{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_65247/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_65247","id":"gutenberg_65247","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/65247","summary":null,"tags":["Bible. New Testament -- History of Biblical events","Category: History - Religious"],"text":"A CLASS-BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY\n\n\n\n\n \u250c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2510\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Transcriber\u2019s Notes \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Punctuation has been standardized. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Characters in small caps have been replaced by all caps. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Non-printable characteristics have been given the following \u2502\n \u2502 Italic text: --> _text_ \u2502\n \u2502 bold text: --> =text=. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 This book was written in a period when many words had \u2502\n \u2502 not become standardized in their spelling. Words may have \u2502\n \u2502 multiple spelling variations or inconsistent hyphenation in \u2502\n \u2502 the text. These have been left unchanged unless indicated \u2502\n \u2502 with a Transcriber\u2019s Note. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 The symbol \u2018\u2021\u2019 indicates the description in parenthesis has \u2502\n \u2502 been added to an illustration. This may be needed if there \u2502\n \u2502 is no caption or if the caption does not describe the image \u2502\n \u2502 adequately. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Index references have not been checked for accuracy. \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Footnotes are identified in the text with a number in \u2502\n \u2502 brackets [2] and have been accumulated in a single section \u2502\n \u2502 at the end of the text. (Note: numbers 413\u2012416 not used; \u2502\n \u2502 skipped in error.) \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 Transcriber\u2019s Notes are used when making corrections to the \u2502\n \u2502 text or to provide additional information for the modern \u2502\n \u2502 reader. These notes have been accumulated in a single section \u2502\n \u2502 at the end of the book and are identified in the text by \u2502\n \u2502 a \u2666 symbol. \u2502\n \u2514\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2518\n\n\n\n\n _A CLASS-BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY._\n\n\n Illustration: (\u2021 Colophon)\n\n\n =Elementary Theological Class-Books.=\n\n\n A CLASS-BOOK\n OF\n NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY.\n\n\n BY\n\n\n THE REV. G. F. MACLEAR, D.D.\n\n WARDEN OF ST AUGUSTINE\u2019S, CANTERBURY, AND LATE HEAD MASTER\n OF KING\u2019S COLLEGE SCHOOL, LONDON.\n\n\n _WITH MAPS._\n\n\n London:\n MACMILLAN AND CO.\n AND NEW YORK.\n 1890\n\n [_The Right of Translation is reserved._]\n\n\n _First printed 1866._\n _Reprinted 1867, 1869, 1871, 1873, 1875, 1877,\n 1879, 1880, 1882, 1885, 1888, 1890._\n\n\n\n\n NOTICE.\n\n\nTHE present Volume forms a sequel to the Author\u2019s Class-Book of Old\nTestament History, continuing the Narrative from the point at which\nit there ends, and carrying it on to the close of St Paul\u2019s second\nimprisonment at Rome.\n\nIn its preparation, as in that of the former Volume, the most recent\nand trustworthy Authorities[1] have been consulted, notes subjoined,\nand references to larger Works added. It is thus hoped that it may\nprove at once a useful Class-Book and a convenient Companion to the\nstudy of the Greek Testament.\n\nAll questions relating to the Canonicity of the several Books of the\nNew Testament have been considered in another Volume of the _Cambridge\nSchool Class-Books_, viz. _The Bible in the Church_, by the Rev. B. F.\nWestcott.\n\n\n\n\n SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS.\n\n\n BOOK I.\n _The connection between the Old and New Testaments._\n\n\n PART I.\n _The Jews under the Persians, and the Kings of Egypt._\n\n CHAP. I. High-Priesthood of Jaddua\u2015\u2015Alexander at Jerusalem\n\n CHAP. II. Ptolemy Soter and Ptolemy Philadelphus\n\n CHAP. III. Ptolemy Euergetes and Ptolemy Philopator\n\n\n PART II.\n _The Jews under the Kings of Syria._\n\n CHAP. I. Antiochus the Great\u2015\u2015Seleucus Philopator\n\n CHAP. II. Reign of Antiochus Epiphanes\n\n CHAP. III. Persecution of the Jews under Epiphanes\n\n\n PART III.\n _Rise of the Asmonean Dynasty._\n\n CHAP. I. Mattathias and Judas Maccab\u00e6us\n\n CHAP. II. Battle of Emmaus\u2015\u2015Re-dedication of the Temple\n\n CHAP. III. Exploits and Death of Judas Maccab\u00e6us\n\n CHAP. IV. Jonathan Maccab\u00e6us\n\n CHAP. V. Exploits and Death of Jonathan\n\n CHAP. VI. Simon Maccab\u00e6us\n\n CHAP. VII. John Hyrcanus and Alexander Jann\u00e6us\n\n\n PART IV.\n _Decline of the Asmonean Dynasty; Interference of\n the Romans, and rise of the Herodian family._\n\n CHAP. I. Hyrcanus II. and Aristobulus; Pompeius and Crassus\n\n CHAP. II. Antipater and Herod; Julius C\u00e6sar and Antonius\n\n CHAP. III. Herod, King of Jud\u00e6a\n\n CHAP. IV. Herod, King of Jud\u00e6a\n\n CHAP. V. Herod, King of Jud\u00e6a\n\n CHAP. VI. Herod, King of Jud\u00e6a\n\n\n PART V.\n _Retrospect and Reflections._\n\n CHAP. I. Dispersion of the Jews\u2015\u2015Rise of Synagogues\n\n CHAP. II. The Jewish Sects\n\n NOTE. _The Expectation of the Messiah_\n\n\n BOOK II.\n _The Gospel History._\n\n\n PART I.\n _The Birth and Childhood of Christ._\n\n CHAP. I. The Birth of John the Baptist\n\n CHAP. II. The Nativity of Christ\n\n CHAP. III. The Saviour\u2019s Early Life at Nazareth\n\n\n PART II.\n _From the beginning of the Ministry of the Baptist\n to the First Passover._\n\n CHAP. I. The Preaching of John\u2015\u2015the Baptism of Christ\n\n CHAP. II. Call of the First Disciples\u2015\u2015The Marriage at Cana\n\n CHAP. III. The First Passover, and Cleansing of the Temple\n\n\n PART III.\n _From the first Passover to the Election of the Apostles._\n\n CHAP. I. Imprisonment of the Baptist\u2015\u2015The woman of Samaria\n\n CHAP. II. Second visit to Cana and Jerusalem\n\n CHAP. III. Miracles at Nazareth and Capernaum\n\n CHAP. IV. Call of Matthew\u2015\u2015Hostility of the Pharisees\n\n\n PART IV.\n _From the Election of the Apostles to the death\n of John the Baptist._\n\n CHAP. I. Call of the Apostles\u2015\u2015Sermon on the Mount\n\n CHAP. II. Teaching in Galilee\n\n CHAP. III. Miracles at Capernaum\u2015\u2015Death of the Baptist\n\n\n PART V.\n _From the Death of John the Baptist to the visit of the Saviour\n to Jerusalem at the Feast of Tabernacles._\n\n CHAP. I. The Feeding of the Five Thousand, and the Walking on\n the Lake\n\n CHAP. II. The Discourse in the Synagogue of Capernaum\n\n CHAP. III. The Four Thousand Fed\u2015\u2015The Confession of St Peter\n\n CHAP. IV. The Transfiguration\u2015\u2015The Lunatic Child\n\n CHAP. V. The Coin in the Fish\u2019s mouth\u2015\u2015Tour through Samaria\n\n\n PART VI.\n _From the Feast of Tabernacles to the\n Triumphal Entry into Jerusalem._\n\n CHAP. I. The Feast of Tabernacles\u2015\u2015Hostility of the Sanhedrin\n\n CHAP. II. The opening of the eyes of one born blind\n\n CHAP. III. Mission of the Seventy\u2015\u2015Discourses and Miracles\n\n CHAP. IV. The Feast of Dedication\u2015\u2015Tour in Per\u00e6a\n\n CHAP. V. Raising of Lazarus\n\n CHAP. VI. Resolve of the Sanhedrin\u2015\u2015Jesus retires to Ephraim\n\n\n PART VII.\n _From the Arrival at Bethany to the Ascension._\n\n CHAP. I. The Anointing at Bethany\u2015\u2015The Triumphal Entry\n\n CHAP. II. The Second Cleansing of the Temple\n\n CHAP. III. The Day of Questions\u2015\u2015The Enquiring Greeks\n\n CHAP. IV. The Compact of Judas\u2015\u2015The Last Supper\n\n CHAP. V. The Agony and Betrayal\u2015\u2015Peter\u2019s Denial\n\n CHAP. VI. The Jewish Trial\u2015\u2015Remorse and Suicide of Judas\n\n CHAP. VII. The Trial before Pilate\u2015\u2015The Condemnation\n\n CHAP. VIII. The Crucifixion\n\n CHAP. IX. The Burial and Resurrection\n\n CHAP. X. The Great Forty Days, and the Ascension\n\n\n BOOK III.\n _The Apostolic History._\n\n\n PART I.\n _The Church of Jerusalem._\n\n CHAP. I. The Election of Matthias\u2015\u2015The Pentecostal Effusion\n\n CHAP. II. Activity of the Apostles Peter and John\n\n CHAP. III. Ananias and Sapphira\u2015\u2015Renewed Hostility of the\n Sadducees\n\n CHAP. IV. The Institution of Deacons\u2015\u2015Activity of Stephen\n\n\n PART II.\n _The Church of Palestine._\n\n CHAP. I. Dispersion of the Christians\u2015\u2015Activity of Philip\n\n CHAP. II. The Conversion of St Paul\n\n CHAP. III. St Paul\u2019s First Visit to Jerusalem\u2015\u2015Peter at Joppa\n\n CHAP. IV. The Conversion of Cornelius\n\n CHAP. V. Martyrdom of St James\u2015\u2015Death of Herod\n\n\n PART III.\n _The Church of the Gentiles._\n\n\n SECTION I.\n _First Missionary Tour of Paul and Barnabas._\n\n CHAP. I. Cyprus\u2015\u2015Perga\u2015\u2015The Pisidian Antioch\n\n CHAP. II. Visit to Lystra, Derbe\u2015\u2015Disputes at Antioch\n\n CHAP. III. The Council at Jerusalem\n\n\n SECTION II.\n _St Paul\u2019s Second Missionary Journey._\n\n CHAP. I. The Sharp Contest\u2015\u2015Tour in Phrygia and Galatia\n\n CHAP. II. Paul and Silas at Philippi\n\n CHAP. III. Thessalonica, Ber\u0153a, Athens\n\n CHAP. IV. Arrival and Stay of St Paul at Corinth\n\n\n SECTION III.\n _St Paul\u2019s Third Missionary Journey and Imprisonment at C\u00e6sarea._\n\n CHAP. I. Visit to Ephesus\n\n CHAP. II. Letter to the Corinthians\u2015\u2015Disturbance at Ephesus\n\n CHAP. III. Troas\u2015\u2015Second Journey to Greece\n\n CHAP. IV. The Return to Jerusalem\u2015\u2015The Tumult in the Temple\n\n CHAP. V. The Imprisonment at C\u00e6sarea\n\n CHAP. VI. Paul before Felix and Festus\n\n\n SECTION IV.\n _St Paul\u2019s Imprisonment at Rome._\n\n CHAP. I. The Voyage from C\u00e6sarea\n\n CHAP. II. The Reception at Malta, and Arrival at Rome\n\n CHAP. III. The first Imprisonment at Rome\n\n CHAP. IV. St Paul\u2019s Second Imprisonment and Death\n\n\n APPENDIX AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES\n\n INDEX\n\n\n MAPS.\n\n 1. A Map of the Holy Land to illustrate the Asmonean Period\n\n 2. A Map of the Holy Land to illustrate the New Testament\n\n 3. The Shores of the Sea of Galilee\n\n 4. Jerusalem in the time of Our Lord\n\n 5. A Map to illustrate the Apostolic History\n\n\n\n\n BOOK I.\n\n THE CONNECTION BETWEEN THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS.\n\n\n\n\n PART I.\n\n THE JEWS UNDER THE PERSIANS, AND THE KINGS OF EGYPT.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _HIGH-PRIESTHOOD OF JADDUA\u2015\u2015ALEXANDER AT JERUSALEM._\n B.C. 413\u2013332.\n\n\n\u201cAFTER the death of Nehemiah, about B.C. 413, a thick curtain falls\non the history of the Jews till the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes,\nB.C. 175[2].\u201d During upwards of 230 years, a period as long, to compare\nit with modern history, as from the death of Queen Elizabeth to the\naccession of Queen Victoria, the record of events is of the scantiest\ndescription. It appears certain, however, that Nehemiah was the last of\nthe governors sent from the court of Persia. Jud\u00e6a itself was annexed\nto the satrapy of C\u0153lesyria, and the administration of affairs was\nentrusted to the high-priest subject to the control of the Syrian\nGovernor. Thus the civil and spiritual functions were united in one\nperson, and the pontifical office became an object of competition to\nthe different members of the family of Aaron, and the cause of many\nviolent and disgraceful contests.\n\nAs subjects, however, of the Persian kings, the Jews were pre-eminent\nfor their loyalty and good faith. While Egypt, Ph\u0153nicia, Cyprus, and\nother dependencies of the Persian crown, were frequently the scenes of\nrebellions, which were with difficulty suppressed, the Jews remained\nsteadfast in their allegiance to the \u201cGreat King,\u201d and increased\nrapidly alike in wealth and population.\n\nA single incident distinguishes the uneventful annals of this period.\nDuring the lifetime of Ezra and Nehemiah, the high-priest was Eliashib.\nHis successor, Joiada, had two sons, the one Jonathan or Johanan (Neh.\nxii. 11, 22), the other Joshua. Joshua stood high in the favour of\nBagoses, the general of the Persian army, and obtained from him the\npromise of the high-priesthood. Relying on this assurance, he ventured\nto quarrel openly with his brother in the Temple, and fell slain by his\nhand within the precincts of the sanctuary itself. So flagrant a crime\nroused the indignation of Bagoses. Advancing to Jerusalem he demanded\nadmittance into the Temple, and when the Jews would have prevented his\nentrance, declared he was less unclean than the body of the murdered\nman, and not only polluted the sanctuary by entering it, but also\nlevied a fine of 50 shekels on every lamb offered in sacrifice during\nthe next seven years.\n\nLike his father, Johanan also had two sons, Jaddua (Neh. xii. 11)\nand Manasseh. Jaddua succeeded to the high-priesthood, B.C. 341, and\ndistinguished himself by zealously maintaining the Mosaic institutions\nas restored by Ezra and Nehemiah. Manasseh, on the other hand, married\nthe daughter of Sanballat the Horonite[3], thus contracting one of\nthose alliances, against which the Princes of the Captivity had so\nenergetically protested. This roused the indignation of the elders in\nJerusalem, and of Jaddua himself, who declared that Manasseh must put\naway his wife, or be no longer associated in the priesthood. This the\nother declined to do, and repaired to his father-in-law in Samaria,\nwho suggested the building of a temple on Mount Gerizim, where Manasseh\nmight continue to exercise his priestly functions. With the permission\nof the Persian court, this was accordingly done, and Manasseh became\nthe first priest of the Samaritans at their rival sanctuary, being\njoined from time to time by those Jews who had been guilty of criminal\noffences in their own country, or had any cause for dissatisfaction[4].\n\nThough by these immigrations the Samaritans were more and more recalled\nfrom idolatry, the building of this temple tended in no small degree to\nstimulate the animosity between the two nations. The Jews affirmed that\nsacrifice could only be offered at Jerusalem; the Samaritans replied\nthat on Gerizim Joshua had built his first altar, and that it was\nthe true place of sacrifice. The controversy thus generated gradually\nextended, and produced that intense degree of illwill between the two\npeoples, to which there are several allusions in the New Testament\n(Lk. ix. 51\u201356; Jn. iv. 9, viii. 48).\n\nDuring the high-priesthood of Jaddua, the Persian empire, to which the\nJews had so long been faithful, crumbled to pieces before the armies of\nAlexander the Great. Victorious over the Persian forces at the Granicus,\nB.C. 334, and again at Issus in the following year, the conqueror\ncaptured Damascus, and having taken Sidon, laid siege to Tyre, B.C. 332.\nThence he sent a message to the high-priest at Jerusalem, demanding\nthe transference of his allegiance, and auxiliaries and supplies for\nhis army. This Jaddua declared was impossible, on the ground of his\noath of fidelity to the Persian monarch. Though incensed at this reply,\nAlexander delayed to execute his vengeance, till after the reduction of\nTyre, and then set out for the Holy City. Jaddua and his people were in\nthe utmost consternation. Sacrifices were offered, prayers were put up\nto God, and the Divine aid sought to appease the wrath of the invader.\nAt length the high-priest is said to have been warned in a dream how to\nact. He hung the city with garlands, threw open the gates, and as soon\nas he was informed that Alexander drew near, clad in his pontifical\nrobes, and followed by the priests in their ceremonial attire and the\npeople in white garments, he went forth to meet him at Sapha, probably\nMizpeh, _the watch-tower_, on the high ridge to the north of the city.\n\nAs soon as the Grecian conqueror beheld the venerable form of the\nhigh-priest, he fell prostrate, and adored the holy Name inscribed\nin golden letters on the frontal of his tiara. The Ph\u0153nicians and\nChald\u00e6ans in his retinue, ancient enemies of the Jewish people, were\nonly awaiting the signal to pillage the city and put the high-priest\nto the torture. They could not, therefore, conceal their astonishment,\nwhile the Syrian chiefs concluded that the great conqueror had lost\nhis senses, and Parmenio addressing him enquired why he, whom all the\nworld worshipped, should kneel before the high-priest. \u201cIt is not the\nhigh-priest,\u201d replied the other, \u201cwhom I worship, but his God, who has\nhonoured him with the priesthood. In a vision at Dios in Macedonia, I\nsaw him arrayed precisely as he now stands, and when I was debating how\nI might obtain the dominion of Asia, he exhorted me to make no delay,\nbut boldly cross over the sea, for he would conduct my army, and give\nme victory over the Persians.\u201d\n\nThen taking Jaddua by the right hand, he entered the city, and\nrepairing to the Temple, offered sacrifice to God, and paid high\nhonours to the whole priestly body. The prophecies of Daniel[5] were\nnow read in his hearing, and overjoyed at the prediction there recorded\nthat a Greek would overthrow the Persian Empire, he offered the Jews\nwhatever privilege they might select. Thereupon they requested that the\nfree enjoyment of their lives and liberties might be secured to them,\nas also to their brethren in Media and Babylonia, and that they might\nbe exempted from tribute during the Sabbatical years. These privileges\nthe conqueror willingly conceded.\n\nThis famous visit is recorded only by Josephus, and has been\ndiscredited on the ground that it is not mentioned by Arrian or\nPlutarch, Diodorus or Curtius. But it has been observed that, though\nprobably incorrect in some of the details, there are several points\nwhich confirm the truth of the main facts. Thus Curtius himself\nrelates that, after the capture of Tyre, Alexander visited some of the\ncities which refused to submit to him, and that he personally executed\nvengeance on the Samaritans[6]. The Jews, moreover, certainly served\nin the army of Alexander, and were located by him in great numbers in\nhis new city of Alexandria; while the privileges he is said to have\nconferred upon them undoubtedly existed in later times, and imply some\nsuch relation between them and the great conqueror. Moreover, from\npolicy or conviction, Alexander delighted to represent himself as\nchosen by destiny for the great acts which he achieved, and his visit\nto Gordium before the battle of Issus, and his pilgrimage to the shrine\nof Jupiter Ammon alike illustrate the force of religious feelings in\nconnection with his campaigns[7].\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _PTOLEMY SOTER AND PTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS._\n B.C. 323\u2013247.\n\n\nON the death of Alexander, B.C. 323, the vast empire, which he had\nwon by his arms, was divided amongst his generals, and Palestine, as a\nprovince of Syria, passed into the possession of Laomedon, while Egypt\nwas assigned to Ptolemy Soter. Between these two war soon broke out,\nand Ptolemy having conquered Cyrene, cast longing eyes on the kingdom\nof Syria, the harbours of Ph\u0153nicia, and the iron and timber, which\nabounded in Palestine and amongst the lofty ridges of Libanus and\nAnti-Libanus. Accordingly he invaded the realms of Laomedon, defeated\nhim in a great battle, and gained possession of all Syria and Ph\u0153nicia.\n\nThe Jews on this occasion manifested such unwillingness to violate\ntheir engagements to the Syrian king, that Ptolemy advanced against\nJerusalem, and besieged it with a large army. Entering the city B.C.\n320, under pretence of offering sacrifice on the Sabbath-day, when\nthe scruples of the inhabitants forbade their offering any defence,\nhe easily succeeded in capturing it. Instead, however, of following\nup his victory by an indiscriminate massacre, he contented himself\nwith transporting a great number of the inhabitants to Egypt, where he\ndistributed them as garrisons in different places, but especially in\nAlexandria, and conceded to them equal privileges with the Macedonians\nthemselves. Eight years afterwards he transported another large body\nof them to Libya and Cyrene, and thus by successive deportations and\nvoluntary immigrations on the part of the people themselves, Egypt\nbecame an important centre of Jewish influence.\n\nThe king of Egypt, however, was not allowed to remain long in\nundisturbed possession of his prize, and found it disputed with him\nby Antigonus, one of the most turbulent of the successors of Alexander.\nTwice the coveted province fell into the hands of his rival, twice\nPtolemy managed to recover it, and it was finally adjudged to his share\nafter the decisive battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, B.C. 301.\n\nMeanwhile Jaddua had been succeeded in the high-priesthood at Jerusalem\nby his son Onias I., and he again by Simon the Just, the last of the\nmen of the \u201cGreat Synagogue[8],\u201d as he was called by the Jews. He\nsuperintended the repair of the sanctuary of the Temple, surrounded\nwith brass the cistern or \u201csea\u201d of the principal court, fortified\nthe city-walls, and maintained the sacred ritual with much pomp and\nceremony (Eccles. i. 1\u201322). He is also said to have completed the Canon\nof the Old Testament, by adding to it the books of Ezra and Nehemiah,\nof Chronicles and Esther, as also the prophecies of Malachi[9]. He died\nB.C. 291.\n\nThe battle of Ipsus, besides securing to Ptolemy Soter the dominion of\nPalestine, Ph\u0153nicia, and C\u0153lesyria, elevated Seleucus to the command of\nan Empire greater than any other held by the successors of Alexander.\nHe assumed the title of \u201cking of Syria,\u201d and his dominion, in the words\nof the prophet Daniel (Dan. xi. 5), was _a great dominion_, extending\nfrom the Euxine to the confines of Arabia, and from the Hindokush to\nthe Mediterranean. His Eastern capital he founded on the banks of the\nTigris, and called _Seleucia_, after his own name. For his western\nmetropolis he selected a spot admirably situated both for military\nand commercial purposes[10], on the left bank of the river Orontes,\njust where \u201cthe chain of Lebanon running northwards, and the chain\nof Taurus running eastwards, are brought to an abrupt meeting[11].\u201d\nHere he founded a city with much display in the year B.C. 300, and\ncalled it _Antioch_, after the name of his father Antiochus. Convinced,\nlike the Egyptian monarchs, of the loyalty of the Jews, he began to\ninvite many of them to his new capital and other cities in Asia Minor,\nassuring them of the same privileges which they enjoyed under Ptolemy\nin Alexandria. This invitation was readily embraced by many of the Jews,\nwho settled down in Antioch, were governed by their own ethnarch, and\nwere admitted to the same advantages as the Greeks[12].\n\nPtolemy Philadelphus succeeded his father Ptolemy Soter, B.C. 283.\nIn pursuance of the policy of the previous reign, he distinguished\nhimself by uniform kindness to the Jewish nation, ransoming many who\nhad been sold as slaves, and inviting many to settle in Egypt. A\nliberal patron of literature and science, he established a famous\nlibrary at Alexandria, and spared no pains in procuring books to be\ndeposited therein. He is also represented to have caused the Hebrew\nScriptures to be translated into Greek, and thus to have originated\nthe celebrated Version called the _Septuagint_, from the tradition\nthat 72 persons were engaged in the translation, which obtained a\nwide circulation, and was extensively read. The same monarch conferred\ncostly presents on the Temple at Jerusalem, consisting of a table for\nthe shewbread of marvellous workmanship, cisterns of gold, bowls, and\nother vessels for the public and private use of the priests[13].\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _PTOLEMY EUERGETES AND PTOLEMY PHILOPATOR._\n B.C. 247\u2013222.\n\n\nON the death of Philadelphus, Ptolemy Euergetes succeeded to the\nEgyptian throne. The new king considerably extended the privileges\nof the Jews, and bestowed many presents upon their Temple. During his\nreign an incident occurred, which illustrates in a striking manner\nat once the condition of Jud\u00e6a at this time, and the influence of\nindividual members of the chosen nation.\n\nOn the death of Simon \u201cthe Just,\u201d his brother Eleazar became\nhigh-priest B.C. 291. He was succeeded in B.C. 276, not by his\nown son Onias, but his uncle Manasseh, the son of Jaddua. At his\ndeath, B.C. 250, the son of Simon, Onias II., became high-priest, but\ninherited none of his father\u2019s virtues, being distinguished for nothing\nbut meanness, and an inordinate love of money. The older he grew, the\nmore avaricious he became, and neglected from year to year to remit\nto Ptolemy Euergetes the customary tribute of 20 talents of silver.\nAt length, about B.C. 226, that king sent his commissioner Athenion\nto Jerusalem to demand the arrears, and threatened violence, if his\nclaims were not satisfied. The Jews were filled with dismay at the\ntoo probable consequences of continued disobedience, but Onias still\npersisted in his refusal.\n\nAt length his nephew Joseph took upon him the task of appeasing the\nroyal anger, and having ingratiated himself with Athenion persuaded him\nto return to Alexandria, and promised that he himself would speedily\nfollow, and satisfy every demand. Shortly afterwards he himself set\nout, and on his way fell in with several men of distinction belonging\nto Ph\u0153nicia and C\u0153lesyria who were going up to the Egyptian capital\nto compete for the farming of the revenues, which were annually sold\nto the highest bidder. Not suspecting a competitor in the Jew, whose\nslender equipage contrasted unfavourably with their splendid cavalcade,\nthey unwittingly revealed the amount at which the revenues had been\nfarmed.\n\nThereupon Joseph resolved to outbid them, and in an audience with the\nking contrived by his cleverness and ready address completely to win\nthe royal favour. When the day for the auction came, the nobles of\nPh\u0153nicia and C\u0153lesyria bid 8000 talents for the farming of the revenues.\nBut Joseph came forward and engaged to pay twice that sum, in addition\nto all the goods which should be confiscated for neglect of payment.\nThereupon Ptolemy granted his request, and he became collector of\nthe revenues from Jud\u00e6a, Samaria, C\u0153lesyria, and Ph\u0153nicia, and was\nfurnished with a guard of 2000 soldiers to extort payment from the\nrefractory.\n\nHaving liquidated the arrears due from his uncle, Joseph returned to\nPalestine to carry out his instructions. Excited by the disappointed\ncollectors, Askelon at first refused payment, and treated his demands\nwith insult. But Joseph was not to be trifled with. He slew 20 of the\nchief inhabitants, and sent 1000 talents of their confiscated property\nto the king, who highly commended his determination. A similar instance\nof severity at Scythopolis[14] put down all further opposition, and\nJoseph was at length universally acknowledged as the collector for the\nEgyptian king, and held the office upwards of 22 years. He now became\nthe founder of a family, which vied with that of the high-priest in\npower and influence, and became the occasion of many serious quarrels\nbetween them.\n\nThe reign of Ptolemy Euergetes came to a sudden and tragical close.\nIn the year B.C. 222 he was assassinated by his own son Ptolemy IV.,\nwho in irony was called _Philopator, the lover of his father_. As soon\nas he ascended the throne, he murdered his mother Berenice, and his\nbrother Magas, and gave himself up to luxury and dissipation. Taking\nadvantage of his well-known effeminacy, Antiochus the Great welcomed\nthe offer of Theodotus, governor of C\u0153lesyria, to surrender that\nprovince, and after a brief campaign became master of Ph\u0153nicia,\nTyre, Ptolemais, Damascus, and the greater part of C\u0153lesyria. Roused\nat length from his lethargy, the Egyptian monarch confronted his\nrival at Raphia, between Rhinocorura and Gaza, and defeated him with\nenormous loss, B.C. 217, the same year that Hannibal was victorious at\nThrasymene.\n\nMeanwhile the Jews had remained steadfast in their allegiance to\nPtolemy, and the conqueror visited Jerusalem, offered sacrifices\naccording to the Jewish law, and presented rich gifts to the Temple.\nAttracted by the beauty of the building, and the solemnity of the\nservice, he desired to penetrate into the Holy of Holies. Simon II.,\nwho had succeeded Onias, together with the priests, entreated him to\ndesist from his purpose, but this only increased his determination\nto view the interior, and he pressed forward, amidst the dismay of\nthe pontiff and the lamentation of the people, towards the sanctuary.\nHere, however, he was seized with a sudden and supernatural terror,\nand was carried forth half-dead. Enraged at this repulse, he retired\nto Alexandria, and wreaked his vengeance on the numerous Jews who had\nsettled there. Some he is said to have put to death, others he degraded\nfrom their high positions and consigned to slavery, or reduced to the\nlowest class of citizens. Thirteen years afterwards, B.C. 204, he died\na victim to his sensual habits, and was succeeded by his son Ptolemy\nEpiphanes, then only five years old.\n\nMeanwhile, since his disastrous defeat at Raphia, Antiochus had been\ngradually strengthening his position in Upper Asia, where he had\nwon his title of \u201cthe Great\u201d by his successes against the Parthians\nand Bactrians, as also on the banks of the Indus. Having thus\nre-established the supremacy of the Seleucid\u00e6 he returned to Western\nAsia, to find his old rival dead, and the Egyptian throne in the\npossession of a child. He instantly embraced the opportunity of\nattacking the Egyptian dominions, and in concert with Philip III. of\nMacedon resolved to avenge the defeat at Raphia. In the campaigns that\nensued the Jews suffered severely, and became in turn the prey of each\nof the contending parties[15]. In B.C. 203, Antiochus succeeded in\ntaking Jerusalem. In B.C. 199 it was retaken by Scopas, the general of\nthe Egyptian forces. Next year Antiochus reappeared in the field, and\nat the foot of Mount Panium[16], near the sources of the Jordan, gained\na decisive victory over Scopas, capturing that general himself and the\nremnant of his forces, which had fled for refuge to Sidon.\n\nWearied of the struggle, and remembering the indignities offered to\ntheir sanctuary by Philopator, the Jews now threw off their subjection\nto Egypt, welcomed the conqueror as their deliverer, and furnished\nsupplies for his army. Antiochus in his turn treated his new subjects\nwith liberality and kindness. He not only guaranteed to them perfect\nfreedom and protection in the exercise of their religion, but promised\nto restore their city to its ancient splendour, forbade the intrusion\nof strangers in their Temple, and contributed largely towards the\nregular celebration of its services. At the same time, imitating the\nexamples of Alexander and Seleucus, he issued orders to Zeuxis, the\ngeneral of his forces, to remove 2000 Jewish families from Babylon into\nLydia and Phrygia, where they were to be permitted to use their own\nlaws, to have lands assigned them, and to be exempted from all tribute\nfor ten years[17].\n\n\n\n\n PART II.\n\n THE JEWS UNDER THE KINGS OF SYRIA.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _ANTIOCHUS THE GREAT\u2015\u2015SELEUCUS PHILOPATOR._\n B.C. 198\u2013175.\n\n\nTHE battle of Mount Panium marks an era in the history of the Jews. For\na century since the battle of Ipsus they had been steadfast in their\nallegiance to the Egyptian throne. They now transferred it from the\ndescendants of the Ptolemies to those of Seleucus Nicator, and their\nconnection with the Syrian kings begins.\n\nAntiochus, who had bestowed upon them so many privileges, did not long\nenjoy the fruits of his victory. His chief ally in the late campaign\nhad been Philip of Macedon, who, at the conclusion of the third war\nagainst Carthage, found himself attacked by the forces of the great\nRepublic of the West now commencing its conquest of the world. Deserted\nby his friend Antiochus, whose aid he might reasonably have expected,\nhe was forced after three campaigns to sue for peace, and the Romans\nbecame supreme in Macedonia and Greece, B.C. 197.\n\nFive years afterwards Antiochus found _his_ turn was come to feel the\nweight of the same all-conquering arms. In the year B.C. 192 he crossed\nover into Greece on the invitation of the \u00c6tolians, and under the\nexpectation of a general rising of the Greeks ventured on a campaign\nwith Rome, entrenching himself at Thermopyl\u00e6[18]. But in the following\nyear the consul M. Acilius Glabrio attacked him in his entrenchments,\nand speedily put his whole army to flight. Thereupon the Syrian king\nhastened back to Asia, and employed himself in collecting a vast host\nfrom all parts of his dominions, wherewith to prosecute the campaign,\nwhich his friend Hannibal truly warned him was close at hand. In\nB.C. 190 the Romans, under Scipio Africanus and his brother Scipio\nAsiaticus, crossed the Hellespont, and Antiochus confronted them in the\nneighbourhood of Magnesia[19], at the foot of Mount Sipylus. His motley\nhosts, though aided by numerous elephants and the Macedonian phalanx,\nwere utterly unable to resist the terrible Roman legions. Defeated with\na loss of 50,000 men, the haughty Syrian was constrained to sue for\npeace. The conditions exacted by the conquerors were the death-blow of\nthe Syrian empire. Antiochus was forced to cede all his dominions in\nAsia Minor west of Mount Taurus; to surrender all his ships of war, and\nretain no more than 10 merchant vessels; to keep no elephants; to raise\nno mercenaries in any of the countries allied with Rome; to pay down\n2500 Euboic talents at once, and 12,000 more by instalments of 1000\na year; and to deliver up Hannibal and other enemies of Rome who had\ntaken refuge in his dominions.\n\nBeaten, baffled, and disgraced, the Syrian monarch returned to his\ncapital. The hard conditions of peace were approved by the senate\nB.C. 188, and to raise the heavy tribute, which threatened to exhaust\nall the resources of his empire, he resolved to plunder the temples\nthroughout his dominions. The first attack it was agreed should be\nmade on that of Elymais, situated at the meeting-point of the caravan\nroutes which connected Media with Persia and Susiana. But the guards\nof the temple, aided by the hardy mountaineers of the district, made a\nvigorous defence of their shrine, and Antiochus was slain, B.C. 187[20]\n(Dan. xi. 19).\n\nOn the news of his death, his son Seleucus ascended the throne, and\nassumed the title of _Philopator_. During the early period of his\nreign, the new king carefully abstained from giving any offence to the\nJewish nation, guaranteed to them the free exercise of their religion,\nand even contributed to the expenses of the Temple services (2 Macc.\niii. 2, 3).\n\nBefore long, however, his attention was directed to the riches\ndeposited in the sanctuary at Jerusalem. At this time that city\npresented an appearance of much external prosperity. The high-priest\nOnias III, who succeeded Simon B.C. 195, was held in high respect,\nand ruled the people with firmness and vigour (2 Macc. iii. 1). But\nan untoward cause of intestine dissension soon arose, and led to the\ninterference of the Syrian king.\n\nJoseph, the collector of the revenues of Ph\u0153nicia and C\u0153lesyria, had\nleft behind him an illegitimate son, named Hyrcanus. Between this son\nand his legitimate brothers a serious quarrel arose respecting their\nfather\u2019s property. Onias espoused the cause of Hyrcanus, and on his\ndeath secured his property in the treasury of the Temple, the custody\nof which was now held by one Simon, who is supposed by some to have\nbeen a son of Joseph (2 Macc. iii. 4). Filled with spite against the\nhigh-priest he gave information to Apollonius the governor of Ph\u0153nicia\nand C\u0153lesyria respecting the amount of treasure contained in the Temple,\nand represented that it might without difficulty be applied to the\nking\u2019s use (2 Macc. iii. 4\u20136). The governor reported this to Seleucus,\nand the Syrian king, straitened for means to pay the Roman tribute,\ndirected his treasurer Heliodorus not only to penetrate into the Temple,\nbut plunder it of its funds.\n\nHeliodorus arrived at Jerusalem, communicated his instructions,\nand demanded the surrender of the money. In vain the high-priest\nexpostulated on the insult which would be offered to the national\nsanctuary, and declared that one half the treasures belonged to God,\nand the other to widows and orphans, who had placed it there for\nsecurity. Heliodorus declared that his orders must be carried out,\ndemolished the outer gates, and was on the point of entering the\nsanctuary, when, like Ptolemy Philopator, he too was struck with a\npanic terror, which prostrated him speechless on the ground, so that he\nhad to be carried away insensible by his retinue (2 Macc. iii. 26\u201330).\nRestored, however, by the prayers of Onias, he gradually recovered, and\nreturning to Antioch related all that had occurred, and declared to his\nSyrian lord that nothing would induce him to venture again on such an\nerrand.\n\nOn the death of Antiochus the Great, it had been agreed between the\nsenate of Rome and Seleucus that he should send his son Demetrius to\ntake the place, as a hostage, of his brother Antiochus, who was to be\nallowed to come back to Syria. Shortly after his return from Jerusalem,\nDemetrius departed for this purpose, and Heliodorus, in the absence\nof the two persons nearest in succession to the throne, poisoned his\nmaster and usurped the crown. News of this reached Antiochus as he was\nvisiting Athens on his way to the Syrian capital. He instantly invoked\nthe aid of Eumenes king of Pergamus, at this time master of the greater\npart of the territories in Asia Minor wrested by the Romans from his\nfather, and having quickly crushed the usurper, ascended the Syrian\nthrone, and assumed the title of Epiphanes, or _the Illustrious_, while\nhis nephew Demetrius remained a hostage at Rome[21], B.C. 175.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _REIGN OF ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES._\n B.C. 175\u2013170.\n\n\nTHE long-continued subjection of the Jews to Grecian monarchs had by\nthis time exerted a very considerable influence on their habits and\nmode of life. Familiar not only with the language but the literature\nand philosophy of Greece, many had acquired a strong taste for Grecian\nstudies, preferred the Grecian religion to their own, adopted Grecian\nmanners, and practised Grecian arts. Amongst this Hellenizing party\nnone was more active than Joshua the brother of the high-priest, who\neven assumed the Grecian name of Jason.\n\nOn the accession of Epiphanes he made his appearance among the princes\nwho flocked to Antioch to assure the new monarch of their allegiance,\nand by his insinuating manners rapidly rose into high favour. Knowing\nthe depressed condition of the Syrian exchequer, in consequence of\nthe annual tribute to Rome, he offered the king the tempting bribe of\n440 talents of silver to secure the deposition of his elder brother,\nand his own appointment to the high-priesthood. Successful in this he\ncaused Onias to be summoned to Antioch, and kept there as a prisoner at\nlarge, and then returning to Jerusalem devoted himself to the work of\nintroducing Grecian customs among the people.\n\nBy a second bribe of 150 talents he obtained permission from his\npatron to establish at Jerusalem a gymnasium for athletic exercises,\nand with such success that even the priests _despised the Temple_ and\n_neglected the sacrifices_ to take part in the games (2 Macc. iv. 14).\nHe next procured a license to establish an academy in which the Jewish\nyouth might be brought up in the Grecian fashion, and was empowered\nto confer the citizenship of Antioch on many of his fellow-countrymen,\nwho eagerly coveted the empty honour (2 Macc. iv. 9). Not content with\nthis, in the year B.C. 174 he went so far as to send a deputation with\n300 drachmas of silver to Tyre, towards the celebration of the games\nin honour of the tutelary deity, Hercules. But even his own \u2666partisans\nshrunk from such open idolatry, and in place of bestowing the money\non the games, preferred to offer it towards the building of a fleet\n(2 Macc. iv. 20).\n\nFor three years the high-priest continued his work of corrupting the\nmanners of his people, and then found the means he had used to acquire\nhis ill-gotten dignity turned against himself. Having occasion to send\nhis brother Onias IV., who had assumed the name of Menelaus, to the\nSyrian court, his envoy embraced the opportunity of offering Antiochus\n300 talents a year more than his brother had paid for the office of\nhigh-priest, and succeeded in supplanting him in the royal favour\n(2 Macc. iv. 24). Escorted by a body of Syrian troops, he then expelled\nJason, who fled into the country of the Ammonites, and assuming the\nposition and title of high-priest, proved even more wicked than his\npredecessor.\n\nFor some time, however, he delayed to make the stipulated payment to\nAntiochus, and when Sostratus, the commander of the Acra, had made\nseveral ineffectual demands for it, they were both summoned to the\nSyrian capital. At the time of their arrival Epiphanes was absent in\nCilicia, and had left Andronicus in charge of affairs. Finding that\nin some way the money must be procured, Menelaus sent instructions to\nhis brother Lysimachus to abstract some of the golden vessels of the\nTemple, and having secretly sold them at Tyre, obtained sufficient\nmoney to liquidate the debt and bribe over Andronicus to espouse his\ncause. The sacrilegious sale, however, transpired, and came to the ears\nof the venerable Onias III., the legitimate high-priest, who severely\nreproved the usurper for his conduct. Enraged at this reproof, Menelaus\nprevailed on the king\u2019s deputy to seize the aged priest and put him\nto death (2 Macc. iv. 27\u201335). This atrocious deed roused the utmost\nindignation amongst the Jews at Antioch, and the Syrian king stripped\nAndronicus of the purple, and ordered him to be executed on the very\nspot, where the venerable priest, whose _sober and modest behaviour_\n(2 Macc. iv. 37) he always respected, had been murdered.\n\nAt this time the thoughts of Antiochus were fixed on the reduction of\nEgypt. In B.C. 171 he led his forces through Palestine and defeated\nthe Egyptians before Pelusium. In the following year he led a second\nexpedition, and taking advantage of the occupation of the Romans\nwith the war against Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, evaded\nthe condition of the late treaty[22], which restricted his fleet to\n10 ships, and attacked Egypt by sea and land. Again he was successful,\nand reduced the whole country with the exception of Alexandria.\n\nWhile he was before the walls of this city, a report reached Palestine\nthat he was dead. On this Jason, taking advantage of the unpopularity\nof Menelaus, placed himself at the head of 1000 men, seized Jerusalem,\nand, while his brother secured himself in the castle of Zion, put great\nnumbers of the Jews to death (2 Macc. v. 5, 6).\n\nThe first intelligence of these events received by Antiochus\nrepresented that all Jud\u00e6a was in a state of rebellion, and that the\nJews were rejoicing in his supposed death. Enraged at these tidings\nhe instantly made preparations for marching upon Jerusalem, whence\nJason, hearing of his approach, fled into the country of the Ammonites.\nThe city was taken by storm, and the late proceedings being considered\nas a revolt, it was resolved to inflict a proportionate punishment.\nAccordingly for three days Antiochus surrendered the capital to the\nfury and license of his soldiers, and during this period 40,000 of the\ninhabitants were slain, and an equal number sold into captivity. Under\nthe guidance of the impious Menelaus, he then entered the Sanctuary,\nseized all the sacred vessels, and searching even the subterranean\nvaults, carried off treasure to the amount of 1800 talents of gold.\nHe next ordered a great sow to be sacrificed on the brazen altar of\nburnt-offering, a portion of the flesh to be boiled, and the liquor\npoured over every part of the Temple; and having thus drained the\ncapital of its treasure, drenched the streets with blood, and profaned\nits Sanctuary, handed it over once more to the administration of\nMenelaus, supported by Philip, a Phrygian, and _for manners more\nbarbarous than he that set him there_ (2 Macc. v. 15\u201323; 1 Macc.\ni. 20\u201228).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS UNDER EPIPHANES._\n B.C. 169\u2013167.\n\n\nHIS exchequer recruited by this valuable plunder, Antiochus in the\nfollowing year, B.C. 169, led a third expedition into Egypt, and once\nmore laid siege to Alexandria. But his late proceedings at Jerusalem\nhad raised against him fiercer enemies even than the Egyptians. The\nJews, who formed a full half of the population, stung to the quick by\nthe indignities offered to their fellow-countrymen and the desecration\nof the national Temple, assisted the Alexandrians with the fiercest\nzeal in repelling his attacks, and once more forced the king to raise\nthe siege.\n\nUndaunted, however, by this second repulse, he reappeared before the\nwalls the next year, B.C. 168, and having a still larger force at his\ncommand, determined to reduce the city to subjection. But he was now\nconfronted with a power it was impossible to resist. Having defeated\nPerseus at the decisive battle of Pydna, and reduced Macedonia to\nthe condition of a Roman province, the Romans had at length found\nthemselves able to listen to the repeated entreaties of the Ptolemies\nfor assistance.\n\nAccordingly Antiochus, on invading Egypt for the fourth time, found\nat Eleusis, about 4 miles from Alexandria, Caius Popilius L\u00e6nas, Caius\nDecimius, and Caius Hostilius, ambassadors from Rome, who commanded\nhim to abstain from all hostilities against the Ptolemies, or prepare\nfor war against the haughty republic of the West. During his long\nresidence at Rome[23], Antiochus had made the acquaintance of Popilius,\nand seeing him at the head of the embassy, stretched forth his arms to\nembrace him. But the Roman sternly repelled the salute, and handed to\nhim the written orders of his government. The Syrian monarch requested\ntime to refer the matter to his council, but Popilius drew a circle on\nthe sand with his staff round the king, and declared that he should not\nleave it, till he had given him an answer, which he could report to the\nsenate. Confounded at this determined conduct, Antiochus was obliged\nto yield, and having, after a brief struggle, consented to bow to the\nsenate\u2019s decree, was rewarded with the ambassador\u2019s hand[24].\n\nAccordingly the command was given to desist from any attack upon\nAlexandria, and the Syrian mercenaries prepared to evacuate the land\nof the Ptolemies. But the rage and disappointment of Antiochus knew\nno bounds. The imperious commands of the haughty Romans roused him\nto positive phrenzy. His private life had long since procured for him\nthe title of _Epimanes_, \u201cthe madman,\u201d instead of _Epiphanes_, \u201cthe\nillustrious[25].\u201d Uniting \u201cthe quick and versatile character of a Greek\nwith the splendid voluptuousness of an Asiatic[26],\u201d he thought nothing\nof debasing the royal dignity by mingling with the revels of his\nmeanest subjects. He would scour the streets, visit the lowest places\nand the commonest baths, or, like Peter of Russia, converse with the\nartizans in their shops respecting their various trades. Sometimes he\nwould mingle with some drunken revellers, and amuse them by singing or\nplaying on his flute. At other times he would array himself in a white\nrobe like the candidates for office at Rome, and in this guise go about\nthe streets of Antioch, saluting the citizens, taking them by the hand,\nand supplicating their votes for some Roman office, of which in all\nprobability they had never heard the name. Having in this way obtained\na sufficient number of votes he would, with all the solemnity of\na tribune or an \u00e6dile, take his seat in the market-place after the\nRoman fashion, and deliver judgment with all the gravity of a Roman\nmagistrate. Immoderately fond of wine, he became under its influence\na madman, and when thwarted in any design his fury knew no bounds.\nAt the same time he was bigoted and intolerant to an extent almost\nincredible. His favourite deity was Zeus Olympius, and in his honour\nhe was in the habit of celebrating games at Daphne, which exceeded\nin splendour anything that his predecessors had ever attempted, and\nerected a magnificent temple, at which he offered the most sumptuous\nand extravagant sacrifices.\n\nSuch was the man, now goaded into even more than usual fury by the\ndisappointments of his designs on Egypt, who was forced to bow before\nthe power of Rome. As he returned to his own dominions, Jerusalem\nunfortunately lay in his way. Accordingly, he detached Apollonius,\none of his generals, with a division of 22,000 men, and ordered him\nto wreak that vengeance on the city which he could not inflict on\nEgypt. As he was the chief collector of the tribute throughout Jud\u00e6a,\nApollonius found no difficulty in effecting his way into the capital,\nand no suspicions were entertained of his designs. He then waited till\nthe first sabbath after his arrival, when he knew no resistance was\nto be dreaded, and suddenly let loose his soldiers on the unresisting\nmultitude, instructing them to slay all the men they met, to make\nslaves of the women and children, plunder the houses, and throw down\nthe city walls (2 Macc. v. 24\u201326).\n\nHis orders were executed with relentless severity; the streets of\nthe city and the courts of the Temple ran with blood; the houses\nwere pillaged; the dwellings near Mount Zion demolished; and with\nthe materials thus obtained the fortifications of that citadel were\nstrengthened, and occupied with a Syrian garrison (1 Macc. i. 33).\nThis fortress overlooked the Temple, and the Jews could no longer steal\ninto the city, and offer sacrifice in the accustomed place. The daily\nsacrifice therefore ceased in the month of Sivan, B.C. 167; Jerusalem\nbecame deserted; her inhabitants fled; _her sanctuary was laid waste\nlike a wilderness; her feasts were turned into mourning; her sabbaths\ninto reproach; her honour into contempt_ (1 Macc. i. 39).\n\nBut the persecution did not end here. Like Nebuchadnezzar before him,\nAntiochus resolved on obtaining a uniformity of worship throughout\nhis dominions. A decree therefore was issued from the Syrian capital\nenjoining his subjects to worship the gods of the king, and none other.\nSome of the Jews now fled from the land, or concealed themselves in\ncaves or mountains. Others, long secretly attached to Grecian customs,\nconsented to conform, _sacrificed unto idols, and profaned the Sabbath_\n(1 Macc. i. 43).\n\nBefore long a royal commissioner, named Athen\u00e6us, arrived with\ninstructions to enforce a general compliance to the royal edict. He\nre-consecrated the Temple in honour of Zeus Olympius; erected on the\nbrazen altar of burnt-offering another in honour of that god; offered\nswine\u2019s flesh upon it; and introduced the heathen ritual with all\nits lascivious accompaniments. Having thus set up _the abomination of\ndesolation upon the altar_ (1 Macc. i. 54; comp. Dan. xi. 31), he made\nthe observance of any portion of the law of Moses a capital offence.\nCircumcision, the keeping of the Sabbath, the reading of the Law, were\nstrictly forbidden. Every copy of the sacred books that could be found\nwas seized and defaced, torn to pieces or burnt. Groves were at the\nsame time consecrated, heathen altars set up in every city, and every\nmonth, on the birthday of the king, the people were ordered to offer\nsacrifice and eat swine\u2019s flesh. Moreover, in place of the Feast of\nTabernacles, they were compelled to observe the licentious festival of\nthe Bacchanalia, to join in the procession, and to appear crowned with\nthe ivy wreaths sacred to the god of wine (2 Macc. vi. 3\u20137).\n\nProceedings equally tyrannical were enacted in other parts of the land.\nThe Samaritans, on the occasion of the visit of Alexander the Great,\nhad claimed relationship with the Jews. They now wrote to Antiochus,\nstating that they were Zidonians, and offering to dedicate their temple\non Mount Gerizim to Zeus Xenios, _the Defender of Strangers_. With\nthis proposal the Syrian monarch complied, and the temple was dedicated\naccordingly. Meanwhile all who refused to yield to the orders of the\npersecutor suffered the most fearful tortures. Two women, who had dared\nto circumcise their children, were led round the streets of Jerusalem\nwith their babes hanging round their necks, and were cast down the\nbattlements into the deep valley below the city-walls. Eleazar, an\naged man, and one of the principal of the scribes, for refusing to eat\nswine\u2019s flesh was beaten to death, while a mother and her seven sons\nfor the same offence were executed after enduring the most revolting\nand horrible tortures (1 Macc. i. 61; 2 Macc. vi. vii.).\n\n\n\n\n PART III.\n\n RISE OF THE ASMONEAN DYNASTY.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _MATTATHIAS AND JUDAS MACCAB\u00c6US._\n B.C. 167\u2013165.\n\n\nNEVER did the fortunes of the Chosen People look so dark and troubled\nas now; never did the nation itself, never did the religion of Jehovah\nappear so near to total extermination. But it was at this very time,\nwhen the gradual prevalence of Grecian manners, Grecian idolatry, and\nGrecian corruption threatened to eradicate all real attachment to the\nLaw of Moses, that God interposed in behalf of His people, and through\nthe genius, bravery, and heroic devotion of one noble-minded family,\nraised them from their prostrate misery to a height of power, which\nrecalled the glory and the splendour even of the reign of David.\n\nAt Modin[27], a town situated on an eminence on the road between\nJerusalem and Joppa, there lived a priest, named MATTATHIAS, of the\nline of Joiarib, the first of the 24 courses (1 Chron. xxiv. 7). The\nson of Jochanon, the son of Simon, the son of Asamon\u00e6us or Chasmon,\nfrom whom the family took its name, he could boast of noble blood.\nAt this time he was advanced in years, but his sons were in the prime\nof life, and were five in number, Johanan, Simon, Judas, Eleazar, and\nJonathan.\n\nThe sad declension of the nation and the ruthless persecution of\nAntiochus had already roused his keenest indignation, when a royal\ncommissioner, Apelles, arrived at Modin, charged to carry out the\nedict against the Jewish religion, and to require the people to\noffer idolatrous sacrifice. Knowing his influence in the place, the\ncommissioner used his utmost efforts to induce Mattathias to conform to\nheathen customs. But it was in vain. The aged priest not only declared\nhis resolution to live and die in the faith of his fathers, but when\nan apostate Jew approached the altar which Apelles had erected to offer\nsacrifice, struck him down, and then, aided by his sons and the men\nof the town, rushed upon the commissioner himself, slew him and his\nretinue, and tore down the altar (1 Macc. ii. 15\u201329). The first blow\nthus struck, he called upon all such of his fellow-townsmen as were\nzealous for the Law of Moses to follow him, and, unfurling the banner\nof the national Faith, fled to the dark and rugged mountains of Jud\u00e6a,\nwhere he was soon joined by many who feared God, and hated idolatry.\n\nTidings of these events quickly reached the ears of the Phrygian\ngovernor at Jerusalem, and he dispatched a large force, which attacked\nthe patriots on the Sabbath-day, when they were unlikely to offer any\nresistance, and slew upwards of 1000, with their wives, children, and\ncattle (1 Macc. ii. 31\u201338). This untoward incident awoke the little\narmy of Mattathias to the conviction that they would be _rooted out\nof the earth_ (1 Macc. ii. 40), if they persisted in their resolve\nnot to act in self-defence on the Sabbath-day. With the sanction,\ntherefore, of their brave leader, they determined to break through\nthis overscrupulous observance, and though they would not attack, they\nhenceforth considered it lawful to defend themselves on this day.\n\nBefore long, they were joined by the \u201cAssideans,\u201d the zealots for the\nLaw (1 Macc. ii. 42), and by numbers flying from the persecution still\ngoing on throughout the country, and prepared to conduct the war of\nindependence with prudence and discretion. For a time, therefore, they\nlaid hid in their mountain fastnesses, and, as opportunity offered,\npoured down upon the towns, destroyed the heathen altars, enforced\ncircumcision, punished all apostates who fell into their hands,\nrecovered many copies of the Law from the possession of their enemies,\nand re-established public worship.\n\nBut the hardships of the campaign did not suit the advanced age of\nMattathias. Sinking under the weight of years, he called together his\nfollowers, exhorted them in noble words to constancy and devotion, and\nbequeathed the command of his little army to Judas, the third and most\nvaliant of all his sons, associating with him Simon, his second son,\nas chief counsellor (1 Macc. ii. 49\u201369). Having given them this prudent\nadvice, he died, and was buried in the sepulchre of his fathers at\nModin, amidst the universal lamentations of the people, B.C. 166[28].\n\nThough Judas was young in years, he lacked neither energy nor prudence,\nand succeeding to the designs of his aged father, first unfolded the\nbanner of the MACCABEES. This name is of uncertain meaning. Some derive\nit from the concluding letters of a sentence in Exod. xv. 11, Mi Camo\nCar Baalim Jehovah, i.e., _Who is like unto Thee among the gods, O\nJehovah?_ Others, again, derive it from the banner of the tribe of Dan,\nwhich is said to have contained the three last letters of the names of\nAbraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Others, with more probability, understand\nit to have been a personal appellation of Judas himself, meaning the\n_Hammerer_, like Martel, the surname of the famous Carlovingian chief,\nCharles.\n\nWhatever was the precise meaning of the name, the new leader _girt\nhis warlike harness about him_ (1 Macc. iii. 3), rallied his forces,\nand bent all his energies to the task of uniting in a compact body all\nwho were zealous for the national faith. \u201cBy night attacks, by sudden\nsurprises (2 Macc. viii. 6, 7), he taught his people how to fight and\nconquer. Alert of foot and quick of brain; yesterday in the mountains,\nto-day in the plain; now marching on a post, now storming a castle;\nin a few months of service he changed his rabble of zealots into an\narmy of solid troops, capable of meeting and repelling the royal hosts\ncommanded by generals trained in the Macedonian school of arms[29].\u201d\n\nAt length Apollonius, who had recently signalized himself by plundering\nJerusalem and massacring its inhabitants, deemed it time to interfere.\nAt the head of a large army, mostly composed of Samaritans and apostate\nJews, he marched against the patriot chief, but was totally defeated\nand slain (1 Macc. iii. 10\u201312). Tidings of this disaster roused Seron,\nthe deputy-governor of C\u0153lesyria, and he went forth at the head of\na still larger force, determined to have his revenge. Judas did not\ndecline the combat, which took place at Beth-horon, famous as the scene\nof Joshua\u2019s victory over the southern Canaanites[30], and resulted in\nthe complete defeat of the Syrian general, whose troops were driven in\nconfusion down the rocky pass to the western lowlands (1 Macc. iii. 24).\n\nThese two disasters moved the indignation of Antiochus beyond measure.\nHe was himself, however, unable to take the field, for his exchequer\nbeing exhausted by his prodigal munificence (1 Macc. iii. 29), and\nhis eastern provinces, Armenia and Persia, refusing to pay any further\ntribute, he deemed it expedient to lead an expedition thither in hopes\nof recruiting his treasury. Accordingly he entrusted the government of\nall that portion of his empire, which lay between the Euphrates and the\nborders of Egypt, to Lysias, one of his nobles and of the blood royal,\nand gave him the command of half his army, with instructions utterly\n_to destroy and root out the strength of Israel and the remnant of\nJerusalem_ (1 Macc. iii. 35).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _BATTLE OF EMMAUS\u2015\u2015RE-DEDICATION OF THE TEMPLE._\n B.C. 165.\n\n\nON the departure of Antiochus, the regent, who entered zealously into\nall his plans, began to concert measures with Ptolemy Macron, the\ngovernor of C\u0153lesyria, and diligently collecting his forces, early the\nnext year dispatched 40,000 troops into Jud\u00e6a, under the command of\nGorgias and Nicanor, two generals of tried ability.\n\nWhile the Syrian troops, who were shortly joined by 7000 cavalry,\nencamped at Emmaus, about a mile to the north-east of Modin, Judas had\nassembled his little army of 6000 devoted followers at Mizpeh, _the\nWatchtower_, over against Jerusalem (1 Macc. iii. 46), where Samuel,\nin one of the darkest periods of his nation\u2019s history, had erected\nthe Stone of Eben-ezer, _the rock of help_, after the Lord had given\nvictory to the people[31]. Here the Maccab\u00e6an chieftain kept a solemn\nfast, laid open the book of the Law, _wherein the heathen had sought\nto paint the likeness of their images_ (1 Macc. iii. 48), and made a\npublic confession of the national sins. In strict conformity with the\ncommand of Moses (Deut. xx. 5\u20138), he then bade all, who in the course\nof the year had built a house, or betrothed a wife, or had planted a\nvineyard, or were fearful, to return every man to his home. Half of his\nlittle army obeyed the invitation, and with barely 3000 men, _who had\nneither armour nor swords to their minds_ (1 Macc. iv. 6), he was left\nto confront the vast hosts of the enemy.\n\nSo certain did the Syrians deem themselves of a victory in the\napproaching encounter, that Nicanor had proclaimed beforehand in all\nthe cities and sea-ports round about (1 Macc. iii. 41) a sale of Jewish\ncaptives, at the rate of 90 for a talent. This proclamation attracted\nnumbers of slave-merchants to his camp, who with their servants made\nevery preparation to carry off their anticipated booty. Hearing through\nhis scouts of the reduction of the forces of Judas, he now dispatched\nGorgias with 5000 infantry and 1000 cavalry, to surprise him by night,\nand cut off his retreat into the mountains. But equally well served\nby _his_ spies, the Jewish warrior was no sooner made aware of his\nintention, than he instantly conceived the daring design of attacking\nthe camp of Nicanor, in the absence of his brother commander, and\nsallying forth early in the evening, fell upon it with the utmost\nfierceness at midnight.\n\nFully believing in the certain success of Gorgias, Nicanor had made\nno provision against such an attack, and was roused from sleep only\nto find his camp in inextricable confusion. The terrible bravery of\nthe Maccabees filled the Syrians with a sudden panic, and they were\nas little able to resist the fury of their attack as the Midianites \nto oppose the onset of Gideon\u2019s three hundred men. Without striking a \nblow, they fled precipitately to Gazara[32], the plain of Idum\u00e6a[33], \nAzotus[34], and Jamnia[35], and left their camp at the mercy of their \nfoes, with all the wealth which it contained.\n\nMeanwhile Gorgias was wandering in the mountains, vainly searching\nfor the little army of Judas, who having persuaded his men to restrain\nthemselves from rifling the Syrian camp till their victory was complete,\ncalmly awaited his return. The first sight that met the Syrians, when\nthey came back, was the flame of their blazing tents; the first sound,\nthe signal from the Maccab\u00e6an trumpets for the onset. Filled with alarm\nthey too fled precipitately, nor attempted to lift a hand against the\nvictorious Hebrews.\n\nAfter these two routs, in which the Syrians lost upwards of 9000 men,\ntheir camp could be plundered with impunity of its gold and silver,\nprovisions, and rich merchandise (1 Macc. iv. 23). The numerous\nslave-dealers who had followed the Syrians for the purpose of buying\nup the Jewish captives were themselves sold into bondage, and the\nspoil was divided partly amongst the conquerors, and partly amongst the\nnumerous widows and orphans of the late persecutions. Nicanor himself\nescaped from the field in the disguise of a slave, and flying to\nAntioch, openly acknowledged the power of that God who had so mightily\navenged the wrongs of His people, and raised them up from their former\nprostrate condition.\n\nThus closed the first campaign of the Maccabees. Furnished from the\nrecent spoils with ample arms and ammunition, and joined by numerous\nfresh followers, Judas was now in a position to cope with the forces\nof Timotheus, governor of the country beyond the Jordan, as also of\nBacchides, an experienced Syrian general, who next invaded Jud\u00e6a with\na large army. Defeating them in a pitched battle, he captured upwards\nof 20,000 stand of arms, and ample provisions. Next year he was called\nto confront Lysias himself, who with 60,000 infantry and 5000 cavalry\nmarched through Idum\u00e6a, and encamped before Beth-sura[36], or Beth-zur,\na strong fortress in the mountains of Jud\u00e6a, north-west of Hebron.\nThough the Maccab\u00e6an chief had but 10,000 men, with whom to confront\nthis formidable array, he did not scruple to meet them in the field,\nand again succeeded in obtaining decisive advantages (1 Macc. iv.\n29, 34).\n\nThe Syrian regent now returned to Antioch, and Judas, successful on\nevery side, turned his thoughts towards the capital of the recovered\nprovince of Jud\u00e6a. On ascending Mount Moriah, and entering the courts\nof the Temple, a sad scene of desolation met his eyes. The altar of\nburnt-offering was surmounted with that dedicated to Zeus Xenios;\nthe gates were in ashes; the priests\u2019 chambers were in ruins; _shrubs\ngrew in the courts as in a forest, or on one of the mountains_ (1 Macc.\niv. 38); while the sanctuary itself was empty and exposed to all eyes.\nHaving taken the precaution to fill the avenues with his choicest\ntroops to be on the watch against the Syrian garrison in the Acra,\nJudas at once cleared the sacred precincts, took away the polluted\naltar, constructed a new one, replaced the holy vessels, reinstated\nthe priests, rekindled the sacred flame, and three years after its\ndesecration by Apollonius celebrated the re-dedication of the Temple,\non the 25th of the winter month Chisleu, in the year B.C. 165, with a\nfestival which lasted 8 days (1 Macc. iv. 45\u201359).\n\n Illustration: A MAP OF THE HOLY LAND\n to illustrate the\n ASMONEAN PERIOD\n\n London and New York: Macmillan & Co.\n _Stanford\u2019s Geograph\u02e1 Estab\u1d57. London_\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _EXPLOITS AND DEATH OF JUDAS MACCAB\u00c6US._\n B.C. 165\u2013161.\n\n\nTHIS recovery of a powerful city by the skill and energy of one man,\nwas regarded with no friendly feelings by the surrounding nations.\nBut Judas, resolving to be beforehand with any opposition they might\noffer, carried his victorious arms into the territories of the Idum\u00e6ans\nand Amorites. Then, having strengthened the outer wall of the Temple,\nand placed there a garrison to act against the Syrians in the Acra,\nand fortified the stronghold of Beth-zur, he divided his army into\nthree parts. With 8000 men he himself crossed the Jordan into the\nland of Gilead; his brother Simon with 3000 was stationed in Galilee;\nwhile Joseph and Azariah were posted with the remainder in Jud\u00e6a, with\nexpress orders not to venture on any attack before they were joined by\nthe rest of the patriot forces.\n\nAs before, the energy of the brothers was irresistible. Simon\nfought many battles in Galilee, chased the Syrians to the gates of\nPtolemais[37], and restored many Jewish captives to their own land\n(1 Macc. v. 21\u201323). Judas with his brother Jonathan captured numerous\ncities in Gilead, ransomed many captives, and returned in triumph to\nJerusalem to find that the captains he had left there, disregarding\nhis instructions, had made an unsuccessful attack upon the sea-ports\nof Jamnia, and had been driven back with severe loss.\n\nMeanwhile Epiphanes, the terrible oppressor of the Jews, had died.\nRepulsed in an attempt to capture the rich Temple of Nanea, the Moon\nGoddess, at Elymais, which was hung with the gifts of Alexander the\nGreat (1 Macc. vi. 1, 2; 2 Macc. i. 13\u201316), he fell back upon Ecbatana,\nand there received intelligence of the disasters which had befallen his\narms in Palestine. Filled with rage and vexation, he urged his troops\nwestward, but, struck with an incurable disorder which preyed upon his\nvitals, he died, B.C. 164, at the village of Tab\u00e6 near Mount Zagros, on\nthe road to Babylon, having appointed his foster-brother Philip regent\nof Syria, and guardian of his son, Antiochus the Fifth.\n\nOn receiving intelligence of his death, Lysias, who was himself of the\nblood royal (1 Macc. iii. 32), assumed the government as guardian of\nAntiochus Eupator, another son of the deceased king, who was at this\ntime but nine years old. His first act was to attempt the reconquest\nof Jud\u00e6a, to which he was urged at once by the representations of many\napostate Jews, and by the Syrian garrison at Jerusalem, which Judas was\nnow besieging with banks and engines (1 Macc. vi. 18\u201327). Accordingly\nassembling all his forces to the number of 180,000 infantry, 20,000\ncavalry, and 32 elephants, he marched, accompanied by the young king,\nthrough Idum\u00e6a, and once more laid siege to Beth-zur. The Jewish\ngarrison posted there made a vigorous defence, and succeeded for some\ntime in keeping off the assailants. Resolved to succour them, Judas\nmarched forth from Jerusalem, and encamped at Bethzacharias, an almost\nimpregnable position about nine miles north of Beth-zur. Thither Lysias\nalso marched with all his elephants, each attended by a thousand of his\ntroops, and bearing a strong tower of wood containing 32 men. Several\nobstinate contests took place, in one of which Eleazar covered himself\nwith glory by rushing under an elephant, and stabbing it in the belly,\nto be himself crushed to death by its fall (1 Macc. vi. 32\u201346).\n\nPerceiving the strength of the foe, Judas now fell back upon Jerusalem,\nand entrenched himself in the Temple-fortress. Thereupon the garrison\nat Beth-zur, pressed by famine, capitulated on honourable terms, and\nthe Syrians advanced against the capital. But the stronghold of Zion\nresisted all their efforts, and assault after assault was delivered\nin vain. Soon however, for it was a Sabbatical year (1 Macc. vi. 53),\nthe garrison began to be hard pressed by famine, and many effected\ntheir escape. At this juncture Lysias received information that Philip\nhad been appointed regent by the late king, and had succeeded in\ntaking Antioch. On this he hastily concluded a treaty with the Jews,\nguaranteeing to them the use of their own laws and religion, and\nretired to Syria, taking with him the apostate Menelaus, whom he\npersuaded Antiochus to smother in the Ash-tower at Ber\u0153a, as being the\ncause of all the late reverses. Judas was now recognised as governor\nof Palestine, and from this year, B.C. 163, his accession to the\nprincipality is usually dated.\n\nOn reaching Antioch, Lysias defeated Philip, but in the course of a\nyear was himself put to death by another aspirant to the Syrian throne.\nIt has been mentioned, that in the year B.C. 175, Demetrius was sent\nas a hostage to Rome, in exchange for his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes.\nSecretly leaving Italy, he now landed with a small force at Tyre, and\nhaving given out that the Romans had recognised his claim to the Syrian\nthrone, easily succeeded in putting Antiochus and Lysias to death, and\nseizing the crown (1 Macc. vii. 1\u201314).\n\nAt the same time that he put Menelaus to death at Ber\u0153a, Lysias had\nconferred the high-priesthood on one Jakim, or Joachin, who, according\nto the prevailing fashion of adopting Grecian names, was also known by\nthat of _Alcimus_. One of the stock of Aaron, but not of the pontifical\nfamily, the new high-priest was a zealous adherent of the Hellenizing\nparty. In him, Demetrius saw a ready instrument for sowing discord\namong the Maccab\u00e6an patriots. Accordingly he confirmed him in the\nsacerdotal dignity, and sent him to Jerusalem, accompanied by Bacchides,\ngovernor of Mesopotamia, and one of his most able generals. With a\nlarge force they appeared before Jerusalem, and the zealots for the\nLaw, unwilling to reject a descendant of Aaron, admitted Alcimus within\nthe walls, and acknowledged him as high-priest. So long as the Syrian\ngeneral remained in the neighbourhood, Alcimus was able to assert his\nauthority, and take a cruel revenge on his enemies. But no sooner had\nBacchides withdrawn his troops, than Judas, quickly recovering his old\ninfluence, compelled the innovating high-priest to fly to Antioch.\n\nBy dint, however, of large bribes, Alcimus again succeeded in\npersuading Demetrius to assist him in recovering his authority, and\ncrushing the Maccab\u00e6an chief. Accordingly a large army was entrusted\nto Nicanor, with strict injunctions to cut off the partisans of Judas,\nand reinstate Alcimus in power. Nicanor, taught by past experience on\nthe disastrous field of Emmaus to entertain a wholesomer dread of his\nenemy\u2019s prowess, at first endeavoured to get him into his power by\ntreachery (1 Macc. vii. 27\u201331). Unsuccessful in this, and urged on\nby the express orders of Demetrius, he then ventured to attack him\nat Capharsalama, but was defeated with the loss of 5000 men. Shortly\nafterwards, with 40,000 men he again attacked him at Adasa, about\n30 stadia from Beth-horon, where his whole army sustained a total rout,\nand he himself fell amongst the slain (1 Macc. vii. 40\u201347; 2 Macc.\nxv. 36).\n\nThis signal victory restored peace for a short time to Jud\u00e6a, and was\ndeemed of sufficient importance to justify an annual commemoration on\nthe 13th of the month Adar. Fully aware of the necessity of providing\nagainst the ceaseless animosity of Demetrius, Judas resolved to improve\nthis interval by concluding an alliance with the Romans. He had heard\nmuch of the fame of this great nation, of their conquests in Gaul,\nSpain, and Greece, of their victories over Philip and Perseus, and\nthe great Antiochus (1 Macc. viii. 1\u201316). Accordingly he sent two\nambassadors to the metropolis of the West, and the Roman senate, whose\nsettled policy it was to weaken great states by forming alliances\nwith smaller ones, readily passed a decree acknowledging the Jews as\ntheir friends and allies, and resolved to send a letter to Demetrius,\ncommanding him, on pain of their heavy displeasure, to desist from any\nfurther attacks upon them (1 Macc. viii. 17\u201332).\n\nBefore, however, the ambassadors could return, the Syrian king keenly\nresenting the disaster which had befallen the army of Nicanor, had sent\nAlcimus and Bacchides with the entire force of his realm into Palestine.\nNever were the Maccab\u00e6an patriots so ill prepared to meet this fresh\ninvasion. The mass of the people were tired of constant fighting, and\nthe late negociations with Rome had alienated a considerable number\nof the Jewish zealots from the councils of Judas. In consequence the\nbrave Maccabee was unable to bring more than a very small force into\nthe field, and of these, a large portion deserted him on the eve of\nbattle (1 Macc. ix. 6). With 800 men, however, he ventured to attack\nthe Syrian host at Eleasa, not far from Ashdod, and actually succeeded\nin routing their right wing with enormous loss. But the odds were far\ntoo desperate, and the brave chief fell amongst a number of gallant\nfollowers, and was buried amidst universal lamentation in the ancestral\ntomb at Modin (1 Macc. ix. 19\u201321).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _JONATHAN MACCAB\u00c6US._\n B.C. 161\u2013146.\n\n\nTHE death of their great leader was a terrible blow to the hopes of\nthe Jewish patriots, and for a short time their plans were totally\ndisorganized. The Syrians regained their ascendancy everywhere, Alcimus\nwas reinstated in the high-priesthood, and Bacchides wreaked his\nvengeance on the adherents of Judas with unrelenting cruelty. All the\nadvantages which that brave chieftain had gained during six years of\nincessant warfare, seemed to have been utterly thrown away, and the\nnational cause to be on the verge of destruction.\n\nAt length, however, the Maccab\u00e6an party rallied, and offered the\ncommand to Jonathan, surnamed Apphus (_the wary_), the youngest son\nof Mattathias. In view of the present desperate circumstances of the\nnation, the new leader did not attempt to operate in the open country,\nbut retired to the wilderness of Tekoa, where the Syrian general in\nvain endeavoured to surprise and capture him. Thence, crossing the\nJordan, he carried on a guerilla warfare, while Bacchides resolving\nto keep the Jews in subjection, employed himself in strengthening the\nfortifications of Emmaus, Beth-horon, Gazara, and Beth-zur. At the same\ntime he furnished the garrison in the Acra, which commanded the city\nand temple of Jerusalem, with fresh supplies of arms and provisions,\nand placed there the children of several of the chief Jewish families\nas hostages. Meanwhile Alcimus, bent on his plan of fusing Jew and\nGentile, gave orders that the wall of the inner court of the sanctuary\nshould be pulled down, and was in the act of seeing them carried out,\nwhen he was suddenly struck with paralysis, and died in great misery.\n\nUpon this, Bacchides returned to Antioch, and Jonathan re-appearing\nfrom his hiding-place, established himself in Jud\u00e6a, where, for upwards\nof two years, he was left unmolested by the Syrians, in accordance with\norders from Demetrius, who by this time had received the commands of\nthe Roman senate forbidding all hostilities towards their new allies.\nThis condition, however, of tranquillity by no means fell in with\nthe views of the large Hellenizing party in Jud\u00e6a, and they invited\nBacchides to return once more and crush their enemy. Accordingly the\nSyrian commander re-entered Jud\u00e6a at the head of a considerable army,\nand Jonathan retiring as before into the wilderness, maintained a\ndesultory warfare, while his brother Simon occupied the fortress\nof Beth-basi, in the Jordan valley, not far from Jericho. Though he\nattacked it with all his forces, Bacchides was utterly unable to reduce\nthis stronghold, and at length, wearying of a campaign which brought\nlittle glory and less profit, he turned against those who had advised\nthe expedition, and sought means to secure an honourable retreat.\nInformed of the altered feelings of his foe, Jonathan thereupon sent\nenvoys, and succeeded in concluding a peace, agreeing to acknowledge\nBacchides as governor under the Syrian king, and obtaining a promise\nfrom that general that he would not enter the land again.\n\nOn these terms, hostilities were suspended, and the authority\nof Jonathan as deputy governor of Jud\u00e6a was publicly recognised.\nEstablishing himself at Michmash (1 Macc. ix. 73), he ruled the\npeople according to the law of Moses, though Jerusalem and many of\nthe stronger towns were still retained by garrisons of Syrians or\napostate Jews.\n\nAfter the lapse, however, of a very few years, a revolution took place\nin Syria, which produced a surprising change in his fortunes. About\nthe year B.C. 153, Demetrius retired to a new palace he had built at\nAntioch, and there gave himself up to pleasure, and various luxurious\nexcesses[38]. This, added to other causes, made him extremely unpopular\nwith his subjects, and gave rise to a conspiracy which was fostered by\nAriarathes king of Cappadocia, Attalus king of Pergamus, and especially\nby Ptolemy Philometor king of Egypt, from whom Demetrius had taken the\nisland of Cyprus. By their connivance, a young man named Balas[39] was\npersuaded to give himself out as the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, and to\nclaim the Syrian throne. Through the intrigues of Heraclides, a former\ntreasurer of Epiphanes, his claim was admitted by the Romans, and on\nhis landing at Ptolemais after a visit to Rome, the place was betrayed\nby the garrison, and his standard was joined by numerous disaffected\nsubjects of Demetrius, B.C. 152.\n\nRoused at last from his lethargy, that monarch collected an army,\nand prepared to defend his crown. Both kings had an equal interest in\nsecuring the friendship of Jonathan, who could render essential service\nto whichever side he joined. The promises of Demetrius were lavish even\nto desperation. He offered to make Jonathan commander-in-chief over\nJud\u00e6a, to allow him to levy soldiers, and also undertook to release the\nJewish hostages held by the Syrian garrison in the Acra. Jonathan read\nthe letter containing these offers to the soldiers in the citadel, and\nthey straightway delivered up the hostages, while the garrisons retired\nfrom most of the stronger towns, save those of Beth-zur and Jerusalem,\nwhich were chiefly composed of apostate Jews (1 Macc. x. 3\u20139, 12\u201314),\nwho dreaded to leave their places of refuge. The power of the Maccab\u00e6an\nchief was thus greatly extended; he levied troops, and supplied them\nwith arms; he rebuilt and repaired the walls of Jerusalem, particularly\naround Mount Zion, which were strongly fortified, and took up his own\nabode in the capital (1 Macc. x. 10, 11).\n\nIt was now the turn of Balas to court the alliance of the Jewish prince,\nand he resolved to outdo Demetrius in the liberality of his promises.\nAccordingly, he wrote a letter in which he saluted Jonathan as his\n\u201cbrother\u201d (1 Macc. x. 18), conferred upon him the high-priesthood,\nwhich had now been vacant seven years, and sent him the purple robe,\nand the crown of an _ethnarch_, or independent prince of Jud\u00e6a.\nJonathan accepted all that the other conferred, and without openly\nespousing the cause of either king, assumed the pontifical robes at the\nFeast of Tabernacles (1 Macc. x. 21), and with them the purple. Thus\nthe high-priesthood, which had remained in the family of Jozadak ever\nsince the time of Cyrus, was transferred to that of Joiarib, and the\nreign of the Priest-kings of the Asmonean line commenced, B.C. 153.\n\nAs soon as Demetrius was informed of the offers of Balas, he wrote\na second time to Jonathan, and made him the most extravagant promises\nif he would espouse his cause. But the Jews, remembering what they had\nsuffered at his hands, could not be convinced of his sincerity, and\nthrew all the weight of their influence into the cause of his rival. At\nfirst the efforts of Balas were unsuccessful, but eventually, B.C. 150,\nhe succeeded in completely routing the army of Demetrius, mounted the\nSyrian throne, and at Ptolemais was united in marriage with Cleopatra,\nthe daughter of Philometor, king of Egypt. On this occasion Jonathan\nalso repaired to that city, where he was received by Balas with every\nmark of friendship and regard, raised to the rank of _meridarch_, or\nruler of a part of the empire (1 Macc. x. 65), and invested with regal\nhonours.\n\nBut the prosperity of the usurper of the Syrian throne was shortlived.\nSo long as the contest with the late king continued, he evinced both\nenergy and courage, but no sooner was his power confirmed, than he gave\nhimself up without restraint to the indulgence of the worst passions,\nand became only an object of contempt to his subjects. At this time\nDemetrius, surnamed afterwards _Nicator_, was at Cnidus. Hearing of\nthe feelings with which Balas was regarded, he landed in Cilicia at\nthe head of a considerable force, and rapidly gained over a number\nof adherents, and amongst them Apollonius, governor of C\u0153lesyria,\nwho openly revolted and espoused his cause. Jonathan, however, still\nremained faithful in his allegiance, and attacking Apollonius near\nAzotus, completely defeated him, laid that city in ashes, and returned\nto Jerusalem with rich spoils. This complete suppression of the revolt\nin C\u0153lesyria excited the warmest gratitude in the heart of Balas, who\nsent his faithful ally a rich gold chain, such as was worn by none but\nprinces of the highest rank (1 Macc. x. 88, 89), and bestowed upon him\nthe city and territory of Ekron as a free gift.\n\nBut though checked in C\u0153lesyria, the rebellion made such progress in\nother parts of his dominions, that he shut himself up in the city of\nAntioch, and appealed for aid to Philometor, the father of his wife\nCleopatra.\n\nAccordingly, B.C. 146, that monarch set out attended by a fleet and a\nnumerous army to assist his son-in-law. As he proceeded along the coast\nof Palestine, every city threw open its gates in token of friendship,\nand at Joppa he was met by Jonathan, who escorted him as far as the\nriver Eleutherus (1 Macc. xi. 1\u20137). No sooner, however, had he reached\nAntioch, than he threw off the mask, and wrote to Demetrius offering\nto support his claims, and to unite him in marriage with his daughter.\nDemetrius eagerly accepted his offer, and, though not without some\ndifficulty, was acknowledged as king. Early in the following year Balas\nmade a determined effort to recover his crown, but being defeated in\nbattle, fled to Ab\u00e6 in Arabia, where five days after he was murdered by\na native chief named Zabdiel, who sent his head to Demetrius ( 1 Macc.\nxi. 17).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER V.\n\n _EXPLOITS AND DEATH OF JONATHAN._\n B.C. 146\u2013144.\n\n\nTHE accession of the new Syrian monarch once more raised the hopes\nof the faction opposed to Jonathan, who had gathered his forces and\nlaid siege to the Syrian garrison in the Acra (1 Macc. xi. 20). This\nwas eagerly reported to Demetrius, and he instantly sent for the\npriest-king to meet him at Ptolemais. Great as was the risk, without\nsuspending the siege, Jonathan forthwith set out thither with some of\nthe elders of the \u2666Sanhedrin, and pleaded his cause with such effect\nthat he not only succeeded in silencing the clamour of his enemies,\nbut was confirmed in all the dignities he had received from Balas, and\neven secured for himself still further advantages. Three principalities,\nhitherto included in the district of Samaria, were added to his\ndominions, and all previous claims for tribute due from his kingdom\nwere remitted (1 Macc. xi. 23\u201337).\n\nSuccessful beyond his utmost expectations, Jonathan returned to\nJerusalem, and again pushed forward the siege of the Syrian garrison.\nBut such was the energy of the defenders, and such the strength of the\nfortress, that all his efforts were frustrated, and he resolved on\nmaking an application to Demetrius for an order directing the\nevacuation of the stronghold, as also of Beth-zur.\n\nAt the time when this request reached him, Demetrius himself was in the\ngreatest straits. Young and inexperienced he had entrusted the entire\nmanagement of his affairs to a Cretan officer, named Lasthenes, who had\nassisted him in obtaining his crown with a large body of mercenaries\n(1 Macc. x. 67[40]), and by his advice had disbanded the whole of the\nnational troops. This, added to the ferocious conduct of his general,\nnaturally roused the illwill of the citizens of Antioch, and they\nbroke out into a furious revolt, which all the efforts of the king\nwere unable to quell. At this juncture he received the message of\nJonathan, and anxious for assistance from whatever quarter, professed\nhis readiness to grant all his demands, on condition of receiving help\nin putting down the rebellion of his own subjects. To this Jonathan\nreadily assented. A force of 3000 Jews marched to Antioch, and, aided\nby the royal mercenaries, slew upwards of 100,000 of the rioters, and\nquenched the rebellion in blood. But the priest-king soon found reason\nto regret the step he had taken. Once more secure upon his throne,\nDemetrius not only refused to order the evacuation of the fortress, but\ndemanded the speedy payment of all the tribute, which he had agreed to\nremit at Ptolemais[41].\n\nBut in a very short time he learned to repent of his perfidy. Attached\nto the court of the late usurper Balas was a Syrian Greek, named\nDiodotus, or, as he was afterwards called, Tryphon, _the Luxurious_.\nPerceiving the growing unpopularity of Demetrius, he repaired to the\nArab chief Zabdiel, to whom Balas had entrusted the care of his young\nson Antiochus, and by dint of much importunity prevailed upon him to\nsurrender the young prince into his charge. Then returning to Antioch\nhe shewed him to the disaffected soldiers, whom Lasthenes had disbanded,\nand easily persuaded them to revolt against Demetrius. A battle was\nfought in which that king was defeated, and the young prince was\ncrowned at Antioch, and assumed the title of Theos, _the God_.\n\nOne of the first steps of the new monarch was to secure the\nco-operation of Jonathan and his people. Accordingly he not only\nconfirmed all former grants made to the Jewish nation, and remitted\nall arrears of tribute, but sent him a purple robe and gold chain, and\ninvested his brother Simon with the command of all the royal forces\nbetween the \u201cladder of Tyre\u201d and the frontiers of Egypt. Jonathan,\nwho had every reason to resent the ingratitude of Demetrius, readily\naccepted his proposals, and at the head of a large army speedily\nsubdued the entire country, as far as Damascus, to the power of\nAntiochus, while Simon captured the fortress of Beth-zur, and\ngarrisoned it with Jewish soldiers (1 Macc. xi. 65, 66)[42].\n\nResolved to make the most of the present advantageous turn of events,\nthe Jewish prince now sent ambassadors to Rome, renewed the previous\ntreaty, and at the same time concluded another with the Laced\u00e6monians\n(1 Macc. xii. 1, 2)[43]. Meanwhile Demetrius had assembled an army,\nwith which he encamped at Hamath on the extreme north of Palestine.\nThither Jonathan quickly went forth to meet him, and gaining\ninformation that a night attack on his camp was meditated, made such\na disposition of his troops that the enemy gave up their design, and\nretired beyond the river Eleutherus. Returning thence he fell upon the\nNabath\u00e6an Arabs, who had espoused the cause of Demetrius, and defeated\nthem, while Simon attacked and succeeded in taking Joppa (1 Macc.\nxii. 25\u201335).\n\nNever did the fortunes of the Jewish patriots appear brighter than\nat this period. Masters of the entire province of Jud\u00e6a, strong in\nthe confidence of the Syrian monarch, invested with the command of\nnumerous trained warriors, the Maccab\u00e6an brothers seemed on the verge\nof restoring their country to a condition of complete independence.\nAccordingly they convened an assembly of the elders, and consulted\non the present state of affairs. The reduction of the garrison in the\nAcra was the great object of the national hopes. It was clear that\nthis could never be accomplished so long as the garrison was able\nto communicate, as had hitherto been the case, with the city and the\ncountry, and there buy provisions. While therefore Simon was sent to\nfortify several of the more important towns, Jonathan himself remained\nin the city, and superintended in person the erection of new defences.\nAccordingly the wall of the Temple was repaired, especially on the\neastern side, towards the valley of the Kidron, while a new wall was\nbuilt between Mount Zion and the rest of the city, of such a height\nand strength as to cut off the hostile garrison from all communication\nwith the city on the west, and the country on the east[44] (1 Macc.\nxii. 36, 37).\n\nIt soon appeared that these precautions had not been unreasonable.\nTryphon, though he had placed Antiochus on the throne, now resolved\nto usurp the royal authority for himself. The only serious obstacle to\nhis design was the faithfulness of Jonathan to the Syrian king. At all\nrisks, therefore, he determined to get the Jewish prince into his power,\nand for this purpose advanced into Palestine as far as Beth-shan or\nScythopolis, with a considerable force. Here Jonathan met him with an\narmy of 40,000 men. Afraid to confront so numerous a force, Tryphon\nresorted to treachery, and pretended that the sole object of his coming\nwas to mark his gratitude for Jonathan\u2019s services in the cause of\nAntiochus, by placing him in possession of Ptolemais[45]. Completely\ndeceived, the Jewish prince disbanded all his forces, excepting 3000\nmen, and having left 2000 of these in Galilee, set out with the scanty\nremainder for Ptolemais. No sooner however had he entered the city,\nthan the traitor Tryphon ordered the gates to be shut, butchered\nJonathan\u2019s retinue to a man, and flung him loaded with chains into\na dungeon (1 Macc. xii. 37\u201352).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VI.\n\n _SIMON MACCAB\u00c6US._\n B.C. 144\u2013135.\n\n\nNEWS of these occurrences filled the Jews with the deepest sorrow and\nthe utmost consternation. For 17 years their late leader had conducted\nthe affairs of the country with prudence, vigour and success. Now\nall their fair hopes seemed destined to be crushed, if the perfidious\nTryphon should succeed in following up the success he had already\ngained. In this emergency the eyes of all were turned towards Simon\nsurnamed _Thassi_, the elder and only surviving brother of Jonathan,\nwhom the aged Mattathias on his death-bed had commended for his\nprudence in council. He therefore assumed the command of the patriot\nforces, and was acknowledged as their leader.\n\nHis first step was to finish the walls and fortifications of Jerusalem\nand to place the country in a complete posture of defence (1 Macc. xiii.\n10, 11). He then went forth to meet Tryphon, who taking Jonathan with\nhim, had moved up from Ptolemais with a large force, and encamped at\nAdida or Adithaim (Joshua xv. 36), a town on an eminence overlooking\nthe low country of Jud\u00e6a. No sooner however did he find a Jewish army\nready to oppose him, than he once more had recourse to treachery,\nand representing that Jonathan was merely held in custody on account\nof a debt of 100 talents, offered to deliver him up on condition of\nreceiving the money and two of his children as hostages. Though he was\ncertain this was nothing more than an artifice, Simon determined that\nit never should be said he had left any means untried for the release\nof his brother (1 Macc. xiii. 17\u201319), and accordingly sent the money\nand the hostages. But, as he had expected, Tryphon failed to fulfil his\nword, and began to ravage the neighbouring country.\n\nMeanwhile the Syrian garrison in Jerusalem, suffering severely from\nthe long-continued blockade, sent messengers begging Tryphon to come\nto their aid. Thereupon the other ordered his cavalry to press forward\ninstantly to their relief, but a heavy fall of snow rendered the roads\nimpassable, and Tryphon finding it impossible to render the required\nassistance, retired across the Jordan into the land of Gilead. Here he\nput the heroic Jonathan to death at the city of Bascama, and hurrying\ninto Syria, murdered the young king Antiochus, and seized the supreme\npower, which he exercised with cruelty and violence (1 Macc. xiii. 23).\nAs soon as he retired Simon sent to Bascama, and brought thence the\nbody of his brother to Modin, where he laid it with great pomp in the\nancestral tomb, and erected over it a magnificent monument, consisting\nof seven pillars, and adorned with the beaks of ships, a conspicuous\nsea-mark for all the vessels which sailed along the coast (1 Macc.\nxiii. 27\u201330).\n\nThe continued tyranny of Tryphon once more raised the hopes of\nDemetrius, and the Jews resolved to espouse his cause in preference\nto that of his treacherous enemy. Accordingly Simon sent an embassy\noffering to acknowledge his supremacy, and to aid him against the\nusurper. Demetrius received the proposition with alacrity, and in a\nroyal edict formally drawn up and ratified, agreed to recognize Simon\nas the high-priest and prince of Jud\u00e6a, to renounce all claims on the\nJewish nation for tribute, customs, and taxes, and to grant an amnesty\nfor all past offences against himself. This amounted to a virtual\nrecognition of the complete independence of the country, and the year\nB.C. 143, in which it was granted, was regarded as the first year of\nthe \u201cfreedom of Jerusalem\u201d (1 Macc. xiii. 42).\n\nSecure from all immediate danger of foreign interference, Simon now\ndevoted his energies to provide for the internal security of his\nkingdom. He began by reducing the fortresses that still held out, and\ngarrisoned Gaza, Jamnia, and Joppa. He then turned his attention to\nthe Syrian garrison in the Acra, and reduced it to such straits that\nthe troops composing it were in imminent danger of perishing by famine,\nand finally agreed to evacuate the fortress on condition that their\nlives were spared. These terms were accepted, and, to his inexpressible\nsatisfaction, Simon entered the place on the 23rd day of the second\nmonth of the year B.C. 142, _with thanksgivings, and branches of\npalm-trees, and with harps and cymbals, and with viols and hymns and\nsongs_ (1 Macc. xiii. 51). The fortress was then entirely demolished,\nand the eminence on which it had stood was lowered, until it was\nreduced below the height of the Temple-hill beside it. This operation\ncost incredible labour, and occupied upwards of 3 years[46]. The\nfortifications of the hill, on which the Temple stood, were next\nstrengthened, and a fortress, called Baris[47], was erected to command\nthe site of the Acra, and here Simon and his immediate adherents took\nup their abode.\n\nThe dominion of the priest-king was now confirmed on every side, and\nthe land enjoyed profound quiet. His subjects _tilled their ground in\npeace, and the earth gave her increase, and the trees of the field\ntheir fruit. The ancient men sat all in the streets, communing together\nof good things, and the young men put on glorious and warlike apparel\n... every man sat under his vine and his fig-tree, and there was\nnone to fray them_ (1 Macc. xiv. 4\u201313). Taking advantage of these\ncircumstances Simon sent an ambassador to Rome bearing a golden shield\nweighing upwards of 1000 pounds. His present was accepted, and Lucius\nthe consul (1 Macc. xv. 16) sent letters recognizing his authority,\nand claiming protection for the Jews from the kings of Syria, Pergamus,\nCappadocia, and Pontus, from the inhabitants of Sparta, Delos,\nSicyon, Gortyna in Crete, Samos, Cos, Rhodes, Myndus, Halicarnassus,\nCnidus, Aradus, Cyprus, and Cyrene (1 Macc. xv. 22, 23); \u201ca singular\nillustration,\u201d it has been remarked, \u201cof the widespread dispersion of\nthe Jews, and of the all-commanding policy of Rome[48].\u201d In the same\nyear, B.C. 141, an assembly of the elders met at Jerusalem, and out\nof gratitude for the services rendered to the nation by the house of\nMattathias, it was resolved that the high-priesthood and the dignity\nof regent should be henceforth hereditary in the family of Simon. This\nresolution was then engraven upon tables of brass, and set up in a\nconspicuous place in the Temple, and copies of it were deposited in the\ntreasury (1 Macc. xiv. 41\u201349).\n\nDuring this period, taking advantage of the disturbed condition of\nSyria, Arsaces VI., king of Parthia, who was also called Mithridates,\nhad extended his authority from the Euphrates to the confines of\nIndia. Wishing to collect forces, or in some way to strengthen his\nposition against the usurper Tryphon (1 Macc. xiv. 1), Demetrius\npenetrated into the Parthian territory, and after several engagements\nwas taken prisoner B.C. 139. The conqueror, however, treated his\ncaptive honourably, gave him his daughter Rodoguna in marriage, and\npermitted him to reside in Hyrcania, with every indulgence due to his\nrank (1 Macc. xiv. 3).\n\nNews of this marriage, and of the improbability of her husband ever\nreturning no sooner reached his wife Cleopatra, whom he had left\nregent, than she sent to his younger brother, who was then residing at\nRhodes, and offered him her hand and kingdom. Antiochus entered into\nthe project with all the eagerness of youthful ambition, levied an\narmy, and assuming the title of king of Syria, wrote to Simon begging\nhis aid in recovering his father\u2019s dominions from the usurper Tryphon,\nand in turn confirming all his former privileges, and further conceding\nthat of the right to coin money of his own. Then sailing to Syria,\nhe married Cleopatra, and joining her forces to his own, commenced\nhostilities against Tryphon, who fled to Dora, on the coast of Samaria,\nwhere he straitly besieged him (1 Macc. xv. 11\u201314)[49]. Thence, however,\nhe managed to effect his escape to Apamea in Syria, and there was put\nto death, or, according to some authorities, committed suicide.\n\nAntiochus Sidetes[50] had no sooner become undisturbed master of the\nSyrian kingdom, than, forgetting the promises already made to Simon,\nhe sent Athenobius to Jerusalem to demand the surrender of Gazara and\nJoppa, of the fortress on Mount Zion, and other strongholds, or in lieu\nof these 500 talents of silver, and an additional 500 as a compensation\nfor the injuries done to the Syrian dominions. Simon replied that he\nwas willing to give 500 talents for Gazara and Joppa, but the other\nplaces were the inheritance of his fathers, and could not be given up\nor bartered. This answer greatly irritated Antiochus, and as soon as\nhe had reduced Dora, he sent Cendebeus, the governor of Ph\u0153nicia, to\ninvade Jud\u00e6a with a portion of his forces, and enforce the payment of\nhis demands.\n\nAccordingly the Syrian general entered upon the expedition with a\npowerful army of horse and foot, and capturing Cedron near Azotus and\nJamnia, fortified it in order to command the road of Jud\u00e6a (1 Macc.\nxv. 39; xvi. 9), and ravaged the neighbouring country. Simon was at\nthis time far too advanced in age to bear the fatigues of a campaign,\nand therefore entrusted the command of the Jewish forces to his two\nsons John Hyrcanus and Judas. The brothers forthwith set out, and\nbivouacking for the night at Modin, descended on the following day into\nthe lower ground, and after a sharp engagement succeeded in defeating\nthe Syrian general, and carried a portion of his forces into Cedron,\nand the remainder into Azotus, the tower of which they laid in ashes\n(1 Macc. xvi. 1\u201310).\n\nThis invasion repulsed, the Jews enjoyed during three years a season\nof peace, and the priest-king, though far advanced in age, devoted\nhimself assiduously to the superintendence of the internal affairs\nof his people, while his three sons guarded the frontier. In the\nprosecution of his design of inspecting in person the national defences,\nhe now visited Jericho where his son-in-law Ptolemy held the supreme\ncommand. A prominent leader of the Hellenizing faction, and a man of\ngreat wealth, Ptolemy bore no goodwill towards the priest-king, and,\nin concert, it is probable, with Antiochus Sidetes, had resolved to\nassassinate his father-in-law, and raise himself to supreme power.\nThe visit of Simon, with his two younger sons Judas and Mattathias,\npresented a favourable opportunity for carrying out his designs, and he\ntreacherously murdered the three at a banquet, B.C. 137. Then sending\nmessengers to John Hyrcanus at Gazara he instructed them to stab him\nalso, and would have succeeded, had not the latter received speedy\ntidings of what had occurred at Jericho. He therefore put the intended\nassassins to death, and hurrying to Jerusalem, was acknowledged\nas his father\u2019s successor, and afterwards besieged Ptolemy in his\nstronghold of D\u00f4k, whence he effected his escape to the court of the\nprince of Philadelphia, to be heard of afterwards no more (1 Macc.\nxvi. 15\u201321)[51].\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VII.\n\n _JOHN HYRCANUS, AND ALEXANDER JANN\u00c6US._\n B.C. 135\u201379.\n\n\nTHOUGH the confederacy between Ptolemy and Antiochus was thus\ndisconcerted by the rapid movements of Hyrcanus, the Syrian monarch\nnevertheless led his forces into Palestine, overran the whole country,\nand laying siege to Jerusalem, reduced Hyrcanus to the greatest\nextremities. So close, in fact, was the siege, that for fear of famine\nHyrcanus was constrained to expel from the city all such as were, from\nage or infirmity, unable to bear arms. As the Syrians refused them\na passage through their ranks, the fugitives presented a miserable\nspectacle, wandering about between the two armies, and perishing in\nextreme wretchedness amidst the outworks[52].\n\nAt length the Feast of Tabernacles drew near, and Hyrcanus requested\na week\u2019s respite to celebrate that time-honoured festival. With rare\ngenerosity, his adversary not only granted his request, but supplied\nthe besieged with victims for the sacrifices, and gold and silver\nvessels for the Temple service. Such kindness induced Hyrcanus to send\nan embassy, and endeavour to obtain a suspension of hostilities. In\nthis he succeeded, and peace was concluded on far better terms than\nhe had any right to expect. A portion of the fortifications of the\ncity was dismantled, tribute was exacted for the fortresses held out of\nJud\u00e6a, but the conqueror was induced, by a present of 500 talents, to\nforego the rebuilding of the fortress on the Acra, and the introduction\nof a Syrian garrison[53].\n\nThe unexpected forbearance of Antiochus on this occasion won for him\nnot only the admiration, but the friendship of Hyrcanus, and when the\nSyrian king led an expedition against the Parthians, who were now\nextending their dominions on every side, the Jewish prince resolved to\naccompany him. For this purpose he took into his pay a body of foreign\nmercenaries, and with these and a detachment of his Jewish forces\nfollowed him across the Tigris. At first Antiochus was successful,\nbut his army giving themselves up to luxury and dissipation, he was\nunexpectedly attacked, and lost his life, B.C. 128.\n\nDisorders of every kind, civil wars, murders, and mutinies of troops,\nnow rapidly succeeded one another in the Syrian kingdom, and Hyrcanus,\nwho had fortunately returned to Jerusalem before the overthrow of\nhis late ally, now threw off the Syrian yoke altogether, and employed\nhimself in extending his own kingdom. After reducing, therefore,\nvarious fortresses on the further side of the Jordan, he invaded\nSamaria, captured Sychem, and levelled with the ground the temple\non Mount Gerizim, which for 200 years had been a constant offence to\nhis subjects. Then, B.C. 129, turning his arms against the Idum\u00e6ans,\nwho had made themselves masters of the southern part of Jud\u00e6a, he\nvanquished them in battle, and offered them the choice of leaving\nthe country, or adopting the Jewish religion. They chose the latter\nalternative, submitted to circumcision, and became so completely\nidentified with their conquerors, that their name as an independent\npower henceforth disappears.\n\nDuring the next 20 years Jud\u00e6a enjoyed profound peace under the\nenergetic government of Hyrcanus, who renewed the treaties with Rome,\nand secured his subjects from foreign aggression. At length, B.C. 110,\nhe resolved to overpower the province of Samaria, and entrusted the\ncommand of the expedition to his two sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus.\nTwice the Samaritans applied for aid to Antiochus Cyzicenus, prince of\nDamascus, who was twice defeated by the Jewish forces, and at length,\nafter an obstinate defence which lasted an entire year, their capital\nfell, and with Scythopolis and other towns, passed into the hands of\nthe conqueror[54].\n\nDuring his long and prosperous reign, Hyrcanus had raised his nation\nto a height of greater power and dignity than it had ever enjoyed\nsince the return from the Captivity. But while triumphant abroad, his\ndomestic peace began to be troubled by serious dissensions between\ntwo rival parties, now rapidly growing in power, the _Pharisees_ and\n_Sadducees_. An examination of their respective tenets may be reserved\nfor another place. For the present it will be sufficient to say that\nHyrcanus was an adherent of the Pharisaic party, till a characteristic\nincident induced him to espouse the cause of their rivals. Towards the\nclose of his administration he invited the chiefs of the Pharisees to a\nbanquet, and requested them to inform him if he had been guilty of any\ndereliction of duty towards God or man. All the guests with one accord\ntestified to his blameless integrity, and praised his government, save\none, Eleazar, who affirmed that he ought to resign the high-priesthood,\nbecause his mother had once been a captive, and it was doubtful\nwhether he was descended from Aaron, or from a heathen. Indignant\nat this calumnious charge, Hyrcanus demanded the trial of Eleazar for\naspersions upon his character. By the influence of the Pharisees the\nsentence was limited to scourging and imprisonment, and the priest-king,\nconsidering this a proof of hostility to himself, listened to the\nrepresentations of Jonathan, a Sadducee, that the rival faction was\nbent on lowering his sovereign power, and henceforth alienated himself\nentirely from the Pharisaic party, and deposed from their high offices\nmany who had been the firmest supporters of his dynasty[55].\n\nEscaping the fate of the older members of the Maccab\u00e6an family,\nHyrcanus died in peace, B.C. 106, bequeathing the sovereignty to his\nwife. And now the decline of the Asmonean dynasty rapidly set in.\nAristobulus, the son of the deceased king, seized the supreme power,\nflung his mother into prison, and starved her to death. He also\nimprisoned three of his four brothers, sparing but one, Antigonus, the\nnext in age to himself. Assuming the diadem and the royal title, he\nhastened to take advantage of the distracted state of affairs in Syria,\nand turning his arms against Itur\u00e6a, a district south of Anti-Libanus,\nforced the inhabitants, like the Idum\u00e6ans, to conform to the Jewish\nreligion, on pain of being expelled from their country. During this\nexpedition he was seized with a dangerous illness, which compelled him\nto return to Jerusalem, and leave his brother Antigonus to complete the\nsubjugation of the country. As he had no children, his queen Salome,\naccording to the Jewish law, would, in the event of his death, be\nexpected to marry Antigonus; but such was her aversion to him, that\nshe resolved to compass his death rather than be united with him in\nmarriage[56].\n\nAn opportunity soon presented itself for carrying out her design.\nSuccessful in subjugating Itur\u00e6a, Antigonus returned to Jerusalem, and\nat the Feast of Tabernacles hastened to the Temple, with his body-guard,\nto offer up his petitions for his brother\u2019s recovery. This act was\nrepresented to Aristobulus as covering a seditious design against his\nown life. Scarcely able to credit such a calumny, the king, who still\nlay sick in his chamber in the tower of Baris, desired that his brother\nshould appear before him, but without arms. A dark underground passage\nled from the Temple to the tower, and here, by the queen\u2019s connivance,\na company of soldiers was stationed with instructions to put Antigonus\nto death if he appeared clad in armour. She then caused it to be\nrepresented to the unfortunate prince that it was the royal will he\nshould appear in a suit of splendid armour, which his brother wished\nto see. Thus deceived he entered the underground passage, and was\ninstantly assassinated. What had occurred was reported to Aristobulus,\nand brought on a sudden paroxysm of his malady followed by an excessive\nh\u00e6morrhage. A slave bore away the vessel into which the blood had\nflowed, and stumbling on the very spot where Antigonus had been\nmurdered, caused the blood of the two brothers to mingle on the floor.\nA cry of horror ran through the palace, and reaching the ears of the\nking, roused a wish to know the cause. For some time his attendants\nrefused to tell the truth, but at length he forced them to declare what\nhad occurred, and had no sooner heard it than he was seized with such\nan agony of remorse that he instantly expired.\n\nAfter this tragical event, Alexander Jann\u00e6us, the eldest of the\nimprisoned brothers, was placed upon the throne, B.C. 104. Taking\nadvantage of the disordered condition of the Syrian kingdom, he turned\nhis arms against Moab, Gilead, Ammon, and Arabia Petr\u00e6a, and after\nseveral successes laid siege to the port of Ptolemais. The inhabitants\ncalled in the aid of Ptolemy Lathyrus, who came to their aid with\nan army of 30,000 men. But no sooner did he appear before the gates,\nthan the very party which had invoked his aid refused to admit him.\nOn this he turned his arms against Gaza, and Jann\u00e6us, while pretending\nto negotiate with him for a friendly surrender of the place, secretly\ncorresponded with his mother Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt, and\nbesought her aid in expelling him from the country. Discovering this,\nPtolemy marched into Jud\u00e6a, defeated Alexander with enormous loss, and\nto spread the terror of his name, fell upon some villages, murdered\nthe women and children, and cutting their bodies in pieces boiled their\nflesh.\n\nThe kingdom of Jud\u00e6a would now have been totally lost, had it not been\nfor the intervention of an Egyptian army led by two Jews of Alexandria,\nThey drove Lathyrus into C\u0153lesyria, and once more restored to Jann\u00e6us\nthe sovereignty of the country, who now embarked on fresh expeditions\neast and west of the Jordan, captured Gadara, Raphia, and Anthedon, and\nat length succeeded in reducing Gaza.\n\nBut the domestic discords, which had distracted the reign of Hyrcanus,\nbroke out with tenfold violence in that of his son. The Pharisees had\nby this time gained an extraordinary degree of influence over the\npeople. Detesting their turbulence and lofty pretensions, Alexander\nattached himself to the Sadducaic faction, and thus brought down\nupon himself the concentrated hatred of the Pharisees, who lost no\nopportunity of aspersing his name and character. At length their\nopposition took a more violent turn, and at the Feast of Tabernacles,\nwhen the priest-king, clad in his gorgeous robes, was officiating\nbefore the altar, they excited the people to fling at him the citrons,\nwhich it was the custom of the Jews to carry in their hands at this\nfeast, and to deny his right to the high-priesthood. A fearful outbreak\nensued, in the midst of which Alexander ordered his body-guard to fall\non the unarmed multitude, and slew upwards of 6000.\n\nTo obviate a recurrence of such insults, he next caused a wooden\npartition to be erected between the court of the priests and that\nof the people, and surrounded himself with Pisidian and Cilician\nmercenaries. But a defeat he sustained, while carrying on an expedition\nin the country east of the Jordan, was the signal for a general rising,\nwhich resulted in civil war carried on for upwards of six years, and\nmarked by the most shocking barbarities on both sides.\n\nAt first Jann\u00e6us met with much success, but on endeavouring to come to\nterms with his subjects, they declared that nothing would satisfy them\nshort of his death, and even invoked the aid of Demetrius Euch\u00e6rus,\nking of Syria, and in a battle near Shechem utterly routed the\npriest-king, with the loss of all his mercenaries. Thereupon he fled to\nthe mountains, rallied fresh troops, drove Demetrius from the country,\nand took the majority of his rebellious subjects prisoners in the\nfortress of Bethone. Returning to Jerusalem he crucified 800 of them in\none day, and seated at a banquet surrounded by his concubines, caused\ntheir wives and children to be slain before their eyes, and glutted his\nvengeance with the spectacle of their dying agonies.\n\nThis shocking act, which won for him the title of \u201cthe Thracian,\u201d\nshews how terribly the Asmonean princes were degenerating. Externally,\nindeed, the country appeared to be prosperous, for the realm of Jann\u00e6us\nextended over Samaria and Idum\u00e6a, the entire western seaboard from\n_Strato\u2019s Tower_ to Rhinocorura, and a considerable district beyond the\nJordan, but the temper neither of prince nor people was the same as in\nthe times of Mattathias and Judas, and evil days were at hand.\n\nFour years after his triumph over his rebellious subjects, Alexander\nJann\u00e6us died, B.C. 79, having on his death-bed advised his queen\nAlexandra to ally herself closely with the Pharisaic faction, as being\nalone able to control the people. Acting on this advice, she convened\nthe most eminent of that faction, and entrusted to them the entire\nmanagement of affairs. Upon this their conduct underwent an instant\nchange; the highest honours were paid to the memory of the late king,\nand the priesthood was conferred on his eldest son Hyrcanus II.\n\n\n\n\n PART IV.\n\n DECLINE OF THE ASMONEAN DYNASTY; INTERFERENCE OF THE ROMANS,\n AND RISE OF THE HERODIAN FAMILY.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _HYRCANUS II. AND ARISTOBULUS; POMPEIUS AND CRASSUS._\n B.C. 79\u201353.\n\n\nBESIDES the new high-priest, Alexander had left another son named\nAristobulus, a man of an ardent and impetuous temper, who took no pains\nto conceal his dislike of his mother\u2019s proceedings. Placing himself at\nthe head of the now offended and persecuted Sadducees, he encouraged\nthem in their opposition to the triumphant Pharisees, and so far\nprevailed with the queen, that the leaders of the Sadducaic faction\nwere allowed to retire to the frontier fortresses of the kingdom.\nShortly afterwards he himself was sent on an expedition to Damascus,\nto check the depredations of Ptolemy, who governed a small independent\nkingdom at Chalcis[57]. The young prince did not lose the opportunity\nthus afforded him of ingratiating himself with the soldiers, and began\nto form designs of usurping the kingdom.\n\nAfter a successful reign of 9 years, queen Alexandra died, B.C. 69,\nand the Pharisaic party immediately placed Hyrcanus II. on the throne.\nThis was regarded as the signal for definite action by Aristobulus.\nQuickly summoning his adherents from the frontier cities, he marched\ntowards Jerusalem, where the partisans of Hyrcanus seizing his wife\nand children, placed them as hostages in the Tower of Baris, and then\nprepared to meet the invader at Jericho[58]. But so strongly did the\nfeeling of the army declare itself in favour of Aristobulus, and so\nmany were the desertions to his side, including even not a few members\nof the Sanhedrin, that Hyrcanus fell back upon Jerusalem, and with\nsuch of his adherents as still remained faithful took refuge in the\nfortifications of the Temple. But provisions failing them, they were\nunable to stand a lengthened siege, and were soon compelled to yield to\nAristobulus, who thus obtained possession of the entire kingdom, while\nhis brother, who was of a feeble and indolent disposition, retired into\nprivate life after a brief reign of three months.\n\nBut now a different actor appeared upon the scene, destined to prove\na far more fatal enemy to the Asmonean dynasty, and to raise his own\nhouse upon its ruins. This was Antipater, the son of an officer who\nhad been high in the confidence of Alexander Jann\u00e6us, and had been\nappointed governor of Idum\u00e6a. A man of great courage, astuteness,\nand decision, he had acquired a complete mastery over the feeble\nHyrcanus, and in concert with the Pharisees repeatedly urged him to\nattempt the recovery of his throne, but for a long time the indolent\nprince absolutely refused to listen to his suggestions. At length, by\nrepresenting that his life was in danger, he succeeded in persuading\nhim to fly with himself to the court of Aretas, king of Arabia, whom he\ninduced, by promising to restore twelve frontier cities which Jann\u00e6us\nhad taken and united to Jud\u00e6a, to espouse his cause. At the head of\n50,000 men Aretas marched into the country, and being joined by the\npartisans of Hyrcanus, defeated Aristobulus, and closely besieged him\nin the Temple-fortress at Jerusalem[59]. The feast of the Passover\ndrew near, during which even heathen generals had been wont to allow\nthe sacrificial victims to be introduced into the city. But such was\nthe fury of the rival claimants for the supreme power that even this\nindulgence was refused to the besieged. When Aristobulus let down\nbaskets from the top of the wall with 1000 drachmas of silver for each\nvictim, the besiegers took the money, but returned the baskets empty,\nor, as some say, even laden with swine[60].\n\nAt this juncture news reached Jerusalem that a Roman army had seized\nDamascus, and was advancing towards the country. Bent on their plan of\nestablishing a universal empire, the great republic of the West was now\nbusily engaged in those wars, which gradually placed at her feet the\nold Asiatic monarchies. The Syrian kingdom, since B.C. 83, had passed\ninto the power of Tigranes, king of Armenia. This monarch, as well as\nMithridates, king of Pontus, was utterly defeated by Pompeius, B.C. 66,\nand the ancient realm of the Seleucid\u00e6 was now reduced to a Roman\nprovince. Retiring himself into lesser Armenia, the conqueror placed\nhis lieutenants Scaurus and Gabinius at Antioch and Damascus, the two\ngreat capitals of the Syrian Empire.\n\nThis intelligence determined both brothers to try and secure the aid\nof these powerful arbitrators, and their emissaries soon appeared\nbefore Scaurus at Damascus, with 400 talents. The Roman general at\nfirst hesitated which side to espouse, but at length reflecting that\nAristobulus was in possession of the Temple-fortress, and therefore\nof the treasures, he ordered Aretas to withdraw, and break up the\nsiege[61]. The Arabian chief was forced to comply, and taking with\nhim Hyrcanus and Antipater marched away with his army, but not before\nAristobulus had sallied forth and inflicted upon it a considerable loss.\n\nHis triumph, however, was shortlived. Before long Pompeius arrived\nin person at Damascus, and twelve kings crowded together to pay him\nhomage. The king of Egypt brought him a crown worth 4000 pieces of gold.\nAristobulus sent him a golden vine upon a square mount, the leaves and\nbranches most skilfully wrought, beneath which were lions, deer, and\nother animals in life-like attitude[62]. His present was accepted, but\ninstead of his own name, that of his father was inscribed upon it, and\nafter hearing the ambassadors of each brother, the conqueror declared\nthat they must attend and plead their cause before him in person early\nin the following year B.C. 63.\n\nAt the time appointed the brothers appeared, attended by numerous\nwitnesses in support of their respective claims, as also by\nrepresentatives of the Jewish people. Pompeius listened with attention\nto their arguments, and then closed the conference by announcing his\npurpose of settling the question in person at Jerusalem, intending\nfirst to subjugate Aretas and to conquer Petra. The impetuous\nAristobulus, divining that the decision would be adverse to his\ninterests, prepared for resistance by flinging himself into the\nfortress of Alexandrium, on the road between Jericho and Jerusalem,\na position well adapted for resisting an approach to his capital.\n\nProfessing the greatest indignation at this conduct, and relieved\nfrom the necessity of invading Arabia by the timely submission of\nAretas, Pompeius marched through the country east of the Jordan,\nand besieged the impetuous Asmonean in his stronghold. After three\nfruitless interviews, Aristobulus was forced to sign written orders\nfor the surrender of all his strongholds, and on promise of obedience\nwas liberated. Fleeing to Jerusalem, he now betook himself to the\nTemple-fortress, and prepared for a siege. Pompeius advanced to\nJericho[63], where his soldiers were struck with admiration by the\nbeautiful palm-groves and balsam-trees of that tropic region, and then\npressed on to Jerusalem. The partisans of Hyrcanus, who were the most\nnumerous, threw open the gates, those of Aristobulus remained within\ntheir stronghold, and resolutely refused the summons of the Roman\ngeneral to surrender.\n\nOn this Pompeius sent to Tyre[64] for his military engines, and\nprosecuted the siege with the utmost vigour for three months[65].\nIt might have been protracted still longer, but for the suspension\nof hostilities by the Jews on the Sabbath-day. At length the largest\nof the towers was thrown down by one of the battering engines, and\nCornelius Faustus, a son of Sylla, mounted the breach, and the day was\ngained B.C. 63. A terrible carnage now ensued, during which the priests\nremained unmoved at the altar, and continued their solemn services,\npouring their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, till they\nwere themselves stricken down. The conqueror entered the Temple, and,\namidst the horror of the Jews, explored the total darkness of the Holy\nof Holies, and found, to his great amazement, neither symbols, nor\nstatues, nor representation of any deity[66]. He surveyed with interest\nthe sacred vessels, the golden altar of incense, the golden candlestick,\nand the Temple treasures, but with politic generosity left them\nuntouched. He then ordered the sacred enclosure to be cleansed from the\nprofanation of his soldiers, nominated Hyrcanus to the high-priesthood,\nthough without the royal diadem, and confined the limits of his\njurisdiction to Jud\u00e6a. The walls of the city having been demolished, he\nthen set out for Rome, taking with him the captive Aristobulus, as also\nhis two sons and two daughters to grace his splendid triumph.\n\nOn the way, however, Alexander, the eldest son of the captive king,\nmanaged to effect his escape, and returned to Jud\u00e6a, where, rallying\nround him the partisans of his father, he seized the fortresses of\nAlexandrium, Hyrcania, and Mach\u00e6rus, and began to attack the adherents\nof Hyrcanus. Alarmed at the progress of the invader, and unable to make\nhead against him themselves, the ethnarch and Antipater called in the\naid of the Romans, and Gabinius, who had been appointed prefect of\nSyria, B.C. 57, deputed Marcus Antonius, his master of the horse, to\nrender the required assistance. Antonius, having defeated the invader\nin a short engagement, shut him up in the stronghold of Alexandrium,\nand on the arrival of Gabinius forced him, after a somewhat protracted\nsiege, to purchase his life by the surrender of the three fortresses,\nwhich were now demolished[67].\n\nGabinius now employed himself in completely reorganizing the government\nof the country. Hitherto the nominal power had centred in Hyrcanus.\nNow he was deprived of even this semblance of authority, which was\nplaced in the hands of the aristocracy, five independent senates or\nSanhedrins being established, the first sitting at Jerusalem, the\nsecond at Jericho, the third at Gadara, the fourth at Amathus, the\nfifth at Sepphoris[67]. These arrangements made for destroying the\ninfluence of the capital as a centre of union, Gabinius returned to\nSyria. But scarcely had he done so, when Aristobulus himself reappeared,\nhaving escaped from Rome with his younger son, Antigonus. He was,\nhowever, more quickly disposed of even than Alexander had been, for the\nprefect of Syria instantly dispatched a force against him, and having\noverpowered his adherents, sent him back as a prisoner to Rome with his\nson, who was afterwards, however, released.\n\nGabinius now proceeded with Antonius to Egypt to place Ptolemy\nAuletes upon the throne, and both generals were strenuously assisted\nby Hyrcanus and Antipater, who sent supplies for their armies, and\nurged the Jews at Leontopolis to befriend them in like manner. Taking\nadvantage of the absence of the legions, Alexander made a second\nattempt to recover the supreme power, but only to be a second time\ndefeated near Mount Tabor by the Roman commanders on their return from\nEgypt, with a loss of 10,000 men.\n\nThe next year, B.C. 54, the prefect was recalled to Rome, where\nnumerous charges of rapacity and extortion were preferred against him,\nand though defended by Cicero he was ignominiously banished[68]. The\ncelebrated triumvir Marcus Crassus now succeeded to the prefecture\nof Syria, a man of mean abilities, but enormous wealth, and unbounded\navarice. Armed like Pompeius with proconsular authority for five years,\nand empowered to maintain as large a force as he might see fit, and to\ncarry on wars without consulting the senate and people of Rome, Crassus\nresolved on entering upon a war with Parthia. Hurrying to his province,\nwith some of the troops he had already collected, he entered Jerusalem,\nattracted by the well-known fact that the treasury of its Temple\ncontained 2,000 talents, equivalent to nearly \u00a32,000,000 sterling,\nbesides vessels of gold and silver to an almost equal amount. The Jews\nwere powerless to resist his intentions, but Eleazar, the guardian of\nthe Temple, offered him a solid bar of gold weighing nearly 1000 pounds,\nconcealed in a beam of wood, on condition that he left the rest of the\ntreasures untouched. Crassus solemnly promised to be satisfied with\nthis huge ingot, took it, and then, in defiance of his plighted faith,\nrobbed the Temple of all the treasures he could lay his hands on, not\nsparing even the sacred vessels. The total amount he carried off is\nsaid to have been worth upwards of 10,000 Attic talents, and consisted\nof the gifts and offerings which during a hundred years the annual\ncontributions of Jews from well-nigh every quarter of the world\nhad amassed[69]. He then set out against the Parthians, crossed the\nEuphrates, and plunged into the sandy deserts of Mesopotamia, to be\ndefeated with the loss of nearly his entire army at the disastrous\nbattle of Carrh\u00e6, B.C. 53.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _ANTIPATER AND HEROD; JULIUS C\u00c6SAR AND ANTONIUS._\n B.C. 53\u201341.\n\n\nMISFORTUNE seemed to follow in the footsteps of every Roman general\nthat interfered in the affairs of Jud\u00e6a. Gabinius was ignominiously\nexiled, Crassus perished miserably in a foreign land, and now the\ndisastrous issue of the battle of Pharsalia, B.C. 48, drove Pompeius\nto the shores of Egypt, there to perish by the blow of an assassin.\n\nA new actor now appeared upon the stage. Master of Rome, nominated\ndictator for the second time, Julius C\u00e6sar repaired to Egypt in pursuit\nof his rival, and a few days after his death arrived at Alexandria. For\nthe purpose of effecting a diversion in his favour, he had liberated\nAristobulus, and sent him to Palestine with two legions to overawe\nSyria. But the partisans of Pompeius managed to poison him on the way,\nand Scipio, who held the command in Syria, seized his son Alexander,\nand caused him to be beheaded after a mock trial at Antioch[70].\n\nThe supremacy was thus left in the hands of Hyrcanus, or rather of\nhis minister Antipater, who really ruled in his name. With prudent\nalacrity the wily Idum\u00e6an completely changed his tactics, and did\neverything in his power to promote the cause of C\u00e6sar. Resolved to\nsettle the disputes concerning the succession to the throne of Egypt,\nand determined to uphold the claims of Cleopatra, who had completely\nwon his heart, this general embarked in a war, in which for some\ntime he was exposed to great danger on account of the small number of\nhis troops. Antipater seized the opportunity of displaying a prudent\nactivity on his behalf. He assisted his ally, Mithridates, king of\nPontus, in marching to his relief, he contributed to the reduction of\nPelusium, he conciliated the Jews in Egypt, who had espoused the cause\nof the opposite party, and received wounds in almost every part of his\nbody[71], while fighting on his behalf.\n\nC\u00e6sar was not slow to declare his gratitude. Having brought the\nEgyptian war to a close B.C. 47, he conferred upon his friend the\nprivileges of Roman citizenship, and at the same time at his request\nconfirmed Hyrcanus in the high-priesthood[72]. But Antigonus, son\nof Aristobulus, now appeared before him, and breaking forth into\nthe fiercest accusations against Antipater, charged him with cruelty\ntowards himself, oppression of the Jews, and an insincere friendship\nfor his patron. The Idum\u00e6an was equal to the occasion. Throwing open\nhis vest, he exposed the numerous wounds he had received in C\u00e6sar\u2019s\ncause, and protested his innocence and fidelity. The Dictator could not\nresist such an appeal, appointed him procurator of Jud\u00e6a, and granted\nhim permission to restore the ruined fortifications of Jerusalem[73].\n\nHaving made these arrangements C\u00e6sar marched through Syria towards\nPontus, to attack Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates the Great, who had\ndefeated one of his lieutenants. Antipater conducted him beyond the\nSyrian frontiers, and returning to Jerusalem, commenced rebuilding the\nwalls which had been overthrown by Pompey. He then set out on a tour\nthrough the country, suppressing tumults, and exhorting all to submit\nto the rule of Hyrcanus; soon waxing bolder, and taking advantage of\nthe indolence of his nominal sovereign, he appointed his eldest son\nPhasael military governor of Jud\u00e6a, and conferred the tetrarchy of\nGalilee on his younger son Herod, afterwards Herod the Great.\n\nThough but a youth of 15, according to Josephus[74], but more probably\nof 25[75], the new governor of Galilee soon began to give signs of that\ndecision of character which subsequently distinguished him. Turning\nhis energies against numerous robber bands, who infested his province\nas also the confines of Syria, he put to death Hezekias, one of their\nnotorious chiefs, with nearly all his associates. Such energy and\ndetermination won the delighted approval of the Syrians, who sang his\npraises in their villages and cities[76], and not less of Sextus C\u00e6sar,\nthe new president of that province.\n\nBut the news of these successes of the young man filled Hyrcanus\nand many of the national party at Jerusalem with indignation. The\npriest-king felt that the family of Antipater was everything, while\nhe himself was nothing. Herod was, therefore, summoned before the\nSanhedrin to answer for his conduct in putting so many to death without\na trial. He came, not in the garb of a suppliant, but clothed in purple,\naccompanied by a strong escort, and bore with him a letter from Sextus\nC\u00e6sar, ordering his acquittal of the capital charge[77]. The great\ncouncil was terrified. Not a man dared to lift his voice to accuse\nhim, backed as he was by the terrible power of the Roman governor,\nsave Sameas, or Shammai, one of the most learned Rabbis and a man of\nunblemished character. He sternly rebuked the accused for the haughty\nindependence he had evinced, and the others, emboldened by his conduct,\nwere ready to pronounce the sentence of death[78]. Hyrcanus now\ninterposed, and secretly advised Herod to fly from the city. He took\nthe advice and hurried to Damascus, where he threw himself at the feet\nof Sextus C\u00e6sar, and in consideration of a heavy bribe, was appointed\ngovernor of C\u0153lesyria and Samaria. Burning with rage, he now gathered\nan army, marched against Jerusalem, and would have taken summary\nvengeance on his opponents, had it not been for the intervention of his\nfather and brother, who advised him to be satisfied with his acquittal\nand draw off his troops.\n\nTwo years afterwards, B.C. 44, C\u00e6sar was assassinated on the Ides of\nMarch, in the senate-house at Rome. Cassius, the chief conspirator,\nbetook himself to Syria, to secure the troops stationed at Apamea[79],\nand began to impose heavy tribute on the various cities of Asia Minor,\nand the Syrian provinces. Palestine was assessed to pay the enormous\nsum of 700 talents of silver[80], and Antipater commissioned his son\nHerod to collect the contribution from Galilee, while Malichus, a\npowerful Jew, and principal adherent of Hyrcanus, collected the rest.\nWith characteristic tact, Herod employed himself diligently in raising\nhis quota, and repairing to Cassius with 100 talents gained his hearty\ngood will, while Malichus so incensed him by his dilatoriness, that he\nwould have put him to death, had not Hyrcanus soothed the Roman\u2019s anger\nby the present of another 100 talents[81].\n\nThe influence of Antipater on this occasion Malichus deemed unendurable.\nHe saw that his patron Hyrcanus was rapidly losing even the semblance\nof power, and he resolved to compass the Idum\u00e6an\u2019s death. Suspecting\nhis designs, Antipater fled beyond the Jordan, and collected a body\nof men to defend himself. But persuaded that his suspicions were\ngroundless, he returned to Jerusalem, where he was shortly afterwards\npoisoned with a glass of wine at an entertainment in the high-priest\u2019s\npalace, B.C. 43. Herod would have instantly avenged his father\u2019s murder,\nbut Phasael persuaded him to bide his time, and the brothers celebrated\ntheir father\u2019s obsequies with the greatest splendour, pretending\nto believe the assassin\u2019s assertion of innocence. Before long, an\nopportunity of revenge presented itself. On the capture of Laodicea by\nCassius, the kings and nobles of the surrounding provinces assembled,\nbearing gifts and crowns. Amongst the rest came Hyrcanus and Malichus,\nand on the way stayed at Tyre, where Herod, who had joined them,\ninvited them to a banquet, and sending secret instructions to the Roman\nsoldiers, caused Malichus to be dispatched on the sea-shore. The feeble\nHyrcanus witnessed the bloody deed, and immediately fainted away, but\nno sooner heard that it had been done by command of Cassius, than he\nacquiesced, and denounced Malichus as the enemy of his country.\n\nIt was now clear that the virtual supremacy lay in the hands of the\nsons of Antipater, and that the party of Hyrcanus could but struggle\nin vain against their influence. It was not, however, their interest to\ncome to an open rupture with the high-priest, and Herod for the sake of\nconciliating the people, who still clung with unabated devotion to that\nnoble race, resolved to ally himself with a princess of the Asmonean\nfamily. He had already married Doris, a native of Jud\u00e6a, and by her\nhad become the father of a son Antipater. He now was betrothed to\nthe beautiful and accomplished grand-daughter of Hyrcanus, the famous\nMariamne, who was as yet a child.\n\nMeanwhile, B.C. 42, the forces of Brutus and Cassius had met their\nopponents Antonius and Octavius on the bloody field of Philippi, and\nhad sustained a disastrous defeat. The conquerors separated; Octavius\ndeparted for Italy, Antonius for Asia. On his arrival in Bithynia, a\nnumber of influential Jews waited upon Antonius with bitter complaints\nagainst Phasael and Herod[82], but Herod plied him with such heavy\nbribes, that the deputation withdrew unable to effect anything. Shortly\nafterwards another deputation met him at Daphne near Antioch, and with\nthem came Hyrcanus. The Roman listened to their complaints, and then\nturning to the high-priest, asked whom he deemed best fitted to rule\nthe country? Influenced probably by the projected alliance between\nHerod and his grand-daughter, he named the brothers. Antonius, who\nhad been hospitably entertained by their father Antipater, when he\naccompanied Gabinius to Egypt[83], readily assented, and named them\ntetrarchs of Jud\u00e6a, nor could a subsequent deputation of 1000 Jews,\nwho waited upon him at Tyre, avail to alter his decision[84].\n\nA single obstacle to the complete success of the brothers still\nremained in the person of Antigonus. He had already made an ineffectual\nattempt to recover the throne, and now assistance appeared in an\nutterly unexpected quarter. While Antonius was wasting his time in\nthe society of Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, the Parthians, under Pacorus,\nentered Syria, overran the whole country, and made themselves masters\nof Sidon and Ptolemais. Antigonus resolved to court the assistance of\nthese unexpected allies, and by a bribe of 1000 talents and 500 Jewish\nwomen, persuaded Pacorus to espouse his cause. With a division of\nthe Parthian army he now marched against Jerusalem, and an obstinate\nstruggle commenced. At length the Parthian general with a few horsemen\nwas admitted into the city, and offered to act as umpire between the\nrival claimants. Phasael assented, and in an evil hour for himself,\naccompanied by Hyrcanus repaired to the court of Barzapharnes, the new\nParthian governor of Syria, who threw them into chains[85]. Meanwhile\nHerod, suspecting treachery, and warned by Mariamne, secretly escaped\nwith a picked body of troops from Jerusalem[86], and made his way to\nMasada[87], a strong fortress on the south-western side of the Dead\nSea. So desperate were his circumstances, that he was with difficulty\nrestrained from making away with himself[88], and finally, leaving\nMariamne and his family at Masada, in charge of 800 men, he fled to\nPetra, to try to obtain help from the successor of Aretas. This being\ndenied, he dismissed the remainder of his forces, and made his way\nto Pelusium, and so to Alexandria, whence declining the command of an\nexpedition offered him by Cleopatra, he took ship, although it was the\ndepth of winter, and sailed for Rome[89], B.C. 40.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _HEROD, KING OF JUD\u00c6A._\n B.C. 40\u201333.\n\n\nMEANWHILE the Parthians had made themselves masters of Jerusalem,\nreinstated Antigonus in the supreme power, and delivered into his hands\nthe captives Hyrcanus and Phasael. The new ruler, unwilling to put his\naged uncle to death, but determined that he should never be able to\nhold the office of high-priest again, caused his ears to be cropped\noff[90], and then sent him to Seleucia in Babylonia to be retained as\na prisoner of the Parthians. Phasael, knowing his death was certain,\nanticipated the executioner by beating out his brains against the walls\nof his prison.\n\nIn the mean time Herod had reached Rome, where he found Antonius at the\nvery summit of power. The Roman received him with much kindness, and\nintroduced him to Octavius, who calling to mind the aid which the great\nJulius had received from Antipater during his Egyptian war[91], was no\nless ready to befriend him. Herod protested he wished for nothing more\nthan that Aristobulus, the brother of his betrothed Mariamne, should\nbe placed on the throne of Jud\u00e6a. But the triumvirs would not entertain\nthe proposition for a moment. Who was more fit to receive the title\nof king than Herod himself? Who was more likely to cope effectually\nwith Antigonus, and to render aid in the projected war with Parthia?\nAccordingly with the assent of the senate he was formally nominated\nKing of Jud\u00e6a, and preceded by the consuls and other magistrates,\nwalked in procession between Antonius and Octavius to the Capitol,\nwhere the usual sacrifices were offered, and the decree formally laid\nup in the archives[92].\n\nA week only had elapsed since the arrival of Herod in Italy. But\nwithout losing a moment he hurried to Brundusium, and thence took ship\nfor Ptolemais, where he presented himself after an absence of barely\nthree months. Meanwhile Antigonus had been unsuccessfully besieging\nthe fortress of Masada, with the design of obtaining possession of\nMariamne and Aristobulus. The first object of the newly-arrived king\nwas to relieve this stronghold, and the recollection of his energy as\na governor in Galilee quickly attracted many to his standard. He also\ninvoked the aid of Ventidius the Roman general, who had been sent to\ncheck the advance of the Parthians and had encamped before Jerusalem,\nand partly through his aid but still more by his own energy succeeded\nin raising the siege of Masada, liberated his relatives, and recovered\nthe treasures he had deposited there.