{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_66960/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_66960","id":"gutenberg_66960","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/66960","summary":null,"tags":["Category: History - Religious","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Islam -- History","Islam -- Missions -- History","Islam -- Relations"],"text":"THE\n PREACHING OF ISLAM\n\n A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith\n\n\n BY\n T. W. ARNOLD M.A. C.I.E.\n PROFESSOR OF ARABIC, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE\n\n\n NEW YORK\n CHARLES SCRIBNER\u2019S SONS\n 1913\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n TO\n SIR THEODORE MORISON, K.C.I.E.\n TO WHOM THE FIRST EDITION OWES ITS EXISTENCE\n THIS SECOND EDITION IS DEDICATED\n IN TOKEN OF LONG FRIENDSHIP\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION\n\n\nIt is with considerable diffidence that I publish these pages; the\nsubject with which they deal is so vast, and I have had to prosecute it\nunder circumstances so disadvantageous, that I can hope but for small\nmeasure of success. When I may be better equipped for the task, and\nafter further study has enabled me to fill up the gaps [1] left in the\npresent work, I hope to make it a more worthy contribution to this\nneglected department of Muhammadan history; and to this end I shall be\ndeeply grateful for the criticisms and corrections of any scholars who\nmay deign to notice the book. To such I would say in the words of St.\nAugustine: \u201cQui h\u00e6c legens dicit, intelligo quidem quid dictum sit, sed\nnon vere dictum est; asserat ut placet sententiam suam, et redarguat\nmeam, si potest. Quod si cum caritate et veritate fecerit, mihique\netiam (si in hac vita maneo) cognoscendum facere curaverit, uberrimum\nfructum laboris huius mei cepero.\u201d [2]\n\nAs I can neither claim to be an authority nor a specialist on any of\nthe periods of history dealt with in this book, and as many of the\nevents referred to therein have become matter for controversy, I have\ngiven full references to the sources consulted; and here I have thought\nit better to err on the side of excess rather than that of defect. I\nhave myself suffered so much inconvenience and wasted so much time in\nhunting up references to books indicated in some obscure or\nunintelligible manner, that I would desire to spare others a similar\nannoyance; and while to the general reader I may appear guilty of\npedantry, I may perchance save trouble to some scholar who wishes to\ntest the accuracy of a statement or pursue any part of the subject\nfurther.\n\nThe scheme adopted in this book for the transliteration of Arabic words\nis that laid down by the Transliteration Committee of the Tenth\nInternational Congress of Orientalists, held at Geneva in 1894, with\nthe exception that the last letter of the article is assimilated to the\nso-called solar letters. In the case of geographical names this scheme\nhas not been so rigidly applied\u2014in many instances because I could not\ndiscover the original Arabic form of the word, in others (e.g. Mecca,\nMedina), because usage has almost created for them a prescriptive\ntitle.\n\nThough this work is confessedly, as explained in the Introduction, a\nrecord of missionary efforts and not a history of persecutions, [3] I\nhave endeavoured to be strictly impartial and to conform to the ideal\nlaid down by the Christian historian [4] who chronicled the successes\nof the Ottomans and the fall of Constantinople: \u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c7\u03ac\u03c1\u03b9\u03bd \u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\n\u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c6\u03b8\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd, \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u2019 \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03bc\u1fd6\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f22 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f54\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd \u03c3\u03c5\u03b3\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac\u03c6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c7\u03c1\u03b5\u03ce\u03bd\n\u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03c3\u03c5\u03b3\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac\u03c6\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1, \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u2019 \u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03bc\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bc\u03ae \u03bb\u03ae\u03b8\u03b7\u03c2 \u03b2\u03c5\u03b8\u1ff7\n\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03b4\u03bf\u03b8\u1fc6\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9, \u1f23\u03bd \u1f41 \u03c7\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f36\u03b4\u03b5 \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03bd\u1fb6\u03bd, \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03bd.\n\nI desire to thank Her Excellency the Princess Barberini; His Excellency\nthe Prince Chigi; the Most Rev. Dr. Paul Goethals, Archbishop of\nCalcutta; the Right Rev. Fr. Francis Pesci, Bishop of Allahabad; the\nRev. S. S. Allnutt, of the Cambridge Mission, Dehli; the Trustees of\nDr. Williams\u2019s Library, Gordon Square, London, for the liberal use they\nhave allowed me of their respective libraries.\n\nI am under an especial debt of gratitude to James Kennedy, Esq., late\nof the Bengal Civil Service, who has never ceased to take a kindly\ninterest in my book, though it has almost exemplified the Horatian\nprecept, Nonum prematur in annum; to his profound scholarship and wide\nreading I have been indebted for much information that would otherwise\nhave remained unknown to me, nor do I owe less to the stimulus of his\nenthusiastic love of learning and his helpful sympathy. I am also under\na debt of gratitude to the kindness of Conte Ugo Balzani, but for whose\nassistance certain parts of my work would have been impossible to me.\nTo the late Professor Robertson Smith I am indebted for valuable\nsuggestions as to the lines of study on which the history of the North\nAfrican Church and the condition of the Christians under Muslim rule,\nshould be worked out; the profound regret which all Semitic scholars\nfeel at his loss is to me intensified by the thought that this is the\nonly acknowledgment I am able to make of his generous help and\nencouragement.\n\nI desire also to acknowledge my obligations to Sir Sayyid A\u1e25mad Kh\u0101n\nBah\u0101dur, K.C.S.I., LL.D.; to my learned friend and colleague, Shamsu-l\n\u02bbUlam\u0101\u02bc Mawlaw\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Shibl\u012b Nu\u02bbm\u0101n\u012b, who has assisted me most\ngenerously out of the abundance of his knowledge of early Muhammadan\nhistory; and to my former pupil, Mawlaw\u012b Bah\u0101dur \u02bbAl\u012b, M.A.\n\nLastly, and above all, must I thank my dear wife, but for whom this\nwork would never have emerged out of a chaos of incoherent materials,\nand whose sympathy and approval are the best reward of my labours.\n\n\n Aligarh, 1896.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION\n\n\nThe first edition of this book having been out of print for several\nyears and frequent inquiries having been made for copies, this new\nedition has been prepared and an effort has been made to revise the\nwork in the light of the fresh materials that have accumulated during\nthe last sixteen years; but I can make no claim to have made myself\nacquainted with the whole of the vast literature on the subject, in\nupwards of ten different languages, which has been published during\nthis interval. The growing interest in Islam and the various branches\nof study connected with it, may be estimated from the fact that since\n1906 five periodicals have made their appearance devoted to\ninvestigations cognate to the subject-matter of the present work, viz.\nRevue du Monde Musulman, publi\u00e9e par La Mission Scientifique du Maroc\n(Paris, 1906\u2013\u00a0); Der Islam, Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Geschichte und Kultur des\nislamischen Orients (Strassburg, 1910\u2013\u00a0); The Moslem World, a quarterly\nreview of current events, literature, and thought among Mohammedans,\nand the progress of Christian Missions in Moslem lands (London, 1911\u2013\n); Mir Islama (St. Petersburg, 1912\u2013\u00a0); and Die Welt des Islams,\nZeitschrift der deutschen Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Islamkunde (Berlin, 1913\u2013\u00a0).\nThe Christian missionary societies are also now devoting increased\nattention to the subject of Muslim missionary activity and accordingly\nit takes up a proportionately larger place in their publications than\nbefore.\n\nThis second edition would have been completed several years ago but for\nthe illiberal policy which closes the Reading Room of the British\nMuseum at 7 o\u2019clock and has thus made it practically inaccessible to me\nexcept on Saturdays. [5] I therefore desire to express my grateful\nthanks to those friends who have facilitated my labours by the loan of\nbooks from the Libraries of the University of Leiden and the University\nof Utrecht (through the kind offices of Professor Wensinck), and the\n\u00c9cole des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris;\u2014to Mr. J. A. Oldham,\neditor of The International Review of Missions, I am indebted for the\nloan of volumes of the Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift, a set of which\nI have been unable to find in London; my thanks are specially due to\nDr. F. W. Thomas, who has allowed me to study for lengthy periods\n(along with other books from the India Office Library) the monumental\nAnnali dell\u2019 Islam by Leone Caetani, Principe di Teano,\u2014a work of\ninestimable value for the early history of Islam, but unfortunately\nplaced out of the reach of the average scholar by reason of its great\ncost.\n\nI am also much indebted for several valuable indications to those\nscholars who reviewed the book when it first appeared,\u2014above all, to\nProfessor Goldziher, whose sympathetic interest in this work has\nencouraged me to continue it.\n\n\n London, 1913.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\nINTRODUCTION. PAGE\n\n A missionary religion defined. Islam a missionary religion; its\n extent. The Qur\u02bc\u0101n enjoins preaching and persuasion, and forbids\n violence and force in the conversion of unbelievers. The present\n work a history of missions, not of persecutions 1\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\nSTUDY OF THE LIFE OF MU\u1e24AMMAD CONSIDERED AS A PREACHER OF ISLAM.\n\n Mu\u1e25ammad the type of the Muslim missionary. Account of his early\n efforts at propagating Islam, and of the conversions made in Mecca\n before the Hijrah. Persecution of the converts, and migration to\n Medina. Condition of the Muslims in Medina: beginning of the\n national life of Islam. Islam offered (a) to the Arabs, (b) to the\n whole world. Islam declared in the Qur\u02bc\u0101n to be a universal\n religion,\u2014as being the primitive faith delivered to Abraham.\n Mu\u1e25ammad as the founder of a political organisation. The spread of\n Islam and the efforts made to convert the Arabs after the Hijrah.\n The ideals of Islam and those of Pre-Islamic Arabia contrasted 11\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF WESTERN ASIA.\n\n The Arab conquests and expansion of the Arab race after the death\n of Mu\u1e25ammad. Conversion of Christian Bedouins. Causes of the early\n successes of the Muslims. Toleration extended to those who remained\n Christian.\u2014The settled population of the towns: failure of\n Heraclius\u2019s attempt to reconcile the contending Christian sects.\n The Arab conquest of Syria and Palestine: their toleration: the\n Ordinance of \u02bbUmar: jizyah paid in return for protection and in\n lieu of military service. Condition of the Christians under Muslim\n rule: they occupy high posts, build new churches: revival in the\n Nestorian Church. Causes of their conversion to Islam: revolt\n against Byzantine ecclesiasticism: influence of rationalistic\n thought: imposing character of Muslim civilisation. Persecutions\n suffered by the Christians. Proselytising efforts. Details of\n conversion to Islam.\u2014Account of conversions from among the\n Crusaders.\u2014The Armenian and Georgian Churches 45\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF AFRICA.\n\n Egypt: conquered by the Arabs, who are welcomed by the Copts as\n their deliverers from Byzantine rule. Condition of the Copts under\n the Muslims. Corruption and negligence of the clergy lead to\n conversions to Islam.\u2014Nubia: relations with Muhammadan powers:\n gradual decay of the Christian faith.\u2014Abyssinia: the Arabs on the\n sea-board: missionary efforts in the fourteenth century: invasion\n of A\u1e25mad Gr\u0101\u00f1: conversions to Islam: progress of Islam in recent\n years.\u2014Northern Africa: extent of Christianity in North Africa in\n the seventh century: the Christians are said to have been forcibly\n converted: reasons for thinking that this statement is not true:\n toleration enjoyed by the Christians: gradual disappearance of the\n Christian Church 102\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIANS OF SPAIN.\n\n Christianity in Spain before the Muslim conquest: miserable\n condition of the Jews and the slaves. Early converts to Islam.\n Corruption of the clergy. Toleration of the Arabs, and influence of\n their civilisation on the Christians, who study Arabic and adopt\n Arab dress and manners. Causes of conversion to Islam. The\n voluntary martyrs of Cordova. Extent of the conversions 131\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS IN EUROPE UNDER THE\nTURKS.\n\n Relations of the Turks to their Christian subjects during the first\n two centuries of their rule: toleration extended to the Greek\n Church by Mu\u1e25ammad II: the benefits of Ottoman rule: its\n disadvantages, the tribute-children, the capitation-tax, tyranny of\n individuals. Forced conversion rare. Proselytising efforts made by\n the Turks. Circumstances that favoured the spread of Islam:\n degraded condition of the Greek Church: failure of the attempt to\n Protestantise the Greek Church: oppression of the Greek clergy:\n moral superiority of the Ottomans: imposing character of their\n conquests. Conversion of Christian slaves.\u2014Islam in Albania,\n conquest of the country, independent character of its people,\n gradual decay of the Christian faith, and its causes;\u2014in Servia,\n alliance of the Servians with the Turks, conversions mainly from\n among the nobles except in Old Servia;\u2014in Montenegro;\u2014in Bosnia,\n the Bogomiles, points of similarity between the Bogomilian heresy\n and the Muslim creed, conversion to Islam;\u2014in Crete, conversion in\n the ninth century, oppression of the Venetian rule, conquered by\n the Turks, conversions to Islam 145\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN PERSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA.\n\n Religious condition of Persia at the time of the Arab conquest.\n Islam welcomed by many sections of the population. Points of\n similarity between the older faiths and Islam. Toleration.\n Conversions to Islam. The Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blians and their missionary system.\n Islam in Central Asia and Afghanist\u0101n 206\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE MONGOLS AND TATARS.\n\n Account of the Mongol conquests. Buddhism, Christianity and Islam\n in rivalry for the allegiance of the Mongols. Their original\n religion, Shamanism, described. Spread of Buddhism, of\n Christianity, and of Islam respectively among the Mongols.\n Difficulties that stood in the way of Islam. Cruel treatment of the\n Muslims by some Mongol rulers. Early converts to Islam. Baraka\n Kh\u0101n, the first Mongol prince converted. Conversion of the \u012alkh\u0101ns.\n Conversion of the Chaghat\u0101y Mongols. History of Islam under the\n Golden Horde: \u016azbek Kh\u0101n: failure of attempts to convert the\n Russians. Spread of Islam in modern times in the Russian Empire.\n The conversion of the Tatars of Siberia 218\n\n\nCHAPTER IX.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA.\n\n Distribution of the Muhammadan population. Part taken by the\n Muhammadan rulers in the propagation of Islam: conversion of\n Rajputs and others.\u2014The work of the Muslim missionaries in India;\n traditions of early missionary efforts in South India, forced\n conversions under \u1e24aydar \u02bbAl\u012b and T\u012bp\u016b Sul\u1e6d\u0101n, the Mappillas:\u2014in\n the Maldive Islands:\u2014in the Deccan, early Arab settlements, labours\n of individual missionaries:\u2014in Sind, the rule of the Arabs, their\n toleration, account of individual missionaries, conversion of the\n Khojahs and Bohras:\u2014in Bengal, the Muhammadan rule in this\n province, extensive conversions of the lower castes, religious\n revival in recent times.\u2014Particular account of the labours of\n Muslim missionaries in other parts of India. Propagationist\n movements of modern times. Circumstances facilitating the progress\n of Islam: the oppressiveness of the Hindu caste system, worship of\n Muslim saints, etc.\u2014Spread of Islam in Kashm\u012br and Tibet 254\n\n\nCHAPTER X.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN CHINA.\n\n Early notices of Islam in China. Intercourse of the Chinese with\n the Arabs. Legendary account of the first introduction of Islam\n into China. Muslims under the T\u02bcang dynasty: influence of the\n Mongol conquest; Islam under the Ming dynasty. Relations of the\n Chinese Muslims to the Chinese Government. Their efforts to spread\n their religion 294\n\n\nCHAPTER XI.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN AFRICA.\n\n The Arabs in Northern Africa: conversion of the Berbers: the\n mission of \u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. Y\u0101s\u012bn. Introduction of Islam into the\n Sudan: rise of Muhammadan kingdoms: account of missionary\n movements, Danfodio, \u02bbUthm\u0101n al-Am\u012br Ghan\u012b, the Q\u0101diriyyah, the\n Tij\u0101niyyah, and the San\u016bsiyyah. Spread of Islam on the West Coast:\n Ashanti: Dahomey. Spread of Islam on the East Coast: early Muslim\n settlements: recent expansion in German East Africa: the Galla: the\n Somali. Islam in Cape Coast Colony. Account of the Muslim\n missionaries in Africa and their methods of winning converts 312\n\n\nCHAPTER XII.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO.\n\n Early intercourse between the Malay Archipelago and Arabia and\n India. Methods of missionary work. History of Islam in Sumatra; in\n the Malay Peninsula; in Java; in the Moluccas; in Borneo; in\n Celebes; in the Philippine and the Sulu Islands; among the Papuans.\n The Muslim missionaries: traders: \u1e25\u0101j\u012bs 363\n\n\nCHAPTER XIII.\n\nCONCLUSION.\n\n Absence of missionary organisation in Islam: zeal on the part of\n individuals. Who are the Muslim missionaries? Causes that have\n contributed to their success: the simplicity of the Muslim creed:\n the rationalism and ritualism of Islam. Islam not spread by the\n sword. The toleration of Muhammadan governments. Circumstances\n contributing to the progress of Islam in ancient and in modern\n times 408\n\n\nAPPENDIX I.\n\nLetter of al-H\u0101shim\u012b inviting al-Kind\u012b to embrace Islam 428\n\n\nAPPENDIX II.\n\nControversial literature between Muslims and the followers of\nother faiths 436\n\n\nAPPENDIX III.\n\nMuslim missionary societies 438\n\n\nTitles of Works cited by Abbreviated References 440\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nTHE PREACHING OF ISLAM\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\nINTRODUCTION.\n\n\nEver since Professor Max M\u00fcller delivered his lecture in Westminster\nAbbey, on the day of intercession for missions, in December, 1873, it\nhas been a literary commonplace, that the six great religions of the\nworld may be divided into missionary and non-missionary; under the\nlatter head fall Judaism, Brahmanism and Zoroastrianism, and under the\nformer Buddhism, Christianity and Islam; and he well defined what the\nterm,\u2014a missionary religion,\u2014should be taken to mean, viz. one \u201cin\nwhich the spreading of the truth and the conversion of unbelievers are\nraised to the rank of a sacred duty by the founder or his immediate\nsuccessors.... It is the spirit of truth in the hearts of believers\nwhich cannot rest, unless it manifests itself in thought, word and\ndeed, which is not satisfied till it has carried its message to every\nhuman soul, till what it believes to be the truth is accepted as the\ntruth by all members of the human family.\u201d [6]\n\nIt is such a zeal for the truth of their religion that has inspired the\nMuhammadans to carry with them the message of Islam to the people of\nevery land into which they penetrate, and that justly claims for their\nreligion a place among those we term missionary. It is the history of\nthe birth of this missionary zeal, its inspiring forces and the modes\nof its activity that forms the subject of the following pages. The 200\nmillions of Muhammadans scattered over the world at the present day are\nevidences of its workings through the length of thirteen centuries.\n\nThe doctrines of this faith were first proclaimed to the people of\nArabia in the seventh century, by a prophet under whose banner their\nscattered tribes became a nation; and filled with the pulsations of\nthis new national life, and with a fervour and enthusiasm that imparted\nan almost invincible strength to their armies, they poured forth over\nthree continents to conquer and subdue. Syria, Palestine, Egypt, North\nAfrica and Persia were the first to fall before them, and pressing\nwestward to Spain and eastward beyond the Indus, the followers of the\nProphet found themselves, one hundred years after his death, masters of\nan empire greater than that of Rome at the zenith of its power.\n\nAlthough in after years this great empire was split up and the\npolitical power of Islam diminished, still its spiritual conquests went\non uninterruptedly. When the Mongol hordes sacked Baghd\u0101d (A.D. 1258)\nand drowned in blood the faded glory of the \u02bbAbb\u0101sid dynasty,\u2014when the\nMuslims were expelled from Cordova by Ferdinand of Leon and Castile\n(A.D. 1236), and Granada, the last stronghold of Islam in Spain, paid\ntribute to the Christian king,\u2014Islam had just gained a footing in the\nisland of Sumatra and was just about to commence its triumphant\nprogress through the islands of the Malay Archipelago. In the hours of\nits political degradation, Islam has achieved some of its most\nbrilliant spiritual conquests: on two great historical occasions,\ninfidel barbarians have set their feet on the necks of the followers of\nthe Prophet,\u2014the Salj\u016bq Turks in the eleventh and the Mongols in the\nthirteenth century,\u2014and in each case the conquerors have accepted the\nreligion of the conquered. Unaided also by the temporal power, Muslim\nmissionaries have carried their faith into Central Africa, China and\nthe East India Islands.\n\nAt the present day the faith of Islam extends from Morocco to Zanzibar,\nfrom Sierra Leone to Siberia and China, from Bosnia to New Guinea.\nOutside the limits of strictly Muhammadan countries and of lands, such\nas China and Russia, that contain a large Muhammadan population, there\nare some few small communities of the followers of the Prophet, which\nbear witness to the faith of Islam in the midst of unbelievers. Such\nare the Polish-speaking Muslims of Tatar origin in Lithuania, that\ninhabit the districts of Kovno, Vilno and Grodno; [7] the\nDutch-speaking Muslims of Cape Colony; and the Indian coolies that have\ncarried the faith of Islam with them to the West India Islands and to\nBritish and Dutch Guiana. In recent years, too, Islam has found\nadherents in England, in North America, Australia and Japan.\n\nThe spread of this faith over so vast a portion of the globe is due to\nvarious causes, social, political and religious: but among these, one\nof the most powerful factors at work in the production of this\nstupendous result, has been the unremitted labours of Muslim\nmissionaries, who, with the Prophet himself as their great ensample,\nhave spent themselves for the conversion of unbelievers.\n\nThe duty of missionary work is no after-thought in the history of\nIslam, but was enjoined on believers from the beginning, as may be\njudged from the following passages in the Qur\u02bc\u0101n,\u2014which are here quoted\nin chronological order according to the date of their being delivered.\n\n\n \u201cSummon thou to the way of thy Lord with wisdom and with kindly\n warning: dispute with them in the kindest manner. (xvi. 126.)\n\n \u201cThey who have inherited the Book after them (i.e. the Jews and\n Christians), are in perplexity of doubt concerning it.\n\n \u201cFor this cause summon thou (them to the faith), and walk uprightly\n therein as thou hast been bidden, and follow not their desires: and\n say: In whatsoever Books God hath sent down do I believe: I am\n commanded to decide justly between you: God is your Lord and our\n Lord: we have our works and you have your works: between us and you\n let there be no strife: God will make us all one: and to Him shall\n we return.\u201d (xlii. 13\u201314.)\n\n\nSimilar injunctions are found also in the Medinite S\u016brahs, delivered at\na time when Mu\u1e25ammad was at the head of a large army and at the height\nof his power.\n\n\n \u201cSay to those who have been given the Book and to the ignorant, Do\n you accept Islam? Then, if they accept Islam, are they guided\n aright: but if they turn away, then thy duty is only preaching; and\n God\u2019s eye is on His servants, (iii. 19.)\n\n \u201cThus God clearly showeth you His signs that perchance ye may be\n guided;\n\n \u201cAnd that there may be from among you a people who invite to the\n Good, and enjoin the Just, and forbid the Wrong; and these are they\n with whom it shall be well. (iii. 99\u2013100.)\n\n \u201cTo every people have We appointed observances which they observe.\n Therefore let them not dispute the matter with thee, but summon\n them to thy Lord: Verily thou art guided aright:\n\n \u201cBut if they debate with thee, then say: God best knoweth what ye\n do!\u201d (xxii. 66\u201367.)\n\n\nThe following passages are taken from what is generally supposed to be\nthe last S\u016brah that was delivered.\n\n\n \u201cIf any one of those who join gods with God ask an asylum of thee,\n grant him an asylum in order that he may hear the word of God; then\n let him reach his place of safety.\u201d (ix. 6.)\n\n\nWith regard to the unbelievers who had broken their plighted word, who\n\u201csell the signs of God for a mean price and turn others aside from His\nway,\u201d and \u201crespect not with a believer either ties of blood or good\nfaith,\u201d ... it is said:\u2014\n\n\n \u201cYet if they turn to God and observe prayer and give alms, then are\n they your brothers in the faith: and We make clear the signs for\n men of knowledge.\u201d (ix. 11.)\n\n\nThus from its very inception Islam has been a missionary religion, both\nin theory and in practice, for the life of Mu\u1e25ammad exemplifies the\nsame teaching, and the Prophet himself stands at the head of a long\nseries of Muslim missionaries who have won an entrance for their faith\ninto the hearts of unbelievers. Moreover it is not in the cruelties of\nthe persecutor or the fury of the fanatic that we should look for the\nevidences of the missionary spirit of Islam, any more than in the\nexploits of that mythical personage, the Muslim warrior with sword in\none hand and Qur\u02bc\u0101n in the other, [8]\u2014but in the quiet, unobtrusive\nlabours of the preacher and the trader who have carried their faith\ninto every quarter of the globe. Such peaceful methods of preaching and\npersuasion were not adopted, as some would have us believe, only when\npolitical circumstances made force and violence impossible or\nimpolitic, but were most strictly enjoined in numerous passages of the\nQur\u02bc\u0101n, as follows:\u2014\n\n\n \u201cAnd endure what they say with patience, and depart from them with\n a decorous departure.\n\n \u201cAnd let Me alone with the gainsayers, rich in the pleasures (of\n this life); and bear thou with them yet a little while. (lxxiii.\n 10\u201311.)\n\n \u201c(My) sole (work) is preaching from God and His message. (lxxii.\n 24.)\n\n \u201cTell those who have believed to pardon those who hope not for the\n days of God in which He purposeth to recompense men according to\n their deserts. (xlv. 13.)\n\n \u201cThey who had joined other gods with God say, \u2018Had He pleased,\n neither we nor our forefathers had worshipped aught but Him; nor\n had we, apart from Him, declared anything unlawful.\u2019 Thus acted\n they who were before them. Yet is the duty of the apostles other\n than plain-spoken preaching? (xvi. 37.)\n\n \u201cThen if they turn their backs, still thy office is only\n plain-spoken preaching. (xvi. 84.)\n\n \u201cDispute ye not, unless in kindliest sort, with the people of the\n Book; save with such of them as have dealt wrongfully (with you):\n and say ye, \u2018We believe in what has been sent down to us and hath\n been sent down to you. Our God and your God is one, and to Him are\n we self-surrendered.\u2019 (xxix. 45.)\n\n \u201cBut if they turn aside from thee, yet We have not sent thee to be\n guardian over them. \u2019Tis thine but to preach. (xlii. 47.)\n\n \u201cBut if thy Lord had pleased, verily all who are in the world would\n have believed together. Wilt thou then compel men to become\n believers? (x. 99.)\n\n \u201cAnd we have not sent thee otherwise than to mankind at large, to\n announce and to warn.\u201d (xxxiv. 27.)\n\n\nSuch precepts are not confined to the Meccan S\u016brahs, but are found in\nabundance also in those delivered at Medina, as follows:\u2014\n\n\n \u201cLet there be no compulsion in religion. (ii. 257.)\n \u201cObey God and obey the apostle; but if ye turn away, yet is our\n apostle only charged with plain-spoken preaching. (lxiv. 12.)\n\n \u201cObey God and obey the apostle: but if ye turn back, still the\n burden of his duty is on him only, and the burden of your duty\n rests on you. And if ye obey him, ye shall have guidance: but plain\n preaching is all that devolves upon the apostle. (xxiv. 53.)\n\n \u201cSay: O men! I am only your plain-spoken (open) warner. (xxii. 48.)\n\n \u201cVerily We have sent thee to be a witness and a herald of good and\n a warner,\n\n \u201cThat ye may believe on God and on His apostle; and may assist Him\n and honour Him, and praise Him morning and evening. (xlviii. 8\u20139.)\n\n \u201cThou wilt not cease to discover the treacherous ones among them,\n except a few of them. But forgive them and pass it over. Verily,\n God loveth those who act generously.\u201d (v. 16.)\n\n\nIt is the object of the following pages to show how this ideal was\nrealised in history and how these principles of missionary activity\nwere put into practice by the exponents of Islam. And at the outset the\nreader should clearly understand that this work is not intended to be a\nhistory of Muhammadan persecutions but of Muhammadan missions\u2014it does\nnot aim at chronicling the instances of forced conversions which may be\nfound scattered up and down the pages of Muhammadan histories. European\nwriters have taken such care to accentuate these, that there is no fear\nof their being forgotten, and they do not strictly come within the\nprovince of a history of missions. In a history of Christian missions\nwe should naturally expect to hear more of the labours of St. Liudger\nand St. Willehad among the pagan Saxons than of the baptisms that\nCharlemagne forced them to undergo at the point of the sword. [9] The\ntrue missionaries of Denmark were St. Ansgar and his successors rather\nthan King Cnut, who forcibly rooted out paganism from his dominions.\n[10] Abbot Gottfried and Bishop Christian, though less successful in\nconverting the pagan Prussians, were more truly representative of\nChristian missionary work than the Brethren of the Sword and other\nCrusaders who brought their labours to completion by means of fire and\nsword. The knights of the \u201cOrdo fratrum militi\u00e6 Christi\u201d forced\nChristianity on the people of Livonia, but it is not to these militant\npropagandists but to the monks Meinhard and Theodoric that we should\npoint as being the true missionaries of the Christian faith in this\ncountry. The violent means sometimes employed by the Jesuit\nmissionaries [11] cannot derogate from the honour due to St. Francis\nXavier and other preachers of the same order. Nor is Valentyn any the\nless the apostle of Amboyna because in 1699 an order was promulgated to\nthe Rajas of this island that they should have ready a certain number\nof pagans to be baptised, when the pastor came on his rounds. [12]\n\nIn the history of the Christian church missionary activity is seen to\nbe intermittent, and an age of apostolic fervour may be succeeded by a\nperiod of apathy and indifference, or persecution and forced conversion\nmay take the place of the preaching of the Word; so likewise does the\npropaganda of Islam in various epochs of Muhammadan history ebb and\nflow. But since the zeal of proselytising is a distinct feature of\neither faith, its missionary history may fittingly be singled out as a\nseparate branch of study, not as excluding other manifestations of the\nreligious life but as concentrating attention on an aspect of it that\nhas special characteristics of its own. Thus the annals of propaganda\nand persecution may be studied apart from one another, whether in the\nhistory of the Christian or the Muslim church, though in both they may\nbe at times commingled. For just as the Christian faith has not always\nbeen propagated by the methods adopted in Viken (the southern part of\nNorway) by King Olaf Trygvesson, who either slew those who refused to\naccept Christianity, or cut off their hands or feet, or drove them into\nbanishment, and in this manner spread the Christian faith throughout\nthe whole of Viken, [13]\u2014and just as the advice of St. Louis has not\nbeen made a principle of Christian missionary work,\u2014\u201cWhen a layman\nhears the Christian law ill spoken of, he should not defend that law\nsave with his sword, which he should thrust into the infidel\u2019s belly,\nas far as it will go,\u201d [14]\u2014so there have been Muslim missionaries who\nhave not been guided in their propagandist methods by the savage\nutterance of Marw\u0101n, the last of the \u02bbUmayyad caliphs: \u201cWhosoever among\nthe people of Egypt does not enter into my religion and pray as I pray\nand follow my tenets, I will slay and crucify him.\u201d [15] Nor are\nal-Mutawakkil, al-\u1e24\u0101kim and T\u012bp\u016b Sul\u1e6d\u0101n to be looked upon as typical\nmissionaries of Islam to the exclusion of such preachers as Mawl\u0101n\u0101\nIbr\u0101h\u012bm, the apostle of Java, Khw\u0101jah Mu\u02bb\u012bn al-D\u012bn Chisht\u012b in India and\ncountless others who won converts to the Muslim faith by peaceful means\nalone.\n\nBut though a clear distinction can be drawn between conversion as the\nresult of persecution and a peaceful propaganda by means of methods of\npersuasion, it is not so easy to ascertain the motives that have\ninduced the convert to change his faith, or to discover whether the\nmissionary has been wholly animated by a love of souls and by the high\nideal set forth in the first paragraph of this chapter. Both in\nChristianity and Islam there have been at all times earnest souls to\nwhom their religion has been the supreme reality of their lives, and\nthis absorbing interest in matters of the spirit has found expression\nin that zeal for the communication of cherished truths and for the\ndomination of doctrines and systems they have deemed perfect, which\nconstitutes the vivifying force of missionary movements,\u2014and there have\nlikewise been those without the pale, who have responded to their\nappeal and have embraced the new faith with a like fervour. But, on the\nother hand, Islam\u2014like Christianity\u2014has reckoned among its adherents\nmany persons to whom ecclesiastical institutions have been merely\ninstruments of a political policy or forms of social organisation, to\nbe accepted either as disagreeable necessities or as convenient\nsolutions of problems that they do not care to think out for\nthemselves; such persons may likewise be found among the converts of\neither faith. Thus both Christianity and Islam have added to the number\nof their followers by methods and under conditions\u2014social, political\nand economic\u2014which have no connection with such a thirst for souls as\nanimates the true missionary. Moreover, the annals of missionary\nenterprise frequently record the admission of converts without any\nattempt to analyse the motives that have led them to change their\nfaith, and especially for the history of Muslim missions there is a\nremarkable poverty of material in this respect, since Muslim literature\nis singularly poor in those records of conversions that occupy such a\nlarge place in the literature of the Christian church. Accordingly, in\nthe following sketch of the missionary activity of Islam, it has not\nalways been possible to discover whether political, social, economic or\npurely religious motives have determined conversion, though occasional\nreference can be made to the operation of one or the other influence.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\nSTUDY OF THE LIFE OF MU\u1e24AMMAD CONSIDERED AS A PREACHER OF ISLAM.\n\n\nIt is not proposed in this chapter to add another to the already\nnumerous biographies of Mu\u1e25ammad, but rather to make a study of his\nlife in one of its aspects only, viz. that in which the Prophet is\npresented to us as a preacher, as the apostle unto men of a new\nreligion. The life of the founder of Islam and the inaugurator of its\npropaganda may naturally be expected to exhibit to us the true\ncharacter of the missionary activity of this religion. If the life of\nthe Prophet serves as the standard of conduct for the ordinary\nbeliever, it must do the same for the Muslim missionary. From the\npattern, therefore, we may hope to learn something of the spirit that\nwould animate those who sought to copy it, and of the methods they\nmight be expected to adopt. For the missionary spirit of Islam is no\nafter-thought in its history; it interpenetrates the religion from its\nvery commencement, and in the following sketch it is desired to show\nhow this is so, how Mu\u1e25ammad the Prophet is the type of the missionary\nof Islam. It is therefore beside the purpose to describe his early\nhistory, or the influences under which he grew up to manhood, or to\nconsider him in the light either of a statesman or a general: it is as\nthe preacher alone that he will demand our attention.\n\nWhen, after long internal conflict and disquietude, Mu\u1e25ammad was at\nlength convinced of his divine mission, his earliest efforts were\ndirected towards persuading his own family of the truth of the new\ndoctrine. The unity of God, the abomination of idolatry, the duty laid\nupon man of submission to the will of his Creator,\u2014these were the\nsimple truths to which he claimed their allegiance. The first convert\nwas his faithful and loving wife, Khad\u012bjah,\u2014she who fifteen years\nbefore had offered her hand in marriage to the poor kinsman that had so\nsuccessfully traded with her merchandise as a hired agent,\u2014with the\nwords, \u201cI love thee, my cousin, for thy kinship with me, for the\nrespect with which thy people regard thee, for thy honesty, for the\nbeauty of thy character and for the truthfulness of thy speech.\u201d [16]\nShe had lifted him out of poverty, and enabled him to live up to the\nsocial position to which he was entitled by right of birth; but this\nwas as nothing to the fidelity and loving devotion with which she\nshared his mental anxieties, and helped him with tenderest sympathy and\nencouragement in the hour of his despondency.\n\nUp to her death in A.D. 619 (after a wedded life of five and twenty\nyears) she was always ready with sympathy, consolation and\nencouragement whenever he suffered from the persecution of his enemies\nor was tortured by doubts and misgivings. \u201cSo Khad\u012bjah believed,\u201d says\nthe biographer of the Prophet, \u201cand attested the truth of that which\ncame to him from God and aided him in his undertaking. Thus was the\nLord minded to lighten the burden of His Prophet; for whenever he heard\nanything that grieved him touching his rejection by the people, he\nwould return to her and God would comfort him through her, for she\nreassured him and lightened his burden and declared her trust in him\nand made it easy for him to bear the scorn of men.\u201d [17]\n\nAmong the earliest believers were his adopted children Zayd and \u02bbAl\u012b,\nand his bosom friend Ab\u016b Bakr, of whom Mu\u1e25ammad would often say in\nafter years, \u201cI never invited any to the faith who displayed not\nhesitation, perplexity and vacillation\u2014excepting only Ab\u016b Bakr; who\nwhen I told him of Islam tarried not, neither was perplexed.\u201d He was a\nwealthy merchant, much respected by his fellow citizens for the\nintegrity of his character and for his intelligence and ability. After\nhis conversion he expended the greater part of his fortune on the\npurchase of Muslim slaves who were persecuted by their masters on\naccount of their adherence to the teaching of Mu\u1e25ammad. Through his\ninfluence, to a great extent, five of the earliest converts were added\nto the number of believers, Sa\u02bbd b. Ab\u012b Waqq\u0101\u1e63, the future conqueror of\nthe Persians; al-Zubayr b. al-\u02bbAww\u0101m, a relative both of the Prophet\nand his wife; \u1e6cal\u1e25ah, famous as a warrior in after days; a wealthy\nmerchant \u02bbAbd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n b. \u02bbAwf, and \u02bbUthm\u0101n, the third Khal\u012bfah. The\nlast was early exposed to persecution; his uncle seized and bound him,\nsaying, \u201cDost thou prefer a new religion to that of thy fathers? I\nswear I will not loose thee until thou givest up this new faith thou\nart following after.\u201d To which \u02bbUthm\u0101n replied, \u201cBy the Lord, I will\nnever abandon it!\u201d Whereupon his uncle, seeing the firmness of his\nattachment to his faith, released him.\n\nWith other additions, particularly from among slaves and poor persons,\nthe Prophet succeeded in collecting round him a little band of\nfollowers during the first three years of his mission. Encouraged by\nthe success of these private efforts, Mu\u1e25ammad determined on more\nactive measures and began to preach in public. He called his kinsmen\ntogether and invited them to embrace the new faith. \u201cNo Arab,\u201d he\nurged, \u201chas offered to his nation more precious advantages than those I\nbring you. I offer you happiness in this world and in the life to come.\nWho among you will aid me in this task?\u201d All were silent. Only \u02bbAl\u012b,\nwith boyish enthusiasm, cried out, \u201cProphet of God, I will aid thee.\u201d\nAt this the company broke up with derisive laughter.\n\nUndeterred by the ill-success of this preaching, he repeatedly appealed\nto them on other occasions, but his message and his warnings received\nfrom them nothing but scoffing and contempt.\n\nMore than once the Quraysh tried to induce his uncle Ab\u016b \u1e6c\u0101lib, as head\nof the clan of the Ban\u016b H\u0101shim, to which Mu\u1e25ammad belonged, to restrain\nhim from making such attacks upon their ancestral faith, or otherwise\nthey threatened to resort to more violent measures. Ab\u016b \u1e6c\u0101lib\naccordingly appealed to his nephew not to bring disaster on himself and\nhis family. The Prophet replied: \u201cWere the sun to come down on my right\nhand and the moon on my left, and the choice were offered me of\nabandoning my mission until God himself should reveal it, or perishing\nin the achievement of it, I would not abandon it.\u201d Ab\u016b \u1e6c\u0101lib was moved\nand exclaimed, \u201cGo and say whatever thou wilt: by God! I will never\ngive thee up unto thy enemies.\u201d\n\nThe Quraysh viewed the progress of the new religion with increasing\ndissatisfaction and hatred. They adopted all possible means, threats\nand promises, insults and offers of worldly honour and aggrandisement\nto induce Mu\u1e25ammad to abandon the part he had taken up. The violent\nabuse with which he was assailed is said to have been the indirect\ncause of drawing to his side one important convert in the person of his\nuncle, \u1e24amzah, whose chivalrous soul was so stung to sudden sympathy by\na tale of insult inflicted on and patiently borne by his nephew, that\nhe changed at once from a bitter enemy into a staunch adherent. His was\nnot the only instance of sympathy for the sufferings of the Muslims\nbeing aroused at the sight of the persecutions they had to endure, and\nmany, no doubt, secretly favoured the new religion who did not declare\nthemselves until the day of its triumph.\n\nThe hostility of the Quraysh to the new faith increased in bitterness\nas they watched the increase in the numbers of its adherents. They\nrealised that the triumph of the new teaching meant the destruction of\nthe national religion and the national worship, and a loss of wealth\nand power to the guardians of the sacred Ka\u02bbbah. Mu\u1e25ammad himself was\nsafe under the protection of Ab\u016b \u1e6c\u0101lib and the Ban\u016b H\u0101shim, who, though\nthey had no sympathy for the doctrines their kinsman taught, yet with\nthe strong clan-feeling peculiar to the Arabs, secured him from any\nattempt upon his life, though he was still exposed to continual insult\nand annoyance. But the poor who had no protector, and the slaves, had\nto endure the cruelest persecution, and were imprisoned and tortured in\norder to induce them to recant. It was at this time that Ab\u016b Bakr\npurchased the freedom of Bil\u0101l, [18] an African slave, who was called\nby Mu\u1e25ammad \u201cthe first-fruits of Abyssinia.\u201d He had been cruelly\ntortured by being exposed, day after day, to the scorching rays of the\nsun, stretched out on his back, with an enormous stone on his stomach;\nhere he was told he would have to stay until either he died or\nrenounced Mu\u1e25ammad and worshipped idols, to which he would reply only,\n\u201cThere is but one God, there is but one God.\u201d Two persons died under\nthe tortures they had to undergo. The constancy of a few gave way under\nthe trial, but persecution served only to re-kindle the zeal of others.\n\u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. Mas\u02bb\u016bd made bold to recite a passage of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n within\nthe precincts of the Ka\u02bbbah itself,\u2014an act of daring that none of the\nfollowers of Mu\u1e25ammad had ventured upon before. The assembled Quraysh\nattacked him and smote him on the face, but it was some time before\nthey compelled him to desist. He returned to his companions, prepared\nto bear witness to his faith in a similar manner on the next day, but\nthey dissuaded him, saying, \u201cThis is enough for thee, since thou hast\nmade them listen to what they hated to hear.\u201d\n\nThe virulence of the opposition of the Quraysh is probably the reason\nwhy in the fourth year of his mission Mu\u1e25ammad took up his residence in\nthe house of al-Arqam, one of the early converts. It was in a central\nsituation, much frequented by pilgrims and strangers, and here\npeaceably and without interruption he was able to preach the doctrines\nof Islam to all enquirers that came to him. Mu\u1e25ammad\u2019s stay in this\nhouse marks an important epoch in the propagation of Islam in Mecca,\nand many Muslims dated their conversion from the days when the Prophet\npreached in the house of al-Arqam.\n\nAs Mu\u1e25ammad was unable to relieve his persecuted followers, he advised\nthem to take refuge in Abyssinia, and in the fifth year of his mission\n(A.D. 615), eleven men and four women crossed over to Abyssinia, where\nthey received a kind welcome from the Christian king of the country.\nAmong them was a certain Mu\u1e63\u02bbab b. \u02bbUmayr whose history is interesting\nas of one who had to endure that most bitter trial of the new\nconvert\u2014the hatred of those he loves and who once loved him. He had\nbeen led to embrace Islam through the teaching he had listened to in\nthe house of al-Arqam, but he was afraid to let the fact of his\nconversion become known, because his tribe and his mother, who bore an\nespecial love to him, were bitterly opposed to the new religion; and\nindeed, when they discovered the fact, seized and imprisoned him. But\nhe succeeded in effecting his escape to Abyssinia.\n\nThe hatred of the Quraysh is said to have pursued the fugitives even to\nAbyssinia, and an embassy was sent to demand their extradition from the\nking of that country. But when he heard their story from the Muslims,\nhe refused to withdraw from them his protection. In answer to his\nenquiries as to their religion, they said: \u201cO King, we were plunged in\nthe darkness of ignorance, worshipping idols, and eating carrion; we\npractised abominations, severed the ties of kinship and maltreated our\nneighbours; the strong among us devoured the weak; and so we remained\nuntil God sent us an apostle, from among ourselves, whose lineage we\nknew as well as his truth, his trustworthiness and the purity of his\nlife. He called upon us to worship the One God and abandon the stones\nand idols that our fathers had worshipped in His stead. He bade us be\ntruthful in speech, faithful to our promises, compassionate and kind to\nour parents and neighbours, and to desist from crime and bloodshed. He\nforbade to do evil, to lie, to rob the orphan or defame women. He\nenjoined on us the worship of God alone, with prayer, almsgiving and\nfasting. And we believed in him and followed the teachings that he\nbrought us from God. But our countrymen rose up against us and\npersecuted us to make us renounce our faith, and return to the worship\nof idols and the abominations of our former life. So when they cruelly\nentreated us, reducing us to bitter straits and came between us and the\npractice of our religion, we took refuge in your country; putting our\ntrust in your justice, we hope that you will deliver us from the\noppression of our enemies.\u201d Their prayer was heard and the embassy of\nthe Quraysh returned discomfited. [19] Meanwhile, in Mecca, a fresh\nattempt was made to induce the Prophet to abandon his work of preaching\nby promises of wealth and honour, but in vain.\n\nWhile the result of the embassy to Abyssinia was being looked for in\nMecca with the greatest expectancy, there occurred the conversion of a\nman, who before had been one of the most bitter enemies of Mu\u1e25ammad,\nand had opposed him with the utmost persistence and fanaticism\u2014a man\nwhom the Muslims had every reason then to look on as their most\nterrible and virulent enemy, though afterwards he shines as one of the\nnoblest figures in the early history of Islam, viz. \u02bbUmar b.\nal-Kha\u1e6d\u1e6d\u0101b. One day, in a fit of rage against the Prophet, he set out,\nsword in hand, to slay him. On the way, one of his relatives met him\nand asked him where he was going. \u201cI am looking for Mu\u1e25ammad,\u201d he\nanswered, \u201cto kill the renegade who has brought discord among the\nQuraysh, called them fools, reviled their religion and defamed their\ngods.\u201d \u201cWhy dost thou not rather punish those of thy own family, and\nset them right?\u201d \u201cAnd who are these of my own family?\u201d answered \u02bbUmar.\n\u201cThy brother-in-law Sa\u02bb\u012bd and thy sister F\u0101\u1e6dimah, who have become\nMuslims and followers of Mu\u1e25ammad.\u201d \u02bbUmar at once rushed off to the\nhouse of his sister, and found her with her husband and Khabb\u0101b,\nanother of the followers of Mu\u1e25ammad, who was teaching them to recite a\nchapter of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n. \u02bbUmar burst into the room: \u201cWhat was that sound\nI heard?\u201d \u201cIt was nothing,\u201d they replied. \u201cNay, but I heard you, and I\nhave learned that you have become followers of Mu\u1e25ammad.\u201d Whereupon he\nrushed upon Sa\u02bb\u012bd and struck him. F\u0101\u1e6dimah threw herself between them,\nto protect her husband, crying, \u201cYes, we are Muslims; we believe in God\nand His Prophet: slay us if you will.\u201d In the struggle his sister was\nwounded, and when \u02bbUmar saw the blood on her face, he was softened and\nasked to see the paper they had been reading: after some hesitation she\nhanded it to him. It contained the 20th S\u016brah of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n. When \u02bbUmar\nread it, he exclaimed, \u201cHow beautiful, how sublime it is!\u201d As he read\non, conviction suddenly overpowered him and he cried, \u201cLead me to\nMu\u1e25ammad that I may tell him of my conversion.\u201d [20]\n\nThe conversion of \u02bbUmar is a turning-point in the history of Islam: the\nMuslims were now able to take up a bolder attitude. Mu\u1e25ammad left the\nhouse of al-Arqam and the believers publicly performed their devotions\ntogether round the Ka\u02bbbah. The situation might thus be expected to give\nthe aristocracy of Mecca just cause for apprehension. For they had no\nlonger to deal with a band of oppressed and despised outcasts,\nstruggling for a weak and miserable existence. It was rather a powerful\nfaction, adding daily to its strength by the accession of influential\ncitizens and endangering the stability of the existing government by an\nalliance with a powerful foreign prince.\n\nThe Quraysh resolved accordingly to make a determined effort to check\nthe further growth of the new movement in their city. They put the Ban\u016b\nH\u0101shim, who through ties of kindred protected the Prophet, under a ban,\nin accordance with which the Quraysh agreed that they would not marry\ntheir women, nor give their own in marriage to them; they would sell\nnothing to them, nor buy aught from them\u2014that dealings with them of\nevery kind should cease. For three years the Ban\u016b H\u0101shim are said to\nhave been confined to one quarter of the city, except during the sacred\nmonths, in which all war ceased throughout Arabia and a truce was made\nin order that pilgrims might visit the sacred Ka\u02bbbah, the centre of the\nnational religion.\n\nMu\u1e25ammad used to take advantage of such times of pilgrimage to preach\nto the various tribes that flocked to Mecca and the adjacent fairs. But\nwith no success, for his uncle Ab\u016b Lahab used to dog his footsteps,\ncrying with a loud voice, \u201cHe is an impostor who wants to draw you away\nfrom the faith of your fathers to the false doctrines that he brings,\nwherefore separate yourselves from him and hear him not.\u201d They would\ntaunt him with the words: \u201cThine own people and kindred should know\nthee best: wherefore do they not believe and follow thee?\u201d But at\nlength the privations endured by Mu\u1e25ammad and his kinsmen enlisted the\nsympathy of a numerous section of the Quraysh and the ban was\nwithdrawn.\n\nIn the same year the loss of Khad\u012bjah, the faithful wife who for\ntwenty-five years had been his counsellor and support, plunged Mu\u1e25ammad\ninto the utmost grief and despondency; and a little later the death of\nAb\u016b \u1e6c\u0101lib deprived him of his constant and most powerful protector and\nexposed him afresh to insult and contumely.\n\nScorned and rejected by his own townsmen, to whom he had delivered his\nmessage with so little success for ten years, he resolved to see if\nthere were not others who might be more ready to listen, among whom the\nseeds of faith might find a more receptive and fruitful soil. With this\nhope he set out for \u1e6c\u0101\u02bcif, a city about seventy miles from Mecca.\nBefore an assembly of the chief men of the city, he expounded his\ndoctrine of the unity of God and of the mission he had received as the\nProphet of God to proclaim this faith; at the same time he besought\ntheir protection against his persecutors in Mecca. The disproportion\nbetween his high claims (which moreover were unintelligible to the\nheathen people of \u1e6c\u0101\u02bcif) and his helpless condition only excited their\nridicule and scorn, and pitilessly stoning him with stones they drove\nhim from their city.\n\nOn his return from \u1e6c\u0101\u02bcif the prospects of the success of Mu\u1e25ammad\nseemed more hopeless than ever, and the agony of his soul gave itself\nutterance in the words that he puts into the mouth of Noah: \u201cO my Lord,\nverily I have cried to my people night and day; and my cry only makes\nthem flee from me the more. And verily, so oft as I cry to them, that\nThou mayest forgive them, they thrust their fingers into their ears and\nwrap themselves in their garments, and persist (in their error), and\nare disdainfully disdainful.\u201d (lxxi. 5\u20136.)\n\nIt was the Prophet\u2019s habit at the time of the annual pilgrimage to\nvisit the encampments of the various Arab tribes and discourse with\nthem upon religion. By some his words were treated with indifference,\nby others rejected with scorn. But consolation came to him from an\nunexpected quarter. He met a little group of six or seven persons whom\nhe recognised as coming from Medina, or, as it was then called,\nYathrib. \u201cOf what tribe are you?\u201d said he, addressing them. \u201cWe are of\nthe Khazraj,\u201d they answered. \u201cFriends of the Jews?\u201d \u201cYes.\u201d \u201cThen will\nyou not sit down awhile, that I may talk with you?\u201d \u201cAssuredly,\u201d\nreplied they. Then they sat down with him, and he proclaimed unto them\nthe true God and preached Islam and recited to them the Qur\u02bc\u0101n. Now so\nit was, in that God wrought wonderfully for Islam that there were found\nin their country Jews, who possessed scriptures and wisdom, while they\nthemselves were heathen and idolaters. Now the Jews ofttimes suffered\nviolence at their hands, and when strife was between them had ever said\nto them, \u201cSoon will a Prophet arise and his time is at hand; him will\nwe follow, and with him slay you with the slaughter of \u02bb\u0100d and of\nIram.\u201d When now the apostle of God was speaking with these men and\ncalling on them to believe in God, they said one to another: \u201cKnow\nsurely that this is the Prophet, of whom the Jews have warned us; come\nlet us now make haste and be the first to join him.\u201d So they embraced\nIslam, and said to him, \u201cOur countrymen have long been engaged in a\nmost bitter and deadly feud with one another; but now perhaps God will\nunite them together through thee and thy teaching. Therefore we will\npreach to them and make known to them this religion, that we have\nreceived from thee.\u201d So, full of faith, they returned to their own\ncountry. [21]\n\nSuch is the traditional account of this event which was the\nturning-point of Mu\u1e25ammad\u2019s mission. He had now met with a people whose\nantecedents had in some way prepared their minds for the reception of\nhis teaching and whose present circumstances, as afterwards appeared,\nwere favourable to his cause.\n\nThe city of Yathrib had been long occupied by Jews whom some national\ndisaster, possibly the persecution under Hadrian, had driven from their\nown country, when a party of wandering emigrants, the two Arab clans of\nKhazraj and Aws, arrived at Yathrib and were admitted to a share in the\nterritory. As their numbers increased they encroached more and more on\nthe power of the Jewish rulers, and finally, towards the end of the\nfifth century, the government of the city passed entirely into their\nhands.\n\nSome of the Arabs had embraced the Jewish religion, and many of the\nformer masters of the city still dwelt there in the service of their\nconquerors, so that it contained in Mu\u1e25ammad\u2019s time a considerable\nJewish population. The people of Yathrib were thus familiar with the\nidea of a Messiah who was to come, and were consequently more capable\nof understanding the claim of Mu\u1e25ammad to be accepted as the Prophet of\nGod, than were the idolatrous Meccans to whom such an idea was entirely\nforeign and especially distasteful to the Quraysh, whose supremacy over\nthe other tribes and whose worldly prosperity arose from the fact that\nthey were the hereditary guardians of the national collection of idols\nkept in the sacred enclosure of the Ka\u02bbbah.\n\nFurther, the city of Yathrib was distracted by incessant civil discord\nthrough a long-standing feud between the Ban\u016b Khazraj and the Ban\u016b Aws.\nThe citizens lived in uncertainty and suspense, and anything likely to\nbind the conflicting parties together by a tie of common interest could\nnot but prove a boon to the city. Just as the medi\u00e6val republics of\nNorthern Italy chose a stranger to hold the chief post in their cities\nin order to maintain some balance of power between the rival factions,\nand prevent, if possible, the civil strife which was so ruinous to\ncommerce and the general welfare, so the Yathribites would not look\nupon the arrival of a stranger with suspicion, even though he was\nlikely to usurp or gain permission to assume the vacant authority.\n\nOn the contrary, one of the reasons for the warm welcome which Mu\u1e25ammad\nreceived in Medina would seem to be that the adoption of Islam appeared\nto the more thoughtful of its citizens to be a remedy for the disorders\nfrom which their society was suffering, by its orderly discipline of\nlife and its bringing the unruly passions of men under the discipline\nof laws enunciated by an authority superior to individual caprice. [22]\n\nThese facts go far to explain how eight years after the Hijrah Mu\u1e25ammad\ncould, at the head of 10,000 followers, enter the city in which he had\nlaboured for ten years with so meagre a result.\n\nBut this is anticipating. Mu\u1e25ammad had proposed to accompany his new\nconverts, the Khazrajites, to Yathrib himself, but they dissuaded him\ntherefrom, until a reconciliation could be effected with the Ban\u016b Aws.\n\u201cLet us, we pray thee, return unto our people, if haply the Lord will\ncreate peace amongst us; and we will come back again unto thee. Let the\nseason of pilgrimage in the following year be the appointed time.\u201d So\nthey returned to their homes, and invited their people to the faith;\nand many believed, so that there remained hardly a family in which\nmention was not made of the Prophet.\n\nWhen the time of pilgrimage again came round, a deputation from\nYathrib, ten men of the Ban\u016b Khazraj, and two of the Ban\u016b Aws, met him\nat the appointed spot and pledged him their word to obey his teaching.\nThis, the first pledge of \u02bbAqabah, so called from the secret spot at\nwhich they met, ran as follows:\u2014\u201cWe will not worship any but the one\nGod; we will not steal, neither will we commit adultery or kill our\nchildren; we will abstain from calumny and slander; we will obey the\nProphet in every thing that is right.\u201d These twelve men now returned to\nYathrib as missionaries of Islam, and so well prepared was the ground,\nand with such zeal did they prosecute their mission, that the new faith\nspread rapidly from house to house and from tribe to tribe.\n\nThey were accompanied on their return by Mu\u1e63\u02bbab b. \u02bbUmayr; though,\naccording to another account he was sent by the Prophet upon a written\nrequisition from Yathrib. This young man had been one of the earliest\nconverts, and had lately returned from Abyssinia; thus he had had much\nexperience, and severe training in the school of persecution had not\nonly sobered his zeal but taught him how to meet persecution and deal\nwith those who were ready to condemn Islam without waiting to learn the\ntrue contents of its teaching; accordingly Mu\u1e25ammad could with the\ngreatest confidence entrust him with the difficult task of directing\nand instructing the new converts, cherishing the seeds of religious\nzeal and devotion that had already been sown and bringing them to\nfruition. Mu\u1e63\u02bbab took up his abode in the house of As\u02bbad b. Zur\u0101rah,\nand gathered the converts together for prayer and the reading of the\nQur\u02bc\u0101n, sometimes here and sometimes in a house belonging to the Ban\u016b\n\u1e92afar, which was situated in a quarter of the town occupied jointly by\nthis family and that of \u02bbAbd al-Ashhal.\n\nThe heads of the latter family at that time were Sa\u02bbd b. Mu\u02bb\u0101dh and\nUsayd b. \u1e24u\u1e0dayr. One day it happened that Mu\u1e63\u02bbab was sitting together\nwith As\u02bbad in this house of the Ban\u016b \u1e92afar, engaged in instructing some\nnew converts, when Sa\u02bbd b. Mu\u02bb\u0101dh, having come to know of their\nwhereabouts, said to Usayd b. \u1e24u\u1e0dayr: \u201cDrive out these fellows who have\ncome into our houses to make fools of the weaklings among us; I would\nspare thee the trouble did not the tie of kinship between me and As\u02bbad\nprevent my doing him any harm\u201d (for he himself was the cousin of\nAs\u02bbad). Hereupon Usayd took his spear and, bursting in upon As\u02bbad and\nMu\u1e63\u02bbab, \u201cWhat are you doing?\u201d he cried, \u201cleading weak-minded folk\nastray? If you value your lives, begone hence.\u201d \u201cSit down and listen,\u201d\nMu\u1e63\u02bbab answered quietly, \u201cif thou art pleased with what thou hearest,\naccept it; if not, then leave it.\u201d Usayd stuck his spear in the ground\nand sat down to listen, while Mu\u1e63\u02bbab expounded to him the fundamental\ndoctrines of Islam and read several passages of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n. After a\ntime Usayd, enraptured, cried, \u201cWhat must I do to enter this religion?\u201d\n\u201cPurify thyself with water,\u201d answered Mu\u1e63\u02bbab, \u201cand confess that there\nis no god but God and that Mu\u1e25ammad is the apostle of God.\u201d Usayd at\nonce complied and repeated the profession of faith, adding, \u201cAfter me\nyou have still another man to convince\u201d (referring to Sa\u02bbd b. Mu\u02bb\u0101dh).\n\u201cIf he is persuaded, his example will bring after him all his people. I\nwill send him to you forthwith.\u201d\n\nWith these words he left them, and soon after came Sa\u02bbd b. Mu\u02bb\u0101dh\nhimself, hot with anger against As\u02bbad for the patronage he had extended\nto the missionaries of Islam. Mu\u1e63\u02bbab begged him not to condemn the new\nfaith unheard, so Sa\u02bbd agreed to listen and soon the words of Mu\u1e63\u02bbab\ntouched him and brought conviction to his heart, and he embraced the\nfaith and became a Muslim. He went back to his people burning with zeal\nand said to them, \u201cSons of \u02bbAbd al-Ashhal, say, what am I to you?\u201d\n\u201cThou art our lord,\u201d they answered, \u201cthou art the wisest and most\nillustrious among us.\u201d \u201cThen I swear,\u201d replied Sa\u02bbd, \u201cnevermore to\nspeak to any of you until you believe in God and Mu\u1e25ammad, His\napostle.\u201d And from that day, all the descendants of \u02bbAbd al-Ashhal\nembraced Islam. [23]\n\nWith such zeal and earnestness was the preaching of the faith pushed\nforward that within a year there was not a family among the Arabs of\nMedina that had not given some of its members to swell the number of\nthe faithful, with the exception of one branch of the Ban\u016b Aws, which\nheld aloof under the influence of Ab\u016b Qays b. al-Aslat, the poet.\n\nThe following year, when the time of the annual pilgrimage again came\nround, a band of converts, amounting to seventy-three in number,\naccompanied their heathen fellow-countrymen from Yathrib to Mecca. They\nwere commissioned to invite Mu\u1e25ammad to take refuge in Yathrib from the\nfury of his enemies, and had come to swear allegiance to him as their\nprophet and their leader. All the early converts who had before met the\nProphet on the two preceding pilgrimages, returned to Mecca on this\nimportant occasion, and Mu\u1e63\u02bbab their teacher accompanied them.\nImmediately on his arrival he hurried to the prophet, and told him of\nthe success that had attended his mission. It is said that his mother,\nhearing of his arrival, sent a message to him, saying: \u201cAh, disobedient\nson, wilt thou enter a city in which thy mother dwelleth, and not first\nvisit her!\u201d \u201cNay, verily,\u201d he replied, \u201cI will never visit the house of\nany one before the Prophet of God.\u201d So, after he had greeted and\nconferred with Mu\u1e25ammad, he went to his mother, who thus accosted him:\n\u201cThen I ween thou art still a renegade.\u201d He answered, \u201cI follow the\nprophet of the Lord and the true faith of Islam.\u201d \u201cArt thou then well\nsatisfied with the miserable way thou hast fared in the land of\nAbyssinia and now again at Yathrib?\u201d Now he perceived that she was\nmeditating his imprisonment, and exclaimed, \u201cWhat! wilt thou force a\nman from his religion? If ye seek to confine me, I will assuredly slay\nthe first person that layeth hands upon me.\u201d His mother said, \u201cThen\ndepart from my presence,\u201d and she began to weep. Mu\u1e63\u02bbab was moved, and\nsaid, \u201cOh, my mother! I give thee loving counsel. Testify that there is\nno God but the Lord and that Mu\u1e25ammad is His servant and messenger.\u201d\nBut she replied, \u201cBy the sparkling stars! I will never make a fool of\nmyself by entering into thy religion. I wash my hands of thee and thy\nconcerns, and cleave steadfastly unto mine own faith.\u201d\n\nIn order not to excite suspicion and incur the hostility of the\nQuraysh, a secret meeting was arranged at \u02bbAqabah, the scene of the\nformer meeting with the converts of the year before. Mu\u1e25ammad came\naccompanied only by his uncle \u02bbAbb\u0101s, who, though he was still an\nidolater, had been admitted into the secret. \u02bbAbb\u0101s opened the solemn\nconclave, by recommending his nephew as a scion of one of the noblest\nfamilies of his clan, which had hitherto afforded the Prophet\nprotection, although rejecting his teachings; but now that he wished to\ntake refuge among the people of Yathrib, they should bethink themselves\nwell before undertaking such a charge, and resolve not to go back from\ntheir promise, if once they undertook the risk. Then Bar\u0101 b. Ma\u02bbr\u016br,\none of the Ban\u016b Khazraj, protesting that they were firm in their\nresolve to protect the Prophet of God, besought him to declare fully\nwhat he wished of them.\n\nMu\u1e25ammad began by reciting to them some portions of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n, and\nexhorted them to be true to the faith they had professed in the one God\nand the Prophet, His apostle; he then asked them to defend him and his\ncompanions from all assailants just as they would their own wives and\nchildren. Then Bar\u0101 b. Ma\u02bbr\u016br, taking his hand, cried out, \u201cYea, by Him\nwho sent thee as His Prophet, and through thee revealed unto us His\ntruth, we will protect thee as we would our own bodies, and we swear\nallegiance to thee as our leader. We are the sons of battle and men of\nmail, which we have inherited as worthy sons of worthy forefathers.\u201d So\nthey all in turn, taking his hand in theirs, swore allegiance to him.\n\nAs soon as the Quraysh gained intelligence of these secret proceedings,\nthe persecution broke out afresh against the Muslims, and Mu\u1e25ammad\nadvised them to flee out of the city. \u201cDepart unto Yathrib; for the\nLord hath verily given you brethren in that city, and a home in which\nye may find refuge.\u201d So quietly, by twos and threes they escaped to\nYathrib, where they were heartily welcomed, their co-religionists in\nthat city vying with one another for the honour of entertaining them,\nand supplying them with such things as they had need of. Within two\nmonths nearly all the Muslims except those who were seized and\nimprisoned and those who could not escape from captivity had left\nMecca, to the number of about 150. There is a story told of one of\nthese Muslims, by name \u1e62uhayb, whom Mu\u1e25ammad called \u201cthe first-fruits\nof Greece\u201d (he had been a Greek slave, and being set free by his master\nhad amassed considerable wealth by successful trading); when he was\nabout to emigrate the Meccans said to him, \u201cThou camest hither in need\nand penury; but thy wealth hath increased with us, until thou hast\nreached thy present prosperity; and now thou art departing, not thyself\nonly, but with all thy property. By the Lord, that shall not be;\u201d and\nhe said, \u201cIf I relinquish my property, will ye leave me free to\ndepart?\u201d And they agreed thereto; so he parted with all his goods. And\nwhen that was told unto Mu\u1e25ammad, he said, \u201cVerily, \u1e62uhayb hath made a\nprofitable bargain.\u201d\n\nMu\u1e25ammad delayed his own departure (with the intention, no doubt, of\nwithdrawing attention from his faithful followers) until a determined\nplot against his life warned him that further delay might be fatal, and\nhe made his escape by means of a stratagem.\n\nHis first care after his arrival in Yathrib, or Medina as it was called\nfrom this period\u2014Mad\u012bnah al-Nab\u012b, the city of the Prophet\u2014was to build\na mosque, to serve both as a place of prayer and of general assembly\nfor his followers, who had hitherto met for that purpose in the\ndwelling-place of one of their number. The worshippers at first used to\nturn their faces in the direction of Jerusalem\u2014an arrangement most\nprobably adopted with the hope of gaining over the Jews. In many other\nways, by constant appeals to their own sacred Scriptures, by according\nthem perfect freedom of worship and political equality, Mu\u1e25ammad\nendeavoured to conciliate the Jews, but they met his advances with\nscorn and derision. When all hopes of amalgamation proved fruitless and\nit became clear that the Jews would not accept him as their Prophet,\nMu\u1e25ammad bade his followers turn their faces in prayer towards the\nKa\u02bbbah in Mecca. (ii. 144.) [24]\n\nThis change of direction during prayer has a deeper significance than\nmight at first sight appear. It was really the beginning of the\nNational Life of Islam: it established the Ka\u02bbbah at Mecca as a\nreligious centre for all the Muslim people, just as from time\nimmemorial it had been a place of pilgrimage for all the tribes of\nArabia. Of similar importance was the incorporation of the ancient Arab\ncustom of pilgrimage to Mecca into the circle of the religious\nordinances of Islam, a duty that was to be performed by every Muslim at\nleast once in his lifetime.\n\nThere are many passages in the Qur\u02bc\u0101n that appeal to this germ of\nnational feeling and urge the people of Arabia to realise the privilege\nthat had been granted them of a divine revelation in their own language\nand by the lips of one of their own countrymen.\n\n\n \u201cVerily We have made it an Arabic Qur\u02bc\u0101n that ye may haply\n understand. (xliii. 2\u20133.)\n\n \u201cAnd thus We have revealed to thee an Arabic Qur\u02bc\u0101n, that thou\n mayest warn the mother of cities and those around it. (xlii. 5.)\n\n \u201cAnd if We had made it a Qur\u02bc\u0101n in a foreign tongue, they had\n surely said, \u2018Unless its verses be clearly explained (we will not\n receive it).\u2019 (xli. 44.)\n\n \u201cAnd verily We have set before men in this Qur\u02bc\u0101n every kind of\n parable that haply they be monished:\n\n \u201cAn Arabic Qur\u02bc\u0101n, free from tortuous (wording), that haply they\n may fear (God). (xxxix. 28\u201329.)\n\n \u201cVerily from the Lord of all creatures hath this (book) come down,\n ... in the clear Arabic tongue. (xxvi. 192, 195.)\n\n \u201cAnd We have only made it (i.e. the Qur\u02bc\u0101n) easy, in thine own\n tongue, in order that thou mayest announce glad tidings thereby to\n the God-fearing, and that thou mayest warn the contentious\n thereby.\u201d (xix. 97.)\n\n\nBut the message of Islam was not for Arabia only; the whole world was\nto share in it. [25] As there was but one God, so there was to be but\none religion into which all men were to be invited. This claim to be\nuniversal, to hold sway over all men and all nations, found a practical\nillustration in the letters which Mu\u1e25ammad is said to have sent in the\nyear A.D. 688 (A.H. 6) to the great potentates of that time. An\ninvitation to embrace Islam was sent in this year to the Emperor\nHeraclius, the king of Persia, the governor of Yaman, the governor of\nEgypt and the king of Abyssinia. The letter to Heraclius is said to\nhave been as follows:\u2014\u201cIn the name of God, the Merciful, the\nCompassionate, Mu\u1e25ammad, who is the servant of God and His apostle, to\nHiraql the Qay\u1e63ar of R\u016bm. Peace be on whoever has gone on the straight\nroad. After this I say, Verily I call you to Islam. Embrace Islam, and\nGod will reward you twofold. If you turn away from the offer of Islam,\nthen on you be the sins of your people. O people of the Book, come\ntowards a creed which is fit both for us and for you. It is this\u2014to\nworship none but God, and not to associate anything with God, and not\nto call others God. Therefore, O ye people of the Book, if ye refuse,\nbeware. We are Muslims and our religion is Islam.\u201d However absurd this\nsummons may have seemed to those who then received it, succeeding years\nshowed that it was dictated by no empty enthusiasm. [26] These letters\nonly gave a more open and widespread expression to the claim to the\nuniversal acceptance which is repeatedly made for Islam in the Qur\u02bc\u0101n.\n\n\n \u201cOf a truth it (i.e. the Qur\u02bc\u0101n) is no other than an admonition to\n all created beings, and after a time shall ye surely know its\n message. (xxxviii. 87\u201388.)\n\n \u201cThis (book) is no other than an admonition and a clear Qur\u02bc\u0101n, to\n warn whoever liveth; and that against the unbelievers sentence may\n be justly given. (xxxvi. 69\u201370.)\n\n \u201cWe have not sent thee save as a mercy to all created beings. (xxi.\n 107.)\n\n \u201cBlessed is He who hath sent down al-Furq\u0101n upon His servant, that\n he may be a warner unto all created beings. (xxv. 1.)\n\n \u201cAnd We have not sent thee otherwise than to mankind at large, to\n announce and to warn. (xxxiv. 27.)\n\n \u201cHe it is who hath sent His apostle with guidance and the religion\n of truth, that He may make it victorious over every other religion,\n though the polytheists are averse to it.\u201d (lxi. 9.)\n\n\nIn the hour of his deepest despair, when the people of Mecca\npersistently turned a deaf ear to the words of their prophet (xvi. 23,\n114, etc.), when the converts he had made were tortured until they\nrecanted (xvi. 108), and others were forced to flee from the country to\nescape the rage of their persecutors (xvi. 43, 111)\u2014then was delivered\nthe promise, \u201cOne day we will raise up a witness out of every nation.\u201d\n(xvi. 86.) [27]\n\nThis claim upon the acceptance of all mankind which the Prophet makes\nin these passages is further prophetically indicated in the words\n\u201cfirst-fruits of Abyssinia,\u201d used by Mu\u1e25ammad in reference to Bil\u0101l,\nand \u201cfirst-fruits of Greece,\u201d to \u1e62uhayb; Salm\u0101n, the first Persian\nconvert, was a Christian slave in Medina, who embraced the new faith in\nthe first year of the Hijrah. Thus long before any career of conquest\nwas so much as dreamed of, the Prophet had clearly shown that Islam was\nnot to be confined to the Arab race. The following account of the\nsending out of missionaries to preach Islam to all nations, points to\nthe same claim to be a universal religion: \u201cThe Apostle of God said to\nhis companions, \u2018Come to me all of you early in the morning.\u2019 After the\nmorning prayer he spent some time in praising and supplicating God, as\nwas his wont; then he turned to them and sent forth some in one\ndirection and others in another, and said: \u2018Be faithful to God in your\ndealings with His servants (i.e. with men), for whosoever is entrusted\nwith any matter that concerns mankind and is not faithful in his\nservice of them, to him God shuts the gate of Paradise: go forth and be\nnot like the messengers of Jesus, the son of Mary, for they went only\nto those that lived near and neglected those that dwelt in far\ncountries.\u2019 Then each of these messengers came to speak the language of\nthe people to whom he was sent. When this was told to the Prophet he\nsaid, \u2018This is the greatest of the duties that they owe to God with\nrespect to His servants.\u2019\u201d [28]\n\nThe proof of the universality of Islam, of its claim on the acceptance\nof all men, lay in the fact that it was the religion divinely appointed\nfor the whole human race and was now revealed to them anew through\nMu\u1e25ammad, \u201cthe seal of the prophets\u201d (xxxiii. 40), as it had been to\nformer generations by other prophets.\n\n\n \u201cMen were of one religion only: then they disagreed one with\n another and had not a decree (of respite) previously gone forth\n from thy Lord, judgment would surely have been given between them\n in the matter wherein they disagree. (x. 20.)\n\n \u201cI am no apostle of new doctrines. (xlvi. 8.)\n\n \u201cMankind was but one people: then God raised up prophets to\n announce glad tidings and to warn: and He sent down with them the\n Book with the Truth, that it might decide the disputes of men: and\n none disagreed save those to whom the book had been given, after\n the clear tokens had reached them, through mutual jealousy. And God\n guided those who believed into the truth concerning which they had\n disagreed, by His will; and God guideth whom He pleaseth into the\n straight path. (ii. 209.)\n\n \u201cAnd We revealed to thee, \u2018follow the religion of Abraham, the\n sound in faith, for he was not of those who join gods with God.\u2019\n (xvi. 124.)\n\n \u201cSay: As for me, my Lord hath guided me into a straight path: a\n true faith, the religion of Abraham, the sound in faith; for he was\n not of those who join gods with God. (vi. 162.)\n\n \u201cSay: Nay, the religion of Abraham, the sound in faith and not one\n of those who join gods with God (is our religion). (ii. 129.)\n\n \u201cSay: God speaketh truth. Follow therefore the religion of Abraham,\n he being a \u1e24an\u012bf and not one of those who join other gods with God.\n\n \u201cVerily the first temple that was set up for men was that which is\n in Bakka, blessed and a guidance for all created beings. (iii. 89,\n 90.)\n\n \u201cAnd who hath a better religion than he who resigneth himself to\n God, who doth what is good and followeth the faith of Abraham, the\n sound in faith? (iv. 124.)\n\n \u201cHe hath elected you, and hath not laid on you any hardship in\n religion, the faith of your father Abraham. He hath named you the\n Muslims.\u201d (xx. 77.)\n\n\nBut to return to Mu\u1e25ammad in Medina. In order properly to appreciate\nhis position after the Flight, it is important to remember the peculiar\ncharacter of Arab society at that time, as far at least as this part of\nthe peninsula was concerned. There was an entire absence of any\norganised administrative or judicial system such as in modern times we\nconnect with the idea of a government. Each tribe or clan formed a\nseparate and absolutely independent body, and this independence\nextended itself also to the individual members of the tribe, each of\nwhom recognised the authority, or leadership of his chief only as being\nthe exponent of a public opinion which he himself happened to share;\nbut he was quite at liberty to refuse his conformity to the (even)\nunanimous resolve of his fellow clansmen. Further, there was no regular\ntransmission of the office of chieftain; but he was generally chosen as\nbeing the oldest member of the richest and most powerful family of the\nclan, and as being personally most qualified to command respect. If\nsuch a tribe became too numerous, it would split up into several\ndivisions, each of which continued to enjoy a separate and independent\nexistence, uniting only on some extraordinary occasion for common\nself-defence or some more than usually important warlike expedition. We\ncan thus understand how Mu\u1e25ammad could establish himself in Medina at\nthe head of a large and increasing body of adherents who looked up to\nhim as their head and leader and acknowledged no other\nauthority,\u2014without exciting any feeling of insecurity, or any fear of\nencroachment on recognised authority, such as would have arisen in a\ncity of ancient Greece or any similarly organised community. Mu\u1e25ammad\nthus exercised temporal authority over his people just as any other\nindependent chief might have done, the only difference being that in\nthe case of the Muslims a religious bond took the place of family and\nblood ties.\n\nIslam thus became what, in theory at least, it has always remained\u2014a\npolitical as well as a religious system.\n\n\u201cIt was Mu\u1e25ammad\u2019s desire to found a new religion, and in this he\nsucceeded; but at the same time he founded a political system of an\nentirely new and peculiar character. At first his only wish was to\nconvert his fellow-countrymen to the belief in the One God\u2014All\u0101h; but\nalong with this he brought about the overthrow of the old system of\ngovernment in his native city, and in place of the tribal aristocracy\nunder which the conduct of public affairs was shared in common by the\nruling families, he substituted an absolute theocratic monarchy, with\nhimself at the head as vicar of God upon earth.\n\n\u201cEven before his death almost all Arabia had submitted to him; Arabia\nthat had never before obeyed one prince, suddenly exhibits a political\nunity and swears allegiance to the will of an absolute ruler. Out of\nthe numerous tribes, big and small, of a hundred different kinds that\nwere incessantly at feud with one another, Mu\u1e25ammad\u2019s word created a\nnation. The idea of a common religion under one common head bound the\ndifferent tribes together into one political organism which developed\nits peculiar characteristics with surprising rapidity. Now only one\ngreat idea could have produced this result, viz. the principle of\nnational life in heathen Arabia. The clan-system was thus for the first\ntime, if not entirely crushed\u2014(that would have been impossible)\u2014yet\nmade subordinate to the feeling of religious unity. The great work\nsucceeded, and when Mu\u1e25ammad died there prevailed over by far the\ngreater part of Arabia a peace of God such as the Arab tribes, with\ntheir love of plunder and revenge, had never known; it was the religion\nof Islam that had brought about this reconciliation.\u201d [29]\n\nEven in the case of death, the claims of relationship were set aside\nand the bond-brother inherited all the property of his deceased\ncompanion. But after the battle of Badr, when such an artificial bond\nwas no longer needed to unite his followers, it was abolished; such an\narrangement was only necessary so long as the number of the Muslims was\nstill small and the corporate life of Islam a novelty; moreover\nMu\u1e25ammad had lived in Medina for a very short space of time before the\nrapid increase in the number of his adherents made so communistic a\nsocial system almost impracticable.\n\nIt was only to be expected that the growth of an independent political\nbody composed of refugees from Mecca, located in a hostile city, should\neventually lead to an outbreak of hostilities; and, as is well known,\nevery biography of Mu\u1e25ammad is largely taken up with the account of a\nlong series of petty encounters and bloody battles between his\nfollowers and the Quraysh of Mecca, ending in his triumphal entry into\nthat city in A.D. 630, and of his hostile relations with numerous other\ntribes, up to the time of his death, A.D. 633.\n\nTo give any account of these campaigns is beyond the scope of the\npresent work, but it is important to show that Mu\u1e25ammad, when he found\nhimself at the head of a band of armed followers, was not transformed\nat once, as some would have us believe, from a peaceful preacher into a\nfanatic, sword in hand, forcing his religion on whomsoever he could.\n[30]\n\nIt has been frequently asserted by European writers that from the date\nof Mu\u1e25ammad\u2019s migration to Medina, and from the altered circumstances\nof his life there, the Prophet appears in an entirely new character. He\nis no longer the preacher, the warner, the apostle of God to men, whom\nhe would persuade of the truth of the religion revealed to him, but now\nhe appears rather as the unscrupulous bigot, using all means at his\ndisposal of force and statecraft to assert himself and his opinions.\n\nBut it is false to suppose that Mu\u1e25ammad in Medina laid aside his r\u00f4le\nof preacher and missionary of Islam, or that when he had a large army\nat his command, he ceased to invite unbelievers to accept the faith.\nIbn Sa\u02bbd gives a number of letters written by the Prophet from Medina\nto chiefs and other members of different Arabian tribes, in addition to\nthose addressed to potentates living beyond the limits of Arabia,\ninviting them to embrace Islam; and in the following pages will be\nfound instances of his having sent missionaries to preach the faith to\nthe unconverted members of their tribes, whose very ill-success in some\ncases is a sign of the genuinely missionary character of their efforts\nand the absence of an appeal to force. A typical example of such an\nunsuccessful mission is that sent to preach Islam to the Ban\u016b \u02bb\u0100mir b.\n\u1e62a\u02bb\u1e63a\u02bbah in the year A.H. 4. The chief of this tribe, Ab\u016b Bar\u0101 \u02bb\u0100mir,\nvisited Mu\u1e25ammad in Medina, listened to his teaching, but declined to\nbecome a convert; he seemed, however, to be favourably disposed towards\nthe new faith and asked the Prophet to send some of his followers to\nNajd to preach to the people of that country. The Prophet sent a party\nof forty Muslims, most of them young men of Medina, who were skilled in\nreciting the Qur\u02bc\u0101n, and had been accustomed to meet together at night\nfor study and prayer. But in spite of the safe conduct given them by\nAb\u016b Bar\u0101 \u02bb\u0100mir, they were treacherously murdered and three only of the\nparty escaped with their lives. [31]\n\nThe successes of the Muslim arms, however, attracted every day members\nof various tribes, particularly those in the vicinity of Medina, to\nswell the ranks of the followers of the Prophet; and \u201cthe courteous\ntreatment which the deputations of these various clans experienced from\nthe Prophet, his ready attention to their grievances, the wisdom with\nwhich he composed their disputes, and the politic assignments of\nterritory by which he rewarded an early declaration in favour of Islam,\nmade his name to be popular and spread his fame as a great and generous\nprince throughout the Peninsula.\u201d [32]\n\nIt not unfrequently happened that one member of a tribe would come to\nthe Prophet in Medina and return home as a missionary of Islam to\nconvert his brethren; we have the following account of such a\nconversion in the year 5 (A.H.).\n\nThe Ban\u016b Sa\u02bbd b. Bakr sent one of their number, by name \u1e0cim\u0101m b.\nTha\u02bblabah as their envoy to the Prophet. He came and made his camel\nkneel down at the gate of the mosque and tied up its fore-leg. Then he\nwent into the mosque, where the Prophet was sitting with his\ncompanions. He went up close to them and said, \u201cWhich among you is the\nson of \u02bbAbd al-Mu\u1e6d\u1e6dalib?\u201d \u201cI am,\u201d replied the Prophet. \u201cArt thou\nMu\u1e25ammad?\u201d \u201cYes,\u201d was the answer. \u201cThen, if thou wilt not take it\namiss, I would fain ask thee some weighty questions.\u201d \u201cNay, ask what\nthou wilt,\u201d answered the Prophet. \u201cI adjure thee by All\u0101h, thy God and\nthe God of those who were before thee and of those who are to come\nafter thee, hath All\u0101h sent thee as a prophet unto us?\u201d Mu\u1e25ammad\nanswered, \u201cYea, by All\u0101h.\u201d He continued, \u201cI adjure thee by All\u0101h, thy\nGod and the God of those who were before thee and of those who are to\ncome after thee, hath He commanded thee to bid us worship Him alone,\nand to associate naught else with Him and to abandon these idols that\nour fathers worshipped?\u201d Mu\u1e25ammad answered, \u201cYea, by All\u0101h.\u201d Then he\nquestioned the Prophet concerning all the ordinances of Islam, one\nafter another, prayer and fasting, pilgrimage, etc., solemnly adjuring\nhim as before. At the end he said, \u201cThen I bear witness that there is\nno God save All\u0101h and I bear witness that Mu\u1e25ammad is the Prophet of\nAll\u0101h, and I will observe these ordinances and shun what thou hast\nforbidden, adding nothing thereto, and taking nothing away.\u201d Then he\nturned away and loosened his camel and returned unto his own people,\nand when he had gathered them together, the first words he spoke unto\nthem were: \u201cVile things are L\u0101t and \u02bbUzz\u0101.\u201d They cried out, \u201cHold!\n\u1e0cim\u0101m, take heed of leprosy or madness!\u201d \u201cFie on you!\u201d he replied. \u201cBy\nAll\u0101h! they can neither work you weal nor woe, for All\u0101h has sent a\nProphet and revealed to him a book, whereby he delivers you from your\nevil plight; I bear witness that there is no God save All\u0101h alone and\nthat Mu\u1e25ammad is His servant and His Prophet; and I have brought you\ntidings of what he enjoins and what he forbids.\u201d The story goes on that\nere nightfall there was not a man or woman in the camp who had not\naccepted Islam. [33]\n\nAnother such missionary was \u02bbAmr b. Murrah, belonging to the tribe of\nthe Ban\u016b Juhaynah, who dwelt between Medina and the Red Sea. The date\nof his conversion was prior to the Flight, in the same year (A.H. 5),\nand he thus describes it: \u201cWe had an idol that we worshipped, and I was\nthe guardian of its shrine. When I heard of the Prophet, I broke it in\npieces and set off to Mu\u1e25ammad, where I accepted Islam and bore witness\nto the truth, and believed on what Mu\u1e25ammad declared to be allowed and\nforbidden. And to this my verses refer: \u2018I bear witness that God is\nTruth and that I am the first to abandon the gods of stones, and I have\ngirded up my loins to make my way to you over rough ways and smooth, to\njoin myself to him who in himself and for his ancestry is the noblest\nof men, the apostle of the Lord whose throne is above the clouds.\u2019\u201d He\nwas sent by Mu\u1e25ammad to preach Islam to his tribe, and his efforts were\ncrowned with such success that there was only one man who refused to\nlisten to his exhortations. [34]\n\nWhen the truce of \u1e24udaybiyyah (A.H. 6) made friendly relations with the\npeople of Mecca possible, many persons of that city, who had had the\nopportunity of listening to the teaching of Mu\u1e25ammad in the early days\nof his mission, and among them some men of great influence, came out to\nMedina, to embrace the faith of Islam.\n\nThe continual warfare carried on with the people of Mecca had hitherto\nkept the tribes to the south of that city almost entirely outside the\ninfluence of the new religion. But this truce now made communications\nwith southern Arabia possible, and a small band from the tribe of the\nBan\u016b Daws came from the mountains that form the northern boundary of\nYaman, and joined themselves to the Prophet in Medina. Even before the\nappearance of Mu\u1e25ammad, there were some members of this tribe who had\nhad glimmerings of a higher religion than the idolatry prevailing\naround them, and argued that the world must have had a creator, though\nthey knew not who he was; and when Mu\u1e25ammad came forward as the apostle\nof this creator, one of these men, by name \u1e6cufayl b. \u02bbAmr, came to\nMecca to learn who the creator was.\n\nThough warned by the Quraysh of the dangerous influence that Mu\u1e25ammad\nmight exercise over him if he entered into conversation with him, he\nfollowed the Prophet to his house one day, after watching him at prayer\nby the Ka\u02bbbah. Mu\u1e25ammad expounded to him the doctrines of Islam, and\n\u1e6cufayl left Mecca full of zeal for the new faith. On his return home he\nsucceeded in converting his father and his wife, but found his\nfellow-tribesmen unwilling to abandon their old idolatrous worship.\nDisheartened at the ill-success of his mission, he returned to the\nProphet and besought him to call down the curse of God on the Ban\u016b\nDaws; but Mu\u1e25ammad encouraged him to persevere in his efforts, saying,\n\u201cReturn to thy people and summon them to the faith, but deal gently\nwith them.\u201d At the same time he prayed, \u201cOh God! guide the Ban\u016b Daws in\nthe right way.\u201d The success of \u1e6cufayl\u2019s propaganda was such that in the\nyear A.H. 7 he came to Medina with between seventy and eighty families\nof his tribesmen who had been won over to the faith of Islam, and after\nthe triumphal entry of Mu\u1e25ammad into Mecca, \u1e6cufayl set fire to the\nblock of wood that had hitherto been venerated as the idol of the\ntribe. [35]\n\nIn A.H. 7, fifteen more tribes submitted to the Prophet, and after the\nsurrender of Mecca in A.H. 8, the ascendancy of Islam was assured, and\nthose Arabs who had held aloof, saying, \u201cLet Mu\u1e25ammad and his\nfellow-tribesmen fight it out; if he is victorious, then is he a\ngenuine prophet,\u201d [36] now hastened to give in their allegiance to the\nnew religion. Among those who came in after the fall of Mecca were some\nof the most bitter persecutors of Mu\u1e25ammad in the earlier days of his\nmission, to whom his noble forbearance and forgiveness now gave a place\nin the brotherhood of Islam. The following year witnessed the martyrdom\nof \u02bbUrwah b. Mas\u02bb\u016bd, one of the chiefs of the people of \u1e6c\u0101\u02bcif, which\ncity the Muslims had unsuccessfully attempted to capture. He had been\nabsent at that time in Yaman, and returned from his journey shortly\nafter the raising of the siege. He had met the Prophet two years before\nat \u1e24udaybiyyah, and had conceived a profound veneration for him, and\nnow came to Medina to embrace the new faith. In the ardour of his zeal\nhe offered to go to \u1e6c\u0101\u02bcif to convert his fellow-countrymen, and in\nspite of the efforts of Mu\u1e25ammad to dissuade him from so dangerous an\nundertaking, he returned to his native city, publicly declared that he\nhad renounced idolatry, and called upon the people to follow his\nexample. While he was preaching, he was mortally wounded by an arrow,\nand died giving thanks to God for having granted him the glory of\nmartyrdom. A more successful missionary effort was made by another\nfollower of the Prophet in Yaman\u2014probably a year later\u2014of which we have\nthe following graphic account: \u201cThe apostle of God wrote to al-\u1e24\u0101rith\nand Masr\u016b\u1e25, and Nu\u02bbaym b. \u02bbAbd al-Kul\u0101l of \u1e24imyar: \u2018Peace be upon you\nso long as ye believe on God and His apostle. God is one God, there is\nno partner with Him. He sent Moses with his signs, and created Jesus\nwith his words. The Jews say, \u201cEzra is the Son of God,\u201d and the\nChristians say, \u201cGod is one of three, and Jesus is the Son of God.\u201d\u2019 He\nsent the letter by \u02bbAyy\u0101sh b. Ab\u012b Rab\u012b\u02bbah al-Makhz\u016bm\u012b, and said: \u2018When\nyou reach their city, go not in by night, but wait until the morning;\nthen carefully perform your ablutions, and pray with two prostrations,\nand ask God to bless you with success and a friendly reception, and to\nkeep you safe from harm. Then take my letter in your right hand, and\ndeliver it with your right hand into their right hands, and they will\nreceive it. And recite to them, \u201cThe unbelievers among the people of\nthe Book and the polytheists did not waver,\u201d etc. (S\u016brah 98), to the\nend of the S\u016brah; when you have finished, say, \u201cMu\u1e25ammad has believed,\nand I am the first to believe.\u201d And you will be able to meet every\nobjection they bring against you, and every glittering book that they\nrecite to you will lose its light. And when they speak in a foreign\ntongue, say, \u201cTranslate it,\u201d and say to them, \u201cGod is sufficient for\nme; I believe in the Book sent down by Him, and I am commanded to do\njustice among you; God is our Lord and your Lord; to us belong our\nworks, and to you belong your works; there is no strife between us and\nyou; God will unite us, and unto Him we must return.\u201d If they now\naccept Islam, then ask them for their three rods, before which they\ngather together to pray, one rod of tamarisk that is spotted white and\nyellow, and one knotted like a cane, and one black like ebony. Bring\nthe rods out and burn them in the market-place.\u2019 So I set out,\u201d tells\n\u02bbAyy\u0101sh, \u201cto do as the Apostle of God had bid me. When I arrived, I\nfound that all the people had decked themselves out for a festival: I\nwalked on to see them, and came at last to three enormous curtains hung\nin front of three doorways. I lifted the curtain and entered the middle\ndoor, and found people collected in the courtyard of the building. I\nintroduced myself to them as the messenger of the Apostle of God, and\ndid as he had bidden me; and they gave heed to my words, and it fell\nout as he had said.\u201d [37]\n\nIn A.H. 9 a deputation of thirteen men from the Ban\u016b Kil\u0101b, a branch of\nthe Ban\u016b \u02bb\u0100mir b. \u1e62a\u02bb\u1e63a\u02bbah, came to the Prophet and informed him that\none of his followers, \u1e0ca\u1e25\u1e25\u0101k b. Sufy\u0101n, had come to them, reciting the\nQur\u02bc\u0101n and teaching the doctrines of Islam, and that his preaching had\nwon over their tribe to the new faith. [38] Another branch of the same\ntribe, the Ban\u016b Ru\u02bc\u0101s b. Kil\u0101b, was converted by one of its members,\nnamed \u02bbAmr b. M\u0101lik, who had been to Medina and accepted Islam, and\nthen returned to his fellow tribes and persuaded them to follow his\nexample. [39]\n\nIn the same year a less successful attempt was made by a new convert,\nW\u0101thilah b. al-Asqa\u02bb, to induce his clan to accept the faith that he\nhimself had embraced after an interview with the Prophet. His father\nscornfully cast him off, saying, \u201cBy God! I will never speak a word to\nyou again,\u201d and none were found willing to believe the doctrines he\npreached with the exception of his sister, who provided him with the\nmeans of returning to the Prophet at Medina. [40] This ninth year of\nthe Hijrah has been called the year of the deputations, because of the\nenormous number of Arab tribes and cities that now sent delegates to\nthe Prophet, to give in their submission. The introduction into Arab\nsociety of a new principle of social union in the brotherhood of Islam\nhad already begun to weaken the binding force of the old tribal ideal,\nwhich erected the fabric of society on the basis of blood-relationship.\nThe conversion of an individual and his reception into the new society\nwas a breach of one of the most fundamental laws of Arab life, and its\nfrequent occurrence had acted as a powerful solvent on tribal\norganisation and had left it weak in the face of a national life so\nenthusiastic and firmly-knit as that of the Muslims had become. The\nArab tribes were thus impelled to give in their submission to the\nProphet, not merely as the head of the strongest military force in\nArabia, but as the exponent of a theory of social life that was making\nall others weak and ineffective. [41] Mu\u1e25ammad had succeeded in\nintroducing into the anarchical society of his time a sentiment of\nnational unity, a consciousness of rights and duties towards one\nanother such as the Arabs had not felt before. [42] In this way, Islam\nwas uniting together clans that hitherto had been continually at feud\nwith one another, and as this great confederacy grew, it more and more\nattracted to itself the weaker among the tribes of Arabia. In the\naccounts of the conversion of the Arab tribes, there is continual\nmention of the promise of security against their enemies, made to them\nby the Prophet on the occasion of their submission. \u201cWoe is me for\nMu\u1e25ammad!\u201d was the cry of one of the Arab tribes on the news of the\ndeath of the Prophet. \u201cSo long as he was alive, I lived in peace and in\nsafety from my enemies;\u201d and the cry must have found an echo far and\nwide throughout Arabia.\n\nHow superficial was the adherence of numbers of the Arab tribes to the\nfaith of Islam may be judged from the widespread apostasy that followed\nimmediately on the death of the Prophet. Their acceptance of Islam\nwould seem to have been often dictated more by considerations of\npolitical expediency, and was more frequently a bargain struck under\npressure of violence than the outcome of any enthusiasm or spiritual\nawakening. They allowed themselves to be swept into the stream of what\nhad now become a great national movement, and we miss the fervent zeal\nof the early converts in the cool, calculating attitude of those who\ncame in after the fall of Mecca. But even from among these must have\ncome many to swell the ranks of the true believers animated with a\ngenuine zeal for the faith, and ready, as we have seen, to give their\nlives in the effort to preach it to their brethren.\n\n\u201cThese men were the true moral heirs of the Prophet, the future\napostles of Islam, the faithful trustees of all that Mu\u1e25ammad had\nrevealed unto the men of God. Into these men, through their constant\ncontact with the Prophet and their devotion to him, there had really\nentered a new mode of thought and feeling, loftier and more civilised\nthan any they had known before; they had really changed for the better\nfrom every point of view, and later on as statesmen and generals, in\nthe most difficult moments of the war of conquest they gave magnificent\nand undeniable proof that the ideas and the doctrines of Mu\u1e25ammad had\nbeen seed cast on fruitful soil, and had produced a body of men of the\nvery highest worth. They were the depositaries of the sacred text of\nthe Qur\u02bc\u0101n, which they alone knew by heart; they were the jealous\nguardians of the memory of every word and bidding of the Prophet, the\ntrustees of the moral heritage of Mu\u1e25ammad. These men formed the\nvenerable stock of Islam from whom one day was to spring the noble band\nof the first jurists, theologians and traditionists of Muslim society.\u201d\n[43]\n\nBut for such men as these, so vast a movement could not have held\ntogether, much less have recovered the shock given it by the death of\nthe founder. For it must not be forgotten how distinctly Islam was a\nnew movement in heathen Arabia, and how diametrically opposed were the\nideals of the two societies. [44] For the introduction of Islam into\nArab society did not imply merely the sweeping away of a few barbarous\nand inhuman practices, but a complete reversal of the pre-existing\nideals of life.\n\nHerein we have the most conclusive proof of the essentially missionary\ncharacter of the teaching of Mu\u1e25ammad, who thus comes forward as the\nexponent of a new scheme of faith and practice. Whatever may have been\nthe conditions favourable to the formation of a new political\norganisation, Mu\u1e25ammad certainly did not find the society of his day\nprepared to receive his religious teaching and waiting only for the\nvoice that would express in speech the inarticulate yearnings of their\nhearts. But it is just this spirit of expectancy that is wanting among\nthe Arabs\u2014those at least of the Central Arabia towards whom Mu\u1e25ammad\u2019s\nefforts were at first directed. They were by no means ready to receive\nthe preaching of a new teacher, least of all one who came with the (to\nthem unintelligible) title of apostle of God.\n\nAgain, the equality in Islam of all believers and the common\nbrotherhood of all Muslims, which suffered no distinctions between Arab\nand non-Arab, between free and slave, to exist among the faithful, was\nan idea that ran directly counter to the proud clan-feeling of the\nArab, who grounded his claims to personal consideration on the fame of\nhis ancestors, and in the strength of the same carried on the endless\nblood-feuds in which his soul delighted. Indeed, the fundamental\nprinciples in the teaching of Mu\u1e25ammad were a protest against much that\nthe Arabs had hitherto most highly valued, and the newly-converted\nMuslim was taught to consider as virtues, qualities which hitherto he\nhad looked down upon with contempt.\n\nTo the heathen Arab, friendship and hostility were as a loan which he\nsought to repay with interest, and he prided himself on returning evil\nfor evil, and looked down on any who acted otherwise as a weak\nnidering.\n\n\n He is the perfect man who late and early plotteth still\n To do a kindness to his friends and work his foes some ill.\n\n\nTo such men the Prophet said, \u201cRecompense evil with that which is\nbetter\u201d (xxiii. 98); as they desired the forgiveness of God, they were\nto pass over and pardon offences (xxiv. 22), and a Paradise, vast as\nthe heavens and the earth, was prepared for those who mastered their\nanger and forgave others. (iii. 128.)\n\nThe very institution of prayer was jeered at by the Arabs to whom\nMu\u1e25ammad first delivered his message, and one of the hardest parts of\nhis task was to induce in them that pious attitude of mind towards the\nCreator, which Islam inculcates equally with Judaism and Christianity,\nbut which was practically unknown to the heathen Arabs. This\nself-sufficiency and this lack of the religious spirit, joined with\ntheir intense pride of race, little fitted them to receive the\nteachings of one who maintained that \u201cThe most worthy of honour in the\nsight of God is he that feareth Him most\u201d (xlix. 13). No more could\nthey brook the restrictions that Islam sought to lay upon the licence\nof their lives; wine, women, and song, were among the things most dear\nto the Arab\u2019s heart in the days of the ignorance, and the Prophet was\nstern and severe in his injunctions respecting each of them.\n\nThus, from the very beginning, Islam bears the stamp of a missionary\nreligion that seeks to win the hearts of men, to convert them and\npersuade them to enter the brotherhood of the faithful; and as it was\nin the beginning, so has it continued to be up to the present day, as\nwill be the object of the following pages to show.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF WESTERN ASIA.\n\n\nAfter the death of Mu\u1e25ammad, the army he had intended for Syria was\ndespatched thither by Ab\u016b Bakr, in spite of the protestations made by\ncertain Muslims in view of the then disturbed state of Arabia. He\nsilenced their expostulations with the words: \u201cI will not revoke any\norder given by the Prophet. Medina may become the prey of wild beasts,\nbut the army must carry out the wishes of Mu\u1e25ammad.\u201d This was the first\nof that wonderful series of campaigns in which the Arabs overran Syria,\nPersia and Northern Africa\u2014overturning the ancient kingdom of Persia\nand despoiling the Roman Empire of some of its fairest provinces. It\ndoes not fall within the scope of this work to follow the history of\nthese different campaigns, but, in view of the expansion of the Muslim\nfaith that followed the Arab conquests, it is of importance to discover\nwhat were the circumstances that made such an expansion possible.\n\nA great historian [45] has well put the problem that meets us here, in\nthe following words: \u201cWas it genuine religious enthusiasm, the new\nstrength of a faith now for the first time blossoming forth in all its\npurity, that gave the victory in every battle to the arms of the Arabs\nand in so incredibly short a time founded the greatest empire the world\nhad ever seen? But evidence is wanting to prove that this was the case.\nThe number was far too small of those who had given their allegiance to\nthe Prophet and his teaching with a free and heartfelt conviction,\nwhile on the other hand all the greater was the number of those who had\nbeen brought into the ranks of the Muhammadans only through pressure\nfrom without or by the hope of worldly gain. Kh\u0101lid, \u2018that sword of the\nswords of God,\u2019 exhibited in a very striking manner that mixture of\nforce and persuasion whereby he and many of the Quraysh had been\nconverted, when he said that God had seized them by the hearts and by\nthe hair and compelled them to follow the Prophet. The proud feeling\ntoo of a common nationality had much influence\u2014a feeling which was more\nalive among the Arabs of that time than (perhaps) among any other\npeople, and which alone determined many thousands to give the\npreference to their countryman and his religion before foreign\nteachers. Still more powerful was the attraction offered by the sure\nprospect of gaining booty in abundance, in fighting for the new\nreligion and of exchanging their bare, stony deserts, which offered\nthem only a miserable subsistence, for the fruitful and luxuriant\ncountries of Persia, Syria and Egypt.\u201d\n\nThese stupendous conquests which laid the foundations of the Arab\nempire, were certainly not the outcome of a holy war, waged for the\npropagation of Islam, but they were followed by such a vast defection\nfrom the Christian faith that this result has often been supposed to\nhave been their aim. Thus the sword came to be looked upon by Christian\nhistorians as the instrument of Muslim propaganda, and in the light of\nthe success attributed to it the evidences of the genuine missionary\nactivity of Islam were obscured. But the spirit which animated the\ninvading hosts of Arabs who poured over the confines of the Byzantine\nand Persian empires, was no proselytising zeal for the conversion of\nsouls. On the contrary, religious interests appear to have entered but\nlittle into the consciousness of the protagonists of the Arab armies.\n[46] This expansion of the Arab race is more rightly envisaged as the\nmigration of a vigorous and energetic people driven by hunger and want,\nto leave their inhospitable deserts and overrun the richer lands of\ntheir more fortunate neighbours. [47] Still the unifying principle of\nthe movement was the theocracy established in Medina, and the\norganisation of the new state proceeded from the devoted companions of\nMu\u1e25ammad, the faithful depositaries of his teaching, whose moral weight\nand enthusiasm kept Islam alive as the official religion, despite the\nindifference of those Arabs who gave to it a mere nominal adherence.\n[48] It is not, therefore, in the annals of the conquering armies that\nwe must look for the reasons which lead to the so rapid spread of the\nMuslim faith, but rather in the conditions prevailing among the\nconquered peoples.\n\nThe national character of this ethnic movement of migration naturally\nattracted to the invading Arab hosts the outlying representatives of\nthe Arab race through whom the path of the conquering armies lay.\nAccordingly it is not surprising to find that many of the Christian\nBedouins were swept into the rushing tide of this great movement and\nthat Arab tribes, who for centuries had professed the Christian\nreligion, now abandoned it to embrace the Muslim faith. Among these was\nthe tribe of the Ban\u016b Ghass\u0101n, who held sway over the desert east of\nPalestine and southern Syria, of whom it was said that they were \u201cLords\nin the days of the ignorance and stars in Islam.\u201d [49] After the battle\nof Q\u0101disiyyah (A.H. 14) in which the Persian army under Rustam had been\nutterly discomfited, many Christians belonging to the Bedouin tribes on\nboth sides of the Euphrates came to the Muslim general and said: \u201cThe\ntribes that at the first embraced Islam were wiser than we. Now that\nRustam hath been slain, we will accept the new belief.\u201d [50] Similarly,\nafter the conquest of northern Syria, most of the Bedouin tribes, after\nhesitating a little, joined themselves to the followers of the Prophet.\n[51]\n\nThat force was not the determining factor in these conversions may be\njudged from the amicable relations that existed between the Christian\nand the Muslim Arabs. Mu\u1e25ammad himself had entered into treaty with\nseveral Christian tribes, promising them his protection and\nguaranteeing them the free exercise of their religion and to their\nclergy undisturbed enjoyment of their old rights and authority. [52] A\nsimilar bond of friendship united his followers with their\nfellow-countrymen of the older faith, many of whom voluntarily came\nforward to assist the Muslims in their military expeditions in the same\nspirit of loyalty to the new government as had caused them to hold\naloof from the great apostasy that raised the standard of revolt\nthroughout Arabia immediately after the death of the Prophet. [53] It\nhas been suggested that the Christian Arabs who guarded the frontier of\nthe Byzantine empire bordering on the desert threw in their lot with\nthe invading Muslim army, when Heraclius refused any longer to pay them\ntheir accustomed subsidy for military service as wardens of the\nmarches. [54]\n\nIn the battle of the Bridge (A.H. 13) when a disastrous defeat was\nimminent and the panic-stricken Arabs were hemmed in between the\nEuphrates and the Persian host, a Christian chief of the Ban\u016b \u1e6cayy\nsprang forward like another Spurius Lartius to the side of an Arab\nHoratius, to assist Muthannah the Muslim general in defending the\nbridge of boats which could alone afford the means of an orderly\nretreat. When fresh levies were raised to retrieve this disgrace, among\nthe reinforcements that came pouring in from every direction was a\nChristian tribe of the Ban\u016b Namir, who dwelt within the limits of the\nByzantine empire, and in the ensuing battle of Buwayb (A.H. 13), just\nbefore the final charge of the Arabs that turned the fortune of battle\nin their favour, Muthannah rode up to the Christian chief and said: \u201cYe\nare of one blood with us; come now, and as I charge, charge ye with\nme.\u201d The Persians fell back before their furious onslaught, and another\ngreat victory was added to the glorious roll of Muslim triumphs. One of\nthe most gallant exploits of the day was performed by a youth belonging\nto another Christian tribe of the desert, who with his companions, a\ncompany of Bedouin horse-dealers, had come up just as the Arab army was\nbeing drawn up in battle array. They threw themselves into the right on\nthe side of their compatriots; and while the conflict was raging most\nfiercely, this youth, rushing into the centre of the Persians, slew\ntheir leader, and leaping on his richly-caparisoned horse, galloped\nback amidst the plaudits of the Muslim line, crying as he passed in\ntriumph: \u201cI am of the Ban\u016b Taghlib. I am he that hath slain the chief.\u201d\n[55]\n\nThe tribe to which this young man boasted that he belonged was one of\nthose that elected to remain Christian, while other tribes of\nMesopotamia, such as the Ban\u016b Namir and the Ban\u016b Qu\u1e0d\u0101\u02bbah, became\nMuslim. The Ban\u016b Taghlib had sent an embassy to the Prophet as early as\nthe year A.H. 9. The heathen members of the deputation embraced Islam\nand he made a treaty with the Christians according to which they were\nto retain their old faith but were not to baptise their children. A\ncondition so entirely at variance with the usual tolerant attitude of\nMu\u1e25ammad towards the Christian Arabs, who were allowed to choose\nbetween conversion to Islam and the payment of jizyah and never\ncompelled to abandon their faith, has given rise to the conjecture that\nthis condition was suggested by the Christian families of the Ban\u016b\nTaghlib themselves, out of motives of economy. [56] The long survival\nof Christianity in this tribe shows that this condition was certainly\nnot observed. The caliph \u02bbUmar forbade any pressure to be put upon\nthem, when they showed themselves unwilling to abandon their old faith\nand ordered that they should be left undisturbed in the practice of it,\nbut that they were not to oppose the conversion of any member of their\ntribe to Islam nor baptise the children of such as became Muslims. [57]\nThey were called upon to pay the jizyah [58] or tax imposed on the\nnon-Muslim subjects, but they felt it to be humiliating to their pride\nto pay a tax that was levied in return for protection of life and\nproperty, and petitioned the caliph to be allowed to make the same kind\nof contribution as the Muslims did. So in lieu of the jizyah they paid\na double \u1e62adaqah or alms, [59]\u2014which was a poor tax levied on the\nfields and cattle, etc., of the Muslims. [60] It especially irked the\nMuslims that any of the Arabs should remain true to the Christian\nfaith. The majority of the Ban\u016b Tan\u016bkh had become Muslim in the year\nA.H. 12, when with other Christian Arab tribes they submitted to Kh\u0101lid\nb. al-Wal\u012bd, [61] but some of them appear to have remained true to\ntheir old faith for nearly a century and a half, since the caliph\nal-Mahd\u012b (A.H. 158\u2013169) is said to have seen a number of them who dwelt\nin the neighbourhood of Aleppo, and learning that they were Christians,\nin anger ordered them to accept Islam\u2014which they did to the number of\n5000, and one of them suffered martyrdom rather than apostatise. [62]\nBut for the most part, details are lacking for any history of the\ndisappearance of Christianity from among the Christian Arab tribes of\nNorthern Arabia; they seem to have become absorbed in the surrounding\nMuslim community by an almost insensible process of \u201cpeaceful\npenetration\u201d; had attempts been made to convert them by force when they\nfirst came under Muhammadan rule, it would not have been possible for\nChristians to have survived among them up to the times of the \u02bbAbb\u0101sid\ncaliphs. [63]\n\nThe people of \u1e24\u012brah had likewise resisted all the efforts made by\nKh\u0101lid to induce them to accept the Muslim faith. This city was one of\nthe most illustrious in the annals of Arabia, and to the mind of the\nimpetuous hero of Islam it seemed that an appeal to their Arab blood\nwould be enough to induce them to enrol themselves with the followers\nof the Prophet of Arabia. When the besieged citizens sent an embassy to\nthe Muslim general to arrange the terms of the capitulation of their\ncity, Kh\u0101lid asked them, \u201cWho are you? are you Arabs or Persians?\u201d Then\n\u02bbAd\u012b, the spokesman of the deputation, replied, \u201cNay, we are\npure-blooded Arabs, while others among us are naturalised Arabs.\u201d Kh.\n\u201cHad you been what you say you are, you would not have opposed us or\nhated our cause.\u201d \u02bbA. \u201cOur pure Arab speech is the proof of what I\nsay.\u201d Kh. \u201cYou speak truly. Now choose you one of these three things:\neither (1) accept our faith, then your rights and obligations will be\nthe same as ours, whether you choose to go into another country or stay\nin your own land; or (2) pay jizyah; or (3) war and battle. Verily, by\nGod! I have come to you with a people who are more desirous of death\nthan you are of life.\u201d \u02bbA. \u201cNay, we will pay you jizyah.\u201d Kh. \u201cIll-luck\nto you! Unbelief is a pathless desert and foolish is the Arab who, when\ntwo guides meet him wandering therein\u2014the one an Arab and the other\nnot\u2014leaves the first and accepts the guidance of the foreigner.\u201d [64]\n\nDue provision was made for the instruction of the new converts, for\nwhile whole tribes were being converted to the faith with such\nrapidity, it was necessary to take precautions against errors, both in\nrespect of creed and ritual, such as might naturally be feared in the\ncase of ill-instructed converts. Accordingly we find that the caliph\n\u02bbUmar appointed teachers in every country, whose duty it was to\ninstruct the people in the teachings of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n and the observances\nof their new faith. The magistrates were also ordered to see that all,\nwhether old or young, were regular in their attendance at public\nprayer, especially on Fridays and in the month of Rama\u1e0d\u0101n. The\nimportance attached to this work of instructing the new converts may be\njudged from the fact that in the city of K\u016bfah it was no less a\npersonage than the state treasurer who was entrusted with this task.\n[65]\n\nFrom the examples given above of the toleration extended towards the\nChristian Arabs by the victorious Muslims of the first century of the\nHijrah and continued by succeeding generations, we may surely infer\nthat those Christian tribes that did embrace Islam, did so of their own\nchoice and free will. [66] The Christian Arabs of the present day,\ndwelling in the midst of a Muhammadan population, are a living\ntestimony of this toleration; Layard speaks of having come across an\nencampment of Christian Arabs at al-Karak, to the east of the Dead Sea,\nwho differed in no way, either in dress or in manners, from the Muslim\nArabs. [67] Burckhardt was told by the monks of Mount Sinai that in the\nlast century there still remained several families of Christian\nBedouins who had not embraced Islam, and that the last of them, an old\nwoman, died in 1750, and was buried in the garden of the convent. [68]\n\nMany of the Arabs of the renowned tribe of the Ban\u016b Ghass\u0101n, Arabs of\nthe purest blood, who embraced Christianity towards the end of the\nfourth century, still retain the Christian faith, and since their\nsubmission to the Church of Rome, about two centuries ago, employ the\nArabic language in their religious services. [69]\n\nIf we turn from the Bedouins to consider the attitude of the settled\ninhabitants of the towns and the non-Arab population towards the new\nreligion, we do not find that the Arab conquest was so rapidly followed\nby conversions to Islam. The Christians of the great cities of the\neastern provinces of the Byzantine empire seem for the most part to\nhave remained faithful to their ancestral creed, to which indeed they\nstill in large numbers cling.\n\nIn order that we may fully appreciate their condition under the Muslim\nrule, and estimate the influences that led to occasional conversions,\nit will be well briefly to sketch their situation under the Christian\nrule of the Byzantine empire which fell back before the Arab arms.\n\nA hundred years before, Justinian had succeeded in giving some show of\nunity to the Roman Empire, but after his death it rapidly fell asunder,\nand at this time there was an entire want of common national feeling\nbetween the provinces and the seat of government. Heraclius had made\nsome partially successful efforts to attach Syria again to the central\ngovernment, but unfortunately the general methods of reconciliation\nwhich he adopted had served only to increase dissension instead of\nallaying it. Religious passions were the only existing substitute for\nnational feeling, and he tried, by propounding an exposition of faith,\nthat was intended to serve as an eirenicon, to stop all further\ndisputes between the contending factions and unite the heretics to the\nOrthodox Church and to the central government. The Council of Chalcedon\n(451) had maintained that Christ was \u201cto be acknowledged in two\nnatures, without confusion, change, division, or separation; the\ndifference of the natures being in nowise taken away by reason of their\nunion, but rather the properties of each nature being preserved, and\nconcurring into one person and one substance, not as it were divided or\nseparated into two persons, but one and the same Son and only begotten,\nGod the Word.\u201d This council was rejected by the Monophysites, who only\nallowed one nature in the person of Christ, who was said to be a\ncomposite person, having all attributes divine and human, but the\nsubstance bearing these attributes was no longer a duality, but a\ncomposite unity. The controversy between the orthodox party and the\nMonophysites, who flourished particularly in Egypt and Syria and in\ncountries outside the Byzantine empire, had been hotly contested for\nnearly two centuries, when Heraclius sought to effect a reconciliation\nby means of the doctrine of Monotheletism: while conceding the duality\nof the natures, it secured unity of the person in the actual life of\nChrist, by the rejection of two series of activities in this one\nperson; the one Christ and Son of God effectuates that which is human\nand that which is divine by one divine human agency, i.e. there is only\none will in the Incarnate Word. [70]\n\nBut Heraclius shared the fate of so many would-be peace-makers: for not\nonly did the controversy blaze up again all the more fiercely, but he\nhimself was stigmatised as a heretic and drew upon himself the wrath of\nboth parties.\n\nIndeed, so bitter was the feeling he aroused that there is strong\nreason to believe that even a majority of the orthodox subjects of the\nRoman Empire, in the provinces that were conquered during this\nemperor\u2019s reign, were the well-wishers of the Arabs; they regarded the\nemperor with aversion as a heretic, and were afraid that he might\ncommence a persecution in order to force upon them his Monotheletic\nopinions. [71] They therefore readily\u2014and even eagerly\u2014received the new\nmasters who promised them religious toleration, and were willing to\ncompromise their religious position and their national independence if\nonly they could free themselves from the immediately impending danger.\n\nMichael the Elder, Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, writing in the latter\nhalf of the twelfth century, could approve the decision of his\nco-religionists and see the finger of God in the Arab conquests even\nafter the Eastern churches had had experience of five centuries of\nMuhammadan rule. After recounting the persecutions of Heraclius, he\nwrites: \u201cThis is why the God of vengeance, who alone is all-powerful,\nand changes the empire of mortals as He will, giving it to whomsoever\nHe will, and uplifting the humble\u2014beholding the wickedness of the\nRomans who, throughout their dominions, cruelly plundered our churches\nand our monasteries and condemned us without pity\u2014brought from the\nregion of the south the sons of Ishmael, to deliver us through them\nfrom the hands of the Romans. And, if in truth, we have suffered some\nloss, because the catholic churches, that had been taken away from us\nand given to the Chalcedonians, remained in their possession; for when\nthe cities submitted to the Arabs, they assigned to each denomination\nthe churches which they found it to be in possession of (and at that\ntime the great church of Emessa and that of Harran had been taken away\nfrom us); nevertheless it was no slight advantage for us to be\ndelivered from the cruelty of the Romans, their wickedness, their wrath\nand cruel zeal against us, and to find ourselves at peace.\u201d [72]\n\nWhen the Muslim army reached the valley of the Jordan and Ab\u016b \u02bbUbaydah\npitched his camp at Fi\u1e25l, the Christian inhabitants of the country\nwrote to the Arabs, saying: \u201cO Muslims, we prefer you to the\nByzantines, though they are of our own faith, because you keep better\nfaith with us and are more merciful to us and refrain from doing us\ninjustice and your rule over us is better than theirs, for they have\nrobbed us of our goods and our homes.\u201d [73] The people of Emessa closed\nthe gates of their city against the army of Heraclius and told the\nMuslims that they preferred their government and justice to the\ninjustice and oppression of the Greeks. [74]\n\nSuch was the state of feeling in Syria during the campaign of 633\u2013639\nin which the Arabs gradually drove the Roman army out of the province.\nAnd when Damascus, in 637, set the example of making terms with the\nArabs, and thus secured immunity from plunder and other favourable\nconditions, the rest of the cities of Syria were not slow to follow.\nEmessa, Arethusa, Hieropolis and other towns entered into treaties\nwhereby they became tributary to the Arabs. Even the patriarch of\nJerusalem surrendered the city on similar terms. The fear of religious\ncompulsion on the part of the heretical emperor made the promise of\nMuslim toleration appear more attractive than the connection with the\nRoman Empire and a Christian government, and after the first terrors\ncaused by the passage of an invading army, there succeeded a profound\nrevulsion of feeling in favour of the Arab conquerors. [75]\n\nFor the provinces of the Byzantine empire that were rapidly acquired by\nthe prowess of the Muslims found themselves in the enjoyment of a\ntoleration such as, on account of their Monophysite and Nestorian\nopinions, had been unknown to them for many centuries. They were\nallowed the free and undisturbed exercise of their religion with some\nfew restrictions imposed for the sake of preventing any friction\nbetween the adherents of the rival religions, or arousing any\nfanaticism by the ostentatious exhibition of religious symbols that\nwere so offensive to Muslim feeling. [76] The extent of this\ntoleration\u2014so striking in the history of the seventh century\u2014may be\njudged from the terms granted to the conquered cities, in which\nprotection of life and property and toleration of religious belief were\ngiven in return for submission and the payment of jizyah. [77]\n\nThe exact details of these agreements cannot easily be disentangled\nfrom the accretions with which they have become overlaid, but whether\nverbally authentic or not, they are significant as representing the\nhistoric tradition accepted by the Muslim historians of the second\ncentury of the Hijrah\u2014a tradition that could hardly have become\nestablished had there been extant evidence to the contrary. As an\nexample of such an agreement, the conditions [78] may be quoted that\nare stated to have been drawn up when Jerusalem submitted to the caliph\n\u02bbUmar b. al-Kha\u1e6d\u1e6d\u0101b: \u201cIn the name of God, the Merciful, the\nCompassionate! This is the security which \u02bbUmar, the servant of God,\nthe commander of the faithful, grants to the people of \u00c6lia. He grants\nto all, whether sick or sound, security for their lives, their\npossessions, their churches and their crosses, and for all that\nconcerns their religion. Their churches shall not be changed into\ndwelling places, nor destroyed, neither shall they nor their\nappurtenances be in any way diminished, nor the crosses of the\ninhabitants nor aught of their possessions, nor shall any constraint be\nput upon them in the matter of their faith, nor shall any one of them\nbe harmed.\u201d [79]\n\nTribute was imposed upon them of five d\u012bn\u0101rs for the rich, four for the\nmiddle class and three for the poor. In company with the Patriarch,\n\u02bbUmar visited the holy places, and it is said while they were in the\nChurch of the Resurrection, as it was the appointed hour of prayer, the\nPatriarch bade the caliph offer his prayers there, but he thoughtfully\nrefused, saying that if he were to do so, his followers might\nafterwards claim it as a place of Muslim worship.\n\nIt is in harmony with the same spirit of kindly consideration for his\nsubjects of another faith, that \u02bbUmar is recorded to have ordered an\nallowance of money and food to be made to some Christian lepers,\napparently out of the public funds. [80] Even in his last testament, in\nwhich he enjoins on his successor the duties of his high office, he\nremembers the dhimm\u012bs (or protected persons of other faiths): \u201cI\ncommend to his care the dhimm\u012bs, who enjoy the protection of God and of\nthe Prophet; let him see to it that the covenant with them is kept, and\nthat no greater burdens than they can bear are laid upon them.\u201d [81]\n\nA later generation attributed to \u02bbUmar a number of restrictive\nregulations which hampered the Christians in the free exercise of their\nreligion, but De Goeje [82] and Caetani [83] have proved without doubt\nthat they are the invention of a later age; as, however, Muslim\ntheologians of less tolerant periods accepted these ordinances as\ngenuine, they are of importance for forming a judgment as to the\ncondition of the Christian Churches under Muslim rule. This so-called\nordinance of \u02bbUmar runs as follows:\u2014\u201cIn the name of God, the Merciful,\nthe Compassionate! This is a writing to \u02bbUmar b. al-Kha\u1e6d\u1e6d\u0101b from the\nChristians of such and such a city. When you marched against us, we\nasked of you protection for ourselves, our posterity, our possessions\nand our co-religionists; and we made this stipulation with you, that we\nwill not erect in our city or the suburbs any new monastery, church,\ncell or hermitage; [84] that we will not repair any of such buildings\nthat may fall into ruins, or renew those that may be situated in the\nMuslim quarters of the town; that we will not refuse the Muslims entry\ninto our churches either by night or by day; that we will open the\ngates wide to passengers and travellers; that we will receive any\nMuslim traveller into our houses and give him food and lodging for\nthree nights; that we will not harbour any spy in our churches or\nhouses, or conceal any enemy of the Muslims; that we will not teach our\nchildren the Qur\u02bc\u0101n; [85] that we will not make a show of the Christian\nreligion nor invite any one to embrace it; that we will not prevent any\nof our kinsmen from embracing Islam, if they so desire. That we will\nhonour the Muslims and rise up in our assemblies when they wish to take\ntheir seats; that we will not imitate them in our dress, either in the\ncap, turban, sandals, or parting of the hair; that we will not make use\nof their expressions of speech, [86] nor adopt their surnames; that we\nwill not ride on saddles, or gird on swords, or take to ourselves arms\nor wear them, or engrave Arabic inscriptions on our rings; that we will\nnot sell wine; that we will shave the front of our heads; that we will\nkeep to our own style of dress, wherever we may be; that we will wear\ngirdles round our waists; that we will not display the cross upon our\nchurches or display our crosses or our sacred books in the streets of\nthe Muslims, or in their market-places; [87] that we will strike the\nbells [88] in our churches lightly; that we will not recite our\nservices in a loud voice when a Muslim is present, that we will not\ncarry palm-branches or our images in procession in the streets, that at\nthe burial of our dead we will not chant loudly or carry lighted\ncandles in the streets of the Muslims or their market-places; that we\nwill not take any slaves that have already been in the possession of\nMuslims, nor spy into their houses; and that we will not strike any\nMuslim. All this we promise to observe, on behalf of ourselves and our\nco-religionists, and receive protection from you in exchange; and if we\nviolate any of the conditions of this agreement, then we forfeit your\nprotection and you are at liberty to treat us as enemies and rebels.\u201d\n[89]\n\nThe earliest mention of this document is made by Ibn \u1e24azm, who died in\nthe middle of the fifth century of the Hijrah; its provisions represent\nthe more intolerant practice of a later age, and indeed were\nregulations that were put into force with no sort of regularity, some\noutburst of fanaticism being generally needed for any appeal to be made\nfor their application. There is abundant evidence to show that the\nChristians in the early days of the Muhammadan conquest had little to\ncomplain of in the way of religious disabilities. It is true that\nadherence to their ancient faith rendered them obnoxious to the payment\nof jizyah\u2014a word which originally denoted tribute of any kind paid by\nthe non-Muslim subjects of the Arab empire, but came later on to be\nused for the capitation-tax as the fiscal system of the new rulers\nbecame fixed; [90] but this jizyah was too moderate to constitute a\nburden, seeing that it released them from the compulsory military\nservice that was incumbent on their Muslim fellow-subjects. Conversion\nto Islam was certainly attended by a certain pecuniary advantage, but\nhis former religion could have had but little hold on a convert who\nabandoned it merely to gain exemption from the jizyah; and now, instead\nof jizyah, the convert had to pay the legal alms, zak\u0101t, annually\nlevied on most kinds of movable and immovable property. [91] The\npecuniary temptation to escape the incidence of taxation by means of\nconversion was considerably lessened when financial considerations\ncompelled the Arab government, towards the end of the first century, to\ninsist on the new converts continuing to pay jizyah even after they had\nbeen received into the community of the faithful. [92] On the other\nhand it must be remembered that the non-Muslim sections of the\npopulation always ran the risk of becoming the victims of fiscal\noppression when the state was in need of revenue.