite enough to break anybody\u2019s memory), you will never\nbe able to learn it unless you thoroughly realise the life of the Arab,\nas he gets out of his tent in the morning, milks his female camel, &c.,\nand unless you follow him through his daily ride or occupations. Then\nyou will understand how it is, especially if you have travelled in\nArabia, that camels that appear at a distance on the horizon, affect the\neye differently from camels when they come near, and are seen as they\nfollow one another in a row, and those again different from the camels\nas they gather round the tent or encampment; and therefore it is that\nin the different perceptions to the eye, under the influence of natural\nphenomena, these multifarious plurals are of the greatest importance in\nexamining the customs of the people. Then will the discovery of the right\nplural be a matter of enjoyment, leading one on to another discovery,\nand to work all the better; whereas, with the grammatical routine that\nwe still pursue, I wonder, when we reach to middle or old age, after\nfollowing the literary profession, that we are not more dull or confused\nthan we are at present. When one abstract idea follows the other, as in\nour phraseology, it is not like one scene following another in a new\ncountry which is full of stimulus, but the course which we adopt of\nabstract generalisations, without analysing them and bringing them back\nto their concrete constituents, is almost a process of stultification.\n\nComing now to one of the most primitive, and certainly one of the\nremnants of pre-historic languages, that of Hunza, which I had the\nopportunity of examining twenty-three years ago, while Gilgit was in a\nstate of warfare, and where I had to learn the language, so to speak,\nwith a pencil in one hand and a weapon in the other, and surrounded by\npeople who were waiting for an opportunity to kill me, I found, that on\nreverting to it three years ago, the language had already undergone a\nprocess of assimilation to the surrounding dialects, owing to the advance\nof so-called civilisation, which in that case, and which in the case of\nmost of these tribes, means the introduction of drunkenness and disease,\nin this instance of cholera, for we know what has been the condition of\nthose countries which lie in the triangle between Cashmere, Kabul, and\nBadakhshan, and to which I first gave the name of Dardistan in 1866.\n\nNow, what does this language show us? There the ordinary methods proved\nentirely at fault. If one pointed to an object, quite apart from the\nordinary difficulties of misapprehension, the man appealed to, for\ninstance, might say \u201cyour finger,\u201d if a finger were the thing of which\nhe thought you wanted the name. If not satisfied with the name given in\nresponse, and you turned to somebody else, another name was obtained; and\nif you turned to a third person, you got a third name.\n\nWhat was the reason for these differences? It was this, that the language\nhad not emerged from the state in which it is impossible to have such\na word as \u201chead,\u201d as distinguished from \u201cmy head,\u201d or \u201cthy head,\u201d or\n\u201chis head\u201d; for instance, _ak_ is \u201cmy name,\u201d and _ik_ is \u201chis name.\u201d\nTake away the pronominal sign, and you are left with _k_, which means\nnothing. _Aus_ is \u201cmy wife,\u201d and _gus_ \u201cthy wife.\u201d The _s_ alone has no\nmeaning, and, in some cases, it seemed impossible to arrive at putting\nanything down correctly; but so it is in the initial stage of a language.\nIn the Hunza language under discussion, that stage is important to us as\nmembers of the Aryan group, as the dissociation of the pronoun, verb,\nadverb and conjunction from the act or substance only occurs when the\nlanguage emerges beyond the stage when the groping, as it were, of the\nhuman child between the _meum_ and _tuum_, the first and second persons,\napproaches the clear perception of the outer world, the \u201c_suum_,\u201d the\nthird person. Now, during the twenty years referred to \u201chis\u201d (house),\n\u201chis\u201d (name), and \u201chis\u201d (head) are beginning to take the place of\n\u201chouse,\u201d \u201cname,\u201d \u201chead,\u201d generally, in not quite a decided manner, but\nstill they are taking their place. When I subsequently talked to the\nHunzas, and tried to find a reason for that \u201cidiom,\u201d if one may use\nthe term, it seemed very clear and convincing when they said, \u201cHow is\nit possible for \u2018a wife\u2019 to exist unless she is somebody\u2019s wife?\u201d \u201cYou\ncannot say, for instance, if you dissociate the one from the other, \u2018her\nwife,\u2019 or \u2018his husband.\u2019 \u2018Head,\u2019 by itself, does not exist; it must be\nsomebody\u2019s head.\u201d When, again, you dissociate the sound which stands for\nthe action or substance from the pronoun, you come, in a certain group\nof words, to another range of thought connected with the primary family\nrelation, and showing the existence of that particularly ancient form\nof endogamy, in which all the elder females are the mothers and all the\nelder men are the fathers of the tribe. For instance, take a word like\n\u201cmother;\u201d \u201cm\u201d would mean the female principle, \u201co\u201d would be the self, and\nthe _ther_ would mean \u201cthe tribe;\u201d in other words, \u201cmother\u201d would mean:\n\u201cthe female that bore me and that belongs to my tribe.\u201d Now, fanciful\nas this may appear to us, it is the simple fact as regards the Hunza\nlanguage, which, when put the test of analysis, will throw an incredible\nlight on the history of Aryan words. For instance, taking Sanskrit as\na typical language, you will, I believe, find how the early relations\ngrew, and you will get beyond the root into the parts of which the root\nis made up; each of which has a meaning, not in one or two instances, but\nin most. I am not going to read you the volume which I am preparing for\nthe Indian Government, and which is only the first part of the analysis\nwith regard to this language, and only a very small portion indeed of\nthe material that I collected in 1866, 1872, and 1884 regarding that\nimportant part of the world, Dardistan, which is now being drawn within\nthe range of practical Indian politics\u2014a region situated between the\nHindukush and Kaghan (lat. 37\u00b0 N. and long. 73\u00b0 E. to lat. 35\u00b0 N. and\nlong. 74\u00b73\u00b0 E.) and comprising monarchies and republics, including a\nsmall republic of eleven houses\u2014a region which contains the solution\nof numerous linguistic and ethnographical problems, the cradle of the\nAryan race, inhabited by the most varied tribes, from which region I\nbrought the first Hunza and the first K\u00e1fir that ever visited England,\nand of which region one of its bigger Chiefs, owing to my sympathy with\nthe people, invested me with a kind of titular governorship. In that\ncomparatively small area the questions that are to be solved are great,\nand it is even now in some parts, perhaps, as hazardous a journey as,\nsay, through the dark continent. Whether you get to the ancient Robber\u2019s\nSeat of Hunza, where the right of plundering is hereditary, or into the\nrecesses of Kafiristan or the fastnesses of Pakhtu settlers; whether\nyou proceed to the republics of Darel, Tangir or Chil\u00e1s, or proceed to\nthe community where women are sometimes at the head of affairs, and\nwhich is neither worse nor better than others, an amount of information,\nespecially ethnographic, is within one\u2019s reach which makes Dardistan a\nregion that would reward a number of explorers. I may say, in my own\ninstance, if my life is spared for ten years longer, all I could do would\nbe to bring out the mere material in my possession in a rough form,\nleaving the theories thereon to be elaborated by others. My difficulties\nwere great, but my reward has been in a mass of material, for the\nelaboration of which International, Oriental, and other Congresses and\nlearned societies have petitioned Government since 1866. My official\nduties have hitherto prevented my addressing myself to the congenial\ntask of elaborating the material in conjunction with others. In 1886, I\nwas, however, put for a few months on special duty in connexion with the\nHunza language, at the very time that Colonel Lockhart was traversing a\nportion of Dardistan. But I think you will be more interested if, beyond\npersonal observations, I tell you something about that little country of\nHunza itself, which in many respects differs from those surrounding it,\nnot only in regard to its peculiar language, which I have mentioned, but\nin other respects also. Unfortunately, it is also unlike the surrounding\ndistricts, in being characterised by customs the absence of some of\nwhich would be desirable. The Hunzas are nominal Muhammedans, and they\nuse their mosques for drinking and dancing assemblies. Women are as free\nas air. There is little restriction in the relation of the sexes, and\nthe management of the State, in theory, is attributed to fairies. No war\nis undertaken unless the fairy (whom, by the way, one is not allowed to\nsee) gives the command by beating the sacred drum. The witches, who get\ninto an ecstatic state, are the journalists, historians, and prophetesses\nof the tribe. They tell you what goes on in the surrounding valleys.\nThey represent, as it were, the local _Times_; they tell you the past\nglories, such as they are, of raids and murders by their tribe; and when\nthe _Tham_ or ruler, who is supposed to be heaven-born (there being some\nmystery about the origin of his dynasty), does wrong, the only one who\nwill dare to tell him the truth is the Dayal, or the witch who prophesies\nthe future, and takes the opportunity of telling the Rajah that, unless\nhe behaves in a manner worthy of his origin, he will come to grief! This\nis not a common form of popular representation to be met with, say, in\nIndia. Grimm\u2019s fairy-tales sometimes seem to be translated into practise\nin Hunza-land, which offers material for discussion alike to those who\nsearch for the Huns and to those who search for the very different Honas.