{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_62784/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_62784","id":"gutenberg_62784","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/62784","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Essays, Letters & Speeches","Category: History - American","Category: Philosophy & Ethics","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Fourth of July orations","Orators -- Massachusetts -- Boston"],"text":"[Illustration: C. W. Lyons S. J.]\n\n\n\n\n  ORATION\n\n  THE AMERICAN MIND\n\n  BY\n\n  REV. CHARLES W. LYONS, S. J.\n\n  DELIVERED BEFORE THE CITY GOVERNMENT AND CITIZENS OF BOSTON\n  IN FANEUIL HALL, ON THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTY-SEVENTH\n  ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE\n  OF THESE UNITED STATES, JULY 4, 1923\n\n  [Illustration]\n\n  CITY OF BOSTON\n  PRINTING DEPARTMENT\n  1923\n\n\n\n\nTHE AMERICAN MIND.\n\nFOURTH OF JULY ORATION, 1923.\n\nBY REV. CHARLES W. LYONS, S. J.\n\n\nIn the evolution of any life, whether it be that of an individual or\nof that corporate moral union we know as society, there are times\nwhen it seems fitting and proper to pause from the whirl of incessant\nactivities, turn aside from accustomed line of thought, and let the\nmind run sweetly and lovingly over a treasured past.\n\nAnd today our beloved country, in the fulness of her achievement, with\nthe memories of one hundred and forty-seven years, one hundred and\nforty-seven golden years, lived only that her children might grow,\nas from eternity the Creator had destined them to grow, in the full\nsecurity of rights that are inalienable.\n\nToday our beloved country turns to us children of a later generation\nand pleads that we follow this generous impulse of nature, and tarry\nfor the moment, while she lives over again the thoughts and emotions\nand heroic sacrifices that gave her birth.\n\nThey were not new thoughts or unknown emotions. As John Quincy Adams\nso well remarked in his scholarly discourse on the Jubilee of the\nConstitution: \u201cThe Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of\nthe United States are parts of one constant whole, founded upon one\nand the same theory of government, then new not as a theory, for it\nhad been working itself into the mind of man for many ages, but it had\nnever before been adopted by a great nation.\u201d\n\nMoses, as narrated in Deuteronomy, had charged the judges in Israel:\n\u201cThere shall be no difference of persons; you shall hear the little as\nwell as the great; neither shall you respect any man\u2019s person, because\nit is the judgment of God.\u201d\n\nAristotle had taught that, \u201cthe State is not merely an institution for\nrepressing vice, but a necessary formation for the full development of\nhumanity.\u201d\n\nIn the Magna Charter the germ of true liberty and equality is seen in\nthe pledges of the king to his people: \u201cWe will not set forth against\nany freeman, nor send against him, unless by the lawful judgment of his\npeers and by the law of the land; to no one will we sell, to no one\nwill we refuse or delay right or justice.