\n\nThe rates of jizyah levied by the early conquerors were not uniform,\n[93] and the great Muslim doctors, Ab\u016b \u1e24an\u012bfah and M\u0101lik, are not in\nagreement on some of the less important details; [94] the following\nfacts taken from the Kit\u0101b al-Khar\u0101j, drawn up by Ab\u016b Y\u016bsuf at the\nrequest of H\u0101r\u016bn al-Rash\u012bd (A.D. 786\u2013809) may be taken as generally\nrepresentative of Muhammadan procedure under the \u02bbAbb\u0101sid Caliphate.\nThe rich were to pay forty-eight dirhams [95] a year, the middle\nclasses twenty-four, while from the poor, i.e. the field-labourers and\nartisans, only twelve dirhams were taken. This tax could be paid in\nkind if desired; cattle, merchandise, household effects, even needles\nwere to be accepted in lieu of specie, but not pigs, wine, or dead\nanimals. The tax was to be levied only on able-bodied males, and not on\nwomen or children. [96] The poor who were dependent for their\nlivelihood on alms and the aged poor who were incapable of work were\nalso specially excepted, as also the blind, the lame, the incurables\nand the insane, unless they happened to be men of wealth; this same\ncondition applied to priests and monks, who were exempt if dependent on\nthe alms of the rich, but had to pay if they were well-to-do and lived\nin comfort. The collectors of the jizyah were particularly instructed\nto show leniency, and refrain from all harsh treatment or the\ninfliction of corporal punishment, in case of non-payment. [97]\n\nThis tax was not imposed on the Christians, as some would have us\nthink, as a penalty for their refusal to accept the Muslim faith, but\nwas paid by them in common with the other dhimm\u012bs or non-Muslim\nsubjects of the state whose religion precluded them from serving in the\narmy, in return for the protection secured for them by the arms of the\nMusalmans. When the people of H\u012brah contributed the sum agreed upon,\nthey expressly mentioned that they paid this jizyah on condition that\n\u201cthe Muslims and their leader protect us from those who would oppress\nus, whether they be Muslims or others.\u201d [98] Again, in the treaty made\nby Kh\u0101lid with some towns in the neighbourhood of H\u012brah, he writes: \u201cIf\nwe protect you, then jizyah is due to us; but if we do not, then it is\nnot due.\u201d [99] How clearly this condition was recognised by the\nMuhammadans may be judged from the following incident in the reign of\nthe Caliph \u02bbUmar. The Emperor Heraclius had raised an enormous army\nwith which to drive back the invading forces of the Muslims, who had in\nconsequence to concentrate all their energies on the impending\nencounter. The Arab general, Ab\u016b \u02bbUbaydah, accordingly wrote to the\ngovernors of the conquered cities of Syria, ordering them to pay back\nall the jizyah that had been collected from the cities, and wrote to\nthe people, saying, \u201cWe give you back the money that we took from you,\nas we have received news that a strong force is advancing against us.\nThe agreement between us was that we should protect you, and as this is\nnot now in our power, we return you all that we took. But if we are\nvictorious we shall consider ourselves bound to you by the old terms of\nour agreement.\u201d In accordance with this order, enormous sums were paid\nback out of the state treasury, and the Christians called down\nblessings on the heads of the Muslims, saying, \u201cMay God give you rule\nover us again and make you victorious over the Romans; had it been\nthey, they would not have given us back anything, but would have taken\nall that remained with us.\u201d [100]\n\nAs stated above, the jizyah was levied on the able-bodied males, in\nlieu of the military service they would have been called upon to\nperform had they been Musalmans; and it is very noticeable that when\nany Christian people served in the Muslim army, they were exempted from\nthe payment of this tax. Such was the case with the tribe of\nal-Jur\u0101jimah, a Christian tribe in the neighbourhood of Antioch, who\nmade peace with the Muslims, promising to be their allies and fight on\ntheir side in battle, on condition that they should not be called upon\nto pay jizyah and should receive their proper share of the booty. [101]\nWhen the Arab conquests were pushed to the north of Persia in A.H. 22,\na similar agreement was made with a frontier tribe, which was exempted\nfrom the payment of jizyah in consideration of military service. [102]\n\nWe find similar instances of the remission of jizyah in the case of\nChristians who served in the army or navy under the Turkish rule. For\nexample, the inhabitants of Megaris, a community of Albanian\nChristians, were exempted from the payment of this tax on condition\nthat they furnished a body of armed men to guard the passes over Mounts\nCith\u00e6ron and Geranea, which lead to the Isthmus of Corinth; the\nChristians who served as pioneers of the advance-guard of the Turkish\narmy, repairing the roads and bridges, were likewise exempt from\ntribute and received grants of land quit of all taxation; [103] and the\nChristian inhabitants of Hydra paid no direct taxes to the Sultan, but\nfurnished instead a contingent of 250 able-bodied seamen to the Turkish\nfleet, who were supported out of the local treasury. [104]\n\nThe Southern Rumanians, the so-called Armatoli, [105] who constituted\nso important an element of strength in the Turkish army during the\nsixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the Mirdites, a tribe of\nAlbanian Catholics who occupied the mountains to the north of Scutari,\nwere exempt from taxation on condition of supplying an armed contingent\nin time of war. [106] In the same spirit, in consideration of the\nservices they rendered to the state, the capitation-tax was not imposed\nupon the Greek Christians who looked after the aqueducts that supplied\nConstantinople with drinking water, [107] nor on those who had charge\nof the powder-magazine in that city. [108] On the other hand, when the\nEgyptian peasants, although Muslim in faith, were made exempt from\nmilitary service, a tax was imposed upon them as on the Christians, in\nlieu thereof. [109]\n\nLiving under this security of life and property and such toleration of\nreligious thought, the Christian community\u2014especially in the\ntowns\u2014enjoyed a flourishing prosperity in the early days of the\nCaliphate.\n\nMu\u02bb\u0101wiyah (661\u2013680) employed Christians very largely in his service,\nand other members of the reigning house followed his example. [110]\nChristians frequently held high posts at court, e.g. a Christian Arab,\nal-Akh\u1e6dal, was court poet, and the father of St. John of Damascus,\ncounsellor to the caliph \u02bbAbd al-Malik (685\u2013705). In the service of the\ncaliph al-Mu\u02bbta\u1e63im (833\u2013842), there were two brothers, Christians, who\nstood very high in the confidence of the Commander of the Faithful: the\none, named Salm\u016byah, seems to have occupied somewhat the position of a\nmodern secretary of state, and no royal documents were valid until\ncountersigned by him, while his brother, Ibr\u0101h\u012bm, was entrusted with\nthe care of the privy seal, and was set over the Bayt al-M\u0101l or Public\nTreasury, an office that, from the nature of the funds and their\ndisposal, might have been expected to have been put into the hands of a\nMuslim; so great was the caliph\u2019s personal affection for this Ibr\u0101h\u012bm,\nthat he visited him in his sickness, and was overwhelmed with grief at\nhis death, and on the day of the funeral ordered the body to be brought\nto the palace and the Christian rites performed there with great\nsolemnity. [111]\n\n\u02bbAbd al-Malik appointed a certain Athanasius, a Christian scholar of\nEdessa, tutor to his brother, \u02bbAbd al-\u02bbAz\u012bz. Athanasius accompanied his\npupil, when he was appointed governor of Egypt, and there amassed great\nwealth; he is said to have possessed 4000 slaves, villages, houses,\ngardens, and gold and silver \u201clike stones\u201d; his sons took a d\u012bn\u0101r from\neach of the soldiers when they received their pay, and as there were\n30,000 troops then in Egypt, some idea may be formed of the wealth that\nAthanasius accumulated during the twenty-one years that he spent in\nthat country. [112] At the close of the eighth century, a certain Ab\u016b\nN\u016b\u1e25 al-Anb\u0101r\u012b was secretary to Ab\u016b M\u016bs\u1ea1\u0304 b. Mu\u1e63\u02bbab, governor of Mosul,\nand used his powerful influence for the benefit of his Christian\nco-religionists. [113]\n\nIn the reign of al-Mu\u02bbtadid (892\u2013902), the governor of Anb\u0101r, \u02bbUmar b.\nY\u016bsuf, was a Christian, and the caliph approved of the appointment on\nthe ground that if a Christian were found to be competent, a post might\nwell be given to him, as there were better reasons for trusting a\nChristian than either a Jew, a Muslim or a Zoroastrian. [114]\nAl-Muwaffaq, who was virtual ruler of the empire during the reign of\nhis brother al-Mu\u02bbtamid (870\u2013892), entrusted the administration of the\narmy to a Christian named Israel, and his son, al-Mu\u02bbta\u1e0did, had as one\nof his secretaries another Christian, Malik b. al-Wal\u012bd. In a later\nreign, that of al-Muqtadir (908\u2013932), a Christian was again in charge\nof the war office. [115]\n\nNa\u1e63r b. H\u0101r\u016bn, the Prime Minister of \u02bbA\u1e0dud al-Dawlah (949\u2013982), of the\nBuwayhid dynasty of Persia, who ruled over Southern Persia and \u02bbIr\u0101q,\nwas a Christian. [116] For a long time, the government offices,\nespecially in the department of finance, were filled with Christians\nand Persians; [117] to a much later date was such the case in Egypt,\nwhere at times the Christians almost entirely monopolised such posts.\n[118] Particularly as physicians, the Christians frequently amassed\ngreat wealth and were much honoured in the houses of the great.\nGabriel, the personal physician of the caliph H\u0101r\u016bn al-Rash\u012bd, was a\nNestorian Christian and derived a yearly income of 800,000 dirhams from\nhis private property, in addition to an emolument of 280,000 dirhams a\nyear in return for his attendance on the caliph; the second physician,\nalso a Christian, received 22,000 dirhams a year. [119] In trade and\ncommerce, the Christians also attained considerable affluence: indeed\nit was frequently their wealth that excited against them the jealous\ncupidity of the mob\u2014a feeling that fanatics took advantage of, to\npersecute and oppress them. Further, the non-Muslim communities enjoyed\nan almost complete autonomy, for the government placed in their hands\nthe independent management of their internal affairs, and their\nreligious leaders exercised judicial functions in cases that concerned\ntheir co-religionists only. [120] Their churches and monasteries were,\nfor the most part, not interfered with, except in the large cities,\nwhere some of them were turned into mosques\u2014a measure that could hardly\nbe objected to in view of the enormous increase in the Muslim and\ncorresponding decrease in the Christian population.\n\nRecent historical criticism has demonstrated the impossibility of the\nlegend that when Damascus was taken by the Arabs, the churches were\nequally divided between the Christians and the conquerors, on the plea\nthat while one Muslim general made his way into the city by the eastern\ngate at the point of the sword, another at the western gate received\nthe submission of the governor of the city; a similar scrutiny of\nhistorical documents as well as of the topography of the building has\nshown that the great cathedral of St. John could never have been used\nin the manner described by some Arabic historians as a common place of\nworship for both Christians and Muslims. [121] But the very fact that\nthese historians should have believed that such an arrangement\ncontinued for nearly eighty years, testifies to the early recognition\nof the liberty granted to the Christians of practising the observances\nof their religion.\n\nThe opinion of the Muhammadan legists is very diverse on this question,\nfrom the more liberal \u1e24anaf\u012b doctrine, which declares that, though it\nis unlawful to construct churches and synagogues in Muhammadan\nterritory, those already existing can be repaired if they have been\ndestroyed or have fallen into decay, while in villages and hamlets,\nwhere the tokens of Islam do not appear, new churches and synagogues\nmay be built\u2014to the intolerant \u1e24anbalite view that they may neither be\nerected nor be restored when damaged or ruined. Some legists held that\nthe privileges varied according to treaty rights: in towns taken by\nforce, no new houses of prayer might be erected by dhimm\u012bs, but if a\nspecial treaty had been made, the building of new churches and\nsynagogues was allowed. [122] But like so many of the lucubrations of\nMuhammadan legists, these prescriptions bore but little relation to\nactual facts. [123] Schoolmen might agree that the dhimm\u012bs could build\nno houses of prayer in a city of Muslim foundation, but the civil\nauthority permitted the Copts to erect churches in the new capital of\nCairo. [124] In other cities also the Christians were allowed to erect\nnew churches and monasteries. The very fact that \u02bbUmar II (717\u2013720), at\nthe close of the first century of the Hijrah, should have ordered the\ndestruction of all recently constructed churches, [125] and that rather\nmore than a century later, the fanatical al-Mutawakkil (847\u2013861) should\nhave had to repeat the same order, shows how little the prohibition of\nthe building of new churches was put into force. [126] We have numerous\ninstances recorded, both by Christian and Muhammadan historians, of the\nbuilding of new churches: e.g. in the reign of \u02bbAbd al-Malik (685\u2013705),\na wealthy Christian of Edessa, named Athanasius, erected in his native\ncity a fine church dedicated to the Mother of God, and a Baptistery in\nhonour of the picture of Christ that was reputed to have been sent to\nKing Abgar; he also built a number of churches and monasteries in\nvarious parts of Egypt, among them two magnificent churches in Fus\u1e6d\u0101\u1e6d.\n[127] Some Christian chamberlains in the service of \u02bbAbd al-\u02bbAziz b.\nMarw\u0101n (brother of \u02bbAbd al-Malik), the governor of Egypt, obtained\npermission to build a church in \u1e24alw\u0101n, which was dedicated to St.\nJohn, [128] though this town was a Muslim creation. In A.D. 711 a\nJacobite church was built at Antioch by order of the caliph al-Wal\u012bd\n(705\u2013715). [129] In the first year of the reign of Yaz\u012bd II (A.D. 720),\nM\u0101r Elias, the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, made a solemn entry into\nAntioch, accompanied by his clergy and monks, to consecrate a new\nchurch which he had caused to be built; and in the following year he\nconsecrated another church in the village of Sarmada, in the district\nof Antioch, and the only opposition he met with was from the rival\nChristian sect that accepted the Council of Chalcedon. [130] In the\nfollowing reign, Kh\u0101lid al-Qasr\u012b, who was governor of Arabian and\nPersian \u02bbIr\u0101q from 724 to 738, built a church for his mother, who was a\nChristian, to worship in. [131] In 759 the building of a church at\nNisibis was completed, on which the Nestorian bishop, Cyprian, had\nexpended a sum of 56,000 d\u012bn\u0101rs. [132] From the same century dates the\nchurch of Ab\u016b Sirjah in the ancient Roman fortress in old Cairo. [133]\nIn the reign of al-Mahd\u012b (775\u2013785) a church was erected in Baghd\u0101d for\nthe use of the Christian prisoners that had been taken captive during\nthe numerous campaigns against the Byzantine empire. [134] Another\nchurch was built in the same city, in the reign of H\u0101r\u016bn al-Rash\u012bd\n(786\u2013809), by the people of Sam\u0101l\u016b, who had submitted to the caliph and\nreceived protection from him; [135] during the same reign Sergius, the\nNestorian Metropolitan of Ba\u1e63rah, received permission to build a church\nin that city, [136] though it was a Muslim foundation, having been\ncreated by the caliph \u02bbUmar in the year 638, and a magnificent church\nwas erected in Babylon in which were enshrined the bodies of the\nprophets Daniel and Ezechiel. [137] When al-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn (813\u2013833) was in\nEgypt he gave permission to two of his chamberlains to erect a church\non al-Muqa\u1e6d\u1e6dam, a hill near Cairo; and by the same caliph\u2019s leave, a\nwealthy Christian, named Buk\u0101m, built several fine churches at B\u016brah in\nEgypt. [138] The Nestorian Patriarch, Timotheus, who died A.D. 820,\nerected a church at Takr\u012bt and a monastery at Baghd\u0101d. [139] In the\ntenth century, the beautiful Coptic church of Ab\u016b Sayfayn was built in\nFus\u1e6d\u0101\u1e6d. [140] A new church was built at Jiddah in the reign of\nal-\u1e92\u0101hir, the seventh F\u0101\u1e6dimid caliph of Egypt (1020\u20131035). [141] New\nchurches and monasteries were also built in the reign of the \u02bbAbb\u0101sid,\nal-Musta\u1e0d\u012b (1170\u20131180). [142] In 1187 a church was built at Fus\u1e6d\u0101\u1e6d and\ndedicated to Our Lady the Pure Virgin. [143]\n\nIndeed, so far from the development of the Christian Church being\nhampered by the establishment of Muhammadan rule, the history of the\nNestorians exhibits a remarkable outburst of religious life and energy\nfrom the time of their becoming subject to the Muslims. [144]\nAlternately petted and persecuted by the Persian kings, in whose\ndominions by far the majority of the members of this sect were found,\nit had passed a rather precarious existence and had been subjected to\nharsh treatment, when war between Persia and Byzantium exposed it to\nthe suspicion of sympathising with the Christian enemy. But, under the\nrule of the caliphs, the security they enjoyed at home enabled them to\nvigorously push forward their missionary enterprises abroad.\nMissionaries were sent into China and India, both of which were raised\nto the dignity of metropolitan sees in the eighth century; about the\nsame period they gained a footing in Egypt, and later spread the\nChristian faith right across Asia, and by the eleventh century had\ngained many converts from among the Tatars. [145]\n\nIf the other Christian sects failed to exhibit the same vigorous life,\nit was not the fault of the Muhammadans. All were tolerated alike by\nthe supreme government, and furthermore were prevented from persecuting\none another. [146] In the fifth century, Barsauma, a Nestorian bishop,\nhad persuaded the Persian king to set on foot a fierce persecution of\nthe Orthodox Church, by representing Nestorius as a friend of the\nPersians and his doctrines as approximating to their own; as many as\n7800 of the Orthodox clergy, with an enormous number of laymen, are\nsaid to have been butchered during this persecution. [147] Another\npersecution was instituted against the Orthodox by Khusrau II, after\nthe invasion of Persia by Heraclius, at the instigation of a Jacobite,\nwho persuaded the King that the Orthodox would always be favourably\ninclined towards the Byzantines. [148] But the principles of Muslim\ntoleration forbade such acts of injustice as these: on the contrary, it\nseems to have been their endeavour to deal fairly by all their\nChristian subjects: e.g. after the conquest of Egypt, the Jacobites\ntook advantage of the expulsion of the Byzantine authorities to rob the\nOrthodox of their churches, but later they were restored by the\nMuhammadans to their rightful owners when these had made good their\nclaim to possess them. [149]\n\nIn view of the toleration thus extended to their Christian subjects in\nthe early period of the Muslim rule, the common hypothesis of the sword\nas the factor of conversion seems hardly satisfactory, and we are\ncompelled to seek for other motives than that of persecution. But\nunfortunately very few details are forthcoming and we are obliged to\nhave recourse to conjecture. [150] In an age so prolific of theological\nspeculation, there may well have been some thinkers whose trend of\nthought had prepared them for the acceptance of the Muhammadan\nposition. Such were those Shahr\u012bgh\u0101n or landed proprietors in Persia in\nthe eighth century, who were nominally Christians, but maintained that\nChrist was an ordinary man and that he was as one of the Prophets.\n[151] They appear at times to have given a good deal of trouble to the\nNestorian clergy, who were at great pains to draw them into the paths\nof orthodoxy; [152] but their theological position was more closely\nakin to Islam than to Christian doctrine, and they probably went to\nswell the ranks of the converts after the Arab conquest of the Persian\nempire.\n\nMany Christian theologians [153] have supposed that the debased\ncondition\u2014moral and spiritual\u2014of the Eastern Church of that period must\nhave alienated the hearts of many and driven them to seek a healthier\nspiritual atmosphere in the faith of Islam which had come to them in\nall the vigour of new-born zeal. [154] For example, Dean Milman [155]\nasks, \u201cWhat was the state of the Christian world in the provinces\nexposed to the first invasion of Mohammedanism? Sect opposed to sect,\nclergy wrangling with clergy upon the most abstruse and metaphysical\npoints of doctrine. The orthodox, the Nestorians, the Eutychians, the\nJacobites were persecuting each other with unexhausted animosity; and\nit is not judging too severely the evils of religious controversy to\nsuppose that many would rejoice in the degradation of their adversaries\nunder the yoke of the unbeliever, rather than make common cause with\nthem in defence of the common Christianity. In how many must this\nincessant disputation have shaken the foundations of their faith! It\nhad been wonderful if thousands had not, in their weariness and\nperplexity, sought refuge from these interminable and implacable\ncontroversies in the simple, intelligible truth of the Divine Unity,\nthough purchased by the acknowledgment of the prophetic mission of\nMohammed.\u201d Similarly, Caetani sees in the spread of Islam, among the\nChristians of the Eastern Churches, a revulsion of feeling from the\ndogmatic subtleties introduced into Christian theology by the\nHellenistic spirit. \u201cFor the East, with its love of clear and simple\nconcepts, Hellenic culture was, from the religious point of view, a\nmisfortune, because it changed the sublime and simple teachings of\nChrist into a creed bristling with incomprehensible dogmas, full of\ndoubts and uncertainties; these ended with producing a feeling of deep\ndismay and shook the very foundations of religious belief; so that when\nat last there appeared, coming out suddenly from the desert, the news\nof the new revelation, this bastard oriental Christianity, torn asunder\nby internal discords, wavering in its fundamental dogmas, dismayed by\nsuch incertitudes, could no longer resist the temptations of a new\nfaith, which swept away at one single stroke all miserable doubts, and\noffered, along with simple, clear and undisputed doctrines, great\nmaterial advantages also. The East then abandoned Christ and threw\nitself into the arms of the Prophet of Arabia.\u201d [156]\n\nAgain, Canon Taylor [157] says: \u201cIt is easy to understand why this\nreformed Judaism spread so swiftly over Africa and Asia. The African\nand Syrian doctors had substituted abstruse metaphysical dogmas for the\nreligion of Christ: they tried to combat the licentiousness of the age\nby setting forth the celestial merit of celibacy and the angelic\nexcellence of virginity\u2014seclusion from the world was the road of\nholiness, dirt was the characteristic of monkish sanctity\u2014the people\nwere practically polytheists, worshipping a crowd of martyrs, saints\nand angels; the upper classes were effeminate and corrupt, the middle\nclasses oppressed by taxation, [158] the slaves without hope for the\npresent or the future. As with the besom of God, Islam swept away this\nmass of corruption and superstition. It was a revolt against empty\ntheological polemics; it was a masculine protest against the exaltation\nof celibacy as a crown of piety. It brought out the fundamental dogmas\nof religion\u2014the unity and greatness of God, that He is merciful and\nrighteous, that He claims obedience to His will, resignation and faith.\nIt proclaimed the responsibility of man, a future life, a day of\njudgment, and stern retribution to fall upon the wicked; and enforced\nthe duties of prayer, almsgiving, fasting and benevolence. It thrust\naside the artificial virtues, the religious frauds and follies, the\nperverted moral sentiments, and the verbal subtleties of theological\ndisputants. It replaced monkishness by manliness. It gave hope to the\nslave, brotherhood to mankind, and recognition to the fundamental facts\nof human nature.\u201d\n\nIslam has, moreover, been represented as a reaction against that\nByzantine ecclesiasticism, [159] which looked upon the emperor and his\ncourt as a copy of the Divine Majesty on high, and the emperor himself\nas not only the supreme earthly ruler of Christendom, but as\nHigh-priest also. [160] Under Justinian this system had been hardened\ninto a despotism that pressed like an iron weight upon clergy and laity\nalike. In 532 the widespread dissatisfaction in Constantinople with\nboth church and state, burst out into a revolt against the government\nof Justinian, which was only suppressed after a massacre of 35,000\npersons. The Greens, as the party of the malcontents was termed, had\nmade open and violent protest in the circus against the oppression of\nthe emperor, crying out, \u201cJustice has vanished from the world and is no\nmore to be found. But we will become Jews, or rather we will return\nagain to Grecian paganism.\u201d [161] The lapse of a century had removed\nnone of the grounds for the dissatisfaction that here found such\nviolent expression, but the heavy hand of the Byzantine government\nprevented the renewal of such an outbreak as that of 532 and compelled\nthe malcontents to dissemble, though in 560 some secret heathens were\ndetected in Constantinople and punished. [162] On the borders of the\nempire, however, at a distance from the capital, such malcontents were\nsafer, and the persecuted heretics, and others dissatisfied with the\nByzantine state-church, took refuge in the East, and here the Muslim\narmies would be welcomed by the spiritual children of those who a\nhundred years before had desired to exchange the Christian religion for\nanother faith.\n\nFurther, the general adoption of the Arabic language throughout the\nempire of the caliphate, especially in the towns and the great centres\nof population, and the gradual assimilation in manners and customs that\nin the course of about two centuries caused the numerous conquered\nraces to be largely merged in the national life of the ruling race, had\nno doubt a counterpart in the religious and intellectual life of many\nmembers of the protected religions. The rationalistic movement that so\npowerfully influenced Muslim theology from the second to the fifth\ncentury of the Hijrah may very possibly have influenced Christian\nthinkers, and turned them from a religion, the prevailing tone of whose\ntheology seems at this time to have been Credo quia impossibile. A\nMuhammadan writer of the fourth century of the Hijrah has preserved for\nus a conversation with a Coptic Christian which may safely be taken as\ncharacteristic of the general mental attitude of the rest of the\nEastern Churches at this period:\u2014\n\n\u201cMy proof for the truth of Christianity is, that I find its teachings\ncontradictory and mutually destructive, for they are repugnant to\nreason and revolting to the intellect, on account of their\ninconsistency and mutual contrariety. No reflection can strengthen\nthem, no discussion can prove them; and however thoughtfully we may\ninvestigate them, neither the intellect nor the senses can provide us\nwith any argument in support of them. Notwithstanding this, I have seen\nthat many nations and mighty kings of learning and sound judgment, have\ngiven in their allegiance to the Christian faith; so I conclude that if\nthese have accepted it in spite of all the contradictions referred to,\nit is because the proofs they have received, in the form of signs and\nmiracles, have compelled them to submit to it.\u201d [163]\n\nOn the other hand, it should be remembered that those who passed over\nfrom Christianity to Islam, under the influence of the rationalistic\ntendencies of the age, would find in the Mu\u02bbtazilite presentment of\nMuslim theology, very much that was common to the two faiths, so that\nas far as the articles of belief and the intellectual attitude towards\nmany theological questions were concerned, the transition was not so\nviolent as might be supposed. To say nothing of the numerous\nfundamental doctrines, that will at once suggest themselves to those\neven who have only a slight knowledge of the teachings of the Prophet,\nthere were many other common points of view, that were the direct\nconsequences of the close relationships between the Christian and\nMuhammadan theologians in Damascus under the Umayyad caliphs as also in\nlater times; for it has been maintained that there is clear evidence of\nthe influence of the Byzantine theologians on the development of the\nsystematic treatment of Muhammadan dogmatics. The very form and\narrangement of the oldest rule of faith in the Arabic language suggest\na comparison with similar treatises of St. John of Damascus and other\nChristian fathers. [164] The oldest Arab \u1e62\u016bf\u012bism, the trend of which\nwas purely towards the ascetic life (as distinguished from the later\npantheistic \u1e62\u016bf\u012bism) originated largely under the influence of\nChristian thought. [165] Such influence is especially traceable in the\ndoctrines of some of the Mu\u02bbtazilite sects, [166] who busied themselves\nwith speculations on the attributes of the divine nature quite in the\nmanner of the Byzantine theologians: the Qadariyyah or libertarians of\nIslam probably borrowed their doctrine of the freedom of the will\ndirectly from Christianity, while the Murji\u02bcah in their denial of the\ndoctrine of eternal punishment were in thorough agreement with the\nteaching of the Eastern Church on this subject as against the generally\nreceived opinion of orthodox Muslims. [167] On the other hand, the\ninfluence of the more orthodox doctors of Islam in the conversion of\nunbelievers is attested by the tradition that twenty thousand\nChristians, Jews and Magians became Muslims when the great Im\u0101m Ibn\n\u1e24anbal died. [168] A celebrated doctor of the same sect, Abu\u2019l-Faraj b.\nal-Jawz\u012b (A.D. 1115\u20131201), the most learned man of his time, a popular\npreacher and most prolific writer, is said to have boasted that just\nthe same number of persons accepted the faith of Islam at his hands.\n[169]\n\nFurther, the vast and unparalleled success of the Muslim arms shook the\nfaith of the Christian peoples that came under their rule and saw in\nthese conquests the hand of God. [170] Worldly prosperity they\nassociated with the divine favour and the God of battle (they thought)\nwould surely give the victory only into the hands of his favoured\nservants. Thus the very success of the Muhammadans seemed to argue the\ntruth of their religion.\n\nThe Islamic ideal of the brotherhood of all believers was a powerful\nattraction towards this creed, and though the Arab pride of birth\nstrove to refuse for several generations the privileges of the ruling\nrace to the new converts, still as \u201cclients\u201d of the various Arab tribes\nto which at first they used to be affiliated, they received a\nrecognised position in the community, and by the close of the first\ncentury of the Hijrah they had vindicated for this ideal its true place\nin Muslim theology and at least a theoretical recognition in the state.\n[171]\n\nBut the condition of the Christians did not always continue to be so\ntolerable as under the earlier caliphs. In the interests of the true\nbelievers, vexatious conditions were sometimes imposed upon the\nnon-Muslim population (or dhimm\u012bs), with the object of securing for the\nfaithful superior social advantages. Unsuccessful attempts were made by\nseveral caliphs to exclude them from the public offices. Decrees to\nthis effect were passed by al-Man\u1e63\u016br (754\u2013775), al-Mutawakkil\n(847\u2013861), al-Muqtadir (908\u2013932), and in Egypt by al-\u0100mir (1101\u20131130),\none of the F\u0101\u1e6dimid caliphs, and by the Maml\u016bk Sultans in the fourteenth\ncentury. [172] But the very fact that these decrees excluding the\ndhimm\u012bs from government posts were so often renewed, is a sign of the\nwant of any continuity or persistency in putting such intolerant\nmeasures into practice. In fact they may generally be traced either to\npopular indignation excited by the harsh and insolent behaviour of\nChristian officials, [173] or to outbursts of fanaticism which forced\nupon the government acts of oppression that were contrary to the\ngeneral spirit of Muslim rule and were consequently allowed to lapse as\nsoon as possible.\n\nThe beginning of a harsher treatment of the native Christian population\ndates from the reign of H\u0101r\u016bn al-Rash\u012bd (786\u2013809) who ordered them to\nwear a distinctive dress and give up the government posts they held to\nMuslims. The first of these orders shows how little one at least of the\nordinances ascribed to \u02bbUmar was observed, and these decrees were the\noutcome, not so much of any purely religious feeling, as of the\npolitical circumstances of the time. The Christians under Muhammadan\nrule have often had to suffer for the bad faith kept by foreign\nChristian powers in their relations with Muhammadan princes, and on\nthis occasion it was the treachery of the Byzantine Emperor,\nNicephorus, that caused the Christian name to stink in the nostrils of\nH\u0101r\u016bn. [174] Many of the persecutions of Christians in Muslim countries\ncan be traced either to distrust of their loyalty, excited by the\nintrigues and interference of Christian foreigners and the enemies of\nIslam, or to the bad feeling stirred up by the treacherous or brutal\nbehaviour of the latter towards the Musalmans. Religious fanaticism is,\nhowever, responsible for many of such persecutions, as in the reign of\nthe Caliph al-Mutawakkil (847\u2013861), under whom severe measures of\noppression were taken against the Christians. This prince took\nadvantage of the strong Orthodox reaction that had set in in Muhammadan\ntheology against the rationalistic and freethinking tendencies that had\nhad free play under former rulers,\u2014and came forward as the champion of\nthe extreme orthodox party, to which the mass of the people as\ncontrasted with the higher classes belonged, [175] and which was eager\nto exact vengeance for the persecutions it had itself suffered in the\ntwo preceding reigns; [176] he sought to curry their favour by\npersecuting the Mu\u02bbtazilites, forbidding all further discussions on the\nQur\u02bc\u0101n and declaring the doctrine that it was created, to be heretical;\nhe had the followers of \u02bbAl\u012b imprisoned and beaten, pulled down the\ntomb of \u1e24usayn at Karbal\u0101\u02bc and forbade pilgrimages to be made to the\nsite. The Christians shared in the sufferings of the other heretics;\nfor al-Mutawakkil put rigorously into force the rules that had been\npassed in former reigns prescribing a distinction in the dress of\ndhimm\u012bs and Muslims, ordered that the Christians should no longer be\nemployed in the public offices, doubled the capitation-tax, forbade\nthem to have Muslim slaves or use the same baths as the Muslims, and\nharassed them with several other restrictions.\n\nIt is noteworthy that the historians of the Nestorian Church\u2014which had\nto suffer most from this persecution\u2014describe it as something new and\nindividual to al-Mutawakkil, and as ceasing with his death. [177] One\nof his successors, al-Muqtadir (A.D. 908\u2013932), renewed these\nregulations, which the lapse of half a century had apparently caused to\nfall into disuse.\n\nOther outbursts of fanaticism led to the destruction of churches and\nsynagogues, [178] and the terror of such persecution led to the\ndefection of many from the Christian Church. [179] But such oppression\nwas contrary to the tolerant spirit of Islam, and to the teaching\ntraditionally ascribed to the Prophet; [180] and the fanatical party\ntried in vain to enforce the persistent execution of these oppressive\nmeasures for the humiliation of the non-Muslim population. \u201cThe \u02bbulama\u02bc\n(i.e. the learned, the clergy) consider this state of things; they weep\nand groan in silence, while the princes who had the power of putting\ndown these criminal abuses only shut their eyes to them.\u201d [181] The\nrules that a fanatical priesthood may lay down for the repression of\nunbelievers cannot always be taken as a criterion of the practice of\ncivil governments: it is failure to realise this fact that has rendered\npossible the highly-coloured pictures of the sufferings of the\nChristians under Muhammadan rule, drawn by writers who have assumed\nthat the prescriptions of certain Muslim theologians represented an\ninvariable practice. Such outbursts of persecution seem in some cases\nto have been excited by the alleged abuse of their position by those\nChristians who held high posts in the service of the government; they\naroused considerable hostility of feeling towards themselves by their\noppression of the Muslims, it being said that they took advantage of\ntheir high position to plunder and annoy the faithful, treating them\nwith great harshness and rudeness and despoiling them of their lands\nand money. Such complaints were laid before the caliphs al-Man\u1e63\u016br\n(754\u2013775), al-Mahd\u012b (775\u2013785), al-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn (813\u2013833), al-Mutawakkil\n(847\u2013861), al-Muqtadir (908\u2013932), and many of their successors. [182]\nThey also incurred the odium of many Muhammadans by acting as the spies\nof the \u02bbAbb\u0101sid dynasty and hunting down the adherents of the displaced\nUmayyad family. [183] At a later period, during the time of the\nCrusades they were accused of treasonable correspondence with the\nCrusaders [184] and brought on themselves severe restrictive measures\nwhich cannot justly be described as religious persecution.\n\nIn proportion as the lot of the conquered peoples became harder to\nbear, the more irresistible was the temptation to free themselves from\ntheir miseries, by the words, \u201cThere is no god but God: Mu\u1e25ammad is the\nApostle of God.\u201d When the state was in need of money\u2014as was\nincreasingly the case\u2014the subject races were more and more burdened\nwith taxes, so that the condition of the non-Muslims was constantly\ngrowing more unendurable, and conversions to Islam increased in the\nsame proportion. The dreary record of scandals, with which the pages of\nthe Christian historians of this later period are filled, would suggest\nthat the Christian Churches had failed to develop a moral fibre strong\nenough to endure the stress of adverse conditions, and when persecution\ncame, the reason for the defection that followed might\u2014as the historian\nof the Nestorian Church suggests [185]\u2014be sought for in the prevailing\nnegligence in the performance of religious duties and the evil life of\nthe clergy.\n\nFurther causes that contributed to the decrease of the Christian\npopulation may be found in the fact that the children of the numerous\nChristian captive women who were carried off to the harems of the\nMuslims had to be brought up in the religion of their fathers, and in\nthe frequent temptation that was offered to the Christian slave by an\nindulgent master, of purchasing his freedom at the price of conversion\nto Islam. But of any organised attempt to force the acceptance of Islam\non the non-Muslim population, or of any systematic persecution intended\nto stamp out the Christian religion, we hear nothing. Had the caliphs\nchosen to adopt either course of action, they might have swept away\nChristianity as easily as Ferdinand and Isabella drove Islam out of\nSpain, or Louis XIV made Protestantism penal in France, or the Jews\nwere kept out of England for 350 years. The Eastern Churches in Asia\nwere entirely cut off from communion with the rest of Christendom,\nthroughout which no one would have been found to lift a finger on their\nbehalf, as heretical communions. So that the very survival of these\nChurches to the present day is a strong proof of the generally tolerant\nattitude of the Muhammadan governments towards them. [186]\n\nOf the ancient Churches in Western Asia at the time of the Muhammadan\nconquest, there still survive about 150,000 Nestorians, [187] and their\nnumber would have been larger but for the proselytising efforts of\nother Christian Churches; the Chaldees who have submitted to the Church\nof Rome number 70,000, in 1898 the Nestorian Bishop M\u0101r Jonan, with\nseveral of the clergy and 15,000 Nestorians were received into the\nOrthodox Russian Church; and numbers of Nestorians have also become\nProtestants. [188] The Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch exercises\njurisdiction over about 80,000 members of this ancient Church, while\n25,000 families of Uniat Jacobites obey the Syrian Catholic Patriarch.\n[189] Belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, there are 28,836 families\nunder the Patriarch of Antioch and more than 15,000 persons under the\nPatriarch of Jerusalem, [190] while the Melchites or Greek-Catholics\nnumber about 130,000. [191] The Maronite Church, which has been in\nunion with the Roman Catholic Church since the year 1182, has a\nfollowing of 300,000. [192]\n\nThe marvel is that these isolated and scattered communities should have\nsurvived so long, exposed as they have been to the ravages of war,\npestilence and famine, [193] living in a country that was for centuries\na continual battle-field, overrun by Turks, Mongols and Crusaders,\n[194] it being further remembered that they were forbidden by the\nMuhammadan law to make good this decay of their numbers by\nproselytising efforts\u2014if indeed they had cared to do so, for they seem\n(with the exception of the Nestorians) even before the Muhammadan\nconquest, to have lost that missionary spirit, without which, as\nhistory abundantly shows, no healthy life is possible in a Christian\nChurch. It has also been suggested that the monastic ideal of\ncontinence so widespread in the East, and the Christian practice of\nmonogamy, together with the sense of insecurity and their servile\ncondition, may have acted as checks on the growth of the Christian\npopulation. [195]\n\nOf the details of conversion to Islam we have hardly any information.\nAt the time of the first occupation of their country by the Arabs, the\nChristians appear to have gone over to Islam in very large numbers.\nSome idea of the extent of these early conversions in \u02bbIr\u0101q for example\nmay be formed from the fact that the income from taxation in the reign\nof \u02bbUmar was from 100 to 120 million dirhams, while in the reign of\n\u02bbAbd al-Malik, about fifty years later, it had sunk to forty millions:\nwhile this fall in the revenue is largely attributable to the\ndevastation caused by wars and insurrections, still it was chiefly due\nto the fact that large numbers of the population had become Muhammadan\nand consequently could no longer be called upon to pay the\ncapitation-tax. [196]\n\nThis same period witnesses the conversion of large numbers of the\nChristians of Khur\u0101s\u0101n, as we learn from a letter of a contemporary\necclesiastic, the Nestorian Patriarch \u012ash\u014d\u02bbyabh III, addressed to\nSimeon, the Metropolitan of Rev-Ardash\u012br and Primate of Persia. We\npossess so very few Christian documents of the first century of the\nHijrah, and this letter bears such striking testimony to the peaceful\ncharacter of the spread of the new faith, and has moreover been so\nlittle noticed by modern historians\u2014that it may well be quoted here at\nlength. \u201cWhere are thy sons, O father bereft of sons? Where is that\ngreat people of Merv, who though they beheld neither sword, nor fire or\ntortures, captivated only by love for a moiety of their goods, have\nturned aside, like fools, from the true path and rushed headlong into\nthe pit of faithlessness\u2014into everlasting destruction, and have utterly\nbeen brought to nought, while two priests only (priests at least in\nname), have, like brands snatched from the burning, escaped the\ndevouring flames of infidelity. Alas, alas! Out of so many thousands\nwho bore the name of Christians, not even one single victim was\nconsecrated unto God by the shedding of his blood for the true faith.\nWhere, too, are the sanctuaries of Kirm\u0101n and all Persia? it is not the\ncoming of Satan or the mandates of the kings of the earth or the orders\nof governors of provinces that have laid them waste and in ruins\u2014but\nthe feeble breath of one contemptible little demon, who was not deemed\nworthy of the honour of demons by those demons who sent him on his\nerrand, nor was endowed by Satan the seducer with the power of\ndiabolical deceit, that he might display it in your land; but merely by\nthe nod of his command he has thrown down all the churches of your\nPersia.... And the Arabs, to whom God at this time has given the empire\nof the world, behold, they are among you, as ye know well: and yet they\nattack not the Christian faith, but, on the contrary, they favour our\nreligion, do honour to our priests and the saints of the Lord, and\nconfer benefits on churches and monasteries. Why then have your people\nof Merv abandoned their faith for the sake of these Arabs? and that,\ntoo, when the Arabs, as the people of Merv themselves declare, have not\ncompelled them to leave their own religion but suffered them to keep it\nsafe and undefiled if they gave up only a moiety of their goods. But\nforsaking the faith which brings eternal salvation, they clung to a\nmoiety of the goods of this fleeting world: that faith which whole\nnations have purchased and even to this day do purchase by the shedding\nof their blood and gain thereby the inheritance of eternal life, your\npeople of Merv were willing to barter for a moiety of their goods\u2014and\neven less.\u201d [197] The reign of the caliph \u02bbUmar II (A.D. 717\u2013720)\nparticularly was marked with very extensive conversions: he organised a\nzealous missionary movement and offered every kind of inducement to the\nconquered peoples to accept Islam, even making them grants of money; on\none occasion he is said to have given a Christian military officer the\nsum of 1000 d\u012bn\u0101rs to induce him to accept Islam. [198] He instructed\nthe governors of the provinces to invite the dhimm\u012bs to the Muslim\nfaith, and al-Jarr\u0101\u1e25 b. \u02bbAbd All\u0101h, governor of Khur\u0101s\u0101n, is said to\nhave converted about 4000 persons. [199] He is even said to have\nwritten a letter to the Byzantine Emperor, Leo III, urging on him the\nacceptance of the faith of Islam. [200] He abrogated the decree passed\nin A.D. 700 for the purpose of arresting the impoverishment of the\ntreasury, according to which the convert to Islam was not released from\nthe capitation-tax, but was compelled to continue to pay it as before;\neven though the dhimm\u012b apostatised the very day before his yearly\npayment of the jizyah was due or while his contribution was actually\nbeing weighed in the scales, it was to be remitted to the new convert.\n[201] He no longer exacted the khar\u0101j from the Muhammadan owners of\nlanded property, and imposed upon them the far lighter burden of a\ntithe. These measures, though financially most ruinous, were eminently\nsuccessful in the way the pious-minded caliph desired they should be,\nand enormous numbers hastened to enrol themselves among the Muslims.\n[202]\n\nIt must not, however, be supposed that such worldly considerations were\nthe only influences at work in the conversion of the Christians to\nIslam. The controversial works of St. John of Damascus, of the same\ncentury, give us glimpses of the zealous Muslim striving to undermine\nby his arguments the foundations of the Christian faith. The very\ndialogue form into which these treatises are thrown, and the frequent\nrepetition of such phrases as \u201cIf the Saracen asks you,\u201d\u2014\u201cIf the\nSaracen says ... then tell him\u201d ...\u2014give them an air of vraisemblance\nand make them appear as if they were intended to provide the Christians\nwith ready answers to the numerous objections which their Muslim\nneighbours brought against the Christian creed. [203] That the\naggressive attitude of the Muhammadan disputant is most prominently\nbrought forward in these dialogues is only what might be expected, it\nbeing no part of this great theologian\u2019s purpose to enshrine in his\nwritings an apology for Islam. His pupil, Bishop Theodore Ab\u016b Qurrah,\nalso wrote several controversial dialogues [204] with Muhammadans, in\nwhich the disputants range over all the points of dispute between the\ntwo faiths, the Muslim as before being the first to take up the\ncudgels, and enabling us to form some slight idea of the activity with\nwhich the cause of Islam was prosecuted at this period. \u201cThe thoughts\nof the Agarenes,\u201d says the bishop, \u201cand all their zeal, are directed\ntowards the denial of the divinity of God the Word, and they strain\nevery effort to this end.\u201d [205] The Nestorian Patriarch, Timotheus,\nused to hold discussions on religious matters in the presence of the\ncaliphs, al-H\u0101d\u012b and H\u0101r\u016bn al-Rash\u012bd, and embodied them in a work that\nis now lost. [206] Timotheus had secured his election to the\npatriarchate in the face of the active opposition of many of the most\npowerful ecclesiastics of his own Church; among these was Joseph, the\nmetropolitan of Merv, who intrigued against him with the caliph,\nal-Mahd\u012b (775\u2013785), but was persuaded by the caliph to accept Islam and\nwas rewarded for his apostasy with rich presents and an official\nappointment in Ba\u1e63rah. [207]\n\nThese details from the first two centuries of the Hijrah are meagre in\nthe extreme and rather suggest the existence of proselytising efforts\nthan furnish definite facts. The earliest document of a distinctly\nmissionary character which has come down to us, would seem to date from\nthe reign of al-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn (813\u2013833), and takes the form of a letter [208]\nwritten by a cousin of the caliph to a Christian Arab of noble birth\nand of considerable distinction at the court, and held in high esteem\nby al-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn himself. In this letter he begs his friend to embrace\nIslam, in terms of affectionate appeal and in language that strikingly\nillustrates the tolerant attitude of the Muslims towards the Christian\nChurch at this period. This letter occupies an almost unique place in\nthe early history of the propagation of Islam, and has on this account\nbeen given in full in an appendix. [209] In the same work we have a\nreport of a speech made by the caliph at an assembly of his nobles, in\nwhich he speaks in tones of the strongest contempt of those who had\nbecome Muhammadans merely out of worldly and selfish motives, and\ncompares them to the Hypocrites who while pretending to be friends of\nthe Prophet, in secret plotted against his life. But just as the\nProphet returned good for evil, so the caliph resolves to treat these\npersons with courtesy and forbearance until God should decide between\nthem. [210] The record of this complaint on the part of the caliph is\ninteresting as indicating that disinterested and genuine conviction was\nexpected and looked for in the new convert to Islam, and that the\ndiscovery of self-seeking and unworthy motives drew upon him the\nseverest censure.\n\nAl-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn himself was very zealous in his efforts to spread the faith\nof Islam, and sent invitations to unbelievers even in the most distant\nparts of his dominions, such as Transoxania and Fargh\u0101nah. [211] At the\nsame time he did not abuse his royal power, by attempting to force his\nown faith upon others: when a certain Yazd\u0101nbakht, a leader of the\nManich\u00e6an sect, came on a visit to Baghd\u0101d [212] and held a disputation\nwith the Muslim theologians, in which he was utterly silenced, the\ncaliph tried to induce him to embrace Islam. But Yazd\u0101nbakht refused,\nsaying, \u201cCommander of the faithful, your advice is heard and your words\nhave been listened to; but you are one of those who do not force men to\nabandon their religion.\u201d So far from resenting the ill-success of his\nefforts, the caliph furnished him with a bodyguard, that he might not\nbe exposed to insult from the fanatical populace. [213]\n\nSome scanty references are made by Christian historians to cases of\necclesiastical dignitaries who became Muhammadans, e.g. George, Bishop\nof Ba\u1e25rayn, about the middle of the ninth century, having been deposed\nfrom his office for some ecclesiastical offence, exchanged the\nChristian faith for that of Islam, [214] and the conversion of a\nbrother of Gabriel, metropolitan of F\u0101rs about the middle of the tenth\ncentury, only receives mention because the fact of his having become a\nMuslim was alleged as disqualifying Gabriel for election to the\npatriarchate of the Nestorian church. [215]\n\nIn the early part of the same century, Theodore, the Nestorian Bishop\nof Beth Garmai, became a Muslim, and there is no mention of any force\nor compulsion by the ecclesiastical historian [216] who records the\nfact, as there undoubtedly would have been, had such existed. Some\nyears later (between A.D. 962 and 979), Philoxenos, a Jacobite Bishop\nof \u0100dharbayj\u0101n, also became a Muslim, [217] and in the following\ncentury, in 1016, Ignatius, [218] the Jacobite Metropolitan of Takr\u012bt,\nwho had held this office for twenty-five years, set out for Baghd\u0101d and\nembraced Islam in the presence of the caliph al-Q\u0101dir, taking the name\nof Ab\u016b Muslim. [219] It would be exceedingly interesting if an Apologia\npro Vita Sua had survived to reveal to us the religious development\nthat took place in the mind of either of these converts. The Christian\nchronicler hints at immorality in the last three cases, but such an\naccusation uncorroborated by any further evidence is open to suspicion,\n[220] much as it would be if brought forward by a Roman Catholic when\nrecording the conversion of a priest of his own communion to the\nProtestant faith. It is doubtless owing to their exalted position in\nthe Church that the conversion of these prominent ecclesiastics of two\nhostile Christian sects has been handed down to us, while that of more\nobscure individuals has not been recorded. As Barhebr\u00e6us brings his\necclesiastical chronicle nearer to his own time, he gives fuller\ndetails of the career of such converts, e.g. in recording the public\nlapse of some of the Jacobite bishops, in the middle of the twelfth\ncentury he makes particular mention of Aaron, bishop of a town in\nKhur\u0101s\u0101n, as having become a Muhammadan after having been convicted of\nsome moral fault; repenting of this change, he wished to regain his\nepiscopal status, and when this was refused him, went to Constantinople\nand abjured the Monophysite doctrines of the Jacobite Church; then\napparently dissatisfied with the reception he received in\nConstantinople, he returned to the Jacobite Patriarch, but a second\ntime went over to Islam \u201cwithout any reason\u201d; then repenting again, he\nfinally ended his days among the Maronites of Mount Lebanon. [221] A\ncontemporary of Barhebr\u00e6us, in the middle of the thirteenth\ncentury\u2014Daniel, Bishop of Khabur\u2014who is said to have been proficient in\nsecular learning, sought to be appointed to the diocese of Aleppo, but\ndisappointed in this ambition, he abandoned the Christian faith and to\nthe grief and shame of all Christian people \u201cbecame a Muslim; but God\n(praise be to His grace!) soon consoled his afflicted people and took\naway the shame from the redeemed, the redeemed of the Lord; for a few\nmonths later that unhappy wretch died miserably in a caravanserai; his\nname perished, he was taken away out of our midst, and no man knoweth\nhis abiding place.\u201d [222]\n\nBut that these conversions were not merely isolated instances we have\nthe valuable evidence of Jacques de Vitry, Bishop of Acre (1216\u20131225),\nwho thus speaks of the Eastern Church from his experience of it in the\nHoly Land:\u2014\u201cWeakened and lamentably ensnared, nay rather grievously\nwounded, by the lying persuasions of the false prophet and by the\nallurements of carnal pleasure, she hath sunk down, and she that was\nbrought up in scarlet, hath embraced dunghills.\u201d [223]\n\nSo far the Christian Churches that have been described as coming within\nthe sphere of Muhammadan influence, have been the Orthodox Eastern\nChurch and the heretical communions that had sprung out of it. But with\nthe close of the eleventh century a fresh element was added to the\nChristian population of Syria and Palestine, in the large bodies of\nCrusaders of the Latin rite who settled in the kingdom of Jerusalem and\nthe other states founded by the Crusaders, which maintained a\nprecarious existence for nearly two centuries. During this period,\noccasional conversions to Islam were made from among these foreign\nimmigrants. In the first Crusade, for example, a body of Germans and\nLombards under the command of a certain knight, named Rainaud, had\nseparated themselves from the main body and were besieged in a castle\nby the Salj\u016bq Sultan, Arsl\u0101n; on pretence of making a sortie, Rainaud\nand his personal followers abandoned their unfortunate companions and\nwent over to the Turks, among whom they embraced Islam. [224]\n\nThe history of the ill-fated second Crusade presents us with a very\nremarkable incident of a similar character. The story, as told by Odo\nof Deuil, a monk of St. Denis, who, in the capacity of private chaplain\nto Louis VII, accompanied him on this Crusade and wrote a graphic\naccount of it, runs as follows. While endeavouring to make their way\noverland through Asia Minor to Jerusalem the Crusaders sustained a\ndisastrous defeat at the hands of the Turks in the mountain-passes of\nPhrygia (A.D. 1148), and with difficulty reached the seaport town of\nAttalia. Here, all who could afford to satisfy the exorbitant demands\nof the Greek merchants, took ship for Antioch; while the sick and\nwounded and the mass of the pilgrims were left behind at the mercy of\ntheir treacherous allies, the Greeks, who received five hundred marks\nfrom Louis, on condition that they provided an escort for the pilgrims\nand took care of the sick until they were strong enough to be sent on\nafter the others. But no sooner had the army left, than the Greeks\ninformed the Turks of the helpless condition of the pilgrims, and\nquietly looked on while famine, disease and the arrows of the enemy\ncarried havoc and destruction through the camp of these unfortunates.\nDriven to desperation, a party of three or four thousand attempted to\nescape, but were surrounded and cut to pieces by the Turks, who now\npressed on to the camp to follow up their victory. The situation of the\nsurvivors would have been utterly hopeless, had not the sight of their\nmisery melted the hearts of the Muhammadans to pity. They tended the\nsick and relieved the poor and starving with open-handed liberality.\nSome even bought up the French money which the Greeks had got out of\nthe pilgrims by force or cunning, and lavishly distributed it among the\nneedy. So great was the contrast between the kind treatment the\npilgrims received from the unbelievers and the cruelty of their\nfellow-Christians, the Greeks, who imposed forced labour upon them,\nbeat them and robbed them of what little they had left, that many of\nthem voluntarily embraced the faith of their deliverers. As the old\nchronicler says: \u201cAvoiding their co-religionists who had been so cruel\nto them, they went in safety among the infidels who had compassion upon\nthem, and, as we heard, more than three thousand joined themselves to\nthe Turks when they retired. Oh, kindness more cruel than all\ntreachery! They gave them bread but robbed them of their faith, though\nit is certain that contented with the services they performed, they\ncompelled no one among them to renounce his religion.\u201d [225]\n\nThe increasing intercourse between Christians and Muslims, the growing\nappreciation on the part of the Crusaders of the virtues of their\nopponents, which so strikingly distinguishes the later from the earlier\nchroniclers of the Crusades, [226] the numerous imitations of Oriental\nmanners and ways of life by the Franks settled in the Holy Land, did\nnot fail to exercise a corresponding influence on religious opinions.\nOne of the most remarkable features of this influence is the tolerant\nattitude of many of the Christian Knights towards the faith of Islam\u2014an\nattitude of mind that was most vehemently denounced by the Church. When\nUs\u0101ma b. Munqidh, a Syrian Am\u012br of the twelfth century, visited\nJerusalem, during a period of truce, the Knights Templar, who had\noccupied the Masjid al-Aq\u1e63\u0101, assigned to him a small chapel adjoining\nit, for him to say his prayers in, and they strongly resented the\ninterference with the devotions of their guest on the part of a\nnewly-arrived Crusader, who took this new departure in the direction of\nreligious freedom in very bad part. [227] It would indeed have been\nstrange if religious questions had not formed a topic of discussion on\nthe many occasions when the Crusaders and the Muslims met together on a\nfriendly footing, during the frequent truces, especially when it was\nreligion itself that had brought the Crusaders into the Holy Land and\nset them upon these constant wars. When even Christian theologians were\nled by their personal intercourse with the Muslims to form a juster\nestimate of their religion, and contact with new modes of thought was\nunsettling the minds of men and giving rise to a swarm of heresies, it\nis not surprising that many should have been drawn into the pale of\nIslam. [228] The renegades in the twelfth century were in sufficient\nnumbers to be noticed in the statute books of the Crusaders, the\nso-called Assises of Jerusalem, according to which, in certain cases,\ntheir bail was not accepted. [229]\n\nIt would be interesting to discover who were the Muslims who busied\nthemselves in winning these converts to Islam, but they seem to have\nleft no record of their labours. We know, however, that they had at\ntheir head the great Saladin himself, who is described by his\nbiographer as setting before his Christian guest the beauties of Islam\nand urging him to embrace it. [230]\n\nThe heroic life and character of Saladin seems to have exercised an\nespecial fascination on the minds of the Christians of his time; some\neven of the Christian knights were so strongly attracted towards him\nthat they abandoned the Christian faith and their own people and joined\nthemselves to the Muslims; such was the case, for example, with a\ncertain English Templar, named Robert of St. Albans, who in A.D. 1185\ngave up Christianity for Islam and afterwards married a grand-daughter\nof Saladin. [231] Two years later, Saladin invaded Palestine and\nutterly defeated the Christian army in the battle of \u1e24i\u1e6d\u1e6d\u012bn, Guy, king\nof Jerusalem, being among the prisoners. On the eve of the battle, six\nof his knights, \u201cpossessed with a devilish spirit,\u201d deserted the king\nand escaped into the camp of Saladin, where of their own accord they\nbecame Saracens. [232] At the same time Saladin seems to have had an\nunderstanding with Raymund III, Count of Tripoli, according to which he\nwas to induce his followers to abandon the Christian faith and go over\nto the Muslims; but the sudden death of the Count effectually put a\nstop to the execution of this scheme. [233]\n\nThe fall of Jerusalem and the successes of Saladin in the Holy Land\nstirred up Europe to undertake the third Crusade, the chief incident of\nwhich was the siege of Acre (A.D. 1189\u20131191). The fearful sufferings\nthat the Christian army was exposed to, from famine and disease, drove\nmany of them to desert and seek relief from the cravings of hunger in\nthe Muslim camp. Of these deserters, many made their way back again\nafter some time to the army of the Crusaders; on the other hand, many\nelected to throw in their lot with the Muslims; some, taking service\nunder their former enemies, still remained true to the Christian faith\nand (we are told) were well pleased with their new masters, while\nothers embracing Islam became good Muslims. [234] The conversion of\nthese deserters is recorded also by the chronicler who accompanied\nRichard I upon this Crusade:\u2014\u201cSome of our men (whose fate cannot be\ntold or heard without grievous sorrow) yielding to the severity of the\nsore famine, in achieving the salvation of the body, incurred the\ndamnation of their souls. For after the greater part of the affliction\nwas past, they deserted and fled to the Turks: nor did they hesitate to\nbecome renegades; in order that they might prolong their temporal life\na little space, they purchased eternal death with horrid blasphemies. O\nbaleful trafficking! O shameful deed beyond all punishment! O foolish\nman likened unto the foolish beasts, while he flees from the death that\nmust inevitably come soon, he shuns not the death unending.\u201d [235]\n\nFrom this time onwards references to renegades are not infrequently to\nbe met with in the writings of those who travelled to the Holy Land and\nother countries of the East. The terms of the oath which was proposed\nto St. Louis by his Muhammadan captors when he was called upon to\npromise to pay the ransom imposed upon him (A.D. 1250), were suggested\nby certain whilom priests who had become Muslims; [236] and while this\nbusiness of paying the ransom was still being carried on, another\nrenegade, a Frenchman, born at Provins, came to bring a present to the\nking: he had accompanied King John of Jerusalem on his expedition\nagainst Damietta in 1219 and had remained in Egypt, married a\nMuhammadan wife and become a great lord in that country. [237] The\ndanger of the pilgrims to the Holy Land becoming converts to Islam was\nso clearly recognised at this time that in a \u201cRemembrance,\u201d written\nabout 1266 by Amaury de la Roche, the master of the Knights Templar in\nFrance, he requests the Pope and the legates of France and Sicily to\nprevent the poor and the aged and those incapable of bearing arms from\ncrossing the sea to Palestine, for such persons either got killed or\nwere taken prisoners by the Saracens or turned renegades. [238] Ludolf\nde Suchem, who travelled in the Holy Land from 1336 to 1341, speaks of\nthree renegades he found at Hebron; they had come from the diocese of\nMinden and had been in the service of a Westphalian knight, who was\nheld in high honour by the Soldan and other Muhammadan princes. [239]\n\nThese scattered notices are no doubt significant of more extensive\nconversions of Christians to Islam, of which no record has come down to\nus: e.g. there were said to be about 25,000 renegades in the city of\nCairo towards the close of the fifteenth century, [240] and there must\nhave been many also to be found in the cities of the Holy Land after\nthe disappearance of the Latin princedoms of the East. But the\nMuhammadan historians of this period seem to have been too busily\nengaged in recording the exploits of princes and the vicissitudes of\ndynasties, to turn their attention to religious changes in the lives of\nobscure individuals; and (as far as I have been able to discover) they\nas little notice the conversions of Christians to Islam as of those of\ntheir own co-religionists to Christianity. Consequently, we have to\ndepend for our knowledge of both of these classes of events on\nChristian writers, who, while they give us detailed and sympathetic\naccounts of the latter, bear unwilling testimony to the existence of\ninstances of the former and represent the motives of the renegades in\nthe worst light possible. The possibility of any Christian becoming\nconverted to Islam from honest conviction, probably never entered into\nthe head of any of these writers, and even had such an idea occurred to\nthem they would hardly have ventured to expose themselves to the\nthunders of ecclesiastical censure by giving open expression to it.\n\nAs an example of the rare instances of such a conversion being\nrecorded, the account may here be cited which F\u00fcrer von Haimendorf, who\nwas in Cairo in 1565, gives of the conversion of a German scholar who\nhad studied in the University of Leipzig. \u201cSed dum nos hanc moram Cairi\nnectimus, accidit ut Justus quidam Stevenius Germanus Hamelensis qui in\niisdem \u00e6dibus nobiscum habitaverat, fide Christianorum abnegata\nTurcarum religioni se initiandum atque circumcidendum obtulerit. Vir\nerat doctus, qui diu se Witeberg\u00e6 ac Lipsi\u00e6 studiis operam dedisse s\u00e6pe\nnobis narrabat: verum de hoc facto interrogatus, peculiarem nunc sibi\nSpiritum adesse ajebat, sine cujus instinctu nihil vel facere sibi, vel\ncogitare fas esset; qu\u00e6 hominis apostasia nimium quantum animos nostros\ncommovit, et ad fugam quasi excitavit. Eodem quoque die Jud\u00e6us quidam,\nqui paucis diebus ante religionem Mahumetanam amplexus fuerat,\ntriumphali pompa per urbem circumducebatur; quod idem cum Stevenio isto\nfuturum esse, Janissarii quidam nobis affirmabant.\u201d [241]\n\nFrom the historical sources quoted above, we have as little information\nrespecting the number of these converts as of the proselytising efforts\nmade to induce them to change their faith. A motive frequently assigned\nfor going over to Islam is the desire to escape the death penalty by\nmeans of apostasy. European travellers make frequent mention of such\ncases. A late example of such an account may be selected, for the\npicturesqueness of its language, from the report of a Jesuit, who was\nin Cairo in 1627; he saw a Copt who, having allowed himself to be\ncarried away \u201cpartly by passion and partly by the violence of an\nindiscreet zeal, had killed his brother with his own hand, in\ndetestation of his having in a dastardly manner left Jesus Christ to\nembrace Mahometanism, in order to deliver himself from the vexation of\nthe Turks. The poor man was at once seized in the heat of his crime,\nand he boldly confessed that the renegade, unworthy of being his\nbrother, could only wipe out so black a spot by his blood. He was urged\nto abandon his faith in order to save his life,\u201d but he declared that\nhe was resolved to die a Christian; the cruel torments, however,\ninflicted on him by the executioners, weakened his resolution and he\nyielded at the last moment. \u201cThis disaster changed him in a moment from\na confessor into a renegade, from a martyr into an apostate, from a\nsaint into one of the damned, and from an angel into a veritable devil.\nHe made the profession of faith or rather of perfidy, after the manner\nof the Mahometans ... he was set at liberty, the liberty not of the\nsons of God, but of the sons of perdition.\u201d Later on, the reproaches of\nhis conscience caused him again to recant and he was put to death by\nthe Muhammadans for his apostasy. [242]\n\nThe monk Burchard, [243] writing about 1283, a few years before the\nCrusaders were driven out of their last strongholds and the Latin power\nin the East came utterly to an end\u2014represents the Christian population\nas largely outnumbering the Muslims throughout the whole of the\nMuhammadan world, the latter (except in Egypt and Arabia) forming not\nmore than three or four per cent. of the whole population. This\nlanguage is undoubtedly exaggerated and the good monk was certainly\nrash in assuming that what he observed in the cities of the Crusaders\nand of the kingdom of Little Armenia held good in other parts of the\nEast. But his words may be certainly taken to indicate that during the\nperiod of the Crusades there had been no widespread conversion to\nIslam, and that when the Muhammadans resumed their sovereignty over the\nHoly Land, they extended the same toleration to the Christians as\nbefore, suffering them to \u201cpurchase peace and quiet\u201d by the payment of\nthe jizyah. The presumption is that the conversions that took place\nwere of individual Christians, who were persuaded in their own minds\nbefore they took the final step. Instances have already been given of\nChristians who took service under Muhammadan masters, in the full\nenjoyment of their own faith, and the Assises of Jerusalem made a\ndistinction between \u201cthose who have denied God and follow another law\u201d\nand \u201call those who have done armed service to the Saracens and other\nmiscreants against the Christians for more than a year and a day.\u201d\n[244]\n\nThe native Christians certainly preferred the rule of the Muhammadans\nto that of the Crusaders, [245] and when Jerusalem fell finally and for\never into the hands of the Muslims (A.D. 1244), the Christian\npopulation of Palestine seems to have welcomed the new masters and to\nhave submitted quietly and contentedly to their rule. [246]\n\nThis same sense of security of religious life under Muslim rule led\nmany of the Christians of Asia Minor, also, about the same time, to\nwelcome the advent of the Salj\u016bq Turks as their deliverers from the\nhated Byzantine government, not only on account of its oppressive\nsystem of taxation, but also of the persecuting spirit of the Greek\nChurch, which had with such cruelty crushed the heresies of the\nPaulicians and the Iconoclasts. In the reign of Michael VIII\n(1261\u20131282), the Turks were often invited to take possession of the\nsmaller towns in the interior of Asia Minor by the inhabitants, that\nthey might escape from the tyranny of the empire; and both rich and\npoor often emigrated into Turkish dominions. [247]\n\nSome account still remains to be given of two other Christian Churches\nof Western Asia, viz. the Armenian and the Georgian. Of the former it\nmay be said that of all the Eastern Churches that have come under\nMuhammadan rule, the Armenian Church has probably given fewer of its\nmembers (in proportion to the size of the community) to swell the ranks\nof Islam, than any other. So in spite of the interest that attaches to\nthe story of the struggle of this brave nation against overwhelming\nodds and of the fidelity with which it has clung to the Christian\nfaith\u2014through centuries of warfare and oppression, persecution and\nexile\u2014it does not come within the scope of the present volume to do\nmore than briefly indicate its connection with the history of the\nMuhammadans. The Armenian kingdom survived the shock of the Arab\nconquest, and in the ninth century rose to be a state of some\nimportance and flourished during the decay of the caliphate of Baghd\u0101d,\nbut in the eleventh century was overthrown by the Salj\u016bq Turks. A band\nof fugitives founded the kingdom of Lesser Armenia, but this too\ndisappeared in the fourteenth century. The national life of the\nArmenian people still survived in spite of the loss of their\nindependence, and, as was the case in Greece under the Turks, their\nreligion and the national church served as the rallying point of their\neager, undying patriotism. Though a certain number, under the pressure\nof cruel persecution, have embraced Islam, yet the bulk of the race has\nremained true to its ancient faith. As Tavernier [248] rather\nunsympathetically remarks, \u201cThere may be some few Armenians, that\nembrace Mahometanism for worldly interest, but they are generally the\nmost obstinate persons in the world, and most firm to their\nsuperstitious principles.\u201d\n\nThe Georgian Church (founded in the early part of the fourth century)\nwas an offshoot from the Greek Church, with which she has always\nremained in communion, although from the middle of the sixth century\nthe Patriarch or Katholikos of the Georgian Church declared himself\nindependent. Torn asunder by internal discords and exposed to the\nsuccessive attacks of Greeks, Persians, Arabs, Turks and Mongols, the\nhistory of this heroic warrior people is one of almost uninterrupted\nwarfare against foreign foes and of fiercely contested feuds between\nnative chiefs: the reigns of one or two powerful monarchs who secured\nfor their subjects brief intervals of peace, serving only to bring out\nin more striking contrast the normally unsettled state of the country.\nThe fierce independent spirit of the Georgians that could not brook a\nforeign rule has often exasperated well-nigh to madness the fury of\ntheir Muhammadan neighbours, when they failed to impose upon them\neither their civil authority or their religion. It is this\ncircumstance\u2014that a change of faith implied loss of political\nindependence\u2014which explains in a great measure the fact that the\nGeorgian Church inscribes the names of so many martyrs in her calendar,\nwhile the annals of the Greek Church during the same period have no\nsuch honoured roll to show.\n\nIt was not until after Georgia had been overrun by the devastating\narmies of the Mongols, leaving ruined churches and monasteries and\npyramids of human heads to mark the progress of their destroying hosts,\nand consequently the spiritual wants of the people had remained long\nunprovided for, owing to the decline in the numbers and learning of the\nclergy\u2014that Christianity began to lose ground. [249] Even among those\nwho still remained Christian, some added to the sufferings of the\nclergy by plundering the property of the Church and appropriating to\ntheir own use the revenues of churches and monasteries, and thus\nhastened the decay of the Christian faith. [250]\n\nIn 1400 the invasion of T\u012bm\u016br added a crowning horror to the sufferings\nof Georgia, and though for a brief period the rule of Alexander I\n(1414\u20131442) delivered the country from the foreign yoke and drove out\nall the Muhammadans\u2014after his death it was again broken up into a\nnumber of petty princedoms, from which the Turks and the Persians\nwrested the last shreds of independence. But the Muhammadans always\nfound Georgia to be a turbulent and rebellious possession, ever ready\nto break out into open revolt at the slightest opportunity. Both Turks\nand Persians sought to secure the allegiance of these troublesome\nsubjects by means of conversion to Islam. After the fall of\nConstantinople and the increase of Turkish power in Asia Minor, the\ninhabitants of Akhaltsikh\u00e9 and other districts to the west of it became\nMuhammadans. [251] In 1579 two Georgian princes\u2014brothers\u2014came on an\nembassy to Constantinople with a large retinue of about two hundred\npersons: here the younger brother together with his attendants became a\nMusalman, in the hope (it was said) of thereby supplanting his elder\nbrother. [252] At a rather later date, the conquests of the Turks\nbrought some of the districts in the very centre of Georgia into their\npower, the inhabitants of which embraced the creed of the conquerors.\n[253] From this period Samtzkh\u00e9, the most western portion of Georgia,\nrecognised the suzerainty of Turkey: its rulers and people were allowed\nto continue undisturbed in the Christian faith, but from 1625 the\nruling dynasty became Muhammadan and many of the chiefs and the\naristocracy followed their example.\n\nChristianity retained its hold upon the peasants much longer, but when\nthe clergy of Samtzkh\u00e9 refused allegiance to the Katholikos of Karthli,\nthere ceased to be regular provision made for supplying the spiritual\nneeds of the people: the nobles, even before their conversion, had\ntaken to plundering the estates of the Church, and after becoming\nMusalmans they naturally ceased to assist it with their offerings, and\nthe churches and monasteries falling into decay were replaced by\nmosques. [254]\n\nThe rest of Georgia had submitted to Persia, and when Tavernier visited\nthis part of the country, about the middle of the seventeenth century,\nhe found it divided into two kingdoms, which were provinces of the\nPersian empire, and were governed by native Georgian princes who had to\nturn Muhammadan before being advanced to this dignity. [255] One of the\nfirst of such princes was the Tsarevitch Constantine, son of King\nAlexander II of Kakheth, who had been brought up at the Persian court\nand had there embraced Islam, at the beginning of the seventeenth\ncentury. [256] The first Muhammadan king of Karthli, the Tsarevitch\nRustam (1634\u20131658), had also been brought up in Persia, and he and his\nsuccessors to the end of the century were all Muhammadans. [257]\n\nTavernier describes the Georgians as being very ignorant in matters of\nreligion and the clergy as unlettered and vicious; some of the heads of\nthe Church actually sold the Christian boys and girls as slaves to the\nTurks and Persians. [258] From this period there seems to have been a\nwidespread apostasy, especially among the higher classes and those who\nsought to win the favour of the Persian court. [259] In 1701 the\noccupant of the throne of Georgia, Wakhtang VI, was a Christian: for\nthe first seven years of his reign he was a prisoner in Ispahan, where\ngreat efforts were made to induce him to become a Muhammadan; when he\ndeclared that he preferred to lose his throne rather than purchase it\nat the price of apostasy, it is said that his younger brother, although\nhe was the Patriarch of Georgia, offered to abandon Christianity and\nembrace Islam, if the crown were bestowed upon him, but though invested\nby the Persians with the royal power, the Georgians refused to accept\nhim as their ruler, and drove him out of the kingdom. [260]\n\nTowards the close of the eighteenth century, the king of Georgia placed\nhis people under the protection of the Russian crown. Hitherto their\nintense patriotic feeling had helped to keep the Christian faith alive\namong them so long as their foreign invaders had been Musalmans, but\nnow that the foreign power that sought to rob them of their\nindependence was Christian, this same feeling operated in some of the\ndistricts north of the Caucasus to the advantage of Islam. In Daghistan\na certain Darv\u012bsh Man\u1e63\u016br endeavoured to unite the different tribes of\nthe Caucasus to oppose the Russians; preaching the faith of Islam he\nsucceeded in converting the princes and nobles of Ubichistan and\nDaghistan, who have remained faithful to Islam ever since; many of the\nCircassians, too, were converted by his preaching, and preferred exile\nto submitting to the Russian rule. [261] But in 1791 he was taken\nprisoner, and in 1800 Georgia was formally incorporated in the Russian\nempire.\n\nDarv\u012bsh Man\u1e63\u016br was not alone in his efforts to convert the Circassians.\nWhen the treaty of K\u016bchak-Qa\u00efnarji in 1774 had recognised the\nindependence of the Crimea and opened the Black Sea to Russian vessels,\nthe Turkish government became alarmed at the prospect of a further\nmovement of Russian domination along the eastern coast of the Black Sea\nand resolved to make an attempt to stir the Circassians to resistance.\nA Turkish officer, named Fara\u1e25 \u02bbAl\u012b, was sent in 1782 to establish a\nmilitary colony at An\u0101pa, near the outlet of the sea of Azov, and to\nenter into relations with the Circassian tribes. Fara\u1e25 \u02bbAl\u012b\u2019s first\ncare was to seek the hand of a daughter of one of the Circassian beys,\noffering rich presents of arms, horses, etc., to her father; the\nmarriage was celebrated with great pomp and ceremony, and Fara\u1e25 \u02bbAl\u012b\nencouraged his soldiers to follow his example, by promising to defray\nthe expenses of their nuptials. The result was that a number of\nCircassian women joined the little colony and accepted the religion of\ntheir husbands, and with the zeal of new converts won over to Islam\ntheir fathers and brothers. An active movement of proselytism began,\nand the Circassians who came in contact with the Turkish colony appear\nreadily to have abandoned their pagan beliefs for the religion of the\nQur\u02bc\u0101n, the mollas were kept busy in instructing the new Muslims, and\nhelp had to be sought from Constantinople to deal with the increasing\nnumber of conversions. [262] But the work of Fara\u1e25 \u02bbAl\u012b was\nshort-lived; he died in 1785 and his tomb was reverenced as that of a\nsaint, but his work perished with him. An\u0101pa passed into the hands of\nthe Russians in 1812, and when the resistance of the Circassians was\nfinally overcome in 1864, more than half a million Circassian\nMuhammadans migrated into Turkish territory.\n\nUnder Russian law conversions to any faith other than that of the\nOrthodox Church were illegal, and the further progress of Islam was\nstayed until the promulgation of the edict of toleration in 1905. One\nof the results of this in the Caucasus was a large accession to Islam\nfrom among the Abkhazes, who had long been nominal converts to\nChristianity, but now became Muhammadans in such numbers that the\nOrthodox clergy became alarmed and founded a special society for the\ndistribution of religious tracts among them, in the hope of combating\nMuhammadan influences. [263]\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF AFRICA.\n\n\nIslam was first introduced into Africa by the Arab army that invaded\nEgypt under the command of \u02bbAmr b. al-\u02bb\u0100\u1e63 in A.D. 640. Three years\nlater the withdrawal of the Byzantine troops abandoned the vast\nChristian population into the hands of the Muslim conquerors. The rapid\nsuccess of the Arab invaders was largely due to the welcome they\nreceived from the native Christians, who hated the Byzantine rule not\nonly for its oppressive administration, but also\u2014and chiefly\u2014on account\nof the bitterness of theological rancour. The Jacobites, who formed the\nmajority of the Christian population, had been very roughly handled by\nthe Orthodox adherents of the court and subjected to indignities that\nhave not been forgotten by their children even to the present day.\n[264] Some were tortured and then thrown into the sea; many followed\ntheir Patriarch into exile to escape from the hands of their\npersecutors, while a large number disguised their real opinions under a\npretended acceptance of the Council of Chalcedon. [265] To these Copts,\nas the Jacobite Christians of Egypt are called, the Muhammadan conquest\nbrought a freedom of religious life such as they had not enjoyed for a\ncentury. On payment of the tribute, \u02bbAmr left them in undisturbed\npossession of their churches and guaranteed to them autonomy in all\necclesiastical matters, thus delivering them from the continual\ninterference that had been so grievous a burden under the previous\nrule; he laid his hands on none of the property of the churches and\ncommitted no act of spoliation or pillage. [266] In the early days of\nthe Muhammadan rule then, the condition of the Copts seems to have been\nfairly tolerable, [267] and there is no evidence of their widespread\napostasy to Islam being due to persecution or unjust pressure on the\npart of their new rulers. Even before the conquest was complete, while\nthe capital, Alexandria, still held out, many of them went over to\nIslam, [268] and a few years later the example these had set was\nfollowed by many others. [269] In the reign of \u02bbUthm\u0101n (A.D. 643\u2013655),\nthe revenue derived from Egypt amounted to twelve millions; a few years\nlater, in the reign of Mu\u02bb\u0101wiyah (661\u2013679), it had fallen to five\nmillions owing to the enormous number of conversions: under \u02bbUmar II\n(717\u2013720) it fell still lower, so that the governor of Egypt [270]\nproposed that in future the converts should not be exempted from the\npayment of the capitation-tax, but this the pious caliph refused to\nallow, saying that God had sent Mu\u1e25ammad to call men to a knowledge of\nthe truth and not to be a collector of taxes. [271]\n\nBut later rulers recognised that for fiscal reasons such a policy was\nruinous to the state, and insisted on the converts continuing to pay\ntaxes as before; there was, however, no continuity in such a policy,\nand individual governors acted in an arbitrary and irregular manner.\n[272] When \u1e24af\u1e63 b. al-Wal\u012bd, who was governor of Egypt in A.D. 744,\npromised that all those who became Muslims would be exempted from the\npayment of jizyah, as many as 24,000 Christians are reported to have\naccepted Islam. [273] A similar proclamation is said to have been made\nby al-Saff\u0101\u1e25, the first of the \u02bbAbb\u0101sid caliphs, soon after his\naccession in A.D. 750, for \u201che wrote to the whole of his dominions\nsaying that every one who embraced his religion and prayed according to\nhis fashion, should be quit of the jizyah, and many, both rich and\npoor, denied the faith of Christ by reason of the magnitude of the\ntaxation and the burdens imposed upon them.\u201d [274] In fact many of the\nChristians of Egypt seem to have abandoned Christianity as lightly and\nas rapidly as, in the beginning of the fourth century, they had\nembraced it. Prior to that period, a very small section of the\npopulation of the valley of the Nile was Christian, but the sufferings\nof the martyrs in the persecution of Diocletian, the stories of the\nmiracles they performed, the national feeling excited by the sense of\ntheir opposition to the dictates of the foreign government, [275] the\nassurance that a paradise of delights was opened to the martyr who died\nunder the hands of his tormentors,\u2014all these things stirred up an\nenthusiasm that resulted in an incredibly rapid spread of the Christian\nfaith. \u201cInstead of being converted by preaching, as the other countries\nof the East were, Egypt embraced Christianity in a fit of wild\nenthusiasm, without any preaching, or instruction being given, with\nhardly any knowledge of the new religion beyond the name of Jesus, the\nMessiah, who bestowed a life of eternal happiness on all who confessed\nHim.\u201d [276]\n\nIn the seventh century Christianity had probably very little hold on a\ngreat mass of the people of Egypt. The theological catchwords that\ntheir leaders made use of, to stir up in them feelings of hatred and\nopposition to the Byzantine government, could have been intelligible to\na very few, and the rapid spread of Islam in the early days of the Arab\noccupation was probably due less to definite efforts to attract than to\nthe inability of such a Christianity to retain. The theological basis\nfor the existence of the Jacobites as a separate sect, the tenets that\nthey had so long and at so great a cost struggled to maintain, were\nembodied in doctrines of the most abstruse and metaphysical character,\nand many doubtless turned in utter perplexity and weariness from the\ninterminable controversies that raged around them, to a faith that was\nsummed up in the simple, intelligible truth of the Unity of God and the\nmission of His Prophet, Mu\u1e25ammad. Even within the Coptic Church itself\nat a later period, we find evidence of a movement which, if not\ndistinctly Muslim, was at least closely allied thereto, and in the\nabsence of any separate ecclesiastical organisation in which it might\nfind expression, probably contributed to the increase of the converts\nto Islam. In the beginning of the twelfth century, there was in the\nmonastery of St. Anthony (near I\u1e6df\u012b\u1e25 on the Nile), a monk named\nBal\u016b\u1e6dus, \u201clearned in the doctrines of the Christian religion and the\nduties of the monastic life, and skilled in the rules of the canon-law.\nBut Satan caught him in one of his nets; for he began to hold opinions\nat variance with those taught by the Three Hundred and Eighteen (of\nNic\u00e6a); and he corrupted the minds of many of those who had no\nknowledge or instruction in the Orthodox faith. He announced with his\nimpure mouth, in his wicked discourses, that Christ our Lord\u2014to Whom be\nglory\u2014was like one of the prophets. He associated with the lowest among\nthe followers of his religion, clothed as he was in the monastic habit.\nWhen he was questioned as to his religion and his creed, he professed\nhimself a believer in the Unity of God. His doctrines prevailed during\na period which ended in the year 839 of the Righteous Martyrs (A.D.\n1123); then he died, and his memory was cut off for ever.\u201d [277]\n\nFurther, a theory of the Christian life that found its highest\nexpression in asceticism of the grossest type [278] could offer little\nattraction, in the face of the more human morality of Islam. [279] On\naccount of the large numbers of Copts that from time to time have\nbecome Muhammadans, they have come to be considered by the followers of\nthe Prophet as much more inclined to the faith of Islam than any other\nChristian sect, and though they have had to endure the most severe\noppression and persecution on many occasions, yet the Copts that have\nbeen thus driven to abandon their faith are said to have been few in\ncomparison with those who have changed their religion voluntarily,\n[280] and even in the nineteenth century, when Egypt was said to be the\nmost tolerant of all Muhammadan countries, there were yearly\nconversions of the Copts to the Muslim faith. [281] Still, persecution\nand oppression have undoubtedly played a very large part in the\nreduction of the numbers of the Copts, and the story of the sufferings\nof the Jacobite Church of Egypt,\u2014persecuted alike by their fellow\nChristians [282] and by the followers of the dominant faith, is a very\nsad one, and many abandoned the religion of their fathers in order to\nescape from burdensome taxes and unendurable indignities. The vast\ndifference in this respect between their condition and that of the\nChristians of Syria, Palestine and Spain at the same period finds its\nexplanation in the turbulent character of the Copts themselves. Their\nlong struggle against the civil and theological despotism of Byzantium\nseems to have welded the zealots into a national party that could as\nlittle brook the foreign rule of the Arabs as, before, that of the\nGreeks. The rising of the Copts against their new masters in 646, when\nthey drove the Arabs for a time out of Alexandria and opened the gates\nof the city to the Byzantine troops (who, however, treated the\nunfortunate Copts as enemies, not having yet forgotten the welcome they\nhad before given to the Muhammadan invaders), was the first of a long\nseries of risings and insurrections, [283]\u2014excited frequently by\nexcessive taxation,\u2014which exposed them to terrible reprisals, and\ncaused the lot of the Jacobite Christians of Egypt to be harder to bear\nthan that of any other Christian sect in this or other countries under\nMuhammadan rule. But the history of these events belongs rather to a\nhistory of Muhammadan persecution and intolerance than to the scope of\nthe present work. It must not, however, be supposed that the condition\nof the Copts was invariably that of a persecuted sect; on the contrary\nthere were times when they rose to positions of great affluence and\nimportance in the state. They filled the posts of secretaries and\nscribes in the government offices, [284] farmed the taxes, [285] and in\nsome cases amassed enormous wealth. [286] The annals of their Church\nfurnish us with many instances of ecclesiastics who were held in high\nfavour and consideration by the reigning princes of the country, under\nthe rule of many of whom the Christians enjoyed the utmost\ntranquillity. [287] To such a period of the peace of the Church belongs\nan incident that led to the absorption of many Christians into the body\nof the faithful.\n\nDuring the reign of \u1e62al\u0101\u1e25 al-D\u012bn (Saladin) (1169\u20131193) over Egypt, the\ncondition of the Christians was very happy under the auspices of this\ntolerant ruler; the taxes that had been imposed upon them were\nlightened and several swept away altogether; they crowded into the\npublic offices as secretaries, accountants and registrars; and for\nnearly a century under the successors of Saladin, they enjoyed the same\ntoleration and favour, and had nothing to complain of except the\ncorruption and degeneracy of their own clergy. Simony had become\nterribly rife among them; the priesthood was sold to ignorant and\nvicious persons, while postulants for the sacred office who were unable\nto pay the sums demanded for ordination, were repulsed with scorn, in\nspite of their being worthy and fit persons. The consequence was that\nthe spiritual and moral training of the people was utterly neglected\nand there was a lamentable decay of the Christian life. [288] So\ncorrupt had the Church become that when, on the death of John, the\nseventy-fourth Patriarch of the Jacobites, in 1216, a successor was to\nbe elected, the contending parties who pushed the claims of rival\ncandidates, kept up a fierce and irreconcilable dispute for nearly\ntwenty years, and all this time cared less for the grievous scandal and\nthe harmful consequences of their shameless quarrels than for the\nmaintenance of their dogged and obstinately factious spirit. On more\nthan one occasion the reigning sultan tried to make peace between the\ncontending parties, refused the enormous bribes of three, five, and\neven ten thousand gold pieces that were offered in order to induce him\nto secure the election of one of the candidates by the pressure of\nofficial influence, and even offered to remit the fee that it was\ncustomary for a newly-elected Patriarch to pay, if only they would put\naside their disputes and come to some agreement,\u2014but all to no purpose.\nMeanwhile many episcopal sees fell vacant and there was no one to take\nthe place of the bishops and priests that died in this interval; in the\nmonastery of St. Macarius alone there were only four priests left as\ncompared with over eighty under the last Patriarch. [289] So utterly\nneglected were the Christians of the western dioceses, that they all\nbecame Muslims. [290] To this bald statement of the historian of the\nCoptic Church, we unfortunately have no information to add, of the\npositive efforts made by the Musalmans to bring these Christians over\nto their faith. That such there were, there can be very little doubt,\nespecially as we know that the Christians held public disputations and\nengaged in written controversies on the respective merits of the rival\ncreeds. [291] That these conversions were not due to persecution, we\nknow from direct historical evidence that during this vacancy of the\npatriarchate, the Christians had full and complete freedom of public\nworship, were allowed to restore their churches and even to build new\nones, were freed from the restrictions that forbade them to ride on\nhorses or mules, and were tried in law-courts of their own, while the\nmonks were exempted from the payment of tribute and granted certain\nprivileges. [292]\n\nHow far this incident is a typical case of conversion to Islam among\nthe Copts it is difficult to say; a parallel case of neglect is\nmentioned by two Capuchin missionaries who travelled up the Nile to\nLuxor in the seventeenth century, where they found that the Copts of\nLuxor had no priest, and some of them had not gone to confession or\ncommunion for fifty years. [293] Under such circumstances the decay of\ntheir numbers can readily be understood.\n\nA similar neglect probably contributed to the decay of the Nubian\nChurch which recognised the primacy of the Jacobite Patriarch of\nAlexandria, as do the Abyssinians to the present day. The Nubians had\nbeen converted to Christianity about the middle of the sixth century,\nand retained their independence when Egypt was conquered by the Arabs;\na treaty was made according to which the Nubians were to send every\nyear three hundred and sixty slaves, with forty more for the governor\nof Egypt, while the Arabs were to furnish them with corn, oil and\nraiment. [294] In the reign of al-Mu\u02bbta\u1e63im (833\u2013842), ambassadors were\nsent by the caliph renewing this treaty, and the king of Nubia visited\nthe capital, where he was received with great magnificence and\ndismissed with costly presents. [295] In the twelfth century they were\nstill all Christian, [296] and retained their old independence in spite\nof the frequent expeditions sent against them from Egypt. [297] In 1275\nthe nephew of the then king of Nubia obtained from the sultan of Egypt\na body of troops to assist him in his revolt against his uncle, whom he\nby their help succeeded in deposing; in return for this assistance he\nhad to cede the two northernmost provinces of Nubia to the sultan, and\nas the inhabitants elected to retain their Christian faith, an annual\ntribute of one d\u012bn\u0101r for each male was imposed upon them. [298] But\nthis Muhammadan overlordship was temporary only, and the Nubians of the\nceded provinces soon reasserted their independence. [299]\n\nBut settlements of Arabs had been established in Nubia for several\ncenturies earlier and the Arabs on the Blue Nile had so increased in\nnumber and wealth in the tenth century that they were able to ask\npermission to build a mosque in Soba, [300] the capital of the\nChristian kingdom. [301] In the thirteenth and especially from the\nbeginning of the fourteenth century there began a general process of\ninterpenetration through the migration into Nubia of Arabs, especially\nof the Juhaynah tribe, who intermarried with the women of the land and\ngradually succeeded in breaking up the power of the Nubian princes.\n[302] In the latter half of the fourteenth century Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah [303]\ntells us that the Nubians were still Christians, though the king of\ntheir chief city, Dongola, [304] had embraced Islam in the reign of\nN\u0101\u1e63ir (probably N\u0101\u1e63ir b. Qul\u0101\u016bn, one of the Maml\u016bk sultans of Egypt,\nwho died A.D. 1340); the repeated expeditions of the Muslims so late as\nthe fifteenth century had not succeeded in pushing their conquests\nsouth of the first cataract, near which was their last fortified place,\n[305] while Christianity seems to have extended as far up the Nile as\nSennaar.\n\nThe Christian Nubian kingdom appears to have come to an end partly\nthrough internal dissensions and partly through the attacks of Arab and\nNegro tribes on its borders, and finally by the establishment of the\npowerful F\u016bnj empire in the fifteenth century. [306]\n\nBut it is probable that the progress of Islam in the country was all\nthis time being promoted by the Muhammadan merchants and others that\nfrequented it. Maqr\u012bz\u012b (writing in the early part of the fifteenth\ncentury) quotes one of those missionary anecdotes which occur so rarely\nin the works of Arabic authors; it is told by Ibn Sal\u012bm al-Asw\u0101ni, and\nis of interest as giving us a living picture of the Muslim propagandist\nat work. Though the convert referred to is neither a Christian nor a\nNubian, still the story shows that there was such a thing as conversion\nto Islam in Nubia in the fifteenth century. Ibn Sal\u012bm says that he once\nmet a man at the court of the Nubian chief of Muqurrah, who told him\nthat he came from a city that lay three months\u2019 journey from the Nile.\nWhen asked about his religion, he replied, \u201cMy Creator and thy Creator\nis God; the Creator of the universe and of all men is One, and his\ndwelling-place is in Heaven.\u201d When there was a dearth of rain, or when\npestilence attacked them or their cattle, his fellow-countrymen would\nclimb up a high mountain and there pray to God, who accepted their\nprayers and supplied their needs before even they came down again. When\nhe acknowledged that God had never sent them a prophet, Ibn Sal\u012bm\nrecounted to him the story of the prophets Moses and Jesus and\nMu\u1e25ammad, and how by the help of God they had been enabled to perform\nmany miracles. And he answered, \u201cThe truth must indeed have been with\nthem, when they did these things; and if they performed these deeds, I\nbelieve in them.\u201d [307]\n\nVery slowly and gradually the Nubians seem to have drifted from\nChristianity into Muhammadanism. [308] The spiritual life of their\nChurch had sunk to the lowest ebb, and as no movement of reform sprang\nup in their midst, and as they had lost touch with the Christian\nChurches beyond their borders, it was only natural that they should\nseek for an expression of their spiritual aspirations in the religion\nof Islam, whose followers had so long borne witness to its living power\namong them, and had already won over some of their countrymen to the\nacceptance of it. A Portuguese priest, who travelled in Abyssinia from\n1520\u20131527, has preserved for us a picture of the Nubians in this state\nof transition; he says that they were neither Christians, Jews nor\nMuhammadans, but had come to be without faith and without laws; but\nstill \u201cthey lived with the desire of being Christians.\u201d Through the\nfault of their clergy they had sunk into the grossest ignorance, and\nnow there were no bishops or priests left among them; accordingly they\nsent an embassy of six men to the king of Abyssinia, praying him to\nsend priests and monks to instruct them, but this the king refused to\ndo without the permission of the Patriarch of Alexandria, and as this\ncould not be obtained, the unfortunate ambassadors returned\nunsuccessful to their own country. [309] The same writer was informed\nby a Christian who had travelled in Nubia, that he had found 150\nchurches there, in each of which were still to be seen the figures of\nthe crucified Christ, of the Virgin Mary, and other saints painted on\nthe walls. In all the fortresses, also, that were scattered throughout\nthe country, there were churches. [310] Before the close of the\nfollowing century, Christianity had entirely disappeared from Nubia\n\u201cfor want of pastors,\u201d but the closed churches were to be found still\nstanding throughout the whole country. [311] The Nubians had yielded to\nthe powerful Muhammadan influences that surrounded them, to which the\nproselytising efforts of the Muslims who had travelled in Nubia for\ncenturies past no doubt contributed a great deal; on the north were\nEgypt and the Arab tribes that had made their way up the Nile and\nextended their authority along the banks of that river; [312] on the\nsouth, the Muhammadan state of the Belloos, separating them from\nAbyssinia. These Belloos, in the early part of the sixteenth century,\nwere, in spite of their Muslim faith, tributaries of the Christian king\nof Abyssinia; [313] and\u2014if they may be identified with the Baliyy\u016bn,\nwho, together with their neighbours, the Bajah (the inhabitants of the\nso-called island of Meroe), are spoken of by Idr\u012bs\u012b, in the twelfth\ncentury, as being Jacobite Christians, [314]\u2014it is probable that they\nhad only a few years before been converted to Islam, at the same time\nas the Bajah, who had been incorporated into the Muhammadan empire of\nthe F\u016bnj, when these latter extended their conquests in 1499\u20131530 from\nthe south up to the borders of Nubia and Abyssinia and founded the\npowerful state of Sennaar. When the army of A\u1e25mad Gr\u0101\u00f1 invaded\nAbyssinia and made its way right through the country from south to\nnorth, it effected a junction about 1534 with the army of the sultan of\nMaseggia or Mazaga, a province under Muhammadan rule but tributary to\nAbyssinia, lying between that country and Sennaar; in the army of this\nsultan there were 15,000 Nubian soldiers who, from the account given of\nthem, appear to have been Musalmans. [315] Fragmentary and insufficient\nas these data of the conversion of the Nubians are, we may certainly\nconclude from all we know of the independent character of this people\nand the tenacity with which they clung to the Christian faith, so long\nas it was a living force among them, that their change of religion was\na gradual one, extending through several centuries.\n\nLet us now pass to the history of Islam among the Abyssinians, who had\nreceived Christianity two centuries before the Nubians, and like them\nbelonged to the Jacobite Church.\n\nThe tide of Arab emigration does not seem to have set across the Red\nSea, the western shores of which formed part of the Abyssinian kingdom,\nuntil many centuries after Arabia had accepted the faith of the\nprophet. Up to the tenth century only a few Muhammadan families were to\nbe found residing in the coast towns of Abyssinia, but at the end of\nthe twelfth century the foundation of an Arab dynasty alienated some of\nthe coast-lands from the Abyssinian kingdom. In 1300 a missionary,\nnamed Ab\u016b \u02bbAbd All\u0101h Mu\u1e25ammad, made his way into Abyssinia, calling on\nthe people to embrace Islam, and in the following year, having\ncollected around him 200,000 men, he attacked the ruler of Amhara in\nseveral engagements. [316] King Saifa Ar\u02bb\u0101d (1342\u20131370) took energetic\nmeasures against the Muhammadans in his kingdom, putting to death or\ndriving into exile all those who refused to embrace Christianity. [317]\nAt the close of the same century the disturbed state of the country,\nowing to the civil wars that distracted it, made it possible for the\nvarious Arab settlements along the coast to make themselves masters of\nthe entire seaboard and drive the Abyssinians into the interior, and\nthe king, Ba\u02bceda M\u0101ry\u0101m (1468\u20131478), is said to have spent the greater\npart of his reign in fighting against the Muhammadans on the eastern\nborder of his kingdom. [318] In the early part of the sixteenth\ncentury, while the powerful Muhammadan kingdom of Adal, between\nAbyssinia and the southern extremity of the Red Sea, and some others\nwere bitterly hostile to the Christian power, there were others again\nthat formed peaceful tributaries of \u201cPrester John\u201d; e.g. in Massowah\nthere were Arabs who kept the flocks of the Abyssinian seigniors,\nwandering about in bands of thirty or forty with their wives and\nchildren, each band having its Christian \u201ccaptain.\u201d [319] Some\nMusalmans are also mentioned as being in the service of the king and\nbeing entrusted by him with important posts; [320] while some of these\nremained faithful to Islam, others embraced the prevailing religion of\nthe country. What was implied in the fact of these Muhammadan\ncommunities being tributaries of the king of Abyssinia, it is difficult\nto determine. The Musalmans of \u1e24adya had along with other tribute to\ngive up every year to the king a maiden who had to become a Christian;\nthis custom was in accordance with an ancient treaty, which the king of\nAbyssinia has always made them observe, \u201cbecause he was the stronger\u201d;\nbesides this, they were forbidden to carry arms or put on war-apparel,\nand, if they rode, their horses were not to be saddled; \u201cthese orders,\u201d\nthey said, \u201cwe have always obeyed, so that the king may not put us to\ndeath and destroy our mosques. When the king sends his people to fetch\nthe maiden and the tribute, we put her on a bed, wash her and cover her\nwith a cloth, and recite the prayers for the dead over her and give her\nup to the people of the king; and thus did our fathers and our\ngrandfathers before us.\u201d [321]\n\nThese Muhammadan tributaries were chiefly to be found in the low-lying\ncountries that formed the northern boundary of Abyssinia, from the Red\nSea westward to Sennaar, [322] and on the south and the south-east of\nthe kingdom. [323] What influence these Muhammadans had on the\nChristian populations with which they were intermingled, and whether\nthey made converts to Islam as in the present century, is matter only\nof conjecture. Certain it is, however, that when the independent\nMuhammadan ruler of Adal, A\u1e25mad Gr\u0101\u00f1\u2014himself said to have been the son\nof a Christian priest of Aijjo, who had left his own country and\nadopted Islam in that of the Adals [324]\u2014invaded Abyssinia from 1528 to\n1543, many Abyssinian chiefs with their followers joined his victorious\narmy and became Musalmans, and though the Christian populations of some\ndistricts preferred to pay jizyah, [325] others embraced the religion\nof the conqueror. [326] But the contemporary Muslim historian himself\ntells us that in some cases this conversion was the result of fear, and\nthat suspicions were entertained of the genuineness of the allegiance\nof the new converts. [327] But such apparently was not universally the\ncase, and the widespread character of the conversions in several\ndistricts give the impression of a popular movement. The Christian\nchiefs who went over to Islam made use of their personal influence in\ninducing their troops to follow their example. They were, as we are\ntold, in some cases very ignorant of their own religion, [328] and thus\nthe change of faith was a less difficult matter. Particularly\ninstrumental in conversions of this kind were those Muhammadan chiefs\nwho had previously entered the service of the king of Abyssinia, and\nthose renegades who took the opportunity of the invasion of the country\nby a conquering Musalman army to throw off their allegiance at once to\nChristianity and the Christian king and declare themselves Muhammadans\nonce more. [329]\n\nOne of these in 1531 wrote the following letter to A\u1e25mad Gr\u0101\u00f1:\u2014\u201cI was\nformerly a Muslim and the son of a Muslim, was taken prisoner by the\npolytheists and made a Christian by force; but in my heart I have\nalways clung to the true faith and now I seek the protection of God and\nof His Prophet and of thee. If thou wilt accept my repentance and\npunish me not for what I have done, I will return in penitence to God;\nand I will devise means whereby the troops of the king, that are with\nme, may join thee and become Muslims;\u201d\u2014and in fact the greater part of\nhis army elected to follow their general; including the women and\nchildren their numbers are said to have amounted to 20,000 souls. [330]\n\nBut with the help of the Portuguese, the Abyssinians succeeded in\nshaking off the yoke of their Muhammadan conquerors and A\u1e25mad Gr\u0101\u00f1\nhimself was slain in 1543. Islam had, however, gained a footing in the\ncountry, which the troublous condition of affairs during the remainder\nof the sixteenth and the following century enabled it to retain, the\nrival Christian Churches being too busily engaged in contending with\none another, to devote much attention to their common enemy. For the\nsuccessful proselytising of the Jesuits and other Roman Catholic\nmissionaries and the active interference of the Portuguese in all civil\nand political matters, excited violent opposition in the mass of the\nAbyssinian Christians;\u2014indeed so bitter was this feeling that some of\nthe chiefs openly declared that they would rather submit to a\nMuhammadan ruler than continue their alliance with the Portuguese;\n[331]\u2014and the semi-religious, semi-patriotic movement set on foot\nthereby, rapidly assumed such vast proportions as to lead (about 1632)\nto the expulsion of the Portuguese and the exclusion of all foreign\nChristians from the country. The condition of Abyssinia then speedily\nbecame one of terrible confusion and anarchy, of which some tribes of\nthe Galla race took advantage, to thrust their way right into the very\ncentre of the country, where their settlements remain to the present\nday.\n\nThe progress achieved by Islam during this period may be estimated from\nthe testimony of a traveller of the seventeenth century, who tells us\nthat in his time the adherents of this faith were scattered throughout\nthe whole of Abyssinia and formed a third of the entire population.\n[332] During the following century the faith of the Prophet seems\nsteadily to have increased by means of the conversion of isolated\nindividuals here and there. The absence of any strong central\ngovernment in the country favoured the rise of petty independent\nchieftains, many of whom had strong Muhammadan sympathies, though (in\naccordance with a fundamental law of the state) all the Abyssinian\nprinces had to belong to the Christian faith; the Muhammadans, too,\naspiring to the dignity of the Abyssinian aristocracy, abjured the\nfaith in which they had been born and pretended conversion to\nChristianity in order to get themselves enrolled in the order of the\nnobles, and as governors of Christian provinces made use of all their\ninfluence towards the spread of Islam. [333] One of the chief reasons\nof the success of this faith seems to have been the moral superiority\nof the Muslims as compared with that of the Christian population of\nAbyssinia. R\u00fcppell says that he frequently noticed in the course of his\ntravels in Abyssinia that when a post had to be filled which required\nthat a thoroughly honest and trustworthy person should be selected, the\nchoice always fell upon a Muhammadan. In comparison with the\nChristians, he says that they were more active and energetic; that\nevery Muhammadan had his sons taught to read and write, whereas\nChristian children were only educated when they were intended for the\npriesthood. [334] This moral superiority of the Muhammadans of\nAbyssinia over the Christian population goes far to explain the\ncontinuous though slow progress made by Islam during the eighteenth and\nnineteenth centuries; the degradation and apathy of the Abyssinian\nclergy and the interminable feuds of the Abyssinian chiefs, have left\nMuhammadan influences free to work undisturbed. Mr. Plowden, who was\nEnglish consul in Abyssinia from 1844 to 1860, speaking of the \u1e24ab\u0101b,\nthree Tigr\u0113 tribes dwelling between 16\u00b0 and 17\u00b0 30\u2032 lat., the\nnorth-west of Massowah, says that they have become Muhammadan \u201cwithin\nthe last 100 years, and all, save the latest generation, bear Christian\nnames. They have changed their faith, through the constant influence of\nthe Muhammadans with whom they trade, and through the gradual and now\nentire abandonment of the country by the Abyssinian chiefs, too much\noccupied in ceaseless wars with their neighbours.\u201d [335] They have a\ntradition that one of their chiefs named J\u0101wej rejected Christianity\nfor Islam, in the belief that the latter faith brought good luck and\nlong life; he then said to his priest, \u201cBreak in pieces the T\u0101b\u014dt\u201d;\n[336] the priest answered, \u201cI dare not break in pieces the T\u0101b\u014dt of\nMary\u201d; so J\u0101wej seized the T\u0101b\u014dt with his own hands and cut it in\npieces with an axe; the Christian priests then adopted Islam, and all\ntheir descendants are shaykhs of the tribe to the present day. [337]\n\nOther sections of the population of the northern districts of the\ncountry were similarly converted to Islam during the same period,\nbecause the priests had abandoned these districts and the churches had\nbeen suffered to fall into ruins,\u2014apparently entirely through neglect,\nas the Muhammadans here are said to have been by no means fanatical nor\nto have borne any particular enmity to Christianity. [338] Similar\ntestimony to the progress of Islam in the early part of the nineteenth\ncentury is given by other travellers, [339] who found numbers of\nChristians to be continually passing over to that faith. The\nMuhammadans were especially favoured by Ras \u02bbAl\u012b, one of the\nvice-regents of Abyssinia and practically master of the country before\nthe accession of King Theodore in 1853. Though himself a Christian, he\ndistributed posts and even the spoils of the churches among the\nfollowers of Islam, and during his reign one half of the population of\nthe central provinces of Abyssinia embraced the faith of the Prophet.\n[340] Such deep roots had this faith now struck in Abyssinia that its\nfollowers had in their hands all the commerce as well as all the petty\ntrade of the country, enjoyed vast possessions, were masters of large\ntowns and central markets, and had a firm hold upon the mass of the\npeople. Indeed, a Christian missionary who lived for thirty-five years\nin this country, rated the success and the zeal of the Muslim\npropagandists so high as to say that were another A\u1e25mad Gr\u0101\u00f1 to arise\nand unfurl the banner of the Prophet, the whole of Abyssinia would\nbecome Muhammadan. [341] Embroilments with the Egyptian government\n(with which Abyssinia was at war from 1875 to 1882) brought about a\nrevulsion of feeling against Muhammadanism: hatred of the foreign\nMuslim foe reacted upon their co-religionists within the border. In\n1878, King John summoned a Convocation of the Abyssinian clergy, who\nproclaimed him supreme arbiter in matters of faith and ordained that\nthere should be but one religion throughout the whole kingdom.\nChristians of all sects other than the Jacobite were given two years in\nwhich to become reconciled to the national Church; the Muhammadans were\nto submit within three, and the heathen within five, years. A few days\nlater the king promulgated an edict that showed how little worth was\nthe three years\u2019 grace allowed to the Muhammadans; for not only did he\norder them to build Christian churches wherever they were needed and to\npay tithes to the priests resident in their respective districts, but\nalso gave three months\u2019 notice to all Muhammadan officials to either\nreceive baptism or resign their posts. Such compulsory conversion\n(consisting as it did merely of the rite of baptism and the payment of\ntithes) was naturally of the most ineffectual character, and while\noutwardly conforming, the Muslims in secret protested their loyalty to\ntheir old faith. Massaja saw some such go straight from the church in\nwhich they had been baptised to the mosque, in order to have this\nenforced baptism wiped off by some holy man of their own faith. [342]\nThese mass conversions were rendered the more ineffectual by being\nconfined to the men, for as the royal edict had made no mention of the\nwomen they were in no way molested,\u2014a circumstance that probably proved\nto be of considerable significance in the future history of Islam in\nAbyssinia, as Massaja bears striking testimony to the important part\nthe Muhammadan women have played in the diffusion of their faith in\nthis country. [343] By 1880 King John is said to have compelled about\n50,000 Muhammadans to be baptised, as well as 20,000 members of one of\nthe pagan tribes and half a million of Gallas, [344] but as their\nconversion went no further than baptism and the payment of tithes, it\nis not surprising to learn that the only result of these violent\nmeasures was to increase the hatred and hostility of both the Muslim\nand the heathen Abyssinians towards the Christian faith. [345] The king\nof the petty state of Kafa (which had almost always acknowledged the\nsupremacy of Abyssinia),\u2014Sawo-Teheno,\u2014took advantage of the\nembarrassment of King John, who was threatened at once by the Italians\nand the followers of the Mahd\u012b, to assert his independence, and became\na Musalman, in order to do so more effectively. He successfully\nresisted all attacks until 1897, when his state was reconquered and he\nhimself taken prisoner by the Emperor Menelik, the former king of Shoa,\nwho had established his authority over the whole of Abyssinia after the\ndeath of King John in 1889. Christianity was re-established as the\nstate religion throughout Kafa and Christian worship renewed in the\nchurches, which had been left uninjured, being either shut up or turned\ninto mosques. [346] But these violent measures taken in the interests\nof the Christian faith have failed to arrest the growing power of Islam\nduring the nineteenth century. Whole tribes that were once Christian\nand still bear Christian names, such as Takl\u0113s (\u201cPlant of Jesus\u201d),\nHebt\u0113s (\u201cGift of Jesus\u201d) and Tem\u0101ry\u0101m (\u201cGift of Mary\u201d), have become\nMuslim. The two M\u00e4nsa\u02bb tribes which were entirely Christian about the\nmiddle of the nineteenth century had become Muslim, for the most part,\nat the beginning of the twentieth century; the propagandist efforts of\nthe Muslims who converted them appear to have been facilitated through\nthe ignorance of the Christian clergy. A similar Muhammadanising\nprocess has been going on for some time among other tribes also. [347]\n\nWe must return now to the history of Africa in the seventh century,\nwhen the Arabs were pushing their conquests from East to West along the\nnorth coast. The comparatively easy conquest of Egypt, where so many of\nthe inhabitants assisted the Arabs in bringing the Byzantine rule to an\nend, found no parallel in the bloody campaigns and the long-continued\nresistance that here barred their further progress, and half a century\nelapsed before the Arabs succeeded in making themselves complete\nmasters of the north coast from Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean. It was not\ntill 698 that the fall of Carthage brought the Roman rule in Africa to\nan end for ever, and the subjugation of the Berbers made the Arabs\nsupreme in the country.\n\nThe details of these campaigns it is no part of our purpose to\nconsider, but rather to attempt to discover in what way Islam was\nspread among the Christian population. Unfortunately the materials\navailable for such a purpose are lamentably sparse and insufficient.\nWhat became of that great African Church that had given such saints and\ntheologians to Christendom? The Church of Tertullian, St. Cyprian and\nSt. Augustine, which had emerged victorious out of so many\npersecutions, and had so stoutly championed the cause of Christian\northodoxy, seems to have faded away like a mist.\n\nIn the absence of definite information, it has been usual to ascribe\nthe disappearance of the Christian population to fanatical persecutions\nand forced conversions on the part of the Muslim conquerors. But there\nare many considerations that militate against such a rough and ready\nsettlement of this question. First of all, there is the absence of\ndefinite evidence in support of such an assertion. Massacres,\ndevastation and all the other accompaniments of a bloody and\nlong-protracted war, there were in horrible abundance, but of actual\nreligious persecution we have little mention, and the survival of the\nnative Christian Church for more than eight centuries after the Arab\nconquest is a testimony to the toleration that alone could have\nrendered such a survival possible.\n\nThe causes that brought about the decay of Christianity in North Africa\nmust be sought for elsewhere than in the bigotry of Muhammadan rulers.\nBut before attempting to enumerate these, it will be well to realise\nhow very small must have been the number of the Christian population at\nthe end of the seventh century\u2014a circumstance that renders its\ncontinued existence under Muhammadan rule still more significant of the\nabsence of forced conversion, and leaves such a hypothesis much less\nplausibility than would have been the case had the Arabs found a large\nand flourishing Christian Church there when they commenced their\nconquest of northern Africa.\n\nThe Roman provinces of Africa, to which the Christian population was\nconfined, never extended far southwards; the Sahara forms a barrier in\nthis direction, so that the breadth of the coast seldom exceeds 80 or\n100 miles. [348] Though there were as many as 500 bishoprics just\nbefore the Vandal conquest, this number can serve as no criterion of\nthe number of the faithful, owing to the practice observed in the\nAfrican Church of appointing bishops to the most inconsiderable towns\nand very frequently to the most obscure villages, [349] and it is\ndoubtful whether Christianity ever spread far inland among the Berber\ntribes. [350] When the power of the Roman Empire declined in the fifth\ncentury, different tribes of this great race, known to the Romans under\nthe names of Moors, Numidians, Libyans, etc., swarmed up from the south\nto ravage and destroy the wealthy cities of the coast. These invaders\nwere certainly heathen. The Libyans, whose devastations are so\npathetically bewailed by Synesius of Cyrene, pillaged and burnt the\nchurches and carried off the sacred vessels for their own idolatrous\nrites, [351] and this province of Cyrenaica never recovered from their\ndevastations, and Christianity was probably almost extinct here at the\ntime of the Muslim invasion. The Moorish chieftain in the district of\nTripolis, who was at war with the Vandal king Thorismund (496\u2013524), but\nrespected the churches and clergy of the orthodox, who had been\nill-treated by the Vandals, declared his heathenism when he said, \u201cI do\nnot know who the God of the Christians is, but if he is so powerful as\nhe is represented, he will take vengeance on those who insult him, and\nsuccour those who do him honour.\u201d [352] There is some probability that\nthe nomads of Mauritania also were very largely heathen.\n\nBut whatever may have been the extent of the Christian Church, it\nreceived a blow from the Vandal persecutions from which it never\nrecovered. For nearly a century the Arian Vandals persecuted the\northodox with relentless fury; sent their bishops into exile, forbade\nthe public exercise of their religion and cruelly tortured those who\nrefused to conform to the religion of their conquerors. [353] When in\n534, Belisarius crushed the power of the Vandals and restored North\nAfrica to the Roman Empire, only 217 bishops met in the Synod of\nCarthage [354] to resume the direction of the Christian Church. After\nthe fierce and long-continued persecution to which they had been\nsubjected the number of the faithful must have been very much reduced,\nand during the century that elapsed before the coming of the\nMuhammadans, the inroads of the barbarian Moors, who shut the Romans up\nin the cities and other centres of population, and kept the mountains,\nthe desert and the open country for themselves, [355] the prevalent\ndisorder and ill-government, and above all the desolating plagues that\nsignalised the latter half of the sixth century, all combined to carry\non the work of destruction. Five millions of Africans are said to have\nbeen consumed by the wars and government of the Emperor Justinian. The\nwealthier citizens abandoned a country whose commerce and agriculture,\nonce so flourishing, had been irretrievably ruined. \u201cSuch was the\ndesolation of Africa, that in many parts a stranger might wander whole\ndays without meeting the face either of a friend or an enemy. The\nnation of the Vandals had disappeared; they once amounted to an hundred\nand sixty thousand warriors, without including the children, the women,\nor the slaves. Their numbers were infinitely surpassed by the number of\nMoorish families extirpated in a relentless war; the same destruction\nwas retaliated on the Romans and their allies, who perished by the\nclimate, their mutual quarrels, and the rage of the barbarians.\u201d [356]\n\nIn 646, the year before the victorious Arabs advanced from Egypt to the\nsubjugation of the western province, the African Church that had\nchampioned so often the purity of Christian doctrine, was stirred to\nits depths by the struggle against Monotheletism; but when the bishops\nof the four ecclesiastical provinces in the archbishopric of Carthage,\nviz. Mauritania, Numidia, Byzacena and Africa Proconsularis, held\ncouncils to condemn Monotheletism, and wrote synodal letters to the\nEmperor and the Pope, there were only sixty-eight bishops who assembled\nat Carthage to represent the last-mentioned province, and forty-two for\nByzacena. The numbers from the other two dioceses are not given, but\nthe Christian population had undoubtedly suffered much more in these\nthan in the two other dioceses which were nearer to the seat of\ngovernment. [357] It is exceedingly unlikely that any of the bishops\nwere absent on an occasion that excited so much feeling, when zeal for\nChristian doctrine and political animosity to the Byzantine court both\ncombined in stimulating this movement, and when Africa took the most\nprominent part in stirring up the opposition that led to the convening\nof the great Lateran Council of 648. This diminution in the number of\nthe African bishops certainly points to a vast decrease in the\nChristian population, and in consideration of the numerous causes\ncontributing to a decay of the population, too great stress even must\nnot be laid upon the number of these, because an episcopal see may\ncontinue to be filled long after the diocese has sunk into\ninsignificance.\n\nFrom the considerations enumerated above, it may certainly be inferred\nthat the Christian population at the time of the Muhammadan invasion\nwas by no means a large one. During the fifty years that elapsed before\nthe Arabs assured their victory, the Christian population was still\nfurther reduced by the devastations of this long conflict. The city of\nTripolis, after sustaining a siege of six months, was sacked, and of\nthe inhabitants part were put to the sword and the rest carried off\ncaptive into Egypt and Arabia. [358] Another city, bordering on the\nNumidian desert, was defended by a Roman count with a large garrison\nwhich bravely endured a blockade of a whole year; when at last it was\ntaken by storm, all the males were put to the sword and the women and\nchildren carried off captive. [359] The number of such captives is said\nto have amounted to several hundreds of thousands. [360] Many of the\nChristians took refuge in flight, [361] some into Italy and Spain,\n[362] and it would almost seem that others even wandered as far as\nGermany, judging from a letter addressed to the diocese of St. Boniface\nby Pope Gregory II. [363] In fact, many of the great Roman cities were\nquite depopulated, and remained uninhabited for a long time or were\neven left to fall to ruins entirely, [364] while in several cases the\nconquerors chose entirely new sites for their chief towns. [365]\n\nAs to the scattered remnants of the once flourishing Christian Church\nthat still remained in Africa at the end of the seventh century, it can\nhardly be supposed that persecution is responsible for their final\ndisappearance, in the face of the fact that traces of a native\nChristian community were to be found even so late as the sixteenth\ncentury. Idr\u012bs, the founder of the dynasty in Morocco that bore his\nname, is indeed said to have compelled by force Christians and Jews to\nembrace Islam in the year A.D. 789, when he had just begun to carve out\na kingdom for himself with the sword, [366] but, as far as I have been\nable to discover, this incident is without parallel in the history of\nthe native Church of North Africa. [367]\n\nThe very slowness of its decay is a testimony to the toleration it must\nhave received. About 300 years after the Muhammadan conquest there were\nstill nearly forty bishoprics left, [368] and when in 1053 Pope Leo IX\nlaments that only five bishops could be found to represent the once\nflourishing African Church, [369] the cause is most probably to be\nsought for in the terrible bloodshed and destruction wrought by the\nArab hordes that had poured into the country a few years before and\nfilled it with incessant conflict and anarchy. [370] In 1076, the\nAfrican Church could not provide the three bishops necessary for the\nconsecration of an aspirant to the dignity of the episcopate, in\naccordance with the demands of canon law, and it was necessary for Pope\nGregory VII to consecrate two bishops to act as coadjutors of the\nArchbishop of Carthage; but the numbers of the faithful were still so\nlarge as to demand the creation of fresh bishops to lighten the burden\nof the work, which was too heavy for these three bishops to perform\nunaided. [371] In the course of the next two centuries, the Christian\nChurch declined still further, and in 1246 the bishop of Morocco was\nthe sole spiritual leader of the remnant of the native Church. [372] Up\nto the same period traces of the survival of Christianity were still to\nbe found among the Kabils of Algeria; [373] these tribes had received\nsome slight instruction in the tenets of Islam at an early period, but\nthe new faith had taken very little hold upon them, and as years went\nby they lost even what little knowledge they had at first possessed, so\nmuch so that they even forgot the Muslim formula of prayer. Shut up in\ntheir mountain fastnesses and jealous of their independence, they\nsuccessfully resisted the introduction of the Arab element into their\nmidst, and thus the difficulties in the way of their conversion were\nvery considerable. Some unsuccessful attempts to start a mission among\nthem had been made by the inmates of a monastery belonging to the\nQ\u0101diriyyah order, S\u0101qiyah al-\u1e25amr\u0101\u02bc, but the honour of winning an\nentrance among them for the Muslim faith was reserved for a number of\nAndalusian Moors who were driven out of Spain after the taking of\nGranada in 1492. They had taken refuge in this monastery and were\nrecognised by the shaykh to be eminently fitted for the arduous task\nthat had previously so completely baffled the efforts of his disciples.\nBefore dismissing them on this pious errand, he thus addressed them:\n\u201cIt is a duty incumbent upon us to bear the torch of Islam into these\nregions that have lost their inheritance in the blessings of religion;\nfor these unhappy Kabils are wholly unprovided with schools, and have\nno shaykh to teach their children the laws of morality and the virtues\nof Islam; so they live like the brute beasts, without God or religion.\nTo do away with this unhappy state of things, I have determined to\nappeal to your religious zeal and enlightenment. Let not these\nmountaineers wallow any longer in their pitiable ignorance of the grand\ntruths of our religion; go and breathe upon the dying fire of their\nfaith and re-illumine its smouldering embers; purge them of whatever\nerrors may still cling to them from their former belief in\nChristianity; make them understand that in the religion of our lord\nMu\u1e25ammad\u2014may God have compassion upon him\u2014dirt is not, as in the\nChristian religion, looked upon as acceptable in the eyes of God. [374]\nI will not disguise from you the fact that your task is beset with\ndifficulties, but your irresistible zeal and the ardour of your faith\nwill enable you, by the grace of God, to overcome all obstacles. Go, my\nchildren, and bring back again to God and His Prophet these unhappy\npeople who are wallowing in the mire of ignorance and unbelief. Go, my\nchildren, bearing the message of salvation, and may God be with you and\nuphold you.\u201d\n\nThe missionaries started off in parties of five or six at a time in\nvarious directions; they went in rags, staff in hand, and choosing out\nthe wildest and least frequented parts of the mountains, established\nhermitages in caves and clefts of the rocks. Their austerities and\nprolonged devotions soon excited the curiosity of the Kabils, who after\na short time began to enter into friendly relations with them. Little\nby little the missionaries gained the influence they desired through\ntheir knowledge of medicine, of the mechanical arts, and other\nadvantages of civilisation, and each hermitage became a centre of\nMuslim teaching. Students, attracted by the learning of the new-comers,\ngathered round them and in time became missionaries of Islam to their\nfellow-countrymen, until their faith spread throughout all the country\nof the Kabils and the villages of the Algerian Sahara. [375]\n\nThe above incident is no doubt illustrative of the manner in which\nIslam was introduced among such other sections of the independent\ntribes of the interior as had received any Christian teaching, but\nwhose knowledge of this faith had dwindled down to the observance of a\nfew superstitious rites; [376] for, cut off as they were from the rest\nof the Christian world and unprovided with spiritual teachers, they\ncould have had little in the way of positive religious belief to oppose\nto the teachings of the Muslim missionaries.