\n\nHis next step was to march upon Jerusalem, and having united with the\nRoman forces, encamped on the west side of the city B.C. 38. Finding,\nhowever, that he could not reduce it with the forces then at his\ncommand, he repaired to Samaria, and there was formally united in\nmarriage with the beautiful Mariamne. Early in the following spring,\nB.C. 37, he again set out for Jerusalem, supported on this occasion by\nSosius, the lieutenant of Antonius, with 11 legions and 6000 cavalry.\nNow for the first time the Romans found how desperate an enemy they had\nto encounter in the Jews, who defended Antigonus with all the constancy\nof their race. Upwards of 40 days elapsed before the first wall was\ntaken, 15 before the second was reduced. Fighting with reckless courage,\nthe besieged were driven successively from the outer court of the\nTemple and the lower city into the interior of the Sanctuary, nor was\nit till after five long months of combat that the signal could be given\nfor an assault. No sooner had this been given than a dreadful massacre\nensued. Exasperated by the obstinacy of the foe, the Romans struck down\nall whom they met, without distinction of age or sex. Multitudes were\nbutchered in the narrow streets, many crowded together in their homes,\nmany flying for refuge to the Sanctuary. Herod used every effort to\nmollify the wrath of the legions, and even threatened to cut down any\nwho attempted to penetrate into the Holy of Holies. Finding all was\nlost, Antigonus descended from the Baris, where he had taken refuge,\nand flung himself at the feet of Sosius. The Roman treated him with\ncontempt and scorn, called him in derision _Antigona_, and put him\nin chains. Then laden with munificent presents from the new ruler\nof Jerusalem, he retired to Antioch with his captive, to await the\npleasure of Antonius himself. The latter, at the request of his\nfavourite now installed in power, had the unfortunate prince tried\nand condemned, and after he had first been scourged by the Roman\nlictors, struck off his head[93]. Thus ignominiously perished the\nlast priest-king of the Asmonean dynasty, 126 years[94] after Judas\nMaccab\u00e6us obtained the government of Jud\u00e6a.\n\nHerod had now attained the highest object of his ambition. In the prime\nof his vigour and great abilities he had become ruler of Palestine,\nbeing lifted into his high position by the Roman legions, and by\nuniting himself with one of the Asmonean line he had conciliated\nsomewhat the popular favour. But though successful, he clearly foresaw\nthe difficulty and danger of his position, for the partisans of\nAntigonus still retained much influence, and the people were strong in\ntheir attachment to the Asmonean dynasty. But the Idum\u00e6an had profited\nin the school of the Roman proscriptions, and selecting 45 of the\nmost prominent partisans of Antigonus, he put them all to death, and\nconfiscated their estates to liquidate the heavy debt he had contracted\nwith Antigonus. He next wreaked his vengeance on the Sanhedrin, every\nmember of which was executed save two only, Sameas and Pollio, who\nalone during the late siege had urged their countrymen to capitulate\nand receive him as king.\n\nThe question of the appointment to the high-priesthood next required\nto be disposed of. Hyrcanus was in captivity at Seleucia, where the\nParthian Phraates treated him with every consideration, and allowed him\nto live at full liberty among many of his own nation, who had settled\nin that region[95]. Herod sent an embassy requesting that his former\npatron might be permitted to return, and pretended a wish to recompense\nhim for old kindnesses. The Jews in Seleucia easily divined his\ninsidious designs. But the weak old man heeded not their council, and\nreturned to Jerusalem. The mutilation of his ears by Antigonus rendered\nit impossible for him to hold the office of high-priest, and Herod,\nwhile treating him with much apparent respect, conferred the coveted\npost on Ananel, an obscure priest of the line of Aaron, whom he had\nsummoned from Babylon.\n\nBut this selection was regarded with feelings of detestation by\nAristobulus, his youthful brother-in-law, his wife Mariamne, and her\nmother-in-law, Alexandra. Well acquainted with Cleopatra, queen of\nEgypt, at whose court Antonius was now living in luxury and indolence,\nAlexandra began to address her complaints to her, and succeeded in\nawakening an interest in her favour. The secret correspondence coming\nto the ears of Herod, he forthwith deposed Ananel, and with great pomp\ninstalled Aristobulus in his stead. The people were delighted at his\nelevation, and when the handsome youth the descendant of their ancient\nprinces appeared before them at the feast of Tabernacles B.C. 35,\nclad in the gorgeous robes of his office, they could not restrain the\nexpression of their admiration, and their shouts of acclamation rent\nthe air.\n\nThis sealed the doom of the unfortunate young man. Seeing in him\na possible rival, and suspecting the designs of Alexandra, Herod\nresolved to compass his destruction, and an opportunity soon presented\nitself. At the close of the solemnities he repaired with the youthful\nhigh-priest to Jericho, where Alexandra had invited them to an\nentertainment. The day was close\u2015\u2015sultry, even for that tropical\nregion\u2015\u2015and the two, with many of their retinue, betook themselves to\nthe fish-ponds, for the purpose of bathing. At first the attendants\nalone plunged into the water, and Herod and the high-priest merely\nlooked on. But as it grew dark, the king proposed that his companion\nshould join the rest in the water, where several of the attendants,\nsuborned for the purpose, plunged him under the water, and held him\ndown till life was extinct[96]. Next day it was announced at Jerusalem\nthat Aristobulus had been accidentally drowned, and the spectacle\nof the dead body excited the wildest sorrow. Herod himself pretended\nthe utmost grief. But neither the tears he shed, nor the magnificent\nfuneral with which he honoured the young man\u2019s remains, could divert\nthe popular suspicion and indignation. Least of all could he deceive\nthe bereaved mother. The grief of Alexandra was intense, and more than\nonce she was on the point of laying violent hands upon herself. At\nlength she resolved to appeal for the second time to the friendship of\nCleopatra, and wrote her a full account of the treacherous deed. The\nEgyptian queen, herself a woman and a mother, moved by her touching\nstory, would not let Antonius have any rest till he had promised that\nthe matter should be investigated.\n\nOn his arrival, therefore, at the Syrian Laodicea[97] B.C. 34, the\ntriumvir sent to Herod, and demanded an explanation of the death of\nAristobulus. Though Herod was well aware of the ill-will of Cleopatra\ntowards himself, and of the risk he ran, he dared not disobey this\nsummons, and resolved to go in person and plead his cause. Before\nsetting out he entrusted to his uncle Joseph not only the government\nof Jerusalem, but the care also of the beautiful Mariamne, strictly\nenjoining him, in the event of his own death, to slay her rather than\nlet her fall into the hands of Antonius. Having thus provided for the\nworst he departed, and, on his arrival at Laodicea, presented himself\nbefore the Roman and his Egyptian enchantress. Cleopatra, eager to\nadd Jud\u00e6a to her dominions, exhausted every expedient to ensure his\nruin. But by his confidence, and still more by his lavish bribes,\nHerod succeeded in defeating her designs, and in clearing himself in\nthe opinion of her paramour, so that Antonius not merely dismissed\nthe charges against his favourite, but placed him by his side on his\njudicial throne, invited him to his luxurious banquets, and heaped upon\nhim every mark of distinction.\n\nMeanwhile very different events had occurred at Jerusalem. In an evil\nhour Joseph had revealed his secret instructions respecting Mariamne,\nand while she and Alexandra were indulging in transports of rage, a\nsudden rumour reached the city that Herod had failed in his mission,\nand been put to death. Instantly both mother and daughter took measures\nfor seizing the supreme power, and Alexandra indulged the hope that the\nglorious beauty of her daughter might win the affections even of the\nparamour of Cleopatra. But in a moment all these schemes were dashed\nto the ground. Letters arrived announcing Herod\u2019s complete success, and\nsoon he himself appeared. His sister Salome, jealous of the charms of\nMariamne, filled his mind with suspicions against her, which at first\nhe refused to credit. But unhappily one day, as he was protesting his\nundying love, she chanced to inquire how, if he really loved her, he\ncould have given the order for her execution. Furious at the discovery\nof his secret compact, he rushed from her arms, and was on the point\nof putting her to death with his own hand. Her loveliness, however,\ninduced him to spare her, and he contented himself with ordering the\ninstant execution of his uncle Joseph, and flinging Alexandra into\nprison with every mark of insult.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _HEROD, KING OF JUD\u00c6A._\n B.C. 34\u201324.\n\n\nMEANWHILE the friendship between Octavius and Antonius had at length\nbeen broken, and the whole East rang with preparations for the coming\ncontest between the triumvirs for the supremacy of the world. Herod\nraised a body of troops to assist Antonius, but the latter declined\nhis aid, and being thus excused taking any prominent part in a doubtful\nstruggle, he turned his arms against Malchus, king of Arabia. The\nartful designs of Cleopatra had involved him in this war. Already\nmistress of C\u0153lesyria, and of the palm-groves around Jericho by the\nconcessions of her Roman lover, she cast longing eyes upon Jud\u00e6a also.\nThe Arabian king, emboldened by the rupture between the Roman triumvirs,\nhad withheld the payment to her of his annual tribute, an insult which\nAntonius directed Herod to avenge. Seeing her opportunity, she urged\nHerod to embark in the war, hoping if he was successful to become\nmistress of Arabia, if unsuccessful, of Jud\u00e6a.\n\nBut the Jews were exceedingly unwilling to undertake a war against a\nnation with whom they had no quarrel, and Herod was defeated in the\nfirst campaign with great loss. His troops were still more unwilling to\nengage a second time, but fortune came to his aid. A sudden earthquake\nconvulsed the cities of southern Palestine, and destroyed in one\nday upwards of 30,000 of the inhabitants. Taking advantage of the\nconsternation thus caused, the Arabs slew the Jewish ambassadors who\nhad come to treat of peace. News of this treachery roused once more the\nmartial spirit of the nation, and enabled Herod to win a signal triumph\nover his foes, and to reduce the country to subjection.\n\nOn his return from this expedition he received intelligence that his\npatron Antonius had been defeated in the decisive battle of Actium,\nB.C. 31, and had left the supremacy of the world to his rival Octavius.\nHis first impulse was to urge the triumvir to seize Egypt, and put\nto death Cleopatra, the faithless cause of his misfortunes. But the\ninfatuated Roman, rejecting this advice, followed his enchantress to\nAlexandria. There twelve months afterwards, deserted by his troops, and\nunable to come to any terms with Octavius, he fell upon his sword, and\nCleopatra, rather than grace a Roman triumph, applied the fatal asp to\nher breast.\n\nHerod\u2019s fate once more seemed to tremble in the balance. But, equal\nto the emergency, he provided with characteristic energy and boldness\nan escape from his embarrassments. He first resolved to put Hyrcanus\nout of the way, as the last remnant of the Asmonean dynasty, and on a\ncharge of a treasonable correspondence with the king of Arabia, dragged\nhim before the Sanhedrin, and caused him to be executed. He next\nresolved to make a personal appeal to Octavius, and before he left\nsent his mother, sister, and children to Masada, and placed Mariamne in\nthe fortress of Alexandrium, under the custody of faithful adherents,\nSoemus the Itur\u00e6an, and Joseph his steward, again enjoining that, in\nthe event of his death, Mariamne should be instantly dispatched.\n\nThen setting out for Rhodes he appeared before Octavius without the\ndiadem, but with all the spirit and dignity of a king, and addressed\nhim in a speech of the utmost freedom[98]. He did not in the least\ndisguise his friendship for the late triumvir. He had given him, he\nsaid, the best advice in urging him to put Cleopatra to death, and\nprosecute the war with vigour. But Antonius had rejected his counsels,\nand pursued a course ruinous to himself and beneficial only to his\nrival. If Octavius, seeing the steadiness of the speaker\u2019s friendship\ntowards his late foe, would honour him with his confidence, he might\ncount on being served with the same steadiness and the same fidelity.\nHis frankness completely won over the arbiter of the world, who\nrestored to him the diadem, treated him with the greatest distinction,\nand assured him of his friendship and confidence[99].\n\nThus successful beyond his utmost expectations, Herod returned to\nJerusalem. But the secret orders entrusted to the guardian of Mariamne\nhad been again disclosed, and she met his greeting with coldness\nand aversion, and reproached him bitterly with the murder of her\ngrandfather Hyrcanus. Herod\u2019s anger was deeply roused, but for the\npresent other and more public duties demanded his attention. Bent on\nthe invasion and conquest of Egypt, Octavius passed through Syria and\narrived at Ptolemais. Thither Herod went to meet him, presented him\nwith 800 talents, and supplied provisions in great abundance for his\ntroops. This still further conciliated the Roman\u2019s favour, and on his\nreturn from Egypt, where the suicide of Antony and Cleopatra removed\nall obstructions to the reduction of the country to a Roman province,\nhe not only conferred upon him the territory around Jericho, which had\nbeen ceded to the late Egyptian queen, but reannexed to his dominions\nthe cities of Gadara, Hippo, and Samaria, together with the maritime\ntowns Gaza, Joppa, and Strato\u2019s Tower[100], B.C. 30.\n\nBut these successes did little towards compensating the Jewish king\nfor the loss of the affections of Mariamne, who persisted in rejecting\nhis caresses, and reproaching him with his cruelty towards her family.\nAt this juncture the envious Salome suborned the royal cupbearer to\naccuse the queen of having bribed him to poison his master. This new\naccusation filled Herod with such rage that he ordered Mariamne\u2019s\nfavourite eunuch to be put to the rack. The wretched man denied all\nknowledge of the plot, but confessed that the secret orders given to\nSoemus had excited the queen\u2019s hatred and disgust. Furious at what he\ndeemed a second proof of her infidelity, Herod directed that Soemus\nshould be instantly executed, and arraigned Mariamne before a tribunal\nof judges on a charge of adultery. The judges, too terrified to do any\nthing but obey his bidding, pronounced her guilty, and sentenced her to\ndeath. But though he had procured her condemnation, the tyrant shrunk\nfrom proceeding to her execution. His mother and sister, however,\nsuffered him to have no rest, and so worked upon his feelings that at\nlength he signed the fatal order for her execution, and Mariamne was\nled forth to die, B.C. 29.\n\nBut now a reaction set in. The terrible reality of the deed, combined\nwith a sense of his own loss, so wrought upon his feelings, that he\nbecame the victim of the most violent remorse. \u201cEverywhere, day and\nnight, he was haunted by the image of the murdered queen; he called\nupon her by name; he perpetually burst into passionate tears; he\nordered his servants to bring Mariamne to him, as though she were\nyet alive. In vain he tried every diversion,\u2015\u2015banquets, revels, the\nexcitements of society. A sudden pestilence breaking out, to which\nmany of the noblest of his court and of his own personal friends fell a\nsacrifice, he recognised and trembled beneath the hand of the avenging\nDeity. On pretence of hunting he sought out the most melancholy\nsolitude, till the disorder of his mind brought on a disorder of body,\nand he was seized with violent inflammation and pains in the back of\nhis head, which led to temporary derangement[101].\u201d\n\nAfter lying in this state for some time in his palace at Samaria, he\nwas at length partially restored to health, and came forth gloomy,\nstern, revengeful, more ready than ever to resort to cruelty and\nbloodshed. Alexandra was his first victim. Taking advantage of\nhis malady she had again renewed her intrigues, and tried to gain\npossession of Jerusalem. She was now executed, together with Costobaras,\ngovernor of Idum\u00e6a and Gaza and husband of Salome, who was accused of\nharbouring some of the Asmonean dynasty, with many others of rank and\ninfluence[102].\n\nMeanwhile, B.C. 27[103], the senate of Rome had conferred upon Octavius\nthe title of _Augustus_, the _august_, the _divine_, and soon in every\npart of the empire temples began to rise in honour of the divinity of\nthe Emperor. Herod resolved not to be behindhand in adulation towards\nhis patron, and, all being now dead who had any claims to the crown, he\ndevoted himself to the introduction of foreign customs into the country.\nThough fully aware of the intensely national feelings of his subjects,\nhe resolved to lose no opportunity of breaking down the wall of\npartition between them and the surrounding nations.\n\nHe introduced, therefore, public exhibitions and spectacles of all\nkinds; erected a theatre within, an amphitheatre without, the walls\nof Jerusalem; instituted quinquennial games, which were celebrated on\na scale of the most lavish magnificence; invited to his capital the\nprofessors of every kind of gymnastic exercises, and did not even\nshrink from exhibiting in the city of David shows of gladiators and\ncombats with wild beasts.\n\nThe stricter Jews regarded with horror those innovations, but their\nindignation knew no bounds when, for the purpose of celebrating the\nvictories of Octavius, he set up in his theatre complete suits of\narmour captured during the imperial wars. Nothing could persuade them\nto believe that these trophies did not conceal heathen images, and it\nwas only when they had been taken to pieces, and the bare peg of wood\nexposed underneath, that their suspicions were removed. This raised a\nlaugh, but the deepfelt exasperation of the majority was not removed.\nAt length ten men formed a conspiracy to assassinate the king as he\nentered the theatre. The plot was betrayed, and they were put to death\nwith the most cruel tortures. The people, sympathising with their\nsufferings, seized the informer who had betrayed the secret to Herod,\ntore him to pieces, and flung his flesh to the dogs. This roused the\nking in his turn to retaliate, and seizing the ringleaders he put them\nto death, together with their families, B.C. 25.\n\nThese risings, however, convinced him that his life was insecure, and\nhe had recourse to various measures of precaution. He erected a palace\non the impregnable hill of Sion; restored and enlarged the Baris, and\nnamed it Antonia, after his former patron. At the same time he rebuilt\nand founded various cities to serve as military ports and retreats on\noccasions of danger, such as Gaba in Galilee, and Heshbon in Per\u00e6a.\nSamaria also, which had been destroyed by John Hyrcanus, once more rose\nfrom its ruins, was surrounded with a wall, strongly fortified, and\npeopled with 6000 veterans devoted to the king\u2019s interests. A temple\nalso was erected within it, dedicated to the occupant of the imperial\nthrone, in whose honour the city also was now called Sebaste, _the\nAugust_[104].\n\nBut Herod[105] further resolved that his kingdom should have a naval\nharbour and a maritime city, whereby he might communicate more securely\nwith the western world. A convenient point along the inhospitable\ncoast-line of Palestine offered itself at a spot called Strato\u2019s Tower,\nsituated about 30 miles south of Mount Carmel, and 70 miles north-west\nof Jerusalem, on the line of the great road from Tyre to Egypt. To\nprotect the shipping from the violent south-west winds, which blew\nalong the coast, it was first necessary that a breakwater should be\nconstructed. Accordingly enormous stones were sunk in deep water to\nform a mole 2000 feet in length. This supported a pier, 200 feet wide,\ndefended by a wall and towers, and formed a sort of double harbour\nequal in size to the Pir\u00e6us at Athens, and surrounded with broad\nlanding wharves. The entrance was from the north, so that a vast fleet\ncould ride at anchor with perfect safety. Above the harbour rose the\ncity, built on the Greek model with a forum and amphitheatre, and\ncalled, in honour of the king\u2019s friend on the imperial throne, C\u00e6sarea.\nUpwards of 12 years were spent in the erection of this important\nmaritime city[106].\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER V.\n\n _HEROD, KING OF JUD\u00c6A._\n B.C. 24\u201314.\n\n\nTHUS Jud\u00e6a seemed to be sinking more and more into the form of a\nRoman province, while Herod rivalled the other vassal kings of Rome\nin subservience to the master of the world. It was a saying that C\u00e6sar\nassigned to him the next place in his favour to Agrippa, while Agrippa\nesteemed Herod higher than all his friends, except Augustus[107]. The\nthree vied with one another in mutual courtesies, and whenever either\nC\u00e6sar or Agrippa visited the Eastern provinces, the Jewish king was\nsure to be first to pay his homage, and to assist with his personal\nsupport and advice.\n\nIn return for these attentions the Roman emperor was profuse in his\nconcessions. When Herod sent his two elder sons by Mariamne, Alexander\nand Aristobulus, to Rome for their education, he received them into\nhis palace and treated them with the utmost care and distinction[108].\nMoreover, besides the large addition he had already made to Herod\u2019s\nterritories, he now conceded to him the district east of the Lake\nof Gennesaret, known as Trachonitis, with Batan\u00e6a and Auranitis, and\nafterwards appointed him procurator of the province of Syria, and\nwith such authority, that his colleagues in command could take no\nstep without his concurrence[109]. At the same time a tetrarchy was\nconferred on his brother Pheroras, and in memory of these concessions,\nHerod erected a splendid temple of white marble at Paneas, near the\nsources of the Jordan, and dedicated it to his benefactor[110].\n\nBut while the Jewish king was on terms of such intimate friendship\nwith his imperial patron, his relations with his own subjects were far\nfrom satisfactory. In spite of the profuse liberality with which he\nhad poured forth the contents of his treasury, and even parted with the\nsilver plate of his table to satisfy their wants during a severe famine,\nB.C. 25, in spite also of his munificence in diminishing a third of the\nannual taxation, the murmurs of the populace against his rule could not\nbe restrained.\n\nStrong as was the party which favoured his designs and approved his\npolicy, the majority of the nation regarded with undissembled suspicion\nand mistrust his numerous innovations, and the introduction of foreign\nrites and customs. In vain he forbade any assemblages of the citizens\nfor feasting or deliberation; in vain he kept himself informed through\nhis spies of all who disapproved of his government, threw them into\nprison, and sometimes punished them with death; in vain he tried to\ncompel all his subjects to take an oath of fidelity towards himself\nand his dynasty; he could not control the opposition of the powerful\nPharisaic faction[111], or check the general feeling of disaffection.\n\nAt length, B.C. 20, he determined on a measure which he trusted might\nhave the effect at once of giving employment to large numbers, and\nwinning the favour of the nation. He resolved to rebuild the Temple.\n\nSince the construction of the second Temple by Zorobabel that structure\nhad suffered much from dilapidation, and bore unmistakeable traces\nof the assaults of various armies. The evident need, therefore, of\nrenewal, induced the king to hope that no obstacle would be put in\nthe way of his design. But on laying his project before the assembled\npeople, he found that it was regarded with little favour and greater\nsuspicion[112]. Under pretence of rebuilding, many believed he really\nintended to destroy their national sanctuary.\n\nGreat caution was therefore needed, and everything was done that could\nbe devised to allay the popular mistrust. Vast preparations were made\nbefore a single stone of the old building was removed, and two years\nwere spent in bringing together all the materials; 1000 waggons were\nconstructed for the purpose of bearing stones for the building, and\nupwards of 10,000 of the most skilful workmen, superintended by 1000\nLevites, who had been taught the arts of carpentry and stone-cutting,\nwere employed on the works[113].\n\nIn the 20th year of Herod\u2019s reign, or B.C. 18, the erection of the\nnew structure began. The foundations of the Temple of Zorobabel were\nremoved, and on those laid by Solomon the new pile arose, built of\nhard white stones of enormous size. The Porch, Holy Place, and Holy of\nHolies, were completed in a year and a half[114]; the rest of the pile,\nwith the courts and cloisters, in eight years more, so as to be fit\nfor the actual services of religion, but the whole structure was not\nfinally completed[115] till A.D. 65[116].\n\nOn the highest level of the rocky platform stood the _Temple_ itself,\ndivided as in the days of Solomon, and covered with plates of gold,\nwhich shone like a meteor under the rays of the sun, so that the eye\ncould hardly bear to rest upon them. Twelve steps below was a second\nlevel, occupied by the _Court of the Priests_, with the Great Laver,\nand the Altar of Burnt-offering. Three flights of steps below this\nwas the _Court of the Israelites_, with the houses of the priests, the\nvarious offices, and hall of the Sanhedrin. Fourteen steps more led\ndown to the _Court of the Gentiles_, which was hardly regarded as a\npart of the Temple, and was open to men of all nations and became a\nkind of exchange and market-place.\n\nWhile the Sanctuary had been left to the care of the priests, Herod\nexhausted all his taste on this Court of the Gentiles. \u201cCloisters\nran round the wall on the inner side, sustained on rows of columns\nexquisitely wrought, the capitals being ornamented with the acanthus\nand waterleaf, as in the famous Tower of the Winds. West, north, and\neast these columns were in three rows; on the south they were in four.\nThe floor made a shaded walk, like the colonnade in Venice, and the\nroof an open walk like the gallery of Genoa. The pavement was inlaid\nwith marbles of many colours. Leading into this Court from the city and\nthe country were many noble gates; one of these on the Eastern side,\nfacing the Mount of Olives, was called _Solomon\u2019s Porch_, and a second\nnear by it was called the _Beautiful Gate_[117].\u201d\n\nImmediately after the completion of the Sanctuary, which was\ncommemorated with lavish sacrifices and splendid feasts[118], Herod\nset out for Rome, to bring back his sons Alexander and Aristobulus.\nOn his arrival in the imperial city[119], he was received by Augustus\nwith every mark of regard, and returned with his two sons apparently\nin the spring of the year B.C. 15. During the autumn his friend Agrippa\nvisited Jud\u00e6a[120], and Herod shewed him his new cities, Sebaste and\nC\u00e6sarea, and the fortresses of Alexandrium, Herodium, and Hyrcania.\nThen conducting him to Jerusalem, he entertained him at a sumptuous\nbanquet, while the people welcomed the great minister of Augustus with\nacclamations, and Agrippa offered a sacrifice of 100 oxen in the Temple,\nand feasted the subjects of the Jewish king at a splendid entertainment.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VI.\n\n _HEROD, KING OF JUD\u00c6A._\n B.C. 15\u20134.\n\n\nBUT the return of the young princes, Alexander and Aristobulus, from\nRome was the signal for a scene of bloodshed, still more awful than\nthat which had darkened the beginning of Herod\u2019s reign.\n\nThe monarch married them, Alexander to Glaphyra, daughter of Archelaus,\nking of Cappadocia; Aristobulus to Berenice, the daughter of his sister\nSalome[121]. The grace and beauty of the young men, added to their\ndescent through their mother from the great Asmonean house, made them\nobjects of the utmost interest to the people, and they were regarded as\nthe future rulers of Palestine.\n\nThe popular favour, however, which they thus attracted, aroused the\nkeenest hatred of Salome and Pheroras. Conscious of the part they had\nplayed in the execution of Mariamne, they looked with dismay at the\nfuture elevation of the young princes. Taking advantage, therefore,\nof some incautious expressions they chanced to let fall respecting\nthe execution of their mother, they began by circulating rumours that\nthe young men were bent on avenging their mother\u2019s death, and bore no\ngoodwill towards the king. For some time Herod refused even to listen\nto these rumours. But before long they acquired fresh strength and\nconsistency, and to check their pride, he sent for Antipater, the son\nof his first wife Doris, and set him up as a foil to the aspirations\nand popularity of Alexander and Aristobulus[122].\n\nSalome had thus a ready tool for prosecuting her cunning designs, and\nas Herod had permission from Augustus to appoint whom he pleased as his\nsuccessor, the two together bent all their efforts towards alienating\nhim from the sons of Mariamne.\n\nIn the beginning of B.C. 13, the king went to join Agrippa at Sinope,\nand attended him through Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Phrygia, and Ionia,\nto Ephesus. On this occasion he introduced Antipater to his powerful\nfriend, and sent him in his train on a visit to Rome, with many costly\npresents and an introduction to Augustus. Even at Rome the crafty\nIdum\u00e6an did not remit his machinations against his rivals, but in every\nletter to his father dropped something to the discredit of the sons of\nMariamne, veiling his real designs under pretence of great anxiety for\nHerod\u2019s security.\n\nBy these artful means the suspicions of the king were at length raised\nto such a pitch, that he resolved on formally accusing his sons before\nthe tribunal of Augustus. Accordingly, B.C. 11, he conducted them to\nRome, and in the presence of the emperor charged them with designs upon\nhis life. Augustus perceived that the accusation rested only on hearsay\nand suspicion, and after hearing the case succeeded in reconciling\nthe young men to their father, and the three, accompanied by Antipater,\nreturned to Jerusalem apparently on terms of amity and goodwill.\n\nOn regaining his capital, Herod convened an assembly of the people,\nintroduced to them his three sons, and formally announced his design\nthat they should succeed him in the order of their birth, first\nAntipater, then Alexander, and lastly Aristobulus[123]. But this\narrangement was satisfactory to no one. The sons of Mariamne were\nindignant that the right of primogeniture should have been confined\nto Antipater, while Antipater was indignant that they should obtain\nhonours even second to his own[124].\n\nWhile the jealousies in the royal household were thus for a short\ntime hushed, the building of the new and magnificent city of C\u00e6sarea\nwas completed, B.C. 10. This event was celebrated with an imposing\nceremonial, with shows, games, exhibitions of gladiators, and sumptuous\nentertainments, to which the wife of C\u00e6sar herself contributed\nlargely[125]. Other cities now arose in honour of different members of\nHerod\u2019s family. Antipatris[126], between C\u00e6sarea and Lydda, preserved\nthe name of his father _Antipater_; Cypron, near Jericho, of his mother\n_Cyprus_; Phasaelis, in the plain near the same city, of his brother\n_Phasael_.\n\nBut soon the quarrels in the royal household broke out afresh. With\na strange lack of caution, the sons of Mariamne again indulged their\ndissatisfaction by the use of intemperate language, which the artful\nAntipater managed to report to Herod, exaggerated or distorted, as best\nsuited his purpose. Knowing not whom to trust, the king had no rest\nnight or day. At length he ordered some of the confidential slaves of\nthe young princes to be put to the torture, and they, to obtain relief\nfrom their agony, made false declarations respecting Alexander, who was\nimmediately flung into prison and loaded with chains.\n\nThere the wretched young man had recourse to a strange expedient. He\nsent four papers to his father, in which he accused himself of all\nkinds of treasonable practices, but added that Pheroras, Salome, and\nseveral of the king\u2019s most intimate friends, were his accomplices.\nThe whole court was now a scene of suspicion and distrust. Herod knew\nnot which way to look or whom to believe. In a state of phrenzy he\nday after day caused persons of all grades to be apprehended; some\nof these he executed; others he tortured to compel them to confess,\nand with such severity that several of them died under the hands of\ntheir tormentors. In the midst of these troubles, Archelaus, king of\nCappadocia, and father-in-law of Alexander, arrived at Jerusalem, and\nsucceeded in obtaining his release, and restoration to Herod\u2019s favour.\n\nBut the lull was only temporary. A few months had barely elapsed before\nSalome and Pheroras, regaining all their old ascendancy, poisoned the\nking\u2019s mind with suspicions. Unable to trust any one around him, Herod\nonce more had recourse to Augustus, and poured forth the bitterest\ncomplaints against the sons of Mariamne. In reply, the emperor advised\nhim to summon a council of sovereigns at Berytus[127], with Volumnius\nand Saturninus the prefects of Syria, and formally arraign the young\nmen before them.\n\nActing on this advice, Herod thereupon summoned a council of princes.\nUpwards of 150 met together, and before them he pleaded his own cause,\nexamined witnesses, read documents, and accused his sons with the\nutmost vehemence. After hearing the charge, Saturninus expressed\nhimself in favour of mercy; Volumnius and the majority for condemnation.\nFor a short time Herod appeared to hesitate, but the malice of\nSalome eventually had its reward, and the young men were strangled\nat Sebaste[128], B.C. 6.\n\nBut they had scarcely perished before Herod found himself exposed to\na far more terrible danger. Pheroras had married a slave, who attached\nherself to the powerful Pharisaic party. For the second time the\nking ordered the members of this influential sect to take the oath of\nallegiance to Augustus and himself. Upwards of 600 positively refused,\nand were sentenced to pay heavy fines. These the wife of Pheroras\ninstantly liquidated out of her own property, and the Pharisees,\ngrateful for such kindness, began to whisper that God intended the\nkingdom for her and her husband[129].\n\nSalome announced these signs of \u2666disaffection to Herod, who instantly\nexecuted the ringleaders of the Pharisees, and ordered Pheroras to put\naway his wife. This his brother absolutely declined to do, and retired\nto his own tetrarchy in Per\u00e6a, while the wily Antipater contrived to\nget himself summoned to Rome.\n\nShortly afterwards Pheroras sickening, Herod came to visit him, and\non his death gave him a magnificent funeral. He was scarcely buried\nbefore rumours of foul play were bruited about. To ascertain their\ntruth, Herod ordered a strict examination of the female slaves of his\nbrother\u2019s wife, and under the agonies of torture a horrible secret came\nto light.\n\nAntipater, for whom Herod had strangled the sons of Mariamne, whom he\nhad designed as his successor, had been associated with Pheroras in\na plot against his life, and his brother\u2019s widow was in possession of\na subtle poison, with which it had been intended to take him off on\nthe first opportunity. Thereupon she was examined, acknowledged her\nguilt, and immediately after flung herself from the roof of the house.\nThe fall, however, was not fatal, and being brought before Herod,\nshe recounted the whole history of the plot, adding that his kindness\nto her husband on his death-bed had caused him to relent, and he had\nbidden her fling the poison into the fire. This she had done, and had\nreserved only a small portion, which was now produced[130].\n\nJust at this juncture, a freedman of Antipater\u2019s arrived from\nRome, with letters for the king, accusing Archelaus and Philip of\ndisaffection towards their father. The man was instantly placed upon\nthe rack, and confessed that he had brought another phial of poison,\nwhich he was to entrust to Pheroras, in the event of the first not\nproving successful. The proofs of this dark treachery being thus\ncomplete, Herod wrote to Antipater requesting his instant return, and\nat the same time gave orders that the roads should be strictly guarded,\nand that not a word should be allowed to drop respecting what had\ntranspired at Jerusalem.\n\nTriumphing in the success of his base intrigues, and confident of his\nsuccession to the throne, Antipater had already set out, and arrived at\nCelenderis in Pamphylia. News of the death of Pheroras had reached him\nat Tarentum, and excited some misgivings, but, contrary to the advice\nof many of his friends, he continued his journey and entered the port\nof C\u00e6sarea.\n\nHere his fears were still more excited. The crowded harbour appeared\nlike a solitude. Not a soul approached to salute or congratulate him\non his return. The few who did meet him turned aside, or looked on, as\nif they now dared to shew the hatred they had long borne towards him.\nEvery one seemed in possession of some dark secret, of which he alone\nwas ignorant[131].\n\nDissembling, however, his fears, he pressed on, for it was too late\nto fly, and reaching Jerusalem, hurried to his father\u2019s palace. At\nthe gates his retinue was denied entrance, and with Herod he found\nQuintilius Varus the prefect. Advancing to salute the king, he was\nangrily repelled, informed of the charge against him, and told that\nhis trial would take place on the morrow before the prefect.\n\nAccordingly, on the next day the accusers appeared. The evidence of his\nguilt was conclusive. The cup of poison was brought in, and a criminal\nunder sentence of death being ordered to drink it, expired on the\nspot. Antipater was condemned and placed in bonds, but Herod delayed\nthe execution of the sentence, till the will of Augustus could be\nascertained.\n\nBy this time the king was 70 years of age, and being seized with\na severe illness, removed for the sake of change of air to Jericho,\nand resolved to make the final alterations in his will. Passing over\nArchelaus and Philip, whom Antipater had accused of disaffection, he\nnominated Antipas as his successor in the kingdom, and bestowed rich\ndonations of money and lands upon Salome, and other members of his own\nfamily.\n\nBut during his absence fresh symptoms of disaffection appeared amongst\nhis subjects. Of all his numerous innovations, none had irritated the\nJews more than the placing of a large golden eagle, the emblem of Roman\npower, over the principal gate of the Temple. Two of the most learned\nrabbis, Judas and Matthias, resolved to have it removed. Accordingly\nthey instigated some daring and fanatical youths to take down the\noffensive symbol. Emboldened by a sudden rumour of the death of Herod,\nthe young men lowered themselves by ropes from the roof, and cut\naway the eagle with hatchets. They could never have hoped to execute\nso daring a deed with impunity, and being apprehended and brought\nbefore Herod, boldly avowed their guilt, and gloried in the success\nof the feat. Dissembling his anger, the king assembled the chiefs\nof the nation at Jericho, and reproaching them bitterly for their\ningratitude after all the favours he had bestowed upon them, ordered\nthe instigators of the deed to be burned alive[132].\n\nIn the meantime his disorder had made rapid progress. A slow fire\nseemed to consume his vital parts. His appetite became ravenous, but\nhe dared not gratify it on account of dreadful pains and internal\nulcers, which preyed on the lower parts of his body. Moreover his\nbreathing became difficult, and violent spasms convulsed his frame,\nand imparted supernatural strength to his limbs[133]. But in spite of\nthese accumulated sufferings he still clung to life, and cherishing\nhopes of recovery caused himself to be conveyed across the Jordan to\nCallirrho\u00eb[134], hoping to obtain relief from its warm bituminous baths.\nArrived there, the physicians advised that he should be fomented with\nwarm oil. For this purpose, he was lowered into a vessel filled with\nthat fluid, when his eyes relaxed, and he suddenly fell back as if dead.\nRoused, however, by the cries of his physicians, he revived, and was\nconveyed back to Jericho, where, as if defying death, he devised a new\natrocity. Knowing the joy his death would cause, he gave instructions\nthat the men of distinction from every town in Jud\u00e6a should be\nassembled in the hippodrome, and secretly confided to Salome his\npleasure that they should be butchered immediately upon his decease,\nthat thus his funeral might at least be signalized by a real mourning.\n\nHe had scarcely given these orders, when his messengers returned from\nRome, and announced the ratification of the sentence against Antipater.\nInstantly the tyrant\u2019s desire for life revived, but being as quickly\nfollowed by a sudden racking pain, he called for an apple and a\nknife, and in an unguarded moment tried to stab himself. He might\nhave succeeded had not an attendant seized his hand. The clamour\nthat followed reached the ears of Antipater, who was in bonds in\na neighbouring apartment. Thinking his father was dead, he made a\ndesperate effort to escape by bribing his guards. Informed of this\nHerod instantly ordered a spearman to dispatch him on the spot.\nAntipater having thus paid the penalty of his life of treachery, the\nking once more amended his will, nominated his eldest son Archelaus as\nhis successor to the throne, and appointed Antipas tetrarch of Galilee\nand Per\u00e6a, Herod Philip tetrarch of Auranitis, Trachonitis, and Batan\u00e6a,\nand Salome mistress of Jamnia and some other towns. Five days more of\nexcruciating agony remained to the tyrant, and then he expired[135],\nafter a reign of 34 years.\n\n\n\n\n PART V.\n\n RETROSPECT AND REFLECTIONS.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _DISPERSION OF THE JEWS\u2015\u2015RISE OF SYNAGOGUES._\n\n\nARRIVED at the threshold of the Gospel History, it may not be amiss\nto survey some of the more prominent features of the period we have\ntraversed, and to notice some of the changes which it had produced on\nthe Jewish nation.\n\nThe influences under which the Jews had been brought since the\nCaptivity were, as we have seen, of a very varied character. For two\ncenturies after that event, they were subject to the dominion of Persia;\nfor nearly a century and a half they were under Greek rulers; for a\ncentury they enjoyed independence under their native Asmonean princes;\nand for more than half a century, while nominally ruled by the family\nof Herod, were really in subjection to the power of Rome[136].\n\nIn the present Chapter we shall notice, (a) _The Wide Dispersion of the\nJews_, (b) _The Change in their Vernacular Language_, and (c) _The rise\nof Synagogues_.\n\n(a) _The Wide Dispersion of the Jews._\n\nAbout the time of the building of Rome the ten tribes were carried away\nby the Assyrian monarchs, and 130 years after, this event was followed\nby the removal of their brethren of Judah and Benjamin to Babylon. The\ninfluential results of this earliest migration, it has been observed,\n\u201cmay be inferred from the fact, that about the time of the battles of\nMarathon (B.C. 490) and Salamis (B.C. 480), a Jew was the minister,\nanother Jew the cupbearer, and a Jewess the consort, of a Persian\nmonarch[137].\u201d Once settled under the shadow of the Babylonian and\nPersian kings, the Jews were very loth to quit the country of their\nadoption, and comparatively few availed themselves of the permission of\nCyrus to return to their native land. The important colony in Babylonia\nwhich afterwards exerted a very remarkable influence, threw off shoots\nwhich extended to the borders of the Caspian Sea and the confines of\nChina.\n\nImportant, however, as were the results of this earliest dispersion,\nthey were exceeded by those which attended the policy of Alexander and\nhis successors. That great conqueror, as we have seen, removed a great\nnumber of Jews to his new city of Alexandria[138], and there conferred\nupon them many and important privileges, setting an example, which\nPtolemy Soter and Philadelphus were alike not slow to follow[139]. To\nsuch an extent did the Egyptian Jews increase, that Philo estimates\nthem in his time at little less than 1,000,000, and declares that two\nof the five districts of Alexandria derived their names from them. From\nEgypt they quickly spread along the coast of Africa to Cyrene (Acts\nii. 10), and the towns of the Pentapolis, and inland to the realms of\nCandace, queen of Ethiopia (Acts viii. 27).\n\nThe Seleucid\u00e6, in their turn, were equally anxious to locate colonies\nof Jews in the cities which they founded. Seleucus Nicator invited them\nto his new capital at Antioch[140]; Antiochus the Great removed 2000\nJewish families from Babylon to Lydia and Phrygia[141]. Led on by that\nlove of trade which now began to distinguish them, they soon became\nnumerous in the commercial cities of Western Asia, Ephesus and Pergamus,\nMiletus and Sardis. The Archipelago furnished a natural bridge whereby\nto cross over into the countries of Europe and to settle at Philippi\n(Acts xvi. 12), Ber\u0153a (Acts xvii. 10), and Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1);\nAthens (Acts xvii. 17); and Corinth (Acts xviii. 4); and the decree of\nLucius[142], the consul during the reign of Simon Maccab\u00e6us, gives us\na vivid idea of the extent to which they spread themselves in every\ndirection, and no less of the power of the Sanhedrin[143] at Jerusalem,\nto which all Jews, wherever located, were amenable.\n\nAt Rome itself they first appeared in the train of captives led up by\nPompeius to the Capitol, but their captivity was of no long duration,\nand under the protection of Julius C\u00e6sar, who reproduced in the West\nthe privileges they had enjoyed under the Ptolemies and Seleucid\u00e6 in\nthe East, they quickly multiplied, and not only appropriated a whole\nquarter in the capital[144], but spread into other towns of Italy.\nThus the Nation, whose native land had for centuries been in the\ncentre of the world\u2019s power, civilization, and commerce, now, under the\nsuperintending Hand of Providence, was scattered everywhere, East and\nWest, North and South, bearing about with them their peculiar customs\nand institutions, and diffusing a knowledge of the Law and the Prophets.\n\n(b) Corresponding to this wide diffusion of the Elect Nation was the\n_change which gradually grew up in their vernacular language_.\n\ni. The earliest dispersion in Babylonia produced a change in the older\nHebrew of Jud\u00e6a. The language spoken in the days of David and Solomon\nwas gradually exchanged for the Chaldee or \u201cSyrian tongue.\u201d (Comp. 2 K.\nxviii. 26; Isai. xxxvi. 11; Dan. ii. 4.) And those who returned from\nthe Captivity and settled in Palestine and Syria, used Chaldee Targums\nor paraphrases for the interpretation of the Old Hebrew Scriptures,\nand spake kindred Aram\u00e6an dialects, and hence were known as the Aram\u00e6an\nJews.\n\nii. After the conquests of Alexander, Greek became the language almost\nof the whole world[145]. It was a Greek speech that Pompeius was\nreading, preparatory to delivery, when he received his deathblow off\nthe port of Alexandria. It was in Greek that Brutus conversed with\nhis friends on the evening of the battle of Philippi. The mass of the\npoorer population at Rome were Greek either in descent or speech. The\nJews, therefore, dispersed by the Ptolemies and the Seleucid\u00e6 over the\nshores of the Mediterranean, were forced to adopt the Grecian language,\nand to use the Septuagint translation made at Alexandria, hence their\nname of _Hellenists_[146], or \u201cJews of the Grecian speech,\u201d which we\nshall find recurring so often in the Acts of the Apostles.\n\n(c) _The Rise of Synagogues._\n\nDuring the captivity, when of course the Temple ritual was suspended,\nwe gather that the devouter Jews were wont to assemble round the\nprophet Ezekiel and listen to his words and counsel[147] (Ezek.\nviii. 1; xiv. 1; xxiii. 31). Such meetings Ezra reproduced in Palestine\namongst those who returned from Babylon (Ezra viii. 15; Neh. viii. 2;\nix. i, &c.), and after the Maccab\u00e6an period they spread through every\ntown and village, and in course of time gave rise to buildings called\n_Synagogues_, in which they might be held.\n\ni. These Houses of Meeting varied in size according to the town or\nvillage in which they were built[148]. They were usually erected on the\nhighest ground available, and so constructed, that a worshipper, when\nentering, or kneeling in prayer, might have his face towards Jerusalem.\nLike the ancient Tabernacle, they were divided into two parts by a\nhanging veil, behind which, at the upper end or that facing Jerusalem,\nwas the ark containing the Book of the Law. Before this veil were\nthe \u201cchief seats,\u201d for which the Pharisees strove so eagerly (Matt.\nxxiii. 6); a silver lamp always kept burning; and an eight-branched\ncandlestick, only lighted on the greater festivals. About the centre\nof the building was a raised platform, on which was a desk, where the\nreader _stood_ to read the lesson or _sat down_ to teach (Acts xiii. 16;\nLk. iv. 20). All round were seats, where the men sat on one side, and\nthe women on the other, separated by a low partition[149].\n\nii. The chief officers of each synagogue were (a) a kind of Chapter\nor college of elders, presided over by the _ruler of the Synagogue_\n(Lk. viii. 41, 49; Acts xviii. 8, 17), who superintended the services,\nand had the power of excommunication[150]; (b) the _Sheliach_, or\nofficiating minister, who read the prayers and the Law; (c) the\n_Chazzan_, \u1f51\u03c0\u03b7\u03c1\u03ad\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 (Lk. iv. 20), a sort of deacon, whose office it\nwas to open the doors, prepare the room for service, maintain order,\nscourge the condemned; (d) ten men called _Batlanim_ (men of leisure),\nwho attended the week-day as well as sabbath services, and were at once\nrepresentatives of the congregation, and collectors of alms[151].\n\niii. The worship of the Synagogues was on the model of the Temple\nServices, and at the same hours, the third, sixth, and ninth[152]\n(Acts iii. 1; x. 3, 9). On entering, the people bowed towards the ark,\nand took their places in the body of the building; the elders ranged\nthemselves on the raised platform; the rich went up to the \u201cchief\nseats\u201d near the ark. A prayer was said, and a psalm was sung. Then\nthe _Chazzan_ walked towards the veil, drew it aside with reverence,\ntook out the Book of the Law from the ark; and as he carried it to the\nplatform, on which the _Sheliach_ stood, every one pressed forward to\nkiss or touch it with his hand.\n\nTaking the roll, the _Sheliach_ rose, and commenced reading a portion\naccording to a fixed cycle, the interpreter rendering the sacred\nverses from the Hebrew into the vulgar tongue[153]. The writings of\nthe Prophets formed a second lesson, and were also read according to\na fixed order. Then followed the delivery by one of the Elders sitting,\nof the _word of exhortation_ (Lk. iv.; Acts xiii. 15), at the close\nof which the roll of the Law was carried back towards the ark, while\nas before, men and women stretched out their hands and tried to touch\nor kiss it. The Law replaced in the ark, the Prayers began and were\ncarried on till the close of the service.\n\nSuch were the Synagogues, one of which was at this time to be found\nin every town, and almost in every village throughout Palestine,\nas also in every city in Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece, where was a\nJewish settlement. In Jerusalem itself there are said to have been\nupwards of 480[154], some of which were built specially for the use\nof the foreign Jews of Cilicia, Alexandria, and other countries,\nresident in or visiting the capital. Comp. Acts vi. 9. Where the Jews\ndid not exist in sufficient numbers to found or fill a synagogue,\na Proseucha[155] or \u2018Place of Prayer\u2019 was built, sometimes open,\nsometimes covered in, usually outside towns and near running water,\nfor the ablutions before prayer (Acts xvi. 13).\n\nIt is easy to see how the synagogues thus scattered through wellnigh\nevery town or city in the countries bordering on the Mediterranean,\nand in which not \u201cMoses\u201d only but \u201cthe Prophets\u201d _were read every\nsabbath-day_ (Acts xv. 21), tended to keep alive Israel\u2019s hopes of the\nAdvent of the Messiah, and to diffuse the expectation of the kingdom of\nHeaven.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _THE JEWISH SECTS._\n\n\nHAVING considered in the previous Chapter the wide dispersion of the\nJewish nation, the change in their language, and the general adoption\nof synagogue worship, we shall now proceed to notice the rise of\nvarious sects among the Jews themselves.\n\n(i) Of these sects the most important were (a) THE SADDUCEES, (b) THE\nPHARISEES, (c) THE ESSENES, (d) THE HERODIANS.\n\n(a) _The Sadducees._\n\nIt has been already observed that the long-continued subjection of\nthe Jews to Grecian monarchs exerted a very marked influence on their\nhabits and modes of life. Familiar not only with the language but\nthe literature and philosophy of Greece, many acquired a strong taste\nfor Grecian studies, preferred the Grecian religion to their own,\nadopted Grecian manners, and practised Grecian arts[156]. We have seen\nfrom time to time how it became the fashion even for many amongst the\nhighest families to adopt Grecian names, and to recommend themselves\nin every conceivable way to Grecian rulers in the courts of Alexandria\nand Antioch. The Law, with its restraints and strict requirements, was\nregarded by them as a heavy yoke, and they affected the gymnasia, the\ntheatres, and all the worldly pleasures of Grecian life.\n\nTo such aspirants after freedom the principles of the Epicurean\nphilosophy would naturally recommend themselves, the more so as they\nfound special acceptance in the Syrian courts. Amongst the scholars\nof Simon the Just[157] was Antigonus of Socho, the first of the\nJewish doctors who bears a Greek name. Antigonus was the master of\none Sadoc[158] (B.C. 291\u2013260), the essence of whose teaching was that\nvirtue is its own reward, that men ought not to serve the Lord for the\nsake of gain, but to do good because it is right.\n\nTrue as this doctrine was in itself, it was perverted by the\ndisciples of Sadoc, who first attract our attention under the name\nof _Sadducees_[159], in the time of Jonathan the Asmonean[160]. While\non the one hand especially after the Maccab\u00e6an period, they were far\nremoved from any actual adoption of Grecian customs, or apostasy from\nthe national faith, yet on the other, they betrayed evident marks of\nthe influence on their opinions of Grecian philosophy.\n\nHence they denied the doctrine of the Resurrection[161] (Mtt. xxii. 23;\nLk. xx. 27), any rewards or punishments after death, and the existence\nof angels or spirits (Acts xxiii. 8). Holding that the actions of men\ndepended entirely on their own free will, they denied that there was\nsuch a thing as destiny, and while they admitted the creation, they\nremoved the Deity as far as possible from any actual administration of\nthe world. It has been thought that they recognised as Scripture only\nthe five books of Moses, but the truth appears to be that while holding\nthe Law in higher estimation than the prophetical and other books of\nScripture, they acknowledged the authority of the Old Testament like\nthe rest of the Jews, but refused to hold the authority of tradition.\n\nAiming as they did at a philosophic elevation of sentiment they\nfound little favour with the common people, and caring little about\nmaking proselytes numbered their followers chiefly among the rich and\npowerful[162], and especially the young men of Jud\u00e6a, and those who\nwere in a position to live a life of ease and worldly enjoyment[163].\n\n(b) _The Pharisees._\n\nThe tendency to adopt Grecian customs and modes of thought above\nalluded to was not, of course, shared by the entire nation. When\nMattathias unfurled the banner of revolt against the heathenizing\npolicy of Antiochus Epiphanes, it will be remembered that he was joined\nbefore long by a class calling themselves _Assideans_[164] (1 Macc.\nii. 42), who seem to have been already in existence as a distinct party,\nand bound by a vow to the strict observance of the Law. The name they\nassumed sufficiently indicates their views. Living in times when their\ncountrymen were becoming more and more infected with heathen customs,\nthey protested against such declension from the spirit of the law, and\nin opposition to _the impious_ (1 Macc. iii. 8; vi. 21; vii. 5), _the\nlawless_ (1 Macc. iii. 6; ix. 23), _the transgressors_ (1 Macc. i. 11),\nas they called the Hellenizing faction, adopted for themselves the\ntitle of the Assideans, _the pious_, and in these days of _mixing_\n(2 Macc. xiv. 3, 38) maintained the strictest observance of the\nLaw[165].\n\nAmongst a nation, which prided itself on its distinction from all other\npeople on the earth, such a party would naturally have great influence,\nand when the Maccabees triumphed over their Syrian tyrants, the tenets\nof the Assideans rapidly gained ground, and received their complete\ndevelopment in those of the _Pharisees_, from _Perashin_, to separate,\n_the Separatists_, who are also first distinctly mentioned during the\ntime of the high-priest Jonathan, B.C. 145[166].\n\nLike their earlier prototypes, the Pharisees were distinguished by\ngreat zeal for the Mosaic Law and the whole Canon of Scripture. But\nin their rigorous interpretation of its precepts and doctrines, they\nwere mainly guided by Oral Tradition, _the traditions of the Elders_\n(Mtt. xv. 2; Mk. vii. 3). This Oral Tradition, which was regarded as\nsupplementary to the written Law, was said to have been received by\nMoses on Sinai, to have been delivered by him to Joshua, by Joshua to\nthe elders, by the elders to the prophets, by the prophets to the men\nof the Great Synagogue.\n\nOf this Law the Pharisees were regarded as the highest interpreters,\nand presided over various schools, the principal of which in the time\nof the New Testament, were those of Hillel and Shammai, the former a\nmoderate, the latter the strictest sect.\n\nThey held, (i) the existence of angels and spirits, good and\nbad; (ii) the immortality of the soul; (iii) a state of rewards\nand punishments after death; (iv) a resurrection of the just and\nunjust[167] (Comp. Acts xxiii. 8). As exponents of the Law, (i) they\nattached an undue importance to the outward act as compared with the\ninward spirit and motive; (ii) they were rigorous in exacting every\nexternal ceremonial, especially in reference to washings, fastings,\ntithes and alms; and (iii) were noted for pride and austerity.\n\nTheir political influence we have already seen was very great[168].\nHolding strongly that the nation ought to be independent of foreign\nrule, standing high in favour with the people, and especially with\nthe women[169], pervading the entire country and forming the majority\nin the Sanhedrin, they wielded a very considerable power in the\nstate, against which we have seen Hyrcanus, and Jann\u00e6us, vainly\nstruggling[170], and which Herod, with all his energy, was unable to\ncontrol.\n\nThe writings of the New Testament illustrate, amongst many others, the\nfollowing features of their character as a sect: _their high repute_,\nJn. vii. 48; Acts xxii. 3; _their regard for externals_, while they\ndisregarded the weightier matters of the Law, Mtt. xxiii. 24; xii. 2, 7;\nMk. vii. 1; Lk. vi. 7; Jn. ix. 16, &c.; _their regard to tradition_,\nMtt. xv. 2; Mk. vii. 3; _their scrupulous exactness of washings, tithes,\nalms_, &c., Mtt. ix. 14; xxiii. 15, 23; Lk. xi. 39 sq.; xviii. 12;\n_their excessive zeal in making proselytes_[171], Mtt. xxiii. 15;\n_their lax morality_, Mtt. v. 20; xv. 4, 8; xxiii. 3, 14, 23, 25;\nJn. viii. 7.\n\n(c) _The Essenes._\n\nThough nowhere mentioned in the New Testament, the _Essenes_ were\na numerous body, amounting, according to Philo, to upwards of 4000.\nDating, like the other sects already mentioned, from about the middle\nof the second century B.C., they formed a purely ascetic order, and\ndwelt far from the distractions of their age in the villages along\nthe western shore of the Dead Sea, where they led a life of labour,\nabstinence, and meditation[172].\n\nThey were divided into four orders, but permitted marriage only in one\nof them, maintained a community of goods, and inculcated a hatred of\nall riches and all luxury. Sacrifice they did not allow, and though\nthey sent gifts to the Temple, never resorted to it, but held religious\nassemblies on the Sabbath, where they read the Scriptures, and listened\nto the expositions of their elders.\n\nEven in their intercourse with one another they observed the greatest\nsecrecy, dreaded contact with all who were not circumcised, and would\nrather die than eat food which had not been prepared by themselves or\nthose of their own order.\n\n(d) _The Herodians._\n\nThis sect, which is twice mentioned in the Gospels (Mtt. xxii. 16;\nMk. iii. 6; xii. 13), was rather a political than a religious body.\nTaking alike their names and their views from the family of Herod, the\nHerodians held that the hopes of the Jewish nation rested on the Herods\nas a bulwark against Roman ambition, and almost looked to them for a\nfulfilment of the prophecies of the Messiah[173]. Hence many amongst\nthem would not regard with dissatisfaction that fusion of the national\nfaith and heathen civilisation, which it was the great object of Herod\nthe Great and his successors to bring about.\n\nIt is not improbable that the Herodians in some respects approached\nvery nearly to the Sadducees in their opinions (Comp. Mk. viii. 15 with\nMtt. xvi. 6), for both would hold the duty of submission to the Romans,\nand join in supporting the throne of Herod. The hostility of the\nPharisees to the teaching of our blessed Lord may be estimated by the\nfact that they joined their enemies the Herodians in attempting to\nensnare Him (Mtt. xxii. 16).\n\n(ii) Before concluding this Chapter, this seems the appropriate place\nfor noticing _the Samaritans_, who are frequently mentioned in the New\nTestament.\n\nIn the year B.C. 721 Sargon captured Samaria, and removed into\ncaptivity the remains of the ten tribes, already decimated by\nTiglath-Pileser[174], and located them partly in Gozan or Mygdonia,\nand partly in cities recently captured from the Medes. This was not\na partial but a complete evacuation of the country, which was wiped\nclean of its inhabitants as _a man wipeth a dish_ (2 K. xxi. 13), in\naccordance with a not unusual custom of Oriental conquerors actually\nto exhaust a land of its inhabitants[175].\n\nIn this desolate condition the country remained till about the year\nB.C. 677, when Esarhaddon during the invasion of Judah perceived the\nimpolicy of leaving it thus exposed, and resolved to garrison it with\nforeigners. Accordingly he gathered men _from Babylon_, and _from\nCuthah_, and _from Ava_, and _from Hamath_, and _from Sepharvaim_ (2 K.\nxvii. 24; comp. Ezra iv. 2, 9, 10), and entrusting them to an officer\nof high rank, _the great and noble Asnapper_, had them conveyed to the\ncountry formerly occupied by the Ten Tribes, and there settled them.\n\nThese _strangers_ (comp. Lk. xvii. 18) from the further East[176] were\nof course idolaters, and worshipped various deities, and knowing not\nthe God of the land provoked Him by their heathenish rites to send\nlions among them, _which slew some of them_ (2 K. xvii. 25). In their\ndistress they applied to the king of Assyria, who sent one of the\ncaptive priests to instruct them _how they should fear the Lord_. Under\nhis teaching they added the acknowledgment of Jehovah as the God of\nthe land, to their ancient idolatries, and in course of time detached\nthemselves more and more from heathen customs, and adopted a sort of\nworship of Jehovah.\n\nRefused permission, on the return from the Captivity, to participate in\nthe rebuilding of the Temple, they became the open enemies of the Jews,\nand erected a rival temple on Mount Gerizim[177], where they continued\nto worship till it was destroyed by John Hyrcanus, B.C. 130. After this\nthey built another temple at Shechem, and there, under its modern name\nof _Nabl\u00fbs_, they have a settlement, consisting of about 200 persons,\nat the present hour.\n\nGradually detaching themselves from their ancient idolatries, the\nSamaritans adopted the Mosaic religion, but received as Scripture\nonly the Pentateuch, rejecting every other book in the Jewish Canon.\nThey celebrated the Passover (and celebrate it even now), on Mount\nGerizim, and even after their temple had fallen, directed their worship\ntowards that mountain. Holding the doctrine of the coming of the\nMessiah (Jn. iv. 25), whom they called _Hashah_, \u201cthe Converter[178],\u201d\ntheir conceptions of His functions and character were derived chiefly\nfrom the original promise of a Saviour (Gen. iii. 15), the Shiloh\nor Peace-maker predicted by Jacob (Gen. xlix. 10), and the Prophet\npromised to the Israelites like unto Moses (Num. xxiv. 17; Deut. xviii.\n15), and they mainly expected that He would _teach all things_ (Jn.\niv. 25), and restore the glory of the holy Law on Mount Gerizim[179].\n\nThe feud between the Jews and Samaritans, engendered by the refusal\nof the former to permit their participation in the rebuilding of the\nTemple, ripened into a mutual hostility of the most bitter description.\n\nThe Jews were perpetually reminding the Samaritans that they were\n\u201cCuthites,\u201d mere \u201cstrangers from Assyria.\u201d They loved to call them\n\u201cproselytes of the lions\u201d (2 K. xvii. 25), and to accuse them of\nworshipping the idol-gods buried long age under the oak of Shechem\n(Gen. xxxv. 4). To such an extent did they carry their dislike,\nthat they cursed them publicly in their synagogues; declared their\ntestimony was naught, and could not be received; affirmed that any\nwho entertained a Samaritan in his house was laying up judgments for\nhis children; that to eat a morsel of his fare was to eat swine\u2019s\nflesh[180]; refused to receive him as a proselyte, and declared that\nhe could have no part in the resurrection of the dead. Moreover they\nwould have no dealings with them that they could possibly avoid, and\nin travelling from the South to the North preferred to take the long\ncircuit through Per\u00e6a rather than pass through their hated country.\n\nOn the other hand, the Samaritans were not behind-hand in\nrecriminations. They would refuse hospitality to the pilgrim companies\ngoing up to the feasts at Jerusalem (Comp. Lk. ix. 53), and sometimes\neven waylay and murder them[181]. On one occasion certain of them\nare said to have entered the Temple at Jerusalem, and defiled it\nby scattering on the pavement human bones[182]. One special mode of\nannoyance was frequently practised. The Jews were in the habit of\ncommunicating to their numerous brethren in Babylon, the exact day and\nhour of the rising of the Paschal moon, by means of a system of beacon\nfires, which telegraphed the welcome news from the Mount of Olives,\nthrough Auranitis, to those who _sat by the waters of the Babylon_. The\nSamaritans would, therefore, annoy the watchers on the mountain-tops\nby kindling a rival flame on the wrong day, and thus perplex them, and\nintroduce confusion.\n\n\n\n\n NOTE.\n\n _The Expectation of the Messiah._\n\n\nFrom the earliest period of their national history the Jews had been\npre-eminently \u201cthe people of the future,\u201d and at the period we have\nnow reached they were filled with the expectation that an extraordinary\nBeing would appear, and prove Himself the Messiah or Deliverer. But\nthough in the Temple of Prophecy[183] there had from the beginning\never been heard two Voices mysteriously blended, one jubilant and glad,\ntelling of victory and of triumph, the other subdued and mournful,\nwhispering of shame and suffering, yet to one of these Voices only had\nattention been really paid.\n\nThe characteristics attributed by the nation to the Messiah were\n(i) _regal_, and (ii) _prophetic_.\n\ni. Many looked for a great Conqueror, whom God would send, investing\nHim with the attributes of majesty and humanity, describing Him\nas the \u201cElect One,\u201d the \u201cAnointed,\u201d the \u201cSon of Man,\u201d who should\n\u201cexecute a terrible vengeance on the enemies of His people,\u201d \u201ccleanse\nJerusalem,\u201d and exalt the Jews above all other nations[184]. These\nattributes, ascribed to the Messiah in early Jewish literature, receive\nillustration from the Gospel Narrative. It was the opinion of the\nnational teachers that His coming would be heralded by Elias, and\nthe belief was shared by the common people (Mtt. xvii. 10 and the\nparallels; Comp. also xvi. 14).\n\nThere was considerable uncertainty, indeed, as to the precise _manner_\nof His appearance (Jn. vii. 27), but it was fully expected that He\nwould be born _at Bethlehem, the city of David_ (Mtt. ii. 5; Comp.\nJn. vii. 41, 42); that He would be _David\u2019s Son_, and should _sit on\nDavid\u2019s throne_ (Mtt. xxii. 42; xii. 23; ix. 27; xx. 30; xv. 22); that\nHe would _abide for ever_ and _set up a kingdom_ in which He would\ndispense honours _on His right hand and on His left_ (Mtt. xx. 21;\nMk. x. 37).\n\nii. With these regal attributes others combined prophetic functions,\nand looked for _the Prophet_ that should come into the world (Comp. Jn.\nvi. 14; i. 21, 46; vii. 40; 1 Macc. xiv. 41), expecting that He would\nshow \u201csigns\u201d not unlike the giving of the manna in the wilderness,\nand instruct the people _in all things_ (Jn. iv. 25), and instead of\naltering or abolishing any of the Mosaic ordinances, would enhance\nthem to a greater glory, making the sacrifices, purifications, Sabbaths,\nfestivals, and all other usages, far more resplendent and glorious\nthan they had ever been before. That the Messiah would ever _suffer_\nor _die_ was an idea, from which, to the last, even the Apostles shrank\nwith horror and amazement (Mtt. xvi. 22, 23; Lk. xxiv. 21; Jn. xx. 9).\n\n\n\n\n BOOK II.\n\n THE GOSPEL HISTORY.\n\n\n\n\n PART I.\n\n THE BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD OF CHRIST.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _THE BIRTH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST._\n A.U.C. 749, B.C. 5.\n\n\nABOUT the year B.C. 5, when the bloodstained reign of Herod was\napproaching its close, there lived in Jud\u00e6a, either at the little\nvillage of Juttah, or the time-honoured city of Hebron[185], an aged\npriest named ZACHARIAS. His wife ELISABETH was also of the priestly\nfamily (Lk. i. 5), and both enjoyed a high reputation for piety and\nuprightness of life, being alike _righteous before God, walking in all\nthe commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless_ (Lk. i. 6). One\ngreat sorrow, however, cast a deep shadow over their daily life. They\nwere now old and well-stricken in age, but no child had ever gladdened\ntheir humble home.\n\nIn the time of Solomon the priests were divided into twenty-four\n\u201ccourses,\u201d each of which served at the Temple in weekly rotation\n(1 Chr. xxiv. 1\u201319). Of these, four only returned from the captivity,\nbut they were again divided into twenty-four, and received the same\nnames as the original courses. The course, to which Zacharias belonged,\nwas the eighth, known as that of Abiah or Abijah (1 Chr. xxiv. 10), and\nin process of time, in accordance with the prescribed arrangement, it\ndevolved on him to go up to the Holy City. Of all the services at the\nTemple (which to avoid contention were uniformly decided by lot), none\nwas deemed more honourable than that of entering into the Holy Place\nand offering incense on the Golden Altar[186]. This was done twice\nevery day, before the morning and evening sacrifice, _i.e._ at 9 in the\nmorning and 3 in the afternoon. The sound of a small bell announced the\npriests\u2019 entrance for this purpose, and on hearing it the Priests and\nLevites took up their position before the Altar of Burnt-offering, the\nspace between the Porch and the Altar was cleared, and the people in\nthe different courts stood and prayed in solemn silence (Rev. viii. 1)\nso long as he remained within the Holy Place. As soon, however, as he\nreappeared, they laid the sacrifice on the altar, and the Levites,\namidst the full burst of the Temple music, commenced the sacred\nPsalmody[187].\n\nSuch was the august office which now fell to the lot of Zacharias.\nBearing the incense in a large vessel of gold, he entered into the Holy\nPlace, and was kindling it on the Golden Altar, when he was accosted\nby an Angel standing at the right side of the Altar. This sudden\napparition startled and affrighted him. But the Angel calmed his\nfears, and announced that the prayers he had offered to God in secret\nwere heard. Though Elisabeth was stricken in years, she should yet\nbecome the mother of a son, who was to be named JOHN[188]. From the\nfirst hour of his existence this child should be filled with the Holy\nGhost, and drinking neither wine nor strong drink, in accordance with\nthe Nazarite\u2019s vow, _should be great in the sight of the Lord_. As\nthe second Elijah, to whom the finger of prophecy had pointed (Isai.\nxl. 3; Mal. iii. 1), he should be the immediate forerunner of the\nlong-expected Messiah, and _make ready a people prepared for him_\n(Lk. i. 12\u201317).\n\nAstounded by so sudden an announcement, the aged priest sought some\nassurance of the promised blessing. On this the Angel, who announced\nhimself as no other than he that had appeared many years before to\nthe prophet Daniel under the name of GABRIEL (Dan. viii. 16; ix. 21),\nreplied, that such an assurance would be vouchsafed, but, because of\nhis unbelief, it should be in the shape of a judgment. _He should be\ndumb, and not able to speak, till the day that these things should be\nperformed_ (Lk. i. 20).\n\nWhile Zacharias was receiving this mysterious intimation within\nthe Sanctuary, the people[189], who crowded the Temple-courts, were\nanxiously expecting his return, and marvelled at his unusual delay. At\nlength he reappeared. But his strange aspect shewed that something had\noccurred. When questioned he could not return any answer, and intimated\nby signs that he had seen a vision in the Sacred Place. Then at the\nclose of his week of ministration he returned to his own house, where,\nin accordance with the announcement of the Angel, Elisabeth _conceived,\nand hid herself for five months_ in quiet and peaceful retirement\n(Lk. i. 24).\n\nSix months after his appearance in the Temple, the same Angel was sent\nfrom God to NAZARETH[190], a secluded village unknown and unnamed in\nthe Old Testament, hidden away amongst the hills of Galilee, and within\nthe limits of the ancient tribe of Zebulun. At this village there lived\na lowly Virgin named MARY, or Miriam. She belonged to the royal tribe\nof Judah, and the lineage of David (Lk. i. 32; Rom. i. 3), and was\nconnected by marriage with Elisabeth (Lk. i. 27), who belonged to the\ntribe of Levi. Moreover, she was at this time betrothed to Joseph, who\noccupied a humble position as a carpenter at Nazareth, but like herself\nwas _of the lineage of David_ (Lk. i. 27; ii. 4).\n\nTo this lowly Virgin the Angel Gabriel now appeared, and announced that\nby virtue of the operation of the Holy Ghost, she should become the\nmother of a SON, whom she was to call JESUS[191] (_God the Saviour_).\nHe should be great, and should be called the Son of the Highest, should\n_sit on the throne of His father David, and reign over the house of\nJacob for ever_ (Lk. i. 30\u201333). Though at first startled at the sudden\naddress of an angelic visitant (Lk. i. 29), the Virgin received his\nannouncement with implicit faith, and prayed that it _might be with\nher according to his word_ (Lk. i. 38), and being informed of what had\noccurred to her relative Elisabeth, arose with haste to seek out her\nhome amidst the Jud\u00e6an hills. The journey of four or five days[192]\naccomplished, she reached the humble abode, and had no sooner crossed\nthe threshold, and saluted the aged wife of Zacharias, than the\nother addressed her as _the mother of her Lord_, and fully confirmed\nthe words of the angel. Thus assured of the certainty of the mighty\nevent about to happen, the lowly virgin, like Hannah at the birth\nof Samuel, burst forth into words of holy praise and exultation,\nand gave utterance to the inspired hymn, which under the name of the\n_Magnificat_, remains one of the most precious treasures of the Church,\nand the most familiar of her hymns (Lk. i. 46\u201356).\n\nAfter a sojourn of about three months with Elisabeth, Mary returned\nto Nazareth, and Joseph perceived that she was with child. Being a\njust man, he resolved on privately giving her a bill of divorcement,\ninstead of making her a _public example_ (Mtt. i. 19). But as in deep\nperplexity he pondered on these things, he too was visited by an Angel\nin a dream, and bidden not to be afraid to take to him Mary as his wife.\nThat which was conceived in her was _not of blood, nor of the will of\nthe flesh, nor of the will of man_, but of the Holy Ghost, and the SON,\nto whom she would give birth, he was to name JESUS, for _He should save\nHis people from their sins_ (Mtt. i. 21).\n\nMeanwhile the event announced in the Temple to the aged Zacharias had\ntaken place, and Elisabeth brought forth a son. Such an event in the\nEast is always an occasion of unbounded joy. In the present instance it\nwould be still more so, and the relatives and neighbours of Elisabeth\ncame together with no ordinary feelings to rejoice with her. On the\neighth day, the child was brought to the priest for circumcision, and\nthe relatives proposed that it should be named after his father, but\nElisabeth demurred, and declared that it should be called JOHN (_the\ngrace of God_). Marvelling at her wishing for a name, which had no\nprecedent in the family, they appealed by signs to the speechless\nZacharias. The aged priest called for a writing tablet, and wrote\n_His name is John_, and then, while all were lost in astonishment, his\nmouth, which had been closed for nine months, was opened, and he too\nburst forth into an inspired Psalm of exultant thanksgiving, in which\nhe acknowledged the faithfulness of God in the birth of his son, and\nforetold his future greatness as the forerunner of the Messiah (Lk. i.\n61\u201379).\n\nBorn as _one out of due time_ the child grew, _waxed strong in spirit_\n(Lk. i. 80), and, in accordance with the words of the Angel, adhered\nsteadfastly to the Nazarite vow[193]. Like Samson, like Samuel, no\nrazor was suffered to come near his head. Drinking _neither wine nor\nstrong drink_, he systematically denied himself all the pleasures\nand indulgences of ordinary life. The son of a priest, he doubtless\nreceived a strict religious education, and at some period, though when\nwe are not told, retired to the dreary deserts west of the Dead Sea.\nHere, like Moses in Midian, he prepared himself by solitary communion\nwith God for his high emprise, assumed the garb of one of the old\nprophets, the robe of camel\u2019s hair fastened round the body by a\nleathern girdle (2 K. i. 8), and subsisted on such fare as the desert\nafforded, eating _locusts[194] and wild honey_ (Mtt. iii. 4).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST._\n A.U.C. 750, B.C. 4.\n\n\nTHE voice of Prophecy (Mic. v. 2) had declared that the Messiah should\nbe born at Bethlehem of Jud\u00e6a, a spot endeared to every Jew as the\nbirth-place of the son of Jesse. Though Mary was now living at Nazareth,\na circumstance apparently fortuitous, under the superintending hand of\nDivine Providence, brought about a fulfilment of the prediction.\n\nAt this particular period there was peace throughout the dominions\nof the Roman empire. The Temple of Janus was shut[195]. The fierce\ncontests, which for so many years had been carried on with such\nrelentless persistence, which had drenched with blood the fairest\nfields in the dominions of Augustus, had ceased, and the din of battles\nwas hushed. As that monarch revolved in his mind the most suitable\nmeans for the administration of his numerous dependencies, it occurred\nto him that it would be well to carry out a general registration[196]\nof all his subjects, with a view to some fixed scale of taxation. He\nissued, therefore, a decree that _all the world_, which owned his sway,\nshould _be taxed_[197] (Lk. ii. 1). Jud\u00e6a was not indeed at this time\na Roman \u201cprovince,\u201d but its reduction to that condition sooner or later\nwas already determined[198]. The imperial edict, therefore, declaring\nthe will of his master was placed in the hands of the Idum\u00e6an Herod as\nin those of other rulers, and he would naturally ordain that while the\nRoman orders were obeyed, the customs and traditions of the country\nshould not be entirely overridden[199].\n\nToilsome, therefore, as was the journey, and not altogether free from\ndanger, the Virgin left the place of her usual abode, and set out for\nthe village of Bethlehem accompanied by Joseph. This he would have done\nas her natural protector, but the Jewish law required his presence in\nthe town of his forefathers, _because he_, like Mary, _was of the house\nand lineage of David_ (Lk. ii. 4)[200]. Accordingly, in the society,\nprobably, of others bound on the same errand as themselves, they\nproceeded on their southward journey, either through Samaria or across\nthe Jordan through Per\u00e6a[201], and after probably visiting and passing\nthrough Jerusalem, surmounted the long ascent leading to the village\nof Bethlehem, and sought shelter in the inn or _khan_, which the\ninhabitants had provided for the reception of strangers.\n\nBut they had reached it too late. Every guest-chamber was already\nfull, and crowded with strangers, who, like themselves, had come up\nto be taxed. They were constrained, therefore, to seek shelter amongst\nthe cattle and beasts of burden of the wayfarers, and so it was, that\nwhile they were there, the days were accomplished that the lowly Virgin\nshould be delivered, and _she brought forth her firstborn Son_, and\n_wrapped him in swaddling clothes_, and laid Him in one of the mangers\nby her side (Lk. ii. 6, 7).\n\nSuch was the first Advent of the Saviour \u201cin great humility.\u201d Thus\ndid He who was with the Father before all worlds, _by whom all things\nwere made, and without whom was not any thing made that was made_\n(Jn. i. 1\u20133), deign to take upon Him our nature. Unimportant, however,\nas appeared the event that had just taken place in that crowded inn,\nunknown to the Idum\u00e6an Herod, unknown to his imperial master in the\nCity of the C\u00e6sars, signs were not wanting that it had moved all heaven\nto its centre, and was there hailed with rapturous acclaim. On the\nbleak downs of Bethlehem shepherds were that night keeping watch over\ntheir flocks, when suddenly there came upon them a light brighter than\nthe brightest of the countless stars that spangled the midnight sky,\nand _the glory of the Lord shone round about them_ (Lk. ii. 9). Sore\nafraid, they would have fled in dismay. But a Voice came to them which\ncalmed their fears. An Angel addressed them, and announced the Glad\nTidings that in the city of David had that day been born to them\n_a Saviour, even Christ the Lord_, whom they would find _wrapped in\nswaddling clothes and lying in a manger_ (Lk. ii. 11, 12). He ceased,\nand then a multitude of the heavenly host brake the silence of the\nnight, and sang _Glory to God in the highest, and on earth Peace,\nGoodwill towards men_. Such an announcement roused all the wonder of\nthe simple, humble men who heard it. Hastily leaving their flocks they\nrepaired to Bethlehem, where they _found Mary and Joseph, and the Babe\nlying in the manger_, and recounted all that they had heard from the\nheavenly visitants concerning the Child. Great was the astonishment\nof those who listened to their tale, but the holy Virgin treasured\ntheir words in her heart, and the shepherds returned to their lowly\noccupation, glorifying and praising God for all they had seen and heard\n(Lk. ii. 16\u201320).\n\nBorn _under the Law_ (Gal. iv. 4) the Saviour was to submit to all\nits ordinances. Accordingly on the eighth day after His birth He\nwas circumcised, like any other Jewish child, and received the name\nof JESUS. Moreover on the fortieth day after His birth, the Virgin\nrepaired to the Temple, and presented her humble offering of a _pair\nof turtle doves or two young pigeons_ (Lev. xii. 2, 6, 8), according\nto the law of her purification. Without pomp or earthly circumstance,\nthe infant Saviour, the Messenger of the Covenant, came to His temple\n(Mal. iii. 1), and might have left it equally unnoticed. But two humble\nworshippers, who had long been _waiting for the consolation of Israel_\n(Lk. ii. 25), recognized \u201cin helpless infancy and clad in mortal flesh\u201d\nthe long-expected Messiah.\n\nThere was living at Jerusalem a _just and devout man_ named SYMEON.\nThough far advanced in years, he had received divine intimation that\nhe _should not see death_ till his eyes had rested on the Lord\u2019s\nChrist. He was now present at the national sanctuary, when His parents\nbrought in the Child _to do for Him after the custom of the Law_ (Lk.\nii. 27), and no sooner did he behold the Child, than he saw that the\nlong-promised hour was come. He _took Him up in his arms_, and blessed\nGod that at length his eyes had been permitted to _see His Salvation,\nthe Light to lighten the Gentiles, and the Glory of His people Israel_\n(Lk. ii. 32). Then while Joseph and Mary were marvelling at his words,\nthe aged seer, already on the verge of the eternal world, blessed them\nalso, and addressing the Virgin Mother declared that her Child was\n_appointed for the fall and rising again of many in Israel_, and that\n_a sword should_ in days to come _pierce through her own heart_. At\nthe same time there came forward an aged woman, a prophetess, ANNA,\nthe daughter of Phanuel. Seven years had she lived with her husband\nafter quitting her maiden state, and since his death had remained in\nwidowhood upwards of 84 years. Though the territories of the tribe of\nAsher, to which she belonged (Lk. ii. 36), were at a great distance\nfrom the Holy City, yet there she had taken up her abode, and was\nconstant in every act of worship and in her attendance at every sacred\nservice. She too drew near while the Holy Child was being brought into\nHis Father\u2019s house, and, like the aged Symeon, _gave thanks to God_,\nand _spake of Him to all those that were looking for redemption in\nJerusalem_ (Lk. ii. 38).\n\nBut as she was thus proclaiming to the faithful in the Holy City the\nAdvent of their King, pilgrims and worshippers were drawing near from\nfar different and far distant lands. A short time after Joseph and\nMary had returned to Bethlehem, there appeared certain travel-stained\npilgrims, whose arrival stirred Jerusalem to its very centre. In their\nnative home in Arabia or Persia, their attention had been directed to\na luminous body in the sky, which had guided them to Palestine, and\nthey now enquired where was He that was _born King of the Jews_[202],\nand declared that they had seen His star in the East, and had come \nto worship Him. The arrival of these Magi[203], as they were called \nin their own land, was quickly announced to Herod, and the enquiry \nrespecting an hereditary _King of the Jews_ roused the alarm and \nsuspicion of one so jealous for the integrity of his own dynasty[204]. \nHastily convening a formal assembly of the Chief Priests and Scribes, \nhe enquired where, according to the prophetical books, the long-\nexpected Messiah was to be born. Without the least hesitation they \npointed to the words of the prophet Micah (v. 2), which declared \n_Bethlehem in Jud\u00e6a_ to be the favoured place. On this the monarch \nsought a private interview with the Magi (Mtt. ii. 7), and made \ndiligent enquiries respecting the time of the appearance of the Star, \nand then bade them repair to Bethlehem and seek diligently for the \nyoung Child, declaring his intention, if they found Him, to come \nhimself and lay his honours at the feet of the heir of David\u2019s throne.\n\nThus advised the Magi set out, when lo! the Star, which they had seen\nin their far-off eastern home appeared before them, and guided their\nfeet to the lowly abode where lay the object of their search. With\ngreat joy (Mtt. ii. 10) they entered the house, and seeing the young\nchild and Mary His mother fell down and worshipped Him, and opening\ntheir treasures brought forth costly gifts of _gold, frankincense, and\nmyrrh_[205]. Then warned in a dream not to return to the perfidious\ntyrant, they made their way to their own land by another route. Thus\nHE, who had been \u201cmanifested\u201d to the shepherds, to the faithful Symeon\nand Anna, was manifested also to these His first Gentile worshippers\nfrom the distant East.\n\nBut that same night Joseph was also warned in a dream, of peril\nawaiting the young Child. Herod was watching his opportunity to put Him\nto death, and it was necessary that he should fly. So Joseph arose, and\ntaking the Infant and His mother, went down into Egypt, where He and\nthey were to remain till they received further intimations respecting\ntheir course.\n\nTheir departure had not been too soon. Perceiving that the strange\nvisitors to his capital had not returned, and that his design against\nthe young Child\u2019s life had been frustrated, with a reckless ferocity,\nwhich, we have seen, he too often displayed, Herod sent and slew every\nmale child in Bethlehem _from two years old and under_, to make sure\nthat he had included the Object of his terrible vengeance. His cruel\nedict was carried out, and filled many a home in Bethlehem with sorrow\nand mourning[206]. The voice of lamentation and weeping arose in Ramah,\nof which an inspired Prophet (Jer. xxxi. 15) had spoken 400 years\nbefore, and which the Jewish historian Josephus does not record, even\nif he knew of it, as though it was a matter of little moment compared\nwith other atrocities[207] of the same monarch, who could butcher on\none occasion well-nigh every member of the Sanhedrin[208], and on the\nvery eve of his death meditate the wholesale slaughter of the chiefs of\nthe Jews in the Hippodrome[209] at Jericho.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _THE SAVIOUR\u2019S EARLY LIFE AT NAZARETH._\n B.C. 4\u2012A.D. 27.\n\n\nTHIS ferocious action was one of the last crimes in the bloodthirsty\ncareer of this guilty monarch. Very shortly afterwards he died under\ncircumstances already related[210] at Jericho A.U.C 750. This event was\nmade known to Joseph by an Angel in a dream (Mtt. ii. 19), and he was\nbidden to arise and return with the young Child and His mother into the\nland of Israel. Accordingly he set out, but hearing that the tyrant\u2019s\nson Archelaus[211], who enjoyed a reputation worthy of his father,\nwas reigning in his stead, he was afraid to continue his journey, and\nwas only encouraged to proceed by another supernatural intimation. The\nplace whither he was to go had not before been distinctly specified,\nand he might have supposed that Bethlehem, the city of David, was the\nproper place to rear the Son of David, so near to Jerusalem, the most\nreligious, the most sacred part of Palestine[212]. But now he was\ndirected to repair to the safer obscurity of his former residence\nin Galilee, and accordingly went down from the highlands of Jud\u00e6a to\nNazareth, and there the Holy Child _grew and waxed strong in spirit,\nfilled with wisdom, and the grace of God was upon Him_ (Lk. ii. 40).\n\nFrom this time till the commencement of His public ministry a\nthick veil conceals from us all details of the Saviour\u2019s life. The\nEvangelists pass this period by with a solemn reserve. One event, and\none only, emerges from the obscurity that enshrouds it.\n\nIt was the custom of Joseph, and even of Mary[213], to go up year after\nyear to attend the celebration of the great festival of the Passover at\nJerusalem (Lk. ii. 41). When He had attained the age of twelve years,\nA.U.C. 762, the Holy Child accompanied them, having attained to that\nperiod of life when Jewish children were required to attend the feasts\nand began to be instructed in the Law. At the close of the Festival,\nand probably on the eighth day, His parents, in company with other\npilgrims (Lk. ii. 44), set out on their return to Galilee. On reaching,\nhowever, their resting-place on the first evening[214], they found\ntheir Son was missing, and, full of trouble and anxiety, returned a\nday\u2019s journey, and _sought Him amongst their kinsfolk and acquaintance_,\nand the travelling companies hastening homewards from the Holy City.\nBut they found Him not. Still another day was spent in searching for\nHim in the city itself, but with the same result. At length on the\nthird day[215] they found Him in the precincts of the Temple, probably\nin one of the chambers where the Rabbis were wont to give instruction\nduring the festivals[216], sitting in the midst of learned Masters of\nIsrael, not only listening to their words, but _asking them questions_.\nWhile all present were marvelling at the understanding He displayed,\nHis parents drew near, and were amazed to find their Son in the midst\nof so august an assemblage, and the holy Mother expostulated with Him\non the anxiety His absence had caused. To this He replied in artless\nbut mysterious words, _How is it that ye sought Me? Wist ye not that\nI must be about My Father\u2019s business?_ proving that even already He\nwas aware of His heavenly origin. Then, while they understood not the\nsaying, which nevertheless His Mother kept and treasured in her heart,\nHe went down with them to the lowly home in despised Galilee. There\nin meek subjection He abode beneath their humble roof, and probably\nshared[217] in His reputed father\u2019s earthly labours, _growing in wisdom\nand stature, and in favour with God and man_ (Lk. ii. 52; Mk. vi. 3).\n\nWhile thus in silence and seclusion the Holy One was advancing towards\nman\u2019s estate, great changes were taking place in the fortunes of the\nJewish nation, which now demand our attention.\n\nAfter the death of Herod some considerable delay took place before the\nconfirmation of his will by Augustus arrived from Rome, and Jerusalem\nwas the scene of tumult and violence. At length that emperor was\npleased to announce his approval, and Archelaus was appointed to\nthe government of Jud\u00e6a[218], Idum\u00e6a, and Samaria, with the title\nof ethnarch; Herod Antipas obtained Galilee[219] and Per\u00e6a[220];\nHerod Philip, Auranitis[221], Gaulanitis[222], Trachonitis[223],\nBatan\u00e6a[224] and Itur\u00e6a[225]; while Salome was declared mistress of\nJamnia, Azotus, and Phasa\u00eblis, with a palace at Askelon and a revenue\nof 60 talents[226]. The emperor promised to Archelaus the title of\nking, if he proved worthy of it. But his government was marked by such\ngross cruelty and injustice both towards the Jews and Samaritans that\ncomplaints were lodged against him before the emperor. After a reign,\ntherefore, of nine years he was summoned to Rome, and his cause having\nbeen formally heard, sentenced to be banished to Vienne in Gaul[227],\nand to forfeit his estates[228], A.D. 6.\n\nAnd now in truth the _sceptre departed from Judah_ (Gen. xlix. 10), and\nthe kingdom of David and Solomon, of the famous Asmonean house and of\nHerod, sank into the form of a Roman province[229], and was annexed to\nthe prefecture of Syria. This office was now conferred on P. Sulpicius\nQuirinus, but the immediate government of Jud\u00e6a and Samaria was given\nto a procurator, Coponius[230], a man of equestrian rank, who had a\nbody[231] of troops at his command, and was entrusted in certain cases\nwith the power of life and death[232].\n\nQuirinus, as we have seen above[233], had in all probability been\nalready governor of Syria, and in this capacity had conducted the\npreliminary enrolment of names preparatory to a general census. This\ncensus he was now entrusted to carry out[234], and with it a levying\nof imposts and rates in money. This was regarded by the Jews as the\nlast and most degrading mark of their subjection to a foreign power.\nThe whole country was in a ferment, and though the energy of the\nhigh-priest Joazar[235] repressed any actual outbreak at Jerusalem, the\npopular feeling could not be restrained in the provinces. At the head\nof the disaffected appeared one Judas of Gamala[236] in Gaulanitis.\n\nA man of energy, eloquence, and undaunted courage, he quickly gathered\naround him a body of adventurers, and aided by a confederate Sadoc,\nof the Pharisaic faction, unfurled the banner of resistance to foreign\ndominion, and especially to foreign tribute. For a time the country\nwas at the mercy of the fierce and lawless throng, which flocked to his\nstandard, but the effort was utterly fruitless. Nothing could withstand\nthe terrible Roman legions; Judas himself was slain (Acts v. 37), and\nhis followers were dispersed, but his work lived after him, and the\nZealots and Sicarii or _Assassins_, who drank deeply of his fierce\nand independent spirit, long kept alive the popular discontent under\na foreign sway.\n\nHaving completed the confiscation of the property of Archelaus,\nQuirinus deposed Joazar from the high-priesthood, and substituted in\nhis place Annas, the son of Seth[237], the ablest friend of Rome. He\nthen returned to Syria, and Coponius having planted a small garrison\non Zion and a guard at the Temple-gate, took up his abode at C\u00e6sarea\non the sea.\n\nSo long as Augustus filled the imperial throne the procurators in\nJud\u00e6a held their commands for a very limited number of years, and were\nrapidly changed. Thus Coponius, whose supremacy began in A.D. 6, was\nsucceeded after four years, in A.D. 10, by Marcus Ambivius[238]. In\nthree years Marcus Ambivius handed over the reins of power to Annius\nRufus, who in the following year made way for Valerius Gratus. But in\nA.D. 14 Augustus died, and Tiberius resolved that such rapid changes\nshould be discontinued[239]. Gratus, therefore, held his command till\nA.D. 26. He deposed the high-priest Annas, and set up Ishmael, son of\nPhabi, but a furious uproar ensuing he deposed Ishmael, and elevated\nEleazar, a son of Annas, to the pontificate, permitting the latter,\nunder the name of Sagan, or _deputy_, to discharge the spiritual\nfunctions of his office and conduct the ceremonial rites. But this\nappointment was of no long duration. Deeming Annas to possess too much\ninfluence the procurator deposed Eleazar, and set up Simon, son of\nKamith, who held the office for less than a year, and then made way for\nJoseph Caiaphas, the Sagan\u2019s son-in law[240]. These rapid changes shew\nhow entirely the high-priesthood was at this time at the mercy of the\nRoman governors.\n\nValerius Gratus was succeeded in A.D. 26[241] by Pontius Pilate[242].\nHe brought with him his wife, and a Roman household, established\nhimself at C\u00e6sarea, but repaired oftener than any of his predecessors\nto Jerusalem. Resolved to keep on good terms with the noble families,\nand to unite with himself as many as possible who were likely to\nhelp him to preserve the public peace, he suffered the Jewish priests\nto manage their own affairs. So Annas remained Sagan, and Caiaphas\nhigh-priest.\n\nBut one of his first acts roused the furious animosity of his new\nsubjects. He resolved to transport the head-quarters of the army\nfrom C\u00e6sarea to Jerusalem. With the soldiers, followed, as a matter\nof course, the standards, bearing the image of C\u00e6sar; but as they\nwere introduced in the night-time they did not at first attract\nattention[243]. No sooner, however, was the fact observed, than there\nwere no bounds to the rage of the people. They resorted in crowds to\nhis residence at C\u00e6sarea, and besought him to remove the obnoxious\nemblems. For five days they beset his palace, and at length he gave\nthe signal to his troops to put them to death, unless they desisted\nfrom troubling him. Thereupon the petitioners flung themselves upon\nthe ground, and declared their willingness to meet death in any\nshape, rather than see their city polluted with heathen symbols. Their\nundaunted bearing had its effect. The procurator deemed it best to\nconcede the point, and the standards were brought back to C\u00e6sarea.\n\nIn spite, however, of this warning, he on another occasion had a clear\nproof of the refractory spirit of the people. Anxious to signalise\nhis reign in Jud\u00e6a by erecting a noble aqueduct, which was to bring\na supply of water to the city from a distance of twenty-five miles,\nand wanting funds, he appropriated the Corban[244], or the money\nlaid up in the Temple and dedicated to God. This act roused the Jews\nto madness. They gathered in thousands and tens of thousands before\nhis palace-gates, obstructed the works, and demanded that the sacred\ntreasures should be restored[245]. Resolved not to be thwarted, Pilate\nordered a company of the legionaries, carrying daggers under their\ngarments, to surround and disperse them. The soldiers carried out his\norders with greater cruelty than he had intended, charged the rioters,\nchased them into the Temple-courts, slew great numbers, and wounded\nmany more, so that their blood was mingled with the blood of the\nvictims on the altar.\n\nSuch was the man who now presided over the province of Jud\u00e6a. Under his\nrule, and that of his predecessors, the Roman yoke cut more and more\ndeeply into the heart of the nation. Finding no hope from their own\nchiefs, who all sided with the Romans, the people prayed with increased\nearnestness that the Messiah, the Deliverer, would come. The Galil\u00e6ans\nin the North, the Separatists in the South waxed hotter and hotter in\ntheir hatred of their heathen rulers[246]. Many claiming the title of\nMessiah appeared, and gathered numbers of excited followers. But their\ncareers were soon cut short, and they were swept away before the Roman\nlegions.\n\nBut before Pilate had been many months in power, all Jerusalem and\nJud\u00e6a was roused by the appearance of a strange Preacher on the banks\nof the Jordan[247], announcing the advent of a very different Messiah\nfrom that expected by the nation, and the speedy establishment of a\nkingdom not of earth but of heaven.\n\n Illustration: A MAP OF THE HOLY LAND\n to illustrate\n THE NEW TESTAMENT\n\n and\n\n A COMPARATIVE VIEW\n _of the successive divisions of the Holy Land mentioned\n in the New Testament after the death of Herod the Great_.\n\n London and New York: Macmillan & Co.\n _Stanford\u2019s Geograph.\u02e1 Estab.\u1d57_\n\n\n\n\n PART II.\n\n FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE MINISTRY OF THE BAPTIST\n TO THE FIRST PASSOVER.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _THE PREACHING OF JOHN\u2015\u2015THE BAPTISM OF CHRIST._\n A.U.C. 780, \u2666A.D. 27.\n\n\nTHE strange Preacher was none other than John, the son of Zacharias.\nRecalling in his garb and appearance one of the Prophets of the Old\nTestament, he now came forth from his retirement, and straightway\ncommenced his task of preparing the way for the Messiah. The wilderness\nof Jud\u00e6a (Mtt. iii. 1), that is the dry and unpeopled region extending\nfrom the gates of Hebron and Jerusalem to the shores of the Dead Sea,\nwas the first scene of his ministration. Thence he moved northwards\ntowards the Jordan, and at Bethabara, or rather Bethany[248],\nadministered the rite of baptism in its rushing waters to all who were\nwilling to receive it.\n\nThe news of his appearance quickly spread throughout the length and\nbreadth of the land. From Jerusalem, the towns of Jud\u00e6a, and the Jordan\nvalley, multitudes flocked forth to hear him (Mtt. iii. 5; Mk. i. 5).\nThe river\u2019s banks became like the streets of a crowded city. Pharisees\nand Sadducees (Mtt. iii. 7), tax-gatherers (Lk. iii. 12), and soldiers\n(Lk. iii. 14), rich and poor, gathered around him and listened to his\nburning words. No temporal Messiah did he proclaim, no king higher\nthan the C\u00e6sars, no rising against the Roman yoke. Personal repentance,\npersonal reformation, this was his message. To all alike his language\nwas bold, severe, uncompromising. The chiefs of the great religious\nparties approached him, and were bidden to abjure all trust in mere\ndescent from Abraham (Mtt. iii. 9), to bring forth fruits worthy of the\nrepentance they professed, and to flee _from the wrath to come_. The\nmultitudes groaning under the Roman dominion drew near, and enquired\nwhat they should do in view of the great crisis he proclaimed to be\nat hand, and were bidden to cultivate mutual charity (Lk. iii. 11).\nThe tax-gatherers offered themselves for baptism, and were told that\nthere was room for them, if they would practise justice (Lk. iii. 12).\nRough, and too often brutal, soldiers enquired what they should do, and\nthey too were not rejected, but exhorted to abstain from violence and\npillage, and to be content with their wages (Lk. iii. 14).\n\nWith a boldness hitherto unparalleled, save in the teaching of the\nsternest of the prophets of the Old Covenant, the son of Zacharias\ndeclared _the whole nation_ to be spiritually unclean. The baptism,\nwhich the Jewish teachers required of all who would be admitted as\nproselytes from heathenism[249], he demanded of the elect nation itself,\nof high and low, rich and poor, learned and unlearned, if they would\nbe prepared for the coming of the Messiah. _The axe_, he cried, _lay\nat the root of the trees_, and EVERY _tree which brought not forth good\nfruit would be hewn down and cast into the fire_ (Mtt. iii. 10).\n\nGreat were the searchings of heart caused by the appearance of this\nstrange Preacher, and the utterances of this _Voice crying in the\nwilderness_ (Lk. iii. 15). Some thought he was the Messiah, the hope\nof Israel; others Elias; others the Prophet of whom Moses had spoken.\nJohn replied he was none of these. He was only preparing the way for\nAnother. He, indeed, baptized with water unto repentance, but One was\nat hand far _mightier than himself, the latchet of whose shoes he was\nnot worthy to bear[250], He should baptize with the Holy Ghost and with\nfire. His winnowing fan was in His hand, and He would throughly purge\nHis floor, gathering the wheat into His garner, but burning up the\nchaff with unquenchable fire_ (Lk. iii. 16\u201318).\n\nThe impression thus made upon the people was profound. How long the\nBaptist continued his work of preparation we are not told[251]. But at\nlength, even as he declared, the MESSIAH appeared, and commenced His\npublic ministry. Leaving the home of His childhood in retired Nazareth\n(Mtt. iii. 13; Mk. i. 9), probably about the close of the year A.D. 27,\nJESUS advanced southward towards the Jordan Valley. Either at the\nnorthern ford of Succoth or the more southern one east of Jericho,\nHe found His great Forerunner, and desired to be baptized by him.\nThe Baptist, who had hitherto rebuked without distinction the sins of\nall classes and all grades, was deeply moved by the request. With an\ninstinctive conviction of the immaculate purity of Him, whose advent\nhe had announced, he sought to prevent[252] Him, saying, _I have need\nto be baptized of Thee, and comest Thou to me?_ (Mtt. iii. 14). But his\nobjection was overruled. _Suffer it to be so now_, replied the Holy One;\n_for thus it becometh us to fulfil all righteousness_ (Mtt. iii. 15).\nThen at length the Baptist consented, and when all the people had\nbeen baptized (Lk. iii. 21), descended with Him into the river, and\nadministered the initiatory rite, after which the Redeemer ascended\nfrom the water, and was engaged in solemn prayer (Lk. iii. 21), when\nthe heavens were opened, and in an embodied form, like unto a Dove, the\nHoly Spirit descended, and _abode upon Him_. But this was not all, for\nat the same time there came a Voice from heaven, saying, _Thou art My\nbeloved Son, in whom I am well pleased_ (Mtt. iii. 16, 17; Lk. iii. 22;\nMk. i. 11).\n\nThus in the presence of His Forerunner, the Divine nature of the\nMessiah was attested, and His work of Redemption inaugurated. He had\ncome to _destroy the works of the devil_ (1 Jn. iii. 8), His very first\nwork, therefore, was to enter on a conflict with the great Enemy of\nmankind. _Full of the Holy Ghost_, He was _led up_ by the motions of\nthat Spirit (Mtt. iv. 1), either into the wilderness of Jud\u00e6a, or the\nlonely desert mountains east of the Jordan[253], to _be tempted by\nthe devil_ (Mtt. iv. 1; Mk. i. 12). For forty days and forty nights\nHe remained amidst the thickets and caverns of that dreary region,\nabounding in fierce and savage beasts (Mk. i. 13), and during all this\nperiod He had nothing to eat.\n\nAt length, when hunger had weakened the energies of the body, the\nTempter approached, and suggested that if He was in truth the Son of\nGod, He should command the stones that lay around to become bread. But\nthe Holy One detected at once the subtle insinuation to mistrust His\nheavenly Father\u2019s power, and in the words of Scripture (Deut. viii. 3)\nreplied, _It is written, Man shall not live by bread alone, but by\nevery word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God_ (Mtt. iv. 4; Lk.\niv. 4).\n\nFoiled in his attempt to induce the Redeemer by a selfish display\nof power to satisfy the wants of the body, the Tempter now sought\nby another avenue to achieve a victory over Him. Taking Him up to an\nexceeding high mountain, he displayed before His eyes in a moment of\ntime all _the kingdoms of the world and the glories of them_, promising\nto place all in His power, if He would only fall down and worship him.\nBut this temptation also the Holy One repelled. Falling back a second\ntime on the revealed Word, and the same portion of it (Deut. vi. 13),\nHe replied, _It is written, Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and\nHim only shalt thou serve_.\n\nBut yet again the Evil One renewed his attack. Taking the Redeemer into\nthe Holy City, he placed Him on the lofty pinnacle, the topmost ridge\nof the South side of the Temple, and bade Him, if He were the Son of\nGod, vindicate His eternal nature, cast Himself down, and thus display\nby one dazzling exhibition of power His relation to the Supreme, and\nconfirm His Messianic claims. But he was no more successful than before.\nThe Redeemer saw through his wiles, and the sophistry wherewith he\nsought to support his demand by quoting the language of the Psalmist\n(Ps. xci. 11), _He shall give His angels charge concerning Thee, and\nin their hands they shall bear Thee up, lest at any time Thou dash\nThy foot against a stone_. For the third time He had recourse to the\nwritten Word, and for the third time referring to the same portion of\nit (Deut. vi. 16), made answer, _Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God_.\n\nWith this last assault the Temptation was ended. Where the first Adam\nhad fallen, the second Adam had triumphed, nor swerved for a moment\nfrom the path of strictest obedience to the will of His Father in\nHeaven. The Devil now left Him _for a season_ (Lk. iv. 13), or rather\ntill a more convenient occasion for renewing his attempt, _and angels\ncame and ministered unto Him_, who had already proved Himself \u201cmore\nthan conqueror\u201d over the crafts and assaults of the Wicked One.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _CALL OF THE FIRST DISCIPLES\u2015\u2015THE MARRIAGE AT CANA._\n A.D. 27.\n\n\nSUSTAINED by the ministries of these blessed spirits the Saviour\nreturned towards the Jordan Valley, and drew near the ford of Bethabara\nor Bethany (Jn. i. 28). Here again He met the Baptist, who was still\nprosecuting his work, and baptizing the multitudes who flocked around\nhim. Such was the effect produced by his preaching, that the rulers\nat Jerusalem determined to interpose, and the day before a formal\ndeputation had waited upon him to enquire whether he was the Messiah,\nor Elias, or the prophet predicted by Moses (Jn. i. 21). Again he\ndeclared that he had no pretensions to such a dignity, that he was but\nthe _Voice of one crying in the wilderness_, and preparing the way of\nthe Messiah, of One infinitely mightier than himself, _the very latchet\nof whose shoe he was unworthy to unloose_.\n\nBut now, lifting up his eyes, he beheld Him to whom he had borne such\nfaithful testimony (Jn. i. 29), and addressing Him as _the Lamb of\nGod, who taketh away the sin of the world_, repeated his solemn and\nassured conviction of His Divine nature (Jn. i. 30\u201334). Again, the day\nfollowing, as he was standing in the company of two of His disciples,\nhe beheld the Redeemer, and in their hearing pointed Him out under\nthe same impressive title. On this occasion his words were not without\ntheir effect. The two disciples, one of whom was Andrew, a native\nof Bethsaida (Jn. i. 41), and the other, in all probability, the\nEvangelist St John, were so powerfully affected by them, that, drawn\nas it were by a powerful magnet, they left the Baptist and _followed\nJesus_ (Jn. i. 37).\n\nThe Redeemer perceived them following Him, and enquired what they\nsought? _Rabbi, where dwellest Thou?_ was their reply. He mercifully\nbade them _come and see_, and they went and abode with Him for the\nrest of that day (Jn. i. 39), and resolved to follow Him. Others soon\nfollowed their example. Andrew went in quest of his own brother Simon,\nand declaring that the true Messiah had been found brought him to\nJesus, who named him Cephas or Peter, _the Rock-man_. The day following,\nthe Saviour set out in the direction of Galilee, and finding Philip,\na native, like Andrew and Peter, of Bethsaida, bade him join their\ncompany. Philip obeyed, and falling in with Nathanael[254], the son of\nTolmai, a native of Cana in Galilee (Jn. xxi. 2), announced that HE,\nof whom Moses and the Prophets had written, had been discovered in\nthe person of Jesus of Nazareth, the Son of Joseph. Though a native\nof Galilee, Nathanael could not at first believe that any good could\ncome out of a town which enjoyed so low a reputation as Nazareth. But\nhis friend bade him come and judge for himself. He obeyed, and was\ndrawing near the Holy One, when he heard His declaration that he was\n_an Israelite indeed in whom was no guile_ (Jn. i. 48). So little was\nNathanael prepared for such words of praise, that he could not refrain\nfrom enquiring how he had become known to Jesus. _Before that Philip\ncalled thee, when thou wast under the fig-tree_[255], answered the Holy\nOne. The reply convinced the other that One from whom no secrets were\nhid could be no ordinary Being. _Rabbi_, said he, _Thou art the Son of\nGod, Thou art the King of Israel_, and was enrolled in the number of\nhis new Master\u2019s followers.\n\nOn the third day after His departure towards Galilee, the Saviour with\nHis five disciples reached the little village of Cana[256], situated\nno great distance from Nazareth. Here a marriage-feast was about to\nbe celebrated, at which the Virgin was present, and the Holy One with\nHis new found followers was invited as well. Their presence appears to\nhave increased beyond expectation the number of the guests, and to have\nrendered the provision made for their entertainment insufficient. When,\ntherefore, they wanted wine, the mother of the Saviour directed His\nattention to the fact. Whatever was the precise meaning she herself\nattached to her words, they drew down upon her a slight rebuke. _Woman_,\nwas His reply, _what have I to do with thee? Mine hour is not yet\ncome._ But as though these words concealed a real granting of her\nrequest, she bade the servants execute any command He might give, and\nthe issue justified her expectations (Jn. ii. 2\u20135).\n\nIn the apartment, where the feast was proceeding, were placed, for the\nsake of the frequent lustrations of the Jews, six large waterpots of\nwater, containing as much as two or three firkins a-piece. These the\nSaviour commanded the servants to fill with water. And on their filling\nthem up to the brim, bade them draw out and bear to the master of the\nfeast, _i.e._ either one of the guests set over the banquet by general\nconsent of the guests, or a chief attendant who ordered the course of\nthe feast, and superintended the ministrations of the inferior servants.\nHe tasted the water now converted into wine, and knowing not whence it\nwas, remarked that men usually set forth good wine at the beginning of\nthe feast, and afterwards that which was worse, but _He had kept the\ngood wine_ until then (Jn. ii. 10).\n\nUnobtrusively, however, as it had been wrought, the reality of this\nfirst miracle could not escape the notice of the guests. The _glory_\nof the Saviour hitherto hidden was now _manifested_, and the faith of\nthe disciples in their new-found Master was confirmed. The marriage\nfestivities of the Jews usually lasted six or seven days, and at\nthe close of this period with His mother, His brethren, and His five\ndisciples (Jn. ii. 12), the Saviour went down to Capernaum[257] on the\nshore of the lake of Gennesaret. The Passover was now nigh at hand,\nand Capernaum would afford a convenient point for joining the pilgrim\ncompanies going up to Jerusalem[258], and there He abode a few days (Jn.\nii. 12), engaging, probably, in private intercourse with His disciples,\nrather than any public ministrations in the city.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _THE FIRST PASSOVER, AND CLEANSING OF THE TEMPLE._\n A.D. 28.\n\n\nAFTER a stay of not many days at Capernaum (Jn. ii. 12) the Redeemer\nand His five disciples turned their steps southward towards Jerusalem,\nto celebrate the first Passover of His public ministry (Jn. ii. 13).\n\nStrange and full of deep significance was the scene which the Holy City\npresented at this season. The streets were filled with multitudes of\nJews and proselytes, who had come up from all quarters of the world\nto celebrate the Feast. The hills around were whitened with countless\nflocks of lambs[259] and kids. The gates, especially the Sheep-gate, \nwere choked with moving masses of helpless victims ready to be examined \nby the priests, and on being pronounced free from blemish, to be \nselected by each Paschal company for their Paschal meal.\n\nIn the midst of a moving scene like this He, who had been already\npointed out as the _Lamb of God_, entered the city. Repairing to the\nTemple, He was confronted, probably in the Court of the Gentiles,\nwith a scene of desecration, which called forth the first[260] display\nof holy zeal for the dwelling-place of Him, whom He had already\ndeclared to be His Father (Lk. ii. 49). For the convenience of Jews\nand proselytes residing at a distance from the Holy City, a kind of\nmarket had been established in the outer court, and here sacrificial\nvictims, incense, oil, wine, and other things necessary for the service\nand the sacrifices, were to be obtained. The common money, moreover,\ncirculated in foreign countries not being receivable within the Temple,\nthe money-changers had set up their tables in the same locality, to\nexchange all common and foreign coins for the sacred shekel, alone\ncurrent in the Temple precincts. But together with the money-changing\nother business had gradually crept in, and in place of the order and\ndecorum that ought to have reigned there, the noisy huckstering of\nmerchants and traders disturbed the devotions of the worshippers,\nand converted the Sanctuary of the most High into the likeness of a\nwrangling mart.\n\nSuch was the scene that presented itself to the Saviour in the courts\nof His Father\u2019s House. As soon as His eye had rested upon it, He made\n_a scourge of small cords_ (Jn. ii. 15), and with this simple weapon,\nsingly and alone, drove forth the sheep and oxen. Then overthrowing\nthe tables of the money-changers, He poured out their unholy gains,\nand with a voice of conscious authority bade even those who sold doves,\nto take those things thence, nor make _His Father\u2019s house a house of\nmerchandise_. Awed by His words and His calm majesty, the desecrators\nleft the scene of their unholy traffic, while others wondering at an\nact, which legally could only be performed by one of the Sanhedrin or\na prophet, approached Him and requested a sign, the performance of some\nmiracle or prodigy, in attestation of His right to do these things[261]\n(Jn. ii. 18).\n\nThus challenged the Holy One did not withhold a \u201csign.\u201d With that\nmajestic calmness, which ever distinguished Him, but without a single\nword of comment or explanation, He said, _Destroy this Temple, and\nin three days I will raise it up_. Perplexed and confounded the Jews\nreplied, _Forty and six years was this Temple in building, and wilt\nThou raise it up in three days?_ But to their enquiry no answer was\nvouchsafed. They had asked for a \u201csign,\u201d and a \u201csign\u201d had been given,\nbut in the shape of a \u201cparable,\u201d a \u201cdark saying,\u201d which they never\nforgot[262], and which, though not understood by the disciples at\nthe time, was afterwards revealed to them in all its deep meaning (Jn.\nii. 21, 22).\n\nBut another incident was to render this Passover forever memorable.\nDuring His stay at Jerusalem (Jn. ii. 23) the Saviour wrought signs\nand wonders, which stirred the hearts of those who witnessed them,\nand caused many to _believe on His Name_. But their faith sprang from\nimperfect motives, and He, who knew what was in man, would not entrust\nHimself to them, or unveil the mysteries of His kingdom. Still even\nthus early there was one to whom He could more nearly reveal Himself.\n\nOne of the members of the Sanhedrin[263] at this time was a Pharisee,\nnamed Nicodemus, who had probably heard of the marvellous incident,\nwhich had so lately occurred in the Temple-courts, and had witnessed\none or more of the mighty works, which the Stranger from Nazareth had\nwrought. Convinced that He could be no ordinary person, that unassisted\nby Divine Power He could not perform such signs and wonders, he had\nresolved, in spite of his position, in spite of the risk he ran, in\nspite of the natural prejudice against so obscure a teacher, to go\nhimself and ascertain who and what He was.\n\nUnder cover of night, therefore, he sought out the Saviour, who not\nonly graciously received him, but unfolded to him the mystery of a\nbirth, _not of the will of man, nor of the will of the flesh_, but of\nwater and of the Holy Spirit (Jn. iii. 5\u20138). And when the wondering\nruler enquired _how could these things be_, He went on to hint at a\nstill deeper mystery, and to intimate the true purport of the coming\nof the Son of Man, the Messiah, whom he and the nation expected. _As\nMoses_, that Moses whose writings he studied and expounded, _lifted\nup the serpent in the wilderness[264], even so must the Son of Man be\nlifted up, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have\neverlasting life_ (Jn. iii. 12\u201316). How far the Jewish ruler entered\ninto the meaning of this mysterious intimation, so entirely opposed\nto all that was expected by his nation of their Messiah, and how far\nit served to stimulate him to still deeper enquiries into the Law and\nthe Prophets, we are not told. Certain, however, it is that he was not\nentirely alienated from the new Teacher, and we shall find at a later\nperiod that he, who thus came to Jesus by night, lived to plead for Him\nin open day before the council of the nation (Jn. vii. 50, 51), and to\ndo honour to His crucified body, when all the Apostles had forsaken Him\nand fled (Jn. xix. 39).\n\n\n\n\n PART III.\n\n FROM THE FIRST PASSOVER TO THE ELECTION OF THE APOSTLES.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _IMPRISONMENT OF THE BAPTIST\u2015\u2015THE WOMAN OF SAMARIA._\n A.D. 28.\n\n\nTHE private interview with Nicodemus just related appears to have\nclosed the occurrences at this first eventful Passover. When the\npilgrim-companies broke up each for their own homes, the Saviour\nrepaired with His more immediate followers to the north-eastern parts\nof Jud\u00e6a near the Jordan. Here He too administered the rite of baptism\nby the hands of His disciples (Jn. iii. 22; iv. 2), and quickly drew\naround Him so great a number of followers, that the adherents of the\nBaptist began to find a sensible decrease in the multitude that flocked\naround their master.\n\nRepairing, therefore, to him at \u00c6non[265] near Salim[266], where he\nwas baptizing, they drew his attention to the fact that HE, to whom\nhe had borne witness, was also baptizing, and all men were flocking\nto Him. But John knew nothing of the mortification of his followers.\nWith a true greatness of soul far exalted above their wounded feelings,\nhe asserted in the most emphatic manner that his position was only\nsecondary with that of the Prophet of Nazareth. He _must decrease_,\nbut the Other would _increase_, for He was the Bridegroom and had the\nBride. He himself was but the _friend of the Bridegroom_, and rejoiced\nto _hear His voice_, and was satisfied with that measure of joy (Jn.\niii. 29\u201332).\n\nThis was the last public testimony of the Baptist to the exalted nature\nof the Saviour\u2019s person and work. His own career was rapidly drawing\nto a close. The place where he was baptizing was close to the dominions\nof Herod-Antipas, the ruler of Galilee and Per\u00e6a. This monarch had\nbeen married by his father to the daughter of Aretas, king of Arabia\nPetr\u00e6a, but becoming acquainted at Rome with Herodias, the wife of\nhis half-brother Herod-Philip, he made overtures of marriage to her,\nwhich were accepted, on condition that he divorced the daughter of\nAretas[267]. But the facts becoming known to the latter, she fled\nto her father\u2019s court, who forthwith assembled an army to avenge her\nwrongs, and punish her guilty husband. The contest waxed hot on the\nfrontier of Herod\u2019s dominions, and it was, not improbably, on his way\nto confront his father-in-law, when he first encountered the Baptist.\nIf he had hoped to escape the censure of one, whose influence with\nall classes was unbounded, he was utterly deceived. The Baptist was\nno _reed shaken by the wind_ (Lk. vii. 24). Boldly, straight-forwardly,\nhe not only rebuked the king for his notorious offences (Lk. iii. 19),\nbut denounced the royal incest, and declared the marriage unlawful\n(Mtt. xiv. 4; Mk. vi. 18). Such an outspoken reproof from one, whom all\nreverenced as a prophet, the monarch could not forgive, and therefore\nflung the bold preacher into prison, probably in the gloomy castle of\nMach\u00e6rus, which his father had built on the eastern shore of the Dead\nSea to overawe the wild Arab tribes[268].\n\nThe imprisonment of His great forerunner was announced to the Saviour\nat a time when He was also aware that the results of His ministry had\nroused the jealousy of the Pharisees (Jn. iv. 1). Accordingly, He left\nJud\u00e6a, and prepared to return by the shortest route through Samaria to\nthe hills of Galilee (Jn. iv. 3, 4). It was now late in December, four\nmonths from the harvest[269] (Jn. iv. 35), when He thus set out with\nHis disciples, and reaching the well near Shechem[270], which Jacob had\nbuilt in the parcel of ground he gave to his son Joseph, He sat upon\nit, weary with travel, for it was the sixth hour, the sultry hour of\nnoon[271].\n\nAs He sat there alone, for His disciples had gone to the neighbouring\ntown to purchase provisions, a woman of Samaria approached with her\npitcher on her head, and the Saviour requested of her water to quench\nHis thirst. Astounded that such a request should be made to her by\na Jew, she enquired how He could thus address a Samaritan, with whom\nit was not lawful to have any dealings[272]? On this, drawing, as was\never His wont, similitudes from present circumstances, He excited her\nwonder by telling her of _living waters_ at His command _springing up\nunto everlasting life_ (Jn. iv. 10, 14), and increased it by revealing\nHis acquaintance with the secret of her life, for she was living in\nadultery (Jn. iv. 18). Roused by this proof of superhuman knowledge\nto the fact that she was in the presence of no ordinary Being, she\ninstantly sought to change the subject, and pointing to the slopes of\nGerizim[273] near at hand, remarked that her fathers worshipped on that\nmountain, while the Jews affirmed that in Jerusalem was the place where\nmen ought to worship. Thereupon the Saviour assured her that _an hour\nwas at hand, when neither on Gerizim nor yet at Jerusalem would men\nworship the Father; the Samaritans worshipped they knew not what; the\nJews worshipped that which they knew, for of them was salvation; but a\ntime was coming when the true worshippers would worship the Father in\nspirit and in truth_. The astonished woman replied that this might be,\nwhen Messiah came, for He could _teach them all things_ (Jn. iv. 25),\nand then heard from the Speaker\u2019s own lips the first clear and distinct\nannouncement that He was the long-expected Messiah (Jn. iv. 26)[274].\n\nAt this juncture the disciples returned with the provisions they had\nbought, and marvelled that their Master talked with one of the hateful\nrace, but ventured on no open expostulation. Meanwhile the woman\nherself had returned to the town, and bade the inhabitants come and see\nOne, who had _told her all that ever she did_, and could be no other\nthan the Messiah (Jn. iv. 28, 29). Accordingly the townsfolk came forth\nto see the Saviour, and requested Him to abide with them, which He did,\nstaying amongst them two days, during which period, the number, which\nhad learned to believe on Him on account of the woman\u2019s testimony to\nHis Omniscience, was increased by many others, who, listening to His\nown gracious words, were convinced that He was indeed _the Saviour of\nthe world_[274] (Jn. iv. 42).\n\nThus to a woman of Samaria He, whose _meat it was to do the will of Him\nthat sent Him and to finish His work_ (Jn. iv. 34), revealed Himself\nas the true Messiah, and she became the first herald of the Gospel, the\nfirstfruits of a harvest now sown and to be afterwards reaped by Philip\nthe Deacon (Jn. iv. 38; Acts viii. 5; &c.).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _SECOND VISIT TO CANA AND JERUSALEM._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nAFTER this stay in Samaria the Saviour returned to Galilee. Thither had\ngone before Him the fame of the miracles He had wrought at Jerusalem,\nreported by those Galil\u00e6ans who had returned from the Passover (Jn. iv.\n45), and this was now confirmed by a second miracle wrought at Cana.\n\nWhile staying in this little village, He was visited by a nobleman, or\nofficer of state[275], not improbably in the service of Herod-Antipas,\nwho besought him to go down to Capernaum, and heal his son who was\nlying at the point of death. Though he was clearly unable to conceive\nof any cure, save through the Lord\u2019s bodily presence, and was urgent\nthat He should come down to Capernaum, the Holy One sent him away\nwith the assurance that his son was alive. Contented with this word,\nthe father returned, and on the morrow was met by his servants, who\nannounced his son\u2019s recovery, and in answer to his enquiries when the\nyouth had begun to amend, informed him that the day before, at the\nseventh hour[276], the fever not only began to abate, but _left_ or\nsuddenly forsook him. This the other remembered was the very hour\nwhen the Lord had assured him of his son\u2019s recovery, and he became\na believer with all his family (Jn. iv. 53).\n\nAfter a brief stay in Galilee, the season approached for the\ncelebration of the Feast of Purim[277], and the Redeemer went up\nto Jerusalem (Jn. v. 1). At this time there was near the Sheep-gate,\nthrough which the victims intended for sacrifice were usually brought\ninto the city, a pool called in the Hebrew language Bethesda[278], or\nthe _House of Mercy_, which at certain seasons possessed remarkable\nhealing properties, heralded it would seem by a violent commotion or\nbubbling of the waters. Around the pool, sheltered by five porticoes\n(Jn. v. 2), there was wont to assemble a multitude of diseased persons,\n_lame, blind, withered, waiting for the troubling of the waters_ (Jn.\nv. 3).\n\nAmongst these was one who for upwards of 38 years had been a helpless\nparalytic, and had long watched in vain for an opportunity to descend\ninto the healing stream. As often as with slow and painful motion he\ncrawled towards the waters, another was certain to step in before him,\nand anticipate him in acquiring the welcome cure. Seeing this miserable\nsufferer, and knowing how long he had been thus afflicted, the Saviour\ndrew near, and enquired whether he wished to be made whole. Deeming,\nprobably, that he was only listening to words of casual sympathy, and\nlittle expecting a cure, the man contented himself with relating the\nsad story of his constant disappointments (Jn. v. 7). Great, then, must\nhave been his astonishment, when the Saviour not only bade him rise\nand take up the bed or pallet on which he had lain so long, but with\nthe word gave him also the power to obey, so that he was instantly made\nwhole, and taking up his bed bore it away with healthy tread.\n\nIt was a Sabbath-day on which this marvellous cure was wrought, and the\ncarrying of any burden was regarded by the Pharisaic interpreters of\nthe Law as a heinous violation of the sanctity of the day. The sight,\ntherefore, of a man whose case must have been well known, thus openly\nand publicly violating a received rule, could not but excite much\nattention. Accordingly \u201cthe Jews,\u201d a term by which St John generally\ndenotes the adherents of the Sanhedrin, summoned him before them, and\nquestioned him closely concerning his conduct. With artless simplicity,\nthe man replied that he was only acting up to the command of his Healer,\nbut when further questioned who He was, could not say, for Jesus had\nvanished from the crowd when the cure was wrought (Jn. v. 13).\n\nShortly afterwards, however, he met his Healer in the Temple, and\nthen returning informed the authorities that Jesus was the author of\nhis cure. On this the Saviour Himself was called to account for His\nconduct (Jn. v. 16, 17), and proceeded to avow before His astonished\nand indignant auditors His union in dignity and honour with the eternal\nFather. This avowal, added to the fact that He had shewn dishonour to\nthe Sabbath, roused the first symptoms of hostility on the part of the\nauthorities at Jerusalem, and they even sought to kill Him (Jn. v. 18).\nBut, undeterred by their opposition, the Holy One went on to claim\nplainly and unreservedly, the character and functions of the Messiah,\nto reiterate the fact of His Divine Original, and to declare that He\nwas invested with power as the future Judge of mankind (Jn. v. 22\u201330).\nIn support of these claims, He appealed to the testimony which the\nBaptist had publicly borne to His exalted nature (Jn. v. 33\u201335), to\nthe miracles which He had wrought (Jn. v. 36), to the authority of the\nsacred writings which testified of Him (Jn. v. 39), and to the great\nLawgiver Moses, who, He declared, had written of Him (Jn. v. 46).\n\nThis incident forms an important epoch in the Gospel history[279].\nThe degree of toleration, and even of acceptance, with which the\npreaching of the Saviour had been received in Jud\u00e6a, was exchanged\nfor hostility, which, though as yet it led to no attempt to seize His\nPerson, manifested itself with increasing distinctness. Accordingly,\nHe left Jud\u00e6a, which had shewn itself unwilling to receive Him, and\nretired to Galilee, and there taught in the synagogues (Lk. iv. 15).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _MIRACLES AT NAZARETH AND CAPERNAUM._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nAMONGST the places He now visited, the Redeemer repaired to Nazareth,\nwhere _He had been brought up_ (Lk. iv. 16), and where many, if not\nall His kindred were residing. The Sabbath came round, and, as was\nHis wont, He entered the Synagogue, and for the first time stood up to\nread in His native village. The worship, which began with prayer, was\nfollowed by the reading of the Law and the Prophets, and the portion\nof the latter either appointed for the day, or selected by His own\nDivine wisdom and foreknowledge, was taken from the 61st chapter of\nthe prophet Isaiah. This portion was by universal consent applied to\nthe Messiah, and spoke of Him as anointed _to preach the Gospel to the\npoor_, as sent _to heal the broken-hearted, to preach deliverance to\nthe captives and recovery of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them\nthat were bound_ (Lk. iv. 18, 19). Accordingly the Saviour read the\nwords in the ears of those assembled, and then folding up the scroll,\nreturned it to the _\u2666chazzan_ or minister, and sat down[280].\n\nThis last act was a sign that He intended to take upon Himself the\noffice of interpreter, and _the eyes of all were fastened upon Him_\n(Lk. iv. 20). _This day_, He began to say, _is this Scripture fulfilled\nin your ears_, and proceeded to pour forth the long-hidden treasures of\nwisdom and grace. The first effect upon His audience was one of signal\napproval. They all marvelled at the _gracious words which proceeded out\nof His lips_ (Lk. iv. 22). But other and very different feelings soon\narose in their minds. They began to recall the fact of His lowly origin\n(Lk. iv. 22), and when the Holy One went on to intimate that no prophet\nwas accepted in his own country, that, as was illustrated, even in Old\nTestament times, by the cases of the widow of Zarephath and Naaman the\nSyrian, the mercies of God were not restricted to the Jews only (Lk.\niv. 24\u201328), they were wrought up to such a pitch of fury, that they not\nonly arose and thrust the Speaker out of their synagogue, but leading\nHim to _the brow of the hill on which their city was built_[281], would\nhave cast Him down headlong, had He not, probably by an exercise of\nDivine power, escaped from their hands, and disappeared (Lk. iv. 30).\n\nThus rejected at Nazareth as He had been at Jerusalem, the Saviour\nturned His steps towards the busy neighbourhood of the lake of\nGennesaret, and took up His abode at Capernaum[282] (Mtt. iv. 13;\nLk. iv. 31), whence He could easily communicate, as well by land as\nby lake, with many important towns, and in the event of any threatened\npersecution retire into a more secure region[283].\n\n Illustration: THE SHORES OF THE SEA OF GALILEE\n\n London and New York: Macmillan & Co.\n _Maclear\u2019s New Test.\u1d57 History_\n _Stanford\u2019s Geog.\u02e1 Estab.\u1d57_\n\nThe recent cure of the son of the officer in Herod\u2019s court was not\nforgotten at Capernaum, and _many pressing_ upon the Saviour _to hear\nthe word of God_ (Lk. v. 1), it became clear that an opportunity was\nnow afforded for an active and systematic ministry among a people\n_sitting in darkness and in the shadow of death_ (Mtt. iv. 16). The\nfirst act, therefore, of the Redeemer was permanently to attach to His\nPerson, and invest with the authority of teachers, four of the number\nafterwards known as the \u201ctwelve Apostles.\u201d As He walked by the lake, He\nsaw Simon and Andrew employed in fishing, and the sons of Zebedee[284],\nJames and John, in a vessel mending their nets (Mk. i. 16, 19; Mtt.\niv. 18, 21; Lk. v. 2\u20136). They had already known Him for above a year,\nand now He would formally call them to leave their earthly occupations,\nand become _fishers of men_[285].\n\nAs the people, therefore, pressed upon Him, He requested Simon to\npush off his boat a little way from the shore, that He might teach the\nmultitude, and at the close of His discourse, bade him thrust out into\nthe deeper waters, and let down his net for a draught. The ill success\nthat had attended his efforts the previous night, made Simon at first\nhesitate, but he had no sooner made the trial, than the net enclosed\nsuch a multitude of fishes, that it began to break (Lk. v. 6). On\nthis he and Andrew beckoned to James and John, and their companions in\nthe other boat, who had doubtless watched all that had occurred, and\nthey immediately came to their help, and filled both the boats so that\nthey began to sink (Lk. v. 7). So deep was the impression made by this\nunlooked-for success upon the mind of Peter, that yielding as always to\nthe impulse of the moment, he cried, _Depart from me, for I am a sinful\nman, O Lord_[286]. But the emblem of their future destinies, and the\npledge of future success, having thus been given them, the Saviour\nbade him and the others leave their ships and become _fishers of men_.\nAnd thus Peter and Andrew, James and John, quitting their earthly\noccupations, henceforth became His regular attendants and disciples.\n\nThe report of this miracle, and of the determination of the four to\nfollow the Prophet of Nazareth, would soon be noised abroad among the\npopulous villages along the lake. It is no wonder, then, that on the\nfollowing Sabbath the words of the Saviour were eagerly listened to\nin the synagogue of Capernaum (Mk. i. 22; Lk. iv. 32), confirmed as\nthey also were by a remarkable occurrence that now took place. A man\nwas present in the synagogue possessed with an evil spirit, which, in\nthe hearing of all, cried out, _What have I to do with Thee, Jesus of\nNazareth? art Thou come to destroy us? I know Thee who Thou art, the\nHoly One of God._ Thereupon the Redeemer rebuking him, and bidding him\nhold his peace, commanded the Evil Spirit to leave the sufferer he was\ntormenting, and the demon having thrown the man into strong convulsions\n(Mk. i. 26), and \u201cuttering an inarticulate cry of rage and pain[287]\u201d\nleft him, amidst the awe and wonder of those assembled.\n\nThis miracle\u2015\u2015the first of the kind\u2015\u2015over unclean spirits was speedily\nnoised abroad throughout the whole region of Galilee, and excited a\nstrong enthusiasm in favour of the _Prophet of Nazareth_. Leaving the\nsynagogue, the Saviour repaired to the abode of Peter, whose wife\u2019s\nmother lay struck with a violent fever[288], and taking her by the\nhand lifted her up. Immediately the malady yielding before that Divine\nrebuke (Lk. iv. 39), left her, and in place of the exhausted energy and\nprostration usually following it, she found herself able not only to\nrise, but even to minister to the Healer and His disciples (Mk. i. 31).\n\nWhen, however, the sun began to set, the effect of the miracle in the\nsynagogue became still more apparent. The whole city seemed to have\ncollected about the abode of the humble fisherman, bringing with them\nall who were sick, or afflicted with demons, and placed them before his\nMaster. Nor did they come in vain, for laying His hands upon each of\nthem, He, who _Himself took our infirmities and bare our sicknesses_\n(Is. liii. 4; Mtt. viii. 17), restored to them the blessing of health.