\u201d\n\nThe medi\u00e6val councils, the military orders, the guilds, followed\ncenturies after by the contract of the Pilgrim Fathers made in the\ncabin of the \u201cMayflower\u201d in which they \u201ccovenanted and combined\nthemselves into a civil body politic for their better order and\npreservation,\u201d as well as the charters of the Providence Plantations,\nof Virginia, and of Maryland, had accustomed the people to joint action\nof mutual compact and deliberate agreement in defense of liberty and\njustice which, after all, is the mother of democracy.\n\nWhile the schoolmen, with scarcely an exception, as Sidwick tells us,\ntaught that, \u201cgovernments derive their just powers from the consent of\nthe governed.\u201d\n\n\u201cEvery constitution,\u201d says Nicholas of Cusa, three and a half centuries\nbefore the Declaration of Independence, \u201cis rooted in natural law and\ncannot be valid if it contradicts it.\u201d\n\n\u201cSince all are free by nature,\u201d he continues, \u201call government, whether\nby written law or a prince, is based solely on the agreement and\nconsent of the subject. For if by nature men are equally powerful and\nfree, true and ordered power in the hands of one can be established\nonly by the election and consent of the others, just as law also is\nestablished by consent.\u201d\n\n\u201cIt is clear, therefore,\u201d he adds, \u201cthat the binding validity of all\nconstitutions is based on tacit and expressed agreement and consent.\u201d\n\nAnd although Elizabeth had asserted in 1585 that \u201ckings and princes\nsovereign owe their homage and service only to Almighty God,\u201d and James\ndefended the Divine Right of Kings, and the University of Cambridge,\nin its address to Charles II, had declared that they believed and\nmaintained that \u201cour kings derive not their title from the people\nbut from God,\u201d \u201cDefenders of Liberty\u201d were not wanting, Bellarmine\ndeclaring boldly, as Sir Robert Filmer tells us, that \u201csecular or civil\npower is instituted by men; it is in the people unless they bestow it\non a prince. This power is immediately in the whole multitude as in\nthe subject of it. For this power is in the Divine Law, but the Divine\nLaw hath given this power to no particular men; if the positive law be\ntaken away, there is left no reason why amongst a multitude (who are\nequal) one rather than another should bear rule over the rest. Power is\ngiven by the multitude to one man or to more by the same law of nature;\nfor the commonwealth cannot exercise this power, therefore it is bound\nto bestow it upon some one man or some few. It depends upon the consent\nof the multitude to ordain over themselves a king or consul or other\nmagistrates. And if there be a lawful cause, the multitude may change\nthe kingdom into an aristocracy or democracy.\u201d\n\nThese thoughts and emotions, expressed and re-expressed by the writers,\nphilosophers and political leaders of their day, had seeped down\nthrough the ages unactuated, mere themes for academic speculation,\nuntil they filtered into the minds and souls of those simple, yet truly\ngreat men, who, in signing the Declaration of Independence, gave birth\nto the nation we so rightfully cherish and so lovingly serve.\n\nIn a letter to his friend Henry Lee, dated May 8, 1825, Jefferson, as\nif in confirmation of what we have just held, notes that the object of\nthe Declaration of Independence was \u201cnot to find out new principles,\nor new arguments, never before thought of, not merely to say things\nwhich had never before been said; but to place before mankind the\ncommon sense of the subject in terms so plain and firm as to command\ntheir assent and to justify ourselves in the independent stand we\nare compelled to take. Neither aiming at originality of principle or\nsentiment, nor yet copied from any particular or previous writing, it\nwas intended to be an expression of the _American mind_, and to give to\nthat expression the proper tone and spirit called for by the occasion.