{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_67426/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_67426","id":"gutenberg_67426","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/67426","summary":null,"tags":["Bantu-speaking peoples -- Folklore","Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Folklore -- Africa","Indigenous peoples -- Africa, East","Kamba (African people)","Kikuyu (African people)"],"text":"BANTU BELIEFS AND MAGIC\n\n WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE KIKUYU\n AND KAMBA TRIBES OF KENYA COLONY;\n TOGETHER WITH SOME REFLECTIONS ON\n EAST AFRICA AFTER THE WAR\n\n\n BY\n C. W. HOBLEY, C.M.G.\n M. R. Anthrop. Inst., C.M.Z.S., Assoc. M. Inst. C.E.\n (Late Senior Provincial Commissioner, Kenya Colony)\n\n WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY\n SIR JAMES G. FRAZER, F.R.S., &c.\n\n\n LONDON\n H. F. & G. WITHERBY\n 326 HIGH HOLBORN, W.C.\n 1922\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nIt is often said that the longer one knows the native the less one\nknows, and the less one understands him. This expression is doubtless\ncomforting to persons who have not the patience to systematically study\nhim and his views on life, but it could with convenience be replaced by\na saying to the effect that the more one knows of the native the more\none realises how much remains to be learnt.\n\nThe spirit of this is in accordance with the true attitude to all other\nbranches of knowledge, for the more one learns, the more the map\nunfolds, and one gradually realises the vastness of the country to be\nexplored.\n\nDuring long years of service in East Africa my work has brought me into\nclose contact with the native tribes from Lake Victoria to the coast,\nand I early realised that their administration could not be\nintelligently conducted without close inquiry into their social\norganisation and religious beliefs, and in this connection I would here\nlike to express my indebtedness to the kind advice and stimulating\nassistance which I have received from Sir W. Ridgeway, Sir J. G.\nFrazer, Professor Haddon and others. I particularly wish to thank Sir\nJ. G. Frazer for his kindness in consenting to write an introduction to\nthis work.\n\nMy first researches in this field were conducted among the tribes of\nKavirondo, and when some years later I left the Nyanza province for\nUkamba I became interested in the people with whom this work mainly\ndeals.\n\nIn 1910 I published a small work styled \u201cThe Ethnology of the A-Kamba\nand Other East African Tribes\u201d which was mainly intended as an aide\nmemoire for colleagues working among the people referred to; the study\nwas continued and certain matters were dealt with in papers\ncommunicated to the Royal Anthropological Institute and the British\nAssociation.\n\nFurther research has, however, brought to light a great deal of\nadditional material and has enabled me to piece together the work, and\nI venture to believe that the light which it attempts to throw upon the\ninner life of these important tribes may stimulate further inquiry, and\nhelp both official and colonist in his relations with them.\n\nIt has long been the fashion to look upon such research as being of\nonly academic value; this view, however, is year by year becoming\ndimmer, and I would ask all those who are interested in Africa to\nabandon it.\n\nThe late war has forcibly demonstrated the importance of understanding\nthe psychology of our enemies, and if that is admitted I would claim\nthat it is quite as important for workers in Africa to endeavour to\nunderstand the psychology of the Africans, whose friendship is of vital\nnecessity to all progress in that country.\n\nIn presenting this work to the public, I would like to emphasise the\nbelief that the field is by no means exhausted; all that I have been\nable to do has been done amidst the insistent rush of official duties,\nand I have often longed for the chance of being able to concentrate my\nattention for a year or two solely on researches of this nature.\n\nThe language difficulty is one of the greatest obstacles with which a\nEuropean is faced; native languages are numerous and an administrative\nofficer rarely has time to learn one before he is removed to another\narea and therefore another language. The elders rarely know much\nSwahili, the language which is the lingua franca of East Africa.\nInterpreters are often a snare, and an investigator has to work with\none for some time before being certain that he has fully realised the\nspirit of the research, especially when dealing with religious beliefs:\nindeed many interpreters never grasp the spirit of the inquiry. I had\nworking with me for some years a remarkable interpreter\u2014Juma bin\nHamis\u2014who became deeply interested in the subject under investigation,\nand was of the greatest assistance. When any point was obscure he would\ngo off and unearth an elder who was known to have particular\ninformation on the point at issue. Unfortunately, however, I have to\nmourn his loss, for he died at Nairobi in 1911. Such a man is difficult\nto replace; his speciality was Kikuyu political organisation and\ncustoms, and, although a coast native, he was deeply esteemed by all\nthe people of Southern Kikuyu.\n\nI would here like to express my indebtedness to several of my\ncolleagues and friends, particularly the Hon. C. Dundas, G. H. Osborne,\nand the late S. W. J. Scholefield, who, living for a long time in the\nnative reserves of Kikuyu and Ukamba in close contact with the people,\nhave given me the greatest assistance upon special points. I am also\ngrateful to Miss du Cros for her kind assistance in revising the MSS.\nof this work.\n\nWith the Hon. C. Dundas\u2019s permission, I have inserted an interesting\nmemorandum by him on Kikuyu dances and certain magical phenomena. He\ncollected the information while in charge of the Kikuyu district.\n\nI also express my gratitude to the many elders who have so fully given\nme information about many customs and rites which they do not care to\ndiscuss with the man in the street. The Kikuyu in particular welcomed\nmy interest in their beliefs. They even urged me to become a recognised\nelder of the tribe, so that they could impart full information without\nviolation of the rules forbidding the divulging of the ceremonial of\ntheir grade to those not initiated to that grade. This election has\nbeen of great value, for recognition as an elder in Kikuyu franks one,\nso to speak, among the Kamba, and the elders of that reticent tribe\ntalked freely to me on their rites and beliefs.\n\nFinally I must express my indebtedness to Professor Robertson Smith\u2019s\nilluminating work on the \u201cReligion of the Semites,\u201d and to Campbell\nThompson\u2019s book on \u201cSemitic Magic.\u201d I have referred to these from time\nto time, as they throw light upon the principles underlying many of the\nAfrican ceremonies which I describe.\n\nAny description of the languages spoken by the tribes under review\nbeing outside the scope of this work, it has been considered\ninadvisable to complicate it by the adoption of the modern system of\nphonetic symbols in the native names. The use of the symbols, though\nbased on sound principles, unfortunately renders unintelligible to the\nordinary reader many native words.\n\nAs the war has occurred since the bulk of this work was written, I have\nconsidered that it might not be out of place to add a chapter of a\ngeneral nature dealing with the position of native affairs after the\ngreat upheaval, for Africa has not escaped its effects any more than\nother parts of the world, and the future of the relations of black and\nwhite needs most thoughtful consideration.\n\n\n C. W. H.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\n\nThe author of this book, Mr C. W. Hobley, has long been known to\nanthropologists as one of our best authorities on the native races of\nBritish East Africa, or Kenya Colony, as it is now called, where he\nresided as Provincial Commissioner for many years. The time he could\nspare from his official duties he wisely devoted to studying the\ncustoms and beliefs of the tribes whom he was appointed to govern, and\nthrough the knowledge and experience thus acquired he was able to make\na valuable series of contributions to ethnography. In the present work\nhe has resumed and largely supplemented his former studies of two\nimportant tribes, the Kikuyu and Kamba, enriching his previous accounts\nwith many fresh details and fruitful observations.\n\nThe result is a monograph replete with information of great variety and\nof the highest interest for the student of savage thought and\ninstitutions. But the book has a practical as well as a scientific\nvalue. Placed in the hands of British officials engaged in the\nmaintenance of order and the administration of justice among the\nnatives, it must prove of real service to them in their task of\naffording them an insight into the habits and ideas of the people, and\nthus greatly facilitating the task of government. Indeed, without some\nsuch knowledge of the native\u2019s point of view it is impossible to govern\nhim wisely and well. The savage way of thinking is very different to\nours, and Mr Hobley is right in insisting that it is by no means\nsimple, but, on the contrary, highly complex, and that, consequently,\nit cannot be understood without long and patient study. To legislate\nfor savages on European principles of law and morality, even when the\nlegislator is inspired by none but the most benevolent intentions, is\nalways dangerous, and not seldom disastrous; for it is too often\nforgotten that native customs have grown up through a long course of\nexperience and adaptation to natural surroundings, that they correspond\nto notions and beliefs which, whether ill or well founded, are deeply\nrooted in the native mind, and that the attempt to discard them for\nothers which have been developed under totally different conditions may\ninjure instead of benefiting the people. Even when the new rules and\nhabits, which government seeks to force upon the tribes, are in\nthemselves, abstractly considered, better than the old, they may not be\nso well adapted to the mental framework of the governed, and the\nconsequence may be that the old moral restraints are abolished without\nthe substitution of any equally effective in their room. To this danger\nMr Hobley is fully alive, and he gives a timely warning on the subject\nto those well-meaning but ill-informed persons at home who would treat\nthe native African in accordance with the latest political shibboleths\nof democratic Europe. Such treatment, which its ignorant advocates seem\nto regard as a panacea for all human ills, would almost inevitably\nproduce an effect precisely the opposite of that intended: instead of\naccelerating the progress of the natives, it would probably precipitate\ntheir moral, social, and even physical decline. In practical life few\nthings are so dangerous as abstract ideas, and the indiscriminate\napplication of them to concrete realities is one of the most fatal\nweapons in the hands of the moral or political revolutionary.\n\nAmong the mass of interesting topics dealt with in Mr Hobley\u2019s book it\nis difficult to single out any for special mention in an introduction.\nThe subjects to which, on the whole, he has paid closest attention are\nnatural religion and magic. In respect of religion the author again and\nagain notes the remarkable similarities which may be traced between\nEast African and Semitic beliefs and rites, and he raises the question\nhow these similarities are to be explained. Are they due to parallel\nand independent development in the African and the Semitic races? Or\nare they the consequence of the invasion of Africa either by a Semitic\npeople or at all events by a people imbued with the principles of\nSemitic religion. In my book \u201cFolk-lore in the Old Testament\u201d [1] I had\nbeen similarly struck by some of these resemblances, and, while\nabstaining from speculation on their origin, had remarked that the\nhypothesis of derivation from a common source was not to be lightly\nrejected. On the other hand Mr Hobley thinks it safer, in the present\nstate of our knowledge, to assume that the resemblances in question\nhave arisen independently, through parallel development, in the African\nand Semitic areas. He dismisses as highly improbable the idea that the\nancient Semitic beliefs should have originated in East Africa and\nspread from there to Arabia. Yet recent investigations in this part of\nAfrica, particularly with regard to the native veins of iron and gold,\ntend in the opinion of some competent inquirers to show that East\nCentral Africa, including the region of the great lakes, was an\nextremely ancient seat of a rudimentary civilisation, the seeds of\nwhich may have been carried, whether by migration or the contact of\npeoples, to remote parts of Europe and Asia. In regard to iron, which\nhas been wrought in Central Africa from time immemorial, Mr Hobley\nquotes Professor Gregory who thinks it probable that the art of forging\nthe metal was invented in tropical Africa at a date before Europe had\nattained to the discovery and manufacture of bronze; he even suggests\nthat the ingenious smith who first fused tin and copper into bronze may\nhave borrowed the hint from the process of working iron which he had\nlearned in Africa.\n\nAmong the many curious superstitions recorded by Mr Hobley none is\nperhaps more interesting and suggestive than by the name of thahu or\nthabu, and which presents points of similarity to the Polynesian taboo.\nMr Hobley thinks that the idea involved in it is best expressed by the\nEnglish term \u201ccurse.\u201d But to this it may be objected that a curse\nimplies a personal agent, human or divine, who has called down some\nevil on the sufferer; whereas in many, indeed in most, of the cases\nenumerated by Mr Hobley there is no suggestion of such an agent, and\nthe evil which befalls the sufferer is the direct consequence of his\nown action or of a simple accident. Thus it would seem that \u201cceremonial\nuncleanness\u201d answers better to the meaning of thahu than \u201ccurse.\u201d Be\nthat as it may, deliberate cursing apparently plays a prominent part in\nthe superstition of the Kikuyu and Kamba; but it is significant that\nthey give it a different name (kirume, kiume) from that which they\napply to ceremonial uncleanness. Great faith is put in the\neffectiveness of curses, especially the curses of dying persons; and as\nthese latter curses often refer to the disposal of the dying man\u2019s\nproperty after his death and are intended to prevent the alienation of\nland from the family, Mr Hobley is led to make the ingenious suggestion\nthat in some curses we may detect the origin of entail and of\ntestamentary dispositions in general.\n\nNot a few of the customs and beliefs described by Mr Hobley remind us\nof similar practices and ideas in the religion and mythology of\nclassical antiquity. Thus the warriors who, armed with swords and\nclubs, dance or hop from foot to foot at the time when the mawele grain\nis reaped, are curiously reminiscent of the Roman Salii, the dancing or\nleaping priests of the war-god Mars, who, similarly accoutred with\nswords and staves, danced or leaped, while they invoked Saturn, the God\nof Sowing. Again, the strange sort of madness which from time to time\nseizes on Kamba women and under the influence of which, wrought up to a\nstate of frenzy, they caper about with cow\u2019s tails suspended from their\narms, offers a parallel to the Greek legend of the daughters of Pr\u0153tus\nand the other Argive women, who, oddly enough, were said like their\nAfrican sisters to have been healed of their infirmity by dances and\nthe sacrifice of cattle. [2] The study of such hysterical and\ninfectious manias among primitive peoples opens up an interesting field\nof inquiry to the psychologist.\n\nSuch are a few specimens culled from the rich collection of East\nAfrican folk-lore and religion which the author has presented to his\nreaders in this volume. The facts recorded by him provide much food for\nthought and suggest many lines of investigation for inquiries in the\nfuture. For, as he reminds us, with equal truth and modesty, the field\nof inquiry is far from being exhausted. Let us hope that it will yet\nyield an abundant harvest to others, who will follow in Mr Hobley\u2019s\nfootsteps and imitate the example he has set them of patient and\nopen-minded research.\n\n\n J. G. FRAZER.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n PAGE\n\nPreface 3\n\nIntroduction 7\n\n\nPART I\n\nNATURAL RELIGION\n\n Introductory 19\n I. Spirit Beliefs 27\n II. Sacrifice 40\n III. Sacred Stones or Village Shrines 69\n IV. The Firstfruits of Harvest and Planting Ceremonial 73\n V. Circumcision Ceremonial 77\n VI. Death and Burial Ceremonial 97\n VII. The Curse and its Manifestations\u2014\n (a) Thahu and its connection with circumcision rites, etc. 103\n (b) Purification and blessing 134\n (c) The dying curse 145\n VIII. Superstitions regarding Children and Women 154\n\n\nPART II\n\nMAGIC\n\n Introductory 165\n I. The Guild of Smiths in Kikuyu and Ukamba 167\n II. The Evil Eye 177\n III. Kikuyu Magic and Magicians 184\n IV. Miscellaneous Magical Practices 192\n\n\nPART III\n\nMISCELLANEOUS\n\n Introductory 207\n I. The Constitution and Working of Councils 209\n II. Laws of Compensation for Murder 230\n III. Ceremonial Oaths 239\n IV. War and Peace 244\n V. Miscellaneous Customs and Beliefs 250\n VI. Legends 262\n VII. Dances 266\n VIII. Women as Factor in Tribal Organisation 274\n IX. Some General Remarks 281\n X. East Africa after the War 286\n\n\nL\u2019Envoi 303\n\nGlossary 305\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\n\n\n PAGE\n\nKamba Chief, Kitui Frontispiece\n\nTypical Muthuri ya Ukuru Facing 37\n (Elder of Grade of Priest)\n\nKikuyu Muthuri or Elder 65\n (Prognathous Type)\n\nScenes at Mambura (Circumcision Festival) 81\n (1) Sugar canes over village gates\n (2) Eating ceremonial food\n (Photos by A. C. Hollis)\n Climbing the \u201cMugumu,\u201d fig tree 87\n (Photo by A. C. Hollis)\n\nKikuyu Circumcision Feast\n (1) Male candidates 113\n (2) Female candidates\n\nA Dorobo Elder, Torori 183\n (Photo by T. A. Dickson)\n\nKamba Elder with Kithito 241\n\nKikuyu\u2014Beehive Marks on Trees 254\n (Woodcut in Text)\n\nKivata Dance at Kyambu, Kikuyu 267\n (Photo by Hon. C. Dundas)\n\nKikuyu Circumcision Shield with Anthropomorphic Figures 273\n Kikuyu Methods of carrying the circumcision Shield\n (The young men parade the country with these some weeks\n before the ceremony)\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPART I\n\nNATURAL RELIGION\n\n\nINTRODUCTORY\n\n\nThe main objects of this work are to place on record the results of\ninvestigations made among the native tribes in British East Africa,\nparticularly among the Kikuyu and Kamba people, and to endeavour, from\na study of their ceremonial with regard to sacrifice and taboo, to\nobtain a better insight into the principles which underlie the outward\nforms and ceremonies of their ritual.\n\nIt has long been customary, partly through narrow-minded prejudice and\npartly through ignorance, to class as Pagans all native tribes which\nhave not yet embraced one of the great positive religions, such as\nChristianity or Mohammedanism. But the time has now come when such\nnegative definitions, if seriously applied, will have to be abandoned.\nIt must be admitted that all savages have a natural religion which is a\nsurvival of, and is analogous to, a stage of belief which existed among\nthe ancestors of the civilised peoples of the present day. The\nadmission is inevitable, however distasteful to those who are dogmatic\nin their religious beliefs and loath to admit that religious thought\nand the conception of a deity have passed through an evolutionary\nprocess and, furthermore, a process which has not ceased. For, after\nall, the development of mental and moral ideas is a part of the\nevolution of the living being as much as the development of limbs,\ncranial shape, or body markings. No positive system of religion\ndescended from heaven as a completely new concept of the deity and with\nan absolutely novel code. Such a system could never have survived. Any\nnew religious teacher could not fail to be, to a great extent, a\ncreature of his environment and of the age in which he was born. He\nmust necessarily graft his scheme on to what went before. As Robertson\nSmith so truly says, \u201ca new scheme of faith can only find a hearing by\nappealing to religious instincts and susceptibilities that already\nexist in the audience.\u201d\n\nIn East Africa, various tribes remain in a stage of belief very similar\nto that which prevailed in Arabia and Assyria from about 1500 B.C. and\nonward, and which continued till a dogmatic uniformity was forced on\nthe bulk of the people by the teachings of Mahomed about A.D. 650.\n\nAsiatic beliefs were introduced to Abyssinia by the Sab\u00e6ans or\nHimyaritic invaders a few centuries before the Christian era, but it is\ndoubtful whether they spread to any extent. For ancient religious\ninfluences on Central Africa, we must look more to the channel afforded\nby the Nile valley which had become a route of exploration as far back\nas the time of the Pharaohs. Although, however, we know that Egyptian\ninfluence was spasmodically exercised for a long distance up the Nile\nvalley, little evidence of any spiritual effect has as yet come to\nlight. This is natural, for the ancient expeditions were at long\nintervals and were not missionary enterprises, but were in search of\nmaterial gain.\n\nThe only case of permanent settlement which appears to be beyond doubt\nis the invasion into Uganda, Unyoro, and Ankole, of a light coloured\nrace, now known as the Ba-Hima or Ba-Huma. Some consider that these\npeople came from the Abyssinian highlands; Sir Harry Johnston, on the\nother hand, believes them to be descendants of ancient Egyptian\nsettlers; according to Dr Seligman they are probably descendants of\nwhat he terms Proto-Egyptians\u2014the latter description being a more\nconcrete definition based upon careful researches in the Nile valley,\nthe result of which was not available when Sir H. H. Johnston made his\nsuggestion.\n\nBut whatever the origin of the Ba-Hima, there appears to be no trace of\nthis infusion of northern blood anywhere east of the Rift Valley,\nexcept, possibly, among the Masai who are believed to have migrated\nsouth-east from the valley of the Upper Nile. The Nandi, the Lako and\nSavei of Elgon, the Lumbwa and Elgeyo also came from the north-west,\nbut did not cross the Rift.\n\nThe Kikuyu absorbed some Masai blood from time to time, and also\nintermixed to some extent with the aboriginal Oggiek, but they are\nmainly Bantu in blood and constitution. The Kamba people, whose\nancestors flowed into their present habitat from the south and\nsouth-west, are believed to be pure Bantu.\n\nWe have, therefore, no evidence as to where the ancestors of the Kikuyu\nor Kamba lived about two thousand years ago, and, further, whether they\nwere affected by Semitic culture in remote times.\n\nIt is, moreover, highly improbable that the ancient Semitic beliefs\nshould have originated in East Africa. We must, therefore, decide\nwhether such similarity as we find to-day is merely a case of parallel\nand unconnected development, or the result of an ancient invasion of a\nSemitic race or possibly of a race which had adopted Semitic beliefs.\nIn the present state of knowledge it will be safer to assume that this\nsimilarity is due to parallel development, many examples of which may\nbe found in other parts of the world.\n\nIt is, however, necessary to make it clear that if there should have\nbeen any Semitic influence it cannot have been derived from the Arab\nsettlements on the East Coast of Africa, founded during the last few\nhundred years. Their political hold of the country never extended much\nbeyond the tidal waters, and their only social influence was the slight\none exercised at intermittent intervals by a slave raiding or ivory\ntrading expedition. No ancient trace of Mohammedanism can be found\namong the people under consideration, and their present stage of\nculture is pre-Islamic in point of time.\n\nThe religious beliefs of the tribes of Kikuyu and Ukamba generally\nconsist of a rudimentary conception of a high god, corresponding more\nor less to the old Hebrew concept of Jahveh. To the bulk of the\npeasantry this idea is naturally very vague and practically\nsubconscious. But the elders of what may be termed the \u201chigh place\u201d are\nbelieved to have a clear conception of it, and their deity is\napparently of the kind which can be influenced and appeased by material\nattentions. The belief in ancestral spirits\u2014ngoma or aiimu\u2014is the\npredominating spiritual factor in the minds of the great majority of\nthe people. These are ever present, and the relations between men and\nspirits are in accordance with the actual patriarchal state of society.\nThe spirits must not be ignored, for are they not of the blood kin? If\nneglected, they will be angry and punish their children. But naturally\nno rancour is felt when such punishments are inflicted. There is a\ntotal absence of religious intolerance about this cult; failure to\nworship or failure to contribute to a sacrifice brings its own\nretribution, and the spirits are swift in detecting a delinquent.\n\nThese spirits are not necessarily evil, but there is little doubt that\nthe character of the spirit is believed to reflect to some extent the\ncharacter of the person from whom it came, and the power of the spirit\nis intimately connected with the position of the person in the tribe.\nThis explains to some extent why an ordinary person is cast out at\ndeath, whereas an elder, qualified to take part in sacrificial\nceremonies, receives burial. The burial is probably pleasing to the\nspirit, and the spirit of an elder possesses more power than that of an\nuninitiated common person. All spirits, however, appear to be\nrelentless and malignant when neglected, and remain so until they are\nappeased. At times they are said to assist their clients, and, through\na suitable medium, to warn the people of an impending raid.\n\nIn old Semitic records the evil spirits or jinn loom very large; they\nare usually referred to as devils in the Old Testament. They have no\ncontinuous or fixed personal relations with mankind, but have their own\nparticular haunts in desert places, caves, and so forth. They are, so\nto speak, outlaws; they appear to man either in human or animal form,\nand if one is killed, a solid carcase is believed to remain. Among the\nancient Semites, the belief became very elaborate and survives to this\nday in out-of-the-way places. These unwholesome creatures were even\nclassified more or less definitely as jinni, ghouls, mared, lilith,\nsedim, and so forth.\n\nAmong our African tribes this cult, however, has fortunately not\ndeveloped to any great extent. It may, of course, have been forgotten,\nor it may have disappeared, but there are still a few traces of it\nleft. A Kamba story, for instance, tells of two girls who took shelter\nin a cave during a storm. A centipede came in while they were there and\nthe girls threw it outside. But the centipede was an evil spirit and\nrevenged itself by closing up the entrance to the cave, so that the\ngirls were starved to death. This story might have come straight from\nCentral Arabia and be that of a jinni, the sedim of the Talmud, who\nwere supposed to assume any form they wished. The deity or the\nancestral spirit is appeased by means of sacrifice or libations,\ncarried out either privately or communally according to the\ncircumstances. A considerable amount of detailed information concerning\nthese has been collected, which it may be interesting to compare with\nsimilar practices described in the Old Testament and other ancient\nliterature.\n\nThe aiimu ya Kitombo referred to in \u201cEthnology of the A-Kamba\u201d (p. 89),\nand the unnatural creature said to be seen at Manyani (p. 87, op.\ncit.), should also very probably be placed in this class.\n\nThe widespread prevalence of \u201ctaboo\u201d among these tribes is very\nsurprising, as it is a subject which is rarely mentioned and certainly\nnever openly discussed. It has, nevertheless, reached a pitch of\nconsiderable elaboration. The reason for many of the prohibitions is\nobvious, but that of others is extremely obscure.\n\nThe tribes under review have a very definite idea of prayer. Their\nappeals to the deity take place regularly at the sacred place, either\non the occasion of sacrifice or when pouring out libations to the\nspirits. Examples of these are given later. This form of supplication\nis probably much more common than we are inclined to think. But it is\nno easy matter to induce people to give a definite enumeration of minor\nrites which they perform constantly and as a matter of course. The\nA-Kamba, for instance, when on a journey, and when leaving a spot where\nthey have camped, throw a firebrand on their path and pray that the\nparty should reach its destination in safety and proceed together in\namity. This is done by the head of the party, the next man throwing a\nfew leaves on the firebrand and stepping on it. It is a pretty custom,\nalthough a European of the present day might consider it a somewhat\nstrenuous method of expressing gratitude! But when people are\nconstantly travelling through parts of a country infested with lions,\nand when their only protection from wild animals is a small camp fire,\none can perhaps understand that they should think it advisable to keep\non the right side of the deity.\n\nAt Kikuyu, a man was once seized with a sudden fit. When he recovered\nconsciousness, he was given a little water. Before drinking it, he\npromptly poured a few drops in front of him, then on his right side,\nthen on his left. This was meant as a kind of silent prayer of\nthanksgiving for recovery. He stated that it was his muungu who had\nattacked him thus.\n\nCharms are also very common. Many of them are in the nature of\nsympathetic magic, whilst others are merely a form of perpetual prayer,\nor rather, of materialised prayers. A German missionary, named Brutzer,\ngives a good example, and describes the charms worn by a Kamba friend;\none was worn round his neck to protect him against witchcraft in\ngeneral; on his wrist was a bracelet containing a charm which would\nwarn him should there be poison in any beer which might be offered to\nhim; if his hand shook on raising the gourd to his lips, it would be a\nsign of poison. From his elbow two pieces of wood were suspended to\nprotect him from snake bites. And hanging from his waist was a chain to\nensure riches.\n\nThere are also charms against infection; these are carried by a man\nwhen visiting a sick friend. There are charms worn when going to war,\ncharms worn when love-making, to ensure the return of affection. The\ncharms usually consist of powdered wood, roots and herbs. The advice of\na medicine man is sought and he recommends a certain plant or tree.\nGrain is taken to the plant or tree indicated, and six times a single\ngrain is thrown at the tree, the remainder of the grain being thrown\nthe seventh time only. This possibly signifies a sacrifice to the\nspirit of the tree. The plant is then dug up, or a piece of wood cut\noff the root of the tree and dried and powdered. Sometimes a firebrand\nand water are taken to the tree; in this case, the water is placed on\nthe ground, and the supplicant, closing his eyes, walks six times round\nthe tree, then stands under it, facing east, and prays, with eyes still\nclosed: \u201cTree, I have a favour to ask\u2014I have a sick child or wife or\nbrother\u201d\u2014as the case may be\u2014\u201cand know not the origin of his sickness,\nas he has no trouble with anyone. I come to ask a favour. I come to\nyou, O Tree, to treat him for it that he may be cured.\u201d\n\nAccording to some of the missionaries, the natives believe that the\nfate of each individual from birth to death is decided beforehand; they\nbelieve, in fact, in predestination. I myself have discovered no trace\nof this. A native will sometimes say of a bad character, \u201cOh, he was\nborn a bad lot,\u201d but this seems to me too vague a statement to serve as\nthe basis of a theory. Conscience does not loom very large as a rule.\nThe Reverend Hoffman, who lived for many years in Kitui, however,\nquotes a saying which undoubtedly shows that the natives have some\nfaint notion of the meaning of it: \u201cAka nwa Engai\u201d or \u201cGod will find\nhim.\u201d Thus do the Kamba refer to an evil-doer.\n\nThe Kamba account of creation is very vague. The first man is said to\nhave been produced by the high god Engai out of an ant-hill by the sea,\nand from him all men are descended. He is referred to as imuuma ndi (he\nwho came out of the earth).\n\nAccording to the Reverend Hoffman, there is a saying that \u201cthe bird was\ncreated on the fifth day, and the imundu mwei on the sixth day.\u201d No\nfurther explanation of this curious saying is given. The ordinary\nmeaning of mundu mwei is \u201cman of power or wisdom,\u201d and it is used of\nthe medicine man. But in the saying above quoted, it probably refers to\nmankind generically as opposed to other animals.\n\nGenerally speaking, the tribes under consideration attribute the\nexistence of the world and of its inhabitants to creation by Engai.\nVery little abstract spirituality is to be found in their religion.\nAlmost everything is concrete, and, according to their point of view,\nstrictly logical. The same is probably true of all religions\nappertaining to human beings on a similar plane of culture.\n\nThis aspect of religion is a great snare to the European student. Being\nthe product of a far more complex environment and having been brought\nup under the influence of religions of a higher type, he finds it\nextremely difficult to avoid either reading more into a ceremony than\nactually exists, or, on the other hand, he is apt to overlook some\napparently trivial point which may be of deep significance to the\nworshipper.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I\n\nSPIRIT BELIEFS\n\n\nAncestral Spirits.\u2014The belief in the vitality of the ancestral spirits\nis very strong among both the Kikuyu and the Kamba peoples; the former\ncall them Ngoma and the latter Aiimu (singular Imu). The A-Kamba\ndeclare that the life breath ngo becomes the Imu. Curiously enough, the\ndisembodied spirit was called Edimmu by the ancient Assyrians\n(according to R. C. Thompson in \u201cSemitic Magic\u201d), and they also\nbelieved that the soul could return to earth and that ghosts were\nresponsible for many body ills.\n\nUnder ordinary circumstances, when a person died and was duly buried\nhis soul entered the underworld, \u201cthe house of darkness, the seat of\nthe god Irkalla, the house from which none come forth again.\u201d This\nwould seem to correspond to the Sheol of the Hebrews.\n\nThe Assyrian word Edimmu (the root of which is immu) is practically\nidentical with the Kamba word for the same conception, but there is no\nevidence to show that the identity is anything but accidental.\n\nThe belief in the ancestral spirit is merely a form of the belief in a\nsoul, with the difference that the present-day religions of the\ncivilised world would not admit that the spirits of the departed could\ninterfere with the life of man. We still find traces of this belief in\nEurope in the Feast of All Souls, and in curious ceremonies which take\nplace in some countries on St John\u2019s Eve.\n\nThe Yezidis of Mesopotamia believe that the spirits of the good inhabit\nthe air, whilst the Kikuyu believe that the ancestral spirits live\nunderground, and the Kamba that they inhabit certain sacred fig trees.\nThis latter belief would seem to be particularly widespread. It is\nprevalent all over India, and examples of it are to be found at most\nplaces along the east coast of Africa.\n\nThe Kikuyu will tell you that there is only one ngoma or spirit for\neach person, and that women as well as men possess it. Cattle are said\nto have no ngoma, but sometimes they may become possessed with that of\nhuman beings, and an evil spirit will now and again enter their body in\nthe hope of destroying the poor beast. An animal so possessed is easily\nrecognised by its peculiar behaviour; it goes about shaking its head,\nand tears stream from its eyes. This spirit may be of the same nature\nas the evil demons of Semitic mythology. The Kikuyu declare that it can\nbe driven out by getting the possessed animal to sniff the smoke of a\nfire made of the dry fruit of the tree known as Kigelia musa. They\nbelieve that the high god Engai can control the actions of the ngoma,\nand they sometimes go to a sacred fig tree, mugumu, and beseech Engai\nto protect the people from evil spirits.\n\nIt is said that the ngoma of a murdered man flies straight back to his\nfather\u2019s village and, as a rule, hovers around it; but, should the\nmurderer run away and hide, the ngoma of his victim will often pursue\nand haunt him or else influence events in such a way that the guilty\none will be discovered and handed over to the authorities, who will\ndeal with him according to tribal law.