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _CALL OF MATTHEW\u2015\u2015HOSTILITY OF THE PHARISEES._\n A.D. 28.\n\nEARLY on the following morning Peter and his companions found that\ntheir Master had left the city, and retired to a solitary place for the\npurpose of engaging in secret prayer. Having discovered the place of\nHis retreat, they announced that the excitement of the previous evening\nwas not subsided, that all _were seeking Him_ (Mk. i. 37); and soon\ntheir words were confirmed by the coming of a crowd, who besought Him\nnot to leave them. But this could not be. The Divine Purpose required\nthat He should proclaim the Glad Tidings of His kingdom in other places\nalso; and He commenced a tour throughout Galilee, teaching in the\nsynagogues, casting forth demons, and healing all manner of sickness\nand disease (Mtt. iv. 23; Mk. i. 39).\n\nAmong other recipients of His gracious bounty, was one afflicted with\nthe awful malady of leprosy, which none ever hoped could be cured.\nBearing about him all the emblems of his sad condition, his clothes\nrent, his head bare (Comp. Num. vi. 9; Ezek. xxiv. 17), his lip covered\n(Ezek. xxiv. 17), he drew near the Saviour, and flinging himself on the\nground before His feet, besought Him, if it was His will, to cleanse\nhim. Though the Law forbade all contact with one, afflicted with a\ndisease, to which the Jews gave the significant name of _the Stroke_,\nthe Holy One put forth His hand, and touched Him, saying, _I will,\nbe thou clean_. Instantly his flesh returned to him as the flesh of\na little child, and he was clean, and, at the command of his Healer,\nrepaired to the priests at Jerusalem to present the offering required\nof one so cleansed[289], and thus in his own person bear witness\nagainst them[290], and their unbelief.\n\nObedient to this injunction of his Healer, the cleansed leper found it\nmore difficult to remember His other command, and abstain from saying\nanything to any one of the way in which he had been healed (Mk. i. 44;\nLk. v. 14). In the fulness of his exulting thankfulness he could not\ncontain himself, but, wherever he went, began _to blaze abroad the\nmatter_, so that crowds gathered round the Saviour, and, unable to\nenter Capernaum (Mk. i. 45), He was fain to remain in secluded places,\nwhere He continued in prayer (Lk. v. 16) and ministered unto such as\nsought Him (Mk. i. 45).\n\nAfter the subsidence, however, of the first excitement, He returned\nto Capernaum (Mk. ii. 1), and either in His own abode (Mk. ii. 1),\nor possibly that of Peter, preached the word to the multitudes, who\nflocked thither. During His absence there had arrived not only from\nGalilee, but even from Jud\u00e6a and Jerusalem (Lk. v. 17), Pharisees and\nlawyers, who insidiously watched all that He did. As, then, He was\nproclaiming the doctrines of the kingdom in their presence, an incident\noccurred, which roused in no small degree the ill-will of these doctors\nof the law. Four men approached the chamber where the Saviour was,\nbearing upon a litter a helpless paralytic, and finding an entrance in\nthe usual way impracticable, they bore the man up the outside staircase,\nand let him down through the roof into His presence.\n\nPerceiving their faith, the Saviour was ready to bestow upon the\nobject of so much solicitude the boon they craved. But, instead of\nassuring him of the cure of his malady, He addressed the paralytic\nwith the words _Son, thy sins be forgiven thee_. This expression,\nmore startling than anything He had yet said, inasmuch as it implied a\ndistinct equality with God in respect to one of His most incommunicable\nattributes, roused much disputing among the watchful emissaries from\nJerusalem. Was not this a blasphemous utterance, for who could forgive\nsins, save God only? But, unmoved by their dark suspicions, and knowing\nthe secret thoughts of their hearts, the Holy One bade the man rise,\ntake up his bed, and walk, which he straightway did, and so revealed\nthe completeness of his restored powers to the astonishment of all the\nspectators, who confessed that they had _seen strange things that day_,\nand _glorified God, who had given such power unto men_ (Lk. v. 26;\nMtt. ix. 8).\n\nOverpowered by their wonder at this signal miracle, the Pharisees and\nScribes did not give further vent to their indignation at this claim\nto exercise the awful power of forgiving sins. But their national\nprejudices were soon to receive a still greater shock. As He walked by\nthe side of the lake of Gennesaret, the Saviour beheld _sitting at the\nreceipt of custom_, probably at the port of Capernaum, a tax-gatherer\nnamed Levi or Matthew[291], the son of Alph\u00e6us. Though he belonged\nto a class above all others hated and despised by Jews of all orders,\nthe Lord did not hesitate to invite him to become one of His immediate\nfollowers. The tax-gatherer, who may have had some prior acquaintance\nwith the Prophet of Nazareth, straightway gave up his usual calling,\nand in honour of his new Master made _a great feast_ (Lk. v. 29; Mk.\nii. 15), to which he invited many of his old associates.\n\nWhen the Scribes and Pharisees beheld Him thus openly associating\nwith a degraded caste, they could not restrain themselves, and openly\nprotested against such an infraction of custom and right behaviour.\nBut they were speedily silenced by His wise reply. If those, amongst\nwhom He sat, were sinners, then to them was it specially meet that He\nshould vouchsafe His presence, for, as the Physician of souls, He had\nspecially come to call _not the righteous but sinners to repentance_\n(Mtt. ix. 13; Mk. ii. 17; Lk. v. 31, 32). Nor were they more successful\nin contrasting His apparent laxity and freedom with the strictness and\nausterity of the Baptist. The very garments worn by those around, the\nvery wine they were drinking, suggested similes that conveyed the true\nanswer to their objections[292]. _To sew a piece of new cloth on an\nold_ and ragged garment, to _pour new wine into old bottles_ of skin,\nwas not more foolish than to attempt to unite with the Dispensation He\nwas inaugurating the dead formalities of one which was rapidly passing\naway for ever (Mtt. ix. 14\u201317; Mk. ii. 18\u201322; Lk. v. 33\u201339).\n\nThe day following was a Sabbath, _the second-first Sabbath_[293],\nas St Luke calls it (Lk. vi. 1), and the Saviour walked through\nthe corn-fields with His disciples, who began to pluck the ears\nof ripening grain, and to eat them, rubbing them in their hands.\nSuch an act, though not forbidden by the Mosaic code, was declared\nunlawful by the traditional expounders[294]. The Pharisees, therefore,\nalready scandalized by His assumption of power to forgive sins, and\nHis associating with publicans, now urged a third complaint against\nHis allowing His disciples to do what was unlawful on the Sabbath. But\nin full and explicit vindication of what they had done, the Saviour\nnot only referred His accusers to the well-known incident in the life\nof David, when flying from Saul, he ate the shewbread, forbidden to all\nexcept the priests (1 Sam. xxi. 6), and to the words of the Prophet,\nwho had declared that God would _have mercy, and not sacrifice_ (Hos.\nvi. 6), but openly declared that HE, as the Son of Man, was _Lord also\nof the Sabbath_, which had been _ordained for man, and not man for the\nsabbath_ (Mtt. xii. 8).\n\nA week afterwards He entered the Synagogue, and descried a man having\nhis right hand withered, occupying, it would seem, a prominent position,\nand surrounded by Scribes and Pharisees, who were maliciously on the\nwatch to see what He would do, and to obtain matter for accusation\n(Mtt. xii. 10; Mk. iii. 2; Lk. vi. 7). They now propounded the distinct\nquestion whether it was lawful to heal on the Sabbath-day. In reply\nthe Saviour reminded them that the Law allowed a man, whose sheep had\nfallen into a pit, to lift it out on the Sabbath, and enquired whether\nthey deemed it more consistent with the holiness of the day to do good\nor to do evil, to save life or to slay. Silenced and abashed they had\nnot a word to urge in their own defence, and were obliged to stand by,\nwhile He, _looking round about on them with anger, being grieved for\nthe hardness of their hearts_ (Mk. iii. 5), bade the man stretch forth\nhis hand, which was instantly restored whole as the other.\n\nSuch an exhibition of Divine power, such a calm and unanswerable\nprotest against their narrow bigotry, was more than they could bear.\nFilled with _madness_ (Lk. vi. 11), the Scribes and Pharisees went\nforth and called a council (Mtt. xii. 14), and not ashamed to unite\nwith their political opponents, the followers of Herod Antipas (Mk.\niii. 6), began to form plans for compassing His death (Mk. iii. 6; Lk.\nvi. 11).\n\n\n\n\n PART IV.\n\n FROM THE ELECTION OF THE APOSTLES\n TO THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _CALL OF THE APOSTLES\u2015\u2015SERMON ON THE MOUNT._\n A.D. 28.\n\n\nWE have now reached a very important turning-point in the Gospel\nHistory. While the fame of the Saviour had spread abroad in every\ndirection throughout the land, the animosity of the ruling powers had\nclearly displayed itself alike in Jud\u00e6a and in Galilee, and there was\nalready an active correspondence between the Scribes and Pharisees in\nboth districts respecting His claims and pretensions. As yet, while the\ncurrent of popular feeling ran in His favour, their hostility confined\nitself to secretly plotting against Him, and devising means for\nhindering Him in His work, with the hope that some imprudence or sudden\nchange in the feeling of the multitude might put him in their power.\n\nIt was at this juncture, then, that He took a more decided step\ntowards the establishment of His Divine work. Hitherto He had seemed\nto stand almost alone. Though a few had been gathered around Him as\nHis disciples they did not present the appearance of a regular and\norganized community, of which He was the Head, nor had they received\na distinct and solemn commission to disseminate His doctrines.\n\nSuch a commission was now to be given.\n\nAttracted by His miracles of healing, crowds gathered about Him not\nonly from Jud\u00e6a, Jerusalem and Galilee, but even from Per\u00e6a, Idum\u00e6a,\nand the country around Tyre and Sidon (Mk. iii. 7, 8; Lk. vi. 17),\nbringing such as were afflicted with any diseases, and beseeching his\naid. While, therefore, He did not withhold that Divine assistance which\nthey so eagerly craved (Lk. vi. 9), but graciously healed them, He now\nretired from the constant interruption, to which their coming exposed\nHim, and sought a retreat in the lonely mountain-range west of the sea\nof Tiberias. There he spent a night in solemn meditation and prayer\n(Lk. vi. 12), and on the following morning called to Him His disciples,\nand made selection amongst them of Twelve, who should be in continual\npersonal attendance upon Him (Mk. iii. 14), and whom He might send\nforth to preach in His name, and to exercise power over evil spirits\n(Mk. iii. 15).\n\nThe Twelve thus selected and denominated Apostles were:\u2015\u2015\n\n 1. Symeon or Simon, the son of Jonas (Jn. i. 42; xxi. 16), called\n also Cephas[295] or Peter (a _stone_ or _rock_).\n\n 2. Andrew, his brother (Mtt. iv. 18), a native of Bethsaida,\n and a former disciple of the Baptist[296].\n\n 3. James, the son of Zebedee (Mtt. iv. 21) and Salome (Mk.\n xv. 40), also of Bethsaida, and\n\n 4. John, his brother, afterwards known as \u201cthe friend of Jesus,\u201d\n the \u201c\u2666disciple whom Jesus loved\u201d (Jn. xiii. 23), and in\n the ancient Church as \u1f41 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03b8\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, he who \u201cleaned on His\n breast[297].\u201d\n\n 5. Philip, a native of Bethsaida, and one of the earliest\n disciples (Jn. i. 43)[298].\n\n 6. Bartholomew = Bar-Tolmai, \u201cthe son of Tolmai,\u201d most probably\n identical with Nathanael[299].\n\n 7. Matthew or Levi, a collector of customs at Capernaum[300].\n\n 8. Thomas or Didymus (_a twin_), (Jn. xi. 16; xx. 24).\n\n 9. James, the son of Alph\u00e6us, or \u201cJames the Less.\u201d\n\n 10. Judas, a brother or, possibly, a son of James (Acts i. 13),\n and surnamed Thadd\u00e6us and Lebb\u00e6us (Mtt. x. 3; Mk. iii. 18).\n\n 11. Simon the _\u2666Canaanite_ (Mk. iii. 18) or _Canan\u00e6an_ (Mtt.\n x. 24), in Greek _Zelotes_ (Lk. vi. 15; Acts i. 13), one,\n probably, who before his call had belonged to the sect of\n the zealots[301].\n\n 12. Judas, sometimes called the _son of Simon_ (Jn. vi. 71;\n xiii. 2, 26), more generally _Iscariot_, _i.e._ probably a\n native of Kerioth (Josh. xv. 25), a little village in the\n tribe of Judah.\n\nAfter this formal selection and ordination of the Twelve Apostles,\nthe Saviour descended from the mountain-peak[302], where He had spent\nthe night, to a more level spot (Lk. vi. 17), and sitting down in\nthe formal attitude of a Teacher in the presence of His disciples and\nthe multitude, which had gathered around Him, proceeded to deliver\nthat wondrous summary of Christian doctrine and practice known as the\n\u201cSermon on the Mount\u201d[303] (Mtt. v.\u2012vii.; Lk. vi. 20\u201349).\n\nAt its conclusion, He repaired again to Capernaum (Lk. vii. 1), where\nHe was met by certain elders of the synagogue bearing a message from\na centurion belonging to the Roman garrison quartered in the place,\none of whose slaves lay stricken with paralysis. Though an officer of\nimperial Rome, he had not regarded with contempt the religion of the\npeople amongst whom He was placed, but had aided them in building their\nsynagogue, and evinced much kindness towards them. At their request,\ntherefore, the Saviour proceeded towards his house, but on the way was\nmet by certain of the centurion\u2019s friends, who bade Him not trouble\nHimself to enter his abode, but speak the word, and he was assured\nhis slave would recover. Such faith, the faith of a true soldier[304],\nwho could believe that the Holy One was as well able to command the \nunseen agencies producing sickness, as he was himself to rule his own \nsoldiers, moved the wonder even of the Lord, and was quickly rewarded \nby the healing of apparently the first Gentile sufferer[305].\n\nOn the following day (Lk. vii. 11), leaving Capernaum, accompanied\nby His disciples and a large multitude, the Saviour proceeded in the\ndirection of Nain, then a place of considerable extent in the Esdraelon\nplain, now little more than a cluster of ruins[306]. As he drew near, a\nsad and mournful spectacle met his eyes. A young man, _the only son of\nhis mother_, and _she a widow_ (Lk. vii. 12), was being carried on a\nbier towards his last resting-place, probably in one of the sepulchral\ncaves which perforated the rock on the western side of the town.\nBeholding the forlorn and desolate mother, the Holy One was filled\nwith the deepest compassion, and bidding her not weep, advanced towards\nthe bier and touched it. Thereupon the bearers stood still, while\naddressing the corpse He said, _Young man, I say unto thee, Arise_, at\nwhich word of power the dead man instantly sat up and began to speak,\nand was restored to his wondering and rejoicing mother (Lk. vii. 15).\n\nThis first signal victory over death filled all those, who witnessed\nit, with awe and astonishment, and they thankfully glorified God who\nhad raised up a prophet among them and truly _visited His people_ (Lk.\nvii. 16). No such miracle had been wrought since the days of Elisha,\nand the fame of it _went forth throughout all Jud\u00e6a, and throughout\nall the region round about_. (Lk. vii. 17). Amongst those to whom it\nwas related, together with the mighty works of the Saviour, was the\nBaptist, still detained in prison in the gloomy castle of Mach\u00e6rus[307]\n(Mtt. xi. 2; Lk. vii. 18). Thereupon he sent two of his disciples[308]\nto Jesus with the question, _Art Thou He that should come, or do we\nlook for another?_ Whatever was his precise motive in making this\nformal enquiry, whether it was for the sake of fully convincing\nhis own disciples, or from a desire for the comfort of a definite\nassurance from the Saviour\u2019s own lips, or from impatience at the slow\nestablishment of the kingdom of the Messiah, it was fully answered. At\nthe hour when the messengers arrived, the Saviour was actively engaged\nin His daily labours of love, healing diseases, casting out demons, and\nrestoring sight to the blind (Lk. vii. 21); He therefore bade the two\ndisciples return and tell their master what things they had seen and\nheard, _how the lame walked, the lepers were cleansed, the dead were\nraised, the poor had the Gospel preached to them_ (Mtt. xi. 5). But\nbesides these proofs of His Messiahship, which, as the Baptist could\nhardly fail to remember, had been distinctly indicated by the Prophets\n(comp. Isai. xxxv. 5, 6; lxi. 1), the Holy One added a special word\nfor John\u2019s weary prison-hours and the doubts of his disciples, saying,\n_Blessed is he, whosoever shall not be offended in Me_ (Mtt. xi. 6;\nLk. vii. 23), \u201cat My calm and unassuming course of mercy and love to\nmankind, at My total disregard of worldly honours, at My refusal to\nplace Myself at the head of the people as a temporal Messiah[309].\u201d\n\nNo sooner, however, had the messengers departed than the Saviour took\nthe opportunity of vindicating before the bystanders[310], who, perhaps,\nfrom the enquiry he had put, might receive an unfavourable impression\nrespecting the Baptist, the true greatness of his character. _No reed\nshaken by the wind_ was he, whom, a little more than a year ago, all\nJud\u00e6a and Jerusalem had flocked forth _into the wilderness to see_; no\neffeminate prince clad in luxurious apparel; no prophet merely, such\nas those of the Old Testament dispensation. Himself the subject of\nprophecy (Mtt. xi. 10), he was greater than all the prophets that had\npreceded him, being no other than the long-expected Forerunner of the\nMessiah (Mtt. xi. 10; Lk. vii. 27), the true Elias of whom Malachi had\nspoken, as destined _to prepare His way before Him_.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _TEACHING IN GALILEE._\n A.D. 28\u20139.\n\n\nAPPARENTLY while He was in the neighbourhood of Nain[311], the Saviour\nreceived an invitation from a Pharisee, named Simon, to enter his house,\nand sit at meat with him (Lk. vii. 36). Among the guests there pressed\nin a woman of unchaste life[312], which had brought her into bad repute\namongst her neighbours. Standing behind Him weeping, she kissed His\nfeet, and anointed them, as He reclined at meat, with a costly unguent\nfrom an alabaster box[313], and wiped away with her hair the copious\ntears that fell from her eyes. Shrinking from any moral or physical\nuncleanness, Simon marvelled that the Holy One suffered such a woman to\napproach Him, and could only attribute it to His ignorance of her real\ncharacter. But the Saviour addressing His entertainer in the touching\nparable of the \u201cTwo Debtors[314]\u201d (Lk. vii. 40\u201343), pointed out that\nthere was hope and mercy even for the lowest and most degraded, and\nturning to the woman bade her go in peace, for her faith had saved her,\nand _her sins, though many, were forgiven_ (Lk. vii. 10, 47).\n\nAlmost immediately after this striking incident, accompanied not\nonly by the Twelve, but by pious women, amongst whom were Mary of\nMagdala, Joanna the wife of Chuza, Herod\u2019s steward[315], Susanna, and\nmany others (Lk. viii. 3), He proceeded on a somewhat lengthened tour\nthrough the cities and villages of Galilee, preaching the kingdom of\nGod. Returning, as it seems most probable, to Capernaum, the multitude\nquickly gathered around Him, thronged Him in such numbers, and\nimportuned Him with such persistent craving for His merciful aid, that\nneither He nor His disciples had sufficient leisure _even to eat bread_\n(Mk. iii. 20). The enthusiastic zeal of Him, whose _meat it was to\ndo the will of Him that sent Him and to finish His work_ (Jn. iv. 34)\ninspired His mother and brethren with the desire to interpose, and to\nprotest against such exhausting labours[316] (Mk. iii. 21). But the\nintelligence that they were without the circle of the crowd seeking\nHim, did not induce Him to suspend His loving toil. Stretching forth\nHis hands towards His disciples (Mtt. xii. 49), He declared that they\nand all who heard and _did the will of His Father in heaven_ were as\ndear to Him as _brother, or sister, or mother_ (Mtt. xii. 49, 50; Mk.\niii. 34, 35; Lk. viii. 21).\n\nWhile, however, the feelings of the multitude were thus openly enlisted\non the side of the Redeemer, those of the Scribes and Pharisees from\nJerusalem were tinged with the intensest virulence and hostility. The\nmiraculous cure of a deaf and dumb demoniac (Mtt. xii. 22) caused the\ngreatest astonishment amongst the multitudes, and roused the enquiry\nwhether this was not the Messiah, the son of David (Mtt. xii. 23).\nResolved to check their enthusiasm, the Pharisaic faction openly\ndeclared that the Saviour owed His authority over the inferior demons\nto a secret compact with Beelzebub, the prince of the powers of\ndarkness (Mk. iii. 22). Such a fearful charge, which ascribed to the\ninfluence of the Author of Evil works of beneficence and divine power,\nbrought down upon those who urged it a terrible reply. The Saviour\u2019s\nacts, they were reminded, were those of purest beneficence, while evil\nspirits took a malignant pleasure in the miseries of men. Could it be\nbelieved that Satan would allow his kingdom thus to be divided, that\nhe would cast out those who were only accomplishing his will? Such\nan ascription of works of purest mercy to the energy of the Prince of\nDarkness, was an outward expression of an inward hatred of all that\nwas good and Divine, and bordered closely on a terrible climax of sin,\nincapable of forgiveness either in this world or the world to come,\neven sin against the Holy Ghost (Mtt. xii. 24\u201337; Mk. iii. 22\u201330; Lk.\nxi. 17\u201323).\n\nIn the afternoon or evening of the day on which these solemn warnings\nwere uttered, the Lord went down to the shores of the Lake (Mtt.\nxiii. 1; Mk. iv. 1), followed by a great multitude from all the towns\nround about. So numerous, indeed, were the crowds which gathered\naround Him, that, for the sake of more conveniently addressing them,\nHe entered into one of the fishing-vessels, and sitting there a\nlittle distance from the water\u2019s edge, addressed them in a series\nof parables[317] illustrative of the growth and extension of His\nkingdom\u2015\u2015_the Sower_ (Mtt. xiii. 3\u20139; Mk. iv. 3\u20139; Lk. viii. 4\u201315);\n_the Wheat and the Tares_ (Mtt. xiii. 24\u201330); _the Seed growing\nsecretly_ (Mk. iv. 26\u201329); _the grain of Mustard-seed_ (Mtt. xiii.\n31\u201333; Mk. iv. 30\u201332; Lk. xiii. 18\u201321); _the Hid Treasure_ (Mtt.\nxiii. 44); _the Merchant and the Pearl_ (Mtt. xiii. 45, 46); _the\nDraw-net_ (Mtt. xiii. 47\u201350).\n\nLater in the evening He requested of His disciples that they would\npush across the lake towards the Eastern shore; on which, they took\nHim _as He was_ (Mk. iv. 36), _i.e._ without any preparations for the\nvoyage, and made for the opposite coast. Wearied with the toils of that\nlong and exhausting day He fell asleep on a cushion in the stern, when\nsuddenly from one of the deep clefts in the surrounding hills a violent\nstorm of wind[318] (Mk. iv. 37; Lk. viii. 23) burst upon the surface\nof the lake, lashed it into waves (Mk. iv. 37), which almost hid the\nlittle vessel (Mtt. viii. 24), and threatened to sink it to the bottom.\nTerror-stricken at the sudden tempest, the Apostles hastily awoke Him,\nand implored His aid, lest they should perish, whereupon He arose,\n_rebuked the wind_ and the surging waters, and instantly _there was a\ngreat calm_ (Mtt. viii. 26; Mk. iv. 39), amidst which they reached next\nmorning the other side, deeply wondering at the power of their Master,\nwhich could reduce even the winds and the sea to obedience to His word.\n\nIn the country of the Gadarenes[319], where they now arrived, a fearful\nspectacle awaited them. Amongst the tombs, which existed, and can even\nnow be traced in more than one of the ravines on the Eastern side of\nthe lake, dwelt two demoniacs. The more notable or fiercer of the two\nwas possessed of such extraordinary muscular strength that all efforts\nto bind and restrain him had proved ineffectual, and the chains and\nfetters, with which he had at times been secured, had been broken and\ncrushed, nor had any been able to tame him (Mk. v. 4). Fleeing from\nthe fellowship of his kind (Lk. viii. 27), he had for a long time taken\nup his dwelling in the tombs, and there in the paroxysms of his misery\nhe often cried out and cut himself with stones (Mk. v. 5), and so\nterrified all travellers, that they dared not _pass by that way_ (Mtt.\nviii. 28).\n\nSuch was the miserable being, who now in company with his companion,\nwithout any garment to cover him (Lk. viii. 27), issued from his lonely\nabode, and seeing the Saviour afar off (Mk. v. 6) ran and fell down\nbefore Him crying out _What have I to do with Thee, Jesus, Thou Son of\nthe most high God? I adjure Thee by God that Thou torment me not_ (Mk.\nv. 7; Lk. viii. 28).\n\nResolved in His infinite mercy to rid him of the terrible spirit that\npossessed him, the Great Physician enquired his name. Thereupon he\nreplied, _My name is Legion, for we are many_, comparing the cruel and\ninexorable powers that mastered him to the \u201cthick and serried ranks\nof a Roman legion, that fearful instrument of oppression, that sign of\nterror and fear to the conquered nations[320].\u201d\n\nSensible that they were in the presence of the Lord of the spirit-world,\nthe demons possessing him besought the Holy One that He would not drive\nthem out of the country (Mk. v. 10), or send them into the Abyss of\nHell[321], the abode of the lost (Lk. viii. 31), but suffer them to\nenter into a herd of swine (Mk. v. 12; Mtt. viii. 31), which numbering\nnearly 2000 was feeding close at hand (Mk. v. 13). The Saviour gave\nthe required permission, and the whole herd rushing wildly down the\ncliff[322] into the lake were choked and destroyed.\n\nSuch a remarkable incident paralysed the keepers of the herd with\nfear, and straightway flying to the city, they recounted all that\nhad occurred, as also the marvellous change, which had come over\nthe terrible demoniac. Their report brought out wellnigh all the\ninhabitants (Mtt. viii. 34), and though in the man, probably a\nfellow-citizen[323], who _sat at the feet of Jesus, clothed, and in his\nright mind_ (Mk. v. 15), they saw a proof of the superhuman power of\nhis Deliverer, they yet besought Him to depart from their neighbourhood.\n\nThereupon the Saviour, taking them at their word, turned towards the\nlake, and was in the act of stepping into the boat (Mk. v. 18), when\nthe healed man prayed that he might be allowed to accompany Him. But\nthis the Holy One did not see fit to concede, and bade the man return\nto his friends, and recount to them what great things the Lord had\ndone to him. On which the other went his way, proclaiming throughout\nthe region of Decapolis[324] the story of his wonderful deliverance,\nhimself a witness and a standing monument of the Saviour\u2019s grace and\npower.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _MIRACLES AT CAPERNAUM\u2015\u2015DEATH OF THE BAPTIST._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nIMMEDIATELY after this miracle the Lord crossed over to the western\nshore of the lake (Mk. v. 21), where a great multitude was awaiting\nHim, and amongst them one of the prefects of the synagogue, probably\nof Capernaum, whose name was Jairus. Falling down before His feet, he\nearnestly besought Him to come to his house, and lay His hands upon\n_his little daughter_, who was at the point of death. Thereupon the\never compassionate Redeemer arose and followed him, accompanied by His\ndisciples, and a curious and eager crowd.\n\nAmongst the rest, who thus followed and pressed upon Him, was a woman,\nthat had laboured for upwards of twelve years under an issue of blood,\nwhich all the efforts of many physicians had proved powerless to\nasswage. Believing that, if she could but touch His clothes, she would\nbe made whole, she now came behind, and touched the hem or blue fringe\non the border of His garment. No sooner had she done so, than she\nfelt within herself that the long wished-for cure had at length been\naccomplished. The fountain of her blood was stanched, and she was\nhealed. But she was not to bear away the boon thus totally unobserved.\nPerceiving that power had gone out of Him, and turning round amidst the\ncrowd, the Saviour enquired who had touched Him? The Apostles, with\nPeter at their head, would have put the enquiry aside, but the Saviour\nrepeated it, and then the woman, trembling and alarmed, came and fell\ndown before Him, confessed all that she had done, and was gladdened by\nthe cheering words, _Daughter, be of good cheer, thy faith hath saved\nthee go in peace_ (Mk. v. 34; Lk. viii. 48).\n\nMeanwhile, though the delay must have been a sore trial to Jairus,\n\u201cnow when every moment was precious, when death was shaking the last\nfew sands in the hour-glass of his daughter\u2019s life[325],\u201d he betrayed\nno signs of impatience at a boon so readily bestowed upon another. But\nat this juncture his faith was still more put to the proof. Messengers\narrived informing him that the worst was over, and that his daughter\nwas already dead, and suggesting that he should no further trouble the\nMaster. Overhearing the announcement (Mk. v. 36), the Holy One bade\nhim not be afraid, but only believe, and hastened towards his house.\nEntering it, accompanied only by Peter, James, and John, and the father\nand mother of the maiden, He advanced into the chamber of death, where\nHe found a number of hired mourners weeping and wailing with all the\nboisterous and turbulent symbols of Oriental grief. Putting them forth,\nwhile they laughed to scorn His announcement that the damsel was not\ndead but only asleep, He went forward to the bed, and said, _Talitha\nCumi_, \u201cMaid, arise.\u201d Instantly His word was obeyed. The spirit of the\nmaiden came to her again, and she arose straightway, and began to walk,\nwhile \u201cat once to strengthen that life which was come back to her,\nand to prove that she was indeed no ghost, but had returned to the\nrealities of a mortal existence, _He commanded to give her meat_[326]\u201d\n(Mk. v. 43).\n\nSoon afterwards, accompanied by His disciples, He left Capernaum, and\nfor the second time appeared on a Sabbath in the synagogue of His own\ntown of Nazareth (Mk. vi. 2; Mtt. xiii. 54). The conduct of His hearers\non this occasion did not betray the frantic violence they exhibited\nduring His previous visit. The miraculous works wrought by His hands,\nof which they must have heard, could not be gainsaid, and the wondrous\nwisdom with which He spake filled them with astonishment (Mtt. xiii. 54;\nMk. vi. 2). But again their minds recurred to the thought of His lowly\norigin, to the fact that He was the son of a carpenter, that his family\nconnections were well known to them, and living in their midst (Mk. vi.\n3; Mtt. xiii. 55). Stumbling at this rock of offence (Mtt. xiii. 57)\nthey still refused to believe in Him, and the Lord Himself _marvelling\nat their unbelief_ (Mk. vi. 6), confined His designs of mercy to laying\nHis hands on _a few sick folk_ (Mk. vi. 5), who felt the influence of\nthat Divine touch and were healed.\n\nOn the morrow He and His disciples set out on another circuit\namongst the towns and villages of Galilee (Mtt. ix. 35\u201338; Mk. vi. 6),\npreaching the glad tidings of the Kingdom, and healing the sick. Great\nmultitudes from that thickly-peopled district followed Him, and deeply\nmoved to see them scattered _like sheep without a shepherd_ (Mtt. ix.\n36), He said to His disciples that _the harvest truly was plenteous,\nwhile the labourers were few_, and calling the Apostles to Him (Mtt. x.\n1; Mk. vi. 7; Lk. ix. 1), formally bestowed on them power over unclean\nspirits, and the ability to heal diseases, and sent them forth two and\ntwo with instructions not to enter into any heathen or Samaritan city\n(Mtt. x. 5), but to proclaim to the _lost sheep of the house of Israel_\nthe near approach of the Kingdom of Heaven. Accordingly they went\nforth and preached in the various towns and villages the message\nof repentance, casting out demons, and healing the sick, and at the\nconclusion of this trial of their powers, returned to their Master,\nprobably at Capernaum (Mk. vi. 30; Lk. ix. 10).\n\nMeanwhile important events occurred in the gloomy prison, where John\nthe Baptist was confined. The anger he had excited in the breast of\nHerodias by his outspoken denunciation of her sin, never slumbered or\nslept. She constantly kept her eye upon him, and would have put him\nout of the way without scruple, but Herod, though there was little from\nwhich he would shrink, dared not lay hands on one so venerated by the\npeople, and whose exhortations he himself was not above listening to\nand in some respects obeying (Mk. vi. 20).\n\nAt length an opportunity for gratifying her revenge presented itself,\nwhich she instantly embraced. Herod\u2019s birthday[327] came round, which,\nlike a true Herod, conforming in this as in other things to Roman\ncustoms, he kept probably at Mach\u00e6rus, with feasting and revelry,\nsurrounded by the petty chiefs and grandees of Galilee, the lords of\nhis court, and the officers of his camp (Mk. vi. 21). During the feast\nthe youthful Salome, the daughter of Herodias, entered the banqueting\nhall, and danced before the riotous company. So delighted were the\nguests, and especially Herod, with the brilliancy of her movements,\nthat in the delirium of his admiration, he promised her anything,\neverything _even to the half of his kingdom_, and ratified his word\nwith the royal oath.\n\nThe maiden departed, and consulted with her mother. Herodias saw that\nat last her hour was come, that at length the long-desired vengeance\nwas within her grasp. No jewelled trinket, no royal palace, or splendid\nrobe should be the reward of her daughter\u2019s feat; _Ask_, said she, _for\nJohn Baptist\u2019s head in a charger_ (Mtt. xiv. 8; Mk. vi. 24), _i.e._ on\none of the dishes on which the fruits and viands of the table had been\nserved. Forthwith (Mk. vi. 25), as though not a moment was to be lost,\nSalome returned, and named her price to the assembled company.\n\nHerod\u2019s brow instantly fell. Even amidst the delirium of that riotous\nhour he was _exceeding sorry_ (Mk. vi. 26) for the brave preacher,\nwhose words he had so often listened to, and for whom he entertained\nmuch reverence. But he had promised, and ratified the promise with an\noath. The captains and great lords, who had heard him swear, sat round\nthe festive board, and none in that riotous company would say a word\nfor the friendless prophet. So the word was given, and an officer was\nbidden to seek out the Baptist\u2019s dungeon and bring the reward which the\nmaiden claimed. He went, and executed his command, and Salome bore the\nbleeding head to her mother (Mk. vi. 28).\n\nBefore long the news of their master\u2019s death became known to the\ndisciples of the Baptist, and having consigned his headless body to\nthe grave (Mtt. xiv. 12; Mk. vi. 29), they went and recounted all that\nhad occurred to the Saviour (Mtt. xiv. 12), whom they appear to have\nfound in or near Capernaum (Mtt. xiv. 13; Mk. vi. 30; Lk. ix. 10). On\nreceiving these sad tidings respecting His Forerunner, the Lord left\nthe place with His Apostles, who had just returned from their tentative\nmission, and crossing the lake of Gennesaret (Mtt. xiv. 13), sought the\nneighbourhood of Bethsaida-Julias[328] (Lk. ix. 10).\n\nMeanwhile the news of the Baptist\u2019s death excited much consternation\namongst the Jews[329], who all regarded him as a prophet (Mtt. xiv. 5),\nand Herod\u2019s conscience allowed him little rest after the cruel murder.\nReturning to Galilee[330], he received intelligence, probably from\nthose who had witnessed the mission of the Twelve, of the wonderful\nworks of the Prophet of Nazareth (Mtt. xiv. 1; Mk. vi. 14; Lk. ix. 7).\nPerplexed at the appearance of a new Teacher he enquired who this\ncould be, and received different answers. Some said He was the awful\nElias, whose coming had been so often predicted; others that He _was\na prophet, or as one of the prophets_ (Mk. vi. 15). But the uneasy\nand superstitious king could not be satisfied with these replies, and\ndeclared Him to be none other than _the Baptist risen from the dead_\n(Mk. vi. 16), come back to haunt his footsteps, and reproach him with\nhis crimes. All that he heard awakened in him a desire to see the new\nTeacher, and destined he was to see Him, but not now (Lk. ix. 9).\n\n\n\n\n PART V.\n\n FROM THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST TO THE VISIT OF THE SAVIOUR\n TO JERUSALEM AT THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _THE FEEDING OF THE FIVE THOUSAND, AND THE WALKING ON THE LAKE._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nAT this time the Passover, the second Passover, as seems most probable,\nduring the Saviour\u2019s public ministry, drew nigh (Jn. vi. 4), but on\nthis occasion He does not appear to have gone up to Jerusalem, where\nthe determined hostility of the ruling powers rendered any further\nactivity dangerous, at least for the present.\n\nIt was probably, to commune in retirement with the Twelve, and to\nafford them a season of comparative rest after their late labours, that\nthe Lord now sought the neighbourhood of Bethsaida-Julias (Mk. vi. 31).\nBut the numbers moving about the country in consequence of the near\napproach of the great Festival, who came on foot from all the towns\nround about to see and hear Him (Mtt. xiv. 13; Mk. vi. 32; Lk. ix. 11),\nrendered the desired solitude impossible. The sight, moreover, of these\nmultitudes _scattered as sheep without a shepherd_ (Mk. vi. 34), again\nroused His deepest compassion, and He not only _taught them many things\nconcerning the Kingdom_ of God, and healed those amongst them that were\nafflicted with various diseases (Mtt. xiv. 14), but was moved on this\noccasion to minister still further to their temporal necessities.\n\nAccordingly at a somewhat early period, as it would seem, in the\nafternoon[331], He enquired of the Apostle Philip where bread might be\nbought to satisfy the hunger of the multitudes (Jn. vi. 5). Though _He\nHimself knew what He would do_, He put this question to prove the trust\nof the Apostle. But Philip, thinking of no other supplies save such\nas natural means could procure, replied that _two hundred pence_ (or\nrather _denarii_) would not be sufficient to procure sustenance for\nsuch a number (Jn. vi. 7). Having thus obtained from his own mouth a\nconfession of the inability of all human power to satisfy the present\nneed, the Holy One left \u201cthe difficulty and perplexity to work in his\nmind and the minds of the Apostles[332],\u201d and thus prepare them for\nwhat He was about to do.\n\nAs the evening, however, drew on (Mtt. xiv. 15; Lk. ix. 12)\nthe disciples approached Him, and drawing His attention to the\ndesert[333] character of the locality, proposed that He should send\naway the multitudes, in order that they might seek refreshment in the\nneighbouring towns and villages. To this He replied that _they need not\ndepart_ (Mtt. xiv. 16), and bade _them_ supply their needs, and when,\nreiterating the assertion[334] of Philip, they declared how impossible\nit was to do such a thing, He sent them to see what supplies they\nhad. Returning they informed Him that from a lad in their company they\nhad been enabled to procure _five barley loaves and two small fishes_\n(Jn. vi. 9), and were thereupon bidden to marshal the multitudes _in\ncompanies_[335] amid the green grass of the rich plain around. This\ndone, He took the loaves and the two fishes and _looking up to heaven\nHe blessed_, and brake, and gave of the food to the Apostles, who in\ntheir turn distributed to the different groups, till _they did all eat\nand were filled_. When the wondrous meal was over, the Holy One, who,\nas the Lord of nature, ever \u201cmakes the most prodigal bounty go hand in\nhand with the nicest and truest economy,\u201d bade the disciples _gather\nup the fragments that remained, that nothing might be lost_, and though\n5000 men _besides women and children_ (Mtt. xiv. 21) had eaten and been\nsatisfied, yet they took up twelve baskets full of fragments that still\nremained over and above (Mtt. xiv. 20; Mk. vi. 43; Jn. vi. 13).\n\nThe impression made upon the people by this miracle was profound. It\nwas the popular expectation that the Messiah would repeat the miracles\nof Moses[336], and this \u201cbread of wonder,\u201d of which they had partaken,\nvividly recalled to the minds of the multitude their great Lawgiver,\nwho had given their fathers manna in the wilderness. They were\nconvinced, therefore, that the Holy One was none other than the Prophet,\nof whom Moses had spoken (Deut. xviii. 15), and in this conviction\nwould have taken _Him by force and made Him a king_ (Jn. vi. 14,15).\n\nTo defeat this their intention, the Saviour bade His Apostles take ship\nand cross over to Bethsaida[337] (Mk. vi. 45), on the other side of the\nlake, while He dismissed the multitudes. Having done so, He ascended\nto a point in the neighbouring mountain-range, and there continued\nin solitary communion with His Heavenly Father till near the fourth\nwatch[338] of the night (Mtt. xiv. 23\u201325; Mk. vi. 46).\n\nMeanwhile the Apostles had rowed about 25 or 30 furlongs[339] (Jn.\nvi. 19), when one of those sudden storms of wind to which the lake\nis subject, rushed down from the western mountains, and lashing the\nusually placid surface into waves (Mtt. xiv. 24) prevented them making\ntheir way towards Capernaum, and exposed them to imminent peril. At\nthis moment, to add to their fears, they discerned amidst the darkness\n(Mk. vi. 50) a Figure walking on the water and approaching their vessel.\nThinking it could be nothing but a Phantom, they cried out in their\nterror, when a well-known Voice was heard saying _It is I, be not\nafraid_. Thereupon the ardent, impetuous Peter replied, _Lord, if it\nbe Thou, bid me come unto Thee on the water_. The rejoinder was _Come_;\nand so descending from the vessel (Mtt. xiv. 29) amidst the darkness\nand howling wind the Apostle made some little way towards his Lord. But\nsoon the wind roared (Mtt. xiv. 30) and the waters raged, and his heart\nfailed him, and beginning to sink he cried, _Lord, save me_. Thereupon\nJesus _stretched forth His hand and caught him_, and gently rebuking\nhim for his want of faith took him with Him into the ship, which amidst\nthe calm that now stilled the waves, quickly reached the harbour of\nCapernaum, while the Apostles, _amazed beyond measure_ (Mk. vi. 51),\nworshipped Him, saying, _Truly Thou art the Son of God_ (Mtt. xiv. 33).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _THE DISCOURSE IN THE SYNAGOGUE OF CAPERNAUM._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nTHE fact of the Saviour\u2019s presence on the western side of the lake was\nsoon spread abroad amongst the people (Mk. vi. 54), and, as so often\nbefore, they brought their sick, who experienced the effects of the\nhealing word (Mtt. xiv. 36). Meanwhile many of the five thousand, who\non the previous evening had witnessed the marvellous multiplication\nof the loaves, not finding the Lord on the eastern side of the lake,\nhad taken ship[340] and crossed over to Capernaum _seeking Him_ (Jn.\nvi. 24). Knowing that He had not embarked with His disciples after\nthe miracle, they wondered how He had crossed over, and finding Him in\nthe Synagogue of Capernaum (Jn. vi. 59) eagerly questioned Him on the\nsubject.\n\nBut, as in the case of Nicodemus, the Holy One was not pleased to\nvouchsafe a direct answer to their question. He knew the superficial\ncharacter of their enthusiasm, and the merely temporal objects that had\nbrought them to Him; _Verily, verily, I say unto you_, He replied, _ye\nseek Me, not because ye saw the miracles, but because ye did eat of the\nloaves and were filled. Labour not for the meat which perisheth, but\nfor the meat which endureth unto everlasting life, which the Son of Man\nshall give unto you, for Him hath God the Father sealed._ Apparently\nunderstanding the Bread He spoke of in a literal sense, they replied by\nasking _how they might work the works of God_, whereupon the Holy One\ndeclared that the work acceptable to God was _to believe on Him whom He\nhad sent_ (Jn. vi. 29). To this they rejoined, with their usual craving\nfor miracle after miracle, by asking for some sign to confirm their\nbelief in Him, and then proceeded to suggest \u201ca sign from heaven\u201d such\nas they desired. The miracle of the preceding evening had convinced\nmany of them that the Speaker was indeed the Prophet _that should come\ninto the world_, and whose Advent had been predicted by Moses. That\nLawgiver had given them bread from heaven not once only, but during\na space of forty years; could He give them such a sign from heaven?\n\nIn condescension to the associations they had themselves recalled, the\nSaviour replied that Moses had not given them the bread from heaven,\nbut His Father was giving them the true Bread, even HIM _who cometh\ndown from heaven, and giveth life unto the world_ (Jn. vi. 33). Still\nunderstanding Him to speak of some miraculous life-sustaining food, the\nJews begged that He would _evermore give them that Bread_, whereupon,\npassing from indirect to direct assertions, He replied in the\never-memorable words,\n\n _I am the Bread of Life_;\n\nand in language majestic in its very simplicity proceeded to vindicate\nHis Divine nature and His descent from heaven.\n\nThis last assertion gave great offence to His hearers; they called to\nmind the earthly parentage of the Speaker (Jn. vi. 42), and marvelled\nhow He could claim a Divine origin. But, unmoved, unruffled by their\nincreasing discontent, whether \u201cthey would hear or whether they would\nforbear,\u201d He went on to repeat that He was the Bread from heaven, that\nthe Bread He would give was _His flesh_, which He was about _to give\nfor the life of the world_ (Jn. vi. 47\u201351).\n\nThese mysterious words provoked still greater opposition on the part\nof the Jews; they _strove with one another, saying, How can this man\ngive us His flesh to eat?_ But their opposition and questionings moved\nnot His calm majesty. With the same formula of solemnity, which He had\nalready thrice used[341] (Jn. vi. 53), He resumed in language still\nmore emphatic His assertion, that unless they _ate the flesh of the Son\nof Man, and drank His blood, they could have no life in them\u2015\u2015that His\nFlesh was meat indeed, and His Blood drink indeed\u2015\u2015that whoso ate His\nFlesh and drank His Blood had eternal life, and He would raise him up\nat the last day_ (Jn. vi. 53\u201358).\n\nThese solemn words, so entirely in keeping with the associations of\nthe Passover, now on the point of being[342] celebrated at Jerusalem,\nexerted a great influence on those who heard them. The Jews, as we have\nseen, were deeply offended. But many even of His disciples regarded\nwhat they had heard as a _hard saying_ (Jn. vi. 60), and walked no\nmore with Him (Jn. vi. 66). Turning to the Twelve, the Saviour enquired\nwhether they too were about to join the general defection, whereupon\nPeter replied, in the name of the rest, that there was no other Teacher\nto whom they could go, for He had the words of eternal life, and they\nbelieved and were assured that He was the _Holy One[343] of God_ (Jn.\nvi. 69). This declaration of faithful adherence their Omnipotent Master\naccepted, but with the sad remark that even now there was a traitor in\ntheir midst (Jn. vi. 70, 71).\n\nAfter this memorable day in the synagogue of Capernaum, the Holy One\nappears to have continued a short time in the Plain of Gennesaret,\nduring which period the excitement caused by His first landing was not\ndiminished, His popularity was great in spite of the mysteriousness\nof His doctrines, and His mighty power continued to be marvellously\ndisplayed[344].\n\nBut soon His labours of love were interrupted. Having kept the Feast\nat Jerusalem the Scribes and Pharisees returned (Mk. vii. 1), and soon\nfound matter for accusation against Him. In the social gatherings of\nthe Saviour and His Apostles they noticed that He did not observe the\nstrict and minute traditions of the elders, but ate bread with unwashen\nhands (Mtt. xv. 2; Mk. vii. 5). In reply the Holy One told them that by\nthose _commandments of men_ which they so studiously observed they were\nmaking of none effect the commandments of God, whom, in the words of\nthe prophet Isaiah, _they honoured only with their lips, while their\nhearts were far from Him_ (Isai. xxix. 13). The external defilement\nthey were so careful to avoid was, He declared in the hearing of the\npeople (Mk. vii. 14), nothing compared with the defilement of the heart,\nout of which proceeded all manner of evil thoughts, which ripened into\nthe worst crimes\u2015\u2015these truly defiled a man (Mtt. xv. 13\u201322).\n\nThe severity with which He thus, in the presence of the people,\nrebuked the rulers of the nation for a hypocritical observance of\nvain traditions, roused to a still greater height the animosity of\nthe Pharisaic faction (Mtt. xv. 12). Knowing that He could not now\nshew Himself openly without being exposed to their machinations[345],\nthe Lord passed north-west through the mountains of upper Galilee,\nand thence into the border-land of Tyre and Sidon (Mtt. xv. 21; Mk.\nvii. 24). Here He _entered into a house, and would have no man know\nit_ (Mk. vii. 24). But the rest and seclusion He sought were not to be\nfound. A Syroph\u0153nician[346] woman crossed the frontier (Mk. vii. 25),\nand earnestly besought His aid in behalf of her daughter, who was\ngrievously afflicted with a demon. At first it seemed as though she had\ncome in vain. But in spite of silence (Mtt. xv. 23), refusal (Mtt. xv.\n24), and seeming reproach (Mtt. xv. 26), she persevered in her petition,\nand at length, when the trial of her faith was ended, she obtained that\nwhich she had sought so earnestly, and with the encouraging assurance\nthat though a descendant of ancient idolaters, her faith was great\n(Mtt. xv. 28), and that her daughter was made whole, returned to the\nplace whence she came forth.\n\nAfter a short stay in this region, the Saviour proceeded northwards,\nstill nearer, as it would seem, to pagan Sidon[347], and thence passing\nround the sources of the Jordan and in a south-easterly circuit through\nDecapolis (Mk. vii. 31), to the further shore of the sea of Gennesaret.\nIn this region His merciful aid was besought in behalf of a deaf\nand dumb[348] man (Mk. vii. 32), whom He withdrew from the throng of\nbystanders (Mk. vii. 33), and after using special outward signs[349]\ngradually restored to the full possession of his faculties, charging\nthe multitudes to preserve a strict silence respecting the miracle (Mk.\nvii. 36). This injunction, however, was not obeyed, for the spectators\nspread abroad the news far and wide (Mk. vii. 36), and the effect was\nthat many who were _lame, blind, dumb, maimed_ (Mtt. xv. 30), were\nbrought to Him, and experienced the beneficent results of the healing\nword.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _THE FOUR THOUSAND FED\u2015\u2015THE CONFESSION OF ST PETER._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nTHE effect of these miraculous cures on the inhabitants of the\nhalf-pagan district of Decapolis was very great, and they confessed\nthat the God who had chosen Israel was indeed above all gods[350]\n(Mtt. xv. 31). Before long, therefore, a great multitude, amounting to\nupwards of four thousand besides women and children (Mtt. xv. 38), were\ncollected from the neighbouring region, and continued with the Lord\nthree days (Mtt. xv. 32), beholding His works and listening to His\nwords.\n\nThey had not, like the multitude earlier in the year, assembled for the\npurpose of going up to Jerusalem to keep the Passover, and their scanty\nprovisions failing them, could only retire to their mountain-homes\nthrough the passes by which they had followed the Lord[351]. The\ncompassionate Redeemer had no wish that they should return only _to\nfaint by the way_ (Mk. viii. 3), and enquired of the disciples how\nmany loaves they had with them. To this they replied, _Seven, and a\nfew small fishes_ (Mtt. xv. 34), and were thereupon commanded to make\nthe men sit down[352], when their scanty supply in the hands of Him,\nwho was the true Bread from heaven, proved sufficient for the hungry\nmultitude: they did eat and were filled, _and took up of the broken\nmeat that was left seven baskets[353] full_ (Mtt. xv. 37).\n\nHaving dismissed the recipients of His bounty, the Lord immediately\nentered with His disciples into a ship[354], and crossed over,\naccording to St Matthew, _into the coasts of Magdala_[355] (xv. 39),\naccording to St Mark, _into the parts of Dalmanutha_[356] (viii. 10), a\nvillage close by. Here, however, His stay was of no long duration, for\ncertain Pharisees, now for the first time combined with the Sadducees,\napproached (Mtt. xvi. 1) with a demand that He would shew them _a sign\nfrom heaven_. This request, already twice preferred[357], and now urged\nin explicit terms, He, who knew the hearts of those who claimed it,\nwould not gratify. _Sighing deeply in His spirit_ (Mk. viii. 12), and\ngrieved at their continued unbelief, He denounced them as hypocrites,\nwho could _discern the face of the sky_, but not _discern the signs\nof the times_ (Mtt. xvi. 3), and refusing to give them any other sign\nthan that of _the prophet Jonah_ (Mtt. xvi. 4), straightway entered\nthe vessel, in which He had come (Mk. viii. 13), and made for the other\nside.\n\nWarning His disciples during the voyage against the leaven of the\nPharisees and the Sadducees (Mtt. xvi. 5\u201312; Mk. viii. 14\u201321),\nhe reached the eastern shore of the lake and the neighbourhood of\nBethsaida-Julias (Mk. viii. 22). Here a blind man was brought to Him,\nwith a petition that He would touch him. Taking him, like the deaf and\ndumb man spoken of above, outside the village, the Lord anointed his\neyes with the moisture from His own mouth, and laying His hands upon\nhim enquired whether he saw aught? To this the sufferer looking up\nreplied that he _saw men, as trees, walking_ (Mk. viii. 24). Thereupon\nthe Redeemer laid His hands again upon his eyes, and his sight was\ncompletely restored.\n\nFrom Bethsaida, accompanied by His Apostles, He now set out in\na northerly direction, and travelling along the eastern banks of\nthe Jordan and beyond the waters of Merom, reached the confines\nor _the villages_ (Mk. viii. 27) of C\u00e6sarea Philippi[358]. In this\nneighbourhood, on one occasion, the Apostles found their Master engaged\nin solitary prayer (Lk. ix. 18), a solemn and significant action,\nthe precursor of not a few important events[359], as now of a deeply\nmomentous revelation. For as they resumed their journey, He addressed\nto them the formal enquiry, _Whom do men say that I am_?\n\nThis was not an ordinary question. He was speaking to those who had now\nfor some time been His constant companions, hearers of His words, and\nspectators of the signs which accompanied them. He seems to have wished\nto ascertain from their own lips the results of those labours, which\nnow, in one sense, were drawing to a close, and thence to pass on to\nother and more painful truths, which He had to communicate to them[360].\nTo this enquiry, then, the Apostles replied in words that reflected\nthe various opinions then held amongst the people; _Some say John the\nBaptist, others Elias, others Jeremias, or one of the prophets_ (Mtt.\nxvi. 14; Mk. viii. 28; Lk. ix. 19). _But_, continued the Holy One,\n_whom say ye that I am_? To this the Apostle Peter, speaking in the\nname of the rest, made the ever-memorable reply, _Thou art the Christ,\nthe Son of the living God_ (Mtt. xvi. 16).\n\nThe object for which the question had been put was now partly achieved.\nBy the mouth of one of their number the Apostles had expressed the\nconclusion, to which they had come after so long enjoying the society\nof their Master, that He was no other than the Messiah, the Son of\nGod. This their testimony He accepted; acknowledged the truth of the\nApostle\u2019s confession; declared that it had not been revealed to him _by\nflesh and blood, but by His Father in heaven_; and bestowed upon him\nthe promise of peculiar dignity in the Church He was about to establish\n(Mtt. xvi. 18, 19).\n\nBut now, having, as three Evangelists distinctly tell us (Mtt. xvi. 20;\nMk. viii. 30; Lk. ix. 21), charged them strictly not to divulge the\nfact of His Messiahship to the world at large, He began to reveal to\nthem strange and mournful tidings respecting Himself. _The Son of Man_,\nHe declared, _must go up to Jerusalem, and there suffer many things\nfrom the elders, chief priests, and scribes, and be put to death, and\nafter three days rise again_. This was the first announcement, clear,\ndistinct, peremptory of what lay before Him (Mk. viii. 32), revealing\nnot only that He should suffer, but the agents in His sufferings, the\nform they would take, the place where He would undergo them, and their\nissue, a mysterious resurrection after three days. To the Apostles the\nannouncement sounded utterly strange and inconceivable. The selfsame\nPeter, who, a moment before, had witnessed so noble and outspoken a\nconfession to his Lord\u2019s Divinity, was utterly unable even to endure\nthe thought of His suffering. _That be far from Thee, Lord_, was his\nindignant reply. But with a solemn rebuke the Holy One checked his\nuntimely expostulations, which savoured of the weakness of flesh and\nblood, not of holy obedience to a heavenly Father\u2019s will. Nay more, as\nif to seal the words He had uttered in the presence of many witnesses,\nHe called to Him some of the people that were standing near (Mk.\nviii. 34), and in their hearing, as well as that of the Apostles,\nbade any who would come after Him, _take up his Cross_ and follow Him,\nfor through the gate of suffering lay the road to Glory, not only for\nHimself, but for all His followers (Mtt. xvi. 24; Mk. viii. 34; Lk.\nix. 23).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _THE TRANSFIGURATION\u2015\u2015THE LUNATIC CHILD._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nAFTER the announcement we have just considered, the teaching of \nthe Lord as addressed to His disciples assumed a new character. The \nmysterious close of His life had been already[361] more than once \nhinted at in figures or parables, but now He began gradually, as they \nwere able to bear it, to speak clearly and openly of His death and \nrejection by the Jews. So far from establishing any earthly kingdom \nsuch as they expected, in which they might occupy distinguished places, \nHe proceeded from this time to intimate in precise and distinct \nlanguage how very different was the end that really awaited Him.\n\nTo the Apostles, who indulged to the close in dreams of a reign like\nthat of earthly kings, these intimations of their Master sounded\nstrange and unaccountable. To cheer, therefore, their wounded spirits,\nto enable them in some measure to comprehend the supernatural character\nof His kingdom, the Holy One was pleased to assure them that there were\n_some standing there_, who should not _taste of death till they had\nseen_, in spite of the sad announcement He had just made, _the Son of\nMan coming in His kingdom_ (Mtt. xvi. 28; comp. Mk. ix. 1; Lk. ix. 27).\n\nAccordingly six days afterwards, with three of the most privileged\nof their number, who had already in the chamber of Jairus witnessed\ntheir Master\u2019s power over death[362], He retired to one of the numerous\nmountain-ranges in the neighbourhood, not improbably one of the summits\nof Hermon[363]. From St Luke\u2019s intimation that one object of His own\nwithdrawal was that He might engage in solitary prayer (Lk. ix. 28),\nand that the three Apostles were wearied and oppressed by sleep (Lk.\nix. 32), we infer that evening was the time of this retirement of\nthe Holy One, the close, it may be, of a long day spent in going\nabout doing good. While, then, they slept and He continued engaged\nin prayer, a marvellous change came over His person (Lk. ix. 29). His\nraiment suddenly became shining, _exceeding white as snow, the fashion_\nalso _of His countenance_ was altered, _and shone like the sun_ (Mtt.\nxvii. 2; Mk. ix. 3; Lk. ix. 29).\n\nRoused at length by the supernatural brightness around them, the\nChosen Three awoke[364], and shaking off their slumbers, perceived not\nonly the mysterious change that had come over their Master, but also\nthat He was no longer alone! He was accompanied by _two men_, in whom\nthey were enabled to recognize no others than the great pillars and\nrepresentatives of the Old Testament dispensation, _Moses and Elias_.\nNor did they only see their transfigured Lord attended by these strange\nvisitants from the world of spirits, but they were privileged to\noverhear the subject of their mutual converse. _They spake of_, or\ndescribed[365], _the decease He was about to accomplish at Jerusalem_\n(Lk. ix. 31).\n\nUpon the ardent, impulsive Peter it was the scene itself, and not\nthe topic of mysterious converse he overheard, that made the most\nimpression. To him it seemed as though the kingdom of heaven was indeed\n\u201crevealed in power.\u201d In the excitement of the moment he would have made\nthree tabernacles, one for his Lord, one for Moses, and one for Elias,\nin order that from thence the laws of the kingdom might be promulgated,\nand all men might recognise the true Messiah attended by the Pillars\nof the old Economy. But it was not to be. While he was yet speaking\nthere came a cloud overshadowing them, and out of it there came a Voice,\nsaying, _This is My Beloved Son, hear ye Him_. And then all was over.\nWhile the Apostles lay panic-stricken on their faces, their Master once\nmore joined them, and bade them _rise and not be afraid_, and, as they\ndescended from the Mount, He charged them to reveal to no man what they\nhad seen, _till_ (again the mysterious words recurred) _He should have\nrisen from the dead_ (Mtt. xvii. 9; Mk. ix. 9).\n\nRejoining the rest of their fellow-Apostles, the Chosen Three found\nthem surrounded by a great crowd, amongst which were certain of the\nLord\u2019s old adversaries, the Scribes, not unwilling witnesses of a\ndefeat which His disciples had sustained. During their Master\u2019s absence\na man had besought their aid in behalf of his son, who was possessed\nwith an evil spirit of peculiar malignity. But he had besought their\naid in vain. The Nine had been unable to expel the demon, and the\nScribes, making the most of their discomfiture, were eagerly disputing\nwith them (Mk. ix. 14), and doubtless \u201carguing from the impotence of\nthe servants to the impotence of the Master[366],\u201d when He suddenly\nappeared, bearing, it would seem, on His face and person traces of\nthe celestial glory of the past night. _Greatly amazed_ (Mk. ix. 15)\nat His appearance, the multitude no sooner saw Him, than they _ran to\nHim and saluted Him_ (Mk. ix. 15), and as He was asking of the Scribes\nthe reason of their dispute with His disciples, the father drew near,\nrelated what had occurred, and the terrible condition of his only son\n(Lk. ix. 38). Possessed he had been for a long time with a dumb spirit\n(Mk. ix. 17), but at times it seized him with such violence, that he\n_foamed and gnashed with his teeth_ (Mk. ix. 18), or was driven with\nalmost irresistible impulse into the water and into the fire (Mtt.\nxvii. 15).\n\nWith a sad rebuke of the faithlessness of the generation in which He\nlived, the Lord commanded the boy to be brought into His presence. He\nwas brought, but no sooner did he see the Saviour (Mk. ix. 20), than\nhe was seized with one of those sudden paroxysms, which the father\nhad described, and falling on the ground, he _wallowed foaming_ at\nthe mouth (Mk. ix. 20). On beholding the miserable sufferer, the Lord\nenquired of his father how long he had been in this case. To this\nthe other replied that it dated from his childhood (Mk. ix. 21), and\ndescribed the terrible nature of the fits which came upon him, ending\nwith a touching request, that if He could do anything, He would have\ncompassion on him, and help him. _All things are possible_, said the\nHoly One, _to him that believeth_. _Lord, I believe_, replied the\nagonized father, _help Thou mine unbelief_ (Mk. ix. 23, 24), and his\nfaith, though but a little spark, was rewarded. Addressing the demon\nin words of solemn and conscious authority the Holy One commanded him\nto leave the child and _enter him no more_ (Mk. ix. 25), and the foul\nspirit, unable to resist the word of power, uttering a piercing cry and\nrending the sufferer with one last convulsive paroxysm (Mk. ix. 26),\nleft him lying on the ground, to all appearance dead. But his merciful\nHealer took him by the hand, and, invigorated by that touch, he rose up,\nand was restored to his rejoicing father (Lk. ix. 42).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER V.\n\n _THE COIN IN THE FISH\u2019S MOUTH\u2015\u2015TOUR THROUGH SAMARIA._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nAFTER the incidents just related, the Redeemer appears to have again\nturned His steps southward through the northern parts of Galilee and\nin the direction of Capernaum (Mtt. xvii. 22; Mk. ix. 30). This journey\nHe wished should be as private as possible (Mk. ix. 30), undisturbed by\nthe presence of the large crowds that usually gathered about Him. For\nnow that He had so plainly and unreservedly spoken to His Apostles of\nHis approaching death and resurrection, He desired that these His words\nshould _sink deep into their ears_ (Lk. ix. 44), and that they should\nbe more fully instructed respecting their reality and certainty. Once\nmore, therefore, He began to tell them of His coming rejection by the\nrulers of the nation, of His death, and resurrection. But His words\ntook no root in the minds of His hearers. His \u201cthoughts were not their\nthoughts,\u201d nor His \u201cways their ways;\u201d they could not understand that\nwhereof He spake, or how One, whom they believed to be the Messiah,\ncould be called upon to suffer, and were afraid to ask Him personally\nwhat He meant (Mk. ix. 32; Lk. ix. 45).\n\nOn their arrival at Capernaum, the collection of the half-shekel[367]\ndue from every male Israelite, who had attained the age of 20 years,\nfor the service of the sanctuary at Jerusalem, was going on.\nApproaching the Apostle Peter, the collectors enquired whether his\nMaster did not pay this sum (Mtt. xvii. 24), to which he replied in\nthe affirmative. Shortly afterwards on reaching the house where they\nwere about to lodge (Mtt. xvii. 25), the Lord, aware of the incident,\nenquired of the Apostle whether earthly monarchs levied custom and\ntribute[368] of their own children or of strangers. _Of strangers_, \nwas the instant reply. _Then_, said the Holy One, alluding to His own\nrelation to His heavenly Father, _are the children free_, and He as\nthe Son of God was exempt from a payment which went to the support of\nHis Father\u2019s house. Lest, however, it should be said that He and His\nApostles despised the Temple, and so men should be offended, He bade\nhim go down to the lake, cast in a hook, and take the first fish that\ncame up, assuring him that, when he had opened its mouth, he would\nfind sufficient[369] to pay both for the Apostle and his Master (Mtt.\nxvii. 27).\n\nIn spite of His repeated intimations respecting His own coming\nsufferings, the thoughts of the Apostles were still running on the\nhigh places they believed in store for them in their Master\u2019s kingdom,\nand the late selection of three of their number to behold the glory\nof His transfiguration, added to the prominence of Simon in the\nmiraculous payment of the tribute-money, excited their jealousy and\ncarnal aspirations. While their Master was contemplating the cross,\ntheir imaginations were apportioning crowns, and the question which was\nthe greatest amongst them excited much discussion (Mk. iv. 33; Lk. ix.\n46, 47). Knowing their thoughts He replied to their question respecting\nthe disputed point (Mtt. xviii. 1) by a touching symbolical action.\nTaking a little child in His arms (Mk. ix. 36) He placed him in their\nmidst, and solemnly (Mk. ix. 35) declared that unless they laid aside\nall their thoughts of dignity and place and power, and became like\nlittle children (Mtt. xviii. 3), they could not hope to enter into His\nKingdom at all; for in that Kingdom he was greatest who could humble\nhimself like the little child before them, and whoso received even one\nsuch little child in His Name, received Him.\n\nThese last words reminded the Apostle John of a fault which he now\nconfessed. On one occasion he and the rest of the Apostles had seen\na man trying to cast out demons by pronouncing over the possessed the\nname of Jesus (Comp. Acts xix. 13), and they had forbidden him, on\nthe ground that he was not one of their Master\u2019s avowed followers (Mk.\nix. 38; Lk. ix. 49). On being informed of this, the Holy One gently\nrebuked the spirit which had prompted the Apostle thus to act. _No\nman_, He declared, _who could work a miracle in His name, could lightly\nspeak evil of Him; he that was not against them was for them; and even\na cup of cold water given to a disciple in His name should not lose\nits reward_ (Mk. ix. 41). Having thus urged upon them the duty of\nchild-like humility, He proceeded to enforce that of avoiding offences\n(Mtt. xviii. 10), and of cultivating a spirit of love towards their\nLord\u2019s little ones. Then by the Parable of the _Lost Sheep_ He taught\nthem the joy that pervaded heaven at the repentance of a single sinner\n(Mtt. xviii. 10, &c.; Lk. xv. 3\u20137), and by that of the _Debtor who\nowed ten thousand talents_ (Mtt. xviii. 23\u201335), how they were bound to\nforgive every one his brother their trespasses.\n\nWhile the Apostles were being thus gradually trained for the reception\nof other ideas than those of earthly glory, in respect to the\nestablishment of their Master\u2019s Kingdom, the season for the celebration\nof the feast of Tabernacles drew near (Jn. vii. 2). The harvest being\nover, and the grapes trodden in the winepress, numerous caravans of\nJewish pilgrims would be gathering together to go up to the Holy City\nand keep the Feast. At this juncture, then, the Lord\u2019s brethren[370]\n(Jn. vii. 3) who, though they did not believe in His Divinity (Jn.\nvii. 5), were yet not above cherishing feelings of pride and exultation\nat the mighty works which He wrought[371], bade Him leave Galilee,\nand display proofs of His wonder-working power, no longer in obscure\nnorthern towns, but in the streets of Jerusalem itself (Jn. viii. 3\u20136).\n\nThough He intended to keep the feast, the Redeemer could not go up to\nit for such a manifestation of Himself to the world as they desired\n(Jn. vii. 4). His Hour, the Hour for a very different exaltation,\nwas not yet come (Jn. vii. 6), nor for the present could He take part\nin festal solemnities. They accordingly went their way to Jerusalem,\nand on their departure, amidst no open, avowed procession of a mere\nwonder-worker, but privately and unobtrusively as became a lowly\nRedeemer (Jn. vii. 10), accompanied by His Apostles, He set His face\nto go up to the Holy City (Lk. ix. 51).\n\nInstead of taking the longer and more frequented route through Per\u00e6a,\nfor the sake, probably, of greater seclusion, the Saviour chose\nthat through Samaria (Lk. ix. 52), and sent messengers before Him to\nprepare for His coming. Entering a certain village of the Samaritans,\nthe Apostles sought to do as He had bidden them. But the churlish\ninhabitants, perceiving the reason why He was passing through their\nland, usually so studiously avoided, refused to receive Him[372] (Lk.\nix. 53). Indignant at this rebuff, the impetuous \u201cSons of Thunder,\u201d\nJames and John, would have had their Master act in the spirit of\nElijah[373], and call down fire from heaven on the inhospitable and\nchurlish villagers. But the Holy One rebuked their intemperate zeal,\nand the forgetfulness they evinced of the true spirit that became them\nas His followers, and sought shelter in another village (Lk. ix. 56).\n\n\n\n\n PART VI.\n\n FROM THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES TO THE TRIUMPHAL ENTRY\n INTO JERUSALEM.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES\u2015\u2015HOSTILITY OF THE SANHEDRIN._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nMEANWHILE the excitement at Jerusalem respecting the Saviour was\nvery great. The Festivals of Passover and Pentecost had alike passed\naway, and He had not assumed publicly the title or functions of the\nMessiah. The question whether He would present Himself at the Feast\nof Tabernacles was eagerly discussed (Jn. vii. 11), and many were the\nopinions advanced concerning Him; some affirming Him to be _a good man_;\nothers, a _deceiver of the people_; while fear of the ruling powers in\nthe city prevented any open declaration in His favour (Jn. vii. 12).\n\nWhen, however, the Feast had reached its midst, He suddenly appeared\nin the Temple, and began to teach openly in its crowded courts. Such\na step at a time when the Sanhedrin had pronounced Him guilty of\na capital offence[374], when they were even seeking to kill Him\n(Jn. vii. 25), excited the greatest astonishment. That One, who had\nbeen brought up at the feet of none of the recognised and celebrated\nteachers (Jn. vii. 15), should venture thus openly to instruct the\npeople, should claim for His doctrines a mysterious and exalted origin\n(Jn. vii. 16, 17), should justify His violation of the Sabbath by\nHis works of mercy (Jn. vii. 21),\u2015\u2015this, added to the hesitation and\ninactivity of the ruling powers[375], caused much perplexity. While,\ntherefore, some could not recognise His claims to be regarded as the\nMessiah with His well-known Galil\u00e6an origin, and the uncertainty which\nwas popularly ascribed to the quarter whence the Messiah was to come\n(Jn. vii. 27), many could not resist the impression His wondrous works\nmade upon their minds, and refused to believe that the long-expected\nDeliverer would perform any greater miracles than those they now\nwitnessed (Jn. vii. 31).\n\nThese murmurs of the multitude at length reached the ears of the\nSanhedrin, and they resolved to take steps for securing His person (Jn.\nvii. 32). For this purpose they sent their officers to seize Him on the\nfirst favourable opportunity. But their hostility, though now clearly\navowed, did not stay the Lord from continuing His teaching; He knew He\nwas to be but a little while longer with the multitude, who listened\nto Him gladly, before He returned to Him that had sent Him, and now for\nthe first time publicly, though darkly, hinted at His speedy removal\n(Jn. vii. 33\u201336), and on the last, _the great day of the Feast_ (Jn.\nvii. 37), taking up His parable from the water brought in a golden\nvessel from the Pool of Siloam and poured before the Brazen Altar[376],\npreached with peculiar appropriateness on _the living waters_ of the\nSpirit, which should flow forth when He was glorified (Jn. vii. 39).\n\nThis boldness, added to the solemnity of His words, exerted a still\ngreater influence on the multitudes. Some declared He must be _the\nProphet_ (Jn. vii. 40); others that He was the Messiah (Jn. vii. 41);\nothers would have thought so too had He not risen out of Galilee\ninstead of Bethlehem of Jud\u00e6a, as Prophecy had indicated (Jn. vii. 42;\nMic. v. 2), while a fourth, but clearly a smaller party, wished to\napprehend Him, but dared not from fear of the people.\n\nAccordingly the Sanhedrin met a second time, and the officers they had\ndeputed to effect His apprehension appeared before them (Jn. vii. 45),\nand in reply to the enquiry why they had not brought Him, declared it\nwas impossible\u2015\u2015_never man spake like Him_\u2015\u2015and they felt powerless\nto carry out their instructions. Such an avowal was received with\nundisguised contempt (Jn. vii. 47, 48), but the Sanhedrin found that\nthe influence of the mysterious Teacher had penetrated within their own\ncouncil. While they were, apparently, proceeding to discuss some plan\nfor His condemnation, Nicodemus interposed with the enquiry whether\nthe Law did not demand an open examination of a man\u2019s claims before\nthey pronounced judgment? This candid and generous suggestion drew down\nupon the speaker the uttermost derision. He was asked whether he too\nwas from Galilee, and bidden to search and see whether any prophet had\nrisen out of that despised and half-heathen region[377]? (Jn. vii. 52).\n\nOn the following day the Pharisees, finding open hostility ineffectual,\nmade a crafty and insidious effort to undermine the growing popularity\nof the Saviour[378]. When He returned from the Mount of Olives (Jn.\nviii. 1), and reappeared in the Temple surrounded by the multitude,\nthey brought to Him a woman who had been taken in the act of adultery,\nand placing her in the midst requested His decision respecting her.\nThe Law of Moses certainly denounced death as the penalty of her\ncrime (Lev. xx. 10), but, owing to the corrupt morals of the times,\nsuch a sin seldom incurred any other penalty than divorce. If, then,\nHe decided _for_ the punishment of death, He would, they expected,\nlose ground with the people by rigidly adhering to an enactment which\nthey themselves were wont to mitigate[379]; if, on the other hand,\nHe pronounced her acquittal, they could denounce Him as One who set\nat nought the Law of Moses, and lowered its time-honoured authority\n(Jn. viii. 6).\n\nWhile, however, they were eagerly claiming His decision, the Holy One,\nas if indifferent to their request, continued seated (Jn. viii. 2),\nand stooping down appeared to be tracing characters with His fingers\nin the dust. At length He looked up (Jn. viii. 7), and said, _He that\nis without sin amongst you, let him first cast a stone at her_, and\nthen again bending downwards resumed the writing on the floor. Such\nwas the solemnity of His words, and such the authority with which they\nappealed to the consciences of all present, that they dared not persist\nin advancing their charge, and stole out one by one. When, therefore,\nHe looked up again, He found Himself alone with the woman, and enquired\nwhether none was present to convict her. To this she replied, _No man,\nLord_, and He, declining to assume the functions of the judge, or to\npronounce her condemnation, bade her _go and sin no more_ (Jn. viii.\n11).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _THE OPENING OF THE EYES OF ONE BORN BLIND._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nAFTER this signal discomfiture of His enemies, the Redeemer would seem\nto have been permitted to resume His discourses to the people in one of\nthe temple corridors, known as the Treasury, where stood the numerous\ntreasure-chests[380] to receive the contributions of the worshippers\n(Jn. viii. 20). Resuming, then, His teaching on the first Sabbath,\nprobably, after the late festival, He reiterated with increasing\nboldness and authority His claims to be the Messiah, and drew attention\nto the testimonies whereby they had been confirmed (Jn. viii. 12, 20).\nAgain, too, He hinted at His approaching removal, and declared with\nunruffled composure that, when He should have been lifted up upon\nthe Cross, then men would truly know who He was, and recognise the\nauthority with which He spake (Jn. viii. 28, 29).\n\nThe effect of these solemn declarations was again apparent, and\n_many believed on Him_ (Jn. viii. 30). But His advice to those, who\nthus professed their belief in Him, _to abide in His word_, and His\nassurance that thus they would _know the truth_, and the truth _would\nmake them free_ (Jn. viii. 32, 33), excited much discussion amongst the\nJews. How could they, the descendants of Abraham, who had never been\nslaves to any one, be made free? Though, as the Roman garrison in the\ntower of Antonia all too plainly attested, they were nationally in a\ncondition of vassalage to a foreign power, they protested against the\nidea of their being in a state of bondage, and urged their descent\nfrom the great patriarch Abraham. The children of Abraham, the Holy\nOne replied, they were not, for they were seeking to kill Him, Whose\n_day Abraham had desired to see_, and _had rejoiced to behold_. This\nassertion roused the utmost fury of their wrath; they heaped upon Him\nthe most bitter taunts, declared Him a Samaritan, and possessed with\na demon, and taking up some of the stones lying about ready for some\nrepair of the temple, were on the point of inflicting upon Him the\npunishment of a blasphemer, when He passed through the midst of them,\nand withdrew beyond the present reach of their malice (Jn. viii. 33\u201359).\n\nThe Sabbath, however, was not to close without another manifestation of\nHis divine and merciful power even in the midst of those who sought His\nlife. As He passed by, accompanied by His disciples, he encountered a\nman, who, it was well known, had been blind from his birth (Jn. ix. 1).\nHis sad affliction suggested to the Apostles the enquiry whether it\nwas to be ascribed to sins of his own or to those of His parents; to\nwhich the Lord replied that it was due to neither of the causes they\nsuggested; that his privations were intended to subserve higher objects\nof God\u2019s love; and making clay with the moisture from His mouth, He\nanointed the sufferer\u2019s eyes, and sent him to the Pool of Siloam, with\nthe injunction to wash therein. The man went, and returned perfectly\nrestored to sight (Jn. ix. 7).\n\nSuch a recovery of such a man, in such a manner, excited no small\nstir amongst his kinsfolk and acquaintance, and some actually doubted\nwhether he could be the same as the man they had so long remembered\nsitting in pitiable plight at the corner of the street and begging alms\nof every passer by. He, however, persisted that he was really the same,\nand related in simple and artless language the particulars of his cure.\n\nA miracle like this could not fail to arouse much attention, and the\nSanhedrin determined, if possible, to invalidate its effect on the\npublic mind, and summoning the man before them, began to investigate\nthe circumstances of the cure. Their questions he answered with the\nsame simplicity as those of his kinsfolk\u2015\u2015whereas he was blind, now\nthrough the power of One, who had put clay upon his eyes, he saw. But\nit was a Sabbath-day when the cure had been effected, and some of the\ncouncil wished to decide at once that one, who had flagrantly violated\nthe law, could not be acting under the sanction of God (Jn. ix. 16).\nOthers, however, were too much impressed by the evidence of the miracle,\nto acquiesce in such an off-hand decision, and there was a division in\nthe council (Jn. ix. 16).\n\nThe man himself, therefore, was again examined, but he could add\nnothing to the information he had already given, and expressed his\nconviction that his Healer must be a Prophet (Jn. ix. 17). Hoping next\nin some way to throw discredit on the reality of his malady and its\ncure, they sent for his parents, who allowed that he was their son,\nand that he had been born blind, but, fearful of the terrible sentence\nof excommunication, with which the Council had threatened all the\nfollowers of Jesus, referred the judges to their son for any further\ninformation they might require.\n\nTurning therefore, once more, to the healed man, they bade him give\npraise for the blessing he had received to God alone (Jn. ix. 24),\nand take no thought about Jesus of Nazareth, whom they authoritatively\npronounced to be _a sinner_. But their dicta had no effect upon his\nresolute and honest temper; whether his Healer was a sinner or not he\nwould not discuss before such an assembly; of the reality of his cure\nhe was certain, and that was enough for him; it was useless to question\nhim further, unless, perchance, they desired to become the disciples of\nJesus.\n\nThis opened a door for the more violent party in the council. They\nbegan to revile the man, and to declare their conviction that he was\na secret adherent of Jesus, while they were the followers of Moses.\nGod had spoken to that great Lawgiver, but of the origin of Jesus they\navowed themselves utterly ignorant. With increasing boldness the man\ncommented on the extraordinary fact that One, of whose origin such a\nlearned body was in such complete ignorance, could perform so great\na miracle, utterly unheard of before, and inexplicable save on the\nsupposition of Divine power (Jn. ix. 33). This outspoken language\nexcited the utmost indignation, and after taunting the poor man with\nhis blindness in which he had been born, and which marked him out as\naccursed of God, the Council proceeded to pass upon him the terrible\nsentence of excommunication (Jn. ix. 34).\n\nInformed of the step they had taken, the Lord sought out the late\nrecipient of His bounty, and enquired whether he believed on the Son of\nGod? To this question the other replied, _Who is He, Lord, that I may\nbelieve on Him_? (Jn. ix. 35, 36); _I that speak unto thee_, rejoined\nthe Holy One, _am He_, and accepted his act of instant adoration and\navowal of belief (Jn. ix. 37).\n\nBut the present visit to Jerusalem was to be marked by yet another\nprotest against the assumptions and errors of the ruling party in the\ncity. The Holy One affirmed that they were guilty of misleading the\npeople; that, whereas they pretended to see, they saw not; that they\nwere hireling shepherds, caring not for the lives and souls of the\npeople; that He, and He alone, was the true, the genuine Shepherd, the\npurport of whose coming into the world was _to lay down His life for\nthe sheep_ (Jn. x. 1\u201317). With this sublime discourse respecting the\n_Good Shepherd_, the occurrences of this visit to Jerusalem appear to\nhave come to a close. On no occasion does such an effect appear to have\nbeen made on the minds of the people. We are told indeed of few works\nof mercy and redeeming power; but the gracious words that fell from His\nlips appear to have sufficed to produce a great influence on many and\ndivers classes. \u201cThe mixed multitude, the dwellers at Jerusalem (Jn.\nvii. 25), the officials of the Temple (Jn. vii. 46), and to some extent\neven the hostile Jewish party (Jn. viii. 30), bore witness to the more\nthan mortal power of the teaching of Jesus of Nazareth[381].\u201d\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _MISSION OF THE SEVENTY\u2015\u2015DISCOURSES AND MIRACLES._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nFROM this point the exact movements of our blessed Lord are enwrapped\nin some obscurity, and the region whither he now retired is a matter\nof conjecture. It seems probable, however, that He did not leave Jud\u00e6a,\nbut continued His ministrations within its frontier, and about this\nperiod sent forth the Seventy Disciples[382] (Lk. x. 1\u20136), two and two\nbefore His face, to preach the word, and to visit various towns whither\nHe Himself also intended to come (Lk. x. 1). After receiving specific\ninstructions respecting their mission, the Seventy set out probably in\nthe direction of Per\u00e6a, and after some short time returned to recount\nwith much joy (Lk. x. 17) the success of their ministrations, and their\ndiscovery that even the evil spirits were subject to their Master\u2019s\nName.\n\nOne of the places visited by the Saviour during the present sojourn\nin Jud\u00e6a, was the village of Bethany[383] (Lk. x. 38), situated about\n15 stadia from Jerusalem (Jn. xi. 18). Here the abode of two sisters,\nMartha and Mary[384], and their brother Lazarus, was gladly thrown open\nto welcome Him, and each member of the little family enjoyed a share of\nHis peculiar affection (Jn. xi. 5), and from time to time the sunshine\nof His presence.\n\nScanty as are the indications of the places the Holy One now visited,\nit seems clear that the effect of His ministry was not inconsiderable:\nmultitudes gathered about Him to hear the Word of Life[385] (Lk.\nxi. 16), and behold His works of power[386]. But the enmity of the\nPharisees and the ruling body of the nation increased rather than\nlessened in intensity (Lk. xi. 53, 54). They still persisted in\nascribing His power over unclean spirits to a secret collusion with the\nEvil One (Lk. xi. 14, 15; Mtt. ix. 32\u201334); reiterated their demand for\n_a sign from heaven_ (Lk. xi. 29\u201336); carped at His refusal to conform\nto their superstitious observances in respect to _divers washings_\n(Lk. xi. 37\u201342); and stung to the quick by His denunciations of their\nhypocritical and bloodthirsty spirit[387], bent all their efforts to\nentangle Him in His talk, and find some matter for accusation against\nHim (Lk. xi. 54).\n\nUndeterred, however, by their ceaseless hostility, He persevered in His\nministrations, warned His disciples in the presence of the multitudes,\nwho crowded around Him in such numbers _as to tread upon one another_\n(Lk. xii. 1), against the _leaven of the Pharisees, which is hypocrisy_\n(Lk. xii. 1\u20134); reiterated His solemn words respecting blasphemy\nagainst the Holy Ghost (Lk. xii. 10); and, refusing to accede to a\nrequest to divide an inheritance amongst two brothers, took occasion\nto warn His hearers against covetousness, and delivered the striking\nparable of the _Rich Fool_ (Lk. xii. 13\u201321). Not merely, however, would\nHe warn them against this common sin, but \u201cknowing how often it springs\nfrom a distrust in God\u2019s providential care[388],\u201d He proceeded to teach\nthem where they might find a preservative against over-anxiety[389]\nabout the future, in the assurance of the loving care of a Father in\nheaven, who feeds the fowls of the heaven, though they _neither sow\nnor reap_, and have _neither storehouse nor barn_ (Lk. xii. 22\u201324), and\nclothes the _lilies[390] of the field_ with a beauty, such as _Solomon\nin all his glory_ never approached (Lk. xii. 27).\n\nIt was probably about this time that certain persons informed the Lord\nof a fresh outrage amongst the many that Pilate had committed[391].\nOn the occasion of the visit of a body of Galil\u00e6ans, whose turbulent\ncharacter has been already noted[392], to Jerusalem, the governor for\nsome unrecorded reason had slain them, and mingled their blood with\nthe blood of the slain beasts they were offering on the Altar at the\nTemple[393]. If men \u201cmight have been supposed to be safe anywhere,\nor at any time, it would have been at the altar of God, and while in\nthe act of offering sacrifices unto Him[394];\u201d their terrible death,\ntherefore, appears to have been urged by the narrators of this outrage\nas a peculiar evidence of God\u2019s anger against them, and of some unknown\nawful guilt[395] on their part (Lk. xiii. 1, 2). But such hasty and\ncruel judgments the Lord instantly rebuked, and declared that the\nterrible ends of these sufferers no more marked them out as _sinners\nabove all other_ of their fellow-countrymen than certain eighteen\npersons on whom a tower of Siloam[396] had recently fallen and crushed\nthem beneath its ruins (Lk. xiii. 4). In such swift calamities they\nwere not to trace the evidence of a pre-eminence of guilt on the part\nof the sufferers[397], but a call to remember their own uncertain\ntenure of life, and to repentance[398] while as yet the day of grace\nlasted, which solemn considerations He still further enforced by the\nappropriate parable of the _Barren Fig-Tree_ (Lk. xiii. 6\u20139).\n\nOn a subsequent occasion the Lord entered a synagogue on the\nSabbath-day (Lk. xiii. 10), where there was a woman inwardly afflicted\nin her spirit[399] (Lk. xiii. 16), and outwardly with a permanent\nand unnatural contraction of her body (Lk. xiii. 11). Without waiting\ntill His aid was sought, He forthwith called her to Him, and laying\nHis hands upon her, said, _Woman, thou art loosed from thy infirmity_,\nwhereupon the affliction of eighteen long years (Lk. xiii. 11)\ninstantly left her, _she was made straight, and glorified God_. Such a\ncure, which excited the wonder of all present, was more than the ruler\nof the synagogue could bear, and he openly expressed his indignation\nat this violation of the Sabbath, remarking that there were six days\nin the week when such servile working as healing might be done, and\nbidding those who needed help come then, and not degrade the sanctity\nof the Sabbath-day (Lk. xiii. 14). Such hypocritical strictness on the\npart of one who sat in Moses\u2019 seat and was regarded as a teacher of the\nLaw, moved the Saviour\u2019s righteous indignation. In words, the force of\nwhich was irresistible (Lk. xiii. 17), He justified that He had done by\nthe \u201cvery relaxations of the Sabbath strictness[400],\u201d which the ruler\nof the synagogue himself allowed. Would he not _loose his ox or his\nass from the stall and lead him away to water_ on the Sabbath-day, and\nshould he be blamed for merely speaking a word and releasing a daughter\nof Abraham from a bond with which Satan had enthralled her for so many\nyears? The question admitted of no reply; even His adversaries were\nashamed, while the multitude rejoiced for all the glorious things that\nhad been done by Him (Lk. xiii. 17).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _THE FEAST OF DEDICATION\u2015\u2015TOUR IN PER\u00c6A._\n A.D. 29.\n\n\nBY the time the incident recorded in the last Chapter took place, the\nseason of winter had returned (Jn. x. 22), and the snow lay upon the\nmountains[401]. With the return of winter came also the celebration\nof the Feast of Dedication[402], on the 25th of the month Chisleu,\nwhich lasted eight days. On this occasion the Lord once more visited\nJerusalem, and presented Himself in the Temple, and probably on\naccount of the wintry state of the weather sought shelter in \u201cSolomon\u2019s\nPorch[403],\u201d where He was speedily encircled by the Jews (Jn. x. 24),\nwho began with eager impetuosity to enquire how long He intended to\nkeep them in suspense, and to ask that if He was the Messiah He would\ntell them so plainly and distinctly (Jn. x. 24).\n\nThe question appears to have been put neither in a hostile nor\nunfriendly tone, and indicates a wish on the part of the ruling powers\nto discover whether He might not be induced to set Himself forth as\nthe Messiah they expected, and, like a second Judas Maccab\u00e6us, whose\nexploits they were commemorating, deliver them from the hated yoke of\nthe foreigner[404].\n\nIn reply, however, to their question, the Holy One contented Himself\nwith pointing to the wonderful works He had already wrought in their\nmidst. This testimony they had refused to receive, for neither in their\naims nor desires were they of His sheep (Jn. x. 26). _His sheep heard\nHis voice, and He knew them, and He would give them eternal life, nor\nshould any ever snatch them out of His hand_ (Jn. x. 27, 28); _for the\nEternal Father in heaven had given them to Him, and He and the Father\nwere one_ (Jn. x. 29).\n\nThis solemn and mysterious language, this claim to essential unity with\nthe eternal Father, again[405] provoked the anger of His hearers. Their\nearthly and carnal hopes centered on some great earthly conqueror. The\nwords of the Holy One sounded in their ears like blasphemy, and taking\nup some of the stones lying around for the repairs[406] of the Temple\nwhich were almost always going on, they were on the point of stoning\nHim as He stood.\n\nBut He calmed their fury by enquiring for which of His many works, that\nproved by their moral goodness no less than the power they displayed,\nHis union with the Father, they wished to stone Him. In reply the\nJews declared that it was His blasphemous words which made them act\nas they now did, for though a man, He claimed a union with God (Jn. x.\n32, 33). This charge the Holy One repelled by reference to their own\nsacred books[407]. Was not the title of God sometimes applied there to\nthe judges and rulers of the nation (Ps. lxxxii. 6[408]), and was it\nwith less justice applicable to One, whose wondrous works proved His\nintercommunion with the Father and His Divine mission to the world?\n(Jn. x. 34\u201338). This reply only excited a fresh burst of fury, and\nthough the Jews gave up their design of stoning Him, they tried to\napprehend Him and bring Him before their courts (Jn. x. 29).\n\nBut His \u201chour\u201d was not yet come, and retiring from the capital, He\ncrossed the Jordan, and sought the fords of Bethabara or Bethany, where\nHis forerunner _at first baptized_ (Jn. x. 40). In this region, where\nthat eminent servant of God had closed his course[409], it was proved\nthat \u201cthough dead he yet spake.\u201d Many remembered his burning words\nand faithful testimony to the Messiah, whom the Jews at Jerusalem had\nrejected, and acknowledging the truth of His words, gathered round the\nSaviour (Jn. x. 41), and avowed their belief in Him.\n\nStill even here He had to encounter hostile opposition. His\nindefatigable enemies, the Pharisees, penetrated His seclusion and\nrepresented that Herod Antipas, within whose dominions He now was,\nsought opportunity to kill Him (Lk. xiii. 31). But He saw through their\ncunning and hypocrisy, no less than the fox-like (Lk. xiii. 32) craft\nof the Tetrarch, by whom they had been probably suborned[410]. He,\ndoubtless, would be glad to get out of his territory[411] One, whose\nfame caused him so much perplexity, and they would be no less anxious\nto drive Him from a quarter, where He was comparatively safe, to the\nhostile neighbourhood of Jerusalem[412]. But though it was impossible\nthat a prophet could perish elsewhere than in a capital, which had\nslain so many who had been sent to it[417], yet there was still time\nfor the performance of works of mercy (Lk. xiii. 32, 33), for the\nhealing of the sick, and the expulsion of demons, before He went up to\nJerusalem, whose children He would so often have gathered together _as\na hen gathereth her chickens under her wing[418], but they would not,\nand whose house was now left unto them desolate_ (Lk. xiii. 34, 35).\n\nOf the works of mercy here mentioned, apparently but one is actually\nrecorded by the Evangelist. At the house of one of the leaders of the\nPharisees, to which He had been invited (Lk. xiv. 1) on the Sabbath-day,\nfor a hostile purpose[419], the Holy One healed a man afflicted with\ndropsy (Lk. xiv. 2\u20136), and taking occasion from the associations of the\ntime and place, not only rebuked the haughty selfishness with which the\nPharisees claimed the chief seats at feasts (Lk. xiv. 7\u201314), but also\nuttered the appropriate parable of the _Great Supper_ (Lk. xiv. 15\u201324).\n\nIn the same neighbourhood also, finding Himself surrounded by great\ncrowds, amongst which some indicated a wish to follow Him, He addressed\nthem solemnly on the self-denial required of all who would be His\nreal disciples (Lk. xiv. 25\u201335), and the necessity for first counting\nthe cost, and taking up the cross if they would truly follow Him.\nOn another occasion a great number of tax-gatherers, who were very\nnumerous near Jericho and the Jordan fords[420], gathered round Him, \ntogether with many regarded as profligate sinners. Their eagerness to \nlisten to His teaching, and His willingness to receive and eat with \nthem (Lk. xv. 1), roused again the hostility of the Pharisees and \nScribes, and provoked them to open murmuring. But, undeterred by their \nopposition, the Good Shepherd, with striking appropriateness now, gave \nutterance to the parables of the _Lost Sheep_ (Lk. xv. 1), the _Lost \nCoin_ (Lk. xv. 8\u201310), and the _Prodigal Son_ (Lk. xv. 11\u201332), and \nafterwards addressed to His disciples, though in the hearing of the \nPharisees, those of the _Unjust Steward_ (Lk. xvi. 1\u201313), and of \n_Lazarus and the Rich Man_ (Lk. xvi. 19\u201331).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER V.\n\n _THE RAISING OF LAZARUS._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nWHILE the Lord was in Per\u00e6a, and apparently in the neighbourhood\nof Bethabara, a messenger reached Him from the sisters Martha and\nMary[421], announcing that their brother Lazarus was sick (Jn. xi. 13).\nOn receiving this intelligence, He replied in the hearing of His\nApostles, but chiefly to the messenger, and for him to bring back\nto those that had sent him[422], _This sickness is not unto death_\n(Jn. xi. 4), _but for the glory of God, that the Son of God might be\nglorified thereby_.\n\nWhatever amount of hope this announcement may have raised in the minds\nof the sisters was for the present at least dashed to the ground. For\nHe, to whom they had sent their simple message, and who had so often\nhealed others at a distance by simply uttering a word, now neither\nspoke the word of power, nor came to them, but _remained still two\ndays in the same place where He was_ (Jn. xi. 6), and in the meantime\nLazarus died, and was laid in a rock-hewn sepulchre.\n\nAt the close, however, of the two days, the Holy One proposed to His\ndisciples that they should go into Jud\u00e6a again. But the trembling\nApostles, recollecting the extreme danger He had so lately incurred\nat Jerusalem, ventured to expostulate: a short time back the Jews were\nseeking to stone Him (Jn. xi. 8), and for the sake of safety He had\nbeen constrained to seek the seclusion of the region where He now was,\nwould He venture then, so soon to incur afresh the malice of His foes?\n\nThereupon He calmed their apprehensions, and announced that their\nfriend Lazarus _was asleep_, but He intended to _wake him out of sleep_\n(Jn. xi. 12). This announcement perplexed the Apostles still more. If\nLazarus slept, it indicated a favourable crisis of his illness, and the\nperilous journey was unnecessary. Perceiving that they understood His\nwords literally, He now told them plainly that _Lazarus was dead_, but\nstill declared His intention of going to Bethany (Jn. xi. 15), on which\nthe Apostle Thomas, betraying the tendency to misgiving and despondency\nwhich distinguished him[423], and convinced that his Master would fall\ninto the hands of His deadly enemies, proposed to the rest that at\nleast they should accompany Him, and share His end (Jn. xi. 16).\n\nWith these sad forebodings the Apostles accompanied their Lord, and\non reaching Bethany found that Lazarus had been already dead four\ndays[424], and as the village lay only three quarters of an hour\u2019s\njourney from Jerusalem, many Jews (Jn. xi. 19) had come thither over\nthe Mount of Olives, to pay the customary visit of condolence to the\ntwo sisters[425].\n\nTarrying Himself outside the village (Jn. xi. 30), the Lord suffered\nthe tidings of His arrival to go before Him, and no sooner did Martha\nbecome aware of it, than she hurried forth to meet Him, while Mary\nremained in the house. In few and touching words Martha revealed the\nanguish of her heart. _Lord_, said she, _if Thou hadst been here, my\nbrother had not died_, but added, shewing that even now she had not\nabandoned every hope, _I know that even now, whatsoever Thou wilt ask\nof God, God will give it Thee_ (Jn. xi. 22). In reply the Holy One\nassured her that her brother would rise again, and when she answered\nthat she knew he would _rise again at the last day_ (Jn. xi. 24),\nproceeded to declare Himself to be the _Resurrection and the life_,\nin whom whosoever believed should live though he died, and whosoever\nlived and believed should never die (Jn. xi. 25, 26).\n\nHaving spoken of Himself in these solemn and momentous words, He\nenquired whether Martha herself believed He was what He thus claimed\nto be. _Yea, Lord_, was her reply: _I believe that Thou art the Christ,\nthe Son of God, which should come into the world_ (Jn. xi. 27), and\nwith this assurance hastened away, and secretly called her sister.\nInformed of her Lord\u2019s arrival Mary also hurried to meet Him, and was\nquickly followed by a large number of the Jews, who took for granted\nthat, according to the usual custom[426], she was proceeding to the\ngrave to weep there. Arrived at the spot where Jesus was, Mary could\nonly fall down before His feet (Jn. xi. 32), and falter out the words\nher sister had already uttered, and then gave way to passionate grief.\nThe spectacle of her deep sorrow deeply affected many of the Jews also,\nand they mingled their tears with hers, while the Lord Himself _groaned\nin spirit and was troubled_, and enquired where they had laid the dead\n(Jn. xi. 33).\n\nWith the words _come and see_, they conducted Him to the sepulchre,\nand on the road[427] He Himself, borne away by the \u201cgreat tide of\nsorrow[428]\u201d around, joined His tears with theirs (Jn. xi. 35).\n\nOn reaching the sepulchre, which, like the family vaults of the Jews,\nwas a cave[429], with recesses in the sides, in which the bodies were\nlaid, He commanded the stone, which closed the entrance, to be removed.\nOn this Martha, shrinking from the exposure to the eyes of strangers of\nthe body of one so dear, and already partially decomposed (Jn. xi. 39),\nventured to expostulate; but Jesus reminded her of His promise that,\nif she believed, she should _see the glory of God_, and calmed her\nfeelings. Accordingly the stone was removed, and then the Holy One,\nafter a brief pause, during which He thanked the Eternal Father for\nhaving heard Him (Jn. xi. 41, 42), cried with a loud voice, _Lazarus,\ncome forth_. Instantly the word of Power was obeyed. There was a stir\nin the sepulchre. The dead man rose, and came forth, _bound hand and\nfoot with grave clothes, and his face covered with a napkin_, while the\nLord, who was never calmer than when during His greatest works, simply\nbade the bystanders _loose him and let him go_ (Jn. xi. 44).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VI.\n\n _RESOLVE OF THE SANHEDRIN\u2015\u2015JESUS RETIRES TO EPHRAIM._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nTHE remarkable miracle recorded at length in the preceding Chapter\nmarks an important epoch in the life of our Lord.\n\nThe effect it exerted upon those who witnessed it was twofold. Many\nof those, who had come to mourn with the sisters of Bethany, avowed\ntheir belief in the Saviour\u2019s claims (Jn. xi. 45), but others, with no\nfriendly intentions, hurried to the Pharisees and recounted to them all\nthat had taken place. Their report led to instant measures.\n\nThe ruling powers, hitherto comparatively calm, became very uneasy.\nA meeting of the Sanhedrin was convened, at which Caiaphas presided,\nand the course to be followed was keenly debated. It was clear that\nthe sentence of excommunication (Jn. ix. 22), lately passed upon the\nfollowers of the Saviour, had not counteracted the impression made\nby His ministry on the minds of the people[430]. The notable miracle\nHe had just wrought could not be gainsaid, and its effect upon the\nmultitude was profound. If he was suffered to continue His ministry,\nall, it was argued, would believe on Him, and in all probability\nproclaim Him as their King. Such a proclamation would inevitably lead\nto a riot, a riot to a visit from Pilate, the ruthlessness of whose\ncharacter had been again and again experienced[431], and this would be\nfollowed by a massacre, and the total deprivation of what remained of\ntheir national existence.\n\nMany measures were, probably, advocated by various members of the\nCouncil, but found no general acceptance. At length Caiaphas arose,\nand with unconcealed contempt declared that his weak and vacillating\ncolleagues _knew nothing at all_ (Jn. xi. 49). The life and teaching\nof One Man threatened to imperil the whole nation, and to bring them\ninto collision with their Roman masters. One effectual remedy alone\nexisted. _It was expedient_ that He should be put to death rather than\nthe whole nation should be swept away. As a Sadducee[432] (Acts v. 17)\nCaiaphas believed in the might of the Roman legions, though he denied\nthe doctrine of the resurrection and the existence of spiritual\npowers, and rather than embroil the nation in fresh troubles with\ntheir unscrupulous masters, he advocated the death of the Holy One,\nall unconscious[433] of the momentous results of the step he advised.\n\nThough there were some dissentients (Lk. xxiii. 50, 51), his words\nexpressed the feelings of the majority of the Council. The more decided\nand violent party triumphed. It was deliberately determined that Jesus\nshould be put to death, and from that day forward continual councils\nwere held to decide how this should be brought about (Jn. xi. 53).\n\nBut the Holy One, knowing that His \u201chour\u201d was not yet come, retired\nwith His disciples to Ephraim, a town situated[434] in the wide desert\ncountry north-east of Jerusalem, not far from Bethel, and on the\nconfines of Samaria.\n\nHere in quiet and seclusion He remained till the approach of the\nPassover, and then commenced a farewell-journey along the border-line\nof Samaria and Galilee, in the direction of the Jordan (Lk. xvii. 11;\nMtt. xix. 1), and so to Per\u00e6a (Mk. x. 1).\n\nIt was probably while yet on the confines of Samaria, that at the\nentrance of a village, the name and position of which are not recorded,\nHe encountered Ten Lepers, one of whom was a Samaritan[435] (Lk. xvii.\n16). Standing _afar off_ (Lk. xvii. 12), they all _lifted up their\nvoices_, and implored His aid, on which, filled with compassion for\ntheir miserable condition, He bade them go and _shew themselves to the\npriests_ at Jerusalem. Though they must have been aware that they could\nnot expect healing from the priest, whose only office it was either to\npronounce the sufferer affected with this fearful malady, or to restore\nhim with ceremonial washings to the society of his fellow-men[436], the\nLepers nevertheless set out, and lo! as they went (Lk. xvii. 14), their\nflesh came back to them _like unto the flesh of a little child_ (2 K.\nv. 14), and they were cleansed. But though they all experienced His\nunlooked-for blessing, one only, and he a Samaritan, returned to give\nthanks to His Healer, who, accustomed as he was to man\u2019s ingratitude,\nyet marvelled at this striking proof of it (Lk. xvii. 17, 18), and\ndismissed the grateful man with a higher and a peculiar blessing[437],\nsaying, _Go thy way, thy faith hath made thee whole_ (Lk. xvii. 19).\n\nContinuing His journey towards the Jordan, the Saviour at some place,\nthe name of which is not mentioned, encountered certain Pharisees, who\nprofessed, probably in treachery or mockery, a question respecting the\ncoming of the kingdom of God, to which He replied, that it would be\nwith no such visible establishment as they expected (Lk. xvii. 20, 21),\nand proceeded to found upon the question a warning to His own disciples\non the same subject (Lk. xvii. 22\u201337). It was now also, in all\nprobability, either before or just after He crossed into Per\u00e6a[438],\nthat He delivered the parables of the _Unjust Judge_ and the _Pharisee\nand Publican_ (Lk. xvii. 1\u201314), and replied to a question respecting\nthe lawfulness of divorce (Mtt. xix. 3\u201312; Mk. x. 2\u201312), on which the\nrival schools of Hillel and Shammai[439] held opposite opinions.\n\nIn striking contrast to the malice which prompted these questionings,\ncertain parents, who probably honoured Him, and valued His benediction,\nbrought their children to Him, and begged that He would lay His hands\nupon them and offer up a prayer in their behalf (Mtt. xix. 13). To the\ndisciples such an act appeared unfitting, and they would have kept back\nthose that brought them (Mk. x. 13; Lk. xviii. 15), but with touching\ncondescension He not only rebuked their interference (Mk. x. 14), and\nsaid, _Suffer the little children to come unto Me, and forbid them\nnot, for of such is the kingdom of heaven_, but called them to Him (Lk.\nxviii. 16), _took them up in His arms, laid His hands upon them, and\nblessed them_ (Mk. x. 16; Mtt. xix. 15).\n\nIt was in this region also that a rich young ruler approached Him,\ndesiring to know what he should do to inherit eternal life (Mtt. xix.\n16; Mk. x. 17). The Holy One referred him to the commandments. These\nthe other declared he had kept from his youth (Mk. x. 20), on which\nthe Lord looked upon him with a glance of deep affection, informed him\nthat he lacked _yet one thing_ (Lk. xviii. 22), and bade him _go and\nsell all that he had, and give to the poor_, and take up his cross (Mk.\nx. 21) and follow Him. Such a demand, so totally opposed to the popular\nnotions of the kingdom of the Messiah, in which the Jews expected\nevery form of temporal blessing, was too severe a test for the ruler\u2019s\nsincerity; he _had great possessions_ (Mtt. xix. 22; Mk. x. 22), which\nhe could not part with, and in sorrow he left the Saviour and went his\nway.\n\nBut the same ideas of temporal blessings were still held by the\nApostles themselves. They had left everything to follow their Master,\nmight they not look for some great reward? To Peter, who put the\nquestion (Mk. x. 28; Mtt. xix. 23) the Holy One replied, by assuring\nhim and the rest that a reward they should have, though very different\nfrom what they expected, and taking them apart (Mtt. xx. 17; Mk. x. 32)\nbegan for the third time[440], and with greater particularity than \nbefore, to speak of the future that awaited Himself; how at Jerusalem \nHe should _be delivered into the hands of the Gentiles, and be mocked,\nand scourged, and crucified_ (Mtt. xx. 18\u201324; Mk. x. 33\u201340; Lk. xviii.\n32\u201334). But though awed by the unusual solemnity of His manner (Mk.\nx. 32), and the dauntless resolution with which He pressed on towards\nJerusalem (Mk. x. 33), they could not enter into the meaning of His\nwords. His predictions of suffering and death clashed with all their\ndeeply-rooted ideas of the nature of the Messianic kingdom, and it\nwas now that two of their number, James and John, encouraged by their\nmother, preferred the request[441] that in His kingdom they might _sit\nthe one on His right hand, and the other on His left_. Even His reply\nthat they should indeed _drink of His cup, and be baptized with His\nbaptism_, sounded to the rest like the concession of some mysterious\ndignity, and provoked a jealousy on their part, which the Holy One\nstrove to check by reminding them once more of the true nature of His\nkingdom, that therein He is truly _first who is the servant of all;\neven as the Son of Man came not to be ministered unto, but to minister,\nand to give His life a ransom for many_.\n\nWith this final proof of the utter inability even of His own chosen\nTwelve to lighten by their sympathy a particle of what lay before\nHimself, the Holy One, having recrossed the Jordan, continued His\nway amidst the crowd of pilgrims setting forth towards Jerusalem.\nApproaching Jericho He healed two blind men[442], who sat by the\nwayside begging and implored His aid; He accepted in the City of Palm\nTrees itself the hospitality of Zacch\u00e6us[443], a superintendent of\ncustoms or tribute there (Lk. xix. 1\u201310); corrected, by delivering\nthe Parable of _the Pounds_[444], the idea that the Kingdom of Heaven\nwas _about immediately to appear_, and at length, six days before the\nPassover, reached the safe seclusion of the mountain hamlet of Bethany\n(Mtt. xxvi. 6\u201313; Mk. xiv. 3\u20139; Jn. xii. 1\u201311).\n\n Illustration: JERUSALEM in the time of OUR LORD\n\n London and New York: Macmillan & Co.\n _For Maclear\u2019s New Test.\u1d57 History_\n _Stanford\u2019s Geog.\u02e1 Estab.\u1d57_\n\n\n\n\n PART VII.\n\n FROM THE ARRIVAL AT BETHANY TO THE ASCENSION.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _THE ANOINTING AT BETHANY\u2015\u2015THE TRIUMPHAL ENTRY._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nIT was apparently on a Friday evening when the Saviour reached the\nhamlet of Bethany, where in quiet retirement He could spend His last\nearthly Sabbath. At Bethany resided one Simon (Mtt. xxvi. 6; Mk.\nxiv. 3), who had been a leper[445], and possibly had been restored\nby the Lord Himself, and at his house the sisters of Lazarus provided\na festal repast[446], to welcome Him who had in so signal a manner\nrestored happiness to their little circle (Jn. xii. 2).\n\nIn keeping with her character Martha on this occasion busied herself\nin ministering to the Lord (Jn. xii. 2), while Lazarus reclined at the\ntable as one of the guests. As the feast proceeded, Mary approached\nwith an alabaster casket in her hand, containing a pound of precious\nspikenard[447] (Jn. xii. 3), and breaking off the closed top (Mk. xiv.\n3), poured a portion on the head of the Saviour. Then kneeling down\nshe anointed His feet also (Jn. xii. 3), while the sweet odour diffused\nitself through the whole room.\n\nBut her act of beautiful affection did not win the approval of all\nthe guests at the table. Judas Iscariot enquired why a casket of\nsuch precious unguent, which might have been sold for more than\n300 denarii[448] and given to the poor, should be wasted in such\na useless piece of extravagance[449] (Jn. xii. 5), and even others\nof the Apostles sympathised with his views, and had indignation and\nmurmured against her (Mtt. xxvi. 8). He, however, for whom she had thus\nmanifested her affectionate adoration, suffered scarcely a moment to\nelapse before He signified _His_ opinion of that she had done. Not only\ndid He bid the murmurers desist from troubling her, but declared that\nshe had wrought a beautiful and worthy deed. The poor, for whom they\npretended so much anxiety, they _had always with them_, but Himself\nthey would not _have always_ (Mk. xiv. 7), thus reminding them again of\nthat speedy removal He had so often predicted. Moreover, He proceeded\nto declare that what she had done had a special significance. In\nreference to the mysterious event so soon about to befall Him, wherein\nHe should receive so little assistance or comfort from any human being,\nshe at least _had done what she could_ (Mk. xiv. 8), _she had come\nbeforehand to anoint His Body for the burying_, and wherever the Gospel\nshould be preached throughout the whole world, there should also the\ndeed which had moved their unworthy indignation be _told for a memorial\nof her_ (Mtt. xxvi. 13; Mk. xiv. 9). Thus by a prophetic word He\nelevated and interpreted her act of affectionate adoration.\n\nThus the eventful evening wore on. Meanwhile the news of the Saviour\u2019s\npresence at Bethany had reached Jerusalem, and great crowds (Jn.\nxii. 9) resorted thither not only to see Him but Lazarus also, whose\nresurrection from the dead caused many to avow their belief in the Lord\nof life (Jn. xii. 11). This fact was well known to the chief-priests,\nand a council was convened to consider the propriety of putting him\nalso to death (Jn. xii. 10).\n\nThe next day dawned, the first day of the Holy week. Leaving Bethany,\nthe Saviour proceeded towards Bethphage[450], and sending two of His\ndisciples, desired them to bring an ass, and her colt with her, which\nthey would find tied at the entrance of the village (Mtt. xxi. 2, 3; Lk.\nxix. 30; Mk. xi. 2). The disciples went, and in answer to the question\nof the owners (Lk. xix. 33), why they thus loosed them, replied, as\nbidden, that _the Lord had need of them_, and returned to their master.\n\nThe voice of ancient prophecy (Zech. ix. 9) had declared that her King\nwould come to Zion _meek, and sitting on an ass, and a colt the foal\nof an ass_; and the hour for its fulfilment had now come. The road from\nBethany to Jerusalem wound through rich plantations of palm-trees, and\nfruit- and olive-gardens[451], and was now crowded with pilgrims making\ntheir way towards the Holy City, or the encampments on the declivity of\nthe Mount of Olives[452]. Amongst these would naturally be many who had\nwitnessed the Saviour\u2019s miracles in Galilee, and their enthusiasm would\nbe much increased by the news of the wondrous event at Bethany. The\nheart of the people, therefore, was deeply stirred, and the disciples,\nfilled with the general excitement, spread their garments on the\nanimals they had brought to their Master (Mtt. xxi. 7), and placed Him\nthereon. Soon the crowds began to express their joy in a more lively\nmanner. Some strewed their garments[453] on the rough mountain-path,\nothers cut down branches[454] from the neighbouring gardens, and threw\nthem on the road before Him.\n\nMeanwhile a second stream issuing from the Holy City (Jn. xii. 12) came\nforth to meet the Conqueror of Death, and meeting the others coming\nfrom Bethany, turned round, and swelled the long procession towards\nJerusalem. As they approached the descent of the Mount of Olives (Lk.\nxix. 37), their feelings found expression in the prophetic language\nof the Psalms, and with loud Hosannas they glorified God (Lk. xix. 37),\nand proclaimed the approach of the _Son of David_ to receive the\nkingdom of His Father, and to establish His Messianic kingdom (Mtt.\nxxi. 9; Mk. xi. 9). Certain of the Pharisees alone were found to murmur.\nThey would have had the Saviour rebuke the zeal of the multitude, but\npointing to the stones beneath their feet, He declared that _they would\nimmediately cry out if these were to hold their peace_.\n\nThus amidst loud Hosannas the procession swept along, till on a nearer\napproach, the whole of the magnificent City, as if rising from an abyss,\nburst into view, \u201cwith its back-ground of gardens and suburbs[455],\u201d\nand its glorious Temple-tower. The procession paused, and the hour of\ntriumph became the hour of deepest sorrow. In strange contrast with the\nexcited emotions of the crowds around Him, the Holy One wept over the\ndevoted city, foresaw the Roman legions gathered round its fated walls,\nits proud towers laid low in the dust, and its children within it,\nbecause they knew not _the day of their visitation_ (Lk. xix. 41\u201344).\n\nSuch things were hidden from the eyes of the eager throngs who were\nshouting \u201cHosanna,\u201d and believed that now at length the Messiah,\nwelcomed and accepted, would claim the sceptre and ascend the throne.\nPassing through the City the Holy One advanced towards the Temple.\nJerusalem was stirred to its very centre. _Who is this?_ enquired many.\n_This is the Prophet, Jesus, of Nazareth of Galilee_ (Mtt. xxi. 10, 11),\nwas the eager reply of His believing followers, expecting, doubtless,\nthat some unmistakeable sign would be given of His real character.\n\nThey were doomed to disappointment. Entering the Courts of the Temple,\nHe surveyed with a clear and searching glance (Mk. xi. 11) the scene of\ndisorder and mercenary desecration which they again presented, and in\nthe evening returned with the Twelve (Mk. xi. 11) to the seclusion of\nBethany, and the great Palm-Sunday was over.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _THE SECOND CLEANSING OF THE TEMPLE._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nTHE country between Bethany and Jerusalem, as has been observed in the\nprevious Chapter, abounded in gardens of fig-trees, from which fact\nindeed Bethphage, or the \u201cHouse of Figs,\u201d derived its name.\n\nEarly in the morning after the Triumphal Entry the Saviour set out\nonce more for the Holy City, where, as the inspection of the previous\nevening had too clearly testified, a second vindication of the sanctity\nof His Father\u2019s house was needed. Being a hungred, probably after a\nnight of fasting, and perceiving _afar \u2666off_ (\u2666Mk. xi. 13) a fig-tree\nstanding alone _by the way side_ (Mtt. xxi. 19), which presented an\nunusual show of leaves for the season, He went up to it to see _if\nhaply[456] He might find fruit thereon_ (Mk. xi. 13), but on reaching\nit found nothing but leaves. Though at this early period of the year\nneither leaves nor fruit were to be _expected_ on a fig-tree, this\ntree by its ample foliage appeared to give promise of the fruit,\nwhich ordinarily appears before the leaves[457]. But a nearer approach\nproved that this promise it fulfilled only in appearance, and in the\nhearing of His disciples the Holy One laid upon it the doom of utter\nbarrenness, saying, _Let no man eat fruit of thee hereafter for ever_,\nand straightway it was dried up (Mtt. xxi. 19), and withered.\n\nPassing onwards to Jerusalem, He entered the Temple. The nefarious\nscene He had rebuked at the first Passover of His public ministry\nwas still enacted. The evil practices which had called forth that\nfirst display of holy zeal for the honour of His Father\u2019s house had\nby degrees returned. The fruit, the reality of righteousness, which He\nhad come seeking then and sought in vain, He found not now. As before,\ntherefore, so on this occasion, He drove forth the intruders, the\nbuyers, the sellers, and the money-changers, upset their tables, and\npoured forth their unholy gains, and declared in words of conscious\nauthority that His House was not for thievish traffic, but for prayer\nand praise (Mk. xi. 17; Mtt. xxi. 13).\n\nHaving thus once more vindicated the sanctity of the Temple, He\ncommenced teaching in its courts, and speedily gathered around Him many\neager to listen, and astonished at His doctrine (Mk. xi. 18). But works\nof mercy were now to follow words of power. Those who needed His help\nsought Him in the Temple itself. The blind and the lame (Mtt. xxi. 14)\ncame to Him, and experienced the effects of the healing word. The\nmarvels that He wrought (Mtt. xxi. 15) moved the youngest pilgrims at\nthe festival, and children\u2019s voices cried _Hosanna to the Son of David_.\nThis was more than the chief priests and scribes could endure. Eager as\nthey were to put Him to death, they dared not lift a hand or show open\nviolence, for the whole multitude _hung upon Him_ to hear His words\n(Lk. xix. 48). In a tone of expostulation, however, they ventured to\nenquire whether He heard what these children were saying, to which He\nreplied by asking whether they had never read the words of the Psalmist,\n_Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings Thou hast perfected praise_\n(Ps. viii. 2); with which rebuke He left them, and when even was come\nreturned to Bethany (Mk. xi. 19; Mtt. xxi. 17).\n\nAs He proceeded towards Jerusalem on the following day, the Apostles\nobserved with surprise how rapidly the tree doomed the day before had\nwithered away. The late hour at which they left the City the preceding\nevening had probably prevented their noticing it before, and now the\nSaviour took occasion by it to teach them a lesson respecting the\nnature and power of Faith (Mtt. xxi. 20\u201322; Mk. xi. 20\u201325).\n\nOn entering the Temple and recommencing His gracious work of teaching\nthose assembled there, He was interrupted by the arrival of a formal\ndeputation from the Sanhedrin, which had resolved to discredit Him if\npossible with the people (Mtt. xxi. 23; Lk. xx. 1).\n\nThey began by enquiring by what authority He acted as He was doing, and\nfrom whom He had received it (Mk. xi. 28). This question the Holy One\nmet by another. Two years before[458] they had sent a deputation to the\nBaptist (Jn. i. 26), and he had borne a public and emphatic testimony\nto His Messianic claims. The prophetic character of John was generally\nadmitted (Mtt. xxi. 26), and his bold rebuke of Herod had endeared\nhim to the hearts of many\u2015\u2015_Whence, then, was his baptism, from heaven\nor from men?_ The question filled his hearers with embarrassment. If\nthey replied that his was a divine commission, they exposed themselves\nto the obvious rejoinder, why had they not received his testimony\nrespecting the Messiah? If they said of men, they would expose\nthemselves to popular indignation (Mk. xi. 31, 32). Accordingly they\npreferred to own that they could not tell, whereupon He also declined\nto answer the question they had put to Him respecting His mission\n(Mtt. xxi. 27; Lk. xx. 8).\n\nThough thus repulsed, His enemies do not appear to have left the\nTemple-courts, and were condemned to listen to still more humiliating\nlanguage. In the parables of the _Two Sons_ (Mtt. xxi. 28\u201332), and the\n_Wicked Husbandmen_ (Mtt. xxi. 33\u201344; Mk. xii. 1\u201311; Lk. xx. 9\u201318), the\nRedeemer set forth with the utmost distinctness their neglect of their\nhigh vocation, the guilt of that outrage which they already meditated\nagainst Him in their hearts, their speedy rejection, and the bestowal\nof the privileges they had abused on other nations.\n\nThe drift of these parables the Pharisees and chief priests clearly\ndiscerned, and sought earnestly to lay hands upon Him (Mk. xii. 12;\nLk. xx. 19), but feared to do so openly because of the multitude, who\nall regarded Him as a Prophet (Mtt. xxi. 46). Undeterred, however, by\nthese manifestations of intended violence He warned them solemnly, for\nthe last time, in the Parable of the _Marriage of the King\u2019s Son_ (Mtt.\nxxii. 1\u201314), that a day was at hand when the kingdom of God would be\ntaken away from the Jewish people who had despised its privileges, and\nbe bestowed upon the Gentiles[459].\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _THE DAY OF QUESTIONS\u2015\u2015THE ENQUIRING GREEKS._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nTHUS far the efforts of the ruling powers had been of no avail. The\nauthority of the Lord with the people remained unshaken, His career was\nunchecked, and they themselves had been humiliated in the very midst\nof the Temple-courts[460]. A formal council was therefore held (Mtt.\nxxii. 15), and it was resolved to organize some plan for _ensnaring_\nHim in His speech (Mtt. xxii. 15; Mk. xii. 13), and beguiling Him into\nstatements which might afford a pretext for delivering Him up to the\nRoman procurator (Lk. xx. 20). United, therefore, in one formidable\nconspiracy, the Pharisees[461], Sadducees[461], and Herodians[461],\nsuborned (Lk. xx. 20) men, to all appearance right-minded and\nthoroughly in earnest, to propose various cases of conscience to Him\nas the Lord and Judge in the land[462].\n\ni. First, then, approached the Herodians with certain of the Pharisees\n(Mtt. xxii. 16) enquiring whether it was _lawful to give tribute to\nC\u00e6sar, or not_? How keenly this question was debated in Palestine, and\nwhat disturbances it had caused, especially in Galilee, the province of\nHerod, has been already noticed[463]. To answer it now, and to avoid on\nthe one hand giving offence to the excited crowds in the Temple-courts,\nand on the other supplying matter for accusation before the Roman\ngovernor in the Tower of Antonia, so close at hand, appeared impossible.\nNo patriotic Jew would admit that tribute was due to C\u00e6sar. No one\nclaiming to be the Messiah could allow it for a moment, unless he would\nforfeit all his popularity with the people. And yet if the Redeemer\ndenied this, a charge of treason, which the Romans were always quick\nto hear, was clearly made out. But the Holy One, thrown off His guard\nneither by the affected courtesy nor adulation of their address (Mtt.\nxxii. 18; Lk. xx. 23), saw through their hypocrisy and the snare they\nhad laid. With infinite wisdom He called for the tribute-money. They\nbrought Him a _denarius_[464]. _Whose image and superscription is\nthis?_ He enquired. They answered, _C\u00e6sar\u2019s_. _Render, therefore_, He\nreplied, _to C\u00e6sar the things that are C\u00e6sar\u2019s, and to God the things\nthat are God\u2019s_. The snare they had laid so cunningly was broken.\nA single word had rent the whole \u201cweb of craft and hypocrisy.\u201d The\nenquirers themselves acknowledged the wisdom of His answer. There was\nnothing they could _take hold of_ (Lk. xx. 26). _They were silent, and\nwent their way_ (Lk. xx. 26).\n\nii. The Herodians thus repulsed, the Sadducees approached. With their\nwonted[465] philosophic pride they usually kept aloof from all popular\nreligious movements. Now, however, they advanced to the encounter\nwith a religious difficulty respecting the position in another world\nof a woman who had had seven husbands in this[466]. But their coarse\nquestion was met with Divine wisdom. Had they known the Scriptures, or\nthe power of God, they could never have asked it (Mtt. xxii. 29). Such\ncorporeal and earthly relationships ceased with this life, and in the\nnext man would be exalted to a higher order of beings by the almighty\npower of HIM, who even in the Law[467], which they professed to receive,\nhad declared Himself _the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, the God of\nJacob, the God of the living, and not of the dead_ (Ex. iii. 6).\n\niii. Struck with the singular wisdom, with which He had _put the\nSadducees to silence_ (Mtt. xxii. 34), a scribe belonging to the\nPharisaic sect (Mk. xii. 28) now drew near, requesting information\nas to the relative greatness of the commandments of the Law (Mtt.\nxxii. 36). The point was probably one much debated in the Rabbinical\nschools, though it is not clear in what way it was calculated to\nensnare the Saviour. But the sublime, though simple response it\nreceived, comprising the whole of religion, under the precepts of Love\nto God and Love to Man, struck even the questioner with admiration\n(Mk. xii. 32); he frankly owned that such love was better than all\n_burnt-offerings and sacrifice_[468], and obtained the gracious\ndeclaration from the Redeemer that he was _not far from the kingdom of\nGod_ (Mk. xii. 34).\n\nAfter such successive proofs of Divine wisdom the Pharisees did not\nventure[469] to put any more questions to the Redeemer, and He Himself,\ntaking advantage of the opportunity, now assumed the character of\na questioner, and interrogated them (Mtt. xxii. 41) respecting the\ndescent of the Messiah. Speaking under the influence of the Spirit,\nDavid in the Psalms (Ps. cx. 1) had called Him Lord, saying, _The Lord\nsaid unto My Lord, Sit Thou on my right hand, till I have made Thy foes\na footstool for Thy feet_. If the Messiah was to be David\u2019s _son_, how\ncould He be at the same time his _Lord_, thus mysteriously uniting a\nDivine and a human nature?\n\nTo this profound question those addressed did not even venture to make\na reply, and were in their turn constrained to listen, while in words\nof awful and righteous judgment He denounced the hypocrisy (Mtt. xxiii.\n1\u201312) and tyranny (Mtt. xxiii. 13\u201318) of the Pharisees, their bigoted\nattachment to the most minute observances, and their blindness to the\nspirit of true religion (Mtt. xxiii. 18\u201336), which had led them to\npour out the blood of Jehovah\u2019s prophets, even as they now thirsted\nfor His own. For them and for their city the hour of desolation was at\nhand. The times of mercy, when He would have gathered the children of\nJerusalem _as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wing_[470] (Mtt.\nxxiii. 37\u201339), had passed away, never to return.\n\nAfter this stern denunciation of the ruling powers, who veiling their\nmalice and wickedness under the pretence of righteousness had so\npertinaciously sought to entrap Him, the Redeemer sat down opposite\nthe Treasury, in the Court of the Women[471], and looking up beheld\nthe multitude casting in their voluntary[472] gifts and contributions.\nAmongst the rest His eye rested on a certain poor widow, one of the\nhelpless class which He had just described as devoured by the extortion\nof the Scribes and Pharisees (Mk. xii. 40; Lk. xx. 47). All her\npossessions consisted of _two mites_[473], which together made _a\nfarthing_, both of which she now cast into the Treasury, and knew not\nthat One had called to Him His disciples (Mk. xii. 43), and declared\nthat she had cast in _more than all the rest_, and that her gift should\nbe known and remembered till the end of time.\n\nIt was apparently while the Redeemer was still in the Court of the\nWomen that two of the Apostles, Andrew and Philip, approached Him with\nwhat they deemed a strange announcement. Amongst the thousands that\ncrowded the Holy City were certain Greeks, not Grecian Jews[474], but\nGentiles, proselytes of the gate, who were in the habit of coming up\nto the Feast. In common with many others they had heard of the famed\nTeacher of Nazareth, of His mighty works, and His wondrous words, and\nthey wished with their own eyes to behold Him (Jn. xii. 21). Shrinking,\nhowever, from approaching Him directly, they had applied to the Apostle\nPhilip, possibly on account of his Gr\u00e6cised name[475], saying, _Sir, we\nwould see Jesus_. Philip, apparently perplexed, consulted his brother\nApostle Andrew, and together the two went and told their Lord.\n\nNo sooner did the Saviour hear their announcement, and perhaps behold\nthese enquirers from the West, than He instantly broke forth into words\nof mysterious joy: _The Hour_, He declared, as if in a transport of\nholy rapture, _The Hour is come that the Son of Man should be glorified.\nVerily, verily I say unto you, Except a corn of wheat fall into the\nground and die, it abideth alone; but if it die, it bringeth forth much\nfruit. He that loveth his life shall lose it; and he that hateth his\nlife shall keep it unto life eternal. If any man serve Me, let him\nfollow Me; and where I am, there will also My servant be; if any man\nserve Me, him will My Father honour_ (Jn. xii. 24\u201326).\n\nBut with the thought of the seed-corn cast into the ground and dying,\nand the spectacle of these pledges[476] of the vast multitude He should\ndraw unto Him if He was lifted up, came the thought of all that He must\nfirst undergo. There fell upon Him the shadow of the dreadful hour so\nclose at hand, and He exclaimed, _Now is My soul troubled, and what\nshall I say? Father, save Me from this hour_; and then, as though a\ncloud had rolled away, the perfectly willing spirit spoke again, _For\nthis cause came I unto this hour[477]: Father, glorify Thy Name_ (Jn.\nxii. 27, 28).\n\nBut these words, expressive of such deep, such infinite resignation,\nwere not to pass unheeded; they called forth the last of the Three[478]\nHeavenly Voices, which, during His life on earth, attested the Divinity\nof His mission. The Voice, which had been heard on the banks of Jordan\nand on the Mount of Transfiguration, was now heard in the courts of\nthe Temple itself, saying in response to the Redeemer\u2019s significant\nutterance, _Father, glorify Thy Name_; _I have both glorified it, and\nwill glorify it again_.\n\nVarious[479] were the interpretations of this mysterious Voice by the\nsurrounding crowd. Some thought that _it thundered_, others that _an\nangel had spoken to Him_ (Jn. xii. 29). But the Redeemer set all doubts\nat rest, saying, _This Voice came not because of Me, but for your\nsakes_; and then He exclaimed in the same strain of triumph, which the\nannouncement of two Apostles respecting the enquiring Greeks had called\nforth, _Now is the judgment of this world; now shall the Prince of this\nworld be cast out; and I, if I be lifted up, will draw all men unto Me_,\nsignifying, adds the Evangelist, _by what death He should die_[480].\n\nThis striking incident was the appropriate close of this great day\nin the Temple. The public work of the Holy One was now over. He had\ngiven His last counsels and His final warnings to the ruling powers;\nHe now departed and _hid Himself from them_ (Jn. xii. 36). In spite of\nthe mighty works He had wrought (Jn. xii. 37), the Jewish nation did\nnot believe on Him. Many, indeed, of the rulers could not resist the\nevidence of His life and works, but they dared not openly avow their\nfaith for fear of the Pharisees and the terrible ban of excommunication\n(Jn. xii. 42).\n\nAs thus, however, He quitted the Temple, which as a Teacher He was\nnever to enter again, a striking incident took place. His disciples\nbegan to invite His attention to the magnificence and solidity of\nthe structure, the enormous size of the stones (Mk. xiii. 1), the\nglistering of its marble blocks, and the gorgeous gifts with which\nit was endowed[481] (Mtt. xxiv. 1; Lk. xxi. 5). But their words of\nadmiration could not mislead Him. The imposing building might seem to\nthem to be founded for eternity. But He told them that a day was coming,\nwhen not one of these enormous masses of stone should be left standing\nupon the other.\n\nWith this mysterious announcement of a dreadful doom awaiting their\nnational sanctuary ringing in their ears, the Apostles accompanied\ntheir Lord along the well-known road towards Bethany. But when they\nreached the Mount of Olives, He sat down (Mtt. xxiv. 3; Mk. xiii. 3),\nas if to take one last look at the glorious city and its still more\nglorious Temple. And as He sat there directly opposite to it in the\nevening twilight[482], four of the Apostles, Peter, James, John, and\nAndrew (Mk. xiii. 3), disquieted by the announcement of the coming\ndestruction of their City, approached with an earnest enquiry _when all\nthese things should come to pass, and what should be the sign of His\ncoming, and of the end of the world_ (Mtt. xxiv. 3; Lk. xxi. 7).\n\nIn reply to their enquiries the Holy One, with the utmost\nconceivable solemnity, proceeded to set forth the judgments destined\nto befall Jerusalem, and from these to lead up their thoughts to the\ncontemplation of His own second coming to judge the world (Mtt. xxiv.\n5\u201342), to describe the events that should precede it, and to enforce\nthe necessity on their part of watchfulness and preparation by the\nstriking parables of the _Ten Virgins_ (Mtt. xxv. 1\u201313) and _the\nTalents_ (Mtt. xxv. 14\u201330), closing His solemn revelations with a\ndistinct declaration of the circumstances of the Awful Day, when the\nSon of Man should come in His glory to judge both the quick and dead\n(Mtt. xxv. 31\u201346).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _THE COMPACT OF JUDAS\u2015\u2015THE LAST SUPPER._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nAT the close of these solemn prophecies the Redeemer reminded the\nApostles that after two days the Passover would be celebrated, and\nthe Son of Man would be betrayed to be crucified (Mtt. xxvi. 1,2).\nHaving thus indicated the precise time, when the Hour so often spoken\nof before should come, He retired in all probability to Bethany[483],\nand there, hidden in holy seclusion (Jn. xii. 36), spent the last day\npreceding His sufferings.\n\nMeanwhile the rulers of the nation were holding a formal and deliberate\nconsultation as to the best means for putting Him to death. Humbled as\nthey had been that day in the Temple in the eyes of the people, and\ndisappointed in all their projects of ensnaring Him in a capital charge,\nthey saw that their influence was lost unless they were willing to take\nextreme measures[484]. The chief priests, therefore, the scribes, and\nthe elders (Comp. Mtt. xxvi. 3; Mk. xiv. 1) assembled not in their\nusual place of conclave, the hall Gazith[485] on the Temple Mount, but\nin the court of the palace of Caiaphas, the high-priest (Mtt. xxvi. 3).\nHe, as we have seen, had already advised that the Holy One should\nbe put to death[486], and doubtless many of those present would have\ngladly resolved on seizing Him by force. But by degrees they became\nalive to the difficulties of the case.\n\nThe recent events on the day of the Triumphal Entry convinced them of\nthe great influence which the Redeemer wielded over many of the nation,\nand especially the bold and hardy mountaineers of Galilee. The only\nplace where He appeared in public after the nights had been spent\nat Bethany was the Temple. But to seize Him there in the present\nexcited state of popular feeling would certainly lead to a tumult (Mtt.\nxxvi. 5; Mk. xiv. 2; Lk. xxii. 2), and this to the interposition of\nthe procurator in the fortress of Antonia. Forcible and hasty measures\nwere therefore to be avoided, and it was formally resolved to take\nHim by craft, and therefore secretly, and for this purpose to await\na favourable opportunity[487].