\n\nThen with regard to religion, as I said before, though nominally\nMuhammedan, they are really deniers of all the important precepts of\ntrue Muhammedanism, which is opposed to drunkenness, introduces a real\nbrotherhood, and enjoins great cleanliness as absolutely necessary\nbefore the spiritual purification by prayer can take place. The people\nare mostly Mul\u00e1is, but inferior in piety (?) to those of Z\u00e9bak, Shign\u00e1n,\nWakhan, and other places. Now, what is that sect? It is represented by\nHis Highness Prince Aga Khan, of Bombay, a person who is not half aware\nof his importance in those regions, where, till very recently, men were\nmurdered as soon as looked at. One who acknowledges him or has brought\nsome of the water with which he has washed his feet, would always be able\nto pass through those regions perfectly unharmed! I found my disguise\nas a Bokhara Mullah in 1866 to be quite useless, as a protection at\nGilgit, whence men were kidnapped to be exchanged for a good hunting\ndog, but in Hunza they used to fill prisoners with gunpowder, and blow\nthem up for general amusement. His Highness, who is much given to\nhorse-racing, confines his spiritual administration to the collection of\ntaxes throughout Central Asia from his followers or believers, and the\nbelievers themselves represent what is still left of the doctrine of the\nSheik-ul-Jabl or the Ancient of the Mountain, the head of the so-called\nAssassins, a connexion of the Mahdi, if he was the Mahdi, or the supposed\nMahdi in the Soudan. I consider he was not the Mahdi as foretold in\nMuhammedan tradition; but, be that as it may, the 7th Im\u00e1m of the Shiahs\nhas given rise to the sects both of the Druses in the Lebanon and to the\nHunzas on the Pamir. They are the existing Ismailians, who, centuries\nago, under the influence of _Hashish_, the Indian hemp, committed crimes\nthroughout Christendom, and were the terror of Knight-Templars, as\n\u201cHash\u00eesh\u00een,\u201d corrupted into \u201cAssassins.\u201d\n\nNow, I have been fortunate enough, owing to my friendship with the head\nof their tribe, to obtain some portions of the Kel\u00e1m-i-p\u00eer volume, which\ntakes the place, really, of the Kor\u00e1n, and of which I have got a portion\nhere. I thought it might not be unworthy of your society to bring this to\nyour knowledge, as a very interesting remnant which throws, _inter alia_,\nconsiderable light not only on their doctrine, but also on the Crusades.\nBy a similar favour, I have had the opportunity of hearing the Mith\u00e1q,\nor covenant of the Druses, and that covenant of the Druses is a kind of\nprayer they offer up to God, not only in connexion with the Old Man of\nthe Mountain, the head of the assassins who began about 1022, but also\nwith those mysterious rites which also take place in what I may call the\nfairy-land of Hunza. With regard to the covenants, or one of them, which\nthe \u201cU\u2019qel\u00e1\u201d or the \u201cinitiated\u201d or \u201cwise,\u201d as distinguished from the\n\u201cJuhel\u00e1\u201d or \u201cignorant\u201d \u201claity,\u201d among the Druses, offer up every night,\nthis was used by a so-called educated Druse, one who had been converted\nto Protestantism,\u2014a very good thing: but, as often happens, with that\ndenationalisation which renders his conversion useless as a means for\nthe promotion of any religion, as there are no indigenous elements for\nits growth. Such a convert is often unable to obtain a knowledge of the\npractices of his still unconverted countrymen, as nobody can be looked\nupon with greater distrust than that native of a country who has unlearnt\nto think in his own language, and who cannot acquire a foreign language\nwith its associations, which are part of the history of that language;\nhe does not become an Englishman with English associations, but ceases\nto be a good native with his own indigenous associations. Therefore,\nin my humble opinion, of all the unfortunate specimens of mankind, the\nmost degraded are those who, under the guise of being Europeanised and,\ntherefore, reformers, have themselves the greatest necessity for reform.\nTheir mind has become completely unhinged, thereby showing us that if we\nEuropeans wish to do good among Orientals we can do so best by living\ngood lives in the midst of professors of other religions, this being also\nin accordance with the 13th edict of Asoka.\n\nThis Druse covenant makes the mad Fatimite ruler of Egypt, H\u00e1kim, the\n\u201cLord of the Universe.\u201d As I said before, the present \u201cLord of the\nUniverse\u201d. for the Hunzas is the lineal descendant of the 7th Im\u00e1m, a\nresident of Bombay, one to whom the Mul\u00e1is make pilgrimages, instead\nof going to Mecca or to Kerbel\u00e1. You may imagine that, even as regards\nthe Druses, there must be something higher than _their_ \u201cLord of the\nUniverse;\u201d but, such as he is, it is with him that this covenant is made.\nReverting to his living colleague, the Indian \u201cLord,\u201d it may be stated\nthat there are men scattered throughout India of whose influence we have\nonly the faintest conception. I pointed out in 1866 that if anyone wanted\nto follow successfully my footsteps is Dardistan, he would have to get\nrecommendations from His Highness Aga Khan of Bombay, and I am glad to\nsay that Col. Lockhart has taken advantage of that recommendation. The\nDruse \u201cLord of the Universe\u201d is regarded as one with whom nothing can be\ncompared. The Druses are to render him the most implicit obedience, and\nto carry out his behests at the loss of everything, good name, wealth,\nand life, with the view of obtaining the favour of one who may be taken\nto be God; but the sentence is so constructed as to make him, if not God,\nonly second to God; in other words, only just a discrimination between\nGod as the distant ruler of the Universe and, perhaps, some lineal\ndescendant of H\u00e1kim, or rather, H\u00e1kim himself as an ever-living being, as\nthe ruler of _this_ world. This and some other prayers, with some songs,\none amongst which breathes the greatest hatred to Muhammedanism, and\nspeaks of the destruction of Mecca as something to look forward to, seems\nto be deserving of study. There are also references in them to rites\nconnected with Abraham. A full translation of these documents, compared\nwith invocations in portions of the Kor\u00e1n, would, indeed, reward the\nattention of the student.\n\nI will now again revert from the Druses of the Lebanon to the Mul\u00e1is\nin the Himalayas. I obtained the poem in my hand from the head of that\nsect, and the wording is such that it denies whilst affirming the\nimmortality and transmigration of souls. It says, \u201cIt is no use telling\nthe ignorant multitude what your faith is.\u201d That is very much like what\nLord Beaconsfield said\u2014that all thinking men were of one religion, but\nthey would not tell of what religion!\u2014a wrong sentiment, but one that is\nembodied in the above poem. \u201cTell them,\u201d continues the poem in effect,\n\u201cif they want to know, in an answer of wisdom to a question of folly: \u2018if\nyour life has been bad you will descend into the stone the vegetable, or\nthe animal; if your life has been good you will return as a better man.\nThe chain of life is undivided. The animal that is sacrificed proceeds to\na higher life.\u2019 You cannot discriminate and yet deny individual life, and\napportion that air, stone, or plant, to the animal and to man, but you\nought to be punished for saying this to others!\u201d And on this principle,\nat any rate, the Druses also act or acted, that that is no crime which\nis not found out; and a good many people, I am sorry to say, elsewhere,\nthink much the same; whereas in Hunza they have gone beyond that stage,\nand care extremely little about their crimes being found out. The Mith\u00e1q\nand other religious utterances of the Druses and the Kel\u00e1m-i-P\u00eer of the\nHunzas, if published together, with certain new information which we\nhave regarding the Crusade of Richard C\u0153ur-de-Lion, would, I think, were\ntime given and the matter elaborated, indeed deserve the attention of\nthe readers of the \u201cTransactions.\u201d It also seems strange that where such\ncustoms exist there should be a prize for virtue, but there is one in\nHunza for wives who have remained faithful to their husbands, something\nlike the French prize for _rosi\u00e8res_.\n\nFormerly Suttee was practised, but Suttee had rather the meaning of S\u00e1thi\nor companion, as both husband and wife went to the funeral pyre. Prizes\nare similarly given to wives who have not quarrelled for, say, a certain\nnumber of years with their husbands. The most curious custom which seems\nto permeate these countries is to foster relationship in nursing,\nwhere a nurse and all her relations come not only within the prohibited\ndegrees, which is against the spirit of Muhammedanism, but also create\nthe only real bond of true attachment that I have seen in Dardistan,\nwhere other relatives seemed always engaged in murdering one another.\n\nNearly all the chiefs in Dardistan give their children to persons of\nlow degree to nurse, and these and the children of the nurse become\nattached to them throughout life and are their only friends. But\nthis foster-relationship is also taken in order to get rid of the\nconsequences, say, of crime; for instance, in the case of adultery, or\nsupposed adultery, the suspected person who declares that he enters\ninto the relationship of a son to the woman with whom he is suspected,\nafter a certain penalty, is really accepted in that position, and the\ntrust is in no case betrayed. It is the only kind of forgiveness which\nis given in Dardistan generally to that sort of transgression; but,\nfurther than that, drinking milk with some one, or appointing some one\nas foster-father, which is done by crossing two vases of milk, creates\nthe same relationship, except amongst the noble caste of Shins, who were\nexpelled by the Brahmins from India or Kashmir, and who hold the cow in\nabhorence as one of their religious dogmas, whereas, in other ways, they\nare really Brahmins, among whom we find Hinduism peeping out through the\nthin crust of Muhammedanism.