\n\nThere is little more to add to these sparse records of the decay of the\nNorth African Church. A Muhammadan traveller, [377] who visited\nal-Jar\u012bd, the southern district of Tunis, in the early part of the\nfourteenth century, tells us that the Christian churches, although in\nruins, were still standing in his day, not having been destroyed by the\nArab conquerors, who had contented themselves with building a mosque in\nfront of each of these churches. Ibn Khald\u016bn (writing towards the close\nof the fourteenth century), speaks of some villages in the province of\nQast\u012bliyyah, [378] with a Christian population whose ancestors had\nlived there since the time of the Arab conquest. [379] At the end of\nthe following century there was still to be found in the city of Tunis\na small community of native Christians, living together in one of the\nsuburbs, quite distinct from that in which the foreign Christian\nmerchants resided; far from being oppressed or persecuted, they were\nemployed as the bodyguard of the Sultan. [380] These were doubtless the\nsame persons as were congratulated on their perseverance in the\nChristian faith by Charles V after the capture of Tunis in 1535. [381]\n\nThis is the last we hear of the native Christian Church in North\nAfrica. The very fact of its so long survival would militate against\nany supposition of forced conversion, even if we had not abundant\nevidence of the tolerant spirit of the Arab rulers of the various North\nAfrican kingdoms, who employed Christian soldiers, [382] granted by\nfrequent treaties the free exercise of their religion to Christian\nmerchants and settlers, [383] and to whom Popes [384] recommended the\ncare of the native Christian population, while exhorting the latter to\nserve their Muhammadan rulers faithfully. [385]\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIANS OF SPAIN.\n\n\nIn 711 the victorious Arabs introduced Islam into Spain: in 1502 an\nedict of Ferdinand and Isabella forbade the exercise of the Muhammadan\nreligion throughout the kingdom. During the centuries that elapsed\nbetween these two dates, Muslim Spain had written one of the brightest\npages in the history of medi\u00e6val Europe. Her influence had passed\nthrough Provence into the other countries of Europe, bringing into\nbirth a new poetry and a new culture, and it was from her that\nChristian scholars received what of Greek philosophy and science they\nhad to stimulate their mental activity up to the time of the\nRenaissance. But these triumphs of the civilised life\u2014art and poetry,\nscience and philosophy\u2014we must pass over here and fix our attention on\nthe religious condition of Spain under the Muslim rule.\n\nWhen the Muhammadans first brought their religion into Spain they found\nCatholic Christianity firmly established after its conquest over\nArianism. The sixth Council of Toledo had enacted that all kings were\nto swear that they would not suffer the exercise of any other religion\nbut the Catholic, and would vigorously enforce the law against all\ndissentients, while a subsequent law forbade any one under pain of\nconfiscation of his property and perpetual imprisonment, to call in\nquestion the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church, the Evangelical\nInstitutions, the definitions of the Fathers, the decrees of the\nChurch, and the Holy Sacraments. The clergy had gained for their order\na preponderating influence in the affairs of the state; [386] the\nbishops and chief ecclesiastics sat in the national councils, which met\nto settle the most important business of the realm, ratified the\nelection of the king and claimed the right to depose him if he refused\nto abide by their decrees. The Christian clergy took advantage of their\npower to persecute the Jews, who formed a very large community in\nSpain; edicts of a brutally severe character were passed against such\nas refused to be baptised; [387] and they consequently hailed the\ninvading Arabs as their deliverers from such cruel oppression, they\ngarrisoned the captured cities on behalf of the conqueror and opened\nthe gates of towns that were being besieged. [388]\n\nThe Muhammadans received as warm a welcome from the slaves, whose\ncondition under the Gothic rule was a very miserable one, and whose\nknowledge of Christianity was too superficial to have any weight when\ncompared with the liberty and numerous advantages they gained, by\nthrowing in their lot with the Muslims.\n\nThese down-trodden slaves were the first converts to Islam in Spain.\nThe remnants of the heathen population of which we find mention as late\nas A.D. 693, [389] probably followed their example. Many of the\nChristian nobles, also, whether from genuine conviction or from other\nmotives, embraced the new creed. [390] Many converts were won, too,\nfrom the lower and middle classes, who may well have embraced Islam,\nnot merely outwardly, but from genuine conviction, turning to it from a\nreligion whose ministers had left them ill-instructed and uncared for,\nand busied with worldly ambitions had plundered and oppressed their\nflocks. [391] Having once become Muslims, these Spanish converts showed\nthemselves zealous adherents of their adopted faith, and they and their\nchildren joined themselves to the Puritan party of the rigid Muhammadan\ntheologians as against the careless and luxurious life of the Arab\naristocracy. [392]\n\nAt the time of the Muhammadan conquest the old Gothic virtues are said\nby Christian historians to have declined and given place to effeminacy\nand corruption, so that the Muhammadan rule appeared to them to be a\npunishment sent from God on those who had gone astray into the paths of\nvice; [393] but such a statement is too frequent a commonplace of the\necclesiastical historian to be accepted in the absence of contemporary\nevidence. [394]\n\nBut certainly as time went on, matters do not seem to have mended\nthemselves; and when Christian bishops took part in the revels of the\nMuhammadan court, when episcopal sees were put up to auction and\npersons suspected to be atheists appointed as shepherds of the\nfaithful, and these in their turn bestowed the office of the priesthood\non low and unworthy persons, [395] we may well suppose that it was not\nonly in the province of Elvira [396] that Christians turned from a\nreligion, the corrupt lives of whose ministers had brought it into\ndiscredit, [397] and sought a more congenial atmosphere for the moral\nand spiritual life in the pale of Islam.\n\nHad ecclesiastical writers cared to chronicle them, Spain would\ndoubtless be found to offer instances of many a man leaving the\nChristian Church like Bodo, a deacon at the French court in the reign\nof Louis the Pious, who in A.D. 838 became a Jew, in order that (as he\nsaid), forsaking his sinful life, he might \u201cabide steadfast in the law\nof the Lord.\u201d [398]\n\nIt is very possible, too, that the lingering remains of the old Gothic\nArianism\u2014of which, indeed, there had been some slight revival in the\nSpanish Church just before the Arab conquest [399]\u2014may have predisposed\nmen\u2019s minds to accept the new faith whose Christology was in such close\nagreement with Arian doctrine, [400] and a later age may have witnessed\nparallels to that change of faith which is the earliest recorded\ninstance of conversion to Islam in western Europe and occurred before\nthe Arab invasion of Spain\u2014namely the conversion of a Greek named\nTheodisclus, who succeeded St. Isidore (ob. A.D. 636) as Archbishop of\nSeville; he was accused of heresy, for maintaining that Jesus was not\none God in unity with the Father and the Holy Spirit, but was rather\nSon of God by adoption; he was accordingly condemned by an\necclesiastical synod, deprived of his archbishopric and degraded from\nthe priesthood. Whereupon he went over to the Arabs and embraced Islam\namong them. [401]\n\nOf forced conversion or anything like persecution in the early days of\nthe Arab conquest, we hear nothing. Indeed, it was probably in a great\nmeasure their tolerant attitude towards the Christian religion that\nfacilitated their rapid acquisition of the country. The only complaint\nthat the Christians could bring against their new rulers for treating\nthem differently to their non-Christian subjects, was that they had to\npay the usual capitation-tax of forty-eight dirhams for the rich,\ntwenty-four for the middle classes, and twelve for those who made their\nliving by manual labour: this, as being in lieu of military service,\nwas levied only on the able-bodied males, for women, children, monks,\nthe halt, and the blind, and the sick, mendicants and slaves were\nexempted therefrom; [402] it must moreover have appeared the less\noppressive as being collected by the Christian officials themselves.\n[403]\n\nExcept in the case of offences against the Muslim religious law, the\nChristians were tried by their own judges and in accordance with their\nown laws. [404] They were left undisturbed in the exercise of their\nreligion; [405] the sacrifice of the mass was offered, with the\nswinging of censers, the ringing of the bell, and all the other\nsolemnities of the Catholic ritual; the psalms were chanted in the\nchoir, sermons preached to the people, and the festivals of the Church\nobserved in the usual manner. They do not appear to have been\ncondemned, like their co-religionists in Syria and Egypt, to wear a\ndistinctive dress as sign of their humiliation, and in the ninth\ncentury at least, the Christian laity wore the same kind of costume as\nthe Arabs. [406] They were at one time even allowed to build new\nchurches. [407]\n\nWe read also of the founding [408] of several fresh monasteries in\naddition to the numerous convents both for monks and nuns that\nflourished undisturbed by the Muhammadan rulers. The monks could appear\npublicly in the woollen robes of their order and the priest had no need\nto conceal the mark of his sacred office, [409] nor at the same time\ndid their religious profession prevent the Christians from being\nentrusted with high offices at court, [410] or serving in the Muslim\narmies. [411]\n\nCertainly those Christians who could reconcile themselves to the loss\nof political power had little to complain of, and it is very noticeable\nthat during the whole of the eighth century we hear of only one attempt\nat revolt on their part, namely at Beja, and in this they appear to\nhave followed the lead of an Arab chief. [412] Those who migrated into\nFrench territory in order that they might live under a Christian rule,\ncertainly fared no better than the co-religionists they had left\nbehind. In 812 Charlemagne interfered to protect the exiles who had\nfollowed him on his retreat from Spain from the exactions of the\nimperial officers. Three years later Louis the Pious had to issue\nanother edict on their behalf, in spite of which they had soon again to\ncomplain against the nobles who robbed them of the lands that had been\nassigned to them. But the evil was only checked for a little time to\nbreak out afresh, and all the edicts passed on their behalf did not\navail to make the lot of these unfortunate exiles more tolerable, and\nin the Cagots (i.e. canes Gothi), a despised and ill-treated class of\nlater times, we probably meet again the Spanish colony that fled away\nfrom Muslim rule to throw themselves upon the mercy of their Christian\nco-religionists. [413]\n\nThe toleration of the Muhammadan government towards its Christian\nsubjects in Spain and the freedom of intercourse between the adherents\nof the two religions brought about a certain amount of assimilation in\nthe two communities. Inter-marriages became frequent; [414] Isidore of\nBeja, who fiercely inveighs against the Muslim conquerors, records the\nmarriage of \u02bbAbd al-\u02bbAz\u012bz, the son of M\u016bs\u1ea1\u0304, with the widow of King\nRoderic, without a word of blame. [415] Many of the Christians adopted\nArab names, and in outward observances imitated to some extent their\nMuhammadan neighbours, e.g. many were circumcised, [416] and in matters\nof food and drink followed the practice of the \u201cunbaptized pagans.\u201d\n[417]\n\nThe very term Muzarabes (i.e. must\u02bbarib\u012bn or Arabicised) applied to the\nSpanish Christians living under Arab rule, is significant of the\ntendencies that were at work. The study of Arabic very rapidly began to\ndisplace that of Latin throughout the country, [418] so that the\nlanguage of Christian theology came gradually to be neglected and\nforgotten. Even some of the higher clergy rendered themselves\nridiculous by their ignorance of correct Latinity. [419] It could\nhardly be expected that the laity would exhibit more zeal in such a\nmatter than the clergy, and in 854 a Spanish writer brings the\nfollowing complaint against his Christian fellow-countrymen:\u2014\u201cWhile we\nare investigating their (i.e. the Muslim) sacred ordinances and meeting\ntogether to study the sects of their philosophers\u2014or rather\nphilobraggers\u2014not for the purpose of refuting their errors, but for the\nexquisite charm and for the eloquence and beauty of their\nlanguage\u2014neglecting the reading of the Scriptures, we are but setting\nup as an idol the number of the beast. (Apoc. xiii. 18.) Where nowadays\ncan we find any learned layman who, absorbed in the study of the Holy\nScriptures, cares to look at the works of any of the Latin Fathers? Who\nis there with any zeal for the writings of the Evangelists, or the\nProphets, or Apostles? Our Christian young men, with their elegant airs\nand fluent speech, are showy in their dress and carriage, and are famed\nfor the learning of the gentiles; intoxicated with Arab eloquence they\ngreedily handle, eagerly devour and zealously discuss the books of the\nChaldeans (i.e. Muhammadans), and make them known by praising them with\nevery flourish of rhetoric, knowing nothing of the beauty of the\nChurch\u2019s literature, and looking down with contempt on the streams of\nthe Church that flow forth from Paradise; alas! the Christians are so\nignorant of their own law, the Latins pay so little attention to their\nown language, that in the whole Christian flock there is hardly one man\nin a thousand who can write a letter to inquire after a friend\u2019s health\nintelligibly, while you may find a countless rabble of all kinds of\nthem who can learnedly roll out the grandiloquent periods of the\nChaldean tongue. They can even make poems, every line ending with the\nsame letter, which display high flights of beauty and more skill in\nhandling metre than the gentiles themselves possess.\u201d [420]\n\nIn fact the knowledge of Latin so much declined in one part of Spain\nthat it was found necessary to translate the ancient Canons of the\nSpanish Church and the Bible into Arabic for the use of the Christians.\n[421]\n\nWhile the brilliant literature of the Arabs exercised such a\nfascination and was so zealously studied, those who desired an\neducation in Christian literature had little more than the materials\nthat had been employed in the training of the barbaric Goths, and could\nwith difficulty find teachers to induct them even into this low level\nof culture. As time went on this want of Christian education increased\nmore and more. In 1125 the Muzarabes wrote to King Alfonso of Aragon:\n\u201cWe and our fathers have up to this time been brought up among the\ngentiles, and having been baptised, freely observe the Christian\nordinances; but we have never had it in our power to be fully\ninstructed in our divine religion; for, subject as we are to the\ninfidels who have long oppressed us, we have never ventured to ask for\nteachers from Rome or France; and they have never come to us of their\nown accord on account of the barbarity of the heathen whom we obey.\u201d\n[422]\n\nFrom such close intercourse with the Muslims and so diligent a study of\ntheir literature\u2014when we find even so bigoted an opponent of Islam as\nAlvar [423] acknowledging that the Qur\u02bc\u0101n was composed in such eloquent\nand beautiful language that even Christians could not help reading and\nadmiring it\u2014we should naturally expect to find signs of a religious\ninfluence: and such indeed is the case. Elipandus, bishop of Toledo\n(ob. 810), an exponent of the heresy of Adoptionism\u2014according to which\nthe Man Christ Jesus was Son of God by adoption and not by nature\u2014is\nexpressly said to have arrived at these heretical views through his\nfrequent and close intercourse with the Muhammadans. [424] This new\ndoctrine appears to have spread quickly over a great part of Spain,\nwhile it was successfully propagated in Septimania, which was under\nFrench protection, by Felix, bishop of Urgel in Catalonia. [425] Felix\nwas brought before a council, presided over by Charlemagne, and made to\nabjure his error, but on his return to Spain he relapsed into his old\nheresy, doubtless (as was suggested by Pope Leo III at the time) owing\nto his intercourse with the pagans (meaning thereby the Muhammadans)\nwho held similar views. [426] When prominent churchmen were so\nprofoundly influenced by their contact with Muhammadans, we may judge\nthat the influence of Islam upon the Christians of Spain was very\nconsiderable, indeed in A.D. 936 a council was held at Toledo to\nconsider the best means of preventing this intercourse from\ncontaminating the purity of the Christian faith. [427]\n\nIt may readily be understood how these influences of Islamic thought\nand practice\u2014added to definite efforts at conversion [428]\u2014would lead\nto much more than a mere approximation and would very speedily swell\nthe number of the converts to Islam so that their descendants, the\nso-called Muwallads\u2014a term denoting those not of Arab blood\u2014soon formed\na large and important party in the state, indeed the majority of the\npopulation of the country, [429] and as early as the beginning of the\nninth century we read of attempts made by them to shake off the Arab\nrule, and on several occasions later they come forward actively as a\nnational party of Spanish Muslims.\n\nWe have little or no details of the history of the conversion of these\nNew-Muslims. Instances appeared to have occurred right up to the last\ndays of Muslim rule, for when the army of Ferdinand and Isabella\ncaptured Malaga in 1487, it is recorded that all the renegade\nChristians found in the city were tortured to death with sharp-pointed\nreeds, and in the capitulation that secured the submission of Purchena\ntwo years later, an express promise was made that renegades would not\nbe forced to return to Christianity. [430] Some few apostatised to\nescape the payment of some penalty inflicted by the law-courts. [431]\nBut the majority of the converts were no doubt won over by the imposing\ninfluence of the faith of Islam itself, presented to them as it was\nwith all the glamour of a brilliant civilisation, having a poetry, a\nphilosophy and an art well calculated to attract the reason and dazzle\nthe imagination: while in the lofty chivalry of the Arabs there was\nfree scope for the exhibition of manly prowess and the knightly\nvirtues\u2014a career closed to the conquered Spaniards that remained true\nto the Christian faith. Again, the learning and literature of the\nChristians must have appeared very poor and meagre when compared with\nthat of the Muslims, the study of which may well by itself have served\nas an incentive to the adoption of their religion. Besides, to the\ndevout mind Islam in Spain could offer the attractions of a pious and\nzealous Puritan party with the orthodox Muslim theologians at its head,\nwhich at times had a preponderating influence in the state and\nstruggled earnestly towards a reformation of faith and morals.\n\nTaking into consideration the ardent religious feeling that animated\nthe mass of the Spanish Muslims and the provocation that the Christians\ngave to the Muhammadan government through their treacherous intrigues\nwith their co-religionists over the border, the history of Spain under\nMuhammadan rule is singularly free from persecution. With the exception\nof three or four cases of genuine martyrdom, the only approach to\nanything like persecution during the whole period of the Arab rule is\nto be found in the severe measures adopted by the Muhammadan government\nto repress the madness for voluntary martyrdom that broke out in\nCordova in the ninth century. At this time a fanatical party came into\nexistence among the Christians in this part of Spain (for apparently\nthe Christian Church in the rest of the country had no sympathy with\nthe movement), which set itself openly and unprovokedly to insult the\nreligion of the Muslims and blaspheme their Prophet, with the\ndeliberate intention of incurring the penalty of death by such\nmisguided assertion of their Christian bigotry.\n\nThis strange passion for self-immolation displayed itself mainly among\npriests, monks and nuns between the years 850 and 860. It would seem\nthat brooding, in the silence of their cloisters, over the decline of\nChristian influence and the decay of religious zeal, they went forth to\nwin the martyr\u2019s crown\u2014of which the toleration of their infidel rulers\nwas robbing them\u2014by means of fierce attacks on Islam and its founder.\nThus, for example, a certain monk, by name Isaac, came before the Q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b\nand pretended that he wished to be instructed in the faith of Islam;\nwhen the Q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b had expounded to him the doctrines of the Prophet, he\nburst out with the words: \u201cHe hath lied unto you (may the curse of God\nconsume him!), who, full of wickedness, hath led so many men into\nperdition, and doomed them with himself to the pit of hell. Filled with\nSatan and practising Satanic jugglery, he hath given you a cup of\ndeadly wine to work disease in you, and will expiate his guilt with\neverlasting damnation. Why do ye not, being endowed with understanding,\ndeliver yourselves from such dangers? Why do ye not, renouncing the\nulcer of his pestilential doctrines, seek the eternal salvation of the\nGospel of the faith of Christ?\u201d [432] On another occasion two\nChristians forced their way into a mosque and there reviled the\nMuhammadan religion, which, they declared, would very speedily bring\nupon its followers the destruction of hell-fire. [433] Though the\nnumber of such fanatics was not considerable, [434] the Muhammadan\ngovernment grew alarmed, fearing that such contempt for their authority\nand disregard of their laws against blasphemy, argued a widespread\ndisaffection and a possible general insurrection, for in fact, in 853\nMu\u1e25ammad I had to send an army against the Christians at Toledo, who,\nincited by Eulogius, the chief apologist of the martyrs, had risen in\nrevolt on the news of the sufferings of their co-religionists. [435] He\nis said to have ordered a general massacre of the Christians, but when\nit was pointed out that no men of any intelligence or rank among the\nChristians had taken part in such doings [436] (for Alvar himself\ncomplains that the majority of the Christian priests condemned the\nmartyrs [437]), the king contented himself with putting into force the\nexisting laws against blasphemy with the utmost rigour. The moderate\nparty in the Church seconded the efforts of the government; the bishops\nanathematised the fanatics, and an ecclesiastical council that was held\nin 852 to discuss the matter agreed upon methods of repression [438]\nthat eventually quashed the movement. One or two isolated cases of\nmartyrdom are recorded later\u2014the last in 983, after which there was\nnone as long as the Arab rule lasted in Spain. [439]\n\nBut under the Berber dynasty of the Almoravids at the beginning of the\ntwelfth century, there was an outburst of fanaticism on the part of the\ntheological zealots of Islam in which the Christians had to suffer\nalong with the Jews and the liberal section of the Muhammadan\npopulation\u2014the philosophers, the poets and the men of letters. But such\nincidents are exceptions to the generally tolerant character of the\nMuhammadan rulers of Spain towards their Christian subjects.\n\nOne of the Spanish Muhammadans who was driven out of his native country\nin the last expulsion of the Moriscoes in 1610, while protesting\nagainst the persecutions of the Inquisition, makes the following\nvindication of the toleration of his co-religionists: \u201cDid our\nvictorious ancestors ever once attempt to extirpate Christianity out of\nSpain, when it was in their power? Did they not suffer your forefathers\nto enjoy the free use of their rites at the same time that they wore\ntheir chains? Is not the absolute injunction of our Prophet, that\nwhatever nation is conquered by Musalman steel, should, upon the\npayment of a moderate annual tribute, be permitted to persevere in\ntheir own pristine persuasion, how absurd soever, or to embrace what\nother belief they themselves best approved of? If there may have been\nsome examples of forced conversions, they are so rare as scarce to\ndeserve mentioning, and only attempted by men who had not the fear of\nGod, and the Prophet, before their eyes, and who, in so doing, have\nacted directly and diametrically contrary to the holy precepts and\nordinances of Islam which cannot, without sacrilege, be violated by any\nwho would be held worthy of the honourable epithet of Musulman.... You\ncan never produce, among us, any bloodthirsty, formal tribunal, on\naccount of different persuasions in points of faith, that anywise\napproaches your execrable Inquisition. Our arms, it is true, are ever\nopen to receive all who are disposed to embrace our religion; but we\nare not allowed by our sacred Qur\u02bc\u0101n to tyrannise over consciences. Our\nproselytes have all imaginable encouragement, and have no sooner\nprofessed God\u2019s Unity and His Apostle\u2019s mission but they become one of\nus, without reserve; taking to wife our daughters, and being employed\nin posts of trust, honour and profit; we contenting ourselves with only\nobliging them to wear our habit, and to seem true believers in outward\nappearance, without ever offering to examine their consciences,\nprovided they do not openly revile or profane our religion: if they do\nthat, we indeed punish them as they deserve; since their conversion was\nvoluntarily, and was not by compulsion.\u201d [440]\n\nThis very spirit of toleration was made one of the main articles in an\naccount of the \u201cApostacies and Treasons of the Moriscoes,\u201d drawn up by\nthe Archbishop of Valencia in 1602 when recommending their expulsion to\nPhilip III, as follows: \u201cThat they commended nothing so much as that\nliberty of conscience, in all matters of religion, which the Turks, and\nall other Muhammadans, suffer their subjects to enjoy.\u201d [441]\n\nWhat deep roots Islam had struck in the hearts of the Spanish people\nmay be judged from the fact that when the last remnant of the Moriscoes\nwas expelled from Spain in 1610, these unfortunate people still clung\nto the faith of their fathers, although for more than a century they\nhad been forced to outwardly conform to the Christian religion, and in\nspite of the emigrations that had taken place since the fall of\nGranada, nearly 500,000 are said to have been expelled at that time.\n[442] Whole towns and villages were deserted and the houses fell into\nruins, there being no one to rebuild them. [443] These Moriscoes were\nprobably all descendants of the original inhabitants of the country,\nwith little or no admixture of Arab blood; the reasons that may be\nadduced in support of this statement are too lengthy to be given here;\none point only in the evidence may be mentioned, derived from a letter\nwritten in 1311, in which it is stated that of the 200,000 Muhammadans\nthen living in the city of Granada, not more than 500 were of Arab\ndescent, all the rest being descendants of converted Spaniards. [444]\nFinally, it is of interest to note that even up to the last days of its\npower in Spain, Islam won converts to the faith, for the historian,\nwhen writing of events that occurred in the year 1499, seven years\nafter the fall of Granada, draws attention to the fact that among the\nMoors were a few Christians who had lately embraced the faith of the\nProphet. [445]\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS\nIN EUROPE UNDER THE TURKS.\n\n\nWe first hear of the Ottoman Turks at the commencement of the\nthirteenth century, when fleeing before the Mongols, to the number of\nabout 50,000, they came to the help of the Sultan of Iconium, and in\nreturn for their services both against the Mongols and the Greeks, had\nassigned to them a district in the north-west of Asia Minor. This was\nthe nucleus of the future Ottoman empire, which, increasing at first by\nthe absorption of the petty states into which the Salj\u016bq Turks had\nsplit up, afterwards crossed over into Europe, annexing kingdom after\nkingdom, until its victorious growth received a check before the gates\nof Vienna in 1683. [446]\n\nFrom the earliest days of the extension of their kingdom in Asia Minor,\nthe Ottomans exercised authority over Christian subjects, but it was\nnot until the ancient capital of the Eastern empire fell into their\nhands in 1453 that the relations between the Muslim Government and the\nChristian Church were definitely established on a fixed basis. One of\nthe first steps taken by Mu\u1e25ammad II, after the capture of\nConstantinople and the re-establishment of order in that city, was to\nsecure the allegiance of the Christians, by proclaiming himself the\nprotector of the Greek Church. Persecution of the Christians was\nstrictly forbidden; a decree was granted to the newly elected patriarch\nwhich secured to him and his successors and the bishops under him, the\nenjoyment of the old privileges, revenues and exemptions enjoyed under\nthe former rule. Gennadios, the first patriarch after the Turkish\nconquest, received from the hands of the Sultan himself the pastoral\nstaff, which was the sign of his office, together with a purse of a\nthousand golden ducats and a horse with gorgeous trappings, on which he\nwas privileged to ride with his train through the city. [447] But not\nonly was the head of the Church treated with all the respect he had\nbeen accustomed to receive from the Christian emperors, but further he\nwas invested with extensive civil power. The patriarch\u2019s court sat to\ndecide all cases between Greek and Greek: it could impose fines,\nimprison offenders in a prison provided for its own special use, and in\nsome cases even condemn to capital punishment: while the ministers and\nofficials of the government were directed to enforce its judgments. The\ncomplete control of spiritual and ecclesiastical matters (in which the\nTurkish government, unlike the civil power of the Byzantine empire,\nnever interfered), was left entirely in his hands and those of the\ngrand Synod which he could summon whenever he pleased; and hereby he\ncould decide all matters of faith and dogma without fear of\ninterference on the part of the state. As a recognised officer of the\nimperial government, he could do much for the alleviation of the\noppressed, by bringing the acts of unjust governors to the notice of\nthe Sultan. The Greek bishops in the provinces in their turn were\ntreated with great consideration and were entrusted with so much\njurisdiction in civil affairs, that up to modern times they have acted\nin their dioceses almost as if they were Ottoman prefects over the\northodox population, thus taking the place of the old Christian\naristocracy which had been exterminated by the conquerors, and we find\nthat the higher clergy were generally more active as Turkish agents\nthan as Greek priests, and they always taught their people that the\nSultan possessed a divine sanction, as the protector of the Orthodox\nChurch. A charter was subsequently published, securing to the orthodox\nthe use of such churches as had not been confiscated to form mosques,\nand authorising them to celebrate their religious rites publicly\naccording to their national usages. [448]\n\nConsequently, though the Greeks were numerically superior to the Turks\nin all the European provinces of the empire, the religious toleration\nthus granted them, and the protection of life and property they\nenjoyed, soon reconciled them to the change of masters and led them to\nprefer the domination of the Sultan to that of any Christian power.\nIndeed, in many parts of the country, the Ottoman conquerors were\nwelcomed by the Greeks as their deliverers from the rapacious and\ntyrannous rule of the Franks and the Venetians who had so long disputed\nwith Byzantium for the possession of the Peloponnesos and some of the\nadjacent parts of Greece; by introducing into Greece the feudal system,\nthese had reduced the people to the miserable condition of serfs, and\nas aliens in speech, race and creed, were hated by their subjects,\n[449] to whom a change of rulers, since it could not make their\ncondition worse, would offer a possible chance of improving it, and\nthough their deliverers were likewise aliens, yet the infidel Turk was\ninfinitely to be preferred to the heretical Catholics. [450] The Greeks\nwho lived under the immediate government of the Byzantine court, were\nequally unlikely to be averse to a change of rulers. The degradation\nand tyranny that characterised the dynasty of the Pal\u00e6ologi are\nfrightful to contemplate. \u201cA corrupt aristocracy, a tyrannical and\ninnumerable clergy, the oppression of perverted law, the exactions of a\ndespicable government, and still more, its monopolies, its fiscality,\nits armies of tax and custom collectors, left the degraded people\nneither rights nor institutions, neither chance of amelioration nor\nhope of redress.\u201d [451] Lest such a judgment appear dictated by a\nspirit of party bias, a contemporary authority may be appealed to in\nsupport of its correctness. The Russian annalists who speak of the fall\nof Constantinople bring a similar indictment against its government.\n\u201cWithout the fear of the law an empire is like a steed without reins.\nConstantine and his ancestors allowed their grandees to oppress the\npeople; there was no more justice in their law courts; no more courage\nin their hearts; the judges amassed treasures from the tears and blood\nof the innocent; the Greek soldiers were proud only of the magnificence\nof their dress; the citizens did not blush at being traitors; the\nsoldiers were not ashamed to fly. At length the Lord poured out His\nthunder on these unworthy rulers, and raised up Mu\u1e25ammad, whose\nwarriors delight in battle, and whose judges do not betray their\ntrust.\u201d [452] This last item of praise [453] may sound strange in the\nears of a generation that has constantly been called upon to protest\nagainst Turkish injustice; but it is clearly and abundantly borne out\nby the testimony of contemporary historians. The Byzantine historian\nwho has handed down to us the story of the capture of Constantinople\ntells us how even the impetuous B\u0101yaz\u012bd was liberal and generous to his\nChristian subjects, and made himself extremely popular among them by\nadmitting them freely to his society. [454] Mur\u0101d II distinguished\nhimself by his attention to the administration of justice and by his\nreforms of the abuses prevalent under the Greek emperors, and punished\nwithout mercy those of his officials who oppressed any of his subjects.\n[455] For at least a century after the fall of Constantinople a series\nof able rulers secured, by a firm and vigorous administration, peace\nand order throughout their dominions, and an admirable civil and\njudicial organisation, if it did not provide an absolutely impartial\njustice for Muslims and Christians alike, yet caused the Greeks to be\nfar better off than they had been before. They were harassed by fewer\nexactions of forced labour, extraordinary contributions were rarely\nlevied, and the taxes they paid were a trifling burden compared with\nthe endless feudal obligations of the Franks and the countless\nextortions of the Byzantines. The Turkish dominions were certainly\nbetter governed and more prosperous than most parts of Christian\nEurope, and the mass of the Christian population engaged in the\ncultivation of the soil enjoyed a larger measure of private liberty and\nof the fruits of their labour, under the government of the Sultan than\ntheir contemporaries did under that of many Christian monarchs. [456] A\ngreat impulse, too, was given to the commercial activity of the\ncountry, for the early Sultans were always ready to foster trade and\ncommerce among their subjects, and many of the great cities entered\nupon an era of prosperity when the Turkish conquest had delivered them\nfrom the paralysing fiscal oppression of the Byzantine empire, one of\nthe first of them being Nic\u00e6a, which capitulated to Urkh\u0101n in 1330\nunder the most favourable terms after a long-protracted siege. [457]\nLike the ancient Romans, the Ottomans were great makers of roads and\nbridges, and thereby facilitated trade throughout their empire; and\nforeign states were compelled to admit the Greek merchants into ports\nfrom which they had been excluded in the time of the Byzantine\nemperors, but now sailing under the Ottoman flag, they assumed the\ndress and manners of Turks, and thus secured from the nations of\nWestern Europe the respect and consideration which the Catholics had\nhitherto always refused to the members of the Greek Church. [458]\n\nThere is, however, one notable exception to this general good treatment\nand toleration, viz. the tribute of Christian children, who were\nforcibly taken from their parents at an early age and enrolled in the\nfamous corps of Janissaries. Instituted by Urkh\u0101n in 1330, it formed\nfor centuries the mainstay of the despotic power of the Turkish\nSultans, and was kept alive by a regular contribution exacted every\nfour years, [459] when the officers of the Sultan visited the districts\non which the tax was imposed, and made a selection from among the\nchildren about the age of seven. The Muhammadan legists attempted to\napologise for this inhuman tribute by representing these children as\nthe fifth of the spoil which the Qur\u02bc\u0101n assigns to the sovereign, [460]\nand they prescribed that the injunction against forcible conversion\n[461] should be observed with regard to them also, although the tender\nage at which they were placed under the instruction of Muslim teachers\nmust have made it practically of none effect. [462] Christian Europe\nhas always expressed its horror at such a barbarous tax, and travellers\nin the Turkish dominions have painted touching pictures of desolated\nhomes and of parents weeping for the children torn from their arms. But\nwhen the corps was first instituted, its numbers were rapidly swelled\nby voluntary accessions from among the Christians themselves, [463] and\nthe circumstances under which this tribute was first imposed may go far\nto explain the apathy which the Greeks themselves appear to have\nexhibited. The whole country had been laid waste by war, and families\nwere often in danger of perishing with hunger; the children who were\nthus adopted were in many cases orphans, who would otherwise have been\nleft to perish; further, the custom so widely prevalent at that time of\nselling Christians as slaves may have made this tax appear less\nappalling than might have been expected. This custom has, moreover,\nbeen maintained to have been only a continuation of a similar usage\nthat was in force under the Byzantine emperors. [464] It has even been\nsaid that there was seldom any necessity of an appeal to force on the\npart of the officers who collected the appointed number of children,\nbut rather that the parents were often eager to have their children\nenrolled in a service that secured for them in many cases a brilliant\ncareer, and under any circumstances a well-cared-for and comfortable\nexistence, since these little captives were brought up and educated as\nif they were the Sultan\u2019s own children. [465] This institution appears\nin a less barbarous light if it be true that the parents could often\nredeem their children by a money payment. [466] Metrophanes\nKritopoulos, who was Patriarch of Constantinople and afterwards of\nAlexandria, writing in 1625, mentions various devices adopted by the\nChristians for escaping from the burden of this tax, e.g. they\npurchased Muhammadan boys and represented them to be Christians, or\nthey bribed the collectors to take Christian boys who were of low birth\nor had been badly brought up or such as \u201cdeserved hanging.\u201d [467]\nThomas Smith, among others, speaks of the possibility of buying off the\nchildren, so impressed: \u201cSome of their parents, out of natural pity and\nout of a true sense of religion, that they may not be thus robbed of\ntheir children, who hereby lie under a necessity of renouncing their\nChristianity, compound for them at the rate of fifty or a hundred\ndollars, as they are able, or as they can work upon the covetousness of\nthe Turks more or less.\u201d [468] The Christians of certain cities, such\nas Constantinople, and of towns and islands that had made this\nstipulation at the time of their submission to the Turks, or had\npurchased this privilege, were exempted from the operation of this\ncruel tax. [469] These extenuating circumstances at the outset, and the\nease with which men acquiesce in any established usage\u2014though serving\nin no way as an excuse for so inhuman an institution\u2014may help us to\nunderstand what a traveller in the seventeenth century calls the\n\u201cunaccountable indifference\u201d [470] with which the Greeks seem to have\nfallen in with this demand of the new government, which so materially\nimproved their condition.\n\nFurther, the Christian subjects of the Turkish empire had to pay the\ncapitation-tax, in return for protection and in lieu of military\nservice. The rates fixed by the Ottoman law were 2\u00bd, 5 and 10 piastres\na head for every full-grown male, according to his income, [471] women\nand the clergy being exempt. [472] In the nineteenth century the rates\nwere 15, 30 and 60 piastres, according to income. [473] Christian\nwriters of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries generally speak of\nthis tax as being a ducat a head, [474] but it is also variously\ndescribed as amounting to 3, 5 or 5\u215e crowns or dollars. [475] The\nfluctuating exchange value of the Turkish coinage in the seventeenth\ncentury is the probable explanation of the latter variations. To\nestimate with any exactitude how far this tax was a burden to those who\nhad to pay it, would require a lengthened disquisition on the\npurchasing value of money at that period and a comparison with other\nitems of expenditure. [476] But by itself it could hardly have formed a\nvalid excuse for a change of faith, as Tournefort points out, when\nwriting in 1700 of the conversion of the Candiots: \u201cIt must be\nconfessed, these Wretches sell their Souls a Pennyworth: all they get\nin exchange for their Religion, is a Vest, and the Privilege of being\nexempt from the Capitation-Tax, which is not above five Crowns a year.\u201d\n[477] Scheffler also, who is anxious to represent the condition of the\nChristians under Turkish rule in as black colours as possible, admits\nthat the one ducat a head was a trifling matter, and has to lay stress\non the extraordinary taxes, war contributions, etc., that they were\ncalled upon to pay. [478] The land taxes were the same both for\nChristians and Musalmans, [479] for the old distinction between lands\non which tithe was paid by the Muhammadan proprietor, and those on\nwhich khar\u0101j was paid by the non-Muhammadan proprietor, was not\nrecognised by the Ottomans. [480] Whatever sufferings the Christians\nhad to endure proceeded from the tyranny of individuals, who took\nadvantage of their official position to extort money from those under\ntheir jurisdiction. Such acts of oppression were not only contrary to\nthe Muhammadan law, but were rare before the central government had\ngrown weak and suffered the corruption and injustice of local\nauthorities to go unpunished. [481] There is a very marked difference\nbetween the accounts we have of the condition of the Christians during\nthe first two centuries of the Turkish rule in Europe and those of a\nlater date, when the period of decadence had fully set in. But it is\nnoticeable that in those very times in which the condition of the\nChristians had been most intolerable there is least record of\nconversion to Islam. In the eighteenth century, when the condition of\nthe Christians was worse than at any other period, we find hardly any\nmention of conversions at all, and the Turks themselves are represented\nas utterly indifferent to the progress of their religion and\nconsiderably infected with scepticism and unbelief. [482] A further\nproof that their sufferings have been due to misgovernment rather than\nto religious persecution is the fact that Muslims and Christians\nsuffered alike. [483] The Christians would, however, naturally be more\nexposed to extortion and ill-treatment owing to the difficulties that\nlay in the way of obtaining redress at law, and some of the poorest may\nthus have sought a relief from their sufferings in a change of faith.\n\nBut if we except the tribute of the children, to which the conquered\nGreeks seem to have submitted with so little show of resistance, and\nwhich owed its abolition, not to any revolt or insurrection against its\ncontinuance, but to the increase of the Turkish population and of the\nnumber of the renegades who were constantly entering the Sultan\u2019s\nservice, [484]\u2014the treatment of their Christian subjects by the Ottoman\nemperors\u2014at least for two centuries after their conquest of\nGreece\u2014exhibits a toleration such as was at that time quite unknown in\nthe rest of Europe. The Calvinists of Hungary and Transylvania, and the\nUnitarians of the latter country, long preferred to submit to the Turks\nrather than fall into the hands of the fanatical house of Hapsburg;\n[485] and the Protestants of Silesia looked with longing eyes towards\nTurkey, and would gladly have purchased religious freedom at the price\nof submission to the Muslim rule. [486] It was to Turkey that the\npersecuted Spanish Jews fled for refuge in enormous numbers at the end\nof the fifteenth century, [487] and the Cossacks who belonged to the\nsect of the Old Believers and were persecuted by the Russian State\nChurch, found in the dominions of the Sultan the toleration which their\nChristian brethren denied them. [488] Well might Macarius, Patriarch of\nAntioch in the seventeenth century, congratulate himself when he saw\nthe fearful atrocities that the Catholic Poles inflicted on the\nRussians of the Orthodox Eastern Church: \u201cWe all wept much over the\nthousands of martyrs who were killed by those impious wretches, the\nenemies of the faith, in these forty or fifty years. The number\nprobably amounted to seventy or eighty thousand souls. O you infidels!\nO you monsters of impurity! O you hearts of stone! What had the nuns\nand women done? What the girls and boys and infant children, that you\nshould murder them?... And why do I pronounce them (the Poles)\naccursed? Because they have shown themselves more debased and wicked\nthan the corrupt worshippers of idols, by their cruel treatment of\nChristians, thinking to abolish the very name of Orthodox. God\nperpetuate the empire of the Turks for ever and ever! For they take\ntheir impost, and enter into no account of religion, be their subjects\nChristians or Nazarenes, Jews or Samarians: whereas these accursed\nPoles were not content with taxes and tithes from the brethren of\nChrist, though willing to serve them; but they subjected them to the\nauthority of the enemies of Christ, the tyrannical Jews, who did not\neven permit them to build churches, nor leave them any priests that\nknew the mysteries of their faith.\u201d [489] Even in Italy there were men\nwho turned longing eyes towards the Turks in the hope that as their\nsubjects they might enjoy the freedom and the toleration they despaired\nof enjoying under a Christian government. [490] It would seem, then,\nthat Islam was not spread by force in the dominion of the Sultan of\nTurkey, and though the want of even-handed justice and the oppression\nof unscrupulous officials in the days of the empire\u2019s decline, may have\ndriven some Christians to attempt to better their condition by a change\nof faith, such cases were rare in the first two centuries of the\nTurkish rule in Europe, to which period the mass of conversions belong.\nIt would have been wonderful indeed if the ardour of proselytising that\nanimated the Ottomans at this time had never carried them beyond the\nbounds of toleration established by their own laws. Yet it has been\nsaid by one who was a captive among them for twenty-two years that the\nTurks \u201ccompelled no one to renounce his faith.\u201d [491] Similar testimony\nis borne by others: an English gentleman who visited Turkey in the\nearly part of the seventeenth century, tells us that \u201cThere is seldom\nany compulsion of conscience, and then not by death, where no criminal\noffence gives occasion.\u201d [492] Writing about thirty years later (in\n1663), the author [493] of a T\u00fcrcken-Schrifft says: \u201cMeanwhile he (i.e.\nthe Turk) wins (converts) by craft more than by force, and snatches\naway Christ by fraud out of the hearts of men. For the Turk, it is\ntrue, at the present time compels no country by violence to apostatise;\nbut he uses other means whereby imperceptibly he roots out\nChristianity.... What then has become of the Christians? They are not\nexpelled from the country, neither are they forced to embrace the\nTurkish faith: then they must of themselves have been converted into\nTurks.\u201d\n\nThe Turks considered that the greatest kindness they could show a man\nwas to bring him into the salvation of the faith of Islam, [494] and to\nthis end they left no method of persuasion untried: a Dutch traveller\nof the sixteenth century, tells us that while he was admiring the great\nmosque of Santa Sophia, some Turks even tried to work upon his\nreligious feelings through his \u00e6sthetic sense, saying to him, \u201cIf you\nbecome a Musalman, you will be able to come here every day of your\nlife.\u201d About a century later, an English traveller [495] had a similar\nexperience: \u201cSometimes, out of an excess of zeal, they will ask a\nChristian civilly enough, as I have been asked myself in the Portico of\nSancta Sophia, why will you not turn Musalman, and be as one of us?\u201d\nThe public rejoicings that hailed the accession of a new convert to the\nfaith, testify to the ardent love for souls which made these men such\nzealous proselytisers. The new Muslim was set upon a horse and led in\ntriumph through the streets of the city. If he was known to be\ngenuinely honest in his change of faith and had voluntarily entered the\npale of Islam, or if he was a person of good position, he was received\nwith high honour and some provision made for his support. [496] There\nwas certainly abundant evidence for saying that \u201cThe Turks are\npreposterously zealous in praying for the conversion, or perversion\nrather, of Christians to their irreligious religion: they pray\nheartily, and every day in their Temples, that Christians may imbrace\nthe Alcoran, and become their Proselytes, in effecting of which they\nleave no means unassaied by fear and flattery, by punishments and\nrewards.\u201d [497]\n\nThese zealous efforts for winning converts were rendered the more\neffective by certain conditions of Christian society itself. Foremost\namong these was the degraded condition of the Greek Church. Side by\nside with the civil despotism of the Byzantine empire, had arisen an\necclesiastical despotism which had crushed all energy of intellectual\nlife under the weight of a dogmatism that interdicted all discussion in\nmatters of morals and religion. The only thing that disturbed this\nlethargy was the fierce controversial war waged against the Latin\nChurch with all the bitterness of theological polemics and race hatred.\nThe religion of the people had degenerated into a scrupulous observance\nof outward forms, and the intense fervour of their devotion found an\noutlet in the worship of the Virgin and the saints, of pictures and\nrelics. There were many who turned from a Church whose spiritual life\nhad sunk so low, and weary of interminable discussions on such subtle\npoints of doctrine as the Double Procession of the Holy Spirit, and\nsuch trivialities as the use of leavened and unleavened bread in the\nBlessed Sacrament, gladly accepted the clear and intelligible theistic\nteaching of Islam. We are told [498] of large numbers of persons being\nconverted, not only from among the simple folk, but also learned men of\nevery class, rank and condition; of how the Turks made a better\nprovision for those monks and priests who embraced the Muslim creed, in\norder that their example might lead others to be converted. While\nAdrianople was still the Turkish capital (e.g. before 1453) the court\nwas thronged with renegades, and they are said to have formed the\nmajority of the magnates there. [499] Byzantine princes and others\noften passed over to the side of the Muhammadans, and received a ready\nwelcome among them: one of the earliest of such cases dates from 1140\nwhen a nephew of the emperor John Comnenes embraced Islam and married a\ndaughter of Mas\u02bb\u016bd, the Sultan of Iconium. [500] After the fall of\nConstantinople, the upper classes of Christian society showed much more\nreadiness to embrace Islam than the mass of the Greeks; among the\nconverts we meet with several bearing the name of the late imperial\nfamily of the Pal\u00e6ologi, and the learned George Amiroutzes of Trebizond\nabandoned Christianity in his declining years, and the names of many\nother such individuals have found a record. [501] The new religion only\ndemanded assent to its simple creed, \u201cThere is no god but God: Mu\u1e25ammad\nis the apostle of God\u201d; as the above-mentioned writer [502] says, \u201cThe\nwhole difficulty lies in this profession of faith. For if only a man\ncan persuade himself that he is a worshipper of the One God, the poison\nof his error easily infects him under the guise of religion. This is\nthe rock of offence on which many have struck and fallen into the snare\nthat has brought perdition on their souls. This is the mill-stone that\nhung about the necks of many has plunged them into the pit of despair.\nFor when these fools hear the Turks execrate idolatry and express their\nhorror of every image and picture as though it were the fire of hell,\nand so continually profess and preach the worship of One God, there no\nlonger remains any room for suspicion in their minds.\u201d\n\nThe faith of Islam would now be the natural refuge for those members of\nthe Eastern Church who felt such yearnings after a purer and simpler\nform of doctrine as had given rise to the Paulician heresy so fiercely\nsuppressed a few centuries before. This movement had been very largely\na protest against the superstitions of the Orthodox Church, against the\nworship of images, relics and saints, and an effort after simplicity of\nfaith and the devout life. As some adherents of this heresy were to be\nfound in Bulgaria even so late as the seventeenth century, [503] the\nMuhammadan conquerors doubtless found many who were dissatisfied with\nthe doctrine and practice of the Greek Church; and as all the\nconditions were unfavourable to the formation of any such Protestant\nChurches as arose in the West, such dissentient spirits would doubtless\nfind a more congenial atmosphere in the religion of Islam. There is\nevery reason to think that such was the result of the unsuccessful\nattempt to Protestantise the Greek Church in the beginning of the\nseventeenth century. The guiding spirit of this movement was Cyril\nLucaris, five times Patriarch of Constantinople, from 1621 to 1638; as\na young man he had visited the Universities of Wittenberg and Geneva,\nfor the purpose of studying theology in the seats of Protestant\nlearning, and on his return he kept up a correspondence with doctors of\nthe reformed faith in Geneva, Holland and England. But neither the\ndoctrines of the Church of England nor of the Lutherans attracted his\nsympathies so warmly as the teachings of John Calvin, [504] which he\nstrove to introduce into the Greek Church; his efforts in this\ndirection were warmly supported by the Calvinists of Geneva, who sent a\nlearned young theologian, named Leger, to assist the work by\ntranslating into Greek the writings of Calvinist theologians. [505]\nCyril also found warm friends in the Protestant embassies at\nConstantinople, the Dutch and English ambassadors especially assisting\nhim liberally with funds; the Jesuits, on the other hand, supported by\nthe Catholic ambassadors, tried in every way to thwart this attempt to\nCalvinise the Greek Church, and actively seconded the intrigues of the\nparty of opposition among the Greek clergy, who finally compassed the\ndeath of the Patriarch. In 1629 Cyril published a Confession of Faith,\nthe main object of which seems to have been to present the doctrines of\nthe Orthodox Church in their opposition to Roman Catholicism in such a\nway as to imply a necessary accord with Protestant teaching. [506] From\nCalvin he borrows the doctrines of Predestination and salvation by\nfaith alone, he denies the infallibility of the Church, rejects the\nauthority of the Church in the interpretation of Holy Scripture, and\ncondemns the adoration of pictures: in his account of the will and in\nmany other questions, he inclines rather to Calvinism than to the\nteachings of the Orthodox Church. [507] The promulgation of this\nConfession of Faith as representing the teaching of the whole Church of\nwhich he was the spiritual head, excited violent opposition among the\nmass of the Greek clergy, and a few weeks after Cyril\u2019s death a synod\nwas held to condemn his opinions and pronounce him to be Anathema; in\n1642 a second synod was held at Constantinople for the same purpose,\nwhich after refuting each article of Cyril\u2019s Confession in detail, as\nthe first had done, thus fulminated its curse upon him and his\nfollowers:\u2014\u201cWith one consent and in unqualified terms, we condemn this\nwhole Confession as full of heresies and utterly opposed to our\northodoxy, and likewise declare that its compiler has nothing in common\nwith our faith, but in calumnious fashion has falsely charged his own\nCalvinism on us. All those who read and keep it as true and blameless,\nand defend it by written word or speech, we thrust out of the community\nof the faithful as followers and partakers of his heresy and corruptors\nof the Christian Church, and command that whatever be their rank and\nstation, they be treated as heathen and publicans. Let them be laid\nunder an anathema for ever and cut off from the Father, the Son and the\nHoly Ghost in this life and in the life to come, accursed,\nexcommunicated, be lost after death, and be partakers of everlasting\npunishment.\u201d [508] In 1672 a third synod met at Jerusalem to repudiate\nthe heretical articles of this Confession of Faith and vindicate the\northodoxy of the Greek Church against those who represented her as\ninfected with Calvinism. The attempt to Protestantise the Greek Church\nthus completely failed to achieve success: the doctrines of Calvin were\ndiametrically opposed to her teachings, and indeed inculcated many\narticles of faith that were more in harmony with the tenets of Muslim\ntheologians than with those of the Orthodox Church, and which moreover\nshe had often attacked in her controversies with her Muhammadan\nadversaries. It is this approximation to Islamic thought which gives\nthis movement towards Calvinism a place in a history of the spread of\nIslam: a man who inveighed against the adoration of pictures, decried\nthe authority and the very institution of the priesthood, maintained\nthe doctrines of absolute Predestination, denied freedom to the human\nwill and was in sympathy with the stern spirit of Calvinism that had\nmore in common with the Old than the New Testament\u2014would certainly find\na more congenial atmosphere in Islam than in the Greek Church of the\nseventeenth century, and there can be little doubt that among the\nnumerous converts of Islam during that century were to be found men who\nhad been alienated from the Church of their fathers through their\nleanings towards Calvinism. [509] We have no definite information as to\nthe number of the followers of Cyril Lucaris and the extent of\nCalvinistic influences in the Greek Church; the clergy, jealous of the\nreputation of their Church, whose orthodoxy and immunity from heresy\nwere so boastfully vindicated by her children, and had thus been\nimpugned through the suspicion of Calvinism, wished to represent the\nheretical patriarch as standing alone in his opinions. [510] But a\nfollowing he undoubtedly had: his Confession of Faith had received the\nsanction of a synod composed of his followers; [511] those who\nsympathised with his heresies were anathematised both by the second\nsynod of Constantinople (1642) and by the synod of Jerusalem (1672)\n[512]\u2014surely a meaningless repetition, had no such persons existed;\nmoreover the names of some few of these have come down to us:\nSophronius, Metropolitan of Athens, was a warm supporter of the\nReformation; [513] a monk named Nicodemus Metaras, who had brought a\nprinting-press from London and issued heretical treatises therefrom,\nwas rewarded with a metropolitan see by Cyril in return for his\nservices; [514] the philosopher Corydaleus, a friend of Cyril, opened a\nCalvinistic school in Constantinople, and another Greek, Gerganos,\npublished a Catechism so as to introduce the teachings of Calvin among\nhis fellow-countrymen; [515] and Neophytus II, who was made Patriarch\nin 1636, while Cyril was in exile in the island of Rhodes, was his\ndisciple and adopted son; he recalled his master from banishment and\nresigned the patriarchal chair in his favour. [516] In a letter to the\nUniversity of Geneva (dated July, 1636), Cyril writes that Leger had\ngained a large number of converts to Calvinism by his writings and\npreaching; [517] in another letter addressed to Leger, he describes how\nhe had made his influence felt in Candia. [518] His successor [519] in\nthe patriarchal chair was banished to Carthage and there strangled by\nthe adherents of Lucaris in 1639. [520] The Calvinists are said to have\nentertained hopes of Parthenius I (the successor of Cyril II), but his\nuntimely end (whether by poison or banishment is uncertain)\ndisappointed their expectations. [521] Parthenius II, who was Patriarch\nof Constantinople from 1644 to 1646, was at heart a thorough Calvinist,\nand though he did not venture openly to teach the doctrines of Calvin,\nstill his known sympathy with them caused him to be deposed, sent into\nexile and strangled. [522] Thus the influence of Calvinism was\nundoubtedly more widespread than the enemies of Cyril Lucaris were\nwilling to admit, and as stated above, those who refused to bow to the\nanathemas of the synods that condemned their leader, had certainly more\nin common with their Muhammadan neighbours than with the Orthodox\nclergy who cast them out of their midst. There is no actual evidence,\nit is true, of Calvinistic influences in Turkey facilitating conversion\nto Islam, [523] but in the absence of any other explanation it\ncertainly seems a very plausible conjecture that such were among the\nfactors that so enormously increased the number of the Greek renegades\ntowards the middle of the seventeenth century\u2014a period during which the\nnumber of renegades from among the middle and lower orders of society\nis said to have been more considerable than at any other time. [524]\nFrequent mention is made of cases of apostasy from among the clergy,\nand even among the highest dignitaries of the Church, such as a former\nMetropolitan of Rhodes. [525] In 1676 it is said that in Corinth some\nChristian people went over every day to \u201cthe Turkish abomination,\u201d and\nthat three priests had become Musalmans the year before; [526] in 1679\nis recorded the death of a renegade monk. [527] On the occasion of the\ncircumcision of Mu\u1e63\u1e6daf\u0101, son of Mu\u1e25ammad IV, in 1675, there were at\nleast two hundred proselytes made during the thirteen days of public\nrejoicing, [528] and numerous other instances may be found in writings\nof this period. A contemporary writer (1663) has well described the\nmental attitude of such converts. \u201cWhen you mix with the Turks in the\nordinary intercourse of life and see that they pray and sing even the\nPsalms of David; that they give alms and do other good works; that they\nthink highly of Christ, hold the Bible in great honour, and the like;\nthat, besides, any ass may become parish priest who plies the Bassa\nwith presents, and he will not urge Christianity on you very much; so\nyou will come to think that they are good people and will very probably\nbe saved; and so you will come to believe that you too may be saved, if\nyou likewise become Turks. Herewith will the Holy Trinity and the\ncrucified Son of God, with many other mysteries of the faith, which\nseem quite absurd to the unenlightened reason, easily pass out of your\nthoughts, and imperceptibly Christianity will quite die out in you, and\nyou will think that it is all the same whether you be Christians or\nTurks.\u201d [529]\n\nThomas Smith, who was in Constantinople in 1669, speaks of the number\nof Christian converts about this period, but assigns baser motives.\n\u201c\u2019Tis sad to consider the great number of wretched people, who turn\nTurks; some out of meer desperation; being not able to support the\nburthen of slavery, and to avoid the revilings and insultings of the\nInfidels; some out of a wanton light humour, to put themselves into a\ncondition of domineering and insulting over others ... some to avoid\nthe penalties and inflictions due to their heinous crimes, and to enjoy\nthe brutish liberties, that Mahomet consecrated by his own example, and\nrecommended to his followers. These are the great and tempting\narguments and motives of their apostasy, meer considerations of ease,\npleasure and prosperity, or else of vanity and guilt; for it cannot be\npresumed, that any through conviction of mind should be wrought upon to\nembrace the dotages and impostures of Turcisme.\u201d [530] Records of\nconversions after this period are rare, but Motraye gives an account of\nseveral renegades, who became Muhammadans in Constantinople in 1703;\namong them was a French priest and some other French Catholics, and\nsome priests from Smyrna. [531]\n\nAnother feature in the condition of the Greek Church that contributed\nto the decay of its numbers, was the corruption and degradation of its\npastors, particularly the higher clergy. The sees of bishops and\narchbishops were put up to auction to the highest bidders, and the\npurchasers sought to recoup themselves by exacting levies of all kinds\nfrom their flocks; they burdened the unfortunate Christians with taxes\nordinary and extraordinary, made them purchase all the sacraments at\nexorbitant rates, baptism, confession, holy communion, indulgences, and\nthe right of Christian burial. Some of the clergy even formed an unholy\nalliance with the Janissaries, and several bishops had their names and\nthose of their households inscribed on the list of one of their Ortas\nor regiments, the better to secure an immunity for their excesses and\nescape the punishment of their crimes under the protection of this\ncorporation which the weakness of the Ottoman rulers had allowed to\nassume such a powerful position in the state. [532] The evidence of\ncontemporary eye-witnesses to the oppressive behaviour of the Greek\nclergy presents a terrible picture of the sufferings of the Christians.\nTournefort in 1700, after describing the election of a new Patriarch,\nsays: \u201cWe need not at all doubt but the new Patriarch makes the best of\nhis time. Tyranny succeeds to Simony: the first thing he does is to\nsignify the Sultan\u2019s order to all the Archbishops and Bishops of his\nclergy: his greatest study is to know exactly the revenues of each\nPrelate; he imposes a tax upon them, and enjoins them very strictly by\na second letter to send the sum demanded, otherwise their dioceses are\nadjudg\u2019d to the highest bidder. The Prelates being used to this trade,\nnever spare their Suffragans; these latter torment the Papas: the Papas\nflea the Parishioners and hardly sprinkle the least drop of Holy Water,\nbut what they are paid for beforehand. If afterwards the Patriarch has\noccasion for money, he farms out the gathering of it to the highest\nbidder among the Turks: he that gives most for it, goes into Greece to\ncite the Prelates. Usually for twenty thousand crowns that the clergy\nis tax\u2019d at, the Turk extorts two and twenty; so that he has the two\nthousand crowns for his pains, besides having his charges borne in\nevery diocese. In virtue of the agreement he has made with the\nPatriarch, he deprives and interdicts from all ecclesiastical\nfunctions, those prelates who refuse to pay their tax.\u201d [533] The\nChristian clergy are even said to have carried off the children of the\nparishioners and sold them as slaves, to get money for their simoniacal\ndesigns. [534]\n\nThe extortions practised in the seventeenth have found their\ncounterpart in the nineteenth century, and the sufferings of the\nChristians of the Greek Church in Bosnia, before the Austrian\noccupation, exactly illustrate the words of Tournefort. The\nMetropolitan of Serajevo used to wring as much as \u00a310,000 a year from\nhis miserable flock\u2014a sum exactly double the salary of the Turkish\nGovernor himself\u2014and to raise this enormous sum the unfortunate\nparishioners were squeezed in every possible way, and the Turkish\nauthorities had orders to assist the clergy in levying their exactions;\nand whole Christian villages suffered the fate of sacked cities, for\nrefusing, or often being unable, to comply with the exorbitant demands\nof Christian Prelates. [535] Such unbearable oppression on the part of\nthe spiritual leaders who should protect the Christian population, has\noften stirred it up to open revolt, whenever a favourable opportunity\nhas offered itself. [536] It is not surprising then to learn that many\nof the Christians went over to Islam, to deliver themselves from such\ntyranny. [537]\n\nEcclesiastical oppression of a rather different character is said to\nhave been responsible for the conversion of the ancestors of a small\ncommunity of about 4000 Southern Rumanians, at Noanta in the Meglen\ndistrict of the vilayet of Salonika; they have a tradition that in the\neighteenth century the Patriarch of Constantinople persuaded the\nreigning Sultan that only the Christians who spoke Greek could be loyal\nsubjects of the Turkish empire; the Sultan thereupon forbade the\nChristians to speak anything but Greek, on pain of having their tongues\ncut out; when the news of this reached Noanta, a part of the population\nfled into the woods and founded fresh villages, but those who were left\nbehind went over to Islam, with their bishop at their head, in order\nthereby to retain their mother-tongue. [538]\n\nThough the mass of the parish clergy were innocent of the charges\nbrought against their superiors, [539] still they were very ignorant\nand illiterate. At the end of the seventeenth century, there were said\nto be hardly twelve persons in the whole Turkish dominions thoroughly\nskilled in the knowledge of the ancient Greek language; it was\nconsidered a great merit in the clergy to be able to read, while they\nwere quite ignorant of the meaning of the words of their service-books.\n[540]\n\nWhile there was so much in the Christian society of the time to repel,\nthere was much in the character and life of the Turks to attract, and\nthe superiority of the early Ottomans as compared with the degradation\nof the guides and teachers of the Christian Church would naturally\nimpress devout minds that revolted from the selfish ambition, simony\nand corruption of the Greek ecclesiastics. Christian writers constantly\npraise these Turks for the earnestness and intensity of their religious\nlife; their zeal in the performance of the observances prescribed by\ntheir faith; the outward decency and modesty displayed in their apparel\nand mode of living; the absence of ostentatious display and the\nsimplicity of life observable even in the great and powerful. [541] The\nannalist of the embassy from the Emperor Leopold I to the Ottoman Porte\nin 1665\u20131666, especially eulogises the devoutness and regularity of the\nTurks in prayer, and he even goes so far as to say, \u201cNous devons dire \u00e0\nla confusion des Chr\u00eatiens, que les Turcs t\u00eamoignent beaucoup plus de\nsoin et de z\u00e8le \u00e0 l\u2019exercice de leur Religion: que les Chr\u00eatiens n\u2019en\nfont paro\u00eetre \u00e0 la pratique de la leur.... Mais ce qui passe tout ce\nque nous experimentons de d\u00e9vot entre les Chr\u00eatiens: c\u2019est que pendant\nle tems de la pri\u00e8re, vous ne voyez pas une personne distraite de ses\nyeux: vous n\u2019en voyez pas une qui ne soit attach\u00e9e \u00e0 l\u2019objet de sa\npri\u00e8re: et pas une qui n\u2019ait toute la r\u00e9v\u00e9rence ext\u00e9rieure pour son\nCr\u00e9ateur, qu\u2019on peut exiger de la Cr\u00e9ature.\u201d [542]\n\nEven the behaviour of the soldiery receives its meed of praise. During\nthe march of an army the inhabitants of the country, we are told by the\nsecretary to the Embassy sent by Charles II to the Sultan, had no\ncomplaints to make of being plundered or of their women being\nmaltreated. All the taverns along the line of march were shut up and\nsealed two or three days before the arrival of the army, and no wine\nwas allowed to be sold to the soldiers under pain of death. [543]\n\nMany a tribute of praise is given to the virtues of the Turks even by\nChristian writers who bore them no love; one such who had a very poor\nopinion of their religion, [544] speaks of them as follows:\u2014\u201cEven in\nthe dirt of the Alcoran you shall find some jewels of Christian\nVirtues; and indeed if Christians will but diligently read and observe\nthe Laws and Histories of the Mahometans, they may blush to see how\nzealous they are in the works of devotion, piety, and charity, how\ndevout, cleanly, and reverend in their Mosques, how obedient to their\nPriest, that even the great Turk himself will attempt nothing without\nconsulting his Mufti; how careful are they to observe their hours of\nprayer five times a day wherever they are, or however employed? how\nconstantly do they observe their Fasts from morning till night a whole\nmonth together; how loving and charitable the Muslemans are to each\nother, and how careful of strangers may be seen by their Hospitals,\nboth for the Poor and for Travellers; if we observe their Justice,\nTemperance, and other moral Vertues, we may truly blush at our own\ncoldness, both in devotion and charity, at our injustice, intemperance,\nand oppression; doubtless these Men will rise up in judgment against\nus; and surely their devotion, piety, and works of mercy are main\ncauses of the growth of Mahometism.\u201d\n\nThe same conclusion is drawn by a modern historian, [545] who\nwrites:\u2014\u201cWe find that many Greeks of high talent and moral character\nwere so sensible of the superiority of the Mohammedans, that even when\nthey escaped being drafted into the Sultan\u2019s household as\ntribute-children, they voluntarily embraced the faith of Mahomet. The\nmoral superiority of Othoman society must be allowed to have had as\nmuch weight in causing these conversions, which were numerous in the\nfifteenth century, as the personal ambition of individuals.\u201d\n\nA generation that has watched the decay of the Turkish power in Europe\nand the successive curtailment of its territorial possessions, and is\naccustomed to hearing it spoken of as the \u201csick man,\u201d destined to a\nspeedy dissolution, must find it difficult to realise the feelings\nwhich the Ottoman empire inspired in the early days of its rise in\nEurope. The rapid and widespread success of the Turkish arms filled\nmen\u2019s minds with terror and amazement. One Christian kingdom after\nanother fell into their hands: Bulgaria, Servia, Bosnia, and Hungary\nyielded up their independence as Christian states. The proud Republic\nof Venice saw one possession after another wrested from it, until the\nLion of St. Mark held sway on the shores of the Adriatic alone. Even\nthe safety of the Eternal City itself was menaced by the capture of\nOtranto. Christian literature of the latter half of the fifteenth and\nof the sixteenth centuries is full of direful forebodings of the fate\nthat threatened Christian Europe unless the victorious progress of the\nTurk was arrested; he is represented as a scourge in the hand of God\nfor the punishment of the sins and backslidings of His people, [546] or\non the other hand as the unloosed power of the Devil working for the\ndestruction of Christianity under the hypocritical guise of religion.\nBut\u2014what is most important to notice here\u2014some men began to ask\nthemselves, \u201cIs it possible that God would allow the Muhammadans to\nincrease in such countless numbers without good reason? Is it\nconceivable that so many thousands are to be damned like one man? How\ncan such multitudes be opposed to the true faith? since truth is\nstronger than error and is more loved and desired by all men, it is not\npossible for so many men to be fighting against it. How could they\nprevail against truth, since God always helps and upholds the truth?\nHow could their religion so marvellously increase, if built upon the\nrotten foundation of error?\u201d [547] Such thoughts, we are told, appealed\nstrongly to the Christian peoples that lived under the Turkish rule,\nand with especial force to the unhappy Christian captives who watched\nthe years drag wearily on without hope of release or respite from their\nmisery. Can we be surprised when we find such a one asking himself?\n\u201cSurely if God were pleased with the faith to which you have clung, He\nwould not have thus abandoned you, but would have helped you to gain\nyour freedom and return to it again. But as He has closed every avenue\nof freedom to you, perchance it is His pleasure that you should leave\nit and join this sect and be saved therein.\u201d [548]\n\nThe Christian slave who thus describes the doubts that arose in his\nmind as the slow-passing years brought no relief, doubtless gives\nexpression here to thoughts that suggested themselves to many a hapless\nChristian captive with overwhelming persistency, until at last he broke\naway from the ties of his old faith and embraced Islam. Many who would\nhave been ready to die as martyrs for the Christian religion if the\nmythical choice between the Qur\u02bc\u0101n and the sword had been offered them,\nfelt more and more strongly, after long years of captivity, the\ninfluence of Muhammadan thought and practice, and humanity won converts\nwhere violence would have failed. [549] For though the lot of many of\nthe Christian captives was a very pitiable one, others who held\npositions in the households of private individuals, were often no worse\noff than domestic servants in the rest of Europe. As organised by the\nMuhammadan Law, slavery was robbed of many of its harshest features,\nnor in Turkey at least does it seem to have been accompanied by such\nbarbarities and atrocities as in the pirate states of Northern Africa.\nThe slaves, like other citizens, had their rights, and it is even said\nthat a slave might summon his master before the Q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b for ill usage, and\nthat if he alleged that their tempers were so opposite, that it was\nimpossible for them to agree, the Q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b could oblige his master to sell\nhim. [550] The condition of the Christian captives naturally varied\nwith circumstances and their own capabilities of adapting themselves to\na life of hardship; the aged, the priests and monks, and those of noble\nbirth suffered most, while the physician and the handicraftsman\nreceived more considerate treatment from their masters, as being\nservants that best repaid the money spent upon them. [551] The\ngalley-slaves naturally suffered most of all, indeed the kindest\ntreatment could have but little relieved the hardships incident to such\nan occupation. [552] Further, the lot of the slaves who were state\nproperty was more pitiable than that of those who had been purchased by\nprivate individuals. [553] As a rule they were allowed the free\nexercise of their religion; in the state-prisons at Constantinople,\nthey had their own priests and chapels, and the clergy were allowed to\nadminister the consolations of religion to the galley-slaves. [554] The\nnumber of the Christian slaves who embraced Islam was enormous; some\nfew cases have been recorded of their being threatened and ill-treated\nfor the very purpose of inducing them to recant, but as a rule the\nmasters seldom forced them to renounce their faith, [555] and put the\ngreatest pressure upon them during the first years of their captivity,\nafter which they let them alone to follow their own faith. [556] The\nmajority of the converted slaves therefore changed their religion of\ntheir own free choice; and when the Christian embassies were never sure\nfrom day to day that some of their fellow-countrymen that had\naccompanied them to Constantinople as domestic servants, might not turn\nTurk, [557] it can easily be understood that slaves who had lost all\nhope of return to their native country, and found little in their\nsurroundings to strengthen and continue the teachings of their earlier\nyears, would yield to the influences that beset them and would feel few\nrestraints to hinder them from entering a new society and a new\nreligion. An English traveller [558] of the seventeenth century has\nsaid of them: \u201cFew ever return to their native country; and fewer have\nthe courage and constancy of retaining the Christian Faith, in which\nthey were educated; their education being but mean, and their knowledge\nbut slight in the principles and grounds of it; whereof some are\nfrightened into Turcism by their impatience and too deep resentments of\nthe hardships of the servitude; others are enticed by the blandishments\nand flatteries of pleasure the Mahometan Law allows, and the\nallurements they have of making their condition better and more easy by\na change of their Religion; having no hope left of being redeemed, they\nrenounce their Saviour and their Christianity, and soon forget their\noriginal country, and are no longer looked upon as strangers, but pass\nfor natives.\u201d\n\nMuch of course depended upon the individual character of the different\nChristian slaves themselves. The anonymous writer, so often quoted\nabove, whose long captivity made him so competent to speak on their\ncondition, divides them into three classes:\u2014first, those who passed\ntheir days in all simplicity, not caring to trouble themselves to learn\nanything about the religion of their masters; for them it was enough to\nknow that the Turks were infidels, and so, as far as their captive\ncondition and their yoke of slavery allowed, they avoided having\nanything to do with them and their religious worship, fearing lest they\nshould be led astray by their errors, and striving to observe the\nChristian faith as far as their knowledge and power went. The second\nclass consisted of those whose curiosity led them to study and\ninvestigate the doings of the Turks: if, by the help of God, they had\ntime enough to dive into their secrets, and understanding enough for\nthe investigation of them and light of reason to find the\ninterpretation thereof, they not only came out of the trial unscathed,\nbut had their own faith strengthened. The third class includes those\nwho, examining the Muslim religion without due caution, fail to dive\ninto its depths and find the interpretation of it and so are deceived;\nbelieving the errors of the Turks to be the truth, they lose their own\nfaith and embrace the false religion of the Muslims, hereby not only\ncompassing their own destruction, but setting a bad example to others:\nof such men the number is infinite. [559]\n\nConversion to Islam did not, as some writers have affirmed, release the\nslave from his captivity and make him a free man, [560] for\nemancipation was solely at the discretion of the master; who indeed\noften promised to set any slave free, without the payment of ransom, if\nonly he would embrace Islam; [561] but, on the other hand, would also\nfreely emancipate the Christian slave, even though he had persevered in\nhis religion, provided he had proved himself a faithful servant, and\nwould make provision for his old age. [562]\n\nThere were many others who, like the Christian slaves, separated from\nearly surroundings and associations, found themselves cut loose from\nold ties and thrown into the midst of a society animated by social and\nreligious ideals of an entirely novel character. The crowds of\nChristian workmen that came wandering from the conquered countries in\nthe fifteenth century to Adrianople and other Turkish cities in search\nof employment, were easily persuaded to settle there and adopt the\nfaith of Islam. [563] Similarly the Christian families that Mu\u1e25ammad II\ntransported from conquered provinces in Europe into Asia Minor, [564]\nmay well have become merged into the mass of the Muslim population by\nalmost imperceptible degrees, as was the case with the Armenians\ncarried away into Persia by Sh\u0101h \u02bbAbb\u0101s I (1587\u20131629), most of whom\nappear to have passed over to Islam in the second generation. [565]\n\nDuring the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries there would seem to have\nbeen a decay of the missionary spirit among the Turks, but the latter\nyears of the reign of Sultan \u02bbAbd al-\u1e24am\u012bd witnessed a renewed interest\nin Muslim propaganda, and Turkish newspapers began to record instances\nof conversion. Among the most noteworthy of such converts were some\neighteen am\u012brs of the princely family of Shih\u0101b in Mount Lebanon, which\nhad been Christian for about a century; they are said to claim descent\nfrom the Quraysh, and the Turks made every effort to bring them back to\nthe fold of Islam; those who became Muslims were appointed to lucrative\nposts in the Turkish civil service. [566]\n\nIn the following pages it is proposed to give a more detailed and\nparticular account of the spread of Islam among the Christian\npopulations of Albania, Servia, Bosnia and Crete, as the history of\neach of these countries after its conquest by the Ottomans presents\nsome special features of interest in the history of the propagation of\nIslam.\n\nThe Albanians, with the exception of some settlements in Greece, [567]\ninhabit the mountainous country that stretches along the east shore of\nthe Adriatic from Montenegro to the Gulf of Arta. They form one of the\noldest and purest-blooded races in Europe and are said to belong to the\nPelasgic branch of the Aryan stock.\n\nTheir country was first invaded by the Turks in 1387, but the Turkish\nforces soon had to withdraw, and the authority of the Sultan was\nrecognised for the first time in 1423. For a short period Albania\nregained its independence under George Kastriota, who is better known\nunder his Muhammadan name of Scanderbeg or Sikandarbeg. Recent\ninvestigations have established the falsity of the romantic fictions\nthat had gathered round the story of his early days\u2014how that as a boy\nhe had been surrendered as a hostage to the Turks, had been brought up\namong them as a Muslim and had won the special favour of the Sultan.\nThe truth is, that the days of his youth were passed in his native\nmountains and his warfare with the Turks began with the victory gained\nover them in 1444; for more than twenty years he maintained a vigorous\nand successful resistance to their invading forces, but after his death\nin 1467, the Turks began again to take possession of Albania. Kr\u016bya,\nthe capital of the Kastriot dynasty, fell into their hands eleven years\nlater, and from this date there appears to have been no organised\nresistance of the whole country, though revolts were frequent and the\nsubjection of the country was never complete. Some of the sea-port\ntowns held out much longer; Durazzo was captured in 1501, while\nAntivari, the northernmost point of the sea-coast of Albania, did not\nsurrender until 1571. The terms of capitulation were that the city\nshould retain its old laws and magistrature, that there should be free\nand public exercise of the Christian religion, that the churches and\nchapels should remain uninjured and might be rebuilt if they fell into\ndecay; that the citizens should retain all their movable and immovable\nproperty and should not be burdened by any additional taxation.\n\nThe Albanians under Turkish rule appear always to have maintained a\nkind of semi-autonomy, and the several tribes and clans remained as\nessentially independent as they were before the conquest. Though\nvassals of the Sultans, they would not brook the interference of\nTurkish officials in their internal administration, and there is reason\nto believe that the Turkish Government has never been able to appoint\nor confirm any provincial governor who was not a native of Albania, and\nhad not already established his influence by his arms, policy or\nconnections. [568] Their racial pride is intense, and to the present\nday, the Albanian, if asked what he is, will call himself a Skipetar,\n[569] before saying whether he is a Christian or a Muhammadan\u2014a very\nremarkable instance of national feeling obliterating the fierce\ndistinction between these two religions that so forcibly obtrudes\nitself in the rest of the Ottoman empire. The Christian and Muhammadan\nAlbanians alike, just as they speak the same language, so do they\ncherish the same traditions, and observe the same manners and customs;\nand pride in their common nationality has been too strong a bond to\nallow differences of religious belief to split the nation into separate\ncommunities on this basis. [570] Side by side they served in the\nirregular troops, which soon after the Turkish conquest became the main\ndependence of the government in all its internal administration, and\nboth classes found the same ready employment in the service of the\nlocal pashas, being accounted the bravest soldiers in the empire.\nChristian Albanians served in the Ottoman army in the Crimean War,\n[571] and though they have perhaps been a little more quiet and\nagricultural than their Muslim fellow-countrymen, still the difference\nhas been small: they have always retained their arms and military\nhabits, have always displayed the same fierce, proud, untameable\nspirit, and been animated with the same intense national feeling as\ntheir brethren who had embraced the creed of the Prophet. [572]\n\nThe consideration of these facts is of importance in tracing the spread\nof Islam in Albania, for it appears to have been propagated very\ngradually by the people of the country themselves, and not under\npressure of foreign influences. The details that we possess of this\nmovement are very meagre, as the history of Albania from the close of\nthe fifteenth century to the rise of \u02bbAl\u012b Pasha three hundred years\nlater, is almost a blank; what knowledge we have, therefore, of the\nslow but continuous accession of converts to Islam during this period,\nis derived from the ecclesiastical chronicles of the various dioceses,\n[573] and the reports sent in from time to time to the Pope and the\nCongregatio de Propaganda Fide. [574] But it goes without saying that\nthe very nature of these sources gives the information derived from\nthem the stamp of imperfection\u2014especially in the matter of the motives\nassigned for conversion. For an ecclesiastic of those times to have\neven entertained the possibility of a conversion to Islam from genuine\nconviction\u2014much less have openly expressed such an opinion in writing\nto his superiors\u2014is well-nigh inconceivable.\n\nDuring the sixteenth century, Islam appears to have made but little\nprogress, though the tide of conversion had already set in. In 1610 the\nChristian population exceeded the Muhammadan in the proportion of ten\nto one, [575] and as most of the villages were inhabited by Christians,\nwith a very small admixture of Muhammadans, [576] the conversions\nappear to have been more frequent in the large towns. In Antivari, for\nexample, while many Christians elected to emigrate into the\nneighbouring Christian countries, the majority of those who remained,\nboth high-born and low, went over gradually to the Muslim faith, so\nthat the Christian population grew less and less day by day. [577] As\nthe number of accessions to Islam increased, churches were converted\ninto mosques\u2014a measure which, though contrary to the terms of the\ncapitulation, seems justified by the change in the religion of the\npeople. [578] In 1610 two collegiate churches only remained in the\nhands of the Latin Christians, but these appear to have sufficed for\nthe needs of the community; [579] what this amounted to can only\nroughly be guessed from the words of Marco Bizzi: \u201cThere are about 600\nhouses inhabited indiscriminately by Muhammadans and Christians\u2014both\nLatin and Schismatics (i.e. of the Orthodox Greek Church): the number\nof the Muhammadans is a little in excess of the Christians, and that of\nthe Latins in excess of the Schismatics.\u201d\n\nIn the accounts we have of the social relations between the Christians\nand the Muslims, and in the absence of any sharp line of demarcation\nbetween the two communities, we find some clue to the manner in which\nMuhammadan influences gradually gained converts from among the\nChristian population in proportion as the vigour and the spiritual life\nof the Church declined.\n\nIt had become very common for Christian parents to give their daughters\nin marriage to Muhammadans, and for Christian women to make no\nobjection to such unions. [580] The male children born of these mixed\nmarriages were brought up as Musalmans, but the girls were allowed to\nfollow the religion of their mother. [581] Such permission was rendered\npractically ineffective by the action of the Christian ecclesiastics,\nwho ordered the mothers to be excluded from the churches and from\nparticipation in the sacraments; [582] and consequently (though the\nparish priests often disregarded the commands of their superiors) many\nof these women embraced the faith of their husbands. But even then they\nkept up a superstitious observance of the rite of baptism, which was\nsupposed to be a sovereign specific against leprosy, witches and\nwolves, [583] and Christian priests were found ready to pander to this\nsuperstition for any Muhammadan woman who wished to have her children\nbaptised. [584] This good feeling between the members of the two\nreligions [585] is similarly illustrated by the attendance of\nMuhammadans at the festivals of Christian saints; e.g. Marco Bizzi says\nthat on the feast-day of St. Elias (for whom the Albanians appear to\nhave had a special devotion) there were as many Muhammadans present in\nthe church as Christians. [586] Even to the present day we are told\nthat Albanian Muhammadans revere the Virgin Mary and the Christian\nsaints, and make pilgrimages to their shrines, while Christians on the\nother hand resort to the tombs of Muslim saints for the cure of\nailments or in fulfilment of vows. [587] In the town of Calevacci,\nwhere there were sixty Christian and ten Muhammadan households, the\nfollowers of the Prophet contributed towards the support of the parish\npriest, as the majority of them had Christian wives. [588] Under such\ncircumstances it is hardly surprising to learn that many openly\nprofessed Islam, while satisfying their consciences by saying that they\nprofessed Christianity in their hearts. [589] Marco Bizzi has three\nexplanations to offer for such a lapse\u2014the attraction of worldly\nadvantage, the desire to avoid the payment of tribute, and the want of\na sufficiently large number of intelligent clergy to supply the\nspiritual needs of the country. [590] Conversions are frequently\nascribed to the pressure of the burden of taxation imposed upon the\nChristians, and whole villages are said to have apostatised to avoid\npayment of the tribute. As no details are given, it is impossible to\njudge whether there was really sufficient ground for the complaint, or\nwhether this was not the apology for their conduct alleged by the\nrenegades in order to make some kind of excuse to their former\nco-religionists\u2014or indeed an exaggeration on the part of ecclesiastics\nto whom a genuine conversion to Islam on rational grounds seemed an\nabsolute impossibility. A century later (in 1703) the capitation-tax\nwas six reals a head for each male and this (with the exception of a\ntax, termed sciataraccio, of three reals a year) was the only burden\nimposed on the Christians exclusively. [591] Men must have had very\nlittle attachment to their religion to abandon it merely in order to be\nquit of so slight a penalty, and with no other motive; and the very\nexistence of so large a body of Christians in Albania at the present\ntime shows that the burden could not have been so heavy as to force\nthem into apostasy without any other alternative.\n\nIf only we had something more than vague general complaints against the\n\u201cTurkish tyranny,\u201d we should be better able to determine how far this\ncould have had such a preponderating influence as is ascribed to it:\nbut the evidence alleged seems hardly to warrant such a conclusion. The\nvicious practice followed by the Ottoman Court of selling posts in the\nprovinces to the highest bidder and the uncertainty of the tenure of\nsuch posts, often resulted in the occupants trying to amass as large a\nfortune as possible by extortions of every kind. But such burdens are\nsaid to have weighed as heavily on Muhammadans as Christians. [592]\nThough certainly an avaricious and unjust official may have found it\neasier to oppress the Christians than the Muslims, especially when the\nformer were convicted of treasonable correspondence with the Venetians\nand other Christian states and were suspected of a wish to revolt.\n\nHowever this may have been, there can be little doubt of the influence\nexerted by the zealous activity and vigorous life of Islam in the face\nof the apathetic and ignorant Christian clergy. If Islam in Albania had\nmany such exponents as the Mull\u0101, whose sincerity, courtesy and\nfriendliness are praised by Marco Bizzi, with whom he used to discuss\nreligious questions, it may well have made its way. [593] The majority\nof the Christian clergy appear to have been wholly unlettered: most of\nthem, though they could read a little, did not know how to write, and\nwere so ignorant of the duties of their sacred calling that they could\nnot even repeat the formula of absolution by heart. [594] Though they\nhad to recite the mass and other services in Latin, there were very few\nwho could understand any of it, as they were ignorant of any language\nbut their mother tongue, and they had only a vague, traditionary\nknowledge of the truths of their religion. [595] Marco Bizzi considered\nthe inadequate episcopate of the country responsible for these evils,\nas for the small numbers of the clergy, and their ignorance of their\nsacred calling, and for the large number of Christians who grew old and\neven died without being confirmed, and apostatised almost everywhere;\n[596] and unless this were remedied he prophesied a rapid decay of\nChristianity in the country. [597] Several priests were also accused of\nkeeping concubines, and of drunkenness. [598]\n\nIt may here be observed that the Albanian priests were not the\nrepositories of the national aspirations and ideals, as were the clergy\nof the Orthodox Church in other provinces of the Turkish empire, who in\nspite of their ignorance kept alive among their people that devotion to\nthe Christian faith which formed the nucleus of the national life of\nthe Greeks. [599] On the contrary, the Albanians cherished a national\nfeeling that was quite apart from religious belief, and with regard to\nthe Turks, considered, in true feudal spirit, that as they were the\nmasters of the country they ought to be obeyed whatever commands they\ngave. [600]\n\nThere is a curious story of conversion which is said to have taken\nplace owing to a want of amicable relations between a Christian priest\nand his people, as follows: \u201cMany years since, when all the country was\nChristian, there stood in the city of Scutari a beautiful image of the\nVirgin Mary, to whose shrine thousands flocked every year from all\nparts of the country to offer their gifts, perform their devotions, and\nbe healed of their infirmities. For some cause or other, however, it\nfell out that there was dissension between the priest and the people,\nand one day the latter came to the church in great crowds, declaring\nthat unless the priest yielded to them they would then and there abjure\nthe faith of Christ and embrace in its stead that of Mu\u1e25ammad. The\npriest, whether right or wrong, still remaining firm, his congregation\ntore the rosaries and crosses from their necks, trampled them under\ntheir feet, and going to the nearest mosque, were received by the\nMollah into the fold of the True Believers.\u201d [601]\n\nThrough the negligence and apathy of the Christian clergy many abuses\nand irregularities had been allowed to creep into the Christian\nsociety; in one of which, namely the practice of contracting marriages\nwithout the sanction of the Church or any religious ceremony, we find\nan approximation to the Muhammadan law, which makes marriage a civil\ncontract. In order to remedy this evil, the husband and wife were to be\nexcluded from the Church, until they had conformed to the\necclesiastical law and gone through the service in the regular manner.\n[602]\n\nIn the course of the seventeenth century, the social conditions and\nother factors, indicated above, bore fruit abundantly, and the numbers\nof the Christian population began rapidly to decline. In the brief\nspace of thirty years, between 1620 and 1650, about 300,000 Albanians\nare said to have gone over to Islam. [603] In 1624 there were only 2000\nCatholics in the whole diocese of Antivari, and in the city itself only\none church; at the close of the century, even this church was no longer\nused for Christian worship, as there were only two families of Roman\nCatholics left. [604] In the whole country generally, the majority of\nthe Christian community in 1651 was composed of women, as the male\npopulation had apostatised in such large numbers to Islam. [605]\nMatters were still worse at the close of the century, the Catholics\nbeing then fewer in number than the Muhammadans, the proportions being\nabout 1 to 1\u2153, [606] whereas less than a hundred years before, they had\noutnumbered the Muhammadans in the proportion of 10 to 1; [607] in the\nArchbishopric of Durazzo the Christian population had decreased by\nabout half in twenty years, [608] in another town (in the diocese of\nKroia) the entire population passed from Christianity to Islam in the\ncourse of thirty years. [609] In spite of the frequent protests and\nregulations made by their ecclesiastical superiors, the parish priests\ncontinued to countenance the open profession of Islam along with a\nsecret adherence to Christianity, on the part of many male members of\ntheir flocks, by administering to them the Blessed Sacrament; the\nresult of which was that the children of such persons, being brought up\nas Muhammadans, were for ever lost to the Christian Church. [610]\nSimilarly, Christian parents still gave their daughters in marriage to\nMuhammadans, the parish priests countenancing such unions by\nadministering the sacrament to such women, [611] in spite of the\nfulminations of the higher clergy against such indulgence. [612] Such\naction on the part of the lower clergy can hardly, however, be taken as\nindicating any great zeal on behalf of the spiritual welfare of their\nflocks, in the face of the accusations brought against them; the\nmajority of them are accused of being scandalous livers, who very\nseldom went to confession and held drunken revels in their parsonages\non festival days; they sold the property of the Church, frequently\nabsented themselves from their parishes, and when censured, succeeded\nin getting off by putting themselves under the protection of the Turks.\n[613] The Reformed Franciscans and the Observants who had been sent to\nminister to the spiritual wants of the people did nothing but quarrel\nand go to law with one another; much to the scandal of the laity and\nthe neglect of the mission. [614] In the middle of the seventeenth\ncentury five out of the twelve Albanian sees were vacant; the diocese\nof Pullati had not been visited by a bishop for thirty years, and there\nwere only two priests to 6348 souls. [615] In some parishes in the\ninterior of the country, there had been no priests for more than forty\nyears; and this was in no way due to the oppression of the \u201cTurkish\ntyrant,\u201d for when at last four Franciscan missionaries were sent, they\nreported that they could go through the country and exercise their\nsacred office without any hindrance whatever. [616] The bishop of\nSappa, to the great prejudice of his diocese, had been long resident in\nVenice, where he is said to have lived a vicious life, and had\nappointed as his vicar an ignorant priest who was a notorious\nevil-liver: this man had 12,400 souls under his charge, and, says the\necclesiastical visitor, \u201cthrough the absence of the bishop there is\ndanger of his losing his own soul and compassing the destruction of the\nsouls under him and of the property of the Church.\u201d [617] The bishop of\nScutari was looked upon as a tyrant by his clergy and people, and only\nsucceeded in keeping his post through the aid of the Turks; [618] and\nZmaievich complains of the bishops generally that they burdened the\nparishes in their diocese with forced contributions. [619] It appears\nthat Christian ecclesiastics were authorised by the Sultan to levy\ncontributions on their flocks. Thus the Archbishop of Antivari\n(1599\u20131607) was allowed to \u201cexact and receive\u201d two aspers from each\nChristian family, twelve for every first marriage (and double the\namount for a second, and quadruple for a third marriage), and one gold\npiece from each parish annually, and it seems to have been possible to\nobtain the assistance of the Turkish authorities in levying these\ncontributions. [620]\n\nThroughout the whole of Albania there was not a single Christian\nschool, [621] and the priests were profoundly ignorant: some were sent\nto study in Italy, but Marco Crisio condemns this practice, as such\npriests were in danger of finding life in Italy so pleasant that they\nrefused to return to their native country. With a priesthood so\nignorant and so careless of their sacred duties, it is not surprising\nto learn that the common people had no knowledge even of the rudiments\nof their faith, and that numerous abuses and corruptions sprang up\namong them, which \u201cwrought the utmost desolation to this vineyard of\nthe Lord.\u201d [622] Many Christians lived in open concubinage for years,\nstill, however, being admitted to the sacraments, [623] while others\nhad a plurality of wives. [624] In this latter practice we notice an\nassimilation between the habits of the two communities\u2014the Christian\nand the Muslim\u2014which is further illustrated by the admission of\nMuhammadans as sponsors at the baptism of Christian children, while the\nold superstitious custom of baptising Muhammadan children was still\nsanctioned by the priests. [625]\n\nSuch being the state of the Christian Church in Albania in the latter\nhalf of the seventeenth century, some very trifling incentive would\nhave been enough to bring about a widespread apostasy; and the\npunishment inflicted on the rebellious Catholics in the latter half of\nthe century was a determining factor more than sufficient to consummate\nthe tendencies that had been drawing them towards Islam and to cause\nlarge numbers of them to fall away from the Christian Church. The\nrebellious movement referred to seems to have been instigated by\nGeorge, the thirty-ninth Archbishop of Antivari (1635\u20131644), who\nthrough the bishops of Durazzo, Scodra and Alessio tried to induce the\nleaders of the Christian community to conspire against the Turkish rule\nand hand over the country to the neighbouring Christian power, the\nRepublic of Venice. As in his time Venice was at peace with the Turks a\nfitting opportunity for the hatching of this plot did not occur, but in\n1645 war broke out between Turkey and the Republic, and the Venetians\nmade an unsuccessful attempt to capture the city of Antivari, which\nbefore the Turkish conquest had been in their possession for more than\nthree centuries (1262\u20131571). The Albanian Catholics who had sided with\nthe enemy and secretly given them assistance were severely punished and\ndeprived of their privileges, while the Greek Christians (who had\neverything to fear in the event of the restoration of the Venetian rule\nand had remained faithful to the Turkish government) were liberally\nrewarded and were lauded as the saviours of their country. Many of the\nCatholics either became Muhammadans or joined the Greek Church. The\nlatter fact is very significant as showing that there was no\npersecution of the Christians as such, nor any attempt to force the\nacceptance of Islam upon them. The Catholics who became Muhammadans did\nso to avoid the odium of their position after the failure of their\nplot, and could have gained the same end and have at the same time\nretained their Christian faith by joining the Greek Church, which was\nnot only officially recognised by the Turkish government but in high\nfavour in Antivari at this time: so that those who neglected to do so,\ncould have had very little attachment to the Christian religion. The\nsame remark holds good of the numerous conversions to Islam in the\nsucceeding years: Zmaievich attributes them in some cases to the desire\nto avoid the payment of tribute, but, from what has been said above, it\nis very unlikely that this was the sole determining motive.\n\nIn 1649 a still more widespread insurrection broke out, an Archbishop\nof Antivari, Joseph Maria Bonaldo (1646\u20131654), being again the main\ninstigator of the movement; and the leading citizens of Antivari,\nScodra and other towns conspired to throw open their gates to the army\nof the Venetian Republic. But this plot also failed and the\ninsurrection was forcibly crushed by the Turkish troops, aided by the\ndissensions that arose among the Christians themselves. Many Albanians\nwhose influence was feared were transported from their own country into\nthe interior of the Turkish dominions; a body of 3000 men crossed the\nborder into Venetian territory; those who remained were overawed by the\nerection of fortresses and the marching of troops through the\ndisaffected districts, while heavy fines were imposed upon the\nmalcontents. [626]\n\nUnfortunately the Christian writers who complain of the \u201cunjust\ntributes and vexations\u201d with which the Turks oppressed the Albanians,\nso that they apostatised to Islam, [627] make use only of general\nexpressions, and give us no details to enable us to judge whether or\nnot such complaints were justified by the facts. Zmaievich prefaces his\naccount of the apostasy of 2000 persons with an enumeration of the\ntaxes and other burdens the Christians had to bear, but all these, he\nsays, were common also to the Muhammadans, with the exception of the\ncapitation-tax of six reals a year for each male, and another tax,\ntermed sciataraccio, of three reals a year. [628] He concludes with the\nwords: \u201cThe nation, wounded by these taxes in its weakest part, namely,\nworldly interest, to the consideration of which it has a singular\nleaning either by nature or by necessity, has given just cause for\nlamenting the deplorable loss of about 2000 souls who apostatised from\nthe true faith so as not to be subject to the tribute.\u201d [629] There is\nnothing in his report to show that the taxes the Catholics had to pay\nconstituted so intolerable a burden as to force them to renounce their\ncreed, and though he attributes many conversions to Islam to the desire\nof escaping the tribute, he says expressly that these apostasies from\nthe Christian faith are mainly to be ascribed to the extreme ignorance\nof the clergy, [630] in great measure also to their practice of\nadmitting to the sacraments those who openly professed Islam while in\nsecret adhering to the Christian faith: [631] in another place he says,\nspeaking of the clergy who were not fit to be parish priests and their\npractice of administering the sacraments to apostates and secret\nChristians: \u201cThese are precisely the two causes from which have come\nall the losses that the Christian Church has sustained in Albania.\u201d\n[632] There is very little doubt that the widespread apostasy at this\ntime was the result of a long series of influences similar to those\nmentioned in the preceding pages, and that the deliverance from the\npayment of the tribute was the last link in the chain.\n\nWhat active efforts Muhammadans themselves were making to gain over the\nChristians to Islam, we can hardly expect to learn from the report of\nan ecclesiastical visitor. But we find mention of a district, the\ninhabitants of which, from their intercourse with the Turks, had\n\u201ccontracted the vices of these infidels,\u201d and one of the chief causes\nof their falling away from the Christian faith was their contracting\nmarriages with Turkish women. [633] There were no doubt strong\nMuhammadan influences at work here, as also in the two parishes of\nBiscascia and Basia, whose joint population of nearly a thousand souls\nwas \u201cexposed to the obvious risk of apostatising through lack of any\npastor,\u201d and were \u201cmuch tempted in their faith, and needed to be\nstrengthened in it by wise and zealous pastors.\u201d [634]\n\nZmaievich speaks of one of the old noble Christian families in the\nneighbourhood of Antivari which was represented at that time by two\nbrothers; the elder of these had been \u201cwheedled\u201d by the prominent\nMuhammadans of the place, who were closely related to him, into denying\nhis faith; the younger wished to study for the priesthood, in which\noffice \u201che would be of much assistance to the Christian Church through\nthe high esteem in which the Turks held his family; which though poor\nwas universally respected.\u201d [635] This indeed is another indication of\nthe fact that the Muhammadans did not ill-treat the Christians, merely\nas such, but only when they showed themselves to be politically\ndisaffected. Zmaievich, who was himself an Albanian, and took up his\nresidence in his diocese instead of in Venetian territory, as many of\nthe Archbishops of Antivari seem to have done, [636] was received with\n\u201cextraordinary honours\u201d and with \u201cmarvellous courtesy,\u201d not only by the\nTurkish officials generally, but also by the Supreme Pasha of Albania\nhimself, who gave him the place of honour in his Divan, always\naccompanying him to the door on his departure and receiving him there\non his arrival. [637] This \u201cbarbarian\u201d who \u201cshowed himself more like a\ngenerous-hearted Christian than a Turk,\u201d gave more substantial marks of\ngood feeling towards the Christians by remitting\u2014at the Archbishop\u2019s\nrequest\u2014the tribute due for the ensuing year from four separate towns.\n[638] If any of the Christian clergy were roughly treated by the Turks,\nit seems generally to have been due to the suspicion of treasonable\ncorrespondence with the enemies of the Turks; ecclesiastical visits to\nItaly seem also to have excited\u2014and in many cases, justly\u2014such\nsuspicions. Otherwise the Christian clergy seem to have had no reason\nto complain of the treatment they received from the Muslims; Zmaievich\neven speaks of one parish priest being \u201cmuch beloved by the principal\nTurks,\u201d [639] and doubtless there were parallels in Albania to the case\nof a priest in the diocese of Trebinje in Herzegovina, who in the early\npart of the eighteenth century was suspected, on account of his\nfamiliar intercourse with Muhammadans, of having formed an intention to\nembrace Islam, and was accordingly sent by his bishop to Rome under\nsafe custody. [640]\n\nNo subsequent period of Albanian history appears to have witnessed such\nwidespread apostasy as the seventeenth century, but there have been\noccasional accessions to Islam up to more recent times. In Southern\nAlbania, the country of the Tosks, the preponderance of the Muhammadan\npopulation placed the Christians at a disadvantage, and a story is told\nof the Karamurtads, inhabitants of thirty-six villages near Pogoniani,\nthat up to the close of the eighteenth century they were Christians,\nbut finding themselves unable to repel the continual attacks of the\nneighbouring Muhammadan population of Leskoviki, they met in a church\nand prayed that the saints might work some miracle on their behalf;\nthey swore to fast till Easter in expectation of the divine assistance;\nbut Easter came and no miracle was wrought, so the whole population\nembraced Islam; soon afterwards they obtained the arms they required\nand massacred their old enemies in Leskoviki and took possession of\ntheir lands. [641] Community of faith in Albania is never allowed to\nstand in the way of a tribal feud. Even up to the nineteenth century\nAlbanian tribes and villages have changed their religion for very\ntrivial reasons; part of one Christian tribe is said to have turned\nMuhammadan because their priest, who served several villages and\nvisited them first, insisted on saying mass at an unreasonably early\nhour. [642]\n\nAt the present day the Muhammadans in Albania are said to number about\n1,000,000 and the Christians 480,000, but the accuracy of these figures\nis not certain. The Mirdites are entirely Christian; they submitted to\nthe Sultan on condition that no Muslim would be allowed to settle in\ntheir territory, but adherents of both the rival creeds are found in\nalmost all the other tribes. Central Albania is said to be almost\nentirely Muhammadan, and the followers of Islam form about sixty per\ncent. of the population of Northern Albania; the Christian population\nattains its largest proportion in Southern Albania, especially in the\ndistricts bordering upon Greece.\n\nThe kingdom of Servia first paid tribute to the Ottomans in 1375 and\nlost its independence after the disastrous defeat of Kossovo (1389),\nwhere both the king of Servia and the Turkish sultan were left dead\nupon the field. The successors of the two sovereigns entered into a\nfriendly compact, the young Servian prince, Stephen, acknowledged the\nsuzerainty of Turkey, gave his sister in marriage to the new sultan,\nB\u0101yaz\u012bd, and formed with him a league of brotherhood. At the battle of\nNikopolis (1394), which gave to the Turks assured possession of the\nwhole Balkan peninsula, except the district surrounding Constantinople,\nthe Servian contingent turned the wavering fortune of the battle and\ngave the victory to the Turks. On the field of Angora (1402), when the\nTurkish power was annihilated and B\u0101yaz\u012bd himself taken prisoner by\nT\u012bm\u016br, Stephen was present with his Servian troops and fought bravely\nfor his brother-in-law, and instead of taking this opportunity of\nsecuring his independence, remained faithful to his engagement, and\nstood by the sons of B\u0101yaz\u012bd until they recovered their father\u2019s\nthrone. Under the successor of Stephen, George Brankovich, Servia\nenjoyed a semi-independence, but when in 1438 he raised the standard of\nrevolt, his country was again overrun by the Turks. Then for a time\nServia had to acknowledge the suzerainty of Hungary, but the defeat of\nJohn Hunyady at Varna in 1444 brought her once more under tribute, and\nin 1459 she finally became a Turkish province.\n\nIt is not impossible that the Servians who had embraced Islam after the\nbattle of Kossovo had knowledge of the fate of the little Muslim\ncommunity that had been rooted out of Hungary about a century before,\nand therefore preferred the domination of the Turks to that of the\nHungarians. Y\u0101q\u016bt gives the following account of his meeting, about the\nyear 1228, with some members of this group of followers of the Prophet\nin medi\u00e6val Europe, who had owed their conversion to Muslims who had\nsettled among them. \u201cIn the city of Aleppo, I met a large number of\npersons called Bashkirs, with reddish hair and reddish faces. They were\nstudying law according to the school of Ab\u016b \u1e24an\u012bfah (may God be well\npleased with him!) I asked one of them who seemed to be an intelligent\nfellow for information concerning their country and their condition. He\ntold me, \u2018Our country is situated on the other side of Constantinople,\nin a kingdom of a people of the Franks called the Hungarians. We are\nMuslims, subjects of their king, and live on the border of his\nterritory, occupying about thirty villages, which are almost like small\ntowns. But the king of the Hungarians does not allow us to build walls\nround any of them, lest we should revolt against him. We are situated\nin the midst of Christian countries, having the land of the Slavs on\nthe north, on the south, that of the Pope, i.e. Rome (now the Pope is\nthe head of the Franks, the vicar of the Messiah in their eyes, like\nthe commander of the faithful in the eyes of the Muslims; his authority\nextends over all matters connected with religion among the whole of\nthem); on the west, Andalusia; on the east, the land of the Greeks,\nConstantinople and its provinces.\u2019 He added, \u2018Our language is the\nlanguage of the Franks, we dress after their fashion, we serve with\nthem in the army, and we join them in attacking all their enemies,\nbecause they only go to war with the enemies of Islam.\u2019 I then asked\nhim how it was they had adopted Islam in spite of their dwelling in the\nmidst of the unbelievers. He answered, \u2018I have heard several of our\nforefathers say that a long time ago seven Muslims came from Bulgaria\nand settled among us. In kindly fashion they pointed out to us our\nerrors and directed us into the right way, the faith of Islam. Then God\nguided us and (praise be to God!) we all became Muslims and God opened\nour hearts to the faith. We have come to this country to study law;\nwhen we return to our own land, the people will do us honour and put us\nin charge of their religious affairs.\u2019\u201d [643] Islam kept its ground\namong the Bashkirs of Hungary until 1340, when King Charles Robert\ncompelled all his subjects that were not yet Christians to embrace the\nChristian faith or quit the country. [644]\n\nThe Servian Muslims may, therefore, well have been pleased to escape\nfrom the rule of Hungary, like their Christian fellow-countrymen, for\nwhen these were given the choice between the Roman Catholic rule of\nHungary and the Muslim rule of the Turks, the devotion of the Servians\nto the Greek Church led them to prefer the tolerance of the Muhammadans\nto the uncompromising proselytising spirit of the Latins. An old legend\nthus represents their feelings at this time:\u2014The Turks and the\nHungarians were at war; George Brankovich sought out John Hunyady and\nasked him, \u201cIf you are victorious, what will you do?\u201d \u201cEstablish the\nRoman Catholic faith,\u201d was the answer. Then he sought out the sultan\nand asked him, \u201cIf you come out victorious, what will you do with our\nreligion?\u201d \u201cBy the side of every mosque shall stand a church, and every\nman shall be free to pray in whichever he chooses.\u201d [645] The treachery\nof some Servian priests forced the garrison of Belgrade to capitulate\nto the Turks; [646] similarly the Servians of Semendria, on the Danube,\nwelcomed the Turkish troops who in 1600 delivered them from the rule of\ntheir Catholic neighbours. [647]\n\nThe spread of Islam among the Servians began immediately after the\nbattle of Kossovo, when a large part of the old feudal nobility, such\nas still remained alive and did not take refuge in neighbouring\nChristian countries, went over voluntarily to the faith of the Prophet,\nin order to keep their old privileges undisturbed. [648] In these\nconverted nobles the sultans found the most zealous propagandists of\nthe new faith. [649] But the majority of the Servian people clung\nfirmly to their old religion through all their troubles and sufferings,\nand only in Stara Serbia or Old Servia, [650] which now forms the\nnorth-eastern portion of modern Albania, has there been any very\nconsiderable number of conversions. Even here the spread of\nMuhammadanism proceeded very slowly until the seventeenth century, when\nthe Austrians induced the Servians to rise in revolt and, after the\nill-success of this rising, the then Patriarch, Arsenius III\nTserno\u00efevich, in 1690 emigrated with 40,000 Servian families across the\nborder into Hungary; another exodus in 1739 of 15,000 families under\nthe leadership of Arsenius IV Jovanovich, well nigh denuded this part\nof the country of its original Servian population. [651]\n\nAlbanian colonists from the south pressed into the country vacated by\nthe fugitives: these Albanians at the time of their arrival were Roman\nCatholics for the most part, but after they settled in Old Servia they\ngradually adopted Islam and at the present time the remnant of Roman\nCatholic Albanians is but small, though from time to time it is\nrecruited by fresh arrivals from the mountains: the new-comers,\nhowever, usually follow the example of their predecessors, and after a\nwhile become Muhammadans. [652]\n\nAfter this Albanian immigration, Islam began to spread more rapidly\namong the remnant of the Servian population. The Servian clergy were\nvery ignorant and unlettered, they could only manage with difficulty to\nread their service-books and hardly any had learned to write; they\nneither preached to the people nor taught them the catechism,\nconsequently in whole villages scarcely a man could be found who knew\nthe Lord\u2019s Prayer or how many commandments there were; even the priests\nthemselves were quite as ignorant. [653] After the insurrection of\n1689, the Patriarch of Ipek, the ecclesiastical capital of Servia, was\nappointed by the Porte, but in 1737, as the result of another\nrebellion, the Servian Patriarchate was entirely suppressed and the\nServian Church made dependent upon the Greek Patriarch of\nConstantinople. The churches were filled with Greek bishops, who made\ncommon cause with the Turkish Beys and Pashas in bleeding the\nunfortunate Christians: their national language was proscribed and the\nOld Slavonic service-books, etc., were collected and sent off to\nConstantinople. [654] With such a clergy it is not surprising that the\nChristian faith should decline: e.g. in the commune of Gora (in the\ndistrict of Prizren), which had begun to become Muhammadanised soon\nafter the great exodus of 1690, the Servians that still clung to the\nChristian faith, appealed again and again to the Greek bishop of\nPrizren to send them priests, at least occasionally, but all in vain;\ntheir children remained unbaptised, weddings and burials were conducted\nwithout the blessing of the Church, and the consecrated buildings fell\ninto decay. [655] In the neighbouring district of Opolje, similarly,\nthe present Muslim population of 9500 souls is probably for the most\npart descended from the original Slav inhabitants of the place. [656]\nAt the beginning of the seventeenth century, Bizzi found in the city of\nJagnevo, 120 Roman Catholic households, 200 Greek and 180 Muhammadan;\n[657] less than a hundred years later, every house in the city was\nlooked upon as Muhammadan, as the head of each family professed this\nfaith and the women only, with some of the children, were Christian.\n[658] About the middle of the eighteenth century, the village of Ljurs\nwas entirely Catholic; in 1863 there were 90 Muslim and 23 Christian\nfamilies, but at the present day this village, together with the\nsurrounding villages, has wholly given up Christianity. [659] Until\nrecently some lingering survivals of their old Christian faith, such as\nthe burning of the Yule-log at Christmas, etc., were still to be met\nwith in certain villages, but such customs are now fast dying out.\n\nAfter the battle of Kossovo and the downfall of the Servian empire, the\nwild highlands of Montenegro afforded a refuge to those Servians who\nwould not submit to the Turks but were determined to maintain their\nindependence. It is not the place here to relate the history of the\nheroic struggles of this brave people against overwhelming odds, how\nthrough centuries of continual warfare, under the rule of their\nprince-bishops, [660] they have kept alive a free Christian state when\nall their brethren of the same race had been compelled to submit to\nMuhammadan rule. While the very basis of their separate existence as a\nnation was their firm adherence to the Christian faith it could hardly\nhave been expected that Islam would have made its way among them, but\nin the seventeenth century many Montenegrins in the frontier districts\nbecame Muhammadans and took service with the neighbouring Pashas. But\nin 1703, Daniel Petrovich, the then reigning bishop, called the tribes\ntogether and told them that the only hope for their country and their\nfaith lay in the destruction of the Muhammadans living among them.\nAccordingly, on Christmas Eve, all the converted Montenegrins who would\nnot forswear Islam and embrace Christianity were massacred in cold\nblood. [661]\n\nTo pass now to Bosnia:\u2014in this country the religious and social\nconditions of the people, before the Turkish conquest, merit especial\nattention. The majority of the population belonged to a heretical\nChristian sect, called Bogomiles, who from the thirteenth century had\nbeen exposed to the persecution of the Roman Catholics and against whom\nPopes had on several occasions preached a Crusade. [662] In 1325, Pope\nJohn XXII wrote thus to the king of Bosnia: \u201cTo our beloved son and\nnobleman, Stephen, Prince of Bosnia,\u2014knowing that thou art a faithful\nson of the Church, we therefore charge thee to exterminate the heretics\nin thy dominion, and to render aid and assistance to Fabian, our\nInquisitor, forasmuch as a large multitude of heretics from many and\ndivers parts collected hath flowed together into the principality of\nBosnia, trusting there to sow their obscene errors and dwell there in\nsafety. These men, imbued with the cunning of the Old Fiend, and armed\nwith the venom of their falseness, corrupt the minds of Catholics by\noutward show of simplicity and the sham assumption of the name of\nChristians; their speech crawleth like a crab, and they creep in with\nhumility, but in secret they kill, and are wolves in sheep\u2019s clothing,\ncovering their bestial fury as a means to deceive the simple sheep of\nChrist.\u201d In the fifteenth century, the sufferings of the Bogomiles\nbecame so intolerable that they appealed to the Turks to deliver them\nfrom their unhappy condition, for the king of Bosnia and the priests\nwere pushing the persecution of the Bogomiles to an extreme which\nperhaps it had never reached before; as many as forty thousand of them\nfled from Bosnia and took refuge in neighbouring countries; others who\ndid not succeed in making their escape, were sent in chains to Rome.\nBut even these violent measures did little to diminish the strength of\nthe Bogomiles in Bosnia, as in 1462 we are told that heresy was as\npowerful as ever in this country. The following year, when Bosnia was\ninvaded by Mu\u1e25ammad II, the Catholic king found himself deserted by his\nsubjects: the keys of the principal fortress, the royal city of\nBobovatz, were handed over to the Turks by the Bogomile governor; the\nother fortresses and towns hastened to follow this example, and within\na week seventy cities passed into the hands of the Sultan, and Mu\u1e25ammad\nII added Bosnia to the number of his numerous conquests. [663]\n\nFrom this time forth we hear but little of the Bogomiles; they seem to\nhave willingly embraced Islam in large numbers immediately after the\nTurkish conquest, and the rest seem to have gradually followed later,\nwhile the Bosnian Roman Catholics emigrated into the neighbouring\nterritories of Hungary and Austria. It has been supposed by some [664]\nthat a large proportion of the Bogomiles, at least in the earlier\nperiod of the conquest, embraced Islam with the intention of returning\nto their faith when a favourable opportunity presented itself; as,\nbeing constantly persecuted they may have learnt to deny their faith\nfor the time being; but that, when this favourable opportunity never\narrived, this intention must have gradually been lost sight of and at\nlength have been entirely forgotten by their descendants. Such a\nsupposition is, however, a pure conjecture and has no direct evidence\nto support it. We may rather find the reason for the willingness of the\nBogomiles to allow themselves to be merged in the general mass of the\nMusalman believers, in the numerous points of likeness between their\npeculiar beliefs and the tenets of Islam. They rejected the worship of\nthe Virgin Mary, the institution of Baptism and every form of\npriesthood. [665] They abominated the cross as a religious symbol, and\nconsidered it idolatry to bow down before religious pictures and the\nimages and relics of the saints. Their houses of prayer were very\nsimple and unadorned, in contrast to the gaudily decorated Roman\nCatholic churches, and they shared the Muhammadan dislike of bells,\nwhich they styled \u201cthe devil\u2019s trumpets.\u201d They believed that Christ was\nnot himself crucified but that some phantom was substituted in his\nplace: in this respect agreeing partially with the teaching of the\nQur\u02bc\u0101n. [666] Their condemnation of wine and the general austerity of\ntheir mode of life and the stern severity of their outward demeanour\nwould serve as further links to bind them to Islam, [667] for it was\nsaid of them: \u201cYou will see heretics quiet and peaceful as lambs\nwithout, silent, and wan with hypocritical fasting, who do not speak\nmuch nor laugh loud, who let their beard grow, and leave their person\nincompt.\u201d [668] They prayed five times a day and five times a night,\nrepeating the Lord\u2019s Prayer with frequent kneelings, [669] and would\nthus find it very little change to join in the services of the mosque.\nI have brought together here the many points of likeness to the\nteachings of Islam, which we find in this Bogomilian heresy, but there\nwere, of course, some doctrines of a distinctly Christian character\nwhich an orthodox Muslim could not hold; still, with so much in common,\nit can easily be understood how the Bogomiles may gradually have been\npersuaded to give up those doctrines that were repugnant to the Muslim\nfaith. Their Manich\u00e6an dualism was equally irreconcilable with Muslim\ntheology, but Islam has always shown itself tolerant of such\ntheological speculations provided that they did not issue in a schism\nand that a general assent and consent were given to the main principles\nof its theory and practice.\n\nThe Turks, as was their usual custom, offered every advantage to induce\nthe Bosnians to accept their creed. All who embraced Islam were allowed\nto retain their lands and possessions, and their fiefs were exempt from\nall taxation, [670] and it is probable that many rightful heirs of\nancient houses who had been dispossessed for heretical opinions by the\nCatholic faction among the nobility, now embraced the opportunity of\nregaining their old position by submission to the dominant creed. The\nBosnian Muhammadans retained their nationality and still for the most\npart bear Serb names and speak only their national tongue; [671] at the\nsame time they have always evinced a lively zeal for their new faith,\nand by their military prowess, their devotion to Islam and the powerful\ninfluence they exercised, the Bosnian nobility rapidly rose into high\nfavour in Constantinople and many were entrusted with important offices\nof state, e.g. between the years 1544 and 1611 nine statesmen of\nBosnian origin filled the post of Grand Vizier.\n\nThe latest territorial acquisition of the Ottoman conquests was the\nisland of Crete, which in 1669 was wrested from the hands of the\nVenetian Republic by the capture of the city of Candia after a long and\ndesperate siege of nearly three years, which closed a struggle of\ntwenty-five years between these rival powers for the possession of the\nisland.\n\nThis was not the first time that Crete had come under Muslim rule.\nEarly in the ninth century the island was suddenly seized by a band of\nSaracen adventurers from Spain, and it remained in their power for\nnearly a century and a half (A.D. 825\u2013961). [672] During this period\nwell nigh the whole population of the island had become Muslim, and the\nchurches had either fallen into ruins or been turned into mosques; but\nwhen the authority of the Byzantine empire was once re-established\nhere, the people were converted again to their ancient faith through\nthe skilful preaching of an Armenian monk, and the Christian religion\nbecame the only one professed on the island. [673] In the beginning of\nthe thirteenth century, the Venetians purchased the island from\nBoniface, Duke of Montserrat, to whose lot it had fallen after the\npartition of the Byzantine empire, and they ruled it with a heavy hand,\napparently looking upon it only in the light of a purchase that was to\nbe exploited for the benefit of the home government and its colonists.\nTheir administration was so oppressive and tyrannical as to excite\nseveral revolts, which were crushed with pitiless severity; on one of\nthese occasions whole cantons in the provinces of Sfakia and Lassiti\nwere depopulated, and it was forbidden under pain of death to sow any\ncorn there, so that these districts remained barren and uncultivated\nfor nearly a century. [674] The terrific cruelty with which the\nVenetian senate suppressed the last of these attempts at the beginning\nof the sixteenth century added a crowning horror to the miserable\ncondition of the unhappy Cretans. How terrible was their lot at this\ntime we learn from the reports of the commissioners sent by the\nVenetian senate in the latter part of the same century, in order to\ninquire into the condition of the islanders. The peasants were said to\nbe crushed down by the cruelest oppression and tyranny on the part of\nthe Venetian nobles, their feudal lords, being reduced to a worse\ncondition than that of slaves, so that they never dared even to\ncomplain of any injustice. Each peasant had to do twelve days\u2019 forced\nlabour for his feudal lord every year without payment, and could then\nbe compelled to go on working for as long as his lord required his\nservices at the nominal rate of a penny a day; his vineyards were\nmulcted in a full third of their produce, but fraud and force combined\ngenerally succeeded in appropriating as much as two-thirds; his oxen\nand mules could be seized for the service of the lord, who had a\nthousand other devices for squeezing the unfortunate peasant. [675] The\nprotests of these commissioners proved ineffectual to induce the\nVenetian senate to alleviate the unhappy condition of the Cretans and\nput a stop to the cruelty and tyranny of the nobles: it preferred to\nlisten to the advice of Fra Paolo Sarpi who in 1615 thus addressed the\nRepublic on the subject of its Greek colonies: \u201cIf the gentlemen of\nthese Colonies do tyrannize over the villages of their dominion, the\nbest way is not to seem to see it, that there may be no kindness\nbetween them and their subjects.\u201d [676]\n\nIt is not surprising to learn from the same sources that the Cretans\nlonged for a change of rulers, and that \u201cthey would not much stick at\nsubmitting to the Turk, having the example of all the rest of their\nnation before their eyes.