\n\nWhile, however, they were thus debating, a mode of apprehending Him\nsuddenly presented itself which they had never anticipated[488]. Judas\nIscariot, whose chagrin at the discovery of His real character[489]\nand the rebuke of His Master on the evening of the Anointing at Bethany\nhas been already described, approached with an enquiry as to the sum\nthey were willing to give him in the event of his betraying the Holy\nOne into their hands (Mtt. xxvi. 14). Thereupon with a joyous alacrity\n(Mk. xiv. 11; Lk. xxii. 5) they covenanted to give him _thirty pieces\nof silver_[490], and he on his part began to watch for a seasonable\noccasion of delivering Him into their hands, without rousing the\nfeelings of the multitude (Lk. xxii. 6).\n\nThus, then, the day of seclusion at Bethany, the Thursday of the\nHoly Week, passed away. Meanwhile the hour for the celebration of the\nPassover drew near. The Saviour had already reminded His disciples\nof its approach, and connected it with His own death. Accordingly the\nApostles now enquired of Him where He intended to celebrate it, and in\nreply He bade two of their number, Peter and John, go into the city (Lk.\nxxii. 8), and informed them that on entering it they would meet a man\nbearing a pitcher of water, whom they were to follow to whatever house\nhe should enter. On reaching it they were to address to the owner[491]\nof this house the significant words, _The Master saith, My time is at\nhand; where is the guest-chamber where I may eat the Passover with My\ndisciples_? and he would shew them a large upper-room _furnished and\nprepared_; there they were _to make ready_[492] (Mtt. xxvi. 18; Mk.\nxiv. 14; Lk. xxii. 11).\n\nThus directed, the two Apostles went their way, and found everything\nas their Lord had described with such striking minuteness. The large\nupper-room is represented as already _furnished and prepared_ (Mk.\nxiv. 15; Lk. xxii. 12). Hence we may perhaps infer that the searching\nfor and putting away of every particle of leaven (1 Cor. v. 7), so\nimportant a preliminary to the Passover, had already been carried out,\nand that the preparation made by the Apostles included the provision of\nthe unleavened cakes, of the bitter herbs, and the cups of wine; of\neverything, in short, that could be prepared on the day before the\nsacrifice of the Paschal Lamb[493].\n\nThis done, they probably returned to their Lord, who later in the\nevening, when _the hour was come_ (Lk. xxii. 14), left the little\nvillage of Bethany, crossed the Mount of Olives, and entering the city\nrepaired with the Twelve to the upper-room. There they sat down, or\nreclined, according to the usual custom, and the Redeemer, taking the\nplace of Celebrant or Proclaimer of the Feast, said, _With desire have\nI desired to eat this Passover with you before I suffer; for I say unto\nyou, I will no more eat thereof until it be fulfilled in the Kingdom\nof God_. With these words He took a Cup, the first Cup we may believe,\nusually devoted to the \u201cannouncement\u201d of the Feast, and gave thanks,\nand said, _Take ye this, and divide it amongst you; for I say unto\nyou, I will not drink of the fruit of the Vine, till the Kingdom of\nGod shall come_ (Lk. xxii. 17, 18).\n\nBut even now, even in this solemn hour, the old contention touching\npriority again broke out among the Apostles (Lk. xxii. 24). Thereupon\nthe Holy One spake a few gentle but solemn words to repress so unseemly\na dispute (Lk. xxii. 25\u201330); and to teach them in the most striking\nmanner possible a lesson of humility, took upon Him the form of a\nservant, and girding Himself with a towel washed His disciples\u2019 feet\n(Jn. xiii. 1\u20136). Simon Peter, with his wonted impetuosity, would have\nchecked the loving designs of His Master, and when the Redeemer told\nhim that, unless He washed his feet he had no part with Him (Jn. xiii.\n9), with that quick revulsion so natural to him, he begged that He\nwould wash not only his feet, but his hands and his head. _He that hath\nbathed_, replied his Master, _needeth not save to wash his feet, but is\nclean every whit; and ye are clean, but not all_ (Jn. xiii. 10, 11).\n\nWith this sad intimation of treachery in their midst the Feast was\nresumed[494], and probably the second Cup of Wine was drunk. But soon\nthe consciousness of the Traitor\u2019s presence so wrought upon the Saviour,\nthat His inmost soul was deeply moved and troubled, and He testified\nand said, _Verily, verily, I say unto you, that one of you will betray\nMe_ (Jn. xiii. 21). This announcement excited great surprise and deep\nsorrow among the Apostles, and many were the earnest questionings,\n_Lord, is it I_? At length He gave a special and private indication to\nthe disciple that reclined upon His bosom. He was the Traitor to whom\n_He should give the sop[495], when He had dipped it_ (Jn. xiii. 26). At\nthis point Judas Iscariot, though he had already made his compact with\nthe chief priests, dared to enquire, _Lord, is it I_? (Mtt. xxvi. 25).\n_Thou hast said_, replied the Redeemer, and gave him the sop, adding\nshortly afterwards, _That thou doest do quickly_ (Jn. xiii. 27). The\nreal import of these words remained unknown to the rest of the Apostles,\nand they imagined that they related only to the provision of something\nneeded for the feast, or the bestowal of some charity on the poor. As\nsoon, then, as he had received the sop, Judas arose and went forth to\nexecute his awful purpose, _and it was night_ (Jn. xiii. 30).\n\nOn his departure the Saviour was no more troubled in spirit, but brake\nforth into the same triumphant language which fell from His lips when\nHe heard of the request of the Greeks in the Temple Courts: _Now_, said\nHe, _is the Son of Man glorified, and God is glorified in Him; if God\nis glorified in Him, God will also glorify Him in Himself, and will\nstraightway glorify Him_ (Jn. xiii. 31, 32).\n\nAgain the Meal proceeded, and soon taking one of the unleavened cakes\nthat had been placed before Him, and giving thanks, probably in the\nusual words, He brake it, and gave it to His Apostles, saying,\n\n_Take, eat: this is My Body, which is given for you: do this in\nremembrance of Me[496]._\n\nAfterwards He took a Cup of wine, in all probability the third Cup, and\nknown as the \u201cCup of blessing,\u201d and having offered thanks, gave it unto\nthem saying,\n\n_Drink ye all of this; for this Cup is My Blood of the New Covenant,\nwhich is shed for you and for many, for the remission of sins: this do\nye, as oft as ye shall drink it, in remembrance of Me[497]._\n\nThe Holy Eucharist thus instituted, He conversed with the Apostles\nconcerning the events that were soon to happen to Himself and them,\nhow they would desert Him in His most critical and trying hour, how\ntheir faith would fail, how they would be dispersed each unto his own.\nThese announcements of coming failure sounded unbearable to the Apostle\nPeter. _Lord_, said he, _I am ready to go with Thee unto prison and\nto death\u2015\u2015I am ready to lay down my life for Thee_ (Mtt. xxvi. 33; Jn.\nxiii. 37). _Verily, verily, I say unto thee_, replied the Master, in\nsolemn words, _This night, before the cock crow twice, thou shalt deny\nMe thrice_ (Mtt. xxvi. 34; Mk. xiv. 30; Jn. xiii. 38). But this sad\nannouncement, so far from solemnising the Apostle\u2019s feelings, provoked\nhim to fresh protestations of fidelity (Mk. xiv. 31). With still\ngreater vehemence he declared, _If I should die with Thee, I will not\ndeny Thee_; and in these well-meant but short-sighted declarations the\nrest of the Apostles joined also (Mtt. xxvi. 35; Mk. xiv. 31).\n\nAnd now, whereas at the usual Paschal Feast it had been customary\nto continue long in religious conversation respecting the great\nevents of the Exodus, and the national deliverance from Egypt, so on\nthis occasion did the Saviour continue long in earnest conversation\nwith His chosen ones. But He spake to them of other and still more\nexalted themes; of His own departure to the Father and the coming of\nthe Comforter (Jn. xiv. 1\u201331); of Himself as the true Vine and His\ndisciples as the branches (Jn. xv. 1\u20136); of the hatred of the world and\nits sin against Him (Jn. xv. 18\u201325); of the trials which the Apostles\nmust expect, and the assured aid of the Comforter (Jn. xvi. 1\u201316); of\noffering up prayer in His name (Jn. xvi. 23\u201327). And at the close of\nthese solemn and affecting discourses, lifting up His eyes to heaven\nin rapt and solemn devotion, He committed the Apostles to the guardian\ncare of the Eternal Father, and dedicated to Him His own completed work,\ncontemplating it once more in its issues not only on these then present,\nbut on all that should believe on His Name (Jn. xvii.).\n\nThe night was now far advanced. A hymn, probably the Hallel, was sung,\nand the Apostles went forth with their Lord through the quiet streets\nof the city towards the Mount of Olives (Mtt. xxvi. 30; Mk. xiv. 26).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER V.\n\n _THE AGONY AND BETRAYAL\u2015\u2015PETER\u2019S DENIAL._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nTHE road, which the Redeemer and His Apostles now traversed, led across\nthe Kidron, and thence to a garden at the foot of the Mount of Olives,\nwhich from the produce of the adjacent hills was called Gethsemane[498],\nor _the oil-press_[499], and was a spot to which He often resorted with\nHis disciples (Jn. xviii. 2).\n\nOn reaching this garden, the Holy One left the greater number of His\nApostles at the outskirts (Mtt. xxvi. 36), while with three chosen\nwitnesses[500], Peter and the two sons of Zebedee, He Himself advanced\nfurther into the shadow of the overhanging olives. Here He began to be\n_sore amazed_ (Mk. xiv. 33) and _very heavy_ (Mtt. xxvi. 37; Mk. xiv.\n33), and His _soul exceeding sorrowful even unto death_, and as a last\nrequest He begged them to watch, while He proceeded about a _stone\u2019s\nthrow further_ (Lk. xxii. 41) and engaged in solitary prayer. And\nnow had come the hour for the last and most terrible assault of the\nPrince of Darkness (Comp. Lk. iv. 13). Kneeling down (Lk. xxii. 41),\nand falling forward on the earth (Mk. xiv. 35), He twice prayed that,\n_if it were possible_, the cup of suffering might pass from Him, and\nas often with infinite resignation added, _Not as I will, but as Thou\nwilt_ (Mtt. xxvi. 39). Soon the conflict deepened in intensity, and\nbeing in an \u201cagony\u201d He prayed _yet more earnestly_, while drops of\nbloody sweat fell from Him, and testified to the terrible nature of\nHis sufferings (Lk. xxii. 44). Twice, as if to assure Himself of their\nsympathy and watchfulness, He came to the three Apostles, who had\npromised so eagerly even to die with Him, and twice He found them\nsleeping (Mtt. xxvi. 40, 43). The first time He awoke them, saying to\nSimon, _Simon, sleepest thou? couldest not thou watch with Me one hour?\nWatch and pray, lest ye enter into temptation_ (Mk. xiv. 37, 38). But\non the second occasion He uttered not a word. Alone He retired to renew\nonce more the conflict, and to offer for the third time the prayer of\nmingled entreaty and resignation to His Father in heaven; and then,\nhaving been strengthened by an angelic being, He for the third time\nrevisited the Apostles to find them still sleeping. On this occasion,\nhowever, He awoke them, and with words of sorrowful expostulation told\nthem that the golden opportunity for watching and prayer was over:\n_Rise_, said He, _let us be going; behold he that betrayeth Me is at\nhand_ (Mtt. xxvi. 46; Mk. xiv. 42).\n\nHe had scarcely spoken, when the Garden was filled with armed men,\nand flashed with the light of numerous lanterns and torches[501]. At\nthe head of a portion of the Roman cohort[502] with its captain (Jn.\nxviii. 12) in attendance on the procurator (Jn. xviii. 3), and of\nthe Levitical guards of the Temple, attendants and apparitors of the\nSanhedrin, the traitor[503] approached. Advancing he saluted his Master\nwith a kiss, the signal which had been agreed upon, and received the\nreproachful reply, _Friend, wherefore art thou come? betrayest thou\nthe Son of man with a kiss?_ (Mtt. xxvi. 50; Lk. xxii. 48). Having\nthus rebuked the traitor, the Lord proceeded towards the entrance of\nthe garden[504] (Jn. xviii. 4), and meeting the soldiers and officers\nenquired whom they sought. They replied, _Jesus of Nazareth_. _I am\nHe_, answered the Holy One, and immediately, awed by His calm majesty\nand the sudden appearance of One whose name had so long had for\nthem a mysterious significance, they recoiled backwards and _fell to\nthe ground_ (Jn. xviii. 6)[505]. _Whom seek ye?_ the Redeemer again\nenquired, and when they answered as before, again declared that He was\nthe object of their search, and covenanting only for the safe dismissal\nof His followers, freely surrendered Himself into their hands (Jn.\nxviii. 7\u20139).\n\nBut one of His followers was not minded to yield thus willingly.\nDrawing his sword the impetuous son of Jonas cut off the ear of Malchus,\na servant of the high-priest. The soldiers were just on the point of\nlaying hands on the Holy One, and taking Him into custody, but seeing\nwhat His Apostle had done, He said to them, _Suffer ye thus far_, and\ntouching the ear of the wounded man restored it whole as before (Lk.\nxxii. 51); then rebuking the disciple for his over-hasty zeal, and\nprotesting[506] meekly against the mode in which He had been arrested\nby His captors, He allowed Himself to be bound and led towards the city;\nfor it was their _hour and the power of darkness_ (Lk. xxii. 53).\n\nOn the part of the Apostles all was now terror and confusion. Though\nthey had all promised to die with Him, they now forsook their Master\nand fled (Mtt. xxvi. 56; Mk. xiv. 50). Their last hope of a temporal\nkingdom of the Messiah had crumbled to pieces[507].\n\nMeanwhile the Roman guard and the officers (Jn. xviii. 12) led the\nSaviour over the Kidron, and up the road leading into the city, and\neither at the suggestion of some of the ruling powers, or in accordance\nwith previous concert, conducted Him to the palace of Annas[508],\nwho as the father-in-law of Caiaphas, and as an able and experienced\ncounsellor, had great influence with the nation.\n\nIt is not improbable that both Annas and his son-in-law occupied[509] a\ncommon official residence, and that before it or within the outer porch\nwas a large square open court, in which public business was transacted.\nInto this court[510] or hall the Redeemer was led, and thither two of\nthe Apostles, John and Peter (Jn. xviii. 15), recovering from their\nfirst alarm, ventured to follow. The former, as being acquainted with\nthe high-priest[511], easily obtained admittance into the hall, but\nPeter appears to have been at first rejected by the porteress. After a\nwhile John missed his companion, and going back spake to the porteress,\nwho thereupon immediately allowed him to enter (Jn. xviii. 16).\n\nThe night was chilly, and the servants having made a fire of charcoal\nin the centre of the court, were warming themselves before it (Jn.\nxviii. 18; Mk. xiv. 54), and thither Peter pressed forwards, anxious\nto _see the end_ (Mtt. xxvi. 58). As he sat there, the porteress,\nwhose suspicions appear to have been aroused, approached the group, and\nfixing her eye steadfastly upon him (Lk. xxii. 56) said, _Surely thou\nart one of this Man\u2019s disciples_. Thrown off his guard, and perhaps\ndisconcerted by the searching glances of the bystanders, the Apostle\nreplied at first evasively[512], _I know not what thou sayest_ (Mtt.\nxxvi. 70; Mk. xiv. 68), and then more strongly, _I know Him not_ (Lk.\nxxii. 57; Jn. xviii. 17).\n\nThus silenced the maid withdrew, and after a brief delay the Apostle,\nanxious probably for a favourable opportunity of retiring, went back\ntowards the porch (Mtt. xxvi. 71; Mk. xiv. 68). But here another maid\napproached and said to the bystanders, _This fellow was also with Jesus\nof Nazareth_ (Mtt. xxvi. 71). Thus a second time assailed, and not\nknowing what might happen, his faith again failed him, and with an oath\nhe declared _I know not the Man_ (Mtt. xxvi. 72); _and the cock crew_.\n\nWhile this sad scene of moral cowardice was going on, Annas began to\nput several questions to the Saviour respecting His disciples and His\ndoctrine (Jn. xviii. 19). Thus interrogated, the Redeemer appealed to\nthe publicity of His teaching, and referred His enquirer to His hearers,\nwhom he had so often addressed in the wonted places of resort, the\nsynagogue and the Temple (Jn. xvii. 20, 21): He had no secret doctrines,\nand no secret society of dependants[513] for purposes either of tumult\nor sedition. This reply was the signal for the first beginning of a\ndreadful scene of insult and violence. An officer of the high-priest\nstruck Him on the mouth, saying, _Answerest thou the high-priest so_?\n_If I have spoken ill, bear witness of the ill_, meekly replied the\nHoly One, _but if well, why smitest thou me_? (Jn. xviii. 22\u201324).\n\nThe day was now rapidly dawning, and the Sanhedrin, which had been\nhastily summoned, had begun to assemble. Annas therefore sent the\nSaviour, who was still in bonds, to the official judgment-hall of\nCaiaphas (Jn. xviii. 24), and it was not improbably as He was crossing\nthe court[514], that He _turned and looked upon_ the Apostle, who now\nfor the third time denied that he had ever known Him. Recognised at\nthe porch, Peter, it would seem, had returned again to the fire, and\nthere mingling with the group of soldiers and servants (Jn. xviii. 25),\nconversed with them freely in his rough uncouth Galil\u00e6an dialect[515].\nThis excited suspicion, and an hour had scarcely elapsed (Lk. xxii. 59)\nbefore certain of the bystanders began to express their opinions.\n_Surely_, said one, _this fellow was one of them. Thou art a Galil\u00e6an_,\nsaid another (Mk. xiv. 70). _Thy speech bewrayeth thee_, added a third\n(Mtt. xxvi. 73). _Did I not see thee in the garden with Him?_ broke in\na fourth, a kinsman of the servant whose ear the Apostle had cut off\n(Jn. xviii. 26). Thus attacked on all sides he fell deeper still. With\noaths and curses (Mtt. xxvi. 74; Mk. xiv. 71) he declared, _I know not\nthe Man_, and for the second time the cock crew (Mk. xiv. 72). It was\nthis base denial that the Holy One now overheard. _Turning round He\nlooked upon Peter_ (Lk. xxii. 61). The remembrance of all that He had\nsaid rushed to the Apostle\u2019s recollection. He could not linger a moment\nin that Presence. His faith indeed had not _utterly[516] failed_, but\nSatan had _sifted him as wheat_. _He went forth and wept bitterly_\n(Mtt. xxvi. 75; Lk. xxii. 62)[517].\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VI.\n\n _THE JEWISH TRIAL\u2015\u2015REMORSE AND SUICIDE OF JUDAS._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nBY this time the entire body of the Sanhedrin had assembled in the\npalace of Caiaphas, and the Redeemer was placed before them.\n\nThe first object was to secure the agreement of two witnesses on\nsome specific charge (Mtt. xxvi. 59; Mk. xiv. 55). But this was found\nto be a matter of the utmost difficulty. Many indeed were at hand\nsuborned to utter any falsehood, but their testimony was so confused\nand contradictory (Mk. xiv. 56), that the council could not receive\nit. At length two were found who could testify to the words the Holy\nOne had uttered on the occasion of His first visit to the Temple[518].\n_This fellow said_, was their charge, _I will destroy this Temple made\nwith hands, and in three days I will raise up another made without\nhands_ (Mk. xiv. 58). But besides the fact that their allegations were\nexaggerated, they themselves did not agree in their statements (Mk. xiv.\n59), and though eager to pronounce the capital sentence, the council\nfelt themselves unable with any decency to do so on such evidence.\n\nMeanwhile the Redeemer preserved a solemn and impressive silence,\nneither interrupting, nor replying to the questions of the high-priest\nor the statements of His accusers (Mtt. xxvi. 62; Mk. xiv. 60). He\ncondescended not to any defence.\n\nNothing therefore remained but, if possible, to make Him criminate\nHimself. Once more, then, the high-priest _stood up in the midst_\n(Mk. xiv. 60), and in the most solemn manner adjured Him in the name\nof Jehovah to declare whether _He was the Messiah, the Son of God_\n(Comp. Mtt. xxvi. 63; Mk. xiv. 61).\n\nThus formally addressed, the Holy One at length broke the silence He\nhad hitherto maintained, saying, in reply to the question, _I am; and\nhereafter ye shall see the Son of Man sitting on the right hand of\npower, and coming in the clouds of heaven_[519]. He thus in the most\nsolemn and explicit manner asserted that He was not only the Messiah,\nbut the Son of God, and that in the sublimest sense of the words.\n\nAll was now uproar and confusion. In token of his horror the\nhigh-priest rent his clothes, and pronounced the utterance of the\nRedeemer to be direct and treasonable blasphemy. _What further need_,\nhe exclaimed, _have we of witnesses? Ye have heard His blasphemy:\nwhat think ye?_ (Mtt. xxvi. 65; Mk. xiv. 63, 64). Carried away by\nhis vehement gestures and words, and his great influence, the court\npronounced their opinion, _He is guilty of death_ (Mtt. xxvi. 66).\nWorse than false prophet, worse than false Messiah, He had declared\nHimself to be the _Son of God_, and that in the presence of the\nhigh-priest and the great council of the nation. He had incurred the\ncapital penalty.\n\nAnd now ensued a scene of fearful violence. The bystanders were\npermitted to do their worst to One thus declared guilty of blasphemy.\nSome _spat upon His face_; others _smote Him with the palms of their\nhands_; others _blindfolded_ Him, and in derision of His Messianic\nclaims bade Him detect the hand that had been raised against Him (Mtt.\nxxvi. 67, 68; Mk. xiv. 65; Lk. xxii. 63, 64).\n\nBut though the great council of the nation had thus passed sentence,\nthere remained a serious obstacle before they could carry it out. Cases\npunishable with death, such as false claims to prophetic inspiration,\nor blasphemy, they were fully competent to _try_[520] (Comp. Acts iv.\n5\u201321; v. 17\u201340; vi. 12\u201315; xxiii. 1\u201310), but they could not _execute_\nthe sentence of death, for the right had been taken from them ever\nsince Jud\u00e6a became a Roman province[521]. Mistrusting, therefore,\nthe people who might attempt to rescue the Holy One from the hands of\ntheir own officers, reluctant to incur the odium of profaning so sacred\na day with a public execution, anxious to shift the responsibility from\ntheir own head upon that of the Romans, yet determined to insure the\ndestruction of their Victim, they again reassembled their court (Mtt.\nxxvii. 1; Mk. xv. 1), and resolved to send the Redeemer before the\ntribunal of Pilate, who, they might not unreasonably suppose, \u201cwould\nnot hesitate, at once, and on their authority, on the first intimation\nof a dangerous and growing party, to act without further examination\nor inquiry, and without scruple add one victim more to the robbers\nand turbulent insurgents, who, it appears, were kept in prison, in\norder to be executed, as a terrible example at that period of national\nconcourse[522].\u201d Pilate had, as usual, come up to Jerusalem to preserve\norder during the Passover, and was now residing either in a palace near\nthe tower of Antonia[523], or in the splendid and luxurious structure\nwhich had been erected by Herod the Great[524]. Thither, therefore, the\nSaviour, after He had been again placed in bonds (Mtt. xxvii. 2), was\nled, attended by a deputation of the Sanhedrin to support and explain\nthe charge[525].\n\nMeanwhile the fact of His condemnation had become known[526] to the\ntraitor Judas (Mtt. xxvii. 3), and filled him with the deepest remorse.\nHitherto he had been lured on by covetousness, and his eyes had been\nblinded by the Evil One. Now they were opened, and he saw what he had\ndone. _He had betrayed innocent blood_ (Mtt. xxvii. 4). Filled with\nterror and anguish, he hurried to the chief priests and elders, and\nopenly confessed his awful crime. But they received his confession with\ngibes and taunts. _What is that to us?_ said they; _see thou to that_\n(Mtt. xxvii. 4). In frantic despair the wretched man resolved to get\nrid of the reward of his treachery. Rushing into the sanctuary[527]\nhe flung down the thirty pieces of silver before the priests, and went\nand hanged himself[528] (Mtt. xxvii. 5), but, probably in consequence\nof the rope breaking, he _fell headlong, and burst asunder in the\nmidst_ (Acts i. 18), so that, when his body was found, _all his bowels\nhad gushed out_. With the blood-money he had left in the Temple the\nchief priests were at first perplexed what to do. Though they had not\nscrupled to pledge it as the reward of the basest treachery, yet they\nwere unwilling to return it to the Temple funds, and at length resolved\nto apply it to the purchase[529] of a field for the burial of strangers,\nwhich was afterwards known as Aceldama[530] (Acts i. 19), or the _Field\nof Blood_ (Mtt. xxvii. 6\u201310; Zech. xi. 13).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VII.\n\n _THE TRIAL BEFORE PILATE\u2015\u2015THE CONDEMNATION._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nWHAT amount of knowledge Pilate already possessed of the Saviour\u2019s\nperson and character is not known. But he could not fail to have been\nsurprised, on this occasion, at the earnest request so early in the\nmorning to decide the question respecting the Teacher from Galilee.\nThe deputation from the Sanhedrin would not enter his pr\u00e6torium, lest\nthey should incur pollution, and be unable to keep the Passover (Jn.\nxviii. 28). Yielding, therefore, to the popular custom[531], with\npolitical tact he came forth from his palace (Jn. xviii. 29), and\nenquired the nature of the accusation against the Redeemer.\n\nAt first they replied evasively, and as if they felt hurt at the\nquestion, _If this fellow were not a malefactor we would not have\ndelivered Him unto thee_ (Jn. xviii. 30). But this would not satisfy\nPilate, and he replied ironically[532], _Then take ye Him, and judge\nHim according to your law_, as if anxious to refer the whole matter\nback to themselves. To this the Jews replied that it was not lawful for\nthem to put any one to death (Jn. xviii. 31), and having thus intimated\nthat the Redeemer had committed a crime, for which the punishment\nof death was due, artfully put forward a charge, which, as a Roman\nprocurator, Pilate could not overlook. _We found this fellow_, said\nthey, _perverting our nation, and forbidding to give tribute to C\u00e6sar,\nsaying that He is Christ a King_ (Lk. xxiii 2).\n\nThough Pilate must have known the Jews too well to imagine that the\nSanhedrin would really hate and persecute One, whose sole crime was an\nanxiety to free them from the Roman power[533], he saw that the case\ncould not be hastily put aside, involving as it did three grave charges;\n(i) seditious agitation, (ii) attempted prohibition of the payment of\nthe tribute-money, and (iii) the assumption of the suspicious title of\n\u201cKing of the Jews.\u201d\n\nIt was clearly necessary that he should at least examine the Accused,\nand, as a _procurator_[534], he was bound to conduct the examination\nhimself.\n\nWithdrawing, accordingly, with the Redeemer into the interior of the\npr\u00e6torium (Jn. xviii. 33), he began by enquiring, _Art thou the King\nof the Jews_? (Jn. xviii. 33; Mtt. xxvii. 11). To this the Holy One\nreplied by asking the governor whether he put this question of himself,\nor at the suggestion of others (Jn. xviii. 34). Apparently offended\nat such a rejoinder, and disclaiming all communion with the prejudices\nof the Jews[535], Pilate responded that he was not a Jew; His own\ncountrymen, and the ruling powers of the nation, had brought Him before\nhis tribunal, _what had He done_?\n\nThus interrogated the Saviour replied by an assertion of the real\nnature of His kingdom: _My kingdom_, said He, _is not of this world;\nhad my kingdom been of this world, then would my servants have\ncontended that I should not be delivered to the Jews: My kingdom is\nnot from hence_. _Art Thou[536], then, a king?_ enquired the wondering\ngovernor. _Thou sayest it_, answered the Redeemer; _for I am a King.\nFor this purpose was I born, and for this purpose came I into the world,\nthat I might bear witness unto the truth. Every one that is of the\ntruth heareth My Voice_ (Jn. xviii. 37, 38). These mysterious words\nfrom the lips of One, whose life seemed to be entirely at his mercy;\nthis denial that He was a king in a worldly sense, and the implication\nthat in another sense He was[537]; this declaration that the object of\nHis birth and of His life was to bear witness to _the truth_, increased\nthe procurator\u2019s perplexity. _What is truth?_ he asked, partly in\nsadness, partly in irony, partly from a real inability to discern the\nconnection of such an abstract matter with \u201cthe present question, with\na question of life and death, with a capital charge brought by the\nnational council before the supreme tribunal[538].\u201d He could connect a\nkingdom with _power_, but not with _truth_.\n\nThe only sect Pilate could have ever heard of that believed in such\na kingdom was the Stoics[539], and their opinions he would naturally\nregard as those of visionary enthusiasts. The Accused might be a\ndreamer, but certainly He was not one who had done anything deserving\nof the sword of the civil power, and going out to the Jewish deputation\nstanding before the gate (Jn. xviii. 38), he declared his conviction of\nHis innocence; _he found no fault in Him_ (Lk. xxiii. 4).\n\nBut this was the signal for a furious clamour on the part of the chief\npriests and the members of the Sanhedrin. _He stirreth up the people_,\nthey cried, _teaching throughout all Jud\u00e6a, beginning from Galilee even\nunto this place_ (Lk. xxiii. 5). Pilate thereupon turned once more to\nthe Accused, and enquired what answer He had to give to these charges\n(Mtt. xxvii. 13). But the Holy One continued silent, and answered not\na word. This increased still further the astonishment of the procurator\n(Mtt. xxvii. 14; Mk. xv. 5), but he fancied he had discovered an escape\nfrom the dilemma. The word _Galilee_ had not escaped his ears (Lk.\nxxiii. 6). Galilee was in the jurisdiction of Herod-Antipas, who was\nnow present in the city as a worshipper at the Feast (Lk. xxiii. 7),\nand by sending the case before him[540], he might at once rid himself\nof a troublesome responsibility[541], and conciliate one, with whom\nhe had hitherto been on no friendly terms[542] (Lk. xxiii. 12). Having\nassured himself, therefore, that the Accused was a Galil\u00e6an (Lk.\nxxiii. 6), he sent Him before Herod\u2019s tribunal.\n\nThe tetrarch of Galilee[543], as we have seen before, had often heard\nof the Saviour, and had long desired to see Him[544] (Lk. xxiii. 8).\nHe was highly pleased, therefore, when informed who was awaiting\nan audience with him, and hoped his curiosity to see some sign of\nsupernatural magical power might be gratified. With this view he _put\nmany questions_ to Him, but the Redeemer maintained an imperturbable\nsilence. Meanwhile the chief priests and scribes, who had followed\ninto the presence of Herod, persisted in their furious accusations. But\nneither their charges nor the questions of the tetrarch could induce\nthe Holy One to utter a word. Provoked at being thus disappointed of\nthe object of his hopes, Herod\u2019s superstitious curiosity was exchanged\nfor scorn. He did not venture indeed to condemn the Accused to death,\nand saw that there was nothing He had done which rendered Him liable to\npunishment, but he did not scruple to insult Him, and therefore handed\nHim over to his soldiers, amongst whom probably, as in his father\u2019s\nbody-guard[545], were Gaulish and Thracian barbarians, who treated the\nHoly One with every kind of indignity (Lk. xxiii. 11). This done, he\nsent Him back to the Roman procurator, clad in a purple robe, and the\nill-feeling between the two was from that day exchanged for friendship\n(Lk. xxiii. 12).\n\nPerplexed, as Pilate probably was, at finding the case thus thrown\nback upon his hands, he was more than ever convinced that the Holy One\nwas entirely innocent of such grave charges as had been made against\nHim. He therefore summoned the chief priests and rulers of the people\n(Lk. xxiii. 13) together, and once more declared his conviction that\ntheir accusations could not be sustained, and added that in this he\nwas fortified by the judgment of Herod also. He offered, however, to\nscourge Him before letting Him go (Lk. xxiii. 16).\n\nThis first symptom of weakness and irresolution was not lost upon the\nJewish rulers, and their followers assembled before the _pr\u00e6torium_,\nand the proposition merely to scourge the meek Sufferer found little\nfavour with them. Pilate therefore resolved to try another method of\nmaking the proposed acquittal more acceptable[546].\n\nIt appears to have been a custom, the origin of which is wholly\nunknown[547], to release at the season of the Passover any prisoner\nwhom the people might select. There was at this time in confinement\na celebrated (Mtt. xxvii. 16) bandit, named Barabbas[548], who with\nothers had committed murder in an insurrectionary tumult (Mk. xv. 7) in\nthe city (Lk. xxiii. 18). The procurator therefore, in accordance with\nthis custom, proposed to the Jews that they should select for release\none of the two, either Barabbas, a condemned murderer and insurgent,\nor the Prophet of Nazareth. He saw clearly that it was envy of His\nfame and popularity (Mk. xv. 10) which had induced the ruling powers\nto accuse the Holy One, and he hoped by this appeal to the people to\nprocure His release. Indeed so certain does he appear to have been\nthat they would select for release One, whom thousands had so lately\nwelcomed with loud Hosannas as their Messiah, that he ascended and sat\ndown upon the judgment-seat[549] as if to ratify and formally accept\ntheir decision (Mtt. xxvii. 19).\n\nBut at this moment, as if to increase his perplexity, an attendant\napproached bearing a message from his wife[550] imploring him to have\nnothing to do with the _just person_ (Mtt. xxvii. 19) standing before\nhis tribunal. During the night she had probably been roused by the\nmessengers[551] of the high-priest requesting a Roman guard, and a\nfearful and harrowing morning (Mtt. xxvii. 19) dream concerning the\nrighteous Prophet of Nazareth had induced her thus to appeal to her\nhusband in His behalf.\n\nPilate\u2019s feelings of awe and amazement were now intensified, and\nhis determination to release his Prisoner increased. But the chief\npriests and the Sanhedrists had improved their opportunity while he was\nlistening to his wife\u2019s message, and when he composed himself afresh\nto receive their decision, he saw that malice and bitter, determined\nhatred had done their work. Persuaded by their teachers, the multitude\ncried out, _Not this Man, but Barabbas_. In vain the procurator tried\nto stem the torrent, in vain he expostulated (Mk. xv. 9), in vain\nhe re-asserted his conviction of the innocence of the Accused. Loud\nclamour, and furious faces, and uplifted hands, told him that the\nfeelings of the throng were excited beyond such efforts. Equally\npowerless was a solemn and significant action, by which he strove\nto represent in the most striking manner possible, how strongly he\nwas convinced of the perfect innocence of the Holy One. Calling for\nwater, he washed his hands publickly (Mtt. xxvii. 24) before the whole\nmultitude, saying, _I am guiltless of the blood of this Just Person:\nsee ye to it_. _His blood be upon us and upon our children_, was\nthe frantic reply, and Pilate saw that further opposition would only\nincrease the tumult (Mtt. xxvii. 25).\n\nOne hope, however, he still seems to have retained[552]. Perhaps that\ntossing clamorous throng would be satisfied with the infliction of a\npunishment only less terrible than death. Perhaps the inhuman scourge\nof the Roman soldiers would be enough[553], without the penalty of\ncrucifixion, for which so many were already clamorous. He gave the\norder, therefore, that He should be scourged, and appears to have again\nsat down on the judgment-seat while the command was carried into effect.\n\nThe soldiers executed his orders with their wonted severity, and then\nflung around the bleeding body of the Divine Sufferer a purple[554]\nrobe (Mtt. xxvii. 28; Jn. xix. 2), and placing a reed in His right hand\n(Mtt. xxvii. 29), and a crown of thorns[555] upon His head, bowed the \nknee before Him, and in cruel mockery saluted Him, saying, _Hail, King \nof the Jews_ (Mtt. xxvii. 29; Mk. xv. 18). Not satisfied with this \noutrage, they took the reed and struck Him with it on the head, and \nspat in His face (Mtt. xxvii. 30; Mk. xv. 19), and heaped upon Him \nevery kind of indignity.\n\nThe scourging appears to have been inflicted within the _pr\u00e6torium_\n(Mtt. xxvii. 27), and when it had been carried out, Pilate himself went\nand led forth the Sufferer wearing the crown of thorns and the purple\nrobe (Jn. xix. 4, 5), and presented Him to the people, saying, _Behold\nthe Man_[556]. Would not this spectacle of terrible suffering suffice?\nCould cruelty demand yet more? _Crucify Him_ was the cry of the\nchief priests and their attendants (Jn. xix. 6). The sight of so much\nsuffering so meekly borne drew forth no pity, and no relenting. _Take\nye Him, and crucify Him_, replied the procurator; _for I find no fault\nin Him_. _We have a law_, rejoined the Jews, _and by our law[557] He\nought to die, because He made Himself the Son of God_.\n\nThese last words roused afresh all Pilate\u2019s fears (Jn. xix. 8). Taking\nhis bleeding, lacerated Prisoner once more within the pr\u00e6torium he\nenquired anxiously, _Whence art Thou[558]?_ But the Holy One made\nhim no reply. Startled by this continued silence the procurator asked\nwhether He did not know that he had power to release Him, and power\nto crucify Him. _Thou couldest have had no power at all against Me_,\nwas the mysterious reply, _unless it had been given thee from above;\ntherefore he[559] that delivered Me unto thee hath the greater sin_ (Jn.\nxix. 11). This answer, so calm, so gentle, so full of mystery, made a\ndeep impression on Pilate, already awed by the message of his wife, and\nstill more by the infinite patience of the accused, and he resolved to\nmake one last effort to release Him (Jn. xix. 12). But it was too late.\nA cry, far more formidable to himself than any he had yet heard, struck\nupon his ears: _If thou let this Man go_, cried the Jews, _thou art not\nC\u00e6sar\u2019s friend: whosoever maketh himself a king speaketh against C\u00e6sar_\n(Jn. xix. 12). It was a crafty, well-chosen cry. Pilate knew that the\nJews already had matter for accusation against him[560], and could\nwell divine the consequences, if they accused him before the gloomy\nsuspicious Tiberius of sparing a prisoner who had been accused of\ntreason[561]. Loss of place, degradation, banishment, perhaps a death\nby torture, stared him in the face. His fears for his own personal\nsafety turned the scale. He must save _himself_[562], even though\nhe sacrificed One whom he had confessed to be innocent. Once more,\ntherefore, he took his seat upon the tribunal (Jn. xix. 13), but even\nnow he could not resist the impulse to bid the Jews bethink themselves\nbefore it was too late. _Behold your King_, said he. His words were\nthe signal for uproarious cries of _Away with Him! Away with Him!\nCrucify Him!_ _Shall I crucify your King?_ asked the procurator. _We\nhave no king but C\u00e6sar_, replied the chief priests (Jn. xix. 15), thus\nrenouncing altogether the hope of the Messiah in order to satisfy their\nthirst for the Redeemer\u2019s blood, and Pilate seeing it was useless to\nprolong the controversy, pronounced the word, the irrevocable word,\n_Let Him be crucified_ (Joh. xix. 16).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VIII.\n\n _THE CRUCIFIXION._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nTHUS the Holy One was formally delivered into the hands of the\nsoldiers[563], who instantly made their preparations for His\ncrucifixion. The place of execution was a spot of slightly rising\nground without the gates of the city, called, probably from the shape\nof its rounded summit[564], Golgotha[565], _the place of a skull_ (Mtt.\nxxvii. 33; Jn. xix. 17). Thither, therefore, after stripping Him of\nthe purple robe, and putting on Him His own garments (Mtt. xxvii. 31;\nMk. xv. 20), the soldiers led Him forth bearing[566], as was customary,\nthe Cross on which He was to suffer (Jn. xix. 17), attended by a\ncenturion[567], and two malefactors who were to be crucified with\nHim[568] (Lk. xxiii. 32).\n\nAs they proceeded from the city, the Redeemer, exhausted by the\ngrievous sufferings He had already undergone, sank under the heavy\nweight of the Cross, and the soldiers meeting one Simon[569] of Cyrene\nin Northern Africa, coming from the country[570], laid hold upon him,\nand compelled[571] him to assist in bearing it (Mtt. xxvii. 32; Mk.\nxv. 21; Lk. xxiii. 26). And so the mournful procession was resumed,\nfollowed by a great multitude, amongst which many women began to utter\nloud laments at the sad spectacle. Turning to these _daughters of\nJerusalem_ the exalted Sufferer with superhuman composure bade them\n_weep not for Him, but for themselves_; for nameless sorrows awaited\nthem, days when they would _bless the wombs which had never borne_,\nand _the paps that had never given suck_, when they would _cry to the\nmountains to fall upon them, and to the hills to cover them_[572] (Lk.\nxxiii. 28\u201331).\n\nOn reaching the appointed place, the hole for the Cross was dug in the\nground, and the customary stupefying potion[573] of wine mingled with\nmyrrh was offered to the Holy One. He touched it with his lips (Mtt.\nxxvii. 34), but would not drink it, being resolved to preserve His\nsenses clear, and to endure all the coming agony in the full possession\nof His consciousness. Then the soldiers stripped Him of His garments,\nnailed His hands and feet to the Cross[574], placed over His head the\ntitle[575] which Pilate had written in three languages, Hebrew, Greek,\nand Latin,\n\n _This is Jesus the Nazarene, the King of the Jews_,\n\nand between the two malefactors, one on His right hand and the other on\nHis left (Isai. liii. 12), the Redeemer hung suspended between heaven\nand earth, breathing forth even under the hands of His murderers words\nof infinite love, _Father, forgive them, for they know not what they\ndo_ (Lk. xxiii. 34).\n\nIt was now about the _third hour_[576] (Mk. xv. 25), and the quaternion\nor party of four soldiers[577] (Jn. xix. 23), with their centurion\n(Mtt. xxvii. 54), whose special duty it was to see that the bodies\nof those who suffered by crucifixion were not taken away, sat down\nand watched (Mtt. xxvii. 36). According to custom, the clothes of\nthe Redeemer had become their perquisite. Of the outer garment they\nmade four parts, probably loosening the seams[578]. But the inner\ngarment[579] _was without seam, woven from the top throughout_ (Jn.\nxix. 23). That they might not rend this garment, therefore, they drew\nlots for it whose it should be, and thus unconsciously fulfilled the\nwords of the Psalmist, _They parted My raiment among them; and for My\nvesture they did cast lots_ (Ps. xxii. 18; Jn. xix. 24).\n\nWhile, however, the soldiers were thus employed, and the high-priests\nwere busy wrangling with Pilate respecting the title he had placed upon\nthe Cross, a few faithful ones had ventured to draw near the suffering\nRedeemer. Near His Cross stood His mother, His mother\u2019s sister, Mary\nthe wife of Clopas[580], and Mary Magdalene (Jn. xix. 25), and with\nthem the Apostle John. Looking upon His mother, and seeing standing\nby her the disciple whom He loved, He said to her, _Woman, behold thy\nson_, and to the disciple, _Behold thy mother, and from that hour_ the\nApostle _took her to his own home_[581] (Jn. xix. 27).\n\nBut soon others than these faithful ones drew near. The passers-by\nbegan to vent their mockery and bitter gibes upon The Redeemer. Some\nreminded Him in derision of His deep saying at the first Passover of\nHis public ministry, and bade Him who could _destroy the Temple and\nbuild it in three days, save Himself_ (Mtt. xxvii. 39, 40; Mk. xv. 29).\nOthers, and especially the chief priests, bade Him if He was in truth\nthe Son of God, the Messiah, and King of Israel (Mtt. xxvii. 42; Mk.\nxv. 32), _come down from the Cross_. The soldiers also took up their\nwords, and drawing near offered Him in mockery their sour wine[582]\n(Lk. xxiii. 36), and required Him, if, as His title portended, He was\nthe King of the Jews, to deliver Himself, and soon even the crucified\nmalefactors followed their example, and cast the same in His teeth\n(Mtt. xxvii. 44; Mk. xv. 32).\n\nBut as the weary time wore on, the feelings of one of the two, won\nover by the heroic bearing of the Saviour and His infinite patience,\nunderwent a striking change. He began to reprove the other for his\nrevilings (Lk. xxiii. 40). They indeed were suffering justly, and\n_receiving the reward of their misdeeds_, but the Holy One in their\nmidst _had done nothing amiss_. This avowal, made amidst all His\npresent agony and degradation, was a great step, but soon it led to\nanother. The more the penitent malefactor reflected on the sinlessness\nof Him who hung beside him, the more he contrasted it with his own\nshortcomings, the more the light streamed into his soul, and at length\nthe eye of faith opening to discern the invisible, and the conviction\ndawning upon him that this was his Lord, the true King of the Jews, he\nturned and said, _Lord, remember me when Thou comest in Thy kingdom_,\nand received the comforting reply, _This day shalt thou be with Me in\nparadise_ (Lk. xxii. 43).\n\nBut now the greatest and most mysterious period of the Passion drew\nnear. Already nature herself had begun to evince her sympathy with\nthe awful scene that was being enacted. At the sixth hour, the hour of\nnoon, the clearness of day began to be obscured. A fearful darkness[583]\ngradually spread over the whole land (Mtt. xxvii. 45; Mk. xv. 33; Lk.\nxxiii. 44)[584], and deepened in intensity till nearly the ninth hour,\nthe hour of the evening sacrifice. Meanwhile the Holy One began to be\nsensible of the burning thirst, which is the most painful aggravation\nof a death by crucifixion, and gave expression to it in words (Jn.\nxix. 28). Close at hand stood a vessel full of vinegar, and one of\nthe soldiers took a sponge, and filling it with the fluid put it on\na hyssop-reed, and raised it to His lips. At this moment the Redeemer\ngave utterance to the prophetic words of the xxiind Psalm, in which, in\nthe bitterness of his heart, David had complained of the desertion of\nhis God, and said, _Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani? My God, My God, why\nhast Thou forsaken me_? (Mk. xv. 34).\n\nOn hearing this exclamation, some of those standing near, either\nmisapprehending His words, or in wilful mockery, declared that He\ncalled not on Eli, God, but on Elias, whose appearance was universally\nexpected as the sign of the Messiah\u2019s kingdom. They would, therefore,\nhave waited to see whether the great prophet would really come (Mk. xv.\n36), and would have arrested the compassionate hand that was raising\nthe vinegar. But the moment of release was near. As soon as He had\ntasted the vinegar (Jn. xix. 30), the dying Redeemer cried with a loud\nvoice, _It is finished; Father, into Thy hands I commend My spirit, and\ngave up the ghost_.\n\nThese last words had hardly been uttered before a wondrous event took\nplace in the Temple. The veil, the beautiful veil, inwrought with\nfigures of Cherubim, which separated the Holy Place from the Most\nHoly, was suddenly _rent in twain from the top to the bottom_[585]\n(Mtt. xxvii. 51; Mk. xv. 38; Lk. xxiii. 45), and at the same moment\nthe earth trembled with the convulsion of an earthquake, and the rocks\nwere rent, laying open many of the sepulchres with which they were\nperforated on all sides of the city[586] (Mtt. xxvii. 52).\n\nThese marvellous incidents made a deep impression, not only on the\ncenturion and his soldiers who had been stationed to watch the cross,\nbut on the multitudes who had been spectators of all that had occurred,\nand the women and kinsmen of the Holy Sufferer who _stood gazing afar\noff_ (Mtt. xxvii. 55; Mk. xv. 40). The people beating their breasts\nin deep but unavailing sorrow (Lk. xxiii. 48) began to pour back with\nfearful forebodings into the city, while the Roman officer, who though\nhe had often looked upon death and its victims in various forms, had\nnever witnessed such a death as this[587], under the influence of deep\nemotion testified that He, who had been condemned as a blasphemer,\nwas indeed a _righteous man_ (Lk. xxiii. 47), nay more, that He was in\ntruth the _Son of God_[588] (Mtt. xxvii. 54; Mk. xv. 39).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IX.\n\n _THE BURIAL AND RESURRECTION._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nTHE day was now far advanced. Unconscious that the true Paschal Lamb,\nthe antitype of all previous sacrifices, had offered up Himself upon\nthe altar of His Cross for the sins of the whole world, numerous bands\nof householders were gathering towards the Temple to slay their victims\nand make ready for the Feast[589]. The morrow _being a high day_, at\nonce the Sabbath and the solemn fifteenth of Nisan[590] (Jn. xix. 31),\nthe Jewish rulers would be more than usually anxious that the bodies of\nthe Saviour and the two malefactors should not remain upon the cross,\nprofaning the sanctity of their great national festival, and violating\none of the strict injunctions of their law[591].\n\nIt was not indeed the Roman custom to remove the crucified from the\ncross. Instead of shortening their agonies the Roman law had left them\nto die by a lingering[592] death, and suffered their bodies to moulder\nunder the action of the sun and rain[593], or to be devoured by wild\nbeasts[594]. The more merciful Jewish custom, however, did not allow\nsuch barbarities, and their Roman masters had made an express exception\nin their favour. The Jewish rulers therefore repaired to Pilate, and\nrequested that the legs[595] of those on Golgotha might be broken and\ntheir bodies removed (Jn. xix. 31). The Procurator gave his consent,\nand the soldiers entrusted with the task repaired thither, and broke\nthe legs of one malefactor and then of the other. When however, they\ncame to the Body of Jesus, they found that He was dead already (Jn.\nxix. 33). Unconsciously fulfilling, therefore, the typical language of\nScripture respecting the Paschal Lamb, which declared that _not a bone\nof it should be broken_ (Ex. xii. 46; Ps. xxxiv. 20), and a prediction\nthat men should look upon _Him whom they pierced_ (Zech. xii. 10),\nthey abstained from breaking His legs, but one of them, as if resolved\nto give a stroke of itself sufficient to cause death, thrust his\nspear[596] into His side, whence immediately there flowed forth Blood\nand Water, a wondrous incident, of which the Evangelist St John was\nhimself a spectator (Jn. xix. 35).\n\nMeanwhile, before the tidings of the Saviour\u2019s death could reach the\nears of Pilate, Joseph of Arimath\u00e6a[597], a man of wealth (Mtt. xxvii.\n57), a member of the Sanhedrin (Lk. xxiii. 50), and a secret disciple\nof Jesus (Jn. xix. 38), who had not consented to the cruel resolution\nof the rest to put Him to death (Lk. xxiii. 51), boldly went in to the\nProcurator, and requested that the Body of the Redeemer might be given\nup to him (Mk. xv. 43). Filled with astonishment that death had so\nspeedily taken place, Pilate called in the centurion who had kept watch\non Golgotha, and enquired whether this was really the case (Mk. xv.\n44). Assured that it was so, he freely granted the request, and Joseph\nhaving purchased fine linen (Mk. xv. 46) repaired to Golgotha, to take\ndown the Holy Body. Here he was joined by Nicodemus (Jn. xix. 39),\nwho, probably informed of his successful petition to the procurator,\nhad brought _a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about a hundred pound[598]\nweight_ (Jn. xix. 39). Together, then, they took down the Body, wrapped\nit in the linen clothes, sprinkled the myrrh and aloes amongst them,\nand conveyed the Holy One to a tomb which was close at hand. It was a\nnew tomb, wherein no man had ever yet been laid (Lk. xxiii. 53), and\nhad been hewn by Joseph himself out of a rock in a garden, which he\npossessed hard by Golgotha (Jn. xix. 41). Hither they bore the Body,\nand in the presence of Mary Magdalene, Mary the Mother of Joses, and\nother women who had followed the Saviour during His lifetime from\nGalilee (Mtt. xxvii. 61; Mk. xv. 47; Lk. xxiii. 55), laid it in the\nreceptacle[599], and with the utmost despatch, _for the Sabbath was\ndrawing on_ (Lk. xxiii. 54), rolled a great stone to the entrance, and\ndeparted.\n\nThus He, who all His life long had been the poorest of the poor, made\n_His grave with the rich_ (Is. liii. 9), and received the anointing of\nthe great ones of the earth. But though the outward temple of His body\nhad been _destroyed_, the Pharisees and chief-priests could not forget\nthe mysterious saying of His that in _three days He would raise it up_,\nand probably were not altogether unaware of the more direct assertions\nHe had made to His Apostles respecting the same subject[600]. These\nwords now recurred to them with such alarming force that on the morning\nafter the Crucifixion, though it was their great Paschal Sabbath, they\nmet together, and repairing to the residence of Pilate, informed him of\nwhat _that Deceiver_ had said, and requested that the sepulchre might\nbe made secure till the third day, lest His disciples should come and\nsteal Him away, and give out that He had risen (Mtt. xxvii. 63, 64).\n\nWith the curtness of one who felt himself fatigued and wearied out,\nthe Procurator replied, _Ye have_, or rather, _Take[601] a watch, and\nmake it secure as ye know how_. Accordingly with the guard thus deputed\nthey went their way, sealed[602] the stone at the entrance of the\nsepulchre with their official seal in the presence of the soldiers, and\nthen consigned to them the duty of watching the tomb of the Holy One.\n\nThough both Joseph of Arimath\u00e6a and Nicodemus had assisted in embalming\nthe Body of the Saviour, it had necessarily been done in haste, and the\nwomen who had witnessed the entombment resolved to complete it, and on\nthe evening of the Crucifixion had prepared spices and ointments for\nthat purpose (Lk. xxiii. 56). With these, then, early in the morning\nof the first day of the week, while it was yet dark (Jn. xx. 1), Mary\nMagdalene[603], Mary the Mother of James, and Salome (Mk. xvi. 1),\nset out for the sepulchre, their thoughts occupied on the way with the\nnatural question _who would roll away the great stone_[604] they had\nseen fitted into its appointed place (Mk. xvi. 3).\n\nWhile they were thus musing, and, as it would seem, were as yet some\ndistance from the sepulchre, the earth quaked beneath their feet with\na mighty convulsion (Mtt. xxviii. 2), and an angel descended and rolled\naway the stone and sat upon it; his countenance was like lightning\nand his raiment white as snow, and before him the Roman sentinels fell\nprostrate for fear, _and became as dead men_ (Mtt. xxviii. 3, 4).\n\nBewildered by the sudden earthquake, the women advanced nearer, and\nbeheld the stone rolled away from the tomb (Mk. xvi. 4; Lk. xxiv. 2).\nSummoning courage two of them thereupon entered in (Lk. xxiv. 3), and\nbecame assured of the fact that the tomb was empty, that the Holy Body\nthey had seen securely placed therein, was there no longer.\n\nWhile, however, they were standing bewildered at this unexpected\ndiscovery, one of their number, Mary Magdalene, had already hurried\nback to Jerusalem. The sight of the stone rolled away had roused\nher worst apprehensions, and she could think of nothing but that the\nBody of her Lord had been taken away and the tomb violated. Resolved,\ntherefore, to seek more effectual aid than such as weak women could\nafford, she ran with all speed to Simon Peter[605], and announced\nto him and the Apostle John, who was apparently with him, that the\ntomb was empty, and she and her companions[606] of the morning knew\nnot whither the Body of their Lord had been conveyed (Jn. xx. 2). On\nreceiving this startling intelligence the two apostles forthwith set\nout towards the tomb (Jn. xx. 3), followed by Mary Magdalene herself\n(Jn. xx. 11).\n\nBefore, however, they reached the spot, the women who had remained\nbehind, and who had ventured into the open sepulchre, had received\nother and still more startling tidings. As they were standing\nirresolute and bewildered by the sight of the empty tomb, there\nappeared to them _two_ (Lk. xxiv. 4), or, as it seemed to others of\ntheir number, _one_ of the heavenly host (Mk. xvi. 5) in mortal guise\nindeed but clad in glistering apparel, who announced to them, while\nready to fall prostrate in alarm and terror, that their _Lord was\nrisen_: there was no need for them _to seek the living amongst the\ndead_ (Lk. xxiv. 5); He had told them that on the third day He should\nrise again (Lk. xxiv. 7), and thus His words were fulfilled; the spot,\nwhere they had seen Him laid, did not contain Him now (Mk. xvi. 6); let\nthem, therefore, go to His Apostles, and announce the joyful tidings\nthat their risen Lord was going before them into Galilee, and there\nthey should see Him (Mtt. xxviii. 7).\n\nWithout losing a moment (Mtt. xxviii. 8), agitated at once by mingled\nfear and joy (Mk. xvi. 8), which sealed their lips to any whom they\nchanced to meet upon the road (Mk. xvi. 8)[607], the women hurried with\nall speed to the Apostles, and recounted their cheering tidings (Lk.\nxxiv. 9). But in their deep sorrow (Mk. xvi. 10) the Eleven regarded\nthe words of the women as no better than an _idle tale_ (Lk. xxiv. 11),\nand could not credit their announcement, on which the latter, saddened\nit may be by their refusal to believe, returned once more to the\nsepulchre.\n\nMeanwhile the two Apostles, Peter and John, had been running thither\nwith all speed, to ascertain the truth of what they had heard from\nMary Magdalene. Outrunning his fellow Apostle, John first reached\nthe tomb, and _stooping down saw[608] the linen clothes lying_ there,\nbut probably from feelings of awe entered not in. The characteristic\nenergy of Peter overcame such feelings, and entering in he steadily\ncontemplated the state of the sepulchre and the position of the\ngrave-clothes; there lay the swathing-bands in one place (Jn. xx. 6);\nthere was the napkin which had been about His head, not lying with the\nrest of the clothes, but folded up in another spot by itself. There\nwas nothing to indicate disorder or confusion, or any violation of\nthe tomb. Encouraged by the other\u2019s boldness, the Apostle John also\nnow ventured to enter in, and surveyed the condition of the sepulchre,\nand though as yet neither of them understood the announcements of\nthe resurrection contained in the Scripture (Jn. xx. 9), yet he\ncould not resist the evidence of his senses[609]. The position of the\ngrave-clothes precluded the idea that the Holy Body had been removed by\nenemies: he believed that his Lord had risen, and turned back towards\nJerusalem[610] with his fellow Apostle, who marvelled at what had taken\nplace (Lk. xxiv. 12).\n\nBut these signs did not carry conviction to the mind of Mary, who had\nfollowed them, but more slowly. Unable to tear herself away from the\nsepulchre, she stood outside weeping (Jn. xx. 11), and stooping down\nbeheld two angels in white standing, the one at the head, the other at\nthe feet, where the body of her Lord had lain, who said to her, _Woman,\nwhy weepest thou_? She replied, _They have taken away my Lord, and I\nknow not where they have laid Him_; and turning away even from their\nsympathy, beheld One standing near, in whom she did not recognise her\nLord, but who repeated the angels\u2019 question why she wept? Thinking\nit was the keeper of the garden, and that he could give her further\ninformation, she replied, _Sir, if thou hast borne Him hence, tell\nme where thou hast laid Him, and I will take him away_ (Jn. xx. 15).\nShe had hardly spoken, when the Stranger addressing her in well-known\nintonations, said, _Mary_. Instantly she knew who He was. Prostrating\nherself before Him, she called Him in the Hebrew dialect _Rabboni_ (Jn.\nxx. 16), and apparently in her bewildered joy sought to clasp the feet\nof His risen Body. But this might not be. The relations between herself\nand the mighty Conqueror of death were changed. _Touch Me not_[611],\nsaid He, _for I am not yet ascended unto My Father: but go unto My\nbrethren, and tell them, I am about to ascend to My Father, and your\nFather, to My God, and your God_ (Jn. xx. 17). And Mary went, and\nthus she, out of whom the Lord had cast seven demons, became the first\nmessenger of His resurrection to His disciples[612].\n\nSoon, however, the other women, who had brought the first tidings\nto the Apostles, and who appear to have also returned towards the\nsepulchre, were met by their risen Lord (Mtt. xxviii. 9), who saluted\nthem with the word _Hail_. Thereupon they drew near and worshipped Him,\nand, like Mary Magdalene, were bidden to announce to His brethren the\njoyous news that He was going before them into Galilee (Mtt. xxviii.\n10).\n\nAs they departed to execute His commands, certain of the Roman\nsentinels entered into the city and recounted to the chief priests all\nthat had occurred (Mtt. xxviii. 11). On the receipt of this startling\nintelligence, a meeting of the Sanhedrin was convened, and it was\nresolved that by some means the miraculous disappearance of the Body\nof the Redeemer must be concealed. Accordingly the soldiers were called\nin, and by dint of heavy bribes (Mtt. xxviii. 14) persuaded to give out,\nthat, while they were sleeping at their posts, the disciples had come\nand stolen away the Body of their Master, and this story obtained a\nvery general circulation amongst the Jews.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER X.\n\n _THE GREAT FORTY DAYS AND THE ASCENSION._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nTHUS the morning of the world\u2019s first Easter-day passed away, and the\nrisen Saviour had revealed Himself to Mary Magdalene and the other\nministering women.\n\nEarly in the same afternoon two[613] of the disciples, Cleopas[614]\nand another, whose name is not recorded, set out from Jerusalem in the\ndirection of the village of Emmaus[615] (Lk. xxiv. 13). As they went,\nthey conversed earnestly about the events that had so lately occurred\nin the Holy City, and that with heavy hearts, for every hope was buried\nin their Master\u2019s grave. While they were thus engaged, He of whom they\nspake drew near, and accompanying them along the road began to enquire\nthe meaning of their sorrowful looks, and of the earnest conversation\nthey were holding with one another. Not recognising Him (Comp. Lk.\nxxiv. 16; Mk. xvi. 12), and surprised that even a stranger at Jerusalem\ncould be ignorant of the event which filled their hearts and had\nstirred their whole capital, they proceeded to give full vent to their\ndisappointed hopes. Jesus of Nazareth, they said, had appeared amongst\nthem, and had proved Himself a Prophet[616], mighty both in word and\ndeed, before God and all the people; they had joined themselves to Him\nin the full belief that He was the long promised Redeemer of Israel,\nbut their chief priests and rulers had condemned and crucified Him[617],\nand three days had now passed since His death: some women, indeed, of\ntheir company had gone to His tomb early that morning, and had returned\nwith the mysterious tidings that His Body had disappeared, and that\nthey had seen a vision of angels, who declared that He was alive, and\non this certain disciples had repaired thither also and found that the\nBody indeed had disappeared, but they had not _seen_ their risen Lord\n(Lk. xxiv. 19\u201324).\n\nSuch was the touching record of their deep disappointment. But to\ntheir surprise it evoked serious reproof instead of sympathy from\ntheir companion. _O foolish, and slow of heart to believe all that\nthe Prophets have spoken_, said He: _ought not the Messiah to have\nsuffered these things, and to have entered into His glory?_ and then\nbeginning from Moses and all the Prophets He expounded to them in all\nthe Scriptures the things relating to the Messiah\u2019s work and person\n(Lk. xxiv. 26, 27).\n\nMeanwhile the hours had sped quickly, and by the time He had finished\nspeaking, the two disciples found themselves close to Emmaus (Lk. xxiv.\n28). Their Companion appeared to be going further, but they could not\nbear the idea of parting with One, who had opened up such new fields of\nhope. _Abide with us_, said they earnestly; _the day is far spent, and\nit is towards evening_; nor did they cease till they had constrained\nHim to enter their abode (Lk. xxiv. 28, 29).\n\nThere they quickly prepared an evening meal, and their Companion,\nassuming the office of \u201cMaster of the House,\u201d took bread, and\npronouncing probably the grace[618], with which the Jews commenced\ntheir meals, proceeded to distribute it amongst them (Lk. xxiv. 30).\nBut while so doing, the tone of His voice, or some well-known gesture,\nor, it may be, the marks of the nails in His hands, revealed to them\nwho He was. Their eyes were opened and they recognised Him, and at the\nsame moment _He vanished out of their sight_ (Lk. xxiv. 31).\n\nCertain now who it was that on the road had caused _their hearts to\nburn_ within them, as He talked with them and opened up the Scriptures,\nthey instantly hurried back, though it was dark, to Jerusalem,\nand ascended to the upper-room, where the Apostles and others were\nassembled with closed doors for fear of the Jews[619] (Lk. xxiv. 33;\nJn. xx. 19). They thought they were the bearers of strange and welcome\ntidings. But their companions had equally joyous news for them. The\nLord was risen indeed, and by a special appearance had revealed Himself\nto the repentant Simon[620] (Lk. xxiv. 34; comp. 1 Cor. xv. 5).\n\nThen they told their tale, and suddenly, while they yet were speaking,\nand perhaps replying to the others\u2019 doubting questions[621], _the Lord\nstood in their midst_ (Lk. xxiv. 36; Jn. xx. 19), and saluted them with\nthe words, _Peace be unto you_. Terrified by so sudden an apparition,\nthey imagined that they beheld a spectre or phantom, and shrunk back.\nBut He calmed their fears. _Why are ye troubled_, He enquired, and\n_why do thoughts arise in your hearts? Behold My hands and My feet,\nfor a spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see Me have._ But though\nHe shewed them His hands and His side (Jn. xx. 20), their joy still\nstruggled with unbelief (Lk. xxiv. 41) and bewilderment, on which He\nenquired whether they had anything to eat, and when they gave Him a\npiece of a broiled fish and of an honeycomb, the remains probably of\ntheir evening meal, He took and ate in their presence (Lk. xxiv. 42,\n43). Then with the reiterated salutation, _Peace be unto you_ (Jn.\nxx. 21), He proceeded, _As the Father hath sent Me, even so send I\nyou_; and with these words _He breathed on them_ and said, _Receive\nye the Holy Ghost: whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted; and\nwhosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained_ (Jn. xx. 23).\n\nOn the evening, however, of this first Easter-day, when the risen\nSaviour thus manifested Himself to the Apostles, and bestowed upon them\nthe firstfruits[622] of the effusion of the Holy Spirit, one of their\nnumber, Thomas[623], was not present. Why he was not has been much\ndebated. Some suppose it was owing to an accident. Others imagine that\nhe had thrown away all hope, that he had concluded it was impossible\nthat his crucified Lord could ever revive. Certain it is that he was\nnot with the rest in their wonted place of meeting. When, therefore, he\nwas informed by the others of the wondrous appearance in the upper-room,\nhe utterly refused to believe it. _Unless_, said he, _I shall see in\nHis hands the print of the nails, and put my finger into the print of\nthe nails, and thrust my hand into His side, I will not believe_ (Jn.\nxx. 25). Slow of faith, subject to despondency, ever ready to take\nthe darker view of things, and to distrust extraordinary good news all\nthe more because it was good, he could not accept the evidence of his\nfellow Apostles in so weighty a matter as the resurrection of his Lord,\nhe must see and touch Him for himself[624].\n\nSeven days passed away, and no recorded appearance of the risen Saviour\nwas vouchsafed. On the eighth, the first day of the week, the Apostles\nwere again assembled in the upper-room. On this occasion Thomas was\nnot absent. Hope probably had revived, and he expected some removal of\nhis doubts. While, then, the doors were shut as before from fear of the\nJews, suddenly the familiar words, _Peace be unto you_ (Jn. xx. 26),\nstruck on the astonished ears of the assembled Eleven, and their risen\nLord _stood in their midst_. Knowing all things, knowing therefore all\nthe hesitation and doubt of His apostle, with infinite condescension He\ngave him the required sign. _Thomas_, said He, _reach hither thy finger,\nand see My hands, and reach hither thy hand, and thrust it into My side,\nand be not faithless but believing_ (Jn. xx. 27).\n\nWhether the Apostle touched his Lord or not is not recorded. The\nimpression is that he did not. But whichever was the case, certain\nit is that the effect upon him was instantaneous. All his doubts fled\naway like the morning mist. In the fulness of believing faith, he\nexclaimed, _My Lord and my God_. Because _thou hast seen Me_, replied\nthe ever-merciful One, _thou hast believed: blessed are they that have\nnot seen Me, and yet have believed_ (Jn. xx. 29).\n\nAt some period after this last appearance, though when exactly we are\nnot told, obedient to their Lord\u2019s repeated commands, the Apostles\nreturned to the region of Galilee[625] and the familiar neighbourhood\nof the lake of Gennesaret. Here once more amidst old haunts, and quiet\nscenes of nature, some of them resumed, probably for the sake of their\ndaily sustenance[626], their former occupations as fishermen; and\non one occasion, seven of their number, Peter, Thomas, Nathanael\nBar-Tolmai, James, John, and two others, whose names are not mentioned,\nentered into a boat at eventide and plied their craft[627] (Jn. xxi.\n1\u20133). Hour after hour passed away, and still they toiled but took\nnothing. Just, however, as the morning broke (Jn. xxi. 4), and the\nsun bursting forth began to reveal distinctly each cleft and broken\ncliff[628] down the rocky sides of the hills fringing the lake, a Voice\nwas heard through the still morning air, saying, _Children, have ye any\nmeat?_ They answered, _No_. Thereupon the Voice spake again, _Cast the\nnet on the right side of the boat, and ye shall find_ (Jn. xxi. 6).\n\nReady after the ill success of the previous night \u201cto take any\nsuggestion by whomsoever offered,\u201d they did so, and straightway found\nthemselves unable to drag the net in again by reason of the multitude\nof the fish they had enclosed. Awakened partly by the incident itself,\npartly perhaps by the Voice of the Stranger, to the recollection of a\nformer and similar experience (Lk. v. 5)[629], the Apostle John felt \nsure He knew who was standing on the beach, and said to Simon Peter, \n_It is the Lord_ (Jn. xxi. 7). Instantly the son of Jonas, eager, \nardent, impetuous as of old, girding his fisher\u2019s coat[630] about him, \nflung himself into the lake, and by swimming and wading reached the \nshore, followed by the rest in the boat dragging the net with the fish \nthey had caught.\n\nOn landing they not only found themselves in the presence of their\nrisen Lord, but perceived mysterious provision made for their wants\nafter the wearying night. On the smooth margin of the lake[631] was\na fire of charcoal[632], and fish laid thereon and bread, and the\nRedeemer bade them add to these some of the fish they had just brought\nto land. In obedience to this command Peter drew the net to shore, and\nbrought of the fish, which numbered _a hundred and fifty and three_\n(Jn. xxi. 11), and then all sat down to the early morning meal as in\nformer days, when dwelling with Him by the shore of that same lake. And\nnow too, as at Emmaus, the risen Saviour as Master of the family took\nof the bread and fish, and distributed unto them, while they, filled\nwith reverential awe, though certain that it was He, did not venture\nto question[633] Him with regard to the exact \u201cstate of His holy\npersonality[634].\u201d\n\nWhen the meal was over, turning to the Apostle Peter the risen Saviour\nenquired, _Simon, son of Jonas, lovest[635] thou Me more than these_?\n_Yea, Lord, Thou knowest that I love Thee_, replied the Apostle, but\nnot as on the sad evening of the Betrayal, exalting himself on his\nown faithfulness above his fellow-disciples[636] (Jn. xxi. 15). _Feed\nMy lambs_, responded his Lord. A second and yet a third time was the\nquestion repeated, till the Apostle touched probably by this reminder\nof his three denials, and flinging himself on the Omniscience of the\nHoly One made answer, _Lord, Thou knowest all things; Thou knowest that\nI love Thee_. Once more the command _Feed My sheep_ was given, and thus\nthe Apostle was restored to his old place in the circle of the Twelve\n(Jn. xxi. 16, 17).\n\nBut this was not all. The Apostle was to learn what great things\nhe must suffer for the Master, who had thus reinstated him in his\nApostolic office. _When thou wast young_, the Lord continued, _thou\ngirdedst thyself, and walkedst whither thou wouldest: but when thou\nshalt be old, thou shalt stretch forth thy hands, and another shall\ngird thee, and carry thee whither thou wouldest not_ (Jn. xxi. 18).\nAnd with this intimation of the death that awaited the Apostle, of a\nday when he should be bound to the cross, and his hands be extended\nupon it[637], He added, _Follow Me_, _i.e._ even unto that martyr\u2019s\ndeath for His name which He had just foretold[638]. Apparently not\nunderstanding the meaning of the command, the Apostle interpreted it\nliterally, and while advancing perceived the \u201cloved disciple\u201d also\nfollowing, and filled with a desire to know what lot awaited him,\nenquired, _Lord, and what shall this man do_? (Jn. xxi. 21). But the\nquestion, whatever was its precise motive, was gently put by: _If I\nwill that he tarry till I come_, replied the Saviour, _what is that\nto thee? Follow thou Me_; which intimation of long tarrying in store\nfor St John, in contrast to the sharper discipline for which his fellow\nApostle was destined, originated the mistaken idea that the \u201cloved\ndisciple\u201d was to leave the world without undergoing the penalty of\ndeath (Jn. xxi. 23).\n\nThis was the third occasion on which the Saviour appeared to His\nApostles after His resurrection, and it was probably now that He gave\nthem specific directions respecting a manifestation to a still larger\nassembly, which was not long delayed. For apparently a short time after\nthis last appearance, the Eleven repaired to a mountain[639] in Galilee\nwhich He Himself had indicated (Mtt. xxviii. 16), and there He appeared\nnot only to them but in all probability to the _five hundred brethren_\nof whom St Paul speaks[640] (1 Cor. xv. 6). Even now some _doubted_\nwhether they were really beholding their Lord (Mtt. xxviii. 17), but\nthe Eleven no sooner saw Him than they offered Him their reverent\nadoration (Mtt. xxviii. 17), which He accepted, and declared that now\n_all power was given Him in heaven and in earth_, and at the same time\ngave them His great commission;\n\n_Go ye into all the world, and make disciples of all nations, baptizing\nthem into the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost,\nteaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have told you, and lo!\nI am with you alway, even unto the end of the world_ (Mtt. xxviii. 19,\n20; Comp. Mk. xvi. 15\u201318).\n\nAnd now the great Forty Days (Acts i. 3) were rapidly drawing to a\nclose[641]. Warned it may be by the Saviour Himself, or attracted by\nthe near approach of the festival of Pentecost[642], the Apostles and\ntheir companions left Galilee and returned to Jerusalem. There once\nmore amidst the scene of His late sufferings they saw their risen Lord,\nand for the last time received from His own Divine lips instruction in\nthe things concerning the kingdom of God, and learned to trace in the\nprophetic Scriptures, in the Law, and in the Psalms, intimations of the\nsufferings and resurrection of the Messiah (Lk. xxiv. 44\u201348). There too\nthey received His last command to remain in Jerusalem (Acts i. 4) till\nthe promise of the Eternal Father should receive its accomplishment,\nand they should be _baptized with the Holy Ghost_, and _endued with\npower from on high_ (Acts i. 5; Lk. xxiv. 49).\n\nAt last one day He bade them accompany Him along the road towards\nBethany and the Mount of Olives (Lk. xxiv. 50), associated with so many\nmemories of the risen Lazarus, of the Triumphal Entry, and the last sad\ndays in His earthly life.\n\nConvinced that something mysterious was about to happen, and with their\ncarnal hopes still set on the idea that He was about to commence His\nlong-looked for reign, they began to enquire, _Lord, wilt Thou at this\ntime restore the kingdom to Israel_ (Acts i. 6)? But their enquiries\nwere solemnly silenced. It was not for them to know _the times or the\nseasons, which the Father had put in His own power_. A time was at hand\nwhen, on the descent of the Holy Spirit, they should receive power, and\nbecome witnesses to their Lord in _Jerusalem, and all Jud\u00e6a, in Samaria,\nand unto the uttermost parts of the earth_ (Acts i. 8).\n\nThus conversing they followed Him even to the borders of the district\nof Bethany, to one of the secluded hills which overhang the village\nof Bethany on the Eastern slope of Olivet[643]. There they received\nHis last solemn and abiding blessing (Lk. xxiv. 50), and while His\nhands, bearing the marks of the wounds which man had inflicted, were\nyet uplifted in benediction (Lk. xxiv. 51), He _began to be parted\nfrom them, and there came a cloud_ (Acts i. 9), in which slowly and\ngradually He rose from Olivet, till at length He was lost to sight, and\nascended up to that highest heaven, where He was in the glory of the\nFather before the world was.\n\nLong time stood the Eleven looking wistfully upwards, and watching\nHim as He receded more and more from view (Acts i. 10). At length two\nangelic beings clad in white apparel addressed them, saying, _Ye men of\nGalilee, why stand ye gazing up into heaven? This same Jesus, who hath\nbeen taken from you into heaven, shall so come in like manner as ye\nhave seen Him go into heaven_ (Acts i. 11).\n\nAnd then all was over. With hearts subdued and solemnized the Apostles\nreturned to the Upper Room at Jerusalem, and _there continued with one\naccord in prayer and supplication, with the women, and Mary[644] the\nmother of Jesus, and with His brethren_ (Acts i. 14).\n\n\n\n\n BOOK III.\n\n THE APOSTOLIC HISTORY.\n\n\n\n\n PART I.\n\n THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _THE ELECTION OF MATTHIAS\u2015\u2015THE PENTECOSTAL EFFUSION._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nIN accordance with the command of their lately ascended Lord, the\nApostles remained in the Holy City, and there _continued with one\naccord in prayer and supplication_ (Acts i. 14) with the rest of the\nlittle company. This now amounted in all to about 120 (Acts i. 15), and\nconsisted of\n\n 1. The Eleven,\n\n 2. The Virgin, the women who had accompanied the Saviour from\n Galilee to Jerusalem, Mary Magdalene, Mary the mother of\n James, Salome, Joanna, Susanna, and others,\n\n 3. The _brethren_[645] of the Lord, who though at an early\n period they were not for but against Him (Jn. vii. 5),\n now undoubtedly believed on Him,\n\n 4. The other disciples.\n\nThough the duty enjoined upon them at this time, was that of patient\nwaiting for the bestowal of the promised gift of the Holy Ghost, one\nthing could be done by way of preparation for the work they were called\nto perform. They could restore their original number as it was composed\nby their Lord, and fill up the gap which the treachery of Judas had\nmade in their body.\n\nAccordingly, the Apostle Peter, already beginning to take that lead\nfor which his natural gifts no less than the prophetic words of the\nSaviour had destined him, stood up in their midst, and called attention\nto the deserted seat of the traitor. He had fallen, as they all knew,\nand after a terrible end[646] had gone _to his own place_ (Acts i. 25).\nThe language of inspired prophecy had not been silent respecting his\nshameful treachery, but the same Psalms (Ps. lxix. 25; cix. 8), which\nhad foreshadowed his fall, had spoken also of the election of another\nto take his charge or office of oversight (Acts i. 20). He advised,\ntherefore, that they should proceed to choose a new Apostle, and\nsuggested, as the conditions of his election, that he should be one who\nhad companied with them from the beginning to the close of their Lord\u2019s\nofficial ministry, from the Baptism of John to the Ascension, and so be\nqualified in an especial degree to be a witness of His Resurrection\n(Acts i. 22).\n\nHis suggestion found favour with the assembled body of the brethren,\nand they nominated two of their number, who eminently possessed their\nconfidence, as also the special qualifications thus laid down. One\nwas Joseph Bar-Sabas, surnamed Justus, and Matthias, of whom, however,\nnothing further is known in the New Testament[647]. These they put\nforward, and leaving to the Lord the final determination, they prayed\nthat, as the Searcher of hearts, He would indicate whom He had selected\nfor the office, and then _gave forth their lots[648], and the lot fell\nupon Matthias, and he was numbered_ with the Eleven Apostles (Acts\ni. 26).\n\nThus quietly and without observation was the first seed sown of what\nwas destined to grow into a _great tree_[649] (Mtt. xiii. 31\u201333).\nNever did it seem more unlikely that the religion of the crucified\nRedeemer could be revived. The City had been restored to peace, as\nthough nothing extraordinary had taken place. The Roman guard had\nbeen bribed to contradict any rumour that might be bruited about of\nthe Resurrection; in the popular estimation the death of Jesus had\nextinguished all ideas that He was the Messiah; and no leader of any\nweight appeared likely to rally the little band of His once attached\nfollowers[650]. The triumph of the Sanhedrin appeared complete.\n\nBut this was the very hour when the new Faith was to achieve its first\nconquest. Ten days passed away after the Ascension. The Fiftieth, the\nday of Pentecost[651], the Feast of Weeks, was come[652]. The Holy\nCity, crowded with strangers from every quarter of the then known world,\npresented a scene of unusual animation. There was scarcely a region\nbut had its representative in its streets. Not only from Palestine[653]\nitself, but from the lands beyond the Euphrates, whither the Israelites\nhad been carried by the Assyrian and Babylonian captivities[654],\nParthia and Media, Elam[655] and Mesopotamia[656]; from the various\ndistricts of Asia Minor, Cappadocia and Pontus[657], Phrygia and\nPamphylia, as well as those fringing the Western coast-line, Mysia,\nLydia, and Caria, and now comprehended under one name, _Roman\nAsia_[658]; from the islands of the Mediterranean[659]; from populous\nAlexandria and the flourishing region of Cyrene[660]; from the\ncapital of the West itself, Jews and Hellenists, \u201cproselytes of\nrighteousness[661]\u201d and \u201cproselytes of the gate,\u201d had flocked to take\npart in the great Festival (Acts ii. 9\u201311).\n\nAll gathered together in one place, the disciples were awaiting any\nindications of the Divine will, when suddenly there arose out of heaven\na sound as of a _rushing mighty wind_, which filled the whole house\nwhere they were sitting (Acts ii. 2), and simultaneously tongues as\nif of fire[662] distributed[663] themselves amongst and settled upon\neach one of them (Acts ii. 3). The Strengthener, the Comforter, had\ncome, the disciples were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and though\npoor, illiterate, and obscure men of Galilee, found themselves by the\noperation of the indwelling Spirit able to speak not only in their own\nrough unpolished language, but in as many dialects as were represented\nthat day at Jerusalem[664] (Acts ii. 4).\n\nMeanwhile the noise[665], with which the mighty rushing wind had\ndescended from heaven, had been audible all over the city, and\nattracted a great multitude to the abode of the disciples. Arriving\nthere they were confounded to find natives of the despised region\nof Galilee speaking _of the wonderful works of God_, not only in the\nlanguage, but the very dialect of the language, which each recognized\nas his own (Acts ii. 6). In the minds of most this strange portent\nexcited emotions of serious awe. _What meaneth this?_ they exclaimed;\n_are not all these which speak Galil\u00e6ans?_ There were not wanting,\nhowever, some who ascribed the strange sounds they heard to the effects\nof drunken excess; _these men_, said they, _are full of new wine_\n(Acts ii. 13).\n\nThereupon the Apostle Peter stood up with the Twelve, and having in a\nloud voice indignantly refuted the charge of drunkenness by a reference\nto the hour of the day, the third only from sunrise[666] (Acts ii. 15),\nproceeded to explain the meaning of what they heard and saw.\n\n\u201cEight hundred and fifty years before, as they knew from the Scriptures\nof the Old Testament, the prophet Joel (ii. 28, 29) had foretold the\ncoming of days, when God would pour out of His Spirit on all flesh, not\non one or two only, but upon His people generally without distinction\nof age or rank or sex, upon _sons and daughters_, upon _young men and\nold_, upon _servants and handmaidens_ (Acts ii. 17, 18). Thus had the\nprophet spoken, and this day they beheld the fulfilment of his words.\nJesus of Nazareth, a Man approved[667] amongst them by miracles[668],\nand wonders, and signs, which God had wrought by Him in their midst, as\nthey themselves knew full well, they had taken and by the wicked hands\nof Roman soldiers had crucified and slain. But in so doing they had not\nfrustrated the gracious purposes of Him who had sent Him. All things\nhad happened according to His _determinate counsel and foreknowledge_\n(Acts ii. 23), and He had raised up that same Jesus, and had loosed\nthe pangs of death, because it was not possible that He could be\npermanently mastered by them. For He, of whom the Psalmist had said\nthat God would not leave His soul in Hades[669] nor suffer Him to see\ncorruption, could not be the patriarch David. He had died and been\nburied, and his ashes had long reposed in the tomb which was before\ntheir eyes. It was not of _himself_ that he had thus spoken, but of\nAnother, the fruit of his loins, whom as a prophet he foreknew God\nwould raise up to sit upon his throne; and this King was no other than\nJesus (Acts ii. 32). Him God had raised from the dead, and exalted\nto the right hand of power, and made both Lord and Christ, and He had\nthat day bestowed upon His disciples those wonderful gifts which they\nsaw and heard, the expressions and indications of the presence of the\nSpirit promised by the Father.\u201d\n\nSuch was the substance of the Apostle\u2019s words, and though they clashed\nwith the strongest prejudices of those who had so short a time before\ngiven such fearful evidence of their hatred of that crucified Saviour,\nthey produced a deep impression. Pricked to the heart they addressed\nhim and the rest of the Eleven, saying, _Men and brethren, what shall\nwe do?_ _Repent_[670], was the reply, _and be baptized every one of\nyou in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of sins, and ye shall\nreceive the gift of the Holy Ghost_ (Acts ii. 38); _for the promise\nis unto you, and to your children, and to all that are afar off[671],\neven as many as the Lord their God shall call_. These and many other\nsimilar words of his were not lost; many received them gladly, and were\nbaptized, and the same day there _were added to the Church about three\nthousand souls_[672] (Acts ii. 41).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _ACTIVITY OF THE APOSTLES PETER AND JOHN._\n A.D. 30.\n\n\nTHUS at the Feast which celebrated the ingathering of the natural\nharvest, a rich harvest of souls was for the first time gathered into\nthe Christian garner, the Church assumed its separate and organised\nexistence, and its members gave themselves up to the full requirements\nof their new life:\n\n1. _They continued[673] steadfastly_, or waited constantly _upon\nthe Apostles\u2019 doctrine_ (Comp. Mtt. xxviii. 20), by whose hands many\nwonders and signs were wrought (Acts ii. 43), and who were enlightened\nto remember and commissioned to teach all that their Lord had said and\ncommanded (Jn. xv. 26; xvi. 13).\n\n2. _They persevered in fellowship and communion with one another_[674],\ncultivating and fostering a spirit of mutual love, and instead of\nliving each for themselves, _had all things common_, selling their\npossessions and lands, and parting them to all men, _as every man had\nneed_ (Acts ii. 42\u201345).\n\n3. _They attended constantly on the breaking of the Bread_[675], and\nthus consecrated their chief daily meal with the celebration of that\nFeast, which shewed forth (1 Cor. xi. 26) their Lord\u2019s death, and the\nsacrifice He had offered.\n\n4. _They were stedfast_ also in their attendance at the public\nprayers[676] in the Temple, at the stated hours of the national worship\n(Acts ii. 42, 46), _praising God, and having favour with all the\npeople_.\n\nAnd in the Temple occurred the next eventful incident in the history\nof the early Church. Two of the Apostles, Peter and John, were going up\nthither at the ninth hour[677], the hour of prayer and the offering of\nthe evening sacrifice. At the entrance they encountered a man lame from\nhis birth, who was in the habit of being laid day by day at the Gate\nknown as the \u201cBeautiful Gate[678],\u201d for the purpose of exciting the\ncompassion and appealing to the charity of the passing worshippers. On\nthe present occasion he appealed to the two Apostles, and supplicated\ntheir aid. Thus accosted they stopped, and fixing upon him an earnest\ngaze, bade him _look on them_ (Acts iii. 4). Expecting perhaps some\ncharitable offering, he did so[679], when Peter addressing him said,\n_Silver and gold have I none, but what I have give I thee: In the name\nof Jesus Christ of Nazareth rise up and walk_ (Acts iii. 6, 7), and\nwith the words took him by the right hand and lifted him up, and he,\nwho had been lame from his birth, found strength suddenly restored to\nhis crippled feet[680] and ankles, found himself able to spring up,\nstand, and walk, found himself able to accompany the Apostles into the\nTemple, and there give thanks to God (Acts iii. 8).\n\nThe cure of such a man in such a manner was quickly noised abroad\namongst the worshippers crowding the Temple-courts. Filled with wonder\nand amazement the people ran together with one accord into the porch\nor colonnade of Solomon[681], and there beheld the two Apostles, and\nclinging[682] to them in the first transport of grateful attachment,\nthe very man they had so long and so often seen sitting for alms at the\nBeautiful Gate (Acts iii. 11). It was a meet occasion for addressing\nthe astonished throng, and Peter commenced one of those heart-stirring\ndiscourses, whereby in these early days, as his Lord had predicted, he\n_strengthened his brethren_ (Lk. xxii. 32).\n\n\u201c_Why marvel ye_, said he, _at this?_ Why look ye so earnestly on us,\nas though by magical power or holiness of our own we have caused that\nthis man should walk? The God of your fathers, the God of Abraham,\nIsaac, and Jacob, whom for years ye have owned and worshipped, He and\nno other has been working by us. Though ye delivered up, and denied\nin the presence of Pilate His Servant[683] Jesus, and demanded that,\nin place of the Holy One and the Just, a murderer, Barabbas, should\nbe granted unto you; though ye killed the Prince of life, yet God hath\nraised Him from the dead, and our faith in His Name hath restored this\ncripple, as your eyes behold (Acts iii. 16).\n\n\u201cIn ignorance, indeed, ye and your rulers did this. But in so doing\nye fulfilled a mysterious purpose of Divine Love, even the counsels of\nthat God, who predicted by the mouth of all His prophets that Christ\nshould suffer. Repent ye, therefore, and be converted, that your sins\nmay be blotted out, and that so[684] seasons of refreshing may come\nfrom the presence of the Lord, and He may send unto you Christ Jesus,\nwhom the heavens must retain till the times of the restitution of all\nthings, of which God from the beginning hath spoken by the mouth of His\nholy prophets. Moses, your great lawgiver, said when your fathers stood\nbefore the awful mount of Sinai, _A Prophet shall the Lord your God\nraise up unto you from among your brethren. Him shall ye hear according\nto all things whatsoever He shall say unto you, and it shall be, that\nevery soul which shall not hear that Prophet shall be destroyed from\namong the people_ (Deut. xviii. 15, 18). This Prophet hath appeared\nin the person of Jesus, and to you first[685] hath God sent Him forth,\nblessing you in turning away each one from your iniquities (Acts iii.\n17\u201326).\u201d\n\nThis powerful address had a still greater effect than the previous\ndiscourse of the Apostle. Upwards of five thousand avowed themselves\nbelievers in the Crucified, and swelled the ranks of the Christian\nChurch (Acts iv. 4). But it had other issues also. The Sanhedrin,\nwhich had hitherto stood aloof[686] from all notice of the movements\nof the Apostles, resolved to act with decision. As the evening\nof this eventful day closed in, the priests, the captain of the\nLevitical guard[687], and the Sadducees[688], naturally annoyed at\nthe proclamation of the resurrection of the dead through the power\nof a risen Saviour, laid hands on the two Apostles and the healed\ncripple[689] (Comp. Acts iv. 14), and committed them to prison,\nintending on the morrow to institute a formal trial (Acts iv. 3).\n\nAccordingly on the next day the rulers, the elders, and scribes,\nAnnas[690] the high-priest and Caiaphas, John[691] and Alexander[692],\nand others of the pontiff\u2019s family, assembled probably in their hall\nGazith, and when the Apostles had been placed in the midst of the\njudicial circle, enquired by what authority and by virtue of what\ncommission they had acted as they had done.\n\nThereupon Peter, _filled with the Holy Ghost_ (Acts iv. 8), again stood\nforward, and boldly declared that the miracle of the previous day was\ndue entirely to the mighty working of Jesus of Nazareth, whom they\nhad crucified, but whom God had raised from the dead. He was the Stone\nwhom, in the language of the cxviiith Psalm, they the builders of the\nnation and its appointed teachers had rejected as worthless, but which\nhad become _the head of the corner_, nor was there in any other the\nSalvation, for which all hoped; for there _was no other Name under\nheaven given among men, whereby they could be saved_ (Acts iv. 8\u201312).\n\nThe boldness, power, and knowledge, which this speech betrayed,\nastonished the Sanhedrin beyond measure, and the more so when they\nreflected that the speaker and his fellow Apostle were of the common\nclass, unlearned and ignorant[693], in whom they recognised[694] the\nobscure followers of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts iv. 13). The miracle,\nindeed, which they had wrought could not be gainsaid, for the restored\ncripple, a man more than 40 years of age (Acts iv. 22), stood beside\nthem (Acts iv. 14), ready to support by his testimony the power by\nwhich he had been so marvellously healed. It was deemed, therefore,\ninexpedient to go into the question of evidence, and after a secret\nconference (Acts iv. 15) it was resolved to prevent, if possible, the\nspread of the report of the miracle amongst the people, and to forbid\nfor the future any preaching or teaching in the name of Jesus.\n\nAccordingly the Apostles, who had been ordered to withdraw during the\nconsultation, were recalled and informed of their decision. But they\nabsolutely declined to act upon it. They could not, they said, refrain\nfrom proclaiming what their own eyes had seen and their own ears\nhad heard, or hearken to the council rather than to that God, whose\ncommissioned witnesses they were. After further threats, therefore,\nthey were dismissed; for the Sanhedrin saw plainly that they had done\nnothing deserving punishment, and the popular feeling ran so strongly\nin their favour, that they dared not resort to violence (Acts iv. 21).\n\nThus released they returned to the rest of the disciples, and recounted\nall that had occurred. Their tidings had not the effect of lessening\nthe courage of their hearers. Lifting up their voices with one\naccord to the Lord and Maker of heaven and earth, they declared their\nconviction of the vanity of the machinations of their rulers against\nthe Supreme and the Messiah whom He had sent. Herod, and Pontius Pilate,\nthe nations and people of Israel, had gathered themselves together\nagainst their Master, but only to do what His hand and counsel had\nforeordained should come to pass. The threats, therefore, of their foes\nthey regarded not, and only prayed that, while[695] the Lord stretched\nforth His hand to heal, and caused signs and wonders to be performed\nthrough the Name of His holy servant Jesus, they themselves might\nreceive still greater strength to preach His Word (Acts iv. 23\u201330).\n\nTheir petition received an immediate and sensible response. The place\nwhere they were assembled was shaken as by an earthquake, and a fresh\nand special communication of the Holy Ghost filled them with still\ngreater boldness to proclaim their message and deliver their testimony\n(Acts iv. 31).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _ANANIAS AND SAPPHIRA\u2015\u2015RENEWED HOSTILITY OF THE SADDUCEES._\n A.D. 30\u201334.\n\n\nTHUS terminated the first collision of the Christian community with\nthe ruling powers at Jerusalem. Within that community itself all as\nyet went well. While the Apostles with increased power gave forth their\ntestimony to the resurrection of their Lord, the disciples proved the\nsincerity of their convictions by the self-denial of their lives. All\nbeing _of one heart and of one soul_ (Acts iv. 32), they regarded their\npossessions as belonging to a common fund, and such as were possessed\nof lands or houses sold them, and brought the price and laid it at the\nApostles\u2019 feet, who caused distribution to be made thereof according to\nthe requirements of each (Acts iv. 35).\n\nOf this self-denying goodwill no one afforded a brighter example than\na man of the tribe of Levi[696], and a native of Cyprus, whose name\nwas Joseph, or, as he was called by the Apostles, Barnabas[697], the\n_Son of Consolation_, or rather of _Exhortation_, on account of the\nextraordinary gifts of inspired discourse and exhortation by which he\nwas distinguished[698] (Acts iv. 36). His estates, which were probably\nconsiderable, he sold, and rejoiced in the distribution of the price\namongst his poorer brethren.\n\nBefore long, however, a sad incident occurred, which told of evil\nalready at work within the Christian society. A certain man named\nAnanias, with the privity of his wife Sapphira, sold a possession, and\nhaving appropriated a portion of the price, laid the remainder at the\nApostles\u2019 feet, giving it to be understood that that was the whole sum\nhe had received (Acts v. 1, 2). But his aspiration after high honour\namongst his brethren with so little cost to himself did not escape the\ndetection of the Apostle Peter. Fixing his eye upon him as he brought\nthe portion and laid it before him, he enquired how he had permitted\nSatan to tempt him to deceive the Holy Ghost. _While it remained_, said\nhe, _was it not thine own? and after it was sold, was it not in thine\nown power? Thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God_ (Acts v. 4). At\nthese words, so stern, so solemn, and yet so true, reading his heart\nto its lowest depths, the wretched man was utterly overwhelmed, and\n_fell down and gave up the ghost_. When the awe of the assembly at this\ninstant judgment on the sin of hypocrisy had somewhat subsided, the\nyoung men[699] who were present rose up, and wrapping the body in the\nusual burial clothes[700] bore it forth to a tomb without the city[701]\n(Acts v. 6).\n\nThree hours had scarcely elapsed before his wife Sapphira, not knowing\nwhat had occurred, entered the place where the disciples were met\ntogether, and was straightway asked by Peter whether she and Ananias\nhad really sold the farm for the price which the latter had alleged.\nTo this she replied in the affirmative, and thus made her husband\u2019s\nsin her own, and deliberately confirmed the fraud. The Apostle had not\ndenounced the awful judgment, which had befallen her husband, he had\nonly denounced the offender. But now he not only denounced the sin, but\ndeclared its instant penalty, saying, _Behold the feet of them which\nburied thy husband are at the door, and shall carry thee out_. Thus\ninformed at one and the selfsame moment of her husband\u2019s fate and her\nown, she too dropped down a corpse, and was instantly conveyed to the\ngrave by those who had just returned from burying Ananias (Acts v.\n8\u201310).\n\nThe effect of this terrible but just judgment was very great. Fear\ncame upon all who saw and all who heard what had taken place, and\nthe Apostles, by whose hands many _signs and wonders_ continued to\nbe wrought, acquired still greater reverence. Those who did not yet\nbelieve, forbore to join themselves to the Christian society rashly or\nfrom light motives, while the common people, impressed with a sense of\nthe supernatural power possessed by the Apostles, brought forth their\nsick, and placed them on beds and couches in the streets, that they\nmight have the benefit even of Peter\u2019s shadow passing by[702] (Acts v.\n15). Soon the populations of the towns round about Jerusalem imitated\ntheir example, and experienced the effects of the healing word as\naddressed either to the sick or those possessed by unclean spirits\n(Acts v. 16).\n\nThe excitement thus aroused could not escape the notice of the\nSanhedrin. Annas and Caiaphas and the Sadducaic faction saw that they\nmust make another effort to suppress the new sect so quickly gaining\nadherents in their very midst. Accordingly they caused the Apostles to\nbe seized and cast into the common prison, and on the morrow calling\ntogether the whole Council, sent their officers to summon them into\ntheir presence.\n\nWhen, however, they reached the prison, the officers found indeed the\ndoors fast closed, but the prisoners had disappeared! On receiving\nthis intelligence the high-priest and the Sanhedrin[703] were in the\nutmost perplexity, which was still further increased by the entrance\nof a messenger, announcing that the Apostles were in the Temple,\nwhere indeed they had been since daybreak, having been released by an\nangel during the night (Acts v. 18\u201325). Thereupon the Captain of the\nLevitical guard was despatched to fetch them, and even he found himself\nobliged to act with caution and gentleness, for the feelings of the\npeople were largely on the side of the Apostles, and stones were ever\nready at hand in the precincts of the Temple, to furnish weapons for a\ntumultuous resistance[704].\n\nBut the Twelve readily accompanied the officers, and presented\nthemselves before the Sanhedrin, and in reply to the high-priest\u2019s\ncomplaint that they had not obeyed the injunctions of the council to\nforbear preaching in the Name of Jesus, evinced even more boldness\nand resolution than before. Peter, once more their spokesman, declared\nthat obedience was due to God rather than to man, for he had raised\nup from the dead that same Jesus, whom they had crucified and slain,\nand exalted Him to be a Prince and a Saviour, _to give repentance to\nIsrael and forgiveness of sins_. To the fact of His resurrection they\nwere witnesses, and their testimony they were bound to deliver (Acts\nv. 29\u201332).\n\nThese words, breathing such dauntless resolution, roused the Council to\nthe utmost fury, and the majority, especially the Sadducaic party, were\neager for the execution of their prisoners. But the rising of one of\ntheir number was the signal for calmer measures.\n\nThis was the famous Rabbi Gamaliel[705], an illustrious teacher of the\nLaw, who was held in the utmost reverence by the people, and according\nto Jewish tradition was the president of the Sanhedrin. He advised that\nthe Apostles should withdraw for a while, and then proceeded to urge\nhis brethren to moderation and calmness. There was no need, he said,\nfor any apprehension from such an obscure band of Galil\u00e6ans. Could not\nthe Council recall how a few years before one Theudas[706] had arisen,\nboasting himself to be some great one, and had collected a body of 400\nfollowers? But what was the issue? Was he not slain, and as many as\nfollowed him dispersed and annihilated? And then again _in the days of\nthe taxing_ did there not rise up[707] Judas of Galilee, who also drew\naway much people after him? But was he a whit more successful? Did he\nnot perish with all his followers? Let these instances, he continued,\nsuffice, and let the assembly _refrain from these men_. If their\nwork or counsel was of men, it would come to nought, but if it was of\nGod, it would be impossible to overthrow it, and they ought to be on\ntheir guard lest they should by any chance _be found fighting against\nGod_[708] (Acts v. 34\u201339).\n\nThe weight of the speaker\u2019s name and his high reputation prevailed over\nthe bitterness of faction. His prudent advice was adopted. The Apostles\nwere recalled, and after being beaten with rods, were dismissed with\nstrict injunctions to abstain from speaking any more in the name of\nJesus (Acts v. 40). But threats and stripes were alike ineffectual to\nseal their mouths. They went forth from the council _rejoicing that\nthey had been found worthy to suffer for the Name_ of their Master,\nand ceased not publicly in the Temple courts, and privately from house\nto house, to proclaim Jesus as the Messiah (Acts v. 41, 42).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _THE INSTITUTION OF DEACONS\u2015\u2015MARTYRDOM OF STEPHEN._\n A.D. 34\u201336.\n\n\nUP to this time, it will be observed, the attempts to put down the new\nFaith had come from the Sadducaic party. Separated in no respect from\nthe nation, the members of the Christian society attended the festivals,\nworshipped in the Temple and the Synagogue, and observed the ordinances\nof the Law side by side with the \u201cbreaking of the Bread\u201d from house\nto house[709]. Conforming, then, to national rites and usages, and\nagreeing with the Pharisees in opposition to the Sadducees respecting\nthe resurrection of the dead, their relations with the more moderate\nportion at least of the former were of an amicable character[710].\n\nBut they were now destined to incur the hostility of both sects alike.\nTheir own numbers, so far from suffering any diminution in consequence\nof the recent persecutions, steadily increased, and were swelled by the\nadhesion of _multitudes of men and women_ (Acts v. 14), both Hebrews\nor Jews proper, and Hellenists or Jews of the Grecian speech[711].\nFor some time the same brotherly love which had prevailed before,\ndistinguished all alike, and out of the common fund daily distribution\nwas made according to the requirements of each person and household.\n\nBut before long in the midst of this general benevolence arose\nsuspicions that the distribution was not made with perfect fairness.\nBetween the Jews who spoke the sacred tongue of Palestine, and those\nscattered in different lands, who had adopted the Grecian language[712];\nbetween the zealous Aram\u00e6an, who read the Scriptures in the Hebrew,\nand the Hellenists, who read the Septuagint, and whose most learned\nteachers strove to \u201caccommodate Jewish doctrines to the mind of the\nGreeks, and to make the Greek language express the mind of the Jews,\u201d\nthere had long been a feeling of mutual jealousy and dislike.\n\nThis now reproduced itself even within the Christian community. There\narose a murmuring between the \u201cHellenists\u201d and the \u201cHebrews,\u201d on the\nground that the widows of the former were overlooked in the daily\ndistribution[713] (Acts vi. 1). Such complaints, if not checked, might\nlead to disastrous results. Accordingly the Apostles met together, and\nhaving assembled the general body of the disciples (Acts vi. 2), urged\nthat it was not meet to expect them to leave the ministry of the word\nand _serve tables_, and advised that seven men of good report, full\nof the Holy Ghost and of practical wisdom, should be selected, who\nmight devote themselves to the superintendence of this distribution,\nwhile they confined themselves to the more spiritual functions of their\noffice (Acts vi. 3, 4). The proposal met with universal acceptance, and\nthe general body of the disciples submitted to the Apostles seven men,\nwhose names appear to indicate that they were of Hellenistic, rather\nthan Jewish extraction, Stephen[714], Philip, Prochorus, Nicanor, Timon,\nParmenas, and Nicolas[715] _a proselyte of Antioch_ (Acts vi. 5). The\nTwelve approved of the selection, and after offering prayer they laid\nhands upon them[716], and thus solemnly consecrated them to their\noffice[717].\n\nThus a danger, which threatened a breach in the Christian community,\nwas happily removed by a wise and liberal concession. The Hellenists\nwere introduced into the actual ministry of the Church, and the\nadmission of a body more free than their Hebrew brethren from local and\nnational prejudices was doubtless divinely ordered to pave the way for\nstill greater results. Meanwhile the Word of God had free course and\nwas glorified, the multitude of the disciples in Jerusalem was largely\nincreased, and a great company even of the priests, whose antecedents\nand prepossessions would be all strongly against such a step, _became\nobedient to the faith_ (Acts vi. 7).\n\nOne of the \u201cSeven\u201d now admitted into the ministry of the Church was\ndestined to be the proximate cause of its first collision with the\nPharisaic party, and to prepare the way for the admission of the\nGentiles into the Christian fold. This was Stephen, a man full of\nfaith and power, of irresistible spirit and wisdom. Though appointed to\nsuperintend the distribution of secular funds, he soon became eminent\nfor other gifts, and not only wrought great wonders and signs amongst\nthe people (Acts vi. 8), but proved himself able to argue with the Jews\nof Cyrene and Alexandria, of Cilicia[718] and Roman Asia, as also the\nLibertini[719] or enfranchised Jews, in their several synagogues in\nJerusalem, and that with such wisdom and power that they were unable to\nconfute his arguments, or resist _the spirit by which he spake_ (Acts\nvi. 10).\n\nFreed by the circumstances of his birth and education from mere\nlocal and national prejudices, he appears to have spoken strongly of\nthe fulfilment of the Mosaic ordinances[720] by the Founder of the\nChristian Church, and to have proclaimed that a time was at hand \nwhen, in the words of the Holy One to the woman of Samaria[721], men \nshould _worship the Father in spirit and in truth_, not in the Temple \nonly, or in Jerusalem only, but everywhere throughout the world. This\nteaching roused a furious opposition, and unable to oppose the eloquent\nHellenist by fair means, those whom he addressed had recourse to\nartifice. Having privily suborned[722] men, who affirmed that they\nhad heard him utter blasphemous words against the Temple and the Law;\nthat they had heard him say that Jesus of Nazareth would destroy the\nnational sanctuary and change the rites which Moses had ordained;\nthey succeeded in stirring up the people, as also the ruling powers\nof the nation (Acts vi. 12). Accordingly an assembly of the Sanhedrin\nwas convened, Stephen, who had in the meanwhile been apprehended, was\nplaced before them, and the charges formally preferred against him.\n\nAs he stood in the midst of the council-hall, the members of the\nCouncil looked steadfastly upon him and observed his face _as it had\nbeen the face of an angel_ (Acts vi. 15) lighted up with supernatural\nradiance and serenity. At length, as in the case of the trial of his\nLord[723], the high-priest enquired what he had to say respecting the\naccusations brought against him, and Stephen commenced his reply, \u201cthe\nframework of which was cast in a summary of the history of the Jewish\nChurch[724],\u201d and treated of all the great epochs of the national\nexistence,\u2015\u2015from Abraham to Joseph,\u2015\u2015from Joseph to Moses,\u2015\u2015from Moses\nto David and Solomon[725]. Keeping in mind the charges, of which he was\naccused, he shewed that the Divine blessing had not been confined to\nthe Jews solely as inhabitants of the sacred land of Palestine, or as\npartakers in the Temple-worship.\n\nThe original cradle of their faith was not Palestine but Mesopotamia,\nand not only had the patriarch Abraham been called from the far distant\n_land of the Chald\u00e6ans_ (Acts vii. 2\u20135), but whole centuries of the\nnation\u2019s existence had been spent in _a strange country_. In Egypt\nthe Divine blessing had not failed to rest upon the piety of Joseph\n(Acts vii. 6\u201310), or upon the descendants of Jacob, when they all went\ndown and sojourned there (Acts vii. 11\u201316). In Egypt God raised up\nMoses their great Deliverer, preserved his life from the machinations\nof Pharaoh, and so ordered events that he became _learned in all the\nwisdom of the Egyptians, and mighty in words and in deeds_[726] (Acts\nvii. 17\u201322). In Midian He revealed Himself to him in the vision of the\nBurning Bush, and sent him forth to lead the ransomed people towards\nthe Promised Land; but though by his hands their fathers had received\nthe Law, it had not kept them from idolatry[727]; though he had set\nup the tabernacle of witness, it had not kept them from setting up\n_the tent of Moloch, and the star of their god Remphan_[728] (Acts\nvii. 22\u201344): nay, when, on the subjugation of the Canaanitish nations,\nthat Tabernacle had been brought into Canaan, and was there after a\nlong delay exchanged for the Temple, on which the Jews threw the whole\nstress of their \u2666dependence, neither Solomon himself who built it,\nnor the prophets[729] had ever regarded it as in the highest sense the\ndwelling-place of the Most High (Acts vii. 44\u201350).\n\nThus far the great Hellenist was heard with patience. \u201cIt was the story\nof the Chosen People, to which every Jew listened with interest and\npride[730].\u201d But now,\u2015\u2015perhaps perceiving that his hearers had caught\nthe real drift of this review of their national history,\u2015\u2015perhaps\ncarried away by the retrospect of their narrow and persistent\nopposition to the divine counsels which it suggested,\u2015\u2015in a strain of\nholy indignation he rebuked the unbelieving hypocritical disposition of\nthe Jews, whose conduct in reference to the divine communications had\nbeen the same from the time of Moses up to that very moment[731]; who\nhad always resisted the Holy Ghost, persecuted the prophets, and slain\nthose that had predicted the coming of the Just One; who had betrayed\nand murdered Him, and had not kept the Law which they had received by\n_the disposition of angels_ (Acts vii. 50\u201353).\n\nThis severe though just rebuke was the signal for an outburst of wrath\nand fury on the part of his judges. They were _sawn asunder_[732] in\ntheir hearts, _and gnashed upon him with their teeth_. Perceiving what\nwas coming, and unaffrighted by their tumultuous rage, he looked up\nto heaven, and exclaimed, _Behold, I see the heavens opened, and the\nSon of Man[733] standing[734] on the right hand of God_ (Acts vii. 56).\nThis last declaration was more than the Sanhedrin could bear. Breaking\nforth into a loud yell (Acts vii. 57), they stopped their ears, as\nif to close them against any more words of blasphemy, and rushing\nupon him with one accord led him forth outside the city gate to stone\nhim[735] (Lev. xxiv. 16). The instruments of punishment were collected,\nthe witnesses threw off their loose outer garments (Deut. xvii. 7),\nlaid them at the feet of a young Pharisee, a prominent member of the\nCilician synagogue, named Saul, and hurled the first stones. As they\nfell, the martyr cried to Him whose form he had so lately seen standing\nat the right hand of God, _Lord Jesus, receive my spirit_ (Acts vii.\n59). Then falling on his knees, he exclaimed with a loud voice, in\nthe words of his Master on the Cross, _Lord, lay not this sin to their\ncharge_, and\u2015\u2015in the touching language of the narrator, \u201cwho now uses\nfor the first time the word, since applied to the departure of all\nChristians, but here the more remarkable from the bloody scenes in\nthe midst of which the death took place\u2015\u2015_he fell asleep_[736] (Acts\nvii. 60).\u201d\n\n\n\n\n PART II.\n\n THE CHURCH OF PALESTINE.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _DISPERSION OF THE CHRISTIANS\u2015\u2015ACTIVITY OF PHILIP._\n A.D. 36.\n\n\nTHE martyrdom of the great Hellenist, who was conveyed to his grave\namidst much lamentation _by devout men_[737] (Acts viii. 2), was the\nsignal for a furious persecution of the Christians. The protection\nwith which the prudence of Gamaliel had hitherto shielded them was now\nwithdrawn. Pharisee and Sadducee alike[738], in the absence or with the\nconnivance of the Roman procurator[739], turned against the hated sect,\nand the young Cilician of Tarsus, who was _consenting to the death_ of\nStephen (Acts viii. 1), and probably was now or shortly afterwards a\nmember of the Sanhedrin[740], found himself able to give vent to the\nfull fury of his zeal.\n\nResolved _to make havoc of the Church_ (Acts viii. 3), he invaded\nthe dwellings of those who professed adherence to the Christian faith,\ndragged forth their inmates, whether men or women, and committed\nthem to prison (Acts viii. 3, xxvi. 9, 10, xxii. 3). Some of these\npersecuted people he scourged, _often, in many synagogues_ (Acts xxvi.\n11); some he strove to compel to blaspheme the Holy Name whereby they\nwere called (Acts xxvi. 11); others he brought before the Sanhedrin,\nand when it was decided that they should be put to death, _gave\nhis vote against them_[741] (Acts xxvi. 10), so that his fame as an\ninquisitor spread beyond the boundaries of Palestine, and reached even\nthe distant city of Damascus (Acts ix. 13).\n\nFrom a persecution instigated by such a zealous leader the disciples\nfled in different directions throughout Jud\u00e6a and Samaria, and even\nfurther north still, to Ph\u0153nicia, Cyprus, and Antioch (Acts xi. 19),\nbut the Apostles remained firm at their posts, and for the present did\nnot leave Jerusalem (Acts viii. 1).\n\nAmongst those, who were thus dispersed abroad, was one of the \u201cSeven\u201d\nwho had been elected with Stephen to superintend the distribution of\nthe funds of the Christian society. Between Jud\u00e6a and Galilee lay the\ndistrict of Samaria, the inhabitants of which, though shunning and\nshunned by the Jew, \u201cyet clung to the same promises and looked forward\nto the same hopes[742].\u201d Thither Philip now went down, and entering\none of its towns[743], began to proclaim the message of Glad Tidings\nto its people, and performed many miracles, casting out demons, and\nhealing many that were lame and paralysed. He was received with no less\nreadiness than the Holy One Himself, when sitting on Jacob\u2019s well[744],\nHe declared Himself the Messiah to the woman who was a sinner. With one\naccord the Samaritans _gave heed to his words_ (Acts viii. 6).\n\nAt this time there was present in the neighbourhood a man, who made no\nsmall stir in his day, by name Simon[745]. By his skill as a magician\nhe had succeeded in astounding the people of Samaria to such a degree\nthat he found votaries amongst all ranks and all ages, and was\npronounced to be _the Power of God which is called Great_[746] (Acts\nviii. 10). But in Philip he found a rival whom he could not resist. He\nmight astonish and perplex, but Philip could do more. He could heal,\nand restore gladness to many a saddened home (Acts viii. 12). The\nmagician, therefore, soon found himself deserted, and many, both men\nand women, left him, and believing the Glad Tidings announced by the\nEvangelist, were admitted into the Church by baptism (Acts viii. 12).\nThese results made a deep impression on the mind of Simon, and he too\nprofessed himself a believer, and received baptism at the hands of\nPhilip (Acts viii. 13).\n\nMeanwhile news that the despised Samaria had received the word of God\nreached the ears of the Apostles at Jerusalem, and they dispatched\nPeter and John[747] thither on a special mission of enquiry. They\non their arrival prayed that some of those extraordinary gifts,\nwhich followed and attested the effusion of the Spirit on the Day of\nPentecost, might be bestowed upon the Samaritan believers, and laid\ntheir hands upon them (Acts viii. 17), whereupon the endowments, for\nwhich they had prayed, were vouchsafed, and attested the planting of a\nChurch in Samaria, standing in an equal rank with the first Church at\nJerusalem[748].\n\nAstonished as Simon had been at the miracles of Philip, he was still\nmore astonished at the results of the imposition of the hands of the\ntwo Apostles, and he tried to bribe them to bestow upon him the same\npeculiar power (Acts viii. 18, 19). This mercenary proposal opened\ntheir minds to the real character of the man, and with the same just\nseverity with which he had rebuked Ananias, Peter now denounced the\nwickedness of the pretender, and declaring that his heart was not right\nin the sight of God, that he had neither part nor lot in the matter,\nbade him pray that peradventure his evil intentions might be forgiven\n(Acts viii. 20\u201322). Struck dumb by the plain-spoken truthfulness of\nthe Galil\u00e6an fisherman, and awakened rather to feelings of apprehension\nof the Divine vengeance than to repentance[749], Simon implored the\nApostles to intreat the Lord for him, that none of the things which\nthey had threatened might come to pass (Acts viii. 24)[750].\n\nAfter this encounter Peter and John extended their missionary labours\nto many other villages of the Samaritans[751] (Acts viii. 25), and\nthen returned to Jerusalem. But other work was reserved for Philip,\nfor a Divine intimation bade him go toward the south, along the road\nleading from Jerusalem to Gaza. Of the roads leading to this well-known\ncity[752], one by Ramleh passed through town and villages; another,\nbetter adapted for carriages, through Hebron, and thence through\na district comparatively little inhabited[753], and exposed to the\nincursions of southern marauders, whence it was called _desert_[754]\n(Acts viii. 26). The latter was the one which the heavenly Voice bade\nthe Evangelist take, and as he traversed it, probably ignorant of\nthe cause wherefore he was sent, he perceived a chariot, in which one\nsat reading as he rode. This was a man of Ethiopia[755], a eunuch,\nthe chief officer of Candace, queen of Mer\u00f6e, and steward of all\nher treasure, who had come up to worship at one of the Feasts at\nJerusalem, and was now returning (Acts viii. 27, 28). Bidden by the\nheavenly Voice to join the Stranger, Philip quickened his steps, and\npresently overheard him reading aloud[756], probably in the Septuagint\nVersion[757], the words of the prophet Isaiah (chap. liii. 6, 7):\n\n_He was led as a sheep to the slaughter; and like a lamb dumb before\nhis shearer, so opened He not His mouth: in His humiliation His\njudgment was taken away: and who shall declare His generation? For\nHis life is taken away from the earth._\n\n_Understandest thou what thou readest?_ enquired Philip. _How can I_,\nanswered the other, _unless some man should guide me?_ and he besought\nhim to get up and sit down by his side. Then the conversation began.\n_I pray thee_, said the eunuch, _of whom is the prophet speaking this?\nof himself, or of some other man?_\n\nThereupon Philip opened his mouth, and told him who that \u201cMan\u201d was,\nand preached the glad tidings of Him, who died, and rose again, and\nascended into heaven. As he went on, the eunuch was filled with an\nardent desire to embrace the faith, and, being probably informed by\nPhilip of the last command of his ascended Lord to the Apostles, on\nreaching a stream of water, enquired whether aught could hinder his\nbeing baptized? Thereupon the chariot was stayed[758], and the two went\ndown to the water[759], and Philip baptized him, and then, either in\nconsequence of some sudden inward summons or by a miraculous withdrawal,\nwas instantly caught away, so that the eunuch saw him no more, and\nwent on his way rejoicing (Acts viii. 39). Meanwhile Philip had passed\non to Azotus, the ancient Ashdod[760], and thence evangelizing all\nthe towns[761] in his way, and following the coast-line, proceeded to\nC\u00e6sarea on the Sea[762] (Acts viii. 40).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _THE CONVERSION OF ST PAUL._\n A.D. 36 or 37\u2012A.D. 40.\n\n\nIN His parting charge to His Apostles the Saviour had declared that\nthey should be His witnesses _in Jerusalem, and in all Jud\u00e6a, and in\nSamaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth_ (Acts i. 8). In\nexact accordance with this order the Church, as we have seen, was first\nfounded in Jerusalem (Acts ii. 1), then spread to the cities round\nabout (Acts v. 16), and after the martyrdom of Stephen to Samaria (Acts\nviii. 5\u201325). Provision was now to be made for its extension to the\nGentiles, and for this purpose a fitting instrument was raised up in\nthe person of no other than the young Cilician Pharisee, whom we have\nseen consenting to the death of the first Martyr, and _making havoc_ of\nthe Church.\n\nAt this point, then, it will be well to group together such particulars\nof his early life as have come down to us.\n\n1. Saul, or as he was afterwards called Paul, was born at Tarsus (Acts\nix. 11, xxi. 39, xxii. 3), the capital of Cilicia, situated on the\nbanks of the Cydnus, a river famous for the dangerous fever caught by\nAlexander while bathing, and for the meeting of Antonius and Cleopatra.\nEven in early times it was a place of consequence[763], and after\nbelonging to the empire of the Seleucid\u00e6, and for a short time to that\nof the Ptolemies, espoused the cause of C\u00e6sar during the civil wars,\nwas then named Juliopolis[764] in honour of a visit from him, and\nmade a _free city_[765] by Augustus. Under the early Roman emperors it\nwas famous as a seat of education, and in this respect could vie even\nwith Athens and Alexandria, and could boast of several Stoics, such as\nAthenodorus, the tutor of Augustus, and Nestor, the tutor of Tiberius.\nAs a place of commerce, it was a meeting-point for Syrians, Cilicians,\nIsaurians, and Cappadocians.\n\n2. The family of Saul were strict Jews, though Hellenists in speech,\nand of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil. iii. 5). Neither his father\u2019s nor\nhis mother\u2019s names are mentioned, but we have notices of his sister,\nand his sister\u2019s son (Acts xxiii. 16), and of some more distant\nrelatives (Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 21).\n\n3. Born probably during the later years of the reign of Herod, or the\nearlier of his son Archelaus[766], as the son of a Pharisee (Acts xxiii.\n6), he was _circumcised on the eighth day_ (Phil. iii. 5), and received\nthe name of Saul[767]. But from his earliest years he probably had two\nnames, \u201cSaul the name of his Hebrew home, Paul[768] that by which he\nwas known among the Gentiles.\u201d\n\n4. From his father he inherited a great privilege, that of Roman\ncitizenship. How his father acquired it is unknown. He may have\nobtained it for _a large sum_ of money (Comp. Acts xxii. 28), or it\nmay have descended to him, or it may have been bestowed upon him in\nrecognition of some service rendered during the civil wars to some\ninfluential Roman[769].\n\n5. In conformity with the usual custom of his nation, one of whose\nproverbs was that _He who taught not his son a trade, taught him to\nbe a thief_, the youthful Saul was instructed in the art of making\ntents[770], of the hair-cloth known as _Cilicium_, and supplied by\nthe goats of his native province.\n\n6. Carefully nurtured under his father\u2019s roof, speaking Greek, and\nacquainted with the Septuagint version[771] of the Old Testament, he\nwas removed, probably between the age of 10 and 15, to Jerusalem[772],\nwhere he was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel[773], and under the\nsuperintendence of this wise and candid teacher made progress in his\nknowledge of Jewish rites above many of his contemporaries in his\nown nation, and became distinguished for extraordinary zeal for the\ntraditions handed down from his fathers[774] (Gal. i. 14). Under the\nsame teacher he probably added to that knowledge of Greek and of the\nSeptuagint, as also of the elements of Gentile learning, which he\nhad brought with him from Tarsus, a more exact acquaintance with the\noriginal Hebrew, as also with the hidden and mystical meaning of the\nScriptures; a knowledge of aphorisms, allegories[775], and the opinions\nof the learned; as also the facility of quick and apt quotation; while\nthe study of Greek authors[776] would not be altogether discouraged.\n\nSuch was the early life, and such was the training of the champion of\nthe Pharisaic party, who was now to become the great Apostle of the\nGentiles.\n\nIn his determination to make havoc of the Church, Saul was not content\nto persecute its members at Jerusalem. _Breathing forth threatenings\nand slaughter_ against them, he determined to seek them out wherever\nthey might be found, and with this intention requested letters of the\nhigh-priest[777] empowering him to seize any of \u201cthe Way,\u201d whom he\nmight find in the city of Damascus, whether men or women, and convey\nthem thence to Jerusalem to be punished (Acts ix. 1, 2, xxvi. 12,\nxxii. 5).\n\nArmed with these credentials, he set out with a considerable retinue,\nand having probably passed through Shechem, then called Neapolis,\nand Samaria, and thence through Galilee towards the sea of Tiberias,\ncrossed the Jordan[778], and made his way along the dreary barren\nuplands which stretch between the base of Antilibanus and the city of\nDamascus.\n\nIt was on the last, probably the sixth day[779] of this long journey,\nthat about noon (Acts xxii. 6, xxvi. 13), when the sun was burning with\nthe fulness of its noontide heat, that the beautiful city[780] appeared\nin view. But just as the object of his journey seemed to be attained,\nsuddenly a light, brighter even than that fiery sun, flashed upon the\npersecutor and his companions (Acts ix. 6, xxvi. 13). Struck dumb with\nfear he and they fell to the ground (Acts ix. 7, xxvi. 14), and then\nfrom the inmost depths of the incomprehensible light there came a Voice,\nwhich all heard, but one only was enabled to understand[781] (Acts\nxxii. 9, ix. 8), and a Form appeared, which none saw save one, the\npersecutor himself (Acts xxii. 14; 1 Cor. xv. 8). _Saul, Saul_, said\nthe Voice in distinct articulate words _in the Hebrew tongue_ (Acts\nxxvi. 14), why _persecutest thou ME?_ _Who art Thou, Lord?_ replied the\nstunned and confused Pharisee. _I am JESUS_, was the answer, _Whom thou\npersecutest: it is hard for thee to kick against the goad_[782] (Acts\nxxvi. 14). Trembling and astonished the persecutor went on, _Lord, what\nwilt Thou have me to do?_ and in reply was directed to _arise and go\ninto the city_, and there it should be told him what he was to do (Acts\nix. 11).\n\nThereupon he arose, but when he opened his eyes, all was dark around,\nfor they were blinded by the brightness of the light and the majesty of\nthe Son of God. His companions who had _stood speechless_ listening to\nthe _voice[783], but seeing no man_ (Acts ix. 7), now took him by the\nhand (Acts ix. 8), and led him into the city, and through the street\ncalled \u201cStraight[784]\u201d to the abode of one Judas (Acts ix. 11).\n\nFor three days the blindness continued, and during this period he\nneither ate nor drank (Acts ix. 9), but remained engaged in solitary\nprayer (Acts ix. 11) unvisited either by the Christians, who had been\nalarmed by the intelligence of his approach, or the Jews, who could\nnot sympathise with his present condition. At length one drew near to\nreveal the Divine will respecting him[785].\n\nThere was living at this time in Damascus a disciple named Ananias,\nheld in high estimation amongst all the Jews resident there (Acts xxii.\n12). To him the Lord appeared in a vision, and bade him seek out in the\nhouse of Judas for one called Saul, for _behold he was praying_, and\nhad seen in a vision a man coming in, and laying his hand upon him that\nhe might recover his sight. At first Ananias would have declined the\nmission, knowing well the character of him to whom he was to go, and\nthe purpose for which he had visited Damascus. But his objections were\noverruled; he who had been a persecutor was designed by the Lord to do\ngreat things, and to him he must go (Acts ix. 11\u201316).\n\nThereupon Ananias went, entered the house, and beholding the triumphant\npersecutor lying exhausted and fasting, laid his hands upon him and\nsaid, _Brother Saul, the Lord hath sent me, even Jesus who appeared\nunto thee on the way as thou camest, that thou mayest receive thy sight,\nand be filled with the Holy Ghost_ (Acts ix. 17). He had scarcely\nspoken when from the eyes of the new disciple of the risen Saviour\nthere fell as it had been scales, and looking up he beheld the face of\nAnanias (Acts xxii. 13), and learned the object of the heavenly vision,\nand the purpose for which the God of his fathers had chosen him (Acts\nxxvi. 18). Thereupon he arose and was baptized, and having taken meat\nwas strengthened for the work that lay before him.\n\nThe arrival of the delegate of the Sanhedrin was no secret among the\nChristians at Damascus, and the words of Ananias testify to the fame\nhe had acquired as a persecutor of their body. Great, then, must have\nbeen their surprise when they heard of the change which his spirit had\nundergone, and still more when they saw him entering the synagogues\n(Acts ix. 20), and fearlessly declaring his conviction that that Jesus,\nwhose followers he had come to imprison, was _the Son of God_. The\nfirst effect upon those who heard him was blank amazement, for they\nwere well acquainted with his previous history, and the object of his\nvisit, and they clearly saw that the astounding change which had come\nover him could not be ascribed to any wayward, irregular impulse, for\nhis energy gathered renewed strength day by day, and the Jews were\nunable to confute the arguments by which he proved that Jesus was the\nlong-promised Messiah (Acts ix. 21, 22).\n\nAfter the lapse, however, of some days, it became clear that it would\nnot be safe for him to continue his labours. The fury of the Jews\nwould naturally be roused to the utmost pitch, and it became necessary\nthat he should leave the city. But instead of going up to Jerusalem to\nconsult those who were Apostles before him (Gal. i. 17), he departed to\nArabia[786], either the region which bordered on Syria and Mesopotamia\nand included Damascus itself[787], or the Sinaitic peninsula, the\nscene of the giving of the law. What was the purpose of this journey we\nare not told. Perhaps it was to undertake some missionary enterprise,\nperhaps to engage in solitary communion[788] with Him who had called\nhim to be an Apostle, before he entered upon his active labours.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _ST PAUL\u2019S FIRST VISIT TO JERUSALEM\u2015\u2015PETER AT JOPPA._\n A.D. 40.\n\n\nWHATEVER was the precise object of this journey to Arabia, and whatever\nwas its duration, certain it is that the Apostle returned thence to\nDamascus (Gal. i. 17), and _preached boldly in the name of Jesus_ (Acts\nix. 27). On this occasion, however, the Jews, unable to confute his\narguments, resolved to assassinate him, but their design reached his\nears, and every precaution was taken by the Christians that night to\nsecure him from danger.\n\nThis, however, was a matter of no little difficulty. In consequence\neither of hostilities between the Romans and Herod Antipas on the one\nside and Aretas king of Petra on the other[789], or of the assignment\nof Damascus by Caligula, the successor of Tiberius, to Aretas, the city\nwas held by the Ethnarch[790] of this monarch (2 Cor. xi. 32), and the\nJews having won him and his soldiers over to their side, a strict watch\nwas kept day and night to prevent the Apostle\u2019s escape, and deliver\nhim over to execution (Acts ix. 24). In this emergency, therefore, the\ndisciples taking advantage of an unguarded part of the wall and the\ndarkness of the night, let him down in a basket from a window, which\nopened on the outer country[791] (Acts ix. 25; 2 Cor. xi. 33). Thus\ndelivered from circumstances of great peril, the Apostle turned his\nsteps towards Jerusalem, being desirous, as he informs us, to become\nacquainted with Peter[792], and in the Holy City he arrived three\nyears[793] after his conversion (Gal. i. 18).\n\nBut his escape had been too hurried to allow him to bring with him\nletters of commendation; when, therefore, he attempted _to join himself\nto the disciples_ (Acts ix. 26), they were all afraid of him, and\ncould not believe that he was united with them in the bonds of a common\ndiscipleship. But now it was that Barnabas, who, as we have seen[794],\nmay have become acquainted with him at Tarsus, took him by the hand and\nbrought him to the Apostles, and told them how he had seen the Lord on\nthe road to Damascus, and how in that city he had already spoken boldly\nin His Name (Acts ix. 27). Thereupon Peter, and James _the Lord\u2019s\nbrother_[795] (Gal. i. 18, 19), in the absence of the other Apostles,\nprobably on some mission to the churches of Jud\u00e6a, Galilee, and Samaria\n(Acts ix. 31), gave him the right hand of fellowship, and for a period\nof 15 days[796] (Gal. i. 18) he was with them _coming in and going out\nof Jerusalem_ (Acts ix. 28).\n\nAs might be expected, the chief sphere of his activity was in the\nsynagogues of the Hellenists, where he had before distinguished himself\nas a zealous opponent of Stephen. Now, however, he disputed with the\nsame energy and force in support of the very doctrines which he had\nthen persecuted (Acts ix. 29), and brought down upon himself the same\nfurious opposition which had caused the death of the first Martyr.\nA plot was formed to secure his assassination, and the disciples\nperceived that he must retire from the work he had commenced in\nJerusalem. The Apostle, himself, was unwilling to quit a place, where\nhis former zeal against the faith was so well-known, and his sincerity,\nas he hoped, would be appreciated (Acts xxii. 19, 20). But as he was\none day praying in the temple, he fell into a trance (Acts xxii. 17),\nand saw his Lord, who said to him, _Make haste, and get thee quickly\nout of Jerusalem, for they will not receive thy testimony concerning\nMe_; and when he hesitated to obey the command and pleaded his former\nzeal in persecuting the faith as a reason why he should stay, the\ninjunction to leave the city was repeated, _Depart, for I will send\nthee far hence unto the Gentiles_ (Acts xxii. 21).\n\nThus assured that Jerusalem was not to be the field of his labours, he\nallowed the brethren to convey him to C\u00e6sarea-on-the-sea[797], whence\nhe took ship and sailed to Tarsus, his native city, and there probably\ndevoted himself to preaching in its synagogue, and to missionary\nactivity[798] in the regions of Syria and Cilicia[799] (Gal. i. 21).\nHis brief visit to Jerusalem had not been without some result. He had\nseen and was recognised by Peter and James, and though he remained\nfor the present personally unknown to the churches of Jud\u00e6a[800], yet\nthe intelligence which reached them from time to time[801] that their\npersecutor of former days was now preaching the Faith, filled them with\nthankfulness, and they _glorified God in him_ (Gal. i. 22\u201324).\n\nWhile the Apostle was thus employed amidst the familiar scenes of his\nchildhood, the churches _throughout Jud\u00e6a and Galilee and Samaria_,\nlately disturbed by his unceasing animosity, _had peace_, increased in\nnumbers, and walked _in the fear of the Lord_ (Acts ix. 31). The rest,\nhowever, which they thus enjoyed, may perhaps be ascribed to another\ncause besides the conversion of their late persecutor[802]. In A.D. 36\nPontius Pilate, as we have already seen[803], was sent to Rome by\nVitellius. Thereupon Marcellus was sent out as procurator of Jud\u00e6a in\nhis place, but on his arrival at C\u00e6sarea was directed to make way for\nMarullus[804]. In the following year, A.D. 37, Vitellius was recalled\nfrom Syria, and was succeeded in that prefecture by Petronius, while\nTheophilus[805] succeeded his brother Jonathan in the office of\nhigh-priest. But a still more important event in the same year was the\ndeath of Tiberius[806], and the accession of Caligula. Releasing Herod\nAgrippa[807], the grandson of Herod the Great, from his prison at Rome,\nwhere Tiberius had confined him, he appointed him king of Trachonitis,\nwhich had belonged to Herod Philip\u2019s tetrarchy, and bestowed upon him\nalso the tetrarchy of Lysanias[808]. But the new emperor was scarcely\nseated on the throne, before in his insane vanity he ordered divine\nhonours to be paid to himself throughout the empire[809], and directed\nthat a golden colossal statue of himself should be placed in the Holy\nof Holies at Jerusalem. The execution of this mandate was entrusted to\nPetronius, and having ordered Sidonian workmen to make the statue, he\nmoved up with his troops to Ptolemais, prepared to set it up by force.\nBut no sooner did intelligence of what was intended reach the Jews\nthan one universal feeling of horror pervaded the nation, and thousands\nassembled from all quarters without distinction of rank or age or sex,\nimploring the prefect to desist from carrying out his instructions.\nShrinking from the horrible task of commencing a war of massacre and\nextermination which he saw was inevitable, if the statue was set up,\nPetronius hesitated, wrote to expostulate with his master, and put off\nthe execution of the order. At the same time Herod Agrippa, then at\nRome, implored his patron to pause, and a deputation from Alexandria,\nheaded by the learned and venerable Philo, set forth the stern\nrequirements of the Jewish Law. But Caligula was inexorable, and it\nis impossible to say what would have been the result[810], had he not\nbeen assassinated[811] on the 24th of January, A.D. 41. Thus the Jews\nwere delivered from this terrible indignity.