\nAll its authority rests then on the harmonizing sentiments of the day,\nwhether expressed in conversation, in letters, printed essays, or in\nthe elementary books of public right, as Aristotle, Cicero, Locke,\nSidney, etc.\u201d\n\nWhat, then, was this American mind, that, amid problems vexed and\ntheories varied, had sifted the wisdom and folly of the past,\ndiscerning the true from the false, the good from the evil, and \u201cof\nwhich,\u201d Jefferson was pleased to say, \u201cthe Declaration of Independence\nwas intended to be an expression?\u201d And what, again, was \u201cthe proper\ntone and spirit called for by the occasion\u201d that the Declaration of\nIndependence was to give to this expression of the American mind?\n\nIf we look more closely at the type of men whose united action founded\nour nation the answer to this question will not be far to seek. They,\nlike many of us here today, were either immigrants or the immediate\ndescendants of immigrants. They differed in origin, in education,\nin race, and in creed. They had the traditions, the affections, the\nprejudices of their times and of their peoples. Yet in common they\nhad left home and country, led on by a vision or an ideal that made a\nfitting basis for the union that was to come. They would break away\nfrom an effete civilization; they would start life anew, freed from the\ntyranny of unjust laws; they would enjoy liberty to worship their God\naccording to the dictates of their own conscience; they would exercise,\nwithout unwarranted interference, their natural and inalienable right\nto the pursuit of happiness.\n\nCrossing, as they did, the same unknown seas, buffeted by the\nsame winds and waves, coming to the same uncultivated, though not\ninhospitable shores, their difficulties, their interests, their common\nfoe, drew them together in mutual helpfulness, in united enterprise,\nand in common defense.\n\nThus they came to know one another; thus they learned to bear with\none another; thus they grew to love one another; and understanding,\nand tolerance, and brotherly love developed the American mind. So\nthat, when the occasion arose, in proper tone and spirit, it expressed\nitself in the immortal Declaration of Independence that solved the\nspeculative problems of the past, secured full enjoyment of liberty for\nits people, and gave hope and inspiration to all mankind and for all\ntime.\n\nAnd shall we mar the beauty of her gift? Shall we, forgetting our\ncommon interests, our common enterprises, our common foes, destroy the\nunity of purpose and of action that is essential for individual and\nnational prosperity? Shall we, by misunderstanding, by intolerance\nand hatred, sully the luster of our heritage, breaking the bondage of\nbrotherhood?\n\nOurs is a most responsible trust. We must hand it down to posterity\nsacred and intact. Capital must make truce with labor; labor must make\npact with capital; each must measure even in the scales of justice. The\nrights--inalienable rights--of man to life, liberty and the pursuit\nof happiness, must not be infringed. The rights--natural and civic\nrights--of property must not be denied. Class prejudices, racial pride,\nassumed superiority, must be dislodged from the minds of men, that\njustice may function and equality and the dignity of human nature be\nsustained.