\u201d Indeed, many at this time fled into Turkey\nto escape the intolerable burden of taxation, following in the\nfootsteps of countless others, who from time to time had taken refuge\nthere. [677] Large numbers of them also emigrated to Egypt, where many\nembraced Islam. [678] Especially galling to the Cretans were the\nexactions of the Latin clergy who appropriated the endowments that\nbelonged of right to the Greek ecclesiastics, and did everything they\ncould to insult the Christians of the Greek rite, who constituted\nnine-tenths of the population of the island. [679] The Turks, on the\nother hand, conciliated their good-will by restoring the Greek\nhierarchy. This, according to a Venetian writer, was brought about in\nthe following manner: \u201cA certain papas or priest of Canea went to\nCusseim the Turkish general, and told him that if he desired to gain\nthe good-will of the Cretan people, and bring detestation upon the name\nof Venice, it was necessary for him to bear in mind that the staunchest\nof the links which keep civilised society from falling asunder is\nreligion. It would be needful for him to act in a way different from\nthe line followed by the Venetians. These did their utmost to root out\nthe Greek faith and establish that of Rome in its place, with which\ninterest they had made an injunction that there should be no Greek\nbishops in the island. By thus removing these venerated and\nauthoritative shepherds, they thought the more easily to gain control\nover the scattered flocks. This prohibition had caused such distress in\nthe minds of the Cretans that they were ready to welcome with joy and\nobedience any sovereignty that would lend its will to the\nre-institution of this order in their hierarchy\u2014an order so essential\nfor the proper exercise of their divine worship. He added, that it\nwould be a further means of conciliating the people if they were\nassured that they would not only be confirmed in the old privileges of\ntheir religion, but that new privileges would be granted them. These\narguments seemed to Cusseim so plausible that he wrote at once to\nConstantinople with a statement of them. Here they were approved, and\nthe Greek Patriarch was bidden to institute an archbishop who should be\nmetropole of the Province of Candia. Under the metropolitan seven other\nbishops were also to be nominated.\u201d [680]\n\nThe Turkish conquest seems to have been very rapidly followed by the\nconversion of large numbers of the Cretans to Islam. It is not\nimprobable that the same patriotism as made them cling to their old\nfaith under the foreign domination of the Venetians who kept them at\narm\u2019s length and regarded any attempt at assimilation as an\nunpardonable indignity, [681] and always tried to impress on their\nsubjects a sense of their inferiority\u2014may have led them to accept the\nreligion of their new masters, which at once raised them from the\nposition of subjects to that of equals and gave them a share in the\npolitical life and government of their country. Whatever may have been\nthe causes of the widespread conversion of the Cretans, it seems almost\nincredible that violence should have changed the religion of a people\nwho had for centuries before clung firmly to their old faith despite\nthe persecution of a hostile and a foreign creed. Whatever may have\nbeen the means by which the ranks of Islam were filled, thirty years\nafter the conquest we are told that the majority of the Muslims were\nrenegades or the children of renegades, [682] and in little more than a\ncentury half the population of Crete had become Muhammadan. From one\nend of the island to the other, not only in the towns but also in the\nvillages, in the inland districts and in the very heart of the\nmountains, were (and are still) found Cretan Muslims who in figure,\nhabits and speech are thoroughly Greek. There never has been, and to\nthe present day there is not, any other language spoken on the island\nof Crete except Greek; even the few Turks to be found here had to adopt\nthe language of the country and all the firmans of the Porte and\ndecrees of the Pashas were read and published in Greek. [683] The\nbitter feelings between the Christians and Muhammadans of Crete that\nhave made the history of this island during the nineteenth century so\nsad a one, was by no means so virulent before the outbreak of the Greek\nrevolution, in days when the Cretan Muslims were very generally in the\nhabit of taking as their wives Christian maidens, the children of their\nChristian friends. [684] The social communication between the two\ncommunities was further signified by their common dress, as the Cretans\nof both creeds dressed so much alike that the distinction was often not\neven recognised by residents of long standing or by Greeks of the\nneighbouring islands. [685]\n\nRecent political events have brought about a considerable diminution in\nthe Muhammadan population of Crete. In 1881 the number of Muhammadans\nin the island was 73,234; in 1909, in consequence of continual\nemigrations, it had been reduced to 33,496. [686]\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN PERSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA.\n\n\nIn order to follow the course of the spread of Islam eastward into\nCentral Asia, we must retrace our steps to the period of the first Arab\nconquests. By the middle of the seventh century, the great dynasty of\nthe S\u0101s\u0101nids had fallen, and the vast empire of Persia that for four\ncenturies had withstood the might of Rome and Byzantium, now became the\nheritage of the Muslims. When the armies of the state had been routed,\nthe mass of the people offered little resistance; the reigns of the\nlast representatives of the S\u0101s\u0101nid dynasty had been marked by terrible\nanarchy, and the sympathies of the people had been further alienated\nfrom their rulers on account of the support they gave to the\npersecuting policy of the state religion of Zoroastrianism. The\nZoroastrian priests had acquired an enormous influence in the state;\nthey were well-nigh all-powerful in the councils of the king and\narrogated to themselves a very large share in the civil administration.\nThey took advantage of their position to persecute all those religious\nbodies\u2014(and they were many)\u2014that dissented from them. Besides the\nnumerous adherents of older forms of the Persian religion, there were\nChristians, Jews, Sab\u00e6ans and numerous sects in which the speculations\nof Gnostics, Manich\u00e6ans and Buddhists found expression. In all of\nthese, persecution had stirred up feelings of bitter hatred against the\nestablished religion and the dynasty that supported its oppressions,\nand so caused the Arab conquest to appear in the light of a\ndeliverance. [687] The followers of all these varied forms of faith\ncould breathe again under a rule that granted them religious freedom\nand exemption from military service, on payment of a light tribute. For\nthe Muslim law granted toleration and the right of paying jizyah not\nonly to the Christians and Jews, but to Zoroastrians and Sab\u00e6ans, to\nworshippers of idols, of fire and of stone. [688] It was said that the\nProphet himself had distinctly given directions that the Zoroastrians\nwere to be treated exactly like \u201cthe people of the book,\u201d i.e. the Jews\nand Christians, and that jizyah might also be taken from them in return\nfor protection, [689]\u2014a tradition that probably arose in the second\ncentury of the Hijrah, when apostolic sanction was sought for the\ntoleration that had been extended to all the followers of the various\nfaiths that Arabs had found in the countries they had conquered,\nwhether such non-Muslims came under the category Ahl al-Kit\u0101b or not.\n[690]\n\nTo the distracted Christian Church in Persia the change of government\nbrought relief from the oppression of the S\u0101s\u0101nid kings, who had\nfomented the bitter struggles of Jacobites and Nestorians and added to\nthe confusion of warring sects. Some reference has already [691] been\nmade to earlier persecutions, and even during the expiring agony of the\nS\u0101s\u0101nid dynasty, Khusrau II, exasperated at the defeat he had suffered\nat the hands of the Christian emperor, Heraclius, ordered a fresh\npersecution of the Christians within his dominions, a persecution from\nwhich all the various Christian sects alike had to suffer. These\nterrible conditions may well have prepared men\u2019s minds for that\nrevulsion of feeling that facilitates a change of faith. \u201cSide by side\nwith the political chaos in the state was the moral confusion that\nfilled the minds of the Christians; distracted by such an accumulation\nof disasters and by the moral agony wrought by the furious conflict of\nso many warring doctrines among them, they tended towards that peculiar\nframe of mind in which a new doctrine finds it easy to take root,\nmaking a clean sweep of such a bewildering babel and striving to\nreconstruct faith and society on a new basis. In other words the people\nof Persia, and especially the Semitic races, were just in the very\nmental condition calculated to make them welcome the Islamic revolution\nand urge them on to enthusiastically embrace the new and rugged creed,\nwhich with its complete and virile simplicity swept away at one stroke\nall those dark mists, opened the soul to new, alluring and tangible\nhopes, and promised immediate release from a miserable state of\nservitude.\u201d [692]\n\nBut the Muslim creed was most eagerly welcomed by the townsfolk, the\nindustrial classes and the artisans, whose occupations made them impure\naccording to the Zoroastrian creed, because in the pursuance of their\ntrade or occupations they defiled fire, earth or water, and who thus,\noutcasts in the eyes of the law and treated with scant consideration in\nconsequence, embraced with eagerness a creed that made them at once\nfree men, and equal in a brotherhood of faith. [693] Nor were the\nconversions from Zoroastrianism itself less striking: the fabric of the\nNational Church had fallen with a crash in the general ruin of the\ndynasty that had before upheld it; having no other centre round which\nto rally, the followers of this creed would find the transition to\nIslam a simple and easy one, owing to the numerous points of similarity\nin the old creed and the new. For the Persian could find in the Qur\u02bc\u0101n\nmany of the fundamental doctrines of his old faith, though in a rather\ndifferent form: he would meet again Ahuramazda and Ahriman under the\nnames of All\u0101h and Ibl\u012bs; the creation of the world in six periods; the\nangels and the demons; the story of the primitive innocence of man; the\nresurrection of the body and the doctrine of heaven and hell. [694]\nEven in the details of daily worship there were similarities to be\nfound and the followers of Zoroaster when they adopted Islam were\nenjoined by their new faith to pray five times a day just as they had\nbeen by the Avesta. [695] Those tribes in the north of Persia that had\nstubbornly resisted the ecclesiastical organisation of the state\nreligion, on the ground that each man was a priest in his own household\nand had no need of any other, and believing in a supreme being and the\nimmortality of the soul, taught that a man should love his neighbour,\nconquer his passions, and strive patiently after a better life\u2014such men\ncould have needed very little persuasion to induce them to accept the\nfaith of the Prophet. [696] Islam had still more points of contact with\nsome of the heretical sects of Persia, that had come under the\ninfluence of Christianity.\n\nIn addition to the causes above enumerated of the rapid spread of Islam\nin Persia, it should be remembered that the political and national\nsympathies of the conquered race were also enlisted on behalf of the\nnew religion through the marriage of \u1e24usayn, the son of \u02bbAl\u012b with\nSh\u0101hb\u0101n\u016b, one of the daughters of Yazdagird, the last monarch of the\nS\u0101s\u0101nid dynasty. In the descendants of Sh\u0101hb\u0101n\u016b and \u1e24usayn the Persians\nsaw the heirs of their ancient kings and the inheritors of their\nnational traditions, and in this patriotic feeling may be found the\nexplanation of the intense devotion of the Persians to the \u02bbAlid\nfaction and the first beginnings of Sh\u012b\u02bbism as a separate sect. [697]\n\nThat this widespread conversion was not due to force or violence is\nevidenced by the toleration extended to those who still clung to their\nancient faith. Even to the present day there are some small communities\nof fire-worshippers to be found in certain districts of Persia, and\nthough these have in later years often had to suffer persecution, [698]\ntheir ancestors in the early centuries of the Hijrah enjoyed a\nremarkable degree of toleration, their fire-temples were respected, and\nwe even read of a Muhammadan general (in the reign of al-Mu\u02bbta\u1e63im, A.D.\n833\u2013842), who ordered an im\u0101m and a mu\u02bcadhdhin to be flogged because\nthey had destroyed a fire-temple in Sughd and built a mosque in its\nplace. [699] In the tenth century, three centuries after the conquest\nof the country, fire-temples were to be found in \u02bbIr\u0101q, F\u0101rs, Kirm\u0101n,\nSijist\u0101n, Khur\u0101s\u0101n, Jib\u0101l, \u0100dharbayj\u0101n and Arr\u0101n, i.e. in almost every\nprovince of Persia. [700] In F\u0101rs itself there were hardly any cities\nor districts in which fire-temples and Magians were not to be found.\n[701] Al-Shahrast\u0101n\u012b also (writing as late as the twelfth century),\nmakes mention of a fire-temple at Isf\u012bniy\u0101, in the neighbourhood of\nBaghd\u0101d itself. [702]\n\nIn the face of such facts, it is surely impossible to attribute the\ndecay of Zoroastrianism entirely to violent conversions made by the\nMuslim conquerors. The number of Persians who embraced Islam in the\nearly days of the Arab rule was probably very large from the various\nreasons given above, but the late survival of their ancient faith and\nthe occasional record of conversions in the course of successive\ncenturies, render it probable that the acceptance of Islam was both\npeaceful and voluntary. About the close of the eighth century, S\u0101m\u0101n, a\nnoble of Balkh, having received assistance from Asad b. \u02bbAbd-All\u0101h, the\ngovernor of Khur\u0101s\u0101n, renounced Zoroastrianism, embraced Islam and\nnamed his son Asad after his protector: it is from this convert that\nthe dynasty of the S\u0101m\u0101nids (A.D. 874\u2013999) took its name. About the\nbeginning of the ninth century, Kar\u012bm b. Shahriy\u0101r was the first king\nof the Q\u0101b\u016bsiyyah dynasty who became a Musalman, and in 873 a large\nnumber of fire-worshippers were converted to Islam in Daylam through\nthe influence of N\u0101\u1e63ir al-\u1e24aqq Ab\u016b Mu\u1e25ammad. In the following century,\nabout A.D. 912, \u1e24asan b. \u02bbAl\u012b, of the \u02bbAlid dynasty on the southern\nshore of the Caspian Sea, who is said to have been a man of learning\nand intelligence and well acquainted with the religious opinions of\ndifferent sects, invited the inhabitants of \u1e6cabarist\u0101n and Daylam, who\nwere partly idolaters and partly Magians, to accept Islam; many of them\nresponded to his call, while others persisted in their former state of\nunbelief. [703] In the year A.H. 394 (A.D. 1003\u20131004), a famous poet,\nAbu\u2019l \u1e24asan Mihy\u0101r, a native of Daylam, who had been a fire-worshipper,\nwas converted to Islam by a still more famous poet, the Shar\u012bf al-Ri\u1e0d\u0101,\nwho was his master in the poetic art. [704]\n\nIt was probably about the same period that the grandfather of the great\ngeographer, Ibn Kh\u016brd\u0101dbih, was converted through the influence of one\nof the Barmecides, [705] whose ancestor had been likewise a Magian and\nhigh priest of the great Fire Temple of Nawbah\u0101r at Balkh.\n\nScanty as these notices of conversion are, they appear to have been\nvoluntary, and the Zoroastrians would seem to have enjoyed on the whole\ntoleration for the exercise of their religion up to the close of the\n\u02bbAbb\u0101sid period. With the Mongol invasion a darker period in their\nhistory begins, and the miseries which the Persian Muslims themselves\nsuffered seems to have generated in them a spirit of fanatical\nintolerance which exposed the Zoroastrians at times to cruel\nsufferings. [706]\n\nIn the middle of the eighth century, Persia gave birth to a movement\nthat is of interest in the missionary history of Islam, viz. the sect\nof the Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blians. This is not the place to enter into a history of\nthis sect or of the theological position taken up by its followers, or\nof the social and political factors that lent it strength, but it\ndemands attention here on account of the marvellous missionary\norganisation whereby it was propagated. The founder of this\norganisation\u2014which rivals that of the Jesuits for the keen insight into\nhuman nature it displays and the consummate skill with which the\ndoctrines of the sect were accommodated to varying capacities and\nprejudices\u2014was a certain \u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. Maym\u016bn, who early in the ninth\ncentury infused new life into the Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blians. He sent out his\nmissionaries in all directions under various guises, very frequently as\n\u1e63\u016bf\u012bs but also as merchants and traders and the like; they were\ninstructed to be all things to all men and to win over different\nclasses of men to allegiance to the grandmaster of their sect, by\nspeaking to each man, as it were, in his own language, and\naccommodating their teaching to the varying capacities and opinions of\ntheir hearers. They captivated the ignorant multitude by the\nperformance of marvels that were taken for miracles and by mysterious\nutterances that excited their curiosity. To the devout they appeared as\nmodels of virtue and religious zeal; to the mystics they revealed the\nhidden meaning of popular teachings and initiated them into various\ngrades of occultism according to their capacity. Taking advantage of\nthe eager looking-forward to a deliverer that was common to so many\nfaiths of the time, they declared to the Musalmans the approaching\nadvent of the Im\u0101m Mahd\u012b, to the Jews that of the Messiah, and to the\nChristians that of the Comforter, but taught that the aspirations of\neach could alone be realised in the coming of \u02bbAl\u012b as the great\ndeliverer. With the Sh\u012b\u02bbah, the Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blian missionary was to put\nhimself forward as the zealous partisan of all the Sh\u012b\u02bbah doctrine, was\nto dwell upon the cruelty and injustice of the Sunn\u012bs towards \u02bbAl\u012b and\nhis sons, and liberally abuse the Sunn\u012b Khal\u012bfahs; having thus prepared\nthe way, he was to insinuate, as the necessary completion of the Sh\u012b\u02bbah\nsystem of faith, the more esoteric doctrines of the Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blian sect. In\ndealing with the Jew, he was to speak with contempt of both Christians\nand Muslims and agree with his intended convert in still looking\nforward to a promised Messiah, but gradually lead him to believe that\nthis promised Messiah could be none other than \u02bbAl\u012b, the great Messiah\nof the Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blian system. If he sought to win over the Christian, he\nwas to dwell upon the obstinacy of the Jews and the ignorance of the\nMuslims, to profess reverence for the chief articles of the Christian\ncreed, but gently hint that they were symbolic and pointed to a deeper\nmeaning, to which the Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blian system alone could supply the key; he\nwas also cautiously to suggest that the Christians had somewhat\nmisinterpreted the doctrine of the Paraclete and that it was in \u02bbAl\u012b\nthat the true Paraclete was to be found. Similarly the Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blian\nmissionaries who made their way into India endeavoured to make their\ndoctrines acceptable to the Hindus, by representing \u02bbAl\u012b as the\npromised tenth Avat\u0101r of Vi\u1e63\u1e47u who was to come from the West, i.e.\n(they averred) from Alam\u016bt. They also wrote a Mahd\u012b Pur\u0101\u1e47a and composed\nhymns in imitation of those of the V\u0101m\u0101c\u0101rins or left-hand \u015a\u0101ktas,\nwhose mysticism already predisposed their minds to the acceptance of\nthe esoteric doctrines of the Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blians. [707]\n\nBy such means as these an enormous number of persons of different\nfaiths were united together to push forward an enterprise, the real aim\nof which was known to very few. The aspirations of \u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. Maym\u016bn\nseem to have been entirely political, but as the means he adopted were\nreligious and the one common bond\u2014if any\u2014that bound his followers\ntogether was the devout expectation of the coming of the Im\u0101m Mahd\u012b,\nthe missionary activity connected with the history of this sect\ndeserves this brief mention in these pages. [708]\n\nThe history of the spread of Islam in the countries of Central Asia to\nthe north of Persia presents little in the way of missionary activity.\nWhen Qutaybah b. Muslim went to Samarqand, he found many idols there,\nwhose worshippers maintained that any man who dared outrage them would\nperish; the Muslim conqueror, undeterred by such superstitious fears,\nset fire to the idols; whereupon a number of persons embraced Islam.\n[709] There is, however, but scanty record of such conversions in the\nearly history of the Muslim advance into Central Asia; moreover the\npeople of this country seem often to have pretended to embrace Islam\nfor a time and then to have thrown off the mask and renounced their\nallegiance to the caliph as soon as the conquering armies were\nwithdrawn, [710] and it was not until Qutaybah had forcibly occupied\nBukh\u0101r\u0101 for the fourth time that he succeeded in compelling the\ninhabitants to conform to the faith of their conquerors.\n\nIn Bukh\u0101r\u0101 and Samarqand the opposition to the new faith was so violent\nand obstinate that none but those who had embraced Islam were allowed\nto carry arms, and for many years the Muslims dared not appear unarmed\nin the mosques or other public places, while spies had to be set to\nkeep a watch on the new converts. The conquerors made various efforts\nto gain proselytes, and even tried to encourage attendance at the\nFriday prayers in the mosques by rewards of money, and allowed the\nQur\u02bc\u0101n to be recited in Persian instead of in Arabic, in order that it\nmight be intelligible to all. [711]\n\nThe progress of Islam in Transoxania was certainly very slow: some of\nthe inhabitants accepted the invitation of \u02bbUmar II (A.D. 717\u2013720) to\nembrace Islam, [712] and large numbers were converted through the\npreaching of a certain Ab\u016b \u1e62ayd\u0101 who commenced this mission in\nSamarqand in the reign of Hish\u0101m (724\u2013743), [713] but it was not until\nthe reign of Al-Mu\u02bbta\u1e63im (A.D. 833\u2013842) that Islam was generally\nadopted there, [714] one of the reasons probably being the more\nintimate relations established at this time with the then capital of\nthe Muhammadan world, Baghd\u0101d, through the enormous numbers of Turks\nthat had flocked in thousands to join the army of the caliph. [715]\nIslam having thus gained a footing among the Turkish tribes seems to\nhave made but slow progress until the middle of the tenth century, when\nthe conversion of some of their chieftains to Islam, like that of\nClovis and other barbarian kings of Northern Europe to Christianity,\nled their clansmen to follow their example in a body.\n\nPious legends have grown up to supply the lack of sober historical\nrecord of such conversions. The city of Kh\u012bva reveres as its national\nsaint a Muslim wrestler\u2014Pahlav\u0101n\u2014who was in the service of a heathen\nking of Khw\u0101rizm. The king of India, hearing of the fame of this\nPahlav\u0101n, sent his own court wrestler with a challenge to the king of\nKhw\u0101rizm. A day was fixed for the trial of strength and the nobles and\npeople of Kh\u012bva were summoned to view the spectacle; the vanquished man\nwas to have his head cut off. On the day before, the saintly Pahlav\u0101n\nwas praying in the mosque when he overheard the prayer of an old woman:\n\u201cO God, suffer not my son to be beaten by this invincible Pahlav\u0101n, for\nI have no other child.\u201d Touched with compassion for the mother,\nPahlav\u0101n lets the Indian wrestler win the day; the enraged king orders\nhis head to be cut off, but at that very moment the horse on which the\nking is sitting, bolts, carrying his master straight towards a\ndangerous precipice. Pahlav\u0101n springs forward, catches the horse and\nrescues the king from a horrible death. In gratitude the king embraces\nthe true faith, and the saintly wrestler, full of joy, goes away into\nthe desert and becomes a hermit. [716]\n\nA strange legend is told of the conversion of S\u0101t\u016bq Bughr\u0101 Kh\u0101n, the\nfounder of the Muhammadan dynasty of the \u012alik-Kh\u0101ns of K\u0101shgar, about\nthe middle of the tenth century. A prince of the S\u0101m\u0101nid house, Khw\u0101jah\nAbu\u2019l-Na\u1e63r S\u0101m\u0101n\u012b, a man of great piety and humility of character,\nfinding no scope for the exercise of his talent for administration,\nresolved to become a merchant, with the purpose of spreading the true\nfaith in the lands of the unbelievers. Instead of trying to acquire a\nfortune by his commercial enterprises, he devoted all his gains to the\nfurtherance of his proselytising efforts. One night the Prophet\nappeared to him in a dream, saying: \u201cArise, and go into Turkistan where\nthe prince S\u0101t\u016bq Bughr\u0101 Kh\u0101n only awaits your coming to be converted to\nIslam.\u201d The young prince had in a similar manner been warned in a\nvision to expect the arrival of an instructor in the faith, and when\nsome days later he met Abu\u2019l-Na\u1e63r S\u0101m\u0101n\u012b he was prepared to accept his\nteaching and become a Musalman. This legend would appear to have been\nbased on the historic fact that Islam made its way from the S\u0101m\u0101nid\nkingdom into the neighbouring country of Turkistan, and the example of\nthe ruler seems to have been followed by his subjects, for in A.D. 960\nas many as 200,000 tents of the Turks, i.e. probably the greater part\nof the Turkish population of Bughr\u0101 Kh\u0101n\u2019s kingdom, professed the faith\nof Islam. [717] Legend credits him with miraculous powers in his wars\nagainst the heathen, when a devouring flame would issue from his mouth\nand the sword that he brandished would become forty feet long. By the\ntime he had reached the age of ninety-six, the terror of his sword is\nsaid to have converted the unbelievers from the banks of the Oxus in\nthe south to Qur\u0101quram in the north, and just before his death he is\nsaid to have led his victorious army into China, and spread Islam as\nfar as Turfan. [718] This picturesque account of a dynastic struggle\nwith the Buddhist kingdom of Khotan credits the hero with a measure of\nsuccess which was not really achieved until the fourteenth century. How\nlimited the success of S\u0101t\u016bq Bughr\u0101 Kh\u0101n really was, may be judged from\nthe fact that when his successors among the \u012alik-Kh\u0101ns sought in 1026\nto contract matrimonial alliances with princesses of the house of\nMa\u1e25m\u016bd of Ghazna, Ma\u1e25m\u016bd replied that he was a Musalman, while they\nwere unbelievers, and that it was not the custom to give the sisters\nand daughters of Musalmans in marriage to unbelievers, but that, if\nthey would embrace Islam, the matter would be considered. [719] A few\nyears later, in 1041\u20131042, a number of Turks who were still heathen and\nliving in Tibetan territory sought permission from Arsl\u0101n Kh\u0101n b. Qadr\nKh\u0101n to settle in his dominions, having heard of the justice and\nmildness of his rule; when they arrived in the neighbourhood of\nB\u0101l\u0101s\u0101gh\u016bn [720] he sent a message to them urging them to accept Islam;\nbut they refused, and as he found them to be peaceable and obedient\nsubjects, he left them alone. There is no record of their conversion,\nwhich probably ensued in course of time; but they can hardly be\nidentified with the group of ten thousand tents of infidel Turks who\nembraced Islam in the following year, as these latter are expressly\nstated to have harried and plundered the Musalmans before their\nconversion. [721] The invasion of the Qar\u0101 Khit\u0101y into Turkistan [722]\ndealt a severe blow to the power of Islam, and as late as the\nthirteenth century the reports of European travellers show that there\nwere still important groups of Buddhists, Manich\u00e6ans and Christians in\nthese parts. [723]\n\nOf supreme importance to Islam was the conversion of the Salj\u016bq Turks,\nbut no record of their conversion remains beyond the statement that in\nA.D. 956 Salj\u016bq migrated from Turkistan with his clan to the province\nof Bukh\u0101r\u0101, where he and his people enthusiastically embraced Islam.\n[724] This was the origin of the famous Salj\u016bq Turks, whose wars and\nconquests revived the fading glory of the Muhammadan arms and united\ninto one empire the Muslim kingdoms of Western Asia.\n\nWhen at the close of the twelfth century, the Salj\u016bq empire had lost\nall power except in Asia Minor, and when Mu\u1e25ammad Gh\u016br\u012b was extending\nhis empire from Khur\u0101s\u0101n eastward across the north of India, there was\na great revival of the Muslim faith among the Afgh\u0101ns and their country\nwas overrun by Arab preachers and converts from India, who set about\nthe task of proselytising with remarkable energy and boldness. [725]\nThe traditions of the Afgh\u0101ns represent Islam as having been peaceably\nintroduced among them. They say that in the first century of the Hijrah\nthey occupied the Gh\u016br country to the east of Her\u0101t, and that Kh\u0101lid b.\nWal\u012bd came to them there with the tidings of Islam and invited them to\njoin the standard of the Prophet; he returned to Mu\u1e25ammad accompanied\nby a deputation of six or seven representative men of the Afghan\npeople, with their followers, and these, when they went back to their\nown country, set to work to convert their fellow-tribesmen. [726] This\ntradition is, however, devoid of any historical foundation, and the\nearliest authentic record of conversion to Islam from among the Afghans\nseems to be that of a king of K\u0101bul in the reign of al-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn. [727]\nHis successors, however, seem to have relapsed to Buddhism, for when\nYa\u02bbq\u016bb b. Layth, the founder of the \u1e62aff\u0101rid dynasty, extended his\nconquests as far as K\u0101bul in 871, he found the ruler of the land to be\nan \u201cidolater,\u201d and K\u0101bul now became really Muhammadan for the first\ntime, the Afghans probably being quite willing to take service in the\narmy of so redoubtable a conqueror as Ya\u02bbq\u016bb b. Layth, [728] but it was\nnot until after the conquests of Sabaktig\u012bn and Ma\u1e25m\u016bd of Ghazna that\nIslam became established throughout Afghanistan.\n\nOf the further history of Islam in Persia and Central Asia some details\nwill be found in the following chapter.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE MONGOLS AND TATARS.\n\n\nThere is no event in the history of Islam that for terror and\ndesolation can be compared to the Mongol conquest. Like an avalanche,\nthe hosts of Ching\u012bz Kh\u0101n swept over the centres of Muslim culture and\ncivilisation, leaving behind them bare deserts and shapeless ruins\nwhere before had stood the palaces of stately cities, girt about with\ngardens and fruitful corn-land. When the Mongol army had marched out of\nthe city of Her\u0101t, a miserable remnant of forty persons crept out of\ntheir hiding-places and gazed horror-stricken on the ruins of their\nbeautiful city\u2014all that were left out of a population of over 100,000.\nIn Bukh\u0101r\u0101, so famed for its men of piety and learning, the Mongols\nstabled their horses in the sacred precincts of the mosques and tore up\nthe Qur\u02bc\u0101ns to serve as litter; those of the inhabitants who were not\nbutchered were carried away into captivity and their city reduced to\nashes. Such too was the fate of Samarqand, Balkh and many another city\nof Central Asia, which had been the glories of Islamic civilisation and\nthe dwelling-places of holy men and the seats of sound learning\u2014such\ntoo the fate of Baghd\u0101d that for centuries had been the capital of the\n\u02bbAbb\u0101sid dynasty.\n\nWell might the Muhammadan historian shudder to relate such horrors;\nwhen Ibn al-Ath\u012br comes to describe the inroads of the Mongols into the\ncountries of Islam, \u201cfor many years,\u201d he tells us, \u201cI shrank from\ngiving a recital of these events on account of their magnitude and my\nabhorrence. Even now I come reluctant to the task, for who would deem\nit a light thing to sing the death-song of Islam and of the Muslims, or\nfind it easy to tell this tale? O that my mother had not given me\nbirth! \u2018Oh, would that I had died ere this, and been a thing forgotten,\nforgotten quite!\u2019 [729] Many friends have urged me and still I stood\nirresolute; but I saw that it was of no profit to forego the task and\nso I thus resume. I shall have to describe events so terrible and\ncalamities so stupendous that neither day nor night have ever brought\nforth the like; they fell on all nations, but on the Muslims more than\nall; and were one to say that since God created Adam the world has not\nseen the like, he would but tell the truth, for history has nothing to\nrelate that at all approaches it. Among the greatest calamities in\nhistory is the slaughter that Nebuchadnezzar wrought among the children\nof Israel and his destruction of the Temple; but what is Jerusalem in\ncomparison to the countries that these accursed ones laid waste, every\ntown of which was far greater than Jerusalem, and what were the\nchildren of Israel in comparison to those they slew, since the\ninhabitants of one of the cities they destroyed were greater in numbers\nthan all the children of Israel? Let us hope that the world may never\nsee the like again.\u201d [730] But Islam was to rise again from the ashes\nof its former grandeur and through its preachers win over these savage\nconquerors to the acceptance of the faith. This was a task for the\nmissionary energies of Islam that was rendered more difficult from the\nfact that there were two powerful competitors in the field. The\nspectacle of Buddhism, Christianity and Islam emulously striving to win\nthe allegiance of the fierce conquerors that had set their feet on the\nnecks of adherents of these great missionary religions, is one that is\nwithout parallel in the history of the world.\n\nBefore entering on a recital of this struggle, it will be well in order\nto the comprehension of what is to follow briefly to glance at the\npartition of the Mongol empire after the death of Ching\u012bz Kh\u0101n, when it\nwas split up into four sections and divided among his sons. His third\nson, Ogot\u0101y, succeeded his father as Kh\u0101q\u0101n and received as his share\nthe eastern portion of the empire, in which Q\u016bb\u012bl\u0101y afterwards included\nthe whole of China. Chaghat\u0101y the second son took the middle kingdom.\nB\u0101t\u016b, the son of his first-born J\u016bj\u012b, ruled the western portion as Kh\u0101n\nof the Golden Horde; Tul\u016by the fourth son took Persia, to which H\u016bl\u0101g\u016b,\nwho founded the dynasty of the \u012alkh\u0101ns, added a great part of Asia\nMinor.\n\nThe primitive religion of the Mongols was Shamanism, which while\nrecognising a supreme God, offered no prayers to Him, but worshipped a\nnumber of inferior divinities, especially the evil spirits whose powers\nfor harm had to be deprecated by means of sacrifices, and the souls of\nancestors who were considered to exercise an influence on the lives of\ntheir descendants. To propitiate these powers of the heaven and of the\nlower world, recourse was had to the Shamans, wizards or medicine-men,\nwho were credited with possessing mysterious influence over the\nelements and the spirits of the departed. Their religion was not one\nthat was calculated to withstand long the efforts of a proselytising\nfaith, possessed of a systematic theology capable of satisfying the\ndemands of the reason and an organised body of religious teachers, when\nonce the Mongols had been brought into contact with civilised races,\nhad responded to their civilising influences and begun to pass out of\ntheir nomadic barbarism. It so happened that the civilised races with\nwhich the conquest of the Mongols brought them in contact comprised\nlarge numbers of Buddhists, Christians and Muhammadans, and the\nadherents of these three great missionary faiths entered into rivalry\nwith one another for the conversion of their conquerors. When not\ncarried away by the furious madness for destruction and insult that\nusually characterised their campaigns, the Shamanist Mongols showed\nthemselves remarkably tolerant of other religions, whose priests were\nexempted from taxation and allowed perfect freedom of worship. Buddhist\npriests held controversies with the Shamans in the presence of Ching\u012bz\nKh\u0101n; and at the courts of Mang\u016b Kh\u0101n and Q\u016bb\u012bl\u0101y the Buddhist and\nChristian priests and the Muslim Im\u0101ms alike enjoyed the patronage of\nthe Mongol prince. [731] In the reign of the latter monarch the Mongols\nin China began to yield to the powerful influences of the surrounding\nBuddhism, and by the beginning of the fourteenth century the Buddhist\nfaith seems to have gained a complete ascendancy over them. [732] It\nwas the Lamas of Tibet who showed themselves most zealous in this work\nof conversion, and the people of Mongolia to the present day cling to\nthe same faith, as do the Kalmuks who migrated to Russia in the\nseventeenth century.\n\nAlthough Buddhism made itself finally supreme in the eastern part of\nthe empire, at first the influence of the Christian Church was by no\nmeans inconsiderable and great hopes were entertained of the conversion\nof the Mongols. The Nestorian missionaries in the seventh century had\ncarried the knowledge of the Christian faith from west to east across\nAsia as far as the north of China, and scattered communities were still\nto be found in the thirteenth century. The famous Prester John, around\nwhose name cluster so many legends of the Middle Ages, is supposed to\nhave been the chief of the Kara\u00efts, a Christian Tartar tribe living to\nthe south of Lake Baikal. When this tribe was conquered by Ching\u012bz\nKh\u0101n, he married one of the daughters of the then chief of the tribe,\nwhile his son Ogot\u0101y took a wife from the same family. Ogot\u0101y\u2019s son,\nKuy\u016bk, although he did not himself become a Christian, showed great\nfavour towards this faith, to which his chief minister and one of his\nsecretaries belonged. The Nestorian priests were held in high favour at\nhis court and he received an embassy from Pope Innocent IV. [733] The\nChristian powers both of the East and the West looked to the Mongols to\nassist them in their wars against the Musalmans. It was Hayton, the\nChristian King of Armenia, who was mainly instrumental in persuading\nMang\u016b Kh\u0101n to despatch the expedition that sacked Baghd\u0101d under the\nleadership of H\u016bl\u0101g\u016b, [734] the influence of whose Christian wife led\nhim to show much favour to the Christians, and especially to the\nNestorians. Many of the Mongols who occupied the countries of Armenia\nand Georgia were converted by the Christians of these countries and\nreceived baptism. [735] The marvellous tales of the greatness and\nmagnificence of Prester John, that fired the imagination of medi\u00e6val\nEurope, had given rise to a belief that the Mongols were Christians\u2014a\nbelief which was further strengthened by the false reports that reached\nEurope of the conversion of various Mongol princes and their zeal for\nthe Christian cause. It was under this delusion that St. Louis sent an\nambassador, William of Rubruck, to exhort the great Kh\u0101q\u0101n to persevere\nin his supposed efforts for the spread of the Christian faith. But\nthese reports were soon discovered to be without any foundation in\nfact, though William of Rubruck found that the Christian religion was\nfreely tolerated at the court of Mang\u016b Kh\u0101n, and the adhesion of some\nfew Mongols to this faith made the Christian priests hopeful of still\nfurther conquests. But so long as Latins, Greeks, Nestorians and\nArmenians carried their theological differences into the very midst of\nthe Mongol camp, there was very little hope of much progress being\nmade, and it is probably this very want of union among the preachers of\nChristianity that caused their efforts to meet with so little success\namong the Mongols; so that while they were fighting among one another,\nBuddhism and Islam were gaining a firm footing for themselves. The\nhaughty pretensions of the Roman Pontiff soon caused the proud\nconquerors of half the world to withdraw from his emissaries what\nlittle favour they might at first have been inclined to show, and many\nother circumstances contributed to the failure of the Roman mission.\n[736]\n\nAs for the Nestorians, who had been first in the field, they appear to\nhave been too degraded and apathetic to take much advantage of their\nopportunities. Of the Nestorians in China, William of Rubruck [737]\nsays that they were very ignorant and could not even understand their\nservice books, which were written in Syriac. He accuses them of\ndrunkenness, polygamy and covetousness, and makes an unfavourable\ncomparison between their lives and those of the Buddhist priests. Their\nbishop paid them very rare visits\u2014sometimes only once in fifty years:\non such occasions he would ordain all the male children, even the\nbabies in their cradles. The priests were eaten up with simony, made a\ntraffic of the sacred rites of their Church and concerned themselves\nmore with money-making than with the propagation of the faith. [738]\n\nIn the western parts of the Mongol empire, where the Christians looked\nto the newly-risen power to help them in their wars with the Musalmans\nand to secure for them the possession of the Holy Land, the alliance\nbetween the Christians and the \u012alkh\u0101ns of Persia was short-lived, as\nthe victories of Baybars, the Maml\u016bk Sultan of Egypt (1260\u20131277) and\nhis alliance with Baraka Kh\u0101n, gave the \u012alkh\u0101ns quite enough to do to\nlook after their own interests. The excesses that the Christians of\nDamascus and other cities committed during the brief period in which\nthey enjoyed the favour of this Mongol dynasty of Persia, did much to\ndiscredit the Christian name in Western Asia. [739]\n\nIn the course of the struggle, the adherents of either faith were at\ntimes guilty of much brutality. One example may be taken from the\nmiddle of the thirteenth century as told by al-J\u016bzj\u0101n\u012b, who claims to\nhave heard the story, while in Delhi, from the lips of a certain Sayyid\nAshraf al-D\u012bn who had come there from Samarqand. \u201cThe eminent Sayyid\nthus related, that one of the Christians of Samarqand attained unto the\nfelicity of Islam, and the Musalmans of Samarqand, who are staunch in\ntheir faith, paid him great honour and reverence, and conferred great\nbenefits upon him. Unexpectedly, one of the haughty Mongol infidels of\nChina, who possessed power and influence, and the inclinations of which\naccursed one were towards the Christian faith, arrived at Samarqand.\nThe Christians of that city repaired to that Mongol, and complained\nsaying: \u2018The Musalmans are enjoining our children to turn away from the\nChristian faith and from serving Jesus\u2014on whom be peace\u2014and calling\nupon them to follow the religion of Mu\u1e63\u1e6daf\u1ea1\u0304 [740]\u2014on whom be peace\u2014and,\nin case that gate becomes unclosed, the whole of our dependents will\nturn away from the Christian faith. By thy power and authority devise a\nsettlement of our case.\u2019 The Mongol commanded that the youth, who had\nturned Musalman, should be produced, and they tried with blandishment\nand kindness, and money and wealth to induce the newly-converted\nMusalman to recant, but he refused to recant, and put not off from his\nheart and spirit that garment of freshness\u2014the Muslim faith. The Mongol\nruler then turned over a leaf in his temper, and began to speak of\nsevere punishment; and every punishment, which it was in his power to\ninflict, or his severity to devise, he inflicted upon the youth, who,\nfrom his great zeal for the faith of Islam, did not recant, and did not\nin any way cast away from his hand the sweet draught of religion\nthrough the blow of infidel perverseness. As the youth continued firm\nin the true faith, and paid no heed to the promises and threats of that\ndepraved company, the accursed Mongol commanded that they should bring\nthe youth to public punishment; and he departed from the world in the\nfelicity of religion\u2014may God reward and requite him!\u2014and the Musalman\ncommunity in Samarqand were overcome with despondency and consternation\nin consequence. A petition was got up, and was attested with the\ntestimony of the chief men and credible persons of the Musalman\nreligion dwelling at Samarqand, and we proceeded with that petition to\nthe camp of Baraka Kh\u0101n, and presented to him an account of the\nproceedings and disposition of the Christians of that city. Zeal for\nthe Muslim religion was manifested in the mind of that monarch of\nexemplary faith, and the defence of the truth became predominant in his\ndisposition. After some days, he showed honour to this Sayyid,\nappointed a body of Turks and confidential persons among the chief\nMusalmans, and commanded that they should slaughter the Christian\ncompany who had committed that dire oppression, and despatch them to\nhell. When that mandate had been obtained, it was preserved until that\nwretched sect had assembled in the church, then they seized them all\ntogether, and despatched the whole of them to hell, and reduced the\nchurch again to bricks.\u201d [741]\n\nFor Islam to enter into competition with such powerful rivals as\nBuddhism and Christianity were at the outset of the period of Mongol\nrule, must have appeared a well-nigh hopeless undertaking. For the\nMuslims had suffered more from the storm of the Mongol invasions than\nthe others. Those cities that had hitherto been the rallying points of\nspiritual organisation and learning for Islam in Asia, had been for the\nmost part laid in ashes: the theologians and pious doctors of the\nfaith, either slain or carried away into captivity. [742] Among the\nMongol rulers\u2014usually so tolerant towards all religions\u2014there were some\nwho exhibited varying degrees of hatred towards the Muslim faith.\nChing\u012bz Kh\u0101n ordered all those who killed animals in the Muhammadan\nfashion to be put to death, and this ordinance was revived by Q\u016bb\u012bl\u0101y,\nwho by offering rewards to informers set on foot a sharp persecution\nthat lasted for seven years, as many poor persons took advantage of\nthis ready means of gaining wealth, and slaves accused their masters in\norder to gain their freedom. [743] During the reign of Kuy\u016bk\n(1246\u20131248), who left the conduct of affairs entirely to his two\nChristian ministers and whose court was filled with Christian monks,\nthe Muhammadans were made to suffer great severities. [744]\n\nA contemporary historian, al-J\u016bzj\u0101n\u012b, gives the following account of\nthe kind of treatment to which a Muhammadan theologian might be exposed\nat the court of Kuy\u016bk. \u201cTrustworthy persons have related that Kuy\u016bk was\nconstantly being incited by the Buddhist priests to acts of oppression\ntowards the Musalmans and the persecution of the faithful. There was an\nIm\u0101m in that country, one of the men of learning among the Muslims ...\nnamed N\u016br al-D\u012bn, al-Khw\u0101razm\u012b. A number of Christian laymen and\npriests and a band of idol-worshipping Buddhist priests made a request\nto Kuy\u016bk, asking him to summon that Im\u0101m of the Musalmans that they\nmight hold a controversy with him and get him to prove the superiority\nof the faith of Mu\u1e25ammad and his prophetic mission\u2014otherwise, he should\nbe put to death. The Kh\u0101n agreed, the Im\u0101m was sent for, and a\ndiscussion ensued upon the claim of Mu\u1e25ammad to be a prophet and the\nmanner of his life as compared with that of other prophets. At length,\nas the arguments of those accursed ones were weak and devoid of the\nforce of truth, they withdrew their hand from contradiction and drew\nthe mark of oppression and outrage on the pages of the business and\nasked Kuy\u016bk Kh\u0101n to tell the Im\u0101m to perform two genuflexions in\nprayer, according to the rites and ordinances of the Muhammadan law, in\norder that his unbecoming movements in the performance of this act of\nworship might become manifest to them and to the Kh\u0101n.\u201d Kuy\u016bk gave the\norder accordingly, and the Im\u0101m and another Musalman who was with him\nperformed the ritual of the prayer according to the prescribed forms.\n\u201cWhen the godly Im\u0101m and the other Musalman who was with him, had\nplaced their foreheads on the ground in the act of prostration, some\ninfidels whom Kuy\u016bk had summoned, greatly annoyed them and knocked\ntheir heads with force upon the ground, and committed other abominable\nacts against them. But that godly Im\u0101m endured all this oppression and\nannoyance and performed all the required forms and ceremonies of the\nprayer and in no way curtailed it. When he had repeated the salutation,\nhe lifted up his face towards heaven and observed the form of \u2018Invoke\nyour Lord with humility and in secret,\u2019 and having asked permission to\ndepart, he returned unto his own house.\u201d [745]\n\nArgh\u016bn (1284\u20131291) the fourth \u012alkh\u0101n persecuted the Musalmans and took\naway from them all posts in the departments of justice and finance, and\nforbade them to appear at his court. [746]\n\nIn spite of all difficulties, however, the Mongols and the savage\ntribes that followed in their wake [747] were at length brought to\nsubmit to the faith of those Muslim peoples whom they had crushed\nbeneath their feet. Unfortunately history sheds little light on the\nprogress of this missionary movement and only a few details relating to\nthe conversion of the more prominent converts have been preserved to\nus. Scattered up and down throughout the length and breadth of the\nMongol empire, there must have been many of the followers of the\nProphet who laboured successfully and unknown, to win unbelievers to\nthe faith. In the reign of Ogot\u0101y (1229\u20131241), we read of a certain\nBuddhist governor of Persia, named Kurguz, who in his later years\nabjured Buddhism and became a Musalman. [748] In the reign of T\u012bm\u016br\nKh\u0101n (1323\u20131328), \u0100nanda, a grandson of Q\u016bb\u012bl\u0101y and viceroy of Kan-Su,\nwas a zealous Musalman and had converted a great many persons in Tangut\nand won over a large number of the troops under his command to the same\nfaith. He was summoned to court and efforts were made to induce him to\nconform to Buddhism, and on his refusing to abandon his faith he was\ncast into prison. But he was shortly after set at liberty, for fear of\nan insurrection among the inhabitants of Tangut, who were much attached\nto him. [749]\n\nThe author of the Muntakhab al-Taw\u0101r\u012bkh asserts that \u0100nanda built four\nmosques in Kh\u0101nb\u0101ligh (the modern Peking), which provided accommodation\nfor 1,000,000 men at the time of the Friday prayer; but no credence can\nbe given to this or to his other statements regarding the spread of\nIslam in China, in view of the fact that he represents \u0100nanda to have\nbeen the successor of T\u012bm\u016br Kh\u0101n on the imperial throne and gives an\nentirely fictitious account of his descendants, several of whom are\nrepresented as having professed Islam, though none of the five had any\nexistence except in the imagination of the writer. [750]\n\nThe first Mongol ruling prince who professed Islam was Baraka Kh\u0101n, who\nwas chief of the Golden Horde from 1256 to 1267. [751] According to\nAbu\u2019l-Gh\u0101z\u012b he was converted after he had come to the throne. He is\nsaid one day to have fallen in with a caravan coming from Bukh\u0101r\u0101, and\ntaking two of the merchants aside, to have questioned them on the\ndoctrines of Islam, and they expounded to him their faith so\npersuasively that he became converted in all sincerity. He first\nrevealed his change of faith to his youngest brother, whom he induced\nto follow his example, and then made open profession of his new belief.\n[752] But, according to al-J\u016bzj\u0101n\u012b, Baraka Kh\u0101n was brought up as a\nMusalman from infancy, and, as soon as he was old enough to learn, was\ntaught the Qur\u02bc\u0101n by one of the \u02bbUlam\u0101 of the city of Khujand. [753]\nThe same author (who compiled his history during the lifetime of Baraka\nKh\u0101n), states that the whole of his army was Musalman. \u201cTrustworthy\npersons have also related that, throughout his whole army, it is the\netiquette for every horseman to have a prayer-carpet with him, so that,\nwhen the time for prayer arrives, they may occupy themselves in their\ndevotions. Not a person in his whole army takes any intoxicating drink\nwhatever; and great \u02bbUlam\u0101, consisting of commentators, traditionists,\njurists, and disputants, are in his society. He has a great number of\nreligious books, and most of his receptions and debates are with\n\u02bbUlam\u0101. In his place of audience debates on ecclesiastical law\nconstantly take place; and, in his faith, as a Musalman, he is\nexceedingly strict and orthodox.\u201d [754] Baraka Kh\u0101n entered into a\nclose alliance with the Maml\u016bk Sultan of Egypt, Rukn al-D\u012bn Baybars.\nThe initiative came from the latter, who had given a hospitable\nreception to a body of troops, two hundred in number, belonging to the\nGolden Horde; these men, observing the growing enmity between their\nKh\u0101n and H\u016bl\u0101g\u016b, the conqueror of Baghd\u0101d, in whose army they were\nserving, took flight into Syria, whence they were honourably conducted\nto Cairo to the court of Baybars, who persuaded them to embrace Islam.\n[755] Baybars himself was at war with H\u016bl\u0101g\u016b, whom he had recently\ndefeated and driven out of Syria. He sent two of the Mongol fugitives,\nwith some other envoys, to bear a letter to Baraka Kh\u0101n. On their\nreturn these envoys reported that each princess and am\u012br at the court\nof Baraka Kh\u0101n had an im\u0101m and a mu\u02bcadhdhin, and the children were\ntaught the Qur\u02bc\u0101n in the schools. [756] These friendly relations\nbetween Baybars and Baraka Kh\u0101n brought many of the Mongols of the\nGolden Horde into Egypt, where they were prevailed upon to become\nMusalmans. [757]\n\nIn Persia, where H\u016bl\u0101g\u016b founded the dynasty of the \u012alkh\u0101ns, the\nprogress of Islam among the Mongols was much slower. In order to\nstrengthen himself against the attacks of Baraka Kh\u0101n and the Sultan of\nEgypt, H\u016bl\u0101g\u016b accepted the alliance of the Christian powers of the\nEast, such as the king of Armenia and the Crusaders. His favourite wife\nwas a Christian and favourably disposed the mind of her husband towards\nher co-religionists, and his son Ab\u0101q\u0101 Kh\u0101n married the daughter of the\nEmperor of Constantinople. Though Ab\u0101q\u0101 Kh\u0101n did not himself become a\nChristian, his court was filled with Christian priests, and he sent\nenvoys to several of the princes of Europe\u2014St. Louis of France, King\nCharles of Sicily and King James of Aragon\u2014to solicit their alliance\nagainst the Muhammadans; to the same end also, an embassy of sixteen\nMongols was sent to the Council of Lyons in 1274, where the spokesman\nof this embassy embraced Christianity and was baptised with some of his\ncompanions. Great hopes were entertained of the conversion of Ab\u0101q\u0101,\nbut they proved fruitless. His brother Tak\u016bd\u0101r, [758] who succeeded\nhim, was the first of the \u012alkh\u0101ns who embraced Islam. He had been\nbrought up as a Christian, for (as a contemporary Christian writer\n[759] tells us), \u201che was baptised when young and called by the name of\nNicholas. But when he was grown up, through his intercourse with\nSaracens of whom he was very fond, he became a base Saracen, and,\nrenouncing the Christian faith, wished to be called Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n, and\nstrove with all his might that the Tartars should be converted to the\nfaith and sect of Mu\u1e25ammad, and when they proved obstinate, not daring\nto force them, he brought about their conversion by giving them honours\nand favours and gifts, so that in his time many Tartars were converted\nto the faith of the Saracens.\u201d This prince sent the news of his\nconversion to the Sultan of Egypt in the following letter:\u2014\u201cBy the\npower of God Almighty, the mandate of A\u1e25mad to the Sultan of Egypt. God\nAlmighty (praised be His name!) by His grace preventing us and by the\nlight of His guidance, hath guided us in our early youth and vigour\ninto the true path of the knowledge of His deity and the confession of\nHis unity, to bear witness that Mu\u1e25ammad (on whom rest the highest\nblessings!) is the Prophet of God, and to reverence His saints and His\npious servants. \u2018Whom God shall please to guide, that man\u2019s breast will\nHe open to Islam.\u2019 [760] We ceased not to incline our heart to the\npromotion of the faith and the improvement of the condition of Islam\nand the Muslims, up to the time when the succession to the empire came\nto us from our illustrious father and brother, and God spread over us\nthe glory of His grace and kindness, so that in the abundance of His\nfavours our hopes were realised, and He revealed to us the bride of the\nkingdom, and she was brought forth to us a noble spouse. A Q\u016brilt\u0101y or\ngeneral assembly was convened, wherein our brothers, our sons, great\nnobles, generals of the army and captains of the forces, met to hold\ncouncil; and they were all agreed on carrying out the order of our\nelder brother, viz. to summon here a vast levy of our troops whose\nnumbers would make the earth, despite its vastness, appear too narrow,\nwhose fury and fierce onset would fill the hearts of men with fear,\nbeing animated with a courage before which the mountain peaks bow down,\nand a firm purpose that makes the hardest rocks grow soft. We reflected\non this their resolution which expressed the wish of all, and we\nconcluded that it ran counter to the aim we had in view\u2014to promote the\ncommon weal, i.e. to strengthen the ordinance of Islam; never, as far\nas lies in our power, to issue any order that will not tend to prevent\nbloodshed, remove the ills of men, and cause the breeze of peace and\nprosperity to blow on all lands, and the kings of other countries to\nrest upon the couch of affection and benevolence, whereby the commands\nof God will be honoured and mercy be shown to the people of God.\nHerein, God inspired us to quench this fire and put an end to these\nterrible calamities, and make known to those who advanced this proposal\n(of a levy) what it is that God has put into our hearts to do, namely,\nto employ all possible means for the healing of all the sickness of the\nworld, and putting off what should only be appealed to as the last\nremedy. For we desire not to hasten to appeal to arms, until we have\nfirst declared the right path, and will permit it only after setting\nforth the truth and establishing it with proofs. Our resolve to carry\nout whatever appears to us good and advantageous has been strengthened\nby the counsels of the Shaykh al-Isl\u0101m, the model of divines, who has\ngiven us much assistance in religious matters. We have appointed our\nchief justice, Qutb al-D\u012bn and the At\u0101bak, Bah\u0101 al-D\u012bn, both\ntrustworthy persons of this flourishing kingdom, to make known to you\nour course of action and bear witness to our good intentions for the\ncommon weal of the Muslims; and to make it known that God has\nenlightened us, and that Islam annuls all that has gone before it, and\nthat God Almighty has put it into our hearts to follow the truth and\nthose who practice it.... If some convincing proof be required, let men\nobserve our actions. By the grace of God, we have raised aloft the\nstandards of the faith, and borne witness to it in all our orders and\nour practice, so that the ordinances of the law of Mu\u1e25ammad may be\nbrought to the fore and firmly established in accordance with the\nprinciples of justice laid down by A\u1e25mad. Whereby we have filled the\nhearts of the people with joy, have granted free pardon to all\noffenders, and shown them indulgences, saying, \u2018May God pardon the\npast!\u2019 We have reformed all matters concerning the pious endowments of\nMuslims given for mosques, colleges, charitable institutions, and the\nrebuilding of caravanserais; we have restored their incomes to those to\nwhom they were due according to the terms laid down by the donors....\nWe have ordered the pilgrims to be treated with respect, provision to\nbe made for their caravans and for securing their safety on the pilgrim\nroutes; we have given perfect freedom to merchants, travelling from one\ncountry to another, that they may go wherever they please; and we have\nstrictly prohibited our soldiers and police from interfering with them\nin their comings or goings.\u201d He seeks the alliance of the Sultan of\nEgypt \u201cso that these countries and cities may again be populated, these\nterrible calamities be put down, the sword be returned to the scabbard;\nthat all peoples may dwell in peace and quietness, and the necks of the\nMuslims be freed from the ills of humiliation and disgrace.\u201d [761]\n\nTo the student of the history of the Mongols it is a relief to pass\nfrom the recital of nameless horrors and continual bloodshed to a\ndocument emanating from a Mongol prince and giving expression to such\nhumane and benevolent sentiments, which sound strange indeed coming\nfrom such lips.\n\nThis conversion of their chief and the persecutions that he inflicted\non the Christians gave great offence to the Mongols, who, although not\nChristians themselves, had been long accustomed to intercourse with the\nChristians, and they denounced their chief to Q\u016bb\u012bl\u0101y Kh\u0101n as one who\nhad abandoned the footsteps of his forefathers. A revolt broke out\nagainst him, headed by his nephew Argh\u016bn, who compassed his death and\nsucceeded him on the throne. During his brief reign (1284\u20131291), the\nChristians were once more restored to favour, while the Musalmans had\nto suffer persecution in their turn, were dismissed from their posts\nand driven away from the court. [762]\n\nThe successors of Tak\u016bd\u0101r were all heathen, until, in 1295, Gh\u0101z\u0101n, the\nseventh and greatest of the \u012alkh\u0101ns, became a Musalman and made Islam\nthe ruling religion of Persia. During the last three reigns the\nChristians had entertained great hopes of the conversion of the ruling\nfamily of Persia, who had shown them such distinguished favour and\nentrusted them with so many important offices of state. His immediate\npredecessor, the insurgent Bayd\u016b Kh\u0101n, who occupied the throne for a\nfew months only in 1295, carried his predilection for Christianity so\nfar as to try to put a stop to the spread of Islam among the Mongols,\nand accordingly forbade any one to preach the doctrines of this faith\namong them. [763]\n\nGh\u0101z\u0101n himself before his conversion had been brought up as a Buddhist\nand had erected several Buddhist temples in Khur\u0101s\u0101n, and took great\npleasure in the company of the priests of this faith, who had come into\nPersia in large numbers since the establishment of the Mongol supremacy\nover that country. [764] He appears to have been naturally of a\nreligious turn of mind, for he studied the creeds of the different\nreligions of his time, and used to hold discussions with the learned\ndoctors of each faith. [765] Rash\u012bd al-D\u012bn, his learned minister and\nthe historian of his reign, maintained the genuineness of his\nconversion to Islam, the religious observances of which he zealously\nkept throughout his whole reign, though his contemporaries (and later\nwriters have often re-echoed the imputation) represented him as having\nonly yielded to the solicitations of some Am\u012brs and Shaykhs. [766]\n\u201cBesides, what interested motive,\u201d asks his apologist, \u201ccould have led\nso powerful a sovereign to change his faith: much less, a prince whose\npagan ancestors had conquered the world?\u201d His conversion, however,\ncertainly won over to his side the hearts of the Persians, when he was\ncontending with Bayd\u016b for the throne, and the Muhammadan Mongols in the\narmy of his rival deserted to support the cause of their\nco-religionist. These were the very considerations that were urged upon\nGh\u0101z\u0101n by Nawr\u016bz, a Muhammadan Am\u012br who had espoused his cause and who\nhailed him as the prince who, according to a prophecy, was to appear\nabout this time to protect the faith of Islam and restore it to its\nformer splendour: if he embraced Islam, he could become the ruler of\nPersia: the Musalmans, delivered from the grievous yoke of the Pagan\nMongols, would espouse his cause, and God, recognising in him the\nsaviour of the true faith from utter destruction, would bless his arms\nwith victory. [767] After hesitating a little, Gh\u0101z\u0101n made a public\nprofession of the faith, and his officers and soldiers followed his\nexample: he distributed alms to men of piety and learning and visited\nthe mosques and tombs of the saints and in every way showed himself an\nexemplary Muslim ruler. His brother, Ulj\u0101yt\u016b, who succeeded him in\n1304, under the name of Mu\u1e25ammad Khud\u0101bandah, had been brought up as a\nChristian in the faith of his mother and had been baptised under the\nname of Nicholas, but after his mother\u2019s death, while he was still a\nyoung man, he became a convert to Islam through the persuasions of his\nwife. [768] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah says that his example exercised a great\ninfluence on the Mongols. [769] From this time forward Islam became the\nparamount faith in the kingdom of the \u012alkh\u0101ns.\n\nThe details that we possess of the progress of Islam in the Middle\nKingdom, which fell to the lot of Chaghat\u0101y and his descendants, are\nstill more meagre. Several of the princes of this line had a Muhammadan\nminister in their service, but they showed themselves unsympathetic to\nthe faith of Islam. Chaghat\u0101y harassed his Muhammadan subjects by\nregulations that restricted their ritual observances in respect of the\nkilling of animals for food and of ceremonial washings. Al-J\u016bzj\u0101n\u012b says\nthat he was the bitterest enemy of the Muslims among all the Mongol\nrulers and did not wish any one to utter the word Musalman before him\nexcept with evil purpose. [770] Orghana, the wife of his grandson and\nsuccessor, Qar\u0101-H\u016bl\u0101g\u016b, brought up her son as a Musalman, and under the\nname of Mub\u0101rak Sh\u0101h he came forward in 1264 as one of the claimants of\nthe disputed succession to the Chaghat\u0101y Kh\u0101nate; but he was soon\ndriven from the throne by his cousin Bur\u0101q Kh\u0101n, and appears to have\nexercised no influence on behalf of his faith, indeed judging from\ntheir names it would not appear that any of his own children even\nadopted the religion of their father. [771] Bur\u0101q Kh\u0101n is said to have\n\u201chad the blessedness of receiving the light of the faith\u201d a few days\nbefore his death in 1270, and to have taken the name of Sul\u1e6d\u0101n Ghiy\u0101th\nal-D\u012bn, [772] but he was buried according to the ancient funeral rites\nof the Mongols, and not as a Musalman, and those who had been converted\nduring his reign relapsed into their former heathenism. It was not\nuntil the next century that the conversion of \u1e6carm\u0101sh\u012br\u012bn Kh\u0101n, about\n1326, caused Islam to be at all generally adopted by the Chaghat\u0101y\nMongols, who when they followed the example of their chief this time\nremained true to their new faith. But even now the ascendancy of Islam\nwas not assured, for B\u016bzun who was Kh\u0101n in the next decade\u2014the\nchronology is uncertain\u2014drove \u1e6carm\u0101sh\u012br\u012bn from his throne, and\npersecuted the Muslims, [773] and it was not until some years later\nthat we hear of the first Musalman king of K\u0101shgar, which the break-up\nof the Chaghat\u0101y dynasty had erected into a separate kingdom. This\nprince, T\u016bqluq T\u012bm\u016br Kh\u0101n (1347\u20131363), is said to have owed his\nconversion to a holy man from Bukh\u0101r\u0101, by name Shaykh Jam\u0101l al-D\u012bn.\nThis Shaykh, in company with a number of travellers, had unwittingly\ntrespassed on the game-preserves of the prince, who ordered them to be\nbound hand and foot and brought before him. In reply to his angry\nquestion, how they had dared interfere with his hunting, the Shaykh\npleaded that they were strangers and were quite unaware that they were\ntrespassing on forbidden ground. Learning that they were Persians, the\nprince said that a dog was worth more than a Persian. \u201cYes,\u201d replied\nthe Shaykh, \u201cif we had not the true faith, we should indeed be worse\nthan the dogs.\u201d Struck with his reply, the Kh\u0101n ordered this bold\nPersian to be brought before him on his return from hunting, and taking\nhim aside asked him to explain what he meant by these words and what\nwas \u201cfaith.\u201d The Shaykh then set before him the doctrines of Islam with\nsuch fervour and zeal that the heart of the Kh\u0101n that before had been\nhard as a stone was melted like wax, and so terrible a picture did the\nholy man draw of the state of unbelief, that the prince was convinced\nof the blindness of his own errors, but said, \u201cWere I now to make\nprofession of the faith of Islam, I should not be able to lead my\nsubjects into the true path. But bear with me a little; and when I have\nentered into the possession of the kingdom of my forefathers, come to\nme again.\u201d For the empire of Chaghat\u0101y had by this time been broken up\ninto a number of petty princedoms, and it was many years before T\u016bqluq\nT\u012bm\u016br succeeded in uniting under his sway the whole empire as before.\nMeanwhile Shaykh Jam\u0101l al-D\u012bn had returned to his home, where he fell\ndangerously ill: when at the point of death, he said to his son Rash\u012bd\nal-D\u012bn, \u201cT\u016bqluq T\u012bm\u016br will one day become a great monarch; fail not to\ngo and salute him in my name and fearlessly remind him of the promise\nhe made me.\u201d Some years later, when T\u016bqluq T\u012bm\u016br had re-won the empire\nof his fathers, Rash\u012bd al-D\u012bn made his way to the camp of the Kh\u0101n to\nfulfil the last wishes of his father, but in spite of all his efforts\nhe could not gain an audience of the Kh\u0101n. At length he devised the\nfollowing expedient: one day in the early morning, he began to chant\nthe call to prayers, close to the Kh\u0101n\u2019s tent. Enraged at having his\nslumbers disturbed in this way, the prince ordered him to be brought\ninto his presence, whereupon Rash\u012bd al-D\u012bn delivered his father\u2019s\nmessage. T\u016bqluq Kh\u0101n was not unmindful of his promise, and said: \u201cEver\nsince I ascended the throne I have had it on my mind that I made that\npromise, but the person to whom I gave the pledge never came. Now you\nare welcome.\u201d He then repeated the profession of faith and became a\nMuslim. \u201cOn that morn the sun of bounty rose out of the east of divine\nfavour and effaced the dark night of unbelief.... They then decided\nthat for the propagation of Islam they should interview the princes one\nby one, and it should be well for those who accepted the faith, but\nthose who refused should be slain as heathens and idolaters.\u201d The first\nto be examined was a noble named Am\u012br T\u016blik. The Kh\u0101n asked him, \u201cWill\nyou embrace Islam?\u201d Am\u012br T\u016blik burst into tears and said: \u201cThree years\nago I was converted by some holy men at K\u0101shgar and became a Musalman,\nbut from fear of you I did not openly declare it.\u201d Then T\u016bqluq Kh\u0101n\nrose up and embraced him, and the three sat down again together. In\nthis manner they examined the princes one by one, and they all accepted\nIslam, with the exception of one named Jar\u0101s, who suggested a trial of\nstrength between the Shaykh and his servant, an infidel who was above\nthe ordinary stature of man and so strong that he could lift a\ntwo-year-old camel. The Shaykh accepted the challenge, saying: \u201cIf I do\nnot throw him, I will not require you to become a Musalman. If it is\nGod\u2019s wish that the Mongols become honoured with the blessed state of\nIslam, He will doubtless give me sufficient power to overcome this\nman.\u201d T\u016bqluq Kh\u0101n and those who had become Musalmans with him tried to\ndissuade the holy man, but he persisted in his purpose. \u201cA large crowd\nassembled, the infidel was brought in, and he and the Shaykh advanced\ntowards one another. The infidel, proud of his own strength, advanced\nwith a conceited air. The Shaykh looked very small and weak beside him.\nWhen they came to blows, the Shaykh struck the infidel full in the\nchest, and he fell senseless. After a little he came to again, and\nhaving raised himself, fell again at the feet of the Shaykh, crying out\nand uttering words of belief. The people raised loud shouts of\napplause, and on that day 160,000 persons cut off the hair of their\nheads and became Musalmans. The Kh\u0101n was circumcised, and the lights of\nIslam dispelled the shades of unbelief.\u201d From that time Islam became\nthe established faith in the settled countries under the rule of the\ndescendants of Chaghat\u0101y. [774] But many of the nomad Mongols appear to\nhave remained outside the pale of Islam up to the early part of the\nfifteenth century, judging from the violent methods adopted for their\nconversion by Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n, who was Kh\u0101n of Mughalist\u0101n [775] about\n1416. \u201cMu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n was a wealthy prince and a good Musalman. He\npersisted in following the road of justice and equity, and was so\nunremitting in his exertions, that during his blessed reign most of the\ntribes of the Mongols became Musalmans. It is well known what severe\nmeasures he had recourse to, in bringing the Mongols to be believers in\nIslam. If, for instance, a Mongol did not wear a turban, a horseshoe\nnail was driven into his head: and treatment of this kind was common.\nMay God recompense him with good.\u201d [776]\n\nEven such drastic measures were ineffectual in bringing about a general\nacceptance of Islam, for as late as at the close of the following\ncentury, [777] a dervish named Is\u1e25\u0101q Wal\u012b found scope for his\nproselytising activities in K\u0101shgar, Y\u0101rkand and Khotan, where he spent\ntwelve years in spreading the faith; [778] he also worked among the\nKirghiz and Kazaks, from among whom he made 180 converts and destroyed\neighteen temples of idols. [779]\n\nIn the preceding pages some attempt has been made to indicate some of\nthe steps by which the Muslims won over to their faith the savage\nhordes who had destroyed their centres of culture. By slow degrees,\nIslam thus began to emerge out of the ruins of its former ascendancy\nand take its place again as a dominant faith, after more than a century\nof depression. In the course of the struggle between the followers of\nrival creeds for the adherence of the Mongols, considerations of\npolitical expediency undoubtedly operated in favour of the Muslim\nparty, and the intrigues of Western Christendom caused the Christians\nto become suspect, as agents of a foreign power; but at the beginning\nsuch of the Mongols as were Nestorians could put forward a better claim\nto be the national party and could attack the Musalmans as adherents of\na foreign faith. A\u1e25mad Tak\u016bd\u0101r was denounced by Argh\u016bn as a traitor to\nthe law of his fathers, in that he had followed the way of the Arabs\nwhich none of his ancestors had known. [780] The insurrection that\ncaused \u1e6carm\u0101sh\u012br\u012bn to be driven into exile, gained strength from the\ncomplaint that this monarch had disregarded the Yass\u0101q or ancient code\nof Mongol institutes. [781] But though the issue of the struggle long\nremained doubtful, Islam gradually gained ground in the lands of which\nit had been dispossessed. The means whereby this success was achieved\nare obscure, and the scanty details set forth above leave much of the\ntale untold, but enough has been recorded to indicate some of the\nproselytising agencies that led to individual conversions. \u0100nanda drank\nin Islam with his foster-mother\u2019s milk; [782] and the remnant of the\nfaithful, especially the older families of Muhammadan Turks, exercised\nan almost insensible influence on the Mongols who settled down in their\nmidst. But of special importance among the proselytising agencies at\nwork was the influence of the p\u012br and his spiritual disciples. In the\nmidst of the profound discouragement which filled the Musalmans after\nthe flood of the Mongol conquest had poured over them, their first\nrefuge was in mysticism, and the p\u012br, or spiritual guide, and religious\norders\u2014such as the Naqshband\u012b, which in the fourteenth century entered\non a new period of its development\u2014breathed new life into the Muslim\ncommunity and inspired it with fresh fervour. \u201cIn the hands of the p\u012br\nand his monks, the Musalman in Asia came to be an agent, at first\npassive and unconscious, later on the adherent of a party\u2014the party of\nthe national faith, in opposition to the rule of the Mongols, which was\nat once foreign, barbaric and secular.\u201d [783]\n\nLet us now return to the history of Islam in the Golden Horde. The\nchief camping ground of this section of the Mongols was the grassy\nplain watered by the Volga, on the bank of which they founded their\ncapital city Serai, whither the Russian princes sent their tribute to\nthe kh\u0101n. The conversion of Baraka Kh\u0101n, of which mention has been made\nabove, and the close intercourse with Egypt that subsequently sprang\nup, contributed considerably to the progress of Islam, and his example\nseems to have been gradually followed by those of the aristocracy and\nleaders of the Golden Horde that were of Mongol descent. But many\ntribes of the Golden Horde appear to have resented the introduction of\nIslam into their midst, and when the conversion of Baraka Kh\u0101n was\nopenly proclaimed, they sent to offer the crown, of which they\nconsidered him now unworthy, to his rival H\u016bl\u0101g\u016b. Indeed, so strong was\nthis opposition, that it seems to have largely contributed to the\nformation of the Nogais as a separate tribe. They took their name from\nNog\u0101y, who was the chief commander of the Mongol forces under Baraka\nKh\u0101n. When the other princes of the Golden Horde became Musalmans,\nNog\u0101y remained a Shamanist and thus became a rallying point for those\nwho refused to abandon the old religion of the Mongols. His daughter,\nhowever, who was married to a Shamanist, became converted to Islam some\ntime after her marriage and had to endure the ill-treatment and\ncontempt of her husband in consequence. [784]\n\nTo \u016azbek Kh\u0101n, who was leader of the Golden Horde from 1313 to 1340,\nand who distinguished himself by his proselytising zeal, it was said,\n\u201cContent yourself with our obedience, what matters our religion to you?\nWhy should we abandon the faith of Ching\u012bz Kh\u0101n for that of the Arabs?\u201d\nBut in spite of the strong opposition to his efforts, \u016azbek Kh\u0101n\nsucceeded in winning many converts to the faith of which he was so\nardent a follower and which owed to his efforts its firm establishment\nin the country under his sway. [785] A further sign of his influence is\nfound in the tribes of the \u016azbeks of Central Asia, who take their name\nfrom him and were probably converted during his reign. He is said to\nhave formed the design of spreading the faith of Islam throughout the\nwhole of Russia, [786] but here he met with no success. Indeed, though\nthe Mongols were paramount in Russia for two centuries, they appear to\nhave exercised very little influence on the people of that country, and\nleast of all in the matter of religion. It is noticeable, moreover,\nthat in spite of his zeal for the spread of his own faith, \u016azbek Kh\u0101n\nwas very tolerant towards his Christian subjects, who were left\nundisturbed in the exercise of their religion and even allowed to\npursue their missionary labours in his territory. One of the most\nremarkable documents of Muhammadan toleration is the charter that \u016azbek\nKh\u0101n granted to the Metropolitan Peter in 1313:\u2014\u201cBy the will and power,\nthe greatness and mercy of the most High! \u016azbek to all our princes,\ngreat and small, etc., etc. Let no man insult the metropolitan church\nof which Peter is the head, or his servants or his churchmen; let no\nman seize their property, goods or people, let no man meddle with the\naffairs of the metropolitan church, since they are divine. Whoever\nshall meddle therein and transgress our edict, will be guilty before\nGod and feel His wrath and be punished by us with death. Let the\nmetropolitan dwell in the path of safety and rejoice, with a just and\nupright heart let him (or his deputy) decide and regulate all\necclesiastical matters. We solemnly declare that neither we nor our\nchildren nor the princes of our realm nor the governors of our\nprovinces will in any way interfere with the affairs of the church and\nthe metropolitan, or in their towns, districts, villages, chases and\nfisheries, their hives, lands, meadows, forests, towns and places under\ntheir bailiffs, their vineyards, mills, winter quarters for cattle, or\nany of the properties and goods of the church. Let the mind of the\nmetropolitan be always at peace and free from trouble, with uprightness\nof heart let him pray to God for us, our children and our nation.\nWhoever shall lay hands on anything that is sacred, shall be held\nguilty, he shall incur the wrath of God and the penalty of death, that\nothers may be dismayed at his fate. When the tribute or other dues,\nsuch as custom duties, plough-tax, tolls or relays are levied, or when\nwe wish to raise troops among our subjects, let nothing be exacted from\nthe cathedral churches under the metropolitan Peter, or from any of his\nclergy: ... whatever may be exacted from the clergy, shall be returned\nthreefold.... Their laws, their churches, their monasteries and chapels\nshall be respected; whoever condemns or blames this religion, shall not\nbe allowed to excuse himself under any pretext, but shall be punished\nwith death. The brothers and sons of priests and deacons, living at the\nsame table and in the same house, shall enjoy the same privileges.\u201d\n[787]\n\nThat these were no empty words and that the toleration here promised\nbecame a reality, may be judged from a letter sent to the Kh\u0101n by Pope\nJohn XXII in 1318, in which he thanks the Muslim prince for the favour\nhe showed to his Christian subjects and the kind treatment they\nreceived at his hands. [788] The successors of \u016azbek Kh\u0101n do not appear\nto have been animated by the same zeal for the spread of Islam as he\nhad shown, and could not be expected to succeed where he failed. So\nlong as the Russians paid their taxes, they were left free to worship\naccording to their own desires, and the Christian religion had become\ntoo closely intertwined with the life of the people to be disturbed,\neven had efforts been made to turn them from the faith of their\nfathers; for Christianity had been the national religion of the Russian\npeople for well-nigh three centuries before the Mongols established\nthemselves in Russian territory.\n\nAnother race many years before had tried to win the Russians to Islam\nbut had likewise failed, viz. the Muslim Bulgarians who were found in\nthe tenth century on the banks of the Volga, and who probably owed\ntheir conversion to the Muslim merchants, trading in furs and other\ncommodities of the North; their conversion must have taken place some\ntime before A.D. 921, when the caliph al-Muqtadir sent an envoy to\nconfirm them in the faith and instruct them in the tenets and\nordinances of Islam. [789]\n\nThese Bulgarians attempted the conversion of Vladimir, the then\nsovereign of Russia, who (the Russian chronicler tells us) had found it\nnecessary to choose some religion better than his pagan creed, but they\nfailed to overcome his objections to the rite of circumcision and to\nthe prohibition of wine, the use of which, he declared, the Russians\ncould never give up, as it was the very joy of their life. Equally\nunsuccessful were the Jews who came from the country of the Khazars on\nthe Caspian Sea and had won over the king of that people to the Mosaic\nfaith. [790] After listening to their arguments, Vladimir asked them\nwhere their country was. \u201cJerusalem,\u201d they replied, \u201cbut God in His\nanger has scattered us over the whole world.\u201d \u201cThen you are cursed of\nGod,\u201d cried the king, \u201cand yet want to teach others: begone! we have no\nwish, like you, to be without a country.\u201d The most favourable\nimpression was made by a Greek priest who, after a brief criticism of\nthe other religions, set forth the whole scheme of Christian teaching\nbeginning with the creation of the world and the story of the fall of\nman and ending with the seven \u0153cumenical councils accepted by the Greek\nChurch; then he showed the prince a picture of the Last Judgment with\nthe righteous entering paradise and the wicked being thrust down into\nhell, and promised him the heritage of heaven, if he would be baptised.\nBut Vladimir was unwilling to make a rash choice of a substitute for\nhis pagan religion, so he called his boyards together and having told\nthem of the accounts he had received of the various religions, asked\nthem for their advice. \u201cPrince,\u201d they replied, \u201cevery man praises his\nown religion, and if you would make choice of the best, send wise men\ninto the different countries to discover which of all the nations\nhonours God in the manner most worthy of Him.\u201d So the prince chose out\nfor this purpose ten men who were eminent for their wisdom. These\nambassadors found among the Bulgarians mean-looking places of worship,\ngloomy prayers and solemn faces; among the German Catholics religious\nceremonies that lacked both grandeur and magnificence. At length they\nreached Constantinople: \u201cLet them see the glory of our God,\u201d said the\nEmperor. So they were taken to the church of Santa Sophia, where the\nPatriarch, clad in his pontifical robes, was celebrating mass. The\nmagnificence of the building, the rich vestments of the priests, the\nornaments of the altars, the sweet odour of the incense, the reverent\nsilence of the people, and the mysterious solemnity of the ceremonial\nfilled the savage Russians with wonder and amazement. It seemed to them\nthat this church must be the dwelling of the Most High, and that He\nmanifested His glory therein to mortals. On their return to Kief, the\nambassadors gave the prince an account of their mission; they spoke\nwith contempt of the religion of the Prophet and had little to say for\nthe Roman Catholic faith, but were enthusiastic in their eulogies of\nthe Greek Church. \u201cEvery man,\u201d they said, \u201cwho has put his lips to a\nsweet draught, henceforth abhors anything bitter; wherefore we having\ncome to the knowledge of the faith of the Greek Church desire none\nother.\u201d Vladimir once more consulted his boyards, who said unto him,\n\u201cHad not the Greek faith been best of all, Olga, your grandmother, the\nwisest of mortals, would never have embraced it.\u201d Whereupon Vladimir\nhesitated no longer and in A.D. 988 declared himself a Christian. On\nthe day after his baptism he threw down the idols his forefathers had\nworshipped, and issued an edict that all the Russians, masters and\nslaves, rich and poor, should submit to be baptised into the Christian\nfaith. [791]\n\nThus Christianity became the national religion of the Russian people,\nand after the Mongol conquest, the distinctive national characteristics\nof Russians and Tatars that have kept the two races apart to the\npresent day, the bitter hatred of the Tatar yoke, the devotion of the\nRussians to their own faith and the want of religious zeal on the part\nof the Tatars, kept the conquered race from adopting the religion of\nthe conqueror. Especially has the prohibition of spirituous liquors by\nthe laws of Islam been supposed to have stood in the way of the\nadoption of this religion by the Russian people.\n\nIt would appear that not until after the promulgation of the edict of\nreligious toleration in 1905 throughout the Russian empire and the\nactive Muslim propaganda that followed it, were cases observed of\nRussians being converted to Islam, and those that have occurred are\nascribed to the strong attraction of the material help offered by the\nTatars to such converts and the influence of the moral strength of the\nMuslims themselves. [792]\n\nNot that the Tatars in Russia had been altogether inoperative in\npromoting the spread of Islam during the preceding centuries. The\ndistinctly Hellenic type of face that is to be found among the\nso-called Tatars of the Crimea has led to the conjecture that these\nMuhammadans have absorbed into their community the Greek and Italian\npopulations that they found settled on the Crimean peninsula, and that\nwe find among them the Muhammadanised descendants of the indigenous\ninhabitants, and of the Genoese colonists. [793] A traveller of the\nseventeenth century tells us that the Tatars of the Crimea tried to\ninduce their slaves to become Muhammadans, and won over many of them to\nthis faith by promising them their liberty if they would be persuaded.\n[794] Conversions to Islam from among the Tatars of the Crimea are also\nreported after the proclamation of religious liberty in 1905. [795]\n\nA brief reference may here be made to the Tatars in Lithuania, where\nsmall groups of them have been settled since the early part of the\nfifteenth century; these Muslim immigrants, dwelling in the midst of a\nChristian population, have preserved their old faith, but (probably for\npolitical reasons) do not appear to have attempted to proselytise. But\nthey have been in the habit of marrying Lithuanian and Polish women,\nwhose children were always brought up as Muslims, whereas no Muhammadan\ngirl was permitted to marry a Christian. The grand dukes of Lithuania\nin the fifteenth century encouraged the marriage of Christian women\nwith their Tatar troops, on whom they bestowed grants of land and other\nprivileges. [796]\n\nOne of the most curious incidents in the missionary history of Islam is\nthe conversion of the Kirghiz of Central Asia by Tatar mull\u0101s, who\npreached Islam among them in the eighteenth century, as emissaries of\nthe Russian government. The Kirghiz began to come under Russian rule\nabout 1731, and for 120 years all diplomatic correspondence was carried\non with them in the Tatar language under the delusion that they were\nethnographically the same as the Tatars of the Volga. Another\nmisunderstanding on the part of the Russian government was that the\nKirghiz were Musalmans, whereas in the eighteenth century they were\nnearly all Shamanists, as a large number of them were still up to the\nmiddle of the nineteenth century. At the time of the annexation of\ntheir country to the Russian empire only a few of their Kh\u0101ns and\nSul\u1e6d\u0101ns had any knowledge of the faith of Islam\u2014and that very confused\nand vague. Not a single mosque was to be found throughout the whole of\nthe Kirghiz Steppes, or a single religious teacher of the faith of the\nProphet, and the Kirghiz owed their conversion to Islam to the fact\nthat the Russians, taking them for Muhammadans, insisted on treating\nthem as such. Large sums of money were given for the building of\nmosques, and mull\u0101s were sent to open schools and instruct the young in\nthe tenets of the Muslim faith: the Kirghiz scholars were to receive\nevery day a small sum to support themselves on, and the fathers were to\nbe induced to send their children to the schools by presents and other\nmeans of persuasion. An incontrovertible proof that the Musalman\npropaganda made its way into the Kirghiz Steppes from the side of\nRussia, is the circumstance that it was especially those Kirghiz who\nwere more contiguous to Europe that first became Musalmans, and the old\nShamanism lingered up to the nineteenth century among those who\nwandered in the neighbourhood of Khiva, Bukh\u0101r\u0101 and Khokand, though\nthese for centuries had been Muhammadan countries. [797]\n\nThis is probably the only instance of a Christian government\nco-operating in the promulgation of Islam, and is the more remarkable\ninasmuch as the Russian government of this period was attempting to\nforce Christianity on its Muslim subjects in Europe, in continuation of\nthe efforts made in the sixteenth century soon after the conquest of\nthe Khanate of Kazan.\n\nAt the beginning of the nineteenth century many of the Kirghiz dwelling\nin the vast plains stretching southwards from the district of Tobolsk\ntowards Turkistan were still heathen, and the Russian government was\napproached for permission for a Christian mission to be established\namong them. But this request was not granted, on the ground that \u201cthese\npeople were as yet too wild and savage to be accessible to the Gospel.\nBut soon after other missionaries, not depending on the good-will of\nany government, and having more zeal and understanding, occupied this\nfield and won the whole of the Kirghis tribe to the faith of Islam.\u201d\n[798]\n\nAfter the conquest of Kazan by the Russians in the sixteenth century,\nthe occupation of the former Tatar Khanate was followed up by an\nofficial Christian missionary movement, and a number of the heathen\npopulation of the Khanate were baptised, the labours of the clergy\nbeing actively seconded by the police and the civil authorities, but as\nthe Russian priests did not understand the language of their converts\nand soon neglected them, it had to be admitted that the new converts\n\u201cshamelessly retain many horrid Tartar customs, and neither hold nor\nknow the Christian faith.\u201d When spiritual exhortations failed, the\ngovernment ordered its officials to \u201cpacify, imprison, put in irons,\nand thereby unteach and frighten from the Tartar faith those who,\nthough baptised, do not obey the admonitions of the Metropolitan.\u201d\n\nIn the eighteenth century the Russian government made fresh efforts to\nconvert the heathen tribes and the relapsed Tatars, and held out many\ninducements to them to become baptised. Catherine II in 1778 ordered\nthat all the new converts should sign a written promise to the effect\nthat \u201cthey would completely forsake their infidel errors, and, avoiding\nall intercourse with unbelievers, would hold firmly and unwaveringly\nthe Christian faith and its dogmas.\u201d But in spite of all, these\nso-called \u201cbaptised Tartars\u201d were Christians only in name, and soon\nbegan to try to escape from the propagandist efforts of the Orthodox\nChurch and abandoned Christianity for Islam, their so-called conversion\nmerely serving as a stepping-stone to their entrance into the faith of\nthe Prophet.\n\nThey may, indeed, have been inscribed in the official registers as\nChristians, but they resolutely stood out against any efforts that were\nmade to Christianise them. In a semi-official article, published in\n1872, the writer says: \u201cIt is a fact worthy of attention that a long\nseries of evident apostasies coincides with the beginning of measures\nto confirm the converts in the Christian faith. There must be,\ntherefore, some collateral cause producing those cases of apostasy\nprecisely at the moment when the contrary might be expected.\u201d The fact\nseems to be that these Tatars having all the time remained Muhammadan\nat heart, resisted the active measures taken to make their nominal\nprofession of Christianity in any way a reality. [799] But in the\nlatter part of the nineteenth century efforts were made to Christianise\nthese heathen and Muslim tribes by means of schools established in\ntheir midst. In this way it was hoped to win the younger generation,\nsince otherwise it seemed impossible to gain an entrance for\nChristianity among the Tatars, for, as a Russian professor said, \u201cThe\ncitizens of Kazan are hard to win, but we get some little folk from the\nvillages on the steppe, and train them in the fear of God. Once they\nare with us they can never turn back.\u201d [800] For the Russian criminal\ncode used to contain severe enactments against those who fell away from\nthe Orthodox Church, [801] and sentenced any person convicted of\nconverting a Christian to Islam to the loss of all civil rights and to\nimprisonment with hard labour for a term varying from eight to ten\nyears. In spite, however, of the edicts of the government, Muslim\npropagandism succeeded in winning over whole villages to the faith of\nIslam, especially among the tribes of north-eastern Russia. [802]\n\nThe town of Kazan is the chief centre of this missionary activity; a\nlarge number of Muslim publications are printed here every year, and\nmull\u0101s go forth from the University to convert the pagans in the\nvillages and bring back to Islam the Tatars who have allowed themselves\nto be baptised. The increasing number of these Christian Tatars, who\nhave gone to swell the ranks of Islam, has alarmed the clergy of the\nOrthodox Church, but their efforts have failed to check the success of\nthe mull\u0101s. [803] Especially since the edict of toleration in 1905,\nmass conversions have been reported, e.g. in 1909, ninety-one families\nin the village of Atomva are said to have become Muhammadan, [804] and\nas many as 53,000 persons between 1906 and 1910. [805] This propaganda\nis said to owe much of its success to the higher moral level of life in\nMuslim society, as well as to the stronger feeling of solidarity that\nprevails in it; [806] moreover, the methods adopted by the Russian\nclergy, supported by the government, to make the so-called Christian\nTatars more orthodox, have caused the Christian faith to become\nunpopular among them. [807] On the other hand, the propaganda of Islam\nis very zealously carried forward; \u201cevery simple, untaught Moslem is a\nmissionary of his religion, and the poor, dark, untaught heathen or\nhalf-heathen tribes cannot resist their force. In many villages of\nbaptised aborigines the men go away for the winter to work as tailors\nin Moslem villages. There they are converted to Islam, and they return\nto their villages as fanatics bringing with them Moslem ideas with\nwhich to influence their homes.\u201d [808]\n\nThe tribes that have chiefly come under the influence of this\nmissionary movement are the Votiaks, the greater part of whom are\nbaptised Christians, but many became Muslims in the eighteenth and the\nbeginning of the nineteenth centuries; and the influence of Islam is\ncontinually growing both among those that are Christian and among the\nsmall remnant that is still heathen. The Cheremiss, like the Votiaks,\nare a Finnish tribe, about a quarter of whom are still heathen, but\nmany have already embraced Islam and it is probable that most of them\nwill soon adopt the same religion. The movement of the Cheremiss\ntowards Islam made itself manifest in the nineteenth century and though\nmany of them were nominally Christian, whole villages of them became\nMuhammadan despite the laws forbidding conversion except to the\nOrthodox Church. [809] They became Muhammadan through their immediate\ncontact with the Bashkirs and Tatars, whose family and social customs\nwere very similar to their own. The process sometimes began with\nintermarriages with Muhammadans\u2014e.g. in one village a Cheremiss family\nintermarried with some Bashkirs and adopted their faith; the converts\nbeing persecuted as \u201ccircumcised dogs\u201d in their own village, moved away\nand founded a new settlement some miles off, some wealthy Bashkirs\nhelping them with money; but as they were officially registered as\nheathen, they could not get permission for the building of a mosque, so\na few Bashkir families in the neighbourhood moved into the new\nsettlement, in order to make up the number requisite for obtaining the\nnecessary official permission. [810] A similar process has several\ntimes occurred in other villages in which Muhammadans have come to\nsettle and have intermarried with Cheremiss. [811] In other cases there\nhas been a definite missionary movement\u2014e.g. in the beginning of the\nnineteenth century the village of Karakul was inhabited by Christian\nCheremiss, but shortly after the middle of the century some families\nwere converted to Islam by a Cheremiss who had become a mull\u0101; on his\ndeath he was succeeded by a Bashkir from another village. Later on, the\nconverts moved away to Tatar and Bashkir villages, their place being\ntaken by Tatars, until the whole village became practically Tatar, few\nof the younger generation retaining any knowledge of the Cheremiss\nlanguage, and intermarriages taking place only with Tatars. [812] Apart\nfrom this proselytising activity, there has been a very distinct spread\nof Tatar influence in speech and manners among the Cheremiss. The Tatar\nlanguage has spread among them, bringing with it the moral and\nreligious ideas of Islam; the adoption of the Tatar dress is held to be\na sign of superior culture, and if a Cheremiss does not dress like a\nTatar he runs the risk of being laughed at by the first Tatar he meets\nor by his fellow Cheremiss; all this cultural movement tends to the\nultimate adoption of the Tatar religion. [813] After their conversion,\nthe Cheremiss are said to be very zealous in the propagation of their\nnew faith and receive the assistance of wealthy Tatars; [814] on the\nother hand, the Russians despise the Cheremiss as an inferior race and\napply opprobrious epithets even to those among them who are Christians.\n[815] About one-fourth of the Cheremiss are still heathen, but Muslim\ninfluences are so powerful among them that it is probable that in\ncourse of time they will for the most part become Muhammadans. [816]\nThe Chuvash, who number about 1,000,000, have nearly all been baptised;\nthere are about 20,000 of them that are still heathen but these are\ngradually being absorbed by Islam, while some of the Christian Chuvash\nhave become Muhammadans and the rest are coming under Muslim\ninfluences. The extent of their zeal for their converts may be judged\nfrom the instance of a Christian Chuvash village, the priest of which\nhad spent several years in collecting the 300 roubles necessary for the\nrepair of the church; eight Chuvash families became Muhammadan and in\nthe course of a few months 2000 roubles were collected for the building\nof a mosque. [817] Such ready activity is characteristic of the Muslim\npropaganda now being carried among the aboriginal tribes. Each family\nthat accepts Islam receives help either in money or in kind: a house is\nbuilt for one; a field, cattle, etc., are purchased for another; when\nseveral families in a village are converted, a mosque is built for them\nand a school established for their children. [818]\n\nOf the spread of Islam among the Tatars of Siberia, we have a few\nparticulars. It was not until the latter half of the sixteenth century\nthat it gained a footing in this country, but even before this period\nMuhammadan missionaries had from time to time made their way into\nSiberia with the hope of winning the heathen population over to the\nacceptance of their faith, but the majority of them met with a martyr\u2019s\ndeath. When Siberia came under Muhammadan rule, in the reign of K\u016bchum\nKh\u0101n, the graves of seven of these missionaries were discovered by an\naged Shaykh who came from Bukh\u0101r\u0101 to search them out, being anxious\nthat some memorial should be kept of the devotion of these martyrs to\nthe faith: he was able to give the names of this number, and up to the\nlast century their memory was still revered by the Tatars of Siberia.\n[819] When K\u016bchum Kh\u0101n (who was descended from J\u016bj\u012b Kh\u0101n, the eldest\nson of Ching\u012bz Kh\u0101n) became Kh\u0101n of Siberia (about the year 1570),\neither by right of conquest or (according to another account) at the\ninvitation of the people whose Kh\u0101n had died without issue, [820] he\nmade every effort for the conversion of his subjects, and sent to\nBukh\u0101r\u0101 asking for missionaries to assist him in this pious\nundertaking. One of the missionaries who was sent from Bukh\u0101r\u0101 has left\nus an account of how he set out with a companion to the capital of\nK\u016bchum Kh\u0101n, on the bank of the Irtish. Here, after two years, his\ncompanion died, and, for some reasons that the writer does not mention,\nhe went back again; but soon afterwards returned to the scene of his\nlabours, bringing with him another coadjutor, when K\u016bchum Kh\u0101n had\nappealed for help once more to Bukh\u0101r\u0101. [821] Missionaries also came to\nSiberia from Kazan. But the advancing tide of Russian conquest soon\nbrought the proselytising efforts of K\u016bchum Kh\u0101n to an end before much\nhad been accomplished, especially as many of the tribes under his rule\noffered a strong opposition to all attempts made to convert them.\n\nBut though interrupted by the Russian conquest, the progress of Islam\nwas by no means stopped. Mull\u0101s from Bukh\u0101r\u0101 and other cities of\nCentral Asia and merchants from Kazan were continually active as\nmissionaries of Islam in Siberia. In 1745 an entrance was first\neffected among the Baraba Tatars (between the Irtish and the Ob), and\nthough at the beginning of the nineteenth century many were still\nheathen, they have now all become Musalmans. [822] The conversion of\nthe Kirghiz has already been spoken of above: the history of most of\nthe other Muslim tribes of Siberia is very obscure, but their\nconversion is probably of a recent date. Among the instruments of\nMuhammadan propaganda at the present time, it is interesting to note\nthe large place taken by the folk-songs of the Kirghiz, in which,\ninterwoven with tale and legend, the main truths of Islam make their\nway into the hearts of the common people. [823]\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA.\n\n\nThe Muhammadan invasions of India and the foundation and growth of the\nMuhammadan power in that country, have found many historians, both\namong contemporary and later writers. But hitherto no one has attempted\nto write a history of the spread of Islam in India, considered apart\nfrom the military successes and administrative achievements of its\nadherents. Indeed, to many, such a task must appear impossible. For\nIndia has often been picked out as a typical instance of a country in\nwhich Islam owes its existence and continuance in existence to the\nsettlement in it of foreign, conquering Muhammadan races, who have\ntransmitted their faith to their descendants, and only succeeded in\nspreading it beyond their own circle by means of persecution and forced\nconversions. Thus the missionary spirit of Islam is supposed to show\nitself in its true light in the brutal massacres of Brahmans by Ma\u1e25m\u016bd\nof Ghazn\u1ea1\u0304, in the persecutions of Aurangzeb, the forcible circumcisions\neffected by \u1e24aydar \u02bbAl\u012b, T\u012bp\u016b Sul\u1e6d\u0101n and the like.\n\nBut among the sixty-six millions of Indian Musalmans there are vast\nnumbers of converts or descendants of converts, in whose conversion\nforce played no part and the only influences at work were the teaching\nand persuasion of peaceful missionaries. This class of converts forms a\nvery distinct group by itself which can be distinguished from that of\nthe forcibly converted and the other heterogeneous elements of which\nMuslim India is made up. The entire community may be roughly divided\ninto those of foreign race who brought their faith into the country\nalong with them, and those who have been converted from one of the\nprevious religions of the country under various inducements and at many\ndifferent periods of history. The foreign settlement consists of three\nmain bodies: first, and numerically the most important, are the\nimmigrants from across the north-west frontier, who are found chiefly\nin Sind and the Panj\u0101b; next come the descendants of the court and\narmies of the various Muhammadan dynasties, mainly in Upper India and\nto a much smaller extent in the Deccan; lastly, all along the west\ncoast are settlements probably of Arab descent, whose original founders\ncame to India by sea. [824] But the number of families of foreign\norigin that actually settled in India is nowhere great except in the\nPanj\u0101b and its neighbourhood. More than half the Muslim population of\nIndia has indeed assumed appellations of distinctly foreign races, such\nas Shaykh, Beg, Kh\u0101n, and even Sayyid, but the greater portion of them\nare local converts or descendants of converts, who have taken the title\nof the person of highest rank amongst those by whom they were converted\nor have affiliated themselves to the aristocracy of Islam on even less\nplausible grounds. [825] Of this latter section of the community\u2014the\nconverted natives of the country\u2014part no doubt owed their change of\nreligion to force and official pressure, but by far the majority of\nthem entered the pale of Islam of their own free will. The history of\nthe proselytising movements and the social influences that brought\nabout their conversion has hitherto received very little attention, and\nmost of the commonly accessible histories of the Muhammadans in India,\nwhether written by European or by native authors, are mere chronicles\nof wars, campaigns and the achievements of princes, in which little\nmention of the religious life of the time finds a place, unless it has\ntaken the form of fanaticism or intolerance. From the biographies of\nthe Muslim saints, however, and from local traditions, something may be\nlearned of the missionary work that was carried on quite independently\nof the political life of the country. But before dealing with these it\nis proposed to give an account of the official propagation of Islam and\nof the part played by the Muhammadan rulers in the spread of their\nfaith.\n\nFrom the fifteenth year after the death of the Prophet, when an Arab\nexpedition was sent into Sind, up to the eighteenth century, a series\nof Muhammadan invaders, some founders of great empires, others mere\nadventurers, poured into India from the north-west. While some came\nonly to plunder and retired laden with spoils, others remained to found\nkingdoms that have had a lasting influence to the present day. But of\nnone of these do we learn that they were accompanied by any\nmissionaries or preachers. Not that they were indifferent to their\nreligion. To many of them, their invasion of India appeared in the\nlight of a holy war. Such was evidently the thought in the minds of\nMa\u1e25m\u016bd of Ghazn\u1ea1\u0304 and T\u012bm\u016br. The latter, after his capture of Dehli,\nwrites as follows in his autobiography:\u2014\u201cI had been at Dehli fifteen\ndays, which time I passed in pleasure and enjoyment, holding royal\nCourts and giving great feasts. I then reflected that I had come to\nHindust\u0101n to war against infidels, and my enterprise had been so\nblessed that wherever I had gone I had been victorious. I had triumphed\nover my adversaries, I had put to death some lacs of infidels and\nidolaters, and I had stained my proselyting sword with the blood of the\nenemies of the faith. Now this crowning victory had been won, and I\nfelt that I ought not to indulge in ease, but rather to exert myself in\nwarring against the infidels of Hindust\u0101n.\u201d [826] Though he speaks much\nof his \u201cproselyting sword,\u201d it seems, however, to have served no other\npurpose than that of sending infidels to hell. Most of the Muslim\ninvaders seem to have acted in a very similar way; in the name of\nAll\u0101h, idols were thrown down, their priests put to the sword, and\ntheir temples destroyed; while mosques were often erected in their\nplace. It is true that the offer of Islam was generally made to the\nunbelieving Hindus before any attack was made upon them. [827] Fear\noccasionally dictated a timely acceptance of such offers and led to\nconversions which, in the earlier days of the Muhammadan invasion at\nleast, were generally short-lived and ceased to be effective after the\nretreat of the invader. An illustration in point is furnished by the\nstory of Hardatta, a r\u0101\u02bc\u012bs of Bulandshahr, whose submission to Ma\u1e25m\u016bd\nof Ghazn\u1ea1\u0304 is thus related in the history of that conqueror\u2019s campaigns\nwritten by his secretary. \u201cAt length (about A.D. 1019) he (i.e. Ma\u1e25m\u016bd)\narrived at the fort of Barba, [828] in the country of Hardat, who was\none of the r\u0101\u02bc\u012bs, that is \u201ckings,\u201d in the Hind\u012b language. When Hardat\nheard of this invasion by the protected warriors of God, who advanced\nlike the waves of the sea, with the angels around them on all sides, he\nbecame greatly agitated, his steps trembled, and he feared for his\nlife, which was forfeited under the law of God. So he reflected that\nhis safety would best be secured by conforming to the religion of\nIslam, since God\u2019s sword was drawn from the scabbard, and the whip of\npunishment was uplifted. He came forth, therefore, with ten thousand\nmen, who all proclaimed their anxiety for conversion and their\nrejection of idols.\u201d [829]\n\nThese new converts probably took the earliest opportunity of\napostatising presented to them by the retreat of the conqueror\u2014a kind\nof action which we find the early Muhammadan historians of India\ncontinually complaining of. For when Qu\u1e6db al-D\u012bn \u012abak attacked Baran in\n1193, he was stoutly opposed by Chandrasen, the then R\u0101j\u0101, who was a\nlineal descendant of Hardatta and whose very name betrays his Hindu\nfaith: nor do we hear of there being any Musalmans remaining under his\nrule. [830]\n\nBut these conquerors would appear to have had very little of that \u201clove\nfor souls\u201d which animates the true missionary and which has achieved\nsuch great conquests for Islam. The Khilj\u012bs (1290\u20131320), the Tughlaqs\n(1320\u20131412), and the Lod\u012bs (1451\u20131526) were generally too busily\nengaged in fighting to pay much regard to the interests of religion, or\nelse thought more of the exaction of tribute than of the work of\nconversion. [831] Not that they were entirely lacking in religious\nzeal: e.g. the Ghakkars, a barbarous people in the mountainous\ndistricts of the North of the Panj\u0101b, who gave the early invaders much\ntrouble, are said to have been converted through the influence of\nMu\u1e25ammad Ghor\u012b at the end of the twelfth century. Their chieftain had\nbeen taken prisoner by the Muhammadan monarch, who induced him to\nbecome a Musalman, and then confirming him in his title of chief of\nthis tribe, sent him back to convert his followers, many of whom having\nlittle religion of their own were easily prevailed upon to embrace\nIslam. [832] According to Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, the Khilj\u012bs offered some\nencouragement to conversion by making it a custom to have the new\nconvert presented to the sultan, who clad him in a robe of honour and\ngave him a collar and bracelets of gold, of a value proportionate to\nhis rank. [833] But the monarchs of the earlier Muhammadan dynasties as\na rule evinced very little proselytising zeal, and it would be hard to\nfind a parallel in their history to the following passage from the\nautobiography of F\u012br\u016bz Sh\u0101h Tughlaq (1351\u20131388): \u201cI encouraged my\ninfidel subjects to embrace the religion of the Prophet, and I\nproclaimed that every one who repeated the creed and became a Musalman\nshould be exempt from the jizyah, or poll tax. Information of this came\nto the ears of the people at large and great numbers of Hindus\npresented themselves, and were admitted to the honour of Islam. Thus\nthey came forward day by day from every quarter, and, adopting the\nfaith, were exonerated from the jizyah, and were favoured with presents\nand honours.\u201d [834]\n\nAs the Muhammadan power became consolidated, and particularly under the\nMughal dynasty, the religious influences of Islam naturally became more\npermanent and persistent. These influences are certainly apparent in\nthe Hindu theistic movements that arose in the fifteenth and sixteenth\ncenturies, and Bishop Lefroy has conjectured that the positive\ncharacter of Muslim teaching attracted minds that were dissatisfied\nwith the vagueness and subjectivity of a Pantheistic system of thought.\n\u201cWhen Mohammedanism, with its strong grasp of the reality of the Divine\nexistence and, as flowing from this, of the absolutely fixed and\nobjective character of truth, came into conflict with the haziness of\nPantheistic thought and the subjectivity of its belief, it necessarily\nfollowed, not only that it triumphed in the struggle, but also that it\ncame as a veritable tonic to the life and thought of Upper India,\nquickening into a fresh and more vigorous life many minds which never\naccepted for themselves its intellectual sway.\u201d [835]\n\nA powerful incentive to conversion was offered, when adherence to an\nidolatrous system stood in the way of advancement at the Muhammadan\ncourts; and though a spirit of tolerance, which reached its culmination\nunder the eclectic Akbar, was very often shown towards Hinduism, and\nrespected even, for the most part, the state endowments of that\nreligion; [836] and though the dread of unpopularity and the desire of\nconciliation dictated a policy of non-interference and deprecated such\ndeeds of violence and such outbursts of fanaticism as had characterised\nthe earlier period of invasion and triumph, still such motives of\nself-interest gained many converts from Hinduism to the Muhammadan\nfaith. Many Rajputs became converts in this way, and their descendants\nare to this day to be found among the landed aristocracy. The most\nimportant perhaps among these is the Musalman branch of the great\nBachgoti clan, the head of which is the premier Muhammadan noble of\nOudh. According to one tradition, their ancestor Tilok Chand was taken\nprisoner by the Emperor B\u0101bar, and to regain his liberty adopted the\nfaith of Islam; [837] but another legend places his conversion in the\nreign of Hum\u0101y\u016bn. This prince having heard of the marvellous beauty of\nTilok Chand\u2019s wife, had her carried off while she was at a fair. No\nsooner, however, was she brought to him than his conscience smote him\nand he sent for her husband. Tilok Chand had despaired of ever seeing\nher again, and in gratitude he and his wife embraced the faith \u201cwhich\ntaught such generous purity.\u201d [838] These converted Rajputs are very\nzealous in the practice of their religion, yet often betray their Hindu\norigin in a very striking manner. In the district of Bulandshahr, for\nexample, a large Musalman family, which is known as the L\u0101lkh\u0101n\u012b\nPa\u1e6dh\u0101ns, still (with some exceptions) retains its old Hindu titles and\nfamily customs of marriage, while Hindu branches of the same clan still\nexist side by side with it. [839] In the Mirzapur district, the\nGaharw\u0101r Rajputs, who are now Muslim, still retain in all domestic\nmatters Hindu laws and customs and prefix a Hindu honorific title to\ntheir Muhammadan names. [840]\n\nOfficial pressure is said never to have been more persistently brought\nto bear upon the Hindus than in the reign of Aurangzeb. In the eastern\ndistricts of the Panj\u0101b, there are many cases in which the ancestor of\nthe Musalman branch of the village community is said to have changed\nhis religion in the reign of this zealot, \u201cin order to save the land of\nthe village.\u201d In Gurgaon, near Dehli, there is a Hindu family of Bany\u0101s\nwho still bear the title of Shaykh (which is commonly adopted by\nconverted Hindus), because one of the members of the family, whose line\nis now extinct, became a convert in order to save the family property\nfrom confiscation. [841] Many Rajput landowners, in the Cawnpore\ndistrict, were compelled to embrace Islam for the same reason. [842] In\nother cases the ancestor is said to have been carried as a prisoner or\nhostage to Dehli, and there forcibly circumcised and converted. [843]\nIt should be noted that the only authority for these forced conversions\nis family or local tradition, and no mention of such (as far as I have\nbeen able to discover) is made in the historical accounts of\nAurangzeb\u2019s reign. [844] It is established without doubt that forced\nconversions have been made by Muhammadan rulers, and it seems probable\nthat Aurangzeb\u2019s well-known zeal on behalf of his faith has caused many\nfamilies of Northern India (the history of whose conversion has been\nforgotten) to attribute their change of faith to this, the most easily\nassignable cause. Similarly in the Deccan, Aurangzeb shares with \u1e24aydar\n\u02bbAl\u012b and T\u012bp\u016b Sul\u1e6d\u0101n (these being the best known of modern Muhammadan\nrulers) the reputation of having forcibly converted sundry families and\nsections of the population, whose conversion undoubtedly dates from a\nmuch earlier period, from which no historical record of the\ncircumstances of the case has come down. [845]\n\nT\u012bp\u016b Sul\u1e6d\u0101n is probably the Muhammadan monarch who most systematically\nengaged in the work of forcible conversion. In 1788 he issued the\nfollowing proclamation to the people of Malabar: \u201cFrom the period of\nthe conquest until this day, during twenty-four years, you have been a\nturbulent and refractory people, and in the wars waged during your\nrainy season, you have caused numbers of our warriors to taste the\ndraught of martyrdom. Be it so. What is past is past. Hereafter you\nmust proceed in an opposite manner, dwell quietly and pay your dues\nlike good subjects; and since it is the practice with you for one woman\nto associate with ten men, and you leave your mothers and sisters\nunconstrained in their obscene practices, and are thence all born in\nadultery, and are more shameless in your connections than the beasts of\nthe field, I hereby require you to forsake these sinful practices and\nto be like the rest of mankind; and if you are disobedient to these\ncommands, I have made repeated vows to honour the whole of you with\nIslam and to march all the chief persons to the seat of Government.\u201d\nThis proclamation stirred up a general revolt in Malabar, and early in\n1789 T\u012bp\u016b Sul\u1e6d\u0101n prepared to enforce his proclamation with an army of\nmore than twenty thousand men, and issued general orders that \u201cevery\nbeing in the district without distinction should be honoured with\nIslam, that the houses of such as fled to avoid that honour should be\nburned, that they should be traced to their lurking places, and that\nall means of truth and falsehood, force or fraud should be employed to\neffect their universal conversion.\u201d Thousands of Hindus were\naccordingly circumcised and made to eat beef; but by the end of 1790\nthe British army had destroyed the last remnant of T\u012bp\u016b Sul\u1e6d\u0101n\u2019s power\nin Malabar, and this monarch himself perished early in 1799 at the\ncapture of Seringapatam. Most of the Brahmans and Nayars who had been\nforcibly converted, subsequently disowned their new religion. [846]\n\nHow little was effected towards the spread of Islam by violence on the\npart of the Muhammadan rulers may be judged from the fact that even in\nthe centres of the Muhammadan power, such as Dehli and Agra, the\nMuhammadans in modern times in the former district hardly exceeded\none-tenth, and in the latter they did not form one-fourth of the\npopulation. [847] A remarkable example of the worthlessness of forced\nconversion is exhibited in the case of Bodh Mal, Raja of Majhauli, in\nthe district of Gorakhpur; he was arrested by Akbar in default of\nrevenue, carried to Dehli, and there converted to Islam, receiving the\nname of Mu\u1e25ammad Sal\u012bm. But on his return his wife refused to let him\ninto the ancestral castle, and, as apparently she had the sympathy of\nhis subjects on her side, she governed his territories during the\nminority of his son Bhaw\u0101ni Mal, so that the Hindu succession remained\nundisturbed. [848] Until recently there were some strange survivals of\na similarly futile false conversion, noticeable in certain customs of a\nHindu sect called the Bishnois, the principal tenet of whose faith is\nthe renunciation of all Hindu deities, except Vi\u1e63\u1e47u. They used recently\nto bury their dead, instead of burning them, to adopt Ghul\u0101m Mu\u1e25ammad\nand other Muhammadan names, and use the Muslim form of salutation. They\nexplained their adoption of these Muhammadan customs by saying that\nhaving once slain a Q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b, who had interfered with their rite of\nwidow-burning, they had compounded for the offence by embracing Islam.\nThey have now, however, renounced these practices in favour of Hindu\ncustoms. [849]\n\nBut though some Muhammadan rulers may have been more successful in\nforcing an acceptance of Islam on certain of their Hindu subjects than\nin the last-mentioned cases, and whatever truth there may be in the\nassertion [850] that \u201cit is impossible even to approach the religious\nside of the Mahomedan position in India without surveying first its\npolitical aspect,\u201d we undoubtedly find that Islam has gained its\ngreatest and most lasting missionary triumphs in times and places in\nwhich its political power has been weakest, as in Southern India and\nEastern Bengal. Of such missionary movements it is now proposed to\nessay some account, commencing with Southern India and the Deccan, then\nafter reviewing the history of Sind, Cutch and Gujar\u0101t, passing to\nBengal, and finally noticing some missionaries whose work lay outside\nthe above geographical limits. Of several of the missionaries to be\nreferred to, little is recorded beyond their names and the sphere of\ntheir labours; accordingly, in view of the general dearth of such\nmissionary annals, any available details have been given at length.\n\nThe first advent of Islam in South India dates as far back as the\neighth century, when a band of refugees, to whom the Mappillas trace\ntheir descent, came from \u02bbIr\u0101q and settled in the country. [851] The\ntrade in spices, ivory, gems, etc., between India and Europe, which for\nmany hundred years was conducted by the Arabs and Persians, caused a\ncontinual stream of Muhammadan influence to flow in upon the west coast\nof Southern India. From this constant influx of foreigners there\nresulted a mixed population, half Hindu and half Arab or Persian, in\nthe trading centres along the coast. Very friendly relations appear to\nhave existed between these Muslim traders and the Hindu rulers, who\nextended to them their protection and patronage in consideration of the\nincreased commercial activity and consequent prosperity of the country,\nthat resulted from their presence in it, [852] and no obstacles were\nplaced in the way of proselytising, the native converts receiving the\nsame consideration and respect as the foreign merchants, even though\nbefore their conversion they had belonged to the lowest grades of\nsociety. [853]\n\nThe traditionary account of the introduction of Islam into Malabar, as\ngiven by a Muhammadan historian of the sixteenth century, represents\nthe first missionaries to have been a party of pilgrims on their way to\nvisit the foot-print of Adam in Ceylon; on their arrival at Cranganore\nthe Raja sent for them and the leader of the party, Shaykh Sharaf b.\nM\u0101lik, who was accompanied by his brother, M\u0101lik b. D\u012bn\u0101r, and his\nnephew, M\u0101lik b. \u1e24ab\u012bb, took the opportunity of expounding to him the\nfaith of Islam and the mission of Mu\u1e25ammad, \u201cand God caused the truth\nof the Prophet\u2019s teaching to enter into the king\u2019s heart and he\nbelieved therein; and his heart became filled with love for the Prophet\nand he bade the Shaykh and companions come back to him again on their\nreturn from their pilgrimage to Adam\u2019s foot-print.\u201d [854] On the return\nof the pilgrims from Ceylon, the king secretly departed with them in a\nship bound for the coast of Arabia, leaving his kingdom in the hand of\nviceroys. Here he remained for some time, and was just about to return\nto his own country, with the intention of erecting mosques there and\nspreading the faith of Islam, when he fell sick and died. On his\ndeath-bed he solemnly enjoined on his companions not to abandon their\nproposed missionary journey to Malabar, and to assist them in their\nlabours, he gave them letters of recommendation to his viceroys, at the\nsame time bidding them conceal the fact of his death. Armed with these\nletters, Sharaf b. M\u0101lik and his companions sailed for Cranganore,\nwhere the king\u2019s letter secured for them a kindly welcome and a grant\nof land, on which they built a mosque. M\u0101lik b. D\u012bn\u0101r decided to settle\nthere, but M\u0101lik b. \u1e24ab\u012bb set out on a missionary tour with the object\nof building mosques throughout Malabar. \u201cSo M\u0101lik b. \u1e24ab\u012bb set out for\nQuilon with his worldly goods and his wife and some of his children,\nand he built a mosque there; then leaving his wife there, he went on to\nH\u012bl\u012b M\u0101r\u0101w\u012b, [855] where he built a mosque\u201d; and so the narrative\ncontinues, giving a list of seven other places at which the missionary\nerected mosques, finally returning to Cranganore. Later on, he visited\nall these places again to pray in the mosque at each of them, and came\nback \u201cpraising and giving thanks to God for the manifestation of the\nfaith of Islam in a land filled with unbelievers.\u201d [856]\n\nIn spite of the circumstantial character of this narrative, there is no\nevidence of its historicity. Popular belief puts the date of the events\nrecorded as far back as the lifetime of the Prophet; with a mild\nscepticism Zayn al-D\u012bn thought that they could not have been earlier\nthan the third century of the Hijrah; [857] but there is no more\nauthority for the one date than for the other, or for the common\nMappilla tradition of the existence of the tomb of a Hindu king at\nZaf\u0101r, on the coast of Arabia, bearing the inscription, \u201c\u02bbAbd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n\nal-S\u0101mir\u012b, arrived A.H. 212, died A.H. 216\u201d; [858] and the mosque at\nMad\u0101yi, said to have been founded by M\u0101lik b. D\u012bn\u0101r, bears an\ninscription commemorating its erection in A.D. 1124. [859]\n\nBut the legend certainly bears witness to the peaceful character of the\nproselytising influences that were at work on the Malabar coast for\ncenturies. The agents in this work were chiefly Arab merchants, but Ibn\nBa\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah makes mention of several professed theologians from Arabia and\nelsewhere, whom he met in various towns on the Malabar coast. [860] The\nZamorin of Calicut, who was one of the chief patrons of Arab trade, is\nsaid to have encouraged conversion to Islam, in order to man the Arab\nships on which he depended for his aggrandisement, and to have ordered\nthat in every family of fishermen in his dominion one or more of the\nmale members should be brought up as Muhammadans. [861] At the\nbeginning of the sixteenth century the Mappillas were estimated to have\nformed one-fifth of the population of Malabar, spoke the same language\nas the Hindus, and were only distinguished from them by their long\nbeards and peculiar head-dress. But for the arrival of the Portuguese,\nthe whole of this coast would have become Muhammadan, because of the\nfrequent conversions that took place and the powerful influence\nexercised by the Muslim merchants from other parts of India, such as\nGujar\u0101t and the Deccan, and from Arabia and Persia. [862]\n\nBut there would appear to be no record of the individuals who took part\nin the propaganda, except in the case of the historian \u02bbAbd al-Razz\u0101q,\nwho has himself left an account of his unsuccessful mission to the\ncourt of the Zamorin of Calicut. He was sent on this mission in the\nyear 1441 by the T\u012bm\u016brid Sh\u0101h Rukh Bah\u0101dur, in response to an appeal\nmade by an ambassador who had been sent by the Zamorin of Calicut to\nthis monarch. The ambassador was himself a Musalman and represented to\nthe Sultan how excellent and meritorious an action it would be to send\na special envoy to the Zamorin, \u201cto invite him to accept Islam in\naccordance with the injunction \u2018Summon thou to the ways of thy Lord\nwith wisdom and with kindly warning,\u2019 [863] and open the bolt of\ndarkness and error that locked his benighted heart, and let the\nsplendour of the light of the faith and the brightness of the sun of\nknowledge shine into the window of his soul.\u201d \u02bbAbd al-Razz\u0101q was chosen\nfor this task and after an adventurous journey reached Calicut, but\nappears to have met with a cold reception, and after remaining there\nfor about six months abandoned his original purposes and made his way\nback to Khur\u0101s\u0101n, which he reached after an absence of three years.\n[864]\n\nAnother community of Musalmans in Southern India, the Ravuttans, [865]\nascribe their conversion to the preaching of missionaries whose tombs\nare held in veneration by them to the present day. The most famous of\nthese was Sayyid Nathar Sh\u0101h [866] (A.D. 969\u20131039) who after many\nwanderings in Arabia, Persia and Northern India, settled down in\nTrichinopoly, where he spent the remaining years of his life in prayer\nand works of charity, and converted a large number of Hindus to the\nfaith of Islam; his tomb is much resorted to as a place of pilgrimage\nand the Muhammadans re-named Trichinopoly Natharnagar, after the name\nof their saint. [867] Sayyid Ibr\u0101h\u012bm Shah\u012bd (said to have been born\nabout the middle of the twelfth century), whose tomb is at Ervadi, was\na militant hero who led an expedition into the Pandyan kingdom,\noccupied the country for about twelve years, but was at length slain;\nhis son\u2019s life was, however, spared in consideration of the beneficent\nrule of his father, and a grant of land given to him, which his\ndescendants enjoy to the present day. The latest of these saints, Sh\u0101h\nal-\u1e24am\u012bd (1532\u20131600), was born at Manikpur in Northern India, and spent\nmost of his life in visiting the holy shrines of Islam and in\nmissionary tours chiefly throughout Southern India; he finally settled\nin Nagore, where the descendants of his adopted son are still in charge\nof his tomb. [868]\n\nAnother group of Muhammadans in Southern India, the Dudekulas, who live\nby cotton cleaning (as their name denotes) and by weaving coarse\nfabrics, attribute their conversion to B\u0101b\u0101 Fakhr al-D\u012bn, whose tomb\nthey revere at Penukonda. Legend says that he was originally a king of\nS\u012bst\u0101n, who abdicated his throne in favour of his brother and became a\nreligious mendicant. After making the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina,\nhe was bidden by the Prophet in a dream to go to India; here he met\nNathar Sh\u0101h, of Trichinopoly, and became his disciple and was sent by\nhim in company with 200 religious mendicants on a proselytising\nmission. The legend goes on to say that they finally settled at\nPenukonda in the vicinity of a Hindu temple, where their presence was\nunwelcome to the Raja of the place, but instead of appealing to force\nhe applied several tests to discover whether the Muhammadan saint or\nhis own priest was the better qualified by sanctity to possess the\ntemple. As a final test, he had them both tied up in sacks filled with\nlime and thrown into tanks. The Hindu priest never re-appeared, but\nB\u0101b\u0101 Fakhr al-D\u012bn asserted the superiority of his faith by being\nmiraculously transported to a hill outside the town. The Raja hereupon\nbecame a Musalman, and his example was followed by a large number of\nthe inhabitants of the neighbourhood, and the temple was turned into a\nmosque. [869]\n\nThe history of Islam in Southern India by no means always continued to\nbe of so peaceful a character, but it does not appear that the forcible\nconversions of the Hindus and others to Islam which were perpetrated\nwhen the Muhammadan power became paramount under \u1e24aydar \u02bbAl\u012b\n(1767\u20131782) and T\u012bp\u016b Sul\u1e6d\u0101n (1782\u20131799), can be paralleled in the\nearlier history of this part of India. However this may be, there is no\nreason to doubt that constant conversions by peaceful methods were made\nto Islam from among the lower castes, [870] as is the case at the\npresent day when accessions to Islam from time to time occur from among\nthe Tiyans, who are said to form one of the most progressive\ncommunities in India, the Mukkuvans or fisherman caste, as well as from\nthe Cherumans or agricultural labourers, and other serf castes, to whom\nIslam brings deliverance from the disabilities attaching to the\noutcasts of the Hindu social system; occasionally, also, converts are\ndrawn from among the Nayars and the native Christians. In Ponnani, the\nresidence of the spiritual head of the majority of the Muhammadans of\nMalabar, there is an association entitled Minnat al-Isl\u0101m Sabh\u0101, where\nconverts are instructed in the tenets of their new faith and material\nassistance rendered to those under instruction; the average number of\nconverts received in this institution in the course of the first three\nyears of the twentieth century, was 750. [871] So numerous have these\nconversions from Hinduism been, that the tendency of the Muhammadans of\nthe west as well as the east coast of Southern India has been to\nreversion to the Hindu or aboriginal type, and, except in the case of\nsome of the nobler families, they now in great part present all the\ncharacteristics of an aboriginal people, with very little of the\noriginal foreign blood in them. [872] In the western coast districts\nthe tyranny of caste intolerance is peculiarly oppressive; to give but\none instance, in Travancore certain of the lower castes may not come\nnearer than seventy-four paces to a Brahman, and have to make a\ngrunting noise as they pass along the road, in order to give warning of\ntheir approach. Similar instances might be abundantly multiplied. What\nwonder, then, that the Musalman population is fast increasing through\nconversion from these lower castes, who thereby free themselves from\nsuch degrading oppression, and raise themselves and their descendants\nin the social scale?