\n\nThe rest, then, which the Christians now enjoyed, may not improbably\nbe ascribed to the distractions of Caligula\u2019s reign, and to the fact\nthat the Jewish authorities were wholly occupied with frustrating his\nmad designs. Taking advantage, therefore, of this period of repose\nthe Apostle Peter made a visitation of the different churches founded\nin Palestine, and amongst other places went down to Lydda, anciently\ncalled Lod[812] (1 Ch. viii. 12; Neh. vii. 37), and afterwards\nDiospolis, situated about 9 miles from the sea-port of Joppa. Here\nfinding a man afflicted with paralysis, who had kept his bed for\nupwards of 8 years, he addressed him in his Master\u2019s name, _\u00c6neas,\nJesus Christ healeth thee_, whereupon he rose immediately, restored\nto perfect soundness. The cure of such a man was quickly noised abroad\nthroughout his own town and the neighbouring plain of Sharon, and\ncontributed in no small degree to the spread of the Church in those\nregions.\n\nWhile still at Lydda the Apostle received intelligence that the\nChristian society at Joppa had sustained a grievous loss by the death\nof a widow of substance, named Tabitha[813] or Dorcas, who had been\nwont not only to minister with her own hands to the wants of the poor,\nbut in providing clothing for them. The death of such a person caused\ngreat regret at Joppa, and the Apostle was no sooner informed of it\nby messengers, who intreated his presence, than he set out, and on his\narrival was conducted to the upper chamber, where the body lay prepared\nfor the burial (Acts ix. 37\u201339), surrounded by many widows, who stood\nby weeping, and shewed him the many proofs of the kindness of their\nbenefactress.\n\nLike his Master before him in the chamber of the daughter of\nJairus[814], the Apostle thereupon put these mourners forth, and\nkneeling down[815] engaged in prayer. Then turning to the body he\npronounced the words _Tabitha, arise_ (Acts ix. 40), whereupon her\neyes instantly were opened, and seeing Peter she sat up. Taking her by\nthe hand the Apostle then raised her from the spot where she had lain\nprepared for burial, and calling in the widows presented her to them\nalive. The fame of this miracle, confirming as it did the impression\nalready made at Lydda, quickly spread, and caused an accession of many\nto the Christian Church; and the Apostle perceiving an opportune field\nof usefulness thus opened to him, _tarried many days in Joppa with one\nSimon a tanner_ (Acts ix. 43).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _THE CONVERSION OF CORNELIUS._\n A.D. 41\u201343.\n\n\nDURING the Apostle\u2019s stay at Joppa an event occurred destined to have\nno small influence on the spread of the Church.\n\nC\u00e6sarea, as has been already stated, was the head-quarters of the\nRoman government in Jud\u00e6a[816]. Among the troops quartered there was a\ncohort of Italians[817], possibly volunteers, and amongst its officers\nwas a centurion named Cornelius, a devout man, who had learned to\nworship the one true God[818], and was well known for his almsgiving\nand uprightness of life (Acts x. 2). One day, about the ninth hour,\nthe hour of prayer, he beheld in a vision an angel who informed him\nthat his prayers and alms were not forgotten before God, and bade him\nsend for the Apostle, now lodging at Joppa, who would tell him what\nhe should do, and inform him concerning that faith which had already\nexcited much attention in the neighbourhood[819] (Acts ix. 42).\n\nObedient to the heavenly vision the centurion summoned two of his\nservants, and a devout soldier attached to his own person, and sent\nthem with the necessary instructions to Joppa. As the three drew near\ntheir destination, the Apostle Peter, who had retired for devotion\nto the flat[820] housetop of his lodging by the seaside[821] at the\nnoontide hour of prayer (Acts x. 9), fell into a trance, and saw the\nheaven opened, and a great sheet-like vessel[822], let down by its four\ncorners, till it rested upon the earth (Acts x. 11). As he observed it\nclosely, he noticed that it contained _all manner of four-footed beasts\nof the earth, and wild beasts, and creeping things, and fowls of the\nair_, and he heard a Voice saying, _Rise, Peter, kill and eat_. But\nthis the Apostle, who from earliest childhood had observed the strict\nprecepts of the Levitical Law[823], stedfastly declined to do: he had\n_never eaten anything common or unclean_. Then the Voice spoke again,\nsaying, _What God hath cleansed, that call not thou common_, and when\nthe strange scene had been repeated three times, probably with the same\ncommand, the same remonstrance, and the same reply[824], the vessel\n_was received up again into heaven_ (Acts x. 15, 16).\n\nThe Apostle was deeply moved, and while meditating on the possible\nmeaning of what he had beheld and heard, the messengers of Cornelius\nhad arrived, and were making enquiries for him, and at the same moment\nthe Spirit bade him go down and accompany them whithersoever they went,\n_doubting nothing_ (Acts x. 19, 20). Thereupon he descended from the\nhousetop, and having learned from the men the purport of their errand,\nhe brought them in and hospitably entertained them (Acts x. 21\u201323).\n\nThe next day he set out with them towards C\u00e6sarea, attended by certain\nof the brethren from Joppa, and on entering the house of Cornelius\nfound him in the midst of many of his relatives and intimate friends,\nwhom he had assembled to listen to the Apostle\u2019s words. As he crossed\nthe threshold (Acts x. 25), the centurion went forth to meet him, and\nfalling down at his feet would have worshipped him. But Peter raised\nhim up, and reminded him that he also was a man, and then addressed\nhimself to the assembled company. They all knew, he said, that he was\na Jew, and how unlawful it was for one of that nation to associate\nwith or enter the house of a foreigner: but God had shewed him that he\nwas not to call any man common or unclean, and therefore he had come\nwithout delay, and now desired to know the reason for which he had been\nsent (Acts x. 28, 29).\n\nThen Cornelius recounted the particulars of his vision (Acts x. 30\u201333),\nand requested the Apostle to announce to him and his assembled friends\nwhat he, as a messenger of God, had to say to them. Thus assured that\nall things had occurred under the Divine guidance, the Apostle opened\nhis mouth, and having acknowledged that God _was indeed no respecter\nof persons, but accepted out of every nation all that feared Him and\nworked righteousness_, proceeded to proclaim the glad tidings of his\nrisen Lord. He told them of His life of love; of His victories over\ndisease and the spirit-world (Acts x. 38); of His death by the hands of\nmen (Acts x. 39); of His resurrection, and His appearances afterwards,\nnot to all the people but to chosen witnesses, even the Apostles, who\nhad eaten and drunk with Him (Acts x. 40, 41); of His exaltation to\nheaven and His future coming to judge the world; of the commission\nhe and the rest of the Twelve had received to proclaim to all that\nbelieved in Him the _remission of sins_ (Acts x. 42, 43).\n\nWhile he was still speaking, the events of the day of Pentecost were\nrepeated in the house of the Roman soldier. To the astonishment of\nthe Jewish Christians who had accompanied the Apostle from Joppa,\nthe gift of the Holy Ghost was poured out upon the Gentiles, and they\nheard them speaking in various dialects and magnifying and praising\nGod (Acts x. 46). Now fully awakened to the meaning of the vision on\nthe housetop, the Apostle enquired whether any could forbid that these,\nwho had already evidently received the gift of the Holy Ghost, should\nbe admitted to the rite of baptism, and then ordered that it should be\nadministered; and thus he who had first preached the resurrection to\nthe Jews, baptized the first converts at Jerusalem, and confirmed the\nfirst-fruits of the church in Samaria, now, under direct communication\nfrom heaven, first threw down the barrier which separated proselytes\nof the gate from Israelites, and admitted them on an equal footing into\nthe Christian Church[825].\n\nThe news of such an event was not long in reaching Jerusalem, and\nprovoked not only enquiry and comment, but actual complaint, so that\nwhen the Apostle returned thither, he found himself warmly censured\nby not a few of the more exclusive section of the \u201ccircumcision,\u201d\nwho complained that he had consorted and eaten with men who were\nuncircumcised[826] (Acts xi. 1\u20133). Thereupon Peter recounted all the\nparticulars of his visit to C\u00e6sarea from the beginning; how he had\nseen a vision at Joppa, and how a Divine Voice had accompanied and\ninterpreted it; how the messengers of Cornelius had arrived while he\nwas pondering over the vision, and he had been bidden to accompany\nthem nothing doubting[827]; how taking with him six impartial witnesses\n(Acts xi. 12), who were then present, he had proceeded to the house of\nCornelius, and on his arrival was told of another vision which the good\ncenturion had beheld, the \u201cvery counterpart and index of his own;\u201d how\nwhen he had only begun to speak and to touch upon the Gospel History,\nthe infallible sign of the Divine Presence had been manifested, and\nthe Holy Ghost had fallen on his Gentile hearers as on the disciples\nin Jerusalem at the beginning; how this had recalled to his mind\nhis Lord\u2019s words, _John indeed baptized with water, but ye shall be\nbaptized with the Holy Ghost_, and he had admitted them to baptism; for\nwho was he, after this visible proof of the Divine Presence, that he\ncould withstand God? (Acts xi. 4\u201317). The question contained its own\nanswer, and the Christians at Jerusalem not only held their peace, and\ndesisted from further reprehension of the Apostle, but glorified God,\nsaying, _Then hath God also to the Gentiles granted repentance unto\nlife_ (Acts xi. 18).\n\nMeanwhile events had occurred at other and more distant places than\nC\u00e6sarea, shewing that the Christian Church was no longer to be confined\nto the Jews only or to the sacred land of Palestine. The Christians,\nwhom the persecution that followed after the stoning of Stephen[828]\nhad driven from the Holy City, travelled in different directions, to\nPh\u0153nicia, the neighbouring island of Cyprus, and to Antioch[829], the\nmetropolis of Syria (Acts xi. 19). For some time they confined their\nministrations to the Jews only, but at length some of them, _men of\nCyprus[830] and Cyrene_, on their arrival at Antioch, began to preach\nthe word even to the Gentiles, and with such success that a great\nnumber became believers, and turned unto the Lord (Acts xi. 21).\n\nTidings of these events reaching the Church at Jerusalem, in accordance\nwith the precedent already acted upon in Samaria (Acts viii. 14), it\nwas resolved to send to Antioch one in whom they had entire confidence,\nand who might report on all that had occurred. The person selected\nfor this important duty was no other than Barnabas, _the son of\nexhortation_, himself a Hellenist, a native of Cyprus, and in all\nprobability well acquainted with Antioch, one known to be _a good man,\nfull of the Holy Ghost, and of faith_ (Acts xi. 24).\n\nAccordingly Barnabas set out, and on his arrival found much to approve\nin the ministrations of the Hellenistic teachers. They had evidently\nbeen blessed with great success, and he laboured earnestly to advance\nit, _exhorting all to cleave to the Lord with full purpose of heart_.\nHis own endeavours did not lose their reward, for the church at Antioch\nreceived many additions to its numbers (Acts xi. 24), but Barnabas saw\nthat _a wise master-builder_ (1 Cor. iii. 10) was required for the work,\nand he therefore set out for Tarsus to fetch Saul. Once more, then, the\ntwo met, and Saul proceeded with his friend to the Syrian metropolis,\nand there side by side they continued to labour for a whole year,\nand so greatly were their exertions blessed, and so numerous were the\nadditions made to the Church, that it was clear the disciples could no\nlonger be confounded with any sect or party of the Jews. Standing out,\nthen, as a separate community, they acquired a distinctive title, and\nit was first at Antioch, whose inhabitants were notorious for inventing\nnames of derision[831], that the honourable appellation of CHRISTIANS\nwas first applied to them (Acts xi. 26). This name they were not likely\nto assume themselves[832], nor is it probable that it was bestowed upon\nthem by the Jews. They called them in hatred and contempt _the sect\nof the Nazarenes_[833] (Acts xxiv. 5), and Christ being equivalent to\nMessiah, they were not likely to apply to them a term they themselves\nheld sacred[834]. The name, therefore, probably originated with the\nGentiles, and with the Romans rather than the Greeks. The disciples\nwould often speak of Christ as their leader and chief, and the\nheathens[835] would naturally call them in mockery and derision\n_Christians_, or the _Followers of Christ_, just as the partisans of\nMarius were called Mariani, of Pompeius Pompeiani, of Otho Othoniani,\nof Vitellius Vitelliani, of Herod Herodiani.\n\nWhile the two Apostles were thus employed, there arrived at Antioch,\nA.D. 42, certain prophets[836] from Jerusalem, one of whom named Agabus\nstood up and announced that a great famine was at hand, which in fact\ncame to pass during the reign of Claudius C\u00e6sar (Acts xi. 28), a reign\ndistinguished for earthquakes, bad harvests, and general scarcity[837].\nHaving full faith in his prophetic words the Christians in the Syrian\nmetropolis[838] determined to send relief, every man according to his\nability, to their poorer brethren at Jerusalem, and Saul and Barnabas\nwere selected to convey their contributions to the Holy City (Acts xi.\n29, 30)[839].\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER V.\n\n _MARTYRDOM OF ST JAMES\u2015\u2015DEATH OF HEROD._\n A.D. 44.\n\n\nABOUT the time when these delegates from the church at Antioch arrived\non their errand of Christian love at Jerusalem, a severe calamity\nbefell the Church there. On the accession of Claudius, A.D. 41, Herod\nAgrippa, who had taken an active part in securing his succession[840],\nwas rewarded by the addition of Jud\u00e6a and Samaria to the tetrarchies\nof Philip and Antipas which he had already received, and ruled as\nking over a territory as widely extended as that governed by his\ngrandfather[841].\n\nArriving at Jerusalem, A.D. 42, he dedicated in the Temple, as a\nmemorial of the Divine protection, the golden chain with which he had\nbeen presented by Caligula, and which was of equal weight with the\niron one he had worn when imprisoned by Tiberius[842], and endeavoured \nto ingratiate himself with his subjects by the strictest profession of\nJudaism. He offered sacrifice every day; paid the expenses of certain\nNazarites on completing their vows[843]; abstained from every legal\nimpurity; remitted the house-tax of the inhabitants of Jerusalem[844];\nencircled the new suburb of Bezetha with a wall; and prepared to\nstrengthen the entire fortifications of the city[845].\n\nThus determined to ingratiate himself with the Jews, and doubtless at\nthe suggestions of their chiefs, he resolved to take measures for the\nsuppression of Christianity. Accordingly, in A.D. 44, he seized the\nApostle James, the brother of St John, and without any apparent process\nof Jewish law[846] summarily slew him with the sword (Acts xii. 2),\nthus early admitting him to his Master\u2019s baptism[847] (Mtt. xx. 23).\nPerceiving that this atrocity rendered him exceedingly popular with\nhis subjects[848], he arrested Peter also at the feast of the Passover,\nand committed him to the custody of four quaternions of soldiers[849]\n(Acts xii. 4), intending at the close of the festival to bring him\nforth before the people and gratify them with his death.\n\nGreat was the sorrow of the Church at the prospect of the Apostle\u2019s\nexecution, and unceasing and not ineffectual prayer was made to God\nin his behalf. For on the night before the day fixed for the spectacle\nof his martyrdom, while the Apostle was sleeping between two soldiers,\nbound with two chains, and the sentinels without were carefully\nguarding the doors, a light suddenly shone into his cell, and an angel\ntouched him on the side, and bade him rise up quickly. Thereupon he\narose, and his chains fell from off his hands. _Gird thyself_, resumed\nthe angel, _and bind on thy sandals_. The Apostle did so, and casting\nhis garment about him, and scarcely believing the reality of what was\ngoing on, followed his celestial guide through the first and second\nward, and thence through the iron gate, which opened of its own accord,\ninto the street of the city (Acts xii. 5\u201310).\n\nThen the angel departed, and the Apostle realising for the first time\nthe fact of his deliverance, repaired to the house of Mary[850], a\nsister of Barnabas, where many were gathered together praying. As soon\nas he had knocked at the door, a damsel named Rhoda came forth to open\nit, but recognising his voice was so transported with joy that she ran\nin and announced that Peter was standing at the door. Those within,\nhowever, declared that she was mad, that she had seen his angel or\nghost, and refused to believe her words. Meanwhile the Apostle stood\nwithout knocking, and at length the door was opened, and the disciples\nwere assured that it was he and no other. They would have expressed\ntheir joy with loud thanksgivings, but holding up his hand he beckoned\nto them to be silent, and then having recounted all that had befallen\nhim, bade them carry the joyful news to James _the Lord\u2019s brother_ and\nthe rest of the disciples (Acts xii. 11\u201317). With these words he betook\nhimself to some secure hiding-place.\n\nThe morning dawned, and the soldiers rising from their slumbers were\noverwhelmed with astonishment at finding their prisoner gone, and\nwhile with no small stir they were endeavouring to make out what had\nbecome of him, Herod sent for them, and when he could not ascertain any\ntidings respecting their prisoner, ordered them to be put to death, and\nthen left Jerusalem for C\u00e6sarea (Acts xii. 19).\n\nBefore the autumn, however, a terrible end had overtaken the tyrant.\nTidings reached Jud\u00e6a of the triumphant return of Claudius from his\nexpedition to Britain[851], and shows similar to those at Rome were\ncommenced at C\u00e6sarea, which was crowded with people from all quarters.\nOn the second day[852] of the festival the king, clothed in magnificent\nrobes, entered the glorious theatre[853] which his grandfather had\nbuilt, and sitting down on his throne (Acts xii. 21) proceeded to\ngive an audience to certain ambassadors from the inhabitants of Tyre\nand Sidon. For some reason the people of these Ph\u0153nician cities had\ngiven him offence, and through the intercession of Blastus, the royal\nchamberlain, they now sought a reconciliation and a renewal of friendly\nrelations, which was a matter of no small importance, since Ph\u0153nicia,\nas in ancient times[854], depended on Palestine for its supplies of\ncorn and oil (Acts xii. 20). It was early morning[855]. The sun\u2019s rays\nfell upon the apparel of the king glistering with silver tissue, and\nthe excited multitude sitting in a great semicircle, tier above tier,\non the stone seats of the theatre, were dazzled with the brightness\nwhich flashed forth from the monarch\u2019s robes. Presently he spoke, and\nthey shouted, _It is the voice of a god and not of a man_. The king\nmade no attempt to repress their adulation, and in the midst of this\nidolatrous ostentation an angel of God smote him, and he was carried\nout of the theatre, smitten with a terrible internal disorder, and\neaten of worms[856] (Acts xii. 23). After lingering five days in\nexcruciating agony he died in the fifty-fourth year of his age, having\nreigned seven years, four over part of his dominions, and three over\nthe whole of Palestine[857], and leaving behind him one son, Agrippa,\nand three daughters, Drusilla, Berenice, and Mariamne[858].\n\n\n\n\n PART III.\n\n THE CHURCH OF THE GENTILES.\n\n\n\n\n Illustration: A MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE APOSTOLIC HISTORY.\n\n London and New York: Macmillan & Co.\n _Stanford\u2019s Geograph\u02e1 Estab\u1d57. London_\n\n\n\n\n SECTION I.\n\n _First Missionary Tour of Paul and Barnabas._\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _CYPRUS, PERGA, THE PISIDIAN ANTIOCH._\n A.D. 45, 46.\n\n\nTHE martyrdom of Stephen exercised, as we have seen, an important\ninfluence on the development of the Church, scattering the disciples\nover heathen lands. The martyrdom of James the son of Zebedee marks\na no less important epoch. It seems to have been the signal for the\nwithdrawal of the Apostles from Jerusalem[859]. The special work\nassigned there to Peter, the Apostle of the Circumcision, was over.\nHe had founded the Church, opened its gates to Jews and Gentiles, and\nlaid down the conditions of their admission. Consigning, therefore, the\ndirection of the Christian society in Jerusalem to James _the Lord\u2019s\nbrother_ (Gal. i. 19), the Apostles departed to enter upon wider fields\nof action.\n\nAfter completing the object of their journey, and proving the\nfellowship that existed between the disciples in Syria and Palestine,\nSaul and Barnabas, accompanied by a kinsman of the latter[860], John\nsurnamed Mark, returned to Antioch. In the Syrian metropolis the three\nwere joined by other teachers, Simeon, surnamed Niger[861], Lucius\nof Cyrene[862], and Manaen[863] a foster-brother[864] of Herod the\ntetrarch (Acts xiii. 1), and together they continued to instruct\nand build up the Church. At length while, on one occasion, they\nwere engaged in a solemn service of prayer and fasting, the Holy\nGhost intimated, probably through one or more of the prophets then\npresent (Acts xiii. 2), that Barnabas and Saul should be set apart to\naccomplish a special work, for which they had been called.\n\nIn accordance with this intimation, after a solemn religious service\n(Acts xiii. 3), the hands of the chief members of the church at\nAntioch were laid upon the two, and accompanied by Mark they repaired\nto Seleucia[865], and thence sailed to Cyprus, where amongst their\nconnections and friends[866] it might be expected that Barnabas and his\nkinsman might labour with good results, and where there was already the\nnucleus of a Christian Church.\n\nAfter a few hours\u2019 sail, therefore, they reached Salamis[867], the\neastern port and ancient capital of the island, and preached the word\nin its synagogues, of which there appear to have been several. Thence\nthey travelled to Paphos[868], at the south-western extremity of\nCyprus, the seat of the Roman government and the residence of the\nproconsul[869], Sergius Paulus. At his court was one of those Jewish\nsorcerers, whom we have already seen encountering the Apostle Peter\nin Samaria[870], named Bar-jesus, or, as he called himself in Arabic,\nElymas, _the wise_ (Acts xiii. 8). Provoked at the willingness of the\nproconsul to listen to the preaching of the newly-arrived teachers, he\noffered a strenuous opposition to his wishes. But Saul, or, as he is\nnow for the first time called Paul[871], fixed his eyes upon him, and\nin the plenitude of that power which he possessed from the Holy Ghost,\nsternly rebuked him for thus seeking to _pervert the right ways of\nthe Lord_, and denounced an instantaneous judgment: _the hand of the\nLord should be upon him, and he should be blind, nor see the sun for\na season_. This privation, which the Apostle had himself experienced,\nwas instantly inflicted on the sorcerer, and he had to seek the aid\nof others in going from place to place (Acts xiii. 11). Such a vivid\nexhibition of miraculous power produced a deep impression upon the\nproconsul, and _he believed, being astonished at the doctrine of the\nLord_ (Acts xiii. 12).\n\nFrom Paphos the three sailed in a north-westerly direction to the\nharbour of Attaleia[872] in Pamphylia[873], and thence up the river\nCestrus 6 or 7 miles inland to the town of Perga[874] (Acts xiii. 13).\nHere Mark, either yearning after the home he had left at Jerusalem, or\naffrighted by the perils he was likely to encounter[875], departed from\nhis companions, and returned to Jerusalem, while the others pressed on\nalone to Antioch in Pisidia, a town of considerable importance, having\nbeen built by the founder of the Syrian Antioch[876], and since then\nadvanced by Augustus to the dignity of a Roman _colony_[877].\n\nThe population of the Pisidian Antioch was mixed, consisting of\nGreeks, Romans, and native Pisidians, but the influence of the Jews\nwas considerable, and they had succeeded in making not a few converts.\nHaving waited, therefore, for the ensuing Sabbath, Paul and Barnabas\nrepaired to the synagogue, and after the regular service[878] were \nbidden by the president of the synagogue, if they had _any word of \nexhortation_, to address those assembled (Acts xiii. 15).\n\nThereupon Paul rose up, and _beckoning with his hand_ delivered\nhis first address of which we have any record. Like the discourse he\nhad himself heard from the lips of Stephen[879], it was based on the\nhistory of the Jewish nation. The call of Abraham, the Wanderings in\nthe wilderness, the occupation of Canaan, the period of the Judges[880],\nthe election of the first King, the accession of David; all these\nimportant events were touched upon in their order (Acts xiii. 16\u201322).\nOf David\u2019s seed, he then proceeded, God had promised (2 Sam. vii. 12)\nto raise up a Saviour, and this promise he had fulfilled. Duly heralded\nby His predicted Forerunner (Acts xiii. 24, 25), the promised Saviour\nhad appeared in the person of Jesus. The rulers, indeed, of Jerusalem,\nnot knowing Him, or the real meaning of the words of the prophets read\nin their ears every Sabbath-day, had constrained Pilate to put Him to\ndeath, had crucified, and laid Him in a sepulchre; but God had raised\nhim from the dead, and He had been seen after His resurrection[881],\nnot by strangers, but by those familiar with His person, who had been\nHis companions from Galilee to Jerusalem (Acts xiii. 26\u201331), who were\nHis witnesses to the people of Israel. By His death and resurrection\nHe had truly accomplished the ancient prophecies[882], which could not\nrefer to their forefather David (who was dead, and had long mouldered\nin the tomb); and now through Him was offered to all the forgiveness\nof sins, even of those from which they could not have been delivered\nby the Law of Moses[883].\n\nSuch was the purport of the Apostle\u2019s first recorded sermon. Its\nimmediate effect was a deep impression upon those who heard it. As they\nleft the synagogue many[884] besought the Apostles that these words\nmight be repeated in their hearing on the next Sabbath, and not a few,\nboth Jews and proselytes, accompanied them from the synagogue, and\nlistened to their exhortations that having received the word they would\nnot let it slip, but continue steadfastly in the grace of God (Acts\nxiii. 43).\n\nAccordingly when the next Sabbath came round _almost the whole city_\nwas assembled to hear the word, multitudes of Gentiles pressing in with\nthe Jews and proselytes. This was more than the stricter section of\nthe Jews could bear, and filled with envy at the assembly of so many\nstrangers, they made an uproar, and opposed the word spoken by Paul\nwith contradictions and even blasphemy (Acts xiii. 45).\n\nTheir opposition only nerved the Apostles with still greater\nboldness, and they openly proclaimed the course they would now adopt.\nIn accordance with their Master\u2019s directions, they had addressed\nthemselves first to members of their own nation, but since they\ndespised their message, and deemed themselves _unworthy of eternal\nlife_, they would turn to the Gentiles[885]. This declaration many of\nthe latter then present received with joy, and became believers, so\nthat the word of the Lord was published abroad through the whole region\n(Acts xiii. 49).\n\nThis success provoked still greater opposition. Through the female\nproselytes in the city the Jews gained the ear of the chief authorities,\nand succeeded in raising a storm of persecution against the Apostles,\nand expelling them beyond the limits of the colony (Acts xiii. 50).\nThey did not leave it, however, without a solemn protest against\nthe impiety of its inhabitants. In obedience to their Master\u2019s\ndirections[886], they shook off the dust of their feet against them,\nand while, in spite of the persecution that had been raised, the\nlittle band of Christians were _filled with joy and the Holy Ghost_\n(Acts xiii. 52), they proceeded to cross the barren uplands[887] which\nseparate Antioch from the plain of Iconium.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _VISIT TO LYSTRA, DERBE\u2015\u2015DISPUTES AT ANTIOCH._\n A.D. 48\u201350.\n\n\nON reaching Iconium[888], as they had done at Antioch, the Apostles\nrepaired to the synagogue, and there proclaimed their message with\nsuch success, that a great multitude both of Jews and Gentiles embraced\nthe faith. Thereupon the unbelieving Jews repeated the tactics already\nfound so successful at Antioch. They excited the minds of the Gentile\npopulation against the brethren, and stirred up a furious opposition\n(Acts xiv. 2). On this occasion, however, the Apostles did not feel\nthemselves called to leave the city immediately. They remained at\nIconium some considerable time, and spoke boldly in the Name of\ntheir Divine Master, who attested the truth of their words by many\n_miracles and signs_. In the end the population was divided. The one,\nincluding the influential classes, sided with the Jews, the other with\nthe Apostles. At length a conspiracy was formed with the connivance of\nthe magistrates (Acts xiv. 5) to insult and even stone them, and Paul\nand Barnabas, recognising the signal to leave, betook themselves to the\nneighbouring Lycaonian towns, Lystra[889] and Derbe[890].\n\nLystra was the place first visited, and here there was no synagogue,\nand apparently but few Jews. It was a small town in a wild district and\namongst a rude population speaking a dialect of their own, and serving\n_the gods many and lords many_ of primitive heathenism. The Apostles\ntherefore could only make known their message by repairing to places\nof public resort, and addressing themselves to such groups as curiosity\nor interest might gather together. On one of these occasions, a man,\nwho had been a cripple from his birth (Acts xiv. 8), and who probably\nsat for alms in the public thoroughfare, listened to them with deep\nattention. Thereupon the Apostle Paul, moved with compassion, and\nprobably sensible of the necessity of some miracle to attest his\nauthority, as also perceiving that the man had faith to be healed,\nfixed his eye upon him and addressing him in a loud voice, said, _Stand\nupright on thy feet_. In an instant the man sprang up, and leaped, and\nwalked.\n\nSuch a cure of such a man in such a manner was speedily noised abroad,\nand the multitudes gathering together no sooner saw what had been done,\nthan they lifted up their voices, saying in their native Lycaonian\ndialect[891], _The gods are come down to us in the likeness of\nmen_ (Acts xiv. 11). That the gods, in the form of mortal men, did\noften visit the earth, was a cherished belief amongst many heathen\nnations, and nowhere more than in the very district now visited by\nthe Apostles[892]. The tutelar deity of Lystra was Zeus, Jupiter, and\nat the entrance of the town he had a temple, where he was worshipped\nas its founder and protector. The inhabitants therefore rushed to the\nconclusion, that in the Apostle Barnabas, probably in consequence of\nhis venerable appearance, they beheld none other than the \u201cfather of\ngods and men,\u201d while in his companion, who was _the chief speaker_,\nthey thought they recognised Hermes, or Mercury, the god of eloquence,\nand the frequent companion of Jupiter on his visits to earth[893].\n\nThe news that these deities had honoured Lystra with their presence\nquickly spread, and reached the ears of the priest of Jupiter.\nAccordingly he and his assistants soon appeared with oxen and garlands\nbefore the residence of the Apostles, prepared to offer sacrifice\nin their honour. Perceiving for the first time the object of these\nproceedings, Paul and Barnabas rushed forth from their abode, and\nmeeting the procession approaching the vestibule[894], exclaimed,\n_Sirs, what do ye? we also are men of like passions with you_. And then\nthey went on to declare the real purport of their coming, which was\nto persuade them to turn from the worship of such false gods, to the\nliving and life-giving God, the Maker of heaven, and earth, and the\nsea, and all things that are therein, who in the past generations had\npermitted all nations[895] to walk in their own ways, interposing not\nby any visible judgment or by any world-wide revelation, but who had\nnot left Himself without witness, doing good to the creatures of His\nhand, giving _rain from heaven and fruitful seasons, filling their\nhearts with joy and gladness_ (Acts xiv. 15\u201317).\n\nEven this appeal hardly prevailed upon the people to abandon their\nintentions. At length they reluctantly retired, and led away the\nvictims without offering them in sacrifice to the Apostles. The\nimpression, however, thus made was on the surface only, and was soon\nto give place to an entire revulsion of feeling. It had become known\nat Antioch and Iconium, whither the Apostles had retired. From both\nplaces, therefore, certain of the Jews made their way to Lystra, and\nstirred up the minds of the people against their newly-arrived visitors,\nrepresenting, it is not improbable, that they were impostors, and\npractised magical arts[896]. Thereupon, with the fickleness for which\nthey were proverbial, the Lycaonians turned upon the men they had\nso lately been willing to adore, and actually stoned Paul[897], and\nsupposing him to be dead dragged him forth out of their town.\n\nSome disciples[898], however, had been made even in Lystra, and these\ndid not now desert their teacher in the hour of peril. While they were\nstanding around him, and probably using means for his restoration, the\nApostle arose, and returned with them to his abode. A longer stay was\nclearly dangerous, and therefore on the morrow he and his companion\nleft for the neighbouring town of Derbe, and thence, having preached\nthe Word and made several disciples (Acts xiv. 21), they returned\nthrough the several towns they had visited, exhorting the disciples\nto abide constant in the faith, and reminding them that _through much\naffliction they must enter the kingdom of God_. Moreover in the several\nchurches they had established they now appointed elders[899], and\nafter prayer and fasting, solemnly presented them before the Lord\n(Acts xiv. 23). Thence they proceeded to Perga, and after preaching\nthe Word there, to the sea-port of \u2666Attaleia. There they took ship, and\nsailing to Seleucia reached Antioch, and on their arrival summoned the\nbrethren, and announced to them the success of their mission, and the\nmany proofs they had witnessed that _God had opened the door of faith\nto the Gentiles_ (Acts xiv. 27).\n\nArrived at Antioch, the Apostles continued there for some time, A.D.\n47\u201350, strengthening and confirming the faith of the Church, and during\ntheir stay began that contest with the Judaizing Christians with which\nSt Paul was destined to be so largely occupied.\n\nIt had by this time become clear that the Christian faith, instead of\nbeing the purest and highest form of Judaism, was to prove itself a\nworld-wide universal religion, and that its Jewish elements were to\nbe absorbed and _vanish away_. In every nation and in every place, at\nJoppa, at C\u00e6sarea, at Antioch, in rude village-towns like Lystra and\nDerbe, as well as populous cities like Perga and Iconium, it was seen\nthat God accepted without respect of persons those that feared Him and\nworked righteousness (Acts x. 34, 35).\n\nSuch a revolution of feeling towards the Gentile world[900] could not\nbe at once received with entire acquiescence. At Jerusalem, in sight of\nthe Temple, and in the midst of all the associations of his faith and\nnational history, the exclusive feelings, which the Jew carried with\nhim wherever he went, were concentrated and intensified[901]. Hitherto\nthere had been no attempt to define the mutual relations of Jewish\nand Gentile converts. \u201cAll such questions, it would seem, had been\ntacitly passed over, neither side perhaps being desirous of provoking\ndiscussion[902].\u201d Events, however, now occurred, which rendered\nnecessary a solution of the question.\n\nCertain _false brethren_[903] (Gal. ii. 12) went down from Jud\u00e6a to\nAntioch (Acts xv. 1), and _creeping in unawares_[904], began to observe\nwith no favourable eye the extent to which the Jewish Law was relaxed\nin favour of the Gentile Christians, and their liberty in Christ Jesus\nvindicated (Gal. ii. 4). Before long they began to insinuate, not that\nthe observance of certain ceremonies in themselves indifferent was\nadvisable for the sake of expediency, but that the rite of circumcision\nwas essential for salvation; _Except ye be circumcised_, said they to\nthe Gentile Christians, _ye cannot be saved_ (Acts xv. 1).\n\nTo such a doctrine no one was more opposed than the Apostle Paul. To\nthe subjection which these teachers required, he would not advise his\nGentile converts to yield, _no, not for an hour_ (Gal. ii. 5). The\nconsequence was, that no small dissension and disputation arose between\nhimself and Barnabas on the one hand, and the false teachers on the\nother, and no slight anxiety and perplexity harassed the minds of the\ndisciples.\n\nAt length it was resolved that he and Barnabas with certain others\nshould go up to Jerusalem, and seek an interview with the Apostles and\nElders, with the object of settling the dispute[905]. Any hesitation\nthe Apostle might have felt about the expediency of the course proposed\nwas removed by a special _revelation_[906] (Gal. ii. 2) which conspired\nwith the declared view of the church at Antioch, and intimated to\nhim that the journey found favour with God, and that an authoritative\nsettlement of the question was necessary to the well-being of the\nChristian churches[907].\n\nAccordingly he himself, accompanied by Barnabas, a Jew and a Levite by\nbirth, and therefore a fair representative of the circumcision, Titus,\na living example of the power of God among the heathen[908], and some\nof the Christian brethren of the towns through which they passed, set\nout on their memorable journey.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM._\n A.D. 50.\n\n\nFOLLOWING the coast-line of Ph\u0153nicia[909], and then traversing the\nmidland districts of Samaria and Jud\u00e6a, the deputation from the church\nat Antioch proclaimed in every town they entered the conversion of the\nGentiles, and caused _great joy among all the brethren_ (Acts xv. 3).\nOn their arrival at Jerusalem they were welcomed by the Apostles\npresent, as also by the elders, and recounted to them all that God had\ndone by their instrumentality amongst the Gentiles. Very soon, however,\nthe Pharisaic section in the Church which the emissaries at Antioch\nrepresented, put forward their objections. They rose up and insisted\nthat the Gentile converts should be circumcised and instructed to\nconform to the Mosaic Law (Acts xv. 5). Their sentiments, put forward\nwith such determination, revealed the importance of the crisis, and it\nwas resolved that a formal assembly of the church should be convened.\n\nIn the interval, knowing how much depended on the decision now invoked,\nthe Apostle Paul held private interviews[910] (Gal. ii. 2) with the\nmore prominent members[911] of the Church, and especially with James,\nPeter and John, the great Pillars of the new society, and used every\neffort to remove the prejudices against the reception of heathen\nconverts without conforming to the requirements of the Law, and to\navoid misunderstanding as to the great principle he had proclaimed\nwherever he had preached\u2015\u2015the freedom of the Gentile churches.\n\nAt length the council met, and consisted of the Apostles, elders, and\ngeneral body of disciples. The debate was earnest, and led to much\ndisputing (Acts xv. 7), in the midst of which Peter rose up, and\nreminded his hearers that these recent converts in Syria and Cilicia\nwere not the first Gentile believers[912]. \u201cHe himself had been chosen\nsome years before[913] to preach the word to \u2018those without\u2019 and admit\nthem into the Christian Church, and God _who knoweth the hearts_ had\nshewn that He was no _respecter of persons_, for He had bestowed upon\nthem the same miraculous gifts as upon the Jews, and had purified\ntheir hearts by faith. In the face of these facts, then, he for his\npart could not believe it was right to tempt God by laying upon the\nnecks of the new converts a yoke[914] which neither they themselves nor\ntheir fathers had been able to bear, and from which they had only been\ndelivered by the salvation offered through faith in Jesus Christ (Acts\nxv. 11).\u201d\n\nThis address of the Great Apostle of the circumcision was received with\nattention by the Council, and in the midst of the general silence (Acts\nxv. 12) Paul and Barnabas rose, and were eagerly listened to while\nthey recounted in a continued narrative what God had wrought by their\ninstrumentality among the Gentiles in Antioch and Cyprus and the cities\nof Pamphylia and Lycaonia, and declared how He had attested their\nlabours by the signs and wonders which He had enabled them to perform\n(Acts xv. 12).\n\nWhen they had concluded, another speaker arose to address the assembly.\nThis was James, _the brother of the Lord_, to whom the direction of\nthe Church at Jerusalem had apparently been committed[915]. No man was\nmore calculated to command the earnest attention and deference of all\npresent. Austere[916] and inflexibly upright[917], so that both Jews\nand Christians called him _James the Just_, resembling not only in the\nearnestness of his exhortations, but even in his outward garb[918], the\nBaptist or one of the prophets of the older Dispensation, he might be\nexpected to conciliate even the Pharisaic section in the Council.\n\nHe began by reminding those present of the reality of the conversion\nof the household of Cornelius to which Peter[919] had alluded (Acts\nxv. 14). This taking of a people from amongst the Gentiles was not\ncontrary to, but a direct fulfilment of, the words of ancient prophecy\n(Amos ix. 11, 12)[920], which foretold that the tabernacle of David\nshould be gloriously revived, and the worship of Jehovah extended\nto all nations. What, therefore, had occurred in Syria and Cilicia,\nin Pamphylia and Lycaonia, need not excite any astonishment. God, to\nwhom _all things are known from the beginning_, was but fulfilling\nHis eternal counsels, and the words He had Himself spoken by the\nmouth of His holy prophets. His judgment, therefore, was that they\nshould not trouble the minds of believers from amongst the Gentiles,\nor lay upon them any obligations beyond those necessary to ensure peace\nand goodwill amongst them and their Jewish brethren. The latter from\nancient times and from immemorial usage were wont to hear the Law read\nin their synagogues every Sabbath-day, and any direct violation of its\nvital principles could not fail to give the deepest offence. He advised,\ntherefore, that the Gentile converts should be required to abstain\n(1) from that which had been polluted by being offered in sacrifice to\nidols[921]; (2) from the flesh of animals which had been strangled[922];\n(3) from the eating of blood[923]; (4) from fornication, and those\nlicentious orgies, which were so closely connected with heathen\nsacrificial feasts, and nowhere more than in the centres of those\nvery countries about which they had been speaking, the sanctuaries of\nAntioch[924] and Paphos[925].\n\nThese sentiments found acceptance with the majority. Titus[926] was\nnot compelled to submit to circumcision (Gal. ii. 3), and the course\nadopted by Paul was entirely approved by the other Apostles. James,\nPeter, and John, who had the reputation of being Pillars[927] of the\ntruth, gave to him and Barnabas _the right hands of fellowship_ (Gal.\nii. 9), and agreed to recognise unreservedly his independent mission\nto the heathen as well as their own to the Jews (Gal. ii. 9). One\ncondition only was annexed, that in his journeys among the Gentiles\nand the dispersed Jews he would not forget the wants and the sufferings\nof the poorer brethren at Jerusalem[928].\n\nThus the dispute was settled, and a circular letter (Acts xv. 23)\nwas drawn up embodying the views of the Council. This was entrusted\nto Paul and Barnabas, and they accompanied by certain _chief men[929]\namong the brethren_ (Acts xv. 22), Judas surnamed Barsabas and Silas\nor Silvanus[930], returned to Antioch, and the whole body of the\ndisciples having been assembled, read it in their ears. Great was the\njoy manifested at the contents, and no less welcome the consolation\nafter so much discussion and perplexity (Acts xv. 31), which was in\nno small degree increased by the fact that Judas and Silas, being both\n\u201cprophets,\u201d exhorted and confirmed the brethren in the enjoyment of\nthat free and unfettered liberty now assured to them. After some days\nthey returned to Jerusalem, but Paul and Barnabas prolonged their stay\nin the Syrian capital, and together with many others proclaimed the\nmessage of Redemption, and employed themselves in the general work of\nChristian instruction (Acts xv. 35).\n\nDuring their stay, for some reason which is not specified, Peter\ncame down to Antioch (Gal. ii. 11). At first he lived in free and\nsocial intercourse with the Gentile converts, met them on terms of\nequality, and ate with them at the Agap\u00e6 and on other occasions,\nin the true spirit of the recent decree, and as he had done in the\nhouse of Cornelius (Gal. ii. 12). Before long, however, there arrived\nfrom Jerusalem certain brethren, either deputed by James on some\nspecial mission, \u201cor invested with some powers from him, which\nthey abused[931]\u201d (Gal. ii. 12). They brought with them their old\nPharisaic[932] repugnance against intercourse with uncircumcised\nheathen, and awed by their presence the Apostle of the Circumcision\nbegan timidly to withdraw and separate himself[933] from those whom he\nhad lately met on free and equal terms.\n\nSuch conduct roused the deepest indignation in the heart of Paul.\nThrough fear of the converts from Judaism[934] Peter was violating the\nvery principle of the late decree, and by his example causing others to\nvacillate. Not only the other Jewish converts resident at Antioch[935]\n(Gal. ii. 13), who had mingled freely with the Gentiles, but even\nhis friend and colleague Barnabas, who had defended their cause at\nJerusalem, was carried away with the flood of their dissimulation[936]\n(Gal. ii. 13). It was clearly necessary to interfere, and accordingly\nhe withstood his fellow Apostle _to the face_ (Gal. ii. 11), and\nrebuked him before all. The dissimulation he had practised carried\nwith it its own condemnation. If he, born and bred a Jew, had made it\nhis principle to discard Jewish customs and to live with the freedom\nof a Gentile, why did he practically[937] coerce the Gentiles into\nJudaism. Both of them, though born to all the privileges of the elect\nnation, not _sinners_[938], as they used proudly to call the Gentiles,\nconvinced that a man could not be justified by the works of the Law\nbut by faith in Jesus Christ, had become believers in Him, that of that\njustification they might become partakers. How, then, could he seek to\nimpose on others the yoke of conformity to the works of the Law?\n\nWhat ensued upon this indignant rebuke is not recorded. It is not\nprobable that any actual quarrel took place between the two[939].\nThough the character of Peter was impulsive and susceptible of quick\nand sudden changes, it was loving, generous, and forgiving. Certain it\nis that afterwards he was not ashamed to allude to the Epistles of his\n_beloved brother Paul_ (2 Pet. iii. 15, 16), albeit that the censure\nupon himself finds a place in one of them, and though afterwards they\nseldom met, yet their lives were united in the propagation of one great\ncause, and in their deaths _they were not divided_[940].\n\n\n\n\n SECTION II.\n\n _St Paul\u2019s Second Missionary Journey._\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _THE SHARP CONTEST\u2015\u2015TOUR IN PHRYGIA AND GALATIA._\n A.D. 51.\n\n\nTHE sphere of the labours of St Paul, as the Apostle of the Gentiles,\nhaving been publickly recognized at Jerusalem, he did not deem it\nright to linger at Antioch, and therefore proposed to Barnabas that\nthey should revisit the places where they had preached the Word of\nGod, and founded churches. To this his fellow Apostle assented, but\nwas unwilling to undertake the journey unless his relative John Mark\naccompanied them (Acts xv. 37). St Paul, however, was by no means\ninclined to suffer one, who had withdrawn from them in Pamphylia,\nand _had not gone with them to the work_, to become again their\ncompanion on a journey requiring resolution and undaunted courage.\nBarnabas, on his side, was equally earnest in desiring that his kinsman\nshould accompany them, and the consequence was nothing less than\na sharp contention between the two, which at last ended in a mutual\nseparation[941]. They agreed to choose each a different path, and to\nlabour independently. Barnabas, therefore, taking with him John\nMark[942] sailed to Cyprus, there, doubtless, though the details of his\nlabours are not recorded, to superintend with advantage the churches\nalready planted there, and to quicken and confirm their spiritual\ngrowth.\n\nSt Paul, on the other hand, selecting for his companion Silas or\nSilvanus, who had returned from Jerusalem, and _commended by the\nbrethren to the grace of God_ (Acts xv. 40), proceeded to form his\nown field of labour, instead of trespassing on that of another[943].\nAs his late colleague, therefore, had selected an insular, so he chose\na continental sphere of operations, and traversed Syria and Cilicia\nconfirming the churches[944], and probably exhibiting the circular\nepistle from the church of Jerusalem.\n\nFrom Cilicia he and his companion then passed into Lycaonia[945], and\nonce more visited the towns of Derbe and Lystra. In the latter place\nhe found a pleasing proof that his labours during his previous visit\nhad not been in vain. In Timothy, who has been already mentioned[946],\nwho had been carefully nurtured from childhood in the knowledge of the\nOld Testament Scriptures by his mother Eunice and his grandmother Lois\n(2 Tim. i. 5), who had witnessed the persecutions which the Apostle\nhad undergone, and now as a Christian enjoyed the confidence of the\nchurch at Lystra and Iconium (Acts xvi. 2, 3), he saw one well fitted\nto do more than supply the place of John Mark, and invited him to\nbecome his companion. Timothy, on his part, was ready and willing to\njoin him, and on account of the Jews who were numerous in the town\nand neighbourhood[947], and probably for the sake of his admission\ninto the synagogue in which the Apostle intended to preach, submitted\nto the rite of circumcision (Acts xvi. 3). Before _many witnesses_\n(1 Tim. vi. 12) he was then[948] solemnly ordained by the laying on\nof the hands of the whole assembly of the elders, and of the Apostle\nhimself (2 Tim. i. 6), to do the work of an Evangelist, and proceeded\nwith him and Silas, visiting the churches already founded, and\nexhibiting the decrees of the Council at Jerusalem (Acts xvi. 4).\n\nThe effect of this visitation was speedily felt. Strengthened by the\nsuperintendence of three such earnest labourers, the churches were\nestablished in the faith, and _increased in number daily_ (Acts xvi. 5).\nThe first part of their mission completed, the three advanced in a\nnortherly direction through Phrygia[949] and Galatia[950] (Acts xvi. 6).\nIn the last-named district it does not seem to have been the intention\nof St Paul to have preached the Gospel, being probably anxious at once\nto bear his message to the more important and promising district of\nproconsular Asia[951] (Acts xvi. 6). But a sharp and violent attack of\na malady, to which he was subject, and which he calls _a thorn in the\nflesh[952], the messenger of Satan sent to buffet him_ (2 Cor. xii. 7),\nprostrated his physical strength, and he was constrained to linger in\nGalatia[953] (Gal. iv. 13, 14).\n\nBut though the Apostle appeared in the capitals of Galatia\u2015\u2015Pessinus,\nAncyra and Tavium\u2015\u2015bowed down with physical infirmity, he was received\nwith peculiar kindness by the warm-hearted[954] Gauls. They did _not\ndespise nor loath the temptation in his flesh_ (Gal. iv. 14). They\nwelcomed him as _an angel of God, even as Christ Jesus_, nay, they\n_would have plucked out their own eyes_, and _have given them to\nhim_[955] (Gal. iv. 15). His announcement of a crucified Saviour (Gal.\niii. 1) they received with eagerness and deep fervour, and many, both\nJews and Gentiles, men and women, freemen and slaves[956] (Gal. iii.\n27, 28), professed themselves believers, and the churches of Galatia\nwere added to those of Cilicia, Lycaonia and Phrygia.\n\nConsidering the circumstances under which this visit was made, it is\nnot probable that it was very protracted, but at first the Apostles\nwere somewhat uncertain in what direction to turn, for new fields of\nlabour opened to them on different sides. At one time they thought\nof proceeding in a south-westerly direction to the populous cities of\nproconsular Asia[957], but received a Divine intimation that this was\nnot to be the scene of their labours (Acts xvi. 6). They then turned\ntowards Mysia[958], and were essaying to proceed into Bithynia[959],\nwhen a monition from the Divine Spirit, the Spirit of the glorified\nRedeemer[960], caused them to abandon this route also. Passing,\ntherefore, by the district of Mysia without pausing to evangelise\nit[961], they proceeded in a north-westerly direction towards the\nshores of the \u00c6gean, and arrived at Alexandria Troas[962] (Acts xvi. 8).\n\nThere they stayed for the night, and now, after the Apostle Paul had\ndoubtless been pondering deeply over the nature of the supernatural\nintimations which had been leading him[963], the mystery was solved.\nDuring the night there appeared to him in vision[964], a man from the\nopposite shores of Macedonia, beseeching him and saying, _Come over\nand help us_ (Acts xvi. 9). The morning dawned, and the purport of the\nheavenly vision was discussed by the Apostle with his companions Silas\nand Timothy, and a new colleague, Luke _the beloved physician_ (Col.\niv. 14), who had now joined him, either by pre-arrangement, or by a\nprovidential meeting, or perhaps in consequence of his feeble state of\nhealth[965]. They were not long in coming to a conclusion. The vision\ncould have but one meaning. The Lord was assuredly calling them to\ncarry the glad tidings of salvation to the European shores (Acts xvi.\n10). Without further delay, therefore, they sought means for crossing\nover, and having found a vessel on the point of sailing for Europe they\nembarked and proceeded on their voyage.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _PAUL AND SILAS AT PHILIPPI._\n A.D. 52.\n\n\nTHE wind blew fair, when the Apostle and his companions left Troas, and\nrunning before it in a straight course they reached, probably the same\nnight[966], the island of Samothrace, and there came to anchor[967].\nThe next day, passing under the lee of the island of Thasos, they\nreached the Macedonian harbour of Neapolis, and thence passed inland\na distance of about 10 miles to Philippi[968], the first[969] city\nwhich the traveller would reach in this part of Macedonia, and a Roman\nmilitary colony[970] (Acts xvi. 12).\n\nHere the Apostle and his companions stayed _some days_ (Acts xvi. 12).\nBeing a military and not a mercantile city, the number of Jews here\nwas small, and consequently there was no synagogue. There was, however,\na Proseucha, _a House or Place of Prayer_, a slighter[971] and more\ntemporary structure than the regular places of Jewish worship, outside\nthe gate[972], on the banks of the Gaggitas, the fountains of which\ngave the ancient name to the city[973]. Those who met here for worship\nconsisted chiefly of women (Acts xvi. 13), and amongst them was one,\nnamed Lydia, a proselytess[974] (Acts xvi. 14) of Thyatira[975] (Rev.\ni. 11), a town in proconsular Asia, famous ever since the days of Homer\nfor its dyed goods, for the reception of which she had an establishment\nat Philippi.\n\nOn the Sabbath the newly-arrived strangers joined the little company\nby the river-side, and sitting down[976] in the attitude of teachers,\nspoke to the women there assembled. Lydia was an earnest listener, _and\nthe Lord opened her heart, so that she gave heed to the word spoken\nby Paul_, and together with her household was admitted into the Church\nby baptism, probably in the waters of the stream that flowed by the\n_Proseucha_. Thus the Gospel found a lodgment in Europe, and Lydia,\ngrateful for _the spiritual things_, which the Apostle had ministered\nunto her, was anxious to minister to him and his companions of her\n_temporal things. Since ye have deemed me a believer in the Lord_, said\nshe, _come into my house, and there abide_. She would take no refusal,\nand Paul and the rest accepted her offer of hospitality.\n\nAt no great distance from Philippi[977] was an oracle of Dionysus,\nthe prophet-god of the Thracians. Thence, or from some similar\nestablishment, there came a damsel _possessed with the spirit of\ndivination_[978], who had been hired by certain Philippian citizens,\nand brought much gain to her owners by her soothsaying (Acts xvi. 16).\nMeeting the little company of Christians as they went to and fro\nfrom the Proseucha, she followed Paul crying out, _These men are the\nservants of the most High God, who are come to announce unto you the\nway of salvation_. This continued many days. At length grieved that\nthis testimony should be borne by one possessed with an evil spirit,\nPaul turned, and in the name of his Divine Master commanded the evil\nspirit to leave her, whereupon the word of power was instantly obeyed,\nand the damsel was restored to her right mind (Acts xvi. 18).\n\nPerceiving that now all hope of any future gain was gone, the owners\nof the damsel, filled with anger, seized Paul and Silas, and dragged\nthem into the forum (Acts xvi. 19) before the _duumviri_ or authorities\nof the colony, charging them with creating a disturbance in the place,\nand introducing innovations in their religion[979]. Such an accusation\nquickly roused the feelings of the populace, and a furious mob beset\nthe Apostle and his companion as they stood before the magistrates.\nTo retain their popularity the latter saw that they must give in to\nthe popular feeling, and ordered the lictors to strip off the clothes\nof the accused and scourge them[980] (Acts xvi. 22). The order was\nforthwith executed, and faint and bleeding from the infliction of\n_many stripes_ (1 Thess. ii. 2), they were thrust into prison, and the\njailer was strictly enjoined to keep them safely. Anxious to fulfil\nhis instructions to the letter, he thrust them into _the inner prison_,\nprobably a dark, cold, pestilential cell[981], and made their feet fast\nin the stocks[982] (Acts xvi. 24).\n\nBut though _shamefully intreated_ (1 Thess. ii. 2), and thrust under\na false charge into a loathsome dungeon, the Apostle and his companion\nwere not in despair. At midnight they were praying and singing hymns\nto God, while the rest of the prisoners listened with eager attention.\nBut deliverance was near at hand. Suddenly a great earthquake shook\nthe prison to its foundations, every door was opened, every fetter was\nloosed (Acts xvi. 26). Roused from sleep the jailer instantly concluded\nthat his prisoners had escaped, and drawing his sword was on the point\nof laying violent hands upon himself, when the voice of the Apostle\nPaul was heard calling out loudly, _Do thyself no harm, for we are all\nhere_ (Acts xvi. 28).\n\nOn this the jailer called for lights, and leaped into the inner prison,\nand trembling with alarm fell down before Paul and Silas, and then\nleading them forth said, _Sirs, what must I do to be saved?_ _Believe_,\nwas their reply, _in the Lord Jesus, and thou shalt be saved_, and then\nthey proceeded to explain to him and the members of his family, who\nprobably crowded around, what belief in Jesus meant (Acts xvi. 32).\nThe word fell upon good ground, and in the self-same hour, late as it\nwas, the rough Roman officer washed the stripes of his prisoners, and\nwas baptized together with all his house. Then taking them up into\nhis house he set food before them, and as a believer rejoiced in his\nnew-found faith (Acts xvi. 34).\n\nBy this time the morning had dawned, and messengers arrived from the\nmagistrates. Either alarmed at the earthquake, or conscience-stricken\nwith having acted with unnecessary harshness, they had come to a\ndifferent decision respecting the Apostles, and the lictors now bore\ntheir orders that they should be released. The jailer received these\ninstructions with the utmost joy, and going with the messengers\nannounced these commands to the Apostles. But St Paul declined to\n_go in peace_, as he suggested (Acts xvi. 36). He and his companion,\nuncondemned, and without any form of trial, had been openly scourged,\nand thrust into prison, in direct violation of their rights as Roman\ncitizens[983]. He refused, therefore, to accept such a secret and\nignominious release. _Let them come themselves_, said he, _and lead\nus forth_ (Acts xvi. 37).\n\nWithout delay the messengers conveyed the intelligence that the\nprisoners were Roman citizens to the magistrates, who were in no little\nalarm, when they discovered what an insult they had unwittingly offered\nto the Majesty of the imperial city. Hastening, therefore, to the\nprison, they earnestly besought the Apostles to depart from the colony.\nAccordingly they came forth, and with quietness and dignity repaired\nto the house of Lydia, and having seen and bidden farewell to the\nChristian brethren departed (Acts xvi. 40). Timothy, however, and Luke,\nappear to have remained for the present behind, to water the seed sown,\nand to build up the newly-formed Philippian Church.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _THESSALONICA, BER\u0152A, ATHENS._\n A.D. 52.\n\n\nLEAVING, then, their first Macedonian converts, Paul and Silas\nproceeded along the great Roman road, known as the Via Egnatia, to\nAmphipolis[984], and thence through Apollonia[985] to Thessalonica[986].\nIn the latter city was the[987] chief synagogue of the Jews in this\npart of Macedonia (Acts xvii. 2), and hither Paul repaired, and for\nthree consecutive Sabbaths argued with those of his own nation from\ntheir own Scriptures, opening them up to them, and shewing that the\nMessiah there predicted was no temporal Prince or earthly Conqueror,\nbut One who should suffer and rise from the dead, and that He had\nappeared in the person of that Jesus, whom he announced to them (Acts\nxvii. 3; Comp. 1 Thess. i. 10, iv. 14, v. 9, 10).\n\nHis words were variously received. Some, including a considerable\nnumber of the Greek proselytes and of the influential women, believed.\nBut the Jews, furious at the spread of such obnoxious tenets, gathered\ntogether a mob of idlers from the markets and landing-places, threw the\ntown into an uproar, and falling upon the house of Jason[988], where\nthe Apostle was lodging, sought to drag him and his companion before\nthe _demus_, or assembly of the people[989]. Unsuccessful, however, in\nfinding them, they hurried Jason and certain of the brethren before the\nmagistrates, and charged them with violating the decrees of C\u00e6sar[990]\nin asserting that there was another King, namely Jesus (Acts xvii. 7).\nThis charge caused the magistrates considerable perplexity. Instead,\nhowever, of visiting the Apostle with any punishment, they contented\nthemselves with taking security[991] from Jason and the rest for their\nfuture good conduct, and the maintenance of peace, and then set them at\nliberty.\n\nBut though the city was thus quieted, the position of the Apostle\nwas one of great danger. Without delay, therefore, the brethren sent\nhim and Silas under cover of night in a south-westerly direction to\nBer\u0153a[992]. Here also there was a synagogue, and here Paul found far\nmore candid, generous, and willing hearers than he had met with at\nThessalonica. The Ber\u0153ans not only accepted the message he preached,\nbut searched the Scriptures, and that daily, to see whether his\narguments were well founded. The consequences were soon apparent. The\npromise _seek, and ye shall find_ was fulfilled, and many, both Jews\nand Gentiles, men and women, and amongst the latter sex some of the\nhighest rank, professed themselves Christians (Acts xvii. 12).\n\nBut the work thus auspiciously commenced was not destined to go on\nunimpeded. After no long interval the Jews of Thessalonica, hearing\nthat Paul was preaching with success at Ber\u0153a, followed in his\ntrack[993], and threw the town into commotion. The danger was imminent,\nand perceiving that the ceaseless animosity of the Jews rendered any\nfurther labours in Macedonia useless for the present, the brethren\nconveyed the Apostle to the nearest sea-port[994], probably Dium[995],\nand thence by ship to Athens. Silas and Timotheus, who probably had\nrejoined the Apostle at Ber\u0153a, had meanwhile been left there, to\nstrengthen the faith of the new converts, but on the return of those\nwho had conducted Paul to Athens, received his injunctions to join him\nwith all speed (Acts xvii. 15).\n\nThus the disciple of Gamaliel, once a Pharisee, now a Christian and\nan Apostle, found himself in the far-famed centre of Grecian culture,\nthe pride of the ancient world, the patroness of Art, Science, and\nLiterature. While awaiting, alone and among strangers, the arrival of\nhis companions, his spirit burned within him, as he beheld on every\nside proofs of the point to which the inhabitants of the glorious city\ncarried their religious instincts, and the idols and idol-temples with\nwhich it was crowded[996]. Even here, however, he commenced in his\nusual manner. On each Sabbath-day he repaired to the synagogue (Acts\nxvii. 17), and preached to the Jews and proselytes, and during the week\nhe was to be found in the busy Agora at the foot of the Acropolis and\nthe Areopagus, conversing with any who would listen to his words.\n\nIn such a place and among such a people he was not likely to lack an\naudience. _All the Athenians and the strangers that were there_, writes\nSt Luke, _spent their time in nothing else but either to tell or to\nhear some new thing_ (Acts xvii. 21). To them, therefore, the coming\nof one like the Apostle, burning with zeal, and setting forth with\nlearning and ability new and unheard-of doctrines respecting _Jesus\nand the Resurrection_ (Acts xvii. 18), would be certain to awaken no\nlittle interest. Amongst others, who heard him and marvelled at his\nwords, were certain of the world-famous Epicurean and Stoic schools\nof philosophy. On them his preaching produced a varied effect. Some\ntreated it with scorn, saying, _What doth this babbler[997] mean?_\nOthers remarked that he appeared to be setting forth certain new\ndivinities. At length they determined to ascertain the point more\nclosely, and taking him to the Areopagus[998], requested to know[999]\nthe meaning of what he preached (Acts xvii. 19, 20).\n\nSo the Apostle took his stand, alone[1000] and unaided, \u201chis bodily\naspect still showing what he had suffered from weakness, toil, and\npain,\u201d on the summit of the hill of Areopagus (Acts xvii. 22) in the\nmidst of temples, statues and altars dedicated to the _gods many and\nlords many_ of the heathen world. Horror-struck as he must have been\nat the spectacle of idolatry which confronted him on every side, he\nyet with peculiar prudence did not begin by attacking in intemperate\nlanguage the national worship of his hearers. During his brief sojourn\nin the city he had observed an altar with the inscription, _To an\nunknown God_[1001] (Acts xvii. 23). \u201cTaking his stone,\u201d therefore, to\nuse the expressive language of Chrysostom, \u201cout of their own brook,\u201d he\ndetermined to make this inscription and the mournful testimony it bore\nto the vanity of heathenism his text, and from it to speak to them\nwords of eternal life.\n\nThis altar, he began, like all things else he had seen in their city,\nproved their carefulness in religion[1002], their earnest desire to\nworship, and at the same time their ignorance in worshipping. \u201cThe\nunknown God,\u201d whose power, by their own confession, they acknowledged,\nhe would declare unto them. The Lord of heaven and earth, who had\nmade the world and all things therein, dwelt not in temples made with\nhands[1003]. He was subject to no exigencies, which made him need\nanything from his worshippers, seeing that He gave to all life, and\nbreath, and all things. For all the nations of mankind, originally\nmade by Him of one blood[1004], He had assigned the seasons of their\nexistence and the bounds of their habitation, to the end that they\nshould feel after Him, if haply they might find Him, though in truth\nHe was not far from any of them, as one of their own poets had said,\n\n _For we are also His offspring_[1005].\n\nAs the offspring, therefore, of God, and endowed with the faculty\nof knowing Him, they ought not to have imagined that the Godhead was\nlike unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven by the art and device\nof man. Such imaginations they might have indulged in times past of\nignorance. But these God had overlooked[1006], and now commanded all\nmen everywhere to repent, for He had appointed a day, wherein He would\njudge the world in righteousness by the Man whom He had ordained, and\nof this He had given to all a pledge and an assurance, in that He had\nraised Him from the dead (Acts xvii. 30, 31).\n\nAt this point the Apostle\u2019s address was suddenly interrupted. Some\nwho heard him broke out into laughter, regarding the idea of the\nresurrection as ridiculous. Others, in the spirit of Felix afterwards\n(Acts xxiv. 22, 25), said they would hear him again on the subject;\nand thus amidst mingled indifference and division, the hearers of the\nApostle dispersed, and he _departed from among them_. The word spoken,\nhowever, did not fall utterly to the ground. Dionysius, a member of\nthe Court of Areopagus, a woman named Damaris[1007], and some others,\nprofessed themselves believers in that Redeemer and Judge of all\nmankind, whom he had preached to them.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _ARRIVAL AND STAY OF ST PAUL AT CORINTH._\n A.D. 52, 53.\n\n\nAFTER a stay at Athens, the duration of which is not recorded,\nthe Apostle Paul repaired to Corinth, a place eminently adapted to\nbe the centre of missionary operations, being the capital of the\nprovince[1008] of Achaia, a large mercantile city, and inhabited by\na large number of Jews. At this time the number of the latter was\nunusually large, owing to a decree issued by the emperor Claudius,\nin A.D. 50, directing their expulsion from Rome (Acts xviii. 2). The\nimperial edict here alluded to by St Luke is probably the same as\nthat mentioned by Suetonius[1009], who relates that Claudius drove\nthe Jews from the capital, \u201cbecause they were incessantly raising\ntumults at the instigation of a certain Chrestus,\u201d a name used by\nmistake, there is little reason to doubt, for Christus, and pointing\nto mutual hostilities between the Jews and Christians respecting the\nMessiah[1010].\n\nAmong those thus banished were two natives of Pontus in Asia Minor,\nnamed Aquila and Priscilla, who on their way homewards by the ordinary\nmaritime track across the isthmus of Corinth, had settled down there\nfor the present, and engaged in the manufacture of tents, probably of\nthe _Cilicium_[1011], or hair-cloth, already mentioned as an important\narticle of trade in the Levant. Whether they were already converted to\nChristianity or not is doubtful, but as workers at a common trade the\nApostle _came and attached himself to them_ (Acts xviii. 3), and the\nintimacy now commenced lasted during the whole of St Paul\u2019s life, and\nhis new found friends became not only partakers of a common faith, but\nrendered him the most important services.\n\nWhile, however, he laboured working with _his own hands_ (1 Cor.\niv. 12), he did not neglect his great work as an Apostle. According\nto his usual practice, he repaired every Sabbath-day to the synagogue,\nand endeavoured to persuade both the Jews and Gentiles there present\n(Acts xviii. 4) to believe in Jesus as the promised Messiah and Saviour\nof the world. Nor were his labours unsuccessful. Many, both Jews and\nGentiles, professed themselves believers. Amongst these was the _house\nof Stephanas_, whom the Apostle calls _the first-fruits of Achaia_\n(1 Cor. xvi. 15). Another convert, and one of considerable note, was\nCrispus, a ruler of the synagogue (Acts xviii. 8); a third was Gaius,\nor Caius, with whom he afterwards lodged. All these he baptized _with\nhis own hand_ (1 Cor. i. 14\u201317).\n\nAfter he had been thus labouring about two or three months, Silas\nand Timothy returned from Macedonia (Acts xviii. 5), and relieved the\nApostle\u2019s intense anxiety respecting the churches he had planted there\n(1 Thess. i. 2; ii. 13; iii. 6), informing him of the continuance of\ntheir faith and love, of their fond remembrance of himself, and their\neager desire to see him again (1 Thess. iii. 6). The effect of this\nwelcome news seems to have been an instantaneous increase of the zeal\nand resolution with which he prosecuted his labours. Already there\nwere signs of opposition to the progress of the truth, and he had begun\nhis work at Corinth _in weakness, and in fear, and in much trembling_\n(1 Cor. ii. 3). But now a weight was taken off from his mind (1 Thess.\niii. 1\u20136), and _he was pressed in the spirit_, or, according to a\npreferable reading, he was _pressed by the word_[1012] (Acts xviii. 5).\nHis zeal was a positive pain to him. His anxieties removed, he felt he\ncould not restrain the impulse to give utterance to the Word of God,\nand to apply himself with redoubled energy to his work.\n\nSatisfactory, however, as had been in the main the tidings brought\nby Silas and Timothy from Thessalonica, some irregularities which\nhad crept in, and some mistaken notions the new converts entertained,\nrequired correction. Since the Apostle\u2019s visit several of their\nrelatives and friends had died, and they feared that these departed\nChristians would lose the happiness of witnessing their Lord\u2019s second\ncoming, which they conceived to be close at hand (1 Thess. iv. 13\u201318).\nUnder the excitement of the same expectation others had abandoned\ntheir lawful callings, and fancying that they need not work claimed\nthe support of the richer members of the church (1 Thess. iv. 11, 12).\nOthers, again, had not learned to subdue their carnal appetites\n(1 Thess. iv. 1\u20138), and there were symptoms of a lack of order (1 Thess.\niv. 9, 10), and a tendency to despise the gift of prophesying, or\ninspired teaching, in comparison with other and more showy gifts\n(1 Thess. v. 20; comp. 1 Cor. xiv.).\n\nFor these reasons he addressed his first Epistle to the Thessalonians.\nMeanwhile the progress of the Church at Corinth had awakened the\ndetermined opposition of the Jews, who not only obstinately opposed\nthe truth, but poured forth coarse blasphemies on the name of Jesus\n(Acts xviii. 6). Accordingly the Apostle confronted them sternly, and\ndeclaring that their blood must rest upon their own heads, announced\nhis intention of turning to the Gentiles, and made the house of a\nGentile convert named Justus, which was contiguous to the synagogue,\nthe place of his public teaching (Acts xviii. 7). The difficulties\nof his position were thus much increased, and so greatly was he\ndiscouraged, that, though Crispus remained faithful, and many of the\nCorinthians had embraced the faith, he appears to have thought of\nwithdrawing from the city[1013]. But while he was thus hesitating,\nthe Lord Jesus appeared in a vision of the night, and bade him be\nnot afraid, but speak forth boldly, for He _was with him, and He\nhad much people in the city_ (Acts xviii. 8\u201310). Thus encouraged the\nApostle resumed his labours, and continued them without any apparent\ninterruption for a space of eighteen months.\n\nDuring this period intelligence received from Thessalonica induced him\nto address a second Epistle to the Church there. His previous letter\nhad not abated the excitement connected with the expectation of the\nSaviour\u2019s speedy advent. A fanatical section had even laboured to\nincrease it, claiming imaginary revelations from the Spirit (2 Thess.\nii. 2), and the authority of a rumoured letter from the Apostle himself\nin support of their views (2 Thess. ii. 2). To discourage such ideas,\nand that neglect of daily employments (2 Thess. iii. 6\u201316) to which\nthey led, the Apostle wrote again, A.D. 53, explaining more fully\ncertain signs he had already told them must precede the Redeemer\u2019s\nsecond coming (2 Thess. ii. 1\u201312), and exhorting the Thessalonians to\nan orderly and diligent life after the example he had himself set when\npresent in their city (2 Thess. iii. 8, 9).\n\nThus while continuing to labour at Corinth, did he seek to promote\nthe growth of the Churches he had planted in Macedonia. By this time\na new proconsul of Achaia had arrived in the person of Gallio[1014],\nthe brother of Seneca the philosopher, and of Mela, whose son Lucan\nwas the author of the Pharsalia. The new governor had the reputation of\nbeing a man of remarkable sweetness of disposition and great popularity,\nwhom \u201cevery one loved too little, even he who loved him most[1015].\u201d\nAccordingly the Jews thinking they might presume with impunity upon\nhis easy temper, with accord set upon Paul and dragged him before\nhis judgment-seat[1016], alleging the old charge that _he persuaded\nmen to worship contrary to the law_ (Acts xviii. 13). When, however,\nthe Apostle was on the point of entering upon his defence, Gallio,\nprobably acquainted with commotions of the same kind at Rome and\nwith the nature of the Jewish opposition to Christianity, refused to\nlisten to it. If the question brought before him had been some act of\ncrime or wickedness, it would have been only reasonable that he should\nhave heard it through. But if, as it appeared to him, it was merely a\nquestion of doctrine, of words and names and Jewish law, he would have\nnothing to do with it, they must see to it themselves; and he drove\nthem from the judgment-seat (Acts xviii. 16).\n\nThis decision had a remarkable result. The mob[1017], always unfriendly\nto the Jews, seized Sosthenes, one of the rulers of the Synagogue[1018],\nor perhaps the successor of Crispus, and began to beat him in the\nvery presence of the proconsular tribunal. But Gallio left him to his\nfate, and _cared for none of these things_ (Acts xviii. 17). Thus the\nassurance given to the Apostle in the late vision was fulfilled. Though\nbitter enemies had set upon him, none had \u201churt\u201d him, and it had been\nproved that the Lord _had much people in the city_.\n\nHaving tarried, therefore, at Corinth yet a good while, he took his\nleave of the brethren, and after[1019] terminating a religious vow,\ntaken for some unknown reason, by cutting his hair at Cenchre\u00e6[1020],\nsailed, accompanied by Silas and Timothy, Priscilla and Aquila, in the\ndirection of Syria. A voyage of about 13 or 15 days brought them to the\nport of Ephesus. There Aquila and Priscilla remained, while the Apostle,\nafter only staying long enough to hold one conference with the Jews\nin their synagogue, hastened on by sea with his other companions to\nC\u00e6sarea, and thence by land to Jerusalem, in time to keep the great\nnational festival of Pentecost (Acts xviii. 20\u201322). His stay was very\nbrief, and after saluting the Church there he returned to Antioch, from\nwhich he had been so long absent, and there continued some time (Acts\nxviii. 23).\n\n\n\n\n SECTION III.\n\n _St Paul\u2019s Third Missionary Journey,\n and Imprisonment at C\u00e6sarea._\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _VISIT TO EPHESUS._\n A.D. 54\u201357.\n\n\nAFTER staying some time at Antioch, the Apostle resolved to enter\nupon his third missionary journey. Accompanied, it is probable, by\nTimothy[1021], he began by a systematic visitation of the Churches\nhe had planted in Galatia and Phrygia, establishing all the disciples\nin the true principles of the Gospel (Acts xviii. 23), and exhorting\nthem to evince their sympathy with their brethren in Jud\u00e6a, by weekly\ncollections in behalf of the poorer Christians (Comp. 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2).\n\nWhile he was thus employed there arrived at Ephesus a certain Jew of\nAlexandria, named Apollos[1022], an eloquent man, and mighty in the\nScriptures (Acts xviii. 24). He had been instructed in the way of the\nLord, and was acquainted with the main facts of the Saviour\u2019s earthly\nhistory, but had received no other baptism than that of His forerunner.\nAquila and Priscilla listened to his eloquent words in the synagogue\nof Ephesus, and having sought his acquaintance, did much to correct his\nimperfect conceptions of Christian doctrine, and to explain to him more\naccurately the _way of God_ (Acts xviii. 26). Though trained in the\nschools of Alexandria, Apollos was not above receiving instruction from\nthese humble natives of Pontus, and when made fully acquainted with\nthe Christian doctrine was desirous of crossing over into Achaia. On\ncommunicating his wishes to the brethren at Ephesus, he received from\nthem much encouragement; and furnished with letters of introduction\nto the disciples in Achaia, set out for Corinth, where he contributed\nimportant aid to the establishment of the Christian Church, employing\nhis extensive acquaintance with Scripture to the confutation of Jewish\ndisputants, and proving incontestably that Jesus was the Messiah (Acts\nxviii. 28).\n\nThus where _Paul had planted, Apollos watered_, and God _gave_ an\nabundant _increase_ (1 Cor. iii. 6). Meanwhile that Apostle\u2019s circuit\nthrough the Galatian district being ended, in accordance with a promise\nhe had made (Acts xviii. 21) he also came to Ephesus. Here Aquila and\nPriscilla were awaiting him ready to aid him in his work[1023]. They\nhad already dispatched to the Church of Corinth an eloquent teacher,\nand now there was present a company of about twelve men (Acts xix. 7),\nwho, like Apollos, were acquainted only with John\u2019s baptism, and who\nwere probably introduced to the Apostle by his friends from Pontus.\nThereupon he enquired of them, _Did ye receive the Holy Ghost when ye\nbecame believers[1024]?_ To this they replied that they had not so much\nas heard of Him and of His great outpouring on the day of Pentecost.\nThis led to further enquiry on the part of the Apostle as to the nature\nof the baptism they had received, and becoming aware that they had only\nbeen made partakers of John\u2019s baptism of repentance and preparation,\nhe proceeded to speak of a yet higher baptism to which it was intended\nto lead up. On this the men were baptized into the Name of the Lord\nJesus Christ, and on the imposition of the Apostle\u2019s hands were endued\nwith miraculous gifts and enabled to speak with tongues and to prophesy\n(Acts xix. 4\u20137).\n\nEphesus now became the centre of St Paul\u2019s missionary labours.\nRepairing, according to his invariable practice, to the synagogue,\nhe was employed during _three whole months_ (Acts xix. 8) in arguing\nwith the Jews from their own Scriptures, and persuading them that\nthe kingdom of God was truly come, and that Jesus was no other than\nthe long promised Messiah. While some believed and joined themselves\nto the Christian Church, others were hardened and disobedient, and\nbegan openly to calumniate the Apostle\u2019s doctrine before the people.\nPerceiving this, and resolved that their example should not contaminate\nthe rest, he resolved to abandon his attendance at the synagogue, and\nseparating the disciples transferred his instructions to the school\nof _one Tyrannus_, probably a teacher of rhetoric or philosophy to the\nyoung of Ephesus, and who may or may not have been himself a convert\n(Acts xix. 9).\n\nThis continued for two years, A.D. 55\u201357, and during this period the\nlabours of the Apostle were carried on with unceasing energy. Not only\nin the school of Tyrannus, but _from house to house_ he went about\namongst the brethren, instructing them in their most holy faith, and\nwarning them _with tears_ (Acts xx. 20\u201331) to hold fast that which they\nhad been taught, _repentance towards God, and faith towards our Lord\nJesus Christ_ (Acts xx. 21). The result of such labours, carried on by\nthe Apostle himself, and probably by his immediate[1025] converts, was\nspeedily perceptible. An important church was founded at Ephesus itself,\nover which \u201cpresbyters\u201d were appointed to preside (Acts xx. 28), and\nthe Word was made known throughout the Roman province of Asia, and\nprobably contributed to the foundation of the seven famous churches of\nthat region (Acts xix. 10).\n\nEphesus, it must be borne in mind, was no common city[1026]. The\ncapital of the province, the principal emporium of trade on the nearer\nside of Mount Taurus, it claimed with Smyrna the honour of being\none of the \u201ceyes\u201d of Asia. Though Greek in its origin it was half\nOriental in the prevalent worship and the character of its inhabitants,\nand contained the famous temple of Diana, or Artemis, deemed by the\nancients one of the wonders of the world[1027]. The original temple,\nbuilt at the expense of all the Greek cities in Asia, the erection\nof which was begun before the Persian, and lasted even through the\nPeloponnesian war, was set on fire by Herostratus on the night that\nAlexander the Great was born. But in its place there soon arose a still\nmore sumptuous structure, on which all that art and skill could achieve\nwas freely lavished. The Temple-area was 425 ft. long by 220 in breadth,\nand was surrounded by 127 marble columns, 60 ft. high, each the gift\nof kings, and 36 of them beautifully ornamented. The roof was supported\nby columns of green jasper, eight of which may be seen in the mosque of\nSt Sophia at Constantinople, whither they were removed by the emperor\nJustinian after the temple had been destroyed by the Goths. The altar,\nrichly adorned, was the work of Praxiteles, and here and there were\nstatues from the chisels of the most eminent sculptors. The walls were\nadorned with the finest paintings in the world, the master-pieces of\nApelles and Parrhasius, while the sacred precincts, to the extent of\na furlong from the building, offered an inviolable sanctuary to all who\nsought an asylum there.\n\nThe presiding deity of this magnificent pile was an ancient, black,\nwooden idol, said to have fallen down from heaven, representing Artemis,\nnot the huntress-goddess of the Greeks, but an Asiatic divinity[1028],\nthe impersonation of nature, the prolific \u201cmother of life,\u201d as shown by\nthe many breasts represented on her image.\n\nRound this worship of Artemis there clustered a host of minor\nsuperstitions, and Ephesus was at this time the head-quarters of the\nmagical arts. Here were to be bought charms and incantations of all\nkinds; amulets to preserve men from bodily danger; formulas to ward off\nthe influence of demons; mysterious symbols called \u201cEphesian letters,\u201d\ncopied from the inscriptions on various parts of the idol, deemed a\nsafeguard against all kinds of evil. These arts were not studied merely\nby strolling vagabonds, for the purpose of imposing on idle women and\nignorant men; they were believed by the educated, and studied by men of\nletters, who wrote many books on the subject, opening up the secrets of\nthe art, which were highly valued and fetched great prices.\n\nHere, then, was a new field for the efforts of the Apostle, and in this\nstronghold of heathenism it pleased God to work special miracles by his\nhands (Acts xix. 11), so that napkins[1029] and aprons[1029] brought\nfrom his body were enabled to communicate a healing power, to expel\ndisease and deliver the possessed. Such miracles produced a deep\nimpression on those who witnessed them, and before long, as in the case\nof Moses in Egypt, certain Jewish exorcists, who wandered about the\nAsiatic cities, strove to effect the same marvellous results by their\nenchantments. Fancying that the Name of Jesus was used by the Apostle\nas a kind of spell, and was in fact his secret, they also began to\npronounce the same over the possessed saying, _We adjure you in the\nname of Jesus, whom Paul preacheth_ (Acts xix. 13).\n\nOne particular family, consisting of seven brothers, sons of one Sceva,\na Jewish High-priest[1030], were especially addicted to this practice,\nand on one occasion while thus engaged the evil spirit answered, _Jesus\nI recognise[1031], and Paul I know, but who are ye?_ and thereupon the\npossessed flung himself upon them, and with the terrible strength of a\nmadman and a demon drove them forth naked and wounded from the house.\nThis incident was quickly noised abroad throughout all Ephesus, became\nknown both to Jews and Gentiles, and proved that the power of the name\nof Jesus was one \u201cfatal to counterfeit and impossible to resist.\u201d Fear\nfell upon all. The magicians of Ephesus confessed that this was the\nfinger of God, and many of the converts, who even as Christians had\ncontinued the practice of \u201ccurious, or magical arts, and had not parted\nwith their books of charms,\u201d confessed their errors, and publickly\nburned the magic scrolls in the presence of the Church. An estimate of\nthe value of these books was made, and was found to amount to upwards\nof 50,000 pieces of silver[1032], _so mightily grew the word of the\nLord and prevailed_ (Acts xix. 20).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _LETTER TO THE CORINTHIANS\u2015\u2015DISTURBANCE AT EPHESUS._\n A.D. 57.\n\n\nDURING the Apostle\u2019s stay at Ephesus disastrous intelligence arrived\nfrom Corinth. The Church established there combined two distinct\nelements, Jews or proselytes and Gentiles, of whom the latter were the\nmost numerous. The natural jealousy between these two bodies repressed\nduring the Apostle\u2019s presence, had burst out on his departure, and\ndivided the Church into various parties. Some affected fidelity solely\nand exclusively to St Paul himself (1 Cor. iii. 4); others, probably\nthe Jewish section, to Peter and _the brethren of the Lord_ (1 Cor.\ni. 12, ix. 5); a third, fascinated by the eloquence and learning of\nthe Alexandrian Apollos (1 Cor. i. 12), had attached themselves to him,\nand probably \u201chung halfway between the extreme Jewish and the extreme\nGentile party;\u201d while a fourth abjured all devotion to any human\nteachers, and styled themselves the \u201cChrist\u201d party (1 Cor. i. 12).\n\nIn addition to these evils the Gentile faction pushed their views of\nChristian freedom beyond all due bounds. The profligacy that disgraced\nthe inhabitants of Corinth and made their name a byword was openly\navowed and gloried in (1 Cor. v. 1). To such a pitch, moreover, did\nthey carry their disputes that lawsuits were brought into Roman and\nGreek courts of Justice (1 Cor. vi. 1\u20138), and instead of shrinking\nfrom the contaminating influence of sensuality at the sacrificial\nfeasts, they freely frequented them even in the colonnades of the\ntemples (1 Cor. viii. 10): the women threw off the head-dress which the\ncustoms of Greece and of the East required (1 Cor. xi. 2\u201316); the most\nsolemn ordinance of the Church was profaned by disorderly and reckless\nfestivity (1 Cor. xi. 17\u201334); the most showy \u201cgifts\u201d were desired to\nthe disparagement of those which tended only to instruct and improve\n(1 Cor. xii. 1, xiv. 1\u20134); mixed marriages were freely contracted\n(1 Cor. vii. 10\u201317); and the doctrine of the Resurrection was either\ndenied or emptied of all meaning (1 Cor. xv. 12).\n\nRumours of these disorders had reached the Apostle from time to time,\nand he had already sent Timothy[1033] and Erastus (Acts xix. 22) from\nEphesus to Macedonia, desiring the former if possible to continue his\njourney to Corinth, and recall to the Church there the image of his own\nteaching and life. But after their departure members of the household\nof Chloe arrived informing him that the factions had reached a still\nmore formidable height (1 Cor. i. 11), and that an incestuous marriage,\nscandalous even to the heathen, of a man with his father\u2019s wife,\nhad been allowed to be contracted without rebuke (1 Cor. v. 1). This\ndetermined the Apostle to write the first of his extant letters[1034]\nto the Corinthians and other Christian communities in the province of\nAchaia (comp. 1 Cor. i. 2), in which he treated of all these points,\ndirected that the incestuous offender should be expelled from the\nChristian community, and replied to various questions, which three\nmembers of the Corinthian Church, Fortunatus, Stephanas, and Achaicus\n(1 Cor. xvi. 17), themselves the bearers of the Epistle, had brought\nfor his solution relating to the controversies respecting sacrificial\nfeasts, meat offered to idols, the right of divorce, and the exercise\nof spiritual gifts in the public ministrations of the Church.\n\nAt the time he dispatched this letter, it was the Apostle\u2019s intention\nto proceed through Macedonia to Corinth, and after spending the winter\nthere (1 Cor. xvi. 5, 6; Acts xix. 21) to proceed to Jerusalem, whence\nhe contemplated a journey to Rome itself (Acts xix. 21). Till Pentecost,\nhowever, he resolved to stay at Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 8), for there\n_a great door_ was opened to him, and there were many _adversaries_\nagainst whom he had yet to contend. But these designs were destined to\nbe rudely interrupted.\n\nIt was now about the month Artemisius, or the month of Artemis[1035],\nwhen the annual festival of the goddess was observed throughout Greece\nand Asia, and a vast concourse of people from all quarters would\nbe brought together. The preaching of the Apostle had by this time\nproduced a great effect both in Ephesus and throughout proconsular Asia,\nand a great multitude had avowed themselves believers (Acts xix. 26).\nConsequently the sellers of portable shrines[1036] of Diana found\ntheir trade sensibly diminished, and _no small tumult arose about\nthe Way_. Prominent among the malcontents was a certain Demetrius,\na master-manufacturer of these silver shrines, who found employment\nfor a large body of workmen. These he now called together, and others\nsimilarly employed, and set forth the damage which their trade had\nsustained, and the danger lest the temple of the great goddess Diana,\nwhich not only Asia but all the civilized world held sacred, should\nfall into disrepute. His words found eager listeners, and an excited\ncry arose, _Great is Diana of the Ephesians_ (Acts xix. 28). The\ncommotion thus aroused quickly spread, and the thousands of citizens\nand strangers, whom the games had attracted to Ephesus, made a general\nrush towards the theatre. Failing on the way in their attempt to seize\nSt Paul[1037], they dragged thither two of his companions, Gaius and\nAristarchus of Macedonia. News of the danger of his friends would have\nurged the Apostle to venture thither himself, but the disciples, aided\nby the Asiarchs[1038], who exercised high authority during the games,\ninduced him to remain in privacy, and not venture to incur inevitable\nrisk. Meanwhile the crowded seats of the theatre presented a scene of\nthe utmost confusion, some crying one thing and some another, and the\nmajority not knowing _why they were come together_ (Acts xix. 29\u201332).\nAt length the Jews, not unwilling to injure the Apostle\u2019s cause,\nand anxious to clear themselves, put forward one Alexander, who may\npossibly have been _the coppersmith_ mentioned in 2 Tim. iv. 14, and\nbeing connected in trade with Demetrius might have been expected to\nhave some influence with the people. So he stood forth and beckoned\nwith his hand for silence. But he was soon recognised as a Jew, and\none unanimous cry which lasted upwards of two hours arose from the\ntumultuous throng, _Great is Diana of the Ephesians_ (Acts xix. 34).\n\nWhen this had partially subsided, another effort was made to calm the\nstorm. The Town-clerk[1039] or Recorder, who was the lawful president\nof the assembly, stood forward and reminded his hearers that the city\nof Ephesus was beyond all question the devoted \u201cwarden[1040]\u201d of the\ngreat goddess Diana and the image that came down from the sky. The\nstatements of a few unknown foreigners could not contradict a fact so\npatent to all the world. Let them, therefore, avoid doing anything rash\nor inconsiderate, especially as St Paul and his companions had neither\nprofaned their temple nor uttered calumnious words against the goddess.\nIf Demetrius and his friends had any just cause of complaint, it could\nbe decided in the assize-courts[1041], then open, or by an appeal to\nthe proconsul, or, if necessary, in the regular assembly. Above every\nthing, let the present tumultuous proceedings be discontinued, which\ncould only bring down upon them the displeasure of the Romans, who\ncould not be expected to tolerate such causeless and disorderly doings,\nhowever willing to indulge an ancient and loyal city (Acts xix. 35\u201340).\n\nWith these arguments the cautious man of authority tranquillized\nthe assembly, and the crowd dispersed to their own homes. Thus by\nthe intrepidity of his friends[1042] Aquila and Priscilla, and the\ninterposition of a Greek magistrate, the Apostle\u2019s life was saved;\nand having assembled the disciples and given them his last farewell,\nset out towards Macedonia (Acts xx. 1), and accompanied, it is not\nimprobable, by Tychicus and Trophimus, reached Alexandria Troas[1043].\n(Acts xx. 4, 5.)\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _TROAS\u2015\u2015SECOND JOURNEY TO GREECE._\n A.D. 57, 58.\n\n\nON the occasion of his former visit to Troas[1044] the Apostle had\nbeen able to stay but a very short time. Now, however, though disturbed\nin mind by the late outbreak, he occupied himself for some time in\npreaching the Word (2 Cor. ii. 12). But a cause of still deeper anxiety\nharassed him. He had sent Titus to Corinth, either with or soon after\nthe first Epistle, to superintend the great collection now being made\nfor the poorer Christians at Jerusalem, to enforce the instructions\ncontained in his Epistle, and to report the state of the Corinthian\nchurch; and he had directed him to return through Macedonia and rejoin\nhim probably at Troas[1045], where he hoped to have arrived shortly\nafter Pentecost. But the late tumult had driven him sooner than he had\nintended from Ephesus, and he waited for Titus at Troas with a heart\nfull of anxiety respecting the Church at Corinth. Day after day passed,\nand still Titus came not. At length the suspense became unbearable,\n_his spirit had no rest_ (2 Cor. ii. 13) in the prolonged absence of\nhis brother, and though at Troas a door _was opened to him of the Lord_,\nand he was enabled to lay the foundation of a flourishing church, he\nresolved to sail to Macedonia, hoping the sooner to meet Titus on his\nreturn.\n\nBidding farewell, therefore, to the disciples, he embarked, and\nprobably, as before[1046], landing at Neapolis, pressed on to Philippi.\nThere he paused, and for a while was cheered by the zeal and warm\naffection of his Philippian converts (2 Cor. viii. 1, 2). But still\nhe could think of nothing but Corinth. \u201cCorinth, and Corinth only, was\nthe word which would then have been found written on his heart[1047].\u201d\nTimothy, indeed, appears to have met him at Philippi (comp. 2 Cor.\ni. 1), but till Titus arrived his flesh could find no rest; he was\n_troubled on every side, without were fightings, within were fears_\n(2 Cor. vii. 5).\n\nAt last the long-expected messenger reached Philippi, and bore with him\ntidings sufficiently cheering to relieve the Apostle of the chief load\nof his anxieties. His first Epistle had not only been received, but\nbore good fruit. The majority of the Corinthian church had submitted\nto his injunctions, and were deeply repentant for the sins they\nhad committed (2 Cor. vii. 7\u201311); the incestuous person had been\nexcommunicated (2 Cor. ii. 6), and afterwards forgiven (2 Cor. ii. 10);\nand the collection for the poor Christians at Jerusalem had made good\nprogress (2 Cor. viii. 10). All, however, was not as it ought to be.\nThe parties which claimed the authority of Christ, aided by an emissary\nfrom Palestine (2 Cor. xi. 4), who had brought letters of commendation\nfrom Jerusalem, had grown so powerful as to openly assail both the\nApostle\u2019s authority and his character, charging him with selfish\nmotives, with fickleness, timidity, and self-distrust, and disparaging\nhis inartificial speech, and the insignificance of his _bodily\npresence_ (2 Cor. x. 10).\n\nThe news that the Corinthians had generally submitted to his\ninjunctions, removed a load from the Apostle\u2019s mind, and filled\nhim with overwhelming thankfulness, but the insinuations of his\nadversaries roused in him the utmost indignation. Titus was, therefore,\nimmediately directed to return to Corinth with instructions to continue\nthe collection, and bearing a second Epistle, in which the Apostle\nexpressed his heartfelt satisfaction at the tidings brought by Titus\n(2 Cor. i.\u2012vii.), urged the speedy completion of the contributions\n(2 Cor. viii. ix.), and vindicated his Apostolical character against\nthe assertions of his Judaizing opponents (2 Cor. x.\u2012xiii.).\n\nWith this Epistle, then, Titus accompanied by Luke (2 Cor. viii. 18)\nand Trophimus, set out for Corinth, while St Paul, as yet unwilling to\nrevisit that city, continued to prosecute his labours in the northern\nregions of Greece, and to accomplish those plans which he had been\nunable to complete during his previous visit to Macedonia. But not\nsatisfied with preaching the word in the towns of that province\nbordering on the \u00c6gean, he appears now to have penetrated into the\ninterior, and even beyond them, to the shores of the Adriatic, _fully\npreaching the Gospel round about unto Illyricum_[1048] (Rom. xv. 19).\n\nThis tour probably occupied the summer and autumn of A.D. 57, and then\n_having no more place in those parts_ (Rom. xv. 23), he removed with\nthe approach of winter to Achaia, and took up his abode at Corinth\n(Acts xx. 2). But while here in the house of Gaius he could enjoy the\nsociety of Erastus and Stephanas, of Fortunatus, Achaicus, and others\nof the brethren, his heart was saddened[1049] by painful intelligence\nconcerning the state of the Galatian Churches. The circumstances under\nwhich these churches[1050] were founded have been already noticed, as\nalso the peculiar affection with which the Apostle had been received\nthere. Now however he learned that his restless enemies the Judaizers,\nwho had been thwarting him at Corinth, were busy also in Galatia,\ninsisting on the necessity of circumcision (Gal. v. 2, 11, vi. 12, 13),\ninculcating nothing less than submission to the whole ceremonial law\n(Gal. iii. 2, iv. 21, v. 4, 18), impugning his own credit, representing\nhim as no true Apostle, as having derived his knowledge of the Gospel\nat second hand, and as nothing in comparison with James, Peter, and\nJohn, the Pillars of the Church at Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 2, 9, &c.).\nTheir teaching he heard with the deepest sadness, had completely\n_fascinated_[1051] (Gal. iii. 1) the easily impressible Galatians,\nand already many had embraced their doctrines with the same alacrity\nthat they had welcomed himself when he proclaimed Christ crucified\namongst them. On receiving this intelligence, the Apostle deemed it\nright to take instant measures for checking the evil before it became\nincurable, and accordingly addressed them in an Epistle[1052], in\nwhich he strenuously defended his own independent Apostolic authority\n(Gal. i. 11, ii. 21), showed that the doctrine of these Judaizers was\ncalculated to destroy the very essence of Christianity, \u201cto reduce it\nfrom an inward and spiritual life to an outward and ceremonial system\u201d\n(Gal. iii. iv.), and exhorted them once more to walk in a manner worthy\nof that state of freedom and not of bondage, into which they had been\ncalled (Gal. v. vi.).\n\nThe Apostle\u2019s present stay at Corinth continued upwards of three months\n(Acts xx. 3), and he probably employed himself not only in convincing\nand silencing the gainsayers who opposed him, as he had declared\nhe would (2 Cor. xiii. 1\u20136), and in visiting other churches in the\nprovince of Achaia, but also in superintending the great collection for\nthe poorer Christians at Jerusalem, about which he felt so solicitous.\nThis collection was now completed, and certain treasurers were\nnominated by the whole Church, with whom the Apostle was to carry it\non his contemplated journey to Jerusalem (1 Cor. xvi. 3).\n\nMeanwhile a Christian matron, named Ph\u0153be[1053], of the port of\nCenchre\u00e6, was about to sail in an opposite direction to Rome upon some\nprivate business. St Paul therefore availed himself of the opportunity\nthus afforded of addressing an Epistle to the Church in that city,\nwhich he already intended to visit speedily, and with the members\nof which, though they had not _seen his face in the flesh_, he yet\nappears, from the numerous salutations at the close of the Epistle, to\nhave been well acquainted. When this Church was founded is uncertain.\nChristianity may have been planted in Rome by some of the strangers\nfrom that city present on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 10), or by\nbelieving Jews attracted thither in the early days of Christianity,\nand who had been converted by St Paul\u2019s own preaching. Whichever is the\ncorrect opinion, the Church there appears to have been numerous, and\nthough in the first instance its members were probably Jews, who had\nbeen converted in the eastern parts of the Empire, they had received\nlarge accessions from the Gentiles (Rom. i. 13). Between these two\nparties disputes had arisen respecting the obligation of the Mosaic\nlaw, and while the one could not bring themselves to acknowledge their\nGentile brethren as their equals in Christian privileges (Rom. iii.\n9\u201329, xv. 7\u201311), the other could not make sufficient allowance for\nJewish prejudices respecting the observation of days and the eating\nof meats (Rom. xiv.). Long desirous of visiting the Church at Rome,\nand probably informed of its condition by Aquila and Priscilla,\nnow resident there[1054] (Rom. xvi. 3), he deemed it his duty, as\nthe Apostle of the Gentiles, to compose the differences between the\ntwo sections of the Roman Church, to lay down, in opposition to the\nJudaizers[1055], the great doctrine of justification by faith only\n(Rom. i.\u2012viii.), to explain the mystery of the rejection of the Jews\nand the admission of the Gentiles into the Christian covenant (Rom.\nix.\u2012xi.), and to inculcate on all the duty of mutual forbearance\nrespecting the matters in dispute, and the need of a holy and a\nChristian life (Rom. xii.\u2012xv. 13).\n\nAnxious to visit Jerusalem before his projected journey to Rome, the\nApostle at the close of his three months\u2019 stay in Corinth intended to\ngo by sea to Syria and probably from the port of Cenchre\u00e6 (Acts xx. 3).\nThough, however, his intended visit to the Holy City had for its object\nthe supplying of the wants of the poorer Christians there by the great\ncollection, which had been so long in progress, he could not look\nforward to it without grave misgiving, knowing as he did the inveterate\nhostility of the Judaizers towards himself (Rom. xv. 30\u201332). But even\nbefore he could set sail the enmity of the Jews at Corinth ripened into\na plot against his life (Acts xx. 3). He resolved, therefore, to make a\nchange in the proposed route, and instead of going to proconsular Asia\nby sea, he went by land through Macedonia, Ber\u0153a, Thessalonica, and\nPhilippi, towards the spot where he had first landed on the shores of\nEurope. His companions on this occasion were Sopater, a native of Ber\u0153a,\nAristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica, Gaius of Derbe, and Timotheus,\nand two Christians from proconsular Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus (Acts\nxx. 4). The whole of this company did not at once cross over to Asia\nwith St Paul, but while he and Luke remained at Philippi, preceded the\nrest to Troas. It was now the season of the Passover, and the Apostle\nand his companion remained at Philippi till the feast was ended, and\nthen sailed from Neapolis, and after a voyage, which, probably from\nunfavourable weather, occupied upwards of five days[1056] (Acts xx. 6),\nreached Troas, and there joined the other disciples and abode seven\ndays. We have no details respecting the Apostle\u2019s labours during the\nearly part of this week, but on the evening of the Sabbath preceding\nthe day appointed for the ship to sail, the Christians were assembled\nin an upper-room, lighted up by many lamps, celebrating that Breaking\nof the Bread which now formed so essential a part of their religious\nservices (Acts xx. 7). Impressed with the feeling that the morrow was\nappointed for his departure, and that the present opportunity might not\nagain recur, St Paul was prolonging his discourse till midnight, when\novercome by weariness and the heat of the room, a young listener, named\nEutychus, sank into a slumber, and suddenly falling from the balcony\nwhere he sat was dashed upon the floor below and taken up dead. Much\nconfusion thereupon ensued and no little lamentation (Acts xx. 10),\nbut St Paul went down and embracing the body said to the bystanders,\n_Trouble not yourselves, for his life is in him_. Thereupon he was\ntaken up alive, and amidst joy and thankfulness the Eucharistic feast,\ncombined then, as was usual, with a common meal, was resumed, and the\nApostle continued his discourse till the dawn of day.\n\nThe ship was now ready to sail, and the Apostle\u2019s companions went\non board. It was arranged, however, that he himself should join the\nvessel at Assos, a little more than 20 miles distant, and thus secure\na few more hours with the disciples at Troas. To Assos, therefore, he\nproceeded by land, and there embarking, sailed with the rest of his\ncompanions to Mitylene, the chief city of Lesbos, and separated from\nAssos by a narrow channel. Another day\u2019s sail brought them to Chios,\nwhence having put in at Samos they lay to for the night at Trogyllium,\na cape and town on the Ionian coast. The following morning they got as\nfar as Miletus, the ancient capital of Ionia, about 50 miles south of\nEphesus. Here they landed, and St Paul, who was hastening forward to\nreach Jerusalem, if possible, by Pentecost, sent a messenger to Ephesus\nto request the elders of the Church to meet him there. They quickly\nobeyed his summons, and the Apostle took leave of them in an affecting\nand impressive address, in which he reminded them of his past labours\namongst them (Acts xx. 18\u201321), expressed his conviction that bonds and\nimprisonment awaited him at Jerusalem (Acts xx. 22\u201324), and in the most\nsolemn manner warned them to tend the flock over which the Holy Spirit\nhad made them overseers, and to defend the Church of God, which He had\npurchased with His own blood, against _grievous wolves_, which he too\nsurely foreboded would enter in among them (Acts xx. 25\u201331).\n\nHaving given them these warnings, and finally commended them _to God\nand the word of His grace_, he knelt down on the shore and prayed with\nthem, and then with an outburst of natural grief they fell upon his\nneck and kissed him again and again[1057], _sorrowing most of all for\nthe words which he spake, that they should see his face no more_ (Acts\nxx. 38).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _THE RETURN TO JERUSALEM\u2015\u2015THE TUMULT IN THE TEMPLE._\n A.D. 58.\n\n\nDEEP as was the grief of the brethren at the departure of the\nApostle, no long time could be devoted to its indulgence. The wind\nblew fair[1058], and the vessel was ready to depart. With sorrowing\nhearts, therefore, they accompanied him to the water\u2019s edge, and there\ntore[1059] themselves away from him and his companions. The voyage\nwas now resumed, and running before the wind the vessel soon reached\nCos[1060], off the coast of Caria, and on the following day the island\nof Rhodes. Thence they proceeded to Patara[1061] in Lycia, where the\nvessel in which St Paul had been hitherto sailing apparently finished\nits voyage, or was bound for some place further east along the coast of\nAsia Minor.\n\nIn the harbour, however, there lay a vessel just about to sail across \nthe open sea to Ph\u0153nicia (Acts xxi. 2), and without a moment\u2019s delay \nthey went on board, and made sail. After sighting[1062] Cyprus and \nleaving it on the left hand they made straight for the port of Tyre, \nand reached it probably in two days. Here their vessel was bound to \nunlade her cargo, and the anxiety of the Apostle as to reaching \nJerusalem in time for the Pentecostal festival being removed, he \nresolved to remain at Tyre a few days (Acts xxi. 4).\n\nA church had been probably founded at Tyre soon after the death\nof Stephen[1063], and may have been already visited by St Paul\nduring one of his missionary journeys in the region of Syria and\nCilicia[1064]. However this may have been, the Apostle now enjoyed\na week of refreshing intercourse with the Tyrian disciples, and so\nwon their affections that on the day fixed for his departure, they all,\nwith their wives and children, accompanied him outside the city-gate\nto the sea-shore. There the scene at Miletus was repeated, and after\nprayer and mutual embraces the travellers proceeded on board, while\nthe brethren of Tyre returned to their homes, their hearts filled with\nmany forebodings, for prophets amongst them had intimated that danger\nawaited their beloved teacher at Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 4).\n\nBefore evening the Apostle and his companions had reached\nPtolemais[1065]. Here the sea-voyage terminated, and the little company\nspent a day with the disciples in the place, and then set out on foot\nfor C\u00e6sarea. At C\u00e6esarea Philip[1066] the Evangelist had taken up his\nresidence, and in his house St Paul found a welcome shelter. The family\nof the Evangelist consisted of four virgin daughters, who all possessed\nthe gift of prophecy. Whether they gave the Apostle any intimations\nof coming danger is not recorded, but he was not destined to remain\nat C\u00e6sarea long without receiving even more explicit warnings than he\nhad listened to at Tyre. At the time when news reached Jerusalem of\nthe Apostle\u2019s arrival at C\u00e6sarea, the prophet Agabus[1067], who had\npredicted the famine during the reign of Claudius, was in the city.\nThereupon he straightway hastened to the coast and entering Philip\u2019s\nhouse, took St Paul\u2019s girdle, and binding[1068] with it his own hands\nand feet, declared in the name of the Holy Spirit that so the Jews at\nJerusalem should bind the owner of that girdle, and deliver him into\nthe hands of the Gentiles (Acts xxi. 11).\n\nThis explicit intimation of coming trials made a deep impression on all\npresent, and Luke, Trophimus, and Aristarchus, the Apostle\u2019s companions,\nwith the Christians of C\u00e6sarea, burst into tears (Acts xxi. 13) and\nimplored him not to go up to Jerusalem. Though deeply affected by\ntheir grief on his behalf, the Apostle was not to be moved from his\ndeliberate purpose. He was ready, he declared, not only _to be bound,\nbut to die at Jerusalem for the Name of the Lord Jesus_, and finding\nhis resolution not to be shaken, they desisted from all further\nintreaties, saying, _The will of the Lord be done_ (Acts xxi. 14).\n\nThe Festival was now close at hand. The Holy City was already\ncrowded[1069] with multitudes of pilgrims, and it was an important\nmatter to obtain a lodging. This an early convert, Mnason of\nCyprus[1070], whose residence was at Jerusalem, undertook to supply;\nand with him the Apostle, his companions, and certain of the brethren\nat C\u00e6sarea, having made arrangements respecting their baggage[1071],\nproceeded to Jerusalem.\n\nOn their arrival they were gladly welcomed by the brethren, and St\nPaul could not but have rejoiced in their sympathy. The day following\nthey repaired to the abode of James, _the Lord\u2019s brother_[1072], and\npresident of the church at Jerusalem, and there found all the Elders\nassembled to receive them (Acts xxi. 18). Mutual salutation followed,\nand then the Apostle recounted in a lengthened narrative all _that\nGod had wrought by his ministration among the Gentiles_, and doubtless\npointed with pride and joy to the contributions which the delegates\nfrom the various churches he had planted had brought for the relief\nof the poorer Christians at Jerusalem. The narrative made a deep\nimpression, and in united thanksgiving his hearers glorified God\n(Acts xxi. 20).\n\nIn recounting, however, the progress of the churches in Galatia and\nAchaia it would be scarcely possible for St Paul to fail touching\non subjects which would excite painful feelings, and rouse bitter\nprejudice in many of his hearers[1073], and the peculiar dangers he was\nliable to encounter in the Holy City soon became apparent. The assembly,\nwhich had just glorified God for his success in heathen lands, began\nto call his attention to the strength of the Judaizing faction in the\ncity[1074]. They told him it was generally reported and believed in\nJerusalem, among the thousands of converted Jews who still remained\nzealous for the Law, that he forbade their brethren in foreign lands\nto circumcise their children or observe the Mosaic customs (Acts xxi.\n20, 21). This being so, it was advisable to do something that might\ncorrect these erroneous ideas. It was impossible that the arrival of\none so well known could be concealed, and his public appearance might\nlead to scenes of violence. They suggested, therefore, that he should\nadopt the following course.\n\nThere were four disciples, who had taken a Nazarite vow, of which seven\ndays remained unexpired, who would at the close of this period present\nthe usual offerings[1075] in the Temple. Let the Apostle, then, join\nhimself to them, and defray the necessary expenses of the whole party.\nThis would prove in the most public manner his observance of Mosaic\nceremonies, and contradict the calumnies of his enemies (Acts xxi.\n21\u201325). This advice, in which James the Just apparently acquiesced, the\nApostle wishing, if possible, to conciliate the church of Palestine,\nwas not unwilling to adopt. Accordingly on the following day, after\nfirst performing the necessary purifications, he proceeded with the\nChristian Nazarites to the Temple, and announced to the priests in\nthe name of his friends, their intention of fulfilling their time, and\nawaiting the moment of the proper offering.\n\nBut the Apostle\u2019s object was frustrated by circumstances that took\nplace on the very eve of the completion of the period of their\nvow. Amongst the thousands present in Jerusalem were many Jews from\nproconsular Asia, who recognised the able disputant, whom they had\nso often been unable to confute in their synagogues, walking in the\nstreets with Trophimus the Ephesian (Acts xxi. 29). On one occasion\nthey saw him in the Temple-courts, and rushing to the conclusion that\nhe had taken his companion also thither, instantly sprang upon him,\nshouting, _Men of Israel, help. This is the man that teacheth all men\neverywhere against the People, the Law, and this place, yea, who hath\nalso brought Gentiles into the Temple, and profaned this Holy Place_\n(Acts xxi. 28).\n\nRoused to fury a mob quickly rushed towards the spot, and St Paul\nwould probably have been instantly put to death, had it not been for\nthe unwillingness of his foes to pollute the Temple with blood. They\ntherefore dragged him down the steps from the Court of the Women[1076]\ninto the Outer Court, and had no sooner passed, than the Levitical\nguard closed behind them the Corinthian gates[1077] (Acts xxi. 30).\nOnce in the Outer Court they began beating the Apostle violently,\nbeing clearly bent on putting him to death, and would have succeeded,\nhad it not been for a providential intervention. The commotion in\nthe Temple-courts had not failed to attract the notice of the Roman\nsentries in the tower[1078] of Antonia, and they instantly informed\nClaudius Lysias, the commandant of the garrison, that _all Jerusalem\nwas in an uproar_ (Acts xxi. 31).\n\nThereupon, without a moment\u2019s delay, Lysias rushed down attended by\nsome centurions and a strong body of troops. The sight of the dreaded\narms of the Imperial forces brought the multitude to their senses,\nand they left off _beating Paul_. The commandant then approached, and\napprehending the Apostle, ordered him to be chained by each hand to a\nsoldier[1079], suspecting that he was an Egyptian pretender[1080], who\nhad lately caused a revolt, and had hitherto baffled the pursuit of\nthe soldiers of Felix the governor (Acts xxi. 38). He then endeavoured\nto ascertain from the bystanders who his prisoner was and what he\nhad done, but _some cried one thing, and some another_; and finding\nit impossible to gain any information amidst the tumult, he ordered\nhim to be conveyed into the barracks within the fortress. Accordingly\nthe soldiers proceeded to remove the Apostle, but so furious was the\ncrowd pressing behind them with yells and execrations, that they had\nto bear him up in their arms up the staircase. Just as they reached\nthe barracks, St Paul, addressing the commandant in Greek, enquired\nrespectfully whether he might speak to him. Startled at being addressed\nin the Grecian tongue, Lysias in his turn enquired whether he was\nmistaken in supposing him to be the Egyptian rebel. St Paul replied\nthat he was no Egyptian, but a Jew, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia,\n_a citizen of no mean city_, and requested permission to address the\npeople. On which the commandant, influenced it may be by the aspect\nand manner of his prisoner, at once gave his consent (Acts xxi. 40).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER V.\n\n _THE IMPRISONMENT AT C\u00c6SAREA._\n A.D. 58.\n\n\nSTANDING then on the stairs, and beckoning to the crowd with his\nchained hands to invite their attention, the Apostle began to address\nthem in the Hebrew language. Charmed by the accents of their own\nbeloved tongue, the multitude listened with the deepest silence while\nhe tried to dispel their prejudices against himself. Beginning with\nthe well-known circumstances of his birth and education at Tarsus\nand Jerusalem, he declared that he was a Jew like themselves, that\nhe had been brought up according to the strictest requirements of the\nLaw, and had hated, persecuted, and endeavoured to extinguish the sect\nof the Christians (Acts xxii. 3\u20135). He then proceeded to recount the\nwonderful circumstances of his conversion on the way to Damascus[1081],\nof his blindness, cure, and baptism (Acts xxii. 6\u201316), and how on his\nreturn to Jerusalem, as he was praying in the Temple, he fell into a\ntrance[1082], saw that Saviour who had appeared to him on his memorable\njourney, and was commanded by Him to leave Jerusalem, and preach the\nGospel to the Gentiles (Acts xxii. 17\u201321).\n\nUp to this point the multitude listened to the Apostle with the deepest\nattention, but no sooner had he spoken of his mission to the Gentiles,\nthan they broke out into such furious cries of rage and indignation\nthat the previous clamour appeared as nothing in comparison. The\nthought of uncircumcised heathen being placed on an equality with the\nchildren of Abraham was unbearable. _Away_, they cried, _with such a\nfellow from the earth, it is not fit that he should live_, and while\nsome flung dust into the air, others cast off their clothes, as if they\nwould stone him on the spot (comp. Acts vii. 58). This fresh outbreak\nof frantic violence filled the commandant with still greater perplexity.\nUnable to understand the language in which the Apostle spake, he could\nonly infer from the results it produced that his prisoner had been\nguilty of some enormous offence. He therefore gave orders that he\nshould be conveyed into the castle, and, since other means had failed,\nthat the secret of his guilt should be ascertained by torture. As in\nthe case of the Saviour\u2019s crucifixion[1083], a centurion was deputed\nto superintend the scourging, and like a common malefactor the Apostle\nwas on the point of being stretched or fastened to the post to receive\nthe lashes, when he turned to the centurion and enquired whether it\nwas lawful to scourge one who was a Roman citizen and uncondemned (Acts\nxxii. 25)? Astonished at such a question, the centurion ordered the\nscourging to be suspended, and hurrying to the commandant, bade him\ntake heed what he was doing, for the prisoner was a Roman citizen. Upon\nthis Lysias himself hastened to the spot and enquired whether the news\nwas true, and on his replying in the affirmative, remarked that he had\npurchased this privilege for a large sum, on which St Paul informed\nhim that he was free-born (Acts xxii. 28). Thus assured of the true\nposition of his prisoner, the commandant ordered the instruments of\ntorture to be instantly removed, and was in no little alarm at the turn\naffairs had taken.\n\nFor the present, indeed, he was obliged to keep him in the Tower, but\non the morrow he determined to make a second effort to ascertain the\nnature of his prisoner\u2019s offence, and therefore summoned a meeting\nof the Sanhedrin, and bringing down the Apostle from the Tower to\nthe hall Gazith[1084] placed him before them. Casting a steadfast and\nscrutinizing glance (Acts xxiii. 1) on the faces of those assembled,\nmany of whom must have been familiar to him, St Paul began by proving\nthat he had lived a conscientious[1085] life before God up to that\nvery day. This assertion so offended the high-priest that he commanded\nthose standing near to strike him on the mouth, whereupon the Apostle,\nfilled with indignation at so brutal an insult, replied, _God shall\nsmite thee[1086], thou whited wall[1087]. For sittest thou to judge\nme according to the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary\nto the law?_ To this the bystanders rejoined, _Revilest thou God\u2019s\nhigh-priest?_ and St Paul, recovering himself, answered that he did not\nknow or consider that Ananias was high-priest, otherwise he would not\nso have spoken, for it was written in the Law, _Thou shalt not revile\nthe ruler of thy people_ (Ex. xxii. 28).\n\nBy this time, however, the Apostle had seen only too clearly that\nthere was little prospect of his obtaining an equitable decision from\nhis judges. Knowing, therefore, that there were both Pharisees and\nSadducees among them, and that however much they might be united in\npersecuting him, they were sundered from one another by a deep gulf on\none important article of faith, he exclaimed, as indeed he could say\nwith truth, that he was brought to trial, because he had testified\nof the hope of Israel, and of the resurrection of the dead (Acts\nxxiii. 6). He had scarcely pronounced these words, when there was an\ninstant division in the Council. The Pharisees present were united\nin his favour, and a hot debate ensued between them and the Sadducaic\nfaction, who denied any Resurrection and the existence alike of angels\nand spirits[1088]. While the latter party were furious against him, the\nformer declared they could find no fault in him, and if, as he had said\nin his speech on the stairs, an angel or a spirit had indeed spoken to\nhim[1089], they would not criminate him on this account.\n\nA scene of great confusion now ensued (Acts xxiii. 10), in the midst\nof which Claudius Lysias being afraid lest the Roman citizen should be\ntorn in pieces by them, ordered a detachment to go down instantly, and\nbring him into the barracks. Thus the Apostle was delivered from the\nmost imminent danger, and in the evening his anxieties were relieved by\nthe appearance of his Divine Master in a vision of the night, bidding\nhim be of good cheer, and declaring that, as he had _testified unto Him\nin Jerusalem, so he must testify also at Rome_ (Acts xxiii. 11).\n\nThe following morning however had hardly dawned, before a fresh danger\nrevealed itself. Disappointed on the previous day in their malicious\ndesigns, more than forty of the Jews bound themselves by a solemn vow\nthat they would neither eat nor drink till they had put the Apostle\nto death. Accordingly they went to the chief members of the Sanhedrin,\nand proposed that they should present themselves before the commandant\nand request him to allow St Paul to be brought down and placed a\nsecond time before them, in order that they might resume the enquiry\nso tumultuously interrupted, and they, on their part, undertook that he\nshould not reach the council-chamber alive, for they would murder him\non his way down from the fortress.\n\nBut their design in some way reached the ears of the Apostle\u2019s\nnephew[1090], who was now present in Jerusalem, and he no sooner heard\nof the danger which threatened his uncle, than he obtained admittance\ninto the barracks, and imparted to him the intelligence. Thereupon St\nPaul called one of the centurions, and requested him to take the young\nman to Claudius Lysias, for he had something to tell him. The officer\ncomplied, and conducting him to the commandant told him of St Paul\u2019s\nmessage. Claudius Lysias received the young man kindly, and leading him\ncautiously aside enquired what he wished to say. The other thereupon\nacquainted him with the plot that had been laid, and was dismissed\nwith strict injunctions not to divulge the fact that he had given this\ninformation.\n\nThus assured of the danger that threatened his prisoner, and knowing\nthat he was responsible for his safety as a Roman citizen, Lysias\nresolved to send him away that very night under a strong escort to\nC\u00e6sarea, and there leave him in the hands of the governor Felix.\nSummoning therefore two of the centurions, he gave orders that 200 of\nthe legionary soldiers, with 70 cavalry and 200 spearmen[1091], should\nbe in readiness to proceed thither by nine[1092] in the evening. In the\nmeantime he wrote to the governor a dispatch, giving a fair and clear\naccount of the case, save in the statement that he had rescued St Paul\nin the first instance because he had discovered he was a Roman citizen,\nand in the suppression of all allusion to his intention to scourge him\n(Acts xxiii. 26\u201330).\n\nAt the time appointed the escort was ready, and mounted on\nhorseback[1093] between the two Roman soldiers, to whom he was chained,\nthe Apostle was conducted from Jerusalem to Antipatris[1094]. Here the\nsoldiers halted after their long night-march, and while the cavalry\nproceeded to C\u00e6sarea, the legionary troops, no longer necessary to\nthe Apostle\u2019s safety[1095], returned to the fortress of Antonia.\nIt was probably during the afternoon of the day succeeding[1096]\ntheir departure that the cavalry reached C\u00e6sarea, and the officer in\ncharge immediately delivered up his prisoner to the governor, with the\ndispatch from Claudius Lysias. Felix[1097] read it, and enquired to\nwhat province the prisoner belonged[1098], and having ascertained that\nhe was a native of Cilicia, replied that he would hear and decide his\ncase as soon as his accusers had arrived, and ordered that for the\npresent he should be kept in _Herod\u2019s pr\u00e6torium_[1099] (Acts xxiii. 35).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER VI.\n\n _PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS._\n A.D. 58\u201360.\n\n\nFIVE days after the Apostle\u2019s arrival at C\u00e6sarea his accusers made\ntheir appearance, headed by the high-priest Ananias, certain of the\nelders, and an orator named Tertullus[1100], whose services had been\nengaged for this occasion. Accordingly, Felix took his seat on the\ntribunal[1101], and Paul having been sent for, Tertullus formally\nopened the case. After paying an adroit compliment to the procurator\non the comparative quiet which the land enjoyed owing to his vigilance\nand energy[1102], he brought three charges against the prisoner:\nFirst, that he was a pestilent mover of sedition among all the Jews\nthroughout the world, which amounted to a charge of treason[1103]\nagainst the emperor; secondly, that he was a ringleader of the sect\nof the Nazarenes; and thirdly, that he had made an attempt to profane\nthe Temple at Jerusalem. On these charges he declared the Jews had been\nabout to judge him before their own tribunal, when Lysias forcibly took\nhim away, and referred his accusers to the judgment-seat of Felix.\n\nTo these allegations the Jews present expressed their consent, hoping\ndoubtless that the procurator would hand over the prisoner to their\ncourts, where his fate would be soon decided. But Felix made a sign to\nthe Apostle to proceed with his defence, and he, after expressing his\nsatisfaction in pleading before one who had been so long familiar with\nthe nation, commenced replying to the charges that had been brought\nagainst him. A disturber of the nation, he said, he was not, for on his\nrecent visit to the Holy City but twelve days before, he had neither\ncaused a disturbance, or even disputed in the temple, the synagogue, or\nthe streets. As to his being a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes,\nhe had never swerved from his belief in the Law and the Prophets; like\nhis accusers, he believed the doctrine of a resurrection, and strove to\nkeep a conscience void of offence towards God and man. As to profaning\nthe Temple, he had lately visited it as the bearer of offerings for\nhis nation, and to observe some of the strictest ceremonies of the Law,\nnot to gather together a multitude or cause a tumult. Certain Jews of\nAsia, indeed, had brought an accusation against him, but they ought now\nto have been present as witnesses, ready to bring forward a specific\ncharge, if they had any (Acts xxiv. 10\u201321).\n\nFelix, who had listened attentively to the Apostle\u2019s address, was well\nacquainted with the character of the Christian religion, which had\nnot only penetrated into C\u00e6sarea, but also numbered disciples even\namong the troops[1104]. He was, therefore, in a position fully to\nappreciate the weakness of the allegations against the prisoner, and\nthe misrepresentations of his accusers, and must have felt that the\nonly proper course was to pronounce his acquittal and set him free.\nBut this he could not make up his mind to do, and chose to reserve his\nfinal[1105] decision till Lysias should arrive, and in the meantime\ncommitted the Apostle to the charge of the centurion[1106] who had\nbrought him to C\u00e6sarea, with instructions to keep him safely, but at\nthe same time to allow his friends[1107] to have free access to his\napartments.\n\nA few days afterwards Felix entered the audience chamber with his wife\nDrusilla[1108], daughter of the late king Herod Agrippa. Her beauty\nis spoken of as something marvellous, and she had been induced by the\nprocurator to leave her first husband, Azizus king of Emessa, to become\nhis paramour. The two now sent for St Paul, and desired to have the\nChristian doctrines explained to them. Accordingly before the Roman\nlibertine and the profligate Jewish princess, the Apostle preached\nwith his wonted faithfulness, and while he discoursed concerning\n_righteousness, and temperance, and judgment to come_, Felix trembled.\nBut though he trembled, the profligate governor would not release his\nprisoner from confinement. _Go thy way_, said he, _for this time; when\nI have a convenient season I will send for thee_. He knew that the\nApostle\u2019s relatives moved in a respectable sphere, and he had heard\nhim speak of sums of money[1109] intrusted to his care, and he wished\nit to be understood that his liberation was not hopeless, if bought\nwith a suitable sum[1110]. Hence he frequently sent for the Apostle,\nand conversed with him. But St Paul was not one to stoop to such\ndishonourable means. He preferred to remain in confinement rather than\npurchase his freedom with a bribe, and at C\u00e6sarea he continued upwards\nof two years, or from A.D. 58 to A.D. 60.\n\nDuring this long period of suspense from active labour, it is not\nimprobable that the Gospel of St Luke was composed under the Apostle\u2019s\neye, and it is possible that \u201cmany messages, and even letters, of\nwhich we know nothing, may have been sent from C\u00e6sarea to brethren\nat a distance[1111].\u201d Meanwhile the government of Felix became more\nand more unpopular, and the disaffection of his subjects was increased\nby a serious quarrel between the Jewish and heathen population at\nC\u00e6sarea, in which the troops sided with the latter, and committed gross\nacts of butchery and plunder[1112]. This led to the recall of Felix,\nA.D. 60; and anxious to conciliate the Jews, who had complained of his\nadministration at Rome, he left Paul in bonds (Acts xxiv. 27).\n\nHis successor was Porcius Festus, who like himself had probably been\na slave, and was one of the emperor\u2019s freedmen. Three days after his\nlanding at C\u00e6sarea he repaired to Jerusalem, and there was introduced\nto the high-priest[1113] and leading members of the nation. They\ninstantly embraced the opportunity of renewing their machinations\nagainst the Apostle, and requested the new governor to allow him to be\nremoved to Jerusalem, intending to assassinate him on the road (Acts\nxxv. 3). Festus replied that St Paul was in custody at C\u00e6sarea, whither\nhe himself was on the point of returning: the Roman Law did not allow\nan uncondemned person to be given up as a mere favour: he must have his\naccusers face to face, and be enabled to make his defence; if therefore\nthey wished to bring any charges against him, they must come down to\nC\u00e6sarea and there prefer them (Acts xxv. 4, 5, 16).\n\nAfter a stay, therefore, of 8 or 10 days in Jerusalem, he returned\nto C\u00e6sarea, and the accusers apparently went down the same day. No\ntime was lost in putting the Apostle on his trial. The very next day\nFestus took his seat on the tribunal, and ordered St Paul to be put\nforward. Then the delegates from the Sanhedrin urged their accusations,\nwhich appear to have been much the same as those brought forward at\nthe previous trial. But they were utterly unable to support their\nstatements, and the Apostle contented himself with a brief but emphatic\ndenial that he had done anything against the Law, the Temple, or C\u00e6sar\n(Acts xxv. 8).\n\nThe sincerity of his bearing appears to have told favourably with\nthe procurator, and he quickly perceived that he was involved in no\npolitical movements (Acts xxv. 18, 19), that he had done nothing worthy\nof death (Acts xxv. 25), and that the charges against him related only\nto religious questions between him and his nation. Unwilling, however,\nto allow a matter immediately to drop, in which the Jews evidently took\nso deep an interest, he proposed that he should go up to Jerusalem, and\nthere submit to a formal trial in the presence of himself (Acts xxv. 9).\nBut the Apostle knew full well the danger involved in such a journey.\nHe replied, therefore, that he had done no wrong, as Festus himself\nknew well, and that if he was guilty he was willing to die, but that\nsince the accusations preferred against him were really groundless,\nrather than go up to Jerusalem, he would avail himself of his privilege\nas a Roman citizen; _he appealed unto C\u00e6sar_[1114] (Acts xxv. 11).\nAccording to the Roman law, it was sufficient that a Roman citizen\nshould merely utter the words _I appeal_, and his case was instantly\nremoved to the supreme tribunal of the Emperor. After a brief\nconversation, therefore, with his assessors, Festus merely enquired\nwhether he adhered to his determination, and then made answer, _Thou\nhast appealed unto C\u00e6sar; to C\u00e6sar thou shalt go_ (Acts xxv. 12).\n\nThough, however, the appeal had been allowed, Festus was in much\nperplexity to decide how he might describe the charge against the\nApostle to the Emperor. It seemed to him a foolish thing to send a\nprisoner to Rome, without at the same time specifying the charges\nagainst him, but how to do this after the vague and unsatisfactory\ninformation elicited at the trial appeared extremely difficult. It\nhappened, however, at this time that Herod Agrippa II.[1115], king \nof Chalcis, with his sister Bernice[1116], arrived on a complimentary \nvisit[1117] to the procurator, and stayed some time at C\u00e6sarea. Agrippa \nhad long been acquainted with all that related to Jewish customs, and \nhad, as we have seen, been invested by the Emperor with the power of \nnominating the high-priest. Festus, therefore, gladly embraced this \nopportunity of consulting one so much better informed than himself on \nthe points in dispute, and related all the particulars concerning the \nApostle so far as he was acquainted with them (Acts xxv. 14\u201321), and \nmore especially his reiterated assertion concerning one Jesus _who had \ndied and was alive again_. Agrippa, who could not have heard now for \nthe first time of the great doctrine of the Christian faith expressed a \ndesire to see the prisoner. To this Festus readily assented, and fixed \nthe following day for the interview.\n\nAccordingly at the time appointed Agrippa and Bernice with much pomp\nentered the audience-chamber, accompanied by their suite and the\nchief men of C\u00e6sarea, and at the command of Festus, Paul was brought\nbefore them. As soon as the Apostle appeared, Festus in a set speech\ndetailed the circumstances under which he had become acquainted with\nthe prisoner, his appeal to C\u00e6sar, and his own anxiety to obtain some\ndefinite information which he might lay before his lord[1118] the\nemperor concerning him (Acts xxv. 24\u201327).\n\nUpon this Agrippa signified to the Apostle that he was permitted to\nspeak for himself, and St Paul stretching forth his manacled hands\nproceeded to address his numerous and influential hearers. After\nexpressing his satisfaction at the opportunity thus afforded him of\nspeaking before one so well versed as Agrippa _in all customs and\nquestions amongst the Jews_, he went on, much as he had done on the\nstairs leading up to the Castle of Antonia, to speak of his education\naccording to the strictest requirements of the Jewish law (Acts xxvi.\n4\u20138); of the zeal with which he formerly persecuted the believers\nin Christ; of the vision vouchsafed to him on the road to Damascus,\nand the commission he had received to preach the Gospel amongst the\nGentiles (Acts xxvi. 9\u201318); and lastly of his unceasing endeavours to\ncarry out this commission, which had brought upon him the enmity of\nthe Jews, though his teaching was in strict accordance with the Jewish\nScriptures, and their predictions of the coming of a Messiah who should\nsuffer and rise from the dead (Acts xxvi. 19\u201323).\n\nThis address made no impression upon Festus. Regarding the idea of a\nresurrection as foolishness, he ascribed the zeal of the Apostle to an\nexcited imagination, or the effect of over-study[1119]. Interrupting\nhim, therefore, he cried out in a loud voice (Acts xxvi. 24), _Paul,\nthou art mad; much learning doth make thee mad_. _I am not mad, most\nnoble Festus_, replied the Apostle with dignified courtesy, _but speak\nforth the words of truth and soberness_; and turning to Agrippa, who\nhad knowledge of these matters, and before whom he could speak freely,\nhe solemnly enquired whether he did not believe the prophets. But the\npersuasive appeal glanced off from the heart of the profligate prince\nto whom it was addressed. In playful banter or scornful sarcasm he\nreplied, _Lightly[1120] thou persuadest me to become a Christian_.