\n\nThe home must be safeguarded, and its sanctity preserved, that our\nchildren be protected and grow--as nature destined them to grow--in\nwisdom and grace before God and man.\n\nThe school--the private and the public school--free as speech and the\npress are free--must be encouraged that our citizens may understand\nthe Constitution and our laws, and in the full development of their\nintellectual faculties realize the burdens as well as the privileges of\nrepresentative government.\n\nThe church, the House of God, must have its place of respect, that our\nchildren may continue moral and grow in reverence for authority and for\nthe divine and human law.\n\nAs Hamilton wrote to Washington, on the occasion of his farewell\naddress: \u201cIn all those dispositions which promote political happiness,\nreligion and morality are essential props.\u201d\n\nThis, I take it, is the message our beloved country would send to us\ntoday. That we be men of _American mind_, the mind that expressed\nitself in the Declaration of Independence, the mind that was born of\nunderstanding, tolerance, and brotherly love, the mind that didn\u2019t\nhesitate to say, in the closing words of the great document that gave\nto us our nation, \u201cFor the support of this declaration, with a firm\nreliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to\neach other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n  A LIST\n  OF\n  BOSTON MUNICIPAL ORATORS.\n\n  BY C. W. ERNST.\n\n\n\n\nBOSTON ORATORS\n\nAPPOINTED BY THE MUNICIPAL AUTHORITIES.\n\n\n_For the Anniversary of the Boston Massacre, March 5, 1770._\n\n  NOTE.--The Fifth of March orations were published in handsome quarto\n  editions, now very scarce; also collected in book form in 1785 and\n  again in 1807. The oration of 1776 was delivered in Watertown.\n\n  1771.--LOVELL, JAMES.\n\n  1772.--WARREN, JOSEPH.[2]\n\n  1773.--CHURCH, BENJAMIN.[B]\n\n  1774.--HANCOCK, JOHN.[A][2]\n\n  1775.--WARREN, JOSEPH.\n\n  1776.--THACHER, PETER.\n\n  1777.--HICHBORN, BENJAMIN.\n\n  1778.--AUSTIN, JONATHAN WILLIAMS.\n\n  1779.--TUDOR, WILLIAM.\n\n  1780.--MASON, JONATHAN, JUN.\n\n  1781.--DAWES, THOMAS, JUN.\n\n  1782.--MINOT, GEORGE RICHARDS.\n\n  1783.--WELSH, THOMAS.\n\n\n_For the Anniversary of National Independence, July 4, 1776._\n\n  NOTE.--A collected edition, or a full collection, of these orations\n  has not been made. For the names of the orators, as officially\n  printed on the title pages of the orations, see the Municipal\n  Register of 1890.\n\n  1783.--WARREN, JOHN.[1]\n\n  1784.--HICHBORN, BENJAMIN.\n\n  1785.--GARDNER, JOHN.\n\n  1786.--AUSTIN, JONATHAN LORING.\n\n  1787.--DAWES, THOMAS, JUN.\n\n  1788.--OTIS, HARRISON GRAY.\n\n  1789.--STILLMAN, SAMUEL.\n\n  1790.--GRAY, EDWARD.\n\n  1791.--CRAFTS, THOMAS, JUN.\n\n  1792.--BLAKE, JOSEPH, JUN.[2]\n\n  1793.--ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY.[2]\n\n  1794.--PHILLIPS, JOHN.\n\n  1795.--BLAKE, GEORGE.\n\n  1796.--LATHROP, JOHN, JUN.\n\n  1797.--CALLENDER, JOHN.\n\n  1798.--QUINCY, JOSIAH.[2][3]\n\n  1799.--LOWELL, JOHN, JUN.[2]\n\n  1800.--HALL, JOSEPH.\n\n  1801.--PAINE, CHARLES.