\n\nI endeavoured to find out from the elders whether the spirit or soul\nwas supposed to be present in the body during life. But they declared\nthat all they knew was that ngere, the life breath, was present during\nlife, and between this and the soul they seemed to make no difference.\nThey believe, however, that it is dangerous to wake a man suddenly, as\nhis ngere is away, and, in this semi-conscious condition, he is very\napt to strike you if he should happen to have a weapon at hand.\n\nThey have quite a clear conception of the ngoma or spirit of the\ndeparted, the character of which is said to be similar to that of the\nperson during his or her lifetime.\n\nUnlike the people of Kavirondo, they have no fear of treading on a\nman\u2019s shadow.\n\nThere are no particular customs connected with suicide, although\nsuicide is certainly not unknown among them. When people hang or stab\nor drown themselves they are supposed to have been possessed by a\nmalevolent spirit.\n\nThe general attitude of the people towards the ancestral spirits has\nbeen described in the introductory chapter, and many concrete examples\nwill be found in the accounts of the various ceremonies given later.\nThe influence of these spirit beliefs among the Kamba people has been\nvery clearly set forth by the Hon. C. Dundas in his paper on Kitui,\nR.A.I.J., Vol. xliii, 1913, page 534 et seq.\n\nA quotation from an Assyrian tablet some three thousand years old,\nwhich R. C. Thompson refers to in his \u201cSemitic Magic,\u201d shows how slowly\nman changes:\n\n\n \u201cThe Gods which seize (upon man)\n Have come forth from the grave.\n The evil wind gusts\n Have come forth from the grave\n To demand the payment of rites and pouring of libations.\n They have come forth from the grave,\n Have come like a whirlwind.\u201d\n\n\nThe author goes on to say: \u201cNow if the attentions of its friends on\nearth should cease and the soul should find nothing to eat and drink,\nthen it was driven by force of hunger to come back to earth to demand\nits due.\u201d This psalm-like utterance might equally well have been made\nby a Kikuyu or a Kamba of the present day.\n\nThe intense desire of Africans for offspring is probably due to the\nfact that children are expected to sacrifice to the spirits of their\ndead parents, and the ghost of one who has left no posterity is\ntherefore in a piteous plight. The spirits generally manifest\nthemselves through certain women who, falling into a trance, give\nutterance to the message with which they are charged (\u201cEthnology of the\nA-Kamba,\u201d p. 86). This reminds one of Saul going to Endor to visit a\nwoman with a familiar spirit (Sam. xxviii. 7).\n\nSpirits are also said to manifest themselves and give messages to men\nin dreams.\n\nThe Kitui people say that sometimes when a snake, crawling outside a\nhut, is attacked, it will suddenly vanish, and they then know that it\nwas the imu of a deceased person which had either assumed the form of a\nsnake or entered the body of a snake. A few days afterwards, a woman\nwill become possessed and fall into a state of semi-trance, and the imu\nwill speak through her mouth and say: \u201cI came into the village the\nother day, and So-and-so wanted to strike me.\u201d Whereupon the people\nthink it just as well to sacrifice a goat to sooth the feelings of the\ninjured spirit.\n\nThe Kamba people, unlike the Kikuyu, do not believe that spirits enter\ninto kimbu or caterpillars.\n\nWhen a hy\u00e6na comes and howls near a village, it is looked upon as an\nevil omen and as a token of death, and the beast is generally driven\naway and killed, if possible. They very probably believe that an evil\ndemon has assumed the shape of a hy\u00e6na. In the Assyrian tablets mention\nis made of a spirit called Alu which slinks through the streets at\nnight like a pariah dog and harms people.\n\nThere is a curious custom in Ukamba which throws some light on the\nspiritual beliefs of the people. If a young unmarried man is killed\naway from his village, his imu or spirit will return there and speak to\nthe people through the medium of an old woman in a dance (see p. 86,\nauthor\u2019s work on the A-Kamba), and say, \u201cI am So-and-so speaking, and I\nwant a wife.\u201d The youth\u2019s father will then make arrangements to buy a\ngirl from another village and bring her to his, and she will be\nmentioned as the wife of the deceased, speaking of him by name. She\nwill presently be married to a brother of the deceased, but she must\ncontinue to live in the village where the deceased had his home.\n\nIf at any time the corporeal husband beats or ill-treats her, and she\nin consequence runs away to her father, the imu of the deceased will\ncome and pester the people of the village and they will have bad luck;\nit will probably ask, through the usual medium, why his wife has been\nill-treated and driven away. The head of the family will then take\nsteps to induce the girl to return for fear of the wrath of the spirit\nof his deceased son.\n\nTo those who wish to obtain full insight into the sociology of these\npeople, it is of the utmost importance to have a clear understanding of\nthe native\u2019s point of view, and to bear in mind that the ancestral\nspirits are a very real and vital thing to him and have a very deep\ninfluence upon his life.\n\nThe leaders of psychical research allege that the survival of human\npersonality after death has been scientifically proved, and that, under\nfavourable circumstances, communications from the dead have been\nreceived. If this be so, might it not be said that races on a lower\nplane of culture are possibly more sensitive to such influences and\nthat their belief in the activity of the ancestral spirits is therefore\nnot wholly unreasonable? The evidence for this, however, is at present\nquite insufficient to satisfy most, although we think that the question\nis one which deserves further consideration.\n\nTree Spirits.\u2014When clearing a forest to make a cultivated field, the\nKikuyu people generally leave a large and conspicuous tree in the\nclearing. Such a tree is called murema kiriti and is believed to\ncollect the spirits from all other trees which have been cut down in\nthe vicinity. We have here an interesting example of animism, the\nspirits so collected being most emphatically declared to be tree, and\nnot human spirits. Now if this tree shows signs of decay and is liable\nto be blown down, they decide to fell it. Before taking this step,\nhowever, they sacrifice a red ram at the foot of the tree, the ram\nbeing, as usual, killed by suffocation. The tree is then cut down, and\nwhen this is done, the elders take branches from two sacred bushes,\nmukenya and muthakwa, and plant them on each side of the stump of the\nfallen tree; two elders cut the mukenya, and two the muthakwa. The\nelders then say \u201cNitukuria muti tutemeti,\u201d which means \u201cWe pray for\nthis tree we have cut down,\u201d and pour the melted tail-fat of the ram\nover the stump, smearing the tatha or stomach contents of the animal\nover the trunk of the fallen tree. The wood from such a tree can only\nbe used by a senior elder, by a very old woman, or for the making of\nbeehives. If young people were to use this particular fuel, they would\nbecome ill or die; old people are supposed to be ordinarily immune\nagainst the operation of most curses or thahu. It is believed that when\na tree is cut down the spirits leave it and settle in another big tree,\nand, if the above ceremonial is observed, they are not angry and do not\nvent their spite upon the people, or, as they say, no thahu falls upon\nthem. If such a tree blows down, the spirits are supposed to avenge\nthemselves on the elders, who are held responsible for not having taken\nthe necessary precautions, and they are very apt to die.\n\nThere is great similarity between this and the lore concerning the\nspirit of the oak, mentioned by Professor Frazer. And, from a different\npoint of view, it may also be considered as an example of the slaying\nof the divine king, expressed in terms of trees: fear that harm may\nbefall the spirit or spirits of the tree, and the consequent ceremonial\nkilling of the tree and arranging for the comfortable and formal\nmigration of the spirits to another tree, or to a new dwelling place.\n\nThe A-Kamba of Kibwezi have a similar belief: before cutting down a big\nsolitary tree in a clearing, an elder and a very old woman must pour\nbeer and corn at its foot. The man pours out the beer, and the woman\nthe corn. The tree is then felled, and, taking a branch from it, they\nplace it against another tree some little distance away, and declare\nthat the spirit of the fallen tree will then go quietly into its new\nabode.\n\nIn Ukamba of Ulu, Mr Osborne states that his people told him that to\nfell an ithembo tree would, of course, be considered absolute\nsacrilege, and according to tradition it was the felling of an ithembo\ntree on the Iveti Hills by an official of the I.B.E.A. Co. which gave\nrise to the attacks by the A-Kamba on the Government Station at\nMachakos in about 1892.\n\nLarge trees, however, which are not ithembo trees appear to have a\ncertain sanctity, and when, for reasons of utility or safety, the\nfelling of such trees becomes necessary the following ceremony is\npractised:\n\nThe trunk of the tree to be felled is plastered with the sap of the\nwaithu shrub as a ngnondu.\n\nA small branch of the tree is broken off and placed against some\nsmaller tree in the vicinity.\n\nSome earth at the foot of the tree is also taken and placed at the foot\nof the smaller tree.\n\nThe elders then assemble with some beer at the tree to be cut down, and\na little of the beer is poured out at the foot of the doomed tree,\naccompanied by some such prayer as\u2014\u201cWe give this beer as a gift to the\nEngai, if one lives here, and ask him to go to another tree.\u201d\n\nThe rest of the beer is then drunk by the assembled elders.\n\nThe larger parts of the tree are taken by the elders of ithembo to\nmanufacture into honey barrels, whilst the rest is carried off as\nfirewood by the women entitled to sacrifice at the ithembo.\n\nNon-observance of this ceremony is supposed to bring death on the man\nwho cuts the tree down, and on all who make use of the timber.\n\nMiscellaneous Spirit Worship.\u2014There are some traces of the belief in\nriver spirits. For instance, at places where there are waterfalls like\non the Chania and Thika, the elders, in passing, will spit into the\nriver or throw a little grass into it.\n\nThere is a sacred rock near Thembigwa, close to a stream called\nKichii\u2014a tributary of the Ruaraka\u2014where the natives pluck tufts of\ngrass as they pass by and throw them on the rock.\n\nIf a tree has blown down and fallen across the path, grass is again\nplaced on the fallen trunk. Sometimes, too, stones are laid on a fallen\ntree. When people come upon the skull of a dead elephant in the bush,\nthey also place grass on it.\n\nThe origin of all these customs appears to be lost.\n\nCertain plants are believed to be maleficent, and are possibly thought\nto be connected with bad spirits. There is a creeper called mwinyuria,\nwhich is said to possess sap like blood; the story is told how one day,\nnear Kirawa, three men named Nbota, Kigondu, and Kacheru, cut one of\nthese plants which was growing near a sacred fig tree, and died the\nsame day. When cut, the released end is alleged to spring out like the\nlash of a whip. This creeper is rare in Kikuyu, but is said to be\ncommon in the Kibwezi bush.\n\nThe Scapegoat.\u2014The Kikuyu have a ceremony which appears to be an\nundoubted example of a belief which may be grouped with the Semitic\ndoctrine of the scapegoat.\n\nIf a serious epidemic visits a village, the elders take a ram, a\nhe-goat or a ewe lamb which has not yet borne, mwati, and slaughter it\nat the village. They cut pieces of meat from the carcase and impale\nthem on wooden skewers, ndara or njibe. The men and women of the\nvillage then each take a piece, walk away some distance from the\nvillage and throw it into the bush. They firmly believe that the\ndisease will be carried away with the pieces of meat.\n\nThe remaining meat is roasted at a fire and eaten by the villagers; the\nbones are collected at the place where the meat was roasted and are\nbroken up and the marrow extracted and eaten. Beer is prepared, and\nnext morning at dawn, some is poured on the bones and the hy\u00e6nas come\nand carry off the fragments.\n\nWhen they pour the libation of beer on the place of the fire, they pray\nas follows: \u201cTwa oria ichua twa oria murimu utika choke muchi\u201d\u2014which\nmeans, \u201cWe put out the fire at the place where we roasted the meat, we\nput out the sickness so that it cannot return again to our village.\u201d\n\nEveryone must be awakened before the beer is poured out. The beer is\nput into an ox-horn and into a piece of gourd, ndayi, the former being\nheld in the right hand and the latter in the left. The beer in the\nright hand is poured out first to appease the male ngoma, that in the\nleft to appease the female ngoma.\n\nFrom the ceremony taking place at the village it is clear that the\npeople believe that the ancestral spirits alone require to be\npropitiated.\n\nThe Scapegoat Idea in Kitui.\u2014If a village is afflicted by a serious\nsickness, the headman will call in a medicine man who concocts some\nmedicine by grinding up the roots of the following plants: muthumba,\nkiongoa (an aloe), mulema, nthata, kivumbu, and mutaa. A small boy and\ngirl are then chosen from among the inhabitants, the villagers all\ncongregate together, and the small boy leads a goat twice round the\ngroup, followed by the little girl and led by the medicine man; the\nparty then passes through the centre of the group of people. The\nmedicine man next makes an incision in the right ear of the goat, and\nthe blood from this is allowed to drip into a half gourd containing the\nabove-mentioned magical concoction, mixed with water. The villagers\nthen form up into a procession and, led by the medicine man, run for\nsome distance into the bush towards the setting sun, no one being\nallowed to look backwards. The medicine man then stops and throws the\nmixture of medicine and blood in front of him, and the people return.\nThis ceremony is performed in the early afternoon, after two p.m. That\nnight, the village head must cohabit with his wife. This point is\nconsidered a matter of such importance that the elder has to take the\nkithito oath that it has been done.\n\nA Kikuyu Oracle.\u2014There lives in South Kikuyu-land an elder named\nKichura or Thiga wa Wairumbi wa Kaumo of the Kachiko clan and the\nNjenga generation or rika, who is credited with the extraordinary power\nof being the recipient of messages from the Supreme Being, and in\nconsequence possesses the gift of prophecy. He was interviewed and\ncross-examined by the writer, and stated that at intervals, about twice\na year, during the night, he falls into a deeper sleep than usual, a\ntrance in fact, and that while in this condition he is taken out of his\nbed and statements are made to him by a voice, but he cannot see who\ngives him the message. The trance always occurs at night, and he is\ngenerally taken outside his house while in this cataleptic condition,\nbut says that he never remembers being able to distinguish the huts or\nany familiar objects in the village. The interior of the hut appears to\nhim to be lighted up, and the message comes with a booming sound which\nhe understands.\n\nHe stated that one day when visiting an elder named Kibutu, he was\nseized during the night and taken bodily through the thatch of the\nroof, and was found on the top of the hut next morning. On another\noccasion a young man of the warrior class, mwanake, belonging to his\nvillage, was sleeping alongside him in his hut when he was temporarily\ncarried off, and the young man\u2019s hair all came off as if it had been\nshaved, and in the morning it was found lying in a heap on the floor by\nthe bed, the owner having no idea how this had occurred.\n\nHe does not sleep in an ordinary hut with his wife, but in a thengira\nor bachelor hut with another elder. When he is seized with one of his\ntrances the other elder will wake up and find he has gone, but does not\nsee him go or return.\n\nThe day following one of his seizures he collects the elders and\ndelivers his message. He states that after one of these seizures he is\nvery exhausted, and for three days cannot rise from his bed. His father\nand paternal grandfather had this gift or power. His father told him\nthat his paternal grandmother had three breasts, two on her bosom and\none on her back, but he did not say whether he considered that this had\nany connection with the other phenomena.\n\nHe stated that he believed the gift came from God and not from the\nngoma or ancestral spirits, and that if he did not deliver to the\npeople the messages he received he would be stricken with sickness. He\nsays that he was invested with this power when he was a stripling, soon\nafter he had been circumcised. One morning he woke up with his two\nhands tightly clasped, and he passed blood instead of urine for nine\ndays. A big medicine man named Wangnendu was then called in, a goat was\nkilled, and the medicine man tied rukwaru bracelets of the skin on to\nthe patient\u2019s wrists. The h\u00e6maturia then stopped, and his hands\nrelaxed, and he was able to open them, and it was found that he had\nfifteen mbugu in each hand. These are white stones such as are used in\na medicine man\u2019s divination gourd. The medicine man then brought a\nsmall medicine gourd and placed the mbugu therein.\n\nKichura still has the gourd with the thirty mbugu, and relates how on\none occasion his hut was burnt down and his gourd was destroyed in the\nfire, but that the mbugu were found quite uninjured in the ashes. He\nwas asked whether he considered that his powers were intimately\nconnected with these stones; he declared that he did not believe he\ncould lose them, but if by some mischance, however, they should be lost\nGod would give him some more, and that even if they were lost he would\nreceive oracles as before.\n\nHe gave examples of the kind of messages he received. On one occasion,\nsome time before the advent of Europeans, he was told that the Masai\nwould be severely stricken with small-pox, and that subsequently many\nwould settle among the Kikuyu, and shortly afterwards it happened\naccordingly. On another occasion he was told that a white race would\nenter the country and that they and the Kikuyu would live side by side\nin this country, and now it has come to pass.\n\nHe was seized before the great famine of 1900 and foretold its arrival.\nLater, he was told to inform the Kikuyu to sacrifice a white sheep, a\nred sheep, and a black male goat at the mugumu, sacred fig trees, and\nthat the chief Kinanjui was to sacrifice a mori, white heifer, at the\nhead waters of the Mbagathi River. These orders were obeyed, and the\nfamine and small-pox were lifted from the land.\n\nEarly in the present season he was told that the maize and other grains\nwould be lost by drought, and that the food now being planted (April,\n1911) would come to a good harvest. He was also told that during the\npresent year the young people would suffer greatly from dysentery, and\nthat they were to sacrifice sheep at the sacred fig trees, and that the\nwomen and children were to put bracelets from the skins of the\nsacrificed sheep on their wrists. Many have done so, and those who have\nobeyed will escape the visitation. After this he says that small-pox\nwill come from the west of the country, and attack people from Karuri\u2019s\n(east slopes of Nandarua Mountain) to Limoru. The disease will\ngradually work its course eastward and decrease in intensity. When he\ndelivers one of his oracular utterances the athuri ya kiama, elders of\nthe council, bring him a sheep and a gourd of beer. He kills the former\nand eats it, and the beer is returned to the elders to drink.\n\nHe says that sometimes when rain does not come he is accused of\nstopping it, but that such accusations are due to ignorance, as he is\nmerely the unconscious and involuntary agent for utterances from a\nSupreme Power, and that all he can do in such cases is to take a sheep\nto a sacred fig tree, sacrifice it there, and pray for rain, just like\nany other elder who is qualified to do so.\n\nIn Ukamba, many years ago, a famous medicine man, Kathengi by name, is\nsaid to have prophesied the coming of the white men and their\ndomination of the country.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II\n\nSACRIFICE\n\n\nAlthough this rite has often been referred to and described in a\nsomewhat desultory way by various writers, it seems to have received\nvery little serious attention. The subject is, however, one which\nundoubtedly contains many features of great interest and is certainly\ndeserving of special examination and study. There is little doubt that\nif we can only fully understand the relations of a people to their gods\nwe have advanced a long way towards a realisation of their moral and\nintellectual development.\n\nIt is first proposed to examine the Kikuyu ceremonial.\n\nAmong this tribe sacrifice is of two kinds:\n\n(1) The sacrifice at the sacred fig tree, or mugumu, which is always\nintended as an act of communion with a deity or high god called Engai.\n\nThis sacrifice may be either a communal rite, or it may be a personal\nmatter for the head of a village.\n\n(2) The other sacrifice is carried out in a village and is intended as\nan offering to the spirits of the ancestors who are supposed to live\nunderground. This may be either a communal or an individual act.\n\nDotted about Kikuyu are numbers of great wild fig trees (Ficus\ncapensis), many of which are used from generation to generation as\nsacred shrines or places of sacrifice, called mugumu or muti wa Engai.\n\nCertain big medicine men like Njau wa Kabocha have special trees; it\nappears that the original choice of a tree as a sacred place devolved\non certain notable medicine men, and if a sacred tree happens to fall\nowing to age, the elders assemble there and sacrifice a ram and a male\ngoat; they eat one half and leave the other half of each carcase at the\ntree and pour the fat over the stump of the fallen tree to appease the\ndeity.\n\nIt is then the duty of the local magician and the elders of ukuru to\nchoose another tree. They sacrifice at the new tree, and if their\nprayers are answered they know that it is acceptable to Engai, but, if\nafter several trials no result is obtained, they dedicate another to\nthe service of Engai.\n\nThe idea of sacrilege is very marked. If, for instance, an impious\nperson cuts a portion of a sacred tree, dire results are believed to\nensue, and the elders make the offender pay a ram and a male goat.\nThese are sacrificed at the tree, and the elders apply a strip of the\nskin to the place where the incision was made in the tree and anoint it\nwith fat and the tatha or stomach contents. The breast of the ram is\ncut off and hung in the tree, and the remainder of the carcase and the\nwhole of the carcase of the goat, eaten by the elders.\n\nNo beast or bird can be killed or shot in a sacred tree. The sacred\ntree and its environs is often called Kithangaona cha inja, which means\nthe \u201csacred place of the ceremonies.\u201d On the occasion of a sacrifice\nthe elders of ukuru send word to the elders of Athamaki or Athuri ya\nmburi nne or elders of four goats and any senior to that grade, saying\ntuthieni mutini\u2014\u201cLet us go to the tree.\u201d No elder whose father is alive\ncan attend. No elder must go to the tree in a state of anger; no one\nmust display anger with a wife, child, or even a stranger the day\nbefore he attends at the tree.\n\nElders of both of the circumcision guilds go together to the sacred\ntree and also elders of all clans.\n\nIf two elders, or their people, have a blood feud they are not allowed\nto attend or take part in a sacrifice at the sacred tree until the feud\nis at an end; if they do, they are supposed to die.\n\nA person who is alien to the tribe, but who has been formally admitted\nto it, may attend a sacrifice.\n\nOaths or ordeals are not administered at the sacred tree.\n\nStrict celibacy must be observed the night before they go to sacrifice\nand the night after. The night before, they sleep in their usual huts,\nbut the night after, they sleep in the thengira or goat hut. The\nmorning following the sacrifice they go and bathe in a river and then\nresume their ordinary life.\n\nA departure from this rule of celibacy by anyone present will entirely\nspoil the efficacy of the sacrifice, and, if an offender is discovered,\nhe will have to pay a fine of two goats, and the elders will spit on\nhim ceremonially and sacrifice afresh on the following day.\n\nArms must not be taken to the sacred tree. The elders wear their usual\ngarments.\n\nThe following things are collected on the day before the sacrifice at\nthe village of the elder who provides the sacrificial ram, and that\nnight they stay at his village:\n\n\n 2 gourds of honey beer.\n 2 gourds of sugar cane beer.\n 1 cooking pot.\n 1 half gourd.\n 1 small knife for skinning the sacrifice\n and making the incision to bleed it.\n\nThe sacrifice is always a ram, and it is called ngorima. One year it\nwill be black, but if that particular year the seasons are not\npropitious they consider that the deity is displeased and therefore\nchange the colour, choosing either a red or a white one.\n\nIn former times a he-goat was said to be sacrificed before going to\nwar. The ram must have the clan mark on its ears, and must also have\nhad its tail cut.\n\nThe provision of the sacrificial animals is settled by the elders, who\npick the donors by rotation. At a specially important sacrificial\nceremony, however, an important medicine man is called in and decides\nwho shall provide the ram.\n\nThe proper time for a communal sacrifice is about two p.m., but private\nsacrifices take place at nine a.m.\n\nIt is said that the later time is usual for a communal sacrifice\nbecause it takes some time for elders who live far away to reach the\nplace.\n\nWhen the assembly arrives at the tree, one of the elders lifts up the\nram into a standing position on its hind legs, facing the tree. This is\ncalled Kurugamia ngorima mugumuini\u2014\u201cTo stand the ram before the tree.\u201d\nThe idea is probably to show the sacrificial animal ceremonially to the\ndeity.\n\nOnly senior elders are allowed to go to the actual foot of the tree,\nand the elders of the four goat grade collect the wood for the ichua\nfire.\n\nA gourd of honey and one of sugar cane beer are then poured into the\nground at the base of the tree and the elders call out: \u201cTwa kuthaitha\nEngai twa kuhoia mburi twa kuhoia indo chiothi\u201d\u2014\u201cWe pray to God, we\nsacrifice a goat, we offer all things.\u201d\n\nIt is curious that they use the word mburi, which really signifies a\ngoat, whilst the Kikuyu use the word mburi in a collective sense,\nwhich, in this way, often refers to sheep as well as goats.\n\nThe sheep is then suffocated by clasping its muzzle. As soon as it is\ninsensible, but before it is actually dead, its throat is pierced by\nthe sacrificial knife and the blood is collected in the half gourd\ncalled kinga, mentioned above. The blood is then poured out at the foot\nof the sacred tree, cf. Exodus xxix. 10: \u201cAnd thou shalt slay the ram\nand thou shalt take his blood and sprinkle it round about upon the\naltar.\u201d The animal can be strangled by any elder present, and it does\nnot appear to be the duty of any particular person to pierce the\nanimal\u2019s throat. It is said that the animal is strangled so that its\nlife breath should not escape. A sheep killed for food is also\nstrangled, but an animal which has its throat cut can also be eaten.\n\nShould an ox be killed, it is stabbed at the back of the neck, but an\nox is said never to be offered as a sacrifice.\n\nThe right half of the carcase is then skinned, that portion being cut\naway and removed, and the left half wrapped in the skin and placed at\nthe foot of the tree and left there. This is believed to be eaten by a\nhy\u00e6na or wild cat which is moved to do so by the deity.\n\nA fire is then lit at a little distance from the tree and the pieces of\nmeat from it are stuck on skewers, roasted and eaten by the elders. In\nolden times this fire was always supposed to be kindled from new fire\nmade by friction, but nowadays a firebrand is often brought from a\nvillage, or better still from a fire in a garden.\n\nThe place at which this sacrificial fire is kindled is called ichua.\nThe meat is laid on the branches of certain sacred trees, viz:\n\n\n 1. Muthakwa.\n 2. Nahoroa.\n 3. Muthigio.\n 4. Mugumu.\n 5. Mararia.\n\n\nwhich are collectively termed mathinjiro. The skewers used for roasting\nthe meat are called ndara, and must be of muthakwa and muthigio wood.\nThe branches and the skewers have to be burnt in the sacred fire on the\nsame day as that on which the meat is cooked. The burning of these is\nsaid to be in the nature of a prayer to Engai, and it is specifically\nstated that this is not done for fear of anyone using these branches\nand skewers as fuel as everyone would dread touching them.\n\nWhen the meat is cooked, it is eaten by the elders, who each drink a\nhorn of beer. The fat of the ram is boiled down in the cooking pot\nprovided for the purpose, and one of the elders climbs into the sacred\ntree, and pours the liquid fat on to the main stem of the tree. The\nbreast of the ram is often cut out and also hung up in the tree. Cf.\nExodus xxix. 26: \u201cAnd thou shalt take the breast of the ram and wave it\nfor a wave offering before the Lord.\u201d The bones of the portion of the\nsacrificial ram eaten by the elders are each broken into two parts and\nplaced at the foot of the tree, the marrow not being extracted. Not a\nsingle piece of the meat may be taken back to the villages. The elders\nthen retire some little distance away and chant as follows: \u201cTathai\nEngai mwangi utue mbura\u201d\u2014\u201cWe Mwangi elders pray God to give us rain.\u201d\n\nIf, of course, the sacrifice is for another object the prayer is\nvaried. After the prayer no man must look back at the tree. Each man\nreturns to his village. Next morning the principal wife of each elder\ngoes to the tree and deposits at its foot offerings of uncooked bananas\nand various kinds of grain.\n\nIf, however, they notice that the sacrificial meat is untouched they do\nnot deposit their offerings, but retire to some distance and call out\nto their husbands, telling them that Engai has refused the sacrifice.\nThe elders assemble and send the women back with their offerings. They\nthen select another elder and direct him to provide a fresh ram, which\nis sacrificed as before. They pray to Engai and beg him not to refuse\ntheir sacrifice a second time, as they have brought a fatter sheep.\nTheir exhortation is: \u201cTiga Engai kutumbia\u201d\u2014\u201cBeg God not to refuse.\u201d\n\nThe women come again on the following morning, and, if the meat is\neaten, they leave their offerings and return to their villages,\nchanting a p\u00e6an of joy as they go. The chant is called Ngemi, and is a\nform of what is usually known as \u201cululuing.\u201d\n\nThey sacrifice at the sacred trees to invoke rain, and they also\nsacrifice to check the progress of an epidemic, when they say: \u201cKurinda\nmurimo utikaoki muji\u201d\u2014\u201cTo stop the sickness that it may not come to the\nvillage.\u201d\n\nThey sacrifice and pray for relief from famine: \u201cKuoya mugumuini\nngnaragu ithire\u201d\u2014\u201cTo pray at the mugumu tree that the hunger may\nfinish.\u201d\n\nHere again a ram is sacrificed, but before the animal is killed an\nimportant magician pours medicine into its mouth, and also squirts beer\nfrom his own mouth into that of the ram.\n\nUnlike other tribes, they neither shave their heads nor deposit\nofferings of hair at the sacred tree. It is said that sometimes lights\nare seen at night in a sacred tree, and the following day they hasten\nto sacrifice there. Every season, when the maize is just coming up, the\nelders summon the important medicine men to go with them to the sacred\ntree to sacrifice. One of the magicians pours medicine into the mouth\nof the sacrificial ram before it is killed, and also pours it on the\nfire on which the meat is roasted. The bones of the animal are then\nburnt in the fire. These are supposed to be burnt so that the smoke may\nascend into the sacred tree and be pleasing to the deity. \u201cIt is a\nburnt offering to the Lord: it is sweet savour an offering made by fire\nunto the Lord\u201d (Exodus xxix. 18).\n\nThe blood is caught in a half gourd, njeli or kinga, and then placed in\nan ox horn; one half is poured at the foot of the sacred tree, the\nother half being mixed with tiny pieces of intestinal fat and placed in\nthe large intestine of the sacrificial ram. This is roasted over the\nfire and eaten by the senior elders of ukuru. The mixture is called\nndundiru.\n\nNear the time of the harvest, when the crops are ripe, but before they\nare cut, the elders take a ram to the sacred place and slaughter it.\nThey pour the blood at the foot of the tree and pray: \u201cEngai twaoka\nkukui enyama tutikarware enda twa getha iriu wega\u201d\u2014\u201cO God we have to\nbring meat so that we may not get ill, for we have good crops and are\nglad.\u201d\n\nThe elders then eat the meat. After the feast, they take the tatha or\nstomach contents of the sacrificial ram and sprinkle it over the ripe\ncrops, and also sprinkle some over the mukumbi or big wicker bottles in\nthe grain huts and over the big gourds in which grain is stored. It is\nbelieved that if the elders failed to do this, the people would suffer\ngreatly from diarrh\u0153a. The last two rites are evidently rudimentary\nforms of the ancient Semitic ritual of the offering of the firstfruits,\nor cereal oblation. The sprinkling of the crops and of the grain\nreceptacles with tatha indicate either a conservation of the crop for\nhuman consumption, or a purification of it from all influences which\nmight be harmful to the consumers. The latter is probably more in\naccordance with their line of thought.\n\nOn the particular day when sacrifices for rain are offered, no one may\ntouch the earth with iron; not even a spear or sword may be rested on\nthe ground, as the sacrifice would then be useless.\n\nThe Kamba have a somewhat similar belief, and think that to till the\nsoil with iron drives away the rain.\n\nAmong the Kikuyu, however, the ground on such days must not be struck\nby anything, and an elder may not even strike his mithege staff into\nthe ground in the usual way.\n\nSacrifices for good crops are also made at the mugumu trees by medicine\nmen. On the same day, a mwanake (a young man of warrior age) patrols\nthe whole district (ridge) with a torch, which he finally throws on the\nground. No one may then come from another ridge or leave the ridge to\ngo to another.\n\nSanctuary.\u2014The ancient idea of a sanctuary at a holy place is known to\nthe Kikuyu. If a murderer, or a person who has committed a serious\ncrime, runs to a sacred place and touches the tree, he is safe from\nvengeance. The criminal cannot, of course, stay indefinitely at the\ntree or he would starve, but the elders come and take him away, and his\nlife is safe. He cannot, however, re-enter a village, and his clans-men\nhave to go to the tree and sacrifice a ram, which they are supposed to\noffer in exchange for him. He is smeared with the tatha, and a line of\nwhite earth, ira, is drawn from his forehead to the tip of his nose by\na senior elder, of ukuru. After which he is tahikia, or ceremonially\npurified, and can return to his family. All the meat of the sacrifice\nis eaten by the elders, and none is left at the tree. Some of the\ntatha, however, is sprinkled at the foot with the object of purifying\nthe spot where the criminal stood. In a case of this sort the criminal\ndoes not pay blood money himself, but his blood relatives have to pay\nfor him. If in war an enemy were pursued and took sanctuary at a sacred\nplace, he could not be attacked whilst he was there, but would probably\nbe seized and killed at some distance from the sacred place.\n\nIf, again, a man should kill a tribesman, he can run to the house of\nhis victim\u2019s father and, by confessing his crime, obtain sanctuary\nthere. The father will then kill a ram and place a strip of skin on the\nright wrist of the homicide, who must have his hand shaved and be\nceremonially purified by a medicine man\u2014tahikia, as it is termed. He\nwill henceforth become as the son of the deceased\u2019s father.\n\nPrivate Sacrifice to the Deity.\u2014The head of a village usually has a\nprivate sacred tree at which he sacrifices to the deity for good\nfortune or for assistance in times of trouble.\n\nThe ceremony described by Routledge\u2014\u201cA Prehistoric People,\u201d pages\n232\u2013734\u2014is a private sacrifice to the deity.\n\nAs we have said before, women are not allowed to attend a sacrifice to\nthe deity at one of the regular sacred trees. But at a private\nsacrifice for good fortune, carried out at a sacred tree belonging to a\nparticular village, the village elders attend with their wives and\nchildren, their cattle, sheep and goats.