\n\nIn fact the Mappillas on the west coast are said to be increasing so\nconsiderably through accessions from the lower classes of Hindus, as to\nrender it possible that in a few years the whole of the lower races of\nthe west coast may become Muhammadans. [873]\n\nIt was most probably from Malabar that Islam crossed over to the\nLaccadive and Maldive Islands, the population of which is now entirely\nMuslim. The inhabitants of these islands owed their conversion to the\nArab and Persian merchants, who established themselves in the country,\nintermarrying with the natives, and thus smoothing the way for the work\nof active proselytism. The date of the conversion of the first\nMuhammadan Sultan of the Maldive Islands, A\u1e25mad Shan\u016br\u0101zah, [874] has\nbeen conjectured to have occurred about A.D. 1200, but it is very\npossible that the Muhammadan merchants had introduced their religion\ninto the island as much as three centuries before, and the process of\nconversion must undoubtedly have been a gradual one. [875] No details,\nhowever, have come down to us.\n\nAt M\u0101l\u0113, the seat of government, is found the tomb of Shaykh Y\u016bsuf\nShams al-D\u012bn, a native of Tabr\u012bz, in Persia, who is said to have been a\nsuccessful missionary of Islam in these islands. His tomb is still held\nin great veneration, and always kept in good repair, and in the same\npart of the island are buried some of his countrymen who came in search\nof him, and remained in the Maldives until their death. [876]\n\nThe introduction of Islam into the neighbouring Laccadive Islands is\nattributed to an Arab preacher, known to the islanders by the name of\nMumba Mulyaka; his tomb is still shown at Androth and as the present\nq\u0101\u1e0d\u012b of that place claims to be twenty-sixth in descent from him, he\nprobably reached these islands some time in the twelfth century. [877]\n\nThe Deccan also was the scene of the successful labours of many Muslim\nmissionaries. It has already been pointed out that from very early\ntimes Arab traders had visited the towns on the west coast; in the\ntenth century we are told that the Arabs were settled in large numbers\nin the towns of the Konkan, having intermarried with the women of the\ncountry and living under their own laws and religion. [878] Under the\nMuhammadan dynasties of the Bahmanid (1347\u20131490) and B\u012bj\u0101p\u016br\n(1489\u20131686) kings, a fresh impulse was given to Arab immigration, and\nwith the trader and the soldier of fortune came the missionaries\nseeking to make spiritual conquests in the cause of Islam, and win over\nthe unbelieving people of the country by their preaching and example,\nfor of forcible conversions we have no record under the early Deccan\ndynasties, whose rule was characterised by a striking toleration. [879]\n\nOne of these Arab preachers, P\u012br Mah\u0101b\u012br Khamd\u0101yat, came as a\nmissionary to the Deccan as early as A.D. 1304, and among the\ncultivating classes of B\u012bj\u0101p\u016br are to be found descendants of the Jains\nwho were converted by him. [880] About the close of the same century a\ncelebrated saint of Gulbarga, Sayyid Mu\u1e25ammad G\u012bs\u016bdar\u0101z, [881]\nconverted a number of Hindus of the Poona district, and twenty years\nlater his labours were crowned with a like success in Belgaum. [882] At\nDahanu still reside the descendants of a relative of one of the\ngreatest saints of Islam, Sayyid \u02bbAbd al-Q\u0101dir J\u012bl\u0101n\u012b of Baghd\u0101d; he\ncame to Western India about the fifteenth century, and after making\nmany converts in the Konkan, died and was buried at Dahanu. [883] In\nthe district of Dharwar, there are large numbers of weavers whose\nancestors were converted by H\u0101shim P\u012br Gujar\u0101t\u012b, the religious teacher\nof the B\u012bj\u0101p\u016br king, Ibr\u0101h\u012bm \u02bb\u0100dil Sh\u0101h II, about the close of the\nsixteenth century. These men still regard the saint with special\nreverence and pay great respect to his descendants. [884] The\ndescendants of another saint, Sh\u0101h Mu\u1e25ammad \u1e62\u0101diq Sarmast \u1e24usayn\u012b, are\nstill found in Nasik; he is said to have been the most successful of\nMuhammadan missionaries; having come from Medina in 1568, he travelled\nover the greater part of Western India and finally settled at Nasik\u2014in\nwhich district another very successful Muslim missionary, Khw\u0101jah\nKhunmir \u1e24usayn\u012b, had begun to labour about fifty years before. [885]\nTwo other Arab missionaries may be mentioned, the scene of whose\nproselytising efforts was laid in the district of Belgaum, namely\nSayyid Mu\u1e25ammad b. Sayyid \u02bbAl\u012b and Sayyid \u02bbUmar \u02bbAydr\u016bs Basheban. [886]\n\nAnother missionary movement may be said roughly to centre round the\ncity of Multan. [887] This in the early days of the Arab conquest was\none of the outposts of Islam, when Mu\u1e25ammad b. Q\u0101sim had established\nMuhammadan supremacy over Sind (A.D. 714). During the three centuries\nof Arab rule there were naturally many accessions to the faith of the\nconquerors. Several Sindian princes responded to the invitation of the\nCaliph \u02bbUmar b. \u02bbAbd al-\u02bbAz\u012bz to embrace Islam. [888] The people of\nS\u0101wandari\u2014who submitted to Mu\u1e25ammad b. Q\u0101sim and had peace granted to\nthem on the condition that they would entertain the Musalmans and\nfurnish guides\u2014are spoken of by al-Bal\u0101dhur\u012b (writing about a hundred\nyears later) as professing Islam in his time; and the despatches of the\nconqueror frequently refer to the conversion of the unbelievers.\n\nThat these conversions were in the main voluntary, may be judged from\nthe toleration that the Arabs, after the first violence of their\nonslaught, showed towards their idolatrous subjects. The people of\nBrahman\u0101b\u0101d, for example, whose city had been taken by storm, were\nallowed to repair their temple, which was a means of livelihood to the\nBrahmans, and nobody was to be forbidden or prevented from following\nhis own religion, [889] and generally, where submission was made,\nquarter was readily given, and the people were permitted the exercise\nof their own creeds and laws.\n\nDuring the troubles that befell the caliphate in the latter half of the\nninth century, Sind, neglected by the central government, came to be\ndivided among several petty princes, the most powerful of whom were the\nAm\u012brs of Multan and Mans\u016bra. Such disunion naturally weakened the\npolitical power of the Musalmans, which had in fact begun to decline\nearlier in the century. For in the reign of al-Mu\u02bbta\u1e63im (A.D. 833\u2013842),\nthe Indians of Sind\u0101n [890] declared themselves independent, but they\nspared the mosque, in which the Musalmans were allowed to perform their\ndevotions undisturbed. [891] The Muhammadans of Multan succeeded in\nmaintaining their political independence, and kept themselves from\nbeing conquered by the neighbouring Hindu princes, by threatening, if\nattacked, to destroy an idol which was held in great veneration by the\nHindus and was visited by pilgrims from the most distant parts. [892]\nBut in the hour of its political decay, Islam was still achieving\nmissionary successes. Al-Bal\u0101dhur\u012b [893] tells the following story of\nthe conversion of a king of \u02bbUsayf\u0101n, a country between Kashm\u012br and\nMultan and K\u0101bul. The people of this country worshipped an idol for\nwhich they had built a temple. The son of the king fell sick, and he\ndesired the priests of the temple to pray to the idol for the recovery\nof his son. They retired for a short time, and then returned saying:\n\u201cWe have prayed and our supplications have been accepted.\u201d But no long\ntime passed before the youth died. Then the king attacked the temple,\ndestroyed and broke in pieces the idol, and slew the priests. He\nafterwards invited a party of Muhammadan traders, who made known to him\nthe unity of God; whereupon he believed in the unity and became a\nMuslim. A similar missionary influence was doubtless exercised by the\nnumerous communities of Muslim merchants who carried their religion\nwith them into the infidel cities of Hindustan. Arab geographers of the\ntenth and twelfth centuries mention the names of many such cities, both\non the coast and inland, where the Musalmans built their mosques, and\nwere safe under the protection of the native princes, who even granted\nthem the privilege of living under their own laws. [894] The Arab\nmerchants at this time formed the medium of commercial communication\nbetween Sind and the neighbouring countries of India and the outside\nworld. They brought the produce of China and Ceylon to the sea-ports of\nSind and from there conveyed them by way of Multan to Turkistan and\nKhur\u0101s\u0101n. [895]\n\nIt would be strange if these traders, scattered about in the cities of\nthe unbelievers, failed to exhibit the same proselytising zeal as we\nfind in the Muhammadan trader elsewhere. To the influence of such\ntrading communities was most probably due the conversion of the Sammas,\nwho ruled over Sind from A.D. 1351 to 1521. While the reign of Nanda b.\nB\u0101biniyyah of this dynasty is specially mentioned as one of such \u201cpeace\nand security, that never was this prince called upon to ride forth to\nbattle, and never did a foe take the field against him,\u201d [896] it is at\nthe same time described as being \u201cremarkable for its justice and an\nincrease of Islam.\u201d This increase could thus only have been brought\nabout by peaceful missionary methods. One of the most famous of these\nmissionaries was the celebrated saint, Sayyid Y\u016bsuf al-D\u012bn, a\ndescendant of \u02bbAbd al-Q\u0101dir J\u012bl\u0101n\u012b, who was bidden in a dream to leave\nBaghd\u0101d for India and convert its inhabitants to Islam. He came to Sind\nin 1422 and after labouring there for ten years, he succeeded in\nwinning over to Islam 700 families of the Loh\u0101na caste, who followed\nthe example of two of their number, by name Sundarj\u012b and Hansr\u0101j; these\nmen embraced Islam, after seeing some miracles performed by the saint,\nand on their conversion received the names of Adamj\u012b and T\u0101j Mu\u1e25ammad\nrespectively. Under the leadership of the grandson of the former, these\npeople afterwards migrated to Cutch, where their numbers were increased\nby converts from among the Cutch Loh\u0101nas. [897]\n\nSind was also the scene of the labours of P\u012br \u1e62adr al-D\u012bn, an Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl\u012b\nmissionary, who was head of the Khojah sect about the year 1430. In\naccordance with the principles of accommodation practised by this sect,\nhe took a Hindu name and made certain concessions to the religious\nbeliefs of the Hindus whose conversion he sought to achieve, and\nintroduced among them a book entitled Dasavat\u0101r in which \u02bbAl\u012b was made\nout to be the tenth Avat\u0101r or incarnation of Vi\u1e63\u1e47u; this book has been\nfrom the beginning the accepted scripture of the Khojah sect, and it is\nalways read by the bedside of the dying and periodically at many\nfestivals; it assumes the nine incarnations of Vi\u1e63\u1e47u to be true as far\nas they go, but to fall short of the perfect truth, and supplements\nthis imperfect Vai\u1e63\u1e47av system by the cardinal doctrine of the\nIsm\u0101\u02bb\u012blians, the incarnation and coming manifestation of \u02bbAl\u012b. Further,\nhe made out Brahm\u0101 to be Mu\u1e25ammad, Vi\u1e63\u1e47u to be \u02bbAl\u012b and Adam Siva. The\nfirst of P\u012br \u1e62adr al-D\u012bn\u2019s converts were won in the villages and towns\nof Upper Sind: he preached also in Cutch and from these parts the\ndoctrines of this sect spread southwards through Gujar\u0101t to Bombay; and\nat the present day Khojah communities are to be found in almost all the\nlarge trading towns of Western India and on the seaboard of the Indian\nOcean. [898]\n\nP\u012br \u1e62adr al-D\u012bn was not however the first of the Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blian\nmissionaries who came into India. He was preceded by \u02bbAbd All\u0101h, a\nmissionary sent from Yaman about 1067; he is said to have been a man of\ngreat learning, and is credited with the performance of many miracles,\nwhereby he convinced a large number of Hindus of the truth of his\nreligion. [899] The second Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl\u012b missionary, N\u016br al-D\u012bn, generally\nknown by the Hindu name he adopted, N\u016br Sat\u0101gar, was sent into India\nfrom Alam\u016bt, the stronghold of the Grand Master of the Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl\u012bs, and\nreached Gujar\u0101t in the reign of the Hindu king, Siddh\u0101 R\u0101j (A.D.\n1094\u20131143). [900] He adopted a Hindu name but told the Muhammadans that\nhis real name was Sayyid Sa\u02bb\u0101dat; he is said to have converted the\nKanb\u012bs, Kh\u0101rw\u0101s and Kor\u012bs, low castes of Gujar\u0101t. [901]\n\nAs N\u016br Sat\u0101gar is revered as the first missionary of the Khojahs, so is\n\u02bbAbd All\u0101h believed by some to have been the founder of the sect of the\nBohras, a large and important community of Sh\u012b\u02bbahs, mainly of Hindu\norigin, who are found in considerable numbers in the chief commercial\ncentres of the Bombay Presidency. But others ascribe the honour of\nbeing the first Bohra missionary to Mull\u0101 \u02bbAl\u012b, of whose proselytising\nmethods the following account is given by a Sh\u012b\u02bbah historian: \u201cAs the\npeople of Gujar\u0101t in those days were infidels and accepted as their\nreligious leader an old man whose teaching they blindly followed, Mull\u0101\n\u02bbAl\u012b saw no alternative but to go to the old man and ask to become his\ndisciple, intending to set before him such convincing arguments that he\nwould become a Musalman, and afterwards to attempt the conversion of\nothers. He accordingly spent some years in the service of the old man,\nand having learned the language of the people of the country, read\ntheir books and acquired a knowledge of their sciences. Step by step he\nunfolded to the enlightened mind of the old man the truth of the faith\nof Islam and persuaded him to become a Musalman. After his conversion,\nsome of his disciples followed the old man\u2019s example. Finally, the\nchief minister of the king of that country became aware of the old\nman\u2019s conversion to Islam, and going to see him submitted to his\nspiritual guidance and likewise became a Musalman. For a long time, the\nold man, the minister and the rest of the converts to Islam, kept the\nfact of their conversion concealed and through fear of the king always\ntook care to prevent it coming to his knowledge; but at length the king\nreceived a report of the minister\u2019s having adopted Islam and began to\nmake inquiries. One day, without giving previous notice, he went to the\nminister\u2019s house and found him bowing his head in prayer and was vexed\nwith him. The minister recognised the purpose of the king\u2019s visit, and\nrealised that his displeasure had been excited by suspicions aroused by\nhis prayer, with its bowing and prostrations; but the guidance of God\nand divine grace befitting the occasion, he said that he was making\nthese movements because he was watching a serpent in the corner of the\nroom. When the king turned towards the corner of the room, by divine\nprovidence he saw a snake there, and accepted the minister\u2019s excuse and\nhis mind was cleared of all suspicions. In the end the king also\nsecretly became a Musalman, but for reasons of state concealed his\nchange of mind; when however, the hour of his death drew near, he gave\norders that his body was not to be burnt, as is the custom of the\ninfidels. Subsequently to his decease, when Sul\u1e6d\u0101n Z\u0324afar, one of the\ntrusty nobles of Sul\u1e6d\u0101n F\u012br\u016bz Sh\u0101h, king of Dehl\u012b, conquered Gujar\u0101t,\nsome of the Sunn\u012b nobles who accompanied him used arguments to make the\npeople join the Sunn\u012b sect of the Muslim faith; so some of the Bohras\nare Sunn\u012bs, but the greater part remain true to their original faith.\u201d\n[902]\n\nSeveral small groups of Musalmans in Cutch and Gujar\u0101t trace their\nconversion to Im\u0101m Sh\u0101h of P\u012br\u0101na, [903] who was actively engaged in\nmissionary work during the latter half of the fifteenth century. He is\nsaid to have converted a large body of Hindu cultivators, by bringing\nabout a fall of rain after two seasons of scarcity. On another occasion\nmeeting a band of Hindu pilgrims passing through P\u012br\u0101na on their way to\nBenares, he offered to take them there; they agreed and in a moment\nwere in the holy city, where they bathed in the Ganges and paid their\nvows; they then awoke to find themselves still in P\u012br\u0101na and adopted\nthe faith of the saint who could perform such a miracle. He died in\n1512 and his tomb in P\u012br\u0101na is still an object of pilgrimage for Hindus\nas well as for Muhammadans. [904]\n\nMany of the Cutch Musalmans that are of Hindu descent reverence as\ntheir spiritual leader D\u0101wal Sh\u0101h P\u012br, whose real name was Malik \u02bbAbd\nal-La\u1e6d\u012bf, [905] the son of one of the nobles of Ma\u1e25m\u016bd B\u012bgarah\n(1459\u20131511), the famous monarch of the Muhammadan dynasty of Gujar\u0101t,\nto whose reign popular tradition assigns the date of the conversion of\nmany Hindus. [906]\n\nIt is in Bengal, however, that the Muhammadan missionaries in India\nhave achieved their greatest success, as far as numbers are concerned.\nA Muhammadan kingdom was first founded here at the end of the twelfth\ncentury by Mu\u1e25ammad Bakhtiy\u0101r Khilj\u012b, who conquered Bihar and Bengal\nand made Gaur the capital of the latter province. The long continuance\nof the Muhammadan rule would naturally assist the spread of Islam, and\nthough the Hindu rule was restored for ten years under the tolerant\nR\u0101j\u0101 K\u0101ns, whose rule is said to have been popular with his Muhammadan\nsubjects, [907] his son, Jatmall, renounced the Hindu religion and\nbecame a Musalman. After his father\u2019s death in 1414 he called together\nall the officers of the state and announced his intention of embracing\nIslam, and proclaimed that if the chiefs would not permit him to ascend\nthe throne, he was ready to give it up to his brother; whereupon they\ndeclared that they would accept him as their king, whatever religion he\nmight adopt. Accordingly, several learned men of the Muslim faith were\nsummoned to witness the Raja renounce the Hindu religion and publicly\nprofess his acceptance of Islam: he took the name of Jal\u0101l al-D\u012bn\nMu\u1e25ammad Sh\u0101h, and according to tradition numerous conversions were\nmade during his reign. [908] Many of these were however due to force,\nfor his reign is signalised as being the only one in which any\nwholesale persecution of the subject Hindus is recorded, during the\nfive centuries and a half of Muhammadan rule in Eastern Bengal. [909]\n\nConversions, however, often took place at other times under pressure\nfrom the Muhammadan government. The Rajas of Kharagpur were originally\nHindus, and became Muhammadans because, having been defeated by one of\nAkbar\u2019s generals, they were only allowed to retain the family estates\non the condition that they embraced Islam. The Hindu ancestor of the\nfamily of Asad \u02bbAl\u012b Kh\u0101n, in Chittagong, was deprived of his caste by\nbeing forced to smell beef and had perforce to become a Muhammadan, and\nseveral other instances of the same kind might be quoted. [910]\n\nMurshid Qul\u012b Kh\u0101n (son of a converted Brahman), who was made governor\nof Bengal by the Emperor Aurangzeb at the beginning of the eighteenth\ncentury, enforced a law that any official or landlord, who failed to\npay the revenue that was due or was unable to make good the loss,\nshould with his wife and children be compelled to become Muhammadans.\nFurther, it was the common law that any Hindu who forfeited his caste\nby a breach of regulations could only be reinstated by the Muhammadan\ngovernment; if the government refused to interfere, the outcast had no\nmeans of regaining his position in the social system of the Hindus, and\nwould probably find no resource but to become a Musalman. [911]\n\nThe Afgh\u0101n adventurers who settled in this province also appear to have\nbeen active in the work of proselytising, for besides the children that\nthey had by Hindu women, they used to purchase a number of boys in\ntimes of scarcity, and educate them in the tenets of Islam. [912] But\nit is not in the ancient centres of the Muhammadan government that the\nMusalmans of Bengal are found in large numbers, but in the country\ndistricts, in districts where there are no traces of settlers from the\nWest, and in places where low-caste Hindus and outcasts most abound.\n[913] The similarity of manners between these low-caste Hindus and the\nfollowers of the Prophet, and the caste distinctions which they still\nretain, as well as their physical likeness, all bear the same testimony\nand identify the Bengal Musalmans with the aboriginal tribes of the\ncountry. Here Islam met with no consolidated religious system to bar\nits progress, as in the north-west of India, where the Muhammadan\ninvaders found Brahmanism full of fresh life and vigour after its\ntriumphant struggle with Buddhism; where, in spite of persecutions, its\ninfluence was an inspiring force in the opposition offered by the\nHindus, and retained its hold on them in the hour of their deepest\ndistress and degradation. But in Bengal the Muslim missionaries were\nwelcomed with open arms by the aborigines and the low castes on the\nvery outskirts of Hinduism, despised and condemned by their proud Aryan\nrulers. \u201cTo these poor people, fishermen, hunters, pirates, and\nlow-caste tillers of the soil, Islam came as a revelation from on high.\nIt was the creed of the ruling race, its missionaries were men of zeal\nwho brought the Gospel of the unity of God and the equality of men in\nits sight to a despised and neglected population. The initiatory rite\nrendered relapse impossible, and made the proselyte and his posterity\ntrue believers for ever. In this way Islam settled down on the richest\nalluvial province of India, the province which was capable of\nsupporting the most rapid and densest increase of population.\nCompulsory conversions are occasionally recorded. But it was not to\nforce that Islam owed its permanent success in Lower Bengal. It\nappealed to the people, and it derived the great mass of its converts\nfrom the poor. It brought in a higher conception of God, and a nobler\nidea of the brotherhood of man. It offered to the teeming low castes of\nBengal, who had sat for ages abject on the outermost pale of the Hindu\ncommunity, a free entrance into a new social organisation.\u201d [914]\n\nThe existence in Bengal of definite missionary efforts is said to be\nattested by certain legends of the zeal of private individuals on\nbehalf of their religion, and the graves of some of these missionaries\nare still honoured, and are annually visited by hundreds of pilgrims.\n[915] One of the earliest of these was Shaykh Jal\u0101l al-D\u012bn Tabr\u012bz\u012b, who\ndied in A.D. 1244. He was a pupil of the great saint, Shih\u0101b al-D\u012bn\nSuhraward\u012b. In the course of his missionary journeys he visited Bengal,\nwhere a shrine to which is attached a rich endowment was erected in his\nhonour, the real site of his tomb being unknown. Many miracles are\nascribed to him; among others, that he converted a Hindu milkman to\nIslam by a single look. [916]\n\nIn the nineteenth century there was a remarkable revival of the\nMuhammadan religion in Bengal, and several sects that owe their origin\nto the influence of the Wahh\u0101b\u012b reformation, have sent their\nmissionaries through the province purging out the remnants of Hindu\nsuperstitions, awakening religious zeal and spreading the faith among\nunbelievers. [917]\n\nSome account still remains to be given of Muslim missionaries who have\nlaboured in parts of India other than those mentioned above. One of the\nearliest of these is Shaykh Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl, one of the most famous of the\nSayyids of Bukh\u0101r\u0101, distinguished alike for his secular and religious\nlearning; he is said to have been the first Muslim missionary who\npreached the faith of Islam in the city of Lahore, whither he came in\nthe year A.D. 1005. Crowds flocked to listen to his sermons, and the\nnumber of his converts swelled rapidly day by day, and it is said that\nno unbeliever ever came into personal contact with him without being\nconverted to the faith of Islam. [918]\n\nThe conversion of the inhabitants of the western plains of the Panj\u0101b\nis said to have been effected through the preaching of Bah\u0101 al-\u1e24aqq of\nMultan [919] and B\u0101b\u0101 Far\u012bd al-D\u012bn of Pakpattan, who flourished about\nthe end of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth centuries.\n[920] A biographer of the latter saint gives a list of sixteen tribes\nwho were won over to Islam through his preaching, but unfortunately\nprovides us with no details of this work of conversion. [921]\n\nOne of the most famous of the Muslim saints of India and a pioneer of\nIslam in Rajputana was Khw\u0101jah Mu\u02bb\u012bn al-D\u012bn Chisht\u012b, who died in Ajm\u012br\nin A.D. 1234. He was a native of Sajist\u0101n to the east of Persia, and is\nsaid to have received his call to preach Islam to the unbelievers in\nIndia while on a pilgrimage to Medina. Here the Prophet appeared to him\nin a dream and thus addressed him: \u201cThe Almighty has entrusted the\ncountry of India to thee. Go thither and settle in Ajm\u012br. By God\u2019s\nhelp, the faith of Islam shall, through thy piety and that of thy\nfollowers, be spread in that land.\u201d He obeyed the call and made his way\nto Ajm\u012br which was then under Hindu rule and idolatry prevailed\nthroughout the land. Among the first of his converts here was a Yog\u012b,\nwho was the spiritual preceptor of the Raja himself: gradually he\ngathered around him a large body of disciples whom his teachings had\nwon from the ranks of infidelity, and his fame as a religious leader\nbecame very widespread and attracted to Ajm\u012br great numbers of Hindus\nwhom he persuaded to embrace Islam. [922] On his way to Ajm\u012br he is\nsaid to have converted as many as 700 persons in the city of Delhi.\n\nOf immense importance in the history of Islam in India was the arrival\nin that country of Sayyid Jal\u0101l al-D\u012bn, who is said to have been born\nat Bukh\u0101r\u0101 in 1199. He settled in Uch, now in the Bahawalpur territory,\nin 1244, and converted numbers of persons in the neighbourhood to\nIslam; he died in 1291, and his descendants, many of whom are also\nrevered as saints, have remained as guardians of his shrine up to the\npresent day and form the centre of a widespread religious influence.\nHis grandson, Sayyid A\u1e25mad Kab\u012br, known as Makhd\u016bm-i-Jah\u0101niy\u0101n, is\ncredited with having effected the conversion of several tribes in the\nPunjab. [923] About a mile to the east of Uch is situated the shrine of\n\u1e24asan Kab\u012br al-D\u012bn, son of Sayyid \u1e62adr al-D\u012bn, who was a contemporary\nof Jal\u0101l-al-D\u012bn; both father and son are said to have made many\nconverts, and such was the influence attributed to \u1e24asan Kab\u012br al-D\u012bn\nthat it was said as soon as his glance fell upon any Hindu, the latter\nwould accept Islam. [924]\n\nRather later in the same century, a native of Persian \u02bbIr\u0101q, by name\nAb\u016b \u02bbAl\u012b Qalandar, came into India and took up his residence at\nPanipat, where he died at the ripe age of 100, in A.D. 1324. The Muslim\nRajputs of this city, numbering about 300 males, are descended from a\ncertain Am\u012br Singh who was converted by this saint. His tomb is still\nheld in honour and is visited by many pilgrims.\n\nAnother such was Shaykh Jal\u0101l al-D\u012bn, a Persian who came into India\nabout the latter half of the fourteenth century and settled down at\nSilha\u1e6d, in Lower Assam, in order to convert the people of these parts\nto Islam. He achieved a great reputation as a holy man, and his\nproselytising labours were crowned with eminent success. [925]\n\nIn more recent years there have been abundant witnesses for Islam\nseeking to spread this faith in India\u2014and with very considerable\nsuccess; the second half of the nineteenth century especially witnessed\na great revival of missionary activity, the number of annual\nconversions being variously estimated at ten, fifty, one hundred and\nsix hundred thousand. [926] But it is difficult to obtain accurate\ninformation on account of the peculiarly individualistic character of\nMuslim missionary work and the absence of any central organisation or\nof anything in the way of missionary reports, and the success that\nattends the labours of Muslim preachers is sometimes much exaggerated,\ne.g. in the Panj\u0101b a certain \u1e24\u0101j\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad is said to have converted as\nmany as 200,000 Hindus, [927] and a mawlav\u012b in Bangalore boasted that\nin five years he had made as many as 1000 converts in this city and its\nsuburbs. But that there are Muslim missionaries engaged in active and\nsuccessful propagandist labours is undoubted, and the following\nexamples are typical of the period referred to.\n\nMawlav\u012b Baq\u0101 \u1e24usayn Kh\u0101n, an itinerant preacher, in the course of\nseveral years converted 228 persons, residents of Bombay, Cawnpore,\nAjm\u012br, and other cities. Mawlav\u012b \u1e24asan \u02bbAl\u012b converted twenty-five\npersons, twelve in Poona, the rest in \u1e24aydarabad and other parts of\nIndia. [928] In the district of Khandesh, in the Bombay Presidency, the\npreaching of the Q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b of Nasirabad, Sayyid Safdar \u02bbAl\u012b, won over to\nIslam a large body of artisans, who follow the trade of armourers or\nblacksmiths. [929] A number of persons of the same trade, who form a\nsmall community of about 200 souls in the district of Nasik, were\nconverted in a curious way about 1870. The Presbyterian missionaries of\nNasik had for a long time been trying to convert them from Hinduism,\nand they were in a state of hesitation as to whether or not to embrace\nChristianity when a Muhammadan faq\u012br from Bombay, who was well\nacquainted with their habits of thought, expounded to them the\ndoctrines of Islam and succeeded in winning them over to that faith.\n[930]\n\nIn Patiala, Mawlav\u012b \u02bbUbayd All\u0101h, a converted Brahman of great\nlearning, proved himself to be a zealous preacher of Islam, and in\nspite of the obstacles that were at first thrown in his way by his\nrelatives, achieved so great a success that his converts almost filled\nan entire ward of the city. He wrote controversial works, which have\npassed through several editions, directed against the Christian and\nHindu religions. In one of these books he thus speaks of his own\nconversion: \u201cI, Mu\u1e25ammad \u02bbUbayd All\u0101h, the son of Munshi Ko\u1e6d\u0101 Mal,\nresident of Payal, in the Patiala State, declare that this poor man in\nhis childhood and during the lifetime of his father was held in the\nbondage of idol-worship, but the mercy of God caught me by the hand and\ndrew me towards Islam, i.e. I came to know the excellence of Islam and\nthe deficiencies of Hinduism, and I accepted Islam heart and soul and\ncounted myself one of the servants of the Prophet of God (peace be upon\nhim!). At that time intelligence, which is the gift of God, suggested\nto me that it was mere folly and laziness to blindly follow the customs\nof one\u2019s forefathers and be misled by them and not make researches into\nmatters of religion and faith, whereon depend our eternal bliss or\nmisery. With these thoughts I began to study the current faiths and\ninvestigated each of them impartially. I thoroughly explored the Hindu\nreligion and conversed with learned Pa\u1e47\u1e0dits, gained a thorough\nknowledge of the Christian faith, read the books of Islam and conversed\nwith learned men. In all of them I found errors and fallacies, with the\nexception of Islam, the excellence of which became clearly manifest to\nme; its leader, Mu\u1e25ammad the Prophet, possesses such moral excellences\nthat no tongue can describe them, and he alone who knows the beliefs\nand the liturgy, and the moral teachings and practice of this faith,\ncan fully realise them. Praise be to God! So excellent is this religion\nthat everything in it leads the soul to God. In short, by the grace of\nGod, the distinction between truth and falsehood became as clear to me\nas night and day, darkness and light. But although my heart had long\nbeen enlightened by the brightness of Islam and my mouth fragrant with\nthe profession of faith, yet my evil passions and Satan had bound me\nwith the fetters of the luxury and ease of this fleeting world, and I\nwas in evil case because of the outward observances of idolatry. At\nlength, the grace of God thus admonished me: \u2018How long wilt thou keep\nthis priceless pearl hidden within the shell and this refreshing\nperfume shut up in the casket? thou shouldest wear this pearl about thy\nneck and profit by this perfume.\u2019 Moreover the learned have declared\nthat to conceal one\u2019s faith in Islam and retain the dress and habits of\ninfidels brings a man to Hell. So (God be praised!) on the \u02bb\u012ad al-Fi\u1e6dr\n1264 the sun of my conversion emerged from its screen of clouds, and I\nperformed my devotions in public with my Muslim brethren.\u201d [931]\n\nMany Muhammadan preachers have adopted the methods of Christian\nmissionaries, such as street preaching, tract distribution, and other\nagencies. In many of the large cities of India, Muslim preachers may be\nfound daily expounding the teachings of Islam in some principal\nthoroughfare. In Bangalore this practice is very general, and one of\nthese preachers, who was the im\u0101m of the mosque about the year 1890,\nwas so popular that he was even sometimes invited to preach by Hindus:\nhe preached in the market-place, and in the course of seven or eight\nyears gained forty-two converts. In Bombay a Muhammadan missionary\npreaches almost daily near the chief market of the city, and in\nCalcutta there are several preaching-stations that are kept constantly\nsupplied. Among the converts are occasionally to be found some\nEuropeans, mostly persons in indigent circumstances; the mass, however,\nare Hindus. [932] Some of the numerous Anjumans that have of recent\nyears sprung up in the chief centres of Musalman life in India, include\namong their objects the sending of missionaries to preach in the\nbazaars; such are the Anjuman \u1e24im\u0101yat-i-Isl\u0101m of Lahore, and the\nAnjuman \u1e24\u0101m\u012b Isl\u0101m of Ajm\u012br. These particular Anjumans appoint paid\nagents, but much of the work of preaching in the bazaars is performed\nby persons who are engaged in some trade or business during the working\nhours of the day and devote their leisure time in the evenings to this\npious work.\n\nMuch of the missionary zeal of the Indian Musalmans is directed towards\ncounteracting the anti-Islamic tendencies of the instruction given by\nChristian missionaries and the preachers of the \u0100rya Sam\u0101j, and the\nefforts made are thus defensive rather than directly proselytising.\nSome preachers too turn their attention rather to the strengthening of\nthe foundation already laid, and endeavour to rid their ignorant\nco-religionists of their Hindu superstitions, and instil in them a\npurer form of faith, such efforts being in many cases the continuation\nof earlier missionary activity. The work of conversion has indeed been\noften very imperfect. Of many, nominally Muslims, it may be said that\nthey are half Hindus: they observe caste rules, they join in Hindu\nfestivals and practise numerous idolatrous ceremonies. In certain\ndistricts also, e.g. in Mew\u0101t and Gurgaon, large numbers of Muhammadans\nmay be found who know nothing of their religion but its name; they have\nno mosques, nor do they observe the hours of prayer. This is especially\nthe case among the Muhammadans of the villages or in parts of the\ncountry where they are isolated from the mass of believers; but in the\ntowns the presence of learned religious men tends, in great measure, to\ncounteract the influence of former superstitions, and makes for a purer\nand more intelligent form of religious life. In recent years, however,\nthere has been, speaking generally, a movement noticeable among the\nIndian Muslims towards a religious life more strictly in accordance\nwith the laws of Islam. The influence of the Christian mission schools\nhas also been very great in stimulating among some Muhammadans of the\nyounger generation a study of their own religion and in bringing about\na consequent awakening of religious zeal. Indeed, the spread of\neducation generally, has led to a more intelligent grasp of religious\nprinciples and to an increase of religious teachers in outlying and\nhitherto neglected districts. This missionary movement of reform (from\nwhatever cause it may originate), may be observed in very different\nparts of India. In the eastern districts of the Panj\u0101b, for example,\nafter the Mutiny, a great religious revival took place. Preachers\ntravelled far and wide through the country, calling upon believers to\nabandon their idolatrous practices and expounding the true tenets of\nthe faith. Now, in consequence, most villages, in which Muhammadans own\nany considerable portion, have a mosque, while the grosser and more\nopen idolatries are being discontinued. [933] In Rajputana also, the\nHindu tribes who have been from time to time converted to Islam in the\nrural districts, are now becoming more orthodox and regular in their\nreligious observances, and are abandoning the ancient customs which\nhitherto they had observed in common with their idolatrous neighbours.\nThe Mer\u0101ts, for example, now follow the orthodox Muhammadan form of\nmarriage instead of the Hindu ritual they formerly observed, and have\nabjured the flesh of the wild boar. [934] A similar revival in Bengal\nhas already been spoken of above.\n\nSuch movements and the efforts of individual missionaries are, however,\nquite inadequate to explain the rapid increase of the Muhammadans of\nIndia, and one is naturally led to inquire what are the causes other\nthan the normal increase of population, [935] which add so enormously\nto their numbers. The answer is to be found in the social conditions of\nlife among Hindus. The insults and contempt heaped upon the lower\ncastes of Hindus by their co-religionists, and the impassable obstacles\nplaced in the way of any member of these castes desiring to better his\ncondition, show up in striking contrast the benefits of a religious\nsystem which has no outcasts, and gives free scope for the indulgence\nof any ambition. In Bengal, for example, the weavers of cotton\npiece-goods, who are looked upon as vile by their Hindu\nco-religionists, embrace Islam in large numbers to escape from the low\nposition to which they are otherwise degraded. [936] A very remarkable\ninstance of a similar kind occurs in the history of the north-eastern\npart of the same province. Here in the year 1550 the aboriginal tribe\nof the Kocch established a dynasty under their great leader, Haju; in\nthe reign of his grandson, when the higher classes in the state were\nreceived into the pale of Hinduism, [937] the mass of the people\nfinding themselves despised as outcasts, became Muhammadans. [938]\n\nThe escape that Islam offers to Hindus from the oppression of the\nhigher castes was strikingly illustrated in Tinnevelli at the close of\nthe nineteenth century. A very low caste, the Shanars, had in recent\nyears become prosperous and many of them had built fine houses; they\nasserted that they had the right to worship in temples, from which they\nhad hitherto been excluded. A riot ensued, in the course of which the\nShanars suffered badly at the hands of Hindus of a higher caste, and\nthey took refuge in the pale of Islam. Six hundred Shanars in one\nvillage became Muslims in one day, and their example was quickly\nfollowed in other places. [939]\n\nSimilar instances might be given from other parts of India. A Hindu who\nhas in any way lost caste and been in consequence repudiated by his\nrelations and by the society of which he has been accustomed to move,\nwould naturally be attracted towards a religion that receives all\nwithout distinction, and offers to him a grade of society equal in the\nsocial scale to that from which he has been banished. Such a change of\nreligion might well be accompanied with sincere conviction, but men\nalso who might be profoundly indifferent to the number or names of the\ndeities they were called upon to worship, would feel very keenly the\nsocial ostracism entailed by their loss of caste, and become Muhammadan\nwithout any religious feelings at all. The influence of the study of\nMuhammadan literature also, and the habitual contact with Muhammadan\nsociety, must often make itself insensibly felt. Among the Rajput\nprinces of the nineteenth century in Rajputana and Bundelkhand, such\ntendencies towards Islamism were to be observed, [940] tendencies\nwhich, had the Mughal empire lasted, would probably have led to their\nultimate conversion. They not only respected Muhammadan saints, but had\nMuhammadan tutors for their sons; they also had their food killed in\naccordance with the regulations laid down by the Muhammadan law, and\njoined in the Muhammadan festivals dressed as faq\u012brs, and praying like\ntrue believers. On the other hand, it has been conjectured that the\npresent position of affairs, under a government perfectly impartial in\nmatters religious, is much more likely to promote conversions among the\nHindus generally than was the case under the rule of the Muhammadan\nkingdoms, when Hinduism gained union and strength from the constant\nstruggle with an aggressive enemy. [941] Hindus, too, often flock in\nlarge numbers to the tombs of Muslim saints on the day appointed to\ncommemorate them, and a childless father, with the feeling that prompts\na polytheist to leave no God unaddressed, will present his petition to\nthe God of the Muhammadans, and if children are born to him, apparently\nin answer to this prayer, the whole family will in such a case (and\nexamples are not infrequent) embrace Islam. [942]\n\nLove for a Muhammadan woman is occasionally the cause of the conversion\nof a Hindu, since the marriage of a Muslim woman to an unbeliever is\nabsolutely forbidden by the Muslim law. Hindu children, if adopted by\nwealthy Musalmans, would be brought up in the religion of their new\nparents; and a Hindu wife, married to a follower of the Prophet, would\nbe likely to adopt the faith of her husband. [943] As the contrary\nprocess can rarely take place, the number of Muhammadans is bound to\nincrease in proportion to that of the Hindus. Hindus, who for some\nreason or other have been driven out of their caste; the poor who have\nbecome the recipients of Muhammadan charity, or women and children who\nhave been protected when their parents have died or deserted them\u2014(such\ncases would naturally be frequent in times of famine)\u2014form a continuous\nthough small stream of additions from the Hindus. [944] There are often\nlocal circumstances favourable to the growth of Islam; for example, it\nhas been pointed out [945] that in the villages of the Terai, in which\nthe number of Hindus and Muhammadans happen to be equally balanced, any\nincrease in the predominance of the Muhammadans is invariably followed\nby disputes about the killing of cows and other practices offensive to\nHindu feeling. The Hindus gradually move away from the village, leaving\nbehind of their creed only the Cham\u0101r ploughman in the service of the\nMuhammadan peasants. These latter eventually adopt the religion of\ntheir masters, not from any conviction of its truth, but from the\ninconvenience their isolation entails.\n\nSome striking instances of conversions from the lower castes of Hindus\nare also found in the agricultural districts of Oudh. Although the\nMuhammadans of this province form only one-tenth of the whole\npopulation, still the small groups of Muhammadan cultivators form\n\u201cscattered centres of revolt against the degrading oppression to which\ntheir religion hopelessly consigns these lower castes.\u201d [946] The\nadvantages Islam holds out to such classes as the Kor\u012bs and Cham\u0101rs,\nwho stand at the lowest level of Hindu society, and the deliverance\nwhich conversion to Islam brings them, may be best understood from the\nfollowing passage descriptive of their social condition as Hindus.\n[947] \u201cThe lowest depth of misery and degradation is reached by the\nKor\u012bs and Cham\u0101rs, the weavers and leather-cutters to the rest. Many of\nthese in the northern districts are actually bond-slaves, having hardly\never the spirit to avail themselves of the remedy offered by our\ncourts, and descend with their children from generation to generation\nas the value of an old purchase. They hold the plough for the Brahman\nor Chhattri master, whose pride of caste forbids him to touch it, and\nlive with the pigs, less unclean than themselves, in separate quarters\napart from the rest of the village. Always on the verge of starvation,\ntheir lean, black, and ill-formed figures, their stupid faces, and\ntheir repulsively filthy habits reflect the wretched destiny which\ncondemns them to be lower than the beast among their fellow-men, and\nyet that they are far from incapable of improvement is proved by the\nactive and useful stable servants drawn from among them, who receive\ngood pay and live well under European masters. A change of religion is\nthe only means of escape open to them, and they have little reason to\nbe faithful to their present creed.\u201d\n\nIt is this absence of class prejudices which constitutes the real\nstrength of Islam in India, and enables it to win so many converts from\nHinduism.\n\nTo complete this survey of Islam in India, some account still remains\nto be given of the spread of this faith in Kashm\u012br and thence beyond\nthe borders of India into Tibet. Of all the provinces and states of\nIndia (with the exception of Sind) Kashm\u012br contains the largest number\nof Muhammadans (namely 70 per cent.) in proportion to the whole\npopulation; but unfortunately historical facts that should explain the\nexistence in this state of so many Musalmans, almost entirely of Hindu\nor Tibetan origin, are very scanty. But all the evidence leads us to\nattribute it on the whole to a long-continued missionary movement\ninaugurated and carried out mainly by faq\u012brs and dervishes, among whom\nwere Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blian preachers sent from Alam\u016bt. [948]\n\nIt is difficult to say when this Islamising influence first made itself\nfelt in the country. The first Muhammadan king of Kashm\u012br, \u1e62adr al-D\u012bn,\n[949] is said to have owed his conversion to a certain Darwesh Bulbul\nSh\u0101h in the early part of the fourteenth century. This saint was the\nonly religious teacher who could satisfy his craving for religious\ntruth when, dissatisfied with his own Hindu faith, he looked for a more\nacceptable form of doctrine. Towards the end of the same century (in\n1388) the progress of Islam was most materially furthered by the advent\nof Sayyid \u02bbAl\u012b Hamad\u0101n\u012b, a fugitive from his native city of Hamad\u0101n in\nPersia, where he had incurred the wrath of T\u012bm\u016br. He was accompanied by\n700 Sayyids, who established hermitages all over the country and by\ntheir influence appear to have assured the acceptance of the new\nreligion. Their advent appears, however, to have also stirred up\nconsiderable fanaticism, as Sultan Sikandar (1393\u20131417) acquired the\nname of Butshikan from his destruction of Hindu idols and temples, and\nhis prime minister, a converted Hindu, set on foot a fierce persecution\nof the adherents of his old faith, but on his death toleration was\nagain made the rule of the kingdom. [950] Towards the close of the\nfifteenth century, a missionary, by name M\u012br Shams al-D\u012bn, belonging to\na Sh\u012b\u02bbah sect, came from \u02bbIr\u0101q, and, with the aid of his disciples, won\nover a large number of converts in Kashm\u012br.\n\nWhen under Akbar, Kashm\u012br became a province of the Mughal empire, the\nMuhammadan influence was naturally strengthened and many men of\nlearning came into the country. In the reign of Aurangzeb, the Rajput\nRaja of Kishtwar was converted by the miracles of a certain Sayyid Sh\u0101h\nFar\u012bd al-D\u012bn and his conversion seems to have been followed by that of\nthe majority of his subjects, and along the route which the Mughal\nemperors took on their progresses into Kashm\u012br we still find Rajas who\nare the descendants of Muhammadanised Rajputs. [951]\n\nTo the north and north-east of Kashm\u012br, the provinces of Baltistan and\nLadakh are inhabited by a mixed Tibetan race, among whom Islam has been\nfirmly established for several centuries, but the date and manner of\nits introduction is unknown. The Muhammadans of Baltistan tell of four\nbrothers who came from Khur\u0101s\u0101n and brought about a revival of the\nfaith, but appear to have no tradition regarding the earliest\npropagandists. [952] Up to the middle of the nineteenth century Islam\nappeared to be making progress, but this tendency was counteracted by\nthe encouragement which Maharaja Ranbir Singh gave to the followers of\nthe Buddhist faith. In Ladakh there are a number of half-castes, called\nArghons, [953] born of Tibetan mothers and Muhammadan fathers, traders\nwho have come to Leh and persuaded the Tibetan women they marry to\naccept Islam. These Arghons are all Musalmans and, like their fathers,\nmarry Tibetan wives; they are said to be increasing in numbers more\nrapidly than the pure Tibetan stock. [954] Islam has also been carried\ninto Tibet Proper by Kashm\u012br\u012b merchants. Settlements of such merchants\nare to be found in all the chief cities of Tibet; they marry Tibetan\nwives, who often adopt the religion of their husbands; and there are\nnow said to be as many as 2000 Muhammadan families in Lhasa. [955]\nIslam has made its way into Tibet also from Yunnan, [956] and at\nSu-ching, on the border of the Sze-chwan province and Tibet, converts\nare being won from among the Tibetan inhabitants. [957] Muhammadan\ninfluences are also said to have come from Persia [958] and from\nTurkestan. [959]\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN CHINA.\n\n\nTradition ascribes to Mu\u1e25ammad the saying, \u201cSeek for knowledge, even\nunto China.\u201d [960] Though there is no historical evidence for these\nwords having ever been uttered by the Prophet, it is not impossible\nthat the name of this country may have been known to him, for\ncommercial relations between Arabia and China had been established long\nbefore his birth. It was through Arabia, in great measure, that Syria\nand the ports of the Levant received the produce of the East. In the\nsixth century, there was a considerable trade between China and Arabia\nby way of Ceylon, and at the beginning of the seventh century the\ncommerce between China, Persia and Arabia was still further extended,\nthe town of S\u012br\u0101f on the Persian Gulf being the chief emporium for the\nChinese traders. It was at this period, at the commencement of the\nT\u02bcang dynasty (618\u2013907) that mention is first made of the Arabs in the\nChinese Annals; [961] they note the rise of the Muslim power in Medina\nand briefly describe the religious observances of the new faith.\n\nThe Annals of Kwangtung thus record the coming of the first Muslims\ninto China:\u2014\u201cAt the beginning of the T\u02bcang dynasty there came to Canton\na large number of strangers, from the kingdoms of Annam, Cambodia,\nMedina and several other countries. These strangers worshipped heaven\n(i.e. God) and had neither statue, idol nor image in their temples. The\nkingdom of Medina is close to that of India, and it is in this kingdom\nthat the religion of these strangers, which is different to that of\nBuddha, originated. They do not eat pork or drink wine, and they regard\nas unclean the flesh of any animal not killed by themselves. They are\nnowadays called Hui Hui. [962]... Having asked and obtained from the\nemperor permission to reside in Canton, they built magnificent houses\nof a style different to that of our country. They were very rich and\nobeyed a chief chosen by themselves.\u201d [963] Though direct historical\nevidence is lacking, [964] it is most probable that Islam was first\nintroduced into China by merchants who followed the old-established sea\nroute. But the earliest record we can trust refers to diplomatic\nrelations carried on by land, through Persia. When Yazdagird, the last\nS\u0101s\u0101nid king of Persia, had perished, his son, F\u012br\u016bz, appealed to China\nfor help against the Arab invaders; [965] but the emperor replied that\nPersia was too far distant for him to send the required troops. But he\nis said to have despatched an ambassador to the Arab court to plead the\ncause of the fugitive prince\u2014probably also with instructions to\nascertain the extent and power of the new kingdom that had arisen in\nthe West, and the caliph \u02bbUthm\u0101n is said to have sent one of the Arab\ngenerals to accompany the Chinese ambassador on his return in 651, and\nthis first Muslim envoy was honourably received by the emperor. In the\nreign of Wal\u012bd (705\u2013715), the famous Arab general, Qutaybah b. Muslim,\nhaving been appointed governor of Khur\u0101s\u0101n, crossed the Oxus and began\na series of successful campaigns, in which he successively subjugated\nBukh\u0101r\u0101, Samarqand and other cities, and carried his conquests up to\nthe western frontier of the Chinese empire. In 713 he sent envoys to\nthe emperor, who (according to Arab accounts) dismissed them with\nvaluable presents. A few years later, the Chinese Annals make mention\nof an ambassador, named Sulaym\u0101n, who came from the caliph Hish\u0101m in\n726 to the Emperor Hsuan Tsung. These diplomatic relations between the\nArab and the Chinese empires assumed a new importance at the close of\nthis emperor\u2019s reign, when, driven from his throne by a usurper, he\nabdicated in favour of his son, Su Tsung (A.D. 756). The latter sought\nthe help of the \u02bbAbb\u0101sid caliph, al-Man\u1e63\u016br, who responded to this\nappeal by sending a body of Arab troops, and with their assistance the\nemperor succeeded in recovering his two capitals, Si-ngan-fu and\nHo-nan-fu, from the rebels. At the end of the war, these Arab troops\ndid not return to their own country, but married and settled in China.\nVarious reasons are assigned for this action on their part; one account\nrepresents them as having returned to their native land but, being\nrefused permission to remain on the ground that they had been so long\nin a land where pork was eaten, they went back again to China;\naccording to another account they were prepared to embark for Arabia,\nat Canton, when they were taunted with having eaten pork during their\ncampaign, and in consequence they refused to return home and run the\nrisk of similar taunts from their own people; when the governor of\nCanton tried to compel them, they joined with the Arab and Persian\nmerchants, their co-religionists, and pillaged the principal commercial\nhouses in the city; the governor saved himself by taking refuge on the\ncity wall, and was only able to return after he had obtained from the\nemperor permission for these Arab troops to remain in the country;\nhouses and lands were assigned to them in different cities, where they\nsettled down and intermarried with the women of the country. [966]\n\nThe Chinese Muhammadans have a legend that their faith was first\npreached in China by a maternal uncle of the Prophet, and his reputed\ntomb at Canton is highly venerated by them. But there is not the\nslightest historical base for this legend, and it appears to be of late\ngrowth. [967] It doubtless arose from a desire to connect the history\nof the faith in their own land as closely as possible with apostolic\ntimes\u2014a fruitful source of legends in countries far removed from the\ncentres of Muslim history. [968] But of the existence of Muslims in\nChina, especially of merchants in the port towns, during the T\u02bcang\ndynasty there is clear evidence. The Chinese annalist of this period\n(A.D. 713\u2013742) says that \u201cthe barbarians of the West came into the\nMiddle Kingdom in crowds, like a deluge, from a distance of at least\n1000 leagues and from more than 100 kingdoms, bringing as tribute their\nsacred books, which were received and deposited in the hall set apart\nfor translations of sacred and canonical books, in the imperial palace:\nfrom this period the religious doctrines of these different countries\nwere thus diffused and openly practised in the empire of T\u02bcang.\u201d [969]\nAn Arab geographer, writing about the year 851, describes these\nsettlements and the mosques which these merchants were allowed to build\nfor their religious exercises; [970] he states that he knew of no\nChinaman having embraced Islam, but as he makes the same remark of the\npeople of India, it may be that he was as ill-informed in the one case\nas the other. [971]\n\nBut there is certainly no distinct evidence of any proselytising\nactivity on the part of the Muslims in China, and indeed very little\ninformation about them at all until the period of Mongol conquests, in\nthe thirteenth century. These conquests resulted in a vast immigration\nof Musalmans of various nationalities, Arabs, Persians, Turks and\nothers into the Chinese empire. [972] Some came as merchants, artisans,\nsoldiers or colonists, others were brought in as prisoners of war. A\nlarge number of them settled permanently in the country and developed\ninto a populous and flourishing community, which gradually lost its\noriginal racial peculiarities through intermarriage with Chinese women.\nSeveral Muhammadans occupied high posts under the Mongol rulers, e.g.\n\u02bbAbd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n, who in 1244 was appointed head of the Imperial finances\nand allowed to farm the taxes imposed upon China, [973] and \u02bbUmar Shams\nal-D\u012bn, commonly known as Sayyid Ajall, a native of Bukh\u0101r\u0101, to whom\nQ\u016bb\u012bl\u0101y Kh\u0101n, on his accession in 1259, entrusted the management of the\nImperial finances; he was subsequently governor of Yunnan, after this\nprovince had been conquered and added to the Chinese empire. [974]\nSayyid Ajall died in 1270, leaving behind him a reputation as an\nenlightened and upright administrator; he built Confucian temples as\nwell as mosques in Yunnan city. [975]\n\nThe descendants of Sayyid Ajall played a great part in the establishing\nof Islam in China; it was his grandson who in 1335 obtained from the\nemperor the recognition of Islam as the \u201cTrue and Pure Religion\u201d\u2014a name\nwhich it has kept to the present day,\u2014and another descendant of Sayyid\nAjall was authorised by the emperor in 1420 to build mosques in the\ncapitals, Si-ngan-fu and Nan-kin. [976]\n\nThe Chinese historians of the reign of Q\u016bb\u012bl\u0101y Kh\u0101n make it a ground of\ncomplaint against this monarch that he did not employ Chinese officials\nin place of the immigrant Turks and Persians. [977] The exalted\nposition occupied by Sayyid Ajall and the facilities of communication\nbetween China and the West established by Mongol conquest, attracted a\nnumber of such persons into the north of China, and it was probably as\na result of these immigrations that those scattered Muhammadan\ncommunities began to be formed, which have grown to large proportions\nin most of the provinces of China. Marco Polo, who enjoyed the favour\nof Q\u016bb\u012bl\u0101y Kh\u0101n and lived in China from 1275 to 1292, notes the\npresence of Muhammadans in various parts of Yunnan. [978] At the\nbeginning of the fourteenth century, all the inhabitants of Talifu, the\ncapital of Yunnan, are said by a contemporary historian to have been\nMusalmans; [979] and Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, who visited several coast towns in\nChina towards the middle of the fourteenth century, speaks of the\nhearty welcome he received from his co-religionists, [980] and reports\nthat \u201cIn every town there is a special quarter for the Muslims,\ninhabited solely by them, where they have their mosques; they are\nhonoured and respected by the Chinese.\u201d [981]\n\nUp to this period the Muhammadans appear to have been looked upon as a\nforeign community in China, but after the expulsion of the Mongol\ndynasty in the latter part of the fourteenth century they received no\nfresh addition to their numbers from abroad, in consequence of the\npolicy of isolation which the Chinese government now adopted; and being\nthus cut off from communication with their co-religionists in other\ncountries, they tended, in most parts of the empire, gradually to\nbecome merged into the mass of the native population, through their\nmarriages with Chinese women and their adoption of Chinese habits and\nmanners. The founder of the new Ming dynasty, the emperor Hungwu,\nextended to them many privileges, and their flourishing condition\nduring the period that this dynasty lasted (1368\u20131644) is shown by the\nlarge number of mosques erected.\n\nThe emperors of this dynasty cultivated friendly relations with the\nMuhammadan princes on their western frontier, and there was a frequent\ninterchange of embassies between them and the T\u012bm\u016brid princes. One of\nthese is of interest in the missionary history of Islam, inasmuch as\nSh\u0101h Rukh Bah\u0101dur in 1412 took advantage of the arrival of a Chinese\nembassy at his court in Samarqand, to include in his answer an\ninvitation to the emperor to embrace Islam. He sent with his envoy, who\naccompanied the Chinese ambassadors on their return, two letters, the\nfirst of which, written in Arabic, was to the following effect:\u2014\u201cIn the\nname of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. There is no god save God:\nMu\u1e25ammad is the Apostle of God. The Apostle of God, Mu\u1e25ammad (peace be\non him!) said: \u2018There shall not cease to be in my church a people\nabiding in the commandments of God; whosoever fails to help them or\nopposes them, shall never prosper, until the commandment of the Lord\ncometh.\u2019 When the Most High God purposed to create Adam and his race,\nhe said \u2018I was a hidden treasure, but it was my pleasure to become\nknown; I therefore created man that I might be known\u2019; It is manifest\nfrom hence that the divine purpose (great is His power and exalted is\nHis word!) in the creation of man was to make Himself known and uplift\nthe banners of right guidance and faith. Wherefore He sent His Apostle\nwith guidance and the religion of truth that it might prevail over all\nother faiths, though the polytheists turn away from it, that he might\nmake known the laws and the ordinances and the observances of what is\nlawful and unlawful, and He gave him the holy Qur\u02bc\u0101n miraculously that\nthereby he might put to silence the unbelievers and stop their mouths\nwhen they discussed and disputed with him, and by His perfect grace and\nHis all-pervading guidance He has caused it to remain even unto the day\nof judgment. By His power He hath established in all ages and times and\nin all parts of the world, in east and west, and in China, a mighty\nmonarch, lord of great armies and authority, to administer justice and\nmercy and spread the wings of peace and security over the heads of men;\nto enjoin upon them righteousness and warn them against evil and\ndisobedience and lift up among them the banners of the noble religion;\nand he drives away idolatry and infidelity from among them through\nbelief in the unity of God. The Most High God thus disposeth our hearts\nby His past mercies and His ensuing grace to strive for the\nestablishing of the laws of pure religion and the continuance of the\nordinances of the shining path. He also bids us administer justice to\nour subjects in all suits and cases in accordance with the religion of\nthe Prophet and the ordinances of the Chosen One, and build mosques and\ncolleges and monasteries and hermitages and places of worship, that the\nteaching of the sciences and the schools of learning may not cease nor\nthe memorials and injunctions of religion be swept away. Seeing that\nthe continuance of worldly prosperity and dominion, and the permanence\nof authority and rule depend upon the assistance given to truth and\nrighteousness and the extirpation of the evils caused by idolatry and\nunbelief from the earth, in the expectation of blessing and reward, we,\ntherefore, hope that your Majesty and the nobles of your realm will\nagree with us in these matters and join us in strengthening the\nfoundations of the established law.\u201d The other letter, written in\nPersian, makes a more direct appeal, without the rhetorical\nembellishments of the Arabic:\u2014\u201cThe Most High God, having in the depth\nof His wisdom and the perfection of His power created Adam (peace be\nupon him!), made some of his sons prophets and apostles and sent them\namong men to summon them to the truth. To certain of these prophets,\nsuch as Abraham, Moses, David and Mu\u1e25ammad (peace be upon them!) He\ngave a book and taught a law, and He bade the people of their time\nfollow the law and the religion of each of them. All these apostles\ninvited men to faith in the unity and to the worship of God and forbade\nthe adoration of the sun, moon and stars, of kings and idols; and\nthough each one of these apostles had a separate law, yet they were all\nagreed in the doctrine of the unity of the Most High God. At length,\nwhen the apostolic and prophetic office devolved on the Apostle\nMu\u1e25ammad Mu\u1e63\u1e6daf\u1ea1\u0304 (the peace and blessing of God be upon him!) all other\nsystems of law were abrogated. He was the apostle and the prophet of\nthe latter age, and it behoves the whole world\u2014lords and kings and\nministers, rich and poor, small and great,\u2014to observe his law and\nforsake all past creeds and laws. This is the true and perfect faith\nand is called Islam. Some years ago, Ching\u012bz Kh\u0101n took up arms and sent\nhis sons into various countries and kingdoms\u2014J\u016bj\u012b Kh\u0101n to the confines\nof Sar\u0101y, Qrim and Dasht Qafch\u0101q, where some monarchs, such as \u016azbek\nKh\u0101n, Ch\u0101n\u012b Kh\u0101n and Urus Kh\u0101n, became Musalmans and observed the law\nof Mu\u1e25ammad (peace be upon him!). H\u016bl\u0101g\u016b Kh\u0101n was set over Khur\u0101s\u0101n,\n\u02bbIr\u0101q and the neighbouring countries, and some of his sons who\nsucceeded him received into their hearts the light of the law of\nMu\u1e25ammad (peace be upon him!), and in like manner became Musalmans, and\nhonoured with the blessedness of Islam passed into the other world,\nsuch as the truthful king, Gh\u0101z\u0101n, and Ulj\u0101yt\u016b Sul\u1e6d\u0101n and the fortunate\nking, Ab\u016b Sa\u02bb\u012bd Bah\u0101dur, until my honoured father, Am\u012br T\u012bm\u016br G\u016brg\u0101n,\nsucceeded to the throne. He too observed the law of Mu\u1e25ammad (peace be\nupon him!) in all the countries under his rule, and throughout his\nreign the followers of the faith of Islam enjoyed complete prosperity.\nNow that by the goodness and favour of God this Kingdom of Khur\u0101s\u0101n,\n\u02bbIr\u0101q, M\u0101-war\u0101\u02bc-al-nahr, etc., has passed into my hands, the\nadministration is carried on throughout the whole kingdom in accordance\nwith the pure law of the Prophet; righteousness is enjoined and wrong\nforbidden, and the Yargh\u016b and the institutes of Ching\u012bz Kh\u0101n have been\nabolished. Since, then, it is sure and certain that salvation and\ndeliverance in the day of judgment, and sovereignty and felicity in the\npresent world, depend upon true faith and Islam, and the favour of the\nMost High God, it is incumbent upon us to treat our subjects with\njustice and equity. I hope that by the bounty and benevolence of God\nyou too will observe the law of Mu\u1e25ammad, the Apostle of God (peace be\nupon him!) and strengthen the religion of Islam, so that you may\nexchange the transitory sovereignty of this world for the sovereignty\nof the world to come.\u201d [982]\n\nIt is not improbable that these letters gave rise to the later legend\nof one of the Chinese emperors having become a convert to Islam. [983]\nThis legend is referred to, among others, by a Muhammadan merchant,\nSayyid \u02bbAl\u012b Akbar, who spent some years in Peking at the end of the\nfifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century; he speaks of the\nlarge number of Musalmans who had settled in China; in the city of\nKenjanfu there were as many as 30,000 Muslim families; they paid no\ntaxes and enjoyed the favour of the emperor, who gave them grants of\nland; they enjoyed complete toleration for the exercise of their\nreligion, which was favourably viewed by the Chinese, and conversions\nwere freely permitted; in the capital itself there were four great\nmosques and about ninety more in other provinces of the empire,\u2014all\nerected at the cost of the emperor. [984]\n\nUp to the establishment of the Manchu dynasty in 1644 there is no\nrecord of any Muhammadan uprising, and the followers of Islam appear to\nhave been entirely content with the religious liberty they enjoyed; but\ndifficulties arose soon after the advent of the new ruling power, and\nan insurrection in the province of Kansu in 1648 was the first occasion\non which any Muhammadans rose in arms against the Chinese government,\nthough it was not until the nineteenth century that any such revolt\nentailed very disastrous consequences, or seriously interrupted the\namicable relations that had subsisted from the beginning between the\nChinese Muslims and their rulers. The official view of the Chinese\nGovernment of these relations is set forth in an edict published by the\nemperor Yung Chen in 1731:\u2014\u201cIn every province of the empire, for many\ncenturies past, have been found a large number of Muhammadans who form\npart of the people whom I regard as my own children just as I do my\nother subjects. I make no distinction between them and those who do not\nbelong to their religion. I have received from certain officials secret\ncomplaints against the Muhammadans on the ground that their religion\ndiffers from that of the other Chinese, that they do not speak the same\nlanguage, and wear a different dress to the rest of the people. They\nare accused of disobedience, haughtiness, and rebellious feelings, and\nI have been asked to employ severe measures against them. After\nexamining these complaints and accusations, I have discovered that\nthere is no foundation for them. In fact, the religion followed by the\nMusalmans is that of their ancestors; it is true their language is not\nthe same as that of the rest of the Chinese, but what a multitude of\ndifferent dialects there are in China. As to their temples, dress and\nmanner of writing, which differ from those of the other Chinese\u2014these\nare matters of absolutely no importance. These are mere matters of\ncustom. They bear as good a character as my other subjects, and there\nis nothing to show that they intend to rebel. It is my wish, therefore,\nthat they should be left in the free exercise of their religion, whose\nobject is to teach men the observance of a moral life, and the\nfulfilment of social and civil duties. This religion respects the\nfundamental basis of Government, and what more can be asked for? If\nthen the Muhammadans continue to conduct themselves as good and loyal\nsubjects, my favour will be extended towards them just as much as\ntowards my other children. From among them have come many civil and\nmilitary officers, who have risen to the very highest ranks. This is\nthe best proof that they have adopted our habits and customs, and have\nlearned to conform themselves to the precepts of our sacred books. They\npass their examinations in literature just like every one else, and\nperform the sacrifices enjoined by law. In a word, they are true\nmembers of the great Chinese family and endeavour always to fulfil\ntheir religious, civil and political duties. When the magistrates have\na civil case brought before them, they should not concern themselves\nwith the religion of the litigants. There is but one single law for all\nmy subjects. Those who do good shall be rewarded, and those who do evil\nshall be punished.\u201d [985]\n\nAbout thirty years later, his successor, the Emperor K\u02bcien Lung, showed\ndistinguished marks of his favour towards the Muhammadans by ennobling\ntwo Turk\u012b Begs who had materially helped in suppressing a revolt in the\nnorth-west and K\u0101shgar, and building palaces for them in Peking; he\nalso erected a mosque for the use of the Turk\u012b Begs who visited the\nImperial court and for the prisoners of war who had been brought to the\ncapital from K\u0101shgar. Among these prisoners was a beautiful girl who\nbecame a favourite concubine of the emperor, and it is stated that for\nlove of her he built this mosque immediately opposite his own palace\nand erected a pavilion within the palace grounds, from which the\nconcubine could watch her fellow-countrymen at prayer and could join in\ntheir devotions. This mosque was built in the years 1763\u20131764 and\ncontains an inscription in four languages, the Chinese text of which\nwas written by the emperor himself. [986]\n\nAfter crushing the revolt in Zungaria, this same emperor K\u02bcien Lung, in\n1770 transported thither from other parts of China ten thousand\nmilitary colonists, who were followed by their families and other\npersons, to re-people the country, and they are all said to have\nembraced the religion of the surrounding Muhammadan population. [987]\nWhether such mass conversions occurred in other parts of the empire\nalso, we have no means of telling, but the existence of a considerable\nMuhammadan population in every province of China can hardly be\nexplained merely by reference to foreign immigration and the natural\ngrowth of population, [988] though the numbers are larger in those\nprovinces in which foreign Muhammadans have settled. [989] It is\nunlikely that the Muhammadans in China during the many centuries of\ntheir residence in this country, in the enjoyment of religious freedom\nand the liberal patronage of several of the emperors, should have been\nentirely devoid of that proselytising zeal which modern observers have\nnoted in their descendants at the present day. [990] To such direct\nproselytising efforts must have been due the conversion of Chinese Jews\nto Islam; their establishment in this country dates from an early\nperiod, they held employments under the Government and were in\npossession of large estates; but by the close of the seventeenth\ncentury a great part of them had been converted to Islam. [991] Such\npropaganda must have been quite quiet and unobtrusive, and indeed more\npublic methods might have excited suspicions on the part of the\nGovernment, as is shown by an interesting report which was sent to the\nEmperor K\u02bcien Lung in 1783 by a governor of the province of Khwang-Se.\nIt runs as follows: \u201cI have the honour respectfully to inform your\nMajesty that an adventurer named Han-Fo-Yun, of the province of\nKhwang-Se, has been arrested on a charge of vagrancy. This adventurer\nwhen interrogated as to his occupation, confessed that for the last ten\nyears he had been travelling through the different provinces of the\nEmpire in order to obtain information about his religion. In one of his\nboxes were found thirty books, some of which had been written by\nhimself, while others were in a language that no one here understands.\nThese books praise in an extravagant and ridiculous manner a Western\nking, called Mu\u1e25ammad. The above-mentioned Han-Fo-Yun, when put to the\ntorture, at last confessed that the real object of his journey was to\npropagate the false religion taught in these books, and that he\nremained in the province of Shen-Si for a longer time than anywhere\nelse. I have examined these books myself. Some are certainly written in\na foreign language; for I have not been able to understand them: the\nothers that are written in Chinese are very bad, I may add, even\nridiculous on account of the exaggerated praise given in them to\npersons who certainly do not deserve it, because I have never even\nheard of them. Perhaps the above-mentioned Han-Fo-Yun is a rebel from\nKan-Su. His conduct is certainly suspicious, for what was he going to\ndo in the provinces through which he has been travelling for the last\nten years? I intend to make a serious inquiry into the matter.\nMeanwhile, I would request your Majesty to order the stereotyped\nplates, that are in the possession of his family, to be burnt, and the\nengravers to be arrested, as well as the authors of the books, which I\nhave sent to your Majesty desiring to know your pleasure in the\nmatter.\u201d [992]\n\nThis report bears testimony to the activity of at least one Muhammadan\nmissionary in the eighteenth century, and the growth of Islam, which\nthe Jesuit missionaries [993] noted in the eighteenth century, was\nprobably not so little connected with direct proselytism as some of\nthem supposed. Du Halde, in one of the few passages he devotes to the\nMuhammadans in his great work, [994] attributes the increase in their\nnumbers largely to their habit of purchasing children in times of\nfamine. \u201cThe Mahometans have been settled for more than six hundred\nyears in various provinces, where they live quite quietly, because they\ndo not make any great efforts to spread their doctrines and gain\nproselytes, and because in former times they only increased in numbers\nby the alliances and marriages they contracted. But for several years\npast they have continued to make very considerable progress by means of\ntheir wealth. They buy up heathen children everywhere; and the parents,\nbeing often unable to provide them with food, have no scruples in\nselling them. During a famine that devastated the Province of Chantong,\nthey bought more than 10,000 of them. They marry them, and either\npurchase or build for them separate quarters in a town, or even whole\nvillages; gradually in several places they gain such influence that\nthey do not let any one live among them who does not go to the mosque.\nBy such means they have multiplied exceedingly during the last\ncentury.\u201d\n\nSimilarly, in the famine that devastated the province of Kwangtung in\n1790, as many as ten thousand children are said to have been purchased\nby the Muhammadans from parents who, too poor to support them, were\nwilling to part with them to save them from starvation; these were all\nbrought up in the faith of Islam. [995] A Chinese Musalman, from\nYunnan, named Sayyid Sulaym\u0101n, who visited Cairo in 1894 and was there\ninterviewed by the representative of an Arabic journal, [996] declared\nthat the number of accessions to Islam gained in this way every year\nwas beyond counting. Similar testimony is given by M. d\u2019Ollone, who\nreports that this practice of buying children in times of famine\nprevails among the Muhammadans throughout the whole of China to the\npresent day; in the same way, they purchased the children of Christian\nparents who were massacred by the Boxers in 1900, and brought them up\nas Musalmans. [997]\n\nThe Muhammadans in China tend to live together in separate villages and\ntowns or to form separate Muhammadan quarters in the towns, where they\nwill not allow any person to dwell among them who does not go to the\nmosque. [998] Though they thus in some measure hold themselves apart,\nthey are careful to avoid the open exhibition of any specially\ndistinguishing features of the religious observances of their faith,\nwhich may offend their neighbours, and they have been careful to make\nconcessions to the prejudices of their Chinese fellow-countrymen. In\ntheir ordinary life they are completely in touch with the customs and\nhabits that prevail around them; they wear the pigtail and the ordinary\ndress of the Chinese, and put on a turban, as a rule, only in the\nmosque. To avoid offending against a superstitious prejudice on the\npart of the Chinese, they also refrain from building tall minarets,\nwherever they build them at all. [999] But for the most part, their\nmosques conform to the Chinese type of architecture, often with nothing\nto distinguish them from an ordinary temple or dwelling. [1000] Every\nmosque is obliged by law to have a tablet to the emperor, with the\ninscription on it, \u201cThe emperor, the immortal, may he live for ever,\u201d\nand the Muhammadans prostrate themselves before it in accordance with\nthe regular Chinese custom, though with various expedients to satisfy\ntheir consciences and avoid the imputation of idolatry. [1001] Even in\nChinese Tartary, where the special privilege is allowed to the Musalman\nsoldiers, of remaining unmixed, and of forming a separate body, the\nhigher Muhammadan officials wear the dress prescribed to their rank,\nlong moustaches and the pigtail, and on holidays they perform the usual\nhomage demanded from officials, to a portrait of the emperor, by\ntouching the ground three times with their forehead. [1002] Similarly\nall Muhammadan mandarins and other officials in other provinces perform\nthe rites prescribed to their official position, in the temples of\nConfucius on festival days; in fact every precaution is taken by the\nMuslims to prevent their faith from appearing to be in opposition to\nthe state religion, and hereby they have succeeded in avoiding the\nodium with which the adherents of foreign religions, such as Judaism\nand Christianity are regarded. They even represent their religion to\ntheir Chinese fellow-countrymen as being in agreement with the\nteachings of Confucius, with only this difference, that they follow the\ntraditions of their ancestors with regard to marriages, funerals, the\nprohibition of pork, wine, tobacco, and games of chance, and the\nwashing of the hands before meals. [1003] Similarly the writings of the\nChinese Muhammadans treat the works of Confucius and other Chinese\nclassics with great respect, and where possible, point out the harmony\nbetween the teachings contained therein and the doctrines of Islam.\n[1004]\n\nThe Chinese government, in its turn, has always given to its Muhammadan\nsubjects (except when in revolt) the same privileges and advantages as\nare enjoyed by the rest of the population. No office of state is closed\nto them; and as governors of provinces, generals, magistrates and\nministers of state they enjoy the confidence and respect both of the\nrulers and the people. Not only do Muhammadan names appear in the\nChinese annals as those of famous officers of state, whether military\nor civil, but they have also distinguished themselves in the mechanical\narts and in sciences such as mathematics and astronomy. [1005]\n\nThe Chinese Muhammadans are also said to be keen men of business and\nsuccessful traders; they monopolise the beef trade and carry on other\ntrades with great success. [1006] They are thus in touch with every\nsection of the national life and have every opportunity for carrying on\na propaganda, but the few Christian missionaries who have concerned\nthemselves with this matter are of opinion that they are not animated\nwith any particular proselytising zeal. [1007] Still, many recent\nconverts are to be met with, and the fact that a large number of\nChinese Muslims can cite the name of the particular ancestor who first\nembraced Islam points to a continuous process of conversion. [1008]\nApparently the Muslims are not allowed to preach their faith in the\nstreets, as Protestant missionaries do, [1009] but (as we have seen\nabove) [1010] they do not fail to make use of such opportunities as\npresent themselves for adding to the number of their sect. One of their\nreligious text-books, \u201cA Guide to the Rites of the True Religion\u201d\n(published in Canton in 1668), commends the work of proselytising and\nmakes reference to such as may have recently become converts from among\nthe heathen. [1011] The fundamental doctrines of Islam are taught to\nthe new converts by means of metrical primers, [1012] and to the\ninfluence of the religious books of the Chinese Muslims, Sayyid\nSulaym\u0101n attributes many of the conversions made in recent years.\n[1013] The Muslim seminary at Hochow in Kansu is said to train\ntheological students who return to their several provinces, at the\ncompletion of their studies, to promulgate their faith there, [1014]\nand in upwards of ten provinces centres are said to have been started\nwhere mull\u0101s are to be trained for Muslim propaganda. [1015] Military\nofficers convert many of the soldiers serving under them, to Islam, and\nMuslim mandarins take advantage of the authority they enjoy, to win\nconverts, but as they are frequently transferred from one place to\nanother, they are not able to exercise so much influence as Muslim\nmilitary officers. [1016] Conversions may also occasionally occur,\nwhich are not the result of a direct propagandist appeal, e.g. a\nTurkish traveller who visited Peking in 1895 reported that he found\nthirty mosques there, among them one that had originally been a temple;\nthis had been the family temple of a wealthy Chinaman, whose life had\nbeen saved during the Boxer insurrection by the Mufti Wa-Ahonad (\u02bbAbd\nal-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n); as a token of his gratitude, he embraced the faith of his\ndeliverer. [1017]\n\nTurkish and other Muslim missionaries have in recent years been\nvisiting China and endeavouring to stir up among the Chinese Muslims a\nmore thorough knowledge of their faith and to awaken their zeal, but\ntheir efforts seem so far to have borne but little fruit. [1018]\n\nIn 1867 a Russian writer, [1019] in a remarkable work on Islam in\nChina, expressed the opinion that it was destined to become the\nnational faith of the Chinese empire and thereby entirely change the\npolitical conditions of the Eastern world. Nearly half a century has\nelapsed since this note of alarm was sounded, but nothing has occurred\nsince to verify these prognostications. On the contrary, it would\nappear that Islam has been losing rather than gaining ground during the\nlast century, since the wholesale massacres that accompanied the\nsuppression of the Panthay risings in Yunnan from 1855 to 1873 and the\nTungan rebellion in Shen-si and Kan-su in 1864\u20131877 and 1895\u20131896,\nreduced the Muhammadan population by millions. [1020] The establishment\nof the new Republic has given to the Chinese Muslims a freedom of\nactivity unknown under any preceding government, but it is too early\nyet to discover how far they are likely to avail themselves of the\nopportunities offered by the altered conditions of life. The\nproselytism that still goes on, restricted as its sphere may be,\nindicates a still cherished hope of expansion. Though four centuries\nhave elapsed since a Muslim traveller [1021] in China could discuss the\npossibility of the conversion of the emperor being followed by that of\nhis subjects, it was still possible for a Chinese Muslim of the present\ngeneration to state that his co-religionists in that country looked\nforward with confidence to the day when Islam would be triumphant\nthroughout the length and breadth of the Chinese empire. [1022]\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN AFRICA.\n\n\nThe history of Islam in Africa, covering as it does a period of\nwell-nigh thirteen centuries and embracing two-thirds of this vast\ncontinent, with its numerous and diverse tribes and races, presents\nespecial difficulties in the way of systematic treatment, as it is\nimpossible to give a simultaneous account in chronological order of the\nspread of this faith in all the different parts of the continent. Its\nrelations to the Christian Churches of Egypt and the rest of North\nAfrica, of Nubia and Abyssinia have already been dealt with in a former\nchapter; in the present chapter it is proposed to trace its progress\nfirst among the heathen population of North Africa, then throughout the\nSudan and along the West coast, and lastly along the East coast and in\nCape Colony. [1023]\n\nThe information we possess of the spread of Islam among the heathen\npopulation of North Africa is hardly less meagre than the few facts\nrecorded above regarding the disappearance of the Christian Church. The\nBerbers offered a vigorous resistance to the progress of the Arab arms,\nand force seems to have had more influence than persuasion in their\nconversion. Whenever opportunity presented itself, they rebelled\nagainst the religion as well as the rule of their conquerors, and Arab\nhistorians declare that they apostasised as many as twelve times.\n[1024] In the annals of the long struggle a few scanty references to\nconversions are to be found. These would appear sometimes to have been\nprompted by the recognition of the fact that further resistance to the\nArab arms was useless. When in 703 the Berbers made their last stand\nagainst the invaders, their intrepid leader and prophetess, al-K\u0101hinah,\n[1025] foreseeing that the fortune of battle was to turn against them,\nsent her sons into the camp of the Muslim general with instructions\nthat they were to embrace Islam and make common cause with the enemy;\nshe herself elected to fall fighting with her countrymen in the great\nbattle that crushed the political power of the Berbers and gave\nNorthern Africa into the hands of the Arabs. Peace was made on\ncondition that the Berbers would furnish 12,000 combatants to the ranks\nof the Arab troops, and of these men two army-corps were formed, each\nof which was placed under the command of one of the sons of al-K\u0101hinah.\n[1026] By this device of enlisting the Berbers in their armies, the\nArab generals hoped to win them to their own religion by the hope of\nbooty.\n\nThe army of seven thousand Berbers that sailed from Africa in 711 under\nthe command of \u1e6c\u0101riq (himself a Berber) to the conquest of Spain, was\ncomposed of recent converts to Islam, and their conversion is expressly\nsaid to have been sincere: learned Arabs and theologians were\nappointed, \u201cto read and explain to them the sacred words of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n,\nand instruct them in all and every one of the duties enjoined by their\nnew religion.\u201d [1027] M\u016bs\u1ea1\u0304, the great conqueror of Africa, showed his\nzeal for the progress of Islam by devoting the large sums of money\ngranted him by the caliph \u02bbAbd al-Malik to the purchase of such\ncaptives as gave promise of showing themselves worthy children of the\nfaith: \u201cfor whenever after a victory there was a number of slaves put\nup for sale, he used to buy all those whom he thought would willingly\nembrace Islam, who were of noble origin, and who looked, besides, as if\nthey were active young men. To these he first proposed the embracing of\nIslam, and if, after cleansing their understanding and making them fit\nto receive its sublime truths, they were converted to the best of\nreligions, and their conversion was a sincere one, he then would, by\nway of putting their abilities to trial, employ them. If they evinced\ngood disposition and talents he would instantly grant them liberty,\nappoint them to high commands in his army, and promote them according\nto their merits; if, on the contrary, they showed no aptitude for their\nappointments, he would send them back to the common dep\u00f4t of captives\nbelonging to the army, to be again disposed of according to the general\ncustom of drawing out the spoil by arrows.\u201d [1028]\n\nHow superficial the conversion of the Berbers was may be judged from\nthe fact that when the pious \u02bbUmar b. \u02bbAbd al-\u02bbAz\u012bz in A.H. 100 (A.D.\n718) appointed Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl b. \u02bbAbd All\u0101h governor of North Africa, ten\nlearned theologians were sent with him to instruct the Muslim Berbers\nin the ordinances of their faith, since up to that time they do not\nseem to have recognised that their new religion forbade to them\nindulgence in wine. The new governor is said to have shown great zeal\nin inviting the Berbers to accept Islam, but the statement that his\nefforts were crowned with such success that not a single Berber\nremained unconverted is certainly not correct. [1029] For the\nconversion of the Berbers was undoubtedly the work of several\ncenturies; even to the present day they retain many of their primitive\ninstitutions which are in opposition to Muslim law. [1030] Islam took\nno firm root among them until it assumed the form of a national\nmovement and became connected with the establishment of native\ndynasties, under which many Berbers came within the pale of Islam who\nbefore had looked upon the acceptance of this faith as a sign of loss\nof political independence. Of these various changes of political\ncondition it is not the place to speak here, but in a history of Muslim\npropaganda the rise of the Almoravids deserves special mention as a\ngreat national movement that attracted a great many of the Berber\ntribes to join the Muslim community. In the early part of the eleventh\ncentury, Ya\u1e25y\u1ea1\u0304 b. Ibr\u0101h\u012bm, a chief of the \u1e62anh\u0101ja, one of the Berber\ntribes of the Sahara, on his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca, sought\nin the religious centres of Northern Africa for a learned and pious\nteacher, who should accompany him as a missionary of Islam to his\nbenighted and ignorant tribesmen: at first he found it difficult to\nfind a man willing to leave his scholarly retreat and brave the dangers\nof the Sahara, but at length he met in \u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. Y\u0101s\u012bn the fit\nperson, bold enough to undertake so difficult a mission, pious and\naustere in his life, and learned in theology, law and other sciences.\nSo far back as the ninth century the preachers of Islam had made their\nway among the Berbers of the Sahara and established among them the\nreligion of the Prophet, but this faith had found very little\nacceptance there, and \u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. Y\u0101s\u012bn found even the professed\nMuslims to be very lax in their religious observances and given up to\nall kinds of vicious practices. He ardently threw himself into the task\nof converting them to the right path and instructing them in the duties\nof religion; but the sternness with which he rebuked their vices and\nsought to reform their conduct, alienated their sympathies from him,\nand the ill-success of his mission almost drove him to abandon this\nstiff-necked people and devote his efforts to the conversion of the\nSudan. Being persuaded, however, not to desert the work he had once\nundertaken, he retired with such disciples as his preaching had\ngathered around him, to an island in the river Senegal, where they\nfounded a monastery and gave themselves up unceasingly to devotional\nexercises. The more devout-minded among the Berbers, stung to\nrepentance by the thought of the wickedness that had driven their holy\nteacher from their midst, came humbly to his island to implore his\nforgiveness and receive his instructions in the saving truths of\nreligion. Thus day by day there gathered around him an increasing band\nof disciples, especially from among the Lam\u1e6d\u016bna, a branch of the\n\u1e62anh\u0101ja clan, whose numbers swelled at length to about a thousand. \u02bbAbd\nAll\u0101h b. Y\u0101s\u012bn then recognised that the time had come for launching out\nupon a wider sphere of action, and he called upon his followers to show\ntheir gratitude to God for the revelation he had vouchsafed them, by\ncommunicating the knowledge of it to others: \u201cGo to your\nfellow-tribesmen, teach them the law of God and threaten them with His\nchastisement. If they repent, amend their ways and accept the truth,\nleave them in peace; if they refuse and persist in their errors and\nevil lives, invoke the aid of God against them, and let us make war\nupon them until God decide between us.\u201d Hereupon each man went to his\nown tribe and began to exhort them to repent and believe, but without\nsuccess: equally unsuccessful were the efforts of \u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. Y\u0101s\u012bn\nhimself, who left his monastery in the hope of finding the Berber\nchiefs more willing now to listen to his preaching. At length in 1042\nhe put himself at the head of his followers, to whom he had given the\nname of al-Mur\u0101bi\u1e6d\u012bn (the so-called Almoravids)\u2014a name derived from the\nsame root as the rib\u0101\u1e6d [1031] or monastery on his island in the\nSenegal,\u2014and attacked the neighbouring tribes and forced the acceptance\nof Islam upon them. The success that attended his warlike expeditions\nappeared to the tribes of the Sahara a more persuasive argument than\nall his preaching, and they very soon came forward voluntarily to\nembrace a faith that secured such brilliant successes to the arms of\nits adherents. \u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. Y\u0101s\u012bn died in 1059, but the movement he\nhad initiated lived after him and many heathen tribes of Berbers came\nto swell the numbers of their Muslim fellow-countrymen, embracing their\nreligion at the same time as the cause they championed, and poured out\nof the Sahara over North Africa and later on made themselves masters of\nSpain also. [1032]\n\nIt is not improbable that the other great national movement that\noriginated among the Berber tribes, viz. the rise of the Almohads at\nthe beginning of the twelfth century, may have attracted into the\nMuslim community some of the tribes that had up to that time still\nstood aloof. Their founder, Ibn T\u016bmart, popularised the sternly\nUnitarian tenets of this sect by means of works in the Berber language\nwhich expounded from his own point of view the fundamental doctrines of\nIslam, and he made a still further concession to the nationalist spirit\nof the Berbers by ordering the call to prayer to be made in their own\nlanguage. [1033]\n\nSome of the Berber tribes, however, remained heathen up to the close of\nthe fifteenth century, [1034] but the general tendency was naturally\ntowards an absorption of these smaller communities into the larger.\n\nThe sixteenth century witnessed the birth of a movement of active\nproselytising in the Maghrib, which has been traced to the reaction\nexcited by the successes of the Christian powers in Spain and North\nAfrica. This gave an immense impulse to the institution of the\n\u201cmarabouts,\u201d [1035] and large numbers of them set out from the monastic\nsettlements in the south of Morocco to carry a peaceful missionary\ncampaign throughout the Maghrib, renewing the faith of the lukewarm\nadherents of Islam and converting their heathen neighbours. [1036] To\nthis proselytising movement the Muslim refugees from Spain contributed\ntheir part, as has been shown above (p. 127), coming to the aid of the\nShuraf\u0101\u02bc or descendants of Idr\u012bs b. \u02bbAbd All\u0101h, who had fled to Morocco\nto escape the wrath of H\u0101r\u016bn al-Rash\u012bd. [1037]\n\nFrom the Sahara the knowledge of Islam first spread among the Negroes\nof the Sudan. The early history of this movement is wrapped in\nobscurity, but there seems little doubt that it was the Berbers who\nfirst introduced Islam into the lands watered by the Senegal and the\nNiger; here they came in contact with pagan kingdoms, some of them\n(e.g. Gh\u0101na and Songhay) of great antiquity. [1038] The two Berber\ntribes, the Lam\u1e6d\u016bna and the Jad\u0101la, belonging to the \u1e62anh\u0101ja clan,\nespecially distinguished themselves by their religious zeal in the work\nof conversion, [1039] and through their agency the Almoravid movement\nreacted on the pagan tribes of the Sudan. The reign of Y\u016bsuf b.\nT\u0101shf\u012bn, the founder of Morocco (A.D. 1062) and the second am\u012br of the\nAlmoravid dynasty, was very fruitful in conversions, and many Negroes\nunder his rule came to know of the doctrines of Mu\u1e25ammad. [1040] In\n1076 the Berbers who had been spreading Islam in the kingdom of Gh\u0101na\nfor some time, drove out the reigning dynasty, which was probably\nFulbe, and this ancient kingdom became throughout Muhammadan; at the\nbeginning of the thirteenth century it lost its independence and was\nconquered by the Mandingos. [1041]\n\nOf the introduction of Islam into the ancient kingdom of Songhay, which\nis said to have been in existence as early as A.D. 700, we have only\nthe record that the first Muhammadan king was named Z\u0101-kassi, the\nfifteenth monarch of the Z\u0101 dynasty; his conversion took place in the\nyear A.H. 400 (A.D. 1009\u20131010), and in the Songhay language he was\nstyled Muslim-dam, which implied that he had adopted Islam of his own\nfree will and not by compulsion, but there is no mention of the\ninfluences to which he owed his conversion. [1042]\n\nIn the same century there were founded on the Upper Niger two cities,\ndestined in succeeding centuries to exercise an immense influence on\nthe development of Islam in the Western Sudan,\u2014Jenne, [1043] founded in\nA.H. 435 (A.D. 1043\u20131044), [1044] and destined to become an important\ntrading centre, and Timbuktu, the great emporium for the caravan trade\nwith the north, founded about the year A.D. 1100. The king of Jenne,\nKunburu, became a Muslim towards the end of the sixth century of the\nHijrah (i.e. about A.D. 1200) and his example was followed by the\ninhabitants of the city; when he had made up his mind to embrace Islam,\nhe is said to have collected together all the \u02bbulam\u0101\u02bc in his kingdom,\nto the number of 4200\u2014(however exaggerated this number may be, the\nstory would seem to imply that Islam had already made considerable\nprogress in his dominions)\u2014and publicly in their presence declared\nhimself a Muslim and exhorted them to pray for the prosperity of his\ncity; he then had his palace pulled down and built a great mosque\n[1045] in its place. [1046] Timbuktu, on the other hand, was a\nMuhammadan city from the beginning; \u201cnever did the worship of idols\ndefile it, never did any man prostrate himself on its soil except in\nprayer to God the Merciful.\u201d [1047] In later years it became\ninfluential as a seat of Muhammadan learning and piety, and students\nand divines flocked there in large numbers, attracted by the\nencouragement and patronage they received. Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, who travelled\nthrough this country in the middle of the fourteenth century, praises\nthe Negroes for their zeal in the performance of their devotions and in\nthe study of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n: unless one went very early to the mosque on\nFriday, he tells us, it was impossible to find a place, so crowded was\nthe attendance. [1048] In his time, the most powerful state of the\nWestern Sudan was that of Melle or M\u0101ll\u012b, which had risen to importance\nabout a century before, after the conquest of Gh\u0101na by the Mandingos,\none of the finest races of Africa: Leo Africanus [1049] calls them the\nmost civilised, the most intellectual and most respected of all the\nNegroes, and modern travellers praise them for their industry,\ncleverness and trustworthiness. [1050] These Mandingos have been among\nthe most active missionaries of Islam, which has been spread by them\namong the neighbouring peoples. [1051]\n\nAccording to the Kano Chronicle it was the Mandingos who brought the\nknowledge of Islam to the Hausa people; the date is uncertain, [1052]\nas are most dates connected with the history of the Hausa states,\nbecause the Fulbe, who conquered them at the beginning of the\nnineteenth century, destroyed most of their historical records. But the\nimportance of the adoption of Islam by the Hausas cannot be\nexaggerated; they are an energetic and intelligent people, and their\nremarkable aptitude for trade has won for them an immense influence\namong the various peoples with whom they have come in contact; their\nlanguage has become the language of commerce for the Western Sudan, and\nwherever the Hausa traders go\u2014and they are found from the coast of\nGuinea to Cairo\u2014they carry the faith of Islam with them. References to\ntheir missionary activity will be found in the following pages. But of\ntheir own adoption of the faith, as well as of the rise of the seven\nHausa states and their dependencies, [1053] historical evidence is\nalmost entirely wanting; [1054] one of the missionaries of Islam to\nKano and Katsena would certainly seem to have been a learned and pious\nteacher from Tlemsen, Mu\u1e25ammad b. \u02bbAbd al-Kar\u012bm b. Mu\u1e25ammad al-Maj\u012bl\u012b,\nwho flourished about the year 1500; [1055] possibly they were affected\nby the great wave of Muhammadan influence which moved southward from\nEgypt in the twelfth century. [1056] The merchants of Kordofan and in\nthe Eastern Sudan generally, boast that they are descended from Arabs\nwho made their way thither after the fall of the F\u0101\u1e6dimid caliphate of\nEgypt in 1171. But there were probably still earlier instances of\nMuslim influence coming into Central Africa from the north-east. It was\nfrom Egypt that Islam spread into Kanem, a kingdom on the N. and N.E.\nof Lake Chad, which shortly after the adoption of Islam rose to be a\nstate of considerable importance and extended its sway over the tribes\nof the Eastern Sudan to the borders of Egypt and Nubia; the first\nMuhammadan king of Kanem is said to have reigned either towards the\nclose of the eleventh or in the first half of the twelfth century.\n[1057] But the details we possess of the spread of Islam from the\nnorth-east are even more scanty than those already given for the\nhistory of the states of the Western Sudan. The mere dates of the\nconversion of kings and the establishment of Muhammadan dynasties tell\nus very little; but one fact stands out clearly from this meagre\nrecord, namely the extreme slowness of the process. The survival of\nconsiderable groups of fetish-worshippers in the midst of territories\nwhich for centuries were under Muhammadan rule, would seem to indicate\nthat the influence of Islam was long confined to the towns and only by\ndegrees made its way among the pagan population, if indeed it did not\nmeet with such stubborn resistance as has kept the Bambara pagan,\nthough (dwelling between the Upper Senegal and the Upper Niger) they\nhave been hemmed in by a Muhammadan population for centuries.\n\nAn unsuccessful attempt to convert the Bambara was made by a marabout,\nnamed \u02bbUmaru Kaba, early in the twentieth century. This man had founded\na new religious confraternity, connected with the Q\u0101diriyyah, and\nhaving failed to attract his co-religionists to it, he turned his\nattention to the pagan Bambara, and endeavoured to convert them to\nIslam and enrol them in his order. He seemed to be on the road to\nsuccess and had already converted a pagan village in the province of\nSansanding, when the chief of the province drove the missionary across\nthe frontier and ordered the newly-converted Bambara to return to their\nold religious observances. [1058]\n\nWhere intermarriages with such races as Arabs and Berbers have been\nfrequent, a steady process of infiltration has gone on, and this, added\nto the propagandist activities of those races\u2014Fulbe, Hausa and\nMandingo\u2014who have distinguished themselves for their zeal on behalf of\ntheir religion, would have contributed to the more rapid growth of a\nMuhammadan population, had it not been for the internecine wars that\ncaused one Muhammadan state to work the destruction of another. Melle\nrose on the ruins of Gh\u0101na in the thirteenth century, to be crushed at\nthe beginning of the sixteenth by Songhay, which in its turn was\ndesolated by the Moors a century later. As these Muhammadan empires\ndeclined, with the wholesale massacres characteristic of warfare in the\nSudan, fetishism regained much of the ground it had lost; and as in the\nChristian, so in the Muhammadan world, there have been periods when\nmissionary zeal has sunk to a low ebb, and Muhammadans in some parts of\nthe Sudan have been content to leave the paganism that surrounded them\nuntouched by any proselytising efforts.\n\nIn the fourteenth century the Tunjar Arabs, emigrating south from\nTunis, made their way through Bornu and Wadai to Darfur; others came in\nlater from the east; [1059] one of their number named A\u1e25mad met with a\nkind reception from the heathen king of Darfur, who took a fancy to\nhim, made him director of his household and consulted him on all\noccasions. His experience of more civilised methods of government\nenabled him to introduce a number of reforms both into the economy of\nthe king\u2019s household and the government of the state. By judicious\nmanagement, he is said to have brought the unruly chieftains into\nsubjection, and by portioning out the land among the poorer inhabitants\nto have put an end to the constant internal raids, thereby introducing\na feeling of security and contentment before unknown. The king having\nno male heir gave A\u1e25mad his daughter in marriage and appointed him his\nsuccessor,\u2014a choice that was ratified by the acclamation of the people,\nand the Muhammadan dynasty thus instituted has continued down to the\npresent century. The civilising influences exercised by this chief and\nhis descendants were doubtless accompanied by some work of proselytism,\nbut these Arab immigrants seem to have done very little for the spread\nof their religion among their heathen neighbours. Darfur only\ndefinitely became Muhammadan through the efforts of one of its kings\nnamed Sulaym\u0101n who began to reign in 1596, [1060] and it was not until\nthe sixteenth century that Islam gained a footing in the other kingdoms\nlying between Kordofan and Lake Chad, such as Wadai and Baghirmi. The\nfirst Muhammadan king of Baghirmi was Sultan \u02bbAbd All\u0101h, who reigned\nfrom 1568 to 1608, but the chief centre of Muhammadan influence at this\ntime was the kingdom of Wadai, which was founded by \u02bbAbd al-Kar\u012bm about\nA.D. 1612, and it was not until the latter part of the eighteenth\ncentury that the mass of the people of Baghirmi were converted to\nIslam. [1061]\n\nBut the history of the Muhammadan propaganda in Africa during the\nseventeenth and eighteenth centuries is very slight and wholly\ninsignificant when compared with the remarkable revival of missionary\nactivity during the present century. Some powerful influence was needed\nto arouse the dormant energies of the African Muslims, whose condition\nduring the eighteenth century seems to have been almost one of\nreligious indifference. Their spiritual awakening owed itself to the\ninfluence of the Wahh\u0101b\u012b reformation at the close of the eighteenth\ncentury; whence it comes that in modern times we meet with some\naccounts of proselytising movements among the Negroes that are not\nquite so forbiddingly meagre as those just recounted, but present us\nwith ample details of the rise and progress of several important\nmissionary enterprises.\n\nTowards the end of the eighteenth century, a remarkable man, Shaykh\n\u02bbUthm\u0101n Danfodio, [1062] arose from among the Fulbe [1063] as a\nreligious reformer and warrior-missionary. From the Sudan he made the\npilgrimage to Mecca, whence he returned full of zeal and enthusiasm for\nthe reformation and propagation of Islam. Influenced by the doctrines\nof the Wahh\u0101b\u012bs, who were growing powerful at the time of his visit to\nMecca, he denounced the practice of prayers for the dead and the honour\npaid to departed saints, and deprecated the excessive veneration of\nMu\u1e25ammad himself; at the same time he attacked the two prevailing sins\nof the Sudan, drunkenness and immorality.\n\nUp to that time the Fulbe had consisted of a number of small scattered\nclans living a pastoral life; they had early embraced Islam, and\nhitherto had contented themselves with forming colonies of shepherds\nand planters in different parts of the Sudan. The accounts we have of\nthem in the early part of the eighteenth century, represent them to be\na peaceful and industrious people; one [1064] who visited their\nsettlements on the Gambia in 1731 speaks of them thus: \u201cIn every\nkingdom and country on each side of the river are people of a tawny\ncolour, called Pholeys (i.e. Fulbe), who resemble the Arabs, whose\nlanguage most of them speak; for it is taught in their schools, and the\nKoran, which is also their law, is in that language. They are more\ngenerally learned in the Arabic, than the people of Europe are in\nLatin; for they can most of them speak it; though they have a vulgar\ntongue called Pholey. They live in hordes or clans, build towns, and\nare not subject to any of the kings of the country, tho\u2019 they live in\ntheir territories; for if they are used ill in one nation they break up\ntheir towns and remove to another. They have chiefs of their own, who\nrule with such moderation, that every act of government seems rather an\nact of the people than of one man. This form of government is easily\nadministered, because the people are of a good and quiet disposition,\nand so well instructed in what is just and right, that a man who does\nill is the abomination of all.... They are very industrious and frugal,\nand raise much more corn and cotton than they consume, which they sell\nat reasonable rates, and are so remarkable for their hospitality that\nthe natives esteem it a blessing to have a Pholey town in their\nneighbourhood; besides, their behaviour has gained them such reputation\nthat it is esteemed infamous for any one to treat them in an\ninhospitable manner. Though their humanity extends to all, they are\ndoubly kind to people of their own race; and if they know of any of\ntheir body being made a slave, all the Pholeys will unite to redeem\nhim. As they have plenty of food they never suffer any of their own\npeople to want; but support the old, the blind, and the lame, equally\nwith the others. They are seldom angry, and I never heard them abuse\none another; yet this mildness does not proceed from want of courage,\nfor they are as brave as any people of Africa, and are very expert in\nthe use of their arms, which are the assagay, short cutlasses, bows and\narrows and even guns upon occasion.... They are strict Mahometans; and\nscarcely any of them will drink brandy, or anything stronger than\nwater.\u201d\n\nDanfodio united into one powerful organisation these separate\ncommunities, scattered throughout the various Hausa states. The first\noutbreak occurred in the year 1802, in the still pagan kingdom of\nGober, which had gained ascendancy over the northernmost of the Hausa\nstates; the attempt of the king of Gober to check the growing power of\nthe Fulbe in his dominions caused Danfodio to raise the standard of\nrevolt; he soon found himself at the head of a powerful army, which\nattacked not only the pagan tribes, forcing upon them the faith of the\nProphet, but also the Muhammadan Hausa states. These fell one after\nanother and the whole of Hausaland came under the rule of Danfodio\nbefore his death in 1816. His grave in Sokoto is still an object of\nreverence to large numbers of pilgrims. He divided his kingdom among\nhis two sons, who still further extended the boundary of Fulbe rule;\nAdamaua, founded in 1837 on the ruins of several pagan kingdoms, marks\nthe limit of their conquests to the south-east; and the city of Ilorin,\nin the Yoruba country, founded in the lifetime of Danfodio, was the\nbulwark of the Pul empire to the south-west. With varying fortunes the\ndominant power remained throughout the nineteenth century in the hands\nof the Fulbe, who showed themselves cruel and fanatical propagandists\nof Islam, until British administration was established in Nigeria in\n1900.\n\nThe introduction of law and order into Southern Nigeria has favoured\nthe propaganda of Islam as in other parts of Africa that have come\nunder European rule. The Hausa Muslims, some of whom belong to the\nTij\u0101niyyah order, have been able to move freely about the country and\nto penetrate among pagan tribes which had hitherto kept all Muhammadan\ninfluences rigidly at bay. In the Yoruba country particularly Islam is\nsaid to be rapidly gaining ground. There is a legend of an unsuccessful\nattempt made by a Muslim missionary as early as the eleventh or twelfth\ncentury; he was a Hausa who came to Ife, the religious capital of the\npagan Yoruba country, and used to call the people together and read\nthem passages from the Qur\u02bc\u0101n; he could only speak the Yoruba language\nimperfectly, and with a foreign accent he would repeat to his\nlisteners, \u201cLet us worship All\u0101h: He created the mountain, He created\nthe lowland, He created everything, He created us.\u201d He did this from\ntime to time without succeeding in winning a single convert, and died a\nfew months after his arrival in Ife. After his death his Qur\u02bc\u0101n was\nfound hanging on a peg in the wall of his room, and it came to be\nworshipped as a fetish. [1065] Where this early apostle of the faith\nfailed, his modern co-religionists have achieved a remarkable success.\nDuring the period of anarchy before the British occupation, the Muslims\nwere for the most part congregated in large, walled towns, but under\nthe new conditions of security they are able to reside permanently in\nvillages, and near the scenes of their agricultural labours, and\nMuhammadan influences have thus become more widely extended over the\ncountry. As in German East Africa, the presence of Muhammadans among\nthe native troops has been found to be favourable to the extension of\ntheir faith, and the pagan recruits often adopt Islam in order to\nescape ridicule and gain in self-respect. [1066] In the Ijebu country\nalso, in Southern Nigeria, a quite recent propagandist movement has\nbeen observed; Islam was only introduced into this part of the country\nin 1893, and in 1908 there was one town with twenty, and another with\ntwelve mosques. [1067] This rapid spread of the Muslim faith is\nparticularly noticeable along the banks of the river Niger in Southern\nNigeria; a Christian missionary reports: \u201cWhen I came out in 1898 there\nwere few Mohammedans to be seen below Iddah. [1068] Now they are\neverywhere, excepting below Abo, and at the present rate of progress\nthere will scarcely be a heathen village on the river-banks by 1910.\u201d\n[1069]\n\nThere has thus been much missionary work done for Islam in this part of\nAfrica by men who have never taken up the sword to further their\nend,\u2014the conversion of the heathen. Such have been the members of some\nof the great Muhammadan religious orders, which form such a prominent\nfeature of the religious life of Northern Africa. Their efforts have\nachieved great results during the nineteenth century, and though\ndoubtless much of their work has never been recorded, still we have\naccounts of some of the movements initiated by them.\n\nOf these one of the earliest owed its inception to S\u012b A\u1e25mad b. Idr\u012bs,\n[1070] who enjoyed a wide reputation as a religious teacher in Mecca\nfrom 1797 to 1833, and was the spiritual chief of the Kha\u1e0driyyah;\nbefore his death in 1835 he sent one of his disciples, by name Mu\u1e25ammad\n\u02bbUthm\u0101n al-Am\u012br Ghan\u012b, on a proselytising expedition into Africa.\nCrossing the Red Sea to Kossayr, he made his way inland to the Nile;\nhere, among a Muslim population, his efforts were mainly confined to\nenrolling members of the order to which he belonged, but in his journey\nup the river he did not meet with much success until he reached A\u1e63w\u0101n;\nfrom this point up to Dongola, his journey became quite a triumphant\nprogress; the Nubians hastened to join his order, and the royal pomp\nwith which he was surrounded produced an impressive effect on this\npeople, and at the same time the fame of his miracles attracted to him\nlarge numbers of followers. At Dongola Mu\u1e25ammad \u02bbUthm\u0101n left the valley\nof the Nile to go to Kordofan, where he made a long stay, and it was\nhere that his missionary work among unbelievers began. Many tribes in\nthis country and about Sennaar were still pagan, and among these the\npreaching of Mu\u1e25ammad \u02bbUthm\u0101n achieved a very remarkable success, and\nhe sought to make his influence permanent by contracting several\nmarriages, the issue of which, after his death in 1853, carried on the\nwork of the order he founded\u2014called after his name the Am\u012brghaniyyah.\n[1071]\n\nA few years before this missionary tour of Mu\u1e25ammad \u02bbUthm\u0101n, the troops\nof Mu\u1e25ammad \u02bbAl\u012b, the founder of the present dynasty of Egypt, had\nbegun to extend their conquests into the Eastern Sudan, and the\nemissaries of the various religious orders in Egypt were encouraged by\nthe Egyptian government, in the hope that their labours would assist in\nthe pacification of the country, to carry on a propaganda in this\nnewly-acquired territory, where they laboured with so much success,\nthat the recent insurrection in the Sudan under the Mahd\u012b has been\nattributed to the religious fervour their preaching excited. [1072]\n\nIn the West of Africa two orders have been especially instrumental in\nthe spread of Islam, the Q\u0101diriyyah and the Tij\u0101niyyah. The former, the\nmost widespread of the religious orders of Islam, was founded in the\ntwelfth century by \u02bbAbd al-Q\u0101dir al-J\u012bl\u0101n\u012b, said to be the most popular\nand most universally revered of all the saints of Islam, [1073]\u2014and was\nintroduced into Western Africa in the fifteenth century, by emigrants\nfrom Tuat, one of the oases in the western half of the Sahara; they\nmade Walata the first centre of their organisation, but later on their\ndescendants were driven away from this town, and took refuge in\nTimbuktu, further to the east. In the beginning of the nineteenth\ncentury the great spiritual revival that was so profoundly influencing\nthe Muhammadan world, stirred up the Q\u0101diriyyah of the Sahara and the\nWestern Sudan to renewed life and energy, and before long, learned\ntheologians or small colonies of persons affiliated to the order were\nto be found scattered throughout the Western Sudan from the Senegal to\nthe mouth of the Niger. The chief centres of their missionary\norganisation are in Kanka, Timbo (Futah-Jallon) and Musardu (in the\nMandingo country). [1074] These initiates formed centres of Islamic\ninfluence in the midst of a pagan population, among whom they received\na welcome as public scribes, legists, writers of amulets, and\nschoolmasters: gradually they would acquire influence over their new\nsurroundings, and isolated cases of conversion would soon grow into a\nlittle band of converts, the most promising of whom would often be sent\nto complete their studies at the chief centres of the order, or even to\nthe schools of Kairwan or Tripoli, or to the universities of Fez and\nal-Azhar in Cairo. [1075] Here they might remain for several years,\nuntil they had perfected their theological studies, and would then\nreturn to their native place, fully equipped for the work of spreading\nthe faith among their fellow-countrymen. In this way a leaven has been\nintroduced into the midst of fetish-worshippers and idolaters, which\nhas gradually spread the faith of Islam surely and steadily, though by\nalmost imperceptible degrees. Up to the middle of the nineteenth\ncentury most of the schools in the Sudan were founded and conducted by\nteachers trained under the auspices of the Q\u0101diriyyah and their\norganisation provided for a regular and continuous system of propaganda\namong the heathen tribes. The missionary work of this order has been\nentirely of a peaceful character, and has relied wholly on personal\nexample and precept, on the influence of the teacher over his pupils,\nand on the spread of education. [1076] In this way the Q\u0101diriyyah\nmissionaries of the Sudan have shown themselves true to the principles\nof their founder and the universal tradition of their order. For the\nguiding principles that governed the life of \u02bbAbd al-Q\u0101dir were love of\nhis neighbour and toleration: though kings and men of wealth showered\ntheir gifts upon him, his boundless charity kept him always poor, and\nin none of his books or precepts are to be found any expressions of\nill-will or enmity towards the Christians; whenever he spoke of the\npeople of the Book, it was only to express his sorrow for their\nreligious errors, and to pray that God might enlighten them. This\ntolerant attitude he bequeathed as a legacy to his disciples, and it\nhas been a striking characteristic of his followers in all ages. [1077]\n\nThe Tij\u0101niyyah, belonging to an order founded in Algiers towards the\nend of the eighteenth century, have, since their establishment in the\nSudan about the middle of the nineteenth century, pursued the same\nmissionary methods as the Q\u0101diriyyah, and their numerous schools have\ncontributed largely to the propagation of the faith; but, unlike the\nformer, they have not refrained from appealing to the sword to assist\nin the furtherance of their scheme of conversion, and, unfortunately\nfor a true estimate of the missionary work of Islam in Western Africa,\nthe fame of their Jih\u0101ds or religious wars has thrown into the shade\nthe successes of the peaceful propagandist, though the labours of the\nlatter have been more effectual towards the spread of Islam than the\ncreation of petty, short-lived dynasties. The records of campaigns,\nespecially when they have interfered with the commercial projects or\nschemes of conquest of the white men, have naturally attracted the\nattention of Europeans more than the unobtrusive labours of the\nMuhammadan preacher and schoolmaster. But the history of such movements\npossesses this importance, that\u2014as has often happened in the case of\nChristian missions also\u2014conquest has opened out new fields for\nmissionary activity, and forcibly impressed on the minds of the\nfaithful the existence of large tracts of country whose inhabitants\nstill remained unconverted.\n\nThe first of these militant propagandist movements on the part of the\nmembers of the Tij\u0101niyyah order owes its inception to al-\u1e24\u0101jj \u02bbUmar,\nwho had been initiated into this order by a leader of the sect whose\nacquaintance he made in Mecca. He was born in 1797, near Podor on the\nLower Senegal, and appears to have been a man of considerable\nendowments and personal influence, and of a commanding presence. He was\nthe son of a marabout and received a careful religious education; he\nwas already famed for his learning and piety when he set out on the\npilgrimage to Mecca in 1827. He did not return to his own country until\n1833, when he commenced an active propaganda of the teaching of the\nTij\u0101niyyah order, fiercely attacking his co-religionists for their\nignorance and their lukewarmness, especially the adepts of the\nQ\u0101diriyyah order, whose toleration particularly excited his wrath. He\ntraversed the Central Sudan, winning many adherents and receiving\nhonour as a new prophet, until about 1841 he reached Futah-Jallon,\nwhere he armed his followers and commenced a series of proselytising\nexpeditions against those tribes that still remained pagan about the\nUpper Niger and the Senegal. It was in one of these expeditions that he\nmet his death in 1865. His son, A\u1e25madu Shaykhu, succeeded in holding\ntogether the various provinces of his father\u2019s kingdom for a few years\nonly; internal conflicts and the advance of the French broke up the\nTij\u0101niyyah empire, and their territories passed under the rule of\nFrance. [1078]\n\nSome mention has already been made of the introduction of Islam into\nthis part of Africa. The seed planted here by \u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. Y\u0101s\u012bn and\nhis companions, was fructified by continual contact with Muhammadan\nmerchants and teachers, and with the Arabs of the oasis of al-\u1e24aw\u1e0d and\nothers. A traveller of the fifteenth century tells how the Arabs strove\nto teach the Negro chiefs the law of Mu\u1e25ammad, pointing out how\nshameful a thing it was for them, being chiefs, to live without any of\nGod\u2019s laws, and to do as the base folk did who lived without any law at\nall. From which it would appear that these early missionaries took\nadvantage of the imposing character of the Muslim religion and\nconstitution to impress the minds of these uncivilised savages. [1079]\n\nWe have ampler details of a more recent movement of the same kind,\nwhich had been set on foot in the south of Senegambia by a Mandingo,\nnamed \u1e62amudu, commonly known by the name Samory, a pagan soldier of\nfortune born about 1846, who became a Muhammadan early in the course of\nhis career and founded an empire, south of Senegambia, in the country\nwatered by the upper basin of the Niger and its tributaries. An Arabic\naccount of the career of Samory, written by a native chronicler, gives\nus some interesting details of his achievements. It begins as follows:\n\u201cThis is an account of the Jih\u0101d of the Im\u0101m A\u1e25madu \u1e62amudu, a\nMandingo.... God conferred upon him His help continually after he began\nthe work of visiting the idolatrous pagans, who dwell between the sea\nand the country of Wasulu, with a view of inviting them to follow the\nreligion of God, which is Islam. Know all ye who read this\u2014that the\nfirst effort of the Im\u0101m \u1e62amudu was a town named Fulindiyah. Following\nthe Book and the Law and the Traditions, he sent messengers to the king\nat that town, Sindidu by name, inviting him to submit to his\ngovernment, abandon the worship of idols and worship one God, the\nExalted, the True, whose service is profitable to His people in this\nworld and in the next; but they refused to submit. Then he imposed a\ntribute upon them, as the Qur\u02bc\u0101n commands on this subject; but they\npersisted in their blindness and deafness. The Im\u0101m then collected a\nsmall force of about five hundred men, brave and valiant, for the\nJih\u0101d, and he fought against the town, and the Lord helped him against\nthem and gave him the victory over them, and he pursued them with his\nhorses until they submitted. Nor will they return to their idolatry,\nfor now all their children are in schools being taught the Qur\u02bc\u0101n, and\na knowledge of religion and civilisation. Praise be to God for this.\u201d\n[1080] It is not possible here to trace the course of his conquests,\nwhich were marked by wholesale massacres and devastation. [1081] He\nreached the height of his power about 1881, shortly after which he came\nin conflict with the French, who took him prisoner in 1898 after a\nseries of harassing campaigns. He died in 1900. Though the effect of\nhis conquests was the destruction of large numbers of pagans who were\nmassacred by his ruthless armies, while others were terrified into a\nnominal acceptance of Islam, he does not appear to have put before him\nthe same distinctly religious aim as al-\u1e24\u0101jj \u02bbUmar did. [1082] He left\nto the Q\u0101diriyyah marabouts the task of propaganda, and they with their\naccustomed traditions of toleration are said to have done much to\nmitigate the savagery of his proceedings. [1083] They opened schools in\nthe conquered towns, established there the organisation of their order,\nand both instructed the new converts and sought to win fresh ones.\n\nWith regard to these militant movements of Muhammadan propagandism, it\nis important to notice that it is not the military successes and\nterritorial conquests that have most contributed to the progress of\nIslam in these parts; for it has been pointed out that, outside the\nlimits of those fragments of the empire of al-\u1e24\u0101jj \u02bbUmar that have\ndefinitively remained in the hands of his successors, the forced\nconversions that he made have quickly been forgotten, and in spite of\nthe momentary grandeur of his successes and the enthusiasm of his\narmies, very few traces remain of this armed propaganda. [1084] The\nreal importance of these movements in the missionary history of Islam\nin Western Africa is the religious enthusiasm they stirred up, which\nexhibited itself in a widespread missionary activity of a purely\npeaceful character among the heathen populations. These Jih\u0101ds, rightly\nlooked upon, are but incidents in the modern Islamic revival and are by\nno means characteristic of the forces and activities that have been\nreally operative in the promulgation of Islam in Africa: indeed, unless\nfollowed up by distinctly missionary efforts they would have proved\nalmost wholly ineffectual in the creation of a true Muslim community.\nIn fact, the devastating wars and cruel violence of conquerors such as\nal-\u1e24\u0101jj \u02bbUmar and Samory and especially the emissaries of the\nTij\u0101niyyah have caused the faith of Islam to be bitterly hated by the\npagan tribes of the Sudan in the countries watered by the Senegal and\nthe Niger. Hostility to the Muslim faith has almost assumed with them\nthe form of a national movement, but still this Muhammadan propaganda\nhas spread the faith of the Prophet in many parts of Guinea and\nSenegambia, to which the Fulbe [1085] and merchants from the Hausa\ncountry in their frequent trading expeditions have brought the\nknowledge of their religion, and have succeeded during the last and the\npresent century in winning large numbers of converts. Especially\nnoteworthy is the activity of those Q\u0101diriyyah preachers and Muslim\ntraders who have won fresh converts to their faith since the French\noccupation has brought peace to the country; this peaceful penetration\nhas been facilitated in the French Sudan, as in other parts of Africa\nthat have recently come under the sway of European powers, by the\nconsideration shown by French officials to the educated classes, who\nare of course all Muhammadans, and by the open contempt with which the\ndegraded habits and superstitions of the pagan fetish-worshippers are\nregarded. [1086]\n\nBut the proselytising work of the order that is now to be described has\nnever in any way been connected with violence or war and has employed\nin the service of religion only the arts of peace and persuasion. In\n1837 a religious society was founded by an Algerian jurisconsult, named\nS\u012bd\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad b. \u02bbAl\u012b al-San\u016bs\u012b, with the object of reforming Islam and\nspreading the faith; before his death in 1859, he had succeeded in\nestablishing, by the sheer force of his genius and without the shedding\nof blood, a theocratic state, to which his followers render devoted\nallegiance and the limits of which are every day being extended by his\nsuccessors. [1087] The members of this sect are bound by rigid rules to\ncarry out to the full the precepts of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n in accordance with the\nmost strictly monotheistic principles, whereby worship is to be given\nto God alone, and prayers to saints and pilgrimages to their tombs are\nabsolutely interdicted. They must abstain from coffee and tobacco,\navoid all intercourse with Jews or Christians, contribute a certain\nportion of their income to the funds of the society, if they do not\ngive themselves up entirely to its service, and devote all their\nenergies to the advancement of Islam, resisting at the same time any\nconcessions to European influences. This sect is spread over the whole\nof North Africa, having religious houses scattered about the country\nfrom Egypt to Morocco, and far into the interior, in the oases of the\nSahara and the Sudan. The centre of its organisation was in the oasis\nof Jaghab\u016bb [1088] in the Libyan desert between Egypt and Tripoli,\nwhere every year hundreds of missionaries were trained and sent out as\npreachers of Islam to all parts of northern Africa. It is to the\nreligious house in this village that all the branch establishments\n(said to be 121 in number) looked for counsel and instruction in all\nmatters concerning the management and extension of this vast theocracy,\nwhich embraced in a marvellous organisation thousands of persons of\nnumerous races and nations, otherwise separated from one another by\nvast differences of geographical situation and worldly interests. For\nthe success that has been achieved by the zealous and energetic\nemissaries of this association is enormous; convents of the order are\nto be found not only all over the north of Africa from Egypt to\nMorocco, throughout the Sudan, in Senegambia and Somaliland, but\nmembers of the order are to be found also in Arabia, Mesopotamia and\nthe islands of the Malay Archipelago. [1089] Though primarily a\nmovement of reform in the midst of Islam itself, the San\u016bsiyyah sect is\nalso actively proselytising, and several African tribes that were\npreviously pagan or merely nominally Muslim, have since the advent of\nthe emissaries of this sect in their midst, become zealous adherents of\nthe faith of the Prophet. Thus, for example, the San\u016bs\u012b missionaries\nlaboured to convert that portion of the Baele (a tribe inhabiting the\nhill country of Ennedi, E. of Borku) which was still heathen, and\ncommunicated their own religious zeal to such other sections of the\ntribe as had only a very superficial knowledge of Islam, and were\nMuhammadan only in name; [1090] the Tedas of Tu or Tibesti, in the\nSahara, S. of Fezzan, who were likewise Muhammadans only in name when\nthe San\u016bsiyyah came among them, also bear witness to the success of\ntheir efforts. [1091] The missionaries of this sect also carry on an\nactive propaganda in the Galla country and fresh workers are sent\nthither every year from Harar, where the San\u016bsiyyah are very strong and\ninclude among their numbers all the chiefs in the court of the Am\u012br\nalmost without exception. [1092] In the furtherance of their\nproselytising efforts these missionaries open schools, form settlements\nin the oases of the desert, and\u2014noticeably in the case of the\nWadai\u2014they have gained large accessions to their numbers by the\npurchase of slaves, who have been educated at Jaghab\u016bb and when deemed\nsufficiently well instructed in the tenets of the sect, enfranchised\nand then sent back to their native country to convert their brethren.\n[1093] It would appear, however, that the influence of this order is\nnow on the decline. [1094]\n\nSlight as these records are of the missionary labours of the Muslims\namong the pagan tribes of the Sudan, they are of importance in view of\nthe general dearth of information regarding the spread of Islam in this\npart of Africa. But while documentary evidence is wanting, the\nMuhammadan communities dwelling in the midst of fetish-worshippers and\nidolaters, as representatives of a higher faith and civilisation, are a\nliving testimony to the proselytising labours of the Muhammadan\nmissionaries, and (especially on the south-western borderland of\nIslamic influence) present a striking contrast to the pagan tribes\ndemoralised by the European gin traffic. This contrast has been well\nindicated by a modern traveller, [1095] in speaking of the degraded\ncondition of the tribes of the Lower Niger: \u201cIn steaming up the river\n(i.e. the Niger), I saw little in the first 200 miles to alter my\nviews, for there luxuriated in congenial union fetishism, cannibalism\nand the gin trade. But as I left behind me the low-lying coast region,\nand found myself near the southern boundary of what is called the\nCentral Sudan, I observed an ever-increasing improvement in the\nappearance of the character of the native; cannibalism disappeared,\nfetishism followed in its wake, the gin trade largely disappeared,\nwhile on the other hand, clothes became more voluminous and decent,\ncleanliness the rule, while their outward more dignified bearing still\nfurther betokened a moral regeneration. Everything indicated a\nleavening of some higher element, an element that was clearly taking a\ndeep hold on the negro nature and making him a new man. That element\nyou will perhaps be surprised to learn is Mahommedanism. On passing\nLokoja at the confluence of the Benu\u00e9 with the Niger, I left behind me\nthe missionary outposts of Islam, and entering the Central Sudan, I\nfound myself in a comparatively well-governed empire, teeming with a\nbusy populace of keen traders, expert manufacturers of cloth, brass\nwork and leather; a people, in fact, who have made enormous advances\ntowards civilisation.