\n\n  1802.--EMERSON, WILLIAM.\n\n  1803.--SULLIVAN, WILLIAM.\n\n  1804.--DANFORTH, THOMAS.[2]\n\n  1805.--DUTTON, WARREN.\n\n  1806.--CHANNING, FRANCIS DANA.[4]\n\n  1807.--THACHER, PETER.[2][5]\n\n  1808.--RITCHIE, ANDREW, JUN.[2]\n\n  1809.--TUDOR, WILLIAM, JUN.[2]\n\n  1810.--TOWNSEND, ALEXANDER.\n\n  1811.--SAVAGE, JAMES.[2]\n\n  1812.--POLLARD, BENJAMIN.[4]\n\n  1813.--LIVERMORE, EDWARD ST. LOE.\n\n  1814.--WHITWELL, BENJAMIN.\n\n  1815.--SHAW, LEMUEL.\n\n  1816.--SULLIVAN, GEORGE.[2]\n\n  1817.--CHANNING, EDWARD TYRREL.\n\n  1818.--GRAY, FRANCIS CALLEY.\n\n  1819.--DEXTER, FRANKLIN.\n\n  1820.--LYMAN, THEODORE, JUN.\n\n  1821.--LORING, CHARLES GREELY.[2]\n\n  1822.--GRAY, JOHN CHIPMAN.\n\n  1823.--CURTIS, CHARLES PELHAM.[2]\n\n  1824.--BASSETT, FRANCIS.\n\n  1825.--SPRAGUE, CHARLES.[6]\n\n  1826.--QUINCY, JOSIAH.[7]\n\n  1827.--MASON, WILLIAM POWELL.\n\n  1828.--SUMNER, BRADFORD.\n\n  1829.--AUSTIN, JAMES TRECOTHICK.\n\n  1830.--EVERETT, ALEXANDER HILL.\n\n  1831.--PALFREY, JOHN GORHAM.\n\n  1832.--QUINCY, JOSIAH, JUN.\n\n  1833.--PRESCOTT, EDWARD GOLDSBOROUGH.\n\n  1834.--FAY, RICHARD SULLIVAN.\n\n  1835.--HILLARD, GEORGE STILLMAN.\n\n  1836.--KINSMAN, HENRY WILLIS.\n\n  1837.--CHAPMAN, JONATHAN.\n\n  1838.--WINSLOW, HUBBARD. \u201cThe Means of the Perpetuity and Prosperity\n           of our Republic.\u201d\n\n  1839.--AUSTIN, IVERS JAMES.\n\n  1840.--POWER, THOMAS.\n\n  1841.--CURTIS, GEORGE TICKNOR.[8] \u201cThe True Uses of American\n           Revolutionary History.\u201d\n\n  1842.--MANN, HORACE.[9]\n\n  1843.--ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS.\n\n  1844.--CHANDLER, PELEG WHITMAN. \u201cThe Morals of Freedom.\u201d\n\n  1845.--SUMNER, CHARLES.[10] \u201cThe True Grandeur of Nations.\u201d\n\n  1846.--WEBSTER, FLETCHER.\n\n  1847.--GARY, THOMAS GREAVES.\n\n  1848.--GILES, JOEL. \u201cPractical Liberty.\u201d\n\n  1849.--GREENOUGH, WILLIAM WHITWELL. \u201cThe Conquering Republic.\u201d\n\n  1850.--WHIPPLE, EDWIN PERCY.[11] \u201cWashington and the Principles of\n           the Revolution.\u201d\n\n  1851.--RUSSELL, CHARLES THEODORE.\n\n  1852.--KING, THOMAS STARR. \u201cThe Organization of Liberty on the\n           Western Continent.\u201d[12]\n\n  1853.--BIGELOW, TIMOTHY.[13]\n\n  1854.--STONE, ANDREW LEETE.[2] \u201cThe Struggles of American History.\u201d\n\n  1855.--MINER, ALONZO AMES.\n\n  1856.--PARKER, EDWARD GRIFFIN. \u201cThe Lesson of \u201976 to the Men of \u201956.\u201d\n\n  1857.--ALGER, WILLIAM ROUNSEVILLE.[14] \u201cThe Genius and Posture of\n           America.\u201d\n\n  1858.--HOLMES, JOHN SOMERS.[2]\n\n  1859.--SUMNER, GEORGE.[4][15]\n\n  1860.--EVERETT, EDWARD.\n\n  1861.--PARSONS, THEOPHILUS.\n\n  1862.--CURTIS, THOMAS TICKNOR.[8]\n\n  1863.--HOLMES, OLIVER WENDELL.[16]\n\n  1864.--RUSSELL, THOMAS.\n\n  1865.--MANNING, JACOB MERRILL. \u201cPeace under Liberty.\u201d[2]\n\n  1866.--LOTHROP, SAMUEL KIRKLAND.\n\n  1867.--HEPWORTH, GEORGE HUGHES.\n\n  1868.--ELIOT, SAMUEL. \u201cThe Functions of a City.\u201d\n\n  1869.--MORTON, ELLIS WESLEY.\n\n  1870.--EVERETT, WILLIAM.\n\n  1871.--SARGENT, HORACE BINNEY.\n\n  1872.--ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS, JUN.\n\n  1873.--WARE, JOHN FOTHERGILL WATERHOUSE.\n\n  1874.--FROTHINGHAM, RICHARD.\n\n  1875.--CLARKE, JAMES FREEMAN. \u201cWorth of Republican Institutions.\u201d\n\n  1876.--WINTHROP, ROBERT CHARLES.[17]\n\n  1877.--WARREN, WILLIAM WIRT.\n\n  1878.