\n\nThe sacrificial ram is killed, and the whole family, as well as flocks\nand herds, are smeared with fat. The party then returns home, uttering\nthe usual African cry of joy, sometimes called \u201cululuing\u201d which the\nKikuyu term ngemi.\n\nThe women and children are not actually allowed to come near the tree,\nbut must remain some little distance away. The people belonging to the\nMasai circumcision guild use muzigio, mutumaiyu (Olea chrysophylla), or\nmugumu trees for their private sacrifices. They would probably begin\nwith a mutumaiyu or muzigio tree, and if the luck was not good they\nwould change to a mugumu. Those belonging to the Kikuyu guild use\neither mugumu or muthakwa trees.\n\nIn a private sacrifice, the skin of the sacrificial ram is taken back\nto the village and presented to the head wife of the elder, but this is\nnever done at a public communal sacrifice.\n\nThe night before the sacrifice, the elders of the village sleep in\ntheir own huts, but must observe celibacy. The night after, they sleep\nin the goat hut or thengira.\n\nFor two days before and after a sacrifice, no stranger is allowed to\nsleep in a village; nothing is sent out of the village to sell, and\nnothing is allowed to be carried away. If a stranger comes, he can be\nfed, but he must eat the food there and not take it away. At both a\npublic and private sacrifice the eyes of a ram must be very carefully\nremoved from the carcase, for it is considered an extremely bad omen if\nan eye should burst during extraction, and a fresh sacrificial ram then\nhas to be provided.\n\nTwo days after a private sacrifice, ceremonial beer drinking takes\nplace at the village, the men drinking together in the goat hut, or\nthengira, and the women in the hut of the principal wife; this is\ncalled a kithangaona ya muchi. During the ceremony they pray to the\ndeity: \u201cTwa thuitha Engai utue endo chiothi chiana na mburi na\nngombe\u201d\u2014\u201cWe pray thee, O God, that you will give us all things,\nchildren, goats, and cattle.\u201d\n\nOn the morning of the day following a private sacrifice the wives go to\nthe sacred tree and deposit offerings of grain, bananas, and other\nthings.\n\nSacrifice to Ancestral Spirits.\u2014In addition to the sacrifice at the\nsacred trees to the deity Engai, the Kikuyu sacrifice to the ngoma, or\nancestral spirits. These rites, however, never take place at the sacred\ntrees, but in a village, close to the village shrine.\n\nThe animal sacrificed is a ram. It is killed in the same way as those\nsacrificed to the deity, the carcase being laid upon branches from\ncertain sacred trees, viz:\n\n\n Mukuyu\u2014Ficus sp:\n Mutumaiyu\u2014Olea chrysophylla.\n Muthakwa\u2014Vernonia sp:\n Mutare.\n Mugumu\u2014Ficus capensis.\n\n\nThe branches are called mathinjiro.\n\nFour skewers, ndara, are cut from each of the above species, and the\npieces of meat which are eaten are impaled upon the skewers and roasted\nat a fire specially kindled for the purpose, called ichua and muzigia.\nMutumaiyu or makuri wood must be used.\n\nThe branches on which the meat has rested, as well as the skewers, must\nbe burnt the same day in the fire on which the meat was cooked. Early\nnext morning, before sunrise, beer is poured on the spot.\n\nThe ichua fire was formerly kindled on the spot from new fire made by\nfriction, but nowadays it is supposed to be brought from a village.\n\nThese sacrifices generally take place at about nine a.m.\n\nAn elder usually sacrifices a ram every three months or so at the grave\nof his father. He pours blood, fat, and beer upon it and leaves the\nskin there.\n\nIf the father died away from home, on a journey, the son proceeds some\ndistance along the road by which the father left and sacrifices a ram\nby the roadside. The son and his wives eat the meat of the sacrifice,\nbut a wife married after the father\u2019s death, as well as the man\u2019s\nchildren, are not allowed to touch it.\n\nThe sacrifice must take place before sunrise. This would seem to be a\nvery common feature in many ancient sacrifices, and some authorities\nconsider that it may be in some way connected with the worship of\nVenus, the morning star. It is, of course, a difficult question to\nsettle, but I would venture to suggest that it is more likely to have\nsome connection with the idea that ancestral spirits are more active at\nnight, and therefore more appreciative of attention, and that they\nlapse into inaction with the sunrise.\n\nThere appears to be no particular day in the month for the celebration\nof these sacrifices.\n\nIf, on the occasion of a sacrifice at the sacred tree, the elders\nchance to see a snake, they say that it is a ngoma, or ancestral\nspirit, which has taken the form of a snake, and endeavour to pour a\nlittle of the blood from the sacrificial ram on its head, back, and\ntail.\n\nIf the owner of the village should meet a large caterpillar, called\nthatu, near the gate, he pours a little fat and milk in its path; if it\nturns back, all is well. If, on the other hand, it should walk round\nthe spot where the fat, and so forth, was poured, and still come on\ntowards the village, the people know that it is a spirit which has\nassumed the form of a caterpillar, and a ram is sacrificed in the\nvillage. If one of these caterpillars is found in a food hut, a ram is\nagain sacrificed for the same reason.\n\nShould anyone set fire to the grass or scrub on the spot where the dead\nare thrown out, spirits of the departed are supposed to be heard\ncalling out. When this happens, the person who lit the fire gives a\nram, which must be killed on the spot, and the elders of ukuru sprinkle\nthe tatha all round to appease the ngoma.\n\nSometimes a spirit will come and call in a peculiar way outside a\nvillage at night. The people believe that it is hungry, and next day\nsacrifice a ram.\n\nThe elders, when they eat, always throw a little food to the spirits\nbefore commencing their meal, and at a beer-drinking always pour a\nlittle beer on the ground to propitiate the spirits so that they may\nnot harm them. Women, too, when they are cooking porridge or gruel,\ninvariably throw some on the ground for the spirits.\n\nDescription of a Sacrifice at a Sacred Fig Tree in Kikuyu. (Witnessed\nby the Author.)\u2014The elders first took some sugar cane and poured a\nlittle on each side and in front of the tree, praying at the same time.\nThe sacrificial ram was then strangled, held up before the tree, and\nits throat pierced. The blood was collected in a cow\u2019s horn and a\nlittle poured out on each side of the tree and allowed to trickle down\nthe trunk. At this stage of the proceedings another prayer was uttered.\n\nA strip of skin and fat running from the throat of the carcase down to\nits belly, and including the genitals, was then cut off and hung up on\na small branch projecting from the tree. The elders now prayed again.\nAfter this the ram was dismembered and the feast took place.\n\n\n\nIf the head of a village notices the appearance of disease among his\nflocks and herds, or among his people, he sacrifices at his own sacred\ntree. But he first of all consults a mundu mugo, or medicine man, to\nfind out whether the affliction comes from the high god or is due to\nthe offended ngoma, or ancestral spirits. The medicine man throws his\nstones, and if, after sorting them into little heaps, the balance left\nis eight, he knows the trouble comes from the high god; if, on the\nother hand, the balance is seven, the trouble is attributed to the\nngoma or ancestral spirits.\n\nFor a man, the heap consists of five stones, and for a woman three.\n\nThe sacrificial ram is obtained from a neighbour.\n\nIf a bad storm comes and damages the crops, or if there is too much\nrain or a drought, a large assembly of elders is convened. They meet\nand sacrifice at the communal place of sacrifice, called the big\nmugumu.\n\nSacrifice among A-Kamba.\u2014We will now examine the ceremonial connected\nwith sacrifice among the A-Kamba, and principally among those of Kitui.\nThese people have two kinds of sacred places, or mathembo (singular,\nithembo).\n\n(1) Sacred places for the whole country, or rather for each big\ndivision of the country, at which they pray and sacrifice to Engai or\nMulungu for rain, and in the event of a pestilence among human beings\nand cattle.\n\n(2) Sacred places for a group of two or three villages, where they pray\nto the aiimu, or ancestral spirits, on the occasion of sickness among\npeople or cattle.\n\nThe holy places are almost always at a tree. For the first-mentioned a\nfig tree of the species known as mumo is chosen. For the village\nshrine, on the other hand, the tree may be either a mumo, fig tree,\nanother variety of wild fig called mumbo, or a mutundu tree.\n\nThe mode of procedure of a sacrifice for rain at an ithembo of the\nfirst kind may be taken as an example, and the following description\nwas given by a couple of leading elders:\n\nOn the day settled for the ceremony, the elders of ithembo assemble\nearly in the morning, and at about nine a.m. proceed slowly to the\nsacred place, taking with them an nthengi, or male goat, usually black\nin colour, as well as milk, snuff, and a small quantity of every kind\nof produce which is grown.\n\nThe following were specified: mbaazi (cajanus), mawele (millet), mtama\n(sorghum), bananas, wimbi (penicillaria), sugar cane, beans, sweet\npotatoes, cassava, and pumpkins; also some sugar cane beer (honey beer\nis not allowed), red trade beads and cowries, the leaves of a sweet\nsmelling plant called mutaa, butter and gruel.\n\nThe men lead the goat and carry the milk, gruel, snuff, and beer, each\none putting a little butter in the milk, whilst the other items are\ncarried to the tree by the old women.\n\nThe women are not allowed to approach the tree, but dance together some\ndistance away; as mentioned above, the ceremony commences at about nine\na.m., and goes on till about two p.m., when the actual sacrifice takes\nplace. The proceedings are not hurried, as some of the elders have to\ntravel long distances before reaching the spot.\n\nSix senior elders and six old women are selected, and all proceed to\nthe tree; they can wear their loin cloths, but their blankets are taken\noff and left some distance away. The men go first and taste a little of\nthe milk, gruel, and beer, which they spit out at the foot of the tree,\nand then give way to the old women who go through the same ceremony.\nThe men again return to the tree and pour the balance of the milk and\nso forth at its foot. Each elder now puts some of the snuff in the palm\nof his hands, takes a little, and deposits the remainder. The women\nagain come up and pour the foodstuffs at the foot of the sacred tree,\nthe butter being smeared on it.\n\nWhen the offerings are deposited, the officiating elders\u2014one can almost\ncall them priests\u2014pray as follows: \u201cMulungu chao ya nekeu twenda nbua\nna aka machisi na ngombe kisia na mbui kisia engai tupiengea muimu andu\nma kakwe\u201d\u2014\u201cMulungu, this is food. We desire rain and wives and cattle\nand goats to bear, and we pray God that our people may not die of\nsickness.\u201d\n\nThe sacrifice of the goat comes next, but before this is done, they\ntake the roots of two trees called mriti and muthumba, grind them\ntogether, mix them with water, and make the animal drink the mixture\nwith a view to sanctifying it. This done, they lead the goat up to the\ntree, stand it on its hind legs before the tree, or, as they say,\n\u201cshow\u201d it; its throat is then pierced and the blood allowed to flow\nover the offerings previously enumerated. The carcase is skinned and an\nincision made from the throat to the stomach. The upper portion of the\nskull with the horns is cut off and buried at the foot of the tree. The\nleg bones, however, must not be broken, but carefully disarticulated at\nthe knee-joints and elbows. Small pieces of meat are cut from every\npart of the carcase and from every internal organ and deposited at the\nfoot of the tree. The meat is then divided, the left shoulder and part\nof the back is given to the officiating old women, whilst the elders\ntake the rest. (Cf. Exodus xii. 46: \u201cThe bones of the meat of the\npassover feast must not be broken.\u201d)\n\nEach party, male and female, lights a separate fire and eats, the\nselected officiating elders eating with their fellows. The fire must be\nmade of the wood of a mumo tree, not that of the sacred tree, but of\nanother of the same species. The six men and six women each impale a\nfragment of the meat on a skewer of mumo wood, roast and eat it. This\nis a ceremonial meal, and when it is over the remainder of the meat is\ndivided up, and any kind of firewood can be used for cooking it.\n\nThe actual sacrifice of the goat is called kutonya ngnondu, to pierce\nthe sacrifice. The mere word sacrifice, however, hardly expresses it,\nfor the word ngnondu really implies purification, or perhaps expiation,\nthe underlying idea being that the goat is an expiatory gift offered\nwith the object of relieving the country from the effects of the\ndeity\u2019s displeasure and of the consequent drought.\n\nNo work is done on the day following the sacrifice, and no cultivation\nis undertaken, neither any house building. A man may stroll over and\nsee a friend close by, but he is not allowed to go on a real journey.\n\nThe night before the sacrifice the elders must observe celibacy, as\nwell as on the six following days, the day on which the sacred meat was\neaten counting as the first.\n\nNo elder can participate in this ceremony if he has the stain of death\non him; that is to say, if his wife or child has died, and the\npurification ceremonies connected with the event have not been\ncompleted; or again if he, or one of his men, has killed someone and\nthe ceremonies for removing the bloodstain are not over. Any fighting\nor quarrelling or fighting among the people would also be likely to\ndestroy the efficacy of the ceremony.\n\nIf a man breaks a stick from the sacred tree the elders at once fine\nhim, and a bull or goat is sacrificed. The wound in the tree is\nanointed with butter, and milk is poured at its foot. Lights are\nsometimes seen at night in mathembo, but people very rarely go out to\nthem while it is dark; those who have tried it declare that stones were\nthrown at them from the tree, and that these stones strike fire when\nthey hit the ground. If a person be thus attacked, it is a sure sign\nthat he is fitted for a medicine man.\n\nAnother account of the procedure was obtained from elders in a\ndifferent part of the Ukamba country, and as this varies a little and\ncontains a few additional details, it is considered advisable to\ndescribe it.\n\nThe day before the sacrifice, the women of the neighbourhood gather\ntogether and go to the sugar cane plantations, every woman bringing\nback two or three sticks of cane and taking them to the thomi, or\nvillage meeting place, of one of the elders, where they are crushed to\nmake beer. In the evening, the elders of ithembo take the beer and\nplace it near the sacred tree. They light a fire there with a firebrand\nfrom the village, and the gourds of beer are put near it; a little beer\nis also poured at the foot of the tree and they pray to the imu of the\nperson to whom the tree is dedicated, and then return home. It is\nbelieved that the object of this ritual is to attract the attention of\nthe guardian spirit of the shrine, and to propitiate it and to ensure,\nas it were, its attendance on the morrow as the intermediary between\nthe people and Engai.\n\nIn the morning, the elders of ithembo and certain very old women\nproceed to the ithembo. The elders bring the sacrificial beast and\nfirst suffocate it; they then quickly skin its throat, and the oldest\nof the elders stabs it in the neck with a knife, collecting the blood\nin a half gourd (nzeli). The skinning is then completed, and small\npieces of meat are cut from the tongue, ribs, and the left flank. One\nkidney, one testicle, and a piece of the liver, heart, and every\ninternal organ are also taken, all these fragments being placed in a\nhalf gourd. They then take a half gourd of beer, and the gourds\ncontaining the meat and the blood, and empty them at the foot of the\ntree. The old women now approach and deposit samples of every kind of\nfield produce\u2014beans, maize, and so forth\u2014and milk. Some of the food is\ncooked and some is raw.\n\nWhen the men deposit their offerings they pray as follows: \u201cEngai\ntwaevoya mbua kuamba eyima sionthi Engai\u201d\u2014\u201cWe pray to God that rain may\nbless all our country.\u201d\n\nThe women merely say \u201cTwaevoya mbua\u201d\u2014\u201cWe pray for rain.\u201d\n\nThe sacrificial meat is then cooked and eaten. The first to partake of\nit are the four senior elders.\n\nThe fire for cooking the meat is lit a little away from the tree, and\nthe fuel must consist of dry sticks picked up in the sacred grove. The\nfire having been lit, a small staging is built over it, and the pieces\nof meat are placed thereon to roast. The place of the fire is called\nivuvio; the wood used for the framework is muthakwa; the sticks\ncomposing it are mbatwa, and the whole framework when completed is\ncalled ndala.\n\nWhen removing the marrow the bones of the sacrificial animal must not\nbe broken.\n\nAfter the feast the bones are collected and placed on the fire and\ncovered with the stomach contents (tatha or muyo), and the smoke which\nrises to heaven is said to be pleasing to Engai.\n\nA private sacrifice is called kithangaona by the Kamba people, its\nobject being to purify a village from sickness. The ceremony is also\ntermed kuvindukia muimu\u2014\u201cto cleanse the place from the spirit\u201d\n(ku-indukia\u2014to cleanse) and may possibly have an implied meaning to the\neffect that the spirit must be appeased.\n\nSometimes a woman who goes into a cataleptic condition, which is known\nas being seized by aiimu, will say that to obtain rain a beast of a\nparticular colour must be sacrificed. A black goat is said to be\npreferable as a supplication for rain, the colour probably being\nsymbolical of the rain clouds.\n\nSheep and goats, both male and female, are sacrificed, and also bulls\nand bullocks, but never a cow.\n\nA black bullock is thought to be the most acceptable and a white sheep\ncomes next, whilst many of the Kamba people consider a red animal bad\nfor the purpose of sacrifice.\n\nSacred Places (Mathembo) in Ukamba.\u2014Dotted about the country, near most\nof the older villages, there are sacred trees, representing private\nshrines, called mathembo. The sacrifice which takes place here is\nsimilar to that described above, but the proceedings do not take so\nlong, as the assembly is smaller. There is no particular day of the\nmonth for such a ceremony, but it should not be performed in the months\ncalled Nyanya and Kenda (the month Nyanya in 1912 commenced on June\n14th). Ikumi is suitable for a sacrificial ceremony, as it is then\nconsidered possible to prepare the fields for planting, in expectation\nof the rain which will fall as a result of the ceremony.\n\nFour pieces of the stalk of the castor oil bush are planted at the foot\nof the sacred tree. If on a certain day a man brews beer, he visits the\ntree in the evening and pours a little of the beer into each of the\ncastor oil stems, and prays to the aiimu, saying, \u201cI have made some\nbeer, and this is your share; do not come into the village and bother\nus.\u201d The castor oil stalks are meant to imitate gourds of beer. It is\ncustomary to deposit at the tree a piece of the fruit of Kigelia\npinnata, or K. Musa (called miatini and used in producing fermentation\nin beer), and the leaf of a mumo tree. They then say, \u201cThis is your\nnzeli to drink the beer from,\u201d the nzeli being a half gourd used as a\ndrinking cup, and the mumo leaf in this case representing a nzeli. As\nthese things decay, they are periodically renewed.\n\nThe people of a village utter a prayer when they see the new moon,\nbegging that they may go safely through the month. This bears a close\nresemblance to the European habit of turning one\u2019s money and bowing\nnine times to the new moon. At the village ithembo beer is poured out,\ngenerally on the advice of a medicine man, when someone is ill in the\nvillage.\n\nThe sacrifice at the village ithembo usually takes place about ten\na.m., the people returning at noon. On their arrival at the village, a\nmixture of tatha and water is sprinkled upon the cattle, and upon the\nwater pots of the village. This is called kikaela muyo and is done for\nthe benefit of those villagers who are not qualified to go to the\nsacred place.\n\nThe women qualified to attend a ceremony at an ithembo are those who\nare past the age of child-bearing and have a husband who is a mutumia\nya ithembo (an elder of the ithembo). A childless old woman may also be\nallowed to go.\n\nIt often happens that during a ceremony at an ithembo a woman is\nseized, or possessed, and passes into a condition of semi-trance in\nwhich she will prophecy either that the rains are coming or that they\nwill fail, or, in former days, that a Masai raid was imminent. An\nexplanation of this was carefully sought, and, upon investigation, I\nwas told that the message came from the imu or spirit of the person of\nolden times to whom the ithembo was dedicated and to whom it was\nsupposed to belong, but quite clearly, that this spirit was only an\nintermediary, the message really coming from the high god Engai or\nMulungu.\n\nA little house is always built at the foot of the sacred tree on the\neast side, with the door facing the rising sun, and two days before the\ntime settled upon for commencing planting a pot of water and one of\nfood, as well as butter and milk, are placed in it. On the day\nfollowing the deposit of this offering, no work is done. These\nofferings are said to be for Engai; the pot of water is a reminder that\nrain is required, and the food represents the crops.\n\nSacrifices for Rain.\u2014Kikuyu\u2014If the elders go to the sacred fig tree for\nrain they sacrifice the usual ram, preferably a black one. If, on the\nother hand, they pray for rain to cease, the sacrificial ram is\npreferably a white one, although a red one may be used. After the\nsacrifice, the intestines are taken and tied round the stem high up in\nthe tree. The melted tail fat is then poured at the foot of the tree\nand a strip of the meat and fat are hung on a branch.\n\nUkamba.\u2014Among the Kamba a black goat should be sacrificed for rain; a\nred one, however, is occasionally used. But whatever the colour of the\nanimal sacrificed, it is very important that it should be entirely of\none colour, and not spotted or parti-coloured. A parti-coloured animal\nwould probably be considered as having some blemish. (Cf. Deut. xviii.\n1: \u201cThou shalt not sacrifice unto the Lord thy God any bullock or sheep\nwherein is blemish or evil-favouredness\u201d; also Numbers xix. 2: \u201cSpeak\nunto the children of Israel that they bring thee a red heifer without\nspot.\u201d)\n\nThe Kitui A-Kamba also have another curious ceremony which they perform\nwhen their crops are in danger of being spoilt for lack of rain. They\nsnare a couple of hyrax (Procavia sp.) and carry them round the fields\ncontaining the standing crops; one is then released, the other is\nkilled. The heart, contents of the stomach, and intestines of the\nvictim are then taken and placed on a fire which is lit among the\ncrops. The smoke of the sacrifice is said to be pleasing to the deity\n(Engai). Cf. Exodus xxix: \u201cAnd burn them ... for a sweet savour before\nthe Lord.\u201d The carcase is not eaten.\n\nThe use of a hyrax for sacrificial purposes is rather curious, and may\nwell be a relic of an old Semitic belief in which the hyrax was thought\nto have possessed originally the human shape. It was said that he who\neats of its flesh will never see father and mother again.\n\nThe A-Kamba, however, appear to have lost sight of any connection of\nthis sort, and it is therefore impossible to say whether it really\nexisted; the choice of this curious animal may be merely a coincidence.\n\nGeneral Remarks on Sacred Places and Sacrifices.\u2014The way in which a\nparticular tree is chosen as a sacred place was explained to me\nunhesitatingly in the following manner: In a particular locality, long\nago, there would be a woman, noted as a prophetess or seer, whose\nprophecies always came true, and at her death she would be buried in\nher village. After a time, a woman of that village became possessed by\nthe imu, or spirit, of the deceased, and, in a state of exaltation,\nwould speak in the name of the prophetess, saying: \u201cI cannot stay here,\nI am called by Engai, and I go to live at a certain tree\u201d (which would\nbe specified). The tree thus designated then acquired sanctity. Four\nelders and four old women would then be selected; taking some earth\nfrom her grave, and one (a blood relation of the deceased) taking a\ngoat, they would all proceed to the tree. The earth was deposited at\nits foot, the goat led thrice round the tree and then sacrificed. The\ndelegates then prayed: \u201cWe have brought you to the tree you desire,\u201d\nand a small hut was built on the spot. This hut is renewed from time to\ntime, usually before a great ceremony takes place at the tree.\n\nThe elders who build the hut must have their heads shaved next morning,\nbut must shave one another, as no one else is allowed to do it. They\nthen hide their hair. (Note.\u2014Hiding away of hair after it is cut or\nshaved is a common custom among Africans; the idea is supposed to be\nthat an evil-disposed person might use the hair as a medium for\nbewitching the owner.)\n\nAn interesting and thoughtful paper on the A-Kamba of Kitui, by Hon. C.\nDundas, appeared in the Journal R.A.I., 1913, and on page 534 et seq.\nthe writer discusses the religious beliefs of these people. He has come\nto the conclusion that they have no conception of a high god, and that\nthe terms Engai and Mulungu are merely collective words denoting the\nplurality of the spiritual world. The present writer, however, is\nunable to accept this opinion, for while it is recognised that great\nconfusion of thought may exist on the subject among the bulk of the\npeople, there is little doubt that the elders of ithembo, or tribal\nshrines, are quite clear on the matter. Great care was taken to record\nonly such information on the question as was furnished by this grade of\nKamba society. And as the elders of ithembo correspond, in a measure,\nto the priestly castes of more highly developed communities, their\nopinion has a certain value, and we therefore feel justified in saying\nthat the Kamba religion contains the concept of a high god. We would\nalso contend that the information herein recorded contains internal\nevidence of this, and every effort has been made not to read more into\nthe information than it actually contains. The fact that the writer was\nknown to have been duly recognised as an elder among the neighbouring\ntribes, the Kikuyu, undoubtedly induced the elders to discuss these\nquestions with considerable freedom in his presence. The words used to\ndesignate what may be conveniently termed the high god are Engai,\nMulungu, and sometimes Chua (or the sun).\n\nIt is sometimes said that Engai lives in the high mountains, Kenya for\ninstance, and this would appear to differentiate the great spirit from\none which has its origin in an ordinary human form. They insist also\nthat there is only one Engai. They say that if the aiimu, or ancestral\nspirits, want to kill someone, Engai or Mulungu can stop them, their\nexplanation being that although the aiimu can afflict a living person,\nthey cannot kill him unless Mulungu concurs.\n\nThere is a saying when anyone dies, \u201cNundu wa chua,\u201d which means \u201cthe\norder of the sun,\u201d the obvious inference of which is that death comes\nfrom the high god.\n\nThey are emphatic in stating that Engai, and not the aiimu, brings the\nrain. It is said that a woman will sometimes bear a child having a mark\non its body similar in position to that of a wound which caused the\ndeath of a brother-in-law or some near relative in the village. The\ndeceased is supposed to have been seen by Engai, and it is he who puts\na similar mark on the new-born child. I am not sure, however, that the\nterm Engai is not somewhat loosely used in this case, as the imu of the\ndeceased might well be held responsible for such an occurrence.\n\nOther confirmatory evidence of the presence of the concept of a high\ngod will be found in the account of various ceremonies.\n\nThere is no doubt about the definition of the concept of the imu, and\nit can be translated as the spirit of the deceased person.\n\nThe Kitui elders stated that the sacrificial fire for cooking the meat\nat the ithembo must always be made by friction, so as to avoid any such\nimpurity or uncleanness being brought from a house as might occur were\nburning embers from a household kitchen taken to the tree.\n\nNo one who is under a thabu or tabu can take part in a ceremony at an\nithembo, nor must the muma or kithito oath be taken on such an\noccasion. Inquiries were made as to whether, in olden times, any of the\nspoils of war were sacrificed at an ithembo, but this was said not to\nhave been the case.\n\nWhen, as sometimes happens, a shooting star appears to fall in an\nithembo, it is supposed to be a sign that Engai has descended to the\nithembo and demands food. Various kinds of food are then taken there as\nofferings. It is, however, not usual to sacrifice an animal. The\nshooting star falling on an ithembo may be compared with the story of\nJehovah appearing to Moses in a burning bush, which seemed to burn and\nyet not be consumed. It is here to be noted that it is Engai who\ndemands food, not the aiimu.\n\nSacrifice apparently is only performed when the people desire to invoke\nhelp.\n\nOne elder only from each clan, mbai, can participate in a ceremony at\nthe ithembo on any particular occasion, and, further, no elder whose\nfather is alive can go to the tree.\n\nIf in war an enemy took sanctuary at an ithembo he was allowed to stay\nthere unmolested, and was safe; at night he escaped. If, again, he\ncaught hold of an elder of ithembo, he was equally safe; the elder\nwould take him to his village and send one of his sons to convey him\nsafely out of the country. It is considered that this fact emphasises\nthe priestly position of the elders of ithembo, who must, at all cost,\navoid the stain of death.\n\nIf a snake is seen at a sacred place it is customary to pour milk,\nbutter, and gruel over it; it is supposed to be njoka ya aiimu (snake\nof the aiimu).\n\nArms must not be taken to an ithembo, small knives to skin the\nsacrificial animals only being allowed.\n\nNo bird or beast can be killed at a sacred tree in the grove which\ngenerally surrounds it.\n\nShould a sacred tree, of the old communal mathembo kind, fall down, the\npeople will still worship on the site.\n\nIf a village which possesses one of the small mathembo is moved, the\nassistance of a medicine woman is sought for the selection of another\none near the new site for the village. The elders take her to the old\ntree and leave her there all night in solitary vigil; in the morning\nshe is fetched and taken to the new tree.\n\nWhen the elders return from sacrificing at a sacred tree, each takes a\nsmall piece of the skin of the sacrificial animal and ties it on the\nthorn fence near his hut. It is believed, however, that this would not\nbe allowed in the case of a great communal gathering to pray for rain,\nsuch as previously described.\n\nThe sacrificial animal is provided by the elders of ithembo in\nrotation.\n\nIt is said that before going to war a black goat was sacrificed at the\nithembo, and success was prayed for.\n\nUpon returning from a successful raiding expedition, they went to the\norganiser of the party, the muthiani, killed the biggest ox, and prayed\nto Engai as a thanksgiving ceremony. This did not take place at the\nithembo, as, in all probability, they dared not go to the ithembo with\nany suspicion of bloodstain upon them.\n\nThe Kamba belief that the spirits like to haunt certain sacred fig\ntrees is very widespread, and there is one factor connected with it\nwhich is common to the whole area in which the belief is found, and\nthat is that sacrilegious trespassers in a sacred grove are assailed by\nshowers of missiles. Such incidents are often alleged to occur in\nIndia, and, apart from native superstition, the writer has even heard\nof two examples in East Africa, where European colonists, who had no\nknowledge of these beliefs but had built in the vicinity of sacred fig\ntrees, asserted that they were periodically disturbed at night by\nstones thrown on the roofs of their houses. In Phil Robinson\u2019s\nwell-known book, \u201cIn my Indian Garden\u201d (page 208), it is stated that in\nBurmah to this day the Government pays a fee, called murung, to the\nheadmen of certain tracts for appeasing the manes of their ancestors\nlodged in old sal trees.\n\nRobertson Smith also quotes an old authority to the effect that fig,\ncarob, and sycamore trees are haunted by devils.\n\nThe belief in ghosts is widespread in Kitui, and people who allege that\nthey occasionally see the ghosts of human beings are not uncommon. They\ndo not appear to be terrified about it, but state that they call out to\nthe apparition to verify its immaterial character, and if no reply is\nreceived they know that it belongs to the aiimu. If, however, a ghost\nis seen, it is necessary for the observer to kill a ram and smear his\nface with some of the purifying tatha, together with some of the ram\u2019s\nfat.\n\nWe thus see that when a shrine is established, tradition and the\ncontinual use of it for worship sanctifies it and maintains its\nposition in the popular mind. As the authority previously quoted points\nout: \u201cHoly places are older than temples, and older than the beginnings\nof settled life.\u201d\n\nIt is also interesting to note how the old Canaanite high places were\nassociated with a tree or grove of trees. This is considered by some\nauthorities as an indication of an ancient cult of tree worship. There\nis little evidence of the survival of such a cult among the people\nunder consideration, but an account has been given of a ceremony which\nhas to be performed when a large solitary tree in a clearing is cut\ndown, and certain rites have to be performed to transfer either the\nspirit of the tree to a new abode or perhaps human spirits resident in\nthe tree.\n\nThere is, however, little doubt that the ancient altars erected under\ntrees were a later development of worship which originally took place\nat the tree without any altar. It is said that our English maypole is a\ndegraded survival of the worship under trees. Generally speaking, in\nancient Arabia the gifts of the worshippers were presented to the deity\nby being laid on sacred ground, often at the foot of a sacred tree, or\nthey were hung on it, and when libations of sacrificial blood or other\nthings were offered, they were poured either there or over a sacred\nstone. All this might have been written of our African peoples of\nto-day, and one cannot, therefore, be accused of special pleading in\ninviting attention to the similarity of practice.\n\nIt is supposed that the ceremonial dedication of the foundation of a\nsacred building is a direct survival of the rites which took place in\nancient times when a new \u201choly place\u201d was formerly recognised and\nadopted.\n\nThe ancient flavour will be detected in the following extract from the\naccount of the proceedings which took place a few years ago upon the\noccasion of the laying of the foundation stone of a Jewish synagogue,\nin British East Africa, the sacrificial nature of the rites being very\nnoticeable:\n\n\n \u201cCorn, wine, and oil were presented to His Excellency by three\n prominent Freemasons. His Excellency strewed the corn on the stone,\n and the bearer of the corn said:\n\n \u201c\u2018There shall be a handful of corn in the earth upon the top of the\n mountains, the fruit thereof shall make Lebanon, and they of the\n city shall flourish like grass of the earth.\u2019\n\n \u201cHis Excellency poured the wine on the stone, and the bearer of the\n wine said:\n\n \u201c\u2018And for a drink offering thou shalt offer him a third part of a\n bin of wine, for a sweet savour unto the Lord.\u2019\n\n \u201cHis Excellency poured oil on the stone, the bearer of the oil\n said:\n\n \u201c\u2018And thou shalt make it an oil of holy ointment, an ointment\n compound after the art of apothecary, it shall be an holy anointing\n oil. And thou shalt anoint the tabernacle of the congregation\n therewith and the Ark of the testimony.\u2019\n\n \u201cBenediction\u2014\u2018May the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob,\n shower down his choicest blessings upon this Synagogue about to be\n erected for His Honour, and may He grant a full supply of the Corn\n of Nourishment, the Wine of Refreshment, and the Oil of Joy.\u2019\u201d\n\n\nMaking of Fire (Kamba of Kibwezi).\u2014The fire required for sacrificial\npurposes was formerly always made anew by friction, as fire so produced\ncould carry no evil with it, whereas if firebrands were brought from a\nhut some thabu or curse which rested on the family owning the hut might\ninadvertently be brought with it, and the wood might in fact be\ninfected.