\u201d\n\nIn order to form a just estimate of the missionary activity of Islam in\nNigritia, it must be borne in mind that, while on the coast and along\nthe southern boundary of the sphere of Islamic influence, the\nMuhammadan missionary is the pioneer of his religion, there is still\nleft behind him a vast field for Muslim propaganda in the inland\ncountries that stretch away to the north and the east, though it is\nlong since Islam took firm root in this soil. Some sections of the\nF\u016bnj, the predominant Negro race of Sennaar, are partly Muhammadan and\npartly heathen, and Muhammadan merchants from Nubia are attempting the\nconversion of the latter. [1096]\n\nThe pagan tribe of the Jukun, [1097] whose once powerful kingdom\ndisappeared before the victorious development of the Fulbe, has\nwithstood the advancing influence of Muhammadanism, though the foreign\nminister of their king has always been a Muslim and colonies of Hausas\nand other Muhammadans have settled among them; but these Muslim\nsettlers do not succeed in making any converts from among the Jukun,\nwhose traditions of their past greatness make them cling to the\nnational faith whose spiritual headship is vested in their king. [1098]\n\nIt would be easy also to enumerate many sections of the population of\nthe Sudan and Senegambia, that still retain their heathen habits and\nbeliefs, or cover these only with a slight veneer of Muhammadan\nobservance even though they have been (in most cases) surrounded for\ncenturies by the followers of the Prophet. The Konnohs, an offshoot of\nthe great tribe of the Mandingos, are still largely pagan, and it is\nonly in recent years that Islam has been making progress among them.\n[1099] Consequently, the remarkable zeal for missionary work that has\ndisplayed itself among the Muhammadans of these parts during the\npresent century, has not far to go in order to find abundant scope for\nits activity. Hence the importance, in the missionary history of Islam\nin this continent, of the movements of reform in the Muslim religion\nitself and the revivals of religious life, to which attention has been\ndrawn above.\n\nThe West Coast is another field for Muhammadan missionary enterprise\nwhere Islam finds itself confronted with a vast population still\nunconverted, in spite of the progress it has made on the Guinea Coast,\nin Sierra Leone and Liberia, in which last there are more Muhammadans\nthan heathen. One of the earliest notices of Muslim missionary activity\nin the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone is to be found in a petition for\nthe dissolution of the Sierra Leone Company, ordered to be printed by\nthe House of Commons, on the 25th May, 1802. \u201cNot more than seventy\nyears ago, a small number of Mahomedans established themselves in a\ncountry about forty miles to the northward of Sierra Leone, called from\nthem the Mandingo Country. As is the practice of the professors of that\nreligion they formed schools, in which the Arabic language and the\ndoctrines of Mahomet were taught, and the customs of Mahomedans,\nparticularly that of not selling any of their own religion as slaves,\nwere adopted. Laws founded on the Koran were introduced. Those\npractices which chiefly contribute to depopulate the coast were\neradicated, and in spite of many intestine convulsions, a great\ncomparative degree of civilisation, union and security were introduced.\nPopulation, in consequence, rapidly increased and the whole power of\nthat part of the country in which they are settled has gradually fallen\ninto their hands. Those who have been taught in their schools are\nsucceeding to wealth and power in the neighbouring countries, and carry\nwith them a considerable portion of their religion and laws. Other\nchiefs are adopting the name assumed by these Mahomedans, on account of\nthe respect which attends it; and the religion of Islam seems likely to\ndiffuse itself peaceably over the whole district in which the colony is\nsituated, carrying with it those advantages which seem ever to have\nattended its victory over Negro superstition.\u201d [1100] In the Mendi\ncountry, about one hundred miles south of Sierra Leone, Islam appears\nto have found an entrance only in the present century, but to be now\nmaking steady progress. \u201cThe propagandism is not conducted by any\nspecial order of priests set apart for the purpose, but every Musalman\nis an active missionary. Some half a dozen of them, more or less,\nmeeting in a town, where they intend to reside for any length of time,\nsoon run up a mosque and begin work. They first approach the chief of\nthe town and obtain his consent to their intended act, and perhaps his\npromise to become an adherent. They teach him their prayers in Arabic,\nor as much as he can, or cares to, commit to memory. They put him\nthrough the forms and ceremonies used in praying, forbid him the use of\nalcoholic beverages\u2014a restriction as often observed as not\u2014and lo! the\nman is a convert.\u201d [1101] On the Guinea Coast, Muslim influences are\nspread chiefly by Hausa traders who are to be found in all the\ncommercial towns on this coast; whenever they form a settlement, they\nat once build a mosque and by their devout behaviour, and their\nsuperior culture, they impress the heathen inhabitants; whole tribes of\nfetish-worshippers pass over to Islam as the result of their imitation\nof what they recognise to be a higher civilisation than their own,\nwithout any particular efforts being necessary for persuading them.\n[1102]\n\nIn Ashanti there was a nucleus of a Muhammadan population to be found\nas early as 1750 and the missionaries of Islam have laboured there ever\nsince with slow but sure success, [1103] as they find a ready welcome\nin the country and have gained for themselves considerable influence at\nthe court; by means of their schools they get a hold on the minds of\nthe younger generation, and there are said to be significant signs that\nIslam will become the predominant religion in Ashanti, as already many\nof the chiefs have adopted it. [1104] In Dahomey and the Gold Coast,\nIslam is daily making fresh progress, and even when the heathen\nchieftains do not themselves embrace it, they very frequently allow\nthemselves to come under the influence of its missionaries, who know\nhow to take advantage of this ascendancy in their labours among the\ncommon people. [1105] Dahomey and Ashanti are the most important\nkingdoms in this part of the continent that are still subject to pagan\nrulers, and their conversion is said to be a question of a short time\nonly. [1106] In Lagos there are well-nigh 10,000 Muslims, and all the\ntrading stations of the West Coast include in their populations numbers\nof Musalmans belonging to the superior Negro tribes, such as the Fulbe,\nthe Mandingos and the Hausa. When these men come down to the cities of\nthe coast, as they do in considerable numbers, either as traders or to\nserve as troops in the armies of the European powers, they cannot fail\nto impress by their bold and independent bearing the Negro of the\ncoast-land; he sees that the believers in the Qur\u02bc\u0101n are everywhere\nrespected by European governors, officials and merchants; they are not\nso far removed from him in race, appearance, dress or manners as to\nmake admission into their brotherhood impossible to him, and to him too\nis offered a share in their privileges on condition of conversion to\ntheir faith. [1107] As soon as the pagan Negro, however obscure or\ndegraded, shows himself willing to accept the teachings of the Prophet,\nhe is at once admitted as an equal into their society, and admission\ninto the brotherhood of Islam is not a privilege grudgingly granted,\nbut one freely offered by zealous and eager proselytisers. For, from\nthe mouth of the Senegal to Lagos, over two thousand miles, there is\nsaid to be hardly any town of importance on the seaboard in which there\nis not at least one mosque, with active propagandists of Islam, often\nworking side by side with the teachers of Christianity. [1108]\n\nWe must now turn to the history of the spread of Islam on the other\nside of the continent of Africa, the inhabitants of which were in\ncloser proximity to the land where this faith had its birth. The facts\nrecorded respecting the early settlements of the Arabs on the East\nCoast are very meagre; according to an Arabic chronicle which the\nPortuguese found in Kiloa [1109] when that town was sacked by Don\nFrancisco d\u2019Alme\u00efda in 1505, the first settlers were a body of Arabs\nwho were driven into exile because they followed the heretical\nteachings of a certain Zayd, [1110] a descendant of the Prophet, after\nwhom they were called Emozaydij (probably \u0623\u0645\u0651\u0629 \u0632\u064a\u062f\u064a\u0651\u0629\u200e or people of\nZayd). The Zayd here referred to is probably Zayd b. \u02bbAl\u012b, a grandson\nof \u1e24usayn and so great-grandson of \u02bbAl\u012b, the nephew of Mu\u1e25ammad: in the\nreign of the caliph Hish\u0101m he claimed to be the Im\u0101m Mahd\u012b and stirred\nup a revolt among the Sh\u012b\u02bbah faction, but was defeated and put to death\nin A.H. 122 (A.D. 740). [1111]\n\nThey seem to have lived in considerable dread of the original pagan\ninhabitants of the country, but succeeded gradually in extending their\nsettlements along the coast, until the arrival of another band of\nfugitives who came from the Arabian side of the Persian Gulf, not far\nfrom the island of Ba\u1e25rayn. These came in three ships under the\nleadership of seven brothers, in order to escape from the persecution\nof the king of Lasah, [1112] a city hard by the dwelling-place of their\ntribe. The first town they built was Magadaxo, [1113] which afterwards\nrose to such power as to assume lordship over all the Arabs of the\ncoast. But the original settlers, the Emozaydij, belonging as they did\nto a different Muhammadan sect, being Sh\u012b\u02bbahs, while the new-comers\nwere Sunn\u012bs, were unwilling to submit to the authority of the rulers of\nMagadaxo, and retired into the interior, where they became merged into\nthe native population, intermarrying with them and adopting their\nmanners and customs. [1114]\n\nMagadaxo was founded about the middle of the tenth century and remained\nthe most powerful city on this coast for more than seventy years, when\nthe arrival of another expedition from the Persian Gulf led to the\nestablishment of a rival settlement further south. The leader of this\nexpedition was named \u02bbAl\u012b, one of the seven sons of a certain Sultan\n\u1e24asan of Shiraz: because his mother was an Abyssinian, he was looked\ndown upon with contempt by his brothers, whose cruel treatment of him\nafter the death of their father, determined him to leave his native\nland and seek a home elsewhere. Accordingly, with his wife and children\nand a small body of followers, he set sail from the island of Ormuz,\nand avoiding Magadaxo, whose inhabitants belonged to a different sect,\nand having heard that gold was to be found on the Zanzibar coast, he\npushed on to the south and founded the city of Kiloa, where he could\nmaintain a position of independence and be free from the interference\nof his predecessors further north. [1115]\n\nIn this way a number of Arab towns sprang up along the east coast from\nthe Gulf of Aden to the Tropic of Capricorn, on the fringe of what was\ncalled by the medi\u00e6val Arab geographers the country of the Zanj.\nWhatever efforts may have been made by the Muhammadan settlers to\nconvert the Zanj, no record of them seems to have survived. There is a\ncurious story preserved in an old collection of travels written\nprobably in the early part of the tenth century, which represents Islam\nas having been introduced among one of these tribes by the king of it\nhimself. An Arab trading vessel was driven out of its course by a\ntempest in the year A.D. 922 and carried to the country of the\nman-eating Zanj, where the crew expected certain death. On the\ncontrary, the king of the place received them kindly and entertained\nthem hospitably for several months, while they disposed of their\nmerchandise on advantageous terms; but the merchants repaid his\nkindness with foul treachery, by seizing him and his attendants when\nthey came on board to bid them farewell, and then carrying them off as\nslaves to Omam. Some years later the same merchants were driven by a\nstorm to the same port, where they were recognised by the natives who\nsurrounded them in their canoes; giving themselves up for lost this\ntime, they repeated for one another the prayers for the dead. They were\ntaken before the king, whom they discovered to their surprise and\nconfusion to be the same they had so shamefully treated some years\nbefore. Instead, however, of taking vengeance upon them for their\ntreacherous conduct, he spared their lives and allowed them to sell\ntheir goods, but rejected with scorn the rich presents they offered.\nBefore they left, one of the party ventured to ask the king to tell the\nstory of his escape. He described how he had been taken as a slave to\nBa\u1e63rah and thence to Baghd\u0101d, where he was converted to Islam and\ninstructed in the faith; escaping from his master, he joined a caravan\nof pilgrims going to Mecca, and after performing the prescribed rites,\nreached Cairo and made his way up the Nile in the direction of his own\ncountry, which he reached at length after encountering many dangers and\nhaving been more than once enslaved. Restored once again to his\nkingdom, he taught his people the faith of Islam; \u201cand now I rejoice in\nthat God hath given to me and to my people the knowledge of Islam and\nthe true faith; to no other in the land of the Zanj hath this grace\nbeen vouchsafed; and it is because you have been the cause of my\nconversion, that I pardon you. Tell the Muslims that they may come to\nour country, and that we\u2014Muslims like themselves\u2014will treat them as\nbrothers.\u201d [1116]\n\nFrom the same source we learn that even at this early period, this\ncoast-land was frequented by large numbers of Arab traders, yet in\nspite of centuries of intercourse with the followers of Islam, the\noriginal inhabitants of this coast (with the exception of the Somalis)\nhave been remarkably little influenced by this religion. Even before\nthe Portuguese conquests of the sixteenth century, what few conversions\nhad been made, seem to have been wholly confined to the sea-border, and\neven after the decline of Portuguese influence in this part of the\nworld, and the restoration of Arab rule under the Sayyids of Omam,\nhardly any efforts were made until the twentieth century to spread the\nknowledge of Islam among the tribes of the interior, with the exception\nof the Galla and Somali. As a modern traveller has said: \u201cDuring the\nthree expeditions which I conducted in East Central Africa I saw\nnothing to suggest Mohammedanism as a civilising power. Whatever living\nforce might be in the religion remained latent. The Arabs, or their\ndescendants, in these parts were not propagandists. There were no\nmissionaries to preach Islam, and the natives of Muscat were content\nthat their slaves should conform, to a certain extent, to the forms of\nthe religion. They left the East African tribes, who indeed, in their\ngross darkness, were evidently content to remain in happy ignorance.\nTheir inaptitude for civilisation was strikingly shown in the strange\nfact that five hundred years of contact with semi-civilised people had\nleft them without the faintest reflection of the higher traits which\ncharacterised their neighbours\u2014not a single good seed during all these\nyears had struck root and flourished.\u201d [1117] Given up wholly to the\npursuits of commerce or to slave-hunting, the Arabs in Eastern Africa\nexhibited a lukewarmness in promoting the interests of their faith,\nwhich is in striking contrast to the missionary zeal displayed by their\nco-religionists in other parts of Africa.\n\nA notable exception is the propagandist activity of the Arab traders\nwho were admitted into Uganda in the first half of the nineteenth\ncentury; they probably recognised that the sturdy independence of the\nBaganda made slave-raiding among them impossible, so they sought to\ngain their confidence by winning them over to their own faith. Many of\nthe Baganda became Muhammadans during the reign of King Mutesa, but\nStanley\u2019s visit to this monarch in 1875 led to the introduction of\nChristian missions in the following year, and the power of the\nMuhammadans in the state declined with the rapid increase in the\nnumbers of the Christian converts and the establishment of a British\nProtectorate. [1118] But a number of Muhammadans still hold important\npositions in Uganda, and it is stated that there is a possibility of\nthe Eastern Province becoming Muslim. In the rich tributary country of\nBusoga, to the north of Uganda, a large number of those in authority\nwere said, in 1906, to be Muhammadans. [1119] But with this exception\nIslam in East Equatorial Africa was up to the latter part of the\nnineteenth century confined to the coast-lands and the immediately\nadjoining country. The explanation would appear to be that it was not\nto the interests of the slave-dealers to spread Islam among the heathen\ntribes from among whom they obtained their unhappy victims; for, once\nconverted to Islam, the native tribes would enter into the brotherhood\nof the faith and could not be raided and carried off as slaves. [1120]\n\nThe suppression of the slave-trade, with the extension of European rule\nover East Equatorial Africa, was followed by a remarkable expansion of\nMuslim missionary activity; peace and order were established in the\ninterior, railways and high roads were made, and the peaceful Muslim\ntrader could now make his way into districts hitherto closed to him.\nThe administration selected its officials from among the more\ncultivated Muhammadan section of the population; thousands of posts\nwere created by the government of German East Africa and given to\nMuhammadan officials, whose influence was used to bring over whole\nvillages to Islam. [1121] The teachers of the state schools were\nlikewise Muhammadans, and as early as the last decades of the\nnineteenth century Swahili schoolmasters were observed to be carrying\non a lively and successful mission work among the people of Bond\u00ebi and\nthe Wadigo (who dwell a little inland from the coast) in German East\nAfrica. [1122] But it was in the beginning of the twentieth century,\nespecially after the suppression of the insurrection of 1905 in German\nEast Africa, that the activity of this new missionary movement became\nstrikingly noticeable in the interior. [1123] This movement of\nexpansion has especially followed the railroads and the great trade\nroutes, and has spread right across German East Africa to its western\nboundary on Lake Tanganyika, northward from Usambara to the Kilimanjaro\ndistrict, and southward to Lake Nyasa. [1124] The workers in this\npropaganda are merchants, especially Swahilis from the coast, soldiers\nand government officials. [1125] The acceptance of Islam is looked upon\nas a sign of an elevation to a higher civilisation and social status,\nand the ridicule with which the pagans are regarded by the Muhammadans\nis said often to be a determining factor in their conversion. [1126] An\ninstance of the operation of this feeling may be taken from West\nUsambara, which was said in 1891 to be still closed to Islam; the\nfeeling of both chiefs and people was hostile to the Muhammadans, who\nwere hated and feared as slave-dealers; but when the days of the\nslave-trade were over and an ordered administration was established,\nthe first native officials appointed were almost entirely Muhammadans;\nthey impressed upon the chiefs and other notables who came in touch\nwith them that it was the correct thing for those who moved in official\ncircles to be Muhammadans, and thereby achieved the conversion of some\nof the greater chiefs, who afterwards exercised a similar influence on\nchiefs of an inferior degree. [1127] There seems to be little evidence\nof the activity of professional missionaries or of any of the religious\norders, but there are not wanting evidences of systematic efforts, such\nas those of a Muslim teacher, who is reported to have regularly visited\na district in the Kilimanjaro country every week for five months,\npreaching the faith of Islam; his ministrations were welcomed by the\npeople, whom he entertained with feasts of rice, etc. [1128] In this\nzealous propaganda it is noticeable that the preachers of Islam do not\nconfine their attention to pagans only, but seek also to win converts\nfrom among the native Christians. [1129]\n\nIslam made its way into Nyasaland also from the East Coast, having been\nintroduced by the slave-raiding Arabs and their allies the Yaos, whose\nancestors came from near the East Coast where they had long since\naccepted Islam. It is said that an Arab is now seldom seen in\nNyasaland, but the Yaos constitute one of the most powerful native\ntribes in Nyasaland, and look upon Islam as their national faith.\nThough there appears to be no organised propaganda, Islam has spread\nvery rapidly during the first decade of the twentieth century, and that\namong some of the most intelligent tribes in the country. [1130]\n\nIslam has achieved a similar success among the Galla and the Somali.\nMention has already been made of the Galla settlements in Abyssinia;\nthese immigrants, who are divided into seven principal clans, with the\ngeneric name of Wollo-Galla, were probably all heathen at the time of\ntheir incursion into the country, [1131] and a large part of them\nremain so to the present day. After settling in Abyssinia they soon\nbecame naturalised there, and in many instances adopted the language,\nmanners and customs of the original inhabitants of the country. [1132]\n\nThe story of their conversion is obscure: while some of them are said\nto have been forcibly baptised into the Christian faith, the absence of\nany political power in the hands of the Muhammadans precludes the\npossibility of any converts to Islam having been made in a similar\nfashion. In the eighteenth century, those in the south were said to be\nmostly Muhammadans, those to the east and west chiefly pagans. [1133]\nMore recent information points to a further increase in the number of\nthe followers of the Prophet, and in 1867 Munzinger prophesied that in\na short time all the Galla tribes would be Muhammadan, [1134] and as\nthey were said to be \u201cvery fanatical,\u201d we may presume that they were by\nno means half-hearted or lukewarm in their adherence to this religion.\n[1135]\n\nThe Galla freedman whom Doughty met at Khaybar certainly exhibited a\nremarkable degree of zeal for his own faith. He had been carried off\nfrom his home when a child and sold as a slave in Jiddah; when Doughty\nasked him whether no anger was left in his heart against those who had\nstolen him and sold his life to servitude in the ends of the earth,\n\u201cYet one thing,\u201d he answered, \u201chas recompensed me,\u2014that I remained not\nin ignorance with the heathen!\u2014Oh, the wonderful providence of Ullah!\nwhereby I am come to this country of the Apostle, and to the knowledge\nof the religion!\u201d [1136] \u201cOh! what sweetness is there in believing!\nTrust me, dear comrade, it is a thing above that which any heart may\nspeak; and would God thou wert come to this (heavenly) knowledge; but\nthe Lord will surely have a care of thee, that thou shouldst not perish\nwithout the religion. Ay, how good a thing it were to see thee a\nMoslem, and become one with us; but I know that the time is in God\u2019s\nhand: the Lord\u2019s will be done.\u201d [1137]\n\nAmong the Galla tribes of the true Galla country, the population is\npartly Muhammadan (some tribes having been converted about 1500) [1138]\nand partly heathen, with the exception of those tribes immediately\nbordering on Abyssinia who in the latter part of the nineteenth century\nwere forced by the king of that country to accept Christianity. [1139]\nAmong the mountains, the Muhammadans are in a minority, but on the\nplains the missionaries of Islam have met with striking success, and\ntheir teaching found a rapidly increasing acceptance during the last\ncentury. Antonio Cecchi, who visited the petty kingdom of Limmu in\n1878, gives an account of the conversion of Abba Baghib\u00f2, [1140] the\nfather of the then reigning chieftain, by Muhammadans who for some\nyears had been pushing their proselytising efforts in this country in\nthe guise of traders. His example was followed by the chiefs of the\nneighbouring Galla kingdoms and by the officers of their courts; part\nof the common people also were won over to the new faith, and it\ncontinued to make progress among them, but the greater part cling\nfirmly to their ancient cult. [1141] These traders received a ready\nwelcome at the courts of the Galla chiefs, inasmuch as they found them\na market for the commercial products of the country and imported\nobjects of foreign manufacture in exchange. As they made their journeys\nto the coast once a year only, or even once in two years, and lived all\nthe rest of the time in the Galla country, they had plenty of\nopportunities, which they knew well how to avail themselves of, for the\nwork of propagating Islam, and wherever they set their foot they were\nsure in a short space of time to gain a large number of proselytes.\n[1142] Islam here came in conflict with Christian missionaries from\nEurope, whose efforts, though winning for Christianity a few converts,\nhave been crowned with very little success, [1143]\u2014even the converts of\nCardinal Massaja (after he was expelled from these parts) either\nembraced Islam or ended by believing neither in Christ nor in All\u0101h,\n[1144]\u2014whereas the Muslim missionaries achieved a continuous success,\nand pushed their way far to the south, and crossed the W\u0101bi river.\n[1145] The majority of the Galla tribes dwelling in the west of the\nGalla country were still heathen towards the end of the nineteenth\ncentury, but among the most westerly of them, viz. the Lega, [1146] the\nold nature worship appeared to be on the decline and the growing\ninfluence of the Muslim missionaries made it probable that within a few\nyears the Lega would all have entered into the pale of Islam. [1147]\n\nThe North-East Africa of the present day presents indeed the spectacle\nof a remarkably energetic and zealous missionary activity on the part\nof the Muhammadans. Several hundreds of missionaries come from Arabia\nevery year, and they have been even more successful in their labours\namong the Somali than among the Galla. [1148] The close proximity of\nthe Somali country to Arabia must have caused it very early to have\nbeen the scene of Muhammadan missionary labours, but of these\nunfortunately little record seems to have survived. The people of\nZayla\u02bb were said by Ibn \u1e24awqal [1149] in the second half of the ninth\ncentury to be Christians, but in the first half of the fourteenth\ncentury Abu\u2019l-Fid\u0101 speaks of them as being Musalmans. [1150] The new\nfaith was probably brought across the sea by Arab merchants or\nrefugees. The Somalis of the north have a tradition of a certain Arab\nof noble birth who, compelled to flee his own country, crossed the sea\nto Adel, where he preached the faith of Islam among their forefathers.\n[1151] In the fifteenth century a band of forty-four Arabs came as\nmissionaries from \u1e24a\u1e0dramawt, landing at Berberah on the Red Sea, and\nthence dispersed over the Somali country to preach Islam. One of them,\nShaykh Ibr\u0101h\u012bm Ab\u016b Zarbay, made his way to the city of Harar about A.D.\n1430, and gained many converts there, and his tomb is still honoured in\nthat city. A hill near Berberah is still called the Mount of Saints in\nmemory of these missionaries, who are said to have sat there in solemn\nconclave before scattering far and wide to the work of conversion.\n[1152] Islam gradually became predominant throughout the whole of\nNorth-East Africa, but the growing power of the Emperor Menelik and his\noccupation of Harar in 1886 resulted in a certain number of conversions\nto Christianity. [1153]\n\nIn order to complete this survey of Islam in Africa, it remains only to\ndraw attention to the fact that this religion has also made its\nentrance into the extreme south of this continent, viz. in Cape Colony.\nThese Muhammadans of the Cape are descendants of Malays, who were\nbrought here by the Dutch [1154] either in the seventeenth or\neighteenth century; [1155] they speak a corrupt form of the Boer\ndialect, with a considerable admixture of Arabic, and some English and\nMalay words. A curious little book published in this dialect and\nwritten in Arabic characters was published in Constantinople in 1877 by\nthe Turkish minister of education, to serve as a handbook of the\nprinciples of the Muslim faith. [1156] The thoroughly Dutch names that\nsome of them bear, and the type of face observable in many of them,\npoint to the probability that they have at some time received into\ntheir community some persons of Dutch birth, or at least that they have\nin their veins a considerable admixture of Dutch blood. They have also\ngained some converts from among the Hottentots. Very little notice has\nbeen taken of them by European travellers, [1157] or even by their\nco-religionists until recently. In 1819 Colebrooke had drawn attention\nto the growth of Islam in some interesting notes he wrote on the Cape\nColony: \u201cMohammedanism is said to be gaining ground among the slaves\nand free people of colour at the Cape; that is to say, more converts\namong negroes and blacks of every description are made from Paganism to\nthe Musleman, than to the Christian religion, notwithstanding the\nzealous exertions of pious missionaries. One cause of this perversion\nis asserted to be a marked disinclination of slave owners to allow\ntheir slaves to be baptized; arising from some erroneous notions or\nover-charged apprehensions of the rights which a baptized slave\nacquires. Slaves are certainly impressed with the idea that such a\ndisinclination subsists, and it is not an unfrequent answer of a slave,\nwhen asked his motives for turning Musleman, that \u2018some religion he\nmust have, and he is not allowed to turn Christian.\u2019 Prejudices in this\nrespect are wearing away; and less discouragement is now given to the\nconversion of slaves than heretofore. Masters, it is affirmed, begin to\nfind that their slaves serve not the worse for instruction received in\nreligious duties. Missionaries who devote themselves especially to the\nreligious instruction of slaves (and there is one in each of the\nprincipal towns) have increasing congregations, and hope that their\nlabours are not unfruitful. But the Musleman priest, with less\nexertion, has a greater flock.\u201d [1158] During the last fifty years the\nMuhammadans in Cape Colony have been visited by some zealous\nco-religionists from other countries, and more attention is now paid by\nthem to education, and a deeper religious life has been stirred up\namong them, and they are said to carry on a zealous propaganda,\nespecially among the coloured people at the Cape and to achieve a\ncertain success. [1159] This proselytising movement is especially\nstrong in the western part of Cape Colony. It is said that there is a\nmovement on foot for the founding of a college at Claremont, in the\nvicinity of Cape Town, which shall become a centre for the propagation\nof Islam. One of the methods at present employed is the adoption of\nneglected or abandoned children, who are brought up in the Muslim\nfaith. [1160] Every year some of them make the pilgrimage to Mecca,\nwhere a special Shaykh has been appointed to look after them. [1161]\nThe Indian coolies that come to work in the diamond fields of South\nAfrica are also said to be propagandists of Islam. [1162]\n\nOn account of its isolated position, 220 to 540 miles from the\nmainland, the island of Madagascar calls for separate mention. The only\ntribe that has adopted Islam is that of the Antaimorona, occupying a\npart of the south-east coast; they undoubtedly owed their conversion to\nmissionaries from Arabia, but the date at which this change of faith\ntook place is entirely unknown; tradition would carry it back to the\nvery days of Mu\u1e25ammad himself, but it is not until the sixteenth\ncentury that we get, in the works of Italian and Portuguese\ngeographers, authentic mention of Muhammadans on the island. [1163]\n\nFrom the historical sketch given above it may be seen that peaceful\nmethods have largely characterised the Muhammadan missionary movement\nin Africa, and though Islam has often taken the sword as an instrument\nto further its spiritual conquests, such an appeal to violence and\nbloodshed has in most cases been preceded by the peaceful efforts of\nthe missionary, and the preacher has followed the conqueror to complete\nthe imperfect work of conversion. It is true that the success of Islam\nhas been very largely facilitated in many parts of Africa by the\nworldly successes of Muhammadan adventurers, and the erection of\nMuhammadan states on the ruins of pagan kingdoms, and fire and\nbloodshed have often marked the course of a Jih\u0101d, projected for the\nextermination of the infidel. The words of the young Arab from Bornu\nwhom Captain Burton [1164] met in the palace of the King of Abeokuta\ndoubtless express the aspirations of many an African Muhammadan: \u201cGive\nthose guns and powder to us, and we will soon Islamise these dogs\u201d: and\nthey find an echo in the message that Mungo Park [1165] gives us as\nhaving been sent by the Muslim King of Futah Toro to his pagan\nneighbour: \u201cWith this knife Abdulkader will condescend to shave the\nhead of Damel, if Damel will embrace the Mahommedan faith; and with\nthis other knife Abdulkader will cut the throat of Damel, if Damel\nrefuses to embrace it; take your choice.\u201d\n\nBut much as Islam may have owed to the martial prowess of such fanatics\nas these, there is the overwhelming testimony of travellers and others\nto the peaceful missionary preaching, and quiet and persistent labours\nof the Muslim propagandist, which have done more for the rapid spread\nof Islam in modern Africa than any violent measures: by the latter its\nopponents may indeed have been exterminated, but by the former chiefly,\nhave its converts been made, and the work of conversion may still be\nobserved in progress in many regions of the coast and the interior.\n[1166] Wherever Islam has made its way, there is the Muhammadan\nmissionary to be found bearing witness to its doctrines,\u2014the trader, be\nhe Arab, Pul or Mandingo, who combines proselytism with the sale of his\nmerchandise, and whose very profession brings him into close and\nimmediate contact with those he would convert, and disarms any possible\nsuspicion of sinister motives; such a man when he enters a pagan\nvillage soon attracts attention by his frequent ablutions and regularly\nrecurring times of prayer and prostration, in which he appears to be\nconversing with some invisible being, and by his very assumption of\nintellectual and moral superiority, commands the respect and confidence\nof the heathen people, to whom at the same time he shows himself ready\nand willing to communicate his high privileges and knowledge;\u2014the \u1e25\u0101j\u012b\nor pilgrim who has returned from Mecca full of enthusiasm for the\nspread of the faith, to which he devotes his whole energies, wandering\nabout from place to place, supported by the alms of the faithful who\nbear witness to the truth in the midst of their pagan neighbours;\u2014the\nstudent who, in consequence of his knowledge of Islamic theology and\nlaw, receives honour as a man of learning: sometimes, too, he practises\nmedicine, or at least he is in great requisition as a writer of charms,\ntexts from the Qur\u02bc\u0101n, which are sewn up in pieces of leather or cloth\nand tied on the arms, or round the neck, and which he can turn to\naccount as a means of adding to the number of his converts: for\ninstance, when childless women or those who have lost their children in\ninfancy, apply for these charms, as a condition of success the\nobligation is always imposed upon them of bringing up their future\nchildren as Muhammadans. [1167] These religious teachers, or marabouts,\nor al\u016bfas as they are variously termed, are held in the highest\nestimation. In some tribes of Western Africa every village contains a\nlodge for their reception, and they are treated with the utmost\ndeference and respect: in Darfur they hold the highest rank after those\nwho fill the offices of government: among the Mandingos they rank still\nhigher, and receive honour next to the king, the subordinate chiefs\nbeing regarded as their inferiors in point of dignity: in those states\nin which the Qur\u02bc\u0101n is made the rule of government in all civil\nmatters, their services are in great demand, in order to interpret its\nmeaning. So sacred are the persons of these teachers esteemed, that\nthey pass without molestation through the countries of chiefs, not only\nhostile to each other, but engaged in actual warfare. Such deference is\nnot only paid to them in Muhammadan countries, but also in the pagan\nvillages in which they establish their schools, where the people\nrespect them as the instructors of their children, and look upon them\nas the medium between themselves and Heaven, either for securing a\nsupply of their necessities, or for warding off or removing calamities.\n[1168] Many of these teachers have studied in the mosques of Qayrw\u0101n,\nFas, Tripoli [1169] and other centres of Muslim learning; but\nespecially in the mosque of al-Azhar in Cairo. Students flock to it\nfrom all parts of the Muslim world, and among them is often to be found\na contingent from Negro Africa,\u2014students from Darfur, Wadai and Bornu,\nand some who even make their way on foot from the far distant West\nCoast; when they have finished their courses of study in Muslim\ntheology and jurisprudence, there are many of them who become\nmissionaries among the heathen population of their native land. Schools\nare established by these missionaries in the towns they visit, which\nare frequented by the pagan as well as the Muslim children. They are\ntaught to read the Qur\u02bc\u0101n, and instructed in the doctrines and\nceremonies of Islam. Having thus gained a footing, the Muhammadan\nmissionary, by his superior knowledge and attainments, is not slow to\nobtain great influence over the people among whom he has come to live.\nIn this he is aided by the fact that his habits and manner of life are\nsimilar in many respects to their own, nor is he looked upon with\nsuspicion, inasmuch as the trader has already prepared the way for him;\nand by intermarriage with the natives, being thus received into their\nsocial system, his influence becomes firmly rooted and permanent, and\nso in the most natural manner he gradually causes the knowledge of\nIslam to spread among them.\n\nHis propagandist efforts are further facilitated by the fact that the\ndeism which forms the background of the religious consciousness of many\nfetish-worshippers may pass by an easy transition into the theism of\nIslam, together with some other aspects of their theology, while their\ngeneral outlook upon life and several of their religious institutions\nare capable of taking on a Muslim colouring and of being transferred to\nthe new system of faith without undergoing much modification. [1170]\n\nThe arrival of the Muhammadan in a pagan country is also the beginning\nof the opening up of a more extensive trade, and of communication with\ngreat Muhammadan trading centres such as Jenne, Segu or Kano, and a\nshare in the advantages of this material civilisation is offered,\ntogether with the religion of the Prophet. Thus \u201camong the uncivilised\nnegro tribes the missionary may be always sure of a ready audience: he\ncan not only give them many truths regarding God and man which make\ntheir way to the heart and elevate the intellect, but he can at once\ncommunicate the Shibboleth of admission to a social and political\ncommunion, which is a passport for protection and assistance from the\nAtlantic to the Wall of China. Wherever a Moslem house can be found\nthere the negro convert who can repeat the dozen syllables of his\ncreed, is sure of shelter, sustenance and advice, and in his own\ncountry he finds himself at once a member of an influential, if not of\na dominant caste. This seems the real secret of the success of the\nMoslem missionaries in West Africa. It is great and rapid as regards\nnumbers, for the simple reason that the Moslem missionary, from the\nvery first profession of the convert\u2019s belief, acts practically on\nthose principles regarding the equality and brotherhood of all\nbelievers before God, which Islam shares with Christianity; and he does\nthis, as a general rule, more speedily and decidedly than the Christian\nmissionary, who generally feels bound to require good evidence of a\nconverted heart before he gives the right hand of Christian fellowship,\nand who has always to contend with race prejudices not likely to die\nout in a single generation where the white Christian has for\ngenerations been known as master, and the black heathen as slave.\u201d\n[1171]\n\nIt is important, too, to note that neither his colour nor his race in\nany way prejudice the Negro in the eyes of his new co-religionists. The\nprogress of Islam in Negritia has no doubt been materially advanced by\nthis absence of any feeling of repulsion towards the Negro\u2014indeed Islam\nseems never to have treated the Negro as an inferior, as has been\nunhappily too often the case in Christendom. [1172]\n\nThis consideration goes partly to explain the success of Muslim as\ncontrasted with Christian missions among the Negro peoples. It has\nfrequently been pointed out that the Negro convert to Christianity is\napt to feel that his European co-religionists belong to a stratum of\ncivilisation alien to his own habits of life, whereas he feels himself\nto be more at home in a Muslim society. This has been well stated by a\nmodern observer, in the following passage:\u2014\u201cIslam, despite its\nshortcomings, does not, from the Nigerian point of view, demand race\nsuicide of the Nigerian as an accompaniment of conversion. It does not\nstipulate revolutionary changes in social life, impossible at the\npresent stage of Nigerian development; nor does it undermine family or\ncommunal authority. Between the converter and converted there is no\nabyss. Both are equal, not in theory, but in practice, before God. Both\nare African; sons of the soil. The doctrine of the brotherhood of man\nis carried out in practice. Conversion does not mean for the converted\na break with his interests, his family, his social life, his respect\nfor the authority of his natural rulers.... No one can fail to be\nimpressed with the carriage, the dignity of the Nigerian\u2014indeed of the\nWest African\u2014Mohammedan; the whole bearing of the man suggests a\nconsciousness of citizenship, a pride of race which seems to say: \u2018We\nare different, thou and I, but we are men.\u2019 The spread of Islam in\nSouthern Nigeria which we are witnessing to-day is mainly social in its\naction. It brings to those with whom it comes in contact a higher\nstatus, a loftier conception of man\u2019s place in the universe around him,\nrelease from the thraldom of a thousand superstitious fears.\u201d [1173]\n\nAccording to Muhammadan tradition Moses was a black man, as may be seen\nfrom the following passages in the Qur\u02bc\u0101n. \u201cNow draw thy hand close to\nthy side: it shall come forth white, but unhurt:\u2014another sign!\u201d (xx.\n23). \u201cThen drew he forth his hand, and lo! it was white to the\nbeholders. The nobles of Pharaoh\u2019s people said: \u2018Verily this is an\nexpert enchanter\u2019\u201d (vii. 105\u20136). The following story also, handed down\nto us from the golden period of the \u02bbAbb\u0101sid dynasty, is interesting as\nevidence of Muhammadan feeling with regard to the Negro. Ibr\u0101h\u012bm, a\nbrother of H\u0101r\u016bn al-Rash\u012bd and the son of a negress, had proclaimed\nhimself Caliph at Baghd\u0101d, but was defeated and forgiven by al-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn,\nwho was then reigning (A.D. 819). He thus describes his interview with\nthe Caliph:\u2014\u201cAl-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn said to me on my going to see him after having\nobtained pardon: \u2018Is it thou who art the Negro khal\u012bfah?\u2019 to which I\nreplied:\u2014\u2018Commander of the faithful! I am he whom thou hast deigned to\npardon; and it has been said by the slave of Banu\u02bcl-\u1e24as\u1e25\u0101s:\u2014\u201cWhen men\nextol their worth, the slave of the family of \u1e24as\u1e25\u0101s can supply, by his\nverses, the defect of birth and fortune.\u201d Though I be a slave, my soul,\nthrough its noble nature, is free; though my body be dark, my mind is\nfair.\u2019 To this al-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn replied: \u2018Uncle! a jest of mine has put you in\na serious mood.\u2019 He then repeated these verses: \u2018Blackness of skin\ncannot degrade an ingenious mind, or lessen the worth of the scholar\nand the wit. Let darkness claim the colour of your body: I claim as\nmine your fair and candid soul.\u2019\u201d [1174]\n\nThus, the converted Negro at once takes an equal place in the\nbrotherhood of believers, neither his colour nor his race nor any\nassociations of the past standing in the way. It is doubtless the ready\nadmission they receive, that makes the pagan Negroes willing to enter\ninto a religious society whose higher civilisation demands that they\nshould give up many of their old barbarous habits and customs; at the\nsame time the very fact that the acceptance of Islam does imply an\nadvance in civilisation and is a very distinct step in the\nintellectual, moral and material progress of a Negro tribe, helps very\nlargely to explain the success of this faith. The forces arrayed on its\nside are so powerful and ascendant, that the barbarism, ignorance and\nsuperstition which it seeks to sweep away have little chance of making\na lengthened resistance. What the civilisation of Muslim Africa implies\nto the Negro convert, is admirably expressed in the following words:\n\u201cThe worst evils which, there is reason to believe, prevailed at one\ntime over the whole of Africa, and which are still to be found in many\nparts of it, and those, too, not far from the Gold Coast and from our\nown settlements\u2014cannibalism and human sacrifice and the burial of\nliving infants\u2014disappear at once and for ever. Natives who have\nhitherto lived in a state of nakedness, or nearly so, begin to dress,\nand that neatly; natives who have never washed before begin to wash,\nand that frequently; for ablutions are commanded in the Sacred Law, and\nit is an ordinance which does not involve too severe a strain on their\nnatural instincts. The tribal organisation tends to give place to\nsomething which has a wider basis. In other words, tribes coalesce into\nnations, and, with the increase of energy and intelligence, nations\ninto empires. Many such instances could be adduced from the history of\nthe Soudan and the adjoining countries during the last hundred years.\nIf the warlike spirit is thus stimulated, the centres from which war\nsprings are fewer in number and further apart. War is better organised,\nand is under some form of restraint; quarrels are not picked for\nnothing; there is less indiscriminate plundering and greater security\nfor property and life. Elementary schools, [1175] like those described\nby Mungo Park a century ago, spring up, and even if they only teach\ntheir scholars to recite the Koran, they are worth something in\nthemselves, and may be a step to much more. The well-built and\nneatly-kept mosque, with its call to prayer repeated five times a day,\nits Mecca-pointing niche, its Im\u0101m and its weekly service, becomes the\ncentre of the village, instead of the ghastly fetish or Juju house. The\nworship of one God, omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, and\ncompassionate, is an immeasurable advance upon anything which the\nnative has been taught to worship before. The Arabic language, in which\nthe Mussulman scriptures are always written, is a language of\nextraordinary copiousness and beauty; once learned it becomes a lingua\nfranca to the tribes of half the continent, and serves as an\nintroduction to literature, or rather, it is a literature in itself. It\nsubstitutes moreover, a written code of law for the arbitrary caprice\nof a chieftain\u2014a change which is, in itself, an immense advance in\ncivilisation. Manufactures and commerce spring up, not the dumb trading\nor the elementary bartering of raw products which we know from\nHerodotus to have existed from the earliest times in Africa, nor the\ncowrie shells, or gunpowder, or tobacco, or rum, which still serve as a\nchief medium of exchange all along the coast, but manufactures\ninvolving considerable skill, and a commerce which is elaborately\norganised; and under their influence, and that of the more settled\ngovernment which Islam brings in its train, there have arisen those\ngreat cities of Negroland whose very existence, when first they were\ndescribed by European travellers, could not but be half discredited. I\nam far from saying that the religion is the sole cause of all this\ncomparative prosperity. I only say it is consistent with it, and it\nencourages it. Climatic conditions and various other influences\nco-operate towards the result; but what has Pagan Africa, even where\nthe conditions are very similar, to compare with it? As regards the\nindividual, it is admitted on all hands that Islam gives to its new\nNegro converts an energy, a dignity, a self-reliance, and a\nself-respect which is all too rarely found in their Pagan or their\nChristian fellow-countrymen.\u201d [1176]\n\nThe words above quoted were written before the partition of the greater\npart of Africa among the governments of Christian Europe\u2014England,\nFrance and Germany\u2014but the imposing character of Muslim civilisation\nhas not ceased to impress the Negro mind, or to operate as one of the\ninfluences favourable to the conversion of the African\nfetish-worshippers. Brought suddenly into contact with European\nculture, these have received an impulse to advance in the path of\ncivilisation, but being unable to bridge over the gulf that separates\nthem from their foreign rulers, they find in Islam a culture\ncorresponding to their needs and capable of understanding their\nrequirements and aspirations. [1177] So far, therefore, from the\nextension of European domination tending to hamper the activities of\nMuhammadan propagandists, it has to a very remarkable degree\ncontributed towards the progress of Islam. The bringing of peace to\ncountries formerly harassed by wars of extermination or the raids of\nslave-hunters, the establishment of ordered methods of government and\nadministration, and the increased facilities of communication by the\nmaking of roads and the building of railways, have given a great\nstimulus to trade and have enabled that active propagandist, the Muslim\ntrader, to extend his influence in districts previously untrodden, and\ntraverse familiar ground with greater security. Further, the\nsuppression of the slave-trade has removed one of the great obstacles\nto the spread of Islam in pagan Africa, because it was to the interest\nof the Arab and other Muhammadan slave-dealers not to narrow the field\nof their operations by admitting their possible victims into the\nbrotherhood of Islam. [1178] Converts are now won from pagan tribes\nwhich in the days of the slave-trade were untouched by missionary\neffort. To this result the European governments have contributed by\nemploying Muhammadans to fill the subordinate posts in the civil\nadministration (since among the Muhammadans alone were educated persons\nto be found) and distributing them throughout pagan districts, by\nemploying Muhammadan teachers in the Government schools, and by\nrecruiting their armies from among Muhammadan tribes; they have thus\nadded to the prestige of Islam in the eyes of the pagan Africans\u2014a\ncircumstance that the Muslims have not been slow to make use of, to the\nadvantage of their own faith. [1179]\n\nSo little truth is there in the statement that Islam makes progress\nonly by force of arms, [1180] that on the contrary the partition of\nAfrica among the European powers, who have wrested the sword from the\nhands of the Muslim chiefs now under their control, has initiated a\npropaganda which seems likely to succeed where centuries of Muhammadan\ndomination have failed.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII.\n\nTHE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO.\n\n\nThe history of the Malay Archipelago during the last 600 years\nfurnishes us with one of the most interesting chapters in the story of\nthe spread of Islam by missionary efforts. During the whole of this\nperiod we find evidences of a continuous activity on the part of the\nMuhammadan missionaries, in one or other at least of the East India\nislands. In every instance, in the beginning, their work had to be\ncarried on without any patronage or assistance from the rulers of the\ncountry, but solely by the force of persuasion, and in many cases in\nthe face of severe opposition, especially on the part of the Spaniards.\nBut in spite of all difficulties, and with varying success, they have\nprosecuted their efforts with untiring energy, perfecting their work\n(more especially in the present day) wherever it has been partial or\ninsufficient.\n\nIt is impossible to fix the precise date of the first introduction of\nIslam into the Malay Archipelago. It may have been carried thither by\nthe Arab traders in the early centuries of the Hijrah, long before we\nhave any historical notices of such influences being at work. This\nsupposition is rendered the more probable by the knowledge we have of\nthe extensive commerce with the East carried on by the Arabs from very\nearly times. In the second century B.C. the trade with Ceylon was\nwholly in their hands. At the beginning of the seventh century of the\nChristian era, the trade with China, through Ceylon, received a great\nimpulse, so that in the middle of the eighth century Arab traders were\nto be found in great numbers in Canton; while from the tenth to the\nfifteenth century, until the arrival of the Portuguese, they were\nundisputed masters of the trade with the East. [1181] We may therefore\nconjecture with tolerable certainty that they must have established\ntheir commercial settlements on some of the islands of the Malay\nArchipelago, as they did elsewhere, at a very early period: though no\nmention is made of these islands in the works of the Arab geographers\nearlier than the ninth century, [1182] yet in the Chinese annals, under\nthe date A.D. 674, an account is given of an Arab chief, who from later\nnotices is conjectured to have been the head of an Arab settlement on\nthe west coast of Sumatra. [1183]\n\nMissionaries must also, however, have come to the Malay Archipelago\nfrom the south of India, judging from certain peculiarities of\nMuhammadan theology adopted by the islanders. Most of the Musalmans of\nthe Archipelago belong to the Sh\u0101fi\u02bbiyyah sect, which is at the present\nday predominant on the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, as was the case\nalso about the middle of the fourteenth century when Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah\nvisited these parts. [1184] So when we consider that the Muhammadans of\nthe neighbouring countries belong to the \u1e24anafiyyah sect, we can only\nexplain the prevalence of Sh\u0101fi\u02bbiyyah teachings by assuming them to\nhave been brought thither from the Malabar coast, the ports of which\nwere frequented by merchants from Java, as well as from China, Yaman\nand Persia. [1185] From India, too, or from Persia, must have come the\nSh\u012b\u02bbism, of which traces are still found in Java and Sumatra. From Ibn\nBa\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah we learn that the Muhammadan Sultan of Samudra had entered into\nfriendly relations with the court of Dehli, and among the learned\ndoctors of the law whom this devout prince especially favoured, there\nwere two of Persian origin, the one coming from Shiraz and the other\nfrom Ispahan. [1186] But long before this time merchants from the\nDeccan, through whose hands passed the trade between the Musalman\nstates of India and the Malay Archipelago, had established themselves\nin large numbers in the trading ports of these islands, where they\nsowed the seed of the new religion. [1187]\n\nIt is to the proselytising efforts of these Arab and Indian merchants\nthat the native Muhammadan population, which we find already in the\nearliest historical notices of Islam in these parts, owes its\nexistence. Settling in the centres of commerce, they intermarried with\nthe people of the land, and these heathen wives and the slaves of their\nhouseholds thus formed the nucleus of a Muslim community which its\nmembers made every effort in their power to increase. The following\ndescription of the methods adopted by these merchant missionaries in\nthe Philippine Islands, gives a picture of what was no doubt the\npractice of many preceding generations of Muhammadan traders:\u2014\u201cThe\nbetter to introduce their religion into the country, the Muhammadans\nadopted the language and many of the customs of the natives, married\ntheir women, purchased slaves in order to increase their personal\nimportance, and succeeded finally in incorporating themselves among the\nchiefs who held the foremost rank in the state. Since they worked\ntogether with greater ability and harmony than the natives, they\ngradually increased their power more and more, as having numbers of\nslaves in their possession, they formed a kind of confederacy among\nthemselves and established a sort of monarchy, which they made\nhereditary in one family. Though such a confederacy gave them great\npower, yet they felt the necessity of keeping on friendly terms with\nthe old aristocracy, and of ensuring their freedom to those classes\nwhose support they could not afford to dispense with.\u201d [1188] It must\nhave been in some such way as this that the different Muhammadan\nsettlements in the Malay Archipelago laid a firm political and social\nbasis for their proselytising efforts. They did not come as conquerors,\nlike the Spanish in the sixteenth century, or use the sword as an\ninstrument of conversion; nor did they arrogate to themselves the\nprivileges of a superior and dominant race so as to degrade and oppress\nthe original inhabitants, but coming simply in the guise of traders\nthey employed all their superior intelligence and civilisation in the\nservice of their religion, rather than as a means towards their\npersonal aggrandisement and the amassing of wealth. [1189] With this\ngeneral statement of the subsidiary means adopted by them, let us\nfollow in detail their proselytising efforts through the various\nislands in turn.\n\nTradition represents Islam as having been introduced into Sumatra from\nArabia. But there is no sound historical basis for such a belief, and\nall the evidence seems to point to India as the source from which the\npeople of Sumatra derived their knowledge of the new faith. Active\ncommercial relations had existed for centuries between India and the\nMalay Archipelago, and the first missionaries to Sumatra were probably\nIndian traders. [1190] There is, however, no historical record of their\nlabours, and the Malay chronicles ascribe the honour of being the first\nmissionary to Atjeh, in the north-west of Sumatra, to an Arab named\n\u02bbAbd All\u0101h \u02bb\u0100rif, who is said to have visited the island about the\nmiddle of the twelfth century; one of his disciples, Burh\u0101n al-D\u012bn, is\nsaid to have carried the knowledge of the faith down the west coast as\nfar as Priaman. [1191] Untrustworthy as this record is, it may yet\npossibly indicate the existence of some proselytising activity about\nthis period; for the Malay chronicle of Atjeh gives 1205 as the date of\nthe accession of J\u016bhan Sh\u0101h, the traditionary founder of the Muhammadan\ndynasty. He is said to have been a stranger from the West, [1192] and\nto have come to these shores to preach the faith of the Prophet; he\nmade many proselytes, married a wife from among the people of the\ncountry, and was hailed by them as their king, under the half-Sanskrit,\nhalf-Arabic title of Sr\u012b Pad\u016bka Sul\u1e6d\u0101n. For some time the new faith\nwould in all probability have been confined to the ports at which\nMuhammadan merchants touched, and its progress inland would be slower,\nas here it would come up against the strong Hindu influences that had\ntheir centre in the kingdom of Menangkabau.\n\nMarco Polo, who spent five months on the north coast of Sumatra in\n1292, speaks of all the inhabitants being idolaters, except in the\npetty kingdom of Parl\u0101k on the north-east corner of the island, where,\ntoo, only the townspeople were Muhammadans, for \u201cthis kingdom, you must\nknow, is so much frequented by the Saracen merchants that they have\nconverted the natives to the Law of Mahommet,\u201d but the hill-people were\nall idolaters and cannibals. [1193] Further, one of the Malay\nchronicles says that it was Sultan \u02bbAl\u012b Mugh\u0101yat Sh\u0101h, who reigned over\nAtjeh from 1507 to 1522, who first set the example of embracing Islam,\nin which he was followed by his subjects. [1194] But it is not\nimprobable that the honour of being the first Muslim ruler of the state\nhas been here attributed as an added glory to the monarch who founded\nthe greatness of Atjeh and began to extend its sway over the\nneighbouring country, and that he rather effected a revival of, or\nimparted a fresh impulse to, the religious life of his subjects than\ngave to them their first knowledge of the faith of the Prophet. For\nIslam had certainly set firm foot in Sumatra long before his time.\nAccording to the traditionary account of the city of Samudra, the\nShar\u012bf of Mecca sent a mission to convert the people of Sumatra. The\nleader of the party was a certain Shaykh Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl: the first place on\nthe island at which they touched, after leaving Malabar, was Pasuri\n(probably situated a little way down the west coast), the people of\nwhich were persuaded by their preaching to embrace Islam. They then\nproceeded northward to Lambri and then coasted round to the other side\nof the island and sailed as far down the east coast as Aru, nearly\nopposite Malacca, and in both of these places their efforts were\ncrowned with a like success. At Aru they made inquiries for Samudra, a\ncity on the north coast of the island, which seems to have been the\nspecial object of their mission, and found that they had passed it.\nAccordingly they retraced their course to Parl\u0101k, where Marco Polo had\nfound a Muhammadan community a few years before, and having gained\nfresh converts here also, they went on to Samudra. This city and the\nkingdom of the same name had lately been founded by a certain Mara\nSilu, who was persuaded by Shaykh Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl to embrace Islam, and took\nthe name of al-Malik al-\u1e62\u0101li\u1e25. He married the daughter of the king of\nParl\u0101k, by whom he had two sons, and in order to have a principality to\nleave to each, he founded the Muhammadan city and kingdom of Pasei,\nalso on the north coast. [1195]\n\nThe king, al-Malik al-Z\u0324\u0101hir, whom Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah found reigning in Samudra\nwhen he visited the island in 1345, was probably the elder of these two\nsons. This prince displayed all the state of Muhammadan royalty, and\nhis dominions extended for many days\u2019 journey along the coast; he was a\nzealous and orthodox Muslim, fond of holding discussions with\njurisconsults and theologians, and his court was frequented by poets\nand men of learning. Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah gives us the names of two\njurisconsults who had come thither from Persia and also of a noble who\nhad gone on an embassy to Dehli on behalf of the king\u2014which shows that\nSumatra was already in touch with several parts of the Muhammadan\nworld. Al-Malik al-Z\u0324\u0101hir was also a great general, and made war on the\nheathen of the surrounding country until they submitted to his rule and\npaid tribute. [1196]\n\nIslam had undoubtedly by this time made great progress in Sumatra, and\nafter having established itself along the coast, began to make its way\ninland. The mission of Shaykh Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl and his party had borne fruit\nabundantly, for a Chinese traveller who visited the island in 1413,\nspeaks of Lambri as having a population of 1000 families, all of whom\nwere Muslims \u201cand very good people,\u201d while the king and people of the\nkingdom of Aru were all of the same faith. [1197] It was either about\nthe close of the same century or in the fifteenth century, that the\nreligion of the Prophet found adherents in the great kingdom of\nMenangkabau, whose territory at one time extended from one shore to\nanother, and over a great part of the island, north and south of the\nequator. [1198] Though its power had by this time much declined, still\nas an ancient stronghold of Hinduism it presented great obstacles in\nthe way of the progress of the new religion. Despite this fact, Islam\neventually took firmer root among the subjects of this kingdom than\namong the majority of the inhabitants of the interior of the island.\n[1199] It is very remarkable that this, the most central people of the\nisland, should have been more thoroughly converted than the inhabitants\nof so many other districts that were more accessible to foreign\ninfluences. To the present day the inhabitants of the Batak country are\nstill, for the most part, heathen; but Islam has gained a footing among\nthem, e.g. some living on the borders of Atjeh have been converted, by\ntheir Muhammadan neighbours, [1200] others dwelling in the mountains of\nthe Rau country on the equator have likewise become Musalmans; [1201]\non the east coast also conversions of Bataks, who come much in contact\nwith Malays, are not uncommon. [1202]\n\nThe fanatical Padris (p. 372) made strenuous efforts, in vain, to force\nIslam upon the Bataks at the point of the sword, laying waste their\ncountry and putting many to death; but these violent methods did not\nwin converts. When, however, the Dutch Government suppressed the Padri\nrising and annexed the southern part of the Batak country, Islam began\nto spread by peaceful means, chiefly through the zealous efforts of the\nnative subordinate officials of the new r\u00e9gime, who were all Muhammadan\nMalays, [1203] but also through the influence of the traders who\nwandered through the country, whose proselytising activity was followed\nup by the \u1e25\u0101j\u012bs and other recognised teachers of the faith. It is a\nremarkable fact that the Bataks, who for centuries had offered a\npertinacious resistance to the entrance of Islam into their midst,\nthough they were hemmed in between two fanatical Muhammadan\npopulations, the Achinese on the north and the Malays on the south,\nhave in recent years responded with enthusiasm to the peaceful efforts\nmade for their conversion. An explanation would appear to be found in\nthe breaking down of their exclusive national characteristics through\nthe Dutch occupation and the conquest opening up their country to\nforeign influences, which implied the commencement of a new era in\ntheir cultural development, as well as in the skilful procedure of the\nexponents of the new faith, who knew how to accommodate their teachings\nto the existing beliefs of the Bataks and their deep-rooted\nsuperstitions. [1204] A considerable impulse seems to have been given\nto Muslim propaganda by the establishment of Christian missions among\nthe Bataks in 1897, and they appear even to have paved the way for its\nsuccess. Two Batak villages, the entire population of which had been\nbaptised, are said to have gone over in a body to Islam shortly\nafterwards. [1205]\n\nIn Central Sumatra there is still a large heathen population, though\nthe majority of the inhabitants are Muslims; but these latter are very\nignorant of their religion, with the exception of a few \u1e25\u0101j\u012bs and\nreligious teachers: even among the people of Korintji, who are for the\nmost part zealous adherents of the faith, there are certain sections of\nthe population who still worship the gods of their pagan ancestors.\n[1206] Efforts are, however, being made towards a religious revival,\nand the Muslim missionaries are making fresh conquests from among the\nheathen, especially along the west coast. [1207] In the district of\nSipirok a religious teacher attached to the mosque in the town of the\nsame name, in a quarter of a century, converted the whole population of\nthis district to Islam, with the exception of the Christians who were\nto be found there, mostly descendants of former slaves, [1208] and a\nlater missionary movement in the first decade of the twentieth century\nsucceeded in winning over to Islam many of the Christians of this\ndistrict, even some living in the centre of the sphere of influence of\nthe Christian mission. [1209]\n\nIslam is traditionally represented to have been introduced into\nPalembang about 1440 by Raden Ra\u1e25mat, of whose propagandist activity an\naccount will be given below (p. 381). But Hindu influences appear to\nhave been firmly rooted here, and the progress of the new faith was\nslow. Even up to the nineteenth century the Muslims of Palembang were\nsaid to know little of their religion except the external observances\nof it, with the exception of the inhabitants of the capital who come\ninto daily contact with Arabs; [1210] but in the first decade of the\ntwentieth century there would appear to have been a revival of the\nreligious life and a growing propaganda, as the Colonial Reports of the\nDutch Government draw attention to the continual spread of Islam among\nthe heathen population of various districts of Palembang. [1211]\n\nIt was from Java that Islam was first brought into the Lampong\ndistricts which form the southern extremity of Sumatra, by a chieftain\nof these districts, named Minak Kamala Bumi. About the end of the\nfifteenth century he crossed over the Strait of Sunda to the kingdom of\nBantam on the west coast of Java, which had accepted the teachings of\nthe Muslim missionaries a few years before the date of his visit; here\nhe, too, embraced Islam, and after making the pilgrimage to Mecca,\nspread the knowledge of his newly adopted faith among his\nfellow-countrymen. [1212] This religion has made considerable progress\namong the Lampongs, and most of the villages have mosques in them, but\nthe old superstitions still linger on in parts of the interior. [1213]\n\nIn the early part of the nineteenth century a religious revival was set\non foot in Sumatra, which was not without its influence in promoting\nthe further propagation of Islam. In 1803 three Sumatran \u1e25\u0101j\u012bs returned\nfrom Mecca to their native country: during their stay in the holy city\nthey had been profoundly influenced by the Wahh\u0101b\u012b movement for the\nreformation of Islam, and were now eager to introduce the same reforms\namong their fellow-countrymen and to stir up in them a purer and more\nzealous religious life. Accordingly they began to preach the strict\nmonotheism of the Wahh\u0101b\u012b sect, forbade prayers to saints, drinking and\ngambling and all other practices contrary to the law of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n.\nThey made a number of proselytes both from among their co-religionists\nand the heathen population. They later declared a Jih\u0101d against the\nBataks, and in the hands of unscrupulous and ambitious men the movement\nlost its original character and degenerated into a savage and bloody\nwar of conquest. In 1821 these so-called Padris came into conflict with\nthe Dutch Government and it was not until 1838 that their last\nstronghold was taken and their power broken. [1214]\n\nAll the civilised Malays of the Malay Peninsula trace their origin to\nmigrations from Sumatra, especially from Menangkabau, the famous\nkingdom mentioned above, which is said at one time to have been the\nmost powerful on the island; some of the chiefs of the interior states\nof the southern part of the Malay Peninsula still receive their\ninvestiture from this place. At what period these colonies from the\nheart of Sumatra settled in the interior of the Peninsula, is matter of\nconjecture, but Singapore and the southern extremity of the Peninsula\nseem to have received a colony in the middle of the twelfth century, by\nthe descendants of which Malacca was founded about a century later.\n[1215] From its advantageous situation, in the highway of eastern\ncommerce it soon became a large and flourishing city, and there is\nlittle doubt but that Islam was introduced by the Muhammadan merchants\nwho settled here. [1216] The Malay chronicle of Malacca assigns the\nconversion of this kingdom to the reign of a certain Sul\u1e6d\u0101n Mu\u1e25ammad\nSh\u0101h who came to the throne in 1276. He is said to have been reigning\nsome years before a ship commanded by S\u012bd\u012b \u02bbAbd al-\u02bbAz\u012bz came to\nMalacca from Jiddah, and the king was persuaded by the new-comers to\nchange his faith and to give up his Malay name for one containing the\nname of the Prophet. [1217] But the general character of this document\nmakes its trustworthiness exceedingly doubtful, [1218] in spite of the\nlikelihood that the date of so important an event would have been\nexactly noted (as was done in many parts of the Archipelago) by a\npeople who, proud of the event, would look upon it as opening a new\nepoch in their history. A Portuguese historian gives a much later date,\nnamely 1384, in which year, he says, a Q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b came from Arabia and having\nconverted the king, gave him the name of Mu\u1e25ammad after the Prophet,\nadding Sh\u0101h to it. [1219]\n\nIn the annals of Queda, one of the northernmost of the states of the\nMalay Peninsula, we have a curious account of the introduction of Islam\ninto this kingdom, about A.D. 1501, [1220] which (divested of certain\nmiraculous incidents) is as follows: A learned Arab, by name Shaykh\n\u02bbAbd All\u0101h, having come to Queda, visited the Raja and inquired what\nwas the religion of the country. \u201cMy religion,\u201d replied the Raja, \u201cand\nthat of all my subjects is that which has been handed down to us by the\npeople of old. We all worship idols.\u201d \u201cThen has your highness never\nheard of Islam, and of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n which descended from God to Mu\u1e25ammad,\nand has superseded all other religions, leaving them in the possession\nof the devil?\u201d \u201cI pray you then, if this be true,\u201d said the Raja, \u201cto\ninstruct and enlighten us in this new faith.\u201d In a transport of holy\nfervour at this request, Shaykh \u02bbAbd All\u0101h embraced the Raja and then\ninstructed him in the creed. Persuaded by his teaching, the Raja sent\nfor all his jars of spirits (to which he was much addicted), and with\nhis own hands emptied them on the ground. After this he had all the\nidols of the palace brought out; the idols of gold, and silver, and\nclay, and wood were all heaped up in his presence, and were all broken\nand cut to pieces by Shaykh \u02bbAbd All\u0101h with his sword and with an axe,\nand the fragments consumed in the fire. The Shaykh asked the Raja to\nassemble all his women of the fort and palace. When they had all come\ninto the presence of the Raja and the Shaykh, they were initiated into\nthe doctrines of Islam. The Shaykh was mild and courteous in his\ndemeanour, persuasive and soft in his language, so that he gained the\nhearts of the inmates of the palace. The Raja soon after sent for his\nfour aged ministers, who, on entering the hall, were surprised at\nseeing a Shaykh seated near the Raja. The Raja explained to them the\nobject of the Shaykh\u2019s coming; whereupon the four chiefs expressed\ntheir readiness to follow the example of his highness, saying, \u201cWe hope\nthat Shaykh \u02bbAbd All\u0101h will instruct us also.\u201d The latter hearing these\nwords, embraced the four ministers and said that he hoped that, to\nprove their sincerity, they would send for all the people to come to\nthe audience hall, bringing with them all the idols that they were wont\nto worship and the idols that had been handed down by the men of former\ndays. The request was complied with and all the idols kept by the\npeople were at that very time brought down and there destroyed and\nburnt to dust; no one was sorry at this demolition of their false gods,\nall were glad to enter the pale of Islam. Shaykh \u02bbAbd All\u0101h after this\nsaid to the four ministers, \u201cWhat is the name of your prince?\u201d They\nreplied, \u201cHis name is Pra Ong Mah\u0101w\u0101ngs\u0101.\u201d \u201cLet us change it for one in\nthe language of Islam,\u201d said the Shaykh. After some consultation, the\nname of the Raja was changed at his request to Sultan Muzlaf al-Sh\u0101h,\nbecause, the Shaykh averred, it is a celebrated name and is found in\nthe Qur\u02bc\u0101n. [1221]\n\nThe Raja now built mosques wherever the population was considerable,\nand directed that to each there should be attached forty-four of the\ninhabitants at least as a settled congregation, for a smaller number\nwould have been few for the duties of religion. So mosques were erected\nand great drums were attached to them to be beaten to call the people\nto prayer on Fridays. Shaykh \u02bbAbd All\u0101h continued for some time to\ninstruct the people in the religion of Islam; they flocked to him from\nall the coasts and districts of Queda and its vicinity, and were\ninitiated by him into its forms and ceremonies.\n\nThe news of the conversion of the inhabitants of Queda by Shaykh \u02bbAbd\nAll\u0101h reached Atjeh, and the Sultan of that country and a certain\nShaykh N\u016br al-D\u012bn, an Arab missionary, who had come from Mecca, sent\nsome books and a letter, which ran as follows:\u2014\u201cThis letter is from the\nSultan of Atjeh and N\u016br al-D\u012bn to our brother the Sultan of Queda and\nShaykh \u02bbAbd All\u0101h of Yaman, now in Queda. We have sent two religious\nbooks, in order that the faith of Islam may be firmly established and\nthe people fully instructed in their duties and in the rites of the\nfaith.\u201d A letter was sent in reply by the Raja and Shaykh \u02bbAbd All\u0101h,\nthanking the donors. So Shaykh \u02bbAbd All\u0101h redoubled his efforts, and\nerected additional small mosques in all the different villages for\ngeneral convenience, and instructed the people in all the rules and\nobservances of the faith. The Raja and his wife were constantly with\nthe Shaykh, learning to read the Qur\u02bc\u0101n. The royal pair searched also\nfor some maiden of the lineage of the Rajas of the country, to be the\nShaykh\u2019s wife. But no one could be found who was willing to give his\ndaughter thus in marriage because the holy man was about to return to\nBaghd\u0101d, and only waited until he had sufficiently instructed some\nperson to supply his place. Now at this time the Sultan had three sons,\nRaja Mu\u02bbaz\u0324z\u0324am Sh\u0101h, Raja Mu\u1e25ammad Sh\u0101h, and Raja Sulaym\u0101n Sh\u0101h. These\nnames had been borrowed from the Qur\u02bc\u0101n by Shaykh \u02bbAbd All\u0101h and\nbestowed upon the princes, whom he exhorted to be patient and slow to\nanger in their intercourse with their slaves and the lower orders, and\nto regard with pity all the servants of God, and the poor and needy.\n[1222]\n\nIt must not be supposed that the labours of Shaykh \u02bbAbd All\u0101h were\ncrowned with complete success, for we learn from the annals of Atjeh\nthat a Sultan of this country who conquered Queda in 1649, set himself\nto \u201cmore firmly establish the faith and destroy the houses of the Liar\u201d\nor temples of idols. [1223] Thus a century and a half elapsed before\nidolatry was completely rooted out.\n\nWe possess no other details of the history of the conversion of the\nMalays of the Peninsula, but in many places the graves of the Arab\nmissionaries who first preached the faith to them are honoured by these\npeople. [1224] Their long intercourse with the Arabs and the Muslims of\nthe east coast of India has made them very rigid observers of their\nreligious duties, and they have the reputation of being the most\nexemplary Muhammadans of the Archipelago; at the same time their\nconstant contact with the Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and pagans of\ntheir own country has made them liberal and tolerant. They are very\nstrict in the keeping of the fast of Rama\u1e0d\u0101n and in performing the\npilgrimage to Mecca. The religious interests of the people are always\nconsidered at the same time as their temporal welfare; and when a\nvillage is found to contain more than forty houses and is considered to\nbe of a size that necessitates its organisation and the appointment of\nthe regular village officers, a public preacher is always included\namong the number and a mosque is formally built and instituted. [1225]\n\nIn the north, where the Malay states border on Siam, Islam has\nexercised considerable influence on the Siamese Buddhists; those who\nhave here been converted are called Samsams and speak a language that\nis a mixed jargon of the languages of the two people. [1226] Converts\nare also made from among the wild tribes of the Peninsula. [1227]\n\nThe history of the spread of Islam in Indo-China is obscure; Arab and\nPersian merchants probably introduced their religion into the sea-port\ntowns from the tenth century onwards, but its most important expansion\nwas due to the immigrations of Malays which began at the close of the\nfourteenth century. [1228]\n\nWe must now go back several centuries in order to follow out the\nhistory of the conversion of Java. The preaching and promulgation of\nthe doctrines of Islam in this island were undoubtedly for a long time\nentirely the result of the labours of individual merchants or of the\nleaders of small colonies, for in Java there was no central Muhammadan\npower to throw in its influence on the side of the new religion or\nenforce the acceptance of it by warlike means. On the contrary, the\nMuslim missionaries came in contact with a Hindu civilisation, that had\nthrust its roots deep into the life of the country and had raised the\nJavanese to a high level of culture and progress\u2014expressing itself\nmoreover in institutions and laws radically different to those of\nArabia. Even up to the present day, the Muhammadan law has failed to\nestablish itself absolutely, even where the authority of Islam is\ngenerally predominant, and there is still a constant struggle between\nthe adherents of the old Malayan usages and the \u1e24\u0101j\u012bs, who having made\nthe pilgrimage to Mecca, return enthusiastic for a strict observance of\nMuslim Law. Consequently the work of conversion must have proceeded\nvery slowly, and we can say with tolerable certainty that while part of\nthe history of this proselytising movement may be disentangled from\nlegends and traditions, much of it must remain wholly unknown to us. In\nthe Malay Chronicle, which purports to give us an account of the first\npreachers of the faith, what was undoubtedly the work of many\ngenerations and must have been carried on through many centuries, is\ncompressed within the compass of a few years; and, as frequently\nhappens in popular histories, a few well-known names gain the fame and\ncredit that belongs of right to the patient labours of their unknown\npredecessors. [1229] Further, the quiet, unobtrusive labours of many of\nthese missionaries would not be likely to attract the notice of the\nchronicler, whose attention would naturally be fixed rather on the\ndoings of kings and princes, and of those who came in close\nrelationship to them. But failing such larger knowledge, we must fain\nbe content with the facts that have been handed down to us.\n\nIn the following pages, therefore, it is proposed to give a brief\nsketch of the establishment of the Muhammadan religion in this island,\nas presented in the native chronicle, which, though full of\ncontradictions and fables, has undoubtedly a historical foundation, as\nis attested by the inscriptions on the tombs of the chief personages\nmentioned and the remains of ancient cities, etc. The following account\ntherefore may, in the want of any other authorities, be accepted as\nsubstantially correct, with the caution above mentioned against\nascribing too much efficacy to the proselytising efforts of\nindividuals.\n\nThe first attempt to introduce Islam into Java was made by a native of\nthe island about the close of the twelfth century. The first king of\nPajajaran, a state in the western part of the island, left two sons; of\nthese, the elder chose to follow the profession of a merchant and\nundertook a trading expedition to India, leaving the kingdom to his\nyounger brother, who succeeded to the throne in the year 1190 with the\ntitle of Prabu Munding Sari. In the course of his wanderings, the elder\nbrother fell in with some Arab merchants, and was by them converted to\nIslam, taking the name of \u1e24\u0101j\u012b Purwa.\n\nOn his return to his native country, he tried with the help of an Arab\nmissionary to convert his brother and the royal family to his new\nfaith; but, his efforts proving unsuccessful, he fled into the jungle\nfor fear of the king and his unbelieving subjects, and we hear no more\nof him. [1230]\n\nIn the latter half of the fourteenth century, a missionary movement,\nwhich was attended with greater success, was instituted by a certain\nMawl\u0101n\u0101 Malik Ibr\u0101h\u012bm, who landed on the east coast of Java with some\nof his co-religionists, and established himself near the town of\nGresik, opposite the island of Madura. He is said to have traced his\ndescent to Zayn al-\u02bb\u0100bid\u012bn, a great-grandson of the Prophet, and to\nhave been cousin of the Raja of Chermen. [1231] Here he occupied\nhimself successfully in the work of conversion, and speedily gathered a\nsmall band of believers around him. Later on, he was joined by his\ncousin, the Raja of Chermen, who came in the hope of converting the\nRaja of the Hindu Kingdom of Majapahit, and of forming an alliance with\nhim by offering his daughter in marriage. On his arrival he sent his\nson, \u1e62\u0101diq Mu\u1e25ammad, to Majapahit to arrange an interview, while he\nbusied himself in the building of a mosque and the conversion of the\ninhabitants. A meeting of the two princes took place accordingly, but\nbefore the favourable impression then produced could be followed up, a\nsickness broke out among the people of the Raja of Chermen, which\ncarried off his daughter, three of his nephews who had accompanied him,\nand a great part of his retinue; whereupon he himself returned to his\nown kingdom. These misfortunes prejudiced the mind of the Raja of\nMajapahit against the new faith, which he said should have better\nprotected its votaries: and the mission accordingly failed. Mawl\u0101n\u0101\nIbr\u0101h\u012bm, however, remained behind, in charge of the tombs [1232] of his\nkinsfolk and co-religionists, and himself died twenty-one years later,\nin 1419, and was buried at Gresik, where his tomb is still venerated as\nthat of the first apostle of Islam to Java.\n\nA Chinese Musalman, who accompanied the envoy of the Emperor of China\nto Java in the capacity of interpreter, six years before the death of\nMawl\u0101n\u0101 Ibr\u0101h\u012bm, i.e. in 1413, mentions the presence of his\nco-religionists in this island in his \u201cGeneral Account of the Shores of\nthe Ocean,\u201d where he says, \u201cIn this country there are three kinds of\npeople. First the Muhammadans, who have come from the west, and have\nestablished themselves here; their dress and food is clean and proper;\nsecond, the Chinese who have run away and settled here; what they eat\nand use is also very fine, and many of them have adopted the Muhammadan\nreligion and observe its precepts. The third kind are the natives, who\nare very ugly and uncouth, they go about with uncombed heads and naked\nfeet, and believe devoutly in devils, theirs being one of the countries\ncalled devil-countries in Buddhist books.\u201d [1233]\n\nWe now approach the period in which the rule of the Muhammadans became\npredominant in the island, after their religion had been introduced\ninto it for nearly a century; and here it will be necessary to enter a\nlittle more closely into the details of the history in order to show\nthat this was not the result of any fanatical movement stirred up by\nthe Arabs, but rather of a revolution carried out by the natives of the\ncountry themselves, [1234] who (though they naturally gained strength\nfrom the bond of a common faith) were stirred up to unite in order to\nwrest the supreme power from the hands of their heathen\nfellow-countrymen, not by the preaching of a religious war, but through\nthe exhortations of an ambitious aspirant to the throne who had a wrong\nto avenge. [1235]\n\nThe political condition of the island may be described as follows:\u2014The\ncentral and eastern provinces of the island, which were the most\nwealthy and populous and the furthest advanced in civilisation, were\nunder the sway of the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit. Further west were\nCheribon and several other petty, independent princedoms; while the\nrest of the island, including all the districts at its western\nextremity, was subject to the King of Pajajaran.\n\nThe King of Majapahit had married a daughter of the prince of Champa, a\nsmall state in Cambodia, east of the Gulf of Siam. [1236] She being\njealous of a favourite concubine of the King, he sent this concubine\naway to his son Arya Damar, governor of Palembang in Sumatra, where she\ngave birth to a son, Raden Patah, who was brought up as one of the\ngovernor\u2019s own children. This child (as we shall see) was destined in\nafter years to work a terrible vengeance for the cruel treatment of his\nmother. Another daughter of the prince of Champa had married an Arab\nwho had come to Champa to preach the faith of Islam. [1237] From this\nunion was born Raden Ra\u1e25mat, who was carefully brought up by his father\nin the Muhammadan religion and is still venerated by the Javanese as\nthe chief apostle of Islam to their country. [1238]\n\nWhen he reached the age of twenty, his parents sent him with letters\nand presents to his uncle, the King of Majapahit. On his way, he stayed\nfor two months at Palembang, as the guest of Arya Damar, whom he almost\npersuaded to become a Musalman, only he dared not openly profess Islam\nfor fear of the people who were strongly attached to their ancient\nsuperstitions. Continuing his journey Raden Ra\u1e25mat came to Gresik,\nwhere an Arab missionary, Shaykh Mawl\u0101n\u0101 Jum\u0101da \u2019l-Kubr\u1ea1\u0304, hailed him as\nthe promised Apostle of Islam to East Java, and foretold that the fall\nof paganism was at hand, and that his labours would be crowned by the\nconversion of many to the faith. At Majapahit he was very kindly\nreceived by the King and the princess of Champa. Although the King was\nunwilling himself to become a convert to Islam, yet he conceived such\nan attachment and respect for Raden Ra\u1e25mat, that he made him governor\nover 3000 families at Ampel, on the east coast, a little south of\nGresik, allowed him the free exercise of his religion and gave him\npermission to make converts. Here after some time he gained over most\nof those placed under him, to Islam.\n\nAmpel was now the chief seat of Islam in Java, and the fame of the\nruler who was so zealously working for the propagation of his religion,\nspread far and wide. Hereupon a certain Mawl\u0101n\u0101 Is\u1e25\u0101q came to Ampel to\nassist him in the work of conversion, and was assigned the task of\nspreading the faith in the kingdom of Balambangan, in the extreme\neastern extremity of the island. Here he cured the daughter of the\nKing, who was grievously sick, and the grateful father gave her to him\nin marriage. She ardently embraced the faith of Islam and her father\nallowed himself to receive instruction in the same, but when the\nMawl\u0101n\u0101 urged him to openly profess it, as he had promised to do, if\nhis daughter were cured, he drove him from his kingdom, and gave orders\nthat the child that was soon to be born of his daughter, should be\nkilled. But the mother secretly sent the infant away to Gresik to a\nrich Muhammadan widow [1239] who brought him up with all a mother\u2019s\ncare and educated him until he was twelve years old, when she entrusted\nhim to Raden Ra\u1e25mat. He, after learning the history of the child, gave\nhim the name of Raden Paku, and in course of time gave him also his\ndaughter in marriage. Raden Paku afterwards built a mosque at Giri, to\nthe south-west of Gresik, where he converted thousands to the faith;\nhis influence became so great, that after the death of Raden Ra\u1e25mat,\nthe King of Majapahit made him governor of Ampel and Gresik. [1240]\nMeanwhile several missions were instituted from Gresik. Two sons of\nRaden Ra\u1e25mat established themselves at different parts of the\nnorth-east coast and made themselves famous by their religious zeal and\nthe conversion of many of the inhabitants of those parts. Raden Ra\u1e25mat\nalso sent a missionary, by name Shaykh Khal\u012bfah \u1e24usayn, across to the\nneighbouring island of Madura, where he built a mosque and won over\nmany to the faith.\n\nWe must now return to Arya Damar, the governor of Palembang. (See p.\n380.) He appears to have brought up his children in the religion which\nhe himself feared openly to profess, and he now sent Raden Patah, when\nhe had reached the age of twenty, together with his foster-brother,\nRaden \u1e24usayn, who was two years younger, to Java, where they landed at\nGresik. Raden Patah, aware of his extraction and enraged at the cruel\ntreatment his mother had received, refused to accompany his\nfoster-brother to Majapahit, but stayed with Raden Ra\u1e25mat at Ampel\nwhile Raden \u1e24usayn went on to the capital, where he was well received\nand placed in charge of a district and afterwards made general of the\narmy.\n\nMeanwhile Raden Patah married a granddaughter of Raden Ra\u1e25mat, and\nformed an establishment in a place of great natural strength called\nBintara, in the centre of a marshy country, to the west of Gresik. As\nsoon as the King of Majapahit heard of this new settlement, he sent\nRaden \u1e24usayn to persuade his brother to come to the capital and pay\nhomage. This Raden \u1e24usayn prevailed upon him to do, and he went to the\ncourt, where his likeness to the king was at once recognised, and where\nhe was kindly received and formally appointed governor of Bintara.\nStill burning for revenge and bent on the destruction of his father\u2019s\nkingdom, he returned to Ampel, where he revealed his plans to Raden\nRa\u1e25mat. The latter endeavoured to moderate his anger, reminding him\nthat he had never received anything but kindness at the hands of the\nking of Majapahit, his father, and that while the prince was so just\nand so beloved, his religion forbade him to make war upon or in any way\nto injure him. However, unpersuaded by these exhortations (as the\nsequel shows), Raden Patah returned to Bintara, which was now daily\nincreasing in importance and population, while great numbers of people\nin the surrounding country were being converted to Islam. He had formed\na plan of building a great mosque, but shortly after the work had been\ncommenced, news arrived of the severe illness of Raden Ra\u1e25mat. He\nhastened to Ampel, where he found the chief missionaries of Islam\ngathered round the bed of him they looked upon as their leader. Among\nthem were the two sons of Raden Ra\u1e25mat mentioned above (p. 382), Raden\nPaku of Giri, and five others. A few days afterwards Raden Ra\u1e25mat\nbreathed his last, and the only remaining obstacle to Raden Patah\u2019s\nrevengeful schemes was thus removed. The eight chiefs accompanied him\nback to Bintara, where they assisted in the completion of the mosque,\n[1241] and bound themselves by a solemn oath to assist him in his\nattempt against Majapahit. All the Muhammadan princes joined this\nconfederacy, with the exception of Raden \u1e24usayn, who with all his\nfollowers remained true to his master, and refused to throw in his lot\nwith his rebellious co-religionists.\n\nA lengthy campaign followed, into the details of which we need not\nenter, but in 1478, [1242] after a desperate battle which lasted seven\ndays, Majapahit fell and the Hindu supremacy in eastern Java was\nreplaced by a Muhammadan power. A short time after, Raden \u1e24usayn was\nbesieged with his followers in a fortified place, compelled to\nsurrender and brought to Ampel, where he was kindly received by his\nbrother. A large number of those who remained faithful to the old Hindu\nreligion fled in 1481 to the island of Bali, where the worship of Siva\nis still the prevailing religion. [1243] Others seem to have formed\nsmall kingdoms, under the leadership of princes of the house of\nMajapahit, which remained heathen for some time after the fall of the\ngreat Hindu capital.\n\nEven under Muslim chiefs the population of central Java long remained\nheathen, and the progress of Islam southward from the early centres of\nmissionary effort on the north coast was the work of centuries; even to\nthe present day the influence of their old Hindu faith is strikingly\nmanifest in the religious notions of the Muslim population of central\nJava. One remarkable evidence of the deep roots that Hinduism had\nstruck in this part of the island is the fact that it was not until\n1768 that the authority of the Hindu law-books, particularly the code\nof Manu, gave way before a code of laws more in accordance with the\nspirit of Muslim legislation. [1244]\n\nIslam was introduced into the eastern parts of the island some years\nlater, probably in the beginning of the following century, through the\nmissionary activity of Shaykh N\u016br al-D\u012bn Ibr\u0101h\u012bm of Cheribon. He won\nfor himself a great reputation by curing a woman afflicted with\nleprosy, with the result that thousands came to him to be instructed in\nthe tenets of the new faith. At first the neighbouring chiefs tried to\nset themselves against the movement, but finding that their opposition\nwas of no avail, they suffered themselves to be carried along with the\ntide and many of them became converts to Islam. [1245] Shaykh N\u016br\nal-D\u012bn Ibr\u0101h\u012bm of Cheribon sent his son, Mawl\u0101n\u0101 \u1e24asan al-D\u012bn, to\npreach the faith of Islam in Bantam, the most westerly province of the\nisland, and a dependency of the heathen kingdom of Pajajaran. Here his\nefforts were attended with considerable success, among the converts\nbeing a body of ascetics, 800 in number. It is especially mentioned in\nthe annals of this part of the country that the young prince won over\nthose whom he converted to Islam, solely by the gentle means of\npersuasion, and not by the sword. [1246] He afterwards went with his\nfather on a pilgrimage to Mecca, and on his return extended his power\nover the neighbouring coast of Sumatra, without ever having to draw the\nsword, and winning converts to the faith by peaceful methods alone.\n[1247]\n\nBut the progress of Islam in the west of Java seems to have been much\nslower than in the east; a long struggle ensued between the worshippers\nof Siva and the followers of the Prophet, and it was probably not until\nthe middle of the sixteenth century that the Hindu kingdom of\nPajajaran, which at one period of the history of Java seems to have\nexercised suzerainty over the princedoms in the western part of the\nisland, came to an end, [1248] while other smaller heathen communities\nsurvived to a much later period, [1249]\u2014some even to the present day.\nThe history of one of these\u2014the so-called Baduwis\u2014is of especial\ninterest; they are the descendants of the adherents of the old\nreligion, who after the fall of Pajajaran fled into the woods and the\nrecesses of the mountains, where they might uninterruptedly carry out\nthe observances of their ancestral faith. In later times, when they\nsubmitted to the rule of the Musalman Sultan of Bantam, they were\nallowed to continue in the exercise of their religion, on condition\nthat no increase should be allowed in the numbers of those who\nprofessed this idolatrous faith; [1250] and strange to say, they still\nobserve this custom, although the Dutch rule has been so long\nestablished in Java and sets them free from the necessity of obedience\nto this ancient agreement. They strictly limit their number to forty\nhouseholds, and when the community increases beyond this limit, one\nfamily or more has to leave this inner circle and settle among the\nMuhammadan population in one of the surrounding villages. [1251]\n\nBut, though the work of conversion in the west of Java proceeded more\nslowly than in the other parts of the island, yet, owing largely to the\nfact that Hinduism had not taken such deep root among the people here\nas in the centre of the island, the victory of Islam over the heathen\nworship which it supplanted was more complete than in the districts\nwhich came more immediately under the rule of the Rajas of Majapahit.\nThe Muhammadan law is here a living force and the civilisation brought\ninto the country from Arabia has interwoven itself with the government\nand the life of the people; and it has been remarked that at the\npresent day the Muhammadans of the west of Java, who study their\nreligion at all or have performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, form as a\nrule the most intelligent and prosperous part of the population. [1252]\n\nWe have already seen that large sections of the Javanese remained\nheathen for centuries after the establishment of Muhammadan kingdoms in\nthe island; at the present day the whole population of Java, with some\ntrifling exceptions, is Muhammadan, and though many superstitions and\ncustoms have survived among them from the days of their pagan\nancestors, still the tendency is continually in the direction of the\nguidance of thought and conduct in accordance with the teaching of\nIslam. This long work of conversion has proceeded peacefully and\ngradually, and the growth of Muslim states in this island belongs\nrather to its political than to its religious history, since the\nprogress of the religion has been achieved by the work rather of\nmissionaries than of princes.\n\nWhile the Musalmans of Java were plotting against the Hindu Government\nand taking the rule of the country into their own hands by force, a\nrevolution of a wholly peaceful character was being carried on in other\nparts of the Archipelago through the preaching of the Muslim\nmissionaries who were slowly but surely achieving success in their\nproselytising efforts. Let us first turn our attention to the history\nof this propagandist movement in the Molucca islands.\n\nThe trade in cloves must have brought the Moluccas into contact with\nthe islanders of the western half of the Archipelago from very early\ntimes, and the converted Javanese and other Malays who came into these\nislands to trade, spread their faith among the inhabitants of the\ncoast. [1253] The companions of Magellan brought back a curious story\nof the way in which these men introduced their religious doctrines\namong the Muluccans. \u201cThe kings of these islands [1254] a few years\nbefore the arrival of the Spaniards began to believe in the immortality\nof the soul, induced by no other argument but that they had seen a very\nbeautiful little bird, that never settled on the earth nor on anything\nthat was of the earth, and the Mahometans, who traded as merchants in\nthose islands, told them that this little bird was born in paradise,\nand that paradise is the place where rest the souls of those that are\ndead. And for this reason these seignors joined the sect of Mahomet,\nbecause it promises many marvellous things of this place of the souls.\u201d\n[1255]\n\nIslam seems first to have begun to make progress here in the fifteenth\ncentury. A heathen king of Tidor yielded to the persuasions of an Arab,\nnamed Shaykh Man\u1e63\u016br, and embraced Islam together with many of his\nsubjects. The heathen name of the king, Tjireli Lijatu, was changed to\nthat of Jam\u0101l al-D\u012bn, while his eldest son was called Man\u1e63\u016br after\ntheir Arab teacher. [1256] It was the latter prince who entertained the\nSpanish expedition that reached Tidor in 1521, shortly after the\nill-fated death of Magellan. Pigafetta, the historian of this\nexpedition, calls him Raia Sultan Mauzor, and says that he was more\nthan fifty-five years old, and that not fifty years had passed since\nthe Muhammadans came to live in these islands. [1257]\n\nIslam seems to have gained a footing on the neighbouring island of\nTernate a little earlier. The Portuguese, who came to this island the\nsame year as the Spaniards reached Tidor, were informed by the\ninhabitants that it had been introduced a little more than eighty\nyears. [1258]\n\nAccording to the Portuguese account [1259] also the Sultan of Ternate\nwas the first of the Muluccan chieftains who became a Muslim. The\nlegend of the introduction of Islam into this island tells how a\nmerchant, named Datu Mull\u0101 \u1e24usayn, excited the curiosity of the people\nby reading the Qur\u02bc\u0101n aloud in their presence; they tried to imitate\nthe characters written in the book, but could not read them, so they\nasked the merchant how it was that he could read them, while they could\nnot; he replied that they must first believe in God and His Apostle;\nwhereupon they expressed their willingness to accept his teaching, and\nbecame converted to the faith. [1260] The Sultan of Ternate, who\noccupied the foremost place among the independent rulers in these\nislands, is said to have made a journey to Gresik, in Java, in order to\nembrace the Muhammadan faith there, in 1495. [1261] He was assisted in\nhis propagandist efforts by a certain Pati Putah, who had made the\njourney from Hitu in Amboina to Java in order to learn the doctrines of\nthe new faith, and on his return spread the knowledge of Islam among\nthe people of Amboina. [1262] Islam, however, seems at first to have\nmade but slow progress, and to have met with considerable opposition\nfrom those islanders who clung zealously to their old superstitions and\nmythology, so that the old idolatry continued for some time crudely\nmixed up with the teachings of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n, and keeping the minds of the\npeople in a perpetual state of incertitude. [1263] The Portuguese\nconquest also made the progress of Islam slower than it would otherwise\nhave been. They drove out the Q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b, whom they found instructing the\npeople in the doctrines of Mu\u1e25ammad, and spread Christianity among the\nheathen population with some considerable, though short-lived success.\n[1264] For when the Muluccans took advantage of the attention of the\nPortuguese being occupied with their own domestic troubles, in the\nlatter half of the sixteenth century, to try to shake off their power,\nthey instituted a fierce persecution against the Christians, many of\nwhom suffered martyrdom, and others recanted, so that Christianity lost\nall the ground it had gained, [1265] and from this time onwards, the\nopposition to the political domination of the Christians secured a\nreadier welcome for the Muslim teachers who came in increasing numbers\nfrom the west. [1266] The Dutch completed the destruction of\nChristianity in the Moluccas by driving out the Spanish and Portuguese\nfrom these islands in the seventeenth century, whereupon the Jesuit\nfathers carried off the few remaining Christians of Ternate with them\nto the Philippines. [1267]\n\nFrom these islands Islam spread into the rest of the Moluccas; though\nfor some time the conversions were confined to the inhabitants of the\ncoast. [1268] Most of the converts came from among the Malays, who\ncompose the whole population of the smaller islands, but inhabit the\ncoast-lands only of the larger ones, the interior being inhabited by\nAlfurs. But converts in later times were drawn from among the latter\nalso. [1269] Even so early as 1521, there was a Muhammadan king of\nGilolo, a kingdom on the western side of the northern limb of the\nisland of Halemahera. [1270] In modern times the existence of certain\nregulations, devised for the benefit of the state-religion, has\nfacilitated to some extent the progress of the Muhammadan religion\namong the Alfurs of the mainland, e.g. if any one of them is discovered\nto have had illicit intercourse with a Muhammadan girl, he must marry\nher and become a Muslim; any of the Alfur women who marry Muhammadans\nmust embrace the faith of their husbands; offences against the law may\nbe atoned for by conversion to Islam; and in filling up any vacancy\nthat may happen to occur among the chiefs, less regard is paid to the\nlawful claims of a candidate than to his readiness to become a\nMusalman. [1271]\n\nSimilarly, Islam in Borneo is mostly confined to the coast, although it\nhad gained a footing in the island as early as the beginning of the\nsixteenth century. About this time, it was adopted by the people of\nBanjarmasin, a kingdom on the southern side, which had been tributary\nto the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit, until its overthrow in 1478; [1272]\nthey owed their conversion to one of the Muhammadan states that rose on\nthe ruins of the latter. [1273] The story is that the people of\nBanjarmasin asked for assistance towards the suppression of a revolt,\nand that it was given on condition that they adopted the new religion;\nwhereupon a number of Muhammadans came over from Java, suppressed the\nrevolt and effected the work of conversion. [1274] On the north-west\ncoast, the Spaniards found a Muhammadan king at Brunai, when they\nreached this place in 1521. [1275] A little later, 1550, it was\nintroduced into the kingdom of Sukadana, [1276] in the western part of\nthe island, by Arabs coming from Palembang in Sumatra. [1277] The\nreigning king refused to abandon the faith of his fathers, but during\nthe forty years that elapsed before his death (in 1590), the new\nreligion appears to have made considerable progress. His successor\nbecame a Musalman and married the daughter of a prince of a\nneighbouring island, in which apparently Islam had been long\nestablished; [1278] during his reign, a traveller, [1279] who visited\nthe island in 1600, speaks of Muhammadanism as being a common religion\nalong the coast. The inhabitants of the interior, however, he tells us,\nwere all idolaters\u2014as indeed they remain for the most part to the\npresent day. The progress of Islam in the kingdom of Sukadana seems now\nto have drawn the attention of the centre of the Muhammadan world to\nthis distant spot, and in the reign of the next prince, a certain\nShaykh Shams al-D\u012bn came from Mecca bringing with him a present of a\ncopy of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n and a large hyacinth ring, together with a letter in\nwhich this defender of the faith received the honourable title of\nSultan Mu\u1e25ammad \u1e62af\u012b al-D\u012bn. [1280]\n\nIn the latter part of the eighteenth century one of the inland tribes,\ncalled the Idaans, dwelling in the interior of north Borneo, is said to\nhave looked upon the Muhammadans of the coast with very great respect,\nas having a religion which they themselves had not yet got. [1281]\nDalrymple, who obtained his information on the Idaans of Borneo during\nhis visit to Sulu from 1761 to 1764, tells us that they \u201centertain a\njust regret of their own ignorance, and a mean idea of themselves on\nthat account; for, when they come into the houses, or vessels, of the\nMahometans, they pay them the utmost veneration, as superior\nintelligences, who know their Creator; they will not sit down where the\nMahometans sleep, nor will they put their fingers into the same chunam,\nor betel box, but receive a portion with the utmost humility, and in\nevery instance denote, with the most abject attitudes and gesture, the\nveneration they entertain for a God unknown, in the respect they pay to\nthose who have a knowledge of Him.\u201d [1282] These people appear since\nthat time to have embraced the Muhammadan faith, [1283] one of the\nnumerous instances of the powerful impression that Islam produces upon\ntribes that are low down in the scale of civilisation. From time to\ntime other accessions have been gained in the persons of the numerous\ncolonists, Arabs, Bugis and Malays, as well as Chinese (who have had\nsettlements here since the seventh century), [1284] and of the slaves\nintroduced into the island from different countries; so that at the\npresent day the Muhammadans of Borneo are a very mixed race. [1285]\nMany of these foreigners were still heathen when they first came to\nBorneo, and of a higher civilisation than the Dyaks whom they conquered\nor drove into the interior, where they mostly still remain heathen,\nexcept in the western part of the island, in which from time to time\nsmall tribes of Dyaks embrace Islam. [1286] When the pagan Dyaks change\ntheir faith, it is more commonly the case that they yield to the\npersuasions of the Muhammadan rather than to those of the Christian\nmissionary, or, having first embraced Christianity they then pass over\nto Islam, and the Muhammadans are making zealous efforts to win\nconverts both from among the heathen and the Christian Dyaks. [1287]\n\nIn the island of Celebes we find a similar slow growth of the\nMuhammadan religion, taking its rise among the people of the coast and\nslowly making its way into the interior. Only the more civilised\nportion of the inhabitants has, however, adopted Islam; this is mainly\ndivided into two tribes, the Macassars and the Bugis, who inhabit the\nsouth-west peninsula, the latter, however, also forming a large\nproportion of the coast population on the other peninsulas. The\ninterior of the island, except in the south-west peninsula where nearly\nall the inhabitants are Muhammadan, is still heathen and is populated\nchiefly by the Alfurs, a race low in the scale of civilisation, who\nalso form the majority of the inhabitants of the north, the east and\nthe south-east peninsulas; at the extremity of the first of these\npeninsulas, in Minahassa, they have in large numbers been converted to\nChristianity; the Muhammadans did not make their way hither until after\nthe Portuguese had gained a firm footing in this part of the island,\nand the Alfurs whom they converted to Roman Catholicism were turned\ninto Protestants by the Dutch, whose missionaries have laboured in\nMinahassa with very considerable success. But Islam is slowly making\nits way among the heathen tribes of Alfurs in different parts of the\nisland, both in the districts directly administered by the Dutch\nGovernment, and those under the rule of native chiefs. [1288]\n\nWhen the Portuguese first visited the island about 1540, they found\nonly a few Muhammadan strangers in Gowa, the capital of the Macassar\nkingdom, the natives being still unconverted, and it was not until the\nbeginning of the seventeenth century that Islam began to be generally\nadopted among them. The history of the movement is especially\ninteresting, as we have here one of the few cases in which Christianity\nand Islam have been competing for the allegiance of heathen people. One\nof the incidents in this contest is thus admirably told by an old\ncompiler: \u201cThe discovery of so considerable a country was looked upon\nby the Portuguese as a Matter of Great Consequence, and Measures were\ntaken to secure the Affections of those whom it was not found easy to\nconquer; but, on the other hand, capable of being obliged, or rendered\nuseful, as their allies, by good usage. The People were much braver,\nand withal had much better Sense than most of the Indians; and\ntherefore, after a little Conversation with the Europeans, they began,\nin general, to discern that there was no Sense or Meaning in their own\nReligion; and the few of them who had been made Christians by the care\nof Don Antonio Galvano (Governor of the Moluccas), were not so\nthoroughly instructed themselves as to be able to teach them a new\nFaith. The whole People, in general, however, disclaimed their old\nSuperstitions, and became Deists at once; but, not satisfied with this,\nthey determined to send, at the same time, to Malacca and to Achin,\n[1289] to desire from the one, Christian Priests; and from the other,\nDoctors of the Mohammedan Law; resolving to embrace the Religion of\nthose Teachers who came first among them. The Portugeze have hitherto\nbeen esteemed zealous enough for their Religion; but it seems that Don\nRuis Perera, who was then Governor of Malacca, was a little deficient\nin his Concern for the Faith, since he made a great and very\nunnecessary delay in sending the Priests that were desired. On the\nother hand, the Queen of Achin being a furious Mohammedan no sooner\nreceived an Account of this Disposition in the people of the Island of\nCelebes than she immediately dispatched a vessel full of Doctors of the\nLaw, who in a short time, established their Religion effectually among\nthe Inhabitants. Some time after came the Christian Priests, and\ninveighed bitterly against the Law of Mohammed but to no Purpose; the\nPeople of Celebes had made their Choice, and there was no Possibility\nof bringing them to alter it. One of the Kings of the Island, indeed,\nwho had before embraced Christianity, persisted in the Faith, and most\nof his Subjects were converted to it; but still, the Bulk of the People\nof Celebes continued Mohammedans, and are so to this Day, and the\ngreatest Zealots for their Religion of any in the Indies.\u201d [1290]\n\nThis event is said to have occurred in the year 1603. [1291] The\nfrequent references to it in contemporary literature make it impossible\nto doubt the genuineness of the story. [1292] In the little\nprincipality of Tallo, to the north of Gowa, with which it has always\nbeen confederated, is still to be seen the tomb of one of the most\nfamous missionaries to the Macassars, by name Kha\u1e6d\u012bb Tungal. The prince\nof this state, after his conversion proved himself a most zealous\nchampion of the new faith, and it was through his influence that it was\ngenerally adopted by all the tribes speaking the Macassar language. The\nsequel of the movement is not of so peaceful a character. The Macassars\nwere carried away by their zeal for their newly adopted faith, to make\nan attempt to force it on their neighbours the Bugis. The king of Gowa\nmade an offer to the king of Boni to consider him in all respects as an\nequal if he would worship the one true God. The latter consulted his\npeople on the matter, who said, \u201cWe have not yet fought, we have not\nyet been conquered.\u201d They tried the issue of a battle and were\ndefeated. The king accordingly became a Muhammadan and began on his own\naccount to attempt by force to impose his own belief on his subjects\nand on the smaller states, his neighbours. Strange to say, the people\napplied for help to the king of Macassar, who sent ambassadors to\ndemand from the king of Boni an answer to the following\nquestions,\u2014Whether the king, in his persecution, was instigated by a\nparticular revelation from the Prophet?\u2014or whether he paid obedience to\nsome ancient custom?\u2014or followed his own personal pleasure? If for the\nfirst reason, the king of Gowa requested information; if for the\nsecond, he would lend his cordial co-operation; if for the third, the\nking of Boni must desist, for those whom he presumed to oppress were\nthe friends of Gowa. The king of Boni made no reply and the Macassars\nhaving marched a great army into the country defeated him in three\nsuccessive battles, forced him to fly the country, and reduced Boni\ninto a province. After thirty years of subjection, the people of Boni,\nwith the assistance of the Dutch, revolted against the Macassars, and\nassumed the headship of the tribes of Celebes, in the place of their\nformer masters. [1293] The propagation of Islam certainly seems to have\nbeen gradual and slow among the Bugis, [1294] but when they had once\nadopted the new religion, it seems to have stirred them up to action,\nas it did the Arabs (though this newly-awakened energy in either case\nturned in rather different directions),\u2014and to have made them what they\nare now, at once the bravest men and the most enterprising merchants\nand navigators of the Archipelago. [1295] In their trading vessels they\nmake their way to all parts of the Archipelago, from the coast of New\nGuinea to Singapore, and their numerous settlements, in the\nestablishment of which the Bugis have particularly distinguished\nthemselves, have introduced Islam into many a heathen island: e.g. one\nof their colonies is to be found in a state that extends over a\nconsiderable part of the south coast of Flores, where, intermingling\nwith the native population, which formerly consisted partly of Roman\nCatholics, they have succeeded in converting all the inhabitants of\nthis state to Islam. [1296]\n\nIn their native island of Celebes also the Bugis have combined\nproselytising efforts with their commercial enterprises, and in the\nlittle kingdom of Bola\u00e4ng-Mongondou in the northern peninsula [1297]\nthey have succeeded, in the course of the present century, in winning\nover to Islam a Christian population whose conversion dates from the\nend of the seventeenth century. The first Christian king of\nBola\u00e4ng-Mongondou was Jacobus Manopo (1689\u20131709), in whose reign\nChristianity spread rapidly, through the influence of the Dutch East\nIndia Company and the preaching of the Dutch clergy. [1298] His\nsuccessors were all Christian until 1844, when the reigning Raja,\nJacobus Manuel Manopo, embraced Islam. His conversion was the crown of\na series of proselytising efforts that had been in progress since the\nbeginning of the century, for it was about this time that the zealous\nefforts of some Muhammadan traders\u2014Bugis and others\u2014won over some\nconverts to Islam in one of the coast towns of the southern kingdom,\nMongondou; from this same town two trader missionaries, \u1e24ak\u012bm Bagus and\nIm\u0101m Tuw\u00e9ko by name, set out to spread their faith throughout the rest\nof this kingdom. They made a beginning with the conversion of some\nslaves and native women whom they married, and these little by little\npersuaded their friends and relatives to embrace the new faith. From\nMongondou Islam spread into the northern kingdom Bola\u00e4ng; here, in\n1830, the whole population was either Christian or heathen, with the\nexception of two or three Muhammadan settlers; but the zealous\npreachers of Islam, the Bugis, and the Arabs who assisted them in their\nmissionary labours, soon achieved a wide-spread success. The\nChristians, whose knowledge of the doctrines of their religion was very\nslight and whose faith was weak, were ill prepared with the weapons of\ncontroversy to meet the attacks of the rival creed; despised by the\nDutch Government, neglected and well-nigh abandoned by the authorities\nof the Church, they began to look on these foreigners, some of whom\nmarried and settled among them, as their friends. As the work of\nconversion progressed, the visits of these Bugis and Arabs,\u2014at first\nrare,\u2014became more frequent, and their influence in the country very\ngreatly increased, so much so that about 1832 an Arab married a\ndaughter of the king, Cornelius Manopo, who was himself a Christian;\nmany of the chiefs, and some of the most powerful among them, about the\nsame time, abandoned Christianity and embraced Islam. In this way Islam\nhad gained a firm footing in his kingdom before Raja Jacobus Manuel\nManopo became a Muslim in 1844; this prince had made repeated\napplications to the Dutch authorities at Manado to appoint a successor\nto the Christian schoolmaster, Jacobus Bastiaan,\u2014whose death had been a\ngreat loss to the Christian community\u2014but to no purpose, and learning\nfrom the resident at Manado that the Dutch Government was quite\nindifferent as to whether the people of his state were Christians or\nMuhammadans, so long as they were loyal, openly declared himself a\nMusalman and tried every means to bring his subjects over to the same\nfaith. An Arab missionary took advantage of the occurrence of a\nterrible earthquake in the following year, to prophecy the destruction\nof Bola\u00e4ng-Mongondou, unless the people speedily became converted to\nIslam. Many in their terror hastened to follow this advice, and the\nRaja and his nobles lent their support to the missionaries and Arab\nmerchants, whose methods of dealing with the dilatory were not always\nof the gentlest. Nearly half the population, however, still remains\nheathen, but the progress of Islam among them, though slow, is\ncontinuous and sure. [1299]\n\nThe neighbouring island of Sambawa likewise probably received its\nknowledge of this faith from Celebes, through the preaching of\nmissionaries from Macassar between 1540 and 1550. All the more\ncivilised inhabitants are true believers and are said to be stricter in\nthe performance of their religious duties than any of the neighbouring\nMuhammadan peoples. This is largely due to a revivalist movement set on\nfoot by a certain \u1e24\u0101j\u012b \u02bbAli after the disastrous eruption of Mount\nTambora in 1815, the fearful suffering that ensued thereon being made\nuse of to stir up the people to a more strict observance of the\nprecepts of their religion and the leading of a more devout life.\n[1300] At the present time Islam still continues to win over fresh\nconverts in this island. [1301]\n\nThe Sasaks of the neighbouring island of Lombok also owed their\nconversion to the preaching of the Bugis, who form a large colony here,\nhaving either crossed over the strait from Sambawa or come directly\nfrom Celebes: at any rate the conversion appears to have taken place in\na peaceable manner. [1302] The population of Lombok falls into two\ndistinct divisions, the Sasaks and the Balinese; the first of these,\nconsisting of the Muhammadan Sasaks, the original inhabitants of the\nisland, far outnumbers the second, but about the middle of the\neighteenth century they came under the rule of the Balinese and soon\nfound their island overrun by swarms of the Hindu neighbours. [1303]\nThe rule of the Balinese was very oppressive, and they made\nefforts\u2014though with little success\u2014to bring their Muslim subjects over\nto Hinduism; the Sasaks tried in vain to shake off the yoke of their\noppressors, and more than once appealed to the Dutch Government, before\nthe expedition of 1894 brought peace to the island and established an\norderly administration under Dutch rule. The new government brought\nwith it a large number of native Muhammadan officials, who throw in\ntheir influence on the side of their own faith, and it is thus expected\nthat one of the results of the Dutch conquest of Lombok will be to give\na great impetus to Islam in this island. [1304]\n\nIn the Philippine Islands we find a struggle between Christianity and\nIslam for the allegiance of the inhabitants, somewhat similar in\ncharacter to that in Celebes, but more stern and enduring, entangling\nthe Spaniards and the Muslims in a fierce and bloody conflict, even up\nto the nineteenth century. It is uncertain when Islam first reached\nthese islands. [1305] The traditionary annals of Mindanao represent\nIslam as having been introduced from Johore, in the Malay Peninsula, by\na certain Shar\u012bf Kabungsuwan, who settled with a number of followers in\nthe island and married there. He is said to have refused to land until\nthe men who came to meet him on his arrival promised to embrace Islam,\nand these early records give the impression that the landing of\nKabungsuwan and the conversion of the people of Mindanao at first\nproceeded quite peacefully; but after he had established his power, he\nbegan to conquer the neighbouring chiefs and tribes, and they accepted\nhis religion in submitting to his authority. [1306] The Spaniards who\ndiscovered them in 1521, found the population of the northern islands\nto be rude and simple pagans, while Mindanao and the Sulu Islands were\noccupied by more civilised Muhammadan tribes. [1307] The latter up to\nthe close of the nineteenth century successfully resisted for the most\npart all the efforts of the Christians towards conquest and conversion,\nso that the Spanish missionaries despaired of ever effecting their\nconversion. [1308] The success of Islam as compared with Christianity\nhas been due in a great measure to the different form under which these\ntwo faiths were presented to the natives. The adoption of the latter\nimplied the loss of all political freedom and national independence,\nand hence came to be regarded as a badge of slavery. The methods\nadopted by the Spaniards for the propagation of their religion were\ncalculated to make it unpopular from the beginning; their violence and\nintolerance were in strong contrast to the conciliatory behaviour of\nthe Muhammadan missionaries, who learned the language of the people,\nadopted their customs, intermarried with them, and melting into the\nmass of the people, neither arrogated to themselves the exclusive\nrights of a privileged race nor condemned the natives to the level of a\ndegraded caste. The Spaniards, on the other hand, were ignorant of the\nlanguage, habits and manners of the natives; their intemperance and\nabove all their avarice and rapacity brought their religion into odium;\nwhile its propagation was intended to serve as an instrument of their\npolitical advancement. [1309] It is not difficult therefore to\nunderstand the opposition offered by the natives to the introduction of\nChristianity, which indeed only became the religion of the people in\nthose parts in which the inhabitants were weak enough, or the island\nsmall enough, to enable the Spaniards to effect a total subjugation;\nthe native Christians after their conversion had to be forced to\nperform their religious duties through fear of punishment, and were\ntreated exactly like school-children. [1310] Up to the time of the\nAmerican occupation of the Philippine Islands the independent\nMuhammadan kingdom of Mindanao was a refuge for those who wished to\nescape from the hated Christian government; [1311] the island of Sulu,\nalso, though nominally a Spanish possession since 1878, formed another\ncentre of Muhammadan opposition to Christianity, Spanish-knowing\nrenegades even being found here. [1312]\n\nWe have no certain historical evidence as to how long the inhabitants\nof the Sulu Islands had been Muhammadan, before the arrival of the\nSpaniards. The annals of Sulu give the name of Shar\u012bf Kar\u012bm al-Makhd\u016bm\nas the first missionary of Islam in these islands. He is said to have\nbeen an Arab who went to Malacca about the middle of the fourteenth\ncentury and converted Sul\u1e6d\u0101n Mu\u1e25ammad Sh\u0101h and the people of Malacca to\nIslam. Continuing his journey eastward, he reached Sulu about the year\n1380 and settled in Bwansa, [1313] the old capital of Sulu, where the\npeople built a mosque for him and many of the chiefs accepted his\nteachings. He is said to have visited almost every island of the\nArchipelago and to have made converts in many places; his grave is said\nto be on the island of Sibutu. [1314] The next missionary is said to\nhave been Ab\u016b Bakr, who is also stated to have been an Arab, and to\nhave commenced his missionary labours in Malacca and to have made his\nway to Palembang and Brunei, and reached Sulu about 1450; he built\nmosques and carried on a successful propaganda. The Muslim king of\nBwansa, Raja Baginda, gave him his daughter in marriage, and appointed\nhim his heir, and Ab\u016b Bakr is credited with having organised the\ngovernment and legislation of Sulu on orthodox Muslim lines as far as\nlocal custom would allow. [1315] Though so long converted, the people\nof Sulu are far from being rigid Muhammadans, indeed, the influence of\nthe numerous Christian slaves that they carried off from the\nPhilippines in their predatory excursions used to be so great that it\nwas even asserted [1316] that \u201cthey would long ere this have become\nprofessed Christians but from the prescience that such a change, by\ninvesting a predominating influence in the priesthood, would inevitably\nundermine their own authority, and pave the way to the transfer of\ntheir dominions to the Spanish yoke, an occurrence which fatal\nexperience has too forcibly instructed all the surrounding nations that\nunwarily embrace the Christian persuasion.\u201d Further, the aggressive\nbehaviour of the Spanish priests who established a mission in Sulu\ncreated in the mind of the people a violent antipathy to the foreign\nreligion. [1317]\n\nSince the American occupation of the Philippines, the influence of\nIslam has been considerably restricted, and is now confined to the\nisland of Palawan, the south coast of Mindanao and the archipelago of\nSulu. [1318] But it is said to be seeking to extend its propaganda\namong the northern islands, and to have made a beginning of missionary\nactivity even in Manila. Certain conditions are said to favour its\nsuccess, especially the fact that the Filipinos are prejudiced against\nChristianity on account of the abuses that led them to take up arms\nagainst the Spanish friars. [1319]\n\nAs has been already mentioned, Islam has been most favourably received\nby the more civilised races of the Malay Archipelago, and has taken but\nlittle root among the lower races. Such are the Papuans of New Guinea,\nand the islands to the north-west of it, viz. Waigyu, Misool, Waigama\nand Salawatti. These islands, together with the peninsula of Onin, on\nthe north-west of New Guinea, were in the sixteenth century subject to\nthe Sultan of Batjan, [1320] one of the kings of the Moluccas. Through\nthe influence of the Muhammadan rulers of Batjan, the Papuan chiefs of\nthese islands adopted Islam, [1321] and though the mass of the people\nin the interior have remained heathen up to the present day, the\ninhabitants of the coast are Muhammadans largely no doubt owing to the\ninfluence of settlers from the Moluccas. [1322] In New Guinea itself,\nvery few of the Papuans seem to have become Muhammadans. Islam was\nintroduced into the west coast (probably in the peninsula of Onin) by\nMuhammadan merchants, who propagated their religion among the\ninhabitants, as early as 1606. [1323] But it appears to have made very\nlittle progress during the centuries that have elapsed since then,\n[1324] and the Papuans have shown as much reluctance to become\nMuhammadans as to accept the teachings of the Christian missionaries,\nwho have laboured among them without much success since 1855. The\nMuhammadans of the neighbouring islands have been accused of holding\nthe Papuans in too great contempt to make efforts to spread Islam among\nthem. [1325] The name of one missionary, however, is found, a certain\nIm\u0101m Dikir (? Dhikr), who came from one of the islands on the\nsouth-east of Ceram about 1856 and introduced Islam into the little\nisland of Adi, south of the peninsula of Onin; after fulfilling his\nmission he returned to his own home, resisting the importunities of the\ninhabitants to settle among them. [1326] Muhammadan traders from Ceram\nand Goram are reported to have made a number of converts from among the\nheathen during the first decade of the twentieth century. [1327]\nSimilar efforts are being made to convert the Papuans of the\nneighbouring Kei Islands. In the middle of the nineteenth century there\nwere said to be hardly any Muhammadans on these islands, with the\nexception of the descendants of immigrants from the Banda Islands; some\ntime before, missionaries from Ceram had succeeded in making some\nconverts, but the precepts of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n were very little observed,\nboth forbidden meats and intoxicating liquors being indulged in. The\nwomen, however, were said to be stricter in their adherence to their\nfaith than the men, so that when their husbands wished to indulge in\nswine\u2019s flesh, they had to do so in secret, their wives not allowing it\nto be brought into the house. [1328] But in 1887 it was noted that\nthere had been a revival of religious life among the Kei islanders, and\nthe number of Muhammadans was daily increasing. Arab merchants from\nMadura, Java, and Bali proved themselves zealous propagandists of Islam\nand left no means untried to win converts, sometimes enforcing their\narguments by threats and violence, and at other times by bribes: as a\nrule new converts were said to get 200 florins\u2019 worth of presents,\nwhile chiefs received as much as a thousand florins. [1329] At the\nclose of the nineteenth century about 8000 of the Kei islanders were\nsaid to be Muhammadan out of a total population of 23,000. [1330]\n\nThe above sketch of the spread of Islam from west to east through the\nMalay Archipelago comprises but a small part of the history of the\nmissionary work of Islam in these islands. Many of the facts of this\nhistory are wholly unrecorded, and what can be gleaned from native\nchronicles and the works of European travellers, officials and\nmissionaries is necessarily fragmentary and incomplete. But there is\nevidence enough to show the existence of peaceful missionary efforts to\nspread the faith of Islam during the last six hundred years: sometimes\nindeed the sword has been drawn in support of the cause of religion,\nbut preaching and persuasion rather than force and violence have been\nthe main characteristics of this missionary movement. The marvellous\nsuccess that has been achieved has been largely the work of traders,\nwho won their way to the hearts of the natives, by learning their\nlanguage, adopting their manners and customs, and began quietly and\ngradually to spread the knowledge of their religion by first converting\nthe native women they married and the persons associated with them in\ntheir business relations. Instead of holding themselves apart in proud\nisolation, they gradually melted into the mass of the population,\nemploying all their superiority of intelligence and civilisation for\nthe work of conversion and making such skilful compromises in the\ndoctrines and practices of their faith as were needed to recommend it\nto the people they wished to attract. [1331] In fact, as Buckle said of\nthem, \u201cThe Mahometan missionaries are very judicious.\u201d [1332]\n\nBeside the traders, there have been numbers of what may be called\nprofessional missionaries\u2014theologians, preachers, jurisconsults and\npilgrims. The latter have, in recent years, been especially active in\nthe work of proselytising, in stirring up a more vigorous and\nconsistent religious life among their fellow-countrymen, and in purging\naway the lingering remains of heathen habits and beliefs. The number of\nthose who make the pilgrimage to Mecca from all parts of the\nArchipelago is constantly on the increase, and there is in consequence\na proportionate growth of Muhammadan influence and Muhammadan thought.\nUp to the middle of the nineteenth century the Dutch Government tried\nto put obstacles in the way of the pilgrims and passed an order that no\none should be allowed to make the pilgrimage to the holy city without a\npassport, for which he had to pay 110 florins; and any one who evaded\nthis order was on his return compelled to pay a fine of double that\namount. [1333] Accordingly it is not surprising to find that in 1852\nthe number of pilgrims was so low as seventy, but in the same year this\norder was rescinded, and since then, there has been a steady increase.