\n\nThe subject of caste, by the way, is also one which is generally\nmisunderstood, and which, if developed on Christian lines, would give\nus the perfection of human society, and solve many of the problems with\nwhich we are dealing in Europe in more advanced civilisations. I have\njust read with concern some remarks against caste by Sir John Petheram,\nwho has been in India some three or four years. I think that before\npeople speak on subjects of such intricacy, they should take the position\nof students of the question, learn at least one of the classical and one\nof the vernacular languages of India, and then alone assume the role\nof teachers whilst continuing to be learners; even in regard to such\nsubjects of infant-marriage and the prohibition of widow re-marriage,\nthere is a side of the question which has not yet been put sufficiently\nbefore the British public. Infant-marriage, when properly carried out\nin the higher castes, is an adoption of the girl into the family where\nshe and the husband grow up together and join in prayer in common, which\nis necessary for their respective salvation; there is much to learn in\nthe way of tenderness, charity, and love, from some of the households in\nIndia, where we find a community constituted on the noblest principles\nof \u201cthe joint family,\u201d with an admirable and economical subdivision of\nlabour, which enables them to live for a mere trifle, and yet so to\nprepare their food that in every dish you can see the tender care of the\nwoman who prepares it for the good of the husband and of the household.\n\nThen, as to the widow re-marriage, it has not been sufficiently pointed\nout to the British public that spiritual marriage renders the re-marriage\nof the Hindu widow impossible, because she is necessary for the spiritual\nsalvation of the husband, and because as the representative of his\nproperty she may be called on to be the head of the family, for many of\nthem _are_ at the head of the family, and their position, therefore,\nrenders it simply impossible for them to re-marry. These are matters\nthat we should treat with respect, especially if we seek to adapt them\nto the spirit of the age. There are also differences amongst Muhammedans\nas great as there are between a Christian who tries to follow the Sermon\non the Mount and a nominal Christian. Science and religion, according to\na Muhammedan saying, are twins, and if I understand the object of this\nSociety, it is in order to make this twinship (if I may be allowed to\nuse the expression) more real that your labours have been initiated, and\nthat, under Providence, they have been carried to the successful results\nthat have followed them both here and abroad.\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n\n[1] Strabo II. I., XV. I.\u2014Arrian de Exped. Alex. V. 4 Indica c.\n5.\u2014Dio-Chrysos. Orat. XXXV.\u2014Philostrat. de vit\u00e2 Apollon. Tyan. VI.\nI.\u2014Clem. Alex. Paed., II. 12.\u2014Aelian de Nat. An. XV. 14.\u2014Harpokrat, s.\nv. \u03c7\u03c1\u03c5\u03c3\u03bf\u03c7\u03bf\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd, Themist. Orat. XXVII.\u2014Heliodor. X. 26.\u2014Tzetz. Chil. XII.\n330-340.\u2014Pseudo Kallisth. II. 29.\u2014Schol. ad Sophocl. Antig., v. 1,025.\n\n[2] Propert. Eleg. III. 13.\u2014Pomp. Mel. III. 7.\u2014Plin. H. N. XI. 36,\nXXXIII. 21.\u2014Solin, c. 30.\n\n[3] Indeed, there _is_ no other country between Kaspatyros and the\nPaktyan country excepting Dardistan.\n\n[4] This is the Bunji of recent Chil\u00e1s fights (1893).\n\n[5] General A. Cunningham very kindly sent me the quotation last year. It\nruns as follows: \u039a\u03b1\u03c3\u03c0\u03ac\u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03c2 \u0393\u03b1\u03bd\u03cc\u03c0\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u1f74, \u03a3\u03ba\u03c5\u03b8\u1f7c\u03bd \u03ac\u03ba\u03c4\u1f74.\n\n[6] Who refers to my \u201cResults of a Tour in Dardistan, Kashmir, Little\nTibet, Ladak, etc., in 1867-70,\u201d and other papers in his pamphlet on the\norigin of that legend.\n\n[7] \u201cDardistan,\u201d or the country of the Daradas of Hindu mythology,\nembraces, in the narrowest sense of the term, the Shin\u00e1-speaking\ncountries (Gilgit, &c.); in a wider sense, Hunza, Nagyr, Yasin,\nand Chitr\u00e1l; and in the widest, also parts of Kafiristan. (See my\n\u201cDardistan,\u201d part III.)\n\n[8] \u201cYatsh\u201d means \u201cbad\u201d in Kashmiri.\n\n[9] The father\u2019s name was Mir Khan. The daughter\u2019s name was Birani. The\nbridegroom\u2019s name was Shadu Malik of Nagyr, of Phall Tshatshe race, and\nthe place of the wedding was Buldar Butshe.\n\n[10] Elsewhere called _tshi_.\n\n[11] Eating meat was the process of _incarnation_.\n\n[12] The story of the famous horse, the love-making between Azru and the\nPrincess, the manner of their marriage and other incidents connected with\nthe expulsion of the tyrant deserve attention.\n\n[13] Possibly this legend is one of the causes of the unfounded\nreputation of cannibalism which was given by Kashmiris and others to the\nDards before 1866, and of which one Dardu tribe accuses another, with\nwhich, even if it should reside in a neighbouring valley, it may have no\nintercourse. I refer elsewhere to the custom of drinking a portion of the\nblood of an enemy, to which my two Kafirs confessed.\u2014(\u201cDardistan,\u201d Part\nIII.)\n\n[14] Elsewhere called \u201cShiribadatt\u201d in one name.\n\n[15] Words inviting attention, such as \u201clisten,\u201d \u201cexplain,\u201d etc., etc.,\nare generally put at the end of riddles.\n\n[16] The abbreviations \u201cG.\u201d and \u201cA.\u201d stand respectively for \u201cin the\nGilgiti dialect\u201d and \u201cin the Astori dialect.\u201d\n\n[17] Not very many years ago the Albanian robbers in attacking shepherds\nused to consider themselves victorious if they had robbed more sheep than\nthey had lost men.\n\n[18] \u201cTr\u00e9\u201d = \u201cthree\u201d is pronounced like \u201ctsh\u00e9.\u201d\n\n[19] Ae = (_Gilgiti_) mouth; aru = in the mouth; \u00e1zeju = against the\nmouth. Aze = (_Astori_) mouth; \u00e1zeru = in the mouth; azeju = against the\nmouth.\n\n[20] [Her father was a Mirza and she was, therefore, called Mirz\u00e9y.]\n\n[21] Kh\u0101n is pronounced Khann for the sake of the metre.\n\n[22] Term of familiarity used in calling a daughter.\n\n[23] Mutshutshul is a narrow pass leading from Gakutsh to Yassen.\n\n[24] Doloja is a village ahead of Mutshutshul.\n\n[25] [To fear is construed with the Dative.]\n\n[26] More probably \u201crey\u201d is the pine called the Picea Webbiana.\n\n[27] Part II., page 16, gives the following for \u201cBirch.\u201d \u201cBirch? = Dj\u00f4nj\u00ee\n(the white bark of which is used for paper) in Kashm\u00eer where it is called\nthe book-tree \u201cBurus kull\u201d lit: Burus = the book; k\u00fall = plant, tree.\u201d\n\n[28] \u201cTshikk\u00ed\u201d is a black fragrant matter said to be gathered under\nthe wing-pits of the hawk; \u201cdj\u00f3nji\u201d is, to me, an unknown tree, but I\nconjecture it to be the birch tree. \u201cGas\u201d is a princess and \u201cmal\u201d is\nadded for euphony.\n\n[29] [\u201cMulayi\u201d for woman is not very respectful; women are generally\naddressed as \u201ckaki\u201d sister, or \u201cdh\u00ec\u201d daughter.]\n\n[30] _Na?_ is it? is it not so? _na_ seems generally to be a mere\nexclamation.\n\n[31] The people of Astor are mostly Sunnis, and the Gilgitis mostly\nShiahs, the Chil\u00e1sis are all Sunnis.\n\n[32] A reed which grows in the Gilgit country of white or red colour.\n\n[33] It is rather unusual to find the nightingale representing the\nbeloved. She is generally \u201cthe rose\u201d and the lover \u201cthe nightingale.\u201d\n\n[34] Possibly Ali Sher Khan, also called Ali Shah, the father of Ahmed\nShah, the successful and popular Rajah of Skardo in the Sikh days\u2014or else\nthe great Ali Sher Khan, the founder of the race or caste of the Makpon\nRajahs of Skardo. He built a great stone aqueduct from the Satpur stream\nwhich also banked up a quantity of useful soil against inundations.\n\n[35] Murad was, I believe, the first Skardo Rajah who conquered Gilgit,\nNagyr, Hunza and Chitr\u00e1l. He built a bridge near the Chitr\u00e1l fort. Traces\nof invasion from Little Tibet exist in Dardistan. A number of historical\nevents, occurring at different periods, seem to be mixed up in this song.\n\n[36] The veneration for the name is, of course, also partly due to the\nfact that it means \u201cthe lion of Ali,\u201d Muhammad\u2019s son-in-law, to whose\nmemory the Shiah Mussulmans are so devotedly attached. The Little\nTibetans are almost all Shiahs.\n\n[37] \u201cSar\u201d is Astori for Gilgiti \u201cDjor.\u201d\n\n[38] The defile of the Makpon-i-Shang-Rong, where the Indus river makes a\nsudden turn southward and below which it receives the Gilgit river.\n\n[39] The Shiah Rajahs of Skardo believed themselves to be under the\nspecial protection of Ali.\n\n[40] The \u201cHarginn,\u201d a fabulous animal mentioned elsewhere.\n\n[41] The beautiful songs of \u201cMy little darling ornaments will wear,\u201d\n\u201cCorn is being distributed,\u201d \u201cI will give pleasure\u2019s price,\u201d \u201cMy metal is\nhard,\u201d \u201cCome out, oh daughter of the hawk,\u201d will be found on pages 2, 4,\n10, 11, and 37, of this pamphlet respectively and need not therefore be\nquoted in this place.\n\n[42] \u201cPowder\u201d is called \u201cJebati\u201d in Ast\u00f3ri and in Gilgiti \u201cBilen,\u201d and\nis, in both dialects, also the word used for medicinal powder. It is made\nof Sulphur, Saltpetre and coal. Sulphur = dantzil. Saltpetre = Sh\u00f3r in\nAstori, and Shor\u00e1 in Ghilgiti. Coal = K\u00e1ri. The general proportion of the\ncomposition is, as my informant put it, after dividing the whole into six\nand a half parts to give 5 of Saltpetre, 1 of coal, and \u00bd of Sulphur.\nSome put less coal in, but it is generally believed that more than the\nabove proportion of Sulphur would make the powder too explosive.\n\n[43] By the people of Gilgit.\n\n[44] A few remarks made under this head and that of music have been taken\nfrom Part II, pages 32 and 21, of my \u201cDardistan,\u201d in order to render the\naccounts more intelligible.