\n\nNowadays, however, it is curious to note that a sacrificial fire is\nlighted with matches; for they consider that these, being of foreign\norigin, can bring no infection derived from Kamba spirit influence.\nThis gives some insight into the ratiocination of the native mind.\n\nFire was formerly made, and is still made, on occasion, by hunters and\nothers who rapidly rotate a piece of hard stick, held vertically\nbetween the hands, in a cup-shaped cavity cut in a piece of soft wood\nwhich is held between the toes, the friction generating enough heat to\nproduce sparks which light some tinder. The vertical stick is called\nthe male, and the other piece the female, the reasons for which\nnomenclature are obvious.\n\nIt is curious to note that a woman is not allowed to make fire by\nfriction, the reason given for this being that a man has to squat to\nmake fire, and that if a woman does the same, it is unseemly, as she\nthereby exposes her nakedness. It is believed, however, that there is\nmore in it than this, and that only a male is really supposed to\nmanipulate the masculine portion of the fire-making apparatus.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nSACRED STONES OR VILLAGE SHRINES IN KIKUYU\n\n\nWhen the Kikuyu people found a new village, the elder of the family\ncollects three stones, two being brought from the bed of a river to the\nnorth of the village, the direction from which the tribe migrated, and\none from a river to the south of the village. The river in the north is\ngenerally the Thika, and the river in the south is generally the\nMbagathi. The stones must not be collected from a river from which the\nvillagers take water for their domestic use, and it must also be a\nriver with a perennial flow.\n\nThese stones usually weigh from thirty to forty pounds, and are used as\na village shrine. Having obtained the stones, the people take a black\nram, sew up its left eye, and bury it in the middle of the village.\nThis is done with the idea that if anyone comes to bring bad magic to\nthe people of the village, he will, like the ram, lose the sight of one\neye. The three stones are then planted round the spot where the ram is\nburied. Four people carry out this ceremony: the head of the village,\nanother elder of the same clan, and the two senior wives of the village\nhead. They break branches from the mutumaiyu, mukenya, and muthakwa\ntrees and plant them round the spot. If they take root, it is\nconsidered a very good omen; if the branches die, however, they are\nreplaced periodically by fresh ones.\n\nWhenever a sacrifice is made in the village, in connection with any\nceremony, the ram is killed near this spot and blood and fat are poured\ninto the ground between the stones. Meat for the spirits is always put\nout in two heaps, one for the male and one for the female spirits. It\nis believed that if the stones are obtained from strong flowing rivers,\nthey will help to protect the village from nocturnal thieves. Moreover,\nthe stones from the rivers to the north of the village will stop the\nentrance of bad ngoma or spirits coming from that direction, and\nsimilarly, the stones from the south will form a protection against the\nevil spirits from that direction.\n\nThe stones are not supposed to possess a spirit, but if a stone is\nstolen it is looked upon as a terrible crime. The thief is said to\nhave, by its possession, the power to inflict a serious curse upon the\nvillage, whenever it was stolen. When the stone is missed, the head of\nthe village collects the kiama, or council of elders, and presents them\nwith a fee of a ram and a bullock, which are killed. They tell the\nowner to wait three days, and if by then the stone is not returned,\nthey bring him the kithathi on which to curse the thief. In all\nprobability, the stone is secretly returned by night; if not, the owner\ncurses the thief on the kithathi, and some time afterwards it will be\nfound that two or three people have died mysteriously in a certain\nvillage and the stone is brought back. The owner of the stone will then\nkill a sheep, and place strips of the skin, rukwaru, upon the right\nwrist of all the men, and upon the left ankle of all the women in the\nthief\u2019s village. After this, they all go to a river and are purified on\nthe bank of it by a mundu mugo, or medicine man. They then bathe in the\nriver and are marked on their foreheads by a vertical mark made with\nira, or white earth, and return home. The owner of the stones now\npresents a ram or male goat to the elders of kiama, to show that the\ntrouble is over. It is said that no theft of this kind has occurred in\nrecent years.\n\nThe sacred stones are called Kithangona ya muchi, which may be\ninterpreted as \u201cvillage shrine\u201d or altar. The Swahili equivalent is\nMathbah ya Kafara ya miji; mathbah is evidently the same as the Arabic\nmasseba. It is believed to be associated particularly with the ngoma,\nor ancestral spirits, and has no connection with the deity. They may\nperhaps believe that the stones form a resting-place for the beneficent\nngoma of their ancestors, or that they indicate a spot where the\nvillagers can render service to the spirits. The former interpretation\nis the more likely; why, otherwise, should there be such trouble when\none is stolen? These stones must never be used as seats.\n\nThe same idea occurs in Bantu Kavirondo, where these stones are to be\nfound in each village. Mumia pointed out such a shrine, decked round\nwith white feathers, where a fowl was periodically killed and the blood\npoured between the stones. The stones were said to have come from the\nnorth of the Nzoia River, from a place whence the Wanga clan were\nsupposed to have migrated.\n\nSome years ago, one of these stones was stolen by a complainant who\nalleged that he could not get a hearing in a case regarding the debt of\na cow. The whole country-side was upset at the loss; the suit was\nimmediately heard and disposed of, and eventually the stone was\nreturned. The incident clearly showed what importance was attached to\nthese apparently insignificant objects.\n\nIf a Kikuyu village is moved, the stones are moved to the new village,\na fresh ram being buried in the new spot. Before the stones are\nremoved, the head of the village and his senior wife pour out\nhoney-beer and sugar-cane beer on the space between the stones, which\ncan then be removed with impunity. When a brew of honey-beer is made a\nlittle of the honey is poured out between the stones, and when the beer\nis fermented, a libation is also poured there.\n\nThe writer recently witnessed the celebration of the morning prayer at\na village shrine. The principal wife brought sugar-cane beer and poured\nsome into a cow horn and some into a small U shaped gourd. The elder,\nwho was head of the village, then poured the beer, first from the horn\non to the trees growing between the stones, and then from the gourd. He\nnow uttered a prayer with great solemnity, and called upon the spirits\nto grant good fortune to the village and also to the visitor. He prayed\nfor wealth in live stock, abundance of children, safety in journeying,\nand so forth. As the prayer proceeded another elder responded solemnly.\nThe beer from the horn was a libation to the male spirits; that from\nthe gourd to the female spirits. The horn had a knob carved on the end,\nthe origin of which might be phallic.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\nTHE FIRSTFRUITS OF THE HARVEST, ALSO PLANTING CEREMONIAL\n\n\nIt is interesting to compare all this with the Mosaic ritual laid down\nin Exodus xxiii. 19: \u201cThe first of the firstfruits of thy land thou\nshalt bring into the house of the Lord thy God.\u201d This is the Levitical\nminha or tribute.\n\nRobertson Smith\u2019s \u201cReligion of the Semites,\u201d p. 241, states: \u201cAmong the\nHebrews, as among other agricultural peoples, the offering of\nfirstfruits was connected with the idea that it is not lawful or safe\nto eat of the new fruit until the god has received his due. The\noffering makes the whole crop lawful food, but it does not render it\nholy food; nothing is consecrated except the small portion offered at\nthe altar, and of the remaining store clean persons and unclean can eat\nalike during the year. This, therefore, is quite a different thing from\nthe consecration of animal sacrifices, for in the latter case the whole\nflesh is holy, and only those who are clean can eat of it\u201d (Cf. Lev.\nxxiii. 10\u201321).\n\nProfessor Robertson Smith also points out that in Hosea\u2019s time the\nfirstfruits of corn were offered at the shrines of the Baalim, who had\nbecome recognised as the giver of rain and the author of all fertility.\nThis principle, it will be seen, agrees as closely as possible with the\nideas of the tribes under review.\n\nIn Kikuyu, the people do not appear to take the firstfruits to the\nsacred tree formally before reaping the crop, but on the occasion of\neach harvest the women will take offerings of the various cereal\nfoods\u2014maize, millet, and so forth (also beans, sugar cane, etc.)\u2014to the\nsacred place. They are not allowed to go right up to the tree, but pour\ntheir gifts on the ground near by. All such food must be uncooked. This\nbeing done, they return, and the elders kill either a young ewe which\nhas not yet borne a lamb, or a ram, at a little distance from the tree,\nand a rukwaru, or strip of skin, is placed on the left wrist of each of\nthe women. The elders then eat the meat; none is actually taken to the\ntree or left there. It is a kind of harvest thanksgiving ceremony.\n\nFirstfruits in Ukamba.\u2014It is customary to eat a certain quantity of the\nmaize cobs or the bean crop before they ripen. But before this can be\ndone a little of each kind is reaped and laid at the ithembo by an\nelder and an old woman, and a goat is sacrificed. The tatha, or stomach\ncontents of the goat, are mixed with the green food in a cooking pot\nand boiled. A portion of this is then distributed to each village,\nafter which the green crops can be safely eaten.\n\nNext comes the proper harvest, but before reaping can commence the\nowners again consult the medicine man whose advice was previously\nsought at sowing time. They take him a present of every kind of grain,\nand so forth, reaped at the previous harvest, and he gives his advice\nas to a propitious day for the ceremony. The elders then gather the\nfirstfruits of the harvest and assemble at the village meeting-place\n(thomi) of one of the senior elders and sacrifice a goat. Then, as\nabove, they cook samples of the various products in a big pot together\nwith the tatha of the goat. When the food is ready, the women from the\nvillages round come and receive some of it, which is placed on leaves.\n\nIt is said that were this ceremony to be omitted, the people would be\nafflicted with diarrh\u0153a, and would presumably become the victims of\nthabu. But when it is concluded, they may reap and eat of the crop\nwithout fear or hindrance.\n\nCuriously enough, this ceremony is not considered necessary for the\nmbaazi crop (Cajanus indicus or pigeon pea). The people give no\nexplanation of this, but it may be that the pigeon pea was introduced\nfrom Kikuyu or elsewhere, after the belief had developed, and was\ntherefore excluded.\n\nA housewife having gathered into her granary (ikumba) all her crops,\nmust not cohabit with her husband the night on which she has completed\nher harvest.\n\nA present of a little of the new grain has to be made to the medicine\nman who advised the people where to plant.\n\nIf a woman has had assistance from her neighbours in the harvest-field\nshe makes a feast of all kinds of food; no men are present, as they\nhave nothing to do with it. There is no dancing on such an occasion.\n\nThe next thing is the threshing of the grain, and before the mawele\ngrain, and according to some the mbaazi pea, can be threshed,\npermission must be sought from a medicine man who specialises in\nagricultural magic. In Kibwezi district no one has any leave to thresh\nmawele until the elders have sacrificed at the ithembo. It is said that\nif anyone breaks this prohibition the particular area will miss the\nmvua ya ua, or the second portion, of the next big rains. These are the\nshowers which bring the grain into head and fill out the seed, and thus\nthey will miss their crops. The first half of the rains grow the stem\nand leaves, and the second half bring the plant to fruition.\n\nAgain, if a woman has the assistance of her neighbours she will make a\nfeast for them at the completion of the threshing.\n\nPlanting of Crops and Harvest.\u2014In Ukamba, before the sowing of the\ngrain is commenced a medicine man is usually consulted with regard to\nthe proper season and the prospect of good rains.\n\nWhen these preliminaries are settled, the elders of ithembo and the old\nwomen are summoned to the ithembo. The men bring a goat and the women\nbring milk and offerings of grain contributed by the villages of the\nneighbourhood.\n\nThe goat is sacrificed at the sacred tree; some of the blood and the\nbeer are poured out as libations, an offering of the cereals is made,\nprayers for good crops are offered, and the meat and food is then eaten\nand the beer is drunk by the worshippers.\n\nThey then go away and commence to plant with a light heart. After\nplanting, however, a woman must not cohabit with her husband until the\ngrain has sprouted and appeared above ground. Should, however,\nceremonial cohabitation become necessary in connection with some other\nreligious observance, the woman must first go and dig up a seed of each\nspecies of food product which has been planted and bring it back to the\nvillage.\n\nIf any man plants before the proper sacrifice has taken place, the\nelders will fine him a goat, which has to be sacrificed at the ithembo\nas an atonement. Further, the grain which has been sown has, as far as\nit is possible, to be dug up, collected and returned to the village. If\nit is left in the ground, it is supposed not to mature, and also Engai\nmight be angry with the community at large.\n\nThe people of Ulu (Ukamba) again, often perform another fertility\nceremony to ensure good crops. They take the dung of the hyrax, which\nis called kinyoi ngilla in Kikamba, and mix it with the powdered root\nof the mulinditi tree and a weed called waithu. This medicine is then\nmixed with some of the seed which they propose to plant and burnt\ntogether with some of the dry weeds collected from the field. The fire\nis made in such a position that the smoke drifts across the field. The\nashes of this fire are then mixed with the seed about to be sown. In\nKitui, however, it is said that a live hyrax is carried round the field\nby a procession of villagers, the animal being then killed and its\nblood and entrails scattered over the field.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V\n\nCIRCUMCISION CEREMONIAL\n\n\nOne of the most important factors in the life history of all natives is\nthe formal initiation to the tribe, of which the outward sign is\nusually the ceremony of circumcision. In Kikuyu these rites have\nattained some elaboration, and it is important to describe them in\ndetail.\n\nIt will later be seen in Chapter VII how deeply the division of the\nKikuyu tribe into the two guilds, Kikuyu and Masai, [3] affects their\ncustoms, and in the following description the rites of the two guilds\nare described separately.\n\nBefore a child reaches the age of circumcision, however, a ceremony\ncalled Ku-chiaruo ringi has to be gone through, which means \u201cto be born\nagain.\u201d It must be undergone by young children before they are eligible\nfor the next stage of initiation, viz., circumcision.\n\nThe occurrence of these two ceremonies, connected as they are, cannot\nfail to strike one as being, in a lower stage of civilisation, the\ngenesis of the idea of the sacraments of baptism and confirmation. It\nis said in fact that some of the missionaries do not hesitate to\nexplain the two Christian doctrines mentioned by reference to the two\npagan ones, and state that with the help of this key the natives at\nonce grasp the idea of their doctrines.\n\nBut to return to the ceremony itself\u2014the form varies with the guild of\nthe parents. According to the fashion of the Masai guild, about eight\ndays after the birth of the child, be it male or female, the father of\nthe infant kills a male sheep and takes the meat to the house of the\nmother, who eats it with her neighbours if they belong to the Masai\nguild. At the conclusion of the feast, the mother is adorned with the\nskin from the left foreleg and shoulder of the sheep, the piece of skin\nbeing fastened from her left wrist to left shoulder; this she wears for\nfour days, when it is taken off and thrown on to her bed, where it\nremains till it disappears. The mother and child have their heads\nshaved on the day this ceremony takes place; it has no connection with\nthe naming of the child, which is done on the day of its birth.\n\nThe ceremony of Ku-chiaruo ringi, according to the fashion of the\nKikuyu guild, is as follows in S. Kikuyu. The day after the birth a\nmale sheep is killed and some of its fat is cooked in a pot and given\nto the mother and infant to drink. It was not specifically stated\nwhether this had a direct connection with the rite referred to, but the\ndescription commenced with a mention of this. When the child reaches\nthe age of from three to six years the father kills a male sheep, and\nthree days later the novice is adorned with part of the skin and the\nskin of the big stomach. These skins are fastened on the right shoulder\nof a boy or on the left shoulder of a girl. The skin used for a boy\nhas, however, the left shoulder and leg cut out of it, and that for a\ngirl has the right shoulder and leg cut away. The child wears these for\nthree days, and on the fourth day the father cohabits with the mother\nof the child.\n\nThere is, however, one important point, and that is that before the\nchild is decorated with the sheep skin it must go and lie alongside its\nmother on her bed and cry out like a newly born infant. Only after this\nceremony has been performed is the child eligible for circumcision.\n\nA few days after circumcision the child returns to sleep on a bed in\nits mother\u2019s hut, but the father has to kill a sheep before he can\nreturn, and the child must drink some of the blood, the father also\nhaving to cohabit with the mother upon the occasion.\n\nOwing to similarity of name it is possible that the ceremony of\nKu-chiaruo ringi might be confused with Ku-chiaruo kungi, which is of\nwidely different significance. This latter is an adoption ceremony, and\nis said to be similar to a Swahili rite called ndugu Kuchanjiana. If a\nperson has no brothers or parents he will probably try to obtain the\nprotection of some wealthy man and his family. If such a man agrees to\nadopt him he takes a male sheep and slaughters it, and the suppliant\ntakes another one. The elders are assembled and slaughter these sheep,\nstrips of the skin (rukwaru) being taken from the right foot and from\nthe chest of each sheep and tied round each person\u2019s hand, while each\nis decorated with strips of skin from the sheep of the other party. The\npoor man is then considered as the son of the wealthy one, and when the\noccasion arises the latter pays out live stock to buy a wife for his\nadopted son.\n\nThe Kamba people, at any rate the Kitui section, have nothing\ncorresponding to the Ku-chiaruo ringi rite of the Kikuyu, but when the\nchild is about six months old it is moved from its mother\u2019s bed and\nthenceforward sleeps on a little bed by itself. If the husband cohabits\nwith his wife during this period the child has to be placed on the\nmother\u2019s back.\n\nCircumcision.\u2014As previously mentioned, the A-Kikuyu are circumcised\naccording to two systems, some according to one and some according to\nthe other.\n\n\n (1) Ku-ruithia ukabi, i.e., Masai fashion.\n (2) Ku-ruithia u Kikuyu or Gikuyu, i.e., Kikuyu fashion.\n\n\nThe actual surgical operation is the same, but according to the Masai\nsystem the boys stay and sleep in the hut for four days after the\noperation, and then go out, shoot birds, and wear the skins of the\nbirds on the head and neck. When the new moon appears their heads are\nshaved, and each one then goes to his home. The head of the village\ncannot sleep in the hut where the circumcised youths are staying until\nthey are well.\n\nAccording to the Kikuyu system the youths remain in the hut for eight\ndays; on the day of the operation a sheep is killed, and on the ninth\nday the father of the children takes them away to their homes. The head\nof the village sleeps in the hut where the youths stay after the\noperation has taken place.\n\nThose circumcised according to Kikuyu fashion hold the feast called\nMambura the day before the operation; the writer recently witnessed one\nof these gatherings, and so is able to describe it with some accuracy.\nIt was held at a village between the Mathari and Thigiri streams, and\nwas on the twelfth day of the moon, so there does not appear to be any\nparticular significance as to date. Several thousand people of both\nsexes had collected to dance and take part in the festivities; the\nwarriors were dressed in their war paint and had their bodies smeared\nwith red or grey paint, and in some cases were picked out with\nstar-like patterns. The women were all in their best, and freely\nsmeared with red ochre and oil; a large collection of elders was there,\nand the chief was present, as he explained, in order to keep order and\nprevent the young warriors from quarrelling. Over the gate of the\nvillage two long pieces of sugar cane were fastened, and all who\nentered the village were supposed to pass underneath. The entrance of\nthe village was also guarded by a bag of medicines belonging to a mundu\nmugo; these were supposed to prevent anyone coming into the village to\nbewitch the candidates. In the morning the elders of kiama slaughtered\na big male goat, nthengi, by strangulation, and each male candidate for\ncircumcision had a strip of the skin fastened round his right wrist,\nthe same strip being also carried over the back of his hand and his\nsecond finger passed through a slit in it. The male candidates were\nnude with the exception of a string of beads or so, and a necklace made\nof a creeper called ngurwa; the girls were nude as far as clothes went,\nbut were enveloped in strings of beads from their necks to below their\nwaists. Much dancing took place till a little after two p.m., when\nthere was a ceremonial meal. The candidates came into the village in\nIndian file, the girls leading the way. They were received in front of\nthe hut, where they were to reside temporarily after the operation, by\na few elders who had for some time been preparing a number of strips of\na vegetable creeper, and smearing them with a black oily mixture. Each\ngirl first came up and had a piece of the creeper fastened round her\nleft ankle. The creeper is called ruruera, and each piece is smeared\nwith medicine made from the umu and wangnondu plants mixed with castor\noil. One of the elders then took a handful of porridge made of wimbi\nand mtama meal (eleusine grain and sorghum), and placed some on a\nbundle of twigs of the mararia bush and offered it to each candidate;\nthe candidate bit a little piece and then spat it out on the ground,\nthe balance was then placed in her hand and she ate it. The porridge\nwas placed on a flat stone used for grinding corn. The boys then came\nalong one by one, and the ceremony was repeated in the same manner, but\nthe strip of creeper was fastened on the right ankle of each boy. It\nwas stated that the object of this portion of the ceremony was to\nlessen the pain suffered by the candidates during the actual operation.\n\nIn another part of the village a man was completing five stools of\nwhite wood, roughly hewn out of the solid, which were intended as\nspecial seats for the elders and old women who had to perform the\nceremony.\n\nImmediately after the ceremonial meal was finished a great rush\noccurred, and the candidates, followed by the crowd, galloped off to a\nmugumu, fig tree, about three hundred yards away; as they approached\nit, the boys threw clubs and sticks up into the tree, and then\ncommenced to climb into the branches, hacking savagely the whole time\nat the leaves and twigs; each youth had a light club with the head\nsharpened to a blunt cutting edge, and by dint of vigorous hacking\ngradually broke off small branches which fell down among the crowd\nbelow, and were immediately seized by the people, some of whom at once\nbegan to strip off the bark.\n\nThe bark was supposed to be used to bind round the heads of the\ncandidates. The people then danced round the tree, and this ended the\nproceedings. The leaves of the fig tree are collected and strewn in the\nhut where the candidates sleep after the operation. They are said to be\nfor the purpose of catching the blood, and possibly to prevent the hut\nbeing defiled by the blood soaking into the earthen floor. They would\nnever throw sticks into, or gather leaves from, a sacred mugumu tree.\n\nThe actual operation was not seen, as it took place at dawn the\nfollowing morning; it is performed in the open near the village. The\nbulk of the prepuce is not cut off at all, but forms an excrescence\nbelow the glans, a small piece of skin only being cut off; it is thrown\naway, and not buried.\n\nAt the similar operation in Ukamba the prepuce is left on the leaves on\nwhich the youth is seated during the operation and thrown away with\nthem.\n\nThe neophyte is placed on a bed of leaves for the operation, as it is\nvery bad for the blood to fall on the earth. If anyone touches the\nblood it is considered unlucky and he must cohabit with his wife, and\nthe mother of the child with her husband, and no harm will ensue.\n\nMambura Festivities Preceding Circumcision According to Masai\nFashion.\u2014The festival which precedes circumcision according to the\nMasai fashion was also witnessed. It was originally to have been held\nat full moon, but bad weather caused its postponement till the\ntwenty-fifth day of the moon, which seemed to be equally propitious.\n\nIn the morning a sheep was killed and eaten by the elders, and at about\nnoon the candidates had assembled. The people of the village and the\ncandidates passed their time in dancing until the preparations were\ncompleted. The male candidates were smeared from head to foot with\nashes, and were nude with the exception of a belt of iron chain\n(munyoro), a bead necklet (kinyata), an iron dancing bell (kigamba) on\nthe right leg near the knee; some wore a ring of the ngurwa vine round\ntheir necks. The girls were decorated from neck to waist with a load of\nbeads as in the Kikuyu form of the ceremony.\n\nThe first proceeding was the decoration of each of the male candidates\nwith a bracelet made of climbing euphorbiaceous plant called mwimba\niguru.\n\nThe elders of kiama and the wives of the owner of the village, who was\none of the elders, sat round in a circle in the middle of the village\nwith a quantity of tendrils of the plant on a wicker tray, kitaruru, in\nthe centre; a small gourd of white diatomaceous earth, ira, was\nproduced, and each person licked a little and then smeared a small\nportion of the white earth on his throat and navel; this was to purify\nhimself for the ceremony. A horn cup of honey-beer was then produced,\neach one taking a sip, and then all simultaneously blowing it out of\ntheir mouths in spray on to the plant; it was said that the object of\nthis was to purify or dedicate the plant to the use to which it was to\nbe applied. The male candidates then came up one by one and a bracelet\nof the creeper was fastened on the right wrist of each.\n\nAfter a little more dancing the male candidates were seated in a row on\nox-hides spread out on the ground; a woman, the sister of the owner of\nthe village, came along and poured first a little milk and then a\nlittle honey-beer on the head of the one on the left of the line; she\nsmeared it over the scalp and shaved a place on the right side of his\nhead and passed on to the next. The shaving was merely ceremonial, as\nthe candidates had all been shaved on the head before coming to the\nceremony\u2014the native razor, ruenji, being used. The milk was in a gourd\nand the beer in a cow horn. The male candidates then got up, and the\nsame performance was gone through with the girls.\n\nShortly after this two great branches from the mutamaiyu tree were\nbrought to the gate of the village and held upright, one on each side\nof the entrance; the elders said that in the ceremonies according to\nMasai fashion the mutamaiyu had the same significance as the mugumu\ntree had in the Kikuyu ceremonial. The candidates came through the\nvillage dancing and singing all the time up to near the mutamaiyu\nbranches, and stopped a few yards away from them, still dancing and\nsinging. The song did not appear to have any great significance, being\nto the effect that from time immemorial they always had the mutamaiyu\nat these festivals, and now it had come they could proceed to\ncircumcise the candidates according to old custom.\n\nThey then all returned to the village, and the candidates were arranged\nin the order in which they could be circumcised on the morrow. The\nowner of the village divested himself of his blanket and donned an oily\nkaross made of goatskin from which all the hair had been scraped; his\nhands were carefully wiped and some ira (the white earth previously\nmentioned) was poured into the palm of his hand from a small gourd. He\nthen commenced at the left of the line and anointed each candidate on\ndifferent parts of the body with smears of the white earth; he was\nassisted by his principal wife and two sisters and another elder.\n\nThe boys were first touched on the tongue, and a line was then drawn\ndown the forehead to the point of the nose; a spot was placed on the\nthroat, the navel, the palm of each hand, and finally between the big\ntoe and first toe.\n\nThe procedure with the girls was slightly different, the tongue being\nsmeared first, and a horizontal line then drawn across the forehead.\nThe palms of the hands and the navel were next smeared, and finally a\nband was drawn round each ankle.\n\nAfter the candidates had thus been anointed, the elders took mouthfuls\nof honey-beer out of a horn and blew it in spray over each candidate\u2019s\nhead and shoulders. This part of the proceedings was a ceremony\nintended to purify the candidates from any thahu which might be on\nthem, and to protect them from any thahu which they might possibly get\nfrom an onlooker. The spectators \u201cululued\u201d loudly during this\noperation.\n\nIt was then about two p.m., and nothing further of importance took\nplace; the crowd, which had been gradually growing, however, danced on\ntill sundown.\n\nAt nightfall each candidate was said to receive a dose of the crushed\nseeds of a plant called ngaita, which acted as an aperient, and in the\nmorning before the operation each one had to bathe in water in which an\naxe head had been placed to make it cold; it was, however, stated that\nif there were a large number, some would not bother about this, but\nwould bathe in the nearest stream.\n\nThe operation took place at dawn on the following morning, and was not\nwitnessed. No firewood but that from the mutamaiyu tree is allowed to\nbe used in the hut where the candidates live after the operation.\n\nThis custom of circumcision according to the two different systems\napplies to both sexes. Both classes dance with the oval wooden shields\ncalled ndomi before circumcision, and travel through the district\npainted in zig-zag stripes with white clay.\n\nA man circumcised according to Masai fashion can marry a girl\ncircumcised according to Kikuyu fashion and vice vers\u00e2; but a medicine\nman and the elders have to perform a ceremony to change the girl from\nKikuyu to Masai before the marriage can take place. The ceremony is\nsaid to be as follows: a male sheep is killed, and the small intestines\nare extracted. The medicine man and the girl take hold of them, and the\nelders then cut the intestines with three pieces of wood sharpened to a\nknife edge and made of mathakwa, mukeo, and mukenya bushes. A piece of\nintestine is cut with each knife. The girl is then anointed with the\nfat of the sheep by another woman and smeared over with tatha (the\nstomach contents) mixed with water.\n\nIn the case of a marriage between a couple belonging to different\nguilds the man never changes; it is always the woman who relinquishes\nthe system in which she was brought up. A man can, however, at his own\nwish and for reasons of his own, change his guild; that is to say a man\nbrought up Masai fashion can change over to the Kikuyu side. It is a\nmuch simpler matter for him than for a woman; a male sheep is killed by\nthe elders, and a medicine man then comes and puts him through the\nordinary purification ceremony.\n\nA man usually belongs to the guild of his father; that is to say, he is\ncircumcised according to the system of his father and grandfather\nbefore him. The mark of a person circumcised Masai fashion is as\nfollows: a copper ring is placed in the lower lobe of each ear, and a\npiece of stick with an ostrich feather on it is bound on each side of\nthe head; a band of sanseviera fibre, ndivai, [4] is bound round the\nforehead, and on this band bird skins are fastened.\n\nThese ornaments are worn for eight days only; bows and arrows are also\ncarried and sandals are worn. After eight days they put off the\nornaments and give up the bows and arrows, leaving them in the village\nwhere they were circumcised. They then have their heads shaved at the\nvillage and return home.\n\nThose circumcised Kikuyu fashion go through none of this, but for two\ndays wear a strip of banana fibre, maigoia, in the lobe of each ear.\nDuring five days after recovery they also wear in their ears a round\nplug of mununga wood whitened on the top with ira and a necklace of the\nleaves of the mutathi plant. This is probably a protective magic to\npreserve them from evil influence during their convalescence.\n\nThe marks just enumerated only apply to the male sex. With regard to\ngirls, further inquiry has elicited the following facts: a girl whose\nfather belongs to the Masai guild wears rings of copper called ndogonyi\non each ankle. A girl whose father belongs to the Kikuyu guild wears an\nanklet of iron with little rattles, called nyara runga, attached to it.\n\nIf a girl who is Masai marries a man who is Kikuyu the ndogonyi are\ntaken off at marriage. If a girl who is Kikuyu marries a man who is\nMasai she does not, however, discard the nyara runga.\n\nThe elaborate ceremonial of old days in connection with circumcision is\nnow rapidly dying out in Southern Kikuyu.\n\nInquiries were made as to whether the bull-roarer, which is well known\nin Kikuyu as kiburuti, was used in these ceremonies, but curiously\nenough it appears to survive only as a child\u2019s toy, whereas in many of\nthe neighbouring tribes it and its first cousin, the friction drum, are\nregularly used in initiation ceremonial.\n\nAmong the Kikuyu, two men circumcised at the same ceremony cannot go\ninto each other\u2019s huts or even touch one another and neither may their\nchildren by their first wives. The prohibition may be removed by an\nexchange of goats, or beer, which both families consume together in a\nhut. This prohibition does not extend to children of younger wives or\nto grandchildren. It does not appear to be connected in any way with\nthabu, but a penalty of a goat or two is paid for breach of the custom.\n\nGenerations of the A-Kikuyu.\u2014The description of the circumcision may be\nconcluded by an enumeration of the circumcision ages of the Kikuyu as\nfar back as they can be traced.\n\nIn the December number of Man, 1908, the late Hon. K. Dundas gives a\nlist of the Rika or circumcision ages of the A-Kikuyu which probably\ngoes back about one hundred years or so, but this enumeration did not\ngo sufficiently into detail, and certain important points were missed,\nso it has now been revised.\n\nFour well-known elders, named Katonyo wa Munene, Karanja wa Hiti,\nIthonga wa Kaithuma, and Mukuria wa Mucheru, were consulted, and the\nfollowing lists are probably as reliable as can be expected, dependent\nas they unavoidably are on the memory of old men. The first list was\ngiven me by the first two, the second list by the second two. There are\nslight variations, but these are almost inevitable under the\ncircumstances.\n\nMorika, or Muhurika, singular\u2014Rika, plural, is the circumcision age or\ngeneration, and corresponds more or less to the poror among the Masai.\nThe Rika called Manjiri, Mamba, Manduti, and Chuma were not recognised\nby either of the elders, who both commenced their count with Chiira,\nwhich is obviously the same as Shiera of Dundas\u2019s paper, and possibly\nthe farther north one goes among the Kikuyu tribe the farther back do\ntheir legends go.\n\nThe following is the list beginning at the most remote point:\n\n\n VERSION I\n\n 1. Chiira.\n 2. Mathathi.\n 3. Endemi.\n 4. Iregi } These three, it is said, are often\n 5. Kiarie } grouped as Iregi.