\n\nThe average number of pilgrims during the last decade of the nineteenth\ncentury was 7000\u2014during the first decade of the twentieth, 7300; [1334]\nbut the numbers vary considerably from year to year, the largest\nrecorded number from the Dutch Indies being 14,234 in 1910. [1335]\n\nSuch an increase is no doubt largely due to the increased facilities of\ncommunication between Mecca and the Malay Archipelago, but, as a\nChristian missionary has observed, this by no means \u201cdiminishes the\nimportance of the fact, especially as the Hadjis, whose numbers have\ngrown so rapidly, have by no means lost in quality what they gained in\nquantity; on the contrary, there are now amongst them many more\nthoroughly acquainted with the doctrines of Islam, and wholly imbued\nwith Moslem fanaticism and hatred against the unbelievers, than there\nformerly were.\u201d [1336] The reports of the Dutch Government and of\nChristian missionaries bear unanimous testimony to the influence and\nthe proselytising zeal of these pilgrims who return to their homes as\nat once reformers and missionaries. [1337] Beside the pilgrims who\ncontent themselves with merely visiting the sacred places and\nperforming the due ceremonies, and those who make a longer stay in\norder to complete their theological studies, there is a large colony of\nMalays in Mecca at the present time, who have taken up their residence\npermanently in the sacred city. These are in constant communication\nwith their fellow-countrymen in their native land, and their efforts\nhave been largely effectual in purging Muhammadanism in the Malay\nArchipelago from the contamination of heathen customs and modes of\nthought that have survived from an earlier period. A large number of\nreligious books is also printed in Mecca in the various languages\nspoken by the Malay Muhammadans and carried to all parts of the\nArchipelago. Indeed Mecca has been well said to have more influence on\nthe religious life of these islands than on Turkey, India or Bukh\u0101r\u0101.\n[1338]\n\nAs might be anticipated from a consideration of these facts, there has\nbeen of recent years a very great awakening of missionary activity in\nthe Malay Archipelago, and the returned pilgrims, whether as merchants\nor religious teachers, become preachers of Islam wherever they come in\ncontact with a heathen population. The religious orders moreover have\nextended their organisation to the Malay Archipelago, [1339] even the\nyoungest of them\u2014the San\u016bsiyyah\u2014finding adherents in the most distant\nislands, [1340] one of the signs of its influence being the adoption of\nthe name San\u016bs\u012b by many Malays, when in Mecca they change their native\nfor Arabic names. [1341]\n\nThe Dutch Government has been accused by Christian missionaries of\nfavouring the spread of Islam; however this may have been, it is\ncertain that the work of the Muslim missionaries is facilitated by the\nfact that Malay, which is spoken by hardly any but Muhammadans, has\nbeen adopted as the official language of the Dutch Government, except\nin Java; and as the Dutch civil servants are everywhere attended by a\ncrowd of Muhammadan subordinate officials, political agents, clerks,\ninterpreters and traders, they carry Islam with them into every place\nthey visit. All persons that have to do business with the Government\nare obliged to learn the Malay language, and they seldom learn it\nwithout at the same time becoming Musalmans. In this way the most\ninfluential people embrace Islam, and the rest soon follow their\nexample. [1342] Thus Islam is at the present time rapidly driving out\nheathenism from the Malay Archipelago.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIII.\n\nCONCLUSION.\n\n\nTo the modern Christian world, missionary work implies missionary\nsocieties, paid agents, subscriptions, reports and journals; and\nmissionary enterprise without a regularly constituted and continuous\norganisation seems a misnomer. The ecclesiastical constitution of the\nChristian Church has, from the very beginning of its history, made\nprovision for the propagation of Christian teaching among unbelievers;\nits missionaries have been in most cases, regularly ordained priests or\nmonks; the monastic orders (from the Benedictines downwards) and the\nmissionary societies of more modern times have devoted themselves with\nspecial and concentrated attention to the furthering of a department of\nChristian work that, from the first, has been recognised to be one of\nthe prime duties of the Church. But in Islam the absence of any kind of\npriesthood or any ecclesiastical organisation whatever has caused the\nmissionary energy of the Muslims to exhibit itself in forms very\ndifferent to those that appear in the history of Christian missions:\nthere are no missionary societies, [1343] no specially trained agents,\nvery little continuity of effort. The only exception appears to be\nfound in the religious orders of Islam, whose organisation resembles to\nsome extent that of the monastic orders of Christendom. But even here\nthe absence of the priestly ideal, of any theory of the separateness of\nthe religious teacher from the common body of believers or of the\nnecessity of a special consecration and authorisation for the\nperformance of religious functions, makes the fundamental difference in\nthe two systems stand out as clearly as elsewhere.\n\nWhatever disadvantages may be entailed by this want of a priestly\nclass, specially set apart for the work of propagating the faith, are\ncompensated for by the consequent feeling of responsibility resting on\nthe individual believer. There being no intermediary between the Muslim\nand his God, the responsibility of his personal salvation rests upon\nhimself alone: consequently he becomes as a rule much more strict and\ncareful in the performance of his religious duties, he takes more\ntrouble to learn the doctrines and observances of his faith, and thus\nbecoming deeply impressed with the importance of them to himself, is\nmore likely to become an exponent of the missionary character of his\ncreed in the presence of the unbeliever. The would-be proselytiser has\nnot to refer his convert to some authorised religious teacher of his\ncreed who may formally receive the neophyte into the body of the\nChurch, nor need he dread ecclesiastical censure for committing the sin\nof Korah. Accordingly, however great an exaggeration it may be to say,\nas has been said so often, [1344] that every Muhammadan is a\nmissionary, still it is true that every Muhammadan may be one, and few\ntruly devout Muslims, living in daily contact with unbelievers, neglect\nthe precept of their Prophet: \u201cSummon them to the way of thy Lord with\nwisdom and with kindly warning.\u201d [1345] Thus it is that, side by side\nwith the professional propagandists,\u2014the religious teachers who have\ndevoted all their time and energies to missionary work,\u2014the annals of\nthe propagation of the Muslim faith contain the record of men and women\nof all ranks of society, from the sovereign [1346] to the peasant, and\nof all trades and professions, who have laboured for the spread of\ntheir faith,\u2014the Muslim trader, unlike his Christian brother, showing\nhimself especially active in such work. In a list of Indian\nmissionaries published in the journal of a religious and philanthropic\nsociety of Lahore [1347] we find the names of schoolmasters, Government\nclerks in the Canal and Opium Departments, traders (including a dealer\nin camel-carts), an editor of a newspaper, a book-binder and a workman\nin a printing establishment. These men devote the hours of leisure left\nthem after the completion of the day\u2019s labour, to the preaching of\ntheir religion in the streets and bazaars of Indian cities, seeking to\nwin converts both from among Christians and Hindus, whose religious\nbeliefs they controvert and attack.\n\nIt is interesting to note that the propagation of Islam has not been\nthe work of men only, but that Muslim women have also taken their part\nin this pious task. Several of the Mongol princes owed their conversion\nto the influence of a Muslim wife, and the same was probably the case\nwith many of the pagan Turks when they had carried their raids into\nMuhammadan countries. The San\u016bsiyyah missionaries who came to work\namong the T\u016bb\u016b, to the north of Lake Chad, opened schools for girls,\nand took advantage of the powerful influence exercised by the women\namong these tribes (as among their neighbours, the Berbers), in their\nefforts to win them over to Islam. [1348] In German East Africa, the\npagan natives who leave their homes for six months or more, to work on\nthe railways or plantations, are converted by the Muhammadan women with\nwhom they contract temporary alliances; these women refuse to have\nanything to do with an uncircumcised k\u0101fir, and to escape the disgrace\nattaching to such an appellation, their husbands become circumcised and\nthus receive an entry into Muslim society. [1349] The progress of Islam\nin Abyssinia during the first half of the last century has been said to\nbe in large measure due to the efforts of Muhammadan women, especially\nthe wives of Christian princes, who had to pretend a conversion to\nChristianity on the occasion of their marriage, but brought up their\nchildren in the tenets of Islam and worked in every possible way for\nthe advancement of that faith. [1350] On the western frontier of\nAbyssinia, there is a pagan tribe called the Boruns; some of these men\nwho had enlisted in a negro regiment, under the Anglo-Egyptian\ngovernment of the Sudan, were converted to Islam by the wives of the\nblack soldiers while the battalion was returning to Khartum. [1351] The\nTatar women of Kazan are said to be especially zealous as propagandists\nof Islam. [1352] The professed devotee, because she happens to be a\nwoman, is not thereby debarred from taking her place with the male\nsaint in the company of the preachers of the faith. The legend of the\nholy women, descended from \u02bbAl\u012b, who are said to have flown through the\nair from Karbal\u0101\u02bc to Lahore, and there by the influence of their devout\nlives of prayer and fasting to have won the first converts from\nHinduism to Islam, [1353] could hardly have originated if the influence\nof such holy women were a thing quite unknown. One of the most\nvenerated tombs in Cairo is that of Naf\u012bsah, the great-granddaughter of\n\u1e24asan (the martyred son of \u02bbAl\u012b), whose theological learning excited\nthe admiration even of her great contemporary, Im\u0101m al-Sh\u0101fi\u02bb\u012b, and\nwhose piety and austerities raised her to the dignity of a saint: it is\nrelated of her that when she settled in Egypt, she happened to have as\nher neighbours a family of dhimm\u012bs whose daughter was so grievously\nafflicted that she could not move her limbs but had to lie on her back\nall day. The parents of the poor girl had to go one day to the market\nand asked their pious Muslim neighbour to look after their daughter\nduring their absence. Naf\u012bsah, filled with love and pity, undertook\nthis work of mercy; and when the parents of the sick girl were gone,\nshe lifted up her soul in prayer to God on behalf of the helpless\ninvalid. Scarcely was her prayer ended than the sick girl regained the\nuse of her limbs and was able to go to meet her parents on their\nreturn. Filled with gratitude, the whole family became converts to the\nreligion of their benefactor. [1354]\n\nEven the Muslim prisoner will on occasion embrace the opportunity of\npreaching his faith to his captors or to his fellow-prisoners. The\nfirst introduction of Islam into Eastern Europe was the work of a\nMuslim jurisconsult who was taken prisoner, probably in one of the wars\nbetween the Byzantine empire and its Muhammadan neighbours, and was\nbrought to the country of the Pechenegs [1355] in the beginning of the\neleventh century. He set before many of them the teachings of Islam and\nthey embraced the faith with sincerity, so that it began to be spread\namong this people. But the other Pechenegs who had not accepted the\nMuslim religion, took umbrage at the conduct of their fellow-countrymen\nand finally came to blows with them. The Muslims, who numbered about\ntwelve thousand, successfully withstood the attack of the unbelievers,\nthough they were more than double their number, and the remnant of the\ndefeated party embraced the religion of the victors. Before the close\nof the eleventh century the whole nation had become Muhammadan and had\namong them men learned in Muslim theology and jurisprudence. [1356] In\nthe reign of the Emperor Jah\u0101ng\u012br (1605\u20131628) there was a certain Sunn\u012b\ntheologian, named Shaykh A\u1e25mad Mujaddid, who especially distinguished\nhimself by the energy with which he controverted the doctrines of the\nSh\u012b\u02bbahs: the latter, being at this time in favour at court, succeeded\nin having him imprisoned on some frivolous charge; during the two years\nthat he was kept in prison he converted to Islam several hundred\nidolaters who were his companions in the same prison. [1357] In more\nrecent times, an Indian mawlav\u012b, who had been sentenced to\ntransportation for life to the Andaman Islands by the British\nGovernment, because he had taken an active part in the Wahh\u0101b\u012b\nconspiracy of 1864, converted many of the convicts before his death. In\nCentral Africa, an Arab chief condemned to death by the Belgians, spent\nhis last hours in trying to convert to Islam the Christian missionary\nwho had been sent to bring him the consolations of religion. [1358]\n\nSuch being the missionary zeal of the Muslims, that they are ready to\nspeak in season and out of season,\u2014as Doughty, with fine insight, says,\n\u201cTheir talk is continually (without hypocrisy) of religion, which is of\ngenial devout remembrance to them,\u201d [1359]\u2014let us now consider some of\nthe causes that have contributed to their success.\n\nForemost among these is the simplicity [1360] of the Muslim creed,\nThere is no god but God; Mu\u1e25ammad is the Apostle of God. Assent to\nthese two simple doctrines is all that is demanded of the convert, and\nthe whole history of Muslim dogmatics fails to present any attempt on\nthe part of ecclesiastical assemblies to force on the mass of believers\nany symbol couched in more elaborate and complex terms. This simple\ncreed demands no great trial of faith, arouses as a rule no particular\nintellectual difficulties and is within the compass of the meanest\nintelligence. Unencumbered with theological subtleties, it may be\nexpounded by any, even the most unversed in theological expression. The\nfirst half of it enunciates a doctrine that is almost universally\naccepted by men as a necessary postulate, while the second half is\nbased on a theory of man\u2019s relationship to God that is almost equally\nwide-spread, viz. that at intervals in the world\u2019s history God grants\nsome revelation of Himself to men through the mouthpiece of inspired\nprophets. This, the rationalistic character of the Muslim creed, and\nthe advantage it reaps therefrom in its missionary efforts, have\nnowhere been more admirably brought out than in the following sentences\nof Professor Montet:\u2014\n\n\u201cIslam is a religion that is essentially rationalistic in the widest\nsense of this term considered etymologically and historically. The\ndefinition of rationalism as a system that bases religious beliefs on\nprinciples furnished by the reason, applies to it exactly. It is true\nthat Mu\u1e25ammad, who was an enthusiast and possessed, too, the ardour of\nfaith and the fire of conviction, that precious quality he transmitted\nto so many of his disciples,\u2014brought forward his reform as a\nrevelation: but this kind of revelation is only one form of exposition\nand his religion has all the marks of a collection of doctrines founded\non the data of reason. To believers, the Muhammadan creed is summed up\nin belief in the unity of God and in the mission of His Prophet, and to\nourselves who coldly analyse his doctrines, to belief in God and a\nfuture life; these two dogmas, the minimum of religious belief,\nstatements that to the religious man rest on the firm basis of reason,\nsum up the whole doctrinal teaching of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n. The simplicity and\nthe clearness of this teaching are certainly among the most obvious\nforces at work in the religion and the missionary activity of Islam. It\ncannot be denied that many doctrines and systems of theology and also\nmany superstitions, from the worship of saints to the use of rosaries\nand amulets, have become grafted on to the main trunk of the Muslim\ncreed. But in spite of the rich development, in every sense of the\nterm, of the teachings of the Prophet, the Qur\u02bc\u0101n has invariably kept\nits place as the fundamental starting-point, and the dogma of the unity\nof God has always been proclaimed therein with a grandeur, a majesty,\nan invariable purity and with a note of sure conviction, which it is\nhard to find surpassed outside the pale of Islam. This fidelity to the\nfundamental dogma of the religion, the elemental simplicity of the\nformula in which it is enunciated, the proof that it gains from the\nfervid conviction of the missionaries who propagate it, are so many\ncauses to explain the success of Muhammadan missionary efforts. A creed\nso precise, so stripped of all theological complexities and\nconsequently so accessible to the ordinary understanding, might be\nexpected to possess and does indeed possess a marvellous power of\nwinning its way into the consciences of men.\u201d [1361]\n\nBishop Lefroy considers that the \u201csecret of the extraordinary power for\nconquest and advance which Islam has in its best ages evinced\u201d is to be\nfound in its recognition of the Existence of God rather than the Unity\nof God. \u201cNot so much that God is one as that God IS\u2014that His existence\nis the ultimate fact of the universe\u2014that His will is supreme\u2014His\nsovereignty absolute\u2014His power limitless ... the conviction that,\namidst all the chaos and confusion and disorders of the world which so\nfearfully obscure it, there is nevertheless, an ultimate Will,\nresistless, supreme, and that man is called to be a minister of that\nWill, to promulgate it, to compel\u2014if necessary by very simple and\nelementary means indeed\u2014obedience to that Will\u2014this it was which welded\nthe Mohammedan hosts into so invincible an engine of conquest, which\ninspired them with a spirit of military subordination and discipline,\nas well as with a contempt of death, such as has probably never been\nsurpassed in any system\u2014this it is which, so far as it is still in any\ntrue sense operative amongst Mohammadans, gives at once that backbone\nof character, that firmness of determination and strength of will, and\nalso that uncomplaining patience and submission in the presence of the\nbitterest misfortune, which characterise and adorn the best adherents\nof the creed.\u201d [1362]\n\nWhen the convert has accepted and learned this simple creed, he has\nthen to be instructed in the five practical duties of his religion: (1)\nrecital of the creed, (2) observance of the five appointed times of\nprayer, (3) payment of the legal alms, (4) fasting during the month of\nRama\u1e0d\u0101n, and (5) the pilgrimage to Mecca.\n\nThe observance of this last duty has often been objected to as a\nstrange survival of idolatry in the midst of the monotheism of the\nProphet\u2019s teaching, but it must be borne in mind that to him it\nconnected itself with Abraham, whose religion it was his mission to\nrestore. [1363] But above all\u2014and herein is its supreme importance in\nthe missionary history of Islam\u2014it ordains a yearly gathering of\nbelievers, of all nations and languages, brought together from all\nparts of the world, to pray in that sacred place towards which their\nfaces are set in every hour of private worship in their distant homes.\nNo fetch of religious genius could have conceived a better expedient\nfor impressing on the minds of the faithful a sense of their common\nlife and of their brotherhood in the bonds of faith. Here, in a supreme\nact of common worship, the Negro of the west coast of Africa meets the\nChinaman from the distant east; the courtly and polished Ottoman\nrecognises his brother Muslim in the wild islander from the farthest\nend of the Malayan Sea. At the same time throughout the whole\nMuhammadan world the hearts of believers are lifted up in sympathy with\ntheir more fortunate brethren gathered together in the sacred city, as\nin their own homes they celebrate the festival of \u02bb\u012ad al-A\u1e0d\u1e25\u1ea1\u0304 or (as it\nis called in Turkey and Egypt) the feast of Bayr\u0101m. Their visit to the\nsacred city has been to many Muslims the experience that has stirred\nthem up to \u201cstrive in the path of God,\u201d and in the preceding pages\nconstant reference has been made to the active part taken by the \u1e25\u0101j\u012bs\nin missionary work.\n\nBesides the institution of the pilgrimage, the payment of the legal\nalms is another duty that continually reminds the Muslim that \u201cthe\nfaithful are brothers\u201d [1364]\u2014a religious theory that is very\nstrikingly realised in Muhammadan society and seldom fails to express\nitself in acts of kindness towards the new convert. Whatever be his\nrace, colour or antecedents he is received into the brotherhood of\nbelievers and takes his place as an equal among equals.\n\nIt is not, however, true, as some European writers have maintained,\nthat if an unbeliever is the slave of a Muslim his conversion to Islam\nprocures for him his manumission, for, according to Muhammadan law, the\nconversion of a slave does not affect the prior state of bondage;\n[1365] and the condition of the Muslim slave has varied much according\nto the character of his master. But freedom is in many instances the\nreward of conversion, and devout minds have even recognised in\nenslavement God\u2019s guidance to the true faith, as the negroes from the\nUpper Nile countries, whom Doughty met in Arabia. \u201cIn those Africans\nthere is no resentment that they have been made slaves ... even though\ncruel men-stealers rent them from their parentage. The patrons who paid\ntheir price have adopted them into their households, the males are\ncircumcised and\u2014that which enfranchises their souls, even in the long\npassion of home-sickness\u2014God has visited them in their mishap; they can\nsay \u2018it was His grace,\u2019 since they be thereby entered into the saving\nreligion. This, therefore, they think is the better country, where they\nare the Lord\u2019s free men, a land of more civil life, the soil of the two\nSanctuaries, the land of Mohammed:\u2014for such they do give God thanks\nthat their bodies were sometime sold into slavery!\u201d [1366]\n\nVery effective also, both in winning and retaining, is the ordinance of\nthe daily prayers five times a day. Montesquieu [1367] has well said,\n\u201cUne religion charg\u00e9e de beaucoup de pratiques attache plus \u00e0 elle\nqu\u2019une autre qui l\u2019est moins; on tient beaucoup aux choses dont on est\ncontinuellement occup\u00e9.\u201d The religion of the Muslim is continually\npresent with him and in the daily prayer manifests itself in a solemn\nand impressive ritual, which cannot leave either the worshipper or the\nspectator unaffected. Sa\u02bb\u012bd b. \u1e24asan, an Alexandrian Jew, who embraced\nIslam in the year 1298, speaks of the sight of the Friday prayer in a\nmosque as a determining factor in his own conversion. During a severe\nillness he had had a vision in which a voice bade him declare himself a\nMuslim. \u201cAnd when I entered the mosque\u201d (he goes on) \u201cand saw the\nMuslims standing in rows like angels, I heard a voice speaking within\nme, \u2018This is the community whose coming was announced by the prophets\n(on whom be blessings and peace!)\u2019; and when the preacher came forth\nclad in his black robe, a deep feeling of awe fell upon me ... and when\nhe closed his sermon with the words, \u2018Verily God enjoineth justice and\nkindness and the giving of gifts to kinsfolk, and He forbiddeth\nwickedness and wrong and oppression. He warneth you; haply ye will be\nmindful.\u2019 [1368] And when the prayer began, I was mightily uplifted,\nfor the rows of the Muslims appeared to me like rows of angels, to\nwhose prostrations and genuflections God Almighty was revealing\nHimself, and I heard a voice within me saying, \u2018If God spake twice unto\nthe people of Israel throughout the ages, verily He speaketh unto this\ncommunity in every time of prayer,\u2019 and I was convinced in my mind that\nI had been created to be a Muslim.\u201d [1369]\n\nIf Renan could say, \u201cJe ne suis jamais entr\u00e9 dans une mosqu\u00e9e sans une\nvive \u00e9motion, le dirai-je? sans un certain regret de n\u2019\u00eatre pas\nmusulman,\u201d [1370] it can be readily understood how the sight of the\nMuslim trader at prayer, his frequent prostrations, his absorbed and\nsilent worship of the Unseen, would impress the heathen African, endued\nwith that strong sense of the mysterious such as generally accompanies\na low stage of civilisation. Curiosity would naturally prompt inquiry,\nand the knowledge of Islam thus imparted might sometimes win over a\nconvert who might have turned aside had it been offered unsought, as a\nfree gift. Of the fast during the month of Rama\u1e0d\u0101n, it need only be\nsaid that it is a piece of standing evidence against the theory that\nIslam is a religious system that attracts by pandering to the\nself-indulgence of men. As Carlyle has said, \u201cHis religion is not an\neasy one: with rigorous fasts, lavations, strict complex formulas,\nprayers five times a day, and abstinence from wine, it did not succeed\nby being an easy religion.\u201d\n\nBound up with these and other ritual observances, but not encumbered or\nobscured by them, the articles of the Muslim creed are incessantly\nfinding outward manifestation in the life of the believer, and thus,\nbecoming inextricably interwoven with the routine of his daily life,\nmake the individual Musalman an exponent and teacher of his creed far\nmore than is the case with the adherents of most other religions.\n[1371] Couched in such short and simple language, his creed makes but\nlittle demand upon the intellect, and the definiteness, positiveness,\nand minuteness of the ritual leave the believer in no doubt as to what\nhe has to do, and these duties performed, he has the satisfaction of\nfeeling that he has fulfilled all the precepts of the Law. In this\nunion of rationalism and ritualism, we may find, to a great extent, the\nsecret of the power that Islam has exercised over the minds of men. \u201cIf\nyou would win the great masses give them the truth in rounded form,\nneat and clear, in visible and tangible guise.\u201d [1372]\n\nMany other circumstances might be adduced that have contributed towards\nthe missionary success of Islam\u2014circumstances peculiar to particular\ntimes and countries. Among these may be mentioned the advantage that\nMuhammadan missionary work derives from the fact of its being so\nlargely in the hands of traders, especially in Africa and other\nuncivilised countries where the people are naturally suspicious of the\nforeigner. For, in the case of the trader, his well-known and harmless\navocation secures to him an immunity from any such feelings of\nsuspicion, while his knowledge of men and manners, his commercial\nsavoir-faire, gain for him a ready reception, and remove that feeling\nof constraint which might naturally arise in the presence of the\nstranger. He labours under no such disadvantages as hamper the\nprofessed missionary, who is liable to be suspected of some sinister\nmotive, not only by people whose range of experience and mental horizon\nare limited and to whom the idea of any man enduring the perils of a\nlong journey and laying aside every mundane occupation for the sole\npurpose of gaining proselytes, is inexplicable, but also by more\ncivilised men of the world who are very prone to doubt the sincerity of\nthe paid missionary agent.\n\nThe circumstances are very different when Islam has not to appear as a\nsuppliant in a foreign country, but stands forth proudly as the\nreligion of the ruling race. In the preceding pages it has been shown\nthat the theory of the Muslim faith enjoins toleration and freedom of\nreligious life for all those followers of other faiths who pay tribute\nin return for protection, and though the pages of Muhammadan history\nare stained with the blood of many cruel persecutions, still, on the\nwhole, unbelievers have enjoyed under Muhammadan rule a measure of\ntoleration, the like of which is not to be found in Europe until quite\nmodern times. Forcible conversion was forbidden, in accordance with the\nprecepts of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n:\u2014\u201cLet there be no compulsion in religion\u201d (ii.\n257). \u201cWilt thou compel men to become believers? No soul can believe\nbut by the permission of God\u201d (x. 99, 100). The very existence of so\nmany Christian sects and communities in countries that have been for\ncenturies under Muhammadan rule is an abiding testimony to the\ntoleration they have enjoyed, and shows that the persecutions they have\nfrom time to time been called upon to endure at the hands of bigots and\nfanatics, have been excited by some special and local circumstances\nrather than inspired by a settled principle of intolerance. [1373]\n\nAt such times of persecution, the pressure of circumstances has driven\nmany unbelievers to become\u2014outwardly at least\u2014Muhammadans, and many\ninstances might be given of individuals who, on particular occasions,\nhave been harassed into submission to the religion of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n. But\nsuch oppression is wholly without the sanction of Muhammadan law,\neither religious or civil. The passages in the Qur\u02bc\u0101n that forbid\nforced conversion and enjoin preaching as the sole legitimate method of\nspreading the faith have already been quoted above (Introduction, pp.\n5\u20136), and the same doctrine is upheld by the decisions of the\nMuhammadan doctors. When Moses Maimonides, who under the fanatical rule\nof the Almohads had feigned conversion to Islam, fled to Egypt and\nthere openly declared himself to be a Jew, a Muslim jurisconsult from\nSpain denounced him for his apostasy and demanded that the extreme\npenalty of the law should be inflicted on him for this offence; but the\ncase was quashed by al-Q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b al-F\u0101\u1e0dil, \u02bbAbd al-Ra\u1e25\u012bm b. \u02bbAl\u012b, [1374] one\nof the most famous of Muslim judges, and the prime minister of the\ngreat Saladin, who authoritatively declared that a man who had been\nconverted to Islam by force could not be rightly considered to be a\nMuslim. [1375] In the same spirit, when Gh\u0101z\u0101n (1295\u20131304) discovered\nthat the Buddhist monks who had become Muhammadans at the beginning of\nhis reign (when their temples had been destroyed) only made a pretence\nof being converted, he granted permission to all those who so wished to\nreturn to Tibet, where among their Buddhist fellow-countrymen they\nwould be free once more to follow their own faith. [1376] Tavernier\ntells us a similar story of some Jews of Ispahan who were so grievously\npersecuted by the governor \u201cthat either by force or cunning he caused\nthem to turn Mahometans; but the king (Sh\u0101h \u02bbAbb\u0101s II) (1642\u20131667),\nunderstanding that only power and fear had constrained them to turn,\nsuffer\u2019d them to resume their own religion and to live in quiet.\u201d\n[1377] A story of a much earlier traveller [1378] in Persia, in 1478,\nshows how even in those turbulent times a Muhammadan governor set\nhimself to severely crush an outburst of fanaticism of the same\ncharacter. A rich Armenian merchant of the city of Tabr\u012bz was sitting\nin his shop one day when a \u1e24\u0101j\u012b, [1379] with a reputation for sanctity,\ncoming up to him importuned him to become a Musalman and abandon his\nChristian faith; when the merchant expressed his intention of remaining\nsteadfast in his religion and offered the fellow alms with the hope of\ngetting rid of him, he replied that what he wanted was not his alms but\nhis conversion; and at length, enraged at the persistent refusal of the\nmerchant, suddenly snatched a sword out of the hand of a bystander and\nstruck the merchant a mortal blow on the head and then ran away. When\nthe Governor of the city heard the news, he was very angry and ordered\nthe murderer to be pursued and captured; the culprit having been\nbrought into his presence, the governor stabbed him to death with his\nown hand and ordered his body to be cast forth to be devoured by dogs,\nsaying: \u201cWhat! is this the way in which the religion of Mu\u1e25ammad\nspreads?\u201d At nightfall, the common people took up the body and buried\nit, whereupon the Governor, enraged at this contempt of his order, gave\nup the place for three or four hours to be sacked by his soldiers and\nafterwards imposed a fine as a further penalty; also he called the son\nof the merchant to him and comforted him and caressed him with good and\nkindly words. Even the mad al-\u1e24\u0101kim (996\u20131020), whose persecutions\ncaused many Jews and Christians to abandon their own faith and become\nMusalmans, afterwards allowed these unwilling converts to return again\nto their own religion and rebuild their ruined places of worship.\n[1380] Neglected as the Eastern Christians have been by their Christian\nbrethren in the West, unarmed for the most part and utterly\ndefenceless, it would have been easy for any of the powerful rulers of\nIslam to have utterly rooted out their Christian subjects or banished\nthem from their dominions, as the Spaniards did the Moors, or the\nEnglish the Jews for nearly four centuries. It would have been\nperfectly possible for Sal\u012bm I (in 1514) or Ibr\u0101h\u012bm (in 1646) to have\nput into execution the barbarous notion they conceived of exterminating\ntheir Christian subjects, just as the former had massacred 40,000\nSh\u012b\u02bbahs with the aim of establishing uniformity of religious belief\namong his Muhammadan subjects. The muftis who turned the minds of their\nmasters from such a cruel purpose, did so as the exponents of Muslim\nlaw and Muslim tolerance. [1381]\n\nStill, though the principle that found so much favour in Germany in the\nseventeenth century [1382]\u2014Cuius regio eius religio,\u2014was never adopted\nby any Muhammadan potentate, it is obvious that the fact of Islam being\nthe state religion could not fail to have had some influence in\nincreasing the number of its adherents. Persons on whom their religious\nfaith sat lightly would be readily influenced by considerations of\nworldly advantage, and ambition and self-interest would take the place\nof more laudable motives for conversion. St. Augustine made a similar\ncomplaint in the fifth century, that many entered the Christian Church\nmerely because they hoped to gain some temporal advantage thereby:\n\u201cQuam multi non quaerunt Iesum, nisi ut illis faciat bene secundum\ntempus! Alius negotium habet, quaerit intercessionem clericorum; alius\npremitur a potentiore, fugit ad ecclesiam; alius pro se vult\ninterveniri apud eum apud quem parum valet: ille sic, ille sic;\nimpletur quotidie talibus ecclesia.\u201d [1383]\n\nMoreover, to the barbarous and uncivilised tribes that saw the glory\nand majesty of the empire of the Arabs in the heyday of its power,\nIslam must have appeared as imposing and have exercised as powerful a\nfascination as the Christian faith when presented to the Barbarians of\nNorthern Europe, when \u201cThey found Christianity in the\nEmpire\u2014Christianity refined and complex, imperious and\npompous\u2014Christianity enthroned by the side of kings, and sometimes\nparamount above them.\u201d [1384]\n\nAdded to this must often have been the slow, persistent influence of\ndaily contact with Muslim life and thought, such as led even a\nNestorian writer of the twelfth century to add words of blessing to the\nmention of the name of the Prophet and the early caliphs, [1385] and to\npray for the mercy of God on the caliph \u02bbUmar b. \u02bbAbd al-\u02bbAz\u012bz. [1386]\nIn modern times Christian missionaries complain that the system of\npublic instruction in Egypt under the British occupation, according to\nwhich \u201cChristian boys are often compelled to sit and listen to the\nKoran and D\u00een (religious teaching) being taught to their Moslem\ncompanions when there is no room where they can be separated,\u201d [1387]\ntends to give the Muhammadans a preponderating influence over their\nChristian fellow-students. One of the most active of the followers of\nthe late Muft\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad \u02bbAbduh was originally a Coptic medical student,\nwho had been won over to Islam through the influence of the religious\ninstruction he had heard given in school hours. [1388]\n\nBut the recital of such motives as little accounts for all cases of\nconversion in the one religion as in the other, and they should not\nmake us lose sight of other factors in the missionary life of Islam,\nwhose influence has been of a more distinctly religious character.\nForemost among these is the influence of the devout lives of the\nfollowers of Islam. Strange as it may appear to a generation accustomed\nto look upon Islam as a cloak for all kinds of vice, it is nevertheless\ntrue that in earlier times many Christians who have come into contact\nwith a living Muslim society have been profoundly impressed by the\nvirtues exhibited therein; if these could so strike the traveller and\nthe stranger, they would no doubt have some influence of attraction on\nthe unbeliever who came in daily contact with them. Ricoldus de Monte\nCrucis, a Dominican missionary who visited the East at the close of the\nthirteenth century, thus breaks out in praise of the Muslims among whom\nhe had laboured: \u201cObstupuimus, quomodo in lege tante perfidie poterant\nopera tante perfectionis inveniri. Referemus igitur hic breviter opera\nperfectionis Sarracenorum.... Quis enim non obstupescat, si diligenter\nconsideret, quanta in ipsis Sarracenis sollicitudo ad studium, devocio\nin oratione, misericordia ad pauperes, reverencia ad nomen Dei et\nprophetas et loca sancta, gravitas in moribus, affabilitas ad\nextraneos, concordia et amor ad suos?\u201d [1389] William Petit of Newburgh\nin similar manner, towards the end of the twelfth century, praised the\nsobriety of the Saracens as the outcome of the teaching of their\nProphet and as inspiring them with a sense of moral superiority over\nthe Christians: \u201cGulosos vero atque ebriosos, orbi terrarum graves\nabominatus, sobrietatem docuit, ciborum delicias sugillavit, vini usum,\npraeterquam paucis certisque diebus solemnibus, interdixit [Macometus].\nInde est, quod cum Sarraceni in fluxu libidinum de sui, ut dictum est,\nseductoris indulgentia probentur esse spurcissimi; nostris, proh dolor!\nin frugalitate superiores esse videntur, nobisque, proh pudor!\ncomessationum et ebrietatum sordes improperant. Denique malleus\nChristiani nominis Saladinus ante annos aliquot, cum nostrorum mores\nexplorans, audisset quod pluribus in prandio ferculis uterentur,\ndixisse fertur, \u2018tales Terra Sancta indignos esse.\u2019 Unde constat, quod\nluxus nostrorum conspectus Agarenos, de frugalitate gloriantes, contra\nnos incitet animetque tanquam dicentes; \u2018Deus dereliquit crapulatos\nistos, persequamur et comprehendamus, quia non est qui eripiat.\u2019\u201d\n[1390]\n\nThe literature of the Crusades is rich in such appreciations of Muslim\nvirtues, while the Ottoman Turks in the early days of their rule in\nEurope received many a tribute of praise from Christian lips, as has\nalready been shown in a former chapter.\n\nAt the present day there are two chief factors (beyond such of the\nabove-mentioned as still hold good) that make for missionary activity\nin the Muslim world. The first of these is the revival of religious\nlife which dates from the Wahh\u0101b\u012b reformation at the end of the\neighteenth century; though this new departure has long lost all\npolitical significance outside the confines of Najd, as a religious\nrevival its influence is felt throughout Africa, India and the Malay\nArchipelago even to the present day, and has given birth to numerous\nmovements which take rank among the most powerful influences in the\nIslamic world. In the preceding pages it has already been shown how\nclosely connected many of the modern Muslim missions are with this\nwide-spread revival: the fervid zeal it has stirred up, the new life it\nhas infused into existing religious institutions, the impetus it has\ngiven to theological study and to the organisation of devotional\nexercises, have all served to awake and keep alive the innate\nproselytising spirit of Islam.\n\nSide by side with this reform movement, is another of an entirely\ndifferent character\u2014for, to mention one point of difference only, while\nthe former is strongly opposed to European civilisation, the latter is\nrather in sympathy with modern thought and offers a presentment of\nIslam in accordance therewith,\u2014viz. the Pan-Islamic movement, which\nseeks to bind all the nations of the Muslim world in a common bond of\nsympathy. Though in no way so significant as the other, still this\ntrend of thought gives a powerful stimulus to missionary labours; the\neffort to realise in actual life the Muslim ideal of the brotherhood of\nall believers reacts on collateral ideals of the faith, and the sense\nof a vast unity and of a common life running through the nations\ninspirits the hearts of the faithful and makes them bold to speak in\nthe presence of the unbelievers.\n\nWhat further influence these two movements will have on the missionary\nlife of Islam, the future only can show. But their very activity at the\npresent day is a proof that Islam is not dead. The spiritual energy of\nIslam is not, as has been so often maintained, commensurate with its\npolitical power. [1391] On the contrary, the loss of political power\nand worldly prosperity has served to bring to the front the finer\nspiritual qualities which are the truest incentives to missionary work.\nIslam has learned the uses of adversity, and so far from a decline in\nworldly prosperity being a presage of the decay of this faith, it is\nsignificant that those very Muslim countries that have been longest\nunder Christian rule show themselves most active in the work of\nproselytising. The Indian and Malay Muhammadans display a zeal and\nenthusiasm for the spread of the faith, which one looks for in vain in\nTurkey or Morocco.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX I.\n\nLETTER OF AL-H\u0100SHIM\u012a INVITING AL-KIND\u012a TO EMBRACE ISLAM.\n\n\nThe following is the text of al-H\u0101shim\u012b\u2019s letter inviting al-Kind\u012b to\nembrace Islam:\u2014\u201cIn the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. I\nhave begun this letter with the salutation of peace and blessing after\nthe fashion of my lord and the lord of the prophets, Mu\u1e25ammad, the\nApostle of God (may the peace and mercy of God be upon him!). For those\ntrustworthy, righteous and truthful persons who have handed down to us\nthe traditions of our Prophet (peace be upon him!) have related this\ntradition concerning him that such was his habit and that whenever he\nbegan to converse with men he would commence with the salutation of\npeace and blessing and made no distinction of dhimm\u012bs and illiterate,\nbetween Muslims and polytheists, saying \u2018I am sent to be kind and\nconsiderate to all men and not to deal roughly or harshly with them,\u2019\nand quoting the words of God, \u2018Verily God is kind and merciful to\nbelievers.\u2019 Likewise I have observed that those of our Khal\u012bfahs that I\nhave met, followed the footsteps of their Prophet in courtesy,\nnobility, graciousness and beneficence, and made no distinctions in\nthis matter and preferred none before another. So I have followed this\nexcellent way and have begun my letter with the salutation of peace and\nblessing, that I be blamed of none who sees my letter.\n\n\u201cI have been guided therein by my affection towards you because my lord\nand prophet, Mu\u1e25ammad (may the peace and mercy of God be upon him!)\nused to say that love of kinsmen is true piety and religion. So I have\nwritten this to you in obedience to the Apostle of God (may the peace\nand mercy of God be upon him!), feeling bound to show gratitude for the\nservices you have done us, and because of the love and affection and\ninclination that you show towards us, and because of the favour of my\nlord and cousin the Commander of the Faithful (may God assist him!)\ntowards you and his trust in you and his praise of you. So in all\nsincerity desiring for you what I desire for myself, my family and my\nparents, I will set forth the religion that we hold, and that God has\napproved of for us and for all creatures and for which He has promised\na good reward in the end and safety from punishment when unto Him we\nshall return.... So I have sought to gain for you what I would gain for\nmyself; and seeing your high moral life, vast learning, nobility of\ncharacter, your virtuous behaviour, lofty qualities and your extensive\ninfluence over your co-religionists, I have had compassion on you lest\nyou should continue in your present faith. Therefore I have determined\nto set before you what the favour of God has revealed to us and to\nexpound unto you our faith with good and gentle speech, following the\ncommandment of God, \u2018Dispute not with the people of the book except in\nthe best way.\u2019 (xxix. 45.) So I will discuss with you only in words\nwell-chosen, good and mild; perchance you may be aroused and return to\nthe true path and incline unto the words of the Most High God which He\nhas sent down to the last of the Prophets and lord of the children of\nAdam, our Prophet Mu\u1e25ammad (the peace and blessing of God be upon\nhim!). I have not despaired of success, but had hope of it for you from\nGod who showeth the right path to whomsoever He willeth, and I have\nprayed that He may make me an instrument to this end. God in His\nperfect book says \u2018Verily the religion before God is Islam\u2019 (iii. 17),\nand again, confirming His first saying, \u2018And whoso desireth any other\nreligion than Islam, it shall by no means therefore be accepted from\nhim, and in the next world he shall be among the lost\u2019 (iii. 79), and\nagain He confirms it decisively, when He says, \u2018O believers, fear God\nas He deserveth to be feared; and die not without having become\nMuslims.\u2019 (iii. 97.)\n\n\u201cAnd you know\u2014(May God deliver you from the ignorance of unbelief and\nopen your heart to the light of faith!)\u2014that I am one over whom many\nyears have passed and I have sounded the depths of other faiths and\nweighed them and studied many of their books especially your books.\u201d\n[Here he enumerates the chief books of the Old and New Testaments, and\nexplains how he has studied the various Christian sects.] \u201cI have met\nwith many monks, famous for their austerities and vast knowledge, have\nvisited many churches and monasteries, and have attended their\nprayers.... I have observed their extraordinary diligence, their\nkneeling and prostrations and touching the ground with their cheeks and\nbeating it with their foreheads and humble bearing throughout their\nprayers, especially on Sunday and Friday nights, and on their festivals\nwhen they keep watch all night standing on their feet praising and\nglorifying God and confessing Him, and when they spend the whole day\nstanding in prayer, continually repeating the name of the Father, Son,\nand Holy Ghost, and in the days of their retreats which they call Holy\nWeek when they stand barefooted in sackcloth and ashes, with much\nweeping and shedding of tears continually, and wailing with strange\ncries. I have seen also their sacrifices, with what cleanliness they\nkeep the bread for it, and the long prayers they recite with great\nhumility when they elevate it over the altar in the well-known church\nat Jerusalem with those cups full of wine, and I have observed also the\nmeditations of the monks in their cells during their six fasts,\u2014i.e.\nthe four greater and the two less, etc. On all such occasions I have\nbeen present and observant of the people. Also I have visited their\nMetropolitans and Bishops, renowned for their learning and their\ndevotion to the Christian faith and extreme austerity in the world, and\nhave discussed with them impartially, seeking for the truth, laying\naside all contentiousness, ostentation of learning and imperiousness in\naltercation and bitterness and pride of race. I have given them\nopportunity to maintain their arguments and speak out their minds\nwithout interruption or browbeating, as is done by the vulgar and\nilliterate and foolish persons among our co-religionists who have no\nprinciple to work up to or reasons on which to rest, or religious\nfeeling or good manners to restrain them from rudeness; their speech is\nbut browbeating and proud altercation and they have no knowledge or\narguments except taking advantage of the rule of the government.\nWhenever I have held discussions with them and asked them to speak\nfreely as their reason, their creed and their conclusion prompted, they\nhave spoken openly and without deception of any kind, and their inward\nfeelings have been laid bare to me as plainly as their outward\nappearance. So I have written at such length to you (may God show you\nthe better way!) after long consideration and profound inquiry and\ninvestigation, so that none may suspect that I am ignorant of the\nthings whereof I write and that all into whose hands this letter may\ncome, may know that I have an accurate knowledge of the Christian\nfaith.\n\n\u201cSo, now (may God shower His blessings upon you!) with this knowledge\nof your religion and so long-standing an affection (for you), I invite\nyou to accept the religion that God has chosen for me and I for myself,\nassuring you entrance into Paradise and deliverance from Hell. And it\nis this,\u2014You shall worship the one God, the only God, the Eternal, He\nbegetteth not, neither is He begotten, who hath no consort and no son,\nand there is none like unto Him. This is the attribute wherewith God\nhas denominated Himself, for none of His creatures could know Him\nbetter than He Himself. I have invited you to the worship of this the\nOne God, whose attribute is such, and in this my letter I have added\nnothing to that wherewith He has denominated Himself (high and exalted\nbe His name above what they associate with Him!). This is the religion\nof your father and our father, Abraham (may the blessings of God rest\nupon him!), for he was a \u1e24an\u012bf and Muslim.\n\n\u201cThen I invite you (may God have you in His keeping!) to bear witness\nand acknowledge the prophetic mission of my lord and the lord of the\nsons of Adam, and the chosen one of the God of all worlds and the seal\nof the prophets, Mu\u1e25ammad ... sent by God with glad tidings and\nwarnings to all mankind. \u2018He it is who hath sent His Apostle with the\nguidance and a religion of the truth, that He may make it victorious\nover every other religion, albeit they who assign partners to God be\naverse from it.\u2019 (ix. 33.) So he invited all men from the East and from\nthe West, from land and sea, from mountain and from plain, with\ncompassion and pity and good words, with kindly manners and gentleness.\nThen all these people accepted his invitation, bearing witness that he\nis the apostle of God, the Creator of the worlds, to those who are\nwilling to give heed to admonition. All gave willing assent when they\nbeheld the truth and faithfulness of his words, and sincerity of his\npurpose, and the clear argument and plain proof that he brought, namely\nthe book that was sent down to him from God, the like of which cannot\nbe produced by men or Jinns. \u2018Say: Assuredly if mankind and the Jinns\nshould conspire to produce the like of this Qur\u02bc\u0101n, they could not\nproduce its like, though the one should help the other.\u2019 (xvii. 91.)\nAnd this is sufficient proof of his mission. So he invited men to the\nworship of the One God, the only God, the Self-sufficing, and they\nentered into his religion and accepted his authority without being\nforced and without unwillingness, but rather humbly acknowledging him\nand soliciting the light of his guidance, and in his name becoming\nvictorious over those who denied his divine mission and rejected his\nmessage and scornfully entreated him. So God set them up in the cities\nand subjected to them the necks of the nations of men, except those who\nhearkened to them and accepted their religion and bore witness to their\nfaith, whereby their blood, their property and their honour were safe\nand they were exempt from humbly paying jizyah.\u201d [He then enumerates\nthe various ordinances of Islam, such as the five daily prayers, the\nfast of Rama\u1e0d\u0101n, Jih\u0101d; expounds the doctrine of the resurrection of\nthe dead and the last judgment, and recounts the joys of Paradise and\nthe pains of Hell.] \u201cSo I have admonished you: if you believe in this\nfaith and accept whatever is read to you from the revealed Word of God,\nthen you will profit from my admonition and my writing to you. But if\nyou refuse and continue in your unbelief and error and contend against\nthe truth, I shall have my reward, having fulfilled the commandment.\nAnd the truth will judge you.\u201d [He then enumerates various religious\nduties and privileges of the Muslim, and concludes.] \u201cSo now in this my\nletter I have read to you the words of the great and high God, which\nare the words of the Truth, whose promises cannot fail and in whose\nwords there is no deceit. Then give up your unbelief and error, of\nwhich God disapproves and which calls for punishment, and speak no more\nof Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, these words that you yourself admit to\nbe so confusing: and give up the worship of the cross which brings loss\nand no profit, for I wish you to turn away from it, since your learning\nand nobility of soul are degraded thereby. For the great and high God\nsays: \u2018Verily, God will not forgive the union of other gods with\nHimself; but other than this will He forgive to whom He pleaseth. And\nwhoso uniteth gods with God, hath devised a great wickedness.\u2019 (iv.\n51.) And again: \u2018Surely now are they infidels who say, \u201cGod is the\nMessiah, Son of Mary;\u201d for the Messiah said, \u201cO children of Israel!\nworship God, my Lord and your Lord.\u201d Verily, those who join other gods\nwith God, God doth exclude from Paradise, and their abode the Fire; and\nfor the wicked no helpers! They surely are infidels who say, \u201cGod is a\nthird of three:\u201d for there is no god but one God; and if they refrain\nnot from what they say, a grievous chastisement shall assuredly befall\nsuch of them as believe not. Will they not, therefore, turn unto God,\nand ask pardon of Him? since God is Forgiving, Merciful! The Messiah,\nSon of Mary, is but an Apostle; other Apostles have flourished before\nhim; and his mother was a just person; they both ate food.\u2019 (v. 76\u20139.)\nThen leave this path of error and this long and stubborn clinging to\nyour religion and those burdensome and wearisome fasts which are a\nconstant trouble to you and are of no use or profit and produce nothing\nbut weariness of body and torment of soul. Embrace this faith and take\nthis, the right and easy path, the true faith, the ample law and the\nway that God has chosen for His favoured ones and to which He has\ninvited the people of all religions, that He may show His kindness and\nfavour to them by guiding them into the true path by means of His\nguidance, and fill up the measure of His goodness unto men.\n\n\u201cSo I have advised you and paid the debt of friendship and sincere\nlove, for I have desired to take you to myself, that you and I may be\nof the same opinion and the same faith, for I have found my Lord saying\nin his perfect Book: \u2018Verily the unbelievers among the people of the\nBook and among the polytheists, shall go into the fire of Hell to abide\ntherein for ever. Of all creatures they are the worst. But they verily\nwho believe and do the things that are right\u2014these of all creatures are\nthe best. Their recompense with their Lord shall be gardens of Eden,\n\u2019neath which the rivers flow, in which they shall abide for evermore.\nGod is well pleased with them, and they with Him. This, for him who\nfeareth his Lord.\u2019 (xcviii. 5\u20138.) \u2018Ye are the best folk that hath been\nraised up for mankind. Ye enjoin what is just, and ye forbid what is\nevil, and ye believe in God: and if the people of the book had\nbelieved, it had surely been better for them. Believers there are among\nthem, but most of them are disobedient.\u2019 (iii. 106.) So I have had\ncompassion upon you lest you might be among the people of Hell who are\nthe worst of all creatures, and I have hoped that by the grace of God\nyou may become one of the true believers with whom God is well pleased\nand they with Him, and they are the best of all creatures, and I have\nhoped that you will join yourself to that religion which is the best of\nthe religions raised up for men. But if you refuse and persist in your\nobstinacy, contentiousness and ignorance, your infidelity and error,\nand if you reject my words and refuse the sincere advice I have offered\nyou (without looking for any thanks or reward)\u2014then write whatever you\nwish to say about your religion, all that you hold to be true and\nestablished by strong proof, without any fear or apprehension, without\ncurtailment of your proofs or concealment of your beliefs; for I\npurpose only to listen patiently to your arguments and to yield to and\nacknowledge all that is convincing therein, submitting willingly\nwithout refusing or rejecting or fear, in order that I may compare your\naccount and mine. You are free to set forth your case; bring forward no\nplea that fear prevented you from making your arguments complete and\nthat you had to put a bridle on your tongue, so that you could not\nfreely express your arguments. So now you are free to bring forward all\nyour arguments, that you may not accuse me of pride, injustice or\npartiality: for that is far from me.\n\n\u201cTherefore bring forward all the arguments you wish and say whatever\nyou please and speak your mind freely. Now that you are safe and free\nto say whatever you please, appoint some arbitrator who will\nimpartially judge between us and lean only towards the truth and be\nfree from the empery of passion: and that arbitrator shall be Reason,\nwhereby God makes us responsible for our own rewards and punishments.\nHerein I have dealt justly with you and have given you full security\nand am ready to accept whatever decision Reason may give for me or\nagainst me. For \u2018there is no compulsion in religion\u2019 (ii. 257) and I\nhave only invited you to accept our faith willingly and of your own\naccord and have pointed out the hideousness of your present belief.\nPeace be with you and the mercy and blessings of God!\u201d\n\nThere can be very little doubt but that this document has come down to\nus in an imperfect condition and has suffered mutilation at the hands\nof Christian copyists: the almost entire absence of any refutation of\nsuch distinctively Christian doctrines as that of the Blessed Trinity,\nand the references to such attacks to be found in al-Kind\u012b\u2019s reply,\ncertainly indicate the excision of such passages as might have given\noffence to Christian readers. [1392]\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX II.\n\nCONTROVERSIAL LITERATURE BETWEEN MUSLIMS AND\nTHE FOLLOWERS OF OTHER FAITHS.\n\n\nAlthough Islam has had no organised system of propaganda, no tract\nsocieties or similar agencies of missionary work, there has been no\nlack of reasoned presentments of the faith to unbelievers, particularly\nto Christians and Jews. Of these it is not proposed to give a detailed\naccount here, but it is of importance to draw attention to their\nexistence if only to remove the wide-spread misconception that mass\nconversion is the prevailing characteristic of the spread of Islam and\nthat individual conviction has formed no part of the propagandist\nschemes of the Muslim missionary. The beginnings of Muhammadan\ncontroversy against unbelievers are to be found in the Qur\u02bc\u0101n itself,\nbut from the ninth century of the Christian era begins a long series of\nsystematic treatises of Muhammadan Apologetics, which has been actively\ncontinued to the present day. The number of such works directed against\nthe Christian faith has been far more numerous than the Christian\nrefutations of Islam, and some of the ablest of Muslim thinkers have\nemployed their pens in their composition, e.g. Ab\u016b Y\u016bsuf b. Is\u1e25\u0101q\nal-Kind\u012b (A.D. 813\u2013873), al-Mas\u02bb\u016bd\u012b (ob. A.D. 958), Ibn \u1e24azm (A.D.\n994\u20131064), al-Ghaz\u0101l\u012b (ob. A.D. 1111), etc. It is interesting also to\nnote that several renegades have written apologies for their change of\nfaith and in defence of the Muslim creed, e.g. Ibn Jazlah in the\neleventh century, Y\u016bsuf al-Lubn\u0101n\u012b and Shaykh Ziy\u0101dah b. Ya\u1e25y\u1ea1\u0304 in the\nthirteenth, \u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. \u02bbAbd All\u0101h in the fifteenth, Darwesh \u02bbAl\u012b in\nthe sixteenth, A\u1e25mad b. \u02bbAbd All\u0101h, an Englishman born at Cambridge, in\nthe seventeenth century, etc. These latter were all Christians before\ntheir conversion, but Jewish renegades also, though fewer in number,\nhave been among the apologists of Islam. In India, besides many\nMuhammadan books written against the Christian religion, there is an\nenormous number of controversial works against Hinduism: as to whether\nthe Muhammadans have been equally active in other heathen countries, I\nhave no information.\n\nThe reader will find a vast store of information on Muslim\ncontroversial literature in the following writings: Moritz\nSteinschneider: Polemische und apologetische Litteratur in arabischer\nSprache, zwischen Muslimen, Christen und Juden. (Leipzig, 1877); Ignaz\nGoldziher: \u00dcber Muhammedanische Polemik gegen Ahl al-kit\u00e2b (Z.D.M.G.,\nvol. 32, p. 341 ff. 1878); Martin Schreiner: Zur Geschichte der Polemik\nzwischen Juden und Muhammedanern (Z.D.M.G., vol. 42, p. 591 ff. 1888);\nW. A. Shedd: Islam and the Oriental Churches, pp. 252\u20133; Carl\nG\u00fcterbock: Der Islam in Lichte der byzantinischen Polemik. (Berlin,\n1912.)\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX III.\n\nMUSLIM MISSIONARY SOCIETIES.\n\n\nThe formation of societies for carrying on a propaganda in an organised\nand systematic manner is a recent development in the missionary history\nof Islam\u2014as indeed it is comparatively recent in the history of\nChristian missions. Such Muslim missionary societies would appear to\nhave been formed in conscious imitation of similar organisations in the\nChristian world, and are not in themselves the most characteristic\nexpressions of the missionary spirit in Islam. In the Western world\nthere is very little to note. No attempt seems to have been made to\nform such a society before the latter half of the nineteenth century,\nand the earliest efforts were attended with little success. When H. M.\nStanley in 1875 urged in the English Press the sending of a Christian\nmission to King Mutesa of Uganda, the wide-spread attention paid to his\nappeal led to the formation of a missionary society in Constantinople\nfor the propagation of Islam in that country, but no Muhammadan\nmissionaries were ever sent to Uganda, and the outbreak of the\nRusso-Turkish war in 1878 diverted the attention of the Turks from any\nsuch enterprise. [1393] A similar failure to establish organised\nmissionary effort was manifested when the Anglo-Egyptian Government of\nthe Sudan marked out zones of influence for various Christian\nmissionary societies in districts the natives of which were heathen;\nsome Muslims of Cairo claimed that a part of the territory should be\nallotted to the followers of Islam; whereupon the Government replied\nthat all they had to do was to send the missionaries and the same\nfacilities would be afforded to them as to the Christian missionaries;\nbut the necessary organisation was lacking and the matter was allowed\nto drop. [1394] In 1910 Shaykh Rash\u012bd, the editor of al-Man\u0101r, founded\na missionary society in Cairo, the object of which is to establish a\ncollege (entitled D\u0101r al-da\u02bbwah wa\u02bcl-irsh\u0101d) for the training of\nmissionaries and apologists for Islam, who are to be sent primarily\ninto heathen and Christian lands, but also into those Muhammadan\ncountries in which attempts are being made to induce the Muhammadans to\nabandon their faith. [1395]\n\nBut it is in India that there has been the greatest expansion of such\norganisations. One of the best organised of these is probably the\nAnjuman \u1e24im\u0101yat-i-Isl\u0101m of Lahore, but propagandist work forms only a\nsmall part of the wide field of its activities and it cannot therefore\nbe described as a missionary society pure and simple. The original\npurpose for which the Anjuman \u1e24\u0101m\u012b Isl\u0101m of Ajmer was founded was to\nanswer the objections urged against Islam by the members of the \u0100rya\nSam\u0101j, but it included among its objects the preaching of Islam and the\nproviding of food and clothing to new converts. [1396] The Anjuman\nWa\u02bbz\u0324-i-Isl\u0101m, as its name denotes, concentrated its efforts on the\npreaching of Islam, and, while Mawlav\u012b Baq\u0101 \u1e24usayn Kh\u0101n (p. 283) was\nits Secretary, published lists of the converts gained\u2014as did also the\nAnjuman-i-Isl\u0101m and the Anjuman Tabl\u012bgh-i-Isl\u0101m (which aimed at the\nconversion of the Hindu untouchables) established in \u1e24aydarabad\n(Deccan), but it does not appear that either of these societies\ncontinues to exist. [1397] Among the societies that have been\nestablished in the twentieth century are the Madrasa Il\u0101hiyy\u0101t at\nCawnpore, for the training of missionaries and the publication of\ntracts in defence of Islam and in refutation of attacks made upon it;\nand the Anjuman Ish\u0101\u02bbat wa Ta\u02bbl\u012bm-i-Isl\u0101m at Ba\u1e6d\u0101lah in the Panj\u0101b,\nwith similar objects. But the largest of these organisations is the\nAnjuman Hid\u0101yat al-Isl\u0101m of Dehl\u012b, to which as many as twenty-four\nother societies, [1398] in various parts of India, are affiliated; this\nAnjuman sends out missionaries to preach the doctrines of Islam and to\nhold controversies with non-Muslims, and publishes controversial\nliterature, especially in refutation of the attacks made by the members\nof the \u0100rya Sam\u0101j.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nTITLES OF WORKS CITED BY ABBREVIATED REFERENCES.\n\n\n(The Titles, etc., of books quoted once only, are given in full in the\nfoot-notes.)\n\n\nAa (P. J. B. Robid\u00e9 van der): Reizen naar Nederlandsch Nieuw-Guinea,\nmet Geschied- en Aardrijkskundige Toelichtingen. (The Hague, 1879.)\n\n\u02bbAbd al-Razz\u0101q al-Samarqandi: Ma\u1e6dla\u02bb al-sa\u02bbdayn wa majma\u02bb al-ba\u1e25rayn.\n(India Office MS. No. 2704.)\n\nAbh. f. d. K. d. M. hrsg. v. d. D. M. G.: Abhandlungen f\u00fcr die Kunde\ndes Morgenlandes, herausgegeben von der Deutschen Morgenl\u00e4ndischen\nGesellschaft. (Leipzig.)\n\nAbu\u2019l-Fid\u0101: G\u00e9ographie d\u2019Aboulf\u00e9da, traduite par M. Reinaud. (Paris,\n1848.)\n\nAbu\u2019l-Gh\u0101z\u012b: Histoire des Mogols et des Tartares par Aboul-Gh\u00e2zi\nBeh\u00e2dour Khan, traduite par le Baron Desmaisons. (St. Petersburg,\n1871\u20134.)\n\nAb\u016b \u1e62\u0101li\u1e25: The Churches and Monasteries of Egypt, edited and translated\nby B. T. A. Evetts. (Oxford, 1895.)\n\nAb\u016b Sh\u0101mah: Arabische Quellenbeitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der Kreuzz\u00fcge\n\u00fcbersetzt und herausgegeben von E. P. Goergens und R. R\u00f6hricht. Erster\nBand: Zur Geschichte \u1e62al\u00e2\u1e25 ad-d\u00een\u2019s. (Berlin, 1879.)\n\nAb\u016b \u02bbUbayd al-Bakr\u012b: Fragments de g\u00e9ographes et d\u2019historiens Arabes et\nPersans in\u00e9dits, relatifs aux anciens peuples du Caucase et de la\nRussie m\u00e9ridionale, traduits par C. Defr\u00e9mery. (J. A. ivme s\u00e9rie. Tome\nxiii, 1849.)\n\nAb\u016b Y\u016bsuf: Kit\u0101b al-Khar\u0101j. (Cairo, A.H. 1302.)\n\nAdeney (W. F.): The Greek and Eastern Churches. (Edinburgh, 1908.)\n\nA\u1e25mad b. Ya\u1e25y\u1ea1\u0304 b. al-Murta\u1e0d\u1ea1\u0304: Al-Mu\u02bbtazilah, being an extract from the\nKit\u0101b al-Milal wa\u02bcl-Ni\u1e25al, edited by T. W. Arnold. (Leipzig, 1902.)\n\nAll\u00e9gret (E.): L\u2019Islamisme en Afrique. (Revue Chr\u00e9tienne, iiime s\u00e9r.,\ntome xiv. (Paris, 1901.))\n\nAlvar: (1) Alvari Cordubensis Epistolae. (Migne, Patr. Lat. tom. cxxi.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Indiculus Luminosus. (id. ib.)\n\nAlvarez: Viaggio nella Ethiopia al Prete Ianni fatto par Don Francesco\nAlvarez Portughese. (1520\u201327.) (Ramusio, Tom. i.)\n\nAmari (Michele): Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia. (Florence, 1854\u201372.)\n\nAm\u00e9lineau (E.): \u00c9tude sur le Christianisme en \u00c9gypte au septi\u00e8me\nsi\u00e8cle. (Paris, 1887.)\n\n\u02bbAmr b. Mattai: Maris, Amri et Slibae De Patriarchis Nestorianorum\nCommentaria, ed. Henricus Gismondi. Pars Altera. (Romae, 1896.)\n\nAnderson (John): Chinese Mohammedans. (Journal of the Anthropological\nInstitute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. i. London, 1872.)\n\nAndriessen (W. F.): De Islam in Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb. (Vragen van den\nDag. Amsterdam, 1889.)\n\n\u02bbArabfaq\u012bh: Histoire de la conqu\u00eate de l\u2019Abyssinie (XVIe si\u00e8cle) par\nChihab ed-did A\u1e25med ben \u02bbAbd el-Q\u00e2der surnomm\u00e9 Arab-Faqih. Texte arabe\npubli\u00e9 par Ren\u00e9 Basset. (Paris, 1897\u20131909.)\n\nArgensola (B. Leonardo de): Conquista de las Islas Malucas. (Madrid,\n1609.)\n\nArminjon (Pierre): \u00c9trangers et prot\u00e9g\u00e9s dans l\u2019empire ottoman. (Paris,\n1903.)\n\nArtin (Yacoub Pasha): England in the Sudan, translated by George Robb.\n(London, 1911.)\n\nAsboth (J. de): An official tour through Bosnia and Herzegovina.\n(London, 1890.)\n\nAssemani (J. S.): Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana. (Rome,\n1719\u201328.)\n\nAzd\u012b: Fut\u016b\u1e25 al-Sh\u0101m by Mu\u1e25ammad ibn \u02bbAbd All\u0101h al-Azd\u012b al-Ba\u1e63r\u012b, edited\nby W. N. Lees. (Calcutta, 1854.)\n\nBah\u0101 al-D\u012bn: Vita et res gestae Saladini, auctore Bohadino filio\nSjeddadi. Edidit A. Schultens. (Lugduni Batavorum, 1732.)\n\nBal\u0101dhur\u012b: Liber Expugnationis Regionum, auctore Im\u00e1mo Ahmed ibn Jahja\nibn Dj\u00e1bir al-Bel\u00e1dsor\u00ed, ed. M. J. de Goeje. (Leiden, 1866.)\n\nBarbaro: Viaggio di Iosafa Barbaro nella Persia. (Ramusio, Tom. ii.)\n\nBarbier de Meynard (A. C.): Un document turc sur la Circassie.\n(Centenaire de l\u2019\u00c9cole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. Recueil de\nM\u00e9moires publi\u00e9 par les Professeurs de l\u2019\u00c9cole. Paris, 1895.)\n\nBarbosa (Odoardo): Libro di Odoardo Barbosa Portoghese dell\u2019Indie\nOrientali, 1516. (Ramusio, Tom. i.)\n\nBarhebr\u00e6us: (1) Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, ed. J. B.\nAbbeloos et T. J. Lamy. (Louvain, 1872\u201377.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Abu\u2019l-Faraj, Ta\u02bcr\u012bkh Mukhta\u1e63ar al-Duwal, ed. A. \u1e62\u0101li\u1e25\u0101n\u012b.\n(Bairut, 1890.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (3) Gregorii Abulpharagii sive Bar-Hebraei Chronicon Syriacum, ed.\net vert. P. J. Bruns et G. G. Kirsch. (Lipsiae, 1789.)\n\nBarros (J. de): Da Asia. (Lisbon, 1777\u20138.)\n\nBasset (Ren\u00e9): \u00c9tudes sur l\u2019Histoire d\u2019\u00c9thiopie. (Paris, 1882.)\n\nBastian (A.): Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien. (Leipzig, 1866.)\n\nBaudier (Michel): Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale de la Religion des Turcs. (Rouen,\n1641.)\n\nBaudissin (W. W. Graf von): Eulogius und Alvar. Ein Abschnitt\nspanischer Kirchengeschichte aus der Zeit der Maurenherrschaft.\n(Leipzig, 1872.)\n\nBaumgarten (Martin): The travels of. (A Collection of Voyages and\nTravels. London, 1752.)\n\nBecker (C. H.): (1) Materialien zur Kenntnis des Islam in\nDeutsch-Ostafrika. (Der Islam, vol. ii. Strassburg, 1911.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Papyri Schott-Reinhardt I., herausgegeben und erkl\u00e4rt.\n(Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen aus der Heidelberger Papyrus-Sammlung, iii.)\n(Heidelberg, 1906.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (3) Zur Geschichte des \u00f6stlichen S\u016bd\u0101n. (Der Islam, vol. i.\nStrassburg, 1910.)\n\nBeke (T. C.): Routes in Abyssinia. (J. R. Ggr. Soc., vol. xiv., 1844.)\n\nBelin: Fetwa relatif \u00e0 la condition des Zimmis et particuli\u00e8rement des\nChr\u00e9tiens, en pays musulmans, depuis l\u2019\u00e9tablissement de l\u2019islamisme,\njusqu\u2019au milieu du viiie si\u00e8cle de l\u2019h\u00e9gire, traduit de l\u2019arabe par M.\nBelin. (J. A. ivme s\u00e9rie, tome xviii., 1851.)\n\nBell (H. I.): Greek Papyri in the British Museum. Catalogue, with\nTexts, vol. iv. The Aphrodito Papyri, edited by H. I. Bell. With an\nappendix of Coptic Papyri, edited by W. E. Crum. (London, 1910.)\n\nBellew (H. W.): The races of Afghanistan. (Calcutta, 1880.)\n\nBenedict of Peterborough: Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi Benedicti\nAbbatis. Edited by William Stubbs. (London, 1867.)\n\nBerg (L. W. C. van den): (1) De Mohamedaansche geestelijkheid en de\ngeestelijke goederen op Java en Madoera. (Ts. ind. t.- l.- vk. Vol.\nxxvii., 1881.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Le \u1e24adhramout et les Colonies Arabes dans l\u2019Archipel Indien.\n(Batavia, 1886.)\n\nBijdr. t. d. t. l. en vlk.: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en\nVolkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb, uitgegeven door het Koninklijk\nInstituut voor de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb.\n(\u2019s Gravenhage.)\n\nBizzi: Relatione della visita fatta da me, Marino Bizzi, Arcivescovo\nd\u2019Antivari, nelle parti della Turchia, Antivari, Albania e Servia, alla\nSantit\u00e0 di Nostro Signore Papa Paolo Quinto. 1610. (Bibliotheca\nBarberina, Rome. Nr. lxiii. 13.)\n\nBlau: Chronik der Sul\u1e6d\u00e2ne von Bornu, bearbeitet von Otto Blau. (ZDMG.,\nvol. 6. 1852.)\n\nBlochet (E.): Introduction \u00e0 l\u2019Histoire des Mongols de Fadl Allah\nRashid ed-Din. (\u201cE. J. W. Gibb Memorial\u201d Series. xii.) (London, 1910.)\n\nBlount: A voyage into the Levant; a brief relation of a journey lately\nperformed by Master Henry Blount, Gentleman. 1634\u201336. (A Collection of\nVoyages and Travels. London, 1745.)\n\nBlunt (W. S.): The Future of Islam. (London, 1883.)\n\nBlyden (E. W.): Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race. (London, 1888.)\n\nBobrovnikoff (S.): Moslems in Russia. (The Moslem World, vol. i.\nLondon, 1911.)\n\nBokemeyer (H.): Die Molukken. (Leipzig, 1888.)\n\nBonaventura di S. Antonio: Informatione di Fra Bonaventura di S.\nAntonio, Reformato di S. Francesco, Missrio d\u2019Albania. (Assisi, li 30\nLuglio, 1652.) (Bibliotheca Chigiana, Rome. G. iii., 94.)\n\nBonet-Maury (G.): L\u2019Islamisme et le Christianisme en Afrique. (Paris,\n1906.)\n\nBouche (Pierre): La C\u00f4te des Esclaves et le Dahomey. (Paris, 1885.)\n\nBretschneider (E.): (1) Medi\u00e6val Researches from Eastern Asiatic\nSources. (London, 1888.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) On the Knowledge possessed by the Ancient Chinese of the Arabs\nand Arabian Colonies. (London, 1871.)\n\nBroomhall (Marshall): Islam in China. (London, 1910.)\n\nBrosset (M. F.): Histoire de la G\u00e9orgie. (St. Petersburg, 1849\u201358.)\n\nBrumund (J. F. G.): Bijdragen tot de kennis van het Hindoe\u00efsme op Java.\n(Verh. Bat. Gen. van K. en W. Deel xxxiii. 1868.)\n\nBudge (E. A. Wallis): The Egyptian S\u00fbd\u00e2n, its history and monuments.\n(London, 1907.)\n\nBurchard: Burchardi de Monte Sion Descriptio Terrae Sanctae.\n(Peregrinatores Medii Aevi Quatuor. Ed. J. C. M. Laurent. Lipsiae,\n1864.)\n\nBurckhardt (J. L.): (1) Travels in Nubia. (London, 1819.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Travels in Syria and the Holy Land. (London, 1822.)\n\nBurton (Richard F.): (1) Abeokuta and the Camaroon Mountains. (London,\n1863.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) First Footprints in East Africa. (London, 1856.)\n\nBusbecq (Augier Ghislen de): Omnia quae extant. (Amstelodami, 1660.)\n\nBusinello (P.): Historische Nachrichten von der Regierungsart der\nosmanischen Monarchie. (Leipzig, 1778.)\n\n\nCaetani (Leone, Principe di Teano): Annali dell\u2019Isl\u0101m. (Milano, 1905\u2013\n.)\n\nCahun (L\u00e9on): Introduction \u00e0 l\u2019histoire de l\u2019Asie. Turcs et Mongols.\n(Paris, 1896.)\n\nCampen (C. F. H.): Nalezingen op het opstel over de godsdienstbegrippen\nder Halemaherasche Alfoeren. (Ts. ind. t.- l.- vk. Deel xxviii. 1883.)\n\nCanne (H. D.): Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis der Lampongs. (Ts. ind. t.-\nl.- vk. Deel xi. 1862.)\n\nCantacuzenos: Trattato di Theodoro Spandugino Cantacusino de\u2019 costumi\nde\u2019 Turchi. (Venice, 1573.)\n\nChavannes (E.): Documents sur les Tou-Kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux.\n(Sbornik Trudov Orchonskoy Expedicii. VI. St. Petersburg, 1903.)\n\nChir\u0101gh \u02bbAl\u012b: Maulavi Cheragh Ali: A Critical Exposition of the Popular\nJih\u00e1d. (Bombay, 1885.)\n\nChwolsohn (D.): Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus. (St. Petersburg, 1856.)\n\nChytr\u00e6us (David): Oratio de statu ecclesiarum hoc tempore in Graecia,\nAsia, Africa, Ungaria, Bo\u00ebmia, etc. (Wittebergae, 1580.)\n\nClark (E. L.): The Races of European Turkey. (New York, 1878.)\n\nComuleo: Instruttioni al Revdo Don Alessandro Comuleo Archiprete di S.\nGirolamo di Roma mandato da Papa Clemente Ottavo al Gran Duca di\nMoscovia, et altri Principi, et Potentati delle Parti Settentrionali.\nCon una Relatione del Medesimo Comuleo fatta \u00e0 S. Santit\u00e0 sopra le cose\ndel Turco. (Bibliotheca Barberina, Rome. Nr. lviii. 33.)\n\nContenson (L. de): Chr\u00e9tiens et Musulmans. (Paris, 1901.)\n\nCoolsma (S.): De Zendingeeuw voor Nederlandsch Oost-Indi\u00eb. (Utrecht,\n1901.)\n\nCornaro (F.): Creta Sacra, authore Flaminio Cornelio. (Venice, 1755.)\n\nCrawfurd (John): (1) A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and\nadjacent Countries. (London, 1856.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) History of the Indian Archipelago. 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(Paris, 1899.)\n\nLe Quien (Michael): Oriens Christianus. (Paris, 1740.)\n\nLea (H. C.): The Moriscos of Spain: their conversion and expulsion.\n(London, 1901.)\n\nLeake (W. M.): Researches in Greece. (London, 1814.)\n\nLeo Africanus: Della Descrittione dell\u2019Africa, par Giovani Lioni\nAfricano. (Ramusio, Tom. i.)\n\nLeslie (Gaultier de): L\u2019Ambassade \u00e0 la Porte Ottomane, ordonn\u00e9e par Sa\nMajest\u00e9 Imp\u00e9riale, L\u00e9opold I., ex\u00e9cut\u00e9e par Gaultier de Leslie, Comte\ndu S. Empire. (1665\u201366.) (Rycaut, tome ii.)\n\nLiefrinck (F. A.): Bijdrage tot de kennis van het eiland Bali. (Ts.\nind. t.- l.- vk. Deel xxxiii. 1890.)\n\nLittmann (Enno): Bemerkungen \u00fcber den Islam in Nordabessinien. (Der\nIslam, vol. i. Strassburg, 1910.)\n\nLow (Col. James): A Translation of the Keddah Annals. (Journal of the\nIndian Archipelago and Eastern Asia. Singapore, 1849.)\n\nLuca (Jean de): Relations des Tartares. (Thevenot.)\n\nLudolf de Suchem: Ludolphi, Rectoris Ecclesiae Parochialis in Suchem,\nde Itinere Terrae Sanctae Liber, herausgegeben von F. Deycks.\n(Stuttgart, 1851.)\n\nL\u00fcttke (Moritz): (1) Aegyptens neue Zeit. (Leipzig, 1873.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Der Islam und seine V\u00f6lker. (G\u00fctersloh, 1878.)\n\nLuitprandi (Pseudo-) Chronicon. (Migne, Patr. Lat. tom. cxxxvi.)\n\nLyall (Sir Alfred C.): Asiatic Studies. (London, 1882.)\n\n\n\nMSOS: Mittheilungen des Seminars f\u00fcr Orientalische Sprachen. Berlin.\n\nMacarius (Patriarch of Antioch): Travels of, from the Arabic of the\nArchdeacon Paul, translated by F. C. Belfour. (London, 1829\u201334.)\n\nMackenzie (G. Muir) and Irby (A. P.): Travels in the Slavonic Provinces\nof Turkey-in-Europe. (London, 1867.)\n\nMackenzie (K. R. H.): Schamyl and Circassia. Chiefly from materials\ncollected by Dr. Friedrich Wagner, edited by. (London, 1854.)\n\nMcNair (F.): Perak and the Malays. (London, 1878.)\n\nMa\u1e25b\u016bb al-Manbij\u012b: Agapius Episcopus Mabbugensis, Historia Universalis,\ned. P. L. Cheikho. (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium.\nScriptores Arabici. Ser. iii., tom. v. Beryti, 1912.)\n\nMak\u012bn: Historia Saracenica, arabice olim exarata a Georgio Elmacino et\nlatine reddita oper\u00e2 Thomae Erpenii. (Lugduni Batavorum, 1625.)\n\nMakkar\u012b: The History of the Mohammedan Dynasties of Spain, by Ahmed ibn\nMohammed Al-Makkar\u012b, translated by Pascual de Gayangos. (London,\n1840\u201343.)\n\nMaqr\u012bz\u012b: (1) A short history of the Copts, translated from the Arabic\nby S. C. Malan. (London, 1873.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks de l\u2019\u00c9gypte, traduite par M.\nQuatrem\u00e8re. (Paris, 1837\u201345.)\n\nM\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n: Maris, Amri et Slibae De Patriarchis Nestorianorum\nCommentaria, ed. Henricus Gismondi. Pars Prior. (Romae, 1899.)\n\nMarsden (William): History of Sumatra. (London, 1811.)\n\nMarsigli (L. F.): Stato Militare dell\u2019Imperio Ottomanno. (Amsterdam,\n1732.)\n\nMas Latrie (J. M. J. L. de): (1) Histoire de l\u2019\u00eele de Chypre sous le\nr\u00e8gne des princes de la maison de Lusignan. (Paris, 1852\u201361.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Relations et commerce de l\u2019Afrique septentrionale avec les\nnations chr\u00e9tiennes au moyen \u00e2ge. (Paris, 1886.)\n\nMassaja (Guglielmo): I miei trentacinque anni di missione nell\u2019Alta\nEtiopia. (Roma, 1885\u201393.)\n\nMassimiliano Transilvano: Epistola di, della ammirabile et stupenda\nnauvigatione fatta per gli Spagnuoli lo anno MDXIX. attorno il mondo.\n(Ramusio, tom. i.)\n\nMas\u02bb\u016bd\u012b: Les Prairies d\u2019Or. Texte et traduction par C. Barbier de\nMeynard et Pavet de Courteille. (Paris, 1861\u201377.)\n\nMed. Ned. Zendelinggen.: Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\nZendelinggenootschap. (Rotterdam.)\n\nMenavino (G. A.): Vita et Legge Turchesca. (Venice, 1573.)\n\nMenzel (Theodor): Das Korps der Janitscharen. (Beitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntnis\ndes Orients. Band i. Jahrbuch der M\u00fcnchner Orientalischen Gesellschaft,\n1902\u20133. Berlin.)\n\nMerensky (A.): Mohammedanismus und Christentum in Kampfe um die\nNegerl\u00e4nder Afrikas. (Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift, Band xxi.\nG\u00fctersloh, 1894.)\n\nMethods of Mission Work among Moslems, Being those Papers read at the\nFirst Missionary Conference on behalf of the Mohammedan World held at\nCairo April 4th\u20139th, 1906, and the discussions thereon, which by order\nof the Conference were not to be issued to the public, but were to be\nprivately printed for the use of missionaries and the friends of\nmissions. (New York, etc., 1906.)\n\nMetzger (E.): Die Baduwis auf Java. (Globus, Band xliii. Braunschweig,\n1883.)\n\nMeyer (P. C.): Erforschungsgeschichte und Staatenbildungen des\nWestsudan. (Erg\u00e4nzungsheft No. 121 zu \u201cPetermanns Mitteilungen.\u201d)\n(Gotha, 1897.)\n\nMichael the Elder: Chronique de Michael le Syrien, patriarche jacobite\nd\u2019Antioche (1166\u20131199), \u00e9dit\u00e9e ... par J. B. Chabot. (Paris,\n1899\u20131901.)\n\nMigne, Patr. Gr.: Patrologia Graeca. (Paris, 1857\u201366.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 Patr. Lat.: Patrologia Latina. (Paris, 1844\u201355.)\n\nMilman (H. H.): History of Latin Christianity. (London, 1872.)\n\nMischlich und Lippert: Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der Haussastaaten von A.\nMischlich. Mit Einleitung von Julius Lippert. (MSOS VI. (1903),\nAbtheilung III.)\n\nMission d\u2019Ollone: Recherches sur les Musulmans Chinois par le\ncommandant D\u2019Ollone, le capitaine De Fleurelle, le capitaine Lepage, le\nlieutenant De Boyve. \u00c9tudes de A. Vissi\u00e8re. Notes de E. Blochet et de\ndivers savants. (Paris, 1911.)\n\nMohammedan World: The Mohammedan World of to-day, being papers read at\nthe First Missionary Conference on behalf of the Mohammedan World held\nat Cairo, April 4th\u20139th, 1906. (New York, etc., 1906.)\n\nMontero y Vidal (D. Jos\u00e9): Historia de la Pirateria Malayo-mahometana\nen Mindanao, Jol\u00f3 y Borneo. (Madrid, 1888.)\n\nMoor (J. H.): Notices of the Indian Archipelago. (Singapore, 1837.)\n\nMoore (Francis): Travels in the Inland Parts of Africa. (The World\ndisplayed; or a curious collection of voyages and travels. London,\n1760.)\n\nMorgan (J.): Mahometism explained. (London, 1723\u20135.)\n\nMori\u00e9 (L. J.): Histoire de l\u2019\u00c9thiopie. (Paris, 1904.)\n\nMoslem World (The), a quarterly review of current events, literature,\nand thought among Mohammedans, and the progress of Christian Missions\nin Moslem lands. (London, 1911\u2013\u00a0.)\n\nM\u00fcller (August): Der Islam im Morgen- und Abendland. (Berlin, 1885\u20137.)\n\nM\u00fcller (G. F.): Sammlung Russischer Geschichte. (St. Petersburg, 1761.)\n\nMu\u1e25ammad b. \u02bbUthm\u0101n al-\u1e24ash\u0101\u02bcish\u012b: Voyage au pays des Senoussia, par le\ncheikh Mohammed ben Otsmane el-Hachaichi, traduit par V. Serres et\nLasram. (Paris, 1903.)\n\nMu\u1e25ammad \u1e24aydar: The Tarikh-i-Rashidi of Mirza Muhammad Haidar,\nDughl\u00e1t. An English version, ... by N. Elias and E. Denison Ross.\n(London, 1895).\n\nMuir (Sir William): (1) The Caliphate; its rise, decline and fall.\n(London, 1891.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Life of Mahomet. (London, 1858\u201361.)\n\nMunzinger (Werner): Abessinien. (Petermann\u2019s Mittheilungen. Gotha,\n1867.)\n\n\n\nNarshakhi: Description de Boukhara par Mohammed Nerchakhy, publi\u00e9 par\nCharles Schefer. (Paris, 1892.)\n\nNeander (A.): (1) General History of the Christian Religion and Church.\n(London, 1851\u20138.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Memorials of Christian Life. (London, 1852.)\n\nNetscher (E.): Kronijk van Sambas en van Soekadana. (Ts. ind. t.- l.-\nvk. Deel i. 1852.)\n\nNewbold (T. J.): Political and Statistical Account of the British\nSettlements in the Straits of Malacca. (London, 1839.)\n\nNicholson (Reynold A.): A Literary History of the Arabs. (London,\n1907.)\n\nNiemann (G. K.): Inleiding tot de kennis van den Islam. (Rotterdam,\n1861.)\n\n\nOhsson (C. d\u2019): Histoire des Mongols. (The Hague, 1834\u20135.)\n\nOhsson (M. d\u2019): Tableau g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de l\u2019Empire Othoman. (Paris, 1820.)\n\nOlivier (L.): La Bosnie et l\u2019Herz\u00e9govine, ouvrage publi\u00e9 sous la\ndirection de Louis Olivier. (Paris, n.d.)\n\nOppel (A.): Die religi\u00f6sen Verh\u00e4ltnisse von Afrika. (Zeitschrift der\nGesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin. Vol. xxii. 1887.)\n\nOrderici Vitalis Historia Ecclesiastica. (Migne, Patr. Lat. tom.\nclxxxviii.)\n\n\n\nPalmer (H. R.): The Kano Chronicle, translated with an introduction.\n(Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Vol. xxxviii. 1908.)\n\nPalmieri (Aurelio): Die Polemik des Islam. Aus dem Italienischen\n\u00fcbersetzt von Prof. Valentin Holzer. (Salzburg, 1902.)\n\nPanciera (B.): I Musulmani. (Florence, 1877.)\n\nPashley (Robert): Travels in Crete. (London, 1837.)\n\nPaulitschke (Philipp): Harar. Forschungsreise nach den Som\u00e2l- und\nGalla-l\u00e4ndern Ost-Afrikas. (Leipzig, 1888.)\n\nPavy: \u0152uvres de Mgr. L.- A.- A. Pavy, \u00c9v\u00eaque d\u2019Alger. (Paris, 1858.)\n\nPerceval (A. P. Caussin de): Essai sur l\u2019histoire des Arabes avant\nl\u2019Islamisme, pendant l\u2019\u00e9poque de Mahomet, et jusqu\u2019\u00e0 la r\u00e9duction de\ntoutes les tribus sous la loi musulmane. (Paris, 1847\u20138.)\n\nPerrot (Georges): L\u2019\u00eele de Cr\u00e8te. (Paris, 1867.)\n\nPhrantzes (Georgios): Annales, ed. B. G. Niebuhr. (Bonnae, 1838.)\n\nPichler (A.): Geschichte des Protestantismus in der orientalischen\nKirche im 17. Jahrhundert, oder Der Patriarch Cyrillus Lucaris und\nseine Zeit. (Munich, 1862.)\n\nPigafetta (M. Antonio): Viaggio atorno il mondo fatto et descritto per.\n(Ramusio, Tom. i.)\n\nPitzipios (J. G.): L\u2019\u00c9glise orientale. (Rome, 1855.)\n\nPlowden (W. C.): Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Country. (London,\n1868.)\n\nPoensen (C.): Brieven over den Islam uit de Binnenlanden van Java.\n(Leiden, 1886.)\n\nPolo (Marco): The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian, concerning the\nKingdoms and Marvels of the East, translated and edited by Sir Henry\nYule. Third Edition, revised by Henri Cordier. (London, 1903.)\n\nPrutz (H.): Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzz\u00fcge. (Berlin, 1883.)\n\n\n\nR. du M. M.: Revue du Monde Musulman, publi\u00e9 par la Mission\nScientifique du Maroc. (Paris.)\n\nRabbath (Antoine): Documents in\u00e9dits pour servir \u00e0 l\u2019Histoire du\nChristianisme en Orient. Tome premier. (Paris, 1905.)\n\nRadloff (W.): Aus Siberien. (Leipzig, 1884.)\n\nRaffles (Thomas Stamford): The History of Java. (London, 1817.)\n\nRamusio (G. B.): Navigationi et Viaggi. (Venice, 1559.)\n\nRash\u012bd al-D\u012bn: J\u0101mi\u02bb al-Taw\u0101r\u012bkh. Tarikh-i Moubarek-i Ghazani, histoire\ndes Mongols, \u00e9dit\u00e9e par E. Blochet. (Gibb Memorial Series, vol. xviii.)\n(London, 1911.)\n\nRaverty: \u1e6cabak\u0101t-i-N\u0101\u1e63ir\u012b: a general history of the Mu\u1e25ammadan\nDynasties of Asia, by Minh\u0101j-ud-D\u012bn, Ab\u016b-\u02bcUmar-i-\u02bcUs\u0324m\u0101n. (London,\n1881.)\n\nReade (W. Winwood): African Sketch Book. (London, 1873.)\n\nReclus (Elis\u00e9e): Nouvelle G\u00e9ographie Universelle. (Paris, 1876\u201391.)\n\nReinaud, see Abu\u2019l-Fid\u0101.\n\nRenaudot (E.): Historia Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum Jacobitarum.\n(Paris, 1713.)\n\nReport of Centenary Conference on the Protestant Missions of the World,\nheld in London, 1888, edited by Rev. J. J. Johnston. (London, 1889.)\n\nRev. col. int.: Revue Coloniale Internationale. (Amsterdam.)\n\nRichter (J.): Die Propaganda des Islam als Wegbestreiterin der modernen\nMission. (Missionswissenschaftliche Studien. Festschrift zum 70.\nGeburtstag des Herrn Prof. Dr. Gustav Warneck.) (Berlin, 1904.)\n\nRiedel (J. G. F.): (1) De Sluik- en Kroesharige Rassen tusschen Selebes\nen Papua. (The Hague, 1886.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) The Island of Flores or Pulan Bunga. The Tribes between Sika and\nManggaraai. (Rev. col. int., tome ii. 1886.)\n\nRinn (Louis): Marabouts et Khouan. (Algiers, 1884.)\n\nRoscoe (John): The Baganda. (London, 1911.)\n\nRoss (Alexander): A Needful Caveat, or Admonition, for them who desire\nto know what Use may be made of, or if there be danger in Reading the\nAlcoran. (The Alcoran of Mahomet, translated out of Arabick into\nFrench, by Sieur de Ryer, .... and newly Englished, for the\nsatisfaction of all that desire to look into the Turkish Vanities.)\n(London, 1688.)\n\nRouffaer (G. P.): Het tijdperk van godsdienstovergang (1400\u20131600) in\nden Maleischen Archipel. (Bijdr. t.d.t.l. en vlk., dl. 50.) (1899.)\n\nRubruck: The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the\nWorld, 1253\u201355, as narrated by himself. Translated ... by William\nWoodville Rockhill. (Hakluyt Society. Second Series. No. iv.) (London,\n1900.)\n\nR\u00fcppell (Eduard): Reise in Abyssinien. (Frankfurt am Main, 1838.)\n\nRycaut (Sir Paul): Histoire de l\u2019\u00e9tat pr\u00e9sent de l\u2019empire ottoman,\ntraduit de l\u2019Anglais de Monsieur Ricaut, par M. Briot. (Amsterdam,\n1672.)\n\n\n\nSachau (Eduard): \u00dcber den zweiten Chalifen Omar. Ein Charakterbild aus\nder \u00e4ltesten Geschichte des Islams. (Sitzungsberichte der K\u00f6niglichen\nPreussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Berlin, 1902.)\n\nSacy (Le Bon Silvestre de): Expos\u00e9 de la Religion des Druzes. (Paris,\n1838.)\n\n\u1e62al\u012bb\u0101 b. Y\u016b\u1e25ann\u0101: Maris, Amri et Slibae De Patriarchis Nestorianorum\nCommentaria, ed. Henricus Gismondi. Pars Altera. (Romae, 1896.)\n\nSalmon (C. S.): British Policy in West Africa. (Contemporary Review,\n1882.)\n\nSamson: Samsonis Abbatis Cordubensis Apologeticus Liber. (Henrique\nFlorez: Espa\u00f1a Sagrada, tom. xi.) (Madrid, 1747\u201374.)\n\nSansovino (Francesco): Historia Universale dell\u2019Origine et Imperio de\u2019\nTurchi. (Venice, 1573.)\n\nSayyid \u02bbAl\u012b Akbar: Trois chapitres du Khitay Nam\u00e8h. Texte persan et\ntraduction fran\u00e7aise par Charles Schefer. (M\u00e9langes Orientaux.\nPublications de l\u2019\u00c9cole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. IIe s\u00e9rie.\nVol. ix. Paris, 1883.)\n\nSchack (A. F. Graf von): Poesie und Kunst der Araber in Spanien und\nSicilien. (Stuttgart, 1877.)\n\nSchefer (C.): Notice sur les relations des peuples musulmans avec les\nChinois, depuis l\u2019extension de l\u2019Islamisme jusqu\u2019\u00e0 la fin du XVe\nsi\u00e8cle. (Centenaire de l\u2019\u00c9cole des Langues Orientales Vivantes,\n1795\u20131895. Recueil de M\u00e9moires publi\u00e9s par les Professeurs de l\u2019\u00c9cole.\nParis, 1895.)\n\nScheffler (Johannes): T\u00fcrcken-Schrifft: von den Ursachen der\nT\u00fcrckischen Ueberziehung und der Zertretung des Volckes Gottes. (1664.)\n\nSchiltberger (Hans): Reisebuch, herausgegeben von V. Langmantel.\n(T\u00fcbingen, 1885.)\n\nSemper (C.): Die Philippinen und ihre Bewohner. (W\u00fcrzburg, 1869.)\n\nSeverus: Severus ben el Moqaffa\u02bb, Historia Patriarcharum\nAlexandrinorum, ed. C. F. Seybold. (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum\nOrientalium. Scriptores Arabici. Ser. iii. Tom. ix.) (Beryti, 1904\u2013\u00a0.)\n\nShedd (W. A.): Islam and the Oriental Churches. (Philadelphia, 1904.)\n\nSilbernagl (Isidor): Verfassung und gegenw\u00e4rtiger Bestand s\u00e4mtlicher\nKirchen des Orients. 2te Auflage. (Regensburg, 1904.)\n\nSimon (G.): Islam und Christentum im Kampf um die Eroberung der\nanimistischen Heidenwelt. Beobachtungen aus der Mohammedanermission in\nNiederl\u00e4ndisch-Indien. (Berlin, 1910.)\n\nSitz. d. Akad. d. Wiss., Philos.-hist. Cl.: Sitzungsberichte der\nphilosophisch-historischen Classe der kaiserlichen Akademie der\nWissenschaften. (Vienna.)\n\nSmith (Thomas): Remarks upon the Manners, Religion and Government of\nthe Turks. (London, 1678.)\n\nSmith (W. J.): The Present Phases of the Mohammedan Question. (The\nChurchman. London, Jan., 1888.)\n\nSpons (Jacob): Reisen durch Italien, Dalmatien, Griechenland und die\nMorgenl\u00e4nder. (N\u00fcrnberg, 1713.)\n\nSprenger (A.): Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad. (Berlin, 1861.)\n\nSteinschneider (Moritz): Polemische und apologetische Litteratur in\narabischer Sprache, zwischen Muslimen, Christen und Juden. (Leipzig,\n1877.)\n\nStirling-Maxwell (Sir William): Don John of Austria. (London, 1883.)\n\n\n\n\u1e6cabar\u012b: Annales quos scripsit Abu Djafar Mohammed ibn Djarir At-\u1e6cabari,\ned. M. J. de Goeje et alii. (Leiden, 1885\u201393.)\n\nTa\u02bcr\u012bkh al-S\u016bd\u0101n: Tarikh es-Soudan par Abderrahman ben Abdallah ben\n\u02bbImran ben \u02bbAmir es-Sa\u02bbdi. Texte arabe \u00e9dit\u00e9 par O. Houdas. (Paris,\n1898.)\n\nTavernier (J. B.): (1) The six voyages. (London, 1677.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Travels in India. (London, 1678.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (3) A New Relation of the Inner-Part of the Grand Seignor\u2019s\nSeraglio. (London, 1677.)\n\nThevenot (M.): Relations de divers voyages curieux. (Paris, 1696.)\n\nThiersant (P. Dabry de): Le Mahom\u00e9tisme en Chine. (Paris, 1878.)\n\nThomas of Marg\u0101: The Book of Governors: the Historia Monastica of\nThomas, Bishop of Marg\u00e2 A.D. 840, edited by E. A. Wallis Budge.\n(London, 1893.)\n\nThomson (Joseph): (1) Mohammedanism in Central Africa. (Contemporary\nReview, Dec., 1886.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Note on the African Tribes of the British Empire. (The Journal\nof the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Vol.\nxvi. London, 1887.)\n\nTij\u0101n\u012b: Voyage du Scheikh Et-Tidjani dans la r\u00e9gence de Tunis, pendant\nles ann\u00e9es 706, 707, et 708 de l\u2019h\u00e9gire (1306\u20131309); traduit de l\u2019arabe\npar M. Alphonse Rousseau. (J. A. ivme s\u00e9rie, tome xx., 1852.)\n\nTournefort (J. P.): A Voyage into the Levant. (London, 1741.)\n\nTs. ind. t.- l.- vk.: Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en\nVolkenkunde. (Batavia.)\n\nTurchic\u00e6 Spurciti\u00e6 et Perfidi\u00e6 Suggillatio et Confutatio. (Paris,\n1516.)\n\n\n\n\u02bbUbayd All\u0101h: Tu\u1e25fat al-Hind. (Dihl\u012b, A.H. 1309.)\n\nUs\u0101ma b. Munqidh: Kit\u0101b al-I\u02bbtib\u0101r, ed. H. Derenbourg. iime Partie:\nTexte arabe de l\u2019autobiographie d\u2019Ous\u00e2ma. (Publications de l\u2019\u00c9cole des\nLangues Orientates Vivantes. iime s\u00e9r., tome xii (iime Partie). (Paris,\n1886.))\n\nVamb\u00e9ry (Arminius): (1) Geschichte Bochara\u2019s. (Stuttgart, 1872.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Sketches of Central Asia. (London, 1868.)\n\nVasil\u2019ev (V. P.): \u041e \u0434\u0432\u0438\u0436\u0435\u043d\u0456\u0438 \u043c\u0430\u0433\u043e\u043c\u0435\u0442\u0430\u043d\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0430 \u0432\u044a \u041a\u0438\u0442\u0430\u0463. (St. Petersburg,\n1867.)\n\nVeniero: Descrittione dell\u2019Imperio Turchesco del Revermo Monsre Maffeo\nVeniero, Arcivescovo di Corf\u00f9. (R. D. Marci Bibliotheca, Venice. Classe\nvii., Cod. 882.)\n\nVerh. Bat. Gen. van K. en W.: Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch\nGenootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen. (Batavia.)\n\nVeth (P. J.): (1) Atchin en zijne betrekkingen tot Nederland. (Leiden,\n1873.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Borneo\u2019s Wester-Afdeeling. (Zaltbommel, 1854.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (3) Java, geographisch, ethnologisch, historisch. Tweede Druk\nbewerkt door J. F. Snelleman en J. F. Niermeyer. (Haarlem, 1896\u20131907.)\n\nVivien de Saint-Martin (L.): Nouveau Dictionnaire de G\u00e9ographie\nUniverselle. (Paris, 1879\u201395.)\n\n\n\nWZKM: Wiener Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die Kunde des Morgenlandes.\n\nWaitz (Theodor): Anthropologie der Naturv\u00f6lker. (Leipzig, 1860.)\n\nWansleben (J. M.): Histoire de l\u2019\u00e9glise d\u2019Alexandrie. (Paris, 1677.)\n\nWa\u1e63\u1e63\u0101f: Geschichte; persisch herausgegeben und deutsch \u00fcbersetzt von\nHammer-Purgstall. (Vienna, 1856.)\n\nWeil (Gustav): Geschichte der Chalifen. (Mannheim, 1846\u201351.)\n\nWellhausen (J.): Skizzen und Vorarbeiten. (Berlin, 1885\u201399.)\n\nWestermann (D.): Islam in the West and Central Sudan. 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(Leipzig, 1866\u201373.)\n\nYule (H.): Cathay and the Way thither. (London, 1866.)\n\n\n\nZDMG: Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenl\u00e4ndischen Gesellschaft.\n(Leipzig.)\n\nZayn al-D\u012bn: Tuhfa\u1e25 al-muj\u0101hid\u012bn. Historia dos Portugueses no Malabar\npor Zinad\u00edm. Manuscripto Arabe publicado e traduzido por David Lopes.\n(Lisboa, 1898.)\n\nZenker (J. T.): Das chinesische Reich, nach dem t\u00fcrkischen Khatainame.\n(Z.D.M.G., vol. xv. Leipzig, 1861.)\n\nZmaievich: Notizie universali dello stato di Albania e dell\u2019operato da\nMonsig. Vincenzo Zmaievich, arcivescovo di Antivari, esaminate nelle\nCongregationi Generali di Propaganda Fide di 3 Debr. 1703\u201312 Febr.\n1704. (Bibliotheca Barberina, Rome, Nr L. 126.)\n\nZollinger (H.): (1) The Island of Lombok. Journal of the Indian\nArchipelago, vol. v. (Singapore, 1851.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (2) Verslag van eene reis naar Bima en Soembawa. (Verh. Bat. Gen.\nvan K. en W. Deel xxiii. 1850.)\n\nZwemer (S. M.): Islam: A Challenge to faith. (New York, 1908.)\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nNOTES\n\n\n[1] E.g. The spread of Islam in Sicily and the missionary labours of\nthe numerous Muslim saints.\n\n[2] De Trinitate, i. 5. (Migne, tom. xlii, p. 823.)\n\n[3] Accordingly the reader will find no account of the recent history\nof Armenia or Crete, or indeed of any part of the empire of the Turks\nduring the present century\u2014a period singularly barren of missionary\nenterprise on their part.\n\n[4] Phrantzes, p. 5.\n\n[5] The student of the literature of Science or of the Fine Arts finds\nthe libraries at South Kensington open till 10 o\u2019clock on three\nevenings every week, but the one library in this country that aims at\nany completeness is available only to such students as are at leisure\nduring the day-time.\n\n[6] A note on Mr. Lyall\u2019s article: \u201cMissionary Religions.\u201d Fortnightly\nReview, July, 1874.\n\n[7] Reclus, vol. v. p. 433; Gasztowtt, p. 320 sqq.\n\n[8] This misinterpretation of the Muslim wars of conquest has arisen\nfrom the assumption that wars waged for the extension of Muslim\ndomination over the lands of the unbelievers implied that the aim in\nview was their conversion. Goldziher has well pointed out this\ndistinction in his Vorlesungen \u00fcber den Islam: \u201cWas Muhammed zun\u00e4chst\nin seinem arabischen Umkreise getan, das hinterl\u00e4sst er als Testament\nf\u00fcr die Zukunft seiner Gemeinde: Bek\u00e4mpfung der Ungl\u00e4ubigen, die\nAusbreitung nicht so sehr des Glaubens als seiner Machtsph\u00e4re, die die\nMachtsph\u00e4re Allahs ist. Es ist dabei den K\u00e4mpfern des Islams zun\u00e4chst\nnicht so sehr um Bekehrung als um Unterwerfung der Ungl\u00e4ubigen zu tun.\u201d\n(p. 25.)\n\n[9] See Enhardi Fuldensis Annales, A.D. 777. \u201cSaxones post multas c\u00e6des\net varia bella afflicti, tandem christiani effecti, Francorum dicioni\nsubduntur.\u201d G. H. Pertz: Monumenta Germani\u00e6 Historica, vol. i. p. 349.\n(See also pp. 156, 159.)\n\n[10] \u201cTum zelo propagand\u00e6 fidei succensus, barbara regna iusto\ncertamine aggressus, devictas subditasque nationes christian\u00e6 legi\nsubiugavit.\u201d (Breviarium Romanum. Iun. 19.)\n\n[11] Mathurin Veyssi\u00e8re de la Croze: Histoire du Christianisme des\nIndes, pp. 529\u2013531. (The Hague, 1724.)\n\n[12] Revue de l\u2019Histoire des Religions, vol. xi. p. 89.\n\n[13] Konrad Maurer: Die Bekehrung des norwegischen Stammes zum\nChristenthume, vol. i. p. 284. (M\u00fcnchen, 1855.)\n\n[14] Jean, Sire de Joinville: Histoire de Saint Louis, ed. N. de\nWailly, p. 30 (\u00a7 53).\n\n[15] Severus, p. 191 (ll. 21\u201322).\n\n[16] Ibn Is\u1e25\u0101q, p. 120.\n\n[17] Id. p. 155.\n\n[18] He is famous throughout the Muhammadan world as the first\nmu\u02bcadhdhin.\n\n[19] Ibn Is\u1e25\u0101q, p. 219\u2013220. \u1e6cabar\u012b makes no mention of this mission and\nCaetani (i. p. 278) accordingly suggests that it is a later invention.\n\n[20] Ibn Is\u1e25\u0101q, pp. 225\u20136.\n\n[21] Ibn Is\u1e25\u0101q, pp. 286\u20137.\n\n[22] Caetani, vol. i. pp. 334\u20135.\n\n[23] Ibn Is\u1e25\u0101q, p. 291 sq.\n\n[24] The appointment of the fast of Rama\u1e0d\u0101n (Qur\u02bc\u0101n ii. 179\u201384), is\ndoubtless another sign of the breaking with the Jews, the fast on the\nDay of Atonement being thus abolished.\n\n[25] \u201cAber Gottes Botschaft ist nicht auf die Araber beschr\u00e4nkt. Sein\nWille gilt f\u00fcr alle Creatur, es heischt unbedingten Gehorsam von aller\nMenschheit, und dass Muhammed als sein Bote denselben Gehorsam zu\nheischen berechtigt und verpflichtet sei, scheint von Anfang an ein\nintegrirender Bestandtheil seines Gedankensystem gewesen zu sein.\u201d\n(Sachau, pp. 293\u20134.) Goldziher (Vorlesungen \u00fcber den Islam, p. 25 sqq.)\nand N\u00f6ldeke (WZKM, vol. xxi. pp. 307\u20138) express a similar opinion.\n\n[26] On the doubtful authenticity of these letters, see Caetani, vol.\ni. p. 725 sqq.\n\n[27] It seems strange that in the face of these passages, some have\ndenied that Islam was originally intended by its founder to be a\nuniversal religion. Thus Sir William Muir says, \u201cThat the heritage of\nIslam is the world, was an afterthought. The idea, spite of much\nprophetic tradition, had been conceived but dimly, if at all, by\nMahomet himself. His world was Arabia, and for it the new dispensation\nwas ordained. From first to last the summons was to Arabs and to none\nother.... The seed of a universal creed had indeed been sown; but that\nit ever germinated was due to circumstance rather than design.\u201d (The\nCaliphate, pp. 43\u20134.) Caetani is the latest exponent of this view.\n(Annali dell\u2019Isl\u0101m, vol. v. pp. 323\u20134.)\n\n[28] Ibn Sa\u02bbd, \u00a7 10. This story may indeed be apocryphal, but is\nsignificant at least of the early realisation of the missionary\ncharacter of Islam.\n\n[29] A. von Kremer (3), pp. 309, 310.\n\n[30] This would seem to be acknowledged even by Muir, when speaking of\nthe massacre of the Ban\u016b Quray\u1e93ah (A.H. 6): \u201cThe ostensible grounds\nupon which Mahomet proceeded were purely political, for as yet he did\nnot profess to force men to join Islam, or to punish them for not\nembracing it.\u201d (Muir (2), vol. iii. p. 282.)\n\n[31] Ibn Is\u1e25\u0101q, p. 648 sq.\n\n[32] Muir (2), vol. iv. pp. 107\u20138. See also Caetani, vol. i. p. 663.\n\u201cAssai pi\u00f9 che tutte le prediche del Profeta, assai pi\u00f9 che tutta la\nbont\u00e0 delle dottrine islamiche, siffatti vantaggi militari\ncontribuirono al aumentare il numero dei seguaci. La rapidit\u00e0 della\ndiffusione dell\u2019Isl\u0101m divenne in special modo sensibile per il contegno\net per lo spirito di tolleranza, di libert\u00e0, e di opportunismo, che\ndiresse il Profeta nei suoi rapporti con i convertiti.\u201d\n\n[33] Ibn Is\u1e25\u0101q, p. 943\u20134. (This story rests on somewhat doubtful\nauthority, cf. Caetani, vol. i. p. 610.)\n\n[34] Ibn Sa\u02bbd, \u00a7 118.\n\n[35] Ibn Is\u1e25\u0101q, pp. 252\u20134.\n\n[36] Caetani, vol. ii. t. i. p. 341.\n\n[37] Ibn Sa\u02bbd, \u00a7 56.\n\n[38] Ibn Sa\u02bbd, \u00a7 85.\n\n[39] Id. \u00a7 86.\n\n[40] Id. \u00a7 91.\n\n[41] See Sprenger, vol. iii. pp. 360\u20131.\n\n[42] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 433.\n\n[43] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 429.\n\n[44] This has been nowhere more fully and excellently brought out than\nin the scholarly work of Prof. Ignaz Goldziher (Muhammedanische\nStudien, vol. i.), from which I have derived the following\nconsiderations.\n\n[45] D\u00f6llinger, pp. 5\u20136.\n\n[46] Caetani, Studi di Storia Orientale, I, p. 365 sqq. (Milano, 1911.)\n\n[47] This interpretation of the Arab conquests as the last of the great\nSemitic migrations has been worked out in a masterly manner by Caetani,\nvol. ii. pp. 831\u201361.\n\n[48] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 455; vol. v. p. 521. (\u201cIn Mad\u012bnah si form\u00f2 un\nconsiderevole nucleo religioso, composto d\u2019elementi eterogenei, ma\nforse in maggioranza madinesi, i quali presero l\u2019Isl\u0101m molto sul serio\ne cercarono sinceramente di osservare la nuova dottrina, per la\nconvinzione che, cos\u00ec agendo facevan bene, ed in devoto omaggio alla\nvolont\u00e0 del Profeta.\u201d)\n\n[49] Mas\u02bb\u016bd\u012b, tome iv. p. 238.\n\n[50] Muir\u2019s Caliphate, pp. 121\u20132.\n\n[51] Caetani, vol. iii. p. 814 (\u00a7 323).\n\n[52] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 260, 299, 351.\n\n[53] Id. pp. 792\u20133; vol. iii. p. 253 (\u00a7 8).\n\n[54] Id. pp. 1112\u201315.\n\n[55] Muir, Caliphate, pp. 90\u20134.\n\n[56] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 299. Wellhausen, iv. p. 156 (n. 5).\n\n[57] \u1e6cabar\u012b, Prima Series, p. 2482.\n\n[58] For an exhaustive study of the jizyah, with a masterly array and\ncritical examination of all the available historical materials, see\nCaetani, vol. v. p. 319 sqq.; for Egypt during the first century of\nMuslim rule, see Bell, p. 167 sqq., and Becker, Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte\nAegyptens unter dem Islam, p. 81 sqq.\n\n[59] Caetani (vol. iv. p. 227) believes that this story is the\ninvention of a later epoch, to explain the fiscal anomaly of a\nChristian tribe being treated as if it were Muslim.\n\n[60] The few meagre notices of this tribe in the works of Arabic\nhistorians have been admirably summarised by Lammens: Le Chantre des\nOmiades. (J. A., ix. s\u00e9r., tome iv. pp. 97\u20139, 438\u201359.) See also\nCaetani, vol. iv. p. 227 sqq.\n\n[61] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 1180.\n\n[62] Barhebr\u00e6us (3), pp. 134\u20135.\n\n[63] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 828.\n\n[64] \u1e6cabar\u012b, i. p. 2041.\n\n[65] Mas\u02bb\u016bd\u012b, tome iv. p. 256.\n\n[66] \u201cGli Arabi nei primi anni non perseguitarono invece alcuno per\nragioni di fede, non si diedero pena alcuna per convertire chicchessia,\nsicch\u00e8 sotto l\u2019Isl\u0101m, dopo le prime conquiste, i cristiani Semiti\ngoderno d\u2019una tolleranza religiosa quale non si era mai vista da varie\ngenerazioni.\u201d (Caetani, vol. v. p. 4.)\n\n[67] Sir Henry Layard: Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana and\nBabylonia, vol. i. p. 100. (London, 1887); R. Hartmann: Die Herrschaft\nvon al-Karak. (Der Islam, vol. ii. p. 137.)\n\n[68] Burckhardt (2), p. 564.\n\n[69] W. G. Palgrave: Essays on Eastern Questions, pp. 206\u20138. (London,\n1872.)\n\n[70] I. A. Dorner: A System of Christian Doctrine, vol. iii. pp.\n215\u201316. (London, 1885.) J. C. Robertson: History of the Christian\nChurch, vol. ii. p. 226. (London, 1875.)\n\n[71] That such fears were not wholly groundless may be judged from the\nemperor\u2019s intolerant behaviour towards many of the Monophysite party in\nhis progress through Syria after the defeat of the Persians in 627.\n(See Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 412, and Caetani, vol. ii. p.\n1049.) For the outrages committed by the Byzantine soldiers on their\nco-religionists in the reign of Constans II (642\u2013668), see Michael the\nElder, vol. ii. p. 443.\n\n[72] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412\u201313. Barhebr\u00e6us, about a\ncentury later, wrote in a similar strain. (Chronicon Ecclesiasticum,\ned. J. B. Abbeloos et Lamy, p. 474.)\n\n[73] Azd\u012b, p. 97.\n\n[74] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 137.\n\n[75] Caetani, vol. iii. p. 813; vol. v. p. 394. (\u201cGli abitanti\naccettarono con non celato favore il mutamento di governo, appena\nebbero compreso che gli Arabi avrebbero rispettato i loro diritti\nindividuali, ed avrebbero lasciata completa libert\u00e0 di coscienza in\nmateria religiosa. In Siria, citt\u00e0 ed interi distretti si affrettarono\na trattare con gli Arabi anche prima della rotta finale dei Greci. Nel\nSaw\u0101d si lasciarono passivamente sopraffare accettando il nuovo dominio\nsenza pattuire condizioni di sorta; \u00e8 probabile che anche in Siria\nquesto fosse il caso per molte regioni remote dalle grandi vie di\ncomunicazioni.\u201d)\n\n[76] Gottheil has brought together a valuable collection of documentary\nevidence as to the condition of the protected peoples under Muslim rule\nin his \u201cDhimm\u012bs and Moslems in Egypt.\u201d\n\n[77] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, pp. 74 (ad fin.), 116, 121 (med.).\n\n[78] For a discussion of this document, see Caetani, vol. iii. p. 952\nsqq.\n\n[79] \u1e6cabar\u012b, i. p. 2405.\n\n[80] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 129.\n\n[81] Ibn S\u02bbad, III, i. p. 246.\n\n[82] M\u00e9moire sur la conqu\u00eate de la Syrie, p. 143 sq.\n\n[83] Annali dell\u2019Isl\u0101m, vol. iii. p. 957.\n\n[84] Some authorities on Muhammadan law held that this rule did not\nextend to villages and hamlets, in which the construction of churches\nwas not to be prevented. (Hid\u0101yah, vol. ii. p. 219.)\n\n[85] \u201cThe \u02bbUlam\u0101\u02bc are divided in opinion on the question of the\nteaching of the Qur\u02bc\u0101n: the sect of M\u0101lik forbids it: that of Ab\u016b\n\u1e24an\u012bfah allows it; and Sh\u0101fi\u02bb\u012b has two opinions on the subject: on the\none hand, he countenances the study of it, as indicating a leaning\ntowards Islam; and on the other hand, he forbids it, because he fears\nthat the unbeliever who studies the Qur\u02bc\u0101n being still impure may read\nit solely with the object of turning it to ridicule, since he is the\nenemy of God and the Prophet who wrote the book; now as these two\nstatements are contradictory, Sh\u0101fi\u02bb\u012b has no formally stated opinion on\nthis matter.\u201d (Belin, p. 508.)\n\n[86] Such as the forms of greeting, etc., that are only to be used by\nMuslims to one another.\n\n[87] Ab\u016b Y\u016bsuf (p. 82) says that Christians were to be allowed to go in\nprocession once a year with crosses, but not with banners; outside the\ncity, not inside where the mosques were.\n\n[88] The n\u0101q\u016bs, lit. an oblong piece of wood, struck with a rod.\n\n[89] Gottheil, pp. 382\u20134, where references are given to the various\nversions of this document.\n\n[90] There is evidence to show that the Arab conquerors left unchanged\nthe fiscal system that they found prevailing in the lands they\nconquered from the Byzantines, and that the explanation of jizyah as a\ncapitation-tax is an invention of later jurists, ignorant of the true\ncondition of affairs in the early days of Islam. (Caetani, vol. iv. p.\n610 (\u00a7 231); vol. v. p. 449.) H. Lammens: Zi\u0101d ibn Ab\u012bhi. (Rivista\ndegli Studi Orientali, vol. iv. p. 215.)\n\n[91] Goldziher, vol. i. pp. 50\u20137, 427\u201330. Caetani, vol. v. p. 311 sqq.\n\n[92] Caetani, vol. v. pp. 424 (\u00a7 752), 432.\n\n[93] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, pp. 124\u20135.\n\n[94] A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 60, 436.\n\n[95] A dirham is about fivepence.\n\n[96] Bell, pp. xxv, 173.\n\n[97] Ab\u016b Y\u016bsuf, pp. 69\u201371.\n\n[98] \u1e6cabar\u012b, Prima Series, p. 2055.\n\n[99] Id. p. 2050.\n\n[100] Ab\u016b Y\u016bsuf, p. 81.\n\n[101] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 159.\n\n[102] \u1e6cabar\u012b, Prima Series, p. 2665.\n\n[103] Marsigli, vol. i. p. 86 (he calls them \u201cMusellim\u201d).\n\n[104] Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 30, 33.\n\n[105] Laz\u0103r, p. 56.\n\n[106] De la Jonqui\u00e8re, p. 14.\n\n[107] Thomas Smith, p. 324.\n\n[108] Dorostamus, p. 326.\n\n[109] De la Jonqui\u00e8re, p. 265.\n\n[110] Lammens, p. 13.\n\n[111] Ibn Ab\u012b Usaybi\u02bbah, vol. i. p. 164.\n\n[112] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 475.\n\n[113] M\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n, p. 71 (l. 16). Ab\u016b N\u016b\u1e25 al-Anb\u0101r\u012b wrote a\nrefutation\nof the Qur\u02bc\u0101n and other theological works (Wright, p. 191 n. 3).\n\n[114] M\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n, p. 84.\n\n[115] Hil\u0101l al-\u1e62\u0101b\u012b, p. 95.\n\n[116] Ibn al-Ath\u012br, vol. ix. p. 16.\n\n[117] Von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 167\u20138. Lammens, p. 11.\n\n[118] Renaudot, pp. 430, 540.\n\n[119] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 180\u20131.\n\n[120] Von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 183.\n\n[121] Caetani, vol. iii. pp. 350 sq., 387 sqq.\n\n[122] Gottheil, pp. 360\u20131. Goldziher: Zur Literatur des Ichtil\u00e2f\nal-ma\u1e0f\u00e2hib, ZDMG., vol. 38, pp. 673\u20134.\n\n[123] On this theoretical character of much of Muslim legal literature,\nsee Snouck Hurgronje: Mohammedanisches Recht in Theorie und\nWirklichkeit.\n\n[124] Gottheil, p. 363.\n\n[125] Gottheil, pp. 358\u20139, however, doubts whether there is evidence\nfor attributing this intolerance to \u02bbUmar II.\n\n[126] Journal Asiatique, IVme s\u00e9rie, tome xviii. (1851), pp. 433, 450.\n\u1e6cabar\u012b, III, p. 1419.\n\n[127] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 476. Renaudot, p. 189.\n\n[128] Eutychius, II, p. 41 init. Severus (p. 139) says \u201ctwo churches.\u201d\n\n[129] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. p. 175.\n\n[130] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 490, 491.\n\n[131] Ibn Khallik\u0101n, vol. i. p. 485.\n\n[132] Elias of Nisibis, p. 128.\n\n[133] A. J. Butler: The Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p.\n181. (Oxford, 1884.)\n\n[134] Y\u0101q\u016bt, vol. ii. p. 662.\n\n[135] Y\u0101q\u016bt, vol. ii. p. 670.\n\n[136] M\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n, p. 73.\n\n[137] Ishok of Romgla, p. 266.\n\n[138] Eutychius, II, p. 58.\n\n[139] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 175\u20136.\n\n[140] Butler: Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p. 76.\n\n[141] Renaudot, p. 399.\n\n[142] Ishok of Romgla, p. 333.\n\n[143] Ab\u016b \u1e62\u0101li\u1e25, p. 92.\n\n[144] A Dominican monk from Florence, by name Ricoldus de Monte Crucis,\nwho visited the East about the close of the thirteenth and the\nbeginning of the fourteenth century, speaks of the toleration the\nNestorians had enjoyed under Muhammadan rule right up to his time: \u201cEt\nego inveni per antiquas historias et autenticas aput Saracenos, quod\nipsi Nestorini amici fuerunt Machometi et confederati cum eo, et quod\nipse Machometus mandauit suis posteris, quod Nestorinos maxime\nconseruarent. Quod usque hodie diligenter obseruant ipsi Sarraceni.\u201d\n(Laurent, p. 128.)\n\n[145] J. Labourt: De Timotheo I, Nestorianorum Patriarcha, p. 37 sqq.\n(Paris, 1904.)\n\n[146] E. von Dobsch\u00fctz, p. 390\u20131.\n\n[147] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 439\u201340.\n\n[148] Mak\u012bn, p. 12. J. Labourt: Le Christianisme sous la dynastie\nsassanide, p. 139 sq. (Paris, 1904.)\n\n[149] Renaudot, p. 169.\n\n[150] Von Kremer well remarks: \u201cWir verdanken dem unerm\u00fcdlichen\nSammelfleiss der arabischen Chronisten unsere Kenntniss der politischen\nund milit\u00e4rischen Geschichte jener Zeiten, welche so genau ist als dies\nnur immer auf eine Entfernung von zw\u00f6lf Jahrhunderten der Fall sein\nkann; allein gerade die innere Geschichte jener denkw\u00fcrdigen Epoche,\ndie Geschichte des Kampfes einer neuen, rohen Religion gegen die alten\nhochgebildeten, zum Theile \u00fcberbildeten Culte ist kaum in ihren\nallgemeinsten Umrissen bekannt.\u201d (Von Kremer (2), pp. 1\u20132.)\n\n[151] Thomas of Marg\u0101, vol. ii. p. 309 sq.\n\n[152] Thomas of Marg\u0101, vol. ii. pp. 310, 324 sq.\n\n[153] Cf. in addition to the passages quoted below, M\u02bbClintoch &\nStrong\u2019s Cyclop\u00e6dia, sub art. Mohammedanism, vol. vi. p. 420. James\nFreeman Clarke: Ten Great Religions, Part ii. p. 75. (London, 1883.)\n\n[154] Thus the Emperor Heraclius is represented by the Muhammadan\nhistorian as saying, \u201cTheir religion is a new religion which gives them\nnew zeal.\u201d (\u1e6cabar\u012b, p. 2103.)\n\n[155] History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii. pp. 216\u201317.\n\n[156] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 1045\u20136.\n\n[157] A paper read before the Church Congress at Wolverhampton, October\n7th, 1887.\n\n[158] For the oppressive fiscal system under the Byzantine empire, see\nGfr\u00f6rer: Byzantinische Geschichten, vol. ii. pp. 337\u20139, 389\u201391, 450.\n\n[159] \u201cDer Islam war ein R\u00fcckstoss gegen den Missbrauch, welchen\nJustinian mit der Menschheit, besonders aber mit der christlichen\nReligion trieb, deren oberstes geistliches und weltliches Haupt er zu\nsein behauptete. Dass der Araber Mahomed, welcher 571 der christlichen\nZeitrechnung, sechs Jahre nach dem Tode Justinians, das Licht der Welt\nerblickte, mit seiner Lehre unerh\u00f6rtes Gl\u00fcck machte, verdankte er\ngrossentheils dem Abscheu, welchen die im Umkreise des byzantinischen\nReiches angesessenen V\u00f6lker, wie die benachbarten Nationen, \u00fcber die\nvon dem Basileus begangenen Greuel empfanden.\u201d (Gfr\u00f6rer: Byzantinische\nGeschichten, vol. ii. p. 437.)\n\n[160] Id. vol. ii. pp. 296\u2013306, 337.\n\n[161] Id. vol. ii. pp. 442\u20134.\n\n[162] Id. vol. ii. p. 445.\n\n[163] Mas\u02bb\u016bd\u012b, vol. ii. p. 387.\n\n[164] Von Kremer (2), p. 8.\n\n[165] Id. p. 54 and (3), p. 32. Nicholson, p. 231.\n\n[166] Among the Mu\u02bbtazilite philosophers, Mu\u1e25ammad b. al-Huzayl, the\nteacher of al-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn, is said to have converted more than three\nthousand persons to Islam. (A\u1e25mad b. Ya\u1e25y\u1ea1\u0304 b. al-Murta\u1e0d\u1ea1\u0304, p. 26, l. 7.)\n\n[167] Von Kremer (2), pp. 3, 7\u20138. C. H. Becker: Christliche Polemik und\nislamische Dogmenbildung (Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Assyriologie, xxvi. 1912).\n\n[168] Ibn Khallik\u0101n, vol. i. p. 45.\n\n[169] W\u00fcstenfeld, p. 103.\n\n[170] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412\u201313. Caetani, vol. v. p. 508.\n(\u201cLe vittorie sui Greci e sui Persiani non solamente erano il trionfo\ndella razza araba sulle popolazioni delle provincie conquistate, ma\nnella mente orientale che vede in tutto la mano di Dio, costituivano un\ntrionfo del principio islamico su quello cristiano e mazdeista, ma\nsovrattutto sul cristiano.\u201d)\n\n[171] Goldziher, vol. i. chaps. 3 and 4.\n\n[172] The last of these was prompted by the discovery of an attempt on\nthe part of the Christians to burn the city of Cairo. (De Guignes, vol.\niv. pp. 204\u20135.) Gottheil, p. 359, Journal Asiatique, IVme s\u00e9rie, tome\nxviii. (1851), pp. 454, 455, 463, 484, 491.\n\n[173] Assemani, tom. iii. pars. 2, p. c. Renaudot, pp. 432, 603, 607.\n\n[174] Muir: The Caliphate, p. 475.\n\n[175] Von Kremer (3), p. 246.\n\n[176] Muir (1), pp. 508, 516\u201317.\n\n[177] M\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n, p. 79 sq. \u1e62al\u012bb\u0101 b. Yu\u1e25ann\u0101, p. 71.\n\n[178] Gottheil, p. 364 sqq.\n\n[179] M\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n, p. 114 (ll. 14\u201316).\n\n[180] This tradition appears in several forms, e.g. \u201cWhoever wrongs one\nwith whom a compact has been made (i.e. a dhimm\u012b) and lays on him a\nburden beyond his strength, I will be his accuser.\u201d (Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 162,\nfin.) (Ya\u1e25y\u0101 b. \u0100dam, p. 54 (fin.), adds the words, \u201ctill the day of\njudgment.\u201d) \u201cWhoever does violence to a dhimm\u012b who has paid his jizyah\nand evidenced his submission\u2014his enemy am I.\u201d (Usd al-Gh\u0101ba, quoted by\nGoldziher, in the Jewish Encyclop\u00e6dia, vol. vi. p. 655.) The Christian\nhistorian al-Mak\u012bn (p. 11) gives, \u201cWhoever torments the dhimm\u012bs,\ntorments me.\u201d\n\n[181] Journal Asiatique, IVme s\u00e9rie, tome xix. p. 109. (Paris, 1852.)\nSee also R. Gottheil: A Fetwa on the appointment of Dhimm\u012bs to office.\n(Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Assyriologie, vol. xxvi. p. 203 sqq.)\n\n[182] Belin, pp. 435\u201340, 442, 448, 456, 459\u201361, 479\u201380.\n\n[183] Id. p. 435, n. 2.\n\n[184] Id. p. 478.\n\n[185] M\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n (p. 115, ll. 1\u20132) offers this explanation of the\ndefections that followed the persecution towards the close of the tenth\ncentury: \u0648\u0627\u0633\u0644\u0645 \u062e\u0644\u0642 \u0643\u062b\u064a\u0631 \u0648\u0643\u0627\u0646 \u0627\u0635\u0644 \u0630\u0644\u0643 \u062a\u062c\u0648\u0651\u0632 \u0627\u0644\u0646\u0627\u0633 \u0641\u064a \u0627\u062f\u064a\u0627\u0646\u06c1\u0645 \u0648\u0642\u0628\u062d \u0633\u064a\u0631\u0629\n\u0627\u0644\u0643\u06c1\u0646\u0629 \u0641\u064a \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0630\u0628\u062d \u0648\u0627\u0644\u0628\u064a\u0639 \u0648\u0646\u064a\u0648\u062a \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0642\u062f\u0633\u200e\n\n[186] The Caliph of Egypt, al-\u1e24\u0101kim (A.D. 996\u20131020), did in fact order\nall the Jews and Christians to leave Egypt and emigrate into the\nByzantine territory, but yielded to their entreaties to revoke his\norders. (Maqr\u012bz\u012b (1), p. 91.) It would have been quite possible,\nhowever, for him to have enforced its execution as it would have been\nfor the ferocious Sal\u012bm I (1512\u20131520), who with the design of putting\nan end to all religious differences in his dominions caused 40,000\nSh\u012b\u02bbahs to be massacred, to have completed this politic scheme by the\nextermination of the Christians also. But in allowing himself to be\ndissuaded from this design, he most certainly acted in accordance with\nthe general policy adopted by Muhammadan rulers towards their Christian\nsubjects. (Finlay, vol. v. pp. 29\u201330.)\n\n[187] Silbernagl, p. 268.\n\n[188] Id. p. 354.\n\n[189] Id. pp. 307, 360.\n\n[190] Id. p. 25\u20136.\n\n[191] Id. p. 335.\n\n[192] Id. p. 384.\n\n[193] See A. von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 490\u20132.\n\n[194] The sack of Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204 may be taken\nas a type of the treatment that the Eastern Christians met with at the\nhands of the Latins. Barhebr\u00e6us complains that the monastery of Harran\nwas sacked and plundered by Count Goscelin, Lord of Emessa, in 1184,\njust as though he had been a Saracen or a Turk. (Barhebr\u00e6us (1), vol.\nii. pp. 506\u20138.)\n\n[195] H. H. Milman, vol. ii. p. 218.\n\n[196] A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 172.\n\n[197] Assemani, tom. iii. Pars Prima, pp. 130\u20131.\n\n[198] Ibn Sa\u02bbd, \u1e6cabaq\u0101t, vol. v. p. 258.\n\n[199] Id. p. 285.\n\n[200] Ma\u1e25b\u016bb al-Manbij\u012b, p. 358 (ll. 2\u20133).\n\n[201] Ibn Sa\u02bbd, \u1e6cabaq\u0101t, vol. v. p. 262.\n\n[202] August M\u00fcller, vol. i. p. 440.\n\n[203] Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 96, pp. 1336\u201348.\n\n[204] Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 97, pp. 1528\u20139, 1548\u201361.\n\n[205] Id. p. 1557.\n\n[206] \u02bbAmr b. Mattai, p. 65.\n\n[207] Id. p. 72.\n\n[208] Ris\u0101lah \u02bbAbd All\u0101h b. Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl al-H\u0101shim\u012b il\u1ea1\u0304 \u02bbAbd al-Mas\u012b\u1e25 b.\nIs\u1e25\u0101q al-Kind\u012b, pp. 1\u201337. (London, 1885.)\n\n[209] Appendix I. For an account of Muslim controversial literature,\nsee Appendix II.\n\n[210] Kind\u012b, pp. 111\u201313.\n\n[211] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, pp. 430.\n\n[212] It is very probable that the occasion of this visit of\nYazd\u0101nbakht to Baghd\u0101d was the summoning of a great assembly of the\nleaders of all the religious bodies of the period, by al-Ma\u02bcm\u016bn, when\nit had come to his ears that the enemies of Islam declared that it owed\nits success to the sword and not to the power of argument: in this\nmeeting, the Muslim doctors defended their religion against this\nimputation, and the unbelievers are said to have acknowledged that the\nMuslims had satisfactorily proved their point. (A\u1e25mad b. Ya\u1e25y\u0101 b.\nal-Murta\u1e0d\u1ea1\u0304: Al-munyah wa\u2019l-amal f\u012b shar\u1e25 kit\u0101b al-milal wa\u2019l-ni\u1e25al.\nBritish Museum, Or. 3937, fol. 53 (b), ll. 9\u201311.)\n\n[213] Kit\u0101b al-Fihrist, vol. i. p. 338.\n\n[214] Barhebr\u00e6us (1), vol. iii. p. 194.\n\n[215] M\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n, p. 101 (ll. 3\u20134).\n\n[216] Barhebr\u00e6us (1), vol. iii. p. 230.\n\n[217] Id., (1), vol. iii. p. 248.\n\n[218] All the Jacobite Patriarchs assumed the name of Ignatius; before\nhis consecration he was called Mark bar Q\u012bq\u012b.\n\n[219] Barhebr\u00e6us (1), vol. iii. pp. 288\u201390. Elias of Nisibis, pp.\n153\u20134. He returned to the Christian faith, however, before his death,\nwhich took place about twenty years later. Two similar cases are\nrecorded in the annals of the Jacobite Patriarchs of Antioch in the\nsixteenth century: of these one, named Joshua, became a Muhammadan in\n1517, but afterwards recanting fled to Cyprus (at that time in the\nhands of the Venetians), where prostrate at the door of a church in\npenitential humility he suffered all who went in or out to tread over\nhis body; the other, Ni\u02bbmat All\u0101h (flor. 1560), having abjured\nChristianity for Islam, sought absolution of Pope Gregory XIII in Rome.\n(Barhebr\u00e6us (1), vol. ii. pp. 847\u20138.)\n\n[220] In fact Elias of Nisibis, the contemporary chronicler of the\nconversion of the Jacobite Patriarch, makes no mention of such a\nfailing, nor does M\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n (pp. 115\u201316), the historian of the\nrival Nestorian Church, though he accuses him of plundering the sacred\nvessels and ornaments of the churches. As Wright (Syriac Literature, p.\n192) says of Joseph of Merv, \u201cWe need not believe all the evil that\nBarhebr\u00e6us tells us of this unhappy man.\u201d\n\n[221] Barhebr\u00e6us (1), vol. ii. p. 518.\n\n[222] Id. vol. ii. p. 712 sq.\n\n[223] Historia Orientalis, C. 15 (p. 45).\n\n[224] De Guignes, tome ii. (Seconde Partie), p. 15.\n\n[225] Odo de Diogilo. (De Ludovici vii. Itinere. Migne, Patr. Lat.,\ntom. cxcv. p. 1243.) \u201cVitantes igitur sibi crudeles socios fidei, inter\ninfideles sibi compatientes ibant securi, et sicut audivimus plusquam\ntria millia iuvenum sunt illis recedentibus sociati. O pietas omni\nproditione crudelior! Dantes panem fidem tollebant, quamvis certum sit\nquia, contenti servitio, neminem negare cogebant.\u201d\n\n[226] Guizot: Histoire de la civilisation en Europe, p. 234. (Paris,\n1882.)\n\n[227] Us\u0101ma b. Munqidh, p. 99.\n\n[228] Prutz, pp. 266\u20137.\n\n[229] Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois. (Recueil des historiens des\nCroisades, Assises de J\u00e9rusalem, tome ii. p. 325.)\n\n[230] Bah\u0101 al-D\u012bn, p. 25.\n\n[231] Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. p. 307.\n\n[232] Benedict of Peterborough, vol. ii. pp. 11\u201312.\n\n[233] Id., vol. ii. pp. 20\u20131. Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. pp. 316, 322.\n\n[234] Ab\u016b Sh\u0101mah, p. 150.\n\n[235] Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Richardi, p. 131.\n(Chronicles and Memorials of the reign of Richard I. Edited by William\nStubbs.) (London, 1864.)\n\n[236] Joinville, p. 238.\n\n[237] Id. p. 262.\n\n[238] Mas Latrie (1), vol. ii. p. 72.\n\n[239] Ludolf de Suchem, p. 71.\n\n[240] Lionardo Frescobaldi, quoted in the preface of Defr\u00e9mery and\nSanguinetti\u2019s edition of Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, vol. i. p. xl.\n\n[241] Christophori F\u00fcreri ab Haimendorf Itinerarium \u00c6gypti, p. 42.\n(Norimberg\u00e6, 1620.)\n\n[242] Le Voyage en Ethiopie entrepris par le P\u00e8re Aymard Gu\u00e9rin.\n(Rabbath, pp. 17\u201318.)\n\n[243] \u201cNotandum autem in rei veritate, licet quidam contrarium\nsenciant, qui ea volunt asserere, que non viderunt, quod oriens totus\nultra mare Yndiam et Ethiopiam nomen Christi confitetur et predicat,\npreter solos Sarracenos et quosdam Turcomannos, qui in Cappadocia sedem\nhabent, ita quod pro certo assero, sicut per memet ipsum vidi et ab\naliis, quibus notum erat, audivi, quod semper in omni loco et regno\npreterquam in Egypto et Arabia, ubi plurimum habitant Sarraceni et alii\nMachometum sequentes, pro uno Sarraceno triginta vel amplius invenies\nChristianos. Verum tamen, quod Christiani omnes transmarini natione\nsunt orientales, qui licet sint Christiani, quia tamen usum armorum non\nhabent multum, cum impugnantur a Sarracenis, Tartaris, vel aliis\nquibuscumque, subiciuntur eis et tributis pacem et quietem emunt, et\nSarraceni sive alii, qui eis dominantur, balivos suos et exactores in\nterris illis ponunt. Et inde contigit, quod regnum illud dicitur esse\nSarracenorum, cum tamen in rei veritate sunt omnes Christiani preter\nipsos balivos et exactores et aliquos de familia ipsorum, sicut oculis\nmeis vidi in Cilicia et Armenia minori, que est subdita dominio\nTartarorum.\u201d (Burchardi de Monte Sion, Descriptio Terr\u00e6 Sanct\u00e6, p. 90.)\n\n[244] Recueil des historiens des Croisades. (Assises de J\u00e9rusalem, tome\ni. p. 325.)\n\n[245] Prutz, pp. 146\u20137, 150.\n\n[246] The prelates of the Holy Land wrote as follows, in 1244,\nconcerning the invasion of the Khwarizmians, whom Sultan Ayy\u016bb had\ncalled in to assist him in driving out the Crusaders:\u2014\u201cPer totam terram\nusque ad partes Nazareth et Saphet libere nullo resistente discurrunt,\noccupantes eandem, et inter se quasi propriam dividentes, per villas et\ncazalia Christianorum legatos et bajulos pr\u00e6ficiunt, suscipientes a\nrusticis redditus et tributa, qu\u00e6 Christianis pr\u00e6stare solebant, qui\njam Christianis hostes effecti et rebelles dictis Corosminis\nuniversaliter adh\u00e6serunt.\u201d (Matthei Parisiensis Chronica Majora, ed. H.\nR. Luard, vol. iv. p. 343.) (London, 1872\u201383.)\n\n[247] Finlay, vol. iii. pp. 358\u20139. J. H. Krause: Die Byzantiner des\nMittelalters, p. 276. (Halle, 1869.)\n\n[248] Tavernier (1), p. 174.\n\n[249] Joselian, p. 125. All the Abkhazes, Djikhethes, Ossetes, Kabardes\nand Kisthethes fell away from the Christian faith about this time.\n\n[250] Id. p. 127.\n\n[251] Id. p. 143.\n\n[252] David Chytr\u00e6us, p. 49.\n\n[253] Joselian, p. 157.\n\n[254] Brosset, IIe partie, Ire livraison, pp. 227\u201335. Description\ng\u00e9ographique de la G\u00e9orgie par le Tsar\u00e9vitch Wakhoucht, p. 79. (St.\nPetersburg, 1842.)\n\n[255] The Six Voyages, p. 123.\n\n[256] Joselian, p. 149.\n\n[257] Id. pp. 160\u20131.\n\n[258] Tavernier (1), pp. 124, 126. He estimates the number of\nMuhammadans at about twelve thousand. (Id. p. 123.)\n\n[259] Brosset, IIe partie, Ire livraison, pp. 85, 181.\n\n[260] Documens originaux sur les relations diplomatiques de la G\u00e9orgie\navec la France vers la fin du r\u00e8gne de Louis XIV, recueillis par M.\nBrosset jeune. (J. A. 2me s\u00e9rie, tome ix. (1832), pp. 197, 451.)\n\n[261] Mackenzie, p. 7. Garnett, p. 194.\n\n[262] Barbier de Meynard, p. 45 sqq.\n\n[263] R. du M. M., VII, p. 320 (1909).\n\n[264] Am\u00e9lineau, p. 3; Caetani, vol. iv. p. 81 sq. Justinian is said to\nhave had 200,000 Copts put to death in the city of Alexandria, and the\npersecutions of his successors drove many to take refuge in the desert.\n(Wansleben: The Present State of Egypt, p. 11.) (London, 1678.)\n\n[265] Renaudot, p. 161. Severus, p. 106.\n\n[266] John, Jacobite bishop of Nikiu (second half of seventh century),\np. 584. Caetani, vol. iv. pp. 515\u201316.\n\n[267] Bell, p. xxxvii. But the exactions and hardships that, according\nto Maqr\u012bz\u012b, the Copts had to endure about seventy years after the\nconquest hardly allow us to extend this period so far as Von Ranke\ndoes: \u201cVon Aegypten weiss man durch die bestimmtesten Zeugnisse, dass\nsich die Einwohner in den n\u00e4chsten Jahrhunderten unter der arabischen\nHerrschaft in einem ertr\u00e4glichen Zustand befunden haben.\u201d\n(Weltgeschichte, vol. v. p. 153, 4th ed.)\n\n[268] John of Nikiu, p. 560.\n\n[269] Id. p. 585. \u201cOr beaucoup des \u00c9gyptiens, qui \u00e9taient de faux\nchr\u00e9tiens, reni\u00e8rent la sainte religion orthodoxe et le bapt\u00eame qui\ndonne la vie, embrass\u00e8rent la religion des Musulmans, les ennemis de\nDieu, et accept\u00e8rent la d\u00e9testable doctrine de ce monstre, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire\nde Mahomet; ils partag\u00e8rent l\u2019\u00e9garement de ces idol\u00e2tres et prirent les\narmes contre les chr\u00e9tiens.\u201d\n\n[270] Qurra b. Shar\u012bk (governor of Egypt from 709 to 714), or his\npredecessor, appears to have insisted on the converts continuing to pay\njizyah. (Becker, Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, p. 18.)\n\n[271] Ibn Sa\u02bbd, \u1e6cabaq\u0101t, vol. v. p. 283.\n\n[272] Caetani, vol. iv. p. 618; vol. v. pp. 384\u20135.\n\n[273] Severus, pp. 172\u20133.\n\n[274] Id. pp. 205\u20136.\n\n[275] \u201cSans aucun doute il y eut dans la multiplicit\u00e9 des martyrs une\nsorte de r\u00e9sistance nationale contre les gouverneurs \u00e9trangers.\u201d\n(Am\u00e9lineau, p. 58.)\n\n[276] Am\u00e9lineau, pp. 57\u20138.\n\n[277] Ab\u016b \u1e62\u0101li\u1e25, pp. 163\u20134.\n\n[278] Am\u00e9lineau, pp. 53\u20134, 69\u201370.\n\n[279] Ab\u016b \u1e62\u0101li\u1e25 gives an account of some monks who embraced the faith\nof the Prophet, and these are probably representative of a larger\nnumber of whom the historian has left no record, as lacking the\npeculiar circumstances of loss to the monastery or of recantation that\nmade such instances of interest to him (pp. 128, 142).\n\n[280] Lane, pp. 546, 549.\n\n[281] L\u00fcttke (1), vol. i. pp. 30, 35. Dr. Andrew Watson writes: \u201cNo\nyear has passed during my residence of forty-four years in the Nile\nvalley without my hearing of several instances of defection. The causes\nare, chiefly, the hope of worldly gain of various kinds, severe and\ncontinued persecution, exposure to the cruelty and rapacity of Moslem\nneighbours, and personal indignities as well as political disabilities\nof various kinds.\u201d (Islam in Egypt: Mohammedan World, p. 24.)\n\n[282] Severus, pp. 122, 126, 143. One of the very first occasions on\nwhich they had to complain of excessive taxation was when Menas, the\nChristian prefect of Lower Egypt, extorted from the city of Alexandria\n32,057 pieces of gold, instead of 22,000 which \u02bbAmr had fixed as the\namount to be levied. (John of Nikiu, p. 585.) Renaudot (p. 168) says\nthat after the restoration of the Orthodox hierarchy, about seventy\nyears after the Muhammadan conquest, the Copts suffered as much at its\nhands as at the hands of the Muhammadans themselves.\n\n[283] Maqr\u012bz\u012b mentions five other risings of the Copts that had to be\ncrushed by force of arms, within the first century of the Arab\ndomination. (Maqr\u012bz\u012b (2), pp. 76\u201382.)\n\n[284] Renaudot, pp. 189, 374, 430, 540.\n\n[285] Id. p. 603.\n\n[286] Id. pp. 432, 607. N\u0101\u1e63ir-i-Khusrau: Safar-n\u0101mah, ed. Schefer, pp.\n155\u20136.\n\n[287] Renaudot, pp. 212, 225, 314, 374, 540.\n\n[288] Renaudot, p. 388.\n\n[289] Id. pp 567, 571, 574\u20135.\n\n[290] Wansleben, p. 30. Wansleben mentions another instance (under\ndifferent circumstances) of the decay of the Coptic Church, in the\nisland of Cyprus, which was formerly under the jurisdiction of the\nCoptic Patriarch: here they were so persecuted by the Orthodox clergy,\nwho enjoyed the protection of the Byzantine emperors, that the\nPatriarch could not induce priests to go there, and consequently all\nthe Copts on the island either accepted Islam or the Council of\nChalcedon, and their churches were all shut up. (Id. p. 31.)\n\n[291] Renaudot, p. 377.\n\n[292] Renaudot, p. 575.\n\n[293] Relation du voyage du Sayd ou de la Thebayde fait en 1668, par\nles PP. Protais et Charles-Fran\u00e7ois d\u2019Orleans, Capuchins Missionaires,\np. 3. (Thevenot, vol. ii.)\n\n[294] Caetani, vol. iv. p. 520.\n\n[295] Ishok of Romgla, pp. 272\u20133.\n\n[296] Idr\u012bs\u012b, p. 32.\n\n[297] Maqr\u012bz\u012b (2), tome i. 2me partie, p. 131.\n\n[298] Maqr\u012bz\u012b, pp. 128\u201330.\n\n[299] Burckhardt (1), p. 494.\n\n[300] About twelve miles above the modern Khartum.\n\n[301] Artin, pp. 62, 144.\n\n[302] Becker, Geschichte des \u00f6stlichen S\u016bd\u0101n, p. 160.\n\n[303] Vol. iv. p. 396.\n\n[304] Slatin Pasha records a tradition current among the Danagla Arabs\nthat this town was founded by their ancestor, Dangal, who called it\nafter his own name. (This however is impossible, inasmuch as Dongola\nwas in existence in ancient Egyptian times, and is mentioned on the\nmonuments. See Vivien de Saint-Martin, vol. ii. p. 85.) According to\ntheir tradition, this Dangal, though a slave, rose to be ruler of\nNubia, but paid tribute to Bahnesa, the Coptic bishop of the entire\ndistrict lying between the present Sarras and Debba. (Fire and Sword in\nthe Sudan, p. 13.) (London, 1896.)\n\n[305] Ibn Sal\u012bm al-Asw\u0101n\u012b, quoted by Maqr\u012bz\u012b: Kit\u0101b al-Khi\u1e6da\u1e6d, vol. i.\np. 190. (Cairo, A.H. 1270.)\n\n[306] Budge, vol. ii. p. 199. Artin, p. 144.\n\n[307] Maqr\u012bz\u012b: Kit\u0101b al-Khi\u1e6da\u1e6d, vol. i. p. 193.\n\n[308] Mori\u00e9, vol. i. pp. 417\u201318.\n\n[309] Lord Stanley of Alderley in his translation of Alvarez\u2019 Narrative\nfrom the original Portuguese, gives the answer of the king as follows:\n\u201cHe said to them that he had his Abima from the country of the Moors,\nthat is to say from the Patriarch of Alexandria; ... how then could he\ngive priests and friars since another gave them\u201d (p. 352). (London,\n1881.)