\nOn which the Apostle, lifting up his chained hands, made answer, _I\nwould to God that, whether lightly or with difficulty[1121], not only\nthou, but also all that hear me this day, might become such as I am,\nexcept these bonds_ (Acts xxvi. 29). With these words this memorable\nconference ended. Agrippa had no wish to hear more. He rose up with\nFestus, Bernice, and their suite, and retired from the audience-chamber.\nThe case of the prisoner was then discussed, and it was agreed that he\nwas guilty of nothing deserving of death or even of imprisonment, and\nAgrippa remarked that he might have been released had he not appealed\nto C\u00e6sar. But the appeal had been made, and to the imperial tribunal\nthe Apostle must go.\n\n\n\n\n SECTION IV.\n\n _St Paul\u2019s Imprisonment at Rome._\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER I.\n\n _THE VOYAGE FROM C\u00c6SAREA._\n A.D. 60.\n\n\nAS soon, then, as it was actually decided that St Paul should be\nsent to Rome, he was delivered over with certain other prisoners to\na centurion, named Julius, belonging to the \u201cAugustan cohort,\u201d or the\nbodyguard of the Emperor, who always treated the Apostle with kindness\nand consideration.\n\nThe ship selected was a vessel of Adramyttium, a sea-port of Mysia,\nopposite Lesbos, which had probably touched at C\u00e6sarea on a return\nvoyage from Egypt, and was now bound for her own port. In her the\nApostle embarked with Aristarchus of Thessalonica, the Evangelist\nSt Luke, the prisoners, and their guard. The wind was fair[1122],\nand on the next day they put into Sidon, probably for the purposes of\ntrade, and here the centurion allowed the Apostle to go on shore and\nreceive the kind attentions of his friends[1123].\n\nLoosing from Sidon they were constrained, by reason of adverse winds,\nto run under the lee of Cyprus, that is, probably, along the north side\nof the island, and thence, keeping nearer the main-land than the isle,\nto catch the favouring land-breezes[1124], sailed through the open\nsea of Cilicia and Pamphylia to Myra of Lycia, now a desolate waste,\nbut then a flourishing sea-port. Here the centurion found a ship of\nAlexandria laden with wheat, which though bound for Italy had been\ncarried to Myra by the same westerly winds which had forced the vessel\nof Adramyttium to keep to the east of Cyprus. To her, therefore, he\ntransferred his charge, and she set sail, laden with a heavy cargo and\nupwards of 276 passengers (Acts xxvii. 37).\n\nAfter loading at Myra, their progress was extremely slow, and in\nconsequence of unfavourable winds it was _many days_ (Acts xxvii. 7)\nbefore they came over against Cnidus[1125], at the extreme S. W. of\nthe peninsula of Asia Minor. From this point their natural course\nwould have been by the north side of Crete and westward through the\nArchipelago. But with a north-west wind blowing, it was deemed most\nprudent to run down to the southward, and after rounding Cape Salmone\nto pursue their voyage under the lee of Crete. Accordingly having\nworked up with difficulty along the southern coast, they reached the\nharbour of Fair Havens[1126], about 5 miles to the east of which was\nthe town of Las\u00e6a.\n\nHere they were detained a considerable time waiting for a\nfavourable change of the wind. But none occurred, and the Fast of the\nAtonement[1127], which took place about the period of the autumnal\nequinox, having passed, the navigation had become very dangerous. It\nnow became a grave question whether they should remain at Fair Havens\nfor the winter, or seek some other anchorage. St Paul advised that they\nshould remain where they were, and declared his conviction that any\nattempt to pursue the voyage would be attended with loss, not only\nof the ship and cargo, but also of the lives of those on board. But\nthe owner and master of the ship were of a different opinion, and the\nharbour of Fair Havens being incommodious for wintering in[1128], the\nmajority decided for leaving at the first opportunity, and, if possible,\nmaking for a harbour called Ph\u0153nix, on the south coast of the island,\nand somewhat further to the west[1129]. Influenced by the words of the\nmariners the centurion resolved to adopt this course, and all waited\nanxiously for a change of the wind (Acts xxvii. 9\u201312).\n\nAt length the long-looked for change took place. A light breeze sprang\nup from the south, and the mariners thought their purpose was already\naccomplished. Weighing anchor, therefore, they set sail, hoping to\nreach Ph\u0153nix in a few hours. Keeping close to the coast they doubled\nCape Matala, and were proceeding \u201cwith the boat towing astern (Acts\nxxvii. 16), forgetful of past difficulties, and blind to impending\ndangers[1130],\u201d when suddenly a violent wind, called Euroclydon[1131],\ncame down from the heights of Ida[1132] on the Cretan shores,\nand striking the ship whirled her round with such force that it\nwas impossible for the helmsman to make her keep her course (Acts\nxxvii. 15). Consequently they were obliged to scud before the wind to\nthe south-west about 28 miles, when they neared the little island of\nClauda, and running under the lee of it, with much difficulty succeeded\nin hoisting the boat on board, which was probably full of water. They\nthen proceeded to undergird[1133] the vessel, that is, passed strong\ncables several times round her hull to prevent the starting of her\nplanks and timbers, and being afraid lest they should drift in to the\nSyrtis[1134] on the African coast, lowered the gear, either reefing the\nmainsail or lowering the great yard upon deck.\n\nHaving taken these precautions they proceeded, steering as close to the\nwind as the gale would permit, and on the following day lightened the\nship by flinging overboard all that could be most easily spared. This,\nhowever, relieved but little the strain upon her, and on the third\nday both passengers and crew assisted in throwing out her tackling,\nincluding probably the mainyards. Several days of the utmost anxiety\nand incessant labour then ensued, during which neither sun nor stars\nappeared in the sky, and the mariners having lost their reckoning, knew\nneither where they were nor in what direction to steer, and gave up all\nhopes of safety. But besides being wearied and dispirited, they were\nsuffering also from hunger, owing to the loss of provisions, and the\nimpossibility of preparing any food. On the 14th day, therefore, of\nthe voyage, the Apostle deemed it right to stand forward in their midst\n(Acts xxvii. 21) with words of encouragement and hope. After gently\nreminding them that all this harm and loss might have been avoided had\nthey taken his advice, he bade them be of good cheer, for though the\nvessel could not be saved, not one of their lives should be lost. Of\nthis he was fully assured, for an Angel of that God, whose he was and\nwhom he served, had appeared to him in the night, and told him that he\nshould appear before C\u00e6sar, and that God had given him the lives of all\non board; he, for his part, had no doubt that this would prove true,\nand added that they must be cast upon a certain island.\n\nWhat effect these words had upon the hungry and exhausted mariners\nis not recorded, but we cannot doubt that it contributed not a little\nto nerve them with fresh courage to meet the difficulties before them.\nThe storm, indeed, still continued with unabated fury, but on the\nmidnight of the fourteenth day as they were drifting through the sea of\nAdria[1135], the sailors suspected from the roar of the breakers that\nthey were nearing land. On this they sounded, and found the depth of\nwater to be 20 fathoms. After a brief interval they sounded again, and\nfound it was 15 fathoms. Filled with fear lest the ship should strike\nand break up, they thereupon let go four anchors[1136] by the stern,\nand waited anxiously for the day (Acts xxvii. 29). During these weary\nhours, the sailors, aware that the vessel might founder before dawn,\nlowered the boat under pretence of laying out anchors from the bow\nfor the purpose of steadying the ship, but really to effect their\nown escape, and leave the passengers to their fate. But the Apostle\npenetrated their design, and addressing himself to the centurion and\nthe soldiers, declared that unless these remained on board they could\nnot hope to be saved. Thereupon the soldiers, with characteristic\ndecision, cut the ropes, and the boat fell off (Acts xxvii. 32).\n\nAnother proof of the \u2666ascendancy which St Paul had acquired over all on\nboard was soon afforded. But a short space now remained before daylight,\nand then fresh exertions would be needed. He advised, therefore, that\nduring the interval they should recruit their exhausted energies by\npartaking of food. Then setting an example himself, he took bread,\ngave thanks to God before them all, and began to eat. Encouraged by his\ncalmness, the rest did the same, and, strengthened by the meal, made a\nfinal effort to lighten the ship by flinging overboard the cargo, which\nby this time must have been spoilt by the salt water. While they were\nthus employed, the long-looked for day at length dawned, and revealed\nto the sailors a coast, which, however, they did not recognise. But the\nsight of a small bay, with a sandy or pebbly beach[1137], revived their\ndetermination, if possible, to run the vessel aground. Every precaution\nwas therefore taken. The cables were cut and the anchors cast adrift;\nthe lashings of the rudders[1138] were unloosed; the foresail[1139]\nhoisted (Acts xxvii. 40), and the vessel was run on shore at a spot\n_between two seas_ (Acts xxvii. 41). Here the bow stuck fast on a\nbank of tenacious clay, while the stern began to break up under the\nviolence of the waves. Certain that the ship must very speedily go\nto pieces, the soldiers, who were responsible with their lives for\nthe safe custody of their prisoners, afraid that some might swim off\nand so escape, formed the cruel design of putting them all to death.\nThis, however, the centurion, resolved at all risks to save St Paul,\nresolutely forbade, and ordered such as were able to swim to cast\nthemselves into the sea first, while the rest, some on spars, and some\non broken pieces of the ship, made their way to land; and thus, as the\nApostle had said, the whole company escaped safely (Acts xxvii. 44).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER II.\n\n _THE RECEPTION AT MALTA, AND ARRIVAL AT ROME._\n A.D. 60, 61.\n\n\nTHUS flung upon the shore, the exhausted voyagers ascertained that the\nisland was none other than Melita[1140], at that time much uncultivated\nand overrun with wood, and inhabited by a population of Ph\u0153nician\norigin, who not being of Greek or Roman descent were designated\n_barbarians_ (Acts xxviii. 2). But the reception they gave to the\nshipwrecked crew proved that they were no savages, for hurrying down\nto the beach, they eagerly afforded all possible relief to their wants.\nThe rain was falling in torrents, and the weather was extremely cold.\nLighting a fire therefore on the shore, they welcomed them all to its\ngenial warmth. Foremost amongst those gathering the sticks to increase\nthe much-needed blaze was the Apostle himself, and as he did so, a\nviper came out of the heat and fastened on his hand. The incident did\nnot escape the notice of the islanders. _This man_, said they, _must\nbe a murderer: he has escaped from the sea, but vengeance suffereth\nhim not to live_. But the Apostle no sooner flung off the creature\nwithout suffering any injury, than their feelings underwent an instant\nchange[1141], and they said that he was a god. Near the place where the\nvessel had been lost, Publius, the Roman governor[1142] of the island,\nhad some possessions. For three days he entertained the shipwrecked\nstrangers with much hospitality, and the Apostle was enabled to requite\nhis attentions by miraculously healing his father, who lay afflicted\nwith fever and dysentery (Acts xxviii. 8). The fame of this cure\nsoon spread abroad, and others afflicted with disease repaired to the\nApostle and experienced similar healing effects.\n\nAfter a stay of three months on the island, the time when the ancients\ndeemed navigation practicable again came round, and Julius secured a\npassage for himself and his charge in another corn-ship of Alexandria,\nwhich had wintered in the island, and was called the Castor and Pollux.\nLaden with many presents from the grateful islanders the Apostle\nand his party went on board, and setting sail put into the harbour\nof Syracuse, where they remained three days. Thence they shaped a\ncourse northwards towards the straits of Messina. But the wind was\nnot favourable, and they were constrained, after beating about (Acts\nxxviii. 13), to put into Rhegium at the entrance of the straits, where\nthey remained one day. On the following morning a south wind sprang\nup, and they were enabled to reach Puteoli[1143], the most sheltered\npart of the bay of Naples, and the great emporium for the Alexandrian\ncorn-ships[1144], and here they were rejoiced to find certain of the\nbrethren, and abode with them seven days (Acts xxviii. 14).\n\nAt the end of this period the party commenced their journey towards\nRome, distant 150 miles. The first part of their route was probably\nfrom Puteoli by a cross-road to Capua, thence along the Via Appia by\nSinuessa on the sea, Minturn\u00e6, and Formi\u00e6 to Terracina[1145]. The next\nstage brought them to Appii Forum[1146], whither the Christians from\nRome who had heard of the Apostle\u2019s arrival at Puteoli, had come forth\na distance of 43 miles to meet him. Deeply moved by this proof of their\naffectionate zeal, he thanked _God and took courage_ (Acts xxviii. 15).\nTen miles further on, at a place called the \u201cThree Taverns,\u201d a second\ncompany was waiting to greet him, and thus in the society of numerous\nfriends whom he had probably known during his labours in the East,\nthe Apostle proceeded through the town of Aricia to the imperial city.\nThere Julius the centurion delivered up his prisoners to the prefect\nof the pr\u00e6torian guard[1147], an office held at this time by Burrhus,\none of the chief advisers of Nero (Acts xxviii. 16). Either influenced\nby the favourable report of the centurion, or the tone of the letter\nfrom Festus, the prefect allowed the Apostle to be kept separate from\nthe rest of the prisoners, and to take up his abode in a hired house\n(Acts xxviii. 30), with the soldier to whom he was chained[1148].\n\nThree days after his arrival the Apostle sent for the leading men\namong the Jews, and sought to remove any prejudices they might have\nformed against him from the circumstances under which he had entered\nthe capital of the West. Though, he said, he had committed no offence\nagainst his nation or the customs of his fathers, he had yet been\ndelivered a prisoner into the hands of the Romans. They had examined\nhim, but could discover nothing he had done that was worthy of death,\nand would have liberated him, had it not been for the opposition of his\nJewish enemies. Under these circumstances, not with any intention of\naccusing his nation before the emperor, he had appealed to C\u00e6sar. His\nonly crime had been his firm conviction of the reality of the promise\nof the Messiah, and _for the hope of Israel_ he was bound with the\nchains he then wore (Acts xxviii. 17\u201320).\n\nIn reply to this address the Jews assured him that they had received\nno information[1149] to his disadvantage from Jud\u00e6a, and none of the\nbrethren had arrived alleging anything against him. The Christian sect\nthey knew well was everywhere spoken against, and they would be glad to\nhear from him any statement concerning its doctrines which he might be\nwilling to make. A day was accordingly fixed for the desired hearing,\nand a considerable number repaired to the Apostle\u2019s own private lodging\n(Acts xxviii. 23), and from morning till evening he continued to plead\nwith them, delivering his testimony concerning the kingdom of God, and\nopening up, both from the Law and the Prophets, the things relating\nto Jesus Christ. The result was a division amongst his hearers.\n_Some believed the things which were spoken, and some believed not_\n(Acts xxviii. 24), and after much discussion the unbelieving portion\ndeparted, but not before they had been warned by St Paul that they were\nincurring the penalty of that judicial blindness of which the prophet\nIsaiah[1150] had spoken (Is. vi. 9, 10), and that the inheritance they\nrenounced would be bestowed upon the Gentiles (Acts xxviii. 28).\n\nAfter this address the Jews departed. The ways of the great Apostle\nwere not their ways, neither were his thoughts their thoughts. While\nthey retired to dispute concerning the Christian sect, he remained\nin his own hired house, and there resided upwards of two years, still\nindeed a prisoner under military custody, but permitted to receive all\nwho came to him, and to preach boldly the kingdom of God, and _those\nthings which concerned the Lord Jesus Christ_ (Acts xxviii. 30, 31).\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER III.\n\n _THE FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME._\n A.D. 61\u201363.\n\n\nBEYOND the point where the last Chapter ends, the sacred narrative,\ncontained in the Acts of the Apostles, does not conduct us. The\nincidents connected with St Paul\u2019s imprisonment at Rome, and his\nsubsequent history, must be gathered from various allusions in several\nletters he wrote during this period.\n\nHis trial it would seem, then, was for a considerable time postponed.\nHis accusers, whose arrival was not even expected by the Roman Jews\n(Acts xxviii. 21), do not appear to have reached Rome before the summer\nor autumn of the year[1151] A.D. 61, and the necessity of obtaining\nevidence as to the charges against him from Jud\u00e6a, Syria, Cilicia,\nPisidia, and Macedonia, added to the fact that according to the Roman\nlaw the witnesses both of the prosecutors and the accused must be\nexamined on each of the charges separately[1152], would necessitate an\nadjournment of the case from time to time to suit the convenience of\nthe Emperor.\n\nDuring, however, this long period of delay the Apostle was not\nobliged to remain inactive. Allowed to live in a house by himself,\nand to receive any who wished to visit him, he had many opportunities\nof preaching the word, and the glad tidings of the Kingdom (Acts\nxxviii. 31). Nor were his efforts fruitless. To use his own language,\nhe _begat_ many children even _in his bonds_ (Philem. 10), and through\nthe numerous and deeply attached friends, by whom he was surrounded,\nhe was enabled to communicate with many of the Churches which he had\nplanted. Thus there were with him at this time Luke, the beloved\nphysician, and his old companion (Col. iv. 14; Philem. 24); Timothy his\nfavourite disciple (Philem. 1; Col. i. 1; Phil. i. 1). Tychicus[1153]\n(Col. iv. 7; Eph. vi. 21); John Mark, whom he had once[1154] been\nobliged to reject as having abandoned the ministry, but who, he now\nallowed, was _profitable to him_ (comp. Col. iv. 10, 2 Tim. iv. 11);\nDemas, now, indeed, _a faithful fellow-labourer_ (Philem. 24); Col.\niv. 14), though soon, alas, to be drawn away by love of _this present\nworld_ (2 Tim. iv. 10); Aristarchus of Macedonia (Col. iv. 10); and\nEpaphras[1155] of Coloss\u00e6 (Col. i. 7).\n\nBut amongst these, thus ministering unto him, was one in whom he felt\na peculiar interest. This was a slave, named Onesimus, who had run\naway from his master Philemon[1156], a Christian[1157] of Coloss\u00e6, and\nhad fled to Rome, where, amidst the vast population of the metropolis,\nhe probably hoped to escape the notice of his pursuers. Through\ncircumstances which have not been recorded, the fugitive slave became\nacquainted with the imprisoned Apostle, and was converted to the faith\nof Christ. There appears to have been something peculiarly attractive\nin his character, and so useful did he prove in various private ways,\nthat St Paul would have kept him at Rome and employed him in the\nservice of the Gospel (Philem. 13), but, with his habitual regard\nfor the rights of others, he decided that he must first return and\nbe reconciled to his master; and to make this duty less painful, he\nsent with him a letter[1158] to Philemon, in which he requested his\nmaster to forgive him, and offered to reimburse any loss he might\nhave sustained by his running away (Philem. 19), and at the same time\nexpressed his thankfulness to God for the account which he had heard of\nPhilemon\u2019s faith and love (Philem. 4\u20137).\n\nBut Onesimus was not to return to the East alone. Tychicus was on the\npoint of setting out thither also, and it was the Apostle\u2019s wish that\nhe should be the bearer of a letter to the church of Coloss\u00e6[1159]. Of\nthe condition of this church he had heard through Epaphras, now present\nin Rome, and who is regarded by some as its probable founder[1160] (Col.\ni. 7), and the news was such as to give him serious concern. Through\nthe coming of some teacher, probably from Alexandria, the Colossians\nhad become imbued with a spirit of a half-Jewish and half-Oriental\nphilosophy, tending to corrupt the simplicity of their faith, and to\nobscure the dignity of Christ by a spurious union of Jewish observances\nwith a worshipping of angels, and an extravagant asceticism. These\ngrowing evils St Paul deemed his duty to counteract, and in the Epistle,\nof which Epaphras was the bearer, set forth with special prominence the\neternal glory and inherent dignity of Christ (Col. i. 15\u201323), and after\ncautioning the Colossians against false philosophy, legal observances,\nangel-worship, and asceticism (Col. ii.), exhorted them to various\nChristian virtues (Col. iii.\u2012iv. 6), referred them to Tychicus and\nOnesimus for information respecting his condition (Col. iv. 7\u20139), and\nrequested them to forward the Epistle to Laodicea, and to read that\nfrom the same place (Col. iv. 16).\n\nAs bearers of these letters Tychicus and Onesimus set out for Asia\nMinor. But Tychicus was charged with another letter, the Epistle to\nthe Ephesians, either addressed to the Christians in the capital of\nproconsular Asia, or intended as a circular letter for the use of\nthe various churches in that province[1161]. In this Epistle, the\nthoughts and language of which betray a very considerable resemblance\nto those employed in that to the Colossians, the Apostle, after\na summary (chiefly in the form of thanksgiving) of the Christian\ndoctrines (Eph. i.\u2012iii. 19), exhorted the Ephesians to unity (Eph.\niv. 1\u201316), the abstinence from heathen vices (Eph. iv. 17\u2012v. 21),\nthe faithful discharge of their domestic duties as wives and husbands,\nchildren and parents, servants and masters (Eph. v. 22\u2012vi. 9), and\nurged them, amidst surrounding dangers and temptations, to be vigilant,\nand to array themselves in the whole panoply[1162] of God (Eph. vi.\n10\u201320).\n\nAfter the dispatch of these three letters in the spring of A.D. 62,\nthe Apostle\u2019s heart was cheered by the arrival of a contribution from\nthe Philippians, brought by Epaphroditus, a leading presbyter in that\nchurch. Though apparently in ill-health when he set out, he had, in the\nface of some unusual danger, persevered in his journey (Phil. ii. 30),\nin order that he might present to the Apostle this fresh proof of the\nnoble liberality of the church over which he presided.\n\nTill the close of the year A.D. 62, or the commencement of A.D. 63,\nEpaphroditus continued at Rome, and while tendering his services to\nthe Apostle fell dangerously ill. Subsequently, however, he fully\nrecovered, and was filled with anxiety to return to his friends at\nPhilippi, who he learnt were in much distress on receiving intelligence\nof his sickness (Phil. ii. 26). St Paul was also himself anxious that\nhe should return (Phil. ii. 25, 28), and resolved to make him the\nbearer of a letter to the Philippian church in acknowledgment of the\nkindness he had experienced from its members. His own circumstances\nwere somewhat changed since he wrote to the Colossians and Ephesians.\nThough what had befallen him had tended rather to the furtherance\nthan hindrance of the message he proclaimed, and his chains had become\n_well-known throughout the whole pr\u00e6torium_[1163] (Phil. i. 12, 13);\nthough also by the energy of the Apostle himself and of many of the\nbrethren no little impression had been made on the masses of heathendom\nin the city (Phil. i. 14\u201318); yet the course of political events was\nsufficient to excite considerable apprehension. The virtuous Burrhus\nwas dead[1164], and had been succeeded in the command of the pr\u00e6torian\nguards by Fenius Rufus and Sofonius Tigellinus, the former a man of\nno capacity, the latter notorious for determined wickedness. About\nthe same time also Nero contracted an alliance with the infamous\nPopp\u00e6a[1165], a Jewish proselytess, whose influence over the emperor\nwas strongly exerted in favour of the Jews, and in furtherance of their\ncause.\n\nThe horizon, therefore, of the Apostle was dark and lowering, and he\ncould not look forward with the same confidence as before to his speedy\nrelease (comp. Philem. 22 with Phil. ii. 17, iii. 11), but he could\nwrite to the church he had planted at Philippi, and though the time\nmight be at hand for his blood to be poured forth as a libation (Phil.\nii. 17) over the sacrifice of his continued zeal in his Master\u2019s cause,\nhe could rejoice in their progress and the tidings he had received\nof their welfare (Phil. i. 3\u20135). In the Epistle, therefore, of which\nEpaphroditus was the bearer, he expressed his heartfelt thankfulness\nfor all he had heard of their constancy under persecution (Phil. i. 29,\n30), and liberality, which distinguished them above all other churches\n(Phil. iv. 15); exhorted them to continued unity and fortitude, to\nhumility and earnestness (Phil. ii. 1\u201316); expressed his intention of\nshortly sending Timothy to them (Phil. ii. 17\u201324); warned them against\nJudaizing teachers (Phil. iii. 1\u20138), and urged two female converts of\ndistinction, Euodias and Syntyche, who had been guilty of strife and\naltercation, to love and reconciliation (Phil. iv. 2, 3), and all to\na holy and a Christian life (Phil. iv. 4\u20139). With this Epistle, which\nconcludes with a significant salutation from the Christians in C\u00e6sar\u2019s\nhousehold (Phil. iv. 22), and points to the progress of the Gospel\nthere, even amidst the scenes of terrible wickedness[1166] now enacted\nin the imperial household, Epaphroditus set out for Macedonia.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER IV.\n\n _ST PAUL\u2019S SECOND IMPRISONMENT AND DEATH._\n A.D. 63\u201368.\n\n\nTHE Apostle\u2019s trial, as we have seen in the preceding Chapter, was long\ndelayed. At length, however, a time was fixed for hearing his case,\nand after a trial in all probability before the Emperor Nero himself,\nhe was, according to the universal testimony[1167] of the ancient\nChurch, acquitted of the charges that had been brought against him.\nThus liberated he would be naturally anxious to fulfil the intentions\nhe had expressed in his Epistles to Philemon and the Philippians[1168]\nof revisiting the Churches he had planted in Macedonia and Asia Minor,\nand others, which had not as yet _seen his face in the flesh_.\n\nSetting out, therefore, from Rome to Brundusium, it is probable that\nhe crossed thence to Dyrrachium or Apollonia, and so travelled by the\ngreat Egnatian road to Philippi. We cannot doubt that the joy of the\nChristians there would be great at being thus able to welcome once\nmore their revered teacher, but his stay there was not likely to have\nbeen protracted; and proceeding to Asia, in accordance with his former\ndesigns and intentions, he most probably fixed his head-quarters at\nEphesus, and thence visited Coloss\u00e6, Laodicea, Hierapolis and other\nChurches[1169].\n\nWhat time he now spent amongst the brethren of proconsular Asia is not\nknown, but it is not altogether improbable that in the year A.D. 64\nhe carried out his long-intended visit to Spain (Rom. xv. 24, 28),\nand spent two years in planting churches amongst the numerous Jewish\nproselytes in all the towns along the Spanish coast from Gades to\nTarraco[1170]. Thence we may believe he returned about A.D. 66 to\nEphesus, and found to his great sorrow that what he had long ago\npredicted to the presbyters of that city, when they bade him farewell\non the sea-shore of Miletus (Acts xx. 28\u201331), had been too truly\nfulfilled. Grievous wolves had indeed entered in amongst them, not\nsparing the flock; nay, from the very bosom of the Church itself men\nhad arisen, _speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after\nthem_ (Acts xx. 30). Leaders of rival sects, Hymen\u00e6eus, Philetus,\nAlexander (1 Tim. i. 20; 2 Tim. ii. 17, iv. 14, 15), had appeared,\nperverting the minds of the disciples from the simplicity of the\nfaith, and blending with it the subtilties of Greek philosophy, Jewish\nsuperstition, and wild Oriental speculation. Other duties, indeed,\nprevented the continuance of the Apostle\u2019s personal supervision of\nthe Asiatic churches, and leaving Timothy at Ephesus, he returned to\nMacedonia (1 Tim. i. 3). There, however, he appears to have feared he\nmight be detained longer than he had anticipated (1 Tim. iii. 14, 15),\nand, well acquainted with the peculiar difficulties connected with the\nposition of his beloved disciple, he addressed to him what is known as\n\u201cthe first Epistle to Timothy.\u201d\n\nThe main objects of this Epistle were two-fold, first, to encourage him\nin the superintendence of the Ephesian church, and to aid him in his\nstruggle with the heretical teachers spoken of above (1 Tim. i. 3\u201320).\nThe second was to give him various personal directions respecting\nthe government of the Church itself, such as the manner of conducting\npublic worship (1 Tim. ii. 1\u20138); the dress and behaviour of women\n(1 Tim. ii. 9\u201315); the qualifications of bishops and deacons (1 Tim.\niii.); the selection of widows to receive the charity of the Church\n(1 Tim. v. 3\u201316); the punishment of offenders (1 Tim. v. 20, 21); and\nhis own life and conversation (1 Tim. vi. 11\u201319).\n\nIn this letter he also expressed his design of shortly returning to\nEphesus (1 Tim. iii. 14), and this intention he appears to have carried\nout. Repairing from Macedonia to the capital of proconsular Asia, he\nmade an expedition thence to the island of Crete, accompanied by Titus\n(Tit. i. 5). The churches there do not seem to have been now for the\nfirst time founded, but to have already been some considerable period\nin existence. Like those, however, in proconsular Asia, they were\n\u201ctroubled by false teachers, and probably had never yet been properly\norganised, having originated, perhaps, in the private efforts of\nindividual Christians, who would have been supplied with a centre of\noperations and nucleus of churches by the numerous colonies of Jews\nestablished in the island[1171].\u201d\n\nUnable, however, himself to remain long, the Apostle left Titus there,\nas he had left Timothy at Ephesus, to complete what he had been obliged\nto leave unfinished, and to organise the Church by the appointment of\npresbyters in every city (Tit. i. 5). But shortly after his return to\nAsia Minor, he deemed that a letter from himself might encourage him\nto confront the opposition he was likely to encounter in carrying\nout his wishes, and with this he resolved to send general directions\nrespecting the organisation of the Church. From Ephesus, therefore,\nhe dispatched an Epistle to Titus, in which he laid down certain\ninstructions concerning the ordination of elders (Tit. i. 5\u20139);\ncautioned him against false teachers (Tit. i. 9\u201316); described the\nsound and practical Christianity which he was to inculcate on old and\nyoung, on masters and slaves, and to exemplify in his own life (Tit.\nii. 1\u201315); and enjoined obedience to rulers, gentleness and forbearance\ntowards all men, and an avoidance of all idle speculations (Tit. iii.\n1\u201311).\n\nAt the time of writing this Epistle it was not St Paul\u2019s intention\nthat Titus should remain long in Crete. He himself was on the point\nof leaving Asia for Nicopolis[1172], intending to winter there (Tit.\niii. 12). On the arrival, therefore of Artemas or Tychicus, whom\nhe intended to send to him, Titus was to endeavour to join him.\nAccordingly setting out from Ephesus the Apostle repaired to Miletus\n(2 Tim. iv. 20), and there left his old companion Trophimus[1173],\nwho was overtaken with sickness. Thence he sailed to Corinth, and\nleaving there Erastus, the former chamberlain of that city, passed on\nto Nicopolis[1174], where he would seem to have laboured for a space\nduring the winter.\n\nAt this time however the Christians had become distinguished from the\nJews, and the objects of suspicion and hostility, and the Apostle\u2019s\nlabours at Nicopolis were brought to an abrupt conclusion. Arrested it\nis not improbable, before the middle of the winter[1175], through the\nrestless activity of some of his many enemies, he was sent to Rome to\nbe tried a second time for his life. The terror of his arrest scattered\nmany of his friends. Demas from love of _this present world_ forsook\nhim and departed to Thessalonica, Crescens to Galatia, and Titus\nhimself, who had joined his master at Nicopolis, possibly by his desire,\nrepaired to the neighbouring Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10). Luke alone\nremained in constant attendance on the Apostle, and shared with him the\nperils of his second imprisonment at Rome. This was evidently far more\nsevere than the previous one. Not only was he chained to a soldier, but\nhe was treated as a malefactor (2 Tim. ii. 9), and so perilous was it\nto visit him that few were willing to seek out his dungeon or to stand\nby him (2 Tim. i. 16, iv. 16), while he himself could look forward to\nnothing but certain martyrdom (2 Tim. iv. 6\u20138).\n\nThe course of political events sufficiently accounts for the change in\nthe Apostle\u2019s circumstances. Anxious to avert from himself the charge\nof having set the capital on fire, Nero had let loose the rage of the\npopulace upon the Christians, now very numerous and objects of intense\nhatred. A familiar passage in the writings of Tacitus[1176] tells us\nhow some of them were crucified, some hunted to death with dogs, some\nwrapped in robes smeared with pitch and set on fire at night before\nthe eyes of the Emperor, who watched their dying agonies arrayed in the\ncostume of a charioteer. Since then the fury of the first excitement\nhad passed away, but so prominent a ringleader of a hated sect as the\nApostle would be certain to be treated with much severity.\n\nOn the evidence therefore of certain informers, of whom _Alexander the\ncoppersmith_ apparently was one (2 Tim. iv. 14), he was put upon his\ntrial, probably before the city prefect[1177], in one of the numerous\nbasilicas that stood in the Forum. No friend, no adviser, stood by him\n(2 Tim. iv. 16), to cheer or to encourage. Alone and unaided, save by\nan Almighty though Invisible Friend (2 Tim. iv. 17), he pleaded the\ncause of the Gospel before a numerous audience, and _all the Gentiles_\nheard his testimony, and the result was that of the first of the\ncharges brought against him he was acquitted, and _was delivered out\nof the mouth of the lion_ (2 Tim. iv. 17).\n\nRemanded back to his dungeon to await the second hearing of his case,\nand not anticipating anything but an ultimate conviction, _ready to\nbe offered_ and convinced that _the time of his departure was at hand_\n(2 Tim. iv. 6), the Apostle, though cheered by the society of Luke\nand Onesiphorus (2 Tim. i. 16, 17), yearned towards the friend of his\nearlier days, his own son Timothy. He longed to see him once more,\nand though he was far away in Ephesus, discharging the duties of his\ndifficult position, he resolved to dictate an Epistle to him, bidding\nhim come with all speed to Rome, and receive his parting injunctions.\nAccordingly, it was now that the \u201cSecond Epistle to Timothy\u201d was\nwritten, in which the aged Apostle, with the utmost tenderness and\nsolemnity exhorted his own son to diligence and stedfastness, to\npatience under persecution (2 Tim. i. 6\u201315), and a willingness to share\nin the sufferings of saints (2 Tim. ii. 1\u201316). In the event moreover\nof his not arriving in time to receive his last injunction, he charged\nhim, with all the solemnity of one about to appear before the Judge of\nquick and dead, to be faithful in all the duties of his office (2 Tim.\niv. 1\u20135), and cautioned him against the false teaching which now\nthreatened the very foundation of the Faith (2 Tim. iii.).\n\nWhether Timothy did rejoin the Apostle, as he so earnestly requested,\nand bring _the cloak_ for which with touching simplicity he made\nrequest amid the rigours of the winter (2 Tim. iv. 13), is not recorded.\nSome are willing to hazard the conjecture that he did[1178]; but\nhowever it was, the Apostle\u2019s second trial and condemnation were not\nlong delayed. As a Roman citizen, he could not be compelled to endure\nthe lingering tortures, which so many who shared with him the name of\n\u201cChristians\u201d had lately undergone. But beyond the city-walls, along\nthe road to Ostia, the port of Rome, he was led forth under military\nescort, to the place of execution; there the sword of the headsman fell\nflashing down, and he obtained that Crown, which HE, whose faithful\nwitness he was, had promised to _all them that love Him_ (2 Tim. iv. 8).\n\n\n NOTE.\n\n Beside the Apostle, whose glorious career was thus closed by the\n sword of the executioner, three and three only of the immediate\n followers of our Lord hold a prominent place in the Apostolic\n records\u2015\u2015James _the Lord\u2019s brother_, Peter and John[1179].\n\n 1. The main facts in the history of James, who was surnamed _the\n Just_, have been already related, and we have seen how prominent\n was the part he took at the Council held at Jerusalem[1180],\n A.D. 50. He[1181] was the author of the first of the Seven\n so-called \u201cCatholic or General Epistles,\u201d which he addressed,\n apparently from Jerusalem, to the Jewish Christians residing in\n Palestine, or scattered among the Gentiles, according to some as\n early as A.D. 45, according to others as late as A.D. 62.\n\n 2. Our last notice of St Peter referred to the time when St Paul\n _withstood him to the face_ at Antioch, because he _was to be\n blamed_[1182]. Subsequently to this date we have no notices in\n Scripture of his place of abode or of his work. It is probable,\n however, that after completing the organisation of the Churches\n in Palestine, and some parts of Asia Minor (1 Pet. i. 1, 2),\n he resided for some time at Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13), where had\n been settled from very early times an important community of\n Jews[1183]. Hence, at some period between the years A.D. 63 and\n 67[1184], he addressed his first Epistle to the Jewish converts\n scattered throughout Asia Minor, for the purpose of confirming\n them in the Christian faith, encouraging them to endure the\n persecutions to which they were exposed, and exhorting them to\n refute the calumnies of their enemies by leading a holy life.\n The time and place of the composition of his Second Epistle\n are alike surrounded with difficulties. The most reasonable\n conjecture appears to be that the Apostle wrote it in his old\n age, about the year A.D. 68, either from Rome, where he is said\n to have suffered martyrdom[1185], or somewhere on the journey\n thither from the East.\n\n 3. St John, we saw, was at Jerusalem, when St Paul paid his\n third visit to that city[1186], and was then regarded as one of\n the Chief \u201cPillars\u201d of the Church. His movements after this date\n are shrouded in much obscurity. It seems most probable, however,\n that after remaining for a season in Palestine, he repaired to\n Ephesus, and laboured amongst the seven Churches of Asia Minor.\n Thence on the authority of Iren\u00e6us and Eusebius we gather that\n he wrote his three Epistles, according to some as early as\n A.D. 68, according to others as late as the close of the first\n century. During the reign of Domitian, A.D. 94 or 95, he was\n banished to the isle of Patmos, and there wrote his Apocalypse,\n and afterwards returned to Ephesus, where he died.\n\n 4. The writer of one other \u201cCatholic\u201d Epistle remains to\n be noticed\u2015\u2015Jude, called also Lebb\u00e6us and Thadd\u00e6us[1187],\n the brother of James the Less, and most probably one of the\n so-called _brethren of our Lord_. We find his name in the lists\n of the Apostles (Lk. vi. Acts i.), but the only incident relating\n to him recorded in the Gospel narrative is the question he put\n to the Saviour on the eve of his crucifixion, _Lord, how is it\n that thou wilt manifest thyself to us, and not unto the world?_\n (Jn. xiv. 22). The place where the Epistle was written is not\n known. Various dates have been assigned to it, some referring\n it to A.D. 64 or 65, others to A.D. 75 or even later. The\n readers are nowhere expressly defined; but the reference to\n Jewish traditions (Jude 9\u201314) seems to hint that the Christians\n of Palestine were the objects of his warnings against false\n teachers, and of his exhortations to steadfastness in the faith.\n\n\n\n\n APPENDIX.\n\n\n CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.\n\n\n I. THE JEWS UNDER THE PERSIANS.\n\n PALESTINE. \u2502 B.C.\u2502 PERSIA.\n \u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n Death of Nehemiah. \u2502 413 \u2502\n Jaddua, high-priest.\u2502 341 \u2502\n \u2502 334 \u2502 Victory of Alexander on the Granicus.\n \u2502 333 \u2502 Battle of Issus.\n Alexander visits \u2502 332 \u2502\n Jerusalem. \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 331 \u2502 Battle of Arbela.\n \u2502 323 \u2502 Death of Alexander.\n\n\n II. THE ERA OF THE PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCID\u00c6.\n\n PALESTINE. \u2502 B.C.\u2502 EGYPT. \u2502 B.C.\u2502 SYRIA.\n \u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n \u2502 \u2502Ptolemy Soter. \u2502 323 \u2502\n Ptolemy Soter \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n captures \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Jerusalem, plants \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n colonies in \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Alexandria & \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Cyrene. \u2502 320 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 312 \u2502Seleucus Nicator.\n Simon the Just, \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n high-priest. \u2502 300 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Eleazar, \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n high-priest. \u2502 291 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502P. Philadelphus.\u2502 283 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 280 \u2502Antiochus Soter.\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 261 \u2502Antiochus Theos.\n Onias II. \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n high-priest. \u2502 250 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502P. Euergetes I. \u2502 247 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 246 \u2502Seleucus Callinicus.\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 226 \u2502Seleucus Ceraunus.\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 223 \u2502Antiochus Magnus.\n \u2502 \u2502P. Philopator. \u2502 222 \u2502\n Ptolemy Philopator, \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n prevented from \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n entering the \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Holy of Holies, \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n attempts to \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n destroy the Jews \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n in Alexandria. \u2502 216 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502P. Epiphanes. \u2502 205 \u2502\n Antiochus Magnus \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n obtains Palestine.\u2502 203 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Scopas recovers \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Jud\u00e6a. \u2502 199 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Antiochus regains \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Jud\u00e6a. \u2502 198 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Onias III. \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n high-priest. \u2502 195 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 187 \u2502Seleucus Philopator.\n \u2502 \u2502P. Philometor. \u2502 181 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 175 \u2502Antiochus Epiphanes.\n Antiochus Epiphanes \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n takes Jerusalem. \u2502 170 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Persecution of the \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Jews. \u2502 167 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Rise of the \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n _Maccabees_. \u2502 167 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Battle of Emmaus, \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n re-dedication of \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n the Temple. \u2502 165 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 164 \u2502Antiochus Eupator.\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 162 \u2502Demetrius Soter.\n Death of Judas \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Maccab\u00e6us. \u2502 161 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 150 \u2502Alexander Balas.\n \u2502 \u2502P. Physcon. \u2502 146 \u2502Demetrius Nicator\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 (1st reign).\n Jonathan Maccab\u00e6us \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n murdered by \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Tryphon, and \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Accession of Simon\u2502 144 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n First Year of \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n the _Freedom of \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Jerusalem_. \u2502 143 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Murder of Simon: \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n John Hyrcanus \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n succeeds him. \u2502 137 \u2502 \u2502 137 \u2502Antiochus Sidetes.\n John Hyrcanus throws\u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n off the Syrian \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n yoke, and destroys\u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n the Temple on \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Gerizim. \u2502 130 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 128 \u2502Demetrius Nicator\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 (2nd reign).\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 125 \u2502Antiochus Grypus.\n \u2502 \u2502P. Lathyrus. \u2502 116 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 113 \u2502Antiochus Cyzicenus.\n \u2502 \u2502P. Alexander \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 and Cleopatra \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 joint rulers. \u2502 107 \u2502\n Accession of \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Aristobulus. \u2502 106 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Accession of \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Alexander Jann\u00e6us.\u2502 106 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 95 \u2502Antiochus Eusebes\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 and Philippus.\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 83 \u2502Tigranes.\n \u2502 \u2502P. Auletes. \u2502 80 \u2502\n Death of Jann\u00e6us; \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n accession of his \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n wife Alexandra. \u2502 79 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Death of Alexandra, \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n accession of \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Hyrcanus. \u2502 70 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 69 \u2502Antiochus Asiaticus.\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 65 \u2502Pompeius makes\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 Syria a Roman\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 province.\n \u2502 \u2502P. Auletes \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 driven from \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 Egypt. \u2502 58 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502Restored by \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 Gabinius. \u2502 55 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502Accession of P. \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 Dionysus and \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 Cleopatra. \u2502 51 \u2502\n\n\n III. RISE OF THE HERODIAN FAMILY.\n\n JUD\u00c6A. B.C. ROME.\n \u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n Conflict between Hyrcanus and \u2502 \u2502\n Aristobulus\u2015\u2015Pompeius takes \u2502 63 \u2502 Catiline\u2019s conspiracy.\n Jerusalem. \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 60 \u2502 First Triumvirate: Pompey,\n \u2502 \u2502 C\u00e6sar, and Crassus.\n Gabinius remodels the \u2502 \u2502\n government. \u2502 57 \u2502\n Crassus plunders the Temple. \u2502 54 \u2502 The Parthian War.\n \u2502 53 \u2502 Death of Crassus at the battle\n \u2502 \u2502 of Carrh\u00e6.\n \u2502 48 \u2502 Battle of Pharsalia; death of\n \u2502 \u2502 Pompey.\n Julius C\u00e6sar appoints Antipater\u2502 \u2502\n procurator of Jud\u00e6a. \u2502 47 \u2502 Julius C\u00e6sar in Egypt.\n \u2502 44 \u2502 Death of C\u00e6sar, March 15.\n Death of Antipater. \u2502 43 \u2502 Second Triumvirate\u2015\u2015Octavius,\n \u2502 \u2502 Antonius, and Lepidus; death\n \u2502 \u2502 of Cicero.\n Herod marries Mariamne. \u2502 42 \u2502 Battle of Philippi.\n The Parthians take Jerusalem: \u2502 \u2502\n Herod flies to Rome. \u2502 40 \u2502\n Herod takes Jerusalem, and \u2502 \u2502 Antonius captivated with\n becomes king of Jud\u00e6a. \u2502 37 \u2502 Cleopatra.\n Murder of Aristobulus. \u2502 35 \u2502\n Herod summoned before Antonius.\u2502 34 \u2502\n \u2502 33 \u2502 War between Antonius and\n \u2502 \u2502 Octavius.\n \u2502 31 \u2502 Battle of Actium.\n His kingdom increased by \u2502 \u2502 Death of Antony and Cleopatra;\n Octavius. \u2502 30 \u2502 Egypt becomes a Roman\n \u2502 \u2502 province.\n Murder of Mariamne. \u2502 29 \u2502 Temple of Janus shut.\n \u2502 27 \u2502 Octavius assumes the title of\n \u2502 \u2502 _Augustus_; division of the\n \u2502 \u2502 provinces (see p. 147, n.).\n Plot to assassinate Herod\u2015\u2015He \u2502 \u2502\n rebuilds Samaria. \u2502 25 \u2502\n Foundations laid of C\u00e6sarea. \u2502 21 \u2502\n Herod proposes to rebuild the \u2502 \u2502 The standards taken from\n Temple. \u2502 20 \u2502 Crassus restored.\n Erection begun. \u2502 18 \u2502\n Herod goes to Rome to bring \u2502 \u2502\n back Alexander and \u2502 15 \u2502\n Aristobulus. \u2502 \u2502\n Salome\u2019s schemes against them. \u2502 14 \u2502\n Completion of C\u00e6sarea. \u2502 10 \u2502\n Execution of Alexander and \u2502 \u2502\n Aristobulus. \u2502 6 \u2502 Tiberius retires to Rhodes.\n\n\n IV. THE GOSPEL HISTORY.\n PALESTINE. B.C. ROME. B.C. PREFECTS OF SYRIA.\n \u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n Birth of John the \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Baptist. \u2502 5 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n The NATIVITY OF \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502Pub. Sulp.\n CHRIST\u2015\u2015Death of \u2502 4 \u2502 \u2502 4 \u2502 Quirinus 1st\n Herod. \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 time (Lk. ii. 1).\n Reign of Archelaus, \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Herod Antipas, and \u2502 4 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Herod Philip (see \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n pp. 144\u2013146). \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Disturbances at \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Jerusalem. \u2502 3 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502A.D.\u2502 \u2502A.D.\u2502\n \u2502 \u2502Tiberius adopted \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 by Augustus as \u2502 4 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 his son. \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502Pub. Sulp.\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 5 \u2502 Quirinus (2nd\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 time).\n Archelaus banished \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n to Vienne in Gaul. \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Jud\u00e6a becomes a \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Roman province \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n and is annexed to \u2502 6 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n the prefecture of \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Syria. _Coponius_ \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n the first \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n procurator. \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n The Census actually \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n carried out (see \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n above, p. 148). \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Rising of Judas the\u2502 7 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Gaulonite. Quirinus\u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n appoints Annas \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n high-priest. \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Visit of the Saviour \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n to the Temple. \u2502 8 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n _Marcus Ambivius_, \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n 2nd procurator. \u2502 10 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n _Annius Rufus_, 3rd \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n procurator. \u2502 13 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n _Valerius Gratus_, \u2502 \u2502Augustus dies at \u2502 \u2502\n 4th procurator. \u2502 14 \u2502 Nola. Accession \u2502 14 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 of Tiberius. \u2502 \u2502\n Joseph Caiaphas \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n appointed \u2502 17 \u2502Death of Ovid. \u2502 17 \u2502M. Calpurnius Piso.\n high-priest (see \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n above, p. 149). \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502Jews expelled \u2502 19 \u2502Cn. Sentius\n \u2502 \u2502 from Italy. \u2502 \u2502 Saturninus.\n \u2502 \u2502Influence of \u2502 22 \u2502L. Pomponius\n \u2502 \u2502 Sejanus. \u2502 \u2502 Flaccus.\n _Pontius Pilate_, \u2502 \u2502Tiberius retires \u2502 \u2502\n 5th procurator. \u2502 26 \u2502 to Capre\u00e6. \u2502 26 \u2502\n Riots at Jerusalem \u2502 \u2502Herod Antipas. \u2502 \u2502\n (see pp. 150, 151).\u2502 \u2502 in Italy, and \u2502 \u2502\n The Preaching of \u2502 27 \u2502 there becomes \u2502 27 \u2502\n John, and Baptism \u2502 \u2502 acquainted \u2502 \u2502\n of Christ. \u2502 \u2502 with Herodias \u2502 \u2502\n \u2502 \u2502 (see p. 168). \u2502 \u2502\n Herod Antipas marries\u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Herodias. War \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n breaks out with \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Aretas. \u2502 28 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Imprisonment of \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n John the Baptist. \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Death of the Baptist.\u2502 29 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n The Crucifixion of \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n Christ. \u2502 30 \u2502Era of Seneca. \u2502 \u2502\n\n\n V. THE APOSTOLIC HISTORY.\n\n PALESTINE. A.D. ROME.\n \u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n The Pentecostal Effusion (May). \u2502 30\u2502Banishment of Agrippina.\n \u2502 31\u2502Death of Sejanus.\n Martyrdom of Stephen, Pilate \u2502 \u2502\n deposed by Vitellius. \u2502 36\u2502\n Dispersion of the Christians. \u2502 \u2502Death of Tiberius,\n Conversion of Saul, who spends \u2502 37\u2502 March 16, accession\n 3 years in Damascus and Arabia. \u2502 \u2502 of CALIGULA.\n Herod Agrippa appointed king of \u2502 \u2502Birth of Nero. Caligula\n Trachonitis. \u2502 38\u2502 orders his Statue to be\n \u2502 \u2502 set up at Jerusalem.\n Great disturbances at Jerusalem \u2502 \u2502\n owing to Caligula\u2019s order \u2502 \u2502\n respecting his statue \u2502 39\u2502\n (see p. 393). \u2502 \u2502\n Herod Antipas banished with \u2502 \u2502\n Herodias to Lyons in Gaul. \u2502 38\u2502\n St Peter\u2019s visitation of the \u2502 \u2502\n Churches (see pp. 395, 396). \u2502 38\u2502\n Conversion of Cornelius. \u2502 41\u2502Death of Caligula, Jan. 24,\n \u2502 \u2502 accession of CLAUDIUS.\n Spread of the Gospel to Antioch. \u2502 42\u2502\n Herod Agrippa I. receives Jud\u00e6a \u2502 \u2502\n and Samaria in addition to \u2502 \u2502\n the tetrarchies of Philip and \u2502 \u2502\n Antipas, and the title of \u2018king.\u2019\u2502 \u2502\n Martyrdom of James. \u2502 44\u2502Return of Claudius from\n \u2502 \u2502 Britain.\n Death of Herod Agrippa at C\u00e6sarea. \u2502 44\u2502\n _Cuspius Fadus_ appointed \u2502 \u2502\n procurator of Jud\u00e6a. \u2502 44\u2502\n Saul and Barnabas sent to Jerusalem\u2502 \u2502\n with contributions from Antioch. \u2502 44\u2502\n Return to, and sojourn at, Antioch.\u250245\u201348\u2502\n (i) _First Missionary Journey of \u2502 \u2502\n Saul and Barnabas_ to Cyprus, \u250248,49\u2502\n Perga, Antioch in Pisidia, \u2502 \u2502\n Iconium, Lystra, Derbe. \u2502 \u2502\n _Cumanus_ procurator of Jud\u00e6a. \u2502 49\u2502\n The Council at Jerusalem. \u2502 50\u2502Birth of Domitian.\n (ii) _St Paul\u2019s Second Missionary \u2502 \u2502\n Journey: he visits \u2502 \u2502\n Lycaonia, Galatia, Troas. \u2502 51\u2502Caractacus brought before\n \u2502 \u2502 Claudius.\n Philippi, Thessalonica, Ber\u0153a, \u2502 \u2502\n Athens, Corinth. \u2502 52\u2502\n FIRST EPISTLE TO THE \u2502 \u2502\n THESSALONIANS. \u2502 52\u2502\n At Corinth. \u2502 53\u2502\n SECOND EPISTLE TO THE \u2502 \u2502\n THESSALONIANS. \u2502 53\u2502\n _Felix_ procurator of Jud\u00e6a. \u2502 \u2502\n St Paul sails from Corinth. \u2502 54\u2502Death of Claudius,\n Fourth visit to Jerusalem. \u2502 \u2502 accession of NERO.\n (iii) _St Paul\u2019s Third Missionary \u2502 \u2502\n Journey_: \u2502 \u2502\n Second circuit of Galatia. \u2502 \u2502\n Reaches Ephesus. \u2502 55\u2502Britannicus poisoned.\n At Ephesus. \u2502 56\u2502\n FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS \u2502 \u2502\n (Spring). \u2502 57\u2502\n Leaves Ephesus for Macedonia. \u2502 \u2502\n SECOND EPISTLE TO THE \u2502 57\u2502\n CORINTHIANS (Autumn). \u2502 \u2502\n At Corinth. EPISTLE TO THE \u2502 \u2502\n GALATIANS. EPISTLE TO THE \u2502 58\u2502\n ROMANS. Return to Jerusalem. \u2502 \u2502\n (iv) _St Paul arrested, and sent to\u2502 \u2502\n C\u00e6sarea._ \u2502 59\u2502Nero murders Agrippina.\n Felix succeeded by Festus. \u2502 60\u2502\n St Paul sent to Rome by Festus. \u2502 \u2502\n Shipwrecked at Malta (Winter). \u2502 60\u2502Agricola in Britain.\n Reaches Rome. \u2502 61\u2502Tacitus born.\n EPISTLE TO PHILEMON (Spring) \u2502 \u2502\n EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. \u2502 \u2502\n EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. \u2502 62\u2502Death of Burrhus. Nero\n EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS \u2502 \u2502 marries Popp\u00e6a.\n (Autumn). \u2502 \u2502\n Albinus succeeds Festus. \u2502 63\u2502Tigellinus, pr\u00e6torian\n \u2502 \u2502 prefect.\n EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. (?) \u2502 \u2502\n (v) _St Paul\u2019s acquittal_; journey \u2502 \u2502\n to Philippi and Asia Minor. \u2502 63\u2502\n Journey to Spain (?) \u2502 64\u2502Great Fire at Rome.\n \u2502 \u2502 Persecution of the\n \u2502 \u2502 Christians.\n Returns to Asia Minor (?) \u2502 66\u2502Vespasian commands in\n \u2502 \u2502 Jud\u00e6a.\n Journey to Macedonia. \u2502 \u2502\n FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. \u2502 67\u2502\n Voyage to Crete with Titus. \u2502 \u2502\n EPISTLE TO TITUS from Asia Minor \u2502 \u2502\n (Autumn). \u2502 \u2502\n At Nicopolis (Winter). \u2502 \u2502\n Second Imprisonment at Rome. \u2502 \u2502\n SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. \u2502 68\u2502\n Martyrdom (May or June). \u2502 68\u2502Death of Nero,\n \u2502 \u2502 June 9 or 11.\n\n\n VI. THE HERODIAN FAMILY.\n HEROD THE GREAT,\n SON OF ANTIPATER, PROCURATOR OF JUD\u00c6A,\n\n married \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n successively \u2502 \u2502 \u2502\n ten wives, \u2502 \u2502 grand \u2502 great grand\n of whom were \u2502 children \u2502 children \u2502 children\n \u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2534\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2534\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n Doris \u2502Antipater\n \u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n \u2502Alexander.\n \u251c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u252c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u252c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502Herod Agrippa II.\n \u2502 \u2502 \u2502 Acts xxv. 13.\n \u2502 \u2502 \u251c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n \u2502 \u2502Herod Agrippa I. \u2502Bernice.\n \u2502 \u2502 Acts xii. 1. \u2502 Acts xxv. 13.\n \u2502 \u2502 \u251c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n Mariamne I. \u2502 \u2502 \u2502Drusilla.\n \u2502Aristobulus. \u2502 \u2502 Acts xxiv. 24.\n \u2502 \u251c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2534\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n \u2502 \u2502Herod, king of\n \u2502 \u2502 Chalcis.\n \u2502 \u251c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n \u2502 \u2502Herodias.\n \u2502 \u2502 Mark vi. 17.\n \u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2534\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n \u2502Herod Philip,\n \u2502 disinherited\n \u2502 by Herod; first\n Mariamne II. \u2502 husband of\n \u2502 Herodias.\n \u2502 Mark vi. 17.\n \u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n \u2502Archelaus,\n \u2502 Ethnarch of\n \u2502 Jud\u00e6a, Samaria,\n \u2502 and Itur\u00e6a.\n \u2502Matt. ii. 22.\n \u251c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n Malthace. \u2502Herod Antipas,\n \u2502 Tetrarch of\n \u2502 Galilee and\n \u2502 Per\u00e6a; second\n \u2502 husband of\n \u2502 Herodias. Luke\n \u2502 iii. Mark vi.\n \u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u253c\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\u2500\n \u2502Philip, Tetrarch\n Cleopatra. \u2502 of Trachonitis\n \u2502 and Idum\u00e6a.\n\n\n\n\n INDEX.\n\n\n A.\n\n Aceldama,\n conjectures upon, 297\n Acra,\n fortress in Jerusalem, 21, 36, 37, 42;\n besieged by Jonathan Maccab\u00e6us, 47;\n demolished by Simon Maccab\u00e6us, 53\n Adida,\n position of, 51\n \u00c6neas,\n healed by St Peter, 394\n \u00c6non,\n St John Baptist at, 167\n Agabus,\n famine prophesied by, 403;\n his interview with St Paul at C\u00e6sarea, 482\n Agony,\n of Christ, the, 286\n Agrippa.\n See Herod\n Alcimus,\n the High-priest, 39;\n opposes Judas Maccab\u00e6us, 40;\n flies to Antioch, 40;\n his reinstatement and death, 42\n Alexander Jann\u00e6us,\n succeeds Aristobulus, 62;\n defeated by Lathyrus, 62;\n opposed by the Pharisees, 63;\n civil war under, 64;\n his cruelties and death, 64\n Alexander the coppersmith,\n conjectures concerning, 470, 526\n Alexander the Great,\n his victories over the Persians, 5;\n visit to Jerusalem, 6;\n historic grounds for this, 7;\n grants privileges to the Jews, 7;\n division of his empire at his death, 8\n Alexandra,\n succeeds Alexander Jann\u00e6us, 64;\n her death, 65\n Alexandra,\n mother-in-law of Mariamne, 83;\n imprisoned by Herod the Great, 85;\n put to death, 90\n Alexandria,\n Jews established at, 7, 8;\n besieged by Antiochus Epiphanes, 23\n Alexandria Troas,\n account of, 438;\n St Paul there, 472\n Amphipolis,\n situation of, 445\n Ananias,\n death of, 357\n Ananias,\n of Damascus, 385;\n his mission to St Paul, 386\n Andrew, St,\n call of, 159, 177, 187;\n with Christ on Mount Olivet, 276\n Andronicus, deputy of Syria,\n kills Onias III., 22;\n his execution, 22\n Angel,\n releases the Twelve from prison, 359;\n delivers St Peter, 406\n Angels,\n at the sepulchre, 321, 322, 324\n Anna,\n her testimony concerning Christ, 138\n Annas,\n appointed High-priest and Sagan, 149;\n Christ at his house, 289;\n his hostility to the Christians, 353, 359\n Antigonus,\n defeated by Ptolemy Soter, 9\n Antigonus,\n son of Aristobulus, 73;\n attempts to gain the throne, 78;\n his success, 79;\n overcome by Herod the Great, 81;\n his death, 82\n Antigonus,\n son of Hyrcanus, 59;\n his assassination, 61\n Antioch,\n founded by Seleucus, 10;\n settlement of Jews at, 10, 107;\n early Christian church at, 401;\n teaching of St Paul and Barnabas at, 402, 422, 429;\n the term Christians first applied there, 403;\n disputes at, 423, 430\n Antioch in Pisidia,\n St Paul\u2019s sermon at, 414;\n the Apostles expelled from, 416\n Antiochus Epiphanes,\n accession of, 3, 19;\n reduces Egypt, 22;\n takes Jerusalem, 22;\n profanes and plunders the Temple, 23;\n his attacks on Alexandria, 23, 24;\n his character, 25;\n his persecution of the Jews, 26;\n his death, 37\n Antiochus Eupator,\n 38\n Antiochus Sidetes,\n King of Syria, 55;\n besieges Jerusalem, 58;\n his death, 59\n Antiochus the Great,\n defeated at Raphia, 13;\n captures Jerusalem, 14;\n the Jews submit to him, 15;\n his reverses, 17;\n and death, 18\n Antiochus Theos,\n king of Syria, 48;\n murdered by Tryphon, 52\n Antipater,\n governor of Idum\u00e6a, 66, 70, 71;\n his exertions for Julius C\u00e6sar, 73;\n appointed procurator of Jud\u00e6a, 74;\n poisoned, 76\n Antipater,\n son of Herod the Great, 98, 100;\n plots against his father, 102;\n his condemnation 103;\n and death, 105\n Antipatris,\n situation of, 99\n Antonia, the Temple fortress,\n erected by Herod the Great, 91;\n St Paul\u2019s address from the steps of, 487\n Apollonia,\n account of, 446\n Apollonius, Syrian general,\n his cruelties at Jerusalem, 26;\n his defeat and death, 31\n Apollos,\n at Ephesus and Corinth, 460\n Apostles,\n call of the first four, 177;\n the Twelve selected, 187;\n powers conferred upon them, 202;\n committed to prison, and released by an angel, 359;\n tried before the Sanhedrin, 360;\n their dismissal 362\n Apostolic history, the,\n chronological table of, 533\n Aquila,\n St Paul\u2019s friend, at Corinth 454;\n accompanies him to Ephesus, 459;\n her connection with St Paul, 461, 469, 471;\n residence at Rome, 476\n Arabia,\n conjectures on St Paul\u2019s visit to, 387\n Aram\u00e6an Jews,\n origin of, 109\n Archelaus,\n accession and character of, 142;\n his dominions, 144;\n his cruelty and banishment, 146\n Aretas, king of Arabia,\n besieges Jerusalem, 66;\n his hostilities with Herod Antipas, 388\n Arimath\u00e6a,\n conjectures upon, 318\n Aristobulus,\n son of Alexander Jann\u00e6us, 65;\n usurps the throne, 66;\n besieged in Jerusalem, 66, 69;\n taken captive to Rome, 69, 71;\n his death, 72\n Aristobulus,\n son of Hyrcanus, 59;\n seizes the supreme power, 61;\n his tragical death, 62\n Aristobulus, brother-in-law of Herod the Great,\n made High-priest by him, 83;\n who causes his death, 84\n Artemis.\n See Diana\n Ascension,\n the, site of, 338\n Ashdod or Azotus,\n 34;\n Philip the deacon at, 378\n Asia,\n Roman province of, 344\n Asiarchs,\n the officers so called, 460\n Asmon\u00e6an dynasty,\n commencement of, 45;\n its decline, 61;\n its extinction, 82\n Assideans, the,\n 30, 116\n Athens,\n settlement of Jews there, 108;\n St Paul at, 449\n Attaleia,\n position of, 413\n Augustus,\n emperor of Rome, 90;\n his decree of taxation, 134;\n his death, 149\n Auranitis,\n situation of, 145\n Azotus.\n See Ashdod\n\n\n B.\n\n Bacchides,\n Syrian general, 35, 40, 42, 43\n Bagoses, Persian general,\n advances on Jerusalem, 4\n Balas,\n opposes Demetrius, 44;\n his success, 45;\n confers the High-priesthood on Jonathan Maccab\u00e6us, 45;\n his defeat and death, 47\n Barabbas,\n the robber, 303\n Baris,\n the Temple fortress, 53, 61, 65, 91\n Barnabas, St,\n his liberality, 356;\n first recognises St Paul, 389;\n his mission to Antioch, 402;\n accompanies St Paul, 411;\n with him at Cyprus, 411;\n Pamphylia, 413;\n Pisidian Antioch, 414;\n Iconium, 417;\n Lystra, 418;\n at the disputes at Antioch, 422;\n attends the Council at Jerusalem, 425;\n separates from St Paul, 432\n Barsabas, Joseph,\n nominated for the Apostleship, 342\n Barsabas, Judas,\n at Antioch, 429\n Bartholomew, or Nathanael,\n call of, 159, 187\n Bartim\u00e6us,\n the healing of, 258\n Batan\u00e6a,\n situation of, 145\n Batlanim,\n their duties, 111\n Beautiful Gate, the,\n of the Temple, 96;\n the cripple healed there, 350\n Ber\u0153a,\n settlement of Jews there, 108;\n its position, 448\n Bethabara.\n See Bethany\n Bethany,\n St John Baptist at, 153;\n sojourn of Christ at, 239;\n its situation, 239;\n death and raising of Lazarus at, 248;\n Christ\u2019s last Sabbath at, 259;\n His anointment there by Mary, 260;\n the Ascension near, 337\n Bethesda,\n pool of, 172;\n the paralytic healed there, 172\n Beth-horon,\n defeat of the Syrians at, 32\n Bethlehem,\n Christ born there, 136;\n the shepherds at, 137;\n the declared birthplace of the Messiah, 140;\n murder of children there, 141\n Bethphage,\n supposed position of, 261\n Bethsaida-Julias,\n situation of, 204;\n the blind man restored at, 218\n Bethsaida, Western,\n situation of, 208\n Beth-sura or Beth-zur,\n fortress of, 36;\n besieged by Lysias, 38\n Betrayal, the,\n of Christ, 287\n Brethren, the,\n of the Lord, names of, 228\n\n\n C.\n\n C\u00e6sarea on the sea,\n founded by Herod the Great, 92;\n description of, 92;\n its completion, 99;\n the residence of the procurator, 147;\n Pilate resides there, 150;\n Philip the Deacon at, 378;\n St Paul at, 391;\n St Peter\u2019s visit to Cornelius there, 398;\n St Paul entertained there by Philip the Deacon, 482;\n St Paul imprisoned at, 493, 502\n C\u00e6sarea Philippi,\n its situation and history, 218\n Caiaphas,\n appointed High-priest, 149;\n his counsel to the Sanhedrin, 253;\n the conclave at his palace, 277;\n his hostility to the Christians, 353, 359\n Calvary,\n its meaning, and site, 309\n Cana,\n supposed site of, 160;\n the first miracle at, 161;\n the second miracle at, 171\n Canon, the,\n of the Old Testament, completed by Simon the Just, 9\n Capernaum,\n doubts as to its site, 162;\n nobleman\u2019s son of, healed, 171;\n Christ takes up His abode there, 76\u2013181;\n call of the Apostles there, 177;\n its advantages for His work, 176;\n His discourse in the synagogue there, 210\n Captain, the,\n of the Levitical guard, duties of, 353, 359\n Cenchre\u00e6,\n situation of, 459\n Census,\n of the Roman Empire under Augustus, 134;\n of Palestine under Herod, 135\n Centurion\u2019s slave,\n healed, 188\n Chaldee,\n language used by the Jews, 109\n Chazzan, the,\n duties of, 111\n Children, the,\n murder of, by Herod, 141\n \u2666Chiun,\n the idol of the Israelites, 369\n Christian,\n origin of the term, 403\n Church, the,\n its first ordinances, 349, 363\n Chuza,\n Herod\u2019s steward, 171, 192\n Circumcision,\n Christian disputes concerning, 423, 425;\n their settlement, 428\n Cleopas,\n conjectures regarding, 326\n Coinage, the,\n of Simon Maccab\u00e6us, 55\n Coloss\u00e6,\n account of, 517\n Colossians,\n object of the Epistle to, 517\n Coponius,\n procurator of Jud\u00e6a, 147\n Corinth,\n settlement of Jews in, 108;\n St Paul there, 453, 474;\n Apollos there, 460;\n parties in the Church there, 466;\n St Paul\u2019s anxiety about the Church there, 473\n Corinthians,\n object of the 1st Epistle to, 468;\n of the 2nd Epistle, 474\n Cornelius the Centurion,\n conjectures concerning, 396;\n sends for St Peter, 397;\n events of his visit, 398\n Cos,\n situation of, 480\n Courts,\n the various, in Herod\u2019s Temple, 96\n Crassus, prefect of Syria,\n enters Jerusalem, 71;\n plunders the Temple, 72\n Crete,\n Titus placed at, 524\n Cripple, the,\n at the Beautiful Gate, healed by SS. Peter and John, 350\n Crosses,\n various kinds of, 311\n Crown of Thorns, the,\n conjectures upon, 306\n Crucifixion,\n Roman customs regarding, 317\n Custody,\n various kinds of under the Roman law, 496\n Cyprus,\n position of, 356;\n its advantages for a Christian mission, 411\n Cyrenius, or Quirinus,\n governor of Syria, explanation of, 134\n\n\n D.\n\n Dalmanutha,\n position of, 217\n Damascus,\n seized by the Romans, 67;\n St Paul there, 384, 388\n Darkness, the,\n at the Crucifixion, 314\n Deacons,\n institution of, 365\n Decapolis,\n cities in the region of, 199\n Dedication, Feast of,\n institution 96;\n attended by Christ, 244\n Demas,\n with St Paul at Rome, 516;\n forsakes him, 525\n Demetrius,\n hostage at Rome, 19;\n seizes the Syrian crown, 39;\n opposes the Maccabees, 40;\n conspiracy against him, 44;\n routed by Balas, 45\n Demetrius Nicator,\n opposes Balas, 46;\n becomes king of Syria, 47;\n deposed, 49\n Denarius, the,\n description of, 269;\n its value, 279\n Derbe,\n conjectures upon, 418;\n St Paul and Barnabas at, 421;\n St Paul and Silas at, 433\n Devil,\n his temptation of Christ, 157\n Diana, or Artemis,\n the temple of, at Ephesus, 463;\n account of her image and worship there, 464\n Didrachma,\n the coin, 226\n Disciples,\n call of the first five, 159;\n their number after the Ascension, 341\n Dispersion,\n of the Jews, 107\n Dorcas,\n raised from the dead by St Peter, 395\n Drachma,\n value of the coin, 466\n Drusilla,\n wife of Felix, 376, 496\n\n\n E.\n\n Egypt,\n transportation of Jews to, 7, 8, 10, 107;\n flight of Mary and Joseph into, 140\n Elam,\n position of, 344\n Eleazar,\n brother of Simon the Just, High-priest, 11\n Eleazar,\n son of Annas, 149\n Eliashib,\n High-priest, 4\n Elisabeth,\n wife of Zacharias, 127;\n her retirement, 129;\n visited by the Virgin, 131;\n becomes the mother of St John Baptist, 132\n Elymas the Sorcerer,\n struck blind, 413\n Emmaus,\n battle of, 33;\n position of, 326;\n Christ with the two disciples there, 327\n Epaphroditus,\n bearer of the Epistle to the Philippians, 519\n Ephesians, the,\n Epistle to, doubts about, 518\n Ephesus,\n settlement of Jews there, 108;\n St Paul at, 459\u2013461;\n importance of the city, 462;\n the conversion of the magicians there, 464;\n great disturbance at, 470;\n Timothy placed there by St Paul, 523\n Ephraim,\n Christ retires to, 254\n Essenes, the,\n account of, 118\n Ethnarch, the,\n office of, 388\n Eucharist, the Holy,\n institution of, 284;\n the first practice of, 349\n Eumenes,\n King of Pergamus, 19\n Eunuch, the Ethiopian,\n accosted by Philip, 377;\n baptized, 378\n Eutychus,\n restored by St Paul, 479\n\n\n F.\n\n Felix the governor,\n character of, 493;\n St Paul before him, 494, 496;\n is recalled, 497\n Festus,\n succeeds Felix, 497;\n St Paul brought before him, 498, 501\n Field of blood, the,\n site of, 297\n Fig-tree,\n the barren, cursed, 265\n\n\n G.\n\n Gabbatha,\n meaning of, 304\n Gabinius,\n prefect of Syria, 70\n Gabriel, the angel,\n appears to Zachariah, 129;\n to the Virgin Mary, 130\n Gadarenes, the,\n country of, conjectures upon, 196;\n the works of Christ there, 197\n Galatia,\n the district so called, 435;\n churches founded there, 436\u2013438\n Galatians,\n their fickleness, 437;\n origin of the Epistle to, 475\n Galilee,\n geographical account of, 145;\n \u2018of the Gentiles,\u2019 why so called, 145;\n Christ\u2019s teaching in, 192, 202;\n prophets arisen from, 232\n Galilee, sea of.\n See Gennesaret, lake of\n Gallio,\n character of, 458\n Gamaliel,\n account of, 360;\n his advice to the Sanhedrin, 361\n Garment,\n Christ\u2019s seamless, account of, 312\n Gaulanitis,\n situation of, 145\n Gauls, the,\n early invasions of, 435;\n character of the race, 437\n Gaza of the New Testament,\n notice of, 376\n Gazara,\n position of, 34\n Gehenna,\n meaning of, 198, 347\n Gennesaret,\n lake of, 176;\n miraculous draught of fishes from, 178;\n St Matthew at, 182;\n parables delivered from, and scenery suggestive of them,\n 194, 195;\n Christ stills the storm on, 196;\n cause of the violent tempests there, 196;\n desert character of its eastern side, 206;\n Christ walks on its waters, 209;\n His appearance there after His Resurrection, 331;\n description of the beach, 333\n Gentile Greeks,\n enquire for Christ, 272\n Gentiles, the,\n receive the Holy Ghost, 399;\n admitted into the Christian Church, 400\n Gerizim, Mount,\n the rival temple built on, 5, 121;\n its destruction by John Hyrcanus, 59\n Gethsemane,\n the site of, 286;\n the Betrayal there, 287\n Golgotha,\n its meaning and site, 309\n Gospel history, the,\n chronological table of, 532\n Grecian influence,\n its effect on the Jews, 20, 114\n Greek Gentiles,\n enquire for Christ, 272\n Greek language,\n the general use of, 109;\n adopted by the Jews, 110\n\n\n H.\n\n Hades,\n meaning of, 347\n Hamath,\n Demetrius at, 49\n Hebrew Jews,\n their disputes with the Hellenists, 363;\n their poverty, 364\n Heliodorus,\n treasurer to Seleucus, 18;\n baffled in his attempt on the Temple, 19;\n his usurpation and defeat, 19\n Hell,\n meaning of, 347\n Hellenists, the,\n why so called, 110;\n their disputes with the Hebrew Jews, 364;\n introduced into the ministry as deacons, 365\n Herod Agrippa I.,\n account of, 392;\n appointed king of Jud\u00e6a, 404;\n slays St James, 405;\n arrests St Peter, 406;\n his miserable death, 407\n Herod Agrippa II.,\n account of, 499;\n St Paul brought before him, 500\n Herod Antipas,\n his dominions, 145;\n imprisons St John Baptist, 168;\n causes his death, 203;\n his desire to see Christ, 205;\n his hostility to Him, 246;\n Christ brought before him, 301;\n his hostilities with Aretas, 388\n Herod Philip,\n his dominions, 145\n Herod the Great,\n appointed tetrarch of Galilee, 74;\n his energy and successes, 74;\n betrothed to Mariamne, 77;\n escapes from Jerusalem, 78;\n goes to Rome, 79;\n nominated King of Jud\u00e6a, 80;\n his marriage, 81;\n captures Jerusalem, 81;\n his cruelties to the Jews, 82;\n causes the death of Aristobulus, 84;\n his policy with Octavius, 87;\n his anger against Mariamne, 88;\n orders her death, 89;\n his policy to the Jews, 90;\n founds C\u00e6sarea, 92;\n his unpopularity, 94;\n rebuilds the temple, 95;\n discords in his family, 97, 100;\n causes his sons to be strangled, 101;\n his jealousy of Christ, 139;\n his interview with the Magi, 140;\n orders the massacre of the Innocents, 141;\n his severe illness, 103, 104;\n his cruelties and agonizing death, 105\n Herodian family, the,\n chronological table of, 531;\n genealogy of, 535\n Herodians, the,\n account of, 119;\n they question Christ, 268\n Herodias,\n wife of Herod Antipas, 168;\n her anger against St John Baptist, 202;\n causes his murder, 203\n High-priest, the,\n subject to the civil governor, 3\n Hillel,\n a sect of the Pharisees, 117, 255\n Holy Ghost, the,\n descent of, 345;\n the second descent of, 355;\n descends on the Gentiles, 399\n Hyrcanus, John,\n defeats the Syrians, 56;\n succeeds Simon Maccab\u00e6us, 57;\n besieged in Jerusalem, 58;\n his prosperous reign, 60;\n his death, 61\n Hyrcanus II.,\n the succession of, as High-priest, 64;\n as King, 65;\n his deposition, 66;\n nominated by Pompeius to the High-priesthood, 69;\n confirmed by Julius C\u00e6sar, 73;\n imprisoned by the Parthians, 78;\n mutilated by his nephew, 79;\n executed by Herod the Great, 87\n\n\n I.\n\n Iconium,\n situation of, 417\n Idum\u00e6a,\n plain of, 34\n Illyricum,\n position of, 474\n Imperial provinces,\n the government of, 147\n Inscription, the,\n placed over Christ, 309, 311\n Ipsus,\n battle of, 9\n Italy,\n settlements of the Jews in, 109\n Itur\u00e6a,\n situation of, 145\n\n\n J.\n\n Jacob\u2019s well,\n situation of, 169\n Jaddua,\n High-priesthood of, 4;\n refuses allegiance to Alexander the Great, 5;\n the meeting between them, 6\n Jairus\u2019 daughter,\n restored to life, 199\n Jakim, or Joachin,\n High-priest, 39.\n See Alcimus\n James, St, the Great,\n call of, 177;\n named with his brother Boanerges, 187;\n present at the raising of Jairus\u2019 daughter, 201;\n at the Transfiguration, 222;\n his request to Christ, 257;\n with Christ on Mount Olivet, 276;\n at Gethsemane, 286;\n slain by Herod, 405\n James, St, the Less,\n call of, 187;\n his recognition of St Paul, 389;\n notices of him in the Acts, 390;\n head of the Church in Jerusalem, 410, 483;\n his character, 426;\n his address at the Council of Jerusalem, 427;\n receives St Paul at Jerusalem, 483;\n date of his Epistle, 528\n Jamnia,\n position of, 34\n Jann\u00e6us.\n See Alexander\n Jason, or Joshua, brother of Onias III,\n usurps the High-priesthood, 20;\n deposed by Onias IV., 21;\n favours idolatry, 21;\n seizes Jerusalem, 22\n Jericho,\n Simon Maccab\u00e6us murdered at, 57;\n Pompeius at, 69;\n death of Herod the Great at, 105, 142;\n blind man restored at, 257;\n sources of its wealth, 258;\n Christ entertained there by \u2666Zacch\u00e6us, 258\n Jerusalem,\n Bagoses at, 4;\n visited by Alexander the Great, 6;\n captured by Ptolemy Soter, 8;\n by Antiochus Scopas, 14;\n by Antiochus Epiphanes, 22;\n by his general Apollonius, 26;\n deserted by the Jews, 26;\n the walls repaired by Jonathan Maccab\u00e6us, 45, 50,\n and by Simon Maccab\u00e6us, 51;\n its freedom achieved under Simon Maccab\u00e6us, 53;\n taken by Pompeius, and its walls demolished, 69;\n entered by Crassus, 71;\n taken by the Parthians, 79;\n by Herod the Great, 81;\n number of Synagogues there, 113;\n routes to it from Nazareth, 131;\n scenes in, during the Passover, 162;\n Christ attends the Feast of Tabernacles there, 230,\n and the Feast of Dedication, 244;\n His triumphal entry into it, 262;\n His view of it from the Mount of Olives, 276;\n the assembly at the Feast of Pentecost, 344;\n St Paul\u2019s first visit to, 389;\n the proceedings at the Council of, 425\n Jesus,\n His birth announced, 130;\n meaning of the Name, 130;\n is born in Bethlehem, 136;\n circumcised, 137;\n testimony of Symeon and Anna concerning Him, 138;\n Herod\u2019s jealousy of Him, 139;\n adored by the Magi, 140;\n His flight into Egypt, 140;\n returns to Nazareth, 142;\n with the Rabbis in the Temple, 144;\n baptized by John, 156;\n His temptation, 157;\n calls His disciples, 159;\n His first miracle at Cana, 161;\n celebrates His first Passover, 162;\n cleanses the Temple, 163;\n His interview with Nicodemus, 165;\n with the woman of Samaria, 169;\n announces Himself the Messiah, 170, 173, 219;\n heals the nobleman\u2019s son, 171;\n the paralytic at Bethesda, 172;\n is forcibly rejected from Nazareth, 175;\n abides at Capernaum, 176;\n the miraculous draught of fishes, 178;\n heals the man with an evil spirit, and St Peter\u2019s wife\u2019s\n mother, 179;\n the leper, 180,\n and the paralytic, 181;\n his declarations regarding the Sabbath, 184, 243;\n restores the withered hand, 185;\n selects His twelve Apostles, 186;\n delivers the Sermon on the Mount, 188;\n heals the centurion\u2019s slave, 188;\n raises the widow\u2019s son, 189;\n His testimony to St John Baptist, 191;\n anointed by the sinful woman, 192;\n cures the deaf and dumb demoniac, 193;\n stills the storm on Gennesaret, 196;\n His works among the Gadarenes, 197;\n cures the woman with an issue, 200;\n raises Jairus\u2019 daughter, 201;\n feeds five thousand, 206;\n walks on the sea, 209;\n discourses in the synagogue of Capernaum, 210;\n cures the daughter of the Syro-Ph\u0153nician, 214;\n the deaf and dumb man, 215;\n feeds four thousand, 216;\n restores the blind man, 218;\n foretells His death, 220, 221, 225, 234, 257;\n His transfiguration, 222;\n cures the lunatic child, 224;\n attends the Feast of Tabernacles, 230;\n hostility of the Sanhedrin to Him, 231, 236;\n dismisses the woman taken in adultery, 233;\n restores the man born blind, 235;\n sends forth the seventy, 238;\n His sojourn at Bethany, 239;\n His various discourses and miracles, 239;\n raises Lazarus from the dead, 251;\n effect of this on the ruling powers, 252;\n His death determined upon, 254;\n retires to Ephraim, 254;\n cleanses the ten lepers, 255;\n His reply to the sons of Zebedee, 257;\n entertained by Zacch\u00e6us, 258;\n retires to Bethany, 259;\n anointed by Mary, 260;\n His triumphal entry into \u2666Jerusalem, 262;\n curses the barren fig-tree, 265;\n second cleansing of the Temple, 265;\n questioned by the Herodians, 268;\n by the Sadducees, 269;\n by the Pharisees, 270;\n interrogates the Pharisees, 271;\n enquired for by the Gentile Greeks, 272;\n foretells the destruction of the Temple, 275;\n and the judgments upon Jerusalem, 276;\n celebrates the Last Supper, 282;\n washes His disciples\u2019 feet, 282;\n gives the sop to Judas, 283;\n institutes the Eucharist, 284;\n His agony in Gethsemane, 286;\n Betrayal, 288;\n in the house of Annas, 290;\n before the Sanhedrin, 293;\n sent before Pilate, 296;\n His trial before him, 298;\n before Herod, 301;\n the clamours for His death, 304;\n is scourged, 305;\n His condemnation, 308;\n Crucifixion, 311;\n His death, 315;\n His side pierced, 318;\n His entombment, 319;\n His resurrection, 322;\n appears to Mary Magdalene and the other women, 324;\n to the two disciples at Emmaus, 326;\n to Peter, 328;\n to the ten disciples, 329;\n to the eleven, 330;\n reproves Thomas, 330;\n appears to disciples at Lake of Gennesaret, 332;\n His charge to Peter there, 334;\n His appearance on the mountain to five hundred, 336;\n his manifestations during the great forty days, 336;\n His Ascension, 338\n Jews, the,\n scanty records of for 250 years, 3;\n their loyalty as Persian subjects, 3;\n privileges granted to them by Alexander the Great, 5, 107;\n their feuds with the Samaritans, 5, 122;\n transported to Egypt by Ptolemy Soter, 8, 107;\n oppressed there by Ptolemy Philopator, 14;\n submit to Antiochus the Great, 15;\n become subject to the Syrian kings, 16;\n effects of Grecian influence on them, 20, 114;\n their persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes, 26;\n their revived fortunes under the Maccabees, 49;\n their wide dispersion, 107;\n gradual changes in their language, 109;\n the three Greek words signifying them, 110;\n the sects among them, 113;\n their expectations of the Messiah, 123;\n they revolt against the census of Augustus, 148;\n disputes between the Hebrew and Hellenist sects, 364;\n chronological table of, under the Persians, 530\n \u2666Joazar,\n High-priest, 148\n Johanan, or Jonathan,\n slays his brother in the Temple, 4\n John, St, the Baptist,\n his birth announced, 128;\n and mission, 129;\n events attending his birth, 132;\n becomes a Nazarite, 132;\n his mode of life, 133;\n begins his ministry, 153;\n his preaching, 154;\n its effect, 155\u2013158;\n baptizes Christ, 156;\n at \u00c6non, 167;\n his testimony to Christ there, 167;\n imprisoned by Herod Antipas, 168;\n sends two disciples to Christ, 190;\n Christ\u2019s testimony to him, 191;\n events causing his death, 202\n John, St, the Evangelist,\n call of, 159, 177;\n named with his brother Boanerges, 187;\n present at the raising of Jairus\u2019 daughter, 201;\n at the Transfiguration, 222;\n his request to Christ, 257;\n with Christ on Mount Olivet, 276;\n sent to prepare the Passover, 279;\n with Christ at Gethsemane, 286;\n at the Cross of Christ, 312;\n takes charge of the Virgin Mary, 313;\n at the sepulchre, 321, 323;\n recognises Christ at Gennesaret, 332;\n Christ\u2019s announcement to him there, 335;\n heals the cripple at the Beautiful Gate, 350;\n his mission to Samaria, 375;\n his subsequent history, 529\n John, surnamed Mark.\n See Mark\n Joiada,\n the High-priest, 4\n Joppa,\n taken by Simon Maccab\u00e6us, 49;\n St Peter\u2019s visit there, 395\n Jordan, the,\n St John Baptist at, 153\n Joseph Barsabas,\n put forward for the Apostleship, 342\n Joseph, nephew of Onias II.,\n collector for the king of Egypt, 12;\n his powerful family, 13;\n the quarrel between his sons, 18\n Joseph, the husband of Mary,\n his lineage, 130, 136;\n an angel appears to him, 132;\n accompanies Mary to Bethlehem, 136;\n his flight into Egypt, 140\n Joseph of Arimath\u00e6a,\n buries Christ, 318\n Joshua,\n slain by his brother in the temple, 4\n Jud\u00e6a,\n a Persian dependence of C\u0153lesyria, 3;\n conquered by Alexander the Great, 5;\n its independence recognised under Simon Maccab\u00e6us, 53;\n its prosperity, 54, 60;\n its decline under Jann\u00e6us, 63;\n its position at the birth of Christ, 134;\n its extent as a Roman province, 144;\n its form of government, 147;\n oppressiveness of the Roman yoke, 151;\n the wilderness of, 153\n Judas Iscariot,\n the call of, 188;\n his complaints at Christ\u2019s anointment by Mary, 260;\n inferences as to his character, 260;\n his motives for the betrayal of Christ, 278;\n his compact with the rulers, 279;\n receives the sop from Christ, 283;\n his movements after, 288;\n betrays Christ, 288;\n his remorse, 296;\n probable mode of his death, 296;\n his suicide, 297;\n his place filled by Matthias, 342\n Judas of Galilee,\n the rising of, 148, 362\n Jude, St,\n the call of, 187;\n conjectures as to his Epistle, 529\n Julius C\u00e6sar,\n confirms Hyrcanus II. in the High-priesthood, 73\n\n\n K.\n\n Karaites, or Kar\u00e6ans,\n sect of, 115\n\n\n L.\n\n Language, Jewish,\n gradual changes in, 109\n Laomedon,\n defeated by Ptolemy Soter, 8\n Lazarus,\n position of the family of, 239;\n his death, 248;\n is raised from the dead, 251;\n at the house of Simon the leper, 259\n Levi,\n identity of, with Matthew, 182\n Libertini, the,\n conjectures upon, 366\n Lilies of the field,\n conjectures upon, 241\n Locusts,\n as an article of food, 133\n Lots,\n choosing by, the mode of, 343\n Lucius of Cyrene,\n notice of, 410\n Luke, St,\n an instance of his professional knowledge, 179;\n becomes the companion of St Paul, 439;\n with him at C\u00e6sarea, 496;\n his Gospel probably composed there, 497;\n with St Paul during his first imprisonment at Rome, 516;\n and at his second imprisonment, 526\n Lydda,\n the position of, 394\n Lydia,\n settlement of Jews there, 15, 108\n Lydia,\n converted by St Paul, 441\n Lysias,\n Syrian regent, 32;\n defeated by Judas Maccab\u00e6us, 35;\n besieges Beth-Zur, 38;\n his death, 39\n Lysias, Claudius,\n rescues St Paul from the Jews, 486, 490;\n sends him to C\u00e6sarea, 492\n Lystra,\n St Paul and Barnabas at, 418;\n the cripple healed there, 418;\n St Paul and Silas at, 433\n\n\n M.\n\n Maccab\u00e6us, Jonathan,\n succeeds Judas, 42;\n deputy governor of Jud\u00e6a, 43;\n becomes High-priest, 45;\n his loyalty to Balas, 46;\n his dignities confirmed by Demetrius, 47;\n his exploits, 47;\n overthrown by the treachery of Tryphon, 51;\n his death and burial, 52\n Maccab\u00e6us, Judas,\n 30;\n his exploits, 31, 35, 37;\n his successes at Emmaus, 33;\n re-dedicates the Temple, 36;\n becomes governor of Palestine, 39;\n his death, 41\n Maccab\u00e6us, Simon,\n 30, 37;\n commands the royal forces, 49;\n succeeds Jonathan, 51;\n confirmed in the High-priesthood, 53;\n accomplishes the freedom of Jud\u00e6a, 53;\n his dominion confirmed, 54;\n his coinage, 55;\n murdered at Jericho, 57\n Maccabees,\n supposed meanings of, 31\n Magdala,\n position of, 217, 320\n Magi, the,\n conjectures concerning them, 139;\n they arrive at Jerusalem, 139;\n their interview with Herod, 140;\n their adoration of Christ, 140\n Magnificat, the,\n origin of, 131\n Malchus,\n his ear cut off by St Peter, 289\n \u2666Malichus,\n adherent of Hyrcanus II., 75;\n the murder of, 76\n Manaen,\n foster-brother of Herod, conjectures upon, 410\n Manasseh,\n brother of Jaddua, 4;\n becomes first High-priest of Samaria, 5\n Manasseh, son of Jaddua,\n High-priest, 11\n Mariamne,\n betrothed to Herod the Great, 77;\n married to him, 81;\n her anger against him, 85, 88;\n put to death by his order, 89\n Mark, John,\n account of, 410;\n accompanies St Paul and Barnabas, 411;\n returns to Jerusalem, 414;\n again to Antioch, 429;\n cause of dissension between St Paul and Barnabas, 432;\n accompanies Barnabas, 432;\n with St Paul at Rome, 516\n Marriage, the,\n at Cana, 161\n Martha,\n sister of Lazarus, 239, 248;\n her conduct on the death of her brother, 250, 251;\n at the house of Simon the leper, 259\n Mary Magdalene,\n at the Cross of Christ, 312;\n at the entombment, 319;\n at the sepulchre, 320, 321, 323;\n Christ appears to her, 324\n Mary, St,\n the Virgin, her lineage, 130, 136;\n the birth of Jesus announced to her, 130;\n visits Elisabeth, 131;\n her journey to Bethlehem, 135;\n gives birth to Christ, 136;\n her purification, 137;\n her flight into Egypt, 140;\n finds Christ in the Temple, 143;\n at the Cross of Christ, 312;\n St John takes charge of her, 313;\n the last mention of her in the New Testament, 338\n Mary,\n sister of Barnabas, 406\n Mary,\n sister of Lazarus, 239, 248;\n her conduct on the death of her brother, 250;\n anoints Christ, 260;\n His declaration, 261\n Mary,\n wife of Clopas, at the Cross of Christ, 312, 320;\n at the entombment, 319;\n at the sepulchre, 320\n Masada,\n fortress of, its position, 78;\n besieged by Antigonus, 80\n Mattathias,\n his family and descent, 29;\n revolts against Antiochus, 29;\n his last counsels and death, 30\n Matthew, St,\n call of, 182, 187;\n his identity with Levi, 182\n Matthias, St,\n chosen an Apostle, 342\n Melita,\n St Paul at, 510\n Mesopotamia,\n position of, 344\n Messiah, the,\n expectation of amongst the Jews, 123, 151;\n His supposed attributes, 124;\n foretold by St John Baptist, 155, 158;\n Christ announces Himself as such to the woman of Samaria, 170;\n to the Jews, 173;\n to the Apostles, 219\n Michmash,\n Jonathan Maccab\u00e6us at, 43\n Miletus,\n settlement of the Jews there, 108;\n St Paul\u2019s farewell there, 479\n Miracle,\n four Greek words signifying it in the New Testament, 347\n Miraculous draught of fishes,\n the first, 178;\n the second, 332\n Mite,\n the coin so called, 272\n Mithridates,\n king of Parthia, 55\n Mizpeh,\n the watch-tower near Jerusalem, 6, 33\n Mnason of Cyprus,\n 402, 483\n Modin,\n the position of, 29;\n the burial-place of the Maccabees, 30, 41, 52\n Mount of the Beatitudes, the,\n 188\n\n\n N.\n\n Nain,\n position of, 189;\n the widow\u2019s son restored to life there, 190\n Nathanael, or Bartholomew,\n call of, 159, 187\n Nazareth,\n its position and aspect, 129, 176;\n routes to it from Jerusalem, 131;\n Christ in the Synagogue there, 174, 201;\n His forcible rejection from, 175\n Nicodemus,\n his visit to Jesus, 165;\n pleads for Him in the Sanhedrin, 232;\n at the entombment, 318\n Nicopolis,\n situation of, 525\n Nobleman of Capernaum,\n supposition concerning, 171;\n his son healed, 171\n\n\n O.\n\n Officers of the Synagogues,\n 111\n Olives, Mount of,\n Christ views Jerusalem from, 276\n Onesimus,\n account of, 516;\n St Paul\u2019s letter to Philemon on his behalf, 517;\n bearer of the Epistle to the Colossians, 518\n Onesiphorus,\n with Paul at Rome, 527\n Onias I.,\n High-priest, 9\n Onias II.,\n High-priest, his avarice, 11;\n refuses tribute to Egypt, 12\n Onias III.,\n High-priest, 18;\n deposed by his brother, 20;\n his death, 22\n Onias IV., or Menelaus,\n usurps the High-priesthood, 21;\n his sacrilege, 21;\n his impiety, 23;\n his death, 39\n Oriental house,\n description of, 290\n\n\n P.\n\n Palestine,\n census of, under Herod, 134\n Panium, Mount,\n battle of, 15;\n its results, 16\n Paphos,\n account of, 412\n Parables,\n suggested by the scenery of the Lake of Gennesaret, 194, 195\n Parthians, the,\n capture Jerusalem, 79\n Passover,\n the first attended by Christ, 162;\n the ceremonies at its celebration, 280\n Patara,\n situation of, 481\n Paul, St,\n at the martyrdom of St Stephen, 371;\n his persecution of the Christians, 372, 382;\n his birthplace and education, 379;\n his conversion, 383;\n baptized by Ananias, 386;\n his teaching at Damascus, 386, 388;\n withdraws to Arabia, 387;\n his escape from Damascus, 389;\n his first reception at Jerusalem, 389;\n his teaching there, 390;\n his teaching at Antioch, 402, 410;\n joined by Barnabas, 411;\n strikes Elymas blind, 412;\n conjectures on the change of his name, 413;\n his sermon at Pisidian Antioch, 414;\n his proceedings at Iconium, 417;\n at Lystra, 418;\n is stoned there, 420;\n proceedings at Derbe, 421;\n disputes at Antioch, 422;\n attends the Council of Jerusalem, 425;\n withstands St Peter at Antioch, 430;\n his contention with Barnabas, 432;\n accompanied by Silas, 433;\n ordains Timothy, 435;\n his tour in Galatia, &c., 435;\n his \u201cthorn in the flesh,\u201d 436;\n joined by St Luke, 439;\n his proceedings at Philippi, 440;\n at Thessalonica, 446;\n Ber\u0153a, 448;\n Athens, 449;\n Corinth, 453;\n Ephesus, 459, 461;\n his work there, 462\u2013472;\n his anxiety at Troas and Philippi, 473;\n his second visit to Greece, 473\u2013480;\n his farewell at Miletus, 479;\n his visit to Tyre, 481;\n with St Philip the Evangelist at C\u00e6sarea, 482;\n arrives at Jerusalem, 483;\n the tumult in the Temple, 486;\n his address to the crowd, 487;\n ordered to be scourged, 488;\n claims the right of a Roman, 489;\n brought before the Sanhedrin, 489;\n sent to C\u00e6sarea, 492;\n his defence before Felix, 495;\n brought before Festus, 498, 501;\n appeals to C\u00e6sar, 499;\n his defence before Agrippa, 501;\n sets out for Rome, 503;\n his shipwreck, 508;\n reception at Melita, 510;\n arrival at Rome, 512;\n address to the Jews there, 513;\n acts during his first imprisonment, 515;\n trial and acquittal, 521;\n subsequent travels, 522\u2013525;\n his second imprisonment at Rome, 525;\n writes for Timothy, 527;\n his condemnation and death, 527\n Pavement, the,\n its use in forms of justice, 303\n Pentecost, the Feast of,\n strangers assembled at, 343;\n descent of the Holy Ghost on, 345\n Per\u00e6a,\n situation of, 145;\n Christ\u2019s tour in, 245\n Perga,\n position of, 443\n Pergamus,\n settlement of Jews there, 108\n Persian Empire, the,\n downfall of, 5\n Peter, St,\n call of, 159, 177, 187;\n his wife\u2019s mother healed, 179;\n present at the raising of Jairus\u2019 daughter, 201;\n sinks in the sea, 208;\n his declaration to Christ, 212;\n his confession, 219;\n present at the Transfiguration, 222;\n with Christ on Mount Olivet, 276;\n sent to prepare the \u2666Passover, 279;\n his denial foretold, 285;\n cuts off Malchus\u2019s ear, 289;\n his denial of Christ, 290;\n at the Sepulchre, 321, 323;\n Christ reveals Himself to him after the resurrection, 328;\n his zeal at the Lake of Gennesaret, 333;\n Christ\u2019s charge to him there, 334;\n advises the election of an Apostle, 342;\n his discourse on the Day of Pentecost, 346;\n heals the lame man at the Beautiful Gate, 350;\n his discourse afterwards, 351;\n his defence before the Sanhedrin, 354, 360;\n reproves Ananias and Sapphira, 357;\n his mission to Samaria, 375;\n reproves Simon Magus, 375;\n recognizes St Paul, 389;\n restores \u00c6neas at Lydda, 394;\n raises Dorcas at Joppa, 395;\n his vision there, 397;\n his visit to Cornelius, 398;\n arrested by Herod, 406;\n delivered by an Angel, 406;\n his address at the Council of Jerusalem, 425;\n his difference with St Paul, 430;\n his subsequent history, 528\n Pharisees,\n the rise of, 60;\n their opposition to Jann\u00e6us, 63;\n account of their doctrines, 115;\n their hostility to Christ, 181\u2013186, 193, 213, 232, 240,\n 246, 267;\n try to ensnare Christ, 270;\n He interrogates them, 271;\n their conduct to the early Christians, 353, 363, 372\n Phasael,\n governor of Jud\u00e6a, 74;\n his imprisonment, 78;\n death, 79\n Philemon,\n account of, 516;\n cause of St Paul\u2019s Epistle to, 517\n Philip of Macedon,\n ally of Antiochus the Great, 14;\n his reverses, 16\n Philip, St, the Evangelist,\n consecrated a deacon, 365;\n preaches in Samaria, 373;\n baptizes Simon Magus, 375;\n his meeting with the Ethiopian eunuch, 377;\n takes up his abode at C\u00e6sarea, 378;\n receives St Paul there, 482\n Philip, St, the Apostle,\n call of, 159, 187;\n Christ\u2019s enquiry of him about feeding the five thousand, 206\n Philippi,\n settlement of Jews in, 108;\n description of, 440;\n St Paul and Silas there, 441;\n St Paul\u2019s second visit to, 473\n Philippians,\n object of St Paul\u2019s Epistle to, 519;\n its contents, 521\n Ph\u0153be,\n account of, 476\n Phrygia,\n settlement of Jews in, 15, 108;\n geographical meaning of, 435\n Pilate, Pontius,\n his despotic government of Jud\u00e6a, 150;\n meaning of his names, 150;\n ruthlessness of his character, 150, 151;\n his outrage on the Galatians, 241;\n Christ sent to him by the Sanhedrin, 296;\n His trial before him, 298;\n his efforts for Christ, 302, 307;\n the message from his wife, 304;\n condemns Christ to be crucified, 307;\n his ultimate fate, 308;\n his inscription on the cross, 309, 311;\n sets a watch over the sepulchre, 320\n Pilate\u2019s wife,\n traditions concerning, 304\n Place of prayer, the,\n or Proseucha, 113\n Pompeius,\n at Damascus, 68;\n in the Temple at Jerusalem, 69\n Pontus,\n situation of, 344\n Potion, the,\n offered to Christ, composition of, 310\n Pr\u00e6torium,\n meaning of, 493\n Priscilla,\n friend of St Paul, at Corinth, 454;\n accompanies him to Ephesus, 459;\n her connection with him, 461, 469, 471;\n with him at Rome, 476\n Proconsul,\n the office of, 147, 412\n Propr\u00e6tor,\n the office of, 147, 412\n Proselytes,\n the various classes of, 118\n Proseucha, the,\n or place of prayer, 113\n Ptolemais,\n the position of, 37;\n St Paul there, 482\n Ptolemies, the,\n era of, chronological table of, 530\n Ptolemy,\n son-in-law of Simon Maccab\u00e6us, 57\n Ptolemy Epiphanes,\n accession of, 14\n Ptolemy Euergetes,\n the policy of, 12\n Ptolemy Philadelphus,\n his policy to the Jews, 10, 107;\n originates the Septuagint, 11\n Ptolemy Philopator,\n reign of, 13;\n visits the Temple, 13;\n his death, 14\n Ptolemy Soter,\n captures Jerusalem, 8;\n transports the Jews to Egypt, 8;\n defeats Antigonus, 9\n Purple robe, the,\n of Christ, conjectures upon, 305\n\n\n Q.\n\n Quirinus or Cyrenius,\n dates of his government of Syria, 134;\n carries out the Census, 148\n\n\n R.\n\n Raphia,\n battle of, 13\n Remphan,\n the Israelites\u2019 idol, 366\n Roman Asia,\n extent of, 344\n Roman yoke in Jud\u00e6a,\n the oppressiveness of, 151\n Romans,\n origin of the Epistle to, 476\n Rome,\n settlement of Jews in, 109;\n St Paul arrives at, 512;\n his first imprisonment there, 515\u2013522;\n his second imprisonment, 525;\n martyred there, 528\n Ruler of the Synagogue,\n office of, 111\n\n\n S.\n\n Sabbath, the,\n Christ\u2019s declarations concerning it, 184, 243\n Sabbath-feasts,\n among the Jews, 259\n Sadducees, the,\n rise of, 60;\n their doctrines, 114, 270;\n causes of their pacific feeling towards the Romans, 253;\n try to ensnare Christ, 269;\n their bitterness against the Apostles, 353, 360, 363;\n their hostility to the Christians, 372\n Sagan,\n the office of, 149\n Salamis,\n account of, 412\n Salim,\n position of, 167\n Salome,\n at the sepulchre, 320\n Salome, daughter of Herodias,\n asks for St John Baptist\u2019s head, 203\n Salome,\n queen of Aristobulus, 61;\n causes the assassination of Antigonus, 62\n Salome,\n sister of Herod, 85;\n plots against Mariamne, 88;\n against Herod\u2019s sons, 98;\n her dominions, 146\n Samaria, the district of,\n the rival temple established there, 5;\n conquered by Hyrcanus, 59;\n the history of, 120;\n Christ\u2019s tour through, 229;\n Philip\u2019s preaching there, 373;\n Mission of Peter and John to, 375\n Samaria, the city of,\n destroyed by Hyrcanus, 59;\n rebuilt under Herod the Great, 91;\n Christ stays there, 170\n Samaritans,\n their controversy with the Jews, 5, 122, 169;\n their religious belief, 121\n Samothrace,\n situation of, 440\n Sanhedrin, the,\n Herod\u2019s vengeance on, 82;\n account of its constitution, 108;\n Nicodemus a member of it, 165;\n its hostility to Christ, 231, 236;\n effect upon it of the raising of Lazarus, 252;\n counsel of Caiaphas to, 253;\n it resolves on Christ\u2019s death, 254;\n a deputation from, questions Christ, 266;\n assembles at the palace of Caiaphas to try Christ, 291;\n the trial, 293;\n sends Christ to Pilate, 295;\n policy of, regarding Christ\u2019s Resurrection, 325;\n its trial of Peter and John, 352;\n of the Twelve Apostles, 359;\n Gamaliel\u2019s advice to, 360;\n its trial of Stephen, 367;\n and of Paul, 489\n Sapha or Mizpeh,\n the watch-tower near Jerusalem, 6, 33\n Sapphira,\n the death of, 358\n Sardis,\n settlement of Jews in, 108\n Saul,\n reason of the change in his name, 413.\n See Paul\n Scopas,\n retakes Jerusalem, 14;\n defeated by Antiochus the Great, 15\n Scourging by the Romans,\n its torture, 305\n Scribes, the,\n account of, 116\n Scythopolis,\n the ancient Beth-shan, 13, 50;\n captured by Hyrcanus, 59\n Sects,\n among the Jews, 113\n Seleucia,\n founded by Seleucus, 9;\n advantages of its position, 10, 411\n Seleucid\u00e6, the,\n era of, chronological table of, 430\n Seleucus,\n king of Syria, the empire of, 9;\n numerous cities founded by him, 10\n Seleucus Philopator,\n accession of, 18\n Senatorial provinces,\n the Government of, 147\n Septuagint, the,\n originated by Ptolemy Philadelphus, 11\n Sepulchral caves,\n among the Jews, 251\n Sepulchre, the,\n of Christ, 319\n Sergius Paulus,\n the conversion of, 413\n Sermon on the Mount, the,\n traditional scene of its delivery, 188;\n differences in the narrative of, 188\n Seventy, the,\n mission of, 238;\n meaning of the number, 238\n Shammai,\n a sect of the Pharisees, 117, 255\n Shechem,\n Samaritan temple at, 121;\n Jacob\u2019s well at, 168\n Shekel, the coin,\n description of, 55;\n its scarcity at the time of Christ, 225;\n its value, 279\n Sheliach,\n officer of the Synagogue, 111;\n duties of, 112\n Silas,\n derivation of his name, 429;\n accompanies St Paul, 433;\n imprisoned at Philippi, 443;\n remains at Ber\u0153a, 449;\n rejoins Paul at Corinth, 445;\n remains at Jerusalem, 459\n Siloam pool,\n the blind man sent to wash in, 235\n Siloam, tower of,\n the fall of, 242\n Simon, surnamed Niger,\n notice of, 410\n Simon II.,\n High-priest, 14\n Simon Magus,\n account of, 374;\n baptized by St Philip, 375;\n rebuked by St Peter, 375;\n his subsequent history, 376\n Simon of Cyrene,\n account of, 310\n Simon Peter.\n See Peter\n Simon, St,\n call of, 187\n Simon the Just,\n High-priest, 9;\n completes the canon of the Old Testament, 9;\n his death, 11\n Simon the leper,\n entertains Christ at Bethany, 259\n Simon the Pharisee,\n entertains Christ, 192\n Simon the tanner,\n St Luke\u2019s visit to, 396\n Solomon\u2019s porch,\n in the temple, 96;\n why so called, 244\n Spikenard,\n costliness of, 260\n Stater,\n the coin, 227\n Stephen, St,\n consecrated a deacon, 365;\n his teaching, 366;\n brought before the Sanhedrin, 367;\n his defence, 368;\n the forerunner of St Paul, 368;\n his martyrdom, 371\n Strato\u2019s tower,\n its position, 92;\n C\u00e6sarea built there, 92\n Sychar,\n Jacob\u2019s well at, 168\n Sychem,\n captured by Hyrcanus, 59\n Symeon,\n his testimony to Christ, 138\n Synagogues,\n origin of, 110;\n their arrangement, 110;\n their chief officers, 111;\n the form of worship in them, 112;\n their wide dispersion, 113\n Syrian tongue,\n used by the Jews, 109\n Syroph\u0153nician woman, the,\n 214\n\n\n T.\n\n Tabernacles, the feast of,\n attended by Christ, 230\n Tabitha,\n raised by St Peter, 395\n Tarsus,\n position of, 379\n Taxation,\n of Roman empire under Augustus, 134\n Temple, the,\n profaned by Bagoses, 4;\n Alexander\u2019s sacrifice in, 6;\n enriched by Simon the Just, 9;\n attempted profanity of Ptolemy Philopator, 14;\n attempt on by Heliodorus, 19;\n profaned by Antiochus Epiphanes, 23;\n cessation of the daily sacrifice in, 26;\n heathen abominations in, 27;\n re-dedicated by Judas Maccab\u00e6us, 36;\n its fortifications strengthened by Simon Maccab\u00e6us, 53;\n captured by Pompeius, 69;\n plundered by Crassus, 72;\n rebuilt by Herod the Great, 95;\n description of it, 96;\n Christ with the Rabbis in, 143;\n its profanation by \u2666merchandise, 163;\n cleansed by Christ, 164;\n second cleansing of, 265;\n the heavenly voice in, 274;\n Christ foretells its destruction, 275;\n the veil rent at the death of Christ, 315;\n the cripple healed at the Beautiful Gate, 350;\n the tumult against St Paul in, 485\n Temple, the rival,\n on Mount Gerizim, 5;\n heathen dedication of, 27;\n its destruction by Hyrcanus, 59\n Temptation, the,\n of Christ, its traditional site, 156\n Therapeut\u00e6, the,\n account of, 119\n Thessalonians,\n reasons for St Paul\u2019s epistles to, 456\n Thessalonica,\n settlement of Jews in, 108;\n description of, 446\n Theudas,\n conjectures concerning, 361\n Thief,\n the penitent, 313\n Thirty pieces of silver,\n value of, 279\n Thomas, St,\n call of, 187;\n his character, 249;\n his doubts concerning the Resurrection, 330;\n their removal, 331\n Thyatira,\n situation of, 441\n Tiberias, Sea of.\n See Gennesaret\n Tiberius,\n the Emperor, 149, 152\n Timothy,\n conversion of, 421;\n conjectures concerning him, 433;\n ordained by St Paul, 435;\n remains at Philippi, 445;\n rejoins Paul at Corinth, 455;\n accompanies him to Ephesus, 459;\n meets him at Philippi, 473;\n with him at Rome, 516;\n placed at Ephesus, 523;\n causes of St Paul\u2019s first Epistle to him, 523;\n of the second, 527\n Title, the,\n placed by Pilate, on the Cross, 309, 311\n Titus,\n accompanies Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem, 424, 428;\n the probable companion of Paul to Ephesus, 459;\n his mission to Corinth, 472, 474;\n placed at Crete, 524;\n objects of Paul\u2019s epistle to, 524\n Tongues of fire, the,\n at the Pentecostal effusion, 345\n Town-clerk of Ephesus,\n office of, 470\n Trachonitis,\n situation of, 145\n Transfiguration, the,\n of Christ, 222\n Treasure-chests,\n in the Temple, 234\n Tribute-money,\n the purpose of, 95;\n Peter takes it from the fish\u2019s mouth, 226\n Tribute to C\u00e6sar,\n Christ questioned on, 269\n Troas,\n account of, 438;\n St Paul at, 472\n Trophimus,\n accompanies Paul to Troas, 471;\n remains at Miletus, 525\n Tryphon,\n revolts against Demetrius, 48;\n his treachery to Jonathan Maccab\u00e6us, 50;\n and to Simon, 52;\n murders Antiochus, 52;\n his reverses and death, 55\n Tychicus,\n accompanies Paul to Troas, 471;\n with him at Rome, 516;\n bearer of the Epistle to the Colossians, 517;\n to the Ephesians, 518\n Tyre,\n St Paul at, 481\n\n\n V.\n\n Via Appia,\n the account of, 511\n Voice, the heavenly,\n at the Jordan, 156;\n at the Transfiguration, 223;\n in the Temple, 274\n\n\n W.\n\n Watches,\n the Jewish, periods of, 208\n Widow\u2019s offering, the,\n 272\n Wilderness of Jud\u00e6a, the,\n 153\n Woman of Samaria, the,\n Christ\u2019s interview with, 169\n Woman, the sinful,\n anoints Christ, 192\n Woman, the,\n of Syroph\u0153nicia, 214\n Woman, the,\n taken in adultery, 232\n Worship of the Synagogue,\n account of, 112\n\n\n Z.\n\n Zacch\u00e6us,\n entertains Christ, 258\n Zacharias,\n the priestly office of, 127;\n the promise of a son to him, 128, 129;\n names him John, 132\n Zebedee,\n his social position, 177\n\n\n THE END.\n\n\n CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY C. 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MACLEAR, D.D New Edition.\n 18mo. 2s. 6d.\n\n A BIBLE READING FOR SCHOOLS. The Great Prophecy of Israel\u2019s\n Restoration (Isaiah, Chaps. 40\u201366). Arranged and edited for\n young Learners. By MATTHEW ARNOLD, D.C.L. Fourth Edition.\n 18mo. 1s.\n\n BIBLE READINGS SELECTED FROM THE PENTATEUCH AND THE BOOK OF\n JOSHUA. By Rev. JOHN A. CROSS. Second Edition, enlarged, with\n Notes. Globe 8vo. 2s. 6d.\n\n THE BIBLE IN THE CHURCH. A Popular Account of the Collection and\n Reception of the Holy Scriptures in the Christian Churches. By\n BISHOP WESTCOTT, D.D. New Edition. 18mo. 4s. 6d.\n\n THE BIBLE WORD-BOOK: A Glossary of Archaic Words and Phrases\n in the Authorised Version of the Bible and the Book of Common\n Prayer. By W. ALDIS WRIGHT, M.A., Vice-Master of Trinity\n College, Cambridge. Second Edition, revised and enlarged.\n Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.\n\n SCRIPTURE READINGS FOR SCHOOLS AND FAMILIES. By CHARLOTTE M.\n YONGE. Vols. I.\u2012V. 1s. 6d. each. Also with Comments, 3s. 6d.\n each.\n\n CHILDREN\u2019S TREASURY OF BIBLE STORIES. By Mrs HERMAN GASKOIN.\n Edited, with Preface, by the Rev. G. F. MACLEAR, D.D. 18mo.\n 1s. each. Part I. Old Testament. Part II. New Testament.\n Part III. Three Apostles.\n\n MACMILLAN AND CO. LONDON.\n\n\n\n\n Footnotes.\n\n\n 1 \u2012 The Edition of the _Synopsis Evangelica_ of Tischendorf\n referred to is the First Edition, 1854; that of Wieseler\u2019s\n _Synopsis of the Four Gospels_ is the English Translation\n by Venables, 1864; that of Conybeare and Howson\u2019s _Life\n and Travels of St Paul_ is the People\u2019s Edition, 2 Vols.,\n 1864; that of Dean Stanley\u2019s _Sinai and Palestine_, the\n 3rd, 1856.\n\n 2 \u2012 Milman\u2019s _History of the Jews_, I. 443.\n\n 3 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XI. 8. 2. Comp. Article _Jerusalem_ in Smith\u2019s\n _Bibl. Dict._ I. 998, and note.\n\n 4 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XI. 8. 7.\n\n 5 \u2012 Probably Dan. vii. 6; viii. 3\u20138, 20, 21, 22; xi. 3.\n\n 6 \u2012 Curtius, IV. 5. 13; IV. 8. 10.\n\n 7 \u2012 See Thirlwall\u2019s _Greece_, VI. 265; Raphall\u2019s _History of\n the Jews_, I. 42\u201350.\n\n 8 \u2012 \u201cThe _Great Assembly_ or _Synagogue_, whose existence\n has been called in question on insufficient grounds,\n was the great council of the nation during the Persian\n period, in which the last substantive changes were made\n in the constitution of Judaism. It was organized by Ezra,\n and, as commonly happens, the work of the whole body was\n transferred to its representative member. Ezra probably\n formed a collection of the prophetic writings; and the\n Assembly gathered together afterwards (as the Christian\n Church at a later period in corresponding circumstances)\n such books as were still left without the Canon, though\n proved to bear the stamp of the Spirit of God.\u201d Westcott\u2019s\n _Bible in the Church_, Appendix A.\n\n 9 \u2012 Prideaux\u2019s _Connection_, I. 545.\n\n 10 \u2012 \u201cBy its harbour of Seleucia it was in communication\n with all the trade of the Mediterranean; and through\n the open country behind the Lebanon it was conveniently\n approached by the caravans from Mesopotamia and Arabia. It\n united the inland advantages of Aleppo with the maritime\n opportunities of Smyrna.\u201d Conybeare and Howson, _Life and\n Epistles of St Paul_, I. 118; Smith\u2019s _Dict. Geog._ Art.\n _Antiochia_.\n\n 11 \u2012 \u201cFew princes have ever lived with so great a passion for\n the building of cities as Seleucus. He is said to have\n built in all 9 Seleucias, 16 Antiochs, and 6 Laodiceas.\n This love of commemorating the members of his family was\n conspicuous in his works by the Orontes. Besides Seleucia\n and Antioch, he built, in the immediate neighbourhood, a\n Laodicea in honour of his mother, and an Apamea in honour\n of his wife.\u201d Conybeare and Howson, I. 119; Merivale,\n III. 368.\n\n 12 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XII. 3. 1; _Contr. Apion._ II. 4.\n\n 13 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XII. 2. 10.\n\n 14 \u2012 The Beth-shan of the Old Testament; see _Class-Book of Old\n Testament History_, p. 316, and 445 note, 2nd ed.\n\n 15 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XII. 3. 3.\n\n 16 \u2012 One of the branches of the Lebanon, containing a cave\n sacred to Pan, whence it derived its name. See below,\n p. 218, n.\n\n 17 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XII. 3. 3.\n\n 18 \u2012 See Mommsen\u2019s _History of Rome_, II. 264.\n\n 19 \u2012 In the valley of the Hermus, not far from Smyrna. See Livy,\n XXXVII. 37, foll.; Tac. _Ann._ II. 47.\n\n 20 \u2012 Strabo, XVI. 744; Justin, XXXII. 2. 1.\n\n 21 \u2012 Livy, XLI. 19, 20.\n\n 22 \u2012 See above, p. 17.\n\n 23 \u2012 See above, p. 19.\n\n 24 \u2012 Livy, XLV. 12.\n\n 25 \u2012 Polyb. XXVI. 10; Livy, XLI. 19, 20.\n\n 26 \u2012 Milman\u2019s _History of the Jews_, I. 457.\n\n 27 \u2012 Identified with the half-ruined village of Latr\u00f4n, the\n _Castellum boni Latronis_ of the Medi\u00e6val writers, from\n the tradition that it was the residence of the penitent\n thief Dysma. Porter\u2019s _Handbook_, I. 285.\n\n 28 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XII. 6. 4.\n\n 29 \u2012 Hepworth Dixon\u2019s _Holy Land_, I. 64.\n\n 30 \u2012 _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 212 and note.\n\n 31 \u2012 See _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 275.\n\n 32 \u2012 An important stronghold (comp. 1 Macc. ix. 52; xiii. 53;\n xvi. 1) in all probability the same as the ancient\n Gezer or Gazer (Josh. x. 33; xii. 12), between the lower\n Beth-horon and the sea. Thither we find David pursued the\n Philistines (2 Sam. v. 25; 1 Chr. xiv. 16), and the place\n was fortified by Solomon as commanding the communication\n between Egypt and Jerusalem. See _Class-Book of Old Test.\n Hist._ p. 361.\n\n 33 \u2012 During the Captivity the Idum\u00e6ans advancing westward had\n occupied the whole territory of the ancient Amalekites\n (Jos. _Ant._ II. 1. 2), and even took possession of many\n towns in Southern Palestine, including Hebron (Jos. _Ant._\n XII. 8. 6; _B. J._ IV. 9. 7). The name Edom, or rather\n its Greek form Idum\u00e6a, was now given to the country\n lying between the valley of Arabah and the shores of the\n Mediterranean; and Roman authors sometimes give the name\n Idum\u00e6a to all Palestine, and even call the Jews Idum\u00e6ans.\n Virgil, _Georg._ III. 12; Juvenal, VIII. 160.\n\n 34 \u2012 The ancient Ashdod. See _Class-Book of Old Testament\n History_, pp. 259, 263, 272.\n\n 35 \u2012 The Greek form of the ancient Jabneel (Josh. xv. 11), the\n modern _Yebna_, 11 miles S. of Jaffa, 4 from Ekron. In\n the time of the Maccabees it was a strong place. After\n the fall of Jerusalem it became one of the most populous\n places in Jud\u00e6a, was the seat of a famous school, and\n according to an early Jewish tradition, the burial-place\n of the great Gamaliel.\n\n 36 \u2012 Beth-sura, or Beth-zur, _house of rock_, is named between\n Halhul and Gedor in Josh. xv. 58, and was fortified by\n Rehoboam for the defence of his new kingdom (2 Chr. xi. 7).\n It occupied a strong position, and commanded a great road,\n the road from Beer-sheba and Hebron, which has always been\n the main approach to Jerusalem from the south.\n\n 37 \u2012 The ancient Accho (Judg. i. 31). During the period that\n Ptolemy Soter was in possession of C\u0153lesyria, it received\n the name of _Ptolemais_ from him, by which it was long\n distinguished.\n\n 38 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 2. 1.\n\n 39 \u2012 According to some, he was a natural son of Antiochus\n Epiphanes (Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 2. 1), but he was more\n generally looked upon as an impostor who falsely laid\n claim to the connection. Justin, XXXV. 1; Polyb. XXXIII.\n 16.\n\n 40 \u2012 Comp. Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 4. 3.\n\n 41 \u2012 Comp. 1 Macc. xi. 33; Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 5. 3.\n\n 42 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 5. 6.\n\n 43 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 5. 8.\n\n 44 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 5. 11; Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art.\n _Jerusalem_.\n\n 45 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 6. 1.\n\n 46 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 6. 7; Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art.\n _Jerusalem_.\n\n 47 \u2012 \u201cNehemiah mentions a palace, or rather fortress, which\n appertained to the Temple (Neh. ii. 8); and in the Hebrew\n Birah we have probably the origin of the Greek Baris,\n which Josephus tells us was the name of the fortress\n subsequently called _Antonia_. It was the fortress of the\n Temple, as the Temple was of the city.\u201d Porter\u2019s _Handbk._\n I. 128, 129.\n\n 48 \u2012 Milman\u2019s _History of the Jews_, II. 21.\n\n 49 \u2012 Comp. Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 7. 2.\n\n 50 \u2012 By this king the privilege of a national coinage was\n granted to Simon, 1 Macc. xv. 6. \u201cNumerous examples of\n them are extant, bearing the dates of the first, second,\n third and fourth years of the \u2018liberation of Jerusalem;\u2019\n and it is a remarkable fact confirming their genuineness,\n that in the first year the name Zion does not occur, as\n the citadel was not recovered till the second year of\n Simon\u2019s supremacy, while after the second year Zion alone\n is found. The emblem which the coins bear have generally\n a connexion with Jewish history\u2015\u2015a vine-leaf, a cluster\n of grapes, a vase (of manna?), a trifid flowering rod, a\n palm-branch, surrounded by a wreath of laurel, a lyre, a\n bunch of branches symbolical of the feast of Tabernacles.\u201d\n Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Maccabees_.\n\n 51 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 8. 1.\n\n 52 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 8. 2.\n\n 53 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 8. 3.\n\n 54 \u2012 Samaria itself was now razed to the ground, the hill on\n which it had stood being full of springs, was pierced with\n trenches, and the site of the city flooded and converted\n into a pool of water. Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 10. 3.\n\n 55 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 10. 6.\n\n 56 \u2012 Raphall\u2019s _History of the Jews_, II. 103.\n\n 57 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 16. 3.\n\n 58 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 1. 2.\n\n 59 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 2. 1.\n\n 60 \u2012 Milman, _History of the Jews_, II. 42.\n\n 61 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 2. 3; _B. J._ I. 6. 3.\n\n 62 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 3. 1.\n\n 63 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 6. 6.\n\n 64 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 7. 3.\n\n 65 \u2012 Liv. _Epit._ 102.\n\n 66 \u2012 Comp. Cic. _pro Flacco_, c. xxviii.; Tac. _Hist._ V. 5.\n\n 67 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 8. 5; _Ant._ XIV. 5. 2\u20134.\n\n 68 \u2012 Merivale\u2019s _Romans under the Empire_, I. 381, 382.\n\n 69 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 7. 2; _B. J._ I. 8. 8, 9; Milman, II. 51.\n\n 70 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 7. 4.\n\n 71 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 8. 1; _B. J._ I. 9. 5.\n\n 72 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 8. 3; _B. J._ I. 9. 5.\n\n 73 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 10. 2, 3; _Ant._ XIV. 8. 5.\n\n 74 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 9. 2.\n\n 75 \u2012 Merivale, III. 377.\n\n 76 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 9. 2; _B. J._ I. 10. 5.\n\n 77 \u2012 See Merivale, III. 375.\n\n 78 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 9. 4.\n\n 79 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 11. 1.\n\n 80 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 11. 2.\n\n 81 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 11. 3; _Ant._ XIV. 11. 2.\n\n 82 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 12. 4; _Ant._ XIV. 12. 2.\n\n 83 \u2012 See above, p. 71.\n\n 84 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 12. 6; _Ant._ XIV. 13. 1, 2.\n\n 85 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 13. 4\u20136.\n\n 86 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 13. 6; _Ant._ XIV. 13. 7\u20139.\n\n 87 \u2012 Masada, now called _Sebbeh_, was situated at the S.W. end\n of the Dead Sea, on a rock from 1200 to 1500 ft. in height,\n separated from the adjoining range of mountains by deep\n ravines on the N. and S., and only attached to them on the\n W. by a narrow neck about two-thirds of its height. The\n fortress was first built by Jonathan Maccab\u00e6us, but Herod\n the Great added to it and made it an impregnable place of\n refuge for himself in case of danger. The rock on which it\n was built overhung the Dead Sea, and was only accessible\n by two rock-hewn paths, one on the W., the other on the\n E. side, carried up from the shore by a zigzag cut in\n the precipice, and called \u201cthe Serpent.\u201d The summit of\n the rock was not pointed, but a plain of 7 stadia in\n circumference, surrounded by a wall of white stone, 12\n cubits high and 8 thick, fortified with 37 towers of 50\n cubits in height, and adorned with a palace and baths.\n The interior being left free for cultivation, so that the\n garrison might partially raise their own food. Traill\u2019s\n _Josephus_, II. 109\u2013115; Porter\u2019s _Handbk. of Syria and\n Palestine_, p. 239.\n\n 88 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 13. 8.\n\n 89 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 14. 2; _Ant._ XIV. 14. 2, 3.\n\n 90 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 13. 9; _Ant._ XIV. 13. 10.\n\n 91 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 14. 4. See above, p. 73.\n\n 92 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 14. 4; _Ant._ XIV. 14. 5.\n\n 93 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 18. 3. \u201cAntonius was the first of the\n Romans who consented to smite a king with the axe.\u201d\n Merivale, III. 382.\n\n 94 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 16. 4.\n\n 95 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 2. 2.\n\n 96 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 3. 4.\n\n 97 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 3. 5.\n\n 98 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 6. 6; _B. J._ I. 20. 1.\n\n 99 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 20; Merivale, III. 356.\n\n 100 \u2012 He at the same time bestowed upon him the 400 Gauls, who\n had formed the bodyguard of Cleopatra. Jos. _Ant._ XV.\n 7. 3; _B. J._ I. 20. 3.\n\n 101 \u2012 Milman\u2019s _Hist. of the Jews_, II. 70; Jos. _Ant._ XV. 7. 7;\n Merivale, III. 386.\n\n 102 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 7. 9. 10.\n\n 103 \u2012 Jan. 13, A.U.C. 727, B.C. 27. Dion LIII. 16; Liv. _Epit._\n 134; Merivale\u2019s _Romans under the Empire_, III. 417.\n\n 104 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 8. 5; _B. J._ I. 21. 2.\n\n 105 \u2012 In B.C. 22 he contracted another marriage, and united\n himself with a second Mariamne, the daughter of one Simon,\n an obscure priest of Jerusalem, whom he raised to the\n dignity of high-priest, after deposing Joshua, the son of\n Phaneus, thus again throwing discredit on an office which\n he persisted in depriving of all political weight and\n influence.\n\n 106 \u2012 The full name was C\u00e6sarea Sebaste, Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 5. 1,\n but it was sometimes called C\u00e6sarea Stratonis, or C\u00e6sarea\n Palestin\u00e6, or the \u201cCity by the Sea,\u201d Jos. _B. J._ III. 9;\n VII. 1. 3. Its modern name is _Kaisariyeh_. It became\n the official residence of the Herodian kings, as also of\n Festus, Felix, and other Roman procurators. Tacitus calls\n it \u201cthe head of Jud\u00e6a,\u201d _Hist._ II. 79. In the centre of\n the city rose a vast temple, conspicuous from the sea,\n dedicated to Octavius, and adorned with two colossal\n statues, one of the Emperor, the other of the Imperial\n city. The foundations were laid in B.C. 21, and the work\n was completed in B.C. 10. Jos. _Ant._ XV. 9. 6; Lewin\u2019s\n _Fasti Sacri_, p. 89.\n\n 107 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 20. 4.\n\n 108 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 10. 1.\n\n 109 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 10. 3; _B. J._ I. 20. 4.\n\n 110 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 21. 3.\n\n 111 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 10. 4.\n\n 112 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 11. 2.\n\n 113 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 11. 2.\n\n 114 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 11. 6.\n\n 115 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 7.\n\n 116 \u2012 For the maintenance of the service the half-shekel claimed\n by the Law (Ex. xxx. 13) from every male Israelite above\n twenty years old was religiously executed. This is the\n tribute-money mentioned Matt. xvii. 24, under the name\n \u03b4\u03af\u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c7\u03bc\u03b1, and according to Josephus, was collected from\n all Jews even in foreign countries, their foreign coins\n being exchanged by the \u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u03c5\u03b2\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03af for the half-shekels of\n the temple-money (Matt. xxi. 12; Mk. xi. 15; Jn. ii. 15).\n\n 117 \u2012 Dixon\u2019s _Holy Land_, II. 47, 48; Raphall\u2019s _History of the\n Jews_, II. 335\u2013337; Milman, II. 77.\n\n 118 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XV. 11. 6.\n\n 119 \u2012 On the way he gave proof of his ardent zeal for Grecian\n customs, stopping at Elis to witness the Olympic games,\n and settling an annual revenue on the inhabitants. Jos.\n _B. J._ I. 21. 12.\n\n 120 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 2. 1.\n\n 121 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 1. 2.\n\n 122 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 3. 3; _B. J._ I. 23. 1.\n\n 123 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 4. 6; Comp. _Ant._ XV. 9. 6.\n\n 124 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ I. 24. 1.\n\n 125 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 5. 1.\n\n 126 \u2012 Built on the site of the more ancient town of _Caphar\n Saba_, sixteen Roman miles from Joppa, and twenty-six\n from C\u00e6sarea. The old name lingers under the modern form\n _Kefr-Saba_.\n\n 127 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 11. 1\u20136. Berytus was a town of Ph\u0153nicia,\n identified by some with the Berotha, or Berothai of\n Scripture (2 Sam. viii. 8; Ezek. xlvii. 16). After its\n destruction by Tryphon B.C. 140, it was reduced by Agrippa,\n and colonised by the veterans of the V. Macedonica Legio,\n and VIII. Augusta, and became a Roman colony under the\n name of _Colonia Julia Augusta Felix Berytus_. See Smith\u2019s\n _Dict. Geog._, Art. _Berytus_.\n\n 128 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 11. 7.\n\n 129 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 2. 4.\n\n 130 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 4. 2.\n\n 131 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 5. 1; _B. J._ I. 31. 4.\n\n 132 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 6. 2. 3.\n\n 133 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 6. 5; _B. J._ I. 33. 5.\n\n 134 \u2012 On the eastern side of the Jordan, and not far from the\n Dead Sea. Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 6. 5.\n\n 135 \u2012 Probably some day between the 13th March and 4th April\n A.U.C. 750 = B.C. 4. See Wieseler\u2019s _Synopsis_, p. 51.\n\n 136 \u2012 Westcott\u2019s _Introduction to the Gospel History_, pp. 47, 48.\n\n 137 \u2012 Conybeare and Howson, _Life and Travels of St Paul_, I. 16;\n Merivale, III. 358.\n\n 138 \u2012 See above, p. 7.\n\n 139 \u2012 See above, pp. 8, 9.\n\n 140 \u2012 See above, p. 10.\n\n 141 \u2012 See above, p. 15.\n\n 142 \u2012 See above, p. 54. This was probably Lucius Calpurnius Piso,\n consul in B.C. 139.\n\n 143 \u2012 The _Sanhedrin_, or supreme court of judicature amongst\n the Jews, in things spiritual and temporal, consisted\n of seventy, seventy-one, or seventy-two members, chosen\n from the chief priests, scribes, elders, and some of the\n inferior members of the priestly order. Its President,\n generally but not always the high-priest, was called\n _Nasi_; the vice-president, _Ab Beth Din_, its place of\n meeting (\u03b2\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u03ae, \u03b2\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd) was the chamber _Gazith_ in\n the temple, where the members sat in a half-moon.\n\n The Jews traced back its origin to the time of Moses\n (Deut. xvii. 8), but it is only after the return from the\n Captivity, and especially during the Asmonean era, that we\n find it first mentioned.\n\n Its decrees were of binding force not only in Palestine,\n but amongst the extensive colonies of Jews in Egypt,\n Babylonia, and Asia Minor, and related to the worship\n of the temple, offences against the state, the levying\n of war, claims to the prophetical office, and questions\n appertaining to the high-priest\u2019s functions. Ordinary\n cases came before the _Lesser Sanhedrin_, of which\n courts there were two at Jerusalem, and one in every town\n containing more than 120 inhabitants.\n\n The jurisdiction and authority of the Sanhedrin were\n much curtailed, first by Herod, see above, p. 82, and\n afterwards by the Romans (Comp. Jn. xviii. 31; xix. 6;\n Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 1).\n\n 144 \u2012 Comp. Hor. _Sat._ I. ix. 69 sq.; Juvenal, III. 296;\n XIV. 96; Cic. _pro Flacco_, ch. XXVIII.\n\n 145 \u2012 Merivale\u2019s _Romans under the Empire_, III. 369. \u201cWe\n find that at Tyre, at Sidon, and at Ascalon, the Romans\n published their decrees in the Latin and the Greek idioms;\n in the Latin, in token of their own supremacy; in the\n Greek, as the language most generally understood by the\n conquered people. Ascalon became famous for its Greek\n writers in philosophy, history, and grammar. Gadara, a\n city of Greek foundation, is celebrated by Strabo for its\n contributions to Hellenic science.\u201d\n\n 146 \u2012 The three words for the elect nation used in the New\n Testament are\n\n i. \u1f38\u03bf\u03c5\u03b4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 = a Jew as regards his nation, in\n opposition to \u1f1d\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd, a Gentile;\n\n ii. \u1f19\u03b2\u03c1\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 = a Jew in respect to his language and\n education, in opposition to \u1f19\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03c2, a Jew of the\n Grecian speech;\n\n iii. \u1f38\u03c3\u03c1\u03b1\u03b7\u03bb\u03af\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 = a Jew in respect to his religious\n privileges, the sacred name. Trench, _N. T.\n Synonyms_.\n\n 147 \u2012 Compare with this the assemblies for prayer and worship\n held by the prophets or their scholars in the kingdom of\n the Ten Tribes, 2 K. iv. 33.\n\n 148 \u2012 Generally they were erected and maintained by the\n congregation, but sometimes were built by private\n individuals: Comp. Lk. vii. 5.\n\n 149 \u2012 Godwyn\u2019s _Moses and Aaron_, p. 71.\n\n 150 \u2012 The officers of the synagogue exercised a judicial power.\n And in the building itself could (i) bring an offender\n to trial (Lk. xii. 11; xxi. 12); and (ii) scourge (Matt.\n x. 17; Mark xiii. 9; Acts ix. 2).\n\n 151 \u2012 Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Synagogue_.\n\n 152 \u2012 The service was held on Sabbaths and feast-days, later on\n the Mondays and Thursdays also.\n\n 153 \u2012 This would be the case at least in the Palestine\n synagogues.\n\n 154 \u2012 Godwyn\u2019s _Moses and Aaron_, pp. 69\u201373; Conybeare and\n Howson, I. 59.\n\n 155 \u2012 Comp. Juv. III. 296, _in qu\u00e2 te qu\u00e6ro proseuch\u00e2?_\n\n 156 \u2012 See above, p. 20. Comp. Merivale, III. 370.\n\n 157 \u2012 See above, p. 9.\n\n 158 \u2012 See Raphall\u2019s _History of the Jews_, Vol. I. pp. 160, 162.\n\n 159 \u2012 Others, however, derive their name from Tsadikim, \u2018the\n righteous,\u2019 but its origin appears uncertain.\n\n 160 \u2012 See above, p. 60.\n\n 161 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 1. 4.\n\n 162 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 10. 6; XVIII. 1. 4.\n\n 163 \u2012 The later sect of the Karaites, or _Kar\u00e6ans_,\n \u2018Scripturists,\u2019 succeeded to the Sadducees, but chiefly\n in respect of the rejection of tradition, and their strict\n adherence to the letter of the law.\n\n 164 \u2012 See above, p. 30.\n\n 165 \u2012 The _Scribes_ (\u03b3\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2) are often mentioned in\n the Gospels in connection with the Pharisees and\n elders. Originally they appear to have been employed\n in transcribing the Jewish Scriptures, but subsequently\n became interpreters of the Law and teachers of the people.\n The majority of them probably belonged to the sect of the\n Pharisees, but not all, see Acts xxiii. 9.\n\n 166 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 5. 9, and see above, p. 60.\n\n 167 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 1. 3.\n\n 168 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 10. 5; _B. J._ I. 5. 2, 3.\n\n 169 \u2012 Comp. above, p. 63, and Luke xi. 43.\n\n 170 \u2012 See above, pp. 60, 62.\n\n 171 \u2012 The Jews of later times were very zealous in making\n _proselytes_ (Comp. Horace, _Sat._ I. iv. 143), and\n succeeded to a great extent, especially among the women.\n They are said, though it does not appear absolutely\n certain, to have been divided into two classes; (i)\n _Proselytes of righteousness_, who were admitted to all\n the privileges of Judaism after submitting to circumcision,\n and baptism, and offering sacrifice: (ii) _Proselytes\n of the gate_, who were not circumcised, but simply\n bound themselves to observe what were called \u2018the seven\n precepts of Noah,\u2019 i.e. (1) to renounce idolatry, (2) to\n worship the one true God, (3) to abstain from bloodshed,\n (4) incest, (5) robbery, (6) to be obedient to the\n magistrates, (7) to abstain from eating flesh with the\n blood. Josephus calls such Proselytes \u03bf\u1f31 \u03c3\u03b5\u03b2\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9, _the\n worshippers_, and they are supposed to be meant by the\n same word, rendered in our Version _devout men_ in such\n passages as Acts xiii. 50; xvi. 14; xvii. 4, 17; xviii. 7.\n\n 172 \u2012 Analogous to the Essenes were the _Therapeut\u00e6_, who lived\n in Egypt, were bound by even stricter rules, and spent\n their time in still greater seclusion, Godwyn\u2019s _Moses and\n Aaron_, I. 12.\n\n 173 \u2012 Conybeare and Howson, I. 33; Godwyn, Lib. I. 13.\n\n 174 \u2012 _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 427.\n\n 175 \u2012 Compare for a notice of such a process, Herod. III. 149;\n VI. 21, quoted in Trench, _Miracles_, p. 311, note.\n\n 176 \u2012 Comp. Jos. _Ant._ X. 9. 7; IX. 14. 3.\n\n 177 \u2012 See above, p. 5.\n\n 178 \u2012 \u2018The Samaritans have a firm belief in the coming of\n Messiah. They found this upon the words of Moses (Deut.\n xviii. 15). They differ, however, with regard to the\n character of the Messiah, as well from Jews as from\n Christians. They ridicule the Jewish idea of his being\n a king and a great conqueror. His mission, they say, is\n not to shed blood, but to heal the nations; not to make\n war, but to bring peace. He is to be, according to Moses\u2019\n promise, a great Teacher, a Restorer of the Law, one that\n will bring all the nations, by the illumination of his\n teaching, to unite in one service to one God. Therefore\n his common name with them is _Taebah_ (\u200f\u05ea\u05d4\u05d1\u05d4\u200e), though the\n better known name is _Hatah_ or _Hashah_, the Restorer,\n or the Arabic equivalent, Al Mudy, because it is he whose\n mission it is to turn the ungodly and unbelieving unto the\n Lord.\u2019 Mill\u2019s _Modern Samaritans_, 215, 216.\n\n 179 \u2012 Westcott\u2019s _Introduction to the Study of the Gospels_,\n 148, 9.\n\n 180 \u2012 Godwyn\u2019s _Moses and Aaron_, Lib. I. p. 48; Trench,\n _Miracles_, p. 311.\n\n 181 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XX. 6. 1; _B. J._ II. 12. 3.\n\n 182 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 2. 2.\n\n 183 \u2012 See _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 483.\n\n 184 \u2012 Ebrard\u2019s _Gospel History_, p. 487; Westcott\u2019s\n _Introduction to the New Testament_, pp. 92, 95.\n\n 185 \u2012 So Grotius, Lightfoot and others. Reland and Robinson\n identify it with Juttah in the mountain-region of Judah,\n near Maon and Carmel (Josh. xv. 55), allotted to the\n priests (Josh. xxi. 16), now _Y\u016dtta_. The traditions of\n the Greek and Latin Churches point on the other hand to\n _Ain Karim_, a village near Jerusalem. Thomson\u2019s _L. and\n B._ 664.\n\n 186 \u2012 See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 123. For the\n composition of the Incense, _Ibid._ p. 135.\n\n 187 \u2012 See Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Incense_.\n\n 188 \u2012 Hebrew Jochanan = _God is gracious_.\n\n 189 \u2012 The number present appears to indicate that it was the\n Sabbath-day.\n\n 190 \u2012 It is one peculiarity of the Galil\u00e6an hills, as distinct\n from those of Ephraim or Judah, that they contain or\n sustain green basins of table-land just below their\n topmost ridges; forming marked features in any view\n from the summit of Tabor, or further north from the\n slopes of Hermon.... Such above all is Nazareth. Fifteen\n gently rounded hills \u201cseem as if they had met to form an\n enclosure\u201d for this peaceful basin\u2015\u2015\u201cthey rise round it\n like the edge of a shell to guard it from intrusion. It\n is a rich and beautiful field in the midst of these green\n hills\u2015\u2015abounding in gay flowers, in fig-trees, small\n gardens, hedges of the prickly pear; and the dense rich\n grass affords an abundant pasture. The expression of\n the old topographer, Quaresmius, was as happy as it is\n poetical: \u2018Nazareth is a rose, and, like a rose, has the\n same rounded form, enclosed by mountains as the flower by\n its leaves.\u2019\u201d Stanley\u2019s _Sinai and Palestine_, p. 365.\n\n 191 \u2012 As the first leader of the hosts of Israel was called\n first Hoshea, a _Saviour_, and afterwards Jehoshua or\n Joshua, _God the Saviour_ or _God\u2019s Salvation_, in Greek,\n \u0399\u0397\u03a3\u039f\u03a5\u03a3, JESUS, and saved the Israelites from their enemies\n the Canaanites, so the second Joshua was to save His\n people from enemies no less real\u2015\u2015even _their sins_ (Matt.\n i. 21). Compare the title of Conqueror so often applied to\n our blessed Lord in the Book of Revelation, as ii. 7, 11;\n iii. 5, 12, 21; v. 5; vi. 2, &c., as also in St John\u2019s\n Gospel, xvi. 33, and in 1 Jn. ii. 13, 14; iv. 4. See\n Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. II.; _Class-Book of O. T.\n History_, pp. 173, 223.