\n 6. Kamao }\n 7. Kinuthia }\n 8. Karanja } The fathers of the oldest men\n 9. Njuguna } alive in the country belonged\n 10. Kinyanjui } to these ages, and are called\n 11. Kathuru } Maina.\n 12. Ngnanga }\n 13. Njerogi, means the orphans, Chief Katonyo is of this morika.\n 14. Wainaina, means those who shivered during the circumcision\n ceremony.\n 15. Mungai, means swelled faces.\n 16. Kitao, refers to their eating colocasia roots after they\n were circumcised.\n 17. Ngua ya nina, those who wore their mothers\u2019 clothes.\n 18. Mbugwa or Kuchu, because the circumcision wounds did\n not heal.\n 19. Mwiruri, name of a song they sang at the ceremony that year.\n 20. Mwitungu, means small-pox.\n 21. Kiambuthi, called Mwangi, those of the dancing place.\n 22. Kirira or Ngugi, because fire was on Kenya at the time of the\n circumcision ceremony.\n 23. Mangorio, named after a sweet-smelling tree used to decorate\n the youths after circumcision.\n 24. Rohangha, named after a girl who had decorated her ears before\n marriage.\n 25. Wanyoiki, because they came one by one to the place of\n circumcision.\n 26. Boro, the big stomach of a sheep.\n 27. Imburu, the poor people (there was a famine at the time).\n 28. Ngoraya.\n 29. Kiniti, from a song.\n 30. Ingigi, season of the locusts (Katonyo\u2019s son, Thuku, belongs\n to this generation).\n 31. Mutongu } Called Mwangi. { Time of the small-pox, probably\n 32. Kenjeko } { about 1895. When circumcised\n { they went to dig potatoes in\n { the fields.\n 33. Kamande } { Time of the caterpillar\n } { plague.\n 34. Wanyaregi } Called Mwiringhu. { The wanderers.\n 35. Kanyuto } This is a name { The man-eating leopards;\n } given by the { there were several about\n } youths themselves { in that year.\n 36. Thegeni } to this age. They { The year of the cutting\n } will probably be { of the iron wire.\n 37. Kariangara } renamed later by { They ate gruel made of\n } the elders when { immature maize (Thuku\u2019s\n } the generation { son belongs to this\n } is complete. { year).\n 38. Njege } { The porcupines.\n 39. Makio } { Named after a liquid\n magic medicine which\n was sold in Kikuyu\n during the year. Those\n circumcised in 1910\n belong to this morika,\n it will finish early\n in 1911.\n\n\n VERSION II\n\n 1. Chiira.\n 2. Mathathi.\n 3. Endemi.\n 4. Iregi.\n 5. Mukuria.\n 6. Kicharu.\n 7. Kamao.\n 8. Kiarie.\n 9. Kimemia.\n 10. Kimani.\n 11. Karanja.\n 12. Kinuthia.\n 13. Njuguna.\n 14. Kinyanjui or Kathuru.\n 15. Ngnanga.\n 16. Njerogi.\n 17. Ubu.\n 18. Wainaina } These are often\n 19. Kangnethi } grouped as Wainaina.\n 20. Kitao }\n 21. Mungai } Often grouped as\n 22. Injehia } Mungai.\n 23. Mairanga }\n 24. Marire.\n 25. Wangigi.\n 26. Ngua ya nina.\n 27. Wakirutu.\n 28. Mougwa or Kitindiko.\n 29. Mwitongu.\n 30. Mwiruri.\n 31. Uchu.\n 32. Kiambuthi.\n 33. Ngugi or Kirira.\n 34. Mangorio.\n 35. Rohangha.\n 36. Wanyoike.\n 37. Kinyiti.\n 38. Imboru.\n 39. Ingigi.\n 40. Mutungu.\n 41. Kenjeko.\n 42. Kamande.\n\n\nThis brings us up to the last few years, and the elders said they had\nno interest in them.\n\nThe name given to the morika generally has some topical allusion to an\nevent which occurred during the year and about the time of the\ncircumcision ceremonies; these allusions are naturally forgotten in\ncourse of time, and the derivations in many cases now appear senseless.\n\nOne morika extends over two years, or four Kikuyu seasons, called\nKimera.\n\nThe terms Maina and Mwangi as names for the rika of the last fifty\nyears seem to be fixed as far as one can gather, e.g.:\u2014\n\n\n The Chief Katonyo\u2019s father was Maina.\n Katonyo himself is Mwangi.\n Katonyo\u2019s children are Maina.\n Katonyo\u2019s grandchildren when circumcised become Mwangi.\n His great-grandchildren when circumcised become Maina.\n\n\nSo apparently every person when circumcised takes the name of the\nmorika of his grandfather.\n\nThe word morika is used indifferently as applying to the larger group\nas well as to the group of a particular year. Any young men, however,\nwho have been circumcised of recent years, and are still under the\nclass Mwiringhu, would not be called Mwangi until the group of years\nwas complete.\n\nThe time of the completion of a group of years is decided by the\nelders, but what determined the commencement of a new group was not\nascertained.\n\nThese rika names only apply to males.\n\nA leading Kikuyu elder named Lorigi was independently questioned on\nthese matters by Mr C. Dundas, and his view was as follows: The Azamaki\nof to-day are practically all Mwangi, and Lorigi himself, who is among\nthe most senior Azamaki, belongs to Mwangi. Kamiri, and a few others,\nare Maina, like the Mwangi he attends the councils. The sons of Maina\nare Mwangi and the sons of Mwangi are Maina, so that a man always\nbelongs to the same division as his grandfather: thus Lorigi\u2019s father\nwas a Maina and his son also belongs to Maina, but Lorigi himself\nbelongs to Mwangi as his grandson does. It thus comes about that there\nare two generations of Mwangi and Maina living at the same time, and\nthe younger generation of either is distinguished by the temporary name\nof Mwirungu (plural Irungi). When these become elders they will be\ncalled Mwangi or Maina, as the case may be, without the addition of\nIrungu.\n\nThe Itwika Ceremony.\u2014As explained in the last section, the Kikuyu have\nrika or circumcision ages, and a long list was given; these rika fall\ninto groups and so many form a greater rika, named either Mwangi or\nMaina, which follow one another alternately. It was not clear at the\ntime what determined a group of rika being lumped together as Maina or\nMwangi; it now appears, however, that this is connected with a periodic\nceremony called the itwika, which takes place every fifteen years or\nso. These correspond to a great extent to the eunoto of the Masai, and\nare of tremendous importance to the Kikuyu; the elders, in fact, state\nthat they originated in Kikuyu, and were copied by the Masai during the\nperiod when the Kapotei and Dogilani Masai were very friendly with the\nS. Kikuyu and the Purko Masai with the N. Kikuyu; in the present state\nof our knowledge it is, however, impossible to say whether there is any\nfoundation for this. [5] Probably the best test would be to inquire if\nthe Bari people who live in or near the country from which the Masai\nare believed to be derived, possess this kind of social organisation.\nThe itwika has been described by Mr. Routledge as a secret society\nconnected with snake worship, but as far as can be discovered in S.\nKikuyu there is no foundation for this idea, elders, however, do not\ncare to discuss its ceremonial unless one is very well known to them;\nthey are not supposed to discuss it with any person of younger grade\nthan themselves, and the ceremonies may be considered, in fact, as a\nfinal initiation at which only fully qualified elders are allowed to\nattend.\n\nThe last great itwika ceremony was at the end of the big famine of\n1898\u20139, and was held about the time that the Government founded Fort\nHall. [6] The gatherings were formerly held on the area between the\nThika and Chania rivers, just above the junction of these two rivers,\nand the name Thika is derived from its connection with the itwika. The\nlast itwika was held near Kalaki\u2019s, in the district known as Tingnanga\nin Mimi wa Ruchu\u2019s country; it is said that on account of the\ndecimation of the people by famine and small-pox it was decided not to\nhold it at the old place. The next itwika will take place when the\ngrandchildren of people of the same rika as the chief Kinanjui have all\nbeen circumcised, and the decision of the date rests with the athuri ya\nukuu of the Maina generation, this being the senior generation to-day.\nThis apparently corresponds to the ngaje of the Masai (vide Hollis\u2019s\n\u201cMasai\u201d).\n\nAn account of the last ceremony was obtained from one who was present,\nand the first step is said to be the building of a huge long hut to\naccommodate those who participate in the festival. This is divided into\ntwo main divisions, one for elders of the Maina generation and one for\nthose of the Mwangi generation, and in addition, a small room for the\nathuri ya ukuu, who may be considered as the officiating priests of the\nfestival. These thuri ya ukuu are always eight in number, and at the\nlast itwika their names were, Muthaka, Ngombwa Tutua, Kimwaki,\nKathungu, Kithenji wa Njuki, Rimui wa Kanjuku, Ngegenya and Mbura wa\nKatuku, and the whole programme rested in their hands.\n\nThe principal elder of each village is supposed to attend, and often\nthe next in importance as well; the gathering, therefore, consists of\nseveral thousand souls, and the proceedings continue for three months\nor more. Each elder brings sheep and goats, bullocks, gourds of\nhoney-beer, and gourds of sugar-cane beer, and relays of food are\nbrought to the camp during the ceremonies by women, but no women are\nallowed within the confines of the camp. A number of men are also\nselected to collect firewood, but do not come inside the camp. The only\npersons allowed inside the camp, except the elders, are eight spearmen,\nwho are told off to attend on the eight athuri ya ukuu.\n\nIt does not appear possible to obtain a detailed account of the\nproceedings, but it is said that every day the eight athuri ya ukuu\ninstruct their juniors in the customs of the tribe and so forth, the\nelders also hold \u201cngomas\u201d or dances.\n\nOne man is chosen as an official trumpeter to the proceedings, and he\ncollects the elders for the various rites by blowing a horn of the rare\nbongo antelope (ndongoro). The horn is called choro, and no one else is\nallowed to blow it; this is considered a very honourable office, and\nthe trumpeter is paid nine rams and nine female kids for his services.\n\nIn former days towards the end of the festival the elders in charge of\nan itwika sent two envoys to a certain place on a stream called Kikira,\nin Kenya province, which was said to be the habitat of a mysterious\nreptile called the ndamathia. It was described as being more like a\ncrocodile than like a snake. This beast was given beer to drink, and\nwhen it was drunk hairs were plucked from its tail. A hairy tail is not\ncharacteristic of reptiles, but all are agreed that the hairs were\nobtained. The envoys then returned, and the hair was plaited together\nwith some strands of fibre of the wild date palm (Ph\u0153nix reclinata),\nand then placed on the top of the itwika hut. At the conclusion of the\nfestival the people went in procession to a sacred fig tree (mugumu) in\nthe vicinity, and stuffed the hair into a crevice in the tree and left\nit there. They then took the milk of a cow which had only borne one\ncalf, the milk of a ewe which had only borne one lamb, and the milk of\na goat which had only borne one kid, and poured them as a libation at\nthe foot of the fig tree; a dance round the fig tree then ensued. This\nwas the concluding ceremony of the itwika. Each person attending was\nfinally adorned on the wrist with a rukwaru or strip of skin from a\nmale goat, and the itwika house was broken up and they returned home.\n\nAt the last itwika held in South Kikuyu the elders did not send for the\nhair of the ndamathia, but the concluding ceremony was carried out with\na big black ox, which was tied by its fore and hind legs and laid\nbetween two poles; all the people then came along, one after the other,\nand stamped on the ox, which eventually died. The ox was not eaten but\nwas left lying there, and they then poured libations of milk and fat at\nthe foot of the sacred mugumu tree and danced round it, praying to God\n(Engai). After this they shaved their heads, were adorned with the\nrukwaru from a male goat, and returned home. Upon reaching their\nvillages each elder killed a ram and placed a rukwaru cut from its skin\non every person in his village; these were worn for one day only, the\nvillagers then ceremonially bathed and threw them away.\n\nThese ceremonies are said to be very pleasing to God (Engai). No one is\never allowed to cultivate on the area which has been used for an itwika\nceremony, and no one must ever cut the mugumu (fig tree) with an axe or\nknife.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI\n\nDEATH AND BURIAL CEREMONIAL\n\n\nKikuyu.\u2014Among most peoples, irrespective of their stage of culture,\ndefinite ceremonials have to be observed upon the occasion of a death,\nand before the heirs can succeed to the property. In Kikuyu land these\nare somewhat complex, and like many other observances in that country,\ntheir form greatly depends on the circumcision guild to which the\nperson belongs. This is the excuse for introducing the subject, as it\nis submitted that this factor has apparently escaped the notice of\nprevious investigators, and to understand fully the life-history of a\nKikuyu native it must be clearly realised how, from his early years to\nhis death, he is bound down by the ritual of the guild to which he\nbelongs. The nearest analogy one can find to illustrate this is the\ncase of one child who is baptised a Protestant and another a Roman\nCatholic; the main principles of these religions are the same, and\namong the Kikuyu the guild to which a man belongs does not affect his\nbeliefs as to the ngoma, or spirits, and their influence upon mortals,\nbut the ritual of his religion varies throughout his life according to\nthe guild to which he belongs.\n\nThe ceremonial observed upon a death is called ku-hukura\u2014the Swahili\nsynonym, sadaka, has practically the same meaning.\n\nThe death and funeral ceremonies of an elder circumcised Kikuyu fashion\nwill be first described. On the day of the death the children or heirs\ntake two rams and present them to the elders to pay for the digging of\nthe grave; every elder who has circumcised children is buried, married\nwomen who have borne five or six children are also buried. The grass is\ndug with a mubiru or mukuruwi stick, the sons of the deceased doing the\nactual digging, but the elders decide the site and supervise the work;\nif a son refuses to assist in digging his father\u2019s grave it\ndisqualifies him from receiving a share of the estate. The\ngrave-diggers receive a big male goat (nthenge), or, if the family is\nrich, a bullock, the bullock being slaughtered and the corpse buried in\nthe hide. The corpse of a male is buried on its right side with its\nknees doubled up and with the right hand under the head. The site of\nthe grave is near the gate of the village, and the face of the corpse\nis placed looking towards its hut. A woman is always buried lying on\nher left side.\n\nOn the third day after the interment, the elders assemble at the\nvillage to kill a ram to cleanse the village from the stain of death,\nand the sons eat the breast of this animal and next day shave their\nheads. The same day the elders bring with them one of their number who\nis very poor, and of the same clan as the deceased, and he has to sleep\nin the hut of the senior widow of the deceased and have connection with\nher; he generally lives on in the village and is looked upon as a\nstepfather to the children.\n\nThere is then a pause of six days, and on the seventh day the elders\nreturn, a supply of beer is made ready for them, and a big male goat is\nkilled and eaten by all present. This is called nthenge ya noro, which\nmeans the \u201cgoat of the whetstone,\u201d referring to the whetstone used in\nsharpening the razors with which the heads are ceremonially shaved at\nthe conclusion of the ceremonies. During the first four days after the\ndeath, the married men in the village must have connection with their\nwives; during the succeeding four days, however, they must observe\nstrict continence.\n\nAfter the nthenge ya noro has been killed the property is divided.\n\nIf the deceased belongs to the Masai circumcision guild the ceremonies\nare as follows:\n\nWhen a death occurs the elders decide whether the person is to be\nburied or not. Only elders above what is known as the \u201cthree goat\u201d\ngrade are buried; these are called athuri ya mburi tatu, which means\nthat they have reached the grade, the entrance fee to which is three\ngoats; the next grade is athuri ya mburi nne or the \u201cfour goat\u201d grade.\nNo elder is a fully qualified member of council till he reaches that\nrank. Generally speaking, it works out that only those elders who have\ngrown-up children are buried. In the case of a person not entitled to\nburial, it is the duty of the elders to decide the place in the bush\nwhere the corpse shall be deposited.\n\nAssuming that the deceased is entitled to burial, the local athuri ya\nukuu (highest grade of elders) are summoned, and the corpse is taken\nout of the hut by the sons and laid on the hide on which the person\nslept during life. A ram (ndorume) is then slaughtered, the fat being\ncooked in an earthenware pot and some poured on the corpse, the\nchildren of the deceased also being smeared with the fat. The ornaments\nof the deceased are then removed under the supervision of the elders\nand divided up among the immediate family; the eldest son has the first\nchoice, then the senior wife, and each child gets something. An ox of a\nuniform colour, preferably all white or all black, is now slaughtered\nand the hide is set aside. The elder sons dig the grave, the site\nhaving first been chosen by the elders; it is usually situated inside\nthe village near the goat hut or bachelor quarters, thengira. The\ncorpse is then interred lying on the sleeping hide used during life; if\na male, it is laid on its right side, knees doubled up and right hand\nunder the head; if a female, it is laid on its left side in the same\nposition. The corpse is then covered with the raw ox hide with the hair\nside upwards and the grave is filled in. Nothing is buried with the\nbody, but after the grave is filled in, the elders pour honey and\ncooked fat on the grave, and say, \u201cWe give you this to drink.\u201d\n\nA little later in the day a male goat, nthenge, is slaughtered, the\nmeat being roasted on a fire near the gate of the village, and a little\nof the fat is placed on every fire in the village; the smell of this is\nbelieved to be very pleasing to the ngoma, or spirits, and any thahu or\ncurse that may be impending is drawn away. This act is also said to\nlustrate the sons who have performed the burial.\n\nA month, or perhaps more, is allowed to elapse, and the division of the\nestate takes place. The children or heirs then take four rams, and the\nwomen of the village shed all their ornaments and sleep together in the\nsame hut, which is also shared by the four sheep. In the morning the\nelders arrive and the sheep are killed, the fat is cooked and then put\naway to cool, while the meat is eaten by the assembled people,\nproviding they belong to the Masai guild. The head must be cooked and\neaten away from the village; the skin is taken by someone else, and the\nviscera by yet another person.\n\nOn the following day the heads of all the inhabitants of the village\nare shaved and they are anointed with the fat of the sheep. During the\nceremony the people present wear their skin garments inside out, and\nthese are anointed with the cooked latex of the mugumu fig tree; after\ntheir bodies have been anointed with the fat they can once more turn\ntheir skin robes right side outwards, and the women resume their\nornaments.\n\nThe property of the deceased is then divided up by the elders; the\nprinciple followed is that each son takes the property which had its\ndwelling-place in his mother\u2019s hut, the goats and sheep, for instance,\nand which lodge, so many in the hut of each wife. With regard to which\ncattle, each son gets those which have been milked by his mother.\nStrict continency must be observed by all in the village until these\nproceedings are finished, and at their close the inhabitants and all\nthe property of the deceased are ceremonially purified by a medicine\nman.\n\nAmong the Kikuyu a woman\u2019s skin cloak is laid outside on the ground\nwhen she dies and no one will touch it; a Dorobo husband, however,\nwears his wife\u2019s cloak after her death; hence one may at times see a\nman wearing a woman\u2019s cloak. The fear of corpses is intense with the\nKikuyu, but it appears to be much less so with the Dorobo. They will,\nfor instance, live in the house of the deceased, and do not seem to\nmind handling the corpse, a man\u2019s sons, in fact, anointing his corpse\nafter death.\n\nBurial (Ukamba of Kitui).\u2014Among these people the head of a village is\nburied if his wife, wives, or any sons are alive. If they are all dead\nthe body is thrown out.\n\nA man of importance and of high social grade is nearly always buried\nand is interred at the side of his cattle kraal.\n\nThe head wife of an elder is buried.\n\nBeer and blood are periodically poured out by the side of a grave of a\ndeceased medicine man, but not by that of other elders. It is essential\nthat this libation should be made just before sunrise, and as this is\nin accordance with the practice in several other places, the custom is\nprobably a very old one.\n\nIn the case of deceased elders, a libation of beer and blood is poured\nout inside the hut of the deceased when liquor is brewed or when a goat\nis killed.\n\nIf a childless wife, who is the first wife, dies, she is buried inside\nthe village. In the case of a second or third wife, the body is thrown\nout, but curiously enough it must not be taken through the gate; a\nspecial opening is made in the village fence for the purpose, the\nopening being afterwards closed up again. Presumably this is to prevent\nher spirit from finding its way back into the village.\n\nThere is a curious custom among the Kamba of Ulu, in the event of a\nmember of the family being away when a death occurs in a village. An\nelder measures the corpse, cuts a stick of the same length and places\nit alongside the house of the deceased; this procedure is believed to\nprotect the absent one from evil. Upon his return, a goat is killed and\nhe is smeared with the contents of the stomach, muyo in Ki-Kamba, the\ntatha of Kikuyu, and some is deposited at the door of the hut, and he\nmust tread in it before entering the hut; this ceremonially purifies\nhim. The stick is then taken up by a mutumia ya makwa, one of the\nelders who understands the ritual connected with the removal of thabu\nor makwa, and is thrown out into the bush where the corpse of the\ndeceased was deposited.\n\nIn Kitui if a man is on a journey and a death occurs in the village\nduring his absence, his wives may not cut their hair till he returns\nand has performed the ceremonies necessary upon the occasion of a\ndeath.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII\n\nTHE CURSE AND ITS MANIFESTATIONS\n\n\n(A) THAHU AND ITS CONNECTION WITH CIRCUMCISION RITES, ETC.\n\nThahu, sometimes called nzahu, is the word used for a condition into\nwhich a person is believed to fall if he or she accidentally becomes\nthe victim of certain circumstances or intentionally performs certain\nacts which carry with them a kind of ill luck or curse. A person who is\nthahu becomes emaciated and ill or breaks out into eruptions or boils,\nand if the thahu is not removed, will probably die. In many cases this\nundoubtedly happens by auto-suggestion, as it never occurs to the\nKikuyu mind to be sceptical on a matter of this kind.\n\nIt is said that the thahu condition is caused by the ngoma, or spirits\nof departed ancestors, but the process does not seem to have been\nanalysed any further.\n\nWe are now in a position to realise the attitude of the Kikuyu mind\ntowards thahu, and it is considered that the term curse, in its\nmediaeval sense, expresses it. Everyone will remember in the Ingoldsby\nLegends the pitiable condition of the Jackdaw of Rheims after he had\nbeen cursed by the Cardinal for stealing his ring; now this would\nappeal to a Kikuyu, and he would at once say the jackdaw was thahu. In\none of the cases of thahu, quoted hereafter, it is possible for a\nperson to lay a curse maliciously on a whole village by breaking a\ncooking pot, and in another instance, a father can lay a curse on his\nson for disobedience. We thus have parallel instances from both higher\nand lower civilisation; in the first, the Cardinal curses the jackdaw\nwith the help of the supernatural powers with which he is invested by\nvirtue of his sacred position, and in the lower culture it is\napparently held that any person can inflict a curse by invoking the\nsupernatural powers of the ngoma, or spirits, of the dead ancestors.\n[7]\n\nThe position has, indeed, changed but little. It would appear probable\nthat as the priests gained power, they arrogated to themselves the\nmonopoly of laying a curse upon their flock; but the freedom with which\npeople use the conventional formula of curses to this day is evidence,\nhowever, that the power to inflict a curse was formerly at the disposal\nof all. It is nevertheless important to realise that when curses were\nbelieved to be effective, and in the case of malicious ones, punishable\nby native law, people were more careful about the custom than Europeans\nare to-day, when all belief in the power of a curse has died away.\n\nSome people use the term ceremonial uncleanness to express the meaning\nof thahu, but, as far as my inquiries go, the phrase inadequately\nexplains the Kikuyu ideas on this question. Acts which cause a person\nto become thahu are also often found to be enumerated under the heading\nof \u201cprohibitions\u201d and \u201ctabus.\u201d\n\nThe similarity between thahu and tabu is somewhat striking and worth\nconsidering. Tabu appears usually to be applied to some act or object\nby a man who often acts in the dual capacity of ruler and magician.\nThere is, as far as can be discovered, no record of a Kikuyu thahu\nhaving been imposed by any known personage, but these beliefs must have\noriginated somewhere, and it may be that they were originally imposed\none by one by great medicine men in former times, and have thus become\nincorporated in what may be termed the tribal religion.\n\nThe removal of the curse is effected by a process of lustration which,\nin the more serious cases, has to be done by the mundu mugo, or\nmedicine man, and in others by the members of the native council, or\nkiama; the latter is an interesting case of the overlapping of judicial\nfunctions and those of a sacerdotal character.\n\nThe lustration ceremony is almost always accompanied by the slaughter\nof a sheep and anointment with the contents of the stomach, the white\ndiatomaceous earth called ira being used in some cases. The\npurification is called tahika.\n\nIn a few cases smoke is used as a purifying agent and seems to be\nconsidered effective in some more trivial ones.\n\nThe reality of this aspect of Kikuyu life and thought may easily be\nunder-estimated, but it is important that all who wish to gain a deep\ninsight into native affairs should understand it and give the\nphenomenon its true value. To give the question a practical\napplication, it may safely be said that no Kikuyu native who becomes\nthahu during the course of his employment by a white master, will rest\nuntil he has been freed of his curse or ill luck, and he will probably\ndesert with wages due to him in order to get rid of it; he cannot\nafford to wait, the risk is too great.\n\nThere is another curious side to the question; a Kikuyu, when he is\ncircumcised, undergoes this rite either according to the old Kikuyu\ncustom or according to Masai custom; the physical operation and result\nare the same, but the ceremonial varies, and for some unfathomed\nreason, a man who is circumcised Masai fashion can do certain things or\nencounter certain circumstances with impunity which would, if he had\nbeen circumcised Kikuyu fashion, render him thahu. This is a very\ncurious fact, and the Kikuyu themselves do not seem to be able to give\nany reason for it. The matter should, however, be made the subject of\nfurther research, as my information is derived from the southern branch\nof the tribe, and many customs which are dropping into disuse in that\narea, and thus losing their inner meaning, are found to be very much\nbetter known in Kenya Province or Mwaitumi, as they call it.\n\nList of Thahu.\u2014I will now proceed to give a list of thahu which I have\ncollected with the assistance of the Kikuyu chief Kinanjui and his\nkiama, or council, of athuri, or elders; the question of the two\nclasses of circumcision will be discussed later.\n\n(1) If a small child dies and the mother carries the body away into the\nbush, the woman is thahu, and if the husband cohabits with her before\nshe is purified, he becomes thahu and the woman is cleansed. The man\ncarries the thahu away with him, and, what is worse, may transmit it to\nhis other wives. If the man becomes thahu in this way it is much more\nserious for him than the woman, and a mundu mugo, or medicine man, has\nto be called in: the woman has to be purified by three elders, athuri\nya kiama, and an elder woman, mwirui. For instance, if a man has two\nwives and the younger had become thahu, the senior wife would shave the\nhead of the woman who was to be purified; a sheep is killed, and she is\nsmeared with tatha, or the contents of the stomach.\n\nThis thahu only falls on those who have been circumcised according to\nKikuyu fashion: if the man has been circumcised according to Masai\ncustom he does not become thahu.\n\n(2) If a woman who has assisted at a birth cohabits with a man before\nthe end of the umbilical cord of the newly born child has shrivelled up\nand come away, and before she has bathed herself ceremonially, the\ninfant, although not her own, will become thahu. To remove the curse\nfrom the child the principal elder of the village kills a sheep and\nsmears the woman with tatha, the contents of the animal\u2019s stomach, and\nthus cleanses her.\n\nThis applies to those circumcised either according to Kikuyu or Masai\nfashion.\n\n(3) If a man touches or carries a corpse, he becomes thahu until he is\ncleansed. The lustration is performed by members of the local council\nof elders, athuri ya kiama, and the final purification by a mundu mugo,\nor medicine man. If he cohabits with a woman before he is cleansed she\nalso becomes thahu.\n\n(4) Stepping over a corpse inflicts a thahu of a very serious nature,\nand the person contracts a sickness called mangu (possibly leprosy). He\nis said to break out into an eruption, and the fingers come off and the\nnose rots away. To remove this thahu, both the elders, athuri ya kiama,\nand the mundu mugo are called in; the latter procures the bone of an\nelephant, and this is placed on the ground, the athuri forming a circle\nround it, and the patient then steps over the bone; the mundu mugo\nafterwards purifies the man in the usual way. [8]\n\nThis thahu applies to both sections of the tribe, viz., those\ncircumcised Kikuyu fashion and those circumcised Masai fashion.\n\n(5) During a marriage ceremony five goats have to be presented to the\nathuri ya kiama and are killed for a feast. After they are slaughtered\nthe eyes of the carcases have to be removed, and if, during this\nprocess, an eye becomes cut or broken, the bride becomes thahu, and\nunless something is done will not bear children; the father of the girl\nhas to present a sheep to the athuri, and the girl is purified by\nthem\u2014this not being a matter which necessitates a medicine man. This\napplies to both sections of the tribe.\n\n(6) On the occasion of a birth, the young men of the village kill a\nsheep for a feast called mambura; if the man who slaughters it cuts his\nfinger and his blood drips on to the meat, he is thahu until he is\npurified by the athuri ya kiama.\n\nThis again applies to both sections of the tribe.\n\n(7) If a man, the head of the village, attends the circumcision of a\nchild at the hut of one of his wives, he is thahu until the children\nwho were circumcised in the hut are cured; a mundu mugo then comes and\npurifies him and the woman in whose hut the children were circumcised.\n\nThis applies only to the men circumcised Kikuyu fashion, for in that\nsection it is the custom for the village head to sleep in the hut where\nthe circumcision has taken place, and he becomes thahu, whereas it is\nthe custom for a village head who was circumcised Masai fashion to\nsleep in another hut until the ceremonies are quite over, thus escaping\nthe thahu.\n\n(8) If one man kills another, and comes to sleep at a village and eats\nwith the family in a certain hut, the people with whom he has eaten\nbecome thahu, and the skin on which he has slept is thahu and may\ninfect anyone sleeping on it. This is a case for a mundu mugo, who is\ncalled in to purify the hut and its occupants.\n\nIf, however, the owner of the hut and his family have been circumcised\nMasai fashion they do not become thahu.\n\n(9) If an important elder dies he is buried by his sons and they are\nthahu until purified by the athuri ya kiama. They are smeared with oil\nand their heads are shaved during the ceremony; this is not considered\na very serious thahu. If they have been circumcised Masai fashion they\ncan be purified forthwith, but if they belong to the other section it\nis necessary for them to isolate themselves until the new moon appears.\n\n(10) When a child is born the father kills a sheep, of which a large\npart is given to the woman who has assisted at the confinement, and if,\nbefore he has pegged out the skin and divided the meat, he is summoned\naway from the village on urgent business (my informant gave an example,\nand said: \u201cSuppose he was arrested and taken away as a prisoner\u201d), the\ninfant is thahu and the principal elder of the village has to kill a\nsheep, take a strip of skin from the forefoot of this animal, and\nfasten it as a bracelet on the wrist of the infant to remove the ill\nluck.\n\nThis applies to both sections of the tribe.\n\n(11) If children are being circumcised at a village, and the owner of\nthe hut where the ceremony has taken place goes away to sleep at\nanother village before he is cleansed, and, say, on the way, meets a\ncrowd of people, the children who were circumcised will all be thahu.\nThis is a case for a mundu mugo.\n\nThis only applies to those circumcised Masai fashion as, by Kikuyu\nfashion, the man does not sleep at another village.\n\n(12) If two men who were circumcised at the same ceremony fight and\nblood is spilt, they are both thahu until a mundu mugo comes and\nremoves it. He kills the usual sheep and the athuri or elders put a\nstrip of the skin of the sheep on the wrist of each of the two men.\nPersons who are circumcised at the same feast are called wakini. This\nholds good for both sections of the tribe.\n\n(13) If one man circumcises his children according to Masai fashion and\nanother according to Kikuyu fashion, and the former should eat meat\nkilled by the latter, the former will be thahu and vice vers\u00e2.\n\n(14) If a person belonging to the Mweithaga clan sleeps in the hut of a\nperson belonging to another rika or clan, the people of that hut become\nthahu; this is a case for both medicine men and elders, and applies to\nboth sections of the tribe.\n\n(15) If a man throws some earth at his wife, both become thahu; this is\na case for a medicine man, and both have to be purified. This only\napplies to those circumcised Kikuyu fashion.\n\n(16) If food is eaten from a cracked pot the persons eating it become\nthahu and a mundu mugo has to be called in. This affects both sections\nof the tribe.\n\n(17) The wives of smiths are usually decorated with armlets made of\ntwisted strips of iron called mithiori. If a man enters the hut of a\nsmith, and cohabits with a woman so decorated, he becomes thahu. A\nsheep has to be killed and a supply of honey beer provided; a strip of\nskin from the sheep is placed on the wrist of the man, the woman, and\nany children she may have; this bracelet is placed on the left wrist of\nfemales, and the right wrist of a male. The purification ceremony is\nperformed by another smith.\n\nThis thahu affects both sections of the tribe.\n\n(18) Persons eating food in a smithy become thahu; the smith himself\ncan purify one from this curse.\n\nIt affects both sections.\n\n(19) If a bead worn on a warrior\u2019s neck or waist falls into food, the\npersons who partake of the food become thahu; if such a bead falls into\nthe grain store and becomes inadvertently cooked with the food the\nresult is the same. This only affects persons circumcised Kikuyu\nfashion.\n\n(20) If a Kikuyu has had his crops protected by magical processes\nperformed by a medicine man (to protect in this way is called ku-roga),\nand someone takes food from a garden so protected, he becomes thahu,\nand this form of thahu can only be removed by the medicine man who has\nroga-ed the plantation.\n\nThis applies to both sections of the tribe.\n\n(21) If a man has connection with a woman from behind, they are both\nthahu. This is a very serious thahu and both the athuri ya kiama and a\nmundu mugo are necessary to remove it, neither the man nor the woman\nbeing allowed to eat any of the sacrificial sheep.\n\nThis applies to both sections.\n\n(22) If a man beats his wife and draws blood, the woman is thahu, and\nthe man cannot sleep in her hut until she is freed from it; the elders\nare called in and kill a sheep. The two persons concerned are not\nallowed to eat any of the meat, and the skin is reserved as a fee for a\nmundu mugo who is called in to perform the formal lustration.