\n\n[45] The drawing and description of this scene were given in the\n_Illustrated London News_ of the 12th February, 1870, under the heading\nof \u201cA Dance at Gilgit.\u201d\n\n[46] Wine is called in Gilgit by the same name as is \u201cbeer\u201d by the\nAstoris, _viz._: \u201cM\u014d.\u201d The wine press is called \u201cM\u014de K\u00f9rr.\u201d The reservoir\ninto which it flows is called \u201cM\u014de S\u00e1n.\u201d\n\n[47] These are the strange sect of the Mul\u00e1is about whom more in my\n\u201cHandbook of Hunza, Nagyr and a part of Yas\u00edn.\u201d\n\n[48] This is said to be no longer the case, except in those Dard\nrepublics, where foreigners have not yet interfered. In monarchical\nYasin, and, above all, in Hunza, sexual laxity has ever been great.\nWhere Sunni rulers have substituted dancing-boys for the dancing of\nmen (formerly both men and women danced together), a worse evil has\nbeen introduced. A most sacred relationship is the one created by the\nfoster-mother. The linguistic portion of \u201cThe of Hunza-Nagyr Handbook,\u201d\nas also of Parts I. and II. of \u201cDardistan\u201d solves the questions of\nwhether and where polygamy, endogamy, etc., existed among the Dards,\nwho, in appearance and sentiment as regards women, as also in legendary\nlore, are very \u201cEuropean,\u201d but whom invasion will convert into strict\nMuhammadans and haters of the \u201cFirenghi.\u201d\n\n[49] The \u201cbrother in the faith\u201d with whom raw milk has been drunk, _Vide_\npage 41.\n\n Betrothal, = balli = pumpkin in Gilgiti, So\u00e9l\u2014Ast\u00f3ri\n Bridegroom, = hilel\u00e9o, Gil. hil\u00e1leo. Ast\u00f3ri.\n Bride, = hilal\n Bridegroom\u2019s MEN, = gar\u00f3ni, Gil. hilal\u00e9e, Ast\u00f3ri.\n Marriage \u200e\u200f\u0634\u0627\u062f\u064a\u200f\u200e = garr, Gil. K\u00e0sh. Ast\u00f3ri\n Dowry, = \u201cdab,\u201d Gil. and Ast\u00f3ri\n\n(the grain, ghee and sheep that may accompany the betrothal-present is\ncalled by the Ast\u00f3ris \u201csak\u00e1ro.\u201d)\n\n Husband, = bar\u00e1o, Gil. bar\u00e9yo, Ast\u00f3ri.\n Wife, = Greyn, Gil. gr\u00e9yn, Ast\u00f3ri.\n\nWedding dinner \u201cgar\u00e9y t\u00edki\u201d in Gilgiti. \u201cKajj\u00e9yn bai kyas,\u201d in Astori (?)\n[\u201ctikki\u201d is bread, \u201cbai\u201d is a chippati, kyas = food].\n\n[50] The Turks say \u201ca girl of 15 years of age should be either married or\nburied.\u201d\n\n[51] Is celebrated in Autumn when the fruit and corn have become ripe.\nFor a detailed account of this and other festivals see \u201cHunza-Nagyr\nHandbook,\u201d and Parts II. and III. of the \u201cLanguages and Races of\nDardistan.\u201d\n\n[52] I have already related that a foreign Mulla had found his way to\nGilgit, and that the people, desirous that so holy a man should not\nleave them and solicitous about the reputation that their country had no\nshrine, killed him in order to have some place for pilgrimage. Similar\nstories are, however, also told about shrines in Afghanistan. My Saz\u00eeni\nspeaks of shrines in Nagyr, Chil\u00e2s and Yasin, and says that in Sunni\nChil\u00e2s there are many Mullahs belonging to all the castes\u2014two of the most\neminent being Kram\u00ecns of Shati\u00e1l, about 8 miles from Saz\u00een. About Castes,\n_vide_ page 62.\n\n[53] I refer to the Khajun\u00e1, or Burishki, a language also spoken in Nagyr\nand a part of Yasin, whose inhabitants are Dards.\n\n[54] I refer to the practice of \u201cTaqq\u00eeah.\u201d In the interior of Kabul\nHazara, on the contrary, I have been told that Pathan Sunni merchants\nhave to pretend to be Shiahs, in order to escape being murdered.\n\n[55] Since writing the above in 1867, a third Kafir from Kat\u00e1r has\nentered my service, and I have derived some detailed information from him\nand others regarding the languages and customs of this mysterious race,\nwhich will be embodied in my next volume. [This note was written in 1872.]\n\n[56] I have heard this denied by a man from Saz\u00een, but state it on the\nauthority of two Chil\u00e2sis who were formerly in my service.\n\n[57] My Saz\u00eeni says that only a portion of the Fort was blown up.\n\n[58] _Vide_ \u201cHistory of Dardistan\u201d for details of the contending\ndynasties of that region, pages 67 to 110.\n\n[59] Major Montgomery remarks \u201cthe coins have the word Gujanfar on them,\nthe name, I suppose, of some emblematic animal. I was however unable to\nfind out its meaning.\u201d The word is \u200e\u200f\u063a\u0636\u0646\u0641\u0631 \u200f\u200e, Ghazanfar [which means in\n_Arabic_: lion, hero] and is the name of the former ruler of Hunza whose\nname is on the coins. In Hunza itself, coined money is unknown. [For\nchanges since 1866, see \u201cHunza and Nagyr Handbook, 1893.\u201d]\n\n[60] This was the _name_ of the grandfather of Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk, the present\nruler of Chitr\u00e1l (1877). Cunningham says that the _title_ of \u201cKathor\u201d\nhas been held for 2000 years. I may incidentally mention that natives\nof India who had visited Chitr\u00e1l did not know it by any other name than\n\u201cKashkar\u201d the name of the principal town, whilst Chitr\u00e1l was called \u201ca\nKafir village surrounded by mountains\u201d by Neyk Muhammad, a Lughm\u00e1ni\nN\u00eemtsha (or half) Mussulman in 1866.\n\n[61] This is the plausible Gilgit story, which will, perhaps, be adopted\nin Hunza when it becomes truly Muhammadan. In the meanwhile, my endeavour\nin 1866 to find traces of Alexander the Great\u2019s invasion in Dardistan,\nhas led to the adoption of the myth of descent from that Conqueror by the\nChinese Governor or the ancient hereditary \u201cTh\u00e0m\u201d of Hunza, who really\nis \u201c_ayesh\u00f3_,\u201d or \u201cheaven-born,\u201d owing to the miraculous conception of a\nfemale ancestor. \u201cMogholot\u201d is the direct ancestor of the kindred Nagyr\nline, \u201cGirkis,\u201d his twin-brother and deadly foe, being the ancestor of\nthe Hunza dynasty. (See Genealogy on pages 69 and 111.)\n\n[62] This designation is really that of the Minister of Finances.\n\n[63] This was written in 1866.\n\n[64] I refer only to the present rule of Kashmir itself and not to the\nmassacres by Kashmir troops in Dardistan, of which details are given\nelsewhere.\n\n[65] _Vide_ my comparison between Dardu buildings, etc., and certain\nexcavations which I made at Takht-i-Bahi in Yusufzai in 1870.\n\n[66] Seduction and adultery are punished with death in Chil\u00e2s and the\nneighbouring independent Districts. Morality is, perhaps, not quite so\nstern at Gilgit, whilst in Yasin, Hunza, and even in Nagyr before 1886,\ngreat laxity is said to prevail.\n\n[67] Since writing the above I have discovered that the people of\nKandi\u00e1\u2014an unsuspected race and country lying between Swat and the\nIndus\u2014are Dards and speak a Dialect of Shin\u00e1, of which specimens are\ngiven elsewhere in the \u201cRaces of the Hindukush.\u201d (See Appendix IV.)\nThe tribe living on the left bank of the Kandi\u00e1 river is called by its\nneighbours \u201cDard.\u201d\n\n[68] The word ought to be transliterated \u201cGilgit\u201d \u200e\u200f\u06af\u0644\u06af\u062a \u200f\u200e and\npronounced as it would be in German, but this might expose it to being\npronounced as \u201cJiljit\u201d by some English readers, so I have spelt it here\nas \u201cGhilghit.\u201d\n\n[69] In a restricted sense \u201cSh\u00een\u201d is the name of the highest _caste_ of\nthe Sh\u00een _race_. \u201cR\u00f3no\u201d is the highest official caste next to the ruling\nfamilies.\n\n[70] My Saz\u00eeni says that they are really Sh\u00eens, Yashkuns, D\u00f4ms and\nKramins, but pretend to be Afghans. _Vide_ List of Castes, page 62.\nKholi-Palus are _two_ Districts, Kh\u00f3li and Palus, whose inhabitants are\ngenerally fighting with each other. Shepherds from these places often\nbring their flocks for sale to Gilgit. I met a few.\n\n[71] This name is also and properly given by the Baltis to their Dard\nfellow-countrymen. Indeed the Little Tibetans look more like Dards than\nLad\u00e1kis.\n\n[72] _Place aux dames!_ For six years I believed myself \u201cthe discoverer\u201d\nof this fact, but I find that, as regards Kartakchun in Little Tibet, I\nhave been nearly anticipated by Mrs. Harvey, who calls the inhabitants\n\u201cDards,\u201d \u201cD\u00e2ruds\u201d (or \u201cDardoos.\u201d)\n\n[73] My Saz\u00eeni calls the people of his own place = Big\u00e9; those of T\u00f3rr =\n_Manuk\u00e9_, and those of Harbenn = _Jure_.\n\n[74] The two Kafirs in my service in 1866, one of whom was a Bashgali,\nseemed inoffensive young men. They admitted drinking a portion of the\nblood of a killed enemy or eating a bit of his heart, but I fancy this\npractice proceeds more from bravado than appetite. In \u201cDavies\u2019 Trade\nReport\u201d I find the following Note to Appendix XXX., page CCCLXII. \u201cThe\nruler of Chitr\u00e1l is in the habit of enslaving all persons from the\ntribes of Kal\u00e1sh, Dangini and Bashghali, idolaters living in the Chitr\u00e1l\nterritory.\u201d\n\n[75] Both my Gilgiti follower, Ghulam Muhammad, and the Ast\u00f3ri retainer,\nMirza Khan, claimed to be pure Sh\u00eens. The former returned to my service\nsome years afterwards and was measured together with other Dards. (See\nAppendix V.)\n\n[76] My Saz\u00eeni says that the D\u00f4ms are below the Kram\u00ecns and that there\nare only 4 original castes: Sh\u00een, Y\u00e1shkunn, Kram\u00ecn [or \u201cKam\u00ecnn\u201d] and D\u00f4m,\nwho, to quote his words, occupy the following relative ranks: \u201cThe Sh\u00een\nis the right hand, the Y\u00e1shkunn the left; the Kram\u00ecn the right foot, the\nD\u00f4m the left foot.\u201d \u201cThe other castes are mere names for occupations.\u201d A\nSh\u00een or Y\u00e1shkunn can trade, cultivate land or be a shepherd without loss\nof dignity\u2014Kram\u00ecns are weavers, carpenters, etc., but not musicians\u2014as\nfor leather, it is not prepared in the country. Kram\u00ecns who cultivate\nland consider themselves equal to Sh\u00eens. D\u00f4ms can follow _any_\nemployment, but, if a D\u00f4m becomes a Mulla, he is respected. Members of\nthe several castes who misbehave are called M\u00een, Pashgun, Mamin and M\u00f4m\nrespectively. \u201cA man of good caste will espouse sides and fight to the\nlast even against his own brother.