\n\n[310] Viaggio nella Ethiopia al Prete Ianni fatto par Don Francesco\nAlvarez Portughese (1520\u20131527). (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 200, 250.)\n\n[311] Wansleben, p. 30. For descriptions of the ruins that still\nremain, see Budge, vol. ii. p. 299 sqq., and G. S. Nileham, Churches in\nLower Nubia. (Philadelphia, 1910.)\n\n[312] Burckhardt (1), p. 133.\n\n[313] Alvarez, p. 250.\n\n[314] Idr\u012bs\u012b, p. 32.\n\n[315] \u02bbArabfaq\u012bh, p. 323.\n\n[316] Maqr\u012bz\u012b (2), tome ii. 2me partie, p. 183.\n\n[317] Basset, p. 240.\n\n[318] Id., p. 247.\n\n[319] Alvarez. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 218, 242, 249.)\n\n[320] \u02bbArabfaq\u012bh, pp. 83, 191.\n\n[321] \u02bbArabfaq\u012bh, p. 275\u20136.\n\n[322] Id. pp. 319, 324.\n\n[323] Id. pp. 28, 129, 275.\n\n[324] Plowden, p. 36.\n\n[325] \u02bbArabfaq\u012bh, pp. 321, 335, 343.\n\n[326] Id. passim.\n\n[327] Id. pp. 175, 195, 248.\n\n[328] Id. p. 178.\n\n[329] \u02bbArabfaq\u012bh, pp. 34\u20135, 120\u20131, 182\u20133, 244, 327.\n\n[330] \u02bbArabfaq\u012bh, pp. 181\u20132, 186.\n\n[331] Iobi Ludolfi ad suam Historiam \u00c6thiopicam Commentarius, p. 474.\n(Frankfurt a. M., 1691.)\n\n[332] Histoire de la Haute Ethiopie, par le R. P. Manoel d\u2019Alme\u00efda, p.\n7. (Thevenot, vol. ii.)\n\n[333] Massaja, vol. ii. pp. 205\u20136. \u201cOgnuno comprende che movente di\nqueste conversioni essendo la sete di regnare, nel fatto non si\nriducevano che ad una formalit\u00e0 esterna, restando poi i nuovi\nconvertiti veri mussulmani nei cuori e nei costumi. E perci\u00f2 accadeva\nche, elevati alla dignit\u00e0 di R\u00e2s, si circondavano di mussulmani, dando\nad essi la maggior parte degli impieghi e colmandoli di titoli,\nricchezze e favori: e cos\u00ec l\u2019Abissinia cristiana invasa e popolata da\nquesta pessima razza, pass\u00f2 coll\u2019andar del tempo sotto il giogo\ndell\u2019islamismo.\u201d (Id. p. 206.)\n\n[334] R\u00fcppell, vol. i. pp. 328, 366.\n\n[335] Plowden, p. 15.\n\n[336] T\u0101b\u014dt, the ark of the covenant.\n\n[337] Littmann, pp. 69\u201370.\n\n[338] Plowden, pp. 8\u20139.\n\n[339] Beke, pp. 51\u20132. Isenberg, p. 36.\n\n[340] Reclus, vol. x. p. 247. Massaja, vol. xi. p. 125.\n\n[341] Massaja, vol. xi. p. 124.\n\n[342] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 77\u20138.\n\n[343] Id. pp. 124, 125.\n\n[344] Oppel, p. 307. Reclus, tome x. p. 247.\n\n[345] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 79, 81.\n\n[346] Mori\u00e9, vol. ii. p. 449.\n\n[347] Littmann, pp. 68\u201370. K. Cederquist: Islam and Christianity in\nAbyssinia, p. 154 (The Moslem World, vol. ii.).\n\n[348] Gibbon, vol. i. p. 161.\n\n[349] Id. vol. ii. p. 212.\n\n[350] C. O. Castiglioni: Recherches sur les Berb\u00e8res atlantiques, pp.\n96\u20137. (Milan, 1826.)\n\n[351] Synesii Catastasis. (Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. lxvi. p. 1569.)\n\n[352] Neander (2), p. 320.\n\n[353] Gibbon, vol. iv. pp. 331\u20133.\n\n[354] Id. vol. v. p. 115.\n\n[355] Tij\u0101n\u012b, p. 201. Gibbon, vol. v. p. 122.\n\n[356] Gibbon, vol. v. p. 214.\n\n[357] Neander (1), vol. v. pp. 254\u20135. J. E. T. Wiltsch: Hand-book of\nthe geography and statistics of the Church, vol. i. pp. 433\u20134. (London,\n1859.) J. Bournichon: L\u2019Invasion musulmane en Afrique, pp. 32\u20133.\n(Tours, 1890.)\n\n[358] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 70, D.)\n\n[359] \u201cDeusen, una citt\u00e0 antichissima edificata da Romani dove confina\nil regno di Buggia col diserto di Numidia.\u201d (Id. p. 75, F.)\n\n[360] Pavy, vol. i. p. iv.\n\n[361] \u201cTous ceux qui ne se convertirent pas \u00e0 l\u2019islamisme, ou qui\n(conservant leur foi) ne voulurent pas s\u2019obliger \u00e0 payer la capitation,\ndurent prendre la fuite devant les arm\u00e9es musulmanes.\u201d (Tij\u0101n\u012b, p.\n201.)\n\n[362] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 7.)\n\n[363] \u201cAfros passim ad ecclesiasticos ordines (procedentes)\npr\u00e6tendentes nulla ratione suscipiat (Bonifacius), quia aliqui eorum\nManich\u00e6i, aliqui rebaptizati s\u00e6pius sunt probati.\u201d Epist. iv. (Migne:\nPatr. Lat., tom. lxxxix, p. 502.)\n\n[364] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, pp. 65, 66, 68, 69, 76.)\n\n[365] Qayrw\u0101n or Cairoan, founded A.H. 50; Fez, founded A.H. 185;\nal-Mahdiyyah, founded A.H. 303; Mas\u012blah, founded A.H. 315; Marocco,\nfounded A.H. 424. (Ab\u016b\u2019l-Fid\u0101, tome ii. pp. 198, 186, 200, 191, 187.)\n\n[366] Ibn Ab\u012b Zar\u02bb, p. 16.\n\n[367] A doubtful case of forced conversion is attributed to \u02bbAbd\nal-Mu\u02bcmin, who conquered Tunis in 1159. See De Mas Latrie (2), pp.\n77\u20138. \u201cDeux auteurs arabes, Ibn-al-Athir, contemporain, mais vivant \u00e0\nDamas au milieu de l\u2019exaltation religieuse que provoquaient les\nvictoires de Saladin, l\u2019autre El-Tidjani, visitant l\u2019Afrique orientale\nau quatorzi\u00e8me si\u00e8cle, ont \u00e9crit que le sultan, ma\u00eetre de Tunis, for\u00e7a\nles chr\u00e9tiens et les juifs \u00e9tablis dans cette ville \u00e0 embrasser\nl\u2019islamisme, et que les r\u00e9fractaires furent impitoyablement massacr\u00e9s.\nNous doutons de la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 de toutes ces mesures. Si l\u2019arr\u00eat fatal fut\nprononc\u00e9 dans l\u2019emportement du triomphe et pour satisfaire quelques\nexigences momentan\u00e9es, il dut \u00eatre \u00e9lud\u00e9 ou r\u00e9voqu\u00e9, tant il \u00e9tait\ncontraire au principe de la libert\u00e9 religieuse respect\u00e9 jusque-l\u00e0 par\ntous les princes maugrebins. Ce qu\u2019il y a de certain, c\u2019est que les\nchr\u00e9tiens et les juifs ne tard\u00e8rent pas \u00e0 repara\u00eetre \u00e0 Tunis et qu\u2019on\nvoit les chr\u00e9tiens avant la fin du r\u00e8gne d\u2019Abd-el-Moumen \u00e9tablis \u00e0\nTunis et y jouissant comme par le pass\u00e9 de la libert\u00e9, de leurs\n\u00e9tablissements, de leur commerce et de leur religion.... \u2018Accompagn\u00e9\nainsi par Dieu m\u00eame dans sa marche, dit un ancien auteur maugrebin, il\ntraversa victorieusement les terres du Zab et de l\u2019Ifrikiah, conqu\u00e9rant\nle pays et les villes, accordant l\u2019aman \u00e0 ceux qui le demandaient et\ntuant les r\u00e9calcitrants.\u2019 Ces derniers mots confirment notre sentiment\nsur sa politique \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9gard des chr\u00e9tiens qui accept\u00e8rent l\u2019arr\u00eat fatal\nde la destin\u00e9e.\u201d\n\n[368] De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 27\u20138.\n\n[369] S. Leonis IX. Pap\u00e6 Epist. lxxxiii. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom.\ncxliii. p. 728.) This letter deals with a quarrel for precedence\nbetween the bishops of Gummi and Carthage, and it is quite possible\nthat the disordered condition of Africa at the time may have kept the\nAfrican bishops ignorant of the condition of other sees besides their\nown and those immediately adjacent, and that accordingly the\ninformation supplied to the Pope represented the number of the bishops\nas being smaller than it really was.\n\n[370] A. M\u00fcller, vol. ii. pp. 628\u20139.\n\n[371] S. Gregorii VII. Epistola xix. (Liber tertius). (Migne: Patr.\nLat., tom. cxlviii. p. 449.)\n\n[372] De Mas Latrie, p. 226. A number of Spanish Christians, whose\nancestors had been deported to Morocco in 1122, were to be found there\nas late as 1386, when they were allowed to return to Seville through\nthe good offices of the then sultan of Morocco. (Whishaw, pp. 31\u20134.)\n\n[373] C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l\u2019Islam, p. xxxiii. (Paris, 1881.)\n\n[374] Compare the articles published by a Junta held at Madrid in 1566,\nfor the reformation of the Moriscoes; one of which runs as follows:\n\u201cThat neither themselves, their women, nor any other persons should be\npermitted to wash or bathe themselves either at home or elsewhere; and\nthat all their bathing houses should be pulled down and demolished.\u201d\n(J. Morgan, vol. ii. p. 256.)\n\n[375] C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l\u2019Islam, pp. xxvi\u2013xxxvii.\n\n[376] Leo Africanus says that at the end of the fifteenth century all\nthe mountaineers of Algeria and of Buggia, though Muhammadans, painted\nblack crosses on their cheeks and palms of the hand (Ramusio, i. p.\n61); similarly the Ban\u016b Mzab to the present day still keep up some\nreligious observances corresponding to excommunication and confession\n(Oppel, p. 299), and some nomad tribes of the Sahara observe the\npractice of a kind of baptism and use the cross as a decoration for\ntheir stuffs and weapons. (De Mas Latrie (2), p. 8.)\n\n[377] Tij\u0101n\u012b, p. 203.\n\n[378] The modern Touzer, in Tunis.\n\n[379] Ta\u02bcr\u012bkh al-duwal al-isl\u0101miyyah bi\u02bcl maghrib, I. p. 146. (ed. De\nSlane. Alger, 1847.)\n\n[380] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 67.)\n\n[381] Pavy, vol. i. p. vii.\n\n[382] De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 61\u20132, 266\u20137. L. del Marmol-Caravajal: De\nl\u2019Afrique, tome ii. p. 54. (Paris, 1667.)\n\n[383] De Mas Latrie (2), p. 192.\n\n[384] e.g. Innocent III, Gregory VII, Gregory IX and Innocent IV.\n\n[385] De Mas Latrie (2), p. 273.\n\n[386] Baudissin, p. 22.\n\n[387] Helfferich, p. 68.\n\n[388] Makkar\u012b, vol. i. pp. 280\u20132.\n\n[389] Baudissin, p. 7.\n\n[390] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 45\u20136.\n\n[391] A. M\u00fcller, vol. ii. p. 463.\n\n[392] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 44\u20136.\n\n[393] So St. Boniface (A.D. 745, Epist. lxii.). \u201cSicut aliis gentibus\nHispani\u00e6 et Provinci\u00e6 et Burgundionum populis contigit, qu\u00e6 sic a Deo\nrecedentes fornicat\u00e6 sunt, donec index omnipotens talium criminum\nultrices p\u0153nas per ignorantiam legis Dei et per Saracenos venire et\ns\u00e6vire permisit.\u201d (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix. p. 761.) Eulogius:\nlib. i. \u00a7 30. \u201cIn cuius (i.e. gentis Saracenic\u00e6) ditione nostro\ncompellente facinore sceptrum Hispani\u00e6 translatum est.\u201d (Migne: Patr.\nLat., tom. cxv. p. 761.) Similarly Alvar (2), \u00a7 18. \u201cEt probare nostro\nvitio inlatum intentabo flagellum. Nostra h\u00e6c, fratres, nostra desidia\npeperit mala, nostra impuritas, nostra levitas, nostra morum obsc\u0153nitas\n... unde tradidit nos Dominus qui institiam diligit, et cuius vultus\n\u00e6quitatem decernit, ipsi besti\u00e6 conrodendos\u201d (pp. 531\u20132).\n\n[394] Dozy (3), tome i. pp. 15\u201320. Whishaw, pp. 38, 44.\n\n[395] Samson, pp. 377\u20138, 381.\n\n[396] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 210.\n\n[397] Bishop Egila, who was sent to Southern Spain by Pope Hadrian I,\ntowards the end of the eighth century, on a mission to counteract the\ngrowing influence of Muslim thought, denounces the Spanish priests who\nlived in concubinage with married women. (Helfferich, p. 83.)\n\n[398] Alvari Cordubensis, Epist. xix. \u201cOb meritum \u00e6tern\u00e6 retributionis\ndevovi me sedulum in lege Domini consistere.\u201d (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom.\ncxxi. p. 512.)\n\n[399] Helfferich, pp. 79\u201380.\n\n[400] \u201cBedenkt man nun, wie wichtig gerade die alttestamentliche Idee\ndes Prophetenthums in der Christologie des germanischen Arianismus\nnachklang und auch nach der Annahme des katholischen Dogmas in dem\nreligi\u00f6sen Bewusstsein der Westgothen haften blieb, so wird man es sehr\nerkl\u00e4rlich finden, dass unmittelbar nach dem Einfall der Araber die\nverwandten Vorstellungen des Mohammedanismus unter den geknechteten\nChristen auftauchten.\u201d (Helfferich, p. 82.)\n\n[401] Luc\u00e6 Diaconi Tudensis Chronicon Mundi. (Andreas Schottus:\nHispani\u00e6 Illustrat\u00e6, tom. iv. p. 53.) (Francofurti, 1603\u20138.)\n\n[402] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 41. Whishaw, p. 17.\n\n[403] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 39.\n\n[404] Baudissin, pp. 11\u201313, 196.\n\n[405] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. i. \u00a7 30, \u201cinter ipsos sine molestia\nfidei degimus\u201d (p. 761). Id., ib., lib. i. \u00a7 18, \u201cQuos nulla\npr\u00e6sidialis violentia fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanct\u00e6\npi\u00e6que religionis amovit\u201d (p. 751). John of Gorz (who visited Spain\nabout the middle of the tenth century) \u00a7 124, \u201c(Christiani), qui in\nregno eius libere divinis suisque rebus utebantur.\u201d\n\nA Spanish bishop thus described the condition of the Christians to John\nof Gorz. \u201cPeccatis ad h\u00e6c devoluti sumus, ut paganorum subiaceamus\nditioni. Resistere potestati verbo prohibemur apostoli. Tantum hoc unum\nrelictum est solatii, quod in tant\u00e6 calamitatis malo legibus nos\npropriis uti non prohibent; qui quos diligentes Christianitatis\nviderint observatores, colunt et amplectuntur, simul ipsorum convictu\ndelectantur. Pro tempore igitur hoc videmur tenere consilii, ut quia\nreligionis nulla infertur iactura, cetera eis obsequamur, iussisque\neorum in quantum fidem non impediunt obtemperemus\u201d \u00a7 122 (p. 302).\n\n[406] Baudissin, pp. 16\u201317.\n\n[407] Eulogius, ob. 859 (Mem. Sanct. lib. iii. c. 3) speaks of churches\nrecently erected (ecclesias nuper structas). The chronicle falsely\nascribed to Luitprand records the erection of a church at Cordova in\n895 (p. 1113).\n\n[408] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. iii. c. 11 (p. 812).\n\n[409] Baudissin, p. 16.\n\n[410] Id. p. 21, and John of Gorz, \u00a7 128 (p. 306).\n\n[411] Whishaw, pp. 272, 301.\n\n[412] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 42.\n\n[413] Baudissin, pp. 96\u20137.\n\n[414] See the letter of Pope Hadrian I to the Spanish bishops: \u201cPorro\ndiversa capitula qu\u00e6 ex illis audivimus partibus, id est, quod multi\ndicentes se catholicos esse, communem vitam gerentes cum Iud\u00e6is et non\nbaptizatis paganis, tam in escis quamque in potu et in diversis\nerroribus nihil pollui se inquiunt: et illud quod inhibitum est, ut\nnulli liceat iugum ducere cum infidelibus, ipsi enim filias suas cum\nalio benedicent, et sic populo gentili tradentur.\u201d (Migne: Patr. Lat.,\ntome xcviii. p. 385.)\n\n[415] Isidori Pacensis Chronicon, \u00a7 42 (p. 1266).\n\n[416] Alvar: Indic. Lum., \u00a7 35 (p. 53). John of Gorz, \u00a7 123 (p. 303).\n\n[417] Letter of Hadrian I, p. 385. John of Gorz, \u00a7 123 (p. 303).\n\n[418] Some Arabic verses of a Christian poet of the eleventh century\nare still extant, which exhibit considerable skill in handling the\nlanguage and metre. (Von Schack, II. 95.)\n\n[419] Abbot Samson gives us specimens of the bad Latin written by some\nof the ecclesiastics of his time, e.g. \u201cCum contempti essemus\nsimplicitas christiana,\u201d but his correction is hardly much better,\n\u201ccontenti essemus simplicitati christian\u00e6\u201d (pp. 404, 406).\n\n[420] Alvar: Indic. Lum., \u00a7 35 (pp. 554\u20136).\n\n[421] Von Schack, vol. ii. p. 96.\n\n[422] Orderic Vitalis, p. 928.\n\n[423] Alvar: Ind. Lum., \u00a7 29. \u201cCompositionem verborum, et preces omnium\neius membrorum quotidie pro eo eleganti facundia, et venusto confectas\neloquio, nos hodie per eorum volumina et oculis legimus et plerumque\nmiramur.\u201d (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome cxxi. p. 546.)\n\n[424] Enhueber, \u00a7 26, p. 353.\n\n[425] Helfferich, p. 88.\n\n[426] \u201cPostmodum transgressus legem Dei, fugiens ad paganos\nconsentaneos, periuratus effectus est.\u201d Frobenii dissertatio de h\u00e6resi\nElipandi et Felicis, \u00a7 xxiv. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome ci. p. 313.)\n\n[427] Pseudo-Luitprandi Chronicon, \u00a7 341 (p. 1115). \u201cBasilius Toletanum\nconcilium contrahit; quo providetur, ne Christiani detrimentum\nacciperent convictu Saracenorum.\u201d\n\n[428] There is little record of such, but they seem referred to in the\nfollowing sentences of Eulogius (Liber Apologeticus Martyrum, \u00a7 20), on\nMu\u1e25ammad: \u201cCuius quidem erroris insaniam, pr\u00e6dicationis deliramenta, et\nimpi\u00e6 novitatis pr\u00e6cepta quisquis catholicorum cognoscere cupit,\nevidentius ab eiusdem sect\u00e6 cultoribus perscrutando advertet. Quoniam\nsacrum se quidpiam tenere et credere autumantes, non modo privatis, sed\napertis vocibus vatis sui dogmata pr\u00e6dicant.\u201d (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome\ncxv. p. 862.)\n\n[429] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 53.\n\n[430] Lea, The Moriscos, pp. 17, 18.\n\n[431] Samson, p. 379.\n\n[432] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. Pref., \u00a7 2. (Migne, tom. cxv. p. 737.)\n\n[433] Id. c. xiii. (p. 794.)\n\n[434] The number of the martyrs is said not to have exceeded forty. (W.\nH. Prescott: History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. p.\n342, n.) (London, 1846.)\n\n[435] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 161\u20132.\n\n[436] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. I, iii. c. vii. (p. 805). \u201cPro eo quod\nnullus sapiens, nemo urbanus, nullusque procerum Christianorum huiusce\nmodi rem perpetrasset, idcirco non debere universos perimere\nasserebant, quos non pr\u00e6it personalis dux ad pr\u00e6lium.\u201d\n\n[437] Alvar: Ind. Lum., \u00a7 14. \u201cNonne ipsi qui videbantur column\u00e6, qui\nputabantur Ecclesi\u00e6 petr\u00e6, qui credebantur electi, nullo cogente,\nnemine provocante, iudicem adierunt, et in pr\u00e6sentia Cynicorum, imo\nEpicureorum, Dei martyres infamaverunt? Nonne pastores Christi,\ndoctores Ecclesi\u00e6, episcopi, abbates, presbyteri, proceres et magnati,\nh\u00e6reticos eos esse publice clamaverunt? et publica professione sine\ndesquisitione, absque interrogatione, qu\u00e6 nec imminente mortis\nsententia erant dicenda, spontanea voluntate, et libero mentis\narbitrio, protulerunt?\u201d (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 529.)\n\n[438] Alvar: Indic. Lum., \u00a7 15. \u201cQuid obtendendum est de illis quos\necclesiastice interdiximus, et a quibus ne aliquando ad martyrii\nsurgerent palmam iuramentum extorsimus? quibus errores gentilium\ninfringere vetuimus, et maledictum ne maledictionibus impeterent?\nEvangelio et cruce educta vi iurare improbiter fecimus, imo feraliter\net belluino terrore coegimus, minantes inaudita supplicia, et\nmonstruosa promittentes truncationum membrorum varia et horrenda dictu\naudituve flagella?\u201d (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 530.)\n\n[439] Baudissin, p. 199.\n\n[440] Morgan, vol. ii. pp. 297\u20138, 345.\n\n[441] Id. p. 310.\n\n[442] Lea, The Moriscos, p. 259.\n\n[443] Morgan, vol. ii. p. 337.\n\n[444] Id. p. 289.\n\n[445] Stirling-Maxwell, vol. i. p. 115.\n\n[446] This is no place to give a history of these territorial\nacquisitions, which may be briefly summed up thus. In 1353 the Ottoman\nTurks first passed over into Europe and a few years later Adrianople\nwas made their European capital. Under B\u0101yaz\u012bd (1389\u20131402), their\ndominions stretched from the \u00c6g\u00e6an to the Danube, embracing all\nBulgaria, Macedonia, Thessaly and Thrace, with the exception of\nChalkidike and the district just round Constantinople. Mur\u0101d II\n(1421\u20131451) occupied Chalkidike and pushed his conquests to the\nAdriatic. Mu\u1e25ammad II (1451\u20131481) by the overthrow of Constantinople,\nAlbania, Bosnia and Servia, became master of the whole South-Eastern\npeninsula, with the exception of the parts of the coast held by Venice\nand Montenegro. Sulaym\u0101n II (1520\u20131566) added Hungary and made the\n\u00c6g\u00e6an an Ottoman sea. In the seventeenth century Crete was won and\nPodolia ceded by Poland.\n\n[447] Phrantzes, pp. 305\u20136.\n\n[448] Finlay, vol. iii. p. 522. Pitzipios, seconde partie, p. 75. M.\nd\u2019Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 52\u20134. Arminjon, vol. i. p. 16.\n\n[449] A traveller who visited Cyprus in 1508 draws the following\npicture of the tyranny of the Venetians in their foreign possessions:\n\u201cAll the inhabitants of Cyprus are slaves to the Venetians, being\nobliged to pay to the state a third part of all their increase or\nincome, whether the product of their ground or corn, wine, oil, or of\ntheir cattle, or any other thing. Besides, every man of them is bound\nto work for the state two days of the week wherever they shall please\nto appoint him: and if any shall fail, by reason of some other business\nof their own, or for indisposition of body, then they are made to pay a\nfine for as many days as they are absent from their work: and which is\nmore, there is yearly some tax or other imposed on them, with which the\npoor common people are so flead and pillaged that they hardly have\nwherewithal to keep soul and body together.\u201d (The Travels of Martin\nBaumgarten, p. 373.) See also the passages quoted by Hackett, History\nof the Orthodox Church of Cyprus, p. 183.\n\n[450] Finlay, vol. iii. p. 502.\n\n[451] Urquhart, quoted by Clark: Races of European Turkey, p. 82.\n\n[452] Karamsin, vol. v. p. 437.\n\n[453] Martin Crusius writes in the same spirit: \u201cEt mirum est, inter\nbarbaros, in tanta tant\u00e6 urbis colluvie, nullas c\u00e6des audiri, vim\niniustam non ferri, ius cuivis dici. Ideo Constantinopolin Sultanus,\nRefugium totius orbis scribit: quod omnes miseri, ibi tutissime latent:\nquodque omnibus (tam infimis quam summis: tam Christianis quam\ninfidelibus) iustitia administretur.\u201d (Turcogr\u00e6cia, p. 487.) (Basile\u00e6,\n1584.)\n\n[454] Phrantzes, p. 81.\n\n[455] Phrantzes, p. 92.\n\n[456] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 5, 123. Adeney, p. 311. Gerlach, writing in\nthe year 1577, says: \u201cWo Christen oder Juden in den Orten wohnen, da es\nKadi oder Richter und Subbassi oder V\u00f6gte hat, dass die gemeinen\nT\u00fcrcken nicht ihres Gefallens mit ihnen umbgehen d\u00f6rffen, sind sie viel\nlieber unter den T\u00fcrcken, dann unter den Christen. Wann sie J\u00e4hrlich\nihren Tribut geben, sind sie hernach frey. Aber in der Christenheit ist\ndas gantze Jahr des Gebens kein Ende.\u201d (Tage-Buch, p. 413.)\n\n[457] Hertzberg, pp. 467, 646, 650.\n\n[458] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 156\u20137.\n\n[459] This interval was, however, not a fixed one; at first, the levy\ntook place every seven or five years, but later at more frequent\nintervals according to the exigencies of the state. (Menzel, p. 52.)\nMetrophanes Kritopoulos, writing in 1625, states that the collectors\ncame to the cities every seventh year and that each city had to\ncontribute three or four, or at least two boys (p. 205).\n\n[460] Qur\u02bc\u0101n, viii. 42.\n\n[461] Id. x. 99. 100.\n\n[462] \u201cOn ne for\u00e7ait cependant pas les jeunes Chr\u00e9tiens \u00e0 changer de\nfoi. Les principes du gouvernement s\u2019y opposaient aussi bien que les\npr\u00e9ceptes du Cour\u2019ann; et si des officiers, mus par leur fanatisme,\nusaient quelquefois de contrainte, leur conduite \u00e0 cet \u00e9gard pouvait\nbien \u00eatre tol\u00e9r\u00e9e; mais elle n\u2019\u00e9tait jamais autoris\u00e9e par les chefs.\u201d\n(M. d\u2019Ohsson, tome iii. pp. 397\u20138.)\n\n[463] Hertzberg, p. 472.\n\n[464] \u201cSed hoc tristissimum est, quod, ut olim Christiani imperatores,\nex singulis oppidis, certum numerum liberorum, in quibus egregia\nindoles pr\u00e6 c\u00e6teris elucebat, delegerunt: quos ad publica officia\nmiliti\u00e6 togat\u00e6 et bellic\u00e6 in Aula educari curarunt: ita Turci, occupato\nGr\u00e6corum imperio, idem ius eripiendi patribus familias liberos ingeniis\neximiis pr\u00e6ditos, usurpant.\u201d (David Chytr\u00e6us, pp. 12\u201314.)\n\n[465] Creasy, p. 99. M. d\u2019Ohsson, tome iii. p. 397. Menzel, p. 53.\nThomas Smith, speaking of such parents, says: \u201cOthers, to the great\nshame and dishonour of the Religion, Christians only in name, part with\nthem freely and readily enough, not only because they are rid of the\ntrouble and charge of them, but in hopes they may, when they are grown\nup, get some considerable command in the government.\u201d (An Account of\nthe Greek Church, p. 12. London, 1680.) In the reign of Mur\u0101d I,\nChristian troops were employed in collecting this tribute of Christian\nchildren. (Finlay, vol. v. p. 45.)\n\n[466] \u201cVerum tamen hos (liberos) pecunia redimere a conquisitoribus\ns\u00e6pe parentibus licet.\u201d (David Chytr\u00e6us, p. 13.) De la Guilleti\u00e8re\nmentions it in 1669 as one of the privileges of the Athenians. (An\nAccount of a Late Voyage to Athens, p. 272. London, 1676.)\n\n[467] Confessio, p. 205.\n\n[468] An Account of the Greek Church, p. 12. (London, 1680.)\n\n[469] Menzel, p. 52. Thomas Smith: De Moribus ac Institutis Turcarum,\np. 81. (Oxonii, 1672.)\n\n[470] Hill, p. 174.\n\n[471] Joseph von Hammer (2), vol. ii. p. 151. Hans Schiltberger, who\nwas captured by the Turks in 1396 and returned home to Munich after\nthirty-two years\u2019 captivity, states that the tax the Christians had to\npay did not amount to more than two pfennig a month. (Reisebuch, p.\n92.)\n\n[472] Soli Sacerdotes, quasi in honorem sacri illius, quo funguntur,\nDeo ita ordinante, ministerii hoc factum sit, una cum f\u0153minis, ab hoc\ntributo pendendo immunes habentur. (De Gr\u00e6c\u00e6 Hodierno Statu Epistola,\nauthore Thoma Smitho, p. 12.) (Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1698.)\n\n[473] Silbernagl, p. 60.\n\n[474] Martin Crusius, p. 487; Sansovino, p. 67; Georgieviz, p. 98\u20139;\nScheffler, \u00a7 56; Hertzberg, p. 648; De la Jonqui\u00e8re, p. 267. A work\npublished in London in 1595, entitled \u201cThe Estate of Christians living\nunder the subjection of the Turke,\u201d states the capitation-tax for male\nchildren to have been eight shillings (p. 2). Michel Baudin says one\nsequin a head for every male. (Histoire du Serrail, p. 7. Paris, 1662.)\n\n[475] Georgirenes, p. 9; Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91; Tavernier (3), p.\n11.\n\n[476] In a work published by Joseph Georgirenes, Archbishop of Samos,\nin 1678, during a visit to London, he gives us an account of the income\nof his own see, the details of which are not likely to have been\nconsidered extortionate, as they were here set down for the benefit of\nEnglish readers: in comparing the sums here mentioned, it should be\nborne in mind that he speaks of the capitation-tax as being three\ncrowns or dollars (pp. 8\u20139). \u201cAt his (i.e. the Archbishop\u2019s) first\ncoming, the Papas or Parish Priest of the Church of his Residence\npresents him fifteen or twenty dollers, they of the other Churches\naccording to their Abilities. The first year of his coming, every\nParish Priest pays him four dollers, and the following year two. Every\nLayman pays him forty-eight aspers\u201d\u2014(In the commercial treaty with\nEngland, concluded in the year 1675, the value of the dollar was fixed\nat eighty aspers (Finlay, v. 28))\u2014\u201cand the following years twenty-four.\nThe Samians pay one Doller for a Licence; all Strangers two; but he\nthat comes after first marriage for a Licence for a second or third,\npays three or four\u201d (pp. 33\u20134).\n\n[477] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91.\n\n[478] Scheffler, \u00a7 56. \u201cWas aber auch den Ducaten anbelangt, so werdet\nihr mit demselben in eurem Sinn ebener massen greulich betrogen. Denn\nes ist zwar wahr, dass der T\u00fcrckische K\u00e4yser ordentlich nicht mehr nimt\nals vom Haupt einen Ducaten: aber wo bleiben die Z\u00f6lle und\nausserordentliche Anlagen? nehmen dann seine K\u00f6nigliche Verweser und\nHauptleute nichts? muss man zu Kriegen nichts ausser ordentlich\ngeben?... Was aber die ausser ordentliche Anlagen betrifft; die steigen\nund fallen nach den b\u00f6sen Zeiten, und m\u00fcssen von den T\u00fcrckischen\nUnterthanen so wohl gegeben werden als bey uns.\u201d\n\n[479] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 24\u20135. H. von Moltke: Brief \u00fcber Zust\u00e4nde und\nBegebenheiten in der T\u00fcrkei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839, pp. 274, 354.\n(5th ed., Berlin, 1891.)\n\n[480] Hammer (2), vol. i. p. 346.\n\n[481] \u201cThe hard lot of the Christian subjects of the Sultan has at all\ntimes arisen from the fact that the central authority at Constantinople\nhas but little real authority throughout the Empire of Turkey. It is\nthe petty tyranny of the village officials, sharpened by personal\nhatred, which has instigated those acts of atrocity to which, both in\nformer times, and still more at the present day, the Christians in\nTurkey are subjected. In the days of a nation\u2019s greatness justice and\neven magnanimity towards a subject race are possible; these, however,\nare rarely found to exist in the time of a nation\u2019s decay.\u201d (Rev. W.\nDenton: Servia and the Servians, p. 15. London, 1862.) Gerlach, pp. 49,\n52.\n\n[482] Businello, pp. 43\u20134.\n\n[483] \u201cThe central government of the Sultan has generally treated its\nMussulman subjects with as much cruelty and injustice as the conquered\nChristians. The sufferings of the Greeks were caused by the insolence\nand oppression of the ruling class and the corruption that reigned in\nthe Othoman administration, rather than by the direct exercise of the\nSultan\u2019s power. In his private affairs, a Greek had a better chance of\nobtaining justice from his bishop and the elders of his district than a\nTurk from the cadi or the voivode.\u201d (Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 4\u20135.)\n\n\u201cIt would be a mistake to suppose that the Christians are the only part\nof the population that is oppressed and miserable. Turkish\nmisgovernment is uniform, and falls with a heavy hand upon all alike.\nIn some parts of the kingdom the poverty of the Mussulmans may be\nactually worse than the poverty of the Christians, and it is their\ncondition which most excites the pity of the traveller.\u201d (William\nForsyth: The Slavonic Provinces South of the Danube, pp. 157\u20138. London,\n1876.)\n\n\u201cAll this oppression and misery (i.e. in the north of Asia Minor) falls\nupon the Mohammedan population equally with the Christian.\u201d (James\nBryce: Transcaucasia and Ararat, p. 381.)\n\n\u201cL\u2019Europe s\u2019imagine que les chr\u00e9tiens seuls sont soumis, en Turquie, \u00e0\nl\u2019arbitraire, aux souffrances, aux avilissements de toute nature, qui\nnaissent de l\u2019oppression; il n\u2019en est rien! Les musulmans, pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment\nparce que nulle puissance \u00e9trang\u00e8re ne s\u2019int\u00e9resse \u00e0 eux, sont\npeut-\u00eatre plus indignement spoli\u00e9s, plus courb\u00e9s sous le joug que ceux\nqui m\u00e9connaissent le proph\u00e8te.\u201d (De la Jonqui\u00e8re, p. 507.)\n\n\u201cTo judge from what we have already observed, the lowest order of\nChristians are not in a worse condition in Asia Minor than the same\nclass of Turks; and if the Christians of European Turkey have some\nadvantages arising from the effects of the superiority of their numbers\nover the Turks, those of Asia have the satisfaction of seeing that the\nTurks are as much oppressed by the men in power as they are themselves;\nand they have to deal with a race of Mussulmans generally milder, more\nreligious, and better principled than those of Europe.\u201d (W. M. Leake:\nJournal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 7. London, 1824.)\n\nCf. also Laurence Oliphant: The Land of Gilead, pp. 320\u20133, 446.\n(London, 1880.)\n\n[484] It was in the sixteenth century that the tribute of children fell\ninto desuetude, and the last recorded example of its exaction was in\nthe year 1676.\n\n[485] De la Jonqui\u00e8re, p. 333. Scheffler, \u00a7 45\u20136. Gasztowtt, p. 51.\n\n[486] \u201cDenn ich h\u00f6re mit grosser Verwunderung und Best\u00fcrtzung, dass\nnicht allein unter den gemeinen P\u00f6vel Reden im Schwange gehn, es sey\nunter dem T\u00fcrcken auch gut wohnen: wann man einen Ducaten von Haupt\ngebe, so w\u00e4re man frey; Item er liesse die Religion frey; man w\u00fcrde die\nKirchen wieder bekommen; und was vergleichen: sondern dass auch andre,\ndie es wol besser verstehen sollten, sich dessen erfreuen, und \u00fcber ihr\neigen Ungl\u00fcck frolocken! welches nicht allein Halssbr\u00fcchige, sondern\nauch Gottlose Vermessenheiten seynd, die aus keinem andrem Grunde, als\naus dem Geist der Ketzerey, der zum Auffruhr und g\u00e4ntzlicher Ausreitung\ndes Christenthumbs geneigt ist, herkommen.\u201d (Scheffler, \u00a7 48.)\n\n[487] Hertzberg, p. 650.\n\n[488] De la Jonqui\u00e8re, p. 34. A similar contrast was made in 1605 by\nRichard Staper, an English merchant who had been in Turkey as early as\n1578: \u201cAnd notwithstanding that the Turks in general be a most wicked\npeople, walking in the works of darkness ... yet notwithstanding do\nthey permit all Christians, both Greeks and Latins, to live in their\nreligion and freely to use to their conscience, allowing them churches\nfor their divine service, both in Constantinople and very many other\nplaces, whereas to the contrary by proof of twelve years\u2019 residence in\nSpain I can truly affirm, we are not only forced to observe their\npopish ceremonies, but in danger of life and goods\u201d (M. Epstein: The\nEarly History of the Levant Company, p. 57. London, 1908.)\n\n[489] Macarius, vol. i. pp. 183, 165. Cf. the memorial presented by\nPolish refugees from Russia to the Sublime Porte, in 1853. (Gasztowtt,\np. 217.)\n\n[490] \u201cAlii speciem sibi quandam confixerunt stultam libertatis ...\nquod quum sub Christiano consequuturos se desperent, ideo vel Turcam\nmallent: quasi is benignior sit in largienda libertate hac, quam\nChristianus.\u201d (Ioannis Ludovici Vivis De Conditione Vit\u00e6 Christianorum\nsub Turca, pp. 220, 225.) (Basile\u00e6, 1538.) \u201cQuidam obganniunt, liberam\nesse sub Turca fidem.\u201d (Othonis Brunfelsii ad Principes et Christianos\nomnes Oratio, p. 133.) (Basile\u00e6, 1538.) Ubertus Folieta, a noble of\nGenoa, writing about 1577, says, \u201cS\u00e6pe mecum quaesivi ... qua re fiat,\nut tot de nostris hominibus ad illos continenter transfugiant,\nChristianaque religione eiurata Mahumetan\u00e6 sect\u00e6 nomina dent.\u201d (De\nCausis Magnitudinis Turcarum Imperii, col. 1209.) (Thesaurus\nAntiquitatum et Historiarum Itali\u00e6, cur\u00e2 Joannis Georgii Gr\u00e6vii, tom.\ni. Lugduni Batavorum, 1725.)\n\n[491] Turchic\u00e6 Spurciti\u00e6 Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a).\n\n[492] Blount, vol. i. p. 548.\n\n[493] Scheffler, \u00a7\u00a7 51, 53.\n\n[494] Dousa, p. 38. Busbecq, p. 190.\n\n[495] Thomas Smith, p. 32.\n\n[496] Thomas Smith, p. 42. Blount, vol. i. p. 548. Georgieviz, p. 20.\nSchiltberger, pp. 83\u20134. Baudier, pp. 149, 313.\n\n[497] Alexander Ross, p. ix. Baudier, p. 317. Cf. also Rycaut, vol. i.\np. 276. \u201cOn croit meriter beaucoup que de faire un Proselyte, il n\u2019y a\npersonne assez riche pour avoir un esclave qui n\u2019en ve\u00fcille un jeune,\nqui soit capable de recevoir sans peine toutes sortes d\u2019impressions, et\nqu\u2019il puisse appeller son converti, afin de meriter l\u2019honneur d\u2019avoir\naugment\u00e9 le nombre des fid\u00e8les.\u201d Thomas Smith relates how the old man\nwho showed him the tomb of Urkh\u0101n at Brusa \u201cingenti cum fervore, oculis\nad C\u00e6lum elevatis, Deum precatus est ut nos ad fidem Musulmannicam suo\ntempore tandem convertere dignaretur: Hoc nimirum est summum erga nos\naffectus testimonium, qui ex isto falso et imperitissimo zelo solet\nprofluere.\u201d (Epistol\u00e6 duae, quarum altera De Moribus ac Institutis\nTurcarum agit, p. 20.) (Oxonii, 1672.)\n\n[498] By an anonymous writer who was a captive in Turkey from 1436 to\n1458. Turchic\u00e6 Spurciti\u00e6 Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a).\n\n[499] Turchic\u00e6 Spurciti\u00e6 Suggillatio, fol. xi. (b). Lionardo of Scio,\nArchbishop of Mitylene, who was present at the taking of\nConstantinople, speaks of the large number of renegades in the\nbesieging army: \u201cChi circond\u00f2 la citt\u00e0, e chi insegn\u00f2 a\u2019 turchi\nl\u2019ordine, se non i pessimi christiani? Io son testimonio, che i Greci,\nch\u2019i Latini, che i Tedeschi, che gli Ungari, e che ogni altra\ngeneration di christiani, mescolati co\u2019 turchi impararono l\u2019opere e la\nfede loro, i quali domenticatisi della fede christiana, espugnavano la\ncitt\u00e0. O empij che rinegasti Christo. O settatori di antichristo,\ndannati alle pene infernali, questo \u00e8 hora il vostro tempo.\u201d\n(Sansovino, p. 258.)\n\n[500] J. H. Krause: Die Byzantiner des Mittelalters, pp. 385\u20136. (Halle,\n1869.)\n\n[501] Hertzberg, p. 616. Finlay, vol. v. p. 118.\n\n[502] Turchic\u00e6 Spurciti\u00e6 Suggillatio, fol. xix. (a).\n\n[503] Rycaut, vol. i. pp. 710\u201311. Bizzi, fol. 49 (b).\n\n[504] Pichler, pp. 164, 172.\n\n[505] Id. p. 143.\n\n[506] Pichler, p. 148. It is doubtful, however, whether Cyril was\nreally the author of this document bearing his name. (Kyriakos, p.\n100.)\n\n[507] Id. pp. 183\u20139.\n\n[508] Id. p 226.\n\n[509] As regards the Christian captives the Protestants certainly had\nthe reputation among the Turks of showing a greater inclination towards\nconversion than the Catholics. (Gmelin, p. 21.)\n\n[510] Pichler, pp. 211, 227.\n\n[511] Id. pp. 181, 228.\n\n[512] Id. pp. 222, 226.\n\n[513] Pichler, p. 173.\n\n[514] Id. pp. 128, 132, 143.\n\n[515] Id. p. 143.\n\n[516] Le Quien, tom. i. col. 334.\n\n[517] Pichler, p. 172.\n\n[518] Hefele, vol. i. p. 473.\n\n[519] Cyril II of Berrh\u0153a.\n\n[520] Le Quien, tom. i. col. 335.\n\n[521] Id. tom. i. col. 336.\n\n[522] Id. tom. i. col. 337.\n\n[523] However, in an earlier attempt made by the Protestant theologians\nof T\u00fcbingen (1573\u201377) to introduce the doctrines of the Reformed Church\ninto the Eastern Church, the Vaivode Quarquar of Samtskheth in Georgia\nembraced the Confession of Augsburg, but in 1580 became a Muslim.\n(Joselian, p. 140.)\n\n[524] Scheffler, \u00a7\u00a7 53\u20136. Finlay, vol. v. pp. 118\u201319.\n\n[525] Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 94.\n\n[526] Spon, vol. ii. p. 57.\n\n[527] Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 364.\n\n[528] Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, edited by J. Theodore\nBent, p. 210. (London, 1893.) Similarly, Michel Baudier concludes his\ndescription of the festivities in Constantinople on the occasion of the\ncircumcision of Mu\u1e25ammad III in the latter part of the sixteenth\ncentury, with an account of the conversion of a large number of\nChristians. \u201cDuring the spectacles of this solemnity, the wretched\nGrecians ran by troupes in this place to make themselves Mahometans;\nSome abandoned Christianitie to avoid the oppression of the Turkes,\nothers for the hope of private profit.... The number of these\ncast-awayes was found to be above foure thousand soules.\u201d (The History\nof the Serrail, and of the Court of the Grand Seigneur Emperour of the\nTurkes, pp. 93\u20134. (London, 1635.) Histoire generale du Serrail, et de\nla Cour du Grand Seigneur, Empereur des Turcs, pp. 89\u201390. (Paris,\n1631.))\n\n[529] Scheffler, \u00a7 55.\n\n[530] Thomas Smith: An Account of the Greek Church, pp. 15\u201316. (London,\n1680.)\n\n[531] A. de la Motraye: Voyages en Europe, Asie et Afrique, vol. i. pp.\n306, 308. (La Haye, 1727.)\n\n[532] Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, pp. 83\u20137. Pichler, p. 29.\n\n[533] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 107. Spon uses much the same language,\nvol. i. p. 56.\n\n[534] Gaultier de Leslie, p. 137.\n\n[535] A. J. Evans, p. 267. Similarly Mackenzie and Irby say: \u201cIn most\nparts of Old Serbia the idea we found associated with a bishop, was\nthat of a person who carried off what few paras the Turks had left\u201d (p.\n258). A similar account of the clergy of the Greek Church is given by a\nwriter in the Revue des Deux Mondes (tome 97, p. 336), who narrates the\nfollowing story: \u201cAu d\u00e9but de ce si\u00e8cle, \u00e0 Tirnova, un certain pope du\nnom de Joachim, ador\u00e9 de ses ouailles, d\u00e9test\u00e9 de son \u00e9v\u00eaque, re\u00e7ut\nl\u2019ordre, un jour, de faire la corv\u00e9e du fumier dans l\u2019\u00e9curie\n\u00e9piscopale. Il se rebiffa: aussit\u00f4t la valetaille l\u2019assaillit \u00e0 coups\nde fourche. Mais notre homme \u00e9tait vigoureux: il se d\u00e9battit, et,\nlaissant sa tunique en gage, s\u2019en fut tout chaud chez le cadi. Le\nsoleil n\u2019\u00e9tait pas couch\u00e9 qu\u2019il devenait bon Musulman.\u201d\n\n[536] Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, p. 87.\n\n[537] Id. Seconde Partie, p. 87. Pichler, p. 29.\n\n[538] Laz\u0103r, p. 223.\n\n[539] Finlay, vol. iv. pp. 153\u20134.\n\n[540] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 104. Cf. Pichler, pp. 29, 31. Spon, vol.\ni. p. 44.\n\n[541] Turchic\u00e6 Spurciti\u00e6 Suggillatio, fol. xiii. (b); fol. xv. (b);\nfol. xvii. (b); fol. xx. (a). Veniero, pp. 32, 36. Busbecq, p. 174.\n\n[542] Gaultier de Leslie, pp. 180, 182.\n\n[543] Rycaut, vol. i. p. 689. See also Georgieviz, pp. 53\u20134, and\nMenavino, p. 73.\n\n[544] Alexander Ross, p. ix.; he calls the Qur\u02bc\u0101n a \u201cgallimaufry of\nErrors (a Brat as deformed as the Parent, and as full of Heresies, as\nhis scald head was of scurf),\u201d\u2014\u201ca hodg podge made up of these four\nIngredients. 1. Of Contradictions. 2. Of Blasphemy. 3. Of ridiculous\nFables. 4. Of Lyes.\u201d\n\n[545] Finlay, vol. v. p. 29.\n\n[546] Schiltberger, p. 96.\n\n[547] Turchic\u00e6 Spurciti\u00e6 Suggillatio, fol. xii. (b), xiii. (a).\n\n[548] Id. fol. xxvii. (a).\n\n[549] \u201cDum corpora exterius fovendo sub pietatis specie non occidit:\ninterius fidem auferendo animas sua diabolica astutia occidere\nintendit. Huius rei testimonium innumerabilis multitudo fidelium esse\npotest. Quorum multi promptissimi essent pro fide Christi et suarum\nanimarum salute in fide Christi mori: quos tamen conservando a morte\ncorporali: et ductos in captivitatem per successum temporis suo\ninfectos veneno fidem Christi turpiter negare facit.\u201d Turchic\u00e6\nSpurciti\u00e6 Suggillatio, fol. i.; cf. fol. vi. (a).\n\n[550] Menavino, p. 96. John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium\nBibliotheca, vol. ii. p. 819. (London, 1764.)\n\n[551] \u201cDieses muss man den T\u00fcrken nachsagen, dass sie die Diener und\nSclaven, durch deren Fleiss und Bem\u00fchung sie sich einen Nutzen schaffen\nk\u00f6nnen, sehr wol und oft besser, als die Christian die ihrige, halten\n... und wann ein Knecht in einer Kunst erfahren ist, gehet ihm nichts\nanders als die Freyheit ab, ausser welche er alles andere hat, was ein\nfreyer Mensch sich nur w\u00fcnschen kan.\u201d (G. C. von den Driesch, p. 132.)\n\n[552] Sir William Stirling-Maxwell says of these: \u201cThe poor wretches\nwho tugged at the oar on board a Turkish ship of war lived a life\nneither more nor less miserable than the galley-slaves under the sign\nof the Cross. Hard work, hard fare, and hard knocks were the lot of\nboth. Ashore, a Turkish or Algerine prison was, perhaps, more noisome\nin its filth and darkness than a prison at Naples or Barcelona; but at\nsea, if there were degrees of misery, the Christian in Turkish chains\nprobably had the advantage; for in the Sultan\u2019s vessels the oar-gang\nwas often the property of the captain, and the owner\u2019s natural\ntenderness for his own was sometimes supposed to interfere with the\ndischarge of his duty.\u201d (Vol. i. pp. 102\u20133.)\n\n[553] Gmelin, p. 16.\n\n[554] Id. p. 23.\n\n[555] John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. ii.\np. 810.\n\n[556] \u201cDie ersten Jahre sind f\u00fcr solche ungl\u00fcckliche Leute am\nbeschwehrlichsten, absonderlich wenn sie noch jung, weil die T\u00fcrken\nselbige entweder mit Schmeicheln, oder, wann dieses nichts verfangen\nwill, mit der Sch\u00e4rfe zu ihren Glauben zu bringen suchen; wann aber\ndieser Sturm \u00fcberwunden, wird man finden, dass die Gefangenschaft\nnirgend ertr\u00e4glicher als bey den T\u00fcrken seye.\u201d (G. C. von den Driesch,\np. 132.) Moreover Georgieviz says that those who persevered in the\nChristian faith were set free after a certain fixed period. \u201cSi in\nChristiana fide perseveraverint, statuitur certum tempus serviendi, quo\nelapso liberi fiunt ... Verum illis qui nostram religionem abiurarunt,\nnec certum tempus est serviendi, ned ullum ius in patriam redeundi,\nspes libertatis solummodo pendet a domini arbitrio\u201d (p. 87). Similarly\nMenavino, p. 65. Cantacuzenos gives this period as seven years:\u2014\u201cGrata\n\u00e8 la compagnia che essi fanno a gli schiavi loro, percioche Maumetto\ngli ha fra l\u2019altre cose comandato che egli non si possa tener in\nservit\u00f9 uno schiavo pi\u00f9 che sette anni, et perci\u00f2 nessuno o raro \u00e8\ncolui che a tal comandamento voglia contrafare\u201d (p. 128).\n\n[557] \u201cFromme Christen, die nach der T\u00fcrkei oder in andere\nmuhamedanische L\u00e4nder kamen, hatten Anlass genug zur Trauer \u00fcber die\nH\u00e4ufigkeit des Abfalls ihrer Glaubensgenossen, und besonders die\nSchriften der Ordensgeistlichen sind voll von solchen Klagen. Bei den\nSclaven konnte sich immer noch ein Gef\u00fchl des Mitleids dem der\nMissbilligung beimischen, aber oft genug musste man die bittersten\nErfahrungen auch an freien Landsleuten machen. Die christlichen\nGesandten waren keinen Tag sicher, ob ihnen nicht Leute von ihrem\nGefolge davon liefen, und man that gut daran, den Tag nicht vor dem\nAbend zu loben.\u201d (Gmelin, p. 22.) Cf. Von den Driesch, p. 161.\n\n[558] Thomas Smith, pp. 144\u20135.\n\n[559] Turchic\u00e6 Spurciti\u00e6 Suggillatio, fol. xxxv. (a).\n\n[560] M. d\u2019Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 133. Georgieviz, p. 87 (quoted above).\nMenavino, p. 95.\n\n[561] Von den Driesch, p. 250.\n\n[562] Id. p. 131\u20132.\n\n[563] Turchic\u00e6 Spurciti\u00e6 Suggillatio, fol. xi.\n\n[564] Hertzberg, p. 621.\n\n[565] \u201cThe old People dying, the young ones generally turn Mahumetans:\nso that now (1655) you can hardly meet with two Christian Armenians in\nall those fair Plains, which their fathers were sent to manure.\u201d\nTavernier (1), p. 16.\n\n[566] H. H. Jessup: Fifty-three Years in Syria, vol. ii. p. 658. (New\nYork, 1910.)\n\n[567] For a list of these, see Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 28\u20139.\n\n[568] Leake, p. 250.\n\n[569] The name by which the Albanians always call themselves, lit.\nrock-dwellers.\n\n[570] One of themselves, an Albanian Christian, speaking of the enmity\nexisting between the Christians and Muhammadans of Bulgaria, says:\n\u201cAber f\u00fcr Albanien liegen die Sachen ganz anders. Die Muselm\u00e4nner sind\nAlbanesen, wie die Christen; sie sprechen dieselbe Sprache, sie haben\ndieselben Sitten, sie folgen denselben Gebr\u00e4uchen, sie haben dieselben\nTraditionen; sie und die Christen haben sich niemals gehasst, zwischen\nihnen herrscht keine Jahrhunderte alte Feindschaft. Der Unterschied der\nReligion war niemals ein zu einer systematischen Trennung treibendes\nMotiv; Muselm\u00e4nner und Christen haben stets, mit wenigen Ausnahmen, auf\ngleichem Fusse gelebt, sich der gleichen Rechte erfreuend, dieselben\nPflichten erf\u00fcllend.\u201d (Wassa Effendi: Albanien und die Albanesen, p.\n59.) (Berlin, 1879.)\n\n[571] Finlay, vol. v. p. 46.\n\n[572] Clark, pp. 175\u20137. The Mirdites, who are very fanatical Roman\nCatholics (in the diocese of Alessio), will not suffer a Muhammadan to\nlive in their mountains, and no member of their tribe has ever abjured\nhis faith; were any Mirdite to attempt to do so, he would certainly be\nput to death, unless he succeeded in making good his escape from\nAlbania. (Hecquard: Histoire de la Haute Albanie, p. 224.)\n\n[573] Published in Farlati\u2019s Illyricum Sacrum.\n\n[574] Alessandro Comuleo, 1593. Bizzi, 1610. Marco Crisio, 1651. Fra\nBonaventura di S. Antonio, 1652. Zmaievich, 1703.\n\n[575] Bizzi, fol. 60, b.\n\n[576] Bizzi, fol. 35, a.\n\n[577] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 104, 107.\n\n[578] It is also complained that the Archbishop\u2019s palace was\nappropriated by the Muhammadans, but it had been left unoccupied for\neight years, as Archbishop Ambrosius (flor. 1579\u20131598) had found it\nprudent to go into exile, having attacked Islam \u201cwith more fervour than\ncaution, inveighing against Mu\u1e25ammad and damning his Satanic\ndoctrines.\u201d (Farlati, vol. vii. p. 107.)\n\n[579] Bizzi, fol. 9, where he says, \u201cE comunicai quella mattina quasi\ntutta la Christianit\u00e0 latina.\u201d From a comparison with statistics given\nby Zmaievich (fol. 227) I would hazard the conjecture that the Latin\nChristian community at this time amounted to rather over a thousand\nsouls.\n\n[580] Bizzi, fol. 27, b; 38, b.\n\n[581] Veniero, fol. 34. This was also the custom in some villages of\nAlbania as late as the beginning of the nineteenth century; see W. M.\nLeake: Travels in Northern Greece, vol. i. p. 49. (London, 1835): \u201cIn\nsome villages, Mahometans are married to Greek women, the sons are\neducated as Turks, and the daughters as Christians; and pork and mutton\nare eaten at the same table.\u201d\n\n[582] Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, tom. vii. p. 158.\n\n[583] Bizzi, fol. 10, b. Veniero, fol. 34.\n\n[584] Shortly after Marco Bizzi\u2019s arrival at Antivari a Muhammadan lady\nof high rank wished to have her child baptised by the Archbishop\nhimself, who tells us that she complained bitterly to one of the\nleading Christians of the city that \u201cio non mi fossi degnato di far a\nlei questo piacere, il qual quotidianamente vien fatto dai miei preti a\nrichiesta di qualsivoglia plebeo\u201d (fol. 10, b).\n\n[585] For modern instances of the harmonious relations subsisting\nbetween the followers of the two faiths living together in the same\nvillage, see Hyacinthe Hecquard: Histoire et description de la Haute\nAlbanie (pp. 153, 162, 200). (Paris, 1858.)\n\n[586] Bizzi, fol. 38, a.\n\n[587] Garnett, p. 267.\n\n[588] Bizzi, fol. 36, b.\n\n[589] Id. fol. 38, b; 37, a.\n\n[590] Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 61, a; 37, a; 33, b.\n\n[591] Zmaievich, fol. 5. The Venetian real in the eighteenth century\nwas equal to a Turkish piastre. (Businello, p. 94.)\n\n[592] Bizzi, fol. 12\u201313. Zmaievich, fol. 5.\n\n[593] Bizzi, fol. 10\u201311.\n\n[594] Id. fol. 31, b.\n\n[595] Id. fol. 60, b.\n\n[596] Id. fol. 33, b. \u201cQui deriva il puoco numero de Sacerdoti in\nquelle parti e la puoca loro intelligenza in quel mestiero; il gran\nnumero de\u2019 Christiani, che invecchiano, et anco morono senza il\nsacramento della Confermatione et apostatano della fede quasi per\ntutto.\u201d\n\n[597] \u201cSe l\u2019Albania non ricever\u00e0 qualche maggior agiuto in meno di anni\nander\u00e0 a male quasi tutta quella Christianit\u00e0 per il puoco numero dei\nVescovi e dei Sacerdoti di qualche intelligenza.\u201d (Id. fol. 61, a.)\n\n[598] Id. fol. 36, a. Id. fol. 64, b.\n\n[599] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 153\u20134. Clark, p. 290.\n\n[600] \u201cE quei miseri hanno fermata la conscientia in creder di non\npeccar per simil coniuntioni (i.e. the giving of Christian girls in\nmarriage to Muhammadans) per esser i turchi signori del paese, e che\nper\u00f2 non si possa, n\u00e8 devea far altro che obbedirli quando comandano\nqualsivoglia cosa.\u201d (Bizzi, fol. 38, b.)\n\n[601] Garnett, p. 268.\n\n[602] Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 63, a.\n\n[603] Kyriakos, p. 12.\n\n[604] Farlati, tom. vii. pp. 124, 141.\n\n[605] Marco Crisio, p. 202.\n\n[606] Zmaievich, fol. 227.\n\n[607] Bizzi, fol. 60, b.\n\n[608] Zmaievich, fol. 137.\n\n[609] Zmaievich, fol. 157.\n\n[610] Zmaievich, fol. 11, 159.\n\n[611] Zmaievich, fol. 13.\n\n[612] Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 158.\n\n[613] Zmaievich, fol. 13\u201314.\n\n[614] Informatione circa la missione d\u2019Albania, fol. 196.\n\n[615] Crisio, fol. 204.\n\n[616] Fra Bonaventura, fol. 201.\n\n[617] Marco Crisio, fol. 202, 205.\n\n[618] Id. fol. 205.\n\n[619] Zmaievich, fol. 13.\n\n[620] Farlati, tom. vii. p. 109. Bizzi, fol. 19, b.\n\n[621] Marco Crisio, fol. 205.\n\n[622] Zmaievich, fol. 11.\n\n[623] Id. fol. 32.\n\n[624] Crisio, fol. 204.\n\n[625] Zmaievich, fol. 11. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 151.\n\n[626] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 126\u201332. Zmaievich, fol. 4\u20135, fol. 20.\n\n[627] \u201cPlerique, ut se iniquis tributis et vexationibus eximerent,\npaullatim a Christiana religione deficere coeperunt.\u201d (Farlati, tom.\nvii. p. 311.)\n\n[628] Zmaievich fol. 5.\n\n[629] Id. fol. 5.\n\n[630] Zmaievich, fol. 15, 197.\n\n[631] Id. fol. 11.\n\n[632] Id. fol. 137.\n\n[633] Id. fol. 149.\n\n[634] Id. fol. 143\u20134.\n\n[635] Zmaievich, fol. 22.\n\n[636] Farlati, tom. vii. p. 141.\n\n[637] Zmaievich, fol. 7, 17.\n\n[638] Id. fol. 9.\n\n[639] Id. fol. 141.\n\n[640] Farlati, vol. vi. p. 317.\n\n[641] Eliot, p. 401.\n\n[642] Id. p. 392.\n\n[643] Y\u0101q\u016bt, vol. i. p. 469 sq.\n\n[644] G\u00e9ographie d\u2019Aboulf\u00e9da, traduite par M. Reinaud, tome ii. pp\n294\u20135.\n\n[645] Enrique Dupuy de L\u00f4me: Los Esclavos y Turqu\u00eda, pp. 17\u201318.\n(Madrid, 1877.)\n\n[646] De la Jonqui\u00e8re, p. 215.\n\n[647] Id. p. 290.\n\n[648] Kanitz, p. 37.\n\n[649] Id. pp. 37\u20138.\n\n[650] A map of this country is given by Mackenzie and Irby (p. 243): it\ncontains Prizren, the old Servian capital, Ipek, the seat of the\nServian Patriarch, and the battle-field of Kossovo.\n\n[651] Kanitz, p. 37.\n\n[652] Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 250\u20131.\n\n[653] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 127\u20138.\n\n[654] Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 374\u20135. Kanitz, p. 39.\n\n[655] Id. pp. 39\u201340.\n\n[656] Kanitz, p. 38.\n\n[657] Bizzi, fol. 48, b.\n\n[658] Zmaievich, fol. 182.\n\n[659] Kanitz, p. 38.\n\n[660] Montenegro was ruled by bishops from 1516 to 1852.\n\n[661] E. L. Clark, pp. 362\u20133.\n\n[662] Honorius III in 1221, Gregory IX in 1238, Innocent IV in 1246,\nBenedict XII in 1337. The Inquisition was established in 1291.\n\n[663] Asboth, pp. 42\u201395. Evans, pp. xxxvi\u2013xlii.\n\n[664] Asboth, pp. 96\u20137.\n\n[665] \u201cThey revile the ceremonies of the church and all church\ndignitaries, and they call orthodox priests blind Pharisees, and bay at\nthem as dogs at horses. As to the Lord\u2019s Supper, they assert that it is\nnot kept according to God\u2019s commandment, and that it is not the body of\nGod, but ordinary bread.\u201d (Kosmas, quoted by Evans, pp. xxx\u2013xxxi.)\n\n[666] S\u016brah iv. 156.\n\n[667] Cf. the admiration of the Turks for Charles XII of Sweden. \u201cSon\nopini\u00e2tret\u00e9 \u00e0 s\u2019abstenir du vin, et sa r\u00e9gularit\u00e9 \u00e0 assister deux fois\npar jour aux pri\u00e8res publiques, leur faisaient dire: C\u2019est un vrai\nmusulman.\u201d (\u0152uvres de Voltaire, tome 23, p. 200.) (Paris, 1785.)\n\n[668] Kosmas, quoted by Evans, p. xxxi.\n\n[669] Asboth, p. 36. Wetzer und Welte, vol. ii. p. 975.\n\n[670] Olivier, pp. 17\u201318.\n\n[671] Olivier, p. 113.\n\n[672] Amari, vol. i. p. 163; vol. ii. p. 260.\n\n[673] Cornaro, vol. i. pp. 205\u20138.\n\n[674] Perrot, p. 151.\n\n[675] Pashley, vol. i. p. 30; vol. ii. pp. 284, 291\u20132.\n\n[676] Id. vol. ii. p. 298.\n\n[677] Pashley, vol. ii. p. 285.\n\n[678] Id. vol. i. p. 319.\n\n[679] Perrot, p. 151.\n\n[680] Charles Edwardes: Letters from Crete, pp. 90\u20132. (London, 1887.)\n\n[681] Pashley, vol. ii. pp. 151\u20132.\n\n[682] Id. vol. i. p. 9.\n\n[683] Perrot, p. 159.\n\n[684] Pashley, vol. i. pp. 10, 195.\n\n[685] T. A. B. Spratt: Travels and Researches in Crete, vol. i. p. 47.\n(London, 1865.)\n\n[686] R. du M. M. vii. p. 99.\n\n[687] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 910\u201311. A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 55\u20136.\n\n[688] Ab\u016b Y\u016bsuf: Kit\u0101b al-Khar\u0101j, p. 73.\n\n[689] Id. p. 74 and Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, pp. 71 (fin.), 79, 80.\n\n[690] Caetani, vol. v. pp. 361 (\u00a7 611 n. 1), 394\u20135, 457.\n\n[691] pp. 68\u20139.\n\n[692] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 910.\n\n[693] A. de Gobineau (2), pp. 306\u201310.\n\n[694] Dozy (1), p. 157.\n\n[695] Haneberg, p. 5.\n\n[696] Dozy (1), p. 191. A. de Gobineau (1), p. 55.\n\n[697] Les croyances Mazd\u00e9ennes dans la religion Chiite, par Ahmed-Bey\nAgaeff. (Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of\nOrientalists, vol. ii. pp. 509\u201311. London, 1893.) For other points of\ncontact, see Goldziher: Islamisme et Parsisme. (Revue de l\u2019Histoire des\nReligions, xliii. p. 1. sqq.)\n\n[698] Dosabhai Framji Karaka: History of the Parsis, vol. i. pp. 56\u20139,\n62\u20137. (London, 1884.) Nicolas de Khanikoff says that there were 12,000\nfamilies of fire-worshippers in Kirm\u0101n at the end of the 18th century.\n(M\u00e9moire sur la partie m\u00e9ridionale de l\u2019Asie centrale, p. 193. Paris,\n1861.)\n\n[699] Chwolsohn, vol. i. p. 287.\n\n[700] Mas\u02bb\u016bd\u012b, vol. iv. p. 86.\n\n[701] I\u1e63\u1e6dakhr\u012b, pp. 100, 118. Ibn \u1e24awqal, pp. 189\u2013190.\n\n[702] Kit\u0101b al-milal wa\u02bcl-ni\u1e25al, edited by Cureton, part i. p. 198.\n\n[703] Mas\u02bb\u016bd\u012b, vol. viii. p. 279; vol. ix. pp. 4\u20135.\n\n[704] Ibn Khallik\u0101n, vol. iii. p. 517.\n\n[705] Kit\u0101b al-Fihrist, ed. Fl\u00fcgel, p. 149 (l. 2).\n\n[706] For a comprehensive sketch of their condition under Muslim rule,\nsee D. Menant: Les Zoroastriens de Perse. (R. du M. M. iii. pp. 193\nsqq., p. 421 sqq.)\n\n[707] Khoj\u0101 Vritt\u0101nt, pp. 141\u20138. For a further account of Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012blian\nmissionaries in India, see chap. ix.\n\n[708] Le Bon Silvestre De Sacy: Expos\u00e9 de la Religion des Druzes, tome\ni. pp. lxvii\u2013lxxvi, cxlviii\u2013clxii.\n\n[709] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 421.\n\n[710] Narshakh\u012b, p. 46.\n\n[711] Id. p. 47.\n\n[712] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 426.\n\n[713] \u1e6cabar\u012b, ii. pp. 1507 sqq.\n\n[714] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 431.\n\n[715] August M\u00fcller, vol. i. p. 520.\n\n[716] Cahun, p. 150.\n\n[717] Ibn al-Ath\u012br, vol. viii. p. 396 (ll. 19\u201320.) Grenard, pp. 7 sq.,\n42\u20133.\n\n[718] Grenard, pp. 9\u201310. \u201cD\u2019une guerre d\u2019ambition [la tradition] fait\nune guerre sainte, elle attribue \u00e0 Sato\u1e33 Boghra Kh\u00e2n une conqu\u00eate qui a\n\u00e9t\u00e9 accomplie r\u00e9ellement par son douzi\u00e8me successeur; par une confusion\nabsurde, elle donne le nom de ce dernier \u00e0 l\u2019oncle infid\u00e8le de Sato\u1e33.\nNon contente de r\u00e9duire deux personnages en un seul, elle pr\u00eate au m\u00eame\nprince une marche sur Tourf\u00e2n, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire contre les Ouigour, qui est\nen effet l\u2019\u0153uvre d\u2019un troisi\u00e8me.\u201d (Id. p. 50.)\n\n[719] Raverty, p. 905.\n\n[720] This was the capital of the Kh\u0101ns of Turkistan during the tenth\nand eleventh centuries, but the exact site is uncertain.\n\n[721] Narshakh\u012b, pp. 234\u20135.\n\n[722] Raverty, pp. 925\u20137.\n\n[723] Grenard, p. 76.\n\n[724] Raverty, p. 117.\n\n[725] Bellew, p. 96.\n\n[726] Id. pp. 15\u201316.\n\n[727] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 402.\n\n[728] August M\u00fcller, vol. ii. p. 29.\n\n[729] Qur\u02bc\u0101n, xix. 23.\n\n[730] Ibn al-Ath\u012br, vol. xii. pp. 233\u20134.\n\n[731] William of Rubruck, pp. 182, 191. C. d\u2019Ohsson, tome ii. p. 488.\n\n[732] De Guignes, tome iii. pp. 200, 203.\n\n[733] Id. vol. iii. p. 115.\n\n[734] Id. p. 125. Cahun, p. 391.\n\n[735] Klaproth, p. 204.\n\n[736] C. d\u2019Ohsson, tome ii. pp. 226\u20137. Cahun, p. 408 sq.\n\n[737] Of this writer Yule says, \u201cHe gives an unfavourable account of\nthe literature and morals of their clergy, which deserves more weight\nthan such statements regarding those looked upon as schismatics\ngenerally do; for the narrative of Rubruquis gives one the impression\nof being written by a thoroughly honest and intelligent person.\u201d\n(Cathay and the Way Thither, vol. i. p. xcviii.)\n\n[738] William of Rubruck, pp. 158\u20139.\n\n[739] Maqr\u012bz\u012b (2), tome i. 1re partie, pp. 98, 106.\n\n[740] The Chosen One\u2014Mu\u1e25ammad.\n\n[741] J\u016bzj\u0101n\u012b, pp. 448\u201350. Raverty, pp. 1288\u201390.\n\n[742] So notoriously brutal was the treatment they received that even\nthe Chinese showmen in their exhibitions of shadow figures exultingly\nbrought forward the figure of an old man with a white beard dragged by\nthe neck at the tail of a horse, as showing how the Mongol horsemen\nbehaved towards the Musalmans. (Howorth, vol. i. p. 159.)\n\n[743] Raverty, p. 1146. Howorth, vol. i. pp. 112, 273. This edict was\nonly withdrawn when it was found that it prevented Muhammadan merchants\nfrom visiting the court and that trade suffered in consequence.\n\n[744] Howorth, vol. i. p. 165.\n\n[745] J\u016bzj\u0101n\u012b, pp. 404\u20135. Raverty, p. 1160 sqq.\n\n[746] De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 265.\n\n[747] In the thirteenth century, three-fourths of the Mongol hosts were\nTurks. (Cahun, p. 279.)\n\n[748] C. d\u2019Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 121.\n\n[749] Rash\u012bd al-D\u012bn, pp. 600\u20132.\n\n[750] Blochet, pp. 74\u20137.\n\n[751] It is of interest to note that Najm al-D\u012bn Mukht\u0101r al-Z\u0101hid\u012b in\n1260 compiled for Baraka Kh\u0101n a treatise which gave the proofs of the\ndivine mission of the Prophet, a refutation of those who denied it, and\nan account of the controversies between Christians and Muslims.\n(Steinschneider, pp. 63\u20134.)\n\n[752] Abu\u2019l-Gh\u0101z\u012b, tome ii. p. 181.\n\n[753] J\u016bzj\u0101n\u012b, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1283\u20134.\n\n[754] J\u016bzj\u0101n\u012b, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1285\u20136.\n\n[755] Maqr\u012bz\u012b (2), tome i. pp. 180\u20131, 187.\n\n[756] Maqr\u012bz\u012b (2), tome i. p. 215.\n\n[757] Id. p. 222.\n\n[758] Wa\u1e63\u1e63\u0101f calls him Nik\u016bd\u0101r before, and A\u1e25mad after, his conversion.\n\n[759] Hayton. (Ramusio, tome ii. p. 60, c.)\n\n[760] Qur\u02bc\u0101n, vi. 125.\n\n[761] Wa\u1e63\u1e63\u0101f, pp. 231\u20134.\n\n[762] De Guignes, vol. iii. pp. 263\u20135.\n\n[763] C. d\u2019Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 141\u20132.\n\n[764] Id. ib. p. 148.\n\n[765] Id. ib. p. 365.\n\n[766] Id. ib. pp. 148, 354. Cahun, p. 434.\n\n[767] C. d\u2019Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 128, 132.\n\n[768] Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Ilchanen, vol. ii. p. 182. It is\nnot improbable that the captive Muslim women took a considerable part\nin the conversion of the Mongols to Islam. Women appear to have\noccupied an honoured position among the Mongols, and many instances\nmight be given of their having taken a prominent part in political\naffairs, just as already several cases have been mentioned of the\ninfluence they exercised on their husbands in religious matters.\nWilliam of Rubruck tells us how he found the influence of a Muslim wife\nan obstacle in the way of his proselytising labours: \u201cOn the day of\nPentecost a certain Saracen came to us, and while in conversation with\nus, we began expounding the faith, and when he heard of the blessings\nof God to man in the incarnation, the resurrection of the dead, the\nlast judgment, and the washing away of sins in baptism, he said he\nwished to be baptised; but while we were making ready to baptise him,\nhe suddenly jumped on his horse saying he had to go home to consult\nwith his wife. And the next day talking with us he said he could not\npossibly venture to receive baptism, for then he could not drink\ncosmos\u201d (mare\u2019s milk). (Rubruck, pp. 90\u20131.)\n\n[769] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, vol. ii. p. 57.\n\n[770] J\u016bzj\u0101n\u012b, pp. 381, 397. Raverty, pp. 1110, 1145\u20136.\n\n[771] Rash\u012bd al-D\u012bn, pp. 173\u20134, 188.\n\n[772] Abu\u2019l-Gh\u0101z\u012b, tome ii. p. 159.\n\n[773] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome iii. p. 47.\n\n[774] Abu\u2019l-Gh\u0101z\u012b, tome ii. pp. 166\u20138. Mu\u1e25ammad \u1e24aydar, pp. 13\u201315.\n\n[775] When the power of the Chaghat\u0101y Kh\u0101ns declined, a portion of the\neastern division of their realm became practically independent under\nthe name of Mughalist\u0101n, a pastoral country suited to the habits of\nnomad herdsmen, in what is now known as Chinese Turkistan.\n\n[776] Mu\u1e25ammad \u1e24aydar, pp. 57\u20138.\n\n[777] In the reign of \u02bbAbd al-Kar\u012bm, who was Kh\u0101n of K\u0101shgar from A.H.\n983 to 1003 (A.D. 1575\u20131594).\n\n[778] Martin Hartmann: Der Islamische Orient, vol. i. p. 203. (Berlin,\n1899.)\n\n[779] Id. p. 202.\n\n[780] Assemani, tome iii. pars. ii. p. cxvi.\n\n[781] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, vol. iii. p. 40.\n\n[782] Rash\u012bd al-D\u012bn, p. 600, l. 1.\n\n[783] Cahun, p. 410.\n\n[784] Howorth, vol ii. p. 1015.\n\n[785] Ab\u016b\u2019l-Gh\u0101z\u012b, tome ii. p. 184.\n\n[786] De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 351.\n\n[787] Karamsin, vol. iv. pp. 391\u20134.\n\n[788] Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak, p.\n290.\n\n[789] De Baschkiris quae memoriae prodita sunt ab Ibn-Foszlano et\nJakuto, interprete C. N. Fraehnio. (M\u00e9moires de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie Imp\u00e9riale\ndes Sciences de St. P\u00e9tersbourg, tome viii. p. 626. 1822.)\n\n[790] Ab\u016b \u02bbUbayd al-Bakr\u012b, pp. 470\u20131.\n\n[791] Karamsin, tome i. pp. 259\u201371.\n\n[792] Bobrovnikoff, p. 13.\n\n[793] Reclus, tome v. p. 831. R. du M. M., tome iii. pp. 76, 78.\n\n[794] Relation des Tartares, par Jean de Luca, p. 17. (Thevenot, tome\ni.)\n\n[795] Islam and Missions, p. 257.\n\n[796] Gasztowtt, pp. 321\u20133. R. du M. M., xi. (1910), pp. 287 sqq.\n\n[797] The Russian Policy regarding Central Asia. An historical sketch.\nBy Prof. V. Grigorief. (Eugene Schuyler: Turkistan, vol. ii. pp. 405\u20136.\n5th ed. London, 1876); Franz von Schwarz: Turkestan, p. 58. (Freiburg,\n1910.)\n\n[798] Islam and Missions, pp. 251\u20132, 255.\n\n[799] D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. pp. 242\u20134. (London, 1877,\n4th ed.) R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 249. Bobrovnikoff, p. 5 sqq.\n\n[800] W. Hepworth Dixon: Free Russia, vol. ii. p. 284. (London, 1870.)\n\n[801] E.g. \u201cEn 1883, des paysans Tatars du village d\u2019Apozof \u00e9taient\npoursuivis, devant le tribunal de Kazan, pour avoir abandonn\u00e9\nl\u2019orthodoxie. Les accus\u00e9s d\u00e9claraient avoir toujours \u00e9t\u00e9 musulmans;\nsept d\u2019entre eux n\u2019en furent pas moins condamn\u00e9s, comme apostats, aux\ntravaux forc\u00e9s.... Beaucoup de ces relaps ont \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9port\u00e9s en Sib\u00e9rie.\u201d\nAnatole Leroy-Beaulieu: L\u2019Empire des Tsars et les Russes, tome iii. p.\n645. (Paris, 1889\u201393.)\n\n[802] D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. p. 245.\n\n[803] Palmieri, pp. 85\u20136. R. du M. M., i. (1907), pp. 162 sq.\n\n[804] R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 294.\n\n[805] Id. x. (1910), p. 413. Id. i. (1907), p. 273.\n\n[806] Id. ix. p. 252.\n\n[807] Id. p. 249.\n\n[808] Bobrovnikoff, p. 12.\n\n[809] Reclus, tome v. pp. 746, 748.\n\n[810] Eruslanov, pp. 3, 6.\n\n[811] Id. pp. 7\u20138.\n\n[812] Id. pp. 5\u20136.\n\n[813] Eruslanov, pp. 9, 13.\n\n[814] Id. pp. 17, 20, 36.\n\n[815] Id. pp. 38\u20139.\n\n[816] Bobrovnikoff, p. 22.\n\n[817] Id. pp. 21\u20132, 31.\n\n[818] Id. p. 13. Islam and Missions, p. 257.\n\n[819] G. F. M\u00fcller: Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, vol. vii. p. 191.\n\n[820] Id. vol. vii. pp. 183\u20134.\n\n[821] Radloff, vol. i. p. 147.\n\n[822] Jadrinzew, p. 138. Radloff, vol. i. p. 241.\n\n[823] Radloff, vol. i. pp. 472, 497.\n\n[824] Census of India, 1891. General Report by J. A. Baines, p. 167.\n(London, 1893.)\n\n[825] Id. pp. 126, 207.\n\n[826] Elliot, vol. ii. p. 448.\n\n[827] Mu\u1e25ammad b. Q\u0101sim invited the Hindu princes to embrace Islam, and\nthe invaders who followed him were probably equally observant of the\nreligious law. (Elliot, vol. i. pp. 175, 207.)\n\n[828] Or Baran, the old name of Bulandshahr.\n\n[829] Elliot, vol. ii. pp. 42\u20133.\n\n[830] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 85.\n\n[831] \u201cThe military adventurers, who founded dynasties in Northern\nIndia and carved out kingdoms in the Dekhan, cared little for things\nspiritual; most of them had indeed no time for proselytism, being\ncontinually engaged in conquest or in civil war. They were usually\nrough Tartars or Moghals; themselves ill-grounded in the faith of\nMahomed, and untouched by the true Semitic enthusiasm which inspired\nthe first Arab standard bearers of Islam. The empire which they set up\nwas purely military, and it was kept in that state by the half success\nof their conquests and the comparative failure of their spiritual\ninvasion. They were strong enough to prevent anything like religious\namalgamation among the Hindus, and to check the gathering of tribes\ninto nations; but so far were they from converting India, that among\nthe Mahommedans themselves their own faith never acquired an entire and\nexclusive monopoly of the high offices of administration.\u201d (Sir Alfred\nC. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 289.) (London, 1882.)\n\n[832] Firishtah, vol. i. p. 184.\n\n[833] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome iii. p. 197.\n\n[834] Elliot, vol. iii. p. 386.\n\n[835] Mankind and the Church, p. 286. (London, 1907.)\n\n[836] Sir Richard Temple: India in 1880, p. 164. (London, 1881.) Punjab\nStates Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A, Bahawalpur, p. 183.\n\n[837] Manual of Titles for Oudh, p. 78. (Allahabad, 1889.)\n\n[838] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. 466.\n\n[839] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 46.\n\n[840] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. xiv. part ii. p. 119. In the\nCawnpore district, the Musalman branch of the Dikhit family observes\nMuhammadan customs at births, marriages, and deaths, and, though they\ncannot, as a rule, recite the prayers (nam\u0101z), they perform the\northodox obeisances (sijdah). But at the same time they worship Chachak\nDev\u012b to avert small-pox, and keep up their friendly intercourse with\ntheir old caste brethren, the Thakurs, in domestic occurrences, and are\ngenerally called by common Hindu names. (Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol.\nvi. p. 64.)\n\n[841] Ibbetson, p. 163.\n\n[842] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 64. Compare also id. vol.\nxiv. part iii. p. 47. \u201cMuhammadan cultivators are not numerous; they\nare usually Nau-Muslims. Most of them assign the date of their\nconversion to the reign of Aurangzeb, and represent it as the result\nsometimes of persecution and sometimes as made to enable them to retain\ntheir rights when unable to pay revenue.\u201d\n\n[843] Ibbetson, p. 163.\n\n[844] Indeed Firishtah distinctly says: \u201cZealous for the faith of\nMahommed, he rewarded proselytes with a liberal hand, though he did not\nchoose to persecute those of different persuasions in matters of\nreligion.\u201d (The History of Hindostan, translated from the Persian, by\nAlexander Dow, vol. iii. p. 361.) (London, 1812.)\n\n[845] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xxii. p. 222; vol. xxiii. p. 282.\n\n[846] Innes, pp. 72\u20133, 190.\n\n[847] Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (The Times, February\n25th, 1888.)\n\n[848] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 518.\n\n[849] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. v. part i. pp. 302\u20133.\n\n[850] Sir Alfred C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 236.\n\n[851] A tomb in the cemetery of Pantal\u0101yini Kollam bears an inscription\nwith the date A.H. 166. (Innes, p. 436.)\n\n[852] Zayn al-D\u012bn, pp. 34\u20135.\n\n[853] Id. p. 36 (init.).\n\n[854] Id. p. 21.\n\n[855] The modern Mad\u0101yi.\n\n[856] Zayn al-D\u012bn, pp. 23\u20134.\n\n[857] Id. p. 25.\n\n[858] Innes, p. 41.\n\n[859] Id. p. 398.\n\n[860] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome iv. pp. 82, 88, etc.\n\n[861] Innes, p. 190.\n\n[862] Oboardo Barbosa, p. 310.\n\nSimilarly it has been conjectured that but for the arrival of the\nPortuguese, Ceylon might have become a Muhammadan kingdom. For before\nthe Portuguese armaments appeared in the Indian seas, the Arab\nmerchants were undisputed masters of the trade of this island (where\nindeed they had formed commercial establishments centuries before the\nbirth of the Prophet), and were to be found in every sea-port and city,\nwhile the facilities for commerce attracted large numbers of fresh\narrivals from their settlements in Malabar. Here as elsewhere the\nMuslim traders intermarried with the natives of the country and spread\ntheir religion along the coast. But no very active proselytising\nmovement would seem to have been carried on, or else the Singhalese\nshowed themselves unwilling to embrace Islam, as the Muhammadans of\nCeylon at the present day appear mostly to be of Arab descent. (Sir\nJames Emerson Tennent: Ceylon, vol. i. pp. 631\u20133.) (5th ed., London,\n1860.)\n\n[863] Qur\u02bc\u0101n, xvi. 126.\n\n[864] \u02bbAbd al-Razz\u0101q: Ma\u1e6dla\u02bb al-sa\u02bbdayn, fol. 173.\n\n[865] They are found chiefly in the Tamil-speaking districts of Madura,\nTinnevelly, Coimbatore, North Arcot and the Nilgiris.\n\n[866] The Imperial Gazetteer of India (vol. xxiv. p. 47) spells his\nname N\u0101dir Sh\u0101h; Q\u0101dir \u1e24usayn Kh\u0101n calls him Nathad Vali.\n\n[867] Madras District Gazetteers. Trichinopoly, vol. i. p. 338.\n(Madras, 1907.) Q\u0101dir \u1e24usayn Kh\u0101n: South Indian Musalmans, p. 36.\n(Madras, 1910.)\n\n[868] Q\u0101dir \u1e24usayn Kh\u0101n, pp. 36\u20138.\n\n[869] Q\u0101dir \u1e24usayn Kh\u0101n, op. cit. pp. 39\u201342. Madras District\nGazetteers. Anantapur, vol. i. pp. 193\u20134. (Madras, 1905.)\n\n[870] Zayn al-D\u012bn, pp. 33 (l. 4), 36 (l. 1).\n\n[871] Innes, p. 190. Census of India, 1911. Vol. xii. Part. I. p. 54.\n\n[872] Report on the Census of the Madras Presidency, 1871, by W. R.\nCornish, pp. 71, 72, 109. (Madras, 1874.)\n\n[873] Report of the Second Decennial Missionary Conference held at\nCalcutta 1882\u20133 (pp. 228, 233, 248). (Calcutta, 1883.)\n\n[874] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome iv. p. 128. Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah resided in the Maldive\nIslands during the years 1343\u20134 and married \u201cthe daughter of a Vizier\nwho was grandson of the Sul\u1e6d\u0101n D\u0101\u02bc\u016bd, who was a grandson of the Sul\u1e6d\u0101n\nA\u1e25mad Shan\u016br\u0101zah\u201d (tome iv. p. 154); from this statement the date A.D.\n1200 has been conjectured.\n\n[875] H. C. P. Bell: The Maldive Islands, pp. 23\u20135, 57\u20138, 71. (Colombo,\n1883.)\n\n[876] Memoir on the Inhabitants of the Maldive Islands. By J. A. Young\nand W. Christopher. (Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society\nfrom 1836 to 1838, p. 74. Bombay, 1844.)\n\n[877] Innes, pp. 485, 492.\n\n[878] Mas\u02bb\u016bd\u012b, tome ii. pp. 85\u20136.\n\n[879] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. x. p 132; vol. xvi. p. 75.\n\n[880] Id. vol. xxiii. p. 282.\n\n[881] Sometimes called Sayyid Makhd\u016bm G\u012bs\u016bdar\u0101z.\n\n[882] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xviii. p. 501; vol. xxi. pp. 218, 223.\n\n[883] Id. vol. xiii. part i. p. 231.\n\n[884] Id. vol. xxii. p. 242.\n\n[885] Id. vol. xvi. pp. 75\u20136.\n\n[886] Id. vol. xxi. p. 203.\n\n[887] At the time of the Arab conquest the dominions of the Hindu ruler\nof Sind extended as far north as this city, which is now no longer\nincluded in this province.\n\n[888] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 441 (fin.)\n\n[889] Elliot, vol. i. pp. 185\u20136.\n\n[890] Probably the Sind\u0101n in Abr\u0101sa, the southern district of Cutch.\n\n[891] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 446.\n\n[892] I\u1e63\u1e6dakhr\u012b, pp. 173\u20134.\n\n[893] Bal\u0101dhur\u012b, p. 446.\n\n[894] I\u1e63\u1e6dakhr\u012b, loc. cit. Ibn \u1e24awqal, p. 230 sq. Idr\u012bs\u012b (G\u00e9ographie\nd\u2019\u00c9drisi, traduite par P. A. Jaubert, vol. i. p. 175 sqq.).\n\n[895] Mas\u02bb\u016bd\u012b, vol. i. p. 207.\n\n[896] Elliot, vol. i. p. 273.\n\n[897] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 93.\n\n[898] Khoj\u0101 V\u1e5btt\u0101nt, p. 208. Sir Bartle Frere: The Khojas: the\nDisciples of the Old Man of the Mountain. Macmillan\u2019s Magazine, vol.\nxxxiv. pp. 431, 433\u20134. (London, 1876.)\n\n[899] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 26.\n\n[900] K. B. Fazalullah Lutfullah conjectures that N\u016br Sat\u0101gar came to\nIndia rather later, in the reign of Bh\u012bma II (A.D. 1179\u20131242.) (Bombay\nGazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 38.)\n\n[901] Khoj\u0101 V\u1e5btt\u0101nt, p. 154\u20138.\n\n[902] N\u016br All\u0101h al-Sh\u016bshtar\u012b: Maj\u0101lis al-Mu\u02bcmin\u012bn, fol. 65. (India\nOffice MS. No. 1400.)\n\n[903] A town ten miles south-west of Ahmadabad.\n\n[904] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. pp. 66, 76.\n\n[905] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. v. p. 89.\n\n[906] Id. vol. ii. p. 378; vol. iii. pp. 36\u20137.\n\n[907] So Firishtah, but see H. Blochmann: Contributions to the\nGeography and History of Bengal. (J. A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, pp.\n264\u20136. 1873.)\n\n[908] J. H. Ravenshaw: Gaur: its ruins and inscriptions, p. 99.\n(London, 1878.) Firishtah, vol. iv. p. 337.\n\n[909] Wise, p. 29.\n\n[910] Census of India, 1901, vol. vi. part i. p. 170.\n\n[911] Id. p. 30.\n\n[912] Charles Stewart: The History of Bengal, p. 176. (London, 1813.)\nH. Blochmann: Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal. (J.\nA. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, p. 220. 1873.)\n\n[913] The Indian Evangelical Review, p. 278. (January 1883.)\n\n[914] Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (The Times, February\n25, 1888.) See also Wise, p. 32.\n\n[915] Wise, p. 37.\n\n[916] Blochmann, op. cit. p. 260.\n\n[917] Wise, pp. 48\u201355.\n\n[918] Ghul\u0101m Sarwar: Khaz\u012bnat al-A\u1e63f\u012by\u0101, vol. ii. p. 230.\n\n[919] Otherwise known as Shaykh Bah\u0101 al-D\u012bn Zakariyy\u0101.\n\n[920] Ibbetson, p. 163.\n\n[921] A\u1e63ghar \u02bbAl\u012b: Jaw\u0101hir-i-Far\u012bd\u012b (A.H. 1033), p. 395. (Lahore,\n1884.)\n\n[922] Elliot, vol. ii. p. 548.\n\n[923] Punjab States Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A. Bahawalpur State.\n(Lahore, 1908), p. 160 sqq. The names of some of the tribes who ascribe\ntheir conversion to Makhd\u016bm-i-Jah\u0101niy\u0101n are given on p. 162.\n\n[924] Id. p. 171.\n\n[925] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome iv. p. 217. Yule, p. 515.\n\n[926] The Indian Evangelical Review, vol. xvi, pp. 52\u20133. (Calcutta,\n1889\u201390.) The Contemporary Review, February 1889, p. 170. The\nSpectator, October 15, 1887, p. 1382.\n\n[927] Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Litt\u00e9rature Hindoustanies de\n1850 \u00e0 1869, p. 343. (Paris, 1874.)\n\n[928] Mawlav\u012b \u1e24asan \u02bbAl\u012b furnished me with these figures some years\nbefore his death in 1896. In an obituary notice published in \u201cThe\nMoslem Chronicle\u201d (April 4, 1896), the following quaint account is\ngiven of his life: \u201cIn private and school life, he was marked as a very\nintelligent lad and made considerable progress in his scholastic career\nwithin a short time. He passed Entrance at a very early age and\nreceived scholarship with which he went up to the First Art, but\nshortly after his innate anxiety to seek truth prompted him to go\nabroad the world, and abandoning his studies he mixed with persons of\ndifferent persuasions, Fakirs, Pandits, and Christians, entered\nchurches, and roamed over wilderness and forests and cities with\nnothing to help him on except his sincere hopes and absolute reliance\non the mercy of the Great Lord; for one year he wandered in various\nregions of religion until in 1874 he accepted the post of a head master\nin a Patna school.... As he was born to become a missionary of the\nMoslem faith, he felt an imperceptible craving to quit his post, from\nwhich he used to get Rs. 100 per mensem. He tendered his resignation,\nmuch to the reluctance of his friends, and maintained himself for some\ntime by publishing a monthly journal, \u2018Noorul Islam.\u2019 He gave several\nlectures on Islam at Patna, and then went to Calcutta, where he\ndelivered his lecture in English, which produced such effect on the\naudience that several European clergymen vouchsafed the truth of Islam,\nand a notable gentleman, Babu Bepin Chandra Pal, was about to become\nMusalman. He was invited by the people at Dacca, where his preachings\nand lectures left his name imbedded in the hearts of the citizens. His\nvarious books and pamphlets and successive lectures in Urdu and in\nEnglish in the different cities and towns in India gave him a historic\nname in the world. Some one hundred men became Musalmans on hearing his\nlectures and reading his books.\u201d His missionary zeal manifested itself\nup to the last hour of his life, when he was overheard to say, \u201cAbjure\nyour religion and become a Musalman.\u201d On being questioned, he said he\nwas talking to a Christian.\n\n[929] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xii. p. 126.\n\n[930] Id. vol. xvi. p. 81.\n\n[931] Tu\u1e25fat al-Hind, p. 3. (Dehli, A.H. 1309.)\n\n[932] The Indian Evangelical Review, 1884, p. 128. Garcin de Tassy: La\nLangue et la Litt\u00e9rature Hindoustanies de 1850 \u00e0 1869, p. 485. (Paris,\n1874.) Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Litt\u00e9rature Hindoustanies en\n1871, p. 12. (Paris, 1872.)\n\n[933] Ibbetson, p. 184.\n\n[934] The Rajputana Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 90; vol. ii. p. 47.\n(Calcutta, 1879.)\n\n[935] On these as they affect the Muhammadans, see the Census of India,\n1901. Vol. vi. p. 172.\n\n[936] E. T. Dalton, p. 324.\n\n[937] For an account of such Hinduising of the aboriginal tribes see\nSir Alfred Lyall: Asiatic Studies, pp. 102\u20134.\n\n[938] E. T. Dalton, p. 89.\n\n[939] The Missionary Review of the World, N.S. vol. xiii, pp. 72\u20133.\n(New York, 1900.)\n\n[940] Sir Alfred Lyall (Asiatic Studies, p. 29) speaks of the\nperceptible proclivity towards the faith of Islam occasionally\nexhibited by some of the Hindu chiefs.\n\n[941] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix.\n\n[942] To give one instance only: in Gh\u0101tampur, in the district of\nCawnpore, one branch of a large family is Muslim in obedience to the\nvow of their ancestor, Gh\u0101tam Deo Bais, who while praying for a son at\nthe shrine of a Muhammadan saint, Mad\u0101r Sh\u0101h, promised that if his\nprayer were granted, half his descendants should be brought up as\nMuslims. (Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. pp. 64, 238.)\n\nThe worship of Muhammadan saints is so common among certain low-caste\nHindus that in the Census of 1891, in the North-Western Provinces and\nOudh alone, 2,333,643 Hindus (or 5\u00b778 per cent. of the total Hindu\npopulation of these provinces) returned themselves as worshippers of\nMuhammadan saints. (Census of India, 1891, vol. xvi. part i. pp. 217,\n244.) (Allahabad, 1894.)\n\n[943] Instances of such causes of conversion are given in the Census of\nIndia, 1901. Vol. vi. Bengal, part. i, Appendix II.\n\n[944] Report on the Census of the N.W.P. and Oudh, 1881, by Edward\nWhite, p. 62. (Allahabad, 1882.)\n\n[945] Id. p. 63.\n\n[946] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix.\n\n[947] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. pp. xxiii\u2013xxiv.\n\n[948] Khoj\u0101 V\u1e5btt\u0101nt, p. 141.\n\n[949] Or Shams al-D\u012bn, according to another account, see Mu\u1e25ammad\nHaydar, p. 433 (n. 2).\n\n[950] Firishtah, vol. iv. pp. 464, 469.\n\n[951] F. Drew: The Jummoo and Kashmir Territories, pp. 58, 155.\n(London, 1875.)\n\n[952] Drew, op. cit. p. 359.\n\n[953] On this word see Yule\u2019s Marco Polo, vol. i. p. 290.\n\n[954] A\u1e25mad Sh\u0101h: Four years in Tibet, pp. 45, 74. (Benares, 1906.)\n\n[955] Broomhall, p. 206. Tu Wen-siu, the leader of the Panthay\nrebellion from 1856 to 1873, who for sixteen years was practically\nSultan of half the province of Yunnan, issued a proclamation in Lhasa\nitself, at the outset of his revolt, in order to gain Muhammadan\nrecruits. (Id. p. 132.)\n\n[956] Mission d\u2019Ollone, pp. 207, 226, 233.\n\n[957] Broomhall, p. 206.\n\n[958] A. Bastian: Die Geschichte der Indochinesen, p. 159. (Leipzig,\n1866.)\n\n[959] R. du M. M., tome i. p. 275. (1907.)\n\n[960] Kanz al-\u02bbUmm\u0101l, vol. v. p. 202.\n\n[961] Bretschneider (2), p. 6.\n\n[962] On the origin of this name, see Dev\u00e9ria, p. 311; Mission\nd\u2019Ollone, p. 420 sqq.\n\n[963] De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 19\u201320.\n\n[964] D\u2019Ollone gives the following warning as to the uncertainty of our\nknowledge of Islam in China:\u2014\u201cOr rien n\u2019est moins connu que l\u2019Islam\nchinois. On ne sait exactement ni comment il s\u2019est propag\u00e9 dans\nl\u2019Empire, ni combien d\u2019adeptes il a r\u00e9unis, ni si sa doctrine est pure,\nni quelle est son organisation, ni s\u2019il poss\u00e8de des relations avec le\nreste du monde musulman.\u201d (Mission d\u2019Ollone, p. 1.) The references to\nChina in Arabic and Persian writers have been collected by Schefer,\n\u201cNotice sur les relations des peuples musulmans avec les Chinois.\u201d\n\n[965] Chavannes, p. 172.\n\n[966] De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 70\u20131.\n\n[967] This legend has been exhaustively discussed by Broomhall: Islam\nin China, cap. iv, vii.\n\n[968] Thus the people of Khotan claim that Islam was first brought to\ntheir land by Ja\u02bbfar, a cousin of the Prophet (Grenard: Mission\nDutreuil de Rhins, t. iii. p. 2), and the Chams of Cambodia ascribe\ntheir conversion to one of the fathers-in-law of Mu\u1e25ammad. (R. du M.\nM., vol. ii. p. 138.)\n\n[969] De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 153.\n\n[970] Reinaud: Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans\ndans l\u2019Inde et \u00e0 la Chine, i. pp. 13, 64. (Paris, 1845.)\n\n[971] Id. p. 58.\n\n[972] That there was some migration westward also of Chinese into the\nconquered countries of Islam, where they would come within the sphere\nof its religious influence, we learn from the diary of a Chinese monk\nwho travelled through Central Asia to Persia in the years 1221\u20134;\nspeaking of Samarqand, he says, \u201cChinese workmen are living\neverywhere.\u201d (Bretschneider (1), vol. i. p. 78.)\n\n[973] Howorth, vol. i. p. 161.\n\n[974] For Chinese biographies of Sayyid Ajall, see R. du M. M., viii.\np. 344 sqq. and xi. p. 3 sqq.; Mission d\u2019Ollone, p. 25 sqq.\n\n[975] Broomhall, p. 127.\n\n[976] Mission d\u2019Ollone, pp. 435\u20136.\n\n[977] Howorth, vol. i. p. 257.\n\n[978] Marco Polo, vol. i. pp. 219, 274; vol. ii. p. 66.\n\n[979] Rash\u012bd al-D\u012bn (Yule\u2019s Cathay, p. 9).\n\n[980] Vol. iv. pp. 270, 283.\n\n[981] Id. p. 258.\n\n[982] \u02bbAbd al-Razz\u0101q al-Samarqand\u012b: Ma\u1e6dla\u02bb al-sa\u02bbdayn, foll. 60\u20131.\n(Blochet, pp. 249\u201352.)\n\n[983] Zenker, pp. 798\u20139. M\u00e9langes Orientaux, p. 65. (Publications de\nl\u2019\u00c9cole des Langues Orientales Vivantes, S\u00e9r. ii. t. 9.) (Paris, 1883.)\n\n[984] Schefer, pp. 29\u201330. Zenker, p. 796.\n\n[985] De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 154\u20136.\n\n[986] Broomhall, p. 92 sqq. Dev\u00e9ria: Musulmans et Manich\u00e9ens chinois.\n(J. A. 9me S\u00e9r., tome x. p. 447 sqq.)\n\n[987] De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 163\u20134.\n\n[988] The Muhammadans are said to be more prolific than the ordinary\nChinese, and the Chinese census, which counts according to families,\nestimates six for a Muhammadan family and five for the ordinary\nChinese. (Broomhall, pp. 197, 203.)\n\n[989] Broomhall, in chap. xii. of his Islam in China, gives the total\nas between five and ten millions. D\u2019Ollone puts it as low as four\nmillions (p. 430).\n\n[990] Vide infra, pp. 309\u2013310.\n\n[991] Clark Abel: Narrative of a journey in the interior of China, p.\n361. (London, 1818.)\n\n[992] De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 361\u20133.\n\n[993] One missionary, writing from Peking in 1721, says, \u201cLa secte des\nMahom\u00e9tans s\u2019\u00e9tend de plus en plus.\u201d (Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses,\ntome xix. p. 140.)\n\n[994] J. B. du Halde: Description g\u00e9ographique, historique,\nchronologique, politique et physique de l\u2019Empire de la Chine, tome iii.\np. 64. (Paris, 1735.)\n\n[995] Anderson, p. 151. Grosier, tome iv. p. 507.\n\n[996] Thamar\u0101t al-Fun\u016bn, 17th Shaww\u0101l, p. 3. (Bayr\u016bt, A.H. 1311.)\n\n[997] Mission d\u2019Ollone, p. 279. R. du M. M., tome ix. pp. 577, 578.\n\n[998] Broomhall, p. 226. Grosier, tome iv. p. 508.\n\n[999] Vasil\u2019ev, p. 15.\n\n[1000] Broomhall, p. 237.\n\n[1001] Id. pp. 186, 228.\n\n[1002] Arminius Vamb\u00e9ry: Travels in Central Asia, p. 404. (London,\n1864.)\n\n[1003] Vasil\u2019ev, p. 16.\n\n[1004] De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 367, 372.\n\n[1005] De Thiersant, tome i. p. 247. Thamar\u0101t al-Fun\u016bn, 28th Sha\u02bbb\u0101n,\np. 3.\n\n[1006] Broomhall, p. 224.\n\n[1007] Du Halde, loc. cit. Broomhall, p. 282.\n\n[1008] Mission d\u2019Ollone, pp. 210, 431.\n\n[1009] Broomhall, pp. 274, 282.\n\n[1010] P. 307.\n\n[1011] Broomhall, pp. 231\u20132.\n\n[1012] W. J. Smith, p. 175. Mission d\u2019Ollone, p. 407 sqq.\n\n[1013] Thamar\u0101t al-Fun\u016bn, loc. cit.\n\n[1014] Broomhall, p. 240.\n\n[1015] The Missionary Review of the World, vol. xxv. p. 786 (1912).\n\n[1016] Mission d\u2019Ollone, p. 431.\n\n[1017] R. du M. M., iii. p. 124 (1907).\n\n[1018] Broomhall, pp. 242, 286, 292 sqq.\n\n[1019] Vasil\u2019ev, pp. 3, 5, 14, 17.\n\n[1020] For a longer list of Muhammadan insurrections, see Mission\nd\u2019Ollone, p. 436.\n\n[1021] Sayyid \u02bbAl\u012b Akbar: Khit\u0101y N\u0101mah, p. 83. \u201cIf the emperor of China\nembraces Islam, his subjects must inevitably become Muslims too,\nbecause they all worship him to such an extent that they accept\nwhatever he says, and when that light coming from the West grows in\nstrength, the unbelievers of the East will come flocking into Islam\nwithout showing any contention, because they are free from all\nfanaticism in matters of religion.\u201d\n\n[1022] Thamar\u0101t al-Fun\u016bn, 26th Shaww\u0101l, p. 3. (A.H. 1311.)\n\n[1023] An excellent map of the extent of Islam in Africa is to be found\nin \u201cThe International Review of Missions,\u201d vol. i. p. 652.\n\n[1024] Fournel, vol. i. p. 271.\n\n[1025] i.e. the diviner or priestess; her real name is unknown.\n\n[1026] Fournel, vol. i. p. 224.\n\n[1027] Makkar\u012b, vol. i. p. 253.\n\n[1028] Makkar\u012b, vol. i. p. lxv.\n\n[1029] Fournel, vol. i. p. 270.\n\n[1030] For these and the heretical movements that reveal survivals of\nthe earlier Berber faith, see Goldziher, Materialien zur Kenntniss der\nAlmohadenbewegung in Nordafrika (Z D M G, vol. xli, p. 37 sqq.).\n\n[1031] On this word, see Doutt\u00e9, Notes sur l\u2019Islam maghribin. (Revue de\nl\u2019histoire des religions, tom. xli. p. 24\u20136.)\n\n[1032] Ibn ab\u012b Zar\u02bb, pp. 168\u201373. A. M\u00fcller, vol. ii. pp. 611\u201313.\n\n[1033] Ibn ab\u012b Zar\u02bb, p. 250. Goldziher, op. laud., p. 71.\n\n[1034] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 11.)\n\n[1035] \u0645\u0631\u0627\u0628\u0637\u200e.\n\n[1036] Doutt\u00e9, xl. p. 354; xli. pp. 26\u20137.\n\n[1037] Depont et Coppolani, p. 127 sq.\n\n[1038] It is not the place here to deal with the rise and political\nhistory of the various kingdoms of the Western Sudan; this has been\ndone most fully for the English reader by Lady Lugard in her work\nentitled, \u201cA Tropical Dependency. An Outline of the Ancient History of\nthe Western Sudan, with an Account of the Modern Settlement of Northern\nNigeria.\u201d (London, 1905.) See also H. F. Helmolt: The World\u2019s History,\nvol. iii. chap. ix. (London, 1903.)\n\n[1039] Blau, p. 322.\n\n[1040] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 7, 77.)\n\n[1041] Meyer, p. 91.\n\n[1042] Ta\u02bcr\u012bkh al-S\u016bd\u0101n, p. 3.\n\n[1043] Jinn\u012b or Dienn\u00e9.\n\n[1044] So Meyer following Barth; the Ta\u02bcr\u012bkh al-S\u016bd\u0101n (p. 12) places\nthe date about three centuries earlier.\n\n[1045] F\u00e9lix Dubois gives a plan and reconstruction of this mosque,\nwhich was destroyed by order of Shaykhu A\u1e25madu about 1830, in\n\u201cTombouctou la Myst\u00e9rieuse,\u201d chap. ix.\n\n[1046] Ta\u02bcr\u012bkh al-S\u016bd\u0101n, pp. 12\u201313.\n\n[1047] Ta\u02bcr\u012bkh al-S\u016bd\u0101n, p. 21.\n\n[1048] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome iv. pp. 421\u20132.\n\n[1049] Ramusio, tom. i. p. 78.\n\n[1050] Winwood Reade describes them as \u201ca tall, handsome,\nlight-coloured race, Moslems in religion, possessing horses and large\nherds of cattle, but also cultivating cotton, ground-nuts, and various\nkinds of corn. I was much pleased with their kind and hospitable\nmanners, the grave and decorous aspect of their women, the cleanliness\nand silence of their villages.\u201d (W. Winwood Reade: African Sketchbook,\nvol. i. p. 303.)\n\n[1051] Waitz, IIer Theil, pp. 18\u201319.\n\n[1052] Palmer (p. 59) places its introduction into Kano between A.D.\n1349 and 1385, another Hausa chronicle makes the reign of the first\nMuhammadan king of Zozo begin about 1456. (Journal of the African\nSociety, vol. ix. p. 161.)\n\n[1053] For the various enumerations of these, see Meyer, p. 27.\n\n[1054] As in other parts of the Muslim world, tradition places the\nfirst introduction of Islam in the lifetime of the founder and gives\nthe name of al-Faz\u0101z\u012b, a reputed companion of the Prophet, as the\napostle of the Hausa people. (J. Lippert: Sudanica. MSOS, iii. part 3,\np. 204. Berlin, 1900.)\n\n[1055] Mischlich and Lippert, pp. 138\u20139.\n\n[1056] Meyer, loc. cit. Artin Pasha (p. 62) puts the beginning of this\ninfiltration of Muslim Arabs as early as the eighth century.\n\n[1057] Becker, Geschichte des \u00f6stlichen S\u016bd\u0101n, p. 162\u20133. Blau, p. 322.\nOppel, p. 289. At the close of the fourteenth century \u02bbUmar b. Idr\u012bs\nmoved his capital to the west of Lake Chad in the territory of Bornu,\nby which name the kingdom of Kanem became henceforth known.\n\n[1058] Maurice Delafosse, p. 87.\n\n[1059] Becker: Geschichte des \u00f6stlichen S\u016bd\u0101n, pp. 161\u20132.\n\n[1060] R. C. Slatin Pasha: Fire and Sword in the Sudan, pp. 38, 40\u20132.\n(London, 1896.)\n\n[1061] Westermann, p. 628.\n\n[1062] Oppel, p. 292. Meyer, pp. 36\u20137. Westermann, pp. 629\u201330.\n\n[1063] Fulbe (sing. Pul) is the name by which these people call\nthemselves; upwards of a hundred variants are applied to them by their\nneighbours, the commonest of which are Fulah and Fulani. (Meyer, p.\n28.)\n\n[1064] Francis Moore, pp. 75\u20137.\n\n[1065] R. E. Dennett: Nigerian Studies, pp. 12, 75. (London, 1910.)\n\n[1066] Islam and Missions, pp. 71\u20133. The Moslem World, pp. 296\u20137, 351.\n\n[1067] Church Missionary Review (1908), p. 640.\n\n[1068] A town on the Niger, just south of the northern boundary of\nSouthern Nigeria.\n\n[1069] Church Missionary Society Intelligencer (1902), p. 353.\n\n[1070] Rinn, pp. 403\u20134.\n\n[1071] Le Chatelier (1), pp. 231\u20133.\n\n[1072] Le Chatelier (2), pp. 89\u201391.\n\n[1073] Rinn, p. 175.\n\n[1074] Bonet-Maury, p. 239.\n\n[1075] Id. p. 230.\n\n[1076] Le Chatelier (2), pp. 100\u20139.\n\n[1077] Rinn, p. 174.\n\n[1078] Oppel, pp. 292\u20133. Blyden, p. 10. Le Chatelier (3), p. 167 sqq.\n\n[1079] Delle Navigationi di Messer Alvise da Ca da Mosto. (A.D. 1454.)\nRamusio, tome i. p. 101.\n\n[1080] Blyden, pp. 357\u201360.\n\n[1081] This has been set forth in detail by Le Chatelier (3), p. 225\nsqq.\n\n[1082] Le Chatelier (3), p. 237. \u201cSamory n\u2019intervint pas directement\ndans la question religieuse.\u201d L. G. Binger arrived at the same\nconclusion, as the result of personal acquaintance with Samory. (Le\nP\u00e9ril de l\u2019Islam, p. 20.) (Paris, 1906.)\n\n[1083] Le Chatelier (3), pp. 238\u201340.\n\n[1084] Le Chatelier (2), p. 112. R. du M. M., vol. xii. p. 22.\n\n[1085] \u201cThe Fulanis are all fervent Mohammedans. Wherever there are\nFulanis there will be found a mosque.\u201d (Haywood, p. 200.)\n\n[1086] Le Chatelier (3), pp. 231, 273, 303. Westermann, pp. 632\u20133.\n\n[1087] Mu\u1e25ammad b. \u02bbUthm\u0101n al \u1e24ash\u0101\u02bcish\u012b, p. 84 sqq.\n\n[1088] In 1895 S\u012bd\u012b al-Mahd\u012b, the son and successor of S\u012bd\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad\nal-San\u016bs\u012b, migrated to Kufra, as being more central than Jaghab\u016bb\n(Mu\u1e25ammad b. \u02bbUthm\u0101n al-\u1e24ash\u0101\u02bcish\u012b, pp. 111\u201315), but later went further\nsouth to the region of Borku and Tibesti, where he died in 1902. The\nhead of the order in 1908 was S\u012bd\u012b A\u1e25mad, a relative of the founder.\n(J. C. E. Falls: Drei Jahre in der Libyschen W\u00fcste, p. 274.) (Freiburg,\n1911.)\n\n[1089] Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162.\n\n[1090] G. Nachtigal: Sahara und Sudan, vol. ii. p. 175. (Berlin,\n1879\u201381.)\n\n[1091] Duveyrier, p. 45.\n\n[1092] Paulitschke, p. 214.\n\n[1093] H. Duveyrier: La Confr\u00e9rie musulmane de S\u00eedi Mohammed Ben \u02bcAl\u00ee\nEs-Senous\u00ee, passim. (Paris, 1886.) Louis Rinn: Marabouts et Khouans,\npp. 481\u2013513. N. Slousch: Les Senoussiya en Tripolitaine. (R. du M. M.,\nvol. i. p. 169 sqq.). For a bibliography of the San\u016bsiyyah movement,\nsee Der Islam, iii. pp. 141\u20132, 312.\n\n[1094] R. du M. M., vol. i. p. 181; vol. viii. pp. 64\u20135.\n\n[1095] Joseph Thomson (2), p. 185.\n\n[1096] Oppel, p. 303.\n\n[1097] In the Muri Province of Northern Nigeria.\n\n[1098] Journal of the African Society, vol. vii. pp. 379\u201381.\n\n[1099] Haywood, p. 33.\n\n[1100] Claude George: The Rise of British West Africa, pp. 120\u20131.\n(London, 1902.)\n\n[1101] Islam and Missions, pp. 73\u20134.\n\n[1102] Lippert: \u00dcber die Bedeutung der Haussanation f\u00fcr unsere Togo-\nund Kamerunkolonie, p. 200. MSOS, Band x. (1907), Abteilung III.\n\n[1103] Waitz: IIer Theil, p. 250.\n\n[1104] C. S. Salmon, p. 891.\n\n[1105] Pierre Bouche, p. 256.\n\n[1106] Blyden, p. 357.\n\n[1107] C. S. Salmon, p. 887.\n\n[1108] Blyden, p. 202. Westermann, pp. 633\u20134.\n\n[1109] Situated on an island about 2\u00b0 S. of Zanzibar.\n\n[1110] \u201cHum Mouro chamado Zaide, que foi neto de Hocem filho de Ale o\nsobrinho de Mahamed.\u201d (De Barros, Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. p. 211.)\n\n[1111] Ibn Khald\u016bn, vol. iii. pp. 98\u2013100.\n\n[1112] Possibly a mistake for al-\u1e24as\u0101. See Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome ii. pp.\n247\u20138.\n\n[1113] Or (to give it its Arabic name) Maqdish\u016b.\n\n[1114] J. de Barros: Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. pp. 211\u201312.\n\n[1115] De Barros, id. pp. 224\u20135. See also Justus Strandes: Die\nPortugiesenzeit von Deutsch- und Englisch-Ostafrika, p. 81 sqq.\n(Berlin, 1899.)\n\n[1116] Kit\u0101b \u02bbaj\u0101\u02bcib al-Hind ou Livre des Merveilles de l\u2019Inde, publi\u00e9\npar P. A. van der Lith, pp. 51\u201360. (Leiden, 1883.)\n\n[1117] Mohammedanism in Central Africa, by Joseph Thomson, p. 877.\n\n[1118] Roscoe, p. 229 sq.\n\n[1119] Zwemer, p. 236. Gairdner (p. 26) gives the number of Muhammadans\nas 200,000 out of a population of four millions, but he does not state\nfrom what source he derives these figures. Roscoe (p. 6) gives the\ntotal population of Uganda as about one million only.\n\n[1120] Richter, pp. 146\u20137, 154. Merensky, p. 156. Klamroth, p. 4.\n\n[1121] R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 322.\n\n[1122] Oscar Baumann: Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete, pp. 141, 153.\n(Berlin, 1891.)\n\n[1123] Becker, Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 10.\n\n[1124] Id. p. 13 sqq. Klamroth, pp. 14\u201328.\n\n[1125] Id. p. 53.\n\n[1126] Klamroth, pp. 21, 25, 54.\n\n[1127] Id. pp. 23\u20134.\n\n[1128] Id. p. 26.\n\n[1129] Id. p. 67.\n\n[1130] Becker: Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 14. The Moslem World,\nvol. ii. p. 3 sqq.\n\n[1131] A contemporary Ethiopic account of these tribes,\u2014Geschichte der\nGalla. Bericht eines abessinischen M\u00f6nches \u00fcber die Invasion der Galla\nin sechzehnten Jahrhundert. Text und \u00dcbersetzung hrsg. von A. W.\nSchleichler (Berlin, 1893),\u2014seems certainly to represent them as\nheathen, though no detailed account is given of their religion. Reclus\n(tome x. p. 330), however, supposes them to have been Muhammadan at the\ntime of their invasion.\n\n[1132] Henry Salt: A Voyage to Abyssinia, p. 299. (London, 1814.)\n\n[1133] James Bruce: Travels to discover the source of the Nile, 2nd ed.\nvol. iii. p. 243. (Edinburgh, 1805.)\n\n[1134] Munzinger, p. 408.\n\n[1135] I. L. Krapf: Reisen in Ost-Africa, ausgef\u00fchrt in den Jahren\n1837\u201355, vol. i. p. 106. (Kornthal, 1858.)\n\n[1136] Arabia Deserta, vol. ii. p. 168.\n\n[1137] Id., vol. ii. p. 109.\n\n[1138] Mori\u00e9, vol. ii. p. 248.\n\n[1139] Reclus, tome. x. p. 309. Basset, pp. 270\u20131.\n\n[1140] When the Roman Catholics opened a mission among the Gallas in\n1846, Abba Baghib\u00f2 said to them: \u201cHad you come thirty years ago, not\nonly I, but all my countrymen might have embraced your religion; but\nnow it is impossible.\u201d (Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103.)\n\n[1141] Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa, vol. ii. p. 160. (Rome,\n1886\u20137.) Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103; vol. vi. p. 10.\n\n[1142] Massaja, vol. iv. p. 102.\n\n[1143] Speaking of the failure of Christian missions, Cecchi says: \u201cdi\nci\u00f2 si deve ricercare la causa nello espandersi che fece quaggi\u00f9 in\nquesti ultimi anni l\u2019islamismo, portato da centinaja di preti e\nmercanti musulmani, cui non facevano difetto i mezzi, l\u2019astuzia e la\npiena conoscenza della lingua.\u201d (Op. cit. vol. ii. p. 342.)\n\n[1144] Id., p. 343.\n\n[1145] Reclus, tome xiii. p. 834.\n\n[1146] The Lega are found in long. 9\u00b0 to 9\u00b0 30\u2032 and lat. E. 34\u00b0 35\u2032 to\n35\u00b0.\n\n[1147] Reclus, tome x. p. 350.\n\n[1148] Paulitschke, pp. 330\u20131.\n\n[1149] Ibn \u1e24awqal, p. 41.\n\n[1150] Abu\u2019l-Fid\u0101, tome ii. 1re partie, pp. 231\u20132.\n\n[1151] Documents sur l\u2019histoire, la g\u00e9ographie et le commerce de\nl\u2019Afrique Orientale, recueillis par M. Guillain. Deuxi\u00e8me partie, tome\ni. p. 399. (Paris, 1856.)\n\n[1152] R. F. Burton: First Footprints in East Africa, pp. 76, 404.\n(London, 1856.)\n\n[1153] R. du M. M., vi. p. 288. (1908.)\n\n[1154] The Cape of Good Hope was in the possession of the Dutch from\n1652 to 1795; restored to them after the Peace of Amiens in 1802, it\nwas re-occupied by the British as soon as war broke out again.\n\n[1155] Among these was Shaykh Y\u016bsuf, a religious teacher of great\ninfluence in Java and the last champion of the independence of Bantam;\nin 1694 he was removed by the Dutch to Cape Colony as a prisoner of\nstate, together with his family and numerous attendants; his tomb is\nstill regarded as a holy place. (G. M. Theal: History and Ethnography\nof Africa south of the Zambesi, vol. ii. p. 263.) (London, 1909.)\n\n[1156] M. J. de Goeje: Mohammedaansche Propaganda, pp. 2, 6.\n(Overgedrukt uit de Nederlandsche Spectator, No. 51, 1881.)\n\n[1157] Attention was drawn to them in 1814 by a Mr. Campbell. See\nWilliam Adams: The Modern Voyager and Traveller, vol. i. p. 93.\n(London, 1834.)\n\n[1158] Sir T. E. Colebrooke: The Life of H. T. Colebrooke, p. 335.\n(London, 1873.)\n\n[1159] F. Coillard: Au Cap de Bonne Esp\u00e9rance. (Journal des missions\n\u00e9vang\u00e9liques, avril 1899, p. 265.)\n\n[1160] Kumm, p. 233.\n\n[1161] C. Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. 296\u20137.\n\n[1162] Jacques Bonzon: Les Missionaires de l\u2019Islam en Afrique. (Revue\nChr\u00e9tienne, tome xiii. p. 295.) (Paris, 1893.)\n\n[1163] G. Ferrand, Les Musulmans \u00e0 Madagascar, pp. 19, 50 sqq., 138.\n(Paris, 1891.) Id. Les Migrations musulmanes et juives \u00e0 Madagascar.\n(Revue de l\u2019Histoire des Religions, vol. lii. p. 381 sqq.)\n\n[1164] Richard F. Burton (1), vol. i. p. 256.\n\n[1165] Travels in the Interior of Africa, chap. xxv. ad fin.\n\n[1166] D. J. East, pp. 118\u201320. W. Winwood Reade, vol. i. p. 312.\nBlyden, pp. 13, 202.\n\n[1167] Bishop Crowther on Islam in Western Africa. (Church Missionary\nIntelligencer, p. 254, April 1888.)\n\n[1168] D. J. East, pp. 112\u201313. Blyden, p. 202.\n\n[1169] It is said that over a thousand missionaries of Islam leave\nTripoli every year to work in the Sudan. (Paulitschke, p. 331.)\n\n[1170] For a detailed examination of these points of contact, see\nForget, p. 28 sqq. Merensky, p. 155.\n\n[1171] Sir Bartle Frere (1), pp. 18\u201319.\n\n[1172] E. W. Blyden, pp. 18\u201324. E. All\u00e9gret, p. 200. Westermann, pp.\n644\u20135.\n\nIn a very interesting, but now forgotten, debate before the\nAnthropological Society of London, on the Efforts of Missionaries among\nSavages, a case was mentioned of a Christian missionary in Africa who\nmarried a negress: the feeling against him in consequence was so strong\nthat he had to leave the colony. The Muslim missionary labours under no\nsuch disadvantage. (Journal of the Anthropological Society of London,\nvol. iii. 1865.)\n\nThe contrast between the way in which Christianity and Islam present\nthemselves to the African is well brought out by one who is himself a\nNegro, in the following passage:\u2014\u201cTandis que les missions renvoient \u00e0\nune \u00e9poque ind\u00e9finie l\u2019\u00e9tablissement du pastorat indig\u00e8ne, les pr\u00eatres\nmusulmans p\u00e9n\u00e8trent dans l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de l\u2019Afrique, trouvent un acc\u00e8s\nfacile chez les pa\u00efens et les convertissent \u00e0 l\u2019islam. De sorte\nqu\u2019aujourd\u2019hui les n\u00e8gres regardent l\u2019islam comme la religion des\nnoirs, et le christianisme comme la religion des blancs. Le\nchristianisme, pensent-ils, appelle le n\u00e8gre au salut, mais lui assigne\nune place tellement basse que, d\u00e9courag\u00e9, il se dit: \u2018Je n\u2019ai ni part\nni portion dans cette affaire.\u2019 L\u2019islam appelle le n\u00e8gre au salut et\nlui dit: \u2018Il ne d\u00e9pend que de toi pour arriver aussi haut que\npossible.\u2019 Alors, le n\u00e8gre enthousiasm\u00e9 se livre corps et \u00e2me au\nservice de cette religion.\u201d L\u2019islam et le christianisme en Afrique\nd\u2019apr\u00e8s un Africain. (Journal des Missions \u00c9vang\u00e9liques. 63e ann\u00e9e, p.\n207.) (Paris, 1888.)\n\n[1173] E. D. Morel: Nigeria, its people and its problems, pp. 216\u201317.\n(London, 1911.)\n\n[1174] Ibn Khallik\u0101n, vol. i. p. 18.\n\n[1175] \u201cExtracts from the Koran form the earliest reading lessons of\nchildren, and the commentaries and other works founded upon it furnish\nthe principal subjects of the advanced studies. Schools of different\ngrades have existed for centuries in various interior negro countries,\nand under the provision of law, in which even the poor are educated at\nthe public expense, and in which the deserving are carried on many\nyears through long courses of regular instruction. Nor is the system\nalways confined to the Arabic language, or to the works of Arabic\nwriters. A number of native languages have been reduced to writing,\nbooks have been translated from the Arabic and original works have been\nwritten in them. Schools also have been kept in which native languages\nare taught.\u201d Condition and Character of Negroes in Africa. By Theodore\nDwight. (Methodist Quarterly Review, January 1869.)\n\nDr. Blyden (pp. 206\u20137) mentions the following books as read by Muslims\nin Western Africa: Maq\u0101m\u0101t of \u1e24ar\u012br\u012b, portions of Aristotle and Plato\ntranslated into Arabic, an Arabic version of Hippocrates, and the\nArabic New Testament and Psalms issued by the American Bible Society.\nFor the literature of the Muslims in East Africa, see Becker: Islam in\nDeutsch Ostafrika, p. 18 sqq.\n\n[1176] Mohammedanism in Africa, by R. Bosworth Smith. (The Nineteenth\nCentury, December 1887, pp. 798\u2013800.)\n\n[1177] Le Chatelier, (3), p. 348.\n\n[1178] Forget, p. 95. Merensky, p. 156. (\u201cDen Vertretern des Islam aber\nstand ihr Vorteil, der Gewinn, den die Unterdr\u00fcckung der Eingeborenen\nbringt, h\u00f6her als die Ausbreitung ihres Glaubens. H\u00e4tte man die V\u00f6lker\nAfrikas durch die Macht geistiger Waffen unter g\u00fctigem Entgegenkommen\nzu Mohammedanern gemacht, so w\u00e4ren sie Glaubensgenossen,\ngleichberechtigte Br\u00fcder, die man nicht mehr berauben, zu Sklaven\nmachen, oder als Sklaven nur Arbeit ausnutzen k\u00f6nnte.\u201d)\n\n[1179] Westermann, p. 643. L. de Contenson, p. 244. Kumm, p. 122.\n\n[1180] Thus Merensky, discussing the failure of Islam to dominate the\nwhole of Africa after centuries of occupation says:\u2014\u201cWir sehen die\nUrsache f\u00fcr diese merkw\u00fcrdige Erscheinung in den Beziehungen, in denen\nbei den Mohammedanern die \u00e4ussere Gewalt zum Islam und zur Ausbreitung\ndes Islam steht. Beides steht und f\u00e4llt miteinander, dringt miteinander\nvor und geht miteinander auch wieder zur\u00fcck.\u201d (p. 156.)\n\n[1181] Niemann, p. 337.\n\n[1182] Reinaud: G\u00e9ographie d\u2019Aboulf\u00e9da, tome i. p. cccxxxix.\n\n[1183] Groeneveldt, pp. 14, 15.\n\n[1184] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome iv. pp. 66, 80.\n\n[1185] Veth (3), vol. i. p. 231. Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome iv. p. 89.\n\n[1186] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome iv. pp. 230, 234.\n\n[1187] Snouck Hurgronje (1), pp. 8\u20139.\n\n[1188] Padre Gainza, quoted by C. Semper, p. 67.\n\n[1189] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 265.\n\n[1190] Snouck Hurgronje: L\u2019Arabie et les Indes N\u00e9erlandaises. (Revue de\nl\u2019Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. p. 69 sqq.)\n\n[1191] De Hollander, vol. i. p. 581. Veth (1), p. 60.\n\n[1192] This vague reference would fit either Arabia, Persia or India;\nbut if such a person as J\u016bhan Sh\u0101h ever existed, he probably came from\nthe Coromandel or Malabar coast. (Chronique du Royaume d\u2019Atcheh,\ntraduite du Malay par Ed. Dulaurier, p. 7.)\n\n[1193] Marco Polo, vol. ii. p. 284.\n\n[1194] Veth (1), p. 61.\n\n[1195] Yule\u2019s Marco Polo, vol. ii. pp. 294, 303.\n\n[1196] Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6dah, tome iv. pp. 230\u20136.\n\n[1197] Groeneveldt, p. 94.\n\n[1198] At the height of its power, it stretched from 2\u00b0 N. to 2\u00b0 S. on\nthe west coast, and from 1\u00b0 N. to 2\u00b0 S. on the east coast, but in the\nsixteenth century it had lost its control over the east coast. (De\nHollander, vol. i. p. 3.)\n\n[1199] Marsden, p. 343.\n\n[1200] J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 1.)\n\n[1201] Marsden, p. 355.\n\n[1202] Godsdienstige verschijnselen en toestanden in Oost-Indi\u00eb. (Uit\nde Koloniale Verslagen van 1886 en 1887.) Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol.\nxxxii. pp. 175\u20136. (1888.) In 1909, out of a total of 500,000 Bataks,\n300,000 were still pagan, but 125,000 were Muslim and 80,000 Christian.\n(R. du M. M., vol. viii. p. 183.)\n\n[1203] J. Warneck: Die Religion der Batak, p. 122. (Leipzig, 1909.)\n\n[1204] G. R. Simon: Die Propaganda des Halbmondes. Ein Beitrag zur\nSkizzierung des Islam unter den Batakken, pp. 425, 429\u2013430. (Allgemeine\nMissions-Zeitschrift, vol. xxvii. 1900.)\n\n[1205] R. du M. M., vol. viii. (1909), p. 183.\n\n[1206] A. L. van Hassalt, pp. 55, 68.\n\n[1207] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. id. p. 173. (Koloniaal Verslag van 1911,\np. 26; 1912, p. 17.)\n\n[1208] Uit het Koloniaal Verslag van 1889. (Med. Ned. Zendelinggen.\nvol. xxxiv. p. 168.) (1890.)\n\n[1209] Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 30.\n\n[1210] De Hollander, vol. i. p. 703.\n\n[1211] Koloniaal Verslag van 1904, p. 80; 1905, p. 46; 1909, p. 47;\n1910, p. 33; 1911, p. 29; 1912, p. 21.\n\n[1212] Canne, p. 510.\n\n[1213] Marsden, p. 301.\n\n[1214] Niemann, pp. 356\u20139.\n\n[1215] J. H. Moor, p. 255.\n\n[1216] \u201cDepois que estes de induzidos por os Mouros Parseos, e\nGuzarates (que alli vieram residir por causa do commercio), de Gentios\nos convert\u00earam \u00e1 secta de Mahamed. Da qual convers\u00e3o por alli\nconcorrerem varias na\u00e7\u00f5es, come\u00e7ou laurar esta inferna peste pela\nvirzinhan\u00e7a de Malaca.\u201d (De Barros, Dec. ii. Liv. vi. cap. i. p. 15.)\n\n[1217] Aristide Marre: Mal\u00e2ka. Histoire des rois malays de Mal\u00e2ka.\nTraduit et extrait du Livre des Annales malayses, intitul\u00e9 en arabe\nSel\u00e2let al Sel\u00e2tyn, p. 8. (Paris, 1874.)\n\n[1218] Crawfurd (1), pp. 241\u20132.\n\n[1219] De Barros, Dec. iv. Liv. ii. cap. 1.\n\n[1220] Barbosa, writing in 1516, speaks of the numerous Muhammadan\nmerchants that frequented the port of Queda. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 317.)\n\n[1221] The form \u0645\u0632\u0644\u0641\u200e does not actually occur in the Qur\u02bc\u0101n; reference\nis probably made to some such passage as xxvi. 90: \u0648\u064e\u0623\u0632\u0652\u0644\u0650\u0641\u064e\u062a\u0650 \u0622\u0644\u0652\u062c\u064e\u0646\u064e\u0651\u0629\u064f\n\u0627\u0650\u0644\u0652\u0645\u064f\u062a\u064e\u0651\u0642\u0650\u064a\u0646\u064e\u200e \u201cAnd paradise shall be brought near the pious.\u201d\n\n[1222] A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low,\nvol. iii. pp. 474\u20137.\n\n[1223] A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low,\nvol. iii. p. 480.\n\n[1224] Newbold, vol. i. p. 252.\n\n[1225] McNair, pp. 226\u20139.\n\n[1226] J. H. Moor, p. 242.\n\n[1227] Newbold, vol. ii. pp. 106, 396.\n\n[1228] R. du M. M., tome ii (1907), pp. 137\u20138.\n\n[1229] Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 9.\n\n[1230] Veth (3), vol. i. p. 215. Raffles (ed. of 1830), vol. ii. pp.\n103, 104, 183.\n\n[1231] The situation of Chermen is not certain. Veth (3), vol. i. p.\n230, conjectures that it may have been in India, but Rouffaer (p. 115n)\ngives good reasons for placing it in Sumatra.\n\n[1232] A description of the present condition of these tombs, on one of\nwhich traces of an inscription in Arabic characters are still visible,\nis given by J. F. G. Brumund, p. 185.\n\n[1233] Groeneveldt, pp. vii. 49\u201350.\n\n[1234] Kern, p. 21.\n\n[1235] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 233\u201342. Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 113\u201333.\n\n[1236] Rouffaer, however, places this Champa, not in Cambodia, but on\nthe north coast of Atjeh and identifies it with the modern Djeumpa.\n(Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. iv. p. 206.)\n\n[1237] Remains of minarets and Muhammadan tombs are still to be found\nin Champa. (Bastian, vol. i. pp. 498\u20139.)\n\n[1238] This genealogical table will make clear these relationships, as\nwell as others referred to later in the text:\u2014\n\n King of Champa.\n |\n +---------+----------+\n | |\n a daughter a daughter = an\n named Arab missionary\nA concubine = Angka Wij\u0101ya = D\u0101r\u0101wati |\n | king of Majapahit | |\n | | |\n | Arya Damar |\n | | Raden Ra\u1e25mat.\n | Raden \u1e24usayn |\n | |\n | +--------------------------------------+-----+\n | | |\n | --- a daughter =\n | | Raden Paku\n Raden Patah = a daughter\n\n[1239] The memory of this woman is held in great honour by the\nJavanese, and many come to pray by her grave. See Brumund, p. 186.\n\n[1240] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 235\u20136.\n\n[1241] This mosque is still standing and is looked upon by the Javanese\nas one of the most sacred objects in their island.\n\n[1242] There seems little doubt that this date is too early. A study of\nthe Portuguese authorities points to the conclusion that Majapahit did\nnot fall until forty years later. (Rouffaer, p. 144.)\n\n[1243] The people of the Bali to the present day have resisted the most\nzealous efforts of the Muhammadans to induce them to accept the faith\nof Islam, though from time to time conversions have been made and a\nsmall native Muhammadan community has been formed, numbering about 3000\nsouls out of a population of over 862,000. The favourable situation of\nthe island for purposes of trade has always attracted a number of\nforeigners to its shores, who have in many cases taken up a permanent\nresidence in the island. While some of these settlers have always held\nthemselves aloof from the natives of the country, others have formed\nmatrimonial alliances with them and have consequently become merged\ninto the mass of the population. It is owing to the efforts of the\nlatter that Islam has made this very slow but sure progress, and the\nMuhammadans of Bali are said to form an energetic and flourishing\ncommunity, full of zeal for the promotion of their faith, which at\nleast impresses their pagan neighbours, though not successful in\npersuading them to deny their favourite food of swine\u2019s flesh for the\nsake of the worship of All\u0101h. (Liefrinck, pp. 241\u20133.)\n\n[1244] Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 523.\n\n[1245] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 245, 284.\n\n[1246] Raffles, vol. ii. p. 316.\n\n[1247] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 285\u20136.\n\n[1248] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 305, 318\u20139.\n\n[1249] A traveller in Java in 1596 mentions two or three heathen\nkingdoms with a large heathen population. (Niemann, p. 342.)\n\n[1250] Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 132\u20133.\n\n[1251] Metzger, p. 279.\n\n[1252] L. W. C. van den Berg (1), pp. 35\u20136. C. Poensen, pp. 3\u20138.\n\n[1253] De Barros, Dec. iii. Liv. v. Cap. v. pp. 579\u201380. Argensola, p.\n11 B.\n\n[1254] At this period, the Moluccas were for the most part under the\nrule of four princes, viz. those of Ternate, Tidor, Gilolo and Batjan.\nThe first was by far the most powerful: his territory extended over\nTernate and the neighbouring small islands, a portion of Halemahera, a\nconsiderable part of the Celebes, Amboina and the Banda islands. The\nSultan of Tidor ruled over Tidor and some small neighbouring islands, a\nportion of Halemahera, the islands lying between it and New Guinea,\ntogether with the west coast of the latter and a part of Ceram. The\nterritory of the Sultan of Gilolo seems to have been confined to the\ncentral part of Halemahera and to a part of the north coast of Ceram;\nwhile the Sultan of Batjan ruled chiefly over the Batjan and Obi\ngroups. (De Hollander, vol. i. p. 5.)\n\n[1255] Massimiliano Transilvano. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 351 D.)\n\n[1256] P. J. B. C. Robid\u00e9 van der Aa, p. 18.\n\n[1257] Pigafetta, tome i. pp. 365, 368.\n\n[1258] \u201cSegundo a conta que elles dam, ao tempo que os nossos\ndescubriram aquellas Ilhas, haveria pouco mais de oitenta annos, que\nnellas tinha entrada esta peste.\u201d (J. de Barros: Da Asia, Dec. iii.\nLiv. v. Cap. v. p. 580.)\n\n[1259] De Barros, id. ib.\n\n[1260] Simon, p. 13.\n\n[1261] Bokemeyer, p. 39.\n\n[1262] Simon, p. 13.\n\n[1263] Argensola, pp. 3\u20134.\n\n[1264] Id. p. 15 B.\n\n[1265] Id. pp. 97, 98.\n\n[1266] Id. pp. 155 and 158, where he calls Ternate \u201ceste receptaculo de\nsetas, donde tienen escuela todas las apostasias; y particularmente los\ntorpes sequazes de Mahoma. Y desde el anno de mil y quinientos y\nochenta y cinco, en que los Holandeses tentaron aquellos mares, hasta\neste tiempo no han cessado de traer sectarios, y capitanes pyratas.\nEstos llevan las riquezas de Assia, y en su lugar dexan aquella falsa\ndotrina, con que hazen infrutuosa la conversion de tantas almas.\u201d\n\n[1267] Their descendants are still to be found in the province of\nCavit\u00e9 in the island of Luzon. (Crawfurd (1), p. 85.)\n\n[1268] W. F. Andriessen, p. 222.\n\n[1269] T. Forrest, p. 68.\n\n[1270] Pigafetta. (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 366.)\n\n[1271] Campen, p. 346. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 56; 1911, p. 52.\n\n[1272] Dulaurier, p. 528.\n\n[1273] Damak, on the north coast of Java, opposite the south of Borneo.\n\n[1274] Hageman, pp. 236\u20139.\n\n[1275] Pigafetta. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 363\u20134.)\n\n[1276] This kingdom had been founded by a colony from the Hindu kingdom\nof Majapahit (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 67), and would naturally have\ncome under Muslim influence after the conversion of the Javanese.\n\n[1277] Dozy (1), p. 386.\n\n[1278] Veth (2), vol. i. p. 193.\n\n[1279] Olivier de Noort. (Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des voyages, vol. xiv. p.\n225.) (The Hague, 1756.)\n\n[1280] i.e. Pure in Religion; he died about 1677; his father does not\nseem to have taken a Muhammadan name, at least he is only known by his\nheathen name of Panembahan Giri-Kusuma. (Netscher, pp. 14\u201315.)\n\n[1281] Thomas Forrest, p. 371.\n\n[1282] Essay towards an account of Sulu, p. 557.\n\n[1283] B. Panciera, p. 161.\n\n[1284] J. Hageman, p. 224.\n\n[1285] Veth (2), vol. i. p. 179.\n\n[1286] De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 61.\n\n[1287] Coolsma, p. 556. Koloniaal Verslag van 1911, pp. 38, 41; 1912,\np. 30.\n\n[1288] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. xxxii. p. 177; vol. xxxiv. p. 170.\n\n[1289] i.e. Atjeh.\n\n[1290] A Compleat History of the Rise and Progress of the Portugeze\nEmpire in the East Indies. Collected chiefly from their own Writers.\nJohn Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. i. p.\n682. (London, 1764.)\n\n[1291] Crawfurd (1), p. 91. The Encyclopaedie van N.-I. (vol. i. p.\n216) gives 1606 as the date.\n\n[1292] Fernandez Navarette, a Spanish priest, who went to the\nPhilippine Islands in 1646. (Collection of Voyages and Travels, p. 236.\nLondon, 1752.)\n\nTavernier, who visited Macassar in 1648. (Travels in India, p. 193.)\n(London, 1678.)\n\nItinerarium Orientale R. P. F. Philippi \u00e0 SSma. Trinitate Carmelitae\nDiscalceati ab ipso conscriptum, p. 267. (Lugduni, 1649.)\n\n[1293] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 385\u20139.\n\n[1294] \u201cNo extraordinary exertion seems for a long time to have been\nmade on behalf of the new religion. An abhorrence of innovation and a\nmost pertinacious and religious adherence to ancient custom,\ndistinguish the people of Celebes beyond all the other tribes of the\nEastern isles; and these would, at first, prove the most serious\nobstacles to the dissemination of Mahometanism. It was this, probably,\nwhich deferred the adoption of the new religion for so long a period,\nand till it had recommended itself by wearing the garb of antiquity.\u201d\n(Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 387.)\n\n[1295] Crawfurd (1), p. 75. De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 212.\n\n[1296] Id. vol. ii. p. 666. Riedel (2), p. 67.\n\n[1297] To the east of Minahassa, between long. 124\u00b0 45\u2032 and 123\u00b0 20\u2032,\nwith a population that has been variously estimated at 35,000 and\n50,000. (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 247.)\n\n[1298] Wilken (1), pp. 42\u20134.\n\n[1299] Wilken (2), pp. 276\u20139. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 52; 1911,\np. 47.\n\n[1300] Zollinger (2), pp. 126, 169.\n\n[1301] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. xxxii. p. 177; xxxiv. p. 170.\n\n[1302] Zollinger (1), p. 527.\n\n[1303] De Hollander (in 1882) gave the numbers as 20,000 Balinese and\n380,000 Sasaks. (Vol. i. p. 489.)\n\n[1304] Encyclopaedie van N.-I. vol. ii. pp. 432\u20134, 524.\n\nW. Cool: With the Dutch in the East. An outline of the military\noperations in Lombok, 1894. (London, 1897.)\n\n[1305] Captain Thomas Forrest, writing in 1775, says that Arabs came to\nthe island of Mindanao 300 years before and that the tomb of the first\nArab, a Shar\u012bf from Mecca, was still shown\u2014\u201ca rude heap of coral rock\nstones\u201d (pp. 201, 313).\n\n[1306] N. N. Saleeby: Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion, pp.\n24\u20135, 53\u20135. (Manila, 1905.)\n\n[1307] Relatione di Ivan Gaetan del discoprimento dell\u2019Isole Molucche.\n(Ramusio, tom. i. p. 375 E.)\n\n[1308] \u201cSe muestran tan obstinados \u00e1 la gracia de Dios y tan aferrados\n\u00e1 sus creencias, que es casi moralmente imposible su conversion al\ncristianismo.\u201d (Cartas de los PP. de la Compa\u00f1ia de Jes\u00fas de la Missi\u00f3n\nde Filipinas, 1879, quoted by Montero y Vidal, tom. i. p. 21.)\n\n[1309] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 274\u2013280.\n\n[1310] \u201cIls sont peu soigneux de satisfaire au devoir du Christianisme\nqu\u2019ils ont receu, et il les y faut contraindre par la crainte du\nchastiment, et gouverner comme des enfans \u00e0 l\u2019escole.\u201d Relation des\nIsles Philippines, Faite par un Religieux, p. 7. (Thevenot, vol. i.)\n\n[1311] \u201cA Mindanao, les Tagal de l\u2019Est, fuyant le joug abhorr\u00e9 de leurs\nma\u00eetres catholiques, se groupent chaque jour davantage autour des chefs\ndes dynasties nationales. Plus de 360,000 sectateurs du coran y\nreconnaissent un sultan ind\u00e9pendant. Aux j\u00e9suites chass\u00e9s de l\u2019\u00eele, aux\nrepr\u00e9sentants du culte officiel, se substituent comme ma\u00eetres religieux\net \u00e9ducateurs de la population, les missionnaires musulmans de la Chine\net de l\u2019Inde, qui r\u00e9novent ainsi la propagande, commenc\u00e9e par les\ninvasions arabes.\u201d (A. le Chatelier (2), p. 45.)\n\n[1312] Montero y Vidal, vol. i. p. 86.\n\n[1313] Situated three miles west of Jolo, the present capital.\n\n[1314] N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 158\u20139. (Manila,\n1908.)\n\n[1315] N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 162\u20133.\n\n[1316] J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 37.)\n\n[1317] Dalrymple, p. 549.\n\n[1318] R. du M. M., vii. pp. 115\u201316. (1909.)\n\n[1319] The Missionary Review of the World, N.S., vol. xiv. p. 877. (New\nYork, 1901.)\n\n[1320] The first prince of Batjan who became a Muhammadan was a certain\nZayn al-\u02bb\u0100bid\u012bn, who was reigning in 1521 when the Portuguese first\ncame to the Moluccas.\n\n[1321] Robid\u00e9 van der Aa, pp. 350, 352\u20133.\n\n[1322] Id. p. 147 (Misool), \u201cDe strandbewoners zijn allen\nMahomedanen.... De bergbewoners zijn heidenen.\u201d Id. p. 53 (Salawatti),\n\u201cEen klein deel der bevolking van het eiland belijdt de leer van\nMahomed. Het grootste deel bestaat echter uit Papoesche heidenen,\neenige tot het Mahomedaansche geloof zijn overgegaan, althans den\nschijn daarvan aannemen.\u201d Id. p. 290 (Waigyu).\n\nSome of the Papuans of the island of Gebi, between Waigyu and\nHalemahera, have been converted by the Muhammadan settlers from the\nMoluccas. (Crawfurd (1), p. 143.)\n\n[1323] Robid\u00e9 van der Aa, p. 352.\n\n[1324] Captain Forrest, however, in 1775, tells us that \u201cMany of the\nPapuas turn Musselmen.\u201d (Voyage to New Guinea, p. 68.)\n\n[1325] Robid\u00e9 van der Aa, p. 71. \u201cDe Papoe is te woest van aard, om\nbehoefte aan godsdienst te gevoelen. Evenmin als de Christelijke leer\ntot nog toe ingang bij hem heeft kunnen vinden, zou de Mahomedaansche\ngodsdienst slagen, wanneer daartoe bij deze volksstammen poging gedaan\nwerd. Voorzoover mij is gebleken op vijf reizen naar dit land, hebben\nnoch Tidoreezen, noch Cerammers of anderen ooit ernstige pogingen\ngedaan, om de leer van Mahomed hier in te voeren.... Slechts zeer\nweinige hoofden, zooals de Radja Ampat van Waigeoe, Salawatti, Misool\nen Waigama, mogen als belijders van die leer aangemerkt worden; zij en\neenige hunner bloedverwanten vervullen sommige geloofsvormen, doordien\nzij meermalen te Tidor geweest zijn en daar niet gaarne als gewone\nPapoes beschouwd worden. Onder de eigenlijke bevolking is nooit\ngepoogd, den Islam intevoeren, misschien wel uit eerbied voor dien\ngodsdienst, die te verheven is voor de Papoes.\u201d\n\n[1326] Robid\u00e9 van der Aa, p. 319.\n\n[1327] Koloniaal Verslag van 1906, p. 70; 1911, p. 52.\n\n[1328] The Journal of the Indian Archipelago, vol. vii. pp. 64, 71.\n(Singapore, 1853.)\n\n[1329] G. W. W. C. Baron von Ho\u00ebvell, p. 120. Krieger, p. 436.\n\n[1330] Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 210.\n\n[1331] Crawfurd (2), pp. 275, 307.\n\n[1332] Buckle\u2019s Miscellaneous and Posthumous Works, edited by Helen\nTaylor, vol. i. p. 594. (London, 1872.)\n\n[1333] Neimann, pp. 406\u20137.\n\n[1334] C. Snouck Hurgronje: De hadji-politiek der Indische Regeering,\np. 12. (Overdruk uit Onze Eeuw, 1909.)\n\n[1335] Id.: Notes sur le mouvement du p\u00e8lerinage de la Mecque aux Indes\nN\u00e9erlandaises. (R. du M. M., vol. xv. pp. 409, 412.)\n\n[1336] Report of Centenary Conference on Protestant Missions, vol. i.\np. 21. Niemann, p. 407.\n\n[1337] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vols. xxxii., xxxiv. passim.\n\n[1338] Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. xv. 339\u2013393. Encyclopaedie\nvan N.-I., vol. ii. pp. 576\u20139.\n\n[1339] e.g. the Q\u0101diriyyah, Naqshbandiyyah and Samm\u0101niyyah. (C. Snouck\nHurgronje (2), p. 186.) Id. (3) vol. ii. p. 372, etc.\n\n[1340] J. G. F. Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162.\n\n[1341] Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. p. 323.\n\n[1342] Hauri, p. 313. Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 524.\n\n[1343] Organisations based on the model of Christian missionary\nsocieties do not begin to make their appearance until the twentieth\ncentury; some account of these is given in Appendix III.\n\n[1344] \u201c\u00c0 tout musulman, quelque mondain qu\u2019il soit, le pros\u00e9lytisme\nsemble \u00eatre en quelque sorte inn\u00e9.\u201d (Snouck Hurgronje, Revue de\nl\u2019Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. p. 66.) \u201cDer Muslim ist von Natur\nMission\u00e4r ... Er treibt Mission auf eigne Faust und Kosten.\u201d\n(Munzinger, p. 411.) Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 8; L\u00fcttke (2), p. 30;\nJulius Richter, p. 152; Merensky, p. 154.\n\n[1345] Qur\u02bc\u0101n, xvi. 126.\n\n[1346] See the interesting letter addressed by Mawl\u0101\u02bc\u012b Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl, Shar\u012bf\nof Morocco, in 1698 to King James II, inviting him to embrace Islam.\n(Revue de l\u2019Histoire des Religions, vol. xlvii. p. 174 sqq.)\n\n[1347] Anjuman \u1e24im\u0101yat-i-Isl\u0101m k\u0101 m\u0101hw\u0101r\u012b ris\u0101lah, pp. 5\u201313. (Lahore,\nOctober 1889.)\n\n[1348] Duveyrier, p. 17.\n\n[1349] Klamroth, p. 12.\n\n[1350] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 124\u20135.\n\n[1351] Artin, p. 119.\n\n[1352] R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 252.\n\n[1353] Ghul\u0101m Sarwar: Khaz\u012bnat al-A\u1e63f\u012by\u0101, vol. ii. p. 407\u20138.\n\n[1354] Goldziher, vol. ii. pp. 303\u20134.\n\n[1355] The Pechenegs at that time occupied the country between the\nlower Danube and the Don, to which they had migrated from the banks of\nthe Ural at the end of the ninth century. (Karamsin, vol. i. pp.\n180\u20131.)\n\n[1356] Ab\u016b \u02bbUbayd al-Bakr\u012b (died 1094), pp. 467\u20138.\n\n[1357] Ghul\u0101m Sarwar: Khaz\u012bnat al-A\u1e63f\u012by\u0101, vol. i. p. 613.\n\n[1358] D. Crawford: Thinking Black, p. 202. (London, 1913.)\n\n[1359] Doughty, vol. ii. p. 39.\n\n[1360] This was emphasised by Marracci in the seventeenth century. \u201cSi\nethnicus mysteria humani intellectus captum excedentia, vel naturali\nconditioni et imbecillitati difficillima, si non impossibilia, cum\nAlcoranica doctrina comparaverit, statim ab his refugiet, et ad illa\nobviis ulnis accurret.\u201d (Alcorani textus ... translatus, p. 9. Patavii,\n1698.)\n\n[1361] Edouard Montet: La propagande chr\u00e9tienne et ses adversaires\nmusulmans, pp. 17\u201318. (Paris, 1890.)\n\n[1362] Mankind and the Church, p. 283\u20134. (London, 1907.)\n\n[1363] Qur\u02bc\u0101n, ii. 118\u201326.\n\n[1364] Qur\u02bc\u0101n, xlix. 10.\n\n[1365] W. H. Macnaghten: Principles and Precedents of Moohummudan Law,\np. 312. (Madras, 1882.)\n\n[1366] Arabia Deserta, vol. i. pp. 554\u20135.\n\n[1367] De l\u2019Esprit des Lois, livre xxv. chap. 2.\n\n[1368] Qur., chap. xvi. v. 92.\n\n[1369] Goldziher, Sa\u02bb\u012bd b. \u1e24asan d\u2019Alexandrie. (Revue des \u00c9tudes\nJuives, tome xxx. pp. 17\u201318.) (Paris, 1895.)\n\n[1370] Ernest Renan: L\u2019Islamisme et la Science, p. 19. (Paris, 1883.)\n\nThis has been emphasised by many observers, but it will be enough here\nto quote the words of an eminent Christian bishop. \u201cNo one who comes in\ncontact for the first time with Mohammedans can fail to be struck by\nthis aspect of their faith.... Wherever one may be, in open street, in\nrailway station, in the field, it is the most ordinary thing to see a\nman, without the slightest touch of Pharisaism or parade, quietly and\nhumbly leaving whatever pursuit he may be at the moment engaged in, in\norder to say his prayers at the appointed hour. On a larger scale, no\none who has ever seen the courtyard of the Great Mosque at Delhi on the\nlast Friday in the fast-month (Ramazan) filled to overflowing with,\nperhaps, 15,000 worshippers, all wholly absorbed in prayer, and\nmanifesting the profoundest reverence and humility in every gesture,\ncan fail to be deeply impressed by the sight, or to get a glimpse of\nthe power which underlies such a system; while the very regularity of\nthe daily call to prayer, as it rings out at earliest dawn, before\nlight commences, or amid all the noise and bustle of the business\nhours, or again as the evening closes in, is fraught with the same\nmessage.\u201d (Dr. G. A. Lefroy: Mankind and the Church, pp. 287\u20138.\n(London, 1907.))\n\n[1371] \u201cOne may notice and admire the kind of chivalrous pride which\nthe average Mohammedan takes in his faith.\u201d (Bishop Lefroy: Mankind and\nthe Church, p. 289.)\n\n[1372] A. Kuenen: National Religions and Universal Religions, p. 35.\n(London, 1882.)\n\n[1373] e.g. The persecution, under al-Mutawakkil, by the orthodox\nreaction against all forms of deviation from the popular creed: in\nPersia and other parts of Asia about the end of the thirteenth century\nin revenge for the domineering and insulting behaviour of the\nChristians in the hour of their advancement and power under the early\nMongols. (Maqr\u012bz\u012b (2), Tome i. Premi\u00e8re Partie, pp. 98, 106.) Assemani\n(tom. iii. pars. ii. p.c.), speaking of the causes that have excited\nthe persecution of the Christians under Muhammadan rule, says:\u2014\u201cNon\nraro persecutionis procellam excitarunt mutuae Christianorum ipsorum\nsimultates, sacerdotum licentia, praesulum fastus, tyrannica magnatum\npotestas, et medicorum praesertim scribarumque de supremo in gentem\nsuam imperio altercationes.\u201d During the crusades the Christians of the\nEast frequently fell under the suspicion of favouring the invasions of\ntheir co-religionists from the West, and in modern Turkey the movement\nfor Greek Independence and the religious sympathies it excited in\nChristian Europe contributed to make the lot of the subject Christian\nraces harder than it would have been, had they not been suspected of\ndisloyalty and disaffection towards their Muhammadan ruler. De Gobineau\nhas expressed himself very strongly on this question of the toleration\nof Islam: \u201cSi l\u2019on s\u00e9pare la doctrine religieuse de la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9\npolitique qui souvent a parl\u00e9 et agi en son nom, il n\u2019est pas de\nreligion plus tol\u00e9rante, on pourrait presque dire plus indiff\u00e9rente sur\nla foi des hommes que l\u2019Islam. Cette disposition organique est si forte\nqu\u2019en dehors des cas o\u00f9 la raison d\u2019\u00c9tat mise en jeu a port\u00e9 les\ngouvernements musulmans \u00e0 se faire arme de tout pour tendre \u00e0 l\u2019unit\u00e9\nde foi, la tol\u00e9rance la plus compl\u00e8te a \u00e9t\u00e9 la r\u00e8gle fournie par le\ndogme.... Qu\u2019on ne s\u2019arr\u00eate pas aux violences, aux cruaut\u00e9s commises\ndans une occasion ou dans une autre. Si on y regarde de pr\u00e8s, on ne\ntardera pas \u00e0 y d\u00e9couvrir des causes toutes politiques ou toutes de\npassion humaine et de temp\u00e9rament chez le souverain ou dans les\npopulations. Le fait religieux n\u2019y est invoqu\u00e9 que comme pr\u00e9texte et,\nen r\u00e9alit\u00e9, il reste en dehors.\u201d (A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 24\u20135.)\n\n[1374] For a biography of him, see Ibn Khallik\u0101n, vol. ii. pp. 111\u201315.\n\n[1375] Barhebr\u00e6us (2), pp. 417\u201318.\n\n[1376] C. d\u2019Ohsson, vol. iv. p. 281.\n\n[1377] Tavernier (1), p. 160.\n\n[1378] Viaggio di Iosafa Barbero nella Persia. (Ramusio, vol. ii. p.\n111.)\n\n[1379] If indeed by Azi is meant \u1e24\u0101j\u012b.\n\n[1380] Mak\u012bn, p. 260. Similarly, about a century before, al-Muqtadir\n(A.D. 908\u2013932) gave orders for the rebuilding of some churches at\nRamlah in Palestine which had been destroyed by Muhammadans during a\nriot, the cause of which is not recorded. (Eutychius, ii. p. 82.) Ab\u016b\n\u1e62\u0101li\u1e25 makes mention of the rebuilding of a great many churches and\nmonasteries in Egypt which had either been destroyed in time of war\n(e.g. during the invasion of the Ghuzz and the Kurds in 1164) (pp. 91,\n96, 112, 120), been wrecked by fanatics (pp. 85\u20136, 182, and Maqr\u012bz\u012b\nquoted in the Appendix pp. 327\u20138), or fallen into decay (pp. 5, 87,\n103\u20134).\n\n[1381] A. de la Jonqui\u00e8re, pp. 203, 213, 312.\n\n[1382] E. Charv\u00e9riat: Histoire de la Guerre de Trente Ans, tome ii. pp.\n615, 625. (Paris, 1878.)\n\n[1383] In Ioannis Evangelium Tractatus, xxv. \u00a7 10.\n\n[1384] C. Merivale: The Conversion of the Northern Nations, p. 102.\n(London, 1866.)\n\n[1385] M\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n, p. 62 (ll. 4, 6, 13). The learned Maronite,\nY\u016bsuf Sim\u02bb\u0101n al-Sim\u02bb\u0101n\u012b, in the eighteenth century, thus expressed his\nhorror at such a concession to Muslim sentiment: \u201cMahometi eiusque\nsectariorum laudes persequitur, et quod sine horrore dici nequit,\nillius pseudo-prophetae nomen es adiuncto praeconio memorat, quo\nMahometani solent, nimirum \u0639\u0644\u064a\u0647 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0651\u0644\u0627\u0645\u200e.\u201d (Assemani, tom. iii, pars. i.\np. 585.)\n\n[1386] M\u0101r\u012b b. Sulaym\u0101n, p. 65 (l. 16).\n\n[1387] Methods of Mission Work among Moslems, p. 62.\n\n[1388] Id. pp. 61\u20134.\n\n[1389] Laurent, p. 131.\n\n[1390] Historia Rerum Anglicarum Willelmi Parvi de Newburgh, ed. Hans\nClaude Hamilton, vol. ii. p. 158. (London, 1856.)\n\n[1391] Frederick Denison Maurice was giving expression to one of the\nmost commonly received opinions regarding this faith when he said, \u201cIt\nhas been proved that Mahometanism can only thrive while it is aiming at\nconquest.\u201d (The Religions of the World, p. 28.) (Cambridge, 1852.)\n\n[1392] Similarly, the Spanish editor of the controversial letters that\npassed between Alvar and \u201cthe transgressor\u201d (a Christian convert to\nJudaism), adds the following note after Epist. xv.: \u201cQuatuordecim in\nhac pagina ita abrasae sunt liniae, ut nec verbum unum legi possit.\nFolium subsequens exsecuit possessor codicis, ne transgressoris\ndeliramenta legerentur.\u201d (Migne, Patr. Lat., tom. cxxi. p. 483.)\n\n[1393] Richter, pp. 164\u20135.\n\n[1394] Artin, p. 35.\n\n[1395] The Moslem World, vol. i. p. 441.\n\nR. du M. M., vol. xv. p. 374; vol. xviii. pp. 216, 224.\n\n[1396] Rajputana Herald, April 17, 1889.\n\n[1397] Mohammedan World of To-day, p. 183.\n\n[1398] A list of these is given on p. 19 of the Annual Report for the\nyear 1328 H.","title":"The Preaching of Islam: A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":182113}