\n\nThis affects both sections of the tribe.\n\n(23) If a woman is carrying a baby on her back, and it slips out of the\nleather garment and falls to the ground, it is thahu; the child must\nnot be lifted from the place where it fell until a sheep has been\nkilled on that spot, and this is a case for both the elders of kiama\nand a medicine man. Both sections of the tribe are affected by this.\n\n(24) If an elder or a woman when coming out of the hut slips and falls\ndown on the ground, he or she is thahu, and lies there until a few\nelders of kiama come and slaughter a sheep near by, and some blood and\ntatha (contents of the stomach of the sheep) are rubbed on the spot\nwhere the person fell. The elders then say, \u201cSo-and-so is dead, let us\nbury him,\u201d and they plant a sprig of the bushes called mukuria and\nmuthakwa on the site of the mishap. This applies to both sections.\n\n(25) If a man marries a woman and she steals anything from a member of\nher father\u2019s clan, she is thahu, and milk will flow from her breasts\nwithout any natural cause, and any child she bears before the thahu is\nremoved will be thahu. This is a matter for the athuri, or elders of\nkiama; a sheep is placed on the woman\u2019s shoulders, and its throat is\npinched until it micturates on the woman\u2019s body, the sheep then being\nkilled, and the contents of the gall bladder, mixed with urine from its\nbladder, poured over the leather garment of the woman, and her navel\ntouched with a little of the mixture. The milk that was unnaturally\nflowing from her breasts will then dry up, and by this sign they will\nknow that the thahu is removed.\n\nThis applies to both sections of the tribe.\n\n(26) If a man\u2019s son commits adultery with one of his father\u2019s wives,\nand the father is still alive, the father becomes thahu and not the\nculprit, the reason given being that the father takes the thahu because\nhe begot the son. The erring woman does not return to her husband, she\nis not thahu, and can still bring food to her husband, but he does not\ncohabit with her, and her hut is broken down. The son who has\ntransgressed in this way has to make peace with his father by a formal\npresent of a big male goat, nthengi. This thahu can be removed by the\nathuri ya kiama; it is a very serious matter, and if the thahu is not\nquickly removed from the father, he will die.\n\nIt applies equally to both sections of the tribe.\n\n(27) If a person touches menstrual blood, he or she is thahu; or if a\nman cohabits with a woman in this condition he is thahu. The person who\nis contaminated will first take some cow dung and then red ochreous\nearth (thiriga) and plaster it on the part of the body touched by the\nblood; ochre is said to be used because it is the same colour as the\nblood; the woman from whom the contamination came is also thahu. The\nmundu mugo has to be called in to purify the persons.\n\nThis applies to both sections.\n\n(28) If one woman is circumcised Masai fashion and another Kikuyu\nfashion, and the child of the latter is suckled by the other woman, the\nchild becomes thahu: this is a case for a mundu mugo.\n\nThis applies to those circumcised Kikuyu fashion.\n\n(29) If a hy\u00e6na comes into a hut at night, kills a goat and the owner\nkills the hy\u00e6na in the hut, the hut will be abandoned, and the whole\nvillage has to be purified by the kiama.\n\nThis applies to both sections of the tribe.\n\n(30) If a hy\u00e6na def\u00e6cates inside a village, the village and its\ninhabitants are thahu, and this is a case for the kiama to arrange; the\nusual sheep is killed and must be eaten by the people of the village.\nIf a person belonging to another village eats any of the meat, a hy\u00e6na\nwill come and defile the village where he lives.\n\nThis applies to both sections.\n\n(31) If a woman is carrying a gourd on her back and it falls and\nbreaks, she is thahu. This is a matter for the elders of kiama to\narrange.\n\n(32) If a goat should come up to where people are sitting, and try to\nsuckle a woman\u2019s breast, the woman is thahu, and the goat has to be\ntaken away and slaughtered at the village of the woman\u2019s father, the\nelders of kiama being called in to purify the woman.\n\nThis applies to both sections.\n\n(33) If a woman is milking a cow and the calf climbs up on her\nshoulders while she is so occupied, the calf is not allowed to suckle\nthe cow again and is forthwith slaughtered; this is a case for the\nelders. The people of the village must not eat any of the meat, half\nbeing taken by the woman to her father and the other half eaten by the\nelders.\n\nThis applies to both sections.\n\n(34) When a woman has recently been confined and the discharges are\nstill unfinished, it has sometimes happened that a cow has come along\nand licked the stool upon which she has been sitting. In such a case\nshe must immediately tell her husband; if not, he will become thahu and\ndie, and all the other people in the village will become thahu in a\nlesser degree and get ill. The cow has to be killed without delay by\nthe elders and eaten by them; no person of the village must eat of the\nmeat unless he has been circumcised Masai fashion. Three elders in\nKikuyu are said to have died from this thahu within recent years.\n\nIt only applies to those who have been circumcised Kikuyu fashion.\n\n(35) If a cow is out grazing and its tail becomes twisted round a tree,\nit is thahu, and must be slaughtered there and then; it is killed by\nthe owner, and the elders receive the saddle and the young warriors the\nneck.\n\nThis only applies to cattle owned by persons circumcised Kikuyu\nfashion.\n\n(36) There is a white bird called nyangi (the bird nyangi is in Swahili\ncalled furakombe); if one is seen to settle on a cow, and the cow is\nnot killed, the owner of the cow will be thahu and die. The cow must be\nkilled there and then and the meat divided up, the elders receiving the\nsaddle, and the neighbouring warriors the neck, whilst no person\nbelonging to the village must eat of the meat. The herd of cattle also\nneed to be purified, and the owner of the village, assisted by the\nelders, must take a female sheep which has not borne a lamb, and a male\ngoat; these are slaughtered, and the intestines and bones of the\nanimals (termed ichua) are placed on a fire, which is lit to the\nwindward of the cattle kraal, and the smoke passing through the kraal\nand among the cattle will purify the herd. Should the bird be killed\namong the cattle, the whole herd would die.\n\nThis applies to both sections.\n\n(37) If a cow\u2019s horn comes off in a person\u2019s hand the animal is thahu\nand is slaughtered, and the meat is eaten by all. This applies to both\nsections.\n\n(38) If a bull or bullock leaves the herd when out grazing and comes\nhome alone, and stands outside the village digging at the refuse heap\n(kiaraini) with its horns, it is known to be thahu, and is forthwith\nkilled by the owner. This applies to both sections.\n\n(39) If a goat is giving birth to a kid, and the head appears first and\nthe body is not born quickly, it is said to be thahu, and is\nslaughtered by the owner. No woman must touch the meat of such an\nanimal or she would become thahu; men only can eat it. Moreover, if a\ngoat which is in kid should die, no woman must touch it or eat the\nmeat, the idea probably being that her fertility might become\ncontaminated. This applies to both sections.\n\n(40) If a woman bears twins the first time she has children, the twins\nare thahu, and an old woman of the village, generally the midwife,\nstuffs grass in their mouths until they are suffocated and throws them\nout into the bush. If, however, a woman first bears a single child and\nthen has twins they are not thrown out.\n\nIf a cow or a goat bears twins the first time, the same practice is\nobserved, and a necklace of cowries is placed round the neck of the\nmother. This practice is observed by both sections. Some kill both\nmother and young, and a medicine man is called, who leads a sheep round\nthe village and then sacrifices it to remove the curse.\n\n(41) If the side pole of a bedstead breaks, the person lying on it is\nthahu, and a sheep must be sacrificed; this is a matter for the kiama\nto arrange, and a bracelet called rukwaru, cut from the skin of the\nsheep, must be placed on the wrist of the person, or he or she is\nliable to die. This applies to both sections.\n\n(42) A malicious person will sometimes, out of spite or in a fit of\nrage, take up a cooking pot, dash it down to the ground and break it,\nsaying the words urokwo uwe, \u201cDie like this.\u201d This is a very serious\nmatter and renders all the people of the village thahu; it is necessary\nfor the people of the village to pay as much as seven sheep to remove\nthe thahu. This is naturally considered a crime according to native\nlaw, and the offender is punished by the elders of kiama, who inflict a\nfine of seven goats. This applies to both sections.\n\n(43) If a son seriously disobeys his father, he can be rendered thahu\nby his father rubbing ashes on his buttocks, and cursing him, saying,\n\u201cMay you be eaten by my anus.\u201d The son will have to take a sheep and\nthen a male goat and a jar of honey and crave his father\u2019s forgiveness.\nThe father slaughters the animal, and rubs his navel and his buttocks\nwith the meat, and the curse is removed. This applies to both sections.\n\n(44) If the head of a village has a quarrel with another man, wounds\nhim with a sim\u00e9 or sword, and blood is spilt in the village, the\nvillage becomes thahu, unless the offender takes his adversary and\nleads him round the outskirts of the village, letting the blood drip on\nthe ground as they go; the elders will then have to be called in, a\nsheep is killed, and they purify the village. This applies to both\nsections.\n\n(45) If an idiot or maliciously-minded person picks up a skull, walks\nround a village with it and leaves it on the \u201cthomi,\u201d or \u201cplace of\nconference,\u201d the village is thahu, and is in very serious danger. The\nelders are first called in, and they take a sheep and drag it round the\nconfines of the village by the same route as that taken by the person\nwith the skull; the animal is killed and pieces of the intestines are\ndragged round the village. The meat of the sheep is only eaten by very\nold men. Six other sheep then have to be killed by the elders, and\nfinally the medicine man has to purify each person in the village.\n\n(46) If a wild animal is killed among a flock or herd of animals out\ngrazing the beasts are thahu; they can be purified by the owner and the\nkiama; a sheep is killed and the bones and intestines are placed on a\nfire lit to windward of the infected flock or herd, and the smoke\ncleanses them and removes the curse. Vide Tylor\u2019s \u201cPrimitive Culture,\u201d\nVol. ii, pp. 430\u2013434, \u201cFire serves for purification in cases too\ntrifling to require sacrifice.\u201d This applies to both sections.\n\n(47) If domestic animals are attacked and stung by bees they are thahu;\na sheep is killed and the bones and intestines are placed on a fire lit\nto windward of the herd and the smoke removes the curse. This applies\nto both sections.\n\n(48) If a son curses his father seriously he becomes thahu; he has to\nbring a sheep, which is eaten by his father and mother, the fat is\nmelted and all three are smeared with it; the son then has to peg out\nthe skin of the sheep in front of his mother\u2019s hut. This applies to\nboth sections.\n\n(49) If a person strikes anyone who is herding cattle, etc., and draws\nblood, the flock or herd is thahu; the offender must pay a sheep, which\nis killed by the elders, and a strip of skin (rukwaru) is placed on the\nwrist of the offender; no young person is allowed near during the\nceremony. This applies to both sections.\n\n(50) If the droppings of a kite or crow fall on a person he is thahu;\nhe must shave his head and bathe at a river, and the elders kill a\nsheep and fasten a strip of the skin on his wrist. The skin of the\nsheep must not be pegged out to dry in the village where the person\nlives. This applies to both sections.\n\n(51) If a woman sleeps with her leather garment inside out it is\nunlucky, but she is not thahu, the procedure being for her to spit on\nthe garment and turn it the right way. This applies to both sections,\nbut is considered much more unlucky for a woman circumcised Masai\nfashion.\n\n(52) When a man dies, the eldest son gives one bull or a big male goat\n(according to his means) to the athuri ya kiama for a feast, and the\nelders then teach him his duties (kirira). The next step is to give the\nelders a male sheep (ku-hukuria), which must not be eaten by the\nchildren, the object of this being to cleanse the village of the\ndeceased. Now if a son has not made these gifts nor gone through the\nnecessary ceremonies marking his succession, he cannot participate in\nthe sacrificial feast which has to take place at the sacred fig tree\nafter the death of an elder (called ku-hoya Engai). The principal wife\nof the deceased can attend the sacrifice, but not the other wives and\ntheir children. And should they do so they will become thahu and it is\na case for a medicine man to arrange. The women and children from the\nneighbouring villages can go.\n\nIf a sacrifice is made at a sacred fig tree to invoke rain only, athuri\nya kiama can attend and eat it. No woman must go near. These rules\napply to both sections.\n\n(53) If children are being circumcised at a village according to Kikuyu\nfashion and the head of the village goes on a journey before eight days\nhave elapsed or, according to Masai fashion, before four days have\npassed, he and those of his children who have been operated on become\nthahu; this is a case for the medicine man to arrange.\n\n(54) If a child has been circumcised and, on the first occasion after\nthe ceremony on which he leaves his village, the goats and sheep come\nback from grazing and enter the village before he returns, he is thahu.\nHe cannot return to his village until it is removed and must sleep at a\nneighbouring village where some of the other boys, who went through the\nceremony with him, reside. To remove the thahu, his father has to kill\na sheep and place a strip of skin (rukwaru) from the animal on his\nwrist.\n\n(55) If a father picks up one of his children and places it on his back\nor shoulders, the father becomes thahu and the child will die, the\nresult being the same whatever the sex of the child; if he carries the\nchild in front of him there is no evil result. This is a case for a\nmedicine man to arrange, and it applies to both sections of the tribe.\n\n(56) If a person should be bitten by a hy\u00e6na or a dog he or she is\nthahu and a medicine man has to be called in; he kills a sheep and\nplaces a bracelet, or rukwaru, of the skin on the wrist of the patient.\nThis applies to both sections.\n\n(57) If a dog dies in a village it is a very serious matter; the head\nof the village and his people are thahu, and the elders are called in.\nThe village head provides a sheep which is slaughtered, and the stomach\ncontents (tatha) are sprinkled round the village, which is then\nceremonially swept by the elders; the medicine man is then called in to\npurify all the people of what is called the mugiro of the dog.\n(Note.\u2014The mugiro means the pollution produced by the blood of the dog\nhaving fallen on the ground of the village or the death of the dog in\nthe village.) This only applies to the Kikuyu section of the tribe.\n\n(58) The children and grandchildren of brothers and sisters cannot\nintermarry. Breach of this rule is considered to be a very grave sin,\nand all children born of such marriages surely die; the thahu on them\ncannot be purged by any ceremonial. The parents are not affected. It\nsometimes happens, however, that a young man unwittingly marries a\ncousin; for instance, if a part of the family moves away to another\nlocality a man might become acquainted with a girl and marry her before\nhe discovered the relationship. In such a case the thahu is removable;\nthe elders take a sheep and place it on the woman\u2019s shoulders; it is\nthen killed, the intestines are taken out, and the elders solemnly\nsever them with a sharp splinter of wood from the mukeo bush, and\nannounce that they are cutting the clan \u201ckutinyarurira,\u201d which means\nthat they are severing the bond of blood relationship existing between\nthe pair. A medicine man then comes and purifies the couple. This only\napplies to the Kikuyu section of the tribe.\n\n(59) If a parent goes on a journey and, during his absence, one of his\nor her sons cohabits with one of his father\u2019s wives, the parents are\nthahu, and upon his return will be seized with illness. This is a case\nfor the medicine man, who has to be called in to perform a lustration\nceremony to purify them; the offending son is not affected. Sprigs of\nthe mahoroa, muchatha, and mitei bushes are bound up together and\ndipped in water, and the water is sprinkled over the couple, a little\nbeing also sprinkled at the gate of the village. This only applies to\nthose circumcised Kikuyu fashion. It is curious to note that\npractically the same custom is observed by the A-Kamba.\n\n(60) If a Kikuyu native kills a man belonging to another tribe he is\nnot thahu; if he kills a man of his own tribe, but of a different rika,\nor clan, to his own, he is not thahu; if, however, he kills a man\nbelonging to his own rika, or clan, he is thahu, and it is a very\nserious matter. It can be arranged by the elders in the following\nmanner:\n\nTwo trunks of the plantain or banana tree (called miramba in Kikuyu)\nare placed on the ground parallel to each other, and an elder sits on\neach; one of them is then lifted up by another elder, and the offender\nhas to seat himself on the tree trunk exactly in the same place; the\nother elder is then removed and the elder brother of the deceased or\nbrother next in age to him is put in his place.\n\nThe mothers of the offender and deceased then bring to the place food\nmade of every kind of field produce grown by the tribe, as well as\nmeat; the usual sheep is killed by the elders and a little of the\ntatha, or stomach contents, is sprinkled over the food which was\nprovided by the mothers of the two parties.\n\nThe two elders who first sat on the plantain trunks then solemnly eat a\nlittle of this food, and also administer some to the offender and the\nbrother of the deceased. Two gourds containing gruel made of meal are\nthen taken, and the elders put a little of the tatha in each, and one\ngourd is sent to the village of the offender and one to that of the\ndeceased. The remaining food is divided among the assembly.\n\nThe following day the elders proceed to the local sacred fig tree\n(mugumu), and kill a sheep. They deposit some of the fat, the chest\nbone, the intestines and the more important bones at the foot of the\ntree, and eat the rest of the carcase. They say that the ngoma, or\nspirit of the deceased, will visit the tree that night in the shape of\na wild cat and eat the meat, and that this offering will prevent the\nngoma of the deceased from coming back to his village and troubling the\noccupants.\n\nA medicine man then has to come and purify the murderer and the brother\nof the deceased.\n\nThis ceremony is not considered legal, and cannot be performed till the\nblood money has been paid.\n\nThe above case is a good example of the two stages of the removal of a\nmore serious thahu; in the first place, the spirits of the deceased\nancestors, including that of the murdered man, have to be appeased, and\nthe personal defilement due to the spilling of blood, which falls on\nboth the murderer and the family of the murdered man, has then to be\nremoved by a separate ceremony performed by the medicine man. It is\ninteresting to note that only the medicine man can remove this latter.\n\nThe above thahu applies to both sections of the tribe. In giving these\ndetails, my informants explained that according to Kikuyu native law,\nthe blood money for a man was a hundred sheep and goats, and nine sheep\nand goats in addition for the elders. If, however, a man could not\nraise a hundred goats it was the custom for him to give three daughters\nin payment, plus the nine goats for the elders.\n\nThe Kikuyu were formerly only allowed to eat the following wild animals\nand birds before being circumcised: partridges (ngware), pigeon\n(ndutwa), and hyrax (mi-kami). Many will not eat wild game throughout\ntheir lives, and people follow the custom they have been brought up to\nobserve; those that eat it probably had Asi or Dorobo ancestors. A\nperson who eats wild game does not become thahu. This same view is held\nby both sections. The repugnance to eating this kind of food probably\nhad its origin in totemism, but all traces of this belief seem to be\nlost in S. Kikuyu.\n\n(61) If a tree falls on a hut it is considered extremely unlucky; the\nhut, however, will not be abandoned, but it is necessary for the head\nof the village to kill a ram which is led round the village before\nbeing killed. If this were not done, the owner of the village, or at\nany rate the woman who lived in the hut, would become the victim of a\nthahu or curse. The owner of the village, however, may not enter the\nhut until the sacrifice has been made to appease the ngoma or ancestral\nspirits who inflict the thahu. This applies to both sections of the\ntribe, viz., those circumcised Kikuyu fashion and those Masai fashion.\n\n(62) If a jackal (mbwei) comes into a village and calls at night when\nthe inhabitants are asleep, the people say that a spirit is calling for\nmeat, and it is considered very unlucky. Next morning the owner of the\nvillage will take a male goat (nthenge), lead it round the village, and\nkill it at about the spot where the jackal called out. Pieces are cut\nfrom the loin, lungs, heart, and each of the limbs, and piled up into\ntwo little heaps as offerings to the ngoma, who are believed to have\ncalled out through the medium of the jackal. The sex of the ngoma is\nnot known, and therefore to be on the safe side two little heaps are\nlaid out, one for any male spirits and one for any female spirits. No\nbone must be broken in any meat offered to the spirits.\n\nNext morning the elders go to the place where the two offerings of meat\nwere deposited and pour out a libation of beer on each. They then\naddress the ngoma as follows: \u201cO ye spirits, take this meat and beer\nand give us goats and cattle and children, and do not bring thahu to\nthis village.\u201d The people of both circumcision guilds follow this\nprocedure.\n\n(63) If a certain snake, called nyamuyathi by the Kikuyu, enters a hut,\nit is necessary to pour some milk or fat on the floor for the reptile\nto drink; it may drink and leave, or it may not. If it does, well and\ngood; if not, the owner of the village has to kill a sheep, cook some\nof its fat, and pour it out in the hut, saying at the same time: \u201cWe\noffer you some fat to drink, we beg of you to leave us.\u201d It is believed\nthat a ngoma, or spirit, has come in the guise of a snake, and on no\naccount must such a snake be killed. After the sacrifice of the sheep\nhas been made the snake will always go, but it disappears mysteriously\nand no one sees it leave. If the snake remained in the hut, the wife\nwho owned the hut, and her children, would be thahu.\n\n(64) If a stranger comes to a village and dies in a hut there, the hut\nis completely abandoned if the owner belongs to the Kikuyu guild; a\nlarge hole is made in the side of the hut by taking out several of the\nwall slabs or planks (mihirigo); the corpse is left inside and the\nhy\u00e6nas come and carry it off. The hut is then left to fall into ruin,\nand no articles, such as cooking pots, beer, jars, etc., are removed\nfrom it. The men who break the hole in the wall are even considered\nunclean, as much as if they had handled the corpse, and after\nperforming the duty they go straight off into the bush and stay there\nuntil they have bathed and been anointed with tatha (the stomach\ncontents of a sheep); finally a very old woman comes and shaves their\nheads; they are then ceremonially clean and can return to their\nfamilies. A medicine man (mundu mugo) has, however, to come and purify\nthe whole village in the usual way.\n\nIf the owner of the village belongs to the Masai guild the consequences\nare not so serious. The family leave the hut temporarily until the\ncorpse has been carried off by the hy\u00e6nas; they then kill a goat or\nsheep near the door of the hut, take a little of the fat from the\nstomach of the animal, and place a small portion on the cooking fire of\neach hut. This removes the thahu due to the death of the stranger and\nall is well.\n\n(65) If a new hut is built in the village and the wife enters it and\nfinds herself menstruating on the day she lights the first fire in it,\nthe hut has to be broken down and demolished the very next day. The\nwoman must on no account sleep a second night in it; a thahu is on both\nthe woman and the hut. A medicine man has to be called in to purify\nceremonially the woman and her children, a new hut is built and the\nmedicine man ceremonially sweeps it out with a broom made of the twigs\nof the mukenya, mahoroa, and michatha bushes; he then collects the\nsweepings and throws them outside the village. This custom applies to\nboth sections of the tribe.\n\nThis custom also has another phase which is as follows: If on the day a\nhut is built, the wife, who is the owner of the hut, is away from the\nvillage and finds herself menstruating, she cannot even return to the\nvillage, but has to seek shelter with neighbours for three days. On the\nfourth day she returns, bringing with her a gourd of water. When she\nreaches the thomi, or meeting-place outside the village, she pours some\nof the water into a half gourd and washes herself. She can then enter\nboth village and hut without further ceremony. This applies to both\nsections of the tribe.\n\n(66) When a new hut is built, the first fire to be lit in it must be\nbrought from a fire out in a shamba, or field, not from another hut. If\nfire cannot be obtained from a shamba it is first obtained from another\nvillage; with this a fire is lit in a shamba and burning sticks are\ntaken from that fire. The Kikuyu state that they are afraid to get fire\ndirect from another village in case they bring some unknown thahu along\nwith it or with the firewood; they consider it a great risk,\nparticularly for the children, who might get thin and ill in\nconsequence.\n\nTwo or three days after the first fire has been lit a male sheep has to\nbe slaughtered by the owner of the village. The meat is cooked in the\nhut, and the blood is poured out on the village thomi, then beer is\nbrewed and a libation of it is poured out inside the hut near the door\nand on the thomi or village green. The above applies to those\ncircumcised Kikuyu fashion. Those circumcised Masai fashion make the\nfirst fire in a new hut by friction with a firestick, and the wood for\nthe first fire must come from two of the trees sacred to this branch,\nviz., mutamaiyu and mutarakwa (juniper).\n\n(67) Anyone can impose a thahu upon the owner of a hut by plucking out\na handful of thatch from over the door and throwing it on the ground.\nThe thahu apparently affects the wife who lives in the hut, and she is\napt to be attacked by a wasting disease. To remove the evil effects, a\nnumber of elders and a mundu mugo, or medicine man, are called in; they\nkill a ram or young ewe, which has not yet borne, near the door of the\nhut, and sprinkle the tatha inside the hut and at the door. They then\ntake a rough brush made of twigs of the marario and mahoroa bushes and\nsweep up the tatha. This proceeding purifies the hut. They also\nsprinkle some of the tatha on the thatch over the door and put some\nmuthakwa and mukenia sprigs in the place where the piece of thatch was\ntaken.\n\nOnly the elders and the medicine man eat the meat of the sacrifice;\nnone of the inhabitants of the village must touch it, and even the\nbrothers of the owner of the hut may not eat any. If the hut is not\nthus purified, it must be forthwith destroyed.\n\nShould the thatch be pulled out unintentionally by a drunken man, he\nwill only have to pay a goat for the purification ceremony. If, on the\nother hand, it is done with evil intent, the kiama, or council of\nelders, will fine the offender five goats. The writer is indebted to Mr\nBeech for bringing this example to his notice.\n\nIf a man goes to sleep at a strange village, and if the owner belongs\nto the same rika as himself, he is told to sleep in the hut of one of\nthe wives of the owner. If this woman has lost a child and has not\nperformed the usual purification ceremonies after a death, the man will\nreturn home with a thahu and will pass it on to the wife in whose hut\nhe sleeps on his return home.\n\nIt is necessary for the hut to be purified as in the previous case, and\nthen the man and his wife have also to be purified.\n\nAgain, if a wife goes and sleeps abroad and cohabits with a man who has\nassisted in the burial of a corpse or touched a corpse and not yet been\npurified, she will, on returning home, bring a thahu to her husband,\nand the same ceremony of lustration has to be undergone.\n\n(68) The last of the Kikuyu thahu which will be quoted is one of some\nimportance, as it may be, in primitive culture, the germ of one of the\nbeliefs which affects the life of civilised peoples: this is the ill\nluck which is attached to the seventh day.\n\nA herdsman will not herd his flocks for more than six days, and on the\nseventh must be relieved by another man.\n\nIf a man has been on a journey and absent for six days he must not\nreturn home on the seventh day, and must observe continence on the\nseventh day; rather than return to his village on that day he will go\nand sleep at the house of a neighbour a short distance away. If this\nlaw is broken, serious illness is certain to supervene and a medicine\nman (mundu mugo) has to be called in to remove the curse. Both sections\nof the tribe are subject to it, and both male and female are affected.\nMoreover, the live stock of the offender will become sick.\n\nThis belief makes it easy for the missionaries to explain to the Kikuyu\nthe meaning of the Christian observance of the Sabbath.\n\nAn important point in connection with thahu in Kikuyu which previously\nescaped notice is that an owner of a village, if he belongs to the\nKikuyu circumcision guild, cannot enter or sleep in a hut which has\nbeen ceremonially purified until two days have elapsed, or for two\nmonths if he belongs to the Masai guild. This prohibition has a very\npractical effect, for in cases where the whole village has to be\npurified to rid it of some serious thahu the owner of the village would\nnaturally be homeless for either two days or two months, as the case\nmay be. To obviate this difficulty the purification ceremony is carried\nout in two instalments: one half of the village is done first, and a\nlittle later the medicine man returns and performs the lustration\nceremony on the other half; the people are not thus greatly\ninconvenienced.\n\nA variant of the word thahu in Kikuyu, which is often used by the old\nmen, is nzahu.\n\nIt appears upon inquiry that not every elder in Kikuyu has the power of\nremoving thahu, but only such as have lost a wife who is a mother.\n\nIf a wife dies and leaves children, the husband calls in two athuri ya\nukuu (these are the very senior elders), a muthuri ya kiama (elder of\ncouncil), and an old woman past the age of child bearing.\n\nThey kill a lamb, mwati, or a ram, and the elders then take the tatha\n(stomach contents), pour them into a half gourd, njeli, dip a bundle of\nleaves in the tatha and sprinkle the hut. This ceremony is believed to\nremove from the father and his children the thahu left by the death.\nThe half gourd is then placed at the bed head of the father. A medicine\nman finally comes and purifies the whole family. If his generation or\nage is junior to that of the elders who come to perform the above\nceremony he cannot participate in it, but has to sit apart.\n\nAfter this the father is considered to be eligible to take part in\nceremonial connected with the removal of thahu, but only if he is a\nqualified muthuri ya kiama ya imburi nne or mburi ithano; that is to\nsay, if he has reached the grade to which the entrance fee is four\ngoats or five goats.\n\nPartial Immunity of Elders from Thahu.\u2014The elders of the highest grade,\nukuru, are as a rule proof against the incidence of thahu. They\nprobably acquire a certain sanctity from their communion with the deity\nwhen they take part in the performance of sacrifices at the sacred\ntrees and can thus be considered as a primitive priesthood. If,\nhowever, they assist in the burial of a corpse and cohabit with their\nwives within two months, they will be stricken with illness. If they\nparticipate in the native oath ringa thengi, they must be celibate for\nfour months, and if they assist at the kithathi or githathi oath\nceremony, they must remain so for five months, or nothing can save\nthem. In all the above cases they must, like ordinary people, be\npurified by a medicine man before they can resume their marital\nrelations.\n\nThabu in Ukamba.\u2014In Ukamba thahu is called thabu or makwa, and the\npopular attitude towards it is very similar to that existing in Kikuyu,\nbut it does not appear to be such an important factor in the lives of\nthe people, and for some reason or other does not seem to have reached\nsuch a high development. It is looked upon with awe, and people\ngenerally dislike to discuss it. The bulk of the elders can therefore\nonly give one or two examples of it. They declare that the only people\nwho can give much information are the atumia ya makwa (elders of makwa)\nand atumia ya ukuu (elders of ukuu), and these important people\nundoubtedly endeavour to envelop the beliefs in mystery.\n\nThe incidence of makwa or thabu does not appear to be nearly so\nfrequent in Ukamba as it is in Kikuyu. The Kamba, in fact, sneer at the\nKikuyu, and say they are full of makwa. Moreover, owing to the\nreticence of the Kamba on the subject, it is not easy to collect\nexamples. Mr C. Dundas, who has assisted in this inquiry, had to pay a\nfee of a bullock for himself and a goat for his interpreter before he\ncould get any information on the subject. These fees admitted him to\nthe grade of mutumia ya ukuu. All inquiries, however, had to be\nconducted in a low tone, and no one was allowed to listen. The\nfollowing are all that have been discovered up to date, but there is\nlittle doubt that others exist:\n\n(1) On the death of a man the village is unclean and must be purified\nby the elders, and during the period of purification strict continence\nmust be observed by all those resident in the village. If a man fails\nto observe this rule he will become afflicted with makwa; also the\nwoman, providing she belongs to the village where the death has taken\nplace. Moreover, if a daughter of the deceased who is living away from\nthe village visits there within eleven days of the death of her father,\nshe will become afflicted.\n\nThe curse is removed in the same way in either of the above cases. A\nbrother of the deceased must first cohabit with his wife. He then\nbrings a goat and the afflicted person brings some beer. One of the\nelders then collects twigs of the movu, mulale, and muteme bushes;\nthese are pounded up with water, and the mixture is called ngnondu.\nSome of the ngnondu is poured down the goat\u2019s throat, the idea probably\nbeing to purify the animal ceremonially. The patient then walks three\ntimes round the goat, and the animal is lifted up by the elders. Its\nthroat is cut and the blood spurts over the patient\u2019s head and body. A\npiece of stick is then placed under his left arm and another between\nthe toes of his right foot; two elders take hold of each of these\nsticks and pull them away saying, \u201cWe purify you.\u201d The belief is\npossibly that by some magical process the defilement is passed into the\nsticks. Subsequently the brother of the deceased again cohabits with\nthe same wife, and the patient is then cured.\n\n(2) A man may not lie on his mother\u2019s bed, or even take any articles\nfrom it, without becoming makwa. Upon the death of his father he\ninherits, and is then entitled to use, his father\u2019s bed, which was, of\ncourse, also occupied by his mother, and it is therefore necessary that\nhe should be protected from any evil which may come from this. So the\nelders make a mixture called ngnondu, and smear the soles of his feet\nwith it; they also sprinkle the framework of the bed. They say that if\nthis were not done the son would become makwa if he even put his foot\non the bed. If a son becomes makwa through transgressing this law\nbefore his father\u2019s death, he has to be purified as in the previous\ncase. It is suspected that this prohibition was devised as a safeguard\nagainst incest, but if the theory is correct the natives seem to have\nforgotten the reason. A man, moreover, may not sit on his\nbrother-in-law\u2019s bed without incurring thabu.