\u201d Revenge is a duty, as among Afghans,\nbut is not transmitted from generation to generation, if the first\nmurderer is killed. A man who has killed another, by mistake, in a fight\nor otherwise, seeks a frank forgiveness by bringing a rope, shroud and a\nbuffalo to the relatives of the deceased. The upper castes can, if there\nare no Kram\u00ecns in their villages, do ironmonger\u2019s and carpenter\u2019s work,\nwithout disgrace; but must wait for Kram\u00ecns or D\u00f4ms for weaver\u2019s work.\nThe women spin. The \u201cD\u00f4ms\u201d are the \u201cR\u00f4ms\u201d of Gipsy lore.\n\n[77] These legends should be compared with the Chitr\u00e1l Fables published\nby Mihtar Niz\u00e1m-ul-Mulk in the _Asiatic Quarterly Review_ of January,\n1891, namely: \u201cthe vindictive fowl,\u201d \u201cthe golden mouse,\u201d \u201cthe mouse and\nthe frog,\u201d \u201cthe quail and the fox.\u201d See Appendix III. as also Legends in\n\u201cThe Hunza-Nagyr Handbook.\u201d\n\n[78] The scrupulousness of the Gipsies in discharging such obligations,\nwhen contracted with a member of the same race, used to be notorious. The\nD\u00f4ms or R\u00f4ms of the Shins are the \u201cRomany\u201d of Europe and our \u201cZingari\u201d is\na corruption of \u201cSinkari\u201d or inhabitants on the borders of the River or\nSin = the (Upper) Indus.\n\n[79] Tromba, to be made eatable, must be ground into flour, then boiled\nin water and placed in the \u201ctsham\u00fal\u201d [in Astori] or \u201cpop\u00fash\u201d [Ghilgiti],\na receptacle under the hearth, and has to be kept in this place for one\nnight, after which it is fit for use after being roasted or put on a\ntawa [pan] like a Chupatti [a thin cake of unleavened bread]. \u201cbarao\u201d or\ntsh\u00edtti bar\u00e1o = sour bar\u00e1o [m\u00f3ro bar\u00e1o = sweet bar\u00e1o].\n\n[80] Almost every third man I met had, at some time or other, been\nkidnapped and dragged off either to Chil\u00e1s, Chitr\u00e1l, Badakhsh\u00e1n or\nBukh\u00e1r\u00e1. The surveillance, however, which is exercised over prisoners,\nas they are being moved by goat-paths over mountains, cannot be a very\neffective one and, therefore, many of them escape. Some of the Kashmir\nMaharajah\u2019s Sepoys, who had invaded Dardistan, had been captured and\nhad escaped. They narrated many stories of the ferocity of these\nmountaineers; _e.g._, that they used their captives as fireworks, etc.,\netc., in order to enliven public gatherings. Even if this be true,\nthere can be no doubt that the Sepoys retaliated in the fiercest manner\nwhenever they had an opportunity, and the only acts of barbarism that\ncame under my observation, during the war with the tribes in 1866, were\ncommitted by the Kashmir invaders.\n\n[81] This is undoubtedly the _canis rutilans_, a species of wild dog,\nwhich hunts in packs after the wild goat, so numerously found in the\nhigh mountains round Gilgit. The snow-ounce also pursues it. Dardistan,\nspecially Hunza, is the paradise of the ibex, the wild sheep, including\nthe _ovis poli_, and the red bear.\n\n[82] Only so much has been mentioned of the Genealogies of the rulers\nof Nagyr, Hunza, and D\u00eer, as belongs to this portion of my account of\nDardistan.\n\n[83] Full details of the son and successor of Ghazan Khan, Safdar Ali\nKhan, to the present vassal of the Kashmir (Anglo-Indian) Government,\nMuhammad N\u00e1zim Khan, the fugitive Safdar Ali Khan\u2019s half-brother, are\ngiven elsewhere.\n\n[84] Abbas Khan(?) now at Srinagur and Bahadur Khan(?).\n\n[85] I believe that Raja Z\u00e1hid Za\u2019far\u2019s wife was a sister of Rajas Ker\u00eem\nKhan and Sakandar Khan of Gilgit (also of Nagyr descent). _Vide_ page 67\nand Heading V. on page 69.\n\nThis connexion might account for Za\u2019far helping the Dogras, who had\nreinstated Ker\u00eem Khan in Gilgit.\n\n[86] Jewahir Singh went by Shigar with 13,000 Baltis (Little Tibetans),\n2,000 light infantry came _vi\u00e2_ Jagloth under Sirdar Mahmud Khan. The\ngeneral of all the \u201cKhulle\u201d Regiments was Bakhshi Radha Kishn. Colonel\nHoshi\u00e1ra went by the Nomal road to Nagyr, and after destroying 3,000 head\nof sheep and many villages returned.\n\nWazir Zoraweru went to Dar\u00eal with Colonel Devi Singh and 10,000 men(?).\nBija Singh was at Gor(?) and Hussani Ali was in command of the Artillery.\n\n[87] Mir Vali and Pahlwan are brothers by different mothers. Mulk Am\u00e1n\nand Nura Guz\u00e1 (M\u00eer Ghazi?) are brothers by the same mother\u2014so one of my\nmen says. Pahlwan is Am\u00e1n-ul-Mulk\u2019s sister\u2019s son (_vide_ \u201cHistory of Wars\nwith Kashmir\u201d).\n\n[88] _Extract_: \u201c_1850._ The raids of the Chil\u00e1sis, is made the occasion\nfor invading the country of Chil\u00e1s, which not being a dependency of\nKashmir, is not included in the Treaty of 1846. The Maharaja gives\nout that he is acting under orders of the British Government. Great\nconsternation among petty chiefs about Muzaffarabad regarding ulterior\nplans of the Maharaja. The Sikhs send a large army, which is defeated\nbefore the Fort of Chil\u00e1s. 1851.\u2014Bakhshi Hari Singh and Dewan Hari Chand\nare sent with 10,000 men against Chil\u00e1s, and succeed in destroying the\nfort and scattering the hostile hill tribes which assisted the Chil\u00e1sis.\u201d\n\n[89] Extract from Drew\u2019s \u201cNorthern Barriers of India,\u201d 1877: \u201cUntil\nabout 1850 they used to make occasional expeditions for plunder, coming\nround the flanks of the mountain into this Astor Valley. It was these\nraids that determined Maharaja Gul\u00e2b Singh to send a punitive expedition\nagainst Chil\u00e1s. This he did in 1851 or 1852. The Dogr\u00e2s at last took the\nchief stronghold of the Chil\u00e1sis, a fort two or three miles from the\nIndus River, and reduced those people to some degree of obedience: and\n_there has been no raid since_.\u201d\n\n[90] \u201cThe Astor people used formerly to do the same thing,\u201d and on page\n459 of Drew\u2019s \u201cJummoo and Kashmir Territories,\u201d the author, who was a\nhigh official in the Kashmir service, says: \u201cThe Sikhs sent an expedition\nto Chil\u00e1s under one Sujah Singh, but it was repulsed.... This was about\nthe year 1843.... The good effects (of the expedition in 1850 or 1851)\n... have already been spoken of. Since that time the Chil\u00e1sis ... pay\nyearly to the Maharaja a tribute of 100 goats and about two ounces of\ngold-dust; _otherwise they are free_.\u201d Since then Major Ommaney in\n1868 reports that ever since the advent of British neighbourhood they\nhave never committed any offences: \u201cThe people are inoffensive.\u201d Mr.\nScott calls them \u201ca quiet, peace-loving people,\u201d and all the Panjab\nAdministration Reports give them the same reputation.\n\n[91] The word \u201cThousand\u201d may only stand for 400, as explained elsewhere.\n\n[92] For divisions of Dard castes see pages 62, 63.\n\n[93] Of the value of ten annas each, then 1s. 3d.\n\n[94] \u201cYaghist\u00e1ni\u201d means inhabitant of the \u201cwild\u201d or \u201cindependent\u201d country.\n\n[95] For Divisions of Dard Castes, see pages 62, 63.\n\n[96] Robe of honor.\n\n[97] [The stones are so loosely embedded in sandy soil, that treading\non or catching hold of one, often brings down an avalanche of stones.\nWhen the path is narrow and a river flows beneath, it is, generally,\nimpossible to escape. Stones are often placed in such a way as to cause\navalanches to come on the invader who steps on them.]\n\n[98] Here my informant, himself a Sunni Mussulman and always calling his\nShiah co-religionists Kafirs, was raving with indignation against the\northodox Sunnis, Isa and Asmat and the Sunni soldiers of Kashmir, for\nmurdering the Shiahs of Yasin. He ascribed the atrocities of the Sikhs\nentirely to the orders of the ex-fugitives.\n\n[99] I met Lehna Singh, a relative of the Maharaja, in 1866 in command of\nthe Sai forces, who had only Rs. 20 per mensem, with unlimited liberty,\nhowever, to make as much besides out of the people, as he could. Bad as\nthis system is, the drain on the rulers and the ruled is not so great,\nunder Oriental methods, as under a highly-paid European administration,\nand the mismanagement of Kashm\u00eer was far less expensive and less\ninjurious to the Empire than the present \u201cgood\u201d management through\nBritish officers.\n\n[100] The Kholi people from whom the Sazini heard the account of the\nmassacre were 100 merchants who had come to Gilgit, as is their custom,\nto sell goats, etc., and had there been arrested and taken along to Yasin\nby Isa Bahadur, in order to prevent their spreading the news of the\nimpending attack. There were also eight men from Djaji\u00e1l and five from\nPatan. The following were the Chiefs with the merchants: K\u00e1har, Kali,\nDessa, Amr, Dj\u00e1\u2014Sh\u00ecns of Mahr\u00ebin in Koli (four miles from Koli). Sabit\nShah, Aman, Shudum Khan, Serd\u00e0n, Guld\u00e1n (Kamins); Hajetu, Lola, Shughlu\nH\u00e1kko, Bisat, Puz, Khushir (Yashkunns); Ashm\u00e1l, Gulu, Subh\u00e1n Shah, Bil\u00e1l,\nMahs\u00famu, Yad\u00fala, Najb-ulla of K\u00f3li; Bol\u00f3s Khan, and Bula Sh\u00e0i, two Patan\nSirdars\u2014W\u00e1li, Sirdar of Djaji\u00e1l, a Shin, with seven Zemindars. I, adds\nmy informant, have also heard it from Mulk Aman who was not present,\nbut who sorrows deeply for the occurrence. (The atrocities related are\nfully confirmed by Mr. Hayward\u2019s account, quoted elsewhere, and by what I\nsaw and heard myself in 1866. Mr. Hayward fixes 1863 as the date of the\nmassacre.)\n\n[101] There is a place called Nilamutsh\u2014green mountain ridge\u2014literally\na mountain that has fallen off a still higher one. Chapr\u00f4t is three k\u00f4s\nabove and Guyetsh two k\u00f4s below this place. H\u00eeni is on the other side\nof the river two and a half kos from Nilamutsh. Chapr\u00f4t has 150 houses;\nGuy\u00eatsh 30 and Hini 80 houses.\n\n[102] I sent the Yarkandi, Niaz Muhammad, (whom I had taken to Europe),\nby the little frequented Shigar route to find out the truth about\nHayward\u2019s murder. His report is a strange and suggestive one, and will be\npublished in my next volume. (See also pages 74, 75 and 105.)