--HEALY, JOSEPH.\n\n  1879.--LODGE, HENRY CABOT.\n\n  1880.--SMITH, ROBERT DICKSON.[18]\n\n  1881.--WARREN, GEORGE WASHINGTON. \u201cOur Republic--Liberty and Equality\n           Founded on Law.\u201d\n\n  1882.--LONG, JOHN DAVIS.\n\n  1883.--CARPENTER, HENRY BERNARD. \u201cAmerican Character and Influence.\u201d\n\n  1884.--SHEPARD, HARVEY NEWTON.\n\n  1885.--GARGAN, THOMAS JOHN.\n\n  1886.--WILLIAMS, GEORGE FREDERICK.\n\n  1887.--FITZGERALD, JOHN EDWARD.\n\n  1888.--DILLAWAY, WILLIAM EDWARD LOVELL.\n\n  1889.--SWIFT, JOHN LINDSAY.[19] \u201cThe American Citizen.\u201d\n\n  1890.--PILLSBURY, ALBERT ENOCH. \u201cPublic Spirit.\u201d\n\n  1891.--QUINCY, JOSIAH.[20] \u201cThe Coming Peace.\u201d\n\n  1892.--MURPHY, JOHN ROBERT.\n\n  1893.--PUTNAM, HENRY WARE. \u201cThe Mission of Our People.\u201d\n\n  1894.--O\u2019NEIL, JOSEPH HENRY.\n\n  1895.--BERLE, ADOLPH AUGUSTUS. \u201cThe Constitution and the Citizens.\u201d\n\n  1896.--FITZGERALD, JOHN FRANCIS.\n\n  1897.--HALE, EDWARD EVERETT. \u201cThe Contribution of Boston to American\n           Independence.\u201d\n\n  1898.--O\u2019CALLAGHAN, REV. DENIS.\n\n  1899.--MATTHEWS, NATHAN, JR. \u201cBe Not Afraid of Greatness.\u201d\n\n  1900.--O\u2019MEARA, STEPHEN. \u201cProgress Through Conflict.\u201d\n\n  1901.--GUILD, CURTIS, JR. \u201cSupremacy and its Conditions.\u201d\n\n  1902.--CONRY, JOSEPH A.\n\n  1903.--MEAD, EDWIN D. \u201cThe Principles of the Founders.\u201d\n\n  1904.--SULLIVAN, JOHN A. \u201cBoston\u2019s Past and Present. What Will Its\n           Future Be?\u201d\n\n  1905.--COLT, LE BARON BRADFORD. \u201cAmerica\u2019s Solution of the Problem of\n           Government.\u201d\n\n  1906.--COAKLEY, TIMOTHY WILFRED. \u201cThe American Race: Its Origin, the\n           Fusion of Peoples; Its Aim, Fraternity.\u201d\n\n  1907.--HORTON, REV. EDWARD A. \u201cPatriotism and the Republic.\u201d\n\n  1908.--HILL, ARTHUR DEHON. \u201cThe Revolution and a Problem of the\n           Present.\u201d\n\n  1909.--SPRING, ARTHUR LANGDON. \u201cThe Growth of Patriotism.\u201d\n\n  1910.--WOLFF, JAMES HARRIS. \u201cThe Building of the Republic.\u201d\n\n  1911.--ELIOT, CHARLES W. \u201cThe Independence of 1776 and the Dependence\n           of 1911.\u201d\n\n  1912.--PELLETIER, JOSEPH C. \u201cRespect for the Law.\u201d\n\n  1913.--MACFARLAND, GRENVILLE S. \u201cA New Declaration of Independence.\u201d\n\n  1914.--SUPPLE, REV. JAMES A. \u201cReligion: The Hope of the Nation.\u201d\n\n  1915.--BRANDEIS, LOUIS D. \u201cTrue Americanism.\u201d\n\n  1916.--CHAPPLE, JOE MITCHELL. \u201cThe New Americanism.\u201d\n\n  1917.--GALLAGHER, DANIEL J. \u201cAmericans Welded by War.\u201d\n\n  1918.--FAUNCE, WILLIAM H. P. \u201cThe New Meaning of Independence Day.\u201d\n\n  1919.--DECOURCY, CHARLES A. \u201cReal and Ideal American Democracy.\u201d\n\n  1920.--WISEMAN, JACOB L. \u201cAmerica and its Vital Problem.\u201d\n\n  1921.--MURLIN, DR. L. H. \u201cOur Great American.\u201d\n\n  1922.--BURKE, DR. JEREMIAH E. \u201cDemocracy and Education.\u201d\n\n  1923.--LYONS, REV. CHARLES W., S. J. \u201cThe American Mind.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n\n[A] Reprinted in Newport, R. I., 1774, 8vo., 19 pp.\n\n[B] A third edition was published in 1773.\n\n[1] Reprinted in Warren\u2019s Life. The orations of 1783 to 1786 were\npublished in large quarto; the oration of 1787 appeared in octavo; the\noration of 1788 was printed in small quarto; all succeeding orations\nappeared in octavo, with the exceptions stated under 1863 and 1876.