\n\nReference is invited to the author\u2019s work on the \u201cEthnology of the\nA-Kamba\u201d (Camb. Press), p. 65, discussing the danger to a girl if a\nstranger touches her menstrual blood; this is a clear case of makwa,\nwhich falls on the girl in consequence.\n\nSome of the prohibitions mentioned on p. 102 op. cit. are also cases of\nmakwa, and on p. 97 op. cit. there is an account of a man who was\nsuffering from thabu or makwa. At the time, unfortunately, the\nimportance of the phenomena had not been fully recognised.\n\n(3) If a man dies and leaves young wives, the sons usually take them\nover; but, of course, a son must not marry his mother. A son cannot,\nhowever, succeed to one of his father\u2019s wives until the elders have\nperformed certain ceremonies. If he cohabits with her before these are\ncarried out he will become makwa.\n\nTo remove the curse in this case the ceremonial is as follows: a\npaternal uncle of the offender collects the elders and provides beer\nfor them; the woman concerned brings a goat. The elders make some of\nthe ngnondu mixture, which is handed to the patient, who pretends to\npay it to the elders. The elders then bring a branch of a tree called\nmuuti and tell him to pay it to his uncle. He does so by throwing it at\nhis uncle, saying, \u201cI pay you before the elders.\u201d This looks as if the\nspirit of the deceased father were offended, and ceremonial payment had\nto be made to the brother of the deceased, who for the time being\nrepresents him.\n\nA piece of wood about fifteen inches long, cut from a mukingezia tree,\nis then brought. This is first inserted into the vaginal passage of the\nwoman, and the man\u2019s penis is then touched with it twice or thrice. One\nof the elders afterwards carries the stick away and throws it across a\nriver saying, \u201cI throw this evil away.\u201d In the evening the uncle\ncohabits with the woman. The makwa is thus believed to be removed, but\nthe man can never have anything to do with that woman again. He can,\nhowever, marry another of his father\u2019s wives after the elders have\nperformed the necessary rites.\n\n(4) After the death of a father none of the sons may take honey from\nthe father\u2019s hives until the paternal uncle has first done so. Any who\nbreak this law will become makwa. It can, however, be removed by the\nuncle, who brings a sheep, and he, the elders, and the mother of the\npatient lead the sheep three times round the patient; at the conclusion\nof the third turn the sheep is lifted up and its throat is cut, and the\nblood is allowed to spurt over the patient. The animal\u2019s throat is cut\nby one of the elders, whose forearm is held by the uncle and the\nmother. After this ceremony the patient is believed to be cured, and he\ncan take honey. It may be that this was devised to prevent a son\nrushing off into the woods after his father\u2019s death and annexing any\nhoney he found, irrespective of whether such and such a hive would fall\nto his share when the elders decided as to the division of the estate.\n\n(5) If a woman loses a young child by death it is necessary for her to\nhave her breasts ceremonially purified by a qualified elder, or it is\nbelieved that any future children she may bear will die of makwa.\n\n(6) If a man cohabits with a married woman in the woods while the\ncattle are out grazing, it brings makwa upon the cattle and they will\ndie. The woman, however, is generally afraid of evil falling on the\nprecious cattle, and confesses. The cattle are then taken out of their\nkraal, medicine is placed on the ground at the gate, and they are then\ndriven back over the medicine, and this lifts the curse. The woman has\nalso to be ceremonially purified by an elder.\n\n(7) If a woman who has borne children is forced by a man a curse is\nsaid to fall on the children and they will die. The evil can, however,\nbe averted if she is purified by an elder; the man has to pay a goat\nand the expenses of the purification ceremony.\n\n(8) If a hy\u00e6na def\u00e6cates in a village during the night a makwa falls on\nthe village, and the elders have to kill a goat and purify (tapisha)\nthe village.\n\n(9) Some medicine men have the power to place a makwa upon one of their\nwives who is a particular favourite. This is done by medicine, but the\ndetails are kept secret. If a man seduces the woman in question it is\nsaid that death will ensue unless he can by payment induce the medicine\nman to lift the curse.\n\n(10) If a person goes to his mother\u2019s native village and eats food\nthere, and if by any chance a death has occurred in that village and\nthe funeral ceremonies are not completed, he will be stricken with\nmakwa. Even if a wife goes to pay a visit to her father\u2019s village under\nthe above circumstances the result is the same. This form of makwa can\nonly be removed by a medicine man.\n\nThe little known Thaka or Tharaka people in the Tana Valley south-east\nof Kenia also believe in makwa, and use the same word for it. A few\nexamples have been collected by Mr C. Dundas, and are given below:\n\n(1) If a village is ceremonially unclean for some reason or other, and\na man cohabits therein with a person of the opposite sex before it is\npurified, they are both stricken with makwa.\n\n(2) If a man belonging to a village has been absent on the occasion of\na death and at the necessary subsequent purification of the village, he\nmay not enter until a sheep has been killed and the contents smeared on\nthe threshold of his mother\u2019s hut. If this lustration ceremony is\nomitted he is stricken with makwa.\n\n(3) After the death of the head of a family the sons may take the\nyounger widows to wife, but not until the brother of the deceased has\nceremonially cohabited with the principal wife of the deceased. If this\nrite is not observed before a son marries one of his father\u2019s widows,\nhe will become makwa.\n\nLittle is yet known of the procedure which has to be adopted to remove\nthe makwa, but it is said that only medicine men can do so. An elder,\nseen recently, who was covered with small sores, and some of whose toes\nhad dropped off, was stated to be suffering from makwa, due to\ninfringement of the rule mentioned in example (1) above.\n\nA new road was recently opened in Kikuyu country, and where it crossed\nthe Ruiru River a bridge was built. At one end of the bridge an arch,\nmade of bent sticks, was erected, and on this a small wicker-work\narrangement was suspended. Over the bent sticks a strip of the skin of\na sheep was entwined. This was called \u201crigi,\u201d and was a miniature of\nthe wicker door of a hut. The Ruiru River at this place is the boundary\nbetween two sections of the country, and the object of the model door\nwas to prevent evil influences, or thahu, entering the neighbouring\narea by the bridge. The strip of skin was taken from a sheep which had\nbeen sacrificed there.\n\nThere is a curious belief in Kikuyu with regard to the burning of a\nhut. If a hut is burned down, the owner must not lodge the goats from\nthat hut in the house of a friend, the idea being that the hut caught\nfire as the result of some kind of thahu, and that the goats are\nprobably infected with the thahu and may thus bring sickness to other\npeople\u2019s animals. There was, for instance, a case where a hut was\ndestroyed by fire, along with several goats, but the people dare not\neat the carcases, although the meat was apparently quite wholesome.\n\nWhen a burnt hut is rebuilt, a goat is slaughtered to prevent the new\nhut from being destroyed by fire. The meat of the goat is eaten by the\nelders, and the skin is given to an elder who has had a hut burnt. But\nalthough he may use the skin he must not sell it.\n\nExtinction of Fire in a Hut.\u2014Though not definitely connected with the\nthahu beliefs, the ill luck which is associated with the extinction of\nfire in a hut is rather interesting to note.\n\nIf a man has several huts it is considered extremely unlucky if the\nfire goes out in all of them in a single night. He must at once summon\nthe elders, who kill a male sheep and sprinkle some of the stomach\ncontents or tatha on each fireplace. If his nearest neighbours live\nsome little way off, he relights the fire by means of a fire stick,\nmwaki ku-thegetha, but if they live near by he begs some fire from\nthem. When the sheep is killed they also fry the fat in a cooking pot\nand sprinkle some of it in the village and pray to Engai (God)\u2014\u201cWe give\nthee fat to drink, and beg thee not to extinguish the fire again.\u201d\n\nWhen fire goes out in the hut of a medicine man it is not necessary for\nhim to kill a sheep like ordinary people, but he feels the ill luck all\nthe same. He dare not travel next day, and if anyone comes to him for\nmedicine or to be purified, he will not perform the ceremony until a\nwhole day has elapsed.\n\nThe elders who were interrogated about this were quite clear that it\nwas God who put out the fire and not the ngoma, or spirits.\n\nEffects of Breaking a Tabu.\u2014A curious case of the results of an\ninfringement of tabu recently came to the notice of an officer in\nWestern Ukamba. He was inspecting the hospital, and found there a Kamba\nporter stricken with illness; his face was much swollen and covered by\na kind of congested rash, and his testicles were also swollen. On\ninquiry, he stated that his affection came on suddenly after eating\nsome hartebeest meat, and that he belonged to the Aitangwa clan, in\nwhich this was a forbidden meat. The officer immediately sought out an\nintelligent Mu-Kamba, who knew nothing about the incident, and asked\nabout the Aitangwa and their tabu, or makwa, and without hesitation he\nwas told that hartebeest meat was forbidden, and described exactly the\nsymptoms from which the porter was suffering as being the result of\nbreaking the prohibition. It was said that the man would have to\nsacrifice a goat and go through a purification ceremony to get rid of\nthe affliction. The final result was not heard.\n\nThese phenomena are very curious, and psychologists would no doubt\nattribute them to self-hypnotic suggestion. It must, however, be\nremembered that a man who breaks the clan tabu is probably, before\nbreaking it, very sceptical as to the evil effects, and, being\nsceptical, would presumably be proof against the hypnotic\nauto-suggestion.\n\n\n\n\n(B) PURIFICATION AND BLESSING\n\nKu-tahikia in Kikuyu.\u2014Reference has been made to purification by the\nmedicine man, which generally concludes the ceremonies connected with\nthe removal of thahu. This ceremony is the same in all cases in which\nit is considered necessary; it may vary a little according to the\npractice of a particular medicine man, but that is all.\n\nThe writer was recently present at one of these ceremonies, and the\nprocedure was as follows: The medicine man first received a sheep; he\nthen made a small incision between the hoofs of the right foreleg and\nrubbed a little medicine into the wound. The medicine consisted of a\npowder made from the mararia bush and mahunyuru, which is the epidermis\nand hair of a sheep. Probably the idea underlying this was a\nconsecration of the animal for the purpose of the ceremony. The\nmedicine man then brought a number of sprigs of various plants:\n\n\n Mahoroa,\n Murumbai,\n Uruti-Emilia?\n Mukandu,\n Muchatha-Emilia, sp.,\n Matei or Mitei,\n Ihurura, a creeping, vine-like plant.\n\n\nHe separated these into two bundles, and bound each at the base with\nthe creeper ihurura; they resembled two hand brushes of green leaves.\n\nThe mother of the patient or person who was to be purified then fetched\nabout a pint of water from the stream, carrying it in a couple of\nbanana leaves laid over each other. A small depression was scooped in\nthe ground, and the water, still in the banana leaves, was deposited\ntherein. The medicine man and the patient squatted opposite each other.\nThe former then put a variety of powders in the water. These were\nenumerated as follows:\n\n\n (1) Powder made from the stomach contents of the tree hyrax.\n (2) Ruthuku made from the muhokora root.\n (3) Umu, a reddish powder made from the root of a thorny plant.\n (4) A powder made from the irura (papyrus) and the mahoroa plant.\n\n\nHe then produced the dried right black forefoot of a sheep, dipped it\nin the water, stirred up the contents, and placed the wetted foot in\nthe mouth of the patient, who licked it vigorously and then\nexpectorated the liquid on the ground. This was repeated some twenty or\nthirty times, the medicine man incessantly recounting all kinds of\ndangers and evils in a chanting voice with a general refrain, \u201cMay you\nbe delivered from all these.\u201d He then took one of the bundles of plants\nand dipped the lower end in the water. The patient licked it and\nexpectorated, as above described, the medicine man chanting the whole\ntime.\n\nThe same procedure was adopted with the second bundle of leaves.\n\nThe patient then stood up; the medicine man took one of the brushes,\ndipped it in the water, and sprinkled the patient\u2019s head and wiped the\nfront of his body with the wetted bundle of leaves. The patient now\nturned round and the back of his body was similarly treated.\n\nThe patient then knelt down and washed his face with the water and\nwashed each foot and leg. This done, he wiped his face, feet, and legs,\nfirst with one bundle and then with the other. The patient then put his\nfinger into the water and pierced the banana leaf basin, and the water\nsoaked away into the earth. Thereupon the medicine man gathered up the\nbanana leaves and his bundle of leaves and deposited them on the\nvillage manure heap, kiaraini.\n\nThere was still a final stage of the proceeding, viz., the anointing\nwith white clay, ira. The patient still stood in front of the medicine\nman, who took from a small gourd some of the white earth, and smeared\nit down the line of the nose, on the upper lip, under the chin, on the\nright and left big toe, and on the palms of both hands. A little of the\nmedicines called irura and muhokora were then taken and a little placed\nin the palm of each hand of the patient, who crossed his hands and,\nholding them in this position, alternately licked each palm. The\nmedicine man then licked a little of the above medicine, and the\nceremony was finished.\n\nThe purification ceremony cannot be performed without payment; it is\notherwise of no avail.\n\nCeremonial Blessing by a Medicine Man (Kikuyu).\u2014This is believed to be\nefficacious, upon certain occasions, against evil and as a\npurification. The medicine man gives the supplicant a powder made from\nan aromatic root called muhokora. It is of a greyish brown colour; a\nlittle is poured into his hand and he eats it. The medicine man also\neats some, with the object, perhaps, of showing the patient that\nnothing bad has been mixed with it.\n\nThe medicine man then takes a long narrow gourd with tiny holes on one\nside of it and shakes out, as from a pepper castor, a powder made of\nthe roots of the muhokora and mchanja muka plants, and at the same time\nuttering a prayer. The patient receives the powder on his hands and\nrubs it on his head and down the middle of his forehead. The medicine\nman now takes a draught of beer and ceremonially spits a little on to\neach of his breasts, first, however, spitting a little on the ground as\na libation to the ngoma, or ancestral spirits.\n\nThe general idea of the purification ceremony is of a dual character;\nits first object is to cast out the contamination of an evil influence\nand, this being done, to re-establish normal relations between the\nworshipper and his deity. It is believed that among African natives the\nidea of the evil influence is not very concrete, but among other\npeoples the evil influence assumes the shape of a demon, the nature of\nwhich may be identified by a magician and expelled by him by the use of\nappropriate formul\u00e6. The one is a higher development of the other. In\nMath. xvii. 14, and Mark ix. 14, for instance, we find the founder of\nthe Christian religion playing the part of the magician and casting out\nan evil spirit. The only parallel to this class of procedure among the\nAfrican natives under investigation is the curious Engai possession of\nthe Kamba and the ritual undertaken to cure persons possessed: the odd\npoint about those ceremonies, however, is that although the afflicted\nperson for whom the dances are convened may be cured, others will be\nseized during the proceedings, the affliction apparently becoming\ninfectious.\n\nKithangaona cha muchi\u2014The Purification Sacrifice for a Village (Kamba\nof Kitui).\u2014If sickness becomes prevalent in a village, the headman will\nconsult a medicine man, who may declare that the spirit (imu) of a\nperson who died long ago is bothering the people and needs appeasing,\nand he will therefore order a fowl to be taken round the village\nceremonially and killed. This is supposed to be very efficacious in\nrestoring the good luck of the village, and is done as follows: the\nvillage head will walk round outside the village with some ashes in his\nright hand and a fowl in the left; on reaching a point opposite the\ngate of the village the fowl will be released and allowed to fly\ninside. It is then caught again and its throat is cut and the knife is\nafterwards buried in the cattle kraal. The children of the village eat\nthe fowl. The village head then prays to the deity (Engai) to remove\nthe sickness and keep it from the village, and afterwards prays to the\nimu, or spirit, of the deceased person who is supposed to have brought\nthe sickness. It is stated that they first pray to Engai because the\nimu is believed to have gone to Engai.\n\nThe aiimu which afflict villages are said to be usually those of\ndeceased medicine men who, when alive, were supposed to communicate\nwith Engai in their dreams. They declare that they have seen someone\nglowing like a fire, giving such and such a message.\n\nThere is another kithangaona cha muchi, which also deals with sickness\nin a village, but differs from the previous example in which a fowl is\nused. As with European physicians, the practice of medicine men varies\nfor individual patients.\n\nThe magician, having decided that the sickness is due to the imu of a\ndeceased person, will order the women of the village to grind some\nmawele or wimbi flour and cook it and make porridge.\n\nThe porridge is brought to the hut of the afflicted person and some\nbutter is added; the people present dip their wooden spoons in the\nporridge and each one eats a little and then throws some on to the\nfloor as an offering to the imu; the senior wife of the village head\ncommences and the others follow suit.\n\nThe village head then brews some beer, drinks a little, and pours some\nout to the troublesome imu. Having done this he kills a he-goat, cuts a\nstrip of meat from the breast, cooks it, and deposits it at the door of\nthe hut. It is probably eaten by the village dogs or fowls, but this\ndoes not matter.\n\nThe people then pray to the spirit and say, \u201cWe have given you food,\nbeer, and meat, we beseech you to allow the sick one to recover.\u201d\n\nKithangaona cha mburi\u2014The Purification Sacrifice of the Goat.\u2014On some\noccasions the medicine man will advise that the ceremony of kithangaona\ncha mburi be performed. This is done as follows: The evening before the\nceremony, the head of the village puts a stone in the hut fire and\nleaves it there all night; next morning he calls a small boy and girl,\nand the former, accompanied by the headman, leads a male goat round the\noutside of the village, followed by the girl. The goat must be all one\ncolour and not spotted. When the party reaches the gate of the village\nthe headman takes a half gourd of water and places it on the goat\u2019s\nhead between the horns. The red hot stone is brought out from the\nglowing embers in the hut, dropped into the bowl of water, causing the\nwater to boil and give off steam. A hole is now dug at the door of the\nhut of the village head, who holds the stone over the hole and prays as\nfollows: \u201cEngai muimu mivo nathika dikoni wao mivo nathika hivia\nnathika wao pamwe nabia hii,\u201d which, freely translated, means: \u201cOh God,\nI do not wish to see the sickness enter my village, so now I bury this\nstone and bury the sickness with it.\u201d The goat is not killed, but is\nallowed to go free. This is an unusual proceeding. It is a curious\nexample of a combination of magic and primitive religion.\n\nKithangaona cha munda\u2014Prayers for Crops (Kitui).\u2014When a villager sees\nthat his crops are suffering from drought, the ravages of insect pests,\nand so forth, he will go to a river bed and cut the branch of a tree\ncalled kindio which grows there. He will then take the egg of a fowl,\ndig a hole in the ground, among the crops, and place the egg in it,\nplanting the branch of the kindio tree in the hole. He prays to the\ndeity (Engai) beseeching him to make his crops grow like the kindio, a\ntree which never withers. The egg is said to be used because of its\nnourishing properties, and it is also believed that no bad influence\ncan penetrate its shell. This is a very pretty example of hom\u0153opathic\nmagic.\n\nThe Dedication of the Bull\u2014Kithangaona cha nzau\u2014Kitui A-Kamba.\u2014It\nsometimes happens that when a man consults a magician about a\ncontemplated marriage, or some other matter, the magician informs him\nthat in his village a cow is in calf and that this cow will bear a bull\ncalf which will be of a certain colour, red or black or spotted. He\ntells the owner that the calf must not be killed or sold in the\nordinary way, as it will be the property of the ancestral spirits (nzau\nya aiimu), or will be dedicated to them. If, however, it is necessary\nat any time to kill this beast, some beer must be brewed, and the meat\nmust be divided among the owner\u2019s wives. No portion with a bone in it\nmust be given to a stranger, but all the bones should be collected and\nburied in the cattle kraal. The meat of the beast must be cooked and\noffered to the aiimu, and some of the beer poured out to them. The\nbones of the carcase may be broken, if so desired.\n\nA beast thus dedicated to the aiimu will never die of disease. If, for\nany special reason, the owner wishes to sell or kill such a bull, a\nsubstitute must be found for it, and an important ceremony has to be\nobserved. The original animal and the substitute are tied and thrown on\ntheir sides; the two animals are then placed touching each other. Some\nhair is cut from the forehead, the chest, and the tail of the original\nbeast and placed on the substitute, the animals being then released.\nThe aiimu are addressed, and it is explained to them that owing to\npressing reasons the original beast has to be killed or sold, as the\ncase may be, but that a suitable substitute has been provided. Some\nbeer is brewed, and a libation of it is poured out in the hut of the\nvillage head.\n\nOld Testament Parallels.\u2014It is considered that the principle of thahu\nor thabu existed among the Israelites, and the following references to\nMosaic law may be reasonably quoted:\n\nLeviticus xix. 8: \u201cTherefore everyone that eateth it shall bear his\niniquity because he hath profaned the hallowed thing of the Lord and\nthat soul shall be cut off from among his people.\u201d\n\nThis refers to the eating of a sacrifice of peace offerings on the\nthird day; it may be eaten the day of the sacrifice and the following\nday, but if eaten at all on the third day, inflicts a thabu on the\nculprit.\n\nLeviticus xix. 22: \u201cAnd the priest shall make an atonement for him with\nthe ram of his trespass offering ... and the sin which he hath done\nshall be forgiven him.\u201d\n\nThis can be taken as a case of a man who has committed a crime against\ntribal law, and takes a ram to the priest or one of the elders of the\ntribe, who performs the ceremony of tahikia to cleanse him from his\nsin.\n\nThe elaborate ceremonial laid down in Leviticus xiv. dealing with the\ncase of purification from the plague of leprosy might be the procedure\nadopted by a Kikuyu medicine man to-day: the use of special plants, the\nsacrifice of a ewe lamb of the first year. The latter is identical with\nthe mwati of Kikuyu practice.\n\nIt is laid down in verse 19 that: \u201cThe priest shall offer the sin\noffering and make atonement for him that is to be cleansed.\u201d This\ncertainly looks as if the plague were the result of evil-doing on the\npart of the patient, and of the nature of a thahu, and is quite in\naccordance with present-day beliefs in Kikuyu and Ukamba.\n\nThe comminatory chapters xxviii. in Deuteronomy are of considerable\ninterest as a parallel to the cases quoted as existing to-day in\nAfrica, e.g., xxviii. 45: \u201cAnd all these curses shall come upon thee\nand shall pursue thee and overtake thee till thou be destroyed.\u201d\n\nGeneral Remarks on Thahu and Thabu.\u2014It will be well to review the\nresults of this inquiry. It should be noted that in a number of cases,\nabout one-third of those enumerated, the thahu is brought upon the\noffender or brought upon a third party, by the intentional act of the\noffender; in other cases the person, and sometimes the live stock, are\nthe victims of circumstances over which there is no control.\n\nThe investigations throw a vivid light upon the complicated nature of\nthe life history of a Mu-Kikuyu or Mu-Kamba, and it is evident that a\nnative of one of these tribes cannot go through life without becoming\nthahu or thabu some time or other.\n\nMr C. Dundas, writing on this subject, says with regard to the Kikuyu\npeople: \u201cThe fear of thahu is always present, a man may be subject to\nit without knowing the cause. When anyone goes on a journey he cannot\ntell whether he may not have contracted thahu in strange houses and\nvillages, and therefore when he returns he will kill a goat for\npurification before he enters his village. This was done on one\noccasion by a number of elders who had been on a journey with me, but\nas they were representatives of the western part of the district, the\ngoat was killed on crossing the Kamiti River, which river they regarded\nas the boundary of their country.\u201d\n\nUnmarried men and girls are not subject to thahu. On one occasion a\nwoman in hospital was said to be suffering from thahu caused by having\ntouched the genitals of a strange man; the symptoms of thahu were in\nreality only a bed sore, but a medicine man was called in to cure her.\nA case, in which a man was sued for a goat for the purification of a\nwoman whom he had raped, and who, in consequence, could not suckle her\nchild until she was purified, was tried before a kiama. The idea seemed\nto be that the child would become thahu.\n\nThe thahu is, however, in nearly all cases removable by the elders and\nmedicine men for payment, and it may therefore be urged that the belief\nhas not much value as a moral restraint. This view cannot, however, be\nseriously maintained for the following reasons: Take the case of a\nperson who commits an act which he knows will bring thahu; it must be\nclearly understood that he never questions the validity of the\nprinciple; he goes about with the burden of the misdeed on his\nconscience, and this worries him so much that he gradually gets thin\nand ill, and puts it down to the thahu. It therefore ends by his\nconfessing to the elders and begging them to free him from the curse.\nIt is in essence nothing more or less than the confession and\nabsolution of the Christian Church. Then again we have to consider the\npublicity of kraal life, where very little goes on which is not known\nto the neighbours; polygamy also increases this, a man confides in one\nwife, she tells another wife and so it goes through the village; if one\nperson commits an act which inflicts thahu on himself or a neighbour,\nit will gradually leak out by some means or other, and public opinion\nwill insist on measures being taken to remove it. No living person\nwould ever dream of evading the wrath of the ngoma, or ancestral\nspirits. Occasions may, of course, arise when the commission of a\nprohibited act may involve a third party, and the person who committed\nit may preserve silence on the point, but the elders will in most cases\nbe in possession of complete information as to the movements of every\nperson in the neighbourhood, and, moreover, the demeanour of the\nconscience-stricken culprit will invite suspicion, so in practice it is\nbut rarely that the offender is not detected.\n\nIn some of the examples of thahu which are cited above, cases will be\nnoted in which the hut is affected and has to be forthwith demolished\nif the curse is not removed; this feature appears to be worthy of note,\nand it may in some measure account for the low type of domestic\narchitecture among these tribes. Obviously there is but little\nincentive to build large permanent structures if, owing to the\nincidence of a thahu, the owner may have to demolish them at any\nmoment. The author\u2019s attention was first called to this point by a\nlearned French missionary who has studied the Kikuyu for many years.\n\nIt must not be assumed that every native is conversant with all the\nacts of omission or commission by which thahu or thabu may be incurred\nand there are doubtless variations in different areas, i.e., the thahu\nof Western Kenya are not identical in number and character with those\nof Kyambu district. All the tribesmen, however, know a certain number,\nand if anything untoward occurs to a man he will consider it advisable\nto consult an elder; the elder will cross-examine him and ask if he has\ndone so-and-so, or omitted to do certain things. Eventually the\napplicant will admit having done something which results in a thahu;\nthe way is then clear, and appropriate treatment must be sought in the\nproper quarter. Ridiculous as most of these taboos appear, they\nprobably have a general value in regulating conduct in communities\nwhere legal restraint is in an undeveloped state.\n\n\n\n\n(C) THE DYING CURSE\n\nThis is a very interesting belief, which occurs in both Kikuyu and\nUkamba. In Kikuyu it is called kirume, and in Ukamba kiume. The belief\nis also said to be found, under the name of ukuongo, among the Ja-Luo\nKavirondo.\n\nIt is really a thahu, thabu, or makwa which can be suspended by a dying\nman over his descendants. The same idea, somewhat inverted, exists\namong the Swahili, who call it rathi, or the dying blessing. If a man\ndoes not receive his father\u2019s blessing, he is believed to go through\nlife attended by much misfortune.\n\nThe general idea is that a dying person can put a curse upon property\nbelonging to him, or can lay a curse upon another person, but only upon\na person belonging to his own family; thus, for example, the head of a\nvillage, when dying, can lay a curse on a certain plot of land owned by\nhim and will that it shall not pass out of the family, and if a\ndescendant sells it, his speedy death is said to follow. A case\nrecently came to the author\u2019s knowledge where an elder was offered a\nvery tempting sum for a particular piece of land, and equivalent land\nelsewhere, but refused it because the property had come down to him\nwith a kirume on it. This is a very interesting revelation, because\nwhen one comes to consider it, in all probability it is the genesis of\na last will or testament. Furthermore, it is the rude beginning of our\nprinciple of \u201centail.\u201d It shows, moreover, that these people have\nalmost reached the stage of individual tenure in land, or at any rate,\nof tenure by the family, the head of the village being the trustee for\nthe family, and it is his duty to see that the gethaka rights are\npreserved intact. The gethaka is the portion of a ridge owned by a\nparticular family, title being obtained by an ancestor by purchase from\nthe original occupiers, the Dorobo hunting tribes.\n\nIf the head of the family feels that he is nearing his end he assembles\nhis sons, and to the eldest he will probably say, \u201cThe goats belonging\nto such a hut shall be yours\u201d; he will then call another son and say,\n\u201cThe goats of such and such a hut shall be yours, and if any of you\nbreak these wishes he shall surely die.\u201d He will then mention a certain\nshamba (cultivated field) and say, \u201cSuch and such a shamba, shall not\nbe sold, and if this wish is broken the one who sells it shall die.\u201d\nThis operates as an entail on the property which will be passed on from\ngeneration to generation; such is the strength of the belief. Upon\ninquiry, examples may be found all over the country.\n\nAnother case quoted was that of a man who had a ne\u2019er-do-well son who\nwas in the habit of pilfering the neighbouring villages; the custom is\nfor those who have suffered to collect and seize the equivalent of\ntheir losses from his father. If this continues, the father, in the\nend, becomes so annoyed with his son\u2019s misdeeds that he will put a\nkirume on him when on his death-bed. There is quite a mediaeval flavour\nabout this action.\n\nSometimes, too, a man, when he is very old, entrusts a son with charge\nof his live stock, and the son may abuse the trust and let the flocks\nand herds melt away. Cases have been known where an old patriarch on\nhis death-bed has put a kirume on his son to the effect that he shall\nneither grow rich nor have wives, but to the end of his life shall be\ncondemned to perpetual poverty.\n\nAgain, a daughter may be a trouble to her father; she is, say, married\nto a husband who has paid the required dowry to her father; she runs\naway, repeatedly misbehaves herself, and so forth, and the father will\nthen be subject to continual worry, owing to the husband\u2019s demands for\nthe return of the dowry. The father may eventually become so weary of\nall this worry that he will put a kirume on her and condemn her to\nperpetual barrenness.\n\nAnother case quoted was that of two brothers, one rich and one poor;\nthe poor man may be envious of his brother and hate him in consequence.\nOne day they go to drink beer, and, excited by the liquor, the poorer\none brutally attacks his brother and grievously injures him. When the\ninjured man recovers consciousness he will call his brother and say,\n\u201cYou have always been jealous of my wealth, and now I shall probably\ndie from treatment received at your hands, but when I am dead if you\nattempt to seize any of my property you shall only be able to look at\nit, for if you touch a single head of stock you will die, and if your\nson comes to take any of my beasts he will also die.\u201d\n\nIf a dying man calls out to a man of his own clan, muhirika, or morika,\nand makes a request such as, \u201cGive me water,\u201d and the person refuses,\nthe dying man can impose a kirume upon the one who refuses.\n\nA man is, generally speaking, only able to lay a kirume upon a person\nbelonging to his own muhirika, or clan, which really means that a\nkirume will only affect one with a common blood tie.\n\nThere are, however, two exceptions to this:\n\nIf a man of one clan marries a woman of another clan (as is the rule)\nhe can, if necessity arises, place a kirume upon the family of his wife\nif they live in the village of his father-in-law, because they have, as\nthe expression runs, \u201cEaten of his property,\u201d referring to the live\nstock he has paid over to his father-in-law for his wife.\n\nThe converse can also happen, for if a man has married a woman and has\nnot paid his father-in-law the full amount agreed upon, the\nfather-in-law when he dies can impose a kirume upon his son-in-law, and\nsuch kirume may also extend to his daughter, the idea probably being\nthat the daughter has not sufficiently worried her husband to pay the\nbalance due.\n\nThe power to impose a kirume is apparently not altogether confined to\nelders, for it is said that if an incorrigible child is driven away\nfrom home, becomes starved and dies in consequence, it can, before it\ndies, curse its parents and say, \u201cYou have treated me like this, and\ntherefore you shall not have any more children.\u201d\n\nIt is said that if a person hears that someone of his own clan is\nthreatening to impose a kirume on him, he can take steps to prevent its\ninfliction. The procedure was described as follows: If a person hears\nthat, say, a brother intended to place a kirume on him, he at once\ntakes a male goat or sheep to his village and kills it there; he offers\nsome of the fat, some milk and beer to the dying man, who cannot refuse\nto forgive the suppliant, and who ceremonially spits into his hands and\nrubs a little saliva on his forehead, navel, and feet. The threatened\nperson then departs in peace, free from any danger of a kirume from\nthat person. This applies to both guilds.\n\nOne curious case of kirume which was described deserves notice. It is\nprobably very rare, but it possibly carries evidence of the ancient\norigin of the belief and dates back to matriarchal times.