\n\n[103] It has also been alleged that in order to get rid of two doubtful\nfriends of the Maharajah, namely, Mir Vali and Mulk-Aman, and to make\nroom for the more trusted Pehliwan, Aman-ul-Mulk, the ruler of Chitr\u00e1l\nand supposed instigator of the murder of Hayward through the agency of\nMir Vali of Yasin, wrote to the Maharajah to implicate Mulk Aman in the\nbusiness. Immediately on his flight, his wife and son were temporarily\nimprisoned in the Fort of Gilgit. Pehliwan and Rahmat interceded for some\nof the servants, who were set free and sent on to Chitr\u00e1l. Mir Vali found\nhis way to Chitr\u00e1l, whose ruler had one of Mr. Hayward\u2019s guns, though\nthe bulk of his property is said to have been recovered. There he was\nseen by Major Montgomery\u2019s Havildar, who reported that Mir Vali was lame\nfrom a kick by a horse. This however, does not seem to have prevented\nhim from resuming the rule of Yasin in conjunction with Pehliwan or, if\nrecent accounts are to be trusted, from turning his nominal suzerain,\nAman-ul-Mulk, out of Chitr\u00e1l. Mulk Aman also figured for a short time on\nthe scene of the war with Aman-ul-Mulk and by the latest report, seems to\nhave fled to Yarkand.\n\n[104] This peak overlooks Bunji and the whole course of the Indus (with\na sight of the Gilgit Valley) from its sudden southward bend at the\nMakpon-i-Shang-Rong, till it again bends westward beyond Chil\u00e1s.\n\n[105] The last (semi-official) _Moscow Gazette_ says: \u201cRussia will not\nneglect to avail herself of the first convenient opportunity to assist\nthe people of India to throw off the English yoke, with the view of\nestablishing the country under independent native rule.\u201d\n\n[106] I began to write this paper as an introduction to an academical\ntreatment of the history, language, and customs of Hunza-Nagyr, when\nthe apparently, sudden, but, probably, calculated complications on that\nfrontier compelled me to abandon my task for the present and to discuss\ninstead the ephemeral news as they were published from day to day in the\npress.\n\n[107]\n\n \u201cAg\u00e0r qah\u00e0t rij\u00e1l uftad az-s\u00ee qaum kam g\u00eer\u00ee.\n Yak\u00f9m Affghan, doyum Kamb\u00f3, soy\u00f9m bad-z\u00e2t Kashm\u00eer\u00ee.\u201d\n\nIf there (ever) should be a scarcity of men, frequent little (beware of)\nthree peoples: one the Affghan, the second the Kamb\u00f3, and the third the\nbad-raced Kashm\u00eer\u00ee.\n\n[108] I was again on special duty in 1886, and its result was Part I. of\nthe \u201cHunza-Nagyr Handbook,\u201d of which a second and enlarged edition will\nappear shortly. My material, some of which has been published, has been\ncollected between 1865 and 1889 in my private capacity as a student of\nlanguages and customs.\n\n[109] In spite of Russian attempts to conciliate the orthodox Muhammadans\nof Turkey and thus to take the place of the British as \u201cthe Protector of\nIsl\u00e1m,\u201d the news of the revision of the Kor\u00e1n by a Russian Censor and the\n_b\u00e9vue_ of putting up the Czar\u2019s portrait in Central Asian Mosques, have\ninjured Russia\u2019s propaganda among Muhammadans, whom also the accounts\nof the persecution of the Jews have estranged from a Power that began\nits rule in Central Asia by repairing and constructing Mosques, helping\nMosque Schools and even subsidizing an employ\u00e9 to call \u201cthe faithful\u201d to\nfast and _break_-fast during the month of Ramaz\u00e1n.\n\n[110] \u201cBy the most recent account, Ghazan Khan, the son of Ghazanfar,\nhas been killed by his own son, Muhammad Khan. Muhammad Khan\u2019s mother\nwas the sister of Zafar Khan, the ruler of Nagyr. She was killed by her\nfather-in-law, Ghazanfar, and thrown over a precipice from her house.\nGhazan Khan treacherously killed his paternal uncle, Abdullah Khan, ruler\nof Goj\u00e1l, who unsuspectingly met him. On ascending the throne, Ghazan\nKhan is also said to have poisoned his ailing full brother, Bukhtawar\nShah, and another (by a different Sayad mother) Nanawal Shah. The\nfratricidal traditions of Hunza and of the Khush-waqtia family of Yasin\nhave now been somewhat thrown into the shade by the parricide of Muhammad\nKhan. The father of Ghazan Khan, Ghazanfar, is said to have died from\nthe effects of a suit of clothes, impregnated with small-pox, sent to\nhim by his daughter, the full sister of Ghazan Khan, who was married to\nMir Shah of Badakhshan, in order to accelerate her brother\u2019s accession\nto the throne. The father of Ghazanfar, Sullum, also poisoned his own\nfather. This state of things is very different from the gentle rules and\ntraditions of Nagyr, whose aged Chief, Zafar Khan, has nineteen sons, and\nwho sent his rebellious eldest son. Muhammad Khan (whose mother was a\nfull sister of Ghazan Khan of Hunza) to Ramsu in Kashmir territory, where\nhe died. He was married to a daughter of his maternal uncle, and tried\nto sell some of his Nagyr subjects into slavery, against the traditions\nof that peaceful country, in consequence of which his father, Zafar Khan\nexpelled him.\u201d (See Part referring to the History and Customs of Hunza\nand Nagyr.) Yet it is this patriarchal, loyal and God-fearing Z\u00e1far Khan,\nwhose letter to me I published last year, whom we accused of kidnapping\nand aggressiveness, so that we might take his country.\n\n[111] Of the \u00a3380, Shign\u00e1n received \u00a3170, Sirikul \u00a3100, Wakkan \u00a350, and\nHunza \u00a360 in Yambus (silver blocks of the value of \u00a317).\n\n[112] _Times_, 5th December, 1892.\n\n[113] _Asiatic Quarterly Review_, January, 1891.\n\n[114] Burns, in his travels to Bukh\u00e1r\u00e1, points out the locality of the\nprovince of Kol\u00e1b in the south of the Amu (Oxus), and calls it by the\nname of Gawalan, which I think is a corruption of Khatlan; but Najmuddin\nasserts with certainty that it is situated on the northern bank and\nis a part of Ma-vara-un-nahr (the country on that side of the river)\n(Transoxiana). Najmuddin is No. 2 of the group at the beginning of this\npaper.\n\n[115] This river is formed by three tributaries (1) coming from Sarghalan\n(has a mine of rubies); (2) from Ward\u00f9j (sulphur mines); (3) \u200e\u200f\u06cc\u0645\u063a\u0627\u0646\u200f\u200e\nYamghan (iron mine). It flows through the territory of Badakhshan, and\njoins the Amu.\n\n[116] See also \u201cComparative Table\u201d at the end of this Appendix, and\nthe \u201cAnthropological Photograph\u201d facing this page. Read also page 1 of\nAppendix IV. \u201cThe Races of the Hindukush,\u201d opposite to Drawing 1 of that\nAppendix, on which look for Nos. 1, 6, and 9.\n\n[117] Matavalli, and a new man, M\u00eer Abdullah of Gabri\u00e1l (column F of\nsubjoined Comparative Table), were also measured at Lahore on the 23rd\nMarch, 1886, with the following results that may be added to the above\nmeasurements or may be compared with those in the \u201cComparative Table,\u201d\nrespectively columns A and F, (_Matavalli_ and _M\u00eer Abdullah_).\n\n I. Head: Greatest breadth, A, 14\u00b73\u2014F, 14\u00b71.\n Greatest length from glabella to the back of the head, A,\n 18\u00b78\u2014F, 18\u00b76.\n Greatest length from root of nose to the back of the head,\n A, 19\u00b76\u2014F, 19\u00b71.\n Height of ear, A, 11\u00b72\u2014F, 11\u00b79. Breadth of forehead, A,\n 10\u00b76\u2014F, 10\u00b77.\n Height of face (_a_), chin to edge of hair, A, 18\u00b74\u2014F, 19\u00b71.\n Height of face (_b_), root of nose to chin, A, 12\u00b77\u2014F, 12\u00b71.\n Middle face, root of nose to mouth. A, 8\u00b71\u2014F, 7\u00b76.\n Breadth of face, zygomatic arch, A, 13\u00b78\u2014F, 13\u00b76.\n Distance of the inner angles of eyes, A, 3\u00b74\u2014F, 3\u00b74.\n Distance of the outer angles of eyes, A, 9\u00b72\u2014F, 8\u00b78.\n Nose: Height, A, 5\u00b71\u2014F, 5\u00b78; Length, A, 5\u00b73\u2014F, 5\u00b79; Breadth,\n A, 3\u00b79\u2014F, 3\u00b75.\n Mouth: Length, A, 5\u00b74\u2014F, 5\u00b73.\n Ear: Height, A, 6\u00b71\u2014F, 6\u00b73; distance from ear-hole to root\n of nose, A, 12\u00b71\u2014F, 12\u00b71.\n Horizontal circumference of head, A, 55\u2014F, 53.\n\n II. Body: Entire height, A, 165\u00b77 centim.\u2014F, 166.\n Greatest extension of arms, A, 166\u00b75\u2014F, 165. !!\n Height: chin, A, 142\u2014F, 143. Height to navel, A, 96\u00b75\u2014F, 99.\n \u201d shoulder, A, 138\u2014F, 138. \u201d middle finger, A, 73\u2014F,\n 71\u00b75.\n \u201d elbows, A, 104\u2014F, 105. \u201d patella, A, 45\u2014F, 44\u00b75.\n \u201d wrist, A, 78\u2014F, 80.\n Height in sitting, to top of head (over the seat), A, 88\u2014F, 85.\n Breadth of shoulder, A, 43\u2014F, 36.\n Circumference of chest, A, 87\u2014F, 81.\n Hand: length middle finger, A, 8\u2014F, 7\u00b75; breadth, base of four\n fingers, A, 10\u2014F, 7\u00b75.\n Foot: length, A, 26\u2014F, 25\u00b75; breadth, A, 11\u2014F, 8\u00b725.\n Circumference of upper leg, A, 46\u2014F, 42\u00b75.\n Circumference of calf, A, 34\u2014F, 32.\n\n[118] For additional measurements, see page 2. He is No. 6 of Drawing 1\nof Appendix IV.\n\n[119] M\u00eer Abdullah is No. 7 of Drawing 1, and No. 2 of Drawing 2, of\nAppendix IV. For additional measurements, see page 2.\n\n[120] I was obliged to get myself measured in order to encourage the\nDards and Kafirs to allow themselves to be subjected to a process so\nunintelligible to them. At the same time, their comparison with an\nEuropean may have some interest. His brachycephalic Cranial Index\n81\u00b744 may be compared with those of dolichocephalic Matavalli 73\u00b784,\nmesocephalic Khud\u00e1y\u00e1r 78\u00b77, mesocephalic Ghul\u00e1m Muhammad 77\u00b74,\nmesocephalic Ghul\u00e1m 77, the exquisitely dolichocephalic Abdullah 72\u00b753\nand dolichocephalic M\u00eer Abdullah 73\u00b782, which give an average of 75\u00b755.