\n\n[2] Passed to a second edition.\n\n[3] Delivered another oration in 1826. Quincy\u2019s oration of 1798 was\nreprinted, also, in Philadelphia.\n\n[4] Not printed.\n\n[5] On February 26, 1811, Peter Thacher\u2019s name was changed to Peter\nOxenbridge Thacher. (List of Persons whose Names have been Changed in\nMassachusetts, 1780-1892, p. 21.)\n\n[6] Six editions up to 1831. Reprinted also in his Life and Letters.\n\n[7] Reprinted in his Municipal History of Boston. See 1798.\n\n[8] Delivered another oration in 1862.\n\n[9] There are five or more editions; only one by the City.\n\n[10] Passed through three editions in Boston and one in London, and was\nanswered in a pamphlet, Remarks upon an Oration delivered by Charles\nSumner.... July 4th, 1845. By a Citizen of Boston. See Memoir and\nLetters of Charles Sumner, by Edward L. Pierce, vol. ii. 337-384.\n\n[11] There is a second edition. (Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields. 1850.\n49 pp. 12^o.)\n\n[12] First published by the City in 1892.\n\n[13] This and a number of the succeeding orations, up to 1861, contain\nthe speeches, toasts etc., of the City dinner usually given in Faneuil\nHall on the Fourth of July.\n\n[14] Probably four editions were printed in 1857. (Boston: Office\nBoston Daily Bee 60 pp.) Not until November 22, 1864, was Mr. Alger\nasked by the City to furnish a copy for publication. He granted the\nrequest, and the first official edition (J. E. Farwell & Co., 1864, 53\npp.) was then issued. It lacks the interesting preface and appendix of\nthe early editions.\n\n[15] There is another edition. (Boston: Ticknor & Fields, 1859, 69 pp.)\nA third (Boston: Rockwell & Churchill, 1882, 46 pp.) omits the dinner\nat Faneuil Hall, the correspondence and events of the celebration.\n\n[16] There is a preliminary edition of twelve copies. (J. E. Farwell &\nCo., 1863. (7), 71 pp.) It is \u201cthe first draft of the author\u2019s address,\nturned into larger, legible type, for the sole purpose of rendering\neasier its public delivery.\u201d It was done by \u201cthe liberality of the\nCity Authorities,\u201d and is, typographically, the handsomest of these\norations. This resulted in the large-paper 75-page edition, printed\nfrom the same type as the 71-page edition, but modified by the author.\nIt is printed \u201cby order of the Common Council.\u201d The regular edition is\nin 60 pp., octavo size.\n\n[17] There is a large paper edition of fifty copies printed from this\ntype, and also an edition from the press of John Wilson & Son, 1876. 55\npp. 8^o.\n\n[18] On Samuel Adams, a statue of whom, by Miss Anne Whitney, had just\nbeen completed for the City. A photograph of the statue is added.\n\n[19] Contains a bibliography of Boston Fourth of July orations, from\n1783 to 1889, inclusive, compiled by Lindsay Swift, of the Boston\nPublic Library.\n\n[20] Reprinted by the American Peace Society.\n\n\n\n\nTRANSCRIBER\u2019S NOTES:\n\n\n  Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_.\n\n  Superscripted characters are preceded by a carat character: 12^o.\n\n  Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.\n\n  Irregularities with the footnote numbering have been corrected.","title":"Oration: The American Mind","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":3198}