\n\n 192 \u2012 The distance from Nazareth to Jerusalem is about 80\n miles, and if Zacharias lived at Hebron 17 miles south\n of Jerusalem, the whole journey would occupy four or five\n days. (i) The most direct route was by Nain and Endor,\n and through Samaria and southward by Bethel. (ii) If for\n any cause Samaria was to be avoided, the Jordan would be\n crossed near Scythopolis, and the way followed through\n Per\u00e6a along its eastern bank. This was the common route\n with the Jews in their journeyings to the feasts, if they\n wished specially to avoid Samaria. (iii) Still a third way\n was by Dor on the sea-coast, passing through Lydda, and\n thence over the mountains of Ephraim. Andrews, p. 64.\n\n 193 \u2012 See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 158.\n\n 194 \u2012 Locusts were frequently used as an article of food (comp.\n Levit. xi. 21, 22), being sometimes ground and pounded\n and then mixed with flour and water and made into cakes,\n sometimes salted and then eaten, or prepared in many other\n ways. See Kitto\u2019s _Bible Illustrations_, VII. 191, 2;\n Kirby and Spence\u2019s _Entomology_; Thomson\u2019s _Land and the\n Book_, pp. 419, 20.\n\n 195 \u2012 Merivale\u2019s _Romans under the Empire_, III. 401, smaller\n edition.\n\n 196 \u2012 From Suetonius (_Aug._ Chap. XXVII.) we learn that\n Augustus three times held a census for Italy, A.U.C. 726,\n 746, and 767; and Strabo speaks of one in Gaul and another\n in Spain. Tacitus (_Ann._ I. 11) tells us that he had\n a little book written out in his own hand treating of\n the numbers of his soldiers, the taxes, imposts, &c.,\n of his empire, which is also alluded to by Suetonius and\n Dion Cassius, and must have been based on surveys of all\n parts of the empire. It is also well established that he\n commenced, if he did not carry out, a complete geometrical\n survey of the empire (see Merivale\u2019s _Romans_, III. 404).\n Though these facts do not absolutely _prove_ the holding\n of a general census, they go far to _confirm_ the\n Evangelist\u2019s statement.\n\n 197 \u2012 St Luke relates that _this taxing or enrolment took place\n as a first one, when Cyrenius was governor of Syria_ (Lk.\n ii. 1). But Josephus states that Cyrenius was sent as\n governor of Syria after the deposition of Archelaus and\n the annexation of Jud\u00e6a as a Roman province to Syria,\n and that he then instituted a census. This could not be\n earlier than A.U.C. 758 or 760; but the Saviour was born\n before Herod\u2019s death in A.U.C. 750. Various explanations\n have been offered of the Evangelist\u2019s words:\n\n i. Some would throw the emphasis on the \u1f10\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03bf, and\n translate, \u201cThis enrolment first _took effect_ when\n Cyrenius was governor of Syria,\u201d i.e. the enrolment,\n enumeration of persons, _descriptio capitum_, was made\n at the time of our Lord\u2019s birth, but its actual execution\n was deferred some nine or ten years, till Jud\u00e6a was made a\n Roman province, when (Acts v. 37) the rebellion took place\n against the actual levying of the taxes.\n\n ii. Others would render \u03c0\u03c1\u03ce\u03c4\u03b7 _before_, as in the somewhat\n parallel passages in Jn. i. 15, 30, where it is used as\n = \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2, and translate, \u201cThis enrolment took place\n _before Cyrenius was governor of Syria_.\u201d\n\n iii. It appears, however, almost certain, Merivale says\n _demonstrated_, that Publius Sulpicius Quirinus (Cyrenius)\n was _twice_ governor of Syria, _first_ from A.U.C. 750\u2013753,\n or B.C. 4\u20131, and _secondly_ from A.U.C. 760\u2013765, or A.D.\n 6\u201311. It is true that Cyrenius does not appear to have\n been governor till the autumn of A.U.C. 750, but the\n enumeration may have begun or been appointed under Varus\n the preceding governor, and being suspended in consequence\n of Herod\u2019s death and the disturbances that followed it,\n was reserved for execution to Cyrenius, with whose name\n it was connected. Merivale, IV. 457; Ellicott, p. 58 n.;\n Andrews, 5\u20138; and see the results of Zumpt\u2019s dissertation\n _De Syri\u00e2 Romanorum provinci\u00e2_ in Wieseler\u2019s Synopsis,\n 129\u2013135.\n\n 198 \u2012 On Herod\u2019s completely tributary relation to Rome, see\n Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ pp. 84, 85.\n\n 199 \u2012 \u201cIn the kingdoms of their allies the Romans adopted at\n first a milder, and even when circumstances dictated it,\n an exceedingly lenient form of census. This we may be sure\n would have been the case in the census of Palestine under\n Herod, who reigned over the entire nation of the Jews, a\n people so much inclined to revolt. It is probable that the\n forms for holding the census, issued by Rome, were adapted\n as closely as possible to the conditions of the country,\n while the execution of it was, as far as practicable,\n entrusted to the sole management of Herod and his officers.\u201d\n Wieseler, p. 82.\n\n 200 \u2012 Under purely Roman law \u201cJoseph might _perhaps_ have been\n enrolled at Nazareth,\u201d but the fact that he is described\n by the Evangelist as journeying to Bethlehem to be\n enrolled at the town of his forefathers, is in remarkable\n accordance with \u201cthe perplexed political relations of the\n intensely national yet all but subject Jud\u00e6a.\u201d Ellicott\u2019s\n _Lectures_, p. 60.\n\n 201 \u2012 On the reasons why this journey was often taken by the\n Jews, see above, pp. 122, 123.\n\n 202 \u2012 It is not impossible that these Magi were acquainted with\n Balaam\u2019s prophecy respecting a star to rise out of Jacob\n (Num. xxiv. 17; _Class-Book of O. T. History_, 191, 192),\n and very probable that they were not ignorant of the\n Prophecies of Daniel. The general expectation in the East\n at this time that a king should arise in Jud\u00e6a to rule\n the world, is mentioned in Suetonius, _Vesp._ c. IV.,\n Tac. _Hist._ V. 13.\n\n 203 \u2012 The Magi were a tribe of the Medes, like that of Levi\n among the Jews, to whom were entrusted all the priestly\n functions connected with the practice of their religion,\n the chief feature of which was a worship of the elements,\n as also the study of astrology, and the interpretation of\n dreams.\n\n 204 \u2012 Though the terrible disorder which carried him off was\n already afflicting him, and it wanted probably but a few\n days of the period when he sought relief in the baths\n of Callirhoe; see above, p. 104, Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_,\n p. 75, n.\n\n 205 \u2012 The customary gifts of subject nations, see Gen. xliii. 11;\n Ps. lxxii. 15; 1 Kings x. 2, 10; 2 Chron. ix. 24; Cant.\n iii. 6; iv. 14.\n\n 206 \u2012 Under any circumstances the number of children thus\n ruthlessly murdered could not have been large. \u201cIn\n peaceful times such an act as this, even if executed,\n as this probably was, in secresy, would have excited\n general indignation when it became known; but now the\n Jewish people had so long \u2018supped with horrors,\u2019 and were\n so engrossed in the many perils that threatened their\n national existence, that this passed by comparatively\n unnoticed. Such a deed, from a man of whom Josephus says\n that \u2018he was brutish and a stranger to all humanity,\u2019 ...\n could have awakened no surprise. It was wholly in keeping\n with his reckless and savage character, but one, and by no\n means the greatest of his crimes. It is therefore possible\n that it may never have come to the knowledge of the Jewish\n historian, writing so many years after the event.\u201d Andrews,\n p. 89, Rawlinson\u2019s _Bampton Lectures_, pp. 352, 3 and note.\n\n 207 \u2012 Compare the execution of the zealots for pulling down the\n Golden Eagle, above, p. 104.\n\n 208 \u2012 See above, p. 82.\n\n 209 \u2012 See above, p. 105.\n\n 210 \u2012 See above, p. 105.\n\n 211 \u2012 He was the son of Herod by his Samaritan wife Malthace\n (Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 8. 1; _B. J._ I. 28. 4). He was guilty\n of great cruelty and oppression. Not long after his\n accession he put to death in the Temple 3000 of the Jews,\n letting loose upon them his entire army during the Paschal\n Festival (Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 9. 3; _B. J._ II. 1. 3). The\n Samaritans also suffered terribly from his cruelties\n (_B. J._ II. 7. 3).\n\n 212 \u2012 Andrews\u2019 _Life of our Lord on Earth_, p. 91; Ellicott,\n p. 81.\n\n 213 \u2012 The attendance of women at the great feasts was not\n _required_ by the Law. Ellicott, p. 89.\n\n 214 \u2012 \u201cAs is well known, the first day\u2019s journey of a company\n of eastern travellers is always short. On that day it\n is not customary to go more than six or eight miles, and\n the tents are pitched, for the first night\u2019s encampment,\n almost within sight of the place from which the journey\n commences.\u201d Hackett, _Script. Ill._ 12, quoted in Andrews,\n p. 96.\n\n 215 \u2012 This we may compute in two ways; either (i) the _first_,\n that of their departure from Jerusalem; _second_, the day\n of their return; _third_, the day when He was found; or\n (ii) excluding the day of departure; _first_, the day of\n their return; _second_, the day of search in Jerusalem;\n _third_, the day when He was found. _Ibid._\n\n 216 \u2012 See above, p. 96; comp. Lightfoot _Hor. Heb._ on Lk. ii. 46.\n\n 217 \u2012 This was the general opinion of the early Fathers; is in\n accordance with the settled custom of the Jews to bring up\n their sons to some trade; and is implied in the question\n of the inhabitants of Nazareth, \u201c_Is not this the\n carpenter?_\u201d (Mtt. xiii. 55, Mk. vi. 3).\n\n 218 \u2012 The _Roman province of Jud\u00e6a_ extended from the plain of\n Esdraelon southwards to the desert, and in our Lord\u2019s time\n _included Samaria_, which had now no separate political\n existence. On Idum\u00e6a, see above, p. 32 and note.\n\n 219 \u2012 Galilee, from the Hebrew form _Galil_ or _Galilah_\n (comp. Jos. xx. 7; 1 Kings ix. 11; Is. ix. 1), denoting\n \u201ca circle\u201d or \u201cregion,\u201d and \u201cimplying the separation of\n the district from the more regularly organized tribes\n or kingdoms of Samaria and Jud\u00e6a,\u201d extended from the\n region of Lebanon to the southern border of the plain\n of Esdraelon. It thus comprised the district formerly\n occupied by the tribes of Asher, Naphtali, Zebulun,\n Issachar, and part of Manasseh, and was divided into two\n sections: (i) _Lower Galilee_, which included the rich\n plain of Esdraelon and the whole region from the plain\n of Akka to the shores of the Lake of Gennesaret. (For\n the fertility of this region, see _Class-Book of O. T.\n History_, pp. 219, 220.) (ii) _Upper Galilee_, which\n \u201cembraced the whole mountain-range lying between the Upper\n Jordan and Ph\u0153nicia,\u201d and was also called _Galilee of the\n Gentiles_ (Matt. iv. 15; 1 Macc. v. 15), for twenty of its\n towns were given by Solomon to Hiram king of Tyre (1 K.\n ix. 11), and were then or afterwards colonised by strangers\n (Is. ix. 1), who increased in number during the Captivity\n and the times of the Maccabees (1 Macc. v. 20\u201323), and\n chiefly consisted of Syrians, Ph\u0153nicians, Arabs, and\n Greeks. It was probably from contact with this large body\n of foreigners that the pronunciation of the Jews residing\n in Galilee became peculiar (Mtt. xxvi. 73; Mk. xiv. 70).\n\n 220 \u2012 A region extending from the Arnon to the Hieromax.\n\n 221 \u2012 _Auranitis_ was the Greek form of the old name Hauran\n (Ezek. xlvii. 16), and was the name of the district in the\n upper valley of the Hieromax.\n\n 222 \u2012 _Gaulanitis_ derived its name from the ancient Levitical\n city of refuge (Jos. xx. 8; xxi. 27), Golan, in the\n territory of Manasseh (Deut. iv. 43), and included the\n district immediately east of the lake of Gennesaret, and\n the Upper Jordan. Its principal cities were Golan, Hippos,\n Gamala, Bethsaida-Julias (Mark viii. 22) and Seleucia.\n\n 223 \u2012 _Trachonitis_ was the Greek form of the Hebrew Argob =\n _stony_. See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 185.\n\n 224 \u2012 _Batan\u00e6a_, the Gr\u00e6cized form of the Hebrew Bashan,\n included, probably, the mountain-district east of\n Auranitis.\n\n 225 \u2012 _Itur\u00e6a_ was a little province lying between Gaulanitis\n on the south, Trachonitis on the east, Hermon on the\n west, and the plain of Damascus on the north. It derived\n its name from _Jetur_, a son of Ishmael, who colonised\n it (Gen. xxv. 15, 16). His descendants were conquered\n by the half-tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. v. 19\u201323) but\n not annihilated, for, as we have seen, above, p. 61,\n \u2666Aristobulus re-conquered their colony, then called\n Itur\u00e6a, and gave them their choice between Judaism or\n banishment (Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 11. 3). Remnants, however,\n still survived, and retiring to the neighbouring rocky\n fastnesses \u201cbecame known as skilful archers and daring\n plunderers\u201d (Virgil, _Georg._ II. 448; Cic. _Phil._ II. 24;\n VIII. 19; XLIV. 112; V. 18). When Pompeius came into Syria\n it was ceded to the Romans, and was heavily taxed by M.\n Antonius; it then fell into the hands of a chief called\n Zenodorus, but about B.C. 20 was bestowed by Augustus on\n Herod the Great (see above, p. 93), who bequeathed it to\n his son Philip. Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 8. 1; Smith\u2019s _Bibl.\n Dict._ and _Dict. Geog._\n\n 226 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ II. 6. 3.\n\n 227 \u2012 According to Dion Cassius he was banished by Augustus\n to Vienne in Gaul, in the consulship of Marcus \u00c6milius\n Lepidus and L. Arruntius, after reigning from A.U.C. 750\n to A.U.C. 759, Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ p. 50.\n\n 228 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ II. 7. 3; Lewin\u2019s _Fasti Sacri_, p. 146.\n\n 229 \u2012 From the time of Augustus (B.C. 27) the provinces\n subject to the Roman sway were divided into two classes,\n (i) _Senatorial_, and (ii) _Imperial_.\n\n (i) _Senatorial_ provinces were governed by a _Proconsul_,\n called in Greek \u1f08\u03bd\u03b8\u03cd\u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 (Acts xiii. 7; xviii. 12;\n xix. 38), who was appointed by lot, held his authority\n for a year, carried with him the lictors and fasces,\n the insignia of a consul, but had no military power.\n\n (ii) _Imperial_ provinces were governed by a _Propr\u00e6tor_,\n in Greek \u1f08\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03ac\u03c4\u03b7\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2, or as he was sometimes termed\n \u201cLegatus,\u201d or \u03a0\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03b2\u03b5\u03c5\u03c4\u03ae\u03c2, the representative or\n \u201cCommissioner\u201d of the emperor. He was appointed by\n the emperor himself, held his authority as long as\n the latter wished, and went from Italy with all the\n pomp of a military commander.\n\n Syria was an _imperial_ province, and therefore was\n governed by a Legatus, or \u201cCommissioner\u201d of the emperor,\n and Jud\u00e6a, partly on account of its remoteness from\n Antioch, partly from the peculiar character of its\n inhabitants, was ruled by a special procurator, subject to\n the governor of Syria, but vested within his own province\n with the power of a Legatus. Hence we never find the title\n Proconsul applied to Quirinus, Pilate, Festus, or Felix,\n but \u1f29\u03b3\u03b5\u03bc\u03ce\u03bd, a general term = the Latin _pr\u00e6ses_ (Comp. Lk.\n ii. 2; iii. 1; Acts xxiii. 24). The procurator of Jud\u00e6a\n (a) had his head-quarters at C\u00e6sarea (Acts xxiii. 23);\n (b) was assisted by a council consisting of assessors\n (Acts xxv. 12); (c) was attended by six lictors, wore the\n military dress, and had a cohort as a body-guard (Matt.\n xxvii. 27); (d) came up to Jerusalem at the time of the\n great festivals, when, according to Josephus, he resided\n in the palace of Herod (_B. J._ II. 14. 3); (e) had an\n audience-chamber (Acts xxv. 23), and a judgment-seat\n (Acts xxv. 6); (f) had the power of life and death (Matt.\n xxvii. 26), and sent appeals to the emperor (Acts xxv. 12).\n\n 230 \u2012 During his procuratorship occurred the pollution of the\n temple by the Samaritans, related above, p. 123. Up to\n this time they had been admitted to the temple, but were\n now excluded.\n\n 231 \u2012 \u201cSebaste and Jerusalem being far from Antioch, the\n mountains difficult and the people turbulent, Quirinus was\n allowed to treat these new districts of the empire as a\n sub-province, placing them under a procurator of their own,\n with a provincial capital at C\u00e6sarea on the sea-coast.\u201d\n H. Dixon\u2019s _Holy Land_, I. 236.\n\n 232 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ II. 8. 1.\n\n 233 \u2012 See above, p. 135, note.\n\n 234 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 13. 5.\n\n 235 \u2012 _Ib._ XVII. 1. 1.\n\n 236 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 1. 1; _B. J._ II. 8. 1.\n\n 237 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 2. 1.\n\n 238 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 2. 2; Lewin\u2019s _Fasti Sacri_, p. 160, 1.\n\n 239 \u2012 Seeing that a rapid succession of governors only increased\n the oppressions and exactions of the provinces; the\n governor, who anticipated but a short harvest, making the\n most of his time, and extorting as much as he was able\n in the shortest possible period. Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 7. 5;\n Merivale, V. 281.\n\n 240 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 2. 2. Some think that Annas was now\n _Nasi_ or President of the Sanhedrin, an office not always\n held by the high-priest. Ellicott, 333, n.\n\n 241 \u2012 The _gens_ of the Pontii, with whom he may have been\n connected either by descent or adoption, is first\n conspicuous in Roman history in the person of C. Pontius\n Telesinus, the great Samnite general. Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 242 \u2012 By some (i) deemed to denote \u201carmed with the _pilum_, or\n javelin;\u201d by others (ii) considered an abbreviation of\n pileatus, from _pileus_, \u201cthe cap or badge of manumitted\n slaves,\u201d indicating that he was either a _libertus_, i.e.\n \u201cfreedman,\u201d or descended from one. Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 243 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 3. 1.\n\n 244 \u2012 Comp. Mark vii. 11.\n\n 245 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 3. 2.\n\n 246 \u2012 \u201cWith the Roman legions came the Roman fiscal system;\n harbour-dues, post-dues, town-dues, customs, excise;\n in the streets a house-tax, in the markets a fruit-tax,\n everywhere a poll-tax. The Jews began to groan under the\n weight, and sicken under the names of these Roman imposts\n ... their nationality was gone, they were denied the grain\n of comfort which an Oriental finds in seeing and kissing\n the foot that grinds him into dust. For many years after\n Archelaus left Jerusalem, the Jews rarely saw the faces of\n their lords. Augustus dwelt at Rome, Quirinus at Antioch,\n Coponius at C\u00e6sarea. Jerusalem was garrisoned by a\n subaltern, governed by a priest.\u201d H. Dixon\u2019s _Holy Land_,\n I. 238.\n\n 247 \u2012 The 15th year of Tiberius mentioned by St Luke iii. 1.\n either (i) includes the two years during which Tiberius\n appears to have been associated with Augustus, or (ii)\n coincides not with the first appearance, but the captivity\n of John the Baptist, \u201cthe epoch, from which, in accordance\n with ancient tradition, the narrative of the first three\n Gospels appears to date.\u201d Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, 104, n.;\n Wieseler\u2019s _Chronol. Synop._\n\n 248 \u2012 Situated either thirty miles north of Jericho, near\n Succoth, the northern ford, or nearly east of that city,\n the ordinary point of passage across the river. Ellicott\u2019s\n _Lectures_, 106, n.\n\n 249 \u2012 See above, p. 118, note.\n\n 250 \u2012 \u201cLightfoot shews that it was the token of a slave having\n become his master\u2019s property, to _loose_ his shoe, to\n _tie_ the same, or to carry the necessary articles for\n him to the bath.\u201d Alford on Matt. iii. 11.\n\n 251 \u2012 Probably about six months after his ministry had begun.\n Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, 102, n.\n\n 252 \u2012 \u0394\u03b9\u03b5\u03ba\u03ce\u03bb\u03c5\u03b5\u03bd, Mtt. iii. 14, a much stronger word than the\n simple \u1f10\u03ba\u03ce\u03bb\u03c5\u03b5\u03bd, and denoting earnestness and an active\n endeavour to prevent him.\n\n 253 \u2012 Ellicott, p. 109. The traditional site is the mountain\n Quarantania, \u201ca high and precipitous wall of rock 12\n or 1500 feet above the plain west of the Jordan near\n Jericho.\u201d The side facing the plain is as perpendicular\n and apparently as high as the rock of Gibraltar, and\n upon the summit are still visible the ruins of an\n ancient convent. Midway below are caverns hewn in the\n perpendicular rock, where hermits formerly retired to fast\n and pray in imitation of the \u201cForty Days.\u201d Robinson\u2019s\n _Palestine_, I. 567; Thomson\u2019s _L. and B._ 617; Tristram,\n pp. 208, 209.\n\n 254 \u2012 The identity of Nathanael and Bartholomew appears highly\n probable.\n\n a. St John twice (i. 45; xxi. 2) mentions Nathanael, never\n Bartholomew.\n\n b. The other Evangelists (Mtt. x. 3; Mk. iii. 18; Lk.\n vi. 14) all speak of Bartholomew, never of Nathanael.\n\n c. Philip first brought Nathanael to Jesus, and\n Bartholomew is mentioned by each of the first three\n Evangelists immediately after Philip.\n\n d. St Luke couples Philip with Bartholomew precisely in\n the same way as Simon with his brother Andrew, and Joses\n with his brother John.\n\n 255 \u2012 Perhaps for the purpose of prayer and meditation. \u201cThe\n foliage of the fig-tree produces a thick shade, and the\n Jewish Rabbis were accustomed to rise early and study\n beneath it.\u201d Wordsworth\u2019s _Notes_.\n\n 256 \u2012 Identified either with (i) _Kefr Kenna_, a small village\n about 4\u00bd miles N.E. of Nazareth, which \u201cnow contains only\n the ruins of a church, said to stand over the house in\n which the miracle was performed;\u201d or (ii) _Kana el Jelil_,\n about 5 miles north of Sepphoris, and 9 from Nazareth,\n near Jotapata, the name of which is considered by some\n completely to represent the Hebrew original. Robinson,\n II. 346\u2013349; Thomson, _Land and Book_, p. 425; Stanley,\n _S. and P._ 367.\n\n 257 \u2012 It is a striking confirmation of our Lord\u2019s words (Mtt.\n xi. 23) that the very site of Capernaum, then a flourishing\n and populous place, is now one of the most hotly-contested\n points connected with the geography of Palestine: (i) some\n would place it at _Kh\u00e2n Minyeh_, at the N.E. end of the\n Plain of Gennesaret: (ii) others place the Fountain of\n Capernaum, mentioned by Josephus (_B. J._ III. 10. 8) at\n _Et-Tabiga_, a little to the north of _Kh\u00e2n Minyeh_, and\n the town itself at _Tell Hum_, where there are the remains\n of a place of considerable extent, \u201cconsisting chiefly of\n the fallen walls of dwellings and other buildings, all of\n unhewn stone.\u201d Robinson, I. 540; Thomson, _L. and B._\n\n 258 \u2012 Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, II. 298.\n\n 259 \u2012 Josephus (_B. J._ VI. 9. 3) estimates the number of lambs\n sacrificed at the Passover in the time of Nero at 256,500.\n\n 260 \u2012 This cleansing of the Temple recorded by St John is\n clearly distinct from the later one mentioned by Mtt.\n xxi. 12, &c.; Mk. xi. 15, &c.; Lk. xix. 15, &c.\n\n 261 \u2012 \u201cAny Jew might come forward as a zealot against illegal\n abuses in the national life (Num. xxv. 7), but the\n greatest zealots generally justified their proceedings\n as prophets and workers of miracles (1 K. xviii. 23, 24).\n By His act the Lord had rebuked the whole nation, and\n the Sanhedrin itself; they demanded, therefore, a sign\n to legitimate His proceeding.\u201d Lange, II. 300; Milman, I.\n 159 n.\n\n 262 \u2012 How widely this mysterious saying, though misunderstood,\n was circulated, and how deep was the impression it made,\n is clear from several subsequent incidents. See Mtt.\n xxvi. 61; Mk. xiv. 58; Mtt. xxvii. 39, 40; Mk. xv. 29.\n\n 263 \u2012 Comp. Jn. iii. 1; vii. 26, 50; Lk. xxiv. 20.\n\n 264 \u2012 For the circumstances here alluded to see _Class-Book of\n O. T. History_, pp. 182, 183.\n\n 265 \u2012 \u00c6non means _place of fountains_, a Greek form of the\n Chaldee word denoting the same.\n\n 266 \u2012 According to Eusebius and Jerome, Salim existed in\n their day near the Jordan, eight Roman miles south of\n Scythopolis. In exact accordance with this position the\n name _Sal\u00fbm_ has been lately discovered six English miles\n south of Beisan, and two miles west of the Jordan. Beside\n it there gushes out a splendid fountain, and rivulets\n wind about in all directions, so that of few places in\n Palestine could it be said so truly _there was much water\n there_. Van de Velde, II. 356.\n\n 267 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 5. 1.\n\n 268 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 5. 2.\n\n 269 \u2012 See the Calendar in _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 155.\n\n 270 \u2012 At this time called Sychar by the Jews of the south, in\n studied contempt, as denoting either _falsehood_, i.e.\n _idol-worship_ (Hab. ii. 18), or _drunkard_.\n\n 271 \u2012 Jacob\u2019s well is a spot the identity of which has never\n been seriously questioned; Jews and Samaritans, Christians\n and Mahommedans, unite in attesting it. It is situated\n \u201con the end of a low spur or swell, running out from the\n north-eastern base of Gerizim,\u201d the mouth being encumbered\n by the ruins of a Christian church once built over it. \u201cThe\n width of the bore is about nine feet, the upper portion\n built in with neatly dressed and squared stones like the\n masonry of the wells of Beersheba, the lower portion hewn,\n to all appearance, out of the solid rock.\u201d The well is\n still deep, about seventy-five or eighty feet, though\n evidently choked with many feet of rubbish, and oftentimes\n filled with much water. Robinson, III. 132; Tristram, 146;\n Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._ pp. 240, 241.\n\n 272 \u2012 On the feeling of the Samaritans towards the Jews, see\n above, p. 122.\n\n 273 \u2012 For the building and destruction of the temple there, see\n above, pp. 3, and 57.\n\n 274 \u2012 On the Samaritan expectation of the Messiah, see above,\n pp. 121, 122.\n\n 275 \u2012 \u03a4\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2 (Jn. iv. 46). Some have supposed him to have\n been Chuza, Herod\u2019s steward, whose wife was among the holy\n women that _ministered unto the Lord of their substance_\n (Lk. viii. 3). \u201cThis is not wholly improbable,\u201d writes\n Archbishop Trench, \u201cfor it would seem as if only some\n mighty and marvellous work of this kind would have drawn\n a steward of Herod\u2019s with his family into the net of the\n Gospel,\u201d _On the Miracles_, p. 119.\n\n 276 \u2012 One hour after noon.\n\n 277 \u2012 The true reading in Jn. v. 1 appears to be \u1f11\u03bf\u03c1\u03c4\u03ae without\n the article, and the feast spoken of is identified by\n Wieseler, Tischendorf, Ellicott and others, with that of\n Purim; for the institution of which see _Class-Book of\n O. T. History_, p. 475.\n\n 278 \u2012 By some identified with a large reservoir called the\n _Birket Israil_ within the walls of the city and close to\n St Stephen\u2019s Gate, under the N.E. wall of the haram area.\n Robinson, however, identifies it with the \u201cFountain of the\n Virgin,\u201d in the Kedron valley, a little above the pool of\n Siloam. Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 279 \u2012 Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, pp. 141, 142.\n\n 280 \u2012 For the service of the Synagogue see above, pp. 111\u2013113.\n\n 281 \u2012 \u201cThey arose,\u201d it is said of the infuriated inhabitants,\n \u201cand cast Him out of the city, and brought Him to _a\n brow of the mountain_ (\u1f15\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f40\u03c6\u03c1\u03cd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2) on which the\n city was built, so as to _cast Him down the cliff_ (\u1f65\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5\n \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03ba\u03c1\u03b7\u03bc\u03bd\u03af\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd). Most readers probably from these\n words imagine a town built on the summit of a mountain,\n from which summit the intended precipitation was to take\n place. This is not the situation of Nazareth. Yet its\n position is still in accordance with the narrative. It\n is built \u2018upon,\u2019 that is, on the side of \u2018a mountain,\u2019\n but the \u2018brow\u2019 is not beneath but over the town, and such\n a cliff (\u03ba\u03c1\u03b7\u03bc\u03bd\u03cc\u03c2), as is here implied, is to be found,\n as all modern travellers describe, in the abrupt face\n of the limestone rock, about thirty or forty feet high,\n overhanging the Maronite convent at the south-western\n corner of the town.\u201d Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._, p. 367;\n Robinson, II. 335; Tristram\u2019s _Land of Israel_, p. 121.\n\n 282 \u2012 \u201cThe Saviour _came down_ (Lk. iv. 31; Jn. iv. 47, 51)\n from the high country of Galilee, where He had hitherto\n dwelt, and from henceforth made His permanent home in\n the deep retreat of the sea of Galilee.... It was no\n retired mountain-lake by whose shore He took up His abode,\n such as might have attracted the eastern sage or western\n hermit. It was to the Roman Palestine almost what the\n manufacturing districts are to England. Nowhere, except\n in the capital itself, could He have found such a sphere\n for His works and words of mercy; from no other centre\n could _His fame_ have so gone throughout all Syria (Mtt.\n iv. 24).... Far removed from the capital, mingled with\n the Gentile races of Lebanon and Arabia, the dwellers\n by the sea of Galilee were free from most of the strong\n prejudices which in the south of Palestine raised a bar\n to His reception. _The people in the land of Zabulon and\n Nephthalim, by the way of the sea, beyond Jordan, Galilee\n of the Gentiles_, had _sat in darkness_; but from that\n very cause _they saw_ more clearly _the great Light_ when\n it came: _to them which sat in the region and the shadow\n of death_, for that very reason _light sprang_ up the more\n readily. He came to _preach the Gospel to the poor_, _to\n the weary and heavy laden; to seek and to save that which\n was lost_. Where could He find work so readily as in the\n ceaseless toil and turmoil of these teeming villages and\n busy waters? The heathen or half-heathen _publicans_ or\n tax-gatherers would be there, sitting by the lake side\n _at the receipt of custom_. The _women who were sinners_\n would there have come, either from the neighbouring Gentile\n cities, or corrupted by the license of Gentile manners.\n The Roman soldiers would there be found quartered with\n their slaves (Luke vii. 2), to be near the palaces of\n the Herodian princes, or to repress the turbulence of the\n Galil\u00e6an peasantry. And the hardy boatmen, filled with the\n faithful and grateful spirit by which that peasantry was\n always distinguished, would supply the energy and docility\n which He needed for His followers.\u201d Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._\n 375\u2013377; comp. Jos. _B. J._ III. 3. 2.\n\n 283 \u2012 Milman, I. 177; Andrews, p. 179.\n\n 284 \u2012 The notice of _the hired servants_ (Mark i. 20), the _two\n vessels_ employed (Luke v. 7), and the subsequent mention\n of St John\u2019s acquaintance with one in so high a position\n as the high priest (John xviii. 15), seem to indicate that\n Zebedee, if not a wealthy man, was at any rate of no mean\n position in Capernaum. See Ellicott, 169 n.\n\n 285 \u2012 Trench, _Miracles_, 127, 128.\n\n 286 \u2012 Comp. Exod. xx. 18, 19; Judg. xiii. 22; Dan. x. 17; Isai.\n vi. 5.\n\n 287 \u2012 Trench, 232.\n\n 288 \u2012 Or \u201cgreat fever,\u201d one of the expressions often cited as\n illustrating St Luke\u2019s professional acquaintance with\n disease. The Greek medical writers recognised a marked\n distinction between \u201cgreat\u201d and \u201csmall\u201d fevers.\n\n 289 \u2012 See _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 150.\n\n 290 \u2012 Comp. Mk. vi. 11, _for a testimony unto them_, with Luke\n ix. 5, _for a testimony against them_.\n\n 291 \u2012 The identity of Matthew and Levi seems to follow from\n\n (i) The perfect agreement in the narratives of the\n calling of the one (Matt. ix. 10), and of the other\n (Mark ii. 15; Luke v. 29);\n\n (ii) The absence from the lists of the Apostles of any\n trace of the name _Levi_, while that of _Matthew_\n occurs in all.\n\n It is not improbable that the grateful \u201cpublican\u201d changed\n his name after and in memory of his call, so that he,\n who was before called Levi, was now known as Matthew, or\n Matthias, which is equivalent to _Theodore_, the \u201cgift of\n God.\u201d See Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, 172 n.\n\n 292 \u2012 Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, p. 173.\n\n 293 \u2012 By some explained as\n\n (i) The Sabbath that succeeded the second day of the\n Passover;\n\n (ii) The 15th of Nisan, the 14th being, it is asserted,\n always coincident with the Sabbath;\n\n (iii) The first Sabbath of a year that stood second in a\n Sabbatical cycle.\n\n 294 \u2012 \u201cHe that reapeth corn on the Sabbath, to the quantity\n of a fig, is guilty; and plucking corn is as reaping.\u201d\n Lightfoot, quoting the Mishna.\n\n 295 \u2012 See above, p. 159.\n\n 296 \u2012 See above, p. 159.\n\n 297 \u2012 It was probably now that the Saviour called these brothers\n Boanerges, \u201c_Sons of Thunder_,\u201d from their burning and\n impetuous spirit, of which we trace indications in Lk.\n ix. 54, Mk. ix. 38.\n\n 298 \u2012 See above, p. 159.\n\n 299 \u2012 See above, p. 159, n.\n\n 300 \u2012 See above, p. 182.\n\n 301 \u2012 See above, p. 148.\n\n 302 \u2012 Tradition places the scene of the Sermon on the Mount on\n a hill known as the \u201cHorns of Hattin,\u201d a ridge no great\n distance from _Tell H\u00fbm_, running east and west for about\n a quarter of a mile, and called by the Latins the Mount\n of Beatitudes. Stanley thinks \u201cthe situation so strikingly\n coincides with the intimations of the Gospel narrative as\n almost to force the inference, that in this instance the\n eye of those who selected the spot was for once rightly\n guided,\u201d _S. and P._ p. 360. On the peculiar acoustic\n properties of the neighbourhood, see Tristram\u2019s _Land of\n Israel_, p. 433.\n\n 303 \u2012 In reference to the Sermon on the Mount as related by\n St Matthew and St Luke, it may be observed that the\n differences are on the whole few when compared with the\n resemblances: Thus (i) both have the same beginning and\n ending; (ii) the order is generally similar; (iii) the\n expressions are often identical; (iv) the audience (Mtt.\n iv. 25; Lk. vi. 17; Mk. iii. 7, 8) was the same, and\n included crowds from every part of the land; (v) probably\n St Matthew relates it _substantially_ as it was delivered,\n and writing for Jews retains those portions which relate\n to the Jewish sects and customs, while St Luke has\n modified it to meet the wants of those for whom he more\n especially wrote. Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, p. 180, n. and\n Andrews, p. 223.\n\n 304 \u2012 Trench _On the Miracles_, pp. 225, 226.\n\n 305 \u2012 Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, p. 181.\n\n 306 \u2012 Now called _Ne\u00efn_. It was near the source of the brook\n Kishon, not far from Endor, and 2\u00bd leagues from Nazareth.\n The name means \u201cthe lovely,\u201d and was perhaps given\n on account of its pleasant situation in the plain of\n Esdraelon.\n\n 307 \u2012 Jos. _B. J._ VII. 6. 1\u20133.\n\n 308 \u2012 Like Socrates, the Baptist, though in confinement, was\n allowed to hold intercourse with his disciples. Comp. Mtt.\n xxv. 36; Acts xxiv. 23. Lange, III. 116, n.\n\n 309 \u2012 Milman, I. 215.\n\n 310 \u2012 Lange, III. 108.\n\n 311 \u2012 Ellicott, p. 182.\n\n 312 \u2012 There is no real ground for identifying this woman with\n Mary Magdalene. It is true that she was a victim of\n Satanic influence (Lk. viii. 2), but it does not follow\n that she had been guilty of sins of impurity.\n\n 313 \u2012 This anointing is not to be confounded with that recorded\n in Mtt. xxvi. 6, &c., Mk. xiv. 3, &c., Jn. xii. 1, &c. The\n two anointings differ in time, and place, as well as the\n chief actors. Trench _On the Parables_, p. 290.\n\n 314 \u2012 Trench _On the Parables_, pp. 289\u2013293.\n\n 315 \u2012 See above, p. 171.\n\n 316 \u2012 See Ellicott, p. 184, and note.\n\n 317 \u2012 On the scenery around the lake which would suggest the\n majority of the Parables now delivered, see a striking\n passage in Stanley\u2019s _Sinai and Palestine_, pp. 425\u2013427.\n \u201cA slight recess in the hill-side, close upon the Plain\n of Gennesaret, disclosed at once, in detail, and with a\n conjunction I remember nowhere else in Palestine, every\n feature of the great parable of the Sower;\u201d there was\n\n i. The undulating _corn-field_ descending close to the\n water\u2019s edge, over which hovered countless _birds_\n of various kinds. Comp. also Tristram, p. 431;\n\n ii. The _trodden pathway_ running through the midst of\n it, with no fence or hedge to prevent the seed from\n falling here and there on either side of it or upon\n it; itself hard with the constant tramp of horse\n and mule and human feet;\n\n iii. The _rocky ground_ of the hill side protruding here\n and there through the corn-fields, as elsewhere\n through the grassy slopes;\n\n iv. The large _bushes of thorn_, the \u201cNabk,\u201d springing\n up like the fruit-trees of the more inland parts,\n in the very midst of the waving wheat;\n\n v. The _good rich soil_, which distinguishes the whole\n of the Plain of Gennesaret and its neighbourhood\n from the bare hills elsewhere descending into the\n lake, and which, where there is no interruption,\n produces one vast mass of corn;\n\n vi. The women and children picking out from the wheat\n the tall green stalks, called by the Arabs _Zurw\u00e2n_,\n = the Greek _Zizania_, = the _Lollia_ of the\n Vulgate, = the _tares_ of our version, which if\n sown designedly throughout the fields would be\n inseparable from the wheat, from which, even when\n growing naturally and by chance, these are at first\n sight hardly distinguishable;\n\n vii. The _mustard-tree_ (in Arabic _Khadel_, in Hebrew\n _Chardal_, in N.W. India _Khardel_), growing\n especially on the shores of the Lake, [as also near\n Damascus, Jerusalem, and the Dead Sea], rising from\n _a small seed_ into a _large shrub or tree_, 25 ft.\n high, and producing numerous branches and leaves,\n among which _the birds take shelter_.\n\n viii. The great _fisheries_, which once made the fame of\n Gennesaret, with\n\n (1) the busy fishermen plying\n\n (a) the _drag-net_, or _hawling-net_, \u03c3\u03b1\u03b3\u03ae\u03bd\u03b7 (Mtt.\n xiii. 47, 48), the Latin _tragum_ or _tragula_,\n the English _seine_ or _sean_, sometimes half\n a mile in length (Trench, _Parables_, 134, n.);\n\n (b) the _casting-net_, \u1f00\u03bc\u03c6\u03af\u03b2\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd (Mtt. iv. 18;\n Mk. i. 16), the Latin _funda_ or _jaculum_,\n circular in shape, \u201clike the top of a tent\u201d\n (Thomson, _L. and B._ 402);\n\n (c) the _bag-net and basket-net_, so constructed\n and worked as to enclose the fish out in deep\n water (Lk. v. 4\u20139), Thomson, p. 402.\n\n (2) \u201cThe marvellous shoals of fish of various kinds,\n the most striking phenomenon of the lake\u201d (Tristram,\n p. 432).\n\n 318 \u2012 With reference to the sudden and violent tempests, to\n which the lake is exposed, \u201cwe must remember,\u201d writes\n Thomson, \u201cthat it lies low, 600 feet lower than the ocean;\n that the vast and naked plateaus of the Jaulan rise to\n a great height, spreading backwards to the wilds of the\n Hauran, and upward to snowy Hermon; that the water-courses\n have cut out profound ravines, and wild gorges converging\n to the head of the lake, and that these act like gigantic\n funnels to draw down the cold winds from the mountains.\n And moreover, these winds are not only violent, but they\n come down suddenly, and often when the sky is perfectly\n clear,\u201d _The Land and the Book_, p. 374; Tristram, p. 430.\n\n 319 \u2012 The MSS. in all three Evangelists vary in their readings\n between \u0393\u03b1\u03b4\u03b1\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd\u1ff6\u03bd, \u0393\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03c3\u03b7\u03bd\u1ff6\u03bd, and \u0393\u03b5\u03c1\u03b3\u03b5\u03c3\u03b7\u03bd\u1ff6\u03bd. Gadara,\n the capital of Per\u00e6a, lay S.E. of the southern extremity\n of Gennesaret, at a distance of about sixty stadia from\n Tiberias, its country being called Gadaritis. Gerasa lay\n on the extreme E. limit of Per\u00e6a, and was too far from\n the lake to give its name to any district on its borders.\n It is the opinion of Dr Thomson that St Matthew, \u201cwriting\n for those intimately acquainted with the topography of the\n country in detail, names the obscure and exact locality\n _Gergesa_, while SS. Mark and Luke, writing for those at\n a distance, simply name the country _Gadara_, as a place\n of importance, and acknowledged as the capital of the\n district.\u201d Directly opposite Gennesaret this traveller\n visited some ruins called by his guide _Kerza_ or _Gersa_,\n which he identifies with the Gergesa of St Matthew, _Land\n and Book_, p. 375.\n\n 320 \u2012 Trench, _Miracles_, p. 170.\n\n 321 \u2012 \u0395\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f04\u03b2\u03c5\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03bd (Lk. viii. 31), translated in the English\n version _the deep_, which leads to a confusion of ideas.\n The word occurs here and in Rom. x. 7, where also _Hell_\n would be the better translation, and several times in\n Revelation, as ix. 1, 2, 11; xi. 7; xvii. 8; xx. 1, 3;\n in which places it corresponds to \u03c4\u03ac\u03c1\u03c4\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 Tartarus,\n and \u03b3\u03ad\u03b5\u03bd\u03bd\u03b1 Gehenna (2 Pet. ii. 4), Trench, _Miracles_,\n p. 171, n.\n\n 322 \u2012 At _Kerza_ or _Gersa_, \u201cwhile there is no precipice\n running sheer to the sea, but a narrow belt of beach, the\n bluff behind is so steep, and the shore so narrow, that\n a herd of swine, rushing frantically down, must certainly\n have been overwhelmed in the lake before they could\n recover themselves,\u201d Tristram, p. 462.\n\n 323 \u2012 Trench, _Miracles_, p. 176.\n\n 324 \u2012 Decapolis, \u201cthe ten cities\u201d (Mtt. iv. 25; Mk. v. 20; vii.\n 31), all lay, with the exception of Scythopolis, East of\n the Jordan, and to the E. and S.E. of the sea of Galilee.\n They were, 1. Scythopolis, 2. Hippos, 3. Gadara, 4. Pella,\n 5. Philadelphia, 6. Gerasa, 7. Dion, 8. Canatha, 9. Abila,\n 10. Capitolias. They were rebuilt, partially colonized,\n and endowed with peculiar privileges immediately after the\n conquest of Syria by the Romans, B.C. 65. The limits of\n the territory of Decapolis were not very clearly defined,\n and the word was sometimes used to designate a large\n district extending along both sides of the Jordan: see\n Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 325 \u2012 Trench, _Miracles_, p. 181.\n\n 326 \u2012 Trench, _Miracles_, p. 186.\n\n 327 \u2012 Such is the usual explanation of \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1. Wieseler,\n however, and others, consider it refers to a feast kept\n in honour of his accession to the throne, and so make\n the date of the Baptist\u2019s execution April 11, A.U.C. 782,\n since Herod the Great died a few days before the Passover,\n A.U.C. 750. Wieseler\u2019s _Synopsis_, p. 265; Andrews, p. 254.\n\n 328 \u2012 Bethsaida-Julias was at the N.E. extremity of the lake\n of Gennesaret. It had been a village, but was rebuilt and\n adorned by Herod Philip, who raised it to the dignity of a\n town, and called it Julias after the daughter of Augustus\n (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 2. 1; _B. J._ II. 9. 1; III. 10. 7).\n\n 329 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 5. 2.\n\n 330 \u2012 Greswell, _Harm._ III. 428, thinks that during the earlier\n period of the Saviour\u2019s ministry Herod had either been\n engaged in hostilities with Aretas, or had been on a\n visit to Rome, whither he went about this time, and so\n had remained ignorant of what had already taken place.\n The late mission of the Twelve would be very likely to\n rouse attention, indicating, as it apparently did, a\n purpose to disseminate His doctrine more widely, and to\n make disciples in larger numbers, Andrews, p. 256.\n\n 331 \u2012 Trench, _Miracles_, p. 262.\n\n 332 \u2012 Trench, p. 262.\n\n 333 \u2012 \u201cThere is now, and probably always was, one characteristic\n feature of the Eastern side of the Lake\u2015\u2015its _desert\n character_. Partly this arises from its near exposure\n to the Bedouin tribes, partly from its less abundance of\n springs and streams. There is no recess in the Eastern\n hills; no towns along its banks corresponding to those in\n the Plain of Gennesaret. Thus the wilder regions became a\n natural refuge from the active life of the Western shores.\u201d\n Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._ 379.\n\n 334 \u2012 Compare Trench, _Miracles_, p. 264.\n\n 335 \u2012 Consisting some of 50, some of 100, and, in the graphic\n words of St Mark, showing like so many _garden plots_\n (\u03c0\u03c1\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03c1\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u1f76), on the green turf. \u201cOur English \u2018_in\n ranks_,\u2019 does not reproduce the picture to the eye, giving\n rather the notion of continuous lines. Wiclif\u2019s was better,\n \u2018_by parties_.\u2019 Perhaps \u2018_in groups_\u2019 would be as near as\n we could get to it in English,\u201d Trench, _Miracles_, p. 265.\n \u201cIn the parts of the plain not cultivated by the hand of\n man would be found _the much green grass_ (Mk. vi. 39; Jn.\n vi. 10) still fresh in the spring of the year, before it\n had faded away in the summer sun\u2015\u2015the tall grass which,\n broken down by the feet of the thousands there gathered\n together, would make as it were couches (Mk. vi. 39, 40)\n for them to recline upon.\u201d Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._ 381.\n\n 336 \u2012 Trench, _Miracles_, p. 271, and note.\n\n 337 \u2012 The Western Bethsaida, the city of Philip, and Andrew, and\n Peter, is placed by Robinson at the modern _Et-Tabighah_,\n by Ritter at _Kh\u00e2n Minyeh_. Ellicott, 207, note.\n\n 338 \u2012 The proper Jewish reckoning recognised only _three_ such\n watches, entitled (i) _the first or beginning of the\n watches_ (Lam. ii. 19), lasting from sunset to 10 P.M.;\n (ii) _the middle watch_ (Judg. vii. 19), from 10 P.M. to\n 2 A.M.; (iii) _the morning watch_ (Ex. xiv. 24; 1 Sam.\n xi. 11), from 2 A.M. to sunrise. After the Roman supremacy\n the number of watches was increased to _four_, sometimes\n described by their numerical order (as Mtt. xiv. 25),\n sometimes by the terms \u201c_even_,\u201d closing at 9 P.M.;\n \u201c_midnight_;\u201d \u201c_cock-crowing_\u201d at 3 A.M.; \u201c_morning_\u201d at\n 6 A.M.; See Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 339 \u2012 Scarcely, therefore, more than half the way, the lake\n being 40 or 45 furlongs in breadth.\n\n 340 \u2012 \u201cThe contrary wind, which, blowing up the lake from the\n south-west would prevent the boat of the Apostles from\n returning to Capernaum, would also bring _other boats_\n (Jn. vi. 16\u201324) from Tiberias, the chief city on the south,\n to Julias, the chief city on the north, and so enable the\n multitudes, when the storm had subsided, to cross at once,\n without the long journey on foot which they had made the\n day before.\u201d Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._, p. 382.\n\n 341 \u2012 _Verily, verily, I say unto you_, Jn. vi. 26; vi. 32;\n vi. 47; vi. 53.\n\n 342 \u2012 If it was not actually being celebrated. Many hold that\n the day on which this momentous discourse was delivered\n in the synagogue of Capernaum was the 15th of Nisan, the\n second day of the Paschal Feast. See Wieseler, p. 281;\n Tischendorf, _Synop. Evang._ XXXIV.; Ellicott\u2019s _Hulsean\n Lectures_, p. 210 and note.\n\n 343 \u2012 \u1f49 \u1f05\u03b3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6 (Jn. vi. 69): such appears to be the\n preferable reading. See Scrivener\u2019s Greek Testament.\n\n 344 \u2012 It is not necessary to regard the statements in Mk. vi.\n 54, 55 as descriptive of an activity confined to that one\n day. Andrews, p. 269.\n\n 345 \u2012 Lange on Mtt. xv. 21.\n\n 346 \u2012 A _woman of Canaan_ according to St Matthew (xv. 22), _a\n Greek_ or _Syroph\u0153nician_ according to St Mark (vii. 26).\n The first term describes her religion, that it was not\n Jewish, but heathen; the second, the stock of which she\n came, \u201cwhich was even that accursed stock once doomed\n of God to a total excision, but of which some branches\n had been spared by those first generations of Israel\n that should have extirpated them root and branch. (See\n _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, pp. 225\u2013227.)\n Everything, therefore, was against this woman, yet she\n was not hindered by that everything from drawing nigh,\n and craving the boon that her soul longed after,\u201d Trench,\n _Parables_, p. 339.\n\n 347 \u2012 If not _through Sidon_, according to a reading, \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70\n \u03a3\u03b9\u03b4\u1ff6\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, in Mk. vii. 31, found in several MSS., in several\n ancient Versions, and adopted by Tischendorf, Alford,\n Tregelles and others, and \u201cwhich certainly appears to\n deserve the preference thus almost unanimously given to\n it.\u201d Ellicott, 218, n. What part of the Decapolis the Lord\n visited is not mentioned.\n\n 348 \u2012 Not, indeed, absolutely dumb, but unable to utter\n intelligible sounds, having, as our Version renders the\n word, an impediment in his speech; Greek \u03bc\u03bf\u03b3\u03b9\u03bb\u03ac\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2 =\n \u03b2\u03c1\u03b1\u03b4\u03cd\u03b3\u03bb\u03c9\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2.\n\n 349 \u2012 _He put His fingers into His ears, and spat, and touched\n His tongue, and looking up to heaven He sighed, and saith\n unto him, Ephphatha, that is, Be opened_ (Mk. vii. 34).\n\n 350 \u2012 Trench, _Miracles_, p. 353.\n\n 351 \u2012 Lange on Mtt. xv. 32.\n\n 352 \u2012 _Where_ is not very distinctly specified. All we can\n certainly gather is that it was on the Eastern side of the\n lake, and in a _desert spot_ (Mtt. xv. 33), possibly about\n the middle or southern end of the Lake.\n\n 353 \u2012 The baskets on this occasion are called \u03c3\u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 (comp.\n Acts ix. 25), on the occasion of the feeding of the\n Five Thousand, \u03ba\u03cc\u03c6\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 (Mtt. xiv. 20 and the parallels).\n When alluding to the two miracles subsequently (Matt.\n xvi. 9, 10; Mk. viii. 19, 20), the Saviour preserves\n the distinction. For the word \u03ba\u03cc\u03c6\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, compare Juvenal,\n III. 13,\n\n Jud\u00e6is, quorum cophinus f\u0153numque supellex.\n\n 354 \u2012 Possibly the ship kept specially for His own use.\n\n 355 \u2012 Now unanimously identified with a miserable collection\n of hovels (Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._, p. 382) known as\n _el-Mejdel_, on the western side of the lake, and at the\n S.E. corner of the Plain of Gennesaret. Its name \u201cis hardly\n altered from the ancient Magdala or Migdol, so called,\n probably, from an ancient watch-tower that guarded the\n entrance of the plain.\u201d Stanley, _l. c._; compare Tristram,\n p. 425; Thomson, _L. and B._\n\n 356 \u2012 \u201cJust before reaching Mejdel we crossed a little open\n valley, the _Ain-el-Baridah_, with a few rich corn-fields\n and gardens straggling among the ruins of a village, and\n some large and more ancient foundations by several copious\n fountains, and probably identified with the Dalmanutha of\n the New Testament.\u201d Tristram, _l. c._ \u201cWe conjecture that\n the Lord touched the shore somewhere between these two\n villages.\u201d Lange on Mtt. xv. 39.\n\n 357 \u2012 Comp. Jn. ii. 18, above, p. 164; Jn. vi. 30, above,\n p. 211. A sign from heaven denoted either (i) some visible\n manifestation of the _Shechinah_, or (ii) some change in\n the sun or moon, some meteor, or thunder and lightning.\n Comp. Lange on Mtt. xvi. 1.\n\n 358 \u2012 A town, not Canaanite but Roman, \u201cin its situation, in\n its exuberance of water, its olive-groves, and its view\n over the distant plain, almost a Syrian Tivoli.\u201d Stanley\u2019s\n _S. and P._, p. 398. (i) Its ancient name was _Panium_ or\n _Paneas_ (Jos. _Ant._ XV. 10. 3, and see above, p. 13), so\n called from a cavern near the town, \u201cabrupt, prodigiously\n deep, and full of still water,\u201d adopted by the Greeks of\n the Macedonian kingdom of Antioch as \u201cthe nearest likeness\n that Syria affords of the beautiful limestone grottos\n which in their own country were inseparably associated\n with the worship of the sylvan Pan,\u201d and dedicated to that\n deity. Hence its modern appellation, _Banias_. (ii) The\n town retained its old name under Herod the Great, who\n built here a splendid temple, of the whitest marble, which\n he dedicated to Augustus C\u00e6sar (see above, p. 94). But\n Herod Philip made great additions to the town (Jos. _Ant._\n XVIII. 2. 1; _B. J._ II. 9. 1), and called it C\u00e6sarea\n Philippi, partly after his own name, and partly after\n that of the Emperor. Agrippa II. afterwards called it\n Neronias (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 4), and here Titus exhibited\n gladiatorial shows at the close of the Jewish war (Jos.\n _B. J._ VII. 2. 1).\n\n 359 \u2012 i. The _Baptism_ (Lk. iii. 21); ii. The _Election of\n the Twelve_ (Lk. vi. 12, 13); iii. The _Discourse in\n the Synagogue_ of Capernaum (Mtt. xiv. 23); iv. Now\n _the Transfiguration_ (Lk. ix. 28); v. The _Agony_ (Lk.\n xxii. 44).\n\n 360 \u2012 Stier, II. 329; Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, III. 229.\n\n 361 \u2012 Already by His very name the deepest purport of His\n mission had been declared to be the _delivery of His\n people from their sin_ (Mtt. i. 21); already the aged\n Symeon had foreseen _heart-piercing anguish_ in store for\n His mother (Lk. ii. 35); already the Baptist had twice\n pointed Him out as the _Lamb of God_ destined _to take\n away the sin of the world_ (Jn. i. 29); already at the\n first Passover He had spoken to the Jews of a _Temple\n to be destroyed and rebuilt in three days_ (Jn. ii. 19);\n and to Nicodemus of _a lifting up of the Son of Man_ even\n as Moses had _lifted up the serpent in the wilderness_\n (Jn. iii. 12\u201316); already at the second Passover He had\n declared that He was about to give His flesh _for the life\n of the world_, that His flesh was _meat indeed_, and His\n blood _drink indeed_ (Jn. vi. 47\u201351).\n\n 362 \u2012 See above, p. 201.\n\n 363 \u2012 Stanley, _S. and P._, 399; Lightfoot on Mk. ix. 2.\n\n 364 \u2012 It is clear that the occurrence was no waking vision\n or \u201cdream.\u201d Peter and they that were with him _had been\n weighed by sleep_ (\u1f26\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u03b2\u03b5\u03b2\u03b1\u03c1\u03b7\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9 \u1f55\u03c0\u03bd\u1ff3), _but they\n thoroughly roused themselves_ (\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03b3\u03c1\u03b7\u03b3\u03bf\u03c1\u03ae\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad),\n _and saw_ His glory and the two men standing with Him.\n Lk. ix. 32. See Alford _in loc._\n\n 365 \u2012 \u1f1c\u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f14\u03be\u03bf\u03b4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6, Lk. ix. 31. \u201cAn unusual\n construction of \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd,\u201d it has been remarked, \u201cthough\n it occurs again in Rom. iv. 6, and in the earliest\n ecclesiastical writers, in the sense of _recounting,\n relating the details of, describing_.\u201d Westcott\u2019s _Introd.\n to the Study of the Gospels_, p. 298, n. For the word\n \u1f1c\u03be\u03bf\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 here used compare Wisdom vii. 6; 2 Pet. i. 5.\n\n 366 \u2012 Trench, _Miracles_, p. 361.\n\n 367 \u2012 The _Didrachma_ (Matt. xvii. 24) was exactly the sum\n mentioned in Ex. xxx. 11\u201316, due for the current expenses\n of the tabernacle, and afterwards of the Temple. The\n shekels, half-shekels, and quarter-shekels, which the\n Jews were permitted in the time of the Maccabees to coin\n (see above, pp. 55, 56), becoming scarce, and not being\n coined any more, \u201cit became the custom to estimate the\n Temple-dues as two drachmas (the \u03b4\u03af\u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c7\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd here required),\u201d\n Trench, _Miracles_, p. 373.\n\n 368 \u2012 \u039a\u1fc6\u03bd\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2 = the capitation-tax; \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b7 = customs or tolls on\n goods, Trench, _Miracles_, p. 380.\n\n 369 \u2012 The coin he was told he would find in the fish\u2019s mouth\n was a _Stater_ (\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1, Matt. xvii. 27) = a whole shekel,\n which amounted to about 3 shillings and 3 pence, or just\n the sum required.\n\n 370 \u2012 From Mtt. xiii. 56 we learn that their names were _James_,\n _Joses_, _Judas_, and _Simon_. By some they are regarded\n as the actual brethren of our Lord; by others as his first\n cousins, being the sons of Alph\u00e6us or Clopas and Mary the\n sister of the Virgin.\n\n 371 \u2012 Ellicott, 246 n.\n\n 372 \u2012 Ellicott, 249.\n\n 373 \u2012 See _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 403.\n\n 374 \u2012 Comp. Jn. v. 16\u201318, and see above, p. 173.\n\n 375 \u2012 Milman, I. 244.\n\n 376 \u2012 See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 154, and note.\n\n 377 \u2012 \u201cThis was not historically true; for two prophets at least\n had arisen from Galilee: Jonah of Gath-hepher, and the\n greatest of the prophets, Elijah of Thisbe; and perhaps\n also Nahum and Hosea. Their contempt for Galilee made them\n lose sight of historical accuracy.\u201d Alford _in loc._\n\n 378 \u2012 Milman, _Hist. of Christianity_, I. 246.\n\n 379 \u2012 Milman, I. 246.\n\n 380 \u2012 Lightfoot (Wks. I. 325) says they were 13 in number, and\n stood in the Court of the Women.\n\n 381 \u2012 Ellicott, p. 256.\n\n 382 \u2012 From the fact that the Jews divided the heathen world into\n 70 nations, it has been supposed that this mission of \u201cthe\n Seventy\u201d hinted at the future destination of the Gospel\n for the whole world, just as the mission of \u201cthe Twelve\u201d\n Apostles typified its first offer to the twelve tribes of\n Israel. Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb. in Joann._ VII. 37. Lange\u2019s\n _Life of Christ_, III. 403 n. E. T.\n\n 383 \u2012 This village, now called _el\u2019 Azar\u00eeyeh_, from the name\n of Lazarus, is situated on the E. slope of the Mount of\n Olives, \u201cnot very far from the point at which the road\n to Jericho begins its more sudden descent towards the\n Jordan valley.\u201d Bethany is usually taken to mean _House of\n Dates_, just as Bethphage close by denotes _House of Figs_.\n Another explanation is _House of Misery, Poor-House_,\n see Deutsch\u2019s Note in Hepworth Dixon\u2019s _Holy Land_, II.\n 214\u2013219.\n\n 384 \u2012 Several circumstances appear to indicate that the family\n at Bethany were not amongst the poorest of their people:\n _e.g._ (i) They possess a family vault (Jn. xi. 38),\n which was a privilege of the wealthier orders; (ii) The\n number of Jews (Jn. xi. 19) who assembled from Jerusalem\n to condole with them were of the higher class (comp.\n St John\u2019s use of the term \u1f38\u03bf\u03c5\u03b4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03b9 in i. 19; vii. 13;\n viii. 22; ix. 22, &c.); (iii) the costly box of spikenard\n with which Mary anointed the Saviour\u2019s feet (Jn. xii. 3).\n Trench _On the Miracles_, 410.\n\n 385 \u2012 \u201cTo this period we may assign that instructive series of\n discourses which extend from the middle of the xth to the\n middle of the xiiith chapter of St Luke.\u201d Ellicott, p. 257.\n\n 386 \u2012 Such as the cure of a deaf and dumb demoniac (Lk. xi.\n 14, 15).\n\n 387 \u2012 On the blood of Zacharias the son of Barachias, who\n perished between the sanctuary (\u03bd\u03b1\u03cc\u03c2) and the altar of\n burnt-offering, see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 425,\n and note.\n\n 388 \u2012 Trench _On the Parables_, p. 341.\n\n 389 \u2012 Distracting anxiety. Such is the full force of \u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b9\u03bc\u03bd\u03b1,\n from \u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u03af\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd _to divide, cleave asunder_.\n\n 390 \u2012 On the \u201cLily\u201d of Palestine, see Stanley, _S. and P._\n pp. 139, 429. \u201cThe lilies of the field are all out, a few\n tulips cover the rocks, but the scarlet anemone (_Anemone\n coronaria_, L.) now dominates everywhere, and a small\n blue bulbous iris, almost rivalling it in abundance and\n brilliancy of colour. There have been many claimants for\n the distinctive honour of _the lilies of the field_; but\n while it seems most natural to view the term as a generic\n expression (comp. Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 429), yet if\n one special flower was more likely than another to catch\n the eye of the Lord as He spoke, no one familiar with\n the flora of Palestine in spring-time can hesitate in\n assigning the place to the anemone,\u201d Tristram\u2019s _Land of\n Israel_, p. 433.\n\n 391 \u2012 See above, p. 151.\n\n 392 \u2012 See above, p. 148.\n\n 393 \u2012 This outrage very probably was, if not the cause, at least\n one of the causes of the quarrel between Herod and Pilate,\n alluded to in Lk. xxiii. 12.\n\n 394 \u2012 Trench _On the Parables_, p. 343.\n\n 395 \u2012 Compare the same argument as addressed to the patriarch\n Job, _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 24.\n\n 396 \u2012 Probably close to the fountain of Siloam: see above,\n p. 235.\n\n 397 \u2012 Trench _On the Parables_, p. 346.\n\n 398 \u2012 _Except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish._ \u201cAs the\n tower of Siloam fell and crushed 18 of the dwellers at\n Jerusalem, exactly so multitudes of its inhabitants were\n crushed beneath the ruins of their temple and their city;\n and during the last siege and assault of that city, there\n were numbers also who were pierced through by the Roman\n darts, or more miserably yet by those of their own frantic\n factions (Jos. _B. J._ V. 1. 3), in the courts of the\n temple, in the very act of preparing their sacrifices, so\n that literally their blood, like that of these Galil\u00e6ans,\n was mingled with their sacrifices, one blood with another.\u201d\n Trench _On the Parables_, p. 346.\n\n 399 \u2012 Trench _On the Parables_, p. 323.\n\n 400 \u2012 Trench _On the Parables_, p. 326.\n\n 401 \u2012 See the Calendar in _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 155.\n\n 402 \u2012 For its institution, see above, p. 36, and _Class-Book of\n O. T. History_, p. 154.\n\n 403 \u2012 See above, p. 96. \u201cThis cloister had its name from the\n circumstance that, according to the Jewish tradition, it\n was a relic of Solomon\u2019s temple, left standing when the\n Babylonians destroyed the rest of the sacred edifice.\u201d\n Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, III. 432, n. E. T.\n\n 404 \u2012 Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, III. 432, E. T.\n\n 405 \u2012 See above, p. 235.\n\n 406 \u2012 For illustrations of this, see Josephus, _Ant._ XX. 9. 7;\n XVII. 10. 2; XVII. 9. 3.\n\n 407 \u2012 The _Law_ here alluded to is used in its widest\n acceptation for the whole Old Testament, as in Jn. xii. 34;\n xv. 25.\n\n 408 \u2012 This Psalm is directed against the tyranny and injustice\n of judges in Israel, and the argument is, if in any sense\n they could be called _gods_ (as in Ex. xxi. 6; xxii. 9,\n 28), how much more He, \u201cthe only One, sealed and hallowed\n by the Father, and the Son of God,\u201d Alford on Jn. x. 36.\n\n 409 \u2012 See above, p. 153.\n\n 410 \u2012 Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, III. 374, E. T.; Alford on Lk.\n xiii. 31; Bengel _in loc._\n\n 411 \u2012 Ellicott, 263, and note.\n\n 412 \u2012 Milman\u2019s _History of Christianity_, I. 262.\n\n 417 \u2012 \u201cEvery murder of a prophet, perpetrated by the Jews,\n proceeded either mediately or immediately from the rulers\n of the people, whose residence was at Jerusalem,\u201d Oosterze\n on Lk. xiii. 31.\n\n 418 \u2012 It seems not unreasonable to suppose that these words were\n uttered on two different occasions, now and afterwards,\n as recorded in Mtt. xxiii. 37 sq. See Ellicott, 264, n.;\n Alford on Lk. xiii. 34.\n\n 419 \u2012 \u1f2e\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03bf\u03cd\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9, Lk. xiv. 1. Comp. vi. 7; xx. 20; Mk.\n iii. 2. See Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 328, n.\n\n 420 \u2012 Where our Lord now probably was. See Lange\u2019s _Life of\n Christ_, III. 388.\n\n 421 \u2012 See above, p. 239, and note.\n\n 422 \u2012 Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 391.\n\n 423 \u2012 For other indications of the character of St Thomas,\n see Jn. xiv. 5; xx. 25. We gather that he was (i) deeply\n attached to his Master, (ii) prepared to die with Him, but\n (iii) ever ready to take the darker view of things, and\n (iv) unable to believe other and more than he saw.\n\n 424 \u2012 \u201cHe had most likely died on the same day that the\n messenger announcing his illness had reached the Lord\n ... the day of his arrival would be one day; two our Lord\n abode in Per\u00e6a after He had dismissed him, and one more He\n would have employed in the journey from thence to Bethany\n ... dying upon that day, he had, according to the custom\n of the Jews, which made the burial immediately to follow\n on the death, been buried upon the same day\u201d (cf. Acts v.\n 6\u201310). Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 397.\n\n 425 \u2012 Compare Thomson\u2019s _Land and the Book_, pp. 102, 103.\n\n 426 \u2012 See _Ibid._ pp. 101, 2.\n\n 427 \u2012 The question of some of the spectators, _Could not this\n Man, which opened the eyes of the blind, have caused\n that even this man should not have died?_ (Jn. xi. 47)\n is characteristic of the exact truth of the narrative\n ... dwellers in Jerusalem, they refer to a miracle so\n well known amongst themselves, rather than to the former\n raisings of the dead, of which, occurring at an earlier\n period and in the remote Galilee, they had probably heard\n by rumour only. Trench, p. 408; Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_,\n III. 473, n.\n\n 428 \u2012 Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 407.\n\n 429 \u2012 \u201cSometimes natural (Gen. xxiii. 9), sometimes artificial,\n and hollowed out by man\u2019s labour from the rock (Isai. xxii.\n 16; Mtt. xxvii. 60), in a garden (Jn. xix. 41), or in some\n field, the possession of the family (Gen. xxiii. 9, 17\u201320;\n xxxv. 18; 2 K. xxi. 18).\u201d Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 409.\n\n 430 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Life of Christ_, p. 378.\n\n 431 \u2012 See above, pp. 150, 151.\n\n 432 \u2012 \u201cHaving much to risk, and nothing to gain by change, the\n Sadducees, or aristocratic party, were anxious to keep\n things safe, so as to prevent any action on the side of\n Rome.\u201d H. Dixon\u2019s _Holy Land_, II. 221. Josephus says of\n the Sadducees, \u03b5\u1f30\u03c3\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f60\u03bc\u03bf\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2\n \u1f38\u03bf\u03c5\u03b4\u03b1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2, _Ant._ XX. 9. 1, and the spirit of the family\n of Annas, whose son-in-law Caiaphas was, was haughty, bold,\n and cruel. See Jos. _Ib._; _Bell. Jud._ II. 8. 14.\n\n 433 \u2012 \u201cCaiaphas was only consciously stating what he deemed\n politically advisable, but he was nevertheless, as the\n inspired Evangelist distinctly tells us (Jn. xi. 51), at\n the time actually prophesying.\u201d Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_,\n 269, n. Alford on Jn. xi. 51.\n\n 434 \u2012 Robinson identifies Ophrah with Ephraim (comp. 2 Chr.\n xiii. 19), and with a village on a conspicuous conical hill,\n 4 or 5 miles east of Bethel, and 16 from Jerusalem. _Bib.\n Res._ I. 447.\n\n 435 \u2012 \u201cIn this border-land it was more natural than elsewhere\n that they should find themselves in one company, and thus\n a Samaritan had found admission into this forlorn assembly.\u201d\n Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 332; Alford on Lk. xvii. 11.\n\n 436 \u2012 See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 157.\n\n 437 \u2012 Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 336.\n\n 438 \u2012 Probably at Scythopolis, where there was a bridge. See\n Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb. et Talm._ on Lk. xvii. 11.\n\n 439 \u2012 The former adopting the more lax, the latter the stricter\n view. Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb. et Talm._ on Mtt. xix. 3. The\n object of the question may also in some degree have been\n \u201cto involve Him with the adulterous tetrarch in whose\n territory He then was.\u201d Ellicott, p. 272.\n\n 440 \u2012 The two other occasions being (i) in the neighbourhood\n of C\u00e6sarea Philippi just after St Peter\u2019s confession (see\n above, p. 219); (ii) shortly afterwards, during the return\n to Capernaum (see above, p. 225).\n\n 441 \u2012 Or perhaps the mother was the actual speaker, while the\n two Apostles were the instigators. Ellicott, p. 374, note.\n\n 442 \u2012 Perhaps, as in the case of the Gadarene demoniacs, the one,\n whom St Mark (x. 46) names as Bartim\u00e6us, was better known,\n and hence his case is more particularly recorded; and \u201cthe\n one who is mentioned at our Lord\u2019s entry into Jericho as\n having learnt from the crowd who it was that was coming\n into the city (Lk. xviii. 37), was not healed _then_, but\n in company with another sufferer, when the Saviour was\n leaving the city.\u201d Ellicott, p. 274, n.; Trench _On the\n Miracles_, p. 428.\n\n 443 \u2012 St Luke (xix. 2) calls him \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03b9\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03ce\u03bd\u03b7\u03c2, an unusual term,\n which probably denotes an administrator of taxes, who was\n entrusted with the superintendence of other publicans,\n and perhaps was the agent of one of the Roman knights, who\n often filled the office of _publicanus_. \u201cThe collection\n of customs at Jericho, which at this time produced\n and exported a considerable quantity of balsam, was\n undoubtedly an important post, and would account for\n Zacch\u00e6us being a rich man, Lk. xix. 2.\u201d On the palm-groves\n of Jericho and its balsam-trade, see above, p. 86.\n\n 444 \u2012 See Trench _On the Parables_, p. 512.\n\n 445 \u2012 It is the opinion of some that he was a connection of the\n family of Lazarus.\n\n 446 \u2012 For another feast upon a Sabbath, comp. Lk. xiv. 1.\n \u201cThe Sabbath is still among the Jews preferred for the\n enjoyment of feasts; but the food was prepared previously,\n and even the tables must have been arranged in order\n before the Sabbath began,\u201d Hengstenberg on St John xii. 2.\n\n 447 \u2012 Of the costliness of a casket of spikenard some idea may\n be formed from the fact that it was among the gifts sent\n by Cambyses to the Ethiopians (Herod. III. 20); compare\n also Horace\u2019s words, _Carm._ IV. xii. 16, 17:\n\n Nardo vina merebere.\n Nardi parvus onyx eliciet cadum.\n\n 448 \u2012 \u03a4\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03c3\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u03b4\u03b7\u03bd\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd (Jn. xii. 5). On the denarius, see\n below, p. 269, note.\n\n 449 \u2012 St John remarks that he said this, not _because he cared\n for the poor, but because he was a thief, and had the bag,\n and bare what was put therein_ (Jn. xii. 6). From which\n observation we gather (i) that the brotherhood of the\n Twelve had a common treasury, and received contributions\n for the poor; (ii) that Judas was their steward or almoner;\n (iii) that he had already proved unfaithful, and been\n guilty of embezzlement. See Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_,\n IV. 29.\n\n 450 \u2012 Bethphage (_house of unripe figs_), a place on the Mount\n of Olives, on the road between Jericho and Jerusalem. \u201cIt\n was apparently close to Bethany, and from its being named\n first of the two in the narrative of a journey from East\n to West, it may be presumed that it lay, if anything, to\n the eastward of Bethany.\u201d No remains answering to this\n position, according to Robinson, have been found, but see\n Barclay\u2019s _City of the Great King_, p. 65.\n\n 451 \u2012 Lange, IV. 39; Stanley, _S. and P._ 191. In Mk. xi. 8 the\n Vatican and Cambridge MSS. read \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f00\u03b3\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd, \u201chaving cut\n the branches from the gardens.\u201d Eastern gardens are not\n flower-gardens, nor private gardens, but the orchards,\n vineyards, and fig-enclosures round a town.\n\n 452 \u2012 Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, IV. 41, n.\n\n 453 \u2012 \u03a4\u1f70 \u1f31\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03b9\u03b1, the \u201cabba\u201d or \u201chyke,\u201d the loose blanket or cloak\n worn over the tunic or shirt (\u03c7\u03b9\u03c4\u03ce\u03bd). A striking instance\n of the practice is mentioned by Robinson, II. 162, when\n the inhabitants of Bethlehem threw their garments under\n the feet of the horses of the English consul of Damascus,\n whose aid they were imploring. Stanley, _S. and P._\n p. 191, n.\n\n 454 \u2012 \u201cThe _branches_ (\u03ba\u03bb\u03ac\u03b4\u03bf\u03b9) cut from the trees as they went\n (Mtt. xxi. 8) are different from the mattings \u2666\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03b2\u03ac\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2\n (Mk. xi. 8), which they had twisted out of the palm-branches\n as they came,\u201d _S. and P._ 191, n.\n\n 455 \u2012 \u201cAgain the procession advanced. The road descends a slight\n declivity, and the glimpse of the city is again withdrawn\n behind the intervening ridge of Olivet. A few moments,\n and the path mounts it again, it climbs a rugged ascent,\n it reaches a ledge of smooth rock, and in an instant the\n whole city bursts into view.\u201d _S. and P._ 193; Tristram\u2019s\n _Land of Israel_, p. 196.\n\n 456 \u2012 \u03b5\u1f30 \u1f04\u03c1\u03b1, if, as was reasonable to expect under such\n circumstances, fruit was to be found. Ellicott, 294, n.;\n Lange on Mk. xi. 4.\n\n 457 \u2012 \u201cThis tree, so to speak, vaunted itself to be in advance\n of all the other trees, challenged the passer by that\n he should come and refresh himself with its fruit. Yet\n when the Lord accepted its challenge, and drew near, it\n proved to be but _as_ the others, without fruit as they;\n for indeed, as the Evangelist observes, the time of figs\n had not yet arrived,\u2015\u2015its fault, if one may use the word,\n lying in its pretension, in its making a show to run\n before the rest, when it did not so indeed.\u201d Trench _On\n the Miracles_, p. 440; Lange on Mtt. xxi. 18. Thomson,\n _The Land and the Book_, p. 349, states that in sheltered\n spots figs of an early kind may occasionally be found ripe\n as soon as the beginning of April.\n\n 458 \u2012 See above, p. 158.\n\n 459 \u2012 Trench _On the Miracles_, 211, 212.\n\n 460 \u2012 Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, IV. 69; Milman, I. 287.\n\n 461 \u2012 For their distinctive tenets, see above, pp. 114\u2013119.\n\n 462 \u2012 Lange, IV. 69; Ellicott, 302.\n\n 463 \u2012 See above, p. 148.\n\n 464 \u2012 \u201cThe little silver coin (in value about 7\u00bdd.), bearing on\n its surface the head encircled with a wreath of laurel,\n and bound round with the sacred fillet\u2015\u2015the well known\n features, the most beautiful and the most wicked, even in\n outward expression, of all the Roman Emperors\u2015\u2015with the\n superscription running round, in the stately language\n of imperial Rome, _Tiberius C\u00e6sar, Divi Augusti filius\n Augustus, Imperator_.\u201d Stanley\u2019s _Canterbury Sermons_,\n p. 108.\n\n 465 \u2012 See above, p. 115.\n\n 466 \u2012 The Sadducees appear to have held that the soul perishes\n with the body: as \u201cthe cloud faileth and passeth away,\u201d\n they said, \u201cso he that goeth down to the grave doth not\n return.\u201d Lightfoot on Mtt. xxii. 23; Comp. Jos. _Ant._\n XVIII. 1. 4; _B. J._ II. 8. 14.\n\n 467 \u2012 See above, p. 115.\n\n 468 \u2012 Which seems to confirm Lightfoot\u2019s opinion that the\n enquiry turned on the importance of the ceremonial as\n compared with the moral law. Lightfoot on \u2666Mark xii. 28.\n\n 469 \u2012 Some, however, would refer to this occasion the question\n respecting the woman taken in adultery (Jn. viii. 1\u201311).\n See Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, 310, and notes.\n\n 470 \u2012 It is not improbable that the solemn apostrophe to\n Jerusalem, uttered on the occasion of the triumphal entry,\n was now in part repeated. See Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, 314,\n and note.\n\n 471 \u2012 So called, not because \u201cwomen only entered in there, but\n because women might not go further,\u201d just as the court of\n the Gentiles was so called, \u201cnot, because heathens only\n might enter there, but because they might not go further.\u201d\n Lightfoot _in loc._\n\n 472 \u2012 \u201cBefore the Passover, free-will offerings, in addition\n to the temple-tax, were generally presented.\u201d Lange on\n Mk. xii. 41.\n\n 473 \u2012 \u039b\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1f70 \u03b4\u03cd\u03bf, \u1f45 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd \u03ba\u03bf\u03b4\u03c1\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, Mk. xii. 42. The \u03bb\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd was\n the very smallest copper coin. Two made one Roman quadrans,\n which was \u00bcth of an _as_. The _as_ in Cicero\u2019s time =\n nearly a halfpenny, and the _quadrans_ = one tenth of a\n penny. Lange on Mk. xii. 41.\n\n 474 \u2012 The regular word for which is \u1f19\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03af, but \u1f1d\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03b5\u03c2,\n Gentile Greeks. Lange, IV. 53. See above, p. 110. For\n the attendance of proselytes of the gate at the feasts at\n Jerusalem, comp. Acts viii. 27, Jos. _B. J._ VI. 9. 3, and\n Lightfoot on Ju. xii. 20.\n\n 475 \u2012 Or they may have come from some of the Greek towns of\n Galilee\u2015\u2015Galilee of the Gentiles. See Lightfoot on Jn.\n xii. 20, and above, p. 145, n.\n\n 476 \u2012 _Pr\u00e6ludium regni Dei a Jud\u00e6is ad gentes transituri._\n Bengel. \u201cThese men from the West represent at the end\n of Christ\u2019s life that which the wise men from the East\n represented at its beginning; but those came to the cross\n of the King, even as these came to His manger, and receive\n presently more full intelligence,\u201d Stier, VI. 78.\n\n 477 \u2012 Concurrebat horror mortis, et ardor obedienti\u00e6: Veni in\n hanc horam, ut venirem in hanc horam, eamque exemplarem.\n Bengel.\n\n 478 \u2012 See above (i) p. 156 and (ii) p. 223.\n\n 479 \u2012 Compare Acts ix. 4, 7, with Acts xxii. 9, and xxvi. 14.\n (i) \u201cThe more dull-hearted heard the _sound_, recognized\n from whence it came, but mistook it for thunder; (ii) the\n more susceptible hearers perceived it to be a _voice_, but\n were unable to distinguish what was uttered; (iii) the\n smaller circle, of which the Apostle who relates the\n occurrence was one, both heard the voice, knew whence it\n came, and were enabled to understand the _words_ that were\n spoken,\u201d Ellicott, 318, n.\n\n 480 \u2012 Compare the intimation made to Nicodemus two Passovers\n before, above, p. 165.\n\n 481 \u2012 Their remarks were possibly called forth by His own words,\n Mtt. xxiii. 38. On the nature of the buildings, see Jos.\n _Ant._ XI. 5; _B. J._ V. 5. 6; and above, pp. 95, 96.\n\n 482 \u2012 \u201cIt is impossible to conceive a spectacle of greater\n natural or moral sublimity than the Saviour seated on\n the slope of the Mount of Olives, and thus looking down,\n almost for the last time, on the Temple and City of\n Jerusalem, crowded as it then was with near three millions\n of worshippers. It was evening, and the whole irregular\n outline of the city, rising from the deep glens, which\n encircled it on all sides, might be distinctly traced. The\n sun, the significant emblem of the great Fountain of moral\n light, to which Jesus and His faith had been perpetually\n compared, may be imagined sinking behind the western hills,\n whilst its last rays might linger on the broad and many\n fortifications on Mount Zion, on the stately palace of\n Herod, on the square tower, the Antonia, at the corner\n of the Temple, and on the roof of the Temple, fretted\n all over with golden spikes, which glittered like fire;\n while below, the colonnades and lofty gates would cast\n their broad shadows over the courts, and afford that\n striking contrast between vast masses of gloom and gleams\n of the richest light which only an evening scene, like\n the present, can display.... The effect may have been\n heightened by the rising of the slow volumes of smoke from\n the evening sacrifices, while even at the distance of the\n slope of Mount Olivet the silence may have been faintly\n broken by the hymns of the worshippers.\u201d Milman\u2019s _History\n of Christianity_, I. 294, 295.\n\n 483 \u2012 Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ p. 363.\n\n 484 \u2012 Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, IV. 151.\n\n 485 \u2012 See above, pp. 96, 108, n.\n\n 486 \u2012 See above, p. 253.\n\n 487 \u2012 Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, IV. 151; Milman, I. 301.\n\n 488 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Life of Christ_, 419 and note; Milman, I. 303.\n\n 489 \u2012 Amongst the motives which led him to the betrayal of\n his Master we may perhaps give prominence to three.\n (i) Avarice; (ii) Disappointment of his carnal hopes;\n (iii) A gradual growth of hostility to his Master.\n\n (i) _Avarice._ This feature in his character has been\n already noticed above, p. 260, note. The germs of this\n vice probably unfolded themselves gradually (Stier, VII.\n 40\u201367), and in spite of many warnings which he must have\n heard from his Lord, as Mtt. vi. 19\u201334; xiii. 22, 23;\n Lk. xvi. 11; Mk. x. 25 (Article _Judas_ in Smith\u2019s\n _Bibl. Dict._); but gathered strength and developed into\n unfaithfulness and embezzlement as he became entrusted\n with larger sums. Hence when he presented himself before\n the Sanhedrin, _he probably expected more, but was not\n unwilling to take what they offered_.\n\n (ii) _Disappointment of his carnal hopes._ What were the\n Messianic expectations of the Apostles we have seen again\n and again\u2015\u2015a visible kingdom, an earthly throne, high\n places, and temporal blessings; these they looked forward\n to in common with their nation. To one like Judas, then,\n the issue of the Triumphal Entry must have been a deep\n disappointment.\n\n (iii) _A gradual growth of hostility towards his Master._\n His practical and administrative talents which caused\n him to be made treasurer were closely allied with carnal\n selfishness (Neander\u2019s _Life of Christ_, 424) which was\n early rebuked (Jn. vi. 70), see above, p. 213, but still\n more sharply during the supper at Bethany (see above,\n p. 260). As he became aware that his real character was\n known to the Lord, and found his earthly hopes more and\n more disappointed, his \u201cattachment to his Master would\n turn more and more into aversion; when the manifestation\n of Christ ceased to be _attractive_ it became _repulsive_,\n and more and more so every day.\u201d (Neander, p. 424, and\n comp. Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ I. 1066.)\n\n 490 \u2012 \u201cThirty shekels = 120 denarii, and one denarius was at\n that time the ordinary wages for a day\u2019s labour (Mtt.\n xx. 2); so that the whole sum amounted to about 4 months\u2019\n wages of a day-labourer. Thirty shekels, it is to be\n noticed, was the value set upon a single slave, according\n to Exod. xxi. 32.\u201d Neander\u2019s _Life of Christ_, 421, n.\n\n 491 \u2012 Probably a believing follower: _Discipulus, sed non ex\n duodecim_. Bengel. See also Stier, VII. 77; Ellicott\u2019s\n _Lectures_, 321, n.\n\n 492 \u2012 At this point it may be well to try and realize the manner\n in which the Paschal Feast was at this time celebrated by\n the Jews.\n\n The company at the Table, which might not be less than 10\n persons, usually included from 10 to 20, according to the\n family, or the number of strangers that might be present.\n They met in the evening and reclined on couches, this being\n the usual posture then, as standing had been originally.\n\n The rites of the Feast were regulated according to the\n succession of 4, sometimes 5, cups of red wine mixed with\n water, which were placed before the head of the house, or\n the most eminent guest, who was called the Celebrant, the\n President, or _Proclaimer of the Feast_.\n\n i. When they had reclined, he began by taking one of the\n four cups of wine in his right hand, and pronounced the\n benediction over the wine and the feast, saying, _Blessed\n be Thou, O Lord our God, the King of the universe_, who\n hast created _the fruit of the Vine_. He then drank the\n first cup, and the remainder of the household followed his\n example.\n\n ii. Water was then brought in, and he blessed for the\n washing of hands, and washed, followed by the rest.\n\n iii. The table was next set out with the unleavened bread,\n the sauce called Charoseth, the Paschal Lamb, and the\n flesh of the _Chagigah_ or feast-offerings.\n\n iv. The Proclaimer of the Feast then blessed God for the\n fruits of the earth, and taking a portion of the bitter\n herbs dipped it in the sop, and ate it with all who\n reclined at the table.\n\n v. The _Haggadah_ or _showing forth_ now commenced, and\n the Celebrant declared the circumstances of the delivery\n from Egypt, as commanded in the law (Ex. xii. 27; xiii. 8).\n Then the second cup of wine was filled, and a child or\n proselyte enquired, _What mean ye by this service_?\n (Ex. xii. 26), to which reply was made according to a\n prescribed formula or liturgy, and the wondrous events of\n the Exodus were related, after which Psalms cxiii, cxiv.\n were repeated, followed by a solemn blessing and drinking\n of the second cup.\n\n vi. Then, after a second washing of hands, taking two of\n the unleavened cakes, the Celebrant broke one of them,\n pronouncing the consecration in these words; _Blessed be\n Thou, O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who bringest\n forth fruit out of the earth_, and distributed a piece\n to each person around him, saying, _This is the Bread of\n Affliction which our fathers did eat in the land of Egypt_.\n All present then dipped their portions with the bitter\n herbs into the Charoseth and ate them.\n\n vii. The flesh of the Lamb was now eaten, and the\n Celebrant, lifting up his hands, blessed the third cup of\n wine, specially known as the _Cup of Blessing_, and handed\n it round to each person.\n\n viii. After thanksgiving for the food of which they had\n partaken, for the delivery from Egypt, the covenant of\n circumcision, and the Law, a fourth cup was filled and\n drunk, known as the _Cup of Joy_, for the remainder of\n the Hallel, Ps. cxv\u2012cxviii. was now sung.\n\n ix. Occasionally a fifth cup was drunk, while Psalms\n cxx\u2012cxxviii. were chanted, but no more. See Buxtorf, _de\n C\u0153n\u00e2 Domini_; Lightfoot\u2019s _Temple Service_; Pedahzur\u2019s\n _Book of Jewish Ceremonies_, 51\u201356; Freeman\u2019s _Principles\n of Divine Service_, II. 29\u201339.\n\n 493 \u2012 The view here taken, then, is that (i) the Supper,\n to which our Lord sat down, was, as the first three\n Evangelists (Mtt. xxvi. 17; Mk. xiv. 12; Lk. xxii. 7)\n clearly intimate, a _Paschal_ Supper; (ii) that He ate it\n on the eve with which Nisan 14 commenced; (iii) and thus\n twenty-four hours earlier than the time when it was eaten\n by the chief priests and rest of the nation. See Ellicott,\n 322, and notes.\n\n 494 \u2012 Even if \u03b4\u03b5\u03af\u03c0\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5 be the right reading in Jn.\n xiii. 2, the meaning must be _when supper was begun_.\n A preferable reading is \u03b3\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5.\n\n 495 \u2012 The portion of bread dipped into the sauce _charoseth_,\n and consisting according to some of vinegar and water,\n according to others of a \u201cmixture of vinegar, figs, dates,\n almonds, and spice.\u201d Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ II. 716.\n\n 496 \u2012 \u03a4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03cc \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c3\u1ff6\u03bc\u03ac \u03bc\u03bf\u03c5 (Mtt., Mk., Lk., 1 Cor. xi. 24),\n \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u1f51\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b4\u03b9\u03b4\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd (Lk.), \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u1f51\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd [\u03ba\u03bb\u03ce\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd],\n (1 Cor. xi. 24), \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b5 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f10\u03bc\u1f74\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03ac\u03bc\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd\n (1 Cor. xi. 24).\n\n 497 \u2012 \u03a0\u03af\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5 \u1f10\u03be \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 (Mtt.), \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf \u03b3\u03ac\u03c1 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03b1\u1f37\u03bc\u03ac \u03bc\u03bf\u03c5\n \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03b8\u03ae\u03ba\u03b7\u03c2 (Mtt., Mk.), \u1f21 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u1f74 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03b8\u03ae\u03ba\u03b7 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03b1\u1f35\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03af \u03bc\u03bf\u03c5\n (Lk., 1 Cor. xi. 25), \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f10\u03ba\u03c7\u03c5\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd (Mtt.),\n \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f10\u03ba\u03c7\u03c5\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u1f51\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u1ff6\u03bd (Mk.), \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u1f51\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f10\u03ba\u03c7\u03c5\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\n (Lk.), \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u1f04\u03c6\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f01\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03b9\u1ff6\u03bd (Mtt.), \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b5, \u1f41\u03c3\u03ac\u03ba\u03b9\u03c2\n \u1f02\u03bd \u03c0\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03b5 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f10\u03bc\u1f74\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03ac\u03bc\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd (1 Cor. xi. 25).\n\n 498 \u2012 The site of the modern Gethsemane lies somewhat to the\n East of the valley of Kedron, at a point where two paths\n meet, each leading over the Mount of Olives. Descending\n from St Stephen\u2019s gate and crossing a bridge it is easily\n reached. Within the enclosure are 8 venerable olive-trees,\n their trunks much decayed, but their branches flourishing.\n \u201cThe most venerable of their race on the face of the earth,\n their gnarled trunks and scanty foliage will always be\n regarded as the most affecting of the sacred memorials in\n or about Jerusalem.\u201d Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 455.\n\n 499 \u2012 See Ellicott, p. 327, and note.\n\n 500 \u2012 Witnesses before (i) of the resurrection of the\n daughter of Jairus, see above, p. 201, and (ii) of the\n Transfiguration, see above, p. 222.\n\n 501 \u2012 Though the Paschal moon was at the full. On the rocky\n valley of the Kedron \u201cthere fell great deep shadows from\n the declivity of the mountain and projecting rocks; there\n were there caverns and grottoes, into which a fugitive\n might retreat; finally, there was probably a garden-house\n and towers, into whose gloom it might be necessary for a\n searcher to throw light around,\u201d Lange, IV. 292.\n\n 502 \u2012 Stationed during the Feast at the Tower of Antonia.\n\n 503 \u2012 Of the movements of Judas, after he left the Supper, none\n of the Evangelists give us an account. It seems, however,\n most probable that going immediately to Caiaphas, or\n some other leading members of the Sanhedrin, he informed\n them where Jesus was likely to be found (Jn. xviii. 2),\n and announced that he was ready to fulfil his agreement,\n and at once make the arrest. \u201cIt was not the intention\n to arrest HIM during the Feast, lest there should be a\n popular tumult (Mtt. xxvi. 5), but now that an opportunity\n offered of seizing Him secretly at dead of night, and\n therefore without danger of interference or uproar, His\n enemies could not hesitate. Once in their hands, the rest\n was easy. A hasty trial, a pre-judged condemnation, an\n immediate execution, and the hated prophet of Galilee\n might be for ever removed out of their way.\u201d Andrews,\n p. 414.\n\n 504 \u2012 Lange, IV. 293.\n\n 505 \u2012 \u201cAt this moment Judas was already back among the people.\n He must have hastened back quickly upon the sharp rebuke\n of Christ. Probably by this hasty retreat he threw the\n first element of sympathetic terror into the mass, which\n now fully developed itself at the saying of Christ.\u201d Lange,\n IV. 294.\n\n 506 \u2012 From St Luke\u2019s account, xxii. 52, it is clear that not\n only the officers of the Temple, but some of the Sanhedrin\n had now joined the crowd.\n\n 507 \u2012 Lange, IV. 301.\n\n 508 \u2012 On the history of Annas, see above, p. 149, and notes.\n He obtained the high-priesthood not only for Caiaphas his\n son-in-law, but subsequently for four other sons. Jos.\n XX. 9. 1.\n\n 509 \u2012 Milman, I. 309.\n\n 510 \u2012 \u201cAn Oriental house is usually built around a quadrangular\n interior court, into which there is a passage (sometimes\n arched) through the front part of the house, closed next\n the street by a heavy folding-gate with a smaller wicket\n for single persons, kept by a porter. In the text, the\n interior court, often paved and flagged, and open to\n the sky, is the \u03b1\u1f50\u03bb\u03ae (translated _palace_, _hall_, and\n _court_), where the attendants made a fire; and the passage\n beneath the front of the house, from the street to this\n court, is the \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03b1\u03cd\u03bb\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd or \u03c0\u03cd\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd (both translated _porch_).\n The place where Jesus stood before the high-priest\n may have been an open room or place of audience on the\n ground-floor, in the rear or on one side of the court; such\n rooms open in front being customary.\u201d Robinson\u2019s _Harmony_,\n p. 225.\n\n 511 \u2012 See above, p. 177, n.\n\n 512 \u2012 Lange, IV. 316.\n\n 513 \u2012 _Ibid._ IV. 305.\n\n 514 \u2012 Lange, IV. 313; Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, 334.\n\n 515 \u2012 See above, p. 145, n.; Lange, IV. 317.\n\n 516 \u2012 Such is the full force of \u1f10\u03ba\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c0\u1fc3 in Lk. xxii. 32: \u201cI have\n prayed for thee that thy faith may not _utterly fail_,\u201d or\n be _totally extinguished_. Comp. Heb. i. 12.\n\n 517 \u2012 The order of the denials of the Apostle here given mainly\n coincides with that suggested in Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_,\n IV. 314\u2013319; Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_, 334, n.; Andrews, pp.\n 426, 427.\n\n 518 \u2012 See above, p. 164.\n\n 519 \u2012 Herein probably alluding to the prophecy of Daniel vii.\n 13, 14, universally admitted to refer to the reign of the\n Messiah.\n\n 520 \u2012 Andrews, p. 428; Alford\u2019s note on John xviii. 31.\n\n 521 \u2012 See Lightfoot on Mtt. xxvi. 3.\n\n 522 \u2012 Milman, I. 317.\n\n 523 \u2012 Ewald\u2019s _Life of Christ_; Lange, IV. 337, n.\n\n 524 \u2012 Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, IV. 338, n.; comp. Jos. _B. J._\n II. 14. 8; II. 15. 5; Ellicott, 339, n.\n\n 525 \u2012 Milman, I. 317.\n\n 526 \u2012 \u201cHe might readily learn that Jesus had been condemned.\n But he also _saw_ it, from the procession in which the\n Pharisees conducted Jesus to Pilate, which could have no\n other object than to procure His condemnation.\u201d Lange on\n Mtt. xxvii. 3; _Life of Christ_, IV. 335.\n\n 527 \u2012 \u1fec\u03af\u03c8\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f00\u03c1\u03b3\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03bd\u03b1\u1ff7, the inner portion of the\n Temple, the sanctuary. See Lange on Mtt. \u2666xxvii. 5, and\n Ellicott, 339, n. If while a deputation of the Sanhedrin\n attended the Saviour to the _pr\u00e6torium_ of Pilate, the\n rest retired to their own council-chamber in the Temple,\n it is easy to understand how he could be near the\n sanctuary.\n\n 528 \u2012 It is not improbable that Judas hanged himself over an\n abyss, perhaps the valley of Hinnom, and the rope giving\n way, or the branch to which he hung breaking, he fell\n down headlong (on his face, \u03c0\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd\u03ae\u03c2, Acts i. 18), and\n was crushed and mangled on the rocky pavement below. See\n the quotation from Hackett\u2019s _Ill. Script._, in Andrews,\n p. 440; Ebrard\u2019s _Gospel History_, p. 427; Ellicott, 339;\n Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, IV. 334.\n\n 529 \u2012 St Matthew (xxvii. 7, 8) states that the chief priests\n bought with the money the potter\u2019s field to bury strangers\n in, and that therefore that place was called the _Field\n of Blood_. St Peter (Acts i. 18) says that Judas purchased\n a field with the reward of iniquity. Perhaps the latter\n statement may be understood as meaning to say, that\n whereas Judas had with the rest of the Apostles obtained\n the glorious lot of the apostolate (Acts i. 17), yet\n actually he had purchased for himself a mere corner of\n a field in the valley of Genhinnom, as the reward of\n unrighteousness. The field was bought not by himself in\n person, but with his money, the wages of his iniquity, and\n received the name of the _Field of Blood_, (i) as the spot\n on which his mangled body fell, and (ii) as purchased by\n the chief priests with the blood-money. See Lange\u2019s _Life\n of Christ_, IV. 333\u2013336; Ebrard\u2019s _Gospel History_, p. 427;\n Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ Art. _Judas_.\n\n 530 \u2012 \u201c_The Field of Blood_ is now shewn on the steep southern\n face of the valley or ravine of Hinnom, near its eastern\n end on a narrow plateau, more than halfway up the\n hill-side.\u201d Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 531 \u2012 Stier, VII. 339.\n\n 532 \u2012 Stier, VII. 340; Lange, IV. 339.\n\n 533 \u2012 Stier, VII. 343.\n\n 534 \u2012 \u201cPilate being only a Procurator, though a _Procurator cum\n potestate_, had no qu\u00e6stor to conduct the examination, and\n thus, as the Gospels most accurately record, performs that\n office himself.\u201d Ellicott, 342, n.; Smith\u2019s _Classical\n Dictionary_, Art. _Provincia_.\n\n 535 \u2012 Milman, I. 322.\n\n 536 \u2012 \u03a3\u03cd is emphatic in Jn. xviii. 37.\n\n 537 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Life of Christ_, p. 460.\n\n 538 \u2012 Milman, I. 323; Stier, VII. 370; Ellicott, 342, n.\n\n 539 \u2012 Compare Horace, _Epist._ II. i. 106:\n\n _Ad summum sapiens uno minor est Jove, dives,\n Liber, honoratus, pulcher, Rex denique regum._\n\n and _Sat._ I. iii. 125, and _Epist._ I. i. 59:\n\n _At pueri ludentes, rex eris, inquit,\n Si recte facias..._\n\n quoted in Milman, I. 332.\n\n 540 \u2012 It was not an unusual practice to refer the case of a\n criminal from the _forum apprehensionis_ to the _forum\n originis_. Comp. Acts xxvi. 3. Lange, IV. 347.\n\n 541 \u2012 Stier, VII. 378; Milman, I. 324.\n\n 542 \u2012 The cause is not known. Some think it was the recent\n slaughter of the Galil\u00e6ans (Lk. xiii. 1).\n\n 543 \u2012 Where Herod was now residing is not known: some think\n he occupied his father\u2019s palace with Pilate; others,\n that while the Procurator resided in the fortress Antonia,\n Herod occupied his father\u2019s palace; others would make his\n abode the old palace of the Maccabees. Jos. _Ant._ XX.\n 8. 11.\n\n 544 \u2012 See above, p. 205.\n\n 545 \u2012 See above, p. 88, n.; Milman, I. 325.\n\n 546 \u2012 Lange, IV. 353.\n\n 547 \u2012 Possibly it was of Jewish origin, adopted and continued by\n the Roman governors from motives of policy. According to\n Lk. xxiii. 18 the request respecting Barabbas came first\n from the people; according to Mtt. xxvii. 17, from Pilate;\n Mark, however (ch. xv. 8), seems \u201cto represent the people\n as making the request in general terms, while Pilate\n availed himself of it in the present emergency of this\n particular case.\u201d Ellicott, 345, n.\n\n 548 \u2012 A patronymic denoting _Son of Abba_. Many of the later MSS.\n of Mtt. xxvii. 16 give his name as \u1f38\u03b7\u03c3\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u0392\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03b2\u03b2\u1fb6\u03c2.\n\n 549 \u2012 The \u03b2\u1fc6\u03bc\u03b1 was a portable tribunal (see above, p. 147, n.)\n and stood, St John tells us (Jn. xix. 13), on a tesselated\n pavement, called in Greek \u039b\u03b9\u03b8\u03cc\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03c9\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd, in Hebrew\n _Gabbatha_, which \u201cperhaps formed the front of the\n Procurator\u2019s residence,\u201d Ellicott, 346, n. So necessary\n was the tesselated pavement and the tribunal deemed to\n the forms of justice, that C\u00e6sar carried about with him,\n on his expeditions, pieces of marble ready fitted and a\n tribunal. Suet. _Jul._ c. 46.\n\n 550 \u2012 In early times the Roman magistrates had not been\n permitted to take their wives with them into the provinces.\n This rule, however, had gradually been relaxed, and lately\n a proposition of C\u00e6cina to enforce it had been rejected,\n Tac. _Ann._ III. 33, 34. According to tradition, the name\n of Pilate\u2019s wife was Procula, or Claudia Procula, and she\n is said to have belonged to the class of proselytes of the\n gate. Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, IV. 351.\n\n 551 \u2012 Lange, IV. 351.\n\n 552 \u2012 Lange, IV. 355. Hengstenberg on Jn. xix. 1.\n\n 553 \u2012 \u201cGenerally the scourging before crucifixion (Jos. _B. J._\n II. 14. 9; V. 11. 1; VII. 6. 4; Livy, XXXIII. 56) was\n inflicted by lictors. But Pilate, as sub-governor, had no\n lictors at his disposal, and therefore had it inflicted by\n soldiers.\u201d Lange, IV. 356, n. The Roman scourging was so\n painful and horrible, nails and pieces of bone being stuck\n into the scourges, that the sufferer not unfrequently\n died under it. Compare the _horribile_ flagellum of Hor.\n _Sat._ I. iii. 119; Smith\u2019s _Dict. of Antiquities_, Art.\n _Flagellum_.\n\n 554 \u2012 \u03a7\u03bb\u03b1\u03bc\u03cd\u03b4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03bf\u03ba\u03ba\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd, Mtt. xxvii. 28; \u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u03cd\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd, Mk. xv. 17;\n \u1f31\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u03c5\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd, Jn. xix. 2. \u201cA war-cloak, such as\n princes, generals, and soldiers wore, dyed with purple;\n probably therefore, a cast-off robe of state out of the\n pr\u00e6torian wardrobe,\u201d Lange, IV. 357; Ellicott, 348, n.\n\n 555 \u2012 What exact species is unknown. \u201cAs _mockery_ seems to have\n been the primary object, the choice of the plant was not\n suggested by the sharpness of its thorns: the soldiers\n took what first came to hand, utterly careless whether it\n was likely to inflict pain or no.\u201d Ellicott, 348, n.\n\n 556 \u2012 Comp. Isai. liii. 3; Ps. xxii. 7.\n\n 557 \u2012 Comp. Lev. xxiv. 16.\n\n 558 \u2012 The mysterious title \u03c5\u1f31\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6 suggested to Pilate that\n He might be one of his own heroes or demi-gods. Fearing\n he might be braving the wrath of some unknown deity,\n he enquired whether His descent was indeed such as the\n title seemed to imply, Lange\u2019s _Life of Christ_, IV. 361;\n Hengstenberg on Jn. xix. 8.\n\n 559 \u2012 Probably the reference is to Caiaphas, who \u201cformally gave\n over our Lord to the Roman governor (Mtt. xxvii. 2; Mk.\n xv. 1),\u201d Ellicott, 349, n.\n\n 560 \u2012 See above, p. 150.\n\n 561 \u2012 Addito majestatis (treason) crimine, quod tum omnium\n accusationum complementum erat, Tacitus, _Ann._ III. 38.\n Atrocissim\u00e8 exercebat leges majestatis, Sueton. _Vit. Tib._\n c. 58. The release of a criminal from punishment came\n under the head of majestas; see Merivale\u2019s _History of the\n Romans_, V. 251.\n\n 562 \u2012 All that he feared, however, came upon him. On the\n complaint of the Samaritans of Pilate\u2019s cruelty, Vitellius,\n the prefect of Syria, in A.D. 36, sent his friend\n Marcellus to administer the affairs of Jud\u00e6a, and ordered\n Pilate to repair to Rome, to answer the accusation before\n the emperor (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 4. 2). Tiberius, however,\n died before he reached the capital, and Pilate is said\n to have laid violent hands upon himself about A.D. 40.\n See Euseb. _Hist. Eccl._ II. 7. \u201cFrom the confidence with\n which Tiberius was appealed to on a matter of such remote\n concern, it would seem that the vigilance of his control\n was not generally relaxed even in the last moments of his\n life,\u201d Merivale\u2019s _History of the Romans_, V. 420.\n\n 563 \u2012 Pilate not having lictors, to whom this duty specially\n belonged, soldiers would be naturally employed on this\n occasion.\n\n 564 \u2012 Not from being, as some think, strewn with the remains of\n condemned malefactors, for the Jews always buried them.\n\n 565 \u2012 St Luke, according to his usual practice, omits the\n Hebrew word Golgotha, and gives (xxiii. 33) only the Greek\n equivalent \u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u03af\u03bf\u03bd, _the place called a Skull_. From the\n Vulgate rendering of this verse _et postquam venerunt in\n locum, qui vocatur Calvari\u00e6_ (= _a bare skull_), the word\n _Calvary_ has been introduced into the English Version,\n obscuring the Evangelist\u2019s meaning. It was (a) apparently\n a well-known spot, (b) outside the gate (comp. Heb.\n xiii. 12), but (c) near the city (Jn. xix. 20), and (d) on\n a thoroughfare leading into the country (Lk. xxiii. 26),\n and (e) contained a garden or orchard, \u03ba\u1fc6\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2 (Jn. xix. 41).\n See Robinson\u2019s _Bib. Res._ I. 376, n.\n\n 566 \u2012 Patibulum ferat per urbem, deinde affigatur cruci, Plaut.\n _Carbonar_. Hence the term _furcifer_ = cross-bearer.\n This was typified by Isaac bearing the wood of the\n burnt-offering, Gen. xxii. 6. Pearson _On the Creed_,\n Art. IV.\n\n 567 \u2012 Exactor mortis; Tac. _Ann._ III. 14; XI. 37. Centurio\n supplicio pr\u00e6positus, Seneca. Lange, _Life of Christ_,\n IV. 373.\n\n 568 \u2012 The cause of execution was generally inscribed on a white\n tablet, called \u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\u03af\u03c2, \u03bb\u03b5\u03cd\u03ba\u03c9\u03bc\u03b1, titulus, \u03b1\u1f30\u03c4\u03af\u03b1, (_Titulus,\n qui causam p\u0153n\u00e6 indicaret_, Sueton. _Calig._ 32) and borne\n either suspended from the neck, or carried before the\n sufferer, _precedente titulo_, Sueton. The latter was\n probably the mode in our Lord\u2019s case. Lange, IV. 373.\n Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV.\n\n 569 \u2012 He was a Hellenistic Jew, the father of Alexander and\n Rufus (Mk. xv. 21), the latter of whom is probably the one\n mentioned in Rom. xvi. 13.\n\n 570 \u2012 \u1f18\u03c1\u03c7\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u1fbd \u1f00\u03b3\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6, Lk. xxiii. 26; Mk. xv. 21.\n\n 571 \u2012 \u1f08\u03b3\u03b3\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03cd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9, Mk. xv. 21, Mtt. xxvii. 32. It only occurs\n again in Mtt. v. 41, and denotes military compulsion. Comp.\n Herod. VIII. 98.\n\n 572 \u2012 For the fulfilment of these words, see Jos. _B. J._ VI.\n 8. 5; 9. 4.\n\n 573 \u2012 This was a Jewish not a Roman custom, though probably\n permitted by the Romans. See Lightfoot on Mtt. xxvii. 34.\n \u201cIt was likely that only a bad sort of wine (\u1f40\u03be\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03c2 a\n medium between \u03bf\u1f36\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 and \u1f44\u03be\u03bf\u03c2) would be given to those\n who were led away to capital punishment, especially if the\n wine was to be changed by the addition of bitter spices\n into a compound draught.... And it was natural that the\n bitters infused as a soporific into this poor vinegar wine\n would be as strong as possible, whence such an ingredient\n might be called gall (Mtt. xxvii. 34).\u201d Lange, IV. 383.\n\n 574 \u2012 There were four kinds of crosses: (i) the _crux simplex_,\n a single stake driven through the chest or longitudinally\n through the body; (ii) the _crux decussata_ (X); (iii) the\n _crux immissa_ (\u2020); and (iv) the _crux commissa_ (T). See\n the Notes on Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV. Article\n _Cross_ in Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ From the mention of the\n Title placed over the Saviour\u2019s head it is probable that\n His cross was of the third kind. The upright post was by\n no means so lofty as is often represented in pictures, but\n generally only so high as to raise the sufferer (who sat\n on a little projection, _sedile_, lest the arms should\n be torn from the nails), a foot or two above the earth.\n The feet were not always, nor generally, though certainly\n not seldom nailed, but whether with one or two nails is\n disputed. The nailing of the Lord\u2019s feet is apparent from\n Lk. xxiv. 39, 40.\n\n 575 \u2012 See above, p. 309, note.\n\n 576 \u2012 \u201cThe difference between Jn. xix. 14 (\u1f15\u03ba\u03c4\u03b7) and this\n statement of St Mark seems clearly to point to a different\n mode of reckoning.\u201d Westcott\u2019s _Introduction to the\n Gospels_, p. 305, n.\n\n 577 \u2012 Four soldiers were required, according to the Roman\n appointment of military service, _ad excubias_. See Petr.\n _Sat._ III. 6.\n\n 578 \u2012 Lange, IV. 390.\n\n 579 \u2012 \u1f49 \u03c7\u03b9\u03c4\u03ce\u03bd (Jn. xix. 23), was a closely-fitting garment,\n worn next the body (Hom. _Od._ XV. 60), usually made in\n two pieces, sewn together at the sides. \u201cThis, however,\n was the so-called _toga ocellata_, or _byssina_, and was\n fastened round the throat with a clasp. It was properly\n a priest\u2019s garment (Jos. _Ant._ III. 7. 4), and was woven\n of linen, or perhaps of wool.\u201d Alford _in loc._ Over\n the \u03c7\u03b9\u03c4\u03ce\u03bd was worn a wide cloak called \u03c6\u1fb6\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2, \u03c7\u03bb\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bd\u03b1, or\n \u1f31\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd. The \u1f31\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03b9\u03b1 the soldiers divided (Jn. xix. 23),\n with the rest of His habiliments; for the \u03c7\u03b9\u03c4\u03ce\u03bd they cast\n lots.\n\n 580 \u2012 From a comparison of Jn. xix. 25 with Mtt. xxvii. 56, and\n Mk. xv. 40, it appears that Mary the wife of Clopas was\n the same as Mary the mother of James the Less and of Joses.\n\n 581 \u2012 Probably for the present to his lodging during the feast.\n It seems likely that St John immediately led her away, and\n then returned and witnessed what he has recorded in Jn.\n xix. 31\u201337.\n\n 582 \u2012 The wine or strong drink turned sour, drunk by the Jews,\n was acid even to a proverb (comp. Prov x. 26; Ps. lxix. 21).\n \u201cThe acetum of the Romans was a thin, sour wine consumed\n by soldiers, either in a pure state, or, more usually,\n mixed with water, when it was termed _posca_.\u201d Smith\u2019s\n _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 583 \u2012 Not proceeding from an eclipse of the sun, for such a\n phenomenon could not occur at the time of the full moon,\n but probably due to some special and peculiar derangement\n of the terrestrial atmosphere.\n\n 584 \u2012 Lange, IV. 404; Milman, I. 335.\n\n 585 \u2012 For the full symbolism of this, see Heb. ix. 3; x. 19.\n In reference to the record of the fact itself, we must\n remember, (i) the almost certain spread of the rumour,\n and (ii) that subsequently a great number _of the priests\n became obedient unto the faith_ (Acts vi. 7). Alford\n _in loc._\n\n 586 \u2012 The resurrection of many _bodies of the saints that slept_\n (Mtt. xxvii. 2) was _the result_, not _the immediate\n accompaniment_, of the opening of the tombs (Alford _in\n loc._). It was \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f14\u03b3\u03b5\u03c1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 that they appeared\n unto many in the Holy City.\n\n 587 \u2012 Lange, IV. 422.\n\n 588 \u2012 \u201cThus this believing heathen became the first\n representative of the heathen world, which in after times\n bowed the knee before the might of Christ\u2019s Cross.\ufffd\ufffd\ufffd\ufffd Lange,\n IV. 423.\n\n 589 \u2012 Ellicott, p. 360.\n\n 590 \u2012 Comp. Ex. xii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 7.\n\n 591 \u2012 Comp. Deut. xxi. 22, 23; Jos. _B. J._ IV. 5. 2.\n\n 592 \u2012 Death after crucifixion did not generally supervene even\n for three days, and \u201cwas at last the result of gradual\n benumbing and starvation.\u201d Sometimes the crucified were\n despatched by a fire kindled below them, or by lions or\n bears sent to devour them. Lange, V. 2, n.\n\n 593 \u2012 Comp. Cic. _Tusc. Q._ I. 43: _Theodori nihil interest,\n humine, an sublime putrescat_. Pearson _On the Creed_,\n Art. IV. note.\n\n 594 \u2012 See Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV., who quotes Hor.\n _Epist._ XVI. 48: _Non hominem occidi: non pasces in\n cruce corvos_; Juvenal, _Sat._ XIV. 77: _Vultur, jumento\n et canibus crucibusque relictis, Ad f\u0153tus properat,\n partemque cadaveris affert._ The very object of setting\n the guard was _cruces servare, ne quis ad sepulturam\n corpora detraheret_, Petron III.\n\n 595 \u2012 \u201cSometimes fractures of the legs, _crucifragium_ (Plaut.\n _P\u0153n._ IV. 2. 64) was especially adopted by the Jews to\n hasten death, and it was a mitigation of the punishment,\n as observed by Origen.\u201d Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ The _coup de\n grace_ was, as a rule, combined with it. Lange, V. 2, n.;\n Neander\u2019s _Life of Christ_, 473 n.\n\n 596 \u2012 \u039b\u03cc\u03b3\u03c7\u1fc3, Jn. xix. 34, the only place where it occurs in\n the New Testament. This was the ordinary Roman _hasta_,\n \u201ca lighter weapon than the _pilum_, consisting of a long\n wooden shaft with an iron head, which was the width of a\n handbreadth and pointed at the end, and so was egg-shaped.\u201d\n Lange, V. 3, n.\n\n 597 \u2012 Probably the same as Ramah, the birthplace of the prophet\n Samuel (1 Sam. i. 19), called in the LXX. Armathaim\n (\u1f08\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03af\u03bc), and by Josephus (_Ant._ V. 10. 2), Armathia.\n\n 598 \u2012 The Attic _Litra_ of 12 ounces is here spoken of. Both the\n myrrh and aloes appear to have been pulverized and strewn\n in the folds of the linen in which the body was wrapped,\n Lange, V. 13; Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV. note.\n\n 599 \u2012 The Jewish tombs had then probably, as these have now,\n steps and a descent in a perpendicular direction, or an\n entry in a sloping or horizontal position.\n\n 600 \u2012 Comp. Jn. ii. 19 with Mtt. xii. 40.\n\n 601 \u2012 The only \u03ba\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03c9\u03b4\u03af\u03b1 at the actual disposal of the Sanhedrin\n would be, as Bp. Ellicott remarks, the temple-guards, but\n the watchers were Roman soldiers; it seems more natural\n therefore to take \u1f14\u03c7\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5 as an imperative in Mtt. xxvii. 65,\n though \u03bb\u03ac\u03b2\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5 might have been rather expected. See Alford\n _in loc._\n\n 602 \u2012 A string or cord was probably stretched across the stone\n and sealed at either end with sealing-clay. For the custom\n of using sealing-clay on tombs, see Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n Art. _Seal_.\n\n 603 \u2012 Or Mary of Magdala (now called _el-Mejdel_), a town near\n the lake of Tiberias. On the erroneousness of the idea\n of her character generally entertained, see Article in\n Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 604 \u2012 They did not know of the sealing of the stone, and the\n setting of the watch, which took place on the eve of the\n Sabbath.\n\n 605 \u2012 It seems not impossible that St Peter, who must by this\n time have won back the respect of the rest by his deep\n repentance (Lange, V. 46), was in the same abode, to which\n the Apostle John had conveyed the mother of the Redeemer.\n\n 606 \u2012 \u039f\u1f50\u03ba \u03bf\u1f34\u03b4\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd, Jn. xx. 2, an incidental notice that she had\n not been the sole visitant of the tomb. Ellicott, 381.\n\n 607 \u2012 \u039f\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u1f76 \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u03b5\u1f37\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd\u00b7 \u1f10\u03c6\u03bf\u03b2\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf \u03b3\u03ac\u03c1, and see Ellicott,\n 381, n.\n\n 608 \u2012 Such appears to be the force of \u03b8\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6 in Jn. xx. 6.\n \u201cIpsius animi intentionem denotat qu\u00e2 quis intuetur\n quidquam.\u201d Tittman, _Synon. N. T._ cited by Ellicott,\n 283, n.\n\n 609 \u2012 Such appears to be the force of the word \u1f10\u03c0\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5\u03c5\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd in Jn.\n xx. 8. See Lange, V. 46; Ellicott, 384, n.\n\n 610 \u2012 The \u1f00\u03c0\u1fc6\u03bb\u03b8\u03bf\u03bd \u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2 (Jn. xx. 10) appears, as\n Bp. Ellicott remarks, to denote that they returned to the\n places, or perhaps rather place, where they were abiding,\n to meditate on the amazing miracle (Lk. xxiv. 12).\n\n 611 \u2012 Or rather, \u201cDo not continue to cling to Me.\u201d See\n Donaldson\u2019s _Gk. Gram._ 414. \u1f0d\u03c0\u03c4\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 denotes the\n retaining of an object for some time, with perhaps here\n a reference to clasping the knees as a suppliant or\n worshipper. The Risen Saviour had not entered into those\n relations in which He might truly thus be \u201ctouched.\u201d\n\n 612 \u2012 Lange, V. 57.\n\n 613 \u2012 Not of the Twelve, nor necessarily of the Seventy, but of\n the wider circle of the Redeemer\u2019s followers now assembled\n at Jerusalem. Lange on Lk. xxiv. 13.\n\n 614 \u2012 Cleopas = \u039a\u03bb\u03b5\u03bf\u03c0\u03ac\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2, altogether different from \u039a\u03bb\u03c9\u03c0\u1fb6\u03c2, Jn.\n xix. 25. According to Eusebius he was a native of Emmaus.\n Nothing further is known of him, or who the other disciple\n was: some have conjectured Nathanael; others Simon; others\n Luke himself.\n\n 615 \u2012 There were two places of the name of Emmaus; (i) a town,\n afterwards called Nicopolis, 22 Roman miles from Jerusalem,\n where Judas Maccab\u00e6us defeated Gorgias, see above, p. 33;\n (ii) another is mentioned by Josephus, _B. J._ IV. 1. 3,\n before the city Tiberias, and interpreted the \u201cwarm baths.\u201d\n St Luke however states that this Emmaus was 60 stadia\n (A. V. _threescore furlongs_), = about 7\u00bd miles from\n Jerusalem, and Josephus mentions a village at the same\n distance, _B. J._ VII. 6. 6. Robinson, because two uncial\n MSS. and a few cursives insert \u1f15\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd in Lk. xxiv. 13 and\n thus make the distance 160 stadia, identifies it with the\n Emmaus = Nicopolis. But the best critics do not accept\n this reading, and the site of Emmaus remains yet to be\n identified, though some would place it at _Kubeibeh_,\n about 3 miles west of the ancient Mizpeh, and 9 miles from\n Jerusalem.\n\n 616 \u2012 Comp. Mtt. xxi. 11, 46.\n\n 617 \u2012 \u1f08\u03bb\u03bb\u03ac \u03b3\u03b5 \u03ba\u03b1\u03af, Lk. xxiv. 21 = _beside all this_.\n\n 618 \u2012 The Jewish rule was _three eating together were bound\n to give thanks_. The usual words were, _Blessed be Thou,\n O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who bringest forth\n fruit out of the earth_.\n\n 619 \u2012 Is it not possible that on their way through the city they\n may have met and told some of the \u03bf\u1f31 \u03bb\u03bf\u03b9\u03c0\u03bf\u03af, not Apostles,\n but general body of disciples, who refused to credit their\n intelligence, as related in Mk. xvi. 12?\n\n 620 \u2012 Of this appearance here incidentally mentioned, and more\n prominently by St Paul in 1 Cor. xv. 5, we know nothing:\n all that is certain is that it was after the return from\n the sepulchre (Lk. xxiv. 12, Jn. xx. 10), but whether\n (i) _before_, or (ii) _after_ the appearance to the two\n disciples on the road to Emmaus cannot be determined. The\n effect, however, it produced was clearly very great on the\n disciples, who had given little credence to the accounts\n of the women. See Ellicott, 398, n. It is observable that\n on this occasion \u201che is called by his original name Simon,\n not Peter; the higher designation was not restored until\n he had been publicly reinstituted, so to speak, by his\n Master.\u201d Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Peter_.\n\n 621 \u2012 Even if Mk. xvi. 12 refers to this, there is no real\n contradiction. The ten believed (i) that the Lord was\n really risen, and (ii) that He had appeared to Peter\n (Lk. xxiv. 34), but that One, who had gently rebuked the\n adoring touch of Mary Magdalene, should have accompanied\n them as a humble wayfarer to Emmaus, and sat down with\n them to their evening meal, may have appeared at first\n incredible: see a note in Ellicott, 400, n. \u201cThey would\n naturally be ignorant of the properties of His Risen Body,\n and its powers of sudden transition from place to place.\u201d\n Andrews, p. 516.\n\n 622 \u2012 Lange, V. 83.\n\n 623 \u2012 For indications of his character, see above, p. 249, n.\n\n 624 \u2012 \u201cIn the famous statue of him by Thorwaldsen in the Church\n at Copenhagen, the Apostle stands, thoughtful, meditative,\n with the rule in his hand for the due measuring of\n evidence and argument.\u201d Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 625 \u2012 \u201cThe feast of the passover was completed on Thursday the\n 21st of Nisan. The disciples remained over the approaching\n Sabbath, on the 23rd of Nisan, and also the 24th, as the\n day which commemorated their Lord\u2019s resurrection. After\n this, there was nothing to prevent their leaving Jerusalem,\n and therefore they obeyed their Lord\u2019s command to go into\n Galilee.\u201d Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ p. 395.\n\n 626 \u2012 Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 453.\n\n 627 \u2012 Probably from Bethsaida, the fishing-town of Capernaum.\n Evening was the usual time then for commencing fishing,\n as it is now. \u201cThe fishermen here (lake of Gennesaret),\n as elsewhere, toil all night.\u201d Tristram\u2019s _Land of Israel_,\n p. 428.\n\n 628 \u2012 Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._, p. 378. \u201cIt seems natural to think\n that the friendly voice, \u2018calling, after the manner of\n the East, _Children_\u2019 (Stanley, _S. and P._, 374), and\n inquiring if they had any \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03c6\u03ac\u03b3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd, was conceived by the\n disciples to be that of one who wished to buy of them\u2015\u2015\u1f61\u03c2\n \u03bc\u03ad\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u03b9 \u1f60\u03bd\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1fbd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd, Chrysost. _in loc._\u201d\n Ellicott, p. 405, n.\n\n 629 \u2012 See above, p. 178. For the contrast between the first and\n second miraculous draughts of fishes, see Trench,\n _Miracles_, 456\u2013459.\n\n 630 \u2012 \u03a4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03b5\u03bd\u03b4\u03cd\u03c4\u03b7\u03bd \u03b4\u03b9\u03b5\u03b6\u03ce\u03c3\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf, Jn. xxi. 7: \u201cresuming the dress,\n which, like Eastern boatmen, he had thrown off whilst\n struggling with the net.\u201d Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 378;\n compare however Tristram, p. 438, and see note in Trench,\n _Miracles_, p. 455. For the various nets and fish, see\n above, p. 195. \u201cEach of the Apostles comes wonderfully out\n in his proper character: he of the eagle eye first detects\n the presence of the Beloved, and then Peter, the foremost\n ever in act, as John is profoundest in speculation, unable\n to wait till the ship should be brought to land, throws\n himself into the sea that he may find himself the nearer\n at his Saviour\u2019s feet.\u201d Trench, p. 455.\n\n 631 \u2012 All round the lake (which is about 13 miles long, and in\n its broadest parts 6 miles wide) runs, \u201clike a white line,\u201d\n \u201ca level beach; at the southern end roughly strewn with\n the black and white stones peculiar to this district,\n and also connected with its volcanic structure; but the\n central or northern part formed of smooth sand, or of a\n texture of shells and pebbles so minute as to resemble\n sand, like the substance of the beach on the banks of\n Akaba.\u201d Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._, 371.\n\n 632 \u2012 \u1f08\u03bd\u03b8\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03af\u03b1 only occurs elsewhere in Jn. xviii. 18, when\n St Peter _denied_ his Lord.\n\n 633 \u2012 \u1f18\u03be\u03b5\u03c4\u03ac\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9, Jn. xxi. 12, is more than _ask_. It denotes\n _studiose qu\u00e6rere_ (Bretschneider), to _question_, to\n _prove_. The word only occurs in two other places in the\n New Testament, (i) Mtt. ii. 8, where Herod bids the Magi\n enquire accurately (\u1f00\u03ba\u03c1\u03b9\u03b2\u1ff6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03be\u03b5\u03c4\u03ac\u03c3\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5) concerning the\n Child, and (ii) Mtt. x. 11, where accurate enquiry is also\n hinted at.\n\n 634 \u2012 Ellicott, _Lectures_, p. 407.\n\n 635 \u2012 (i) The Saviour enquires \u1f00\u03b3\u03b1\u03c0\u1fb7\u03c2 \u03bc\u03b5; to which the Apostle\n replies, ... \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u1ff6 \u03c3\u03b5; (ii) He asks again \u1f00\u03b3\u03b1\u03c0\u1fb7\u03c2 \u03bc\u03b5; and\n the Apostle answers, ... \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u1ff6 \u03c3\u03b5; (iii) He asks, \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2\n \u03bc\u03b5; and the Apostle replies, \u03c3\u1f7a \u03b3\u03b9\u03bd\u03ce\u03c3\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u1ff6 \u03c3\u03b5.\n \u201c\u1f08\u03b3\u03b1\u03c0\u1fb7\u03bd = _diligere_ (= _deligere_) has more of judgment\n and deliberate choice; \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd = _amare_, has more of\n attachment and peculiar personal affection. Thus the\n \u1f00\u03b3\u03b1\u03c0\u1fb7\u03c2 on the lips of the Lord seems to Peter at this\n moment too cold a word; as though his Lord were keeping\n him at a distance; or at least not inviting him to draw as\n near as in the passionate yearning of his heart he desired\n now to do. Therefore he puts by the word and substitutes\n his own stronger \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u1ff6 in its room. A second time he does\n the same. And now he has conquered, for when the Lord\n demands a third time whether he loves Him, He does it\n with the word which alone will satisfy Peter, which alone\n claims from him that personal attachment and affection,\n with which indeed he knows that his heart is full.\u201d Trench,\n _Miracles_, p. 464, n.; _Synonyms_, I. 48.\n\n 636 \u2012 Comp. Mtt. xxvi. 33; Trench, _Miracles_, p. 463.\n\n 637 \u2012 At Rome, and according to early writers, at or about the\n same time as St Paul, and in the Neronian persecution.\n According to Origen (see Euseb. III. 1) he was crucified\n with his head downwards. For the legend found in St\n Ambrose touching his death, see Article _Peter_ in Smith\u2019s\n _Bibl. Dict._ and the notes.\n\n 638 \u2012 Ellicott, 408, n.\n\n 639 \u2012 Possibly Tabor, or the Mount of the Beatitudes, or of the\n Transfiguration. Lange, V. 109; Ellicott, 409, n.\n\n 640 \u2012 See Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ p. 396; Lange, V. 108.\n\n 641 \u2012 During this period the risen Saviour had _manifested\n Himself from time to time_ (\u1f40\u03c0\u03c4\u03b1\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, Acts i. 3) to\n certain chosen witnesses, and these appearances according\n to the order followed in the text were (1) to Mary\n Magdalene; (2) to the other ministering women; (3) to\n the two disciples journeying to Emmaus; (4) to St Peter;\n (5) to the ten Apostles; (6) to the eleven Apostles; (7) to\n seven Apostles by the lake of Tiberias; (8) to the eleven\n Apostles, and probably the 500 brethren (1 Cor. xv. 6),\n on the appointed mountain; (9) to James (1 Cor. xv. 7);\n (10) to the Apostles in or near Jerusalem just before\n the Ascension. See Wieseler, _Chronol. Synopsis_;\n Tischendorf\u2019s _Synopsis Evangelica_; Ellicott\u2019s _Lectures_,\n p. 414, n. \u201cThus,\u201d in the words of Paley, \u201cit was not\n one person but many who saw Him; they saw Him not only\n separately but together; not by night only but by day; not\n at a distance but near; not once but several times; they\n not only saw Him but touched Him, conversed with Him, ate\n with Him, examined His person to satisfy their doubts.\u201d\n See also Pearson _On the Creed_, Article V.\n\n 642 \u2012 Ellicott, p. 411. For the Festival, see _Class-Book of Old\n Testament History_, p. 152.\n\n 643 \u2012 \u201cA more secluded spot could scarcely have been found so\n near the stir of a mighty city: the long ridge of Olivet\n screens the hills, and the hills themselves screen the\n village beneath from all sound or sight of the city\n behind.\u201d Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 454. \u201cNot altogether\n into Bethany, but so far as the point where Bethany came\n into sight,\u201d Stier.\n\n 644 \u2012 The last occasion on which she is mentioned in the New\n Testament. From the commencement of the Saviour\u2019s ministry\n she is withdrawn almost altogether from sight. Four times\n only is the veil removed, (i) at the marriage at Cana (Jn.\n ii.); (ii) the attempt which she and His brethren made _to\n speak with Him_ (Mtt. xii. 46; Mk. iii. 31; Lk. viii. 19);\n (iii) the Crucifixion; (iv) the present occasion.\n\n 645 \u2012 See note above, pp. 228, n., 229.\n\n 646 \u2012 See above, p. 297, and note.\n\n 647 \u2012 According to Eusebius, _H. E._ I. 12, he, as also Joseph\n Bar-Sabas, was one of the Seventy, and is said to have\n preached and suffered martyrdom in Ethiopia.\n\n 648 \u2012 The use of lots occurs frequently in the Old Testament;\n compare, among others, that at (i) the division of the\n land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 13); (ii) at the detection\n of Achan (Josh. vii. 14, 18); (iii) the Election of Saul\n (1 Sam. x. 20, 21); (iv) over the two goats at the feast\n of the Atonement (Lev. xvi. 8); (v) the distribution of\n the priestly offices of the temple-service (1 Ch. xxiv.\n 3, 5, 19, and comp. Lk. i. 9, above, p. 128). \u201cTablets, on\n which the names of Joseph and Matthias were written, were\n probably placed in a vessel, and that lot which, on the\n shaking of the vessel, first fell out, gave the decision.\u201d\n Lechler.\n\n 649 \u2012 See above, p. 195, and note.\n\n 650 \u2012 Milman, _History of Christianity_, I. 352.\n\n 651 \u2012 \u1f18\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bc\u03c0\u03bb\u03b7\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd = \u201cwas now fully come, or\n rather, perhaps, _was on the point_, or _in the act, of\n being_ fulfilled; just dawning, we may suppose, for the\n day to run its course;\u201d Vaughan _on the Acts_, I. p. 42.\n\n 652 \u2012 See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 152. This festival\n lasted one day, and was distinguished by the offering of\n two leavened loaves, made from the new corn of the now\n completed harvest. That it was likewise a memorial of the\n giving of the Law from Sinai, is a supposition which rests\n only on later Jewish traditions. Neander\u2019s _Planting_,\n I. 5, E. V.\n\n 653 \u2012 The Catalogue (Acts ii. 9\u201311) proceeds from the North East\n to the West and South.\n\n 654 \u2012 On the colonies of Jews in Babylonia, see above pp. 7, 107.\n\n 655 \u2012 In pure Greek the inhabitants were called \u1f18\u03bb\u03c5\u03bc\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03b9, from\n Elam or Elymais, a Semitic people, see Gen. x. 22. \u201cElam\n is mentioned in connection with Babylon (Gen. xiv. 1);\n with Media (Isai. xxi. 2; Jer. xxv. 25); with Assyria\n (Ezek. xxxii. 24), as a province of Persia (Ez. iv. 9).\u201d\n Josephus (_Ant._ I. 6. 4) makes the Elym\u00e6ans the\n progenitors of the Persians.\n\n 656 \u2012 A name apparently not older than the Macedonian conquests\n for the Hebrew _Aram-Naharaim_, or Syria of the two rivers,\n Tigris and Euphrates, of which we first hear in Gen. xxiv.\n 10.\n\n 657 \u2012 The former kingdom of Mithridates, situated along the\n southern coast of the Euxine, now divided into petty\n principalities, subject to Roman protection, but under\n Nero made a Roman province. It is mentioned again in Acts\n xviii. 2; 1 Pet. i. 1.\n\n 658 \u2012 \u03a4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f08\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03bd, Acts ii. 9. This expression, which frequently\n occurs in the New Testament, denotes the _Roman province\n of Asia_, which embraced the western part of the peninsula\n of Asia Minor, and had Ephesus for its capital. It\n included the territory anciently subdivided into \u00c6olis,\n Ionia, and Doris, and afterwards into Lydia, Mysia, and\n Caria. Originally bequeathed to the Romans by Attalus,\n king of Pergamus, (Hor. _Od._ I. 1. 12; II. 18. 5), or\n king of Asia, (see 1 Macc. xi. 13), B.C. 133, it was,\n after some rectifications of the frontier, constituted\n a province, and placed by Augustus amongst those subject\n to the senate, and therefore governed by a procurator.\n Comp. Acts xix. 38, and see above, p. 147, n. Within its\n boundaries were the seven Churches of the Apocalypse; see\n Con. and Howson, _Life and Ep. of St Paul_, chap. xiv.;\n Spruner\u2019s _Atlas Antiquus_, Ed. 3.\n\n 659 \u2012 On the Islands of the Mediterranean in connection with the\n dispersion of the Jews, see above, p. 108.\n\n 660 \u2012 For notices of Jews in Egypt and Cyrene see above, pp.\n 8, 107.\n\n 661 \u2012 On the proselytes, see above, p. 118, n.\n\n 662 \u2012 They were not \u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 but \u1f61\u03c3\u03b5\u1f76 \u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2, not burning but\n luminous, in appearance like fire: see Lechler _in loc._\n\n 663 \u2012 \u0394\u03b9\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03b6\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9, in our version rendered _cloven_, but\n rather = _distributed or parting themselves among them_.\n\n 664 \u2012 See Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 12\u201315.\n\n 665 \u2012 \u03a4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c6\u03c9\u03bd\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, Acts ii. 6, not this rumour, but the\n noise of the rushing mighty wind: Vaughan and Alford\n _in loc._ Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 17.\n\n 666 \u2012 The first hour of prayer = 9 A.M., before which,\n especially on a feast-day, no Israelite ventured to taste\n anything. Lightfoot _in loc._\n\n 667 \u2012 \u1f08\u03c0\u03bf\u03b4\u03b5\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03b3\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd, demonstratum, attested and demonstrated,\n _shewn_ to be that which He claimed to be. See Alford\n _in loc._\n\n 668 \u2012 Four names for what we commonly call \u201ca miracle\u201d occur\n in the New Testament, (1) \u03a4\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2, _a wonder_ (never used\n alone, but always with one of the other names), the effect\n of astonishment which the work produces upon the beholder\n being transferred to the work itself; (2) \u03a3\u03b7\u03bc\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd, or\n _sign_ (an especial favourite with St John), a token and\n indication of the near presence and working of God, the\n seals and credentials of a higher power; comp. Exod. vii.\n 9, 10; (3) \u0394\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03c2, _a power_, or _mighty work_, that is,\n of God; as in the term _wonder_, the effect is transferred\n and gives a name to the cause, so here the cause gives its\n name to the effect; (4) \u1f1c\u03c1\u03b3\u03b1, _works_, a significant term\n often used by St John, the _works_ of Him whose name is\n Wonderful (Isai. ix. 6), and who therefore does works of\n wonder (comp. Jn. v. 36; vii. 21; x. 25, 32, 38, &c.).\n Trench _on the Miracles_, pp. 2\u20138; _Synonyms of the N. T._,\n Pt. II. 177\u2013181.\n\n 669 \u2012 \u0395\u1f30\u03c2 \u1f84\u03b4\u03bf\u03c5 in Hades = the abode of departed spirits,\n translated in our Version \u201chell,\u201d which from _h\u00e6len_ to\n cover, denotes, like the Hebrew _Sheol_, literally \u201cthe\n covered place,\u201d the place of departed spirits. On the word\n Gehenna, the place of torment, \u1f21 \u1f04\u03b2\u03c5\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2, the bottomless\n pit, see above, p. 198.\n\n 670 \u2012 \u039c\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03ae\u03c3\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5, not \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b5, as in Mtt. iii. 2, iv. 17.\n The aorist denotes a definite, sudden act: the present,\n a habit, more gradual; \u201cThe word imports _change of\n mind_, here a change from thinking Jesus an impostor, and\n scorning Him as one crucified, to being baptized in His\n Name, and looking to Him for the remission of sins, and\n the gift of the Spirit.\u201d Alford _in loc._\n\n 671 \u2012 \u03a0\u1fb6\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03c1\u03ac\u03bd = the Gentiles (comp. Eph. ii. 13),\n whose conversion the Apostles expected, like all other\n pious Jews, but not _as Gentiles_, which was not yet\n revealed to them.\n\n 672 \u2012 Thus the Apostle, the former fisherman of the lake,\n now the fisher of men, launched forth, and cast his net\n into the deep, amongst the multitudes of Jerusalem, and\n enclosed many of every kind; see above, p. 178.\n\n 673 \u2012 \u1f2e\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b4\u03b1\u03c7\u1fc7 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03cc\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd, Acts ii. 42.\n Made disciples when they had been baptized into Christ;\n detailed instruction, and gradual increase in knowledge\n and holiness must now follow.\n\n 674 \u2012 \u03a4\u1fc7 \u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd\u03af\u1fb3, ver. 42, explained by the \u03b5\u1f37\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd \u1f05\u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03ac\n of ver. 44.\n\n 675 \u2012 \u03a4\u1fc7 \u03ba\u03bb\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f04\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5, Acts ii. 42, where the force of the\n article is observable. \u201cThe Eucharist was at first, and\n for some time, till abuses put an end to the practice,\n inseparably connected with the \u1f00\u03b3\u03ac\u03c0\u03b1\u03b9 or Love-Feasts of\n the Christians, and unknown as a separate ordinance;\u201d\n Alford _in loc._ \u201cWe can scarcely doubt that this implies\n that the chief actual meal of each day was one at which\n they met as brothers, and which was either preceded or\n followed by the more solemn commemorative acts of the\n breaking of the Bread and the drinking of the Cup.\u201d\n Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ Art. _Lord\u2019s Supper_: see also\n Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 23.\n\n 676 \u2012 \u03a4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03b5\u03c5\u03c7\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2, the prayers, not of course excluding\n private prayer among themselves. See Vaughan\u2019s _Church of\n the First Days_, p. 88.\n\n 677 \u2012 Or 3 in the afternoon. See above, p. 112. Note the\n imperfect \u1f00\u03bd\u03ad\u03b2\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd = _were going up_, in Acts iii. 1.\n\n 678 \u2012 See above, p. 96.\n\n 679 \u2012 He fixed his attention on them, \u1f10\u03c0\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c7\u03b5\u03bd (\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd) \u1f00\u03c5\u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2,\n Acts iii. 5.