\nThe European\u2019s circumference of head, 60 centimetres, may also be\ncompared with Abdul Ghaf\u00fbr\u2019s, 53\u00b77\u00bd; Khuday\u00e2r\u2019s, 52\u00b75; Ibrah\u00eem\u2019s, 56\u00b75;\nMatavalli\u2019s, 54; Sultan Ali\u2019s, 53\u00b775; Khud\u00e1dad\u2019s and Hatamu\u2019s, 54\u00b74; and\nGhulam Mahammad\u2019s, 54; which give the circumference of the heads of the\neight Dards and Kafirs on the first page. This Table supplies further\ndetails regarding three of them, and adds the measurements of three other\nDards (Ghul\u00e1m, Abdullah, and M\u00eer Abdullah), so that in all, including\nJamsh\u00ead, the measurements of twelve Dards or Kafirs have been preserved.\nThose taken by Dr. Neill have been lost. Notice also the fine formation\nof the head and the amplitude of the frontal region of the Dareyli\nherdsman, on the drawing opposite to page 76 of the text of this Volume.\n\n[121] There were also weighed the Kam\u00f4zi K\u00e1fir Abdulghaf\u00fbr, age 23 or 24,\nweighing 10 st. 2\u00be lb.; and the following Nagyris: Ibrahim R\u00f4no, 34 years\nold, 10 st. 12 lb.; Sult\u00e0n Ali, 35 years old, 9 st. 12 lb.; and the boy\nHatamu, 16 years old, and weighing 7 st. 13 lb.\n\n[122] The numbers refer to the tables published by Broca, Topinard and\nHamy.\n\n[123] The following extra measurements were given:\u2014Height to auricular\nmeatus, 158; to acromion, 142; to epicondyle, 106; styloid apophysis of\nthe radius, 82; to the end of middle finger, 64.\n\n[124] A k\u00f4s is a measurement of distance varying from 1 to 2\u00bd miles, and\noften depending on the speaker\u2019s impression due to hardships encountered\nor to other causes. \u201cKatsha\u201d and \u201cpakka,\u201d for \u201crough, unfinished,\u201d and\n\u201cthorough\u201d respectively, are terms well known to Anglo-Indians. \u201cKatsha\u201d\nand \u201cpakka\u201d are generally spelt \u201ckucha\u201d and \u201cpucka.\u201d\n\n[125] Or about 20 miles. The reader should notice that such abbreviations\nas \u201c14 k\u00f4s, plain\u201d mean that \u201cthe distance is 14 k\u00f4s over generally a\nplain or easy ground\u201d; \u201ch\u201d stands for houses.\n\n[126] Or British-Indian Rupees.\n\n[127] It is superfluous to inform readers of this Review that the\nPersians are Shiah, and the Turks Sunni, Muhammadans. Most of the Indian\nMuhammadans are Sunnis.\n\n[128] Many words denoting proximity, become honorifics, such as \u201cSher\u00eef\u201d\n(Shereef), \u201cHazrat,\u201d \u201cJen\u00e1b,\u201d etc. \u201cKhal\u00eefah\u201d is one who succeeds, or\nfollows, or is a deputy. Strictly speaking, this title refers to the\nSultan of Turkey as the successor of the Prophet Muhammad in the temporal\nheadship of the Sunnis, but even the successor of the heretical Mahdi in\nthe Sud\u00e1n calls himself \u201cKhalifa.\u201d\n\n[129] The \u201cSher\u00eefs\u201d or \u201cShereefs,\u201d in a special, princely or official\nsense, are lineal descendants of Muhammad through his daughter Fatima\nwho was married to A\u2019li, and have, perhaps, even a higher claim to the\nrespect of the Faithful, than ordinary descendants or \u201cSayads.\u201d The Grand\nShereef of Mecca, the Shereefian dynasty of Morocco, the Shereef of\nWazan, who also bears the title, like the Emperor of Morocco, of \u201cMul\u00e1y,\u201d\nor \u201cMaul\u00e1i,\u201d show the great extent of the \u201cHouse of A\u2019li.\u201d\n\n[130] Among these P\u00eers each Mul\u00e1i chooses his own, of course, _under_ the\nsupreme headship of Agha Khan.\n\n[131] Who has been accused of instigating the \u201cOld Man of the Mountain\u201d\nto send his emissaries to murder Conrad of Montferrat, titular King of\nJerusalem. The Ismailian \u201cAssassins\u201d are also accused of an attempt to\nmurder Prince Edward of England at Acre.\n\n[132] Whom I took to England and whose name, curiously enough, was\n\u201cMatav_ali_,\u201d which is also a derivative of \u201cvali.\u201d\n\n[133] Also, \u201cDoes it rise in the direction of heavens, or is its descent\nin vegetation?\u201d [taking \u201cH\u00e1sil\u201d = obtaining for \u201cMeh\u00e1sil\u201d = vegetation],\nreproduction (?)\n\n[134] Also, \u201cOr in the form of Man how does it again rotate into being\nborn an Adamite?\u201d or, \u201cWhy is man created in the form of a human being?\u201d\n\n[135] Also, \u201cNay, but the perfect man, the seemly, the all-perfect wins\nthe prize.\u201d\n\n[136] These words are so badly written that they may also be read as, \u201cO,\nthou that waitest not for wisdom.\u201d\n\n[137] \u201cDegol is the first village of Zeb\u00e1k ... which is ruled by Shah\nAbdur-Rahim, a Sayad of the Shiah sect, worshipped by all the Shiahs\nof Kashkar, (Chitr\u00e1l), Yarkand, and Khokand. They also worship Shah\nBomb\u00e1y, Shah Madkasan, who is learned, good-natured, and friendly\nto travellers.... The people give a tenth of their income to their\npreceptors; if one has ten children, he consecrates one to Shah\nAbdur-Rahim.... The inhabitants are strong and hardy; the women do not\ncover their faces from strangers. Although Shiahs, they have no mosques\nand repeat no prayers. Abdur-Rahim has one in his village, where _he_\nprays. Every morning at _Chasht_ (the middle hour between sunrise and\nnoon) he sits in the assembly and distributes breads of wheat among the\nmembers, followed by the servants handing round tea in porcelain cups\nin which each one soaks his bread, and, after eating it, lifts his hand\nto bless the giver, a custom also followed by the nobles on entering\nthe assembly. If Shah Abdur-Rahim addresses any of them, he rises from\nhis seat and answers as if he were reading a _ruka\u2019t_ at the time of\npraying, and then returns to his place, and sits on his knees, for to sit\notherwise is reckoned a sin amongst these men.\u201d In other words, the only\nworship of the prayerless Mul\u00e1is is to their P\u00eer, to whom they address\nthe _ruka\u2019t_ given by real Muhammadans in prayers to God [bowing, whilst\nstanding, with hands resting on the knees].\n\n[138] The Druses are divided into \u201cJuhel\u00e1\u201d = \u201cuninitiated,\u201d or the Laity,\nand \u201cU\u2019qal\u00e1\u201d = the \u201cinitiated.\u201d\n\n[139] It should be noticed that this apotheosis of \u201cAl-H\u00e1kim,\u201d the\nmad Fatimite Khalifa of Cairo (A.D. 996-1020), who was the head and\noriginator of the special Ismailian sect, which became subsequently\nknown to the Crusaders under the name of the \u201cAssassins\u201d\u2014a corruption of\n\u201cHashishin,\u201d or drinkers of Hashish (_Canabis Indica_)\u2014commences with\ntitles of governorship or Age which would seem (to the uninitiated) to be\ncompatible with his subordination to the Deity, although, for practical\npurposes, Al-H\u00e1kim is the \u201cruler of this world,\u201d whether for good or\nfor evil. He is, therefore, the Prince of this world, if not Apollyon,\nand the fact that the words \u201cVal\u00ee\u201d = a deputed governor or \u201cH\u00e1kim\u201d = a\ngovernor, may cause him to be confounded with either an ordinary ruler,\nor be merely ringing the changes on his own name of \u201cAl-H\u00e1kim,\u201d it is\nclear, at any rate to the initiated, that the only Deity worth caring for\nis thereby meant, and that he began with the Khalifa Al-H\u00e1kim, who lives\nfor ever. In the titles \u201cMaula\u201d and \u201cVal\u00ee\u201d there is also an allusion to\nA\u2019li, who is \u201cnext to God,\u201d and from whom Al-H\u00e1kim was descended. The\nMaul\u00e1is or Mul\u00e1is of the Hindukush use similar titles for their spiritual\nhead, whether dead, or continuing in his lineal descendant, Agha Khan of\nBombay. The \u201cKel\u00e1m-i-P\u00eer,\u201d or \u201cthe Logos or word of the P\u00eer or ancient\nsage,\u201d mainly refers to the sayings attributed to the \u201cSheikh-ul-Jabl,\u201d\nor \u201cOld Man of the Mountain.\u201d In Hunza itself, the Mul\u00e1is equally address\ntheir practical Deity as \u201cThe Ancient of the Age,\u201d or \u201cP\u00eer-uz-Zam\u00e1n.\u201d\n\n[140] The contract is thus repeated from a written document.\n\n[141] Many Shiahs call A\u2019li \u201cthe light\u201d of God.\n\n[142] There are _five_ books of the _Sheikh-ul-A\u2019ql_, \u201cor old man of\nthe intelligence,\u201d or of the \u201cinitiated,\u201d and also apparently a book of\ninvestigation and of the unity of the Godhead for the \u201cinitiated of the\nretirement\u201d = \u201cU\u2019qala al Khalwat.\u201d There are _five_ \u201cMaulas\u201d or Mulas of\n\u201cthe initiated,\u201d which I take to be the names of five books, namely: (1)\nthe Mula of the A\u2019ql, or Mind, or of the body-corporate of the \u201cU\u2019qal\u00e1\u201d\nor \u201cthe initiated\u201d; (2) the Mula of the Nafs, or Breath; (3) the Mula\nof the Zeman, or the Age; (4) the Mula of the Kalima, or the Word; (5)\nthe Mula of Al-H\u00e1kim, or the founder of the sect. Numbers 3 and 4 are\nprobably the Kel\u00e1m-i-P\u00eer and other dicta of the Mulais of the Hindukush,\nto which I have already referred.\n\n[143] This holy roll among extreme Shiahs has _five_ names, namely, God,\nAli, Fatima, Hasan, and Husain, which positively excludes the prophet\nMuhammad, but includes his son-in-law (Ali), his daughter, Fatima, and\nthe martyred grandsons of Ali, namely Hasan and Husain. As a rule,\nhowever, the ordinary orthodox \u201cPanjtan\u201d among Shiahs (and even in\nsome Sunni Mosque inscriptions) are: \u201cMuhammad, Ali, Fatima, Hasan and\nHusain.\u201d \u201cPanjtan\u201d means \u201cthe five (holy) bodies.\u201d\n\n[144] There are _five_ main sects among the Shiahs, or, rather,\n\u201cAdelias,\u201d or advocates of \u201cthe rightful\u201d and hereditary succession to\nthe Apostleship of Muhammad, in opposition to the elective principle by\nthe _consensus fidelium_ of the Sunnis. The two sects that now concern us\nare the African Ismailians, and the Ismailians of the Lebanon and of the\nHindukush. The number of Shiah sects is estimated variously from 3 to 72.\n\n[145] I use the word \u201cMul\u00e1i\u201d to include not only the virtuous Druses\nwith their self-denying \u201cinitiated\u201d or \u201c_U\u2019qel\u00e1_\u201d leaders, but also the\nIsmailians generally, whether religious or not, (as in impious Hunza) and\nof whatever degree of conformity or scepticism. As a rule, an ordinary\nMul\u00e1i will outwardly practise Sunni rites and hold Shiah doctrines.