\n\n 680 \u2012 \u0392\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 = the _soles_ of his feet; \u03c3\u03c6\u03c5\u03c1\u1f70 = _the ankles_.\n\n 681 \u2012 See above, p. 244, n.\n\n 682 \u2012 \u039a\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 = _holding fast_, Acts iii. 11.\n\n 683 \u2012 \u03a4\u1f78\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u1fd6\u03b4\u03b1 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f38\u03b7\u03c3\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd. Not _Son_, for which \u03c5\u1f31\u03cc\u03c2 is\n always used, but _Servant_ of God, as the word is used in\n Isa. xlii. 1; xlix. 3; Zech. iii. 8.\n\n 684 \u2012 \u1f4d\u03c0\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f04\u03bd cannot mean _when_, as in our Version, it can only\n denote _in order that_.\n\n 685 \u2012 In accordance with the Saviour\u2019s command (Mtt. xxviii.).\n On the nature of the subsequent call of the Gentiles\n expected by the Apostle, see above, p. 348 and note.\n\n 686 \u2012 Either from (1) awe, or (2) miscalculating contempt, or,\n (3) it is possible, internal dissension, Milman, I. 357.\n\n 687 \u2012 \u1f49 \u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03b7\u03b3\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6 (Acts iv. 1; comp. Lk. xxii. 4) was\n not a Roman but a Jewish officer, and corresponded to the\n \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6 spoken of in 2 Macc. iii. 4; comp.\n 2 K. xii. 9. He was the captain of the Levitical guard,\n spoken of by Josephus, _B. J._ VI. 5. 3; _Ant._ XX. 6. 2,\n under the name of \u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03b7\u03b3\u03cc\u03c2, whose duty it was to visit\n the sentries in the Temple during the night, and see that\n they did their duties. See Lightfoot _in loc._\n\n 688 \u2012 \u201cIt does not appear that the Pharisees, though they had\n taken the lead in the condemnation of Christ, were eager,\n after that event, to persecute His followers. They looked\n on the illiterate Galil\u00e6ans as worthy of no further\n attention, especially since they observed the ceremonial\n law, and at first abstained from controverting the\n peculiar tenets of their party; they allowed them to\n remain undisturbed, like some other sects by whom their\n own interests were not affected.... But the Sadducees were\n exasperated with the Apostles for so zealously advocating\n the doctrine of the resurrection.\u201d Neander\u2019s _Planting_,\n I. 41, 45; Milman (I. 359) thinks the Sadducees \u201chad gained\n a temporary ascendancy in the great council.\u201d\n\n 689 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 43.\n\n 690 \u2012 See above, pp. 150, 253, and note.\n\n 691 \u2012 Identified by Lightfoot with Rabbi Johanan ben Zacchai,\n who lived 40 years before the destruction of the Temple,\n and was president of the great synagogue after its removal\n to Jamnia.\n\n 692 \u2012 Apparently holding some high office, and identified\n by some with Alexander the Alabarch at Alexandria, the\n brother of Philo-Jud\u00e6us, whom Josephus mentions as a\n friend of the Emperor Claudius. Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 8. 1;\n XIX. 5. 1; See Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 693 \u2012 That is, who had not been educated in the Jewish schools.\n\n 694 \u2012 \u1f18\u03c0\u03b5\u03b3\u03af\u03bd\u03c9\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd, Acts iv. 13.\n\n 695 \u2012 \u1f18\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c7\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c1\u03ac \u03c3\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f10\u03ba\u03c4\u03b5\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c3\u03b5 = _in the stretching\n forth of Thy hand (while Thou stretchest forth Thy hand)\n for healing_, Acts iv. 30.\n\n 696 \u2012 Though originally excluded from the possession of land\n (see _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 220), this\n tribe had begun to possess land, as in Jerem. xxxii. 7,\n and this must have been generally the case after the\n captivity. See Lechler _in loc._\n\n 697 \u2012 \u03a5\u1f31\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03bb\u03ae\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 = _son of prophecy_ or _exhortation_.\n If a native of Cyprus, he would be a Hellenist, and\n \u201cthe schools of Tarsus, the birth-place of St Paul, may\n naturally have attracted him, for Cyprus was within a few\n hours\u2019 sail from Cilicia, and there the friendship of the\n two may have begun.\u201d See Con. and Howson, I. 101.\n\n 698 \u2012 See Lechler and Alford _in loc._\n\n 699 \u2012 By some supposed to have been a class in the congregation\n accustomed to perform such services, but more probably the\n younger members of the church acting perhaps in accordance\n with Jewish custom, perhaps on some hint from the apostle.\n See Alford _in loc._\n\n 700 \u2012 Or their own mantles, taken off in preparing to carry him\n out. Alford _in loc._\n\n 701 \u2012 On the shortness of the time after death allowed in the\n east before burial, see above, p. 249, n. The practice was\n to bury before sunset of the same day.\n\n 702 \u2012 Now was fulfilled his Master\u2019s promise, Mtt. xvi. 18.\n\n 703 \u2012 The \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03b9\u03b5\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2 mentioned in Acts v. 24 as members of the\n Council were the _titular High-priests_; partly those who\n had served the office, partly the presidents of the 24\n courses, partly the kindred of the High-priest. Alford\n _in loc._\n\n 704 \u2012 Milman, I. 361: see above, p. 235.\n\n 705 \u2012 This eminent teacher was the son of Rabbi Simeon, and\n grandson of the celebrated Hillel, of the sect of the\n Pharisees, but untrammelled by their narrow bigotry, and\n distinguished for candour and wisdom. \u201cHis learning was\n so eminent, and his character so revered, that he is one\n of the seven who alone among Jewish doctors have been\n honoured with the title of \u2018Rabban\u2019 (= the _Rabboni_ of\n Jn. xx. 16). As Aquinas, among the schoolmen, was called\n _Doctor Angelicus_, and Bonaventura _Doctor Seraphicus_,\n so Gamaliel was called the _Beauty of the Law_, and it is\n a saying of the Talmud, that since _Rabban Gamaliel died,\n the glory of the Law has ceased_.\u201d He was president of the\n Sanhedrin under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, and died\n 18 years before the destruction of Jerusalem, or about the\n time of St Paul\u2019s shipwreck at Malta. Conybeare and Howson,\n I. 56, and notes.\n\n 706 \u2012 Because a Theudas is mentioned by Josephus (_Ant._ XX. 5.\n 1) as having been an insurgent in the time of Claudius,\n or about A.D. 44, and St Luke places this Theudas before\n the time of Judas of Galilee, he has been accused with the\n utmost inconsistency of historical inaccuracy. But there\n are two solutions of the apparent difficulty, either of\n which meets all the requirements of the case: (i) St Luke\n represents this Theudas as having appeared before the\n time of Judas the Galil\u00e6an, and therefore he cannot have\n appeared later than the close of the reign of Herod the\n Great. Now the year of that monarch\u2019s death (as mentioned\n above, pp. 104, 144) was one of great turbulence, and\n Palestine was overrun by insurrectionary chiefs and\n fanatics, of whom Josephus mentions but three by name,\n Judas the son of the bandit Hezekias, Simon a slave of\n Herod, and Athronges, and passes over the rest with a mere\n allusion (comp. _Ant._ XVII. 9. 3; XVII. 10. 4\u20138). Now of\n these Theudas might easily have been one, for the name was\n not uncommon. (ii) Others would identify him with Judas,\n the son of Hezekias mentioned above, or more probably\n with the second insurgent, Simon, one of Herod\u2019s slaves\n (_Ant._ XVII. 10. 6), a man of great personal strength and\n comeliness, who assumed the diadem and the title of king,\n \u201cdeeming himself more worthy of that dignity than any\n one else\u201d (_Ant._ _loc. cit._; comp. Acts iv. 36, \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03c9\u03bd\n \u03b5\u1f37\u03bd\u03b1\u03af \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd), gained a certain number of followers,\n chiefly from Per\u00e6a, burned and plundered the palace of\n Jericho, and many other places, and was devastating in all\n directions till he was attacked by Gratus the procurator\n (see above, p. 149), who utterly defeated his followers\n and beheaded Simon himself. Being originally a slave he\n might easily have assumed the name of Theudas with the\n diadem, and have been mentioned by Gamaliel under one,\n by Josephus under the other appellation. See Neander\u2019s\n _Planting_, I. 47, n.; Lightfoot, _Hor. Hebr._ IV. 54;\n Biscoe\u2019s _History of the Acts_, p. 428; Rawlinson\u2019s\n _Bampton Lectures_, 261, and notes.\n\n 707 \u2012 This rising of Judas is described above, p. 148.\n\n 708 \u2012 On the probable tone of Gamaliel\u2019s feeling towards\n Christianity see Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 47.\n\n 709 \u2012 See Lightfoot\u2019s _Commentary on the Galatians_, pp. 278, 9;\n Stanley\u2019s _Apostolical Age_, p. 92; and above, p. 349.\n\n 710 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 48.\n\n 711 \u2012 See above, pp. 109, 110.\n\n 712 \u2012 Conybeare and Howson, I. 85. Alexandria was the metropolis\n of Hellenistic theology, Philo their great representative.\n \u201cThe Greek learning was not more repugnant to the Roman\n Cato, than it was to the strict Hebrews. They had a saying,\n _Cursed is he who teacheth his son the learning of the\n Greeks_.\u201d For other illustrations, see Con. and Howson,\n I. 85, n.; Biscoe _On the Acts_, p. 60; Lightfoot, _Hor.\n Hebr. et Talm._ IV. 60; and compare above, p. 116. The\n ill-feeling lasted at least down to the time of Justinian.\n\n 713 \u2012 \u201cThe Jews of Palestine were relatively poor, compared\n with those of \u2018the dispersion.\u2019 We see this exemplified on\n later occasions, in the contributions which St Paul more\n than once anxiously promoted; see Acts xi. 29, 30; Rom. xv.\n 25, 26; Acts xxiv. 17; 1 Cor. xvi. 1\u20134; 2 Cor. viii. 1\u20134.\u201d\n C. and H., I. 64.\n\n 714 \u2012 \u201cHis Hebrew (or rather Syriac) name is traditionally said\n to have been Chelil, or Cheliel (_a crown_);\u201d Smith\u2019s\n _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 715 \u2012 By some supposed, by others denied, to have been the\n founder of the sect of the Nicolaitans mentioned in\n Rev. ii. 6, 15. See Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ _sub voc._;\n Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, 281 n.\n\n 716 \u2012 An ancient and familiar practice in (i) pronouncing\n a blessing (Gen. xlviii. 14\u201320), (ii) appointing to\n an office (Num. xxvii. 18\u201321), transferring guilt (Lev.\n iii. 2).\n\n 717 \u2012 It will be noticed that the term \u201cdeacons\u201d is nowhere\n applied to them. They are called \u201cthe Seven\u201d (Acts\n xxi. 8), and two of them perform the work of preachers\n and evangelists. See Article in Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._;\n Stanley\u2019s _Apostolical Age_, p. 62.\n\n 718 \u2012 Among the conspicuous opponents of the great Hellenist\n in the synagogue of Cilicia was doubtless _a young man_\n (Acts vii. 58) a citizen of Tarsus, distinguished already\n by his zeal and talents among the younger champions of\n the Pharisaic party; see Gal. i. 13, 14; Acts xxii. 3;\n xxiii. 7; xxvi. 5; Phil. iii. 5, 6.\n\n 719 \u2012 Of the various explanations of the \u039b\u03b9\u03b2\u03b5\u03c1\u03c4\u03af\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd in Acts\n vi. 9, the most probable are (i) that they were the\n inhabitants of Libertum, a town in the proconsular\n province of Africa, a bishop of which place is mentioned\n in the Council of Carthage, A.D. 411; (ii) that they were\n Jews, who having been taken prisoners by Pompeius and\n other Roman generals during the Syrian wars (see above,\n p. 109), were reduced to slavery, and being afterwards\n emancipated returned, either permanently or for a time,\n to Palestine, and had a synagogue at Jerusalem. Tacitus\n states (_Ann._ II. 85) that 4000 of the _libertini\n generis_ (said by Josephus to have been Jews, _Ant._ XVIII.\n 3. 5) were banished by Tiberius, A.D. 19, to Sardinia,\n under an edict for the suppression of Egyptian and Jewish\n mysteries, and they are thought to have found their way\n to Jerusalem. See Humphry _On the Acts_; Smith\u2019s _Bibl.\n Dict._; Orellius _in Tac. Annal._ II. 85; Biscoe _On the\n Acts_, p. 69.\n\n 720 \u2012 Although the accusations made against Stephen \u201care\n represented as the depositions of _false_ witnesses, it\n does not follow that all they said was a fabrication,\n but only that they had, on many points, distorted his\n assertions, with an evil intention. Yet he must, by\n what he said, have given them some ground for their\n misrepresentations, for before this time nothing similar\n had been brought against the publishers of the Gospel;\n hence we may make use of their allegations to find out\n what Stephen really said.\u201d Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 51;\n compare Milman, I. 364. \u201cStephen is the acknowledged\n forerunner of the Apostle of the Gentiles. He was the\n first _to look steadfastly to the end of that which\n is abolished_, to sound the death-knell of the Mosaic\n ordinances and the temple-worship, and to claim for the\n Gospel unfettered liberty and universal rights.\u201d Lightfoot\n _On the Galatians_, p. 281.\n\n 721 \u2012 See above, p. 169.\n\n 722 \u2012 Comp. above, p. 268.\n\n 723 \u2012 See above, p. 293.\n\n 724 \u2012 It is remarkable how completely St Stephen is the\n forerunner of St Paul, both in the form and the matter of\n his defence. (i) His securing the attention of the Jews\n by adopting the historical method, is exactly what the\n Apostle did in the synagogue at Antioch in Pisidia (Acts\n xiii. 16\u201322); (ii) His assertion of his attachment to the\n true principles of the Mosaic religion is exactly what\n St Paul said to Agrippa (Acts xxvi. 22); (iii) The words\n used by Stephen of the Temple call to mind those which\n the Apostle used at Athens (Acts xvii. 24); (iv) When\n he speaks of the Law as received _by the disposition\n of angels_ he anticipates the language of Gal. iii. 19;\n (v) When he declares that the Jews had received the Law\n and had not kept it, he foreshadows the language of the\n great Apostle himself, Rom. ii. 17\u201329: Con. and Howson,\n I. pp. 69, 70: Mr Humphry also in his _Commentary on the\n Acts_ compares (a) Acts vii. 44 with Heb. viii. 5; (b) Acts\n vii. 5\u20138 with Rom. iv. 10\u201319; (c) Acts vii. 60 with 2 Tim.\n iv. 16.\n\n 725 \u2012 Con. and Howson, I. 69.\n\n 726 \u2012 On this period of the life of Moses, see _Class-Book of\n O. T. History_, pp. 81, 82, and note.\n\n 727 \u2012 On this period of Israel\u2019s history, see _Class-Book of\n O. T. History_, pp. 178, 179.\n\n 728 \u2012 Remphan (Acts vii. 43) and Chiun (Amos v. 26) appear to\n be the names of two idols worshipped by the Israelites\n in the wilderness, akin probably to _Ken_ and _Rempu_,\n two Egyptian divinities; see Article _Remphan_, in Smith\u2019s\n _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 729 \u2012 Comp. Isai. lxvi. 1, 2; Jer. xxiii. 24.\n\n 730 \u2012 Con. and Howson, I. 69.\n\n 731 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 54.\n\n 732 \u2012 \u0394\u03b9\u03b5\u03c0\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03b4\u03af\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd (Acts vii. 54).\n\n 733 \u2012 One of the only three passages in the N. T. where the\n title _Son of Man_ is applied to the Redeemer by any save\n Himself; the two others being Rev. i. 13; xiv. 14.\n\n 734 \u2012 \u201cIn other places (Eph. i. 20; Col. iii. 1; Heb. i. 3,\n viii. 1, x. 12, xii. 2) He is represented as _sitting_ at\n the right hand of the Father\u2015\u2015here alone he is said to be\n standing. It is as if (according to Chrysostom\u2019s beautiful\n thought) He had risen from His throne, to succour His\n persecuted servant, and to receive Him unto Himself.\u201d\n Con. and Howson, I. 71.\n\n 735 \u2012 \u201cIt was sentence and execution all at once; an act of\n violence without regular judicial examination,\u201d Neander\u2019s\n _Planting_, I. 55. \u201cIt was a savage and disorderly\n condemnation,\u201d Con. and Howson, I. 71.\n\n 736 \u2012 Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 737 \u2012 Probably the class of Hellenists and proselytes to which\n he belonged, \u03bf\u1f37 \u03b5\u1f50\u03c3\u03b5\u03b2\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2. Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 738 \u2012 \u201cThis persecution must have been more severe and extensive\n than the former; for by the manner in which Stephen\n entered into conflict with Pharisaism, he had roused to\n hostilities against the teachers of the new doctrine the\n sect of the Pharisees, who had the most credit with the\n common people (see above, p. 117), and were powerful and\n active, and ready to leave no means untried to attain\n their object whatever it might be,\u201d Neander\u2019s _Planting_,\n I. 56.\n\n 739 \u2012 C. and H., I. 75.\n\n 740 \u2012 _Ibid._\n\n 741 \u2012 \u1f08\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u03b5 \u1f00\u03c5\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03bd\u03b5\u03b3\u03ba\u03b1 \u03c8\u1fc6\u03c6\u03bf\u03bd (Acts xxvi. 10),\n _vote_, not _voice_, as in our Version.\n\n 742 \u2012 Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, p. 282. For the Jewish\n feeling respecting the Samaritans, see above, pp. 121, 122.\n\n 743 \u2012 \u039a\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b8\u1f7c\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03a3\u03b1\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 (Acts viii. 5) = _to a\n city of Samaria_, perhaps Sychar, comp. Jn. iv. 5, and\n if so, the readiness of the people to receive Philip is\n easily accounted for.\n\n 744 \u2012 See above, p. 169.\n\n 745 \u2012 A native of Gittim (Justin Martyr\u2019s _Apol._ I. 26), a\n village of Samaria. Educated probably at Alexandria, he\n had there become acquainted with the tenets of the Gnostic\n school (Clement, _Hom._ II. 22), and had acquired a great\n reputation as a magician. He was one of those who at this\n period, according both to Greek and Roman testimonies,\n travelled about in numbers, and partly as soothsayers,\n astrologers, and interpreters of dreams, partly as\n jugglers, excited attention and received general regard.\n See Dollinger\u2019s _Gentile and Jew_, II. 198, 199; C. and H.,\n I. 140.\n\n 746 \u2012 Our version omits the word \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7, and so renders the\n verse imperfectly. \u201cThe Samaritans describe the angels\n as \u03b4\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2, _i.e._ uncreated influences proceeding from\n God. But to distinguish Simon from such an order of beings\n they added the words _which is called great_, meaning\n thereby the source of all power, in other words, the\n Supreme Deity\u2015\u2015according to Simon\u2019s own expression, quoted\n by Jerome on Mtt. xxiv. 5, _Ego sum Sermo Dei, Ego sum\n Speciosus, Ego Paracletus, Ego omnia Dei_.\u201d Smith\u2019s _Bibl.\n Dict._\n\n 747 \u2012 The last time this Apostle is mentioned in the Acts; he is\n only once more mentioned (except in Revelation) as having\n been present in Jerusalem at St Paul\u2019s visit, Gal. ii. 9.\n\n 748 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 62.\n\n 749 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 63.\n\n 750 \u2012 The subsequent history of Simon Magus is involved in much\n perplexity. Early ecclesiastical historians represent him\n as the pertinacious foe of the Apostle Peter, encountering\n him at C\u00e6sarea on the sea, and subsequently at Rome,\n which latter place he visited either (i) in the reign of\n Claudius (Justin Martyr, _Apol._ I. 26. 56), or (ii) in\n the reign of Nero. His success in the imperial city is\n said to have been so great that he was deified, and a\n statue was erected in his honour, with the inscription\n _Simoni Deo Sancto_. For various accounts of his death,\n see Burton\u2019s _Bampton Lectures_, and Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n Some identify him with a Simon, a native of Cyprus, whom\n Josephus (_Ant._ XX. 7. 2) mentions as a friend of Felix,\n the Roman Procurator of Palestine, and as having persuaded\n Drusilla, sister of Herod Agrippa, to marry him: see\n Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 63, and note; Alford on Acts viii.\n\n 751 \u2012 Contrast this with Lk. ix. 52; see above, p. 229.\n\n 752 \u2012 See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, pp. 259, 262.\n\n 753 \u2012 See Robinson\u2019s _Bibl. Res._ II. 514.\n\n 754 \u2012 Some apply this word to the city of Gaza, in the sense\n that it was destroyed and uninhabited, or that it was\n unfortified. But this is extremely improbable. Though\n often destroyed in the wars, the city had been restored.\n\n 755 \u2012 That is from the high land to the south of Egypt, and\n now comprehending Nubia, Cordofan, and Abyssinia, whose\n religious and commercial capital was the island of Mer\u00f6e.\n Candace was not a personal name, but, like Pharaoh of the\n older and Ptolemy of the later Egyptian kings, the regular\n title of the queens of Ethiopia (Mer\u00f6e). Lechler _in loc._\n The eunuch was probably a proselyte of the Gate.\n\n 756 \u2012 The Easterns usually go on reading aloud, with a kind of\n singing voice, moving their heads and bodies in tune, and\n making a monotonous cadence at regular intervals. Kitto\u2019s\n _Bibl. Illust._ VIII. 95.\n\n 757 \u2012 See above, p. 11.\n\n 758 \u2012 Verse 37 in the received Version is wanting in the Codd.\n A. B. C. G. H., the Sinaitic MS., more than 60 cursive\n MSS., and several versions. It is omitted by Lachmann,\n Tischendorf, Alford, and others.\n\n 759 \u2012 Robinson would place the scene of the baptism at\n _Wady-el-Hasy_, between Eleutheropolis and Gaza, not far\n from the old sites of Lachish and Eglon. _Bibl. Res._\n II. 514.\n\n 760 \u2012 See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, 254, 263, 272. Taken by\n Judas Maccab\u00e6us (1 Macc. v. 68) and destroyed by Jonathan\n (1 Macc. x. 84), it had been rebuilt by Gabinius (Jos.\n _Ant._ XIV. 5. 3; _B. J._ I. 7. 7), and bequeathed by\n Herod to his sister Salome: see above, p. 146.\n\n 761 \u2012 Ekron, Jamnia, Joppa, Apollonia, perhaps Lydda.\n\n 762 \u2012 For the foundation of which, see above, pp. 91, 92. On\n the undesigned coincidence between the mention of Philip\n here and afterwards in Acts xxi. 8, 9, see Birks\u2019 _Hor\u00e6\n Apostolic\u00e6_, pp. 322, 323.\n\n 763 \u2012 See Xen. _Anab._ I. 2. 23.\n\n 764 \u2012 C\u00e6sar, _Bell. Alex._ Cap. LXVI.\n\n 765 \u2012 The privileges of an _urbs libera_ consisted in (a) being\n governed by its own magistrates, (b) being exempted from\n the occupation of a Roman garrison, and from taxes. Its\n citizens did not necessarily possess the freedom of Rome.\n\n 766 \u2012 C. and H., I. 44. He was a young man at the time of the\n martyrdom of Stephen.\n\n 767 \u2012 Either (i) after the name of his father, or (ii) as being\n a name of traditional celebrity in the tribe of Benjamin,\n or (iii) \u201cas intended to denote (in conformity with the\n Hebrew derivation of the word) that he was a son who had\n long been desired, the firstborn of his parents, the child\n of prayer.\u201d C. and H., I. 41.\n\n 768 \u2012 Paulus, a diminutive of _Pauxillus_, is a Roman name, so\n are _Junia_ and _Lucius_; those he calls his kinsmen, Rom.\n xvi. 7, 11, 21; the others are Greek.\n\n 769 \u2012 \u201cGreat numbers of Jews were made slaves during the Civil\n Wars, and then manumitted. A slave manumitted with due\n formalities became a Roman citizen. Thus it is natural to\n suppose that the Apostle, with other Cilician Jews, may\n have been like Horace (_Sat._ I. vi. 45) _libertino patre\n natus_.\u201d C. and H., I. 45, n.; Lewin\u2019s _Life of St Paul_,\n I. 4.\n\n 770 \u2012 For allusions to it, see Acts xviii. 3; xx. 34; 1 Cor.\n iv. 12; 1 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Thess. iii. 8.\n\n 771 \u2012 C. and H., I. 38. \u201cIt is observed that when St Paul quotes\n from the Old Testament, his quotations are from the LXX;\n and that, not only when he cites its very words, but when\n (as is often the case) he quotes it from memory.\u201d\n\n 772 \u2012 Probably during the supremacy of one of the four governors\n who preceded Pontius Pilate, i.e. between A.D. 6 and\n A.D. 25. See above, pp. 149, 150.\n\n 773 \u2012 For notices of Gamaliel, see above, p. 360, and note.\n\n 774 \u2012 \u201cSt Paul seems to have belonged to the extreme party of\n the Pharisees (Acts xii. 3, xxiii. 7, xxvi. 5; Phil. iii.\n 5, 6) whose pride it was to call themselves \u2018zealots of\n the law, zealots of God.\u2019 To this party also had belonged\n Simon, one of the Twelve, thence surnamed _the zealot_,\n \u03b6\u03b7\u03bb\u03c9\u03c4\u03ae\u03c2, or \u039a\u03b1\u03bd\u03b1\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2.\u201d Lightfoot _On the Galatians_,\n 1. 14. See above, p. 187.\n\n 775 \u2012 Such as that of Hagar and Sarah in Gal. iv. 21, where see\n Lightfoot\u2019s notes.\n\n 776 \u2012 Hence in his address to the Athenians (Acts xvii. 28) he\n could quote from the Cilician poet Aratus,\n\n \u03a4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c3\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd;\n\n to the refined Corinthians (1 Cor. xv. 33) from the\n _Thais_ of Menander,\n\n \u03a6\u03b8\u03b5\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f24\u03b8\u03b7 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03c3\u03b8\u1fbd \u1f41\u03bc\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03b1\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u03ba\u03b1\u03af;\n\n he could rebuke the Cretans (Titus i. 12) from the poet\n Epimenides,\n\n \u039a\u03c1\u1fc6\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u1f00\u03b5\u1f76 \u03c8\u03b5\u1fe6\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9, \u03ba\u03b1\u03ba\u1f70 \u03b8\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03b1, \u03b3\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03b5\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c1\u03b3\u03b1\u03af.\n\n 777 \u2012 On the authority of the Sanhedrin over Jews in foreign\n cities, see above, p. 108, note. Damascus since its\n capture by Pompeius (see above, p. 67) had been under\n Roman rule, and belonged to the province of Syria. Many\n Jews had settled in it since the times of the Seleucid\u00e6\n (comp. Jos. _B. J._ I. 2. 25; II. 20. 2), hence there was\n more than one synagogue there (comp. \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03c9\u03b3\u03ac\u03c2,\n Acts ix. 2). If A.D. 36 was the date of the conversion\n of St Paul, Caiaphas was the high-priest, and the year\n would coincide with the deposition of Pilate by Vitellius\n prefect of Syria (see above, p. 307, note); if, as\n some think, it took place in A.D. 37, the high-priest\n was either Jonathan, one of the sons of Annas, and\n brother-in-law of Caiaphas, whom Vitellius, on the occasion\n of his visit to Jerusalem at the feast of the Passover in\n this year, appointed to the office in place of Caiaphas\n (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 4. 3), or Theophilus his brother, whom\n he exalted to the pontificate during his second visit at\n Pentecost (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 5. 3). In the same year,\n A.D. 37, Tiberius died, March 16 (Tac. _Ann._ VI. 50), and\n was succeeded by Caligula.\n\n 778 \u2012 Probably near Scythopolis: see C. and H., I. 82: this\n route would follow the later Roman itinerary.\n\n 779 \u2012 The distance was about 136 miles, and Saul and his company\n may have performed the journey, like the modern caravans,\n in about 6 days, C. and H., I. 81; comp. Lewin, I. 54.\n\n 780 \u2012 Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._, p. 410.\n\n 781 \u2012 Compare (i) Jn. xii. 28, and note above, p. 273;\n (ii) Acts ii. 12, 13; (iii) Dan. x. 7, and see Baumgarten\u2019s\n _Apostolic History_, I. 210. _Audiebant vocem solam, non\n vocem cum verbis_, Bengel.\n\n 782 \u2012 As the language uttered was the same, the sacred language\n of Palestine, which the Son of Man had used on earth,\n so also was the figurative allusion to which it gave\n expression like the parables He had so often delivered. As\n the ox rebels in vain against the long sharp-pointed goad\n (see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 237, note) of its\n master, and as all its struggles do nought but increase\n its distress, so did the Apostle vainly struggle against\n the power of His grace. C. and H., I. 88.\n\n 783 \u2012 \u201cThe present participle marks the continuity of the effort,\n while the genitive expresses the _mechanical_ side of\n hearing, the impression of sound, and not the apprehension\n of the meaning as a whole. On the other hand, St Paul says\n (Acts xxii. 9), _The men who were with me saw the light;\n but heard not the voice of Him that spake to me_ (\u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72\n \u03c6\u03c9\u03bd\u1f74\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f24\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bb\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2 \u03bc\u03bf\u03b9): to them the voice\n was no articulate utterance of that Saviour who was\n speaking to, or rather talking with, St Paul.\u201d Westcott.\n On the difference between \u1f00\u03ba\u03bf\u03cd\u03c9 with the _gen._ and _acc._,\n see Viner\u2019s _Gr. Gram._ XXX. 7, Vol. I. 210, E. T.\n\n 784 \u2012 Generally identified with the \u201cStreet of Bazaars,\u201d a long,\n wide thoroughfare, penetrating from the southern gate\n into the heart of the city which, as in all the Syro-Greek\n and Syro-Roman towns, it intersects in a straight line.\n Stanley\u2019s _S. and P._, p. 412.\n\n 785 \u2012 In reference to the three accounts of the Conversion\n we notice (i) _the general agreement_ with regard to\n the outward details of the narrative: the occasion, the\n commission, the place, the time, the light, the company,\n are the same in all; but (ii) each account contains some\n peculiar details, and these varieties prove that the\n descriptions are free and independent, that they are\n not studied and servile; \u201cthey do not echo each other\u2019s\n words, they tell each its own story; there is none of that\n elaborate guarding and fencing of expressions, none of\n that careful reconciliation of statement with statement,\n which every court of justice regards with strong suspicion\n as a sure indication of design and falsehood.\u201d Vaughan,\n _Church of Jerusalem_, II. 7; Westcott\u2019s _Characteristics\n of the Gospel Miracles_, p. 120; Birks\u2019 _Hor\u00e6 Apostoli\u00e6_,\n pp. 324\u2013328.\n\n 786 \u2012 \u201cA veil of thick darkness hangs over St Paul\u2019s visit\n to Arabia. Of the scenes among which he moved, of the\n thoughts and occupations which engaged him while there, of\n all the circumstances of a crisis which must have shaped\n the whole tenour of his after life, absolutely nothing\n is known. _Immediately_, says St Paul, _I went away into\n Arabia_. The historian passes over the incident without\n a mention. It is a mysterious pause. A moment of suspense\n in the Apostle\u2019s history, a breathless calm which ushers\n in the tumultuous storm of his active missionary life.\u201d\n Lightfoot on Gal. i. 17.\n\n 787 \u2012 See the words of Justin, _Dial. c. Tryph._ p. 305 A,\n quoted by Lightfoot, and C. and H., I. pp. 117, 118.\n This, however, appears improbable, for (i) it gives to\n the term _Arabia_ an extension which does not seem to\n have been common; (ii) it distinguishes the Arabia of the\n first chapters of Galatians from the Arabia of the fourth;\n (iii) it deprives this visit of a significance which, on\n a more probable hypothesis, it possesses in relation to\n this crisis of St Paul\u2019s life. But if it was the Sinaitic\n peninsula then his visit becomes full of meaning; here,\n \u201cwhere Moses had received the tables of the Law amid fire\n and tempest and thick darkness, where Elijah, the typical\n prophet, listened to the voice of God, and sped forth\n refreshed on his mission of righteousness, in the fulness\n of time St Paul, the greatest preacher of Him of whom\n both the law and the prophets spoke, was strengthened\n and sanctified for his great work, was taught the breadth\n as well as the depth of the riches of God\u2019s wisdom, and\n transformed from the champion of a bigoted and narrow\n tradition into the large-hearted Apostle of the Gentiles.\u201d\n Lightfoot, _in loc._\n\n 788 \u2012 Ellicott on Gal. i. 18.\n\n 789 \u2012 For the origin of the ill-feeling between Aretas and Herod\n Antipas, see above, p. 168. In the battle between them\n the army of Antipas was utterly routed (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII.\n 5. 3), and Antipas appealed to Tiberius for assistance. On\n this Vitellius, the prefect of Syria, was commissioned to\n march against Aretas, and take him dead or alive. But on\n his march Vitellius heard of the death of Tiberius, March\n 16, A.D. 37, and abandoned the expedition. The position of\n affairs was now reversed. Antipas was banished to Lyons;\n Herod Agrippa received his kingdom from Claudius; and in\n A.D. 38 it appears probable that Caligula granted Damascus\n to Aretas. See C. and H., I. 97, 98; Art. in Smith\u2019s _Bibl.\n Dict._; Milman, I. 372.\n\n 790 \u2012 This word is used to denote (i) the governor of a\n dependent district (1 Macc. xiv. 47; Jos. _Ant._ XVII.\n 11. 4); (ii) a magistrate or consul allowed to Jewish\n residents living under their own laws in Alexandria and\n other cities (Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 7. 3).\n\n 791 \u2012 C. and H., I. 98.\n\n 792 \u2012 To visit _Cephas_: \u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u1fc6\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9 is somewhat emphatic. _A word\n used_, says Chrysostom, by _those who go to see great and\n famous cities_. It is generally said of things and places,\n less commonly, as here, of persons: Lightfoot, _in loc._\n and Ellicott on Gal. i. 18.\n\n 793 \u2012 See Lightfoot\u2019s note _in loc._, and Excursus on _St Paul\u2019s\n first visit to Jerusalem_. In Acts ix. 23 the time is said\n to have been _many days_, but compare 1 Kings ii. 38, 39,\n where _many days_ is used to denote a space of _three\n years_: Paley\u2019s _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_.\n\n 794 \u2012 See above, p. 356, n.\n\n 795 \u2012 \u201cThe Apostle James is named three times in the Epistle to\n the Galatians, but only here with this distinctive title.\n The history supplies a full key. This visit is evidently\n the same as in Acts ix. 26\u201330, while the one in the next\n chapter was much later, at or near the time of the Council,\n Acts xv. Hence the first was before the death of James the\n son of Zebedee, and the other long after it. A distinctive\n addition to the name was thus as natural in the one case,\n as it would be superfluous and even suspicious in the\n other.\u201d The same distinction is observed in the book of\n Acts. In the earlier part the two Apostles of this name\n are distinguished, _the brother of John_, or _the son\n of Alph\u00e6us_. But after the elder James was martyred,\n the other is three times called _James_ simply, without\n any addition. This minute propriety is too delicate and\n refined to be easily accounted for, except by the fact\n that Luke and Paul were contemporary with the events they\n record.\u201d Birks\u2019 _Hor\u00e6 Apostolic\u00e6_, pp. 197, 198.\n\n 796 \u2012 On the brevity of this visit, see Paley\u2019s _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_.\n\n 797 \u2012 Some have thought this was C\u00e6sarea Philippi (see above,\n p. 218), \u201cbut the words \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03b3\u03b1\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd, \u1f10\u03be\u03b1\u03c0\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03bb\u03b1\u03bd, imply\n a sea-port and an embarcation, and C\u00e6sarea, without any\n addition to distinguish it, is always the principal city\n of the name.\u201d Lightfoot, _in loc._: see also Birks\u2019 _Hor\u00e6\n Apost._ 199.\n\n 798 \u2012 Probably he now founded those churches greeted in the\n Apostolic decree, Acts xv. 23, 41. Perhaps \u201cin his own\n family some of those Christian _kinsmen_ (Rom. xvi.) whose\n names are handed down to us, possibly his _sister_ and his\n _sister\u2019s son_ (Acts xxiii. 16, 23) were by his exertions\n gathered into the fold of Christ.\u201d C. and H., I. 104.\n\n 799 \u2012 St Paul\u2019s words here, _Syria_ and _Cilicia_, are probably\n not intended to _describe the order_ in which he visited\n the two countries. Cilicia had geographically a greater\n affinity with Syria than with Asia Minor. The less\n important country is here named after the more important.\n Lightfoot on Gal. i. 21; C. and H., I. 103.\n\n 800 \u2012 As distinguished from that of Jerusalem, whence \u201che\n was hurried off to C\u00e6sarea, and there embarking left\n the shores of Palestine. The other churches of Jud\u00e6a\n therefore had no opportunity of knowing him. Jud\u00e6a is\n here distinguished from Jerusalem, as Italy is frequently\n distinguished from Rome, _e.g._ probably Hebr. xiii. 24.\u201d\n Lightfoot, _in loc._\n\n 801 \u2012 Note the force of \u1f00\u03ba\u03bf\u03cd\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u1f26\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd in Gal. i. 23 = _they\n kept hearing_, just as \u1f24\u03bc\u03b7\u03bd \u1f00\u03b3\u03bd\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 = _I continued\n personally unknown_.\n\n 802 \u2012 Milman\u2019s _History of Christianity_, I. 373.\n\n 803 \u2012 See above, p. 307, note.\n\n 804 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 6. 10.\n\n 805 \u2012 See above, p. 383, note.\n\n 806 \u2012 See above, p. 383, note.\n\n 807 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 6. 10. Herod Agrippa, the son of\n Aristobulus and Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great,\n was born A.U.C. 743, and was brought up at Rome with\n Claudius and Drusus, and on the death of the latter was\n banished by Tiberius, A.D. 31, as recalling his memory by\n his presence. Retiring to Malatha in Idum\u00e6a (Jos. _Ant._\n XVIII. 6. 2), he was appointed \u00e6dile of Tiberias, and\n five years afterwards was readmitted to the court of the\n Emperor at Capre\u00e6, and became the intimate friend of Caius\n (Caligula), but for an imprudent speech was thrown into\n prison. Merivale\u2019s _Romans under the Empire_, VI. 11.\n\n 808 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 6. 10. His arrival in Palestine with\n royal pomp excited the bitterest jealousy of Herodias the\n wife of Herod Antipas, the tetrarch of Galilee. She would\n not rest till her husband also had obtained a royal title,\n and in an unlucky hour he repaired with her to Rome to\n solicit it from Caligula (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 7. 2). But\n Agrippa was beforehand with them, outbid his rival in\n bribery, and accused him of intrigues with Sejanus, and\n Caligula banished both the tetrarch and his wife to Lyons\n in Gaul, A.D. 39.\n\n 809 \u2012 Merivale, VI. 45. For an account of the indignities\n endured by the Jews of Alexandria, see Jos. _Ant._ XVIII.\n 8. 1, 2; Milman, _History of the Jews_, II. 133\u2013139.\n\n 810 \u2012 \u201cJosephus, _Ant_ XVIII. 8. 9, states that Caligula at\n one moment yielded to Agrippa, and rescinded his orders\n to Petronius; but on hearing of the resistance the Jews\n were prepared to make, repeated them more vehemently than\n ever. The last missive, however, did not reach Petronius\n till after the news had arrived of the tyrant\u2019s death.\u201d\n Merivale, VI. 50, n.\n\n 811 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 1. 11.\n\n 812 \u2012 The modern Lidd or Ludd stands in the great maritime plain\n of Sharon (see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 30), and\n when covered with its crops of corn, reminds the traveller\n of the rich wheat-fields of our own Lincolnshire: Robinson,\n _Bibl. Res._, III. 145. Thomson, _The Land and the Book_.\n It received its name Diospolis in the reign of Hadrian, in\n A.D. 136.\n\n 813 \u2012 Tabitha is the Aramaic, Dorcas the Greek form, both\n meaning _a gazelle_: \u0394\u03bf\u03c1\u03ba\u03ac\u03c2 is used in the LXX. as the\n rendering of \u200f\u05e2\u05b0\u05d1\u05b4\u05d9\u200e in Deut. xii. 15, 22; 2 Sam. ii. 18; Prov.\n vi. 5. We find the name also in Jos. _B. J._ IV. 3. 5.\n\n 814 \u2012 See above, p. 201.\n\n 815 \u2012 Like Elisha, 2 Kings iv. 33.\n\n 816 \u2012 See above, p. 147, n.\n\n 817 \u2012 As distinct from the legionary soldiers, and hence called\n the _Italian cohort_. \u201cAs in the army of modern Austria,\n the soldiers were drawn from different countries and spoke\n different languages.\u201d C. and H., I. 113.\n\n 818 \u2012 \u201cThere is scarcely any room to doubt that he belonged\n to the class of _Proselytes of the Gate_ (see above,\n p. 118, n.). Nor can we infer the contrary from the\n circumstances that Peter and the stricter Jewish\n Christians looked on Cornelius as an unclean person, and\n in many respects the same as an heathen. The Proselytes of\n the Gate were certainly permitted to attend the synagogue\n worship ... yet the Jews who adopted the stricter maxims\n of the Pharisees, placed all the uncircumcised in the\n class of the unclean, and avoided living and eating with\n such persons as defiling.\u201d Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 68.\n\n 819 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 69.\n\n 820 \u2012 Comp. the flat roof of the house of Rahab at Jericho,\n _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 202; of the house of\n Samuel at Ramah, _ibid._ p. 280.\n\n 821 \u2012 \u201cOverlooking the waves of the Western Sea, the Sea of\n Greece and Rome\u2015\u2015the sea of the isles of the Gentiles.\u201d\n See Keble\u2019s _Christian Year, Monday in Easter Week_.\n Stanley\u2019s _Apost. Age_, p. 93.\n\n 822 \u2012 It appears doubtful whether \u03b4\u03b5\u03b4\u03b5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 are genuine in\n Acts x. 11: they are omitted by Lachmann and Tischendorf,\n retained but doubtfully by Alford: they are wanting in\n the Vulgate, which translates _quatuor initiis submitti\n de c\u00e6lo_. \u201cAt all events these four corners are not\n unimportant. As they corresponded with the four quarters\n of the heavens, they conveyed an intimation that men\n from the north and south, the east and west (comp. Mtt.\n viii. 11; Lk. xiii. 29), would appear as clean before God,\n or be called to a participation of His kingdom.\u201d Neander\u2019s\n _Planting_, I. 72, n.\n\n 823 \u2012 See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 156.\n\n 824 \u2012 Vaughan, II. 66.\n\n 825 \u2012 Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ Art. _Peter_.\n\n 826 \u2012 \u201cThe more rigid Jews looked with jealousy even on the\n circumcised proselytes; the terms of admission were made\n as difficult and repulsive as possible; on the imperfect\n they looked with still greater suspicion, and were rather\n jealous of communicating their exclusive privileges than\n eager to extend the influence of their opinions.\u201d Milman,\n _Hist. Christ._ I. 382, n. \u201cAn opprobrious proverb coupled\n proselytes with the vilest profligates, as hindering the\n coming of the Messiah (Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb._ in Mtt.\n xxiii. 15). It became a recognised maxim that no wise\n man would trust a proselyte even to the twenty-fourth\n generation.\u201d Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ The belief in the\n necessity of circumcision for the full admission of\n proselytes is illustrated by the compulsory circumcision\n of the Idum\u00e6ans by John Hyrcanus and of the Itur\u00e6ans by\n Aristobulus (see above, pp. 59, 61, 146 n.).\n\n 827 \u2012 \u201cAs a loyal and believing Hebrew Peter could not have\n contemplated the removal of Gentile disqualifications\n without a distinct assurance that the enactments of the\n law which concerned them were abrogated by the Divine\n legislator. The vision could not therefore have been\n the product of a subjective impression. It was, strictly\n speaking, objective, presented to his mind by an external\n influence. Yet the intimation in the state of trance did\n not at once overcome his reluctance. It was not _till\n his consciousness was fully restored_, and he had well\n considered the meaning of the vision, that he learned\n that the distinction between cleanness and uncleanness\n in outward things belonged to a temporary dispensation.\u201d\n Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Peter_.\n\n 828 \u2012 See above, p. 373.\n\n 829 \u2012 For its foundation, see above, p. 10, and notes.\n\n 830 \u2012 Perhaps Mnason was one of the number, see Acts xxi. 16.\n\n 831 \u2012 C. and H., I. 118.\n\n 832 \u2012 \u201cIn the Acts, and in their own letters, we find them\n designating themselves as _brethren, disciples, believers,\n saints_ (Acts xv. 23, ix. 26, v. 14, ix. 32; Rom. xv. 25;\n Col. i. 2, &c.). Only in two places (Acts xxvi. 28, 1 Pet.\n iv. 16) do we find the term _Christians_; and in both\n instances it is implied to be a term used by those who are\n without.\u201d C. and H., I. 117, and notes; Humphry\u2019s _Comm.on\n the Acts_.\n\n 833 \u2012 Or Galil\u00e6ans. This last was the contemptuous name by which\n the Emperor Julian afterwards enacted that they should be\n called. Humphry\u2019s _Comm._\n\n 834 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 99.\n\n 835 \u2012 Comp. Tac. _Ann._ XV. 44, quos _vulgus_ Christianos\n appellabat: they were sometimes miscalled _Chrestiani_;\n Tertull. _Apol._ III.\n\n 836 \u2012 Their office did not always or necessarily include that of\n predicting future events. Compare the remarks on the O. T.\n Prophets, _Class-Book of O. T. History_, pp. 276, 277.\n More generally it indicated extraordinary powers of\n exposition of the Divine Word.\n\n 837 \u2012 Tac. _Ann._ XII. 13; Jos. _Ant._ III. 15. 3, XX. 2. 5.\n\n 838 \u2012 Four local famines are mentioned during the reign of\n Claudius, (1) in his first and second year, A.D. 41, 42,\n at Rome; (2) in his fourth year, A.D. 44, in Jud\u00e6a; (3) in\n his ninth year, A.D. 49, in Greece; (4) in his eleventh\n year, A.D. 51, at Rome.\n\n 839 \u2012 In this verse occurs the first mention of the Christian\n \u03c0\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03b2\u03cd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9, rendered in the Vulgate _seniores_, in the\n E. V. _elders_. In Acts xx. 28 they are termed \u1f10\u03c0\u03af\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9;\n the last expression pointing to their office, the former\n to their age and character. For the ancient Jewish\n Elders, see Numb. xi. 16, and _Class-Book of Old Testament\n History_, p. 170.\n\n 840 \u2012 Merivale\u2019s _Romans under the Empire_, VI. 102.\n\n 841 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 5. 1; _B. J._ II. 11. 5. Merivale, VI. 115.\n\n 842 \u2012 See above, p. 393, n.; Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 1.\n\n 843 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 1; 7. 3. Comp. Acts xxi. 23.\n\n 844 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 3. He exercised, however, his supreme\n authority by continually displacing the high-priest.\n Having deposed Theophilus, son of Annas (see above, p.\n 382, n.), he substituted Simon son of Boethus (Jos. _Ant._\n XIX. 6. 2); he then offered the pontificate to Jonathan\n son of Annas (Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 4), and on his declining\n it, bestowed it upon his brother Matthias; in A.D. 43 he\n deposed Matthias, and appointed Elion\u00e6us, son of the Simon\n mentioned above, to the post (Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 1).\n\n 845 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 7. 2. The prefect of Syria, however,\n compelled him to desist.\n\n 846 \u2012 Milman, _Hist. Christ._ I. 374.\n\n 847 \u2012 See above, p. 257.\n\n 848 \u2012 \u201cThe popular feeling, which from Pentecost till Stephen\u2019s\n death was in favour of the Gospel, now set in in the\n contrary direction.\u201d Humphry\u2019s _Comm._\n\n 849 \u2012 \u201cOne quaternion for each watch of the night; of the four\n men forming the quaternion, two were stationed before the\n door (Acts xii. 6), and to two the Apostle was chained\n according to the Roman custom.\u201d Veget. _Res Milit._ III. 8,\n quoted in Humphry\u2019s _Comm._\n\n 850 \u2012 Comp. Col.iv. 10. Thus while the brother gave up his land\n and brought its value into the common treasury of the\n Church, the sister gave up her house for the use of the\n early Christians. Peter seems to have been on terms of\n intimacy with her, and this is confirmed by 1 Pet. v. 13.\n\n 851 \u2012 \u1f59\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03ba\u03b5\u03af\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5 (Claudius) \u03c3\u03c9\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, Jos. _Ant._ XIX.\n 8. 2. Compare the language of Philo, _Leg._ 45, alluding to\n Caligula\u2019s safe return from Gaul, quoted in Lewin\u2019s _Fasti\n Sacri_, p. 280. Another opinion is that the festival was\n held in honour of the birthday of Claudius, August 1.\n\n 852 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 2.\n\n 853 \u2012 See above, p. 92.\n\n 854 \u2012 See the quotation from Kenrick\u2019s _Ph\u0153nicia_, in _Class-Book\n of O. T. History_, p. 355, and comp. Ezek. xxvii. 17;\n 1 Kings v. 9; Ezra iii. 7.\n\n 855 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 2. \u0394\u03b5\u03c5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u1fb3 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03b9\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u1fb3 \u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bb\u1f74\u03bd\n \u1f10\u03bd\u03b4\u03c5\u03c3\u03ac\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03be \u1f00\u03c1\u03b3\u03cd\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03b7\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd \u03c0\u1fb6\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd ... \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1fc6\u03bb\u03b8\u03b5\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2\n \u03c4\u1f78 \u03b8\u03ad\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c2 \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2.\n\n 856 \u2012 Luke _the physician_ is more accurate than Josephus in\n his description of the disease that caused the death of\n Agrippa. Comp. the deaths of Antiochus Epiphanes, above,\n p. 38, and of Herod the Great, above, pp. 104, 105.\n\n 857 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 2, i.e. from A.D. 37 to A.D. 44.\n\n 858 \u2012 Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 9. 1; Milman, _Hist. of the Jews_, II.\n 161. The unexpected death of Herod Agrippa \u201cseems to have\n unhinged the plans of the Roman government. So important a\n charge as the sovereignty of Palestine could be intrusted\n only to a tried servant of the Emperor; and even Agrippa\n had given cause of jealousy by the relation he had\n cultivated with the princes of the frontier. None of\n his family merited to succeed him. His brother Herod\n was allowed to continue in the obscure dignity of his\n petty chiefdom, and his son Agrippa, already resident\n as a hostage at Rome, was retained there in honourable\n custody; while the dominions of the great Idum\u00e6an reverted\n once more to the control of the prefect of Syria, and\n acquiesced, with a few uneasy murmurs, in its full\n incorporation with the empire.\u201d Merivale, VI. 116, 117.\n Cassius Longinus was now appointed, A.D. 44, to the\n presidency of Syria, while Cuspius Fadus was sent out as\n governor of Jud\u00e6a. Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 9. 2; XX. 1. 1.\n\n 859 \u2012 Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, p. 285.\n\n 860 \u2012 He was the son of that Mary, a person of some means and\n influence, to whose house Peter went after his miraculous\n release from prison (Acts xii. 12). He was probably,\n therefore, born at Jerusalem, and is by some identified\n with the \u201cyoung man\u201d mentioned in Mk. xiv. 51, 52. Hence\n he was the nephew of Barnabas (Col. iv. 10), and had\n possibly been converted by St Peter (1 Peter, v. 13).\n\n 861 \u2012 Nothing further is known of this Simeon. His first name\n shews that he was a Jew by birth, his second, that, as in\n other cases, he took another name as more convenient for\n intercourse with foreigners.\n\n 862 \u2012 By some identified with the kinsman or fellow-tribesman of\n St Paul, mentioned in Rom. xvi. 21.\n\n 863 \u2012 Manaen = _consoler_, the same name as that of the 16th\n king of Israel (2 K. xv. 14\u201322).\n\n 864 \u2012 \u03a3\u03cd\u03bd\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u03bf\u03c2, Vulgate _collactaneus_ = \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03b3\u03ac\u03bb\u03b1\u03ba\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2,\n _foster-brother_, i.e. Manaen\u2019s mother (or the woman\n who reared him) was also Herod\u2019s nurse. Others would\n interpret the word as = _comrade, associate, educated\n with_, according to a not unusual custom of associating\n other children with the sons of persons of rank, to share\n their amusements and excite them to emulation. Comp. Xen.\n _Cyrop._ I. 3. 14, and the passages cited in Wetstein\n on Acts xiii. 1. The Herod alluded to was probably Herod\n Antipas, who beheaded John the Baptist, and if so, Manaen\n could hardly have been altogether unacquainted with the\n circumstances of the Redeemer\u2019s life. Josephus (_Ant._ XV.\n 10. 5) mentions a Manaen, an Essene, who foretold to Herod\n the Great his future elevation to royal dignity, and who\n was held by him in high esteem. He may therefore have been\n the father of the companion of his children, Antipas and\n Archelaus, who were educated at Rome: Comp. Jos. _Ant._\n XVII. 1. 3, \u1f08\u03c1\u03c7\u03ad\u03bb\u03b1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f08\u03bd\u03c4\u03af\u03c0\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u1fec\u03ce\u03bc\u03b7\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03b9\n \u1f30\u03b4\u03b9\u03ce\u03c4\u1fc3 \u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f36\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd.\n\n 865 \u2012 The sea-port and fortress of Antioch, and connected with\n it by the river Orontes. Seleucus had named his metropolis\n after his father (see above, p. 10), and the maritime\n fortress after himself. It became a place of great\n importance, and was made a _free city_ by Pompey for its\n bold resistance to Tigranes. See Smith\u2019s _Dict. Geog._\n\n 866 \u2012 See above, p. 356, n. Cyprus was (1) near; (2) contained\n the nucleus of a church; (3) was the birthplace of\n Barnabas; (4) contained many Jews.\n\n 867 \u2012 A city on the eastern coast of Cyprus, said to have been\n founded by Teucer (Hor. _Od._ I. 7. 29). The farming of\n the copper-mines of the island to Herod (Jos. _Ant._ XVI.\n 4. 5), as also the wine, flax, and honey which it yielded,\n probably increased the numbers attracted by its harbour\n and trade. On the revolt of the Jews in the reign of\n Trajan, when the populous city became a desert, see Milman,\n _Hist. Jews_, III. 111, 112.\n\n 868 \u2012 Notorious for the worship of Venus or Aphrodite, fabled\n here to have risen from the sea (Hom. _Od._ VIII. 362),\n whose temple was at \u201cOld Paphos,\u201d while the harbour and\n chief town were at \u201cNew Paphos,\u201d a little distance off.\n Titus made a pilgrimage to the shrine (Tac. _Hist._ II.\n 2. 3).\n\n 869 \u2012 On the provinces and the difference between the proconsul\n and propr\u00e6tor, see above, p. 147, n. Cyprus originally was\n an imperial province, but it was afterwards transferred\n to the Senate. See Lardner\u2019s _Credibility of the Gospel\n History_, I. 32, &c.: for an engraving of a Cyprian coin\n of the reign of Claudius, see C. and H., I. 147.\n\n 870 \u2012 See above, p. 374. On the influx of Eastern sorcerers,\n astrologers, and soothsayers into Rome, and their\n influence, see Hor. _Od._ I. 11. 2; Cic. _Div._ II. 42\u201347;\n Juv. VI. 562, XIV. 248. Marius always kept in his camp\n a Syrian prophetess; Pompeius, Crassus, C\u00e6sar, were all\n addicted to Oriental astrology; the picture of Tiberius\n surrounded by his \u201cChald\u00e6an herd\u201d (Juv. _Sat._ X. 93) is\n well known. See C. and H., I. 141, and notes.\n\n 871 \u2012 After this his old name Saul never recurs in the New\n Testament. \u201cIt was an ancient conjecture that the change\n was made to commemorate the conversion of the Proconsul:\n this may have been the _occasion_; but the _reason_\n probably was to make the name more familiar to Roman ears.\u201d\n Humphry\u2019s _Comm. on the Acts_. That the Apostle probably\n had both in his childhood is stated above, p. 380, and\n possibly \u201cthe name Paulus came from some connection of his\n ancestors (perhaps as manumitted slaves) with some member\n of the Roman family of the \u00c6milian Pauli\u201d (C. and H.,\n I. 146). It can hardly be believed to be accidental that\n the Gentile name rises to the surface at the moment when\n St Paul visibly enters on his office as the Apostle of the\n Gentiles.\n\n 872 \u2012 Founded by _Attalus_ Philadelphus, as a port for the trade\n between Egypt and Syria. It has lasted till the present\n day, and is now called _Satalia_.\n\n 873 \u2012 It will be remembered that St Paul had already preached\n the word in Cilicia (see above, p. 380); he probably now\n wished to extend it among the contiguous districts.\n\n 874 \u2012 An important city of Pamphylia, situated on the river\n Cestrus, as Tarsus on the Cydnus, celebrated for the\n worship of Artemis (Diana), Cic. _Verr._ I. 20.\n\n 875 \u2012 On the perils of _robbers_ and _rivers_ incident to the\n Pisidian Highlands, see C. and H., I. 154, 155. Some\n think he wished to join Peter and those Apostles who were\n preaching in Palestine. We shall find him not unwilling\n to accompany the Apostles on a second missionary journey\n (Acts xv. 37).\n\n 876 \u2012 See above, p. 10, and notes. Its site was discovered by\n Arundell in 1833, at _Valobatch_, six hours distant from\n _Akshar_.\n\n 877 \u2012 The peculiarities of the constitution of a Roman _colonia_\n will be treated of when we come to Philippi.\n\n 878 \u2012 For a description of the synagogue service, see above,\n pp. 111, 112.\n\n 879 \u2012 Comp. above, p. 368.\n\n 880 \u2012 On the duration here assigned to this period see\n Wordsworth\u2019s note _in loc._; Humphry\u2019s _Comm. on the Acts_;\n Biscoe\u2019s _History of the Acts_.\n\n 881 \u2012 Compare the importance attached to these appearances by\n the Apostle in 1 Cor. xv. 1\u201312.\n\n 882 \u2012 Ps. ii. 7, LXX; Isai. lv. 3, LXX; Ps. xvi. 10, LXX trans.\n\n 883 \u2012 Compare this address with those of Peter in Acts ii. 27,\n &c. and x. 30\u201343, above, pp. 351, 2. In both the chief\n stress is laid on the Saviour\u2019s resurrection (comp. Acts\n i. 22, iv. 33). We can hardly fail to observe in Acts\n xiii. 39 the first germ of the deeper teaching of St Paul\n respecting the insufficiency of the Mosaic Law, developed\n afterwards in the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians.\n\n 884 \u2012 Lachmann and Tischendorf omit the \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f14\u03b8\u03bd\u03b7 inserted in Acts\n xiii. 42 in the _Textus Receptus_.\n\n 885 \u2012 Comp. Isai. xlii. 6, xlix. 6; Lk. ii. 32.\n\n 886 \u2012 Mtt. x. 14, 15; Mk. vi. 11; Lk. ix. 5.\n\n 887 \u2012 C. and H., I. 195.\n\n 888 \u2012 Now called _Konieh_, situated on the western part of an\n extensive table-land of Asia Minor, not far north of Mount\n Taurus. This region was anciently called Lycaonia, and\n thus Iconium \u201cwas on the great line of communication\n between Ephesus and the western coast of the peninsula on\n one side, and Tarsus, Antioch, and the Euphrates on the\n other.\u201d See C. and H., I. 174, 175. From its position it\n was clearly a well chosen spot for missionary operations.\n\n 889 \u2012 Its site is unknown. There are strong reasons, however,\n for identifying its site with that of _Kir-bir-Kilisseh_\n at the base of the _Kara-dagh_.\n\n 890 \u2012 Like Lystra the exact situation of Derbe is unknown. It\n is certain, however, that it was in the eastern part of\n the great upland plain of Lycaonia, which stretches from\n Iconia eastwards along the north sides of the chain of\n Taurus. For the various conjectures respecting its site,\n see Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, and C. and H., I. 178, n.\n Cicero passed through it on his road from Cilicia to\n Iconium. Cic. _ad. Fam._ XIII. 73: Cum Antipatro _Derbete_\n mihi non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa familiaritas\n intercedit.\n\n 891 \u2012 According to some a Syrian dialect, according to others\n a corrupt form of Greek. Lycaonia is one of those\n ethnological rather than political districts of Asia Minor\n mentioned in the N. T.; politically it was sometimes in\n Cappadocia, sometimes in Galatia.\n\n 892 \u2012 Compare the story of Baucis and Philemon in Ovid\u2019s\n _Metam._ VIII. 611, &c.\n\n 893 \u2012 Comp. Ovid, _Fasti_, V. 495.\n\n 894 \u2012 \u1f18\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cd\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd\u03b1\u03c2 in Acts xiv. 13, does not denote the\n gates of the city, but the vestibule or gate which gave\n admission from the public street into the court of the\n house. So it is used Mtt. xxvi. 71 (on which see note\n above, p. 290); Lk. xvi. 20; Acts x. 17; Acts xii. 13.\n C. and H., I. 182, n.; Neander\u2019s _Planting_, 113, n.\n\n 895 \u2012 Compare the Apostle\u2019s language in Rom. iii. 25.\n\n 896 \u2012 Comp. Mtt. xii. 24.\n\n 897 \u2012 This is the occasion alluded to in 2 Cor. xi. 24, 25,\n \u201c_Once_ I was stoned.\u201d At Iconium the _design_ had been\n formed of stoning him: \u201cHad the assault been completed,\n had the history related that a stone was thrown, as it\n relates that preparations were made both by Jews and\n Gentiles to stone Paul and his companions, or even had the\n account of this transaction stopped, without going on to\n inform us that St Paul and his companions were _aware of\n the danger and fled_, a contradiction between the history\n and the Epistle would have ensued. Truth is necessarily\n consistent; but it is scarcely possible that independent\n accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus\n advance to the very brink of contradiction without falling\n into it.\u201d Paley\u2019s _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_.\n\n 898 \u2012 One was certainly Timothy, the son of a Jewess named\n Eunice, his father being a Greek (Acts xvi. 1), whom Paul\n afterwards found at Lystra, already a disciple, and of\n good report among the brethren (Acts xvi. 2). In 1 Tim.\n i. 2, i. 18; 2 Tim. ii. 1, he calls him _his own son in\n the faith_, and in 2 Tim. iii. 10, 11, reminds him of his\n intimate and personal knowledge of the sufferings he had\n endured at Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra (note the accurate\n order of the places). There is the strongest reason,\n therefore, for believing that he was now converted to the\n faith. See Birks\u2019 Ed. of Paley\u2019s _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_, p. 153,\n and note on p. 155.\n\n 899 \u2012 See above, p. 404, n.\n\n 900 \u2012 On the Jewish feeling of jealousy and suspicion even\n towards proselytes, see above, p. 400, n. 2.\n\n 901 \u2012 C. and H., I. 197.\n\n 902 \u2012 Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, p. 286.\n\n 903 \u2012 They were converted Pharisees who had imported their\n dogmas into the Christian Church.\n\n 904 \u2012 Compare the words \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03c3\u03ac\u03ba\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2, \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03c3\u1fc6\u03bb\u03b8\u03bf\u03bd in Gal. ii. 4.\n \u201cThe metaphor is that of spies or traitors introducing\n themselves by stealth into the enemy\u2019s camp.\u201d See the\n passages quoted by Lightfoot.\n\n 905 \u2012 For an exhaustive note on the identity of the journey\n mentioned in the Epistle to the Galatians and in Acts xv.,\n see Lightfoot, _Com. on the Gal._ 110\u2013113.\n\n 906 \u2012 The historian St Luke naturally records the external\n impulse, which led to the mission; the Apostle himself\n states his inward motive: \u201cWhat I did,\u201d he says, \u201cI did\n not owing to circumstances, not as yielding to pressure,\n not in deference to others, but because the Spirit of God\n told me it was right.\u201d The very stress which he lays on\n this revelation seems to shew that other influences were\n at work. Lightfoot, _Com._ p. 111.\n\n 907 \u2012 Compare the combination of the natural and the\n supernatural in the case of Peter\u2019s journey to C\u00e6sarea;\n see above, pp. 398, 399; and in St Paul\u2019s reasons for\n leaving Jerusalem, above, pp. 391, 392.\n\n 908 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Planting_, p. 115.\n\n 909 \u2012 The great Roman road followed the Ph\u0153nician coast-line.\n On the previous mention of Ph\u0153nicia, see Acts xi. 19, 20;\n above, p. 373.\n\n 910 \u2012 \u039a\u03b1\u03c4\u1fbd \u1f30\u03b4\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03b4\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9, Gal. ii. 2.\n\n 911 \u2012 See Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 115, n. \u201cThe private\n consultation was a wise precaution to avoid\n misunderstanding: the public conference was a matter of\n necessity to obtain a recognition of the freedom of the\n Gentile churches.\u201d Lightfoot _in loc._\n\n 912 \u2012 Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 117; Baumgarten\u2019s _Apostolic History_.\n\n 913 \u2012 \u1f08\u03c6\u1fbd \u1f21\u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd, Acts xv. 7, refers to the whole\n period of the Gospel up to that day, and especially to\n the conversion of Cornelius about 12 years before.\n\n 914 \u2012 Compare the Lord\u2019s own words, Mtt. xxiii. 4.\n\n 915 \u2012 See above, p. 410; for indications in the New Testament\n of his important position comp. (1) Gal. i. 19; (2) Acts\n xii. 17; (3) Gal. ii. 9; (4) Acts xxi. 18.\n\n 916 \u2012 From 1 Cor. ix. 5 we gather that, like Samuel, he was\n married, but in other respects a strict observer of the\n Nazarite rule; Euseb. _H. E._ II. 23.\n\n 917 \u2012 \u0394\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f51\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b2\u03bf\u03bb\u1f74\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b4\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c3\u03cd\u03bd\u03b7\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6, \u1f10\u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03bf \u0394\u03af\u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2\n \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f68\u03b2\u03bb\u03af\u03b1\u03c2\u00b7 \u1f45 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u1f19\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c7\u1f74 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u2666\u03bb\u03b1\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n \u03b4\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c3\u03cd\u03bd\u03b7. Hegesippus quoted in Euseb. _H. E._ II. 23.\n\n 918 \u2012 See Stanley\u2019s _Apostolical Age_, pp. 302, 331; Con. and\n Howson, I. 205; Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 919 \u2012 He characteristically uses the Jewish form of the\n Apostle\u2019s name, Acts xv. 14, as Peter does himself\n 2 Pet. i. 1.\n\n 920 \u2012 The citation is made freely from the LXX version.\n\n 921 \u2012 Only a portion of the victims was offered in sacrifice\n to the heathen gods, the rest was consumed by the offerer\n with his family and friends, or was sold in the shambles.\n Hence most public entertainments and many private\n meals were more or less remotely connected with heathen\n sacrifices, which, as Thucydides relates (II. 38), became\n the chief means of social enjoyment. Such meat the more\n scrupulous Jewish converts would not touch, according\n to the warning of Malachi (i. 7\u201312), or the good example\n of Daniel (i. 8). See Stanley _On the Cor._ I. 150, 151.\n Hence the doubt and the contention between the Gentile and\n Jewish converts alluded to in 1 Cor. viii. ix.\n\n 922 \u2012 See Levit. xvii. 13, 14; Comp. above, p. 118, n.\n\n 923 \u2012 See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 156.\n\n 924 \u2012 C. and H., 207; Gibbon, XXIII.\n\n 925 \u2012 See above, p. 412, n.; Milman, _Hist. of Christianity_,\n I. 394; Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. p. 121.\n\n 926 \u2012 \u1f08\u03bb\u03bb\u1fbd \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72 \u03a4\u03af\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f41 \u03c3\u1f7a\u03bd \u1f10\u03bc\u03bf\u1f76 \u1f1d\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd \u1f62\u03bd \u1f20\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03ba\u03ac\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c4\u03bc\u03b7\u03b8\u1fc6\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9,\n Gal. ii. 3. _But not even Titus_, though (1) the pressure\n exerted in his case was so great, though (2) as my\n fellow-labourer he would be brought constantly in contact\n with the Jews, see Acts xvi. 3, though (3) _a Gentile, was\n compelled to be circumcised_. See Lightfoot and Ellicott\n _in loc._\n\n 927 \u2012 \u03a3\u03c4\u1fe6\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9, Gal. ii. 9, a title applied by the Jews to the\n great teachers of the Law, see Wetstein _in loc._: and,\n the Church being regarded as the house or temple of God,\n in the New Testament to Christians; comp. Rev. iii. 12;\n 1 Tim. iii. 15.\n\n 928 \u2012 This the Apostle had already done, see Acts xi. 29, 30,\n above, p. 404; this also he did on the occasion of his\n last journey to Jerusalem, Rom. xv. 26, 27; Acts xxiv. 17.\n\n 929 \u2012 John Mark appears to have accompanied them. Comp. Acts\n xv. 37; Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. p. 125.\n\n 930 \u2012 Derived from the Latin silva, _a wood_: this seems to\n hint that he was a Hellenistic Jew, and from Acts xvi. 37\n we gather that he was a Roman citizen; by some he is\n identified with the Silvanus mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12.\n\n 931 \u2012 The refusal to eat meat with the impure was one of their\n leading principles: comp. Lk. xv. 2, and see above, p. 247.\n\n 932 \u2012 Lightfoot _in loc._, who deems this not altogether\n improbable, and compares Acts xv. 24, xv. 1. See also\n Ellicott\u2019s note.\n\n 933 \u2012 \u1f59\u03c0\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03c6\u03ce\u03c1\u03b9\u03b6\u03b5\u03bd \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd, Gal. ii. 12: \u201cthe words\n describe forcibly the cautious withdrawal of a timid\n person who shrinks from observation, \u1f51\u03c0\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5\u03bd denoting\n the partial, \u1f00\u03c6\u03ce\u03c1\u03b9\u03b6\u03b5\u03bd the complete and final separation.\u201d\n Lightfoot _in loc._\n\n 934 \u2012 \u03a4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u1f10\u03ba \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c4\u03bf\u03bc\u1fc6\u03c2, Gal. ii. 12. Comp. Acts x. 45, xi. 2;\n Rom. iv. 12; Col. iv. 11; Tit. i. 10.\n\n 935 \u2012 \u039f\u1f31 \u03bb\u03bf\u03b9\u03c0\u03bf\u1f76 \u1f39\u03bf\u03c5\u03b4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03b9 See Lightfoot\u2019s note.\n\n 936 \u2012 \u03a4\u1fc7 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9, their _acting, assuming a part_, which\n veiled their genuine feelings, and made them appear\n otherwise than they were.\n\n 937 \u2012 That is, his conduct, if persevered in, would have this\n effect.\n\n 938 \u2012 Almost a synonym for Gentiles: see 1 Macc. ii. 44; and\n comp. Lk. vi. 32, 33; Mtt. v. 47; Mtt. xxvi. 45; Lk.\n xviii. 32.\n\n 939 \u2012 Con. and Howson, I. 215.\n\n 940 \u2012 Ibid. See Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Peter_.\n\n 941 \u2012 The breach between them, however, appears to have been but\n temporary. St Paul afterwards mentions his former friend\n with commendation, see 1 Cor. ix. 6. At Salamis the tomb\n of Barnabas is shewn.\n\n 942 \u2012 Mark, too, though now the cause of this sharp contention,\n afterwards won the Apostle\u2019s confidence. He appears to\n have been with Paul during his first imprisonment at Rome\n (Philem. 24), and was acknowledged to be _profitable to\n the ministry_ (2 Tim. iv. 11), and a cause of _comfort_\n (Col. iv. 10, 11).\n\n 943 \u2012 Comp. Rom. xv. 20; 2 Cor. x. 16. Neander\u2019s _Planting_,\n I. 170.\n\n 944 \u2012 For their planting, see above, p. 391.\n\n 945 \u2012 The journey was probably undertaken in the early part of\n the year A.D. 51.\n\n 946 \u2012 See above, p. 421, n. His father, whose name is unknown,\n was a \u1f1d\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd (Acts xvi. 3), a Gentile, and probably died\n during his son\u2019s infancy. If in any sense a proselyte, he\n could only have been a _Proselyte of the Gate_. Such mixed\n marriages, though strictly forbidden by the Mosaic Law\n (Deut. vii. 3), and always condemned by the stricter Jews,\n were not uncommon in the later periods of Jewish history.\n The children of such marriages were termed Mamzerim\n (bastards). But even such a child, if a wise student of\n the Law, \u201cwas, in theory, above an ignorant high-priest.\u201d\n Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb._ on Mtt. xxiii. 14, quoted in\n Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Timothy_. The education,\n therefore, Timothy received, may possibly \u201chave helped to\n overcome the prejudice the Jews would have against him on\n this ground.\u201d \u201cIt is not improbable that the mother and\n grandmother of Timothy may have been connected with those\n Jews from Babylonia whom Antiochus settled in Phrygia\n three centuries before.\u201d C. and H., I. 243, and see above,\n p. 10.\n\n 947 \u2012 They knew that his father was a Greek, and that he had\n been allowed to grow up to the age of manhood without\n the sign of circumcision\u2015\u2015that his \u201ccondition was that\n of a negligent, almost an apostate Israelite.\u201d They might\n \u201ctolerate a heathen, as such, in the synagogue or the\n church, but an uncircumcised Israelite would be to them\n a horror and a portent. With a special view, therefore,\n to their feelings, and making no sacrifice of principle,\n the Apostle _took and circumcised him_\u201d (Acts xvi. 3). The\n parents of Titus, on the other hand, _were both Gentiles_,\n and in his case the Apostle maintained the principle that\n the Gentiles did not need circumcision (Gal. ii. 3). See\n Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ \u201cAccording to the Jewish rules, the\n child should follow the mother; and the son of a mixed\n marriage, whose mother was a Jewess, was bound to be\n circumcised, otherwise the marriage would not have been\n recognised by the Jewish law.\u201d Kitto\u2019s _Bibl. Illustr._\n\n 948 \u2012 Probably at Iconium, C. and H., I. 246. From 1 Tim. vi. 12\n we gather that on this occasion he witnessed _a good\n confession_ before many witnesses; from 1 Tim. i. 18, that\n _prophecies_ sanctioned his dedication to the work; from\n 1 Tim. iv. 14, that the bestowal of _gifts_ accompanied the\n laying on of hands of the Church and the Apostle himself.\n\n 949 \u2012 Not at this time the large and populous province of\n Asia Minor, which it afterwards became in the age of\n Constantine, but a \u201cgeographical expression denoting a\n debateable country of indeterminate extent, diffused over\n the frontiers of the provinces of proconsular Asia and\n Galatia, but belonging chiefly to the former.\u201d C. and H.,\n I. 248.\n\n 950 \u2012 Galatia\u2015\u2015the \u201cGaul of the East\u201d\u2015\u2015is a somewhat ambiguous\n expression, and might denote either (i) the Roman province\n of that name, or (ii) Galatia proper. The former comprised\n nearly all the centre of Asia Minor, and was bounded\n by Bithynia and Pontus on the north, proconsular \u201cAsia\u201d\n on the west, Pamphylia and Cilicia on the south, and\n Cappadocia on the east, including south-eastern Phrygia,\n Lycaonia, Isauria, and part of Pisidia. The latter (and\n the more probable area of the Galatian churches) was a\n comparatively small district, having for its three chief\n towns, Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium or Tavia, and occupied\n by the Gauls, who poured down into Italy and Greece in\n the third century B.C. Repulsed at Delphi (B.C. 279) a\n considerable body of these invaders of southern Europe\n forced their way into Thrace, occupied the coast of the\n Propontis, crossed over into Asia Minor, and before long\n conquered the whole of the peninsula north of the Taurus.\n After ravaging the country far and wide they were signally\n defeated by Attalus king of Pergamus, B.C. 230, and penned\n up \u201cin a strip of land in the interior of Asia Minor,\n about 200 miles in length, and stretching from N.E. to\n S.W.,\u201d which was divided among the three invading tribes,\n the Tectosages, the Trocmi, the Tolistoboii. Hence they\n increased rapidly in numbers and prosperity, took part\n as mercenaries in all the wars of the time, and acted as\n body-guards to the king of Syria and Egypt, and even Herod\n the Great. After their power had been materially curtailed\n by neighbouring monarchs, they attracted the notice of\n the Romans during the campaign against Antiochus the\n Great, and were subjugated by the consul Manlius; during\n a century and a half they were then governed by native\n princes, and finally reduced to a Roman province by\n Augustus. See C. and H., I. 222\u2013225; and the Introduction\n to Lightfoot\u2019s _Commentary on the Galatians_, pp. 4\u20137.\n\n 951 \u2012 Lightfoot, _Galatians_, p. 21.\n\n 952 \u2012 Comp. 2 Cor. xii. 7 with Gal. iv. 13, 14. Many and various\n are the opinions respecting the \u03c3\u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03bf\u03c8 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u03ba\u03af, the\n _thorn_, or rather _stake_, here alluded to by the Apostle.\n The following are the chief: (1) _persecution from his\n enemies_, the opinion of the Greek fathers; (2) _carnal\n thoughts_, the opinion of medi\u00e6val writers; (3) _spiritual\n trial_, temptation to despair and doubt, &c., the opinion\n of the Reformers; (4) _bodily ailment_ of some kind, an\n opinion first expressed by Iren\u00e6us, and since adopted by\n most modern expositors. Combining the two passages cited\n above we infer (1) that it was marked by extremely acute\n pain, whence it could be compared to a \u201cstake driven\n through the flesh;\u201d (2) that it was of a very humiliating\n nature; (3) that it could not be concealed from others,\n and exposed him to contempt and even loathing; (4) that it\n was a grievous hindrance to his constancy and resolution;\n (5) that it was (possibly) connected with that meanness\n of personal appearance to which he alludes, 2 Cor. x. 10;\n and (6) that it was recurring (comp. Gal. iv. 13, 14 with\n 1 Thess. ii. 18; 1 Cor. ii. 3; 2 Cor. i. 8, 9). See the\n interesting reference to the mysterious malady of Alfred\n the Great, quoted in Lightfoot\u2019s _Galatians_, pp. 173, 174.\n Amongst bodily afflictions, (a) acute pains in the head,\n (b) epilepsy, (c) a complaint in the eyes, have found the\n chief supporters. See Lightfoot\u2019s _Excursus_, and Stanley\n on 2 Cor. xii. 7.\n\n 953 \u2012 \u0394\u03b9\u1fbd \u1f00\u03c3\u03b8\u03ad\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u03ba\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f50\u03b7\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c3\u03ac\u03bc\u03b7\u03bd \u1f51\u03bc\u1fd6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd =\n _On account of an infirmity in my flesh I preached the\n Gospel amongst you on the former of my two visits_.\n\n 954 \u2012 It is not improbable that St Paul founded the earliest\n churches of Galatia (Lightfoot, p. 19). Pessinus was the\n seat of the primitive worship of Cybele, the \u201cGreat Mother,\u201d\n superintended by her fanatical and effeminate priests,\n the Galli (Cic. _Fam._ II. 12. 2; Pliny, III. 32, 45).\n Ancyra was the capital of the Roman province, the site\n of a magnificent temple of marble built by Augustus, the\n meeting-place of all the great roads in the north of the\n peninsula, and the resort of many Jews. C. and H., I. 520.\n\n 955 \u2012 This, however, did not prevent their being afterwards\n carried away into apostasy. With their wonted fickleness\n they rapidly changed their sentiments (Gal. i. 6).\n Compare C\u00e6sar\u2019s words concerning the Gauls, _Mobilitate\n et levitate animi_, _B. G._ II. 1. _Infirmitatem Gallorum\n veritus quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles et novis\n plerumque rebus student, nihil his committendum ratus_,\n _B. G._ IV. 5. Comp. Tac. _Germ._ XXIX.\n\n 956 \u2012 C. and H., I. 252.\n\n 957 \u2012 \u1f18\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u1f08\u03c3\u03af\u1fb3: see above, p. 344, n. Paley (_Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_,\n 1 Cor. No. 2) well compares the relation of proconsular\n Asia to the rest of the peninsula with that of Portugal\n in relation to Spain.\n\n 958 \u2012 \u1f18\u03bb\u03b8\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u039c\u03c5\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03bd = _having come over against\n Mysia_.\n\n 959 \u2012 \u0395\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u0392\u03b9\u03b8\u03c5\u03bd\u03af\u03b1\u03bd is the reading in the edition of Lachmann\n and Tischendorf.\n\n 960 \u2012 \u03a4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03bd\u03b5\u1fe6\u03bc\u03b1 \u1f38\u03b7\u03c3\u03bf\u1fe6 is the better reading here.\n\n 961 \u2012 Vulgate _transeuntes_. This seems to be the force of\n \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03bb\u03b8\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 here. They _passed along_ the frontier of\n Mysia, as it was popularly understood, and they _passed\n by_ the whole district without staying to evangelise it.\n\n 962 \u2012 This was its full name (Liv. XXXV. 42); sometimes it was\n called simply Alexandria, sometimes simply Troas. Its\n first founder, Antigonus, one of the generals of Alexander,\n called it _Antigoneia Troas_, and peopled it with the\n inhabitants of some neighbouring cities. Lysimachus, who\n succeeded to his power on the Dardanelles, increased and\n adorned it, but altered its name to Alexandria Troas.\n It was a sea-port town at the north-west corner of Asia\n Minor, near the site of ancient Troy, and opposite the\n south-eastern extremity of the island of Tenedos, and\n its site is now marked by the modern village of _Eski\n Stamboul_, Old Constantinople. Under the Romans, in\n consequence partly of the legend of their origin from Troy,\n partly of its connection by good roads with the interior,\n and its being the chief point of arrival and departure\n for those who sailed between western Asia and Macedonia,\n it became a place of great importance, and Augustus made\n it a colony, and conferred upon it the _Jus Italicum_,\n i.e. exempted its land from taxation. Con. and Howson,\n I. 257, 258; Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 963 \u2012 See Baumgarten\u2019s _Apost. History_, II. 107.\n\n 964 \u2012 Comp. the vision of St Peter at Joppa, above, pp. 397, 398.\n\n 965 \u2012 C. and H., I. 260.\n\n 966 \u2012 Comp. the return voyage, Acts xx. 6.\n\n 967 \u2012 \u201cThe ancient city, and therefore probably the usual\n anchorage, was on the N. side, which would be sufficiently\n sheltered from a S.E. wind.\u201d Samothrace is a lofty\n conspicuous island, visible at Troas towering over Imbros.\n Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 968 \u2012 The full and proper name was _Colonia Augusta Julia\n Philippensis_. The father of Alexander built it in a place\n called Krenides, or _the Place of Fountains_, situated\n in a plain of extraordinary fertility between the ranges\n of Pang\u00e6us and H\u00e6mus, about nine miles from the sea, and\n on a spot watered by numerous streams. Augustus made it\n a _colony_, to be at once a perpetual memorial of his\n victory over Brutus, and a border-garrison of the province\n of Macedonia.\n\n 969 \u2012 The word _first_ denotes the _first_ city in its\n geographical relation to St Paul\u2019s journey, not the first\n politically either of Macedonia or a part of it. The\n chief city of the province was Thessalonica, and that of\n Macedonia Prima was not Philippi but Amphipolis.\n\n 970 \u2012 Like Antioch in Pisidia (see above, p. 414), and\n Alexandria Troas (above, p. 438, n.), Philippi was\n a Roman colony, a miniature resemblance of imperial\n Rome. Originally designed as military safeguards of\n the frontiers, and to check insurgent provincials, the\n colonies were parts of the fortifications of the empire.\n The colonists, veteran soldiers, freedmen, or Italians,\n went thither with all the pomp of a Roman army, and were\n enrolled in one of the tribes. They were amenable only\n to their own magistrates, called _duumviri_ or, as they\n delighted to style themselves, _propr\u00e6tors_ (comp. Hor.\n _Sat._ I. v. 34\u201336; Cic. _de Lege Agr._ II. 34), were\n governed by Roman laws, and had Latin inscriptions stamped\n upon their coins. See Art. _Colonia_ in Smith\u2019s _Dict. of\n Antiquities_.\n\n 971 \u2012 C. and H., p. 270.\n\n 972 \u2012 \u1f1c\u03be\u03c9 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cd\u03bb\u03b7\u03c2 is the better reading in Acts xvi. 13.\n\n 973 \u2012 See above, p. 440, n.\n\n 974 \u2012 \u03a3\u03b5\u03b2\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7, \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u0398\u03b5\u03cc\u03bd, Acts xvi. 14.\n\n 975 \u2012 A city on the Lycus, founded by Seleucus Nicator, on the\n confines of Mysia and Ionia, about midway between Pergamus\n and Sardis; now called _Ak-hissar_. It is mentioned in\n connection with the dyeing trade in Hom. _Il._ IV. 141,\n for which it has still a considerable reputation.\n\n 976 \u2012 Comp. Acts xiii. 14; Lk. iv. 20. Comp. above, p. 112.\n\n 977 \u2012 High up in H\u00e6mus, among the tribe of the Satr\u00e6. Comp. \u1f49\n \u0398\u03c1\u1fc3\u03be\u1f76 \u03bc\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2, Eurip. _Hecub._ 1267. Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._,\n Art. _Philippi_.\n\n 978 \u2012 Acts xvi. 16, \u1f1c\u03c7\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u03c0\u03bd\u03b5\u1fe6\u03bc\u03b1 \u03a0\u03cd\u03b8\u03c9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 (the better reading\n is \u03a0\u03cd\u03b8\u03c9\u03bd\u03b1). \u03a0\u03cd\u03b8\u03c9\u03bd = (1) the prophetic serpent at Delphi,\n (2) the Pythian Ph\u0153bus or Apollo, from whom all who\n claimed the powers of divination received their title,\n and were called Pythons, exercising their arts by means\n of internal mutterings and ventriloquism.\n\n 979 \u2012 _These men_, said they, _are throwing the whole city\n into confusion, being Jews to begin with; and they are\n inculcating new customs, which it is not lawful for us\n to receive or adopt, being Roman citizens_ (Acts xvi. 21).\n The force of the accusation that they were _Jews to begin\n with_ (\u1f38\u03bf\u03c5\u03b4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03b9 \u1f51\u03c0\u03ac\u03c1\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2) will be more fully apprehended\n by remembering (1) that Judaism was a _religio licita_\n for Jews, but that they were forbidden to make proselytes\n among the Romans; (2) that the Jews had lately been driven\n out of Rome in consequence of an uproar, and that Philippi\n would naturally imitate the mother-city; _Jud\u00e6os impulsore\n Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit_; Sueton.\n _Claud._ xxv.\n\n 980 \u2012 \u1fec\u03b1\u03b2\u03b4\u03af\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd = _to beat with rods_, as in 2 Cor. xi. 25.\n\n 981 \u2012 Probably like the dungeon into which Jeremiah was let down\n (comp. Acts xvi. 34, \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03b1\u03b3\u03ce\u03bd) with cords (Jer. xxxviii. 6),\n or the _Tullianum_ at Rome. C. and H., I. 280, n.\n\n 982 \u2012 \u03a4\u1f78 \u03be\u03cd\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd, Acts xvi. 24. Comp. Aristoph. _Eq._ 1049, 1376;\n Herod. VI. 75, IX. 37; and the Latin _nervus_, Plaut.\n _Capt._ III. 5. 71.\n\n 983 \u2012 \u201cLex Porcia (A.U.C. 306) virgas ab omnium civium Romanorum\n corpore amovet.\u201d Cic. _pro Rabirio_, Chap. III. \u201cFacinus\n est vinciri civem Romanum, scelus verberari.\u201d Cic. _in\n Verr._ V. 66.\n\n 984 \u2012 Amphipolis stood on an eminence on the left bank of the\n Strymon, about 3 miles from the sea and 33 from Philippi.\n Originally called \u201cNine Ways,\u201d from the number of Thracian\n and Macedonian roads meeting here, it was colonised by\n the Athenians, and named Amphipolis from being nearly\n surrounded by the Strymon. For the battle fought under\n its walls during the Peloponnesian war, in which Cleon and\n Brasidas were killed, see Thuc. v. 6\u201311.\n\n 985 \u2012 Apollonia is laid down in the Itineraries as being 30\n miles from Amphipolis. Its exact position is not known,\n but \u201cit lay somewhere in the inland part of the journey,\n where the Via Egnatia crosses from the Gulf of the Strymon\n to that of Thessalonica.\u201d C. and H., I. 295.\n\n 986 \u2012 Thessalonica, 37 miles distant from Apollonia, is still\n the most important town of European Turkey, next after\n Constantinople, and retains to this day the name of\n _Saloniki_. Originally named Therma (whence the _Thermaic\n Gulf_), it was rebuilt and enlarged by Cassander, son of\n Antipater, and named Thessalonica after his first wife,\n the sister of Alexander the Great. Under the Romans, when\n Macedonia was divided into four governments by Paulus\n \u00c6milius, it was made the capital of the second; when\n the whole was consolidated into one province, it became\n practically the metropolis of the whole. During the first\n civil war it was the head-quarters of the Pompeian party\n and the senate, during the second it took the side of\n Octavius, by whom it was made a free city (see above,\n p. 379, n.), a privilege commemorated on some of its coins.\n Situated on the Thermaic Gulf, and commanding the trade\n by sea, lying on the Via Egnatia, and connected with other\n important Roman roads, communicating inland with the wide\n plains of Macedonia, and possessing all the advantages\n of a busy commercial town, it formed one of the most\n appropriate starting points of the Gospel in Europe.\n Comp. 1 Thess. i. 8; C. and H., I. 295, 297; Smith\u2019s _Bibl.\n Dict._\n\n 987 \u2012 \u1f29 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03c9\u03b3\u03ae, Acts xvii. 1, _the synagogue_, not _a_\n synagogue, as in our E. V.\n\n 988 \u2012 A form which the name Joshua seems sometimes to have taken:\n see 1 Macc. viii. 17; 2 Macc. ii. 23. He was perhaps a\n Hellenist, and may possibly be alluded to in Rom. xvi. 21.\n\n 989 \u2012 The general characteristics of a \u201cfree city\u201d have been\n described above, p. 379, n. Their form of government was\n very various. In some the old magistracies and customs\n were maintained without any material alteration. In\n Thessalonica we find an assembly of the people, _demus_,\n and supreme magistrates called _politarchs_ (Acts xvii. 8),\n a title still legible on an archway of the town \u201cin\n an inscription informing us of the number of these\n magistrates, and mentioning the very names of some who\n bore that office not long before the day of St Paul.\u201d\n C. and H., I. 308.\n\n 990 \u2012 On the severity of the laws respecting treason, see above,\n p. 307, n.\n\n 991 \u2012 \u039b\u03b1\u03b2\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f31\u03ba\u03b1\u03bd\u03cc\u03bd, apparently a translation of the Latin\n law-phrase _satis accipere_.\n\n 992 \u2012 Ber\u0153a, 60 miles distant from Thessalonica, said to have\n derived its name from the abundance of its waters, now\n called _Verria_, or _Kara-Verria_, was situated on the\n eastern slope of the Olympian mountain-range south-west\n of Pella, and commanded an extensive view of the plain of\n the Axius and Haliacmon. It still contains 18 or 20,000\n inhabitants, and stands second in importance of the cities\n of European Turkey.\n\n 993 \u2012 As they had pursued him from Iconium to Lystra; see above,\n p. 420. See Paley\u2019s _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_, 1 Thess. No. 5.\n\n 994 \u2012 \u1f69\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03b8\u03ac\u03bb\u03b1\u03c3\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd, Acts xvii. 14, does not imply that\n any stratagem was used. The words simply \u201cdenote the\n likelihood that in the first instance they had no fixed\n plan of going to _Athens_, but merely to the _sea_:\n their further course was determined by providential\n circumstances.\u201d C. and H., I. 315, n.\n\n 995 \u2012 Dium, near the foot of mount Olympus, was \u201cthe great\n bulwark of Macedonia on the south,\u201d and a Roman colony,\n like Philippi.\n\n 996 \u2012 \u039a\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03af\u03b4\u03c9\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd (Acts xvii. 16), not _given up to idolatry_,\n but _full of idols_, like \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2, _full of trees_,\n \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03bc\u03c0\u03b5\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2, _full of vines_. \u201cReplete as the whole of\n Greece was with objects of devotion, there were more\n Gods in Athens than in all the rest of the country,\n and the Roman satirist hardly exaggerates, when he says\n that it was easier to find a god there than a man.\u201d See\n Wordsworth\u2019s _Athens and Attica_.\n\n 997 \u2012 \u03a3\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03bc\u03bf\u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 = (1) a bird that picks up seeds from the\n ground; (2) a pauper prowling about the market-place;\n (3) a parasite who lives by his wits, \u201ca contemptible\n and worthless person.\u201d See C. and H., I. 345, n.\n\n 998 \u2012 For a description of the objects in full view of the\n Apostle from the summit of Mars\u2019 hill, see Con. and Howson,\n I. 348, &c.; Wordsworth\u2019s _Athens and Attica_, ch. XI.\n\n 999 \u2012 It was no formal trial on a charge of introducing foreign\n religions. Something might have been founded upon it\n afterwards; for the present it was a hearing only with a\n view to information. See Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 188, n.\n\n 1000 \u2012 On the Apostle\u2019s expectation of the arrival of Timothy,\n see Paley\u2019s _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_, 1 Thess. No. 4.\n\n 1001 \u2012 \u1f08\u03b3\u03bd\u03ce\u03c3\u03c4\u1ff3 \u0398\u03b5\u1ff7 To _the_ unknown god, however, \u201cwould be quite\n as near the sense of the inscription upon any particular\n one of such altars,\u201d C. and H., I. 350, n. Altars were\n erected by the Athenians, not only to particular gods, but\n to Fame, to Modesty, to Energy, to Persuasion, and to Pity;\n and besides thus deifying abstractions, it was not unusual,\n on the occurrence of great public calamities, such as the\n plague at Athens, when they sought aid in vain from their\n gods of wood and stone, to erect altars to some unknown\n god, whom they deemed they had offended.\n\n 1002 \u2012 \u0394\u03b5\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9\u03b4\u03b1\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f51\u03bc\u1fb6\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u1ff6, Acts xvii. 22. The word\n is here used not in any offensive sense. It points to\n the _extreme carefulness_ of the Athenians in matters of\n religion. See \u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9\u03b4\u03b1\u03af\u03bc\u03c9\u03bd in Trench\u2019s _Synonyms_, Vol. I.\n pp. 187\u2013197, and Alford _in loc._\n\n 1003 \u2012 Comp. the language of Stephen, Acts vii. 48; above, p. 369.\n\n 1004 \u2012 In opposition to the well-known boast of the Athenians\n that they were \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03cc\u03c7\u03b8\u03bf\u03bd\u03b5\u03c2, and of a nobler origin than\n that of the \u201cbarbarians,\u201d as they styled the rest of the\n world.\n\n 1005 \u2012 The words occur (i) in a poem of Aratus, a native of\n Cilicia, the Apostle\u2019s own country; (ii) in a hymn of\n Cleanthes, a Lycian poet. There is some doubt from which\n the Apostle quoted. See above, p. 382.\n\n 1006 \u2012 \u1f59\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03b4\u03ce\u03bd, _i.e._ without inflicting punishment. Comp. Acts\n xiv. 16; Rom. iii. 25. No such idea as is implied in the\n words _winked at_ of our version belongs to the original\n word. See Wordsworth _in loc._\n\n 1007 \u2012 Of Damaris nothing further is known. Dionysius is said by\n some to have been the first bishop of Athens.\n\n 1008 \u2012 The city had the constitution of a _colony_, and was the\n metropolis of a _province_. At first it was proconsular,\n afterwards Tiberius placed it under a procurator of its\n own, but Claudius restored it to its place among the\n proconsular provinces. Its full name was _Colonia Laus\n Julia Corinthus_. C. and H., I. 389; Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 1009 \u2012 Suet. _Claud._ XXV. Jud\u00e6us impulsore Chresto, assidu\u00e8\n tumultuantes, Rom\u00e2 expulit.\n\n 1010 \u2012 See Milman\u2019s _Hist. Christ._ I. p. 443; Lewin\u2019s _Life\n of St Paul_, I. 294. The return of the Italian Jews from\n Rome after the day of Pentecost (see above, p. 345) would\n account for the spread of Christianity to Rome.\n\n 1011 \u2012 See above, p. 381. The name Priscilla appears in 2 Tim.\n iv. 19 under the form _Prisca_, a well-known Roman name.\n \u201cLivia and Livilla, Drusa and Drusilla, are used by Latin\n authors of the same person.\u201d C. and H., I. 358, n.\n\n 1012 \u2012 Or _he was_ engrossed with _the word_; Instabat verbo.\n Compare Lk. xii. 50. Hitherto he had been labouring day\n and night with his own hands, determined to be chargeable\n to no man. Now the pecuniary supplies brought from\n Thessalonica (2 Cor. xi. 9; and comp. Phil. iv. 15)\n enabled him to devote himself still more earnestly to his\n Apostolic work. See Wordsworth\u2019s note _in loc._; Lewin\u2019s\n _Life of St Paul_, I. 298.\n\n 1013 \u2012 For illustrations of the Apostle\u2019s feelings at this time,\n see 2 Thess. iii. 2; 1 Cor. ii.3.\n\n 1014 \u2012 His original name was Ann\u00e6us Novatus, and he took the\n name of Gallio from having been adopted into the family\n of Junius Gallio.\n\n 1015 \u2012 Solebam tibi dicere Gallionem fratrem meum (quem nemo non\n parum amat etiam qui amare plus non potest) alia vitia non\n nosse hoc etiam odisse.... Nemo mortalium uni tam dulcis\n est quam hic omnibus. Seneca, _Nat. Qu\u00e6st._ IV.\n\n 1016 \u2012 On the proconsular power and the tribunal, see above,\n p. 147, n.\n\n 1017 \u2012 The true reading in Acts xviii. 17 appears to be \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2,\n without specifying exactly who they were. It seems,\n probable, however, that they were Greeks.\n\n 1018 \u2012 See above, p. 111. It is not certain that this is the same\n Sosthenes mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 1.\n\n 1019 \u2012 Some would understand this to have been done by \u2666Aquila.\n The form of the sentence is somewhat ambiguous in the\n original, and the word \u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03ac\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 might be connected\n either with the nearer \u1f08\u03ba\u03cd\u03bb\u03b1\u03c2 or the more remote\n \u03a0\u03b1\u1fe6\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2. On the Nazarite vow see Num. vi. 3, 5, 13, 14,\n 18.\u2015\u2015_Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 158.\n\n 1020 \u2012 Now _Kichries_, about 8 or 9 miles from Corinth across the\n Isthmian plain.\n\n 1021 \u2012 Silas would seem to have remained behind at Jerusalem. We\n do not meet with him again in connection with St Paul. He\n is next mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12. It is not improbable\n that Titus also was now with the Apostle Paul.\n\n 1022 \u2012 An abbreviated form of Apollonius. On the Jews of\n Alexandria and their theological influence, see above,\n p. 364, n.\n\n 1023 \u2012 It is not improbable that he again worked with them at the\n same trade: comp. Acts xx. 34, 1 Cor. iv. 11, 12.\n\n 1024 \u2012 That is, probably, the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost,\n such as were bestowed on Cornelius and his company after\n their baptism, see above, p. 399. Note the force of the\n aorist here.\n\n 1025 \u2012 Such as Epaphras, Archippus, and Philemon. See Col. i. 7;\n iv. 7, 12; Philem. 23. C. and H., II. 13, and note.\n\n 1026 \u2012 It retained even under the Romans its old democratic\n constitution, and Josephus (_Ant._ XIV. 10. 12; XVI. 6.\n 4, 7) mentions the \u03b2\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u03ae or \u03b3\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 = the _senate_,\n the \u1f10\u03ba\u03ba\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 = _assembly_, the \u03b4\u1fc6\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 = the _people_. As\n Thessalonica had its _politarchs_ (see above, p. 447, n.,\n and Athens its _archons_, so Ephesus had its own\n magistrates, amongst whom the \u03b3\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03cd\u03c2 (Acts xix. 35)\n = _town-clerk_ or _recorder_, held a high position.\n\n 1027 \u2012 See generally on Ephesus and its temple, Con. and Howson,\n I. 73\u201379; Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, and _Dict. of Classical\n Geography_.\n\n 1028 \u2012 The head was a mural crown, each hand held a bar of metal,\n and the lower part ended in a rude block covered with\n figures of animals and mystic inscriptions. Her image\n resembled an Indian idol rather than the beautiful forms\n which crowded the Acropolis of Athens. \u201cLike the Palladium\n of Troy\u2015\u2015like the most ancient Minerva at Athens\u2015\u2015like\n the Paphian Venus and the Cybele of Pessinus (see above,\n p. 437, n.)\u2015\u2015like the Ceres in Sicily mentioned by Cicero\n (_in Verr._ V. 187), it was believed to have fallen\n down from the sky\u201d (Acts xix. 35). C. and H., I. 78. The\n ceremonies of her worship were conducted by a troop of\n virgin priestesses called Meliss\u00e6, and a number of priests,\n eunuchs from the interior of Asia Minor, called Megabizi.\n\n 1029 \u2012 Both the original words used here are Latin. The first,\n \u03c3\u03bf\u03c5\u03b4\u03ac\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd, _sudarium_, occurs in Lk. xix. 20; Jn. xi. 44,\n xx. 7, and is translated _napkin_; the latter, \u03c3\u03b9\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03af\u03bd\u03b8\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd,\n _semi-cinctium_, appears to denote a _shawl_ or\n _handkerchief_, or perhaps an apron used by workmen.\n Baumgarten would connect them with the Apostle\u2019s daily\n labour in his own support. See Wordsworth _in loc._\n\n 1030 \u2012 Or perhaps the head of one of the 24 courses of Priests.\n\n 1031 \u2012 The Vulgate here has Jesum _novi_ et Paulum _scio_.\n \u0393\u03b9\u03bd\u03ce\u03c3\u03ba\u03c9 expresses knowledge of a stronger degree than\n \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u1fb6\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9 (which only occurs elsewhere in Mk. xiv. 68).\n The former = _I recognise and own His power_; the latter\n = _I know, am acquainted with_. See Wordsworth\u2019s note\n _in loc._\n\n 1032 \u2012 About \u00a32000 of our money. The coin called \u1f00\u03c1\u03b3\u03c5\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 in Acts\n xix. 19, and translated _piece of silver_, was probably\n the silver _drachma_, of the value of about 10d.\n\n 1033 \u2012 He does not, however, seem to have reached Corinth on this\n occasion, and St Paul himself doubted whether he would\n be able to do so. Erastus is probably the \u201ctreasurer\u201d of\n Corinth alluded to in Rom. xvi. 23; 2 Tim. iv. 20.\n\n 1034 \u2012 From a comparison of 2 Cor. ii. 1, xii. 14, 21, xiii. 1, 2,\n some would infer that the Apostle paid an unrecorded visit\n to Corinth during his three years\u2019 stay at Ephesus, and on\n the authority of 1 Cor. v. 9\u201312 that he afterwards wrote a\n short letter to the Church there respecting the exclusion\n of profligates from the Christian body. See C. and H., II.\n 18\u201321.\n\n 1035 \u2012 April or May, A.D. 57. See C. and H., II. 84; Lewin\u2019s\n _Life of St Paul_, I. 439; Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art.\n _Ephesus_.\n\n 1036 \u2012 It is not certain whether these were models of the whole\n temple or of the shrine. Such models, however, were\n eagerly purchased by strangers, and carried by devotees on\n journeys, or set up in their houses. The material might be\n wood, or gold, or silver. C. and H., II. 78.\n\n 1037 \u2012 It is not improbable that it was on this occasion he was\n rescued by Aquila and Priscilla at the risk of their own\n lives, as mentioned in Rom. xvi. 3, 4.\n\n 1038 \u2012 The Asiarchs, \u1f08\u03c3\u03b9\u03ac\u03c1\u03c7\u03b1\u03b9 (Acts xix. 31), were officers,\n generally ten in number, appointed like the _\u00e6diles_ at\n Rome, to preside over the games held in different parts\n of the province of Asia, just as other provinces had their\n _Galatarchs, Lysiarchs, Bythiniarchs_, &c. \u201cThey held for\n the time a kind of sacerdotal position; and when robed in\n mantles of purple and crowned with garlands, they assumed\n the duty of regulating the great gymnastic contests, and\n controlling the tumultuous crowd in the theatre; they\n might literally be called the _chiefs of Asia_.\u201d C. and H.,\n II. 83; Lewin\u2019s _Life of St Paul_, I. 350\u2013353.\n\n 1039 \u2012 This officer \u201chad to do with state-papers; he was keeper\n of the archives; he read what was of public moment before\n the senate and assembly; he was present when money was\n deposited in the temple; and when letters were sent to the\n people of Ephesus, they were officially addressed to him.\n Hence we can readily account for his name appearing so\n often on the coins of Ephesus (see C. and H., II. 89, and\n p. 79). He seems sometimes to have given the name to the\n year, like the archons at Athens, or the consuls at Rome.\u201d\n C. and H., II. 81.\n\n 1040 \u2012 \u039d\u03b5\u03c9\u03ba\u03cc\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd, Acts xix. 35, literally _Temple-sweeper_, was\n originally an expression of humility, and applied to\n the lowest menials engaged in the care of the Temple.\n Afterwards it became a title of high honour, and was\n applied not only to persons, but to cities and communities.\n Thus Ephesus was personified as the \u201cdevotee\u201d of Diana,\n and boastifully stamped the name upon her coins.\n\n 1041 \u2012 Ephesus was an assize-town (_forum_ or _conventus_), which\n the proconsul would visit at stated seasons, attended by\n his interpreter, for all legal business was conducted in\n Latin. C. and H., II. 82.\n\n 1042 \u2012 See above, p. 461, n.; for the Apostle\u2019s own feelings in\n respect to the tumult, see 2 Cor. i. 8\u201311, on which see\n Paley\u2019s _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_, 2 Cor. No. IV.\n\n 1043 \u2012 Probably by sea: comp. Acts xx. 13, 14, though it is to\n be remembered that one of the great roads passed by Smyrna\n and Pergamus between Ephesus and Troas.\n\n 1044 \u2012 See above, pp. 438, 439.\n\n 1045 \u2012 See Birks\u2019 _Hor\u00e6 Apostolic\u00e6_, p. 237; Neander\u2019s _Planting_,\n I. 247.\n\n 1046 \u2012 See above, p. 440.\n\n 1047 \u2012 Stanley\u2019s _Comm. on 2 Cor. ii. 13_.\n\n 1048 \u2012 See Paley\u2019s _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_ on this passage. Illyricum was\n an extensive region lying along the Eastern coast of the\n Adriatic, and contiguous to M\u0153sia and Macedonia on the\n East. It included Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10), which was\n sometimes used for the whole of the district. Both terms\n are probably used by the Apostle in their most extended\n sense.\n\n 1049 \u2012 See Con. and Howson, II. pp. 141\u2013143.\n\n 1050 \u2012 See above, pp. 436\u2013438.\n\n 1051 \u2012 \u1f18\u03b2\u03ac\u03c3\u03ba\u03b1\u03bd\u03b5\u03bd = _fascinated_, the metaphor being taken from\n the popular belief in the power of the evil eye. On the\n fickleness of the Galatian character, see above, p. 437\n and note.\n\n 1052 \u2012 Professor Lightfoot, while placing the Epistle to the\n Galatians between the Second to the Corinthians and that\n to the Romans, and referring its date to the winter of\n A.D. 57 or the spring of A.D. 58, seems to think it may\n have been written during the journey between Macedonia and\n Achaia. See _Proleg. to the Comm._, pp. 48\u201354.\n\n 1053 \u2012 She was probably a widow of consideration and wealth,\n acting as one of the deaconesses of the Church. See\n C. and H., II. 166; Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 1054 \u2012 On the salutation in Rom. xvi. 3, and the return of Aquila\n and Priscilla since the dispatch of the First Epistle to\n the Corinthians, see Paley\u2019s _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_, No. II.\n\n 1055 \u2012 The Epistles to the Romans and Galatians relate to the\n same general question. But the Apostle had founded the\n Church in Galatia, hence he puts the point in a great\n measure upon personal authority (comp. Gal. i. 6, 11, 12,\n v. 2); but he had never been at Rome, hence in his Epistle\n to that Church he puts the same points upon argument.\n \u201cThis distinction between the two Epistles is suited to\n the relation in which the Apostle stood to his different\n correspondents.\u201d See Paley\u2019s _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_.\n\n 1056 \u2012 Compare the time spent on the former voyage above, p. 440,\n and the note.\n\n 1057 \u2012 Note the force of the imperfect \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03c6\u03af\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03bd, Acts xx. 37.\n\n 1058 \u2012 C. and H., II. 239: comp. Acts xxi. 1.\n\n 1059 \u2012 \u1f08\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c0\u03b1\u03c3\u03b8\u03ad\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2, Acts xxi. 1.\n\n 1060 \u2012 Distant from Miletus about 40 nautical miles, a passage of\n about 6 hours: C. and H., II. 239.\n\n 1061 \u2012 The sea-port of the city of Xanthus, 10 miles distant,\n devoted to the worship of Apollo, and the seat of a famous\n oracle. Comp. Hor. _Od._ III. iv. 64.\n\n 1062 \u2012 Or _rising_ Cyprus, in English nautical phrase. The word,\n in reference to sea-voyages, means _to see land_, _to\n bring land into view_, _to make_ land.\n\n 1063 \u2012 See above, p. 373.\n\n 1064 \u2012 See above, p. 391.\n\n 1065 \u2012 The distance being but 28 miles from Tyre. For a notice of\n this sea-port, see above, p. 37, n.\n\n 1066 \u2012 See above, p. 378.\n\n 1067 \u2012 See above, p. 403, and note.\n\n 1068 \u2012 Compare for similar symbolic prophetical actions Isai. xx.\n 2, 3; Jerem. xiii. 1\u201311.\n\n 1069 \u2012 Comp. above, p. 344, and comp. pp. 162, 163.\n\n 1070 \u2012 See above, p. 402, and note.\n\n 1071 \u2012 For the word _carriage_ of our Version here used see Judg.\n xviii. 21; 1 Sam. xvii. 22. \u1f18\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03ba\u03b5\u03c5\u03b1\u03c3\u03ac\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9 is the better\n reading, and denotes _having packed up_, made ready for\n the journey. The Apostle, it is to be remarked, had with\n him the proceeds of the great collection.\n\n 1072 \u2012 On his character and influence, see pp. 426, 427, and the\n notes.\n\n 1073 \u2012 C. and H., II. 259.\n\n 1074 \u2012 For notices of the excited and fanatical state of the\n Jews at this period, see Milman, _Hist. of the Jews_,\n II. 166, 172.\n\n 1075 \u2012 For these, see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, pp. 158, 159.\n Agrippa I., it will be remembered, showed his sympathy\n with Judaism by defraying the expenses of certain\n Nazarites; see above, p. 405, and the note.\n\n 1076 \u2012 See above, p. 272, and note. It is clear from that passage\n that this Court contained the Treasure-Chests, but it also\n appears to have contained chambers, in one of which the\n Nazarites performed their vows. C. and H., II. 269.\n\n 1077 \u2012 \u201cMade of brass and very strong, shut at midnight with\n difficulty by twenty men.\u201d Jos. _B. J._ VI. 5. 3. Comp.\n V. 5. 3, cited in C. and H., II. 269, n.\n\n 1078 \u2012 On this tower, see above, p. 53, n.and p. 91.\n\n 1079 \u2012 Comp. Acts xii. 4, 6; see above, p. 406, n.\n\n 1080 \u2012 He had come from Egypt into Jud\u00e6a, and giving himself\n out to be a prophet, collected in the desert upwards of\n 30,000 men (4000 of whom were Sicarii or \u201cmurderers,\u201d Acts\n xxi. 38), whom he persuaded to follow him to the Mount\n of Olives, promising that the walls of Jerusalem would\n fall down at his command, and they would be enabled to\n seize Jerusalem, and assume the government. Felix, however,\n marched against him, and easily dispersed his force,\n slaying 4000, and taking 200 prisoners, but the adventurer\n himself escaped. See Jos. _B. J._ II. 13. 5; Milman\u2019s\n _Hist. of the Jews_, II. 171.\n\n 1081 \u2012 For a comparison of the Apostle\u2019s words on this occasion\n with the account given in Acts ix., see above, pp. 384,\n 385, and notes.\n\n 1082 \u2012 Compare the account above, pp. 390, 391.\n\n 1083 \u2012 See above, p. 309, and the note.\n\n 1084 \u2012 See above, p. 96. Only a narrow space of the Great\n Temple-court intervened between the steps of the tower\n Antonia and this hall. But the Sanhedrin may have met in a\n place less sacred, into which soldiers might be admitted.\n C. and H., II. 281.\n\n 1085 \u2012 Compare with this assertion 2 Tim. i. 3.\n\n 1086 \u2012 If this was a prophetic denunciation, it was terribly\n fulfilled when the hypocritical president of the Sanhedrin\n was murdered by the Sicarii during the Jewish war. See Jos.\n _B. J._ II. 17. 9.\n\n 1087 \u2012 Comp. Mtt. xxiii. 27. He compares him to those walls,\n which composed of mud and other vile materials, made a\n fair show without, being plastered and whitewashed.\n\n 1088 \u2012 See above, p. 115.\n\n 1089 \u2012 The sentence is broken off. The words \u03bc\u1f74 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03c7\u1ff6\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd,\n Acts xxiii. 9, are wanting in the best MSS. See Neander\u2019s\n _Planting_, I. 307, and note.\n\n 1090 \u2012 See above, p. 380.\n\n 1091 \u2012 \u0394\u03b5\u03be\u03b9\u03bf\u03bb\u03ac\u03b2\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2, E. V. _spearmen_, Vulg. _lancearios_.\n Whatever is the precise meaning of this singular word,\n it distinguishes here _legionary soldiers_ from _cavalry_,\n and probably means _light-armed troops_. The word implies\n the use of some weapon simply carried in the right hand.\n\n 1092 \u2012 \u1f08\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 \u1f65\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bd\u03c5\u03ba\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2, Acts xxiii. 23.\n\n 1093 \u2012 With a view to greater expedition Lysias ordered that more\n than one horse should be provided for the Apostle: comp.\n Acts xxiii. 24, \u03ba\u03c4\u03ae\u03bd\u03b7 \u03c4\u03b5 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u1fc6\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9.\n\n 1094 \u2012 For the building of Antipatris, see above, p. 99, and note.\n\n 1095 \u2012 Lysias had probably sent so large and so mixed a force\n in view of a possible ambuscade. This was no longer to be\n feared after leaving Antipatris, but the legionaries might\n be needed in the fortress of Antonia.\n\n 1096 \u2012 C. and H., II. 290; Robinson, _Bib. Res._ III. 46, 60.\n\n 1097 \u2012 As mentioned above, p. 409, n., on the death of Herod\n Agrippa I., A.D. 44, Cuspius Fadus was appointed\n procurator of Jud\u00e6a. He was succeeded in A.D. 48 by\n Tiberius Alexander, who in his turn, in A.D. 48, made\n way for Ventidius Cumanus. During his sway a frightful\n tumult happened at the Passover, caused by the presence\n of the Roman soldiers in the Antonia, and resulting in the\n deaths of more than 10,000 persons (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 5. 3;\n _B. J._ II. 12. 1). Cumanus was recalled in A.D. 52, and\n succeeded by Felix, a freedman of the Emperor Claudius.\n From Tacitus (_Ann._ XII. 54) he would seem to have been\n joint procurator with Cumanus. He was the brother of the\n Emperor\u2019s powerful friend Pallas, and is described by\n Tacitus as ruling his province with meanness, cruelty, and\n profligacy, _per omnem s\u00e6vitiam et libidinem jus regium\n servili ingenio_ exercuit. _Hist._ V. 9: comp. _Ann._ XII.\n 54, and see Merivale, VII. 195.\n\n 1098 \u2012 Compare Pilate\u2019s conduct in reference to the Saviour,\n above, p. 301.\n\n 1099 \u2012 The word _pr\u00e6torium_ properly denotes the residence of\n the Roman provincial governors, at which they administered\n justice. Here it seems to denote some palace built by\n Herod and now appropriated to public uses. As in our old\n castles, there were prison-chambers in all such buildings.\n Kitto\u2019s _Bib. Illustrations_.\n\n 1100 \u2012 The name is Roman. He was probably an Italian, and pleaded\n in Latin. \u201cThe accuser and the accused could plead in\n person, as St Paul did here, but _advocati_ (\u1fe5\u03ae\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03b5\u03c2) were\n often employed.\u201d C. and H., II. 302.\n\n 1101 \u2012 On this, see above, p. 303, n.\n\n 1102 \u2012 Felix during his period of office put down several false\n Messiahs (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 8; _B. J._ II. 13. 4), the\n followers of the Egyptian pretender (above, p. 486, and n.),\n riots between the Jews and Syrians in C\u00e6sarea (_Ant._\n XX. 8. 7; _B. J._ II. 13. 7), and cleared various parts of\n the country of robbers (_B. J._ II. 13. 2), see Merivale,\n VII. 195.\n\n 1103 \u2012 On the severity of the laws against treason, see above,\n p. 307, n.\n\n 1104 \u2012 Acts x. See above, p. 399, and p. 482.\n\n 1105 \u2012 \u0394\u03b9\u03b1\u03b3\u03bd\u03ce\u03c3\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9, Acts xxiv. 22.\n\n 1106 \u2012 There were three kinds of custody recognised by the Roman\n law: (1) _custodia publica_, or confinement in a public\n gaol, as at Philippi, see above, p. 443, and n.: this was\n the worst kind; (2) _custodia libera_, or free custody,\n usual only in the cases of men of rank who were committed\n to the charge of some magistrate or senator, who made\n himself responsible for their appearance on the day\n of trial; (3) _custodia militaris_: in this species of\n custody, introduced at the commencement of the Empire, the\n prisoner\u2019s right hand was chained to the left hand of a\n soldier, who was responsible with his life for his safe\n detention, and kept him either in barracks or a private\n house. C. and H., II. 308.\n\n 1107 \u2012 This perhaps included Philip the Evangelist resident there\n with his family; perhaps Cornelius the centurion; and\n almost certainly Luke and Aristarchus.\n\n 1108 \u2012 Her brother was Agrippa, the present king of Trachonitis.\n On the part Simon Magus is said to have played in\n persuading her to leave her husband, see above, p. 376 n.\n She was at this time in the 18th year of her age.\n\n 1109 \u2012 Acts xxiv. 17. See Birks\u2019 _Hor\u00e6 Apostolic\u00e6_, p. 344.\n\n 1110 \u2012 Such practices were not unusual with some procurators. See\n the instance of Albinus mentioned in Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 2.\n The Julian Law strictly forbade taking a bribe from a\n prisoner.\n\n 1111 \u2012 C. and H., II. 308.\n\n 1112 \u2012 See Milman\u2019s _History of the Jews_, Vol. II. p. 173.\n\n 1113 \u2012 At this time the high priest was Ishmael the son of Fabi,\n Jos. _Ant._ XX. 8. 8. He had been appointed by Agrippa II.,\n to whom the Emperor had entrusted all the ecclesiastical\n arrangements in the Holy City. Milman, _Hist. Jews_,\n II. 172.\n\n 1114 \u2012 Under the Republic a Roman citizen could appeal to the\n tribunes. The power of the latter being absorbed by the\n Emperors, all appeals were transferred to them, and at\n this time the Imperial tribunal \u201cwas a supreme court of\n appeal from all inferior courts either in Rome or in the\n provinces.\u201d See Art. _Appellatio_ in Smith\u2019s _Dict. Antiq._\n\n 1115 \u2012 Herod Agrippa II. was the son of Agrippa I. and Cypros, a\n grand-niece of Herod the Great. After he had been educated\n at Rome, Claudius, about A.D. 49, appointed him king of\n Chalcis (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 5. 2; _B. J._ II. 12. 1), and\n afterwards, A.D. 53, promoted him to the tetrarchies\n of Philip and Lysanias (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 7. 1; _B. J._\n II. 12. 8), with the title of _king_ (Acts xxv. 13).\n In A.D. 55 Nero added several cities to his dominions,\n and he displayed the lavish magnificence of his family.\n During the Jewish war he sided with the Romans, and at\n its conclusion retired to Rome, where he died in the third\n year of the reign of Trajan, A.D. 100. See Lewin\u2019s _Fasti\n Sacri_; Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._\n\n 1116 \u2012 She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I. Her first\n husband was her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose\n death she lived with her own brother Agrippa II. (Jos.\n _Ant._ XX. 7. 3). Afterwards she married Polemon, king of\n Cilicia, and ultimately became the mistress of Vespasian\n and of Titus. See Tac. _Hist._ II. 81.\n\n 1117 \u2012 See Blunt\u2019s _Scriptural Coincidences_, pp. 358\u2013360.\n\n 1118 \u2012 \u03a4\u1ff7 \u03ba\u03c5\u03c1\u03af\u1ff3, Acts \u2666xxv. 26. Note the title. Augustus and\n Tiberius had declined it, but their successors had\n sanctioned its use. See Sueton. _Aug._ LIII.; _Tiber_,\n XXVII.\n\n 1119 \u2012 \u03a4\u1f70 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03b3\u03c1\u03ac\u03bc\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1, Acts xxvi. 24. The Apostle had\n alluded to \u201cwritings\u201d (vv. 22, 23), \u201cand it is reasonable\n to suppose that in his imprisonment such _books and\n parchments_ as he wrote for in 2 Tim. iv. 13 were brought\n to him by his friends.\u201d C. and H., II. 318, n.\n\n 1120 \u2012 \u1f18\u03bd \u1f40\u03bb\u03af\u03b3\u1ff3 \u03bc\u03b5 \u03c0\u03b5\u03af\u03b8\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2, Acts xxvi. 28. Our version _almost_\n cannot stand. The expression might mean, (1) _in a little\n space_, or (2) _in few words_, or (3) _in a small measure_.\n Perhaps _lightly_ = \u201cwith few words, little pain, as\n though it were a light thing to take up with so despised\n a sect,\u201d as suggested by Dean Alford _in loc._, best\n suits the text: see also C. and H., II. 319, n.; Neander\u2019s\n _Planting_, I., 310, n.\n\n 1121 \u2012 The better reading here is \u1f10\u03bd \u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03ac\u03bb\u1ff3.\n\n 1122 \u2012 \u201cFrom the distance accomplished, 67 geographical miles,\n we must infer that they had a fair, or at least a leading\n wind, probably westerly, which is the wind that prevails\n in this part of the Mediterranean.\u201d Smith\u2019s _Voyage and\n Shipwreck of St Paul_, p. 22.\n\n 1123 \u2012 See above, p. 481.\n\n 1124 \u2012 \u201cIn pursuing this route they acted precisely as the most\n accomplished seaman in the present day would have done\n under similar circumstances; by standing to the north\n till they reached the coast of Cilicia, they might expect\n when they did so to be favoured by the land-breeze, which\n prevails here during the summer-months, as well as by the\n current, which constantly runs to the westward, along the\n south coast of Asia Minor.\u201d Smith, p. 28.\n\n 1125 \u2012 A distance of 130 geographical miles, which with a fair\n wind might have been accomplished in one day. Ibid. p. 34.\n\n 1126 \u2012 Still retaining the same name. The site of Las\u00e6a, also\n retaining its old name, was discovered Jan. 18, 1856,\n about two hours to the eastward of \u201cFair Havens.\u201d Smith\u2019s\n _Voyage. &c._ Ed. 1861; C. and H., II. 341, n.\n\n 1127 \u2012 Levit. xvi. 29; xxiii. 27, celebrated on the 10th of Tisri,\n corresponding to the close of September or beginning of\n October. See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 155. This\n was exactly the time when seafaring is pronounced most\n dangerous by Greek and Roman writers.\n\n 1128 \u2012 It was a good harbour in _some_ seasons, but, being an\n open roadstead, or rather two open roadsteads, was not\n commodious to winter in. Smith, p. 45.\n\n 1129 \u2012 Literally \u03c0\u03bb\u03ad\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u039b\u03af\u03b2\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c7\u1ff6\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd = _looking\n toward the S. W. wind, and the N. W. wind_. The harbour\n was probably the modern _Lutro_, sheltered from the\n above-mentioned winds, and looking _from the water towards\n the land which encloses it_ in the direction of these\n winds. C. and H., II. pp. 343, 344, and notes.\n\n 1130 \u2012 C. and H., II. 345, and notes.\n\n 1131 \u2012 Rather perhaps \u0395\u1f50\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03cd\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd = the Latin Euro-Aquilo, an\n E. N. E. wind.\n\n 1132 \u2012 \u039a\u03b1\u03c4\u1fbd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 scil. \u039a\u03c1\u03ae\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2. Comp. Mtt. viii. 32, \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\n \u03ba\u03c1\u03b7\u03bc\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6, and see above, p. 196 and note.\n\n 1133 \u2012 \u0392\u03bf\u03b7\u03b8\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c7\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf, \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03b6\u03c9\u03bd\u03bd\u03cd\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03bb\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd (Acts xxvii. 17)\n = _they proceeded to use stays or braces undergirding the\n vessel_. This was lest she should leak and founder. For\n instances of this procedure, see C. and H., II. 348, n.;\n Smith\u2019s _Voyage and Shipwreck_, p. 106.\n\n 1134 \u2012 A notoriously dangerous bay between Tunis and the Eastern\n part of Tripoli.\n\n 1135 \u2012 Meaning then not merely that portion of the Mediterranean,\n to which it is now applied, but all that which lay between\n Sicily and Malta on the west, and Greece and Crete on the\n east. See Smith\u2019s _Voyage and Shipwreck_.\n\n 1136 \u2012 \u201cThey can now adopt the last resource for a sinking ship,\n and run her ashore; but to do it before it was day would\n have been to have rushed on certain destruction: they must\n bring the ship, if it be possible, to anchor, and hold on\n till daybreak.\u201d Smith\u2019s _Shipwreck_, p. 88. For similar\n instances of anchoring by the stern, see C. and H., II.\n 357.\n\n 1137 \u2012 C. and H., II. 362.\n\n 1138 \u2012 \u1f08\u03bd\u03ad\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b6\u03b5\u03c5\u03ba\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03b7\u03b4\u03b1\u03bb\u03af\u03c9\u03bd (Acts \u2666xxvii. 40) =\n unloosing the lashings of the paddle rudders, which had\n doubtless been hoisted up and lashed fast when they\n anchored. C. and H., II. 362, n.\n\n 1139 \u2012 See Smith\u2019s _Shipwreck, &c._, p. 153.\n\n 1140 \u2012 For a summary of the arguments for Malta, and not Melita\n in the gulf of Venice, as the scene of St Paul\u2019s shipwreck,\n see Smith\u2019s _Voyage and Shipwreck_, and Smith\u2019s _Bibl.\n Dict._\n\n 1141 \u2012 Compare the conduct of the Lystrians, above, p. 420.\n\n 1142 \u2012 The chief officer of Malta under the governor of Sicily\n was called \u03c0\u03c1\u1ff6\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u039c\u03b5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c4\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd, or _Primus Melitensium_, the\n very title used by St Luke.\n\n 1143 \u2012 Formerly called _Dic\u00e6archia_, then from its strong mineral\n springs (_a puteis_ or _putendo_) Puteoli, close to Bai\u00e6,\n and now called _Pozzuoli_. It was the great landing-place\n for all travellers to Italy from the Levant.\n\n 1144 \u2012 \u201cAll ships, on rounding into the bay, were obliged\n to strike their topsails, with the exception of the\n Alexandrian corn-vessels, which were thus easily\n recognised, as soon as they hove in sight.\u201d See the\n quotation from Seneca in C. and H., II. 371. Puteoli from\n its trade with Alexandria and the East would naturally\n contain a colony of Jews.\n\n 1145 \u2012 C. and H., II. pp. 376\u2013379. \u201cThe foundation of the Via\n Appia, which was 13 or 14 ft. broad, was of concrete or\n cemented rubble-work, and the surface was laid with large\n polygonal blocks of the hardest stone, and so nicely\n fitted to each other that the whole seemed the work\n rather of nature than of art. The distances were marked by\n milestones, and at intervals of 20 miles were post-stations,\n where vehicles, horses, and mules were provided for\n the convenience of travellers and the transmission of\n government dispatches.\u201d Kitto\u2019s _Bibl. Illust._ VIII. 501.\n\n 1146 \u2012 Comp. Hor. _Sat._ I. v. 3, 4:\n\n Inde Forum App\u00ee\n Differtum nautis cauponibus atque malignis.\n\n On Anxur or Terracina, see the same Satire, line 26: a few\n miles beyond it was the fountain of Feronia (Hor. _Sat._\n I. v. 24), \u201cthe termination of the canal which Augustus had\n formed to drain the Pomptine marshes, and which continued\n for 20 miles along the side of the road. Over this\n distance travellers had their choice, whether to proceed\n in barges dragged by mules, or on the pavement of the way\n itself.\u201d C. and H., II. 379.\n\n 1147 \u2012 \u03a4\u1ff7 \u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c0\u03b5\u03b4\u03ac\u03c1\u03c7\u1fc3; Burro, pr\u00e6fecto pr\u00e6torio, Bp Pearson.\n Tac. _Ann._ XII. 43; Merivale, VI. 189.\n\n 1148 \u2012 On the _custodia militaris_ see above, p. 496, n.\n\n 1149 \u2012 The ignorance of the influential Jews concerning the\n Christian Church which existed in the same city as\n themselves, \u201cis not inconceivable, if we only consider the\n immense size of the metropolis, and the vast confluence\n of human beings it contained, and if to this we add that\n the main body of the Roman Church consisted of Gentiles,\n and that these wealthy Jews busied themselves far more\n about other objects than about the concerns of religion.\u201d\n Neander\u2019s _Planting_, I. 311. \u201cWith regard to Paul himself,\n it might well be true that they had little information\n concerning him. Though he had been imprisoned long at\n C\u00e6sarea, his appeal had only been made a short time before\n winter. After that time (to use the popular expression)\n _the sea was shut_; and the winter had been a stormy\n one; so that it was natural enough that his case should\n be first made known to the Jews by himself.\u201d C. and H.,\n II. 392.\n\n 1150 \u2012 See Mtt. xiii. 15; Jn. xii. 40.\n\n 1151 \u2012 C. and H., II. 395.\n\n 1152 \u2012 On the three separate heads of the indictment against the\n Apostle, see above, p. 494.\n\n 1153 \u2012 See Acts xx. 4; and above, p. 471.\n\n 1154 \u2012 See above, p. 414, and the note.\n\n 1155 \u2012 Though the name is probably an abbreviation of\n Epaphroditus, it seems doubtful whether he is to be\n identified with the Epaphroditus of Philip. ii. 25.\n\n 1156 \u2012 Whether he had also robbed his master or not appears\n somewhat uncertain, and depends on the meaning of the word\n \u1f20\u03b4\u03af\u03ba\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5 in Philem. 18.\n\n 1157 \u2012 It is evident from Philem. 19 that he had been converted\n by the Apostle himself, possibly (i) during his journey\n through Phrygia (Acts xvi. 6); possibly (ii) during his\n long stay at Ephesus (Acts xix. 10), when it is recorded\n that _all they who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the\n Lord Jesus_.\n\n 1158 \u2012 Paley in his _Hor\u00e6 Paulin\u00e6_ notices that St Paul bids\n Philemon prepare a lodging for him in expectation of his\n speedy deliverance, which agrees with Phil. ii. 24. The\n letter itself is often referred to as a model of delicacy\n and tact.\n\n 1159 \u2012 Or _Colass\u00e6_ according to the reading of the best MSS.,\n a city on the Lycus close to Hierapolis and Laodicea.\n Ethnologically it belonged to Phrygia, but politically was\n included in the province of Asia.\n\n 1160 \u2012 See Alford\u2019s _Prolegom._ to the Greek Test., III. 35.\n\n 1161 \u2012 The doubt about the persons for whom this Epistle was\n intended arises (i) from the omission of the words \u1f10\u03bd\n \u1f18\u03c6\u03ad\u03c3\u1ff3 from the opening verse in the Sinai and Vatican MSS.;\n (ii) from the fact that, though St Paul spent nearly three\n years at Ephesus, it does not contain a single personal\n greeting; (iii) from the apparent intimation in Eph. i. 15\n that he knew only by report of the conversion of those\n he was addressing, and in iii. 2 that they knew only of\n his Apostleship by hearsay. Hence some (see C. and H.,\n II. 417\u2013420) consider it was addressed to the Church of\n Laodicea. On the other hand, the testimony of all the\n versions and \u201cthe universal designation of this Epistle\n by the ancient Church (except in the case of Marcion) as\n that to the Ephesians, warrants the retention of the words,\n and the explanation of the peculiarities in Eph. i. 15\n and iii. 2, above alluded to, may probably be explained\n on the supposition mentioned in the text that it was\n also intended for other Churches dependent on Ephesus in\n proconsular Asia.\u201d See Alford\u2019s _Prolegom. in Ep._, and\n Ellicott\u2019s _Commentary on the Ephesians_.\n\n 1162 \u2012 The various pieces of the Christian armour here alluded to\n receive vivid illustration from the circumstances of the\n Apostle at this time, and the fact that he was chained to\n a Roman soldier.\n\n 1163 \u2012 By some this has been identified with the palace of C\u00e6sar\n on the Palatine Hill (comp. Phil. i. 13 with iv. 22). But\n though the word _Pr\u00e6torium_ is applied in the N. T. to the\n residence of Pilate at Jerusalem (see above, p. 298), and\n of Herod at C\u00e6sarea (see above, p. 493 n.), it is never\n applied to the Imperial Palace at Rome. It rather seems\n to denote the quarters of the Imperial guards, who were\n in immediate attendance on the Emperor, who was _pr\u00e6tor_\n or commander-in-chief of the troops, and whose immediate\n body-guard would naturally be in a _pr\u00e6torium_ near at\n hand. See C. and H., II. pp. 438, 439.\n\n 1164 \u2012 See Tac. _Ann._ XIV. 51. At his death the influence of\n Seneca was broken, and under the guidance of Tigellinus,\n Nero\u2019s public life rivalled the infamy of his private\n character. On Fenius Rufus, see Tac. _Ann._ XV. 66, 68;\n Merivale\u2019s _Romans under the Empire_, VI. p. 333.\n\n 1165 \u2012 See Josephus, _Ant._ XX. 8. 11; Tac. _Ann._ XV. 23.\n\n 1166 \u2012 See C. and H., II. 457\u2013459; Merivale\u2019s _Romans under the\n Empire_, Vol. VI. pp. 343, 344.\n\n 1167 \u2012 See the quotations from Clement of Rome, Muratori\u2019s Canon,\n Eusebius, _H. E._ II. 22, Chrysostom, and Jerome, in\n C. and H., II. 462, 463; Alford\u2019s Gk. Test. III. _Prolegom._\n pp. 92, 93.\n\n 1168 \u2012 Philem. 22; Phil. ii. 24. It was probably about this time,\n if he was its author, that St Paul wrote the _Epistle\n to the Hebrews_. For a synopsis of the various opinions\n respecting its authorship see Alford\u2019s _Prolegom._ Vol. IV.\n Pt. 1, Westcott\u2019s _Bible in the Church_.\n\n 1169 \u2012 See Alford\u2019s _Prolegomena_ to the Pastoral Epp. Vol. III.\n p. 93.\n\n 1170 \u2012 See C. and H., II. 471. Clement of Rome (_1 Ep. ad Cor._\n c. v.), declares that he went \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b4\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2,\n which some would extend not only to Spain but even to\n Britain. Dean Alford expresses an opinion that if not\n spent in Spain, the interval between A.D. 64 and 66 \u201cmay\n have been spent in Greece and Asia and the interjacent\n islands:\u201d _Prolegom._ p. 94.\n\n 1171 \u2012 C. and H., II. 487; and see the Articles _Crete_ and\n _Titus_ in Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._ Jews are mentioned as\n dispersed in Crete in 1 Macc. xv. 23 (see above p. 54),\n and in Acts ii. 11 (see above, p. 345, and n.). See also\n Alford\u2019s Gk. Test., Vol. III. _Prolegom._ p. 108. On the\n quotation respecting the Cretans, see above, p. 382, n.\n\n 1172 \u2012 Most probably the Nicopolis in Macedonia, on a peninsula\n west of the bay of Actium, erected by Augustus in memory\n of the battle of Actium, and on the ground which his army\n occupied before the engagement.\n\n 1173 \u2012 See above, p. 472.\n\n 1174 \u2012 It was conveniently situated for apostolic journeys in\n the Eastern parts of Achaia and Macedonia, and also to the\n north where churches perhaps were founded. On St Paul\u2019s\n previous preaching on the confines of Illyricum, see\n p. 474, and n.; and Birks\u2019 _Hor\u00e6 Apostolic\u00e6_, pp. 296\u2013304.\n\n 1175 \u2012 C. and H., II. p. 494.\n\n 1176 \u2012 Tac. _Ann._ XV. 44. See Merivale, VI. 351.\n\n 1177 \u2012 C. and H., II. 499.\n\n 1178 \u2012 C. and H., II. 514; Smith\u2019s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Timothy_.\n\n 1179 \u2012 See Lightfoot on _St Paul and the Three_ in his\n _Commentary on the Galatians_, p. 276.\n\n 1180 \u2012 See above, pp. 425, 426.\n\n 1181 \u2012 It could not have been written by James, the son of\n Zebedee, for he was beheaded A.D. 44 by Herod Agrippa, and\n the notes of time in the Epistle itself point to a later\n date.\n\n 1182 \u2012 See above, p. 431.\n\n 1183 \u2012 See above, p. 7.\n\n 1184 \u2012 See Alford\u2019s _Prolegomena_, Greek Test. Vol. IV. Part I.\n\n 1185 \u2012 See above, p. 431.\n\n 1186 \u2012 See above, p. 425.\n\n 1187 \u2012 See above, p. 187.\n\n\n\n\n Transcriber\u2019s Notes.\n\n\n The following corrections have been made in the text:\n\n Page 21:\n Sentence starting: But even his own partisans....\n \u2013 \u2018partizans\u2019 replaced with \u2018partisans\u2019\n (But even his own partisans)\n\n Page 47:\n Sentence starting: Great as was the risk....\n \u2013 \u2018Sanhedrim\u2019 replaced with \u2018Sanhedrin\u2019\n (elders of the Sanhedrin)\n\n Page 101:\n Sentence starting: Salome announced these signs....\n \u2013 \u2018dissaffection\u2019 replaced with \u2018disaffection\u2019\n (these signs of disaffection)\n\n Page 153:\n Sentence starting: THE PREACHING OF JOHN....\n \u2013 \u2018A.C.\u2019 replaced with \u2018A.D.\u2019\n (A.U.C. 780, A.D. 27.)\n\n Page 175:\n Sentence starting: Accordingly the Saviour....\n \u2013 \u2018chazan\u2019 replaced with \u2018chazzan\u2019\n (returned it to the _chazzan_ or minister)\n\n Page 187:\n Sentence starting: John, his brother, afterwards known....\n \u2013 \u2018disciples\u2019 replaced with \u2018disciple\u2019\n (\u201cdisciple whom Jesus loved\u201d)\n Sentence starting: Simon the _Canaanite_....\n \u2013 \u2018Cananite\u2019 replaced with \u2018Canaanite\u2019\n (Simon the _Canaanite_)\n\n Page 264:\n Sentence starting: Being a hungred, probably....\n \u2013 \u2018of\u2019 replaced with \u2018off\u2019\n (and perceiving _afar off_)\n \u2013 \u2018Mtt\u2019 replaced with \u2018Mk.\u2019\n (Mk. xi. 13)\n\n Page 369:\n Sentence starting: In Midian He revealed Himself....\n \u2013 \u2018dependance\u2019 replaced with \u2018dependence\u2019\n (the whole stress of their dependence)\n\n Page 422:\n Sentence starting: Thence they proceeded to....\n \u2013 \u2018Attalia\u2019 replaced with \u2018Attaleia\u2019\n (to the sea-port of Attaleia)\n\n Page 508:\n Sentence starting: Another proof of the....\n \u2013 \u2018ascendency\u2019 replaced with \u2018ascendancy\u2019\n (proof of the ascendancy)\n\n Index Chiun:\n \u2013 \u2018Chian\u2019 replaced with \u2018Chiun\u2019\n (Chiun, the idol of the Israelites,)\n\n Index Jericho:\n \u2013 \u2018Zaccheus\u2019 replaced with \u2018Zacch\u00e6us\u2019\n (Christ entertained there by Zacch\u00e6us)\n\n Index Jesus:\n \u2013 \u2018Jerulem\u2019 replaced with \u2018Jerusalem\u2019\n (His triumphal entry into Jerusalem)\n\n Index Joazar:\n \u2013 \u2018Joazer\u2019 replaced with \u2018Joazar\u2019\n (Joazar, High-priest)\n\n Index Malichus:\n \u2013 \u2018Malachus\u2019 replaced with \u2018Malichus\u2019\n (Malichus, adherent of Hyrcanus)\n\n Index Peter:\n \u2013 \u2018Passver\u2019 replaced with \u2018Passover\u2019\n (sent to prepare the Passover)\n\n Index Temple:\n \u2013 \u2018merchandize\u2019 replaced with \u2018merchandise\u2019\n (its profanation by merchandise)\n\n Footnote 225:\n \u2013 \u2018Aristobolus\u2019 replaced with \u2018Aristobulus\u2019\n (Aristobulus re-conquered their colony)\n\n Footnote 454:\n \u2013 The Author\u2019s word \u2018\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03b2\u03ac\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2\u2019 has been retained although\n other authorities use other forms of the word.\n\n Footnote 468:\n \u2013 \u2018Marc.\u2019 replaced with \u2018Mark\u2019\n (Lightfoot on Mark xii. 28.)\n\n Footnote 527:\n \u2013 \u2018xxxvii\u2019 replaced with \u2018xxvii\u2019\n (See Lange on Mtt. xxvii. 5,)\n\n Footnote 917:\n \u2013 \u2018\u03bb\u03bf\u03bf\u1fe6\u2019 replaced with \u2018\u03bb\u03b1\u03bf\u1fe6\u2019\n (\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bb\u03b1\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b4\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c3\u03cd\u03bd\u03b7)\n\n Footnote 1019:\n \u2013 \u2018Aquilla\u2019 replaced with \u2018Aquila\u2019\n (have been done by Aquila)\n\n Footnote 1118:\n \u2013 \u2018xv\u2019 replaced with \u2018xxv\u2019\n (Acts xxv. 26.)\n\n Footnote 1138:\n \u2013 \u2018xxxvii\u2019 replaced with \u2018xxvii\u2019\n (Acts xxvii. 40)","title":"A Class-Book of New Testament History","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":183866}