\n\n[146] In discussion, whenever expedient, with a Brahmin, or even\nBuddhist, the belief in a modified metempsychosis would form a bond of\nsympathy (see last A. Q. R.), whilst the survival \u201cof the most adapted,\u201d\nrather than that of \u201cthe best,\u201d\u2014without, however, the loss of any\nindividual or type,\u2014would be connected with the notion of a certain fixed\nnumber of souls in evolution from \u201cthe beginning\u201d and ever recurrent in\nliving form. \u201cThe beginning,\u201d however, would be a mere term applying\nto this or that revealed condition, for behind what may be called \u201cthe\nterrestrial gods,\u201d behind Allah in whatever form, Deity or Deities,\nthere was The BEING that existed without a beginning and whose first\nmanifestation was the \u201cWord\u201d with its Replica as the type of the apostle\nand his fellow that ever succeeded itself throughout the generations of\nthis world. If the visible Deity, preferring to show itself in human,\nrather than any other, form, is incorporated in the lineal descendant\nof the 7th Im\u00e1m, it is, apparently, because humanity requires such\nan unbroken link in order to convert into certainty its hope of the\ndeliverer, the Messiah, the Mahdi, the second [advent of] Jesus, who will\nsimilarly be the Deity in the shape of a man, reconciling the various\nexpectations of all religions in one manifestation. That few, if any,\nMul\u00e1is, or even the most \u201cinitiated\u201d Druses, should know _every_ variety\nof their belief, is natural, not only in consequence of varying degrees\nof mental ability and of corresponding \u201cinitiation,\u201d but also because of\nvaried historical or national surroundings, circumstances which underlie\nthe guiding principle of all Mul\u00e1i belief and practice. I venture to\nindicate, _as purely my personal impression_, that this principle, which\nneed not be further explained in this place, is the real secret of that\nfaith. In my humble opinion, the _disjecta membra_, so to speak, of that\nfaith form, if reconstituted, an embodiment of the religious thought of\nthe World that seeks to reconcile all differences in one Philosophy and\nin one Policy.\n\n[147] In the interior of Arabia, Mr. W. B. Harris has come across a\ncurious sect that may be connected with a section of the Ker\u00e1mis or\nKeram\u00e1tis, sects that gave much trouble in Syria in the 10th century,\nor, more probably, with an extreme and, probably, disavowed heterodox\nsub-sect of the Ismailians. It may be interesting to quote the\ncorrespondence that has taken place between us on the subject:\n\n Tangier, _April 5, 1893_.\n\n \u201cDuring my journey through the Yemen last year I came across\n a sect of people calling themselves _Makarama_, of whom I was\n able to learn little, on account of their own reticence and the\n apparent want of interest of their Moslem neighbours. However,\n one of their number gave me a couple of lines of Arabic poetry,\n which translated, run:\n\n \u201cGod is unknown\u2014by day or by night.\n Why trouble about him, there is no heaven and no hell.\u201d\n\n All that I could find out about them in addition to this is\n that they hold an annual nightly feast with closed doors and\n lights in the windows, in which they are said to practise\n incest; and that they annually practise the form of driving a\n scapegoat into the mountains. The latter is clearly Judaic and\n the former custom savours of the Karmathians, but this seems\n improbable as the people are not Moslems. They are visited, it\n is said, by certain Indians who prize the charms written by\n these Yemenis. Beyond this I was able to discover nothing.\n\n I have no valuable books of reference as to religions here,\n but if I remember aright there were Ph\u0153nician rites resembling\n this. Could it have anything to do with the Sabeans? I should\n be so grateful to you if you could let me know, when you have\n time, what you think about it. I can find no reference to them\n in any work on the Yemen. The name of the sect is, I suppose,\n of Persian origin.\n\n WALTER B. HARRIS.\n\n[REPLY.]\n\n Vichy, _April 14, 1893_.\n\n I, too, am not here within the reach of books of reference. I\n will, however, try to suggest what occurs to me on the spur of\n the moment in the hope that it may possibly be of some slight\n use in your enquiries. It is very important, first of all,\n to learn how \u201cMakarama\u201d is spelt by the Yemen people in the\n Arabic character, and especially whether the \u201ck\u201d is a \u201ckef\u201d or\n a \u201cqaf\u201d \u200e\u200f\u0642 \u200f\u200e. Then the lines you quote should be sent to me\n in the original Arabic dialect and character (not the Maghrebi\n form, of course) and transliterated in Roman characters[*] _as\n you heard them_, for a good deal depends, _inter alia_, on the\n Arabic equivalents, used by \u201cthe Makarama\u201d of \u201cGod,\u201d \u201cheaven,\u201d\n and \u201chell.\u201d ... The sentiment of the translation is the _Mul\u00e1i_\n of Hunza, about whom I have written in the last _Asiatic\n Quarterly Review_....\n\n How do you know that the people are _not_ Moslems? That their\n orthodox Muhammadan neighbours do not admit them to be such,\n is not conclusive, for I have heard rigid Sunnis even exclude\n Shiahs from that appellation. If you could remember the _exact_\n question which you put on that subject to your Mukarama friends\n and their precise reply, it might help to a conclusion.\n\n Driving a scapegoat into the mountains is a common practice\n among the Afghans, who call themselves \u201cBeni Israel\u201d (not to be\n confounded with the _Jews_ properly so called\u2014their \u201cMus\u00e1is\u201d or\n \u201cYah\u00fbdis\u201d). The other rites you speak of _were alleged_ against\n the Karmathians and the Yaz\u00eedis _are_ accused of them. Have you\n thought of the Yaz\u00eedis? The accusation of incestuous gatherings\n is, as you know, constantly brought by \u201cthe orthodox\u201d against\n sectarians and I would not, in your place, give up the\n conjecture of a Karmathian origin of the \u201cMakarama,\u201d before\n you have gone further into the matter. Please, therefore, to\n remember _all you can_ about your friends and, if I can, I\n shall aid your enquiry to the best of my ability. I think you\n are right about the Ph\u0153nician rites and the Sabean conjecture.\n\n I do not think that \u201cMakarama\u201d is of Persian origin. Is\n it possibly \u201c_Mu_karama\u201d or \u201c_Mu_karrima\u201d? If so, this\n would be an appropriate title for a specially \u201cblessed\u201d or\n enlightened sect. Why do you call them a \u201c_sect_\u201d? Are they\n also ethnographically distinct from their neighbours and what\n are their occupations? Could you get me a copy of one of\n their _charms_? Their being visited by certain Indians would\n rather show their Ismailian connexion than that they are not a\n heretical Muhammadan sect. Indeed, among the Ismailian sects\n mentioned by Makrizi as having spread in Yemen, among other\n countries, are \u201cthe _Ker\u00e1mis_, _Karm\u00e1tis_, Kh\u00e1rijis, etc.,\u201d\n \u201call of whom studied philosophy and chose what suited them.\u201d I\n really think these are your \u201cMakar\u00e1ma.\u201d\n\n G. W. LEITNER.\n\n [*] I think \u201cromanizing\u201d the Oriental characters a great\n mistake, except \u201cto make assurance doubly sure.\u201d The _Arabic_\n spelling would at once limit conjectures and lead to a solution.\n\n[148] We trust to be able to publish in our next issue the history of his\nfamily since 622 A.D. as also his photograph and those of his father and\ngrandfather, the latter of whom tendered great services to our Government\nin Sind and Kandahar.\u2014ED.\n\n[149] Being a report of an extempore address delivered before the\nVictoria Institute.\n\n\n\n\nTranscriber\u2019s Note:\n\n\nThis book is a collection of papers written at different times, and not\nedited with any consistency. Spelling and accents vary considerably.\nThe text has been preserved as printed apart from minor repairs to\npunctuation and the following changes to correct near-certain errors.\n\n Introduction, page 1: \u201cacccurate\u201d changed to \u201caccurate\u201d (one of\n the most accurate codes)\n\n Main text, page 12: \u201cArzu\u201d changed to \u201cAzru\u201d (\u2018Refuse food,\u2019\n said Azru)\n\n Main text, page 40: \u201cporbably\u201d changed to \u201cprobably\u201d (in Astor\n (probably Vigne))\n\n Main text, page 78: \u201cSeapoys\u201d changed to \u201cSepoys\u201d (in 1866\n _six_ Kashmir Sepoys)\n\n Main text, page 89: \u201caud\u201d changed to \u201cand\u201d (Shahbaz, also\n called \u201cOsmin,\u201d and Uzet Shah)\n\n Main text, page 99: redundant word \u201cin\u201d removed (lost 400 young\n men [in] killed)\n\n Main text, page 101: \u201cDumnu-dummu\u201d changed to \u201cDummu-dummu\u201d\n (Yatshotsh below Dummu-dummu on the Gilgit side)\n\n Main text, page 111: \u201cIslamin\u201d changed to \u201cIslam in\u201d (the\n introduction of the religion of Islam in to Gilgit)\n\n Appendix I, page 22: \u201cNaygr\u201d changed to \u201cNagyr\u201d (As for Nagyr,\n the case was quite different)\n\n Appendix IV, page 1: \u201cKerbal\u00e1\u201d changed to \u201cKerbel\u00e1\u201d (sent to\n Kerbel\u00e1 a year ago)\n\n Appendix IV, page 14: \u201cw\u00e1r\u201d changed to \u201cwar\u201d (war, _kali_.)\n\n Appendix VI, page 8: \u201cPigisth\u201d changed to \u201cPigitsh\u201d (Kazi-deh\n to Pigitsh 12 k\u00f4s)\n\n Appendix VIII, page 5: \u201carbitary\u201d changed to \u201carbitrary\u201d (The\n meaning is nothing so arbitrary.)\n\n Illustration 15: \u201cgNayari\u201d changed to \u201cNagyri\u201d (No. 4. Nagyri)\n\n Footnote 38: \u201cmake\u201d changed to \u201cmakes\u201d (the Indus river makes a\n sudden turn)\n\n Footnote 129: \u201cMarocco\u201d changed to \u201cMorocco\u201d (like the Emperor\n of Morocco)","title":"Dardistan in 1866, 1886 and 1893: Being an account of the history, religions, customs, legends, fables, and songs of Gilgit, Chilas, Kandia (Gabrial), Dasin, Chitral, Hunsa, Nagyr, and other parts of the Hindukush, as also a supplement to the second edition of the Hunza and Nagyr handbook and an epitome of part III of the author's \"The languages and races of Dardistan\"","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":109877}