\n\nSuppose a dying mwanake, or member of the warrior age, lays a kirume\nupon his maternal grandfather, what course would he pursue to rid\nhimself of the dangerous infliction? If he was unable to get the one\nwho imposed it to spit on him as above described, he would have to seek\na grandson by another daughter, take or send to him a male goat, some\nbeer, the milk of a cow and seed of the various kinds of grain grown in\nthe country, and beg him to come to his village. The grandson would\nthen come accompanied by the elders; he would taste the meat, beer,\nmilk, etc., and ceremonially spit them out on the grandfather, and this\nwould relieve the old man of all danger from the kirume imposed by his\nother grandson. There is a word kigao, which is intimately connected\nwith kirume, and is often confused with it, but inquiry seems to show\nthat kigao means the neglect of a dying father\u2019s wish with regard to\nthe disposal of property, and the result of kigao, is, therefore,\nkirume, cause and effect being often very closely allied in the mind of\na native.\n\nThe fear of kirume seems to be much greater in the section of the tribe\ncircumcised Kikuyu fashion, for a prominent elder of the Masai guild\nstated that when those circumcised Masai fashion succeed to their\nfather\u2019s property they are invested with the brass bracelet worn by\nelders on their right wrist, and upon their mother\u2019s death they wear\nthe iron bracelet worn by her. These are called kigao, and once an\nelder has been invested with them he is quite safe from the effect of\nany kirume from his parents. The younger sons receive pieces of the ear\nornaments, ichui, which are made into finger rings and fulfil the same\npurposes as the bracelets. This probably accounts for the greater\npopularity of the Masai guild among the Kikuyu people. At the same time\nthe elder admitted that it would be bad to squander the flocks and\nherds left by his father, and that if they became depleted he would\nprobably sell a portion of the landed property to make the flocks and\nherds up to their original strength.\n\nIf a man hears that a near relative is very ill he makes a point of\ngoing to see him, and takes the precaution of getting him to spit\nceremonially on his hand and rub his visitor on the navel.\n\nIf a man goes to see his sick father or mother he takes a piece of\nmutton fat, and the sick parent ceremonially spits on it and the\nvisitor rubs the piece of fat covered with saliva on his navel.\n\nA married woman can impose a kirume, but not on an unmarried woman. The\nfollowing is an example of a case in which a married woman may invoke\nthis curse:\n\nIf a married woman has for a long time been systematically ill-treated\nby a brutal husband she can, when dying, put a kirume on her father for\nhaving forced her to marry such a bad man, and also upon her husband\nfor his brutality.\n\nThe kirume is looked upon as the severest form of thahu or nzahu known;\nin most cases of thahu the subject rarely dies, because it is slow in\nits action and the patient has an opportunity of making reparation and\nseeking relief from the prescribed medicine man or elders, but in the\ncase of a kirume the curse is very swift in its action, the patient\nrapidly sickens, breaks out into ulcers and often dies before he can\narrange to take measures to arrest its onslaught; his live stock will\nalso die mysteriously.\n\nIt is believed that the effective power of the kirume is derived from\nthe spirit (ngoma) of the deceased person by whom it is imposed,\nassisted by the ngoma of the ancestors of the family.\n\nIt is said that there is no poison without its antidote, and the same\napplies to the kirume, but the antidote must be applied in good time\nand the only persons who can effect a cure are certain persons called\nathuri ya ukuu. The athuri ya ukuu compose a grade of elders above that\nof athuri ya mburi nne (elders of four goats\u2014referring to the fee they\npay for initiation to the grade). They are always old men and rich, and\nhave to pay to their fellow elders of the grade a bullock and a male\nsheep or goat as initiation fees.\n\nWhile the athuri ya mburi nne form the ordinary kiama, or council of\nelders, the athuri ya ukuu constitute a native court of appeal, but\nthey do not admit appeals except in very important cases, when it is\nwithin their competence to revise a judgment and, if they consider fit,\nreduce the amount of compensation. It is also the duty of the athuri ya\nukuu to instruct the heir in the customs of the tribe when he succeeds\nto the property after his father\u2019s death.\n\nThe athuri ya ukuu do not treat ordinary cases of thahu but have to be\ncalled in for cases of kirume.\n\nThe ceremonial connected with the removal of a kirume is as follows; it\nis called ku-tahikia kirume in Kikuyu, which means \u201cto purify from the\nkirume.\u201d\n\nThe athuri ya ukuu are summoned to the patient\u2019s village, and the day\nbefore the ceremony the elders catch a mole-like rodent called huku\n(Tachyoryctes sp.), put it alive in a cooking pot with some sweet\npotatoes, and cork up the mouth of the pot. The huku must be caught\nnear the patient\u2019s village. Next morning the athuri ya ukuu arrive with\na medicine man belonging to another clan and a male sheep is killed;\nthe elders then take the huku out of the pot and make passes all over\nthe patient\u2019s body with the live animal and now take the huku and\nsamples of various kinds of native food, beads, etc., and proceed to\nthe place where the corpse of the person who imposed the kirume has\nbeen buried or thrown out. Another sheep is taken with this party and\nalso a small cooking pot; upon reaching the spot referred to the second\nsheep is killed and some of its fat is cooked in the pot. They then dig\na hole and pour the fat in it, also milk, honey, beer, etc.; they smear\nthe huku with the tatha, or stomach contents of the sheep, and the\nmedicine man ties a tiny piece of meat to the right and left foreleg of\nthe animal with a string made of mugeri (hibiscus) fibre, then\nfastening it up in a rough net made of the roots of the ruriera plant,\nand cuts the face off the sacrificial sheep, leaving the eyes intact,\nand places them all in the hole saying, \u201cGo back to your burrow and\ntake with you the spirit of the person who left this curse.\u201d The hole\nis then filled in. The medicine man eats the remainder of the meat and\nafterwards returns to the village and purifies it.\n\nThe huku is said to personify the person who imposed the kirume, and\nthe eyes of the sheep are to watch the huku and see that it does not\nreturn to the village. The huku is chosen because it lives below\nground, and the ngoma of deceased persons are believed to live below\nground.\n\nAfter this ceremony the affected one is believed to recover; some say,\nhowever, that it only alleviates the effect of a kirume, but does not\nremove it completely. The elders stated that this would not affect a\nkirume placed on a piece of land forbidding its sale, and what may be\ncalled the kirume of entail could not be lifted.\n\nThe lustration from a kirume by the huku ceremony only applies to the\nKikuyu guild.\n\nAltogether this is a very pretty example of what Sir J. G. Frazer terms\n\u201chom\u0153opathic magic.\u201d\n\nIf a young woman has been abused or vilified by the young men (anake)\nof her particular rika or generation, it is a serious matter for her,\nbut nothing is done about it until the girl is about to be married. The\nfather, however, then takes a ram and makes a feast for the anake of\nthe same rika or circumcision generation as his daughter, and they\nassemble and ceremonially spit on the girl. She can then be safely\nmarried and bear children. In fact, as a precaution, this is generally\ndone even if there is no record of a quarrel between the girl and the\nyoung men of her rika. A medicine man is called in, a ewe is\nslaughtered, and he ceremonially purifies the girl before her marriage.\n\nUkamba.\u2014As was mentioned before, the doctrine of kirume or the dying\ncurse is found among the Kamba people and is there called kiume.\n\nElders, atumia, and young married men, anthele, can impose a kiume\namong the A-Kamba but not among the warrior class, anake.\n\nA man is able to place a kiume upon the people of a village to the\neffect that they shall not refuse food or good treatment to a\nparticular person, the friend of the dying man; this friend may even\nbelong to another tribe.\n\nA person cannot impose a kiume on anyone outside his immediate family.\nA married woman can place a kiume on her father\u2019s village if she has\nreason to do so.\n\nAn eldest son can place a kiume on a particular thing in the village\nfrom which his mother came, a common case of this being when a man\nplaces a kiume on the people of his maternal grandfather\u2019s village,\ncontingent on the disposal of a beast which was paid by his father to\nhis mother\u2019s people as part of her marriage price. The reason of this\nis that an eldest son has a claim to a heifer, the progeny of the\nmarriage price paid by his father to his maternal grandfather for his\nmother, and he can, when dying, will this beast to any particular\nperson, and if anyone prevents this bequest being carried out he will\ndie; the kiume generally falls on the head of the village. The formula\nused is: \u201cIf you do not carry out this wish you will not be able to eat\nmeat, to drink water, to drink milk to eat maize, to eat millet, and so\non\u2014and you will surely die.\u201d\n\nAs in Kikuyu, a dying elder in Ukamba can place a kiume on a cultivated\nfield, forbidding its sale out of the family.\n\nIf a Mu-Kamba breaks a dying wish and incurs a kiume, he can generally\nbe freed from the consequences if he goes to an elder of his father\u2019s\nvillage or to a near relative of his father and takes a bullock; the\nbeast is killed and the elders spit water and milk on his face\u2014this\nsaves him from the worse effects of the kiume, viz., death. The\nceremony is called kuathimwa.\n\nThere is little doubt that much more remains to be learnt about the\nritual of kiume in Ukamba, but these things are more difficult to work\nout in that district and the details have to be dragged out bit by bit.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII\n\nSUPERSTITIONS REGARDING CHILDREN AND WOMEN\n\n\nRegarding the Birth of Children, etc. (Kikuyu).\u2014In former times, if a\nchild was born feet first it was suffocated and thrown out.\n\nIf a child touches the ground at the time of its birth it is considered\nvery unlucky. A ram, a mwati (young ewe) or an arika (young female\ngoat) is killed, and a bracelet made of the skin is placed on the\nmother\u2019s wrist. This is done for the sake of the child. The skin of the\nanimal sacrificed is used for carrying the child on its mother\u2019s back.\n\nIt is again very unlucky when an infant cuts its upper teeth first, but\nthe child is not killed, and is merely sent to its maternal\ngrandmother. This only refers to those belonging to the Kikuyu\ncircumcision guild. The child is termed kingu. To avert the ill luck, a\nfriend is asked to cohabit with the mother for a month, after which the\nhusband returns to his wife.\n\nThe birth of twins is a great misfortune either in human beings or\ndomestic animals, but only when it occurs the first time a woman or\nanimal bears.\n\nIt is believed that the father will die if he cohabits again with the\nmother; a case was cited of a man who did so and was killed by a train\na few days later.\n\nFormerly twin infants were always suffocated, and in such cases were\nthrown into the bush by the old woman who assisted at the birth. This\nprobably still occurs in the remoter parts of Kikuyu, but the elders\nstated that in the more civilised parts they are no longer killed but\nare given to a member of the clan of the father to rear.\n\nIn order to free the mother from the curse, the husband hands her over\nto another man called a mundu rohiu, and when she has borne to him, her\nhusband takes her back. A ram has to be killed and the woman adorned\nwith a rukwaru before she is taken back.\n\nThis only refers to those belonging to the Kikuyu circumcision guild.\n\nIf a person, who is a twin, crosses a river, he or she must stoop down\nand fill the mouth with water and, facing downstream, spit it out into\nthe river, saying, according to their sex: \u201cMay I not beget (or bear)\ntwins as my father (or mother) did.\u201d\n\nAnyone seeing this ceremony might well mistake it for a propitiatory\noffering to a river spirit, and the error indeed has occurred. The root\nidea, however, is that the flowing water may carry away the kind of\nthahu which results in such an unlucky tendency as that of bearing\ntwins. They can give no explanation as to why twins should be of such\nill omen if they happen to be the first children of a married couple or\nof a domestic animal. They do not appear to believe, as in some\ncountries, that twins have any influence over the weather. If a woman\nbears twins a second time, one of the children will be given to another\nman to bring up.\n\nThe Hon. C. Dundas made some inquiries on this point in Kyambu\ndistrict, and he states that in S. Kikuyu the birth of twins is\nconsidered unlucky excepting in the case of a woman who has borne other\nchildren; the younger the woman the more unlucky the occurrence, and if\nthe first birth is of twins, no medicine man can remove the evil, and\nthe only course is to throw the twins into the bush or to give them to\nanother man of a different tribe or clan. In Kenya Province it is said\nthat twins are sold to other tribes, but in Kyambu district the elders\nheld this to be a bad custom. The foster-father becomes sole owner of\nthe twins and if they are girls receives dowry for them. In such case\nif the twins were the first birth of a woman, the father can accept no\npart of the dowry, but if they were second or subsequent births, he\nreceives the whole dowry from the foster-father and returns ten goats\nto him.\n\nAt Ngenda Mission, a twin was handed over to the missionary, and the\nfather agreed to give them the customary ten goats out of the dowry\nwhen the child should be married. No reason for this belief is known,\nbut the custom is rigorously followed to this day. No one can sleep in\nthe hut in which twins were born until they are disposed of, and the\nmother must cohabit with a stranger who is then called mwendia wa rohio\nor mundu rohiu (man of the sword). [9]\n\nA short time ago a case of triplets occurred. The mother had first\nborne one child, then twins, and finally triplets. In this case only\none of the triplets was given away to a man of another clan, for, as\nthe woman had borne several times before, the triplets were not\nconsidered unlucky, and the giving away of the one was said to be due\nsolely to the mother\u2019s inability to suckle all three.\n\nOn the birth of a child a sheep is killed and a strip of the skin is\nworn on the mother\u2019s wrist, rukwaru, and her head is shaved; the fat of\nthe sheep is prepared and given to the infant to eat, being put into\nits mouth with the finger. This must be done before the child is\nsuckled, and the same ceremony, in respect to the mother, is performed\nby the foster-mother in cases where a twin or other child is handed\nover to a family of another clan.\n\nIn every case where a child is handed over to foster-parents it will\nbelong to the clan of its foster-parents and not to that of its real\nparents, but if the child is a girl she can marry a man of the\nfoster-father\u2019s clan provided he does not live close to the\nfoster-father, while marriage with a man of her real father\u2019s clan is\nprohibited to her.\n\nThere is an undoubted widespread belief that the only satisfactory way\nof dealing with twins is to suffocate them, as they are unlucky. It is\nbelieved that the practice of giving them away is a later adaptation to\nthe custom followed when a woman dies in child-birth, the child,\nwhether twin or not, being always, in this case, given away to a man of\nanother clan.\n\nAmong the Kamba of Ulu, the same general idea as to the unluckiness of\ntwins, if they are the first-born, prevails. The twins, however, are\nnot killed or put away, but within a day or two of their birth the\nmother is returned by her husband to her father and the marriage price\nof the woman is paid back to him. If the husband cohabits with the\nmother of the twins after their birth it is believed that he or the\nchildren will die. It is therefore quite clear that the curse or ill\nluck is only immanent in the woman. Upon the birth of an ordinary child\na string made of the bark of the ithaa tree is ceremonially tied round\nits neck, but this is not permitted in the case of twins. After the\nmother of twins has been returned to her father, she may be married to\nanother husband without the latter incurring the same risks as the\nfirst husband, but the second husband must be of the grade of an elder\nof council. It is an interesting point, as a man, on reaching this\ngrade, is not so subject to the incidence of a curse as a young man. It\nwould therefore appear that the woman is still to some extent\ndangerous. The second husband becomes the adopted father of the twins\nand carries out the ithaa ceremony mentioned above; one of the twins\nmust be named Mbatha, the name of the other one being of no\nsignificance. At the feast of the ithaa, he kills two rams or two male\ngoats, one for each twin. It is said that twins are not killed at\nbirth, as among the Kikuyu, because the woman\u2019s second husband would,\nunder native law, sue the father for the value of the children.\n\nAs the twins grow up, each child must be treated exactly alike; if one\nhas a present, the other must receive the same. A wife must be found\nfor each at the same time, and the same marriage dowry must be paid for\neach. In the case of boys, when sufficient live stock has been paid\nover to the prospective father-in-law to induce them to part with their\ndaughters, both brides must be brought to their husbands on the same\nday. If one of the twins is a boy and the other a girl, and the latter\nis being sought in marriage by a young man, it is the custom for the\nbrother to take his sister to her lover\u2019s village for a visit. They\nstay there two days and return home on the third day, the girl being\ngiven a goat by the young man.\n\nThe Kamba of Ulu do not believe that twins have any influence on the\nrain or the weather generally. In Kitui, as in Kikuyu, it is most\nunlucky for twins to be born if they are the first children of the\nmarriage. In former times one was buried alive, but this cruel custom\nhas apparently died out. It is, however, still believed that if they\nare girls and both live, the mother will die, and if the twins are boys\nand they survive, the father will die. It is supposed that the evil\neffect can be mitigated to some extent if, three days after their\nbirth, the father cohabits with the mother; the parents also kill a\ngoat and are smeared with the tatha, or stomach contents.\n\nIf a cow bears twin calves at first calving they are invariably both\nkilled.\n\nAs in Kikuyu, it is lucky for a child to be born head first; it is\nunlucky to be born feet first, but the infant is not killed. There is,\nhowever, a curious belief that such a person must never step over\nanyone lying on the ground, and if he forgets this prohibition, he must\nat once step back over the recumbent person. The stepping back is\ncalled njokela, \u201cto go back,\u201d and is supposed to reverse the ill luck\nwhich would be transmitted.\n\nIn Kitui, if a cow bears a dead calf the children can eat it but not a\nwoman, as it is believed that the next time she is pregnant she will\nhave a still-born child. Women are also not allowed to eat the meat of\na beast which dies.\n\nIf a cow bears a deformed calf it is buried, for if it is allowed to\nlive lung trouble is said to appear among the cattle.\n\nThere is no particular taboo on crippled children, but the people say\nthat the infant is the reincarnation of a deceased person similarly\nafflicted whom they remember, and give it his or her name.\n\nThe Kamba of Kitui believe that the aiimu, or spirits of the deceased,\nsometimes pray to the deity (Engai) to give them another body, and if\nthe request is granted, a spirit will enter a new-born child and\ncommence another corporeal existence on earth. Their reason for\nbelieving this is that a pregnant woman will sometimes dream of a\ndeceased person night after night; if she dreams of a certain man who\nis dead, and then bears a son, they know it is that particular man who\nhas come back to earth, and the child will be given his name. This is\npart of the same belief as that of the spiritual husband, described in\nthe author\u2019s work on the A-Kamba, page 39.\n\nAs in the Ulu district and Kikuyu it is considered very unlucky for a\nchild to be born feet first, and such a child will have ill luck\nthrough life. If it is a male child his wife, if he marries in late\nlife, is sure to die, and if it is a girl, her husband will die. In the\nlatter case, however, the evil can be averted if the prospective\nhusband, before he commences to pay for his bride, sends her mother a\npresent of an axe. If the woman bears a child which is born feet first,\nit is essential that the husband cohabit with her on the seventh day\nafter the birth.\n\nShould a child in Kitui cut its upper incisor teeth first it is\nconsidered a very bad sign. Such a child must not partake of the\nfirstfruits of the fields, and it is said that, should it admire a\ngrowing crop, that crop will never reach maturity. This evil influence,\nhowever, can to a great extent be mitigated if, when the first of the\nchild\u2019s milk teeth drops out, the father cohabits with the mother.\n\nA child is taught that when one of his milk teeth comes out he is to\nthrow it between his legs and say, \u201cMay Engai give me a new tooth to\nreplace the one I have lost.\u201d\n\nThe feeling against twin birth varies according to the locality. In the\nmore remote parts it is very strong, but in parts of Ulu, the prejudice\nis dying out. The father, however, will usually sacrifice to prevent\nevil effects.\n\nTaboos on Women.\u2014When a pregnant woman is near delivery, all arms are\ntaken out of the hut, and also any iron hoes. They are not brought back\nagain until the mother\u2019s head has been shaved at the purification\nceremony after a birth. If these articles are left in a hut on such an\noccasion and someone, for instance, takes a hoe away and uses it, the\nchild will, it is believed, be afflicted with a thabu. The food in the\nhouse at the time of birth can only be eaten by the mother and three\nold women who assist at the birth; any infringement of this rule is a\ngreat danger to the newly born. Even the father cannot eat in the hut\nfor three or four months, but if a man is poor and has only one wife,\nhe will sleep in the thengira, or goat hut, and if he has no thengira,\nhe will sleep in the hut on a separate bed.\n\nA pregnant woman must not sew with a needle, as it is said to be very\ndangerous for the new-born infant.\n\nIf at child-birth any blood falls on the floor of the hut, the old\nwomen who assist at the birth dig up the earth floor at that place and\nbury the soil in the bush at some little distance from the village, for\nif a goat licked that particular spot it would die.\n\nIf a man goes into his hut at a birth or after it has taken place, and\naccidentally treads in blood which may have dripped on the floor, the\nnewly born child will become sick, but the evil can be averted by the\ncohabitation of the parents.\n\nThis fear of certain kinds of blood is very curious and goes right back\nto ancient times. Among these people a woman during her menstrual\nperiod may not grind corn, but is allowed to cook sweet potatoes or\nwhole maize. She may not, however, milk the cattle, nor may she cut\npotato tops as green fodder for the goats.\n\nA woman must also not step over her husband when in this state or he\nwill become ill, and to remove the thahu a ewe lamb must be killed and\nboth husband and wife invested with bracelets made of the skin\n(rukwaru). A woman will tell her husband when she becomes ill, and\nbathe when she is no longer so. Her husband can then return to her.\n\nA woman must not shave her hair while her husband is on a journey; if\nshe does so she will be accused of bewitching him. She can, however,\nclip her hair a little in front. This prohibition is said to be\nconnected with the customs by which a wife shaves her head on the death\nof her husband, and were she to do so while he is travelling, it might\npossibly bring him ill luck.\n\nIf a man goes away to hunt or to fight, and on his way back, when he\nnears his village, is taken ill and suffers from diarrh\u0153a, he knows\nthereby that his wife has been unfaithful to him during his absence. He\nwill thereupon call an elder and tell him to bring a ram and the roots\nof certain medicinal plants: kindio, ibalu, and mathengi. The throat of\nthe ram is pierced and the blood collected in a half gourd (nzeli) and\nmixed with the crushed roots and the tatha, or stomach contents, of the\nram. The suspected woman is called out and told to take hold of the\nright arm of the elder who is holding the nzeli containing the mixture.\nShe then takes a handful of the decoction and throws it on the ground,\nand the husband rubs his foot in it. The remainder of the mixture is\nsprinkled all the way from there to the door of the hut, as well as on\nthe bed. She is probably beaten by her husband, and her paramour is\nsummoned before the council of elders and fined a bull or a ram.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPART II\n\nMAGIC\n\n\nINTRODUCTORY\n\n\nIn a study of the beliefs and practices of primitive people it is\ndifficult to draw the line between religion and magic. The general view\nis that magic is anti-social; that is to say, that it grew up to\nsatisfy the desire of man to manipulate supernatural powers for his own\nprivate benefit.\n\nRobertson Smith expresses the position as follows: \u201cThe gods watched\nover a man\u2019s civic life, etc., but they were not sure helpers in any\nprivate need, and, above all, would not help him in matters that were\nagainst the interests of the community as a whole. There was therefore\na whole region of possible needs and desires for which religion could\nand would do nothing, and if supernatural help was sought in such\nthings it had to be sought through magical ceremonies designed to\npurchase or constrain the favour of demoniac powers with which the\npublic religion had nothing to do.\u201d [10]\n\nThis line of argument is probably unassailable, but in the people with\nwhom we are dealing the belief in demoniacal powers, as apart from the\nancestral spirits, has not reached a high pitch of development, and is\nnot at all concrete. They practise magic extensively and have a firm\nbelief in it, but it is difficult to say with certainty exactly what\npowers they believe are being influenced by the magical ceremonial.\n\nThe guild of smiths, both in Kikuyu and Ukamba, possess hereditary\nmagic powers; one clan of the Kikuyu, called the Eithaga, is believed\nalso to possess similar powers. A leading elder in Kikuyu, for example,\nwho is also the priest in charge of a sacred tree, is said to have the\npower of destroying plagues of caterpillars. Such a person, however,\ncould scarcely be considered anti-social, as the destruction of the\npest must benefit the crops of the whole community. There is also the\ncase of another elder who is apparently a past master in the art of\ndetecting criminals, and more especially thieves; this power would, of\ncourse, only be exercised at the request of the owner of the property,\nand incidentally to the advantage of the magician.\n\nThe power of the \u201cevil eye\u201d probably belongs to magic, although the\npower is regarded as an infliction which a person unfortunately\npossesses at birth. It is a very ancient belief, and has existed from\nthe time of the ancient Assyrians to the present day. It still\nflourishes among the Semitic races, and also in Morocco; all round the\nMediterranean basin, in fact, as well as in Arabia and Palestine,\npeople wear armlets or charms to protect them from this evil influence.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I\n\nTHE GUILD OF SMITHS IN KIKUYU AND UKAMBA\n\n\nThe information relating to Kikuyu smiths was mainly collected from\nKimani wa Nyaga, of the Gachiko clan, who is one of the senior smiths\nin Southern Kikuyu.\n\nA smith in Kikuyu is called muturi, plural aturi.\n\nThe smiths of the Kikuyu tribe are said to have all come originally\nfrom a common centre of distribution at Ithanga, on the south-western\nside of Mount Kenya.\n\nThis scattering of the smiths throughout the tribe is stated to have\noccurred many generations ago, and the name Ithanga to be that of their\ncommon ancestor, but now the term Ithanga has become a synonym for a\nsub-clan of the A-Gachiko, and not all the members of this sub-clan are\nsmiths.\n\nIt may be that the ancestor Ithanga was a migrant from another tribe\nand the first person to bring into the tribe the knowledge of working\nin iron. There appears to be, however, no legend as to who invented the\nact of smelting or working in iron; it therefore looks as if the craft\nwere imported. It was certainly not learnt from the Dorobo or Asi\naboriginals, for the Kikuyu declare that when their forefathers came\ninto the country, the Asi had no smiths, and to this day they have\nnone. It is believed that the ancestors of the Dorobo were the people\nwho made the stone implements now being so widely found.\n\nThe Masai, however, appear to have had amongst them for a long period a\nclan of serfs called El-Konono, who are their smiths.\n\nIn former times, the ancestors of the Kikuyu dug out nodules of\nironstone at Ithanga, and also collected iron sand washed down by the\nrain from the hill. This is probably the place described by Routledge,\np. 80 et seq., of his book. The ironstone was smelted with charcoal\nmade from the mutumaiyu tree (Olea chrysophylla) and forged with\ncharcoal from the mutarakwa tree (Juniperus procera).\n\nThe tools and apparatus used by smiths are as follows:\n\n\n Stone Anvil\u2014Ihiga ya uturi (even to this day these are brought\n from Ithanga, where hard metamorphic rocks occur).\n Hammer\u2014Kiriha.\n Pincers\u2014Muhato.\n Bellows\u2014Miura.\n Wooden nozzles of bellows\u2014Ngeruru (made of murumbu wood).\n Clay tuy\u00e9re\u2014Ngerrua.\n Charcoal\u2014Makara.\n Smith\u2019s fire\u2014Mwaki wa kiganda.\n Smith\u2019s hut (smithy)\u2014Kiganda.\n Pot used to contain water for quenching\u2014Rugio ya uturi.\n\n\nIn former times one section smelted the iron and another forged it;\nimported iron wire is now so cheap that most of the forgings are made\nfrom it.\n\nIf a man wishes to enter the guild, he has to be initiated with some\nceremony. He must bring a ram (ndorume) which is slaughtered just\noutside the smithy; the novice is then walked round the anvil. The\nheart and lungs of the slaughtered animal are held in the smith\u2019s tongs\nand roasted in his fire, which is fanned by the bellows; the novice\neats them and the smith sits on the anvil and anoints the forehead of\nthe novice with a spot of white earth (ira). The carcase of the\nsacrifice is then split from neck to tail, the right half being eaten\nby the smiths and the left half by the villagers present.\n\nThe smiths and the villagers then go to the village of the novice to\ndrink beer, and next morning the smith comes and forges an iron\nbracelet, which he places on the right wrist of the would-be smith,\nand, if the smith is married, one on the left wrist of his principal\nwife. If he has more than one wife, one of his first tasks is to forge\nbracelets for the others. The head of a smith\u2019s village wears a twisted\niron bracelet on his right wrist, the other smiths a plain iron band.\n\nBirth does not confer membership of the guild; the son of a smith has\nto go through the same initiation ceremonies before becoming a smith.\n\nAll smiths are believed to possess magical powers which are alleged to\ncome from the iron they use and are carried on through the spirits of\ntheir ancestors (ngoma). These powers are used in many ways; a smith\ncan inflict curses which are of the nature of thahu, and they can bless\nthe weapons they forge.\n\nWhen a smith has forged a spear or sword he rubs it with a piece of\nkianduri wood (Swahili msuaki, Bot. Salvadora persica) and addresses\nthe weapon thus: \u201cIf the owner of this meets with an enemy, may you go\nstraight and kill your adversary; but if you are launched at one who\nhas no evil in his heart, may you miss him and pass on either side\nwithout entering into his body.\u201d This incantation is believed to be a\ngreat charm.\n\nAfter this ceremony the smith\u2019s assistant polishes the weapon with a\nquartzose stone called ngomongo; the assistant is paid for his work but\nis not usually a smith. He is often merely the bellows boy, who is\ncalled a muruguti.\n\nSome customers bring their own iron and charcoal and bargain for the\nmanufacture of a sword or spear; others buy a weapon which has been\nmade at odd moments and laid by for sale.\n\nA smith will not make the sheath of a sword; he makes the wooden hilt,\nbut the owner himself covers it with raw hide and also makes the\nsheath.\n\nOne of the important functions of the smiths is to make certain\narticles used in connection with the circumcision rites of the tribe.\nThese are as follows:\n\n\n Ruenji\u2014A razor which is especially made for the circumcision rite.\n Mukuha\u2014A needle for piercing the ears of small boys. When a boy\n is circumcised the elders ceremonially pass this through the\n hole in the novice\u2019s ear.\n Ngunju\u2014A small iron ornament placed in the ears of boys and girls\n at the circumcision ceremony.\n Kahiu kaithinja\u2014A knife especially forged to kill the sacrificial\n ram at the circumcision ceremony.\n\n\nThe head of the village where the rites are to take place orders these\narticles from a leading smith before the ceremony. When the smith\ndelivers them he is given some honey beer, and he ceremonially spits a\nlittle of it on each of the things to free them from any suspicion of\ncontaining bad magic.\n\nWhen a smith marries, another smith is called in to forge an iron\nbracelet, which is placed on the bride\u2019s left wrist. The husband then\nkills a ram, and the fat and the tatha (stomach contents) of the animal\nare boiled together in a pot, and the bracelet is dropped into the\nmixture. This is supposed to free the bride from any bad magic which\nsome evilly disposed ancestral spirit might bring upon her by means of\nthe bracelet.\n\nThe Kikuyu smiths state that they have no special language or dialect\npeculiar to their guild. When they die, they are buried or thrown out\nin the bush, according to their grade, in the same way as other members\nof the tribe, and no symbol of their trade is buried with them.\n\nSome smiths belong to the Masai circumcision guild, others to the\nKikuyu guild.\n\nWith regard to the magic powers of smiths referred to above:\n\nA smith can place a spell on a patch of forest to prevent anyone from\ndestroying it. He takes an iron necklet or bracelet which belonged to a\ndeceased person, cuts it into small pieces, and walks round the piece\nof forest which is to be protected. He then deposits the pieces at the\nfoot of a tree within the area, and woe betide anyone who infringes the\nprohibition! If at any time the spell is to be lifted, the smith\nproceeds to the area, sacrifices a ewe, removes the pieces of bracelet,\nand smears the spot with tatha, or stomach contents, of the sacrificial\nanimal.\n\nIf sugar cane is stolen from a garden, or goats are stolen out of a\nvillage by night, the owner often goes to a smith and seeks his aid,\ntaking with him the iron necklet or bracelet of a deceased person. If\nthe smith agrees to intervene, he will heat this in his smithy fire and\nthen sever it with a chisel, saying, \u201cMay the thief be cut as I cut\nthis iron.\u201d Or he may take a sword or an axe-head which he is making,\nheat it in his fire and then quench it in water, saying, \u201cMay the body\nof the thief cool as this iron does,\u201d i.e., \u201cMay he die.\u201d\n\nBoth of these curses are said to be equally effective, and it is\nbelieved that the thief will gradually become thin and fade away with a\nterrible cough. When he becomes ill, however, he will usually confess\nhis crime and be brought to the smith or come to him to beg that the\ncurse may be lifted. He must bring a ram (ndorume) with him, and the\nsmith will then order him to sit down outside the smithy and will march\nround him with the ram. The ram is killed, and the heart and lungs are\nextracted; these parts are then roasted in the smith\u2019s fire and the\npatient eats them, and the curse is lifted. The complete recovery,\nhowever, is said to take about six weeks. A medicine man has no power\nover a smith\u2019s magic.\n\nIn former times smiths were sometimes supposed to bewitch people\nagainst whom they had a grievance. A smith would secretly take the\nnecklet or bracelet of a deceased person, cut it into pieces, and bury\na piece at the gate of the village he wished to bewitch; the people\npassing in and out all day would step on the spot where the piece of\niron was buried and thus incur the evil influence. Another piece would\nprobably be buried at the watering place. By these means the whole\nvillage became afflicted, and unless the magic was removed the people\nwould die. The infliction of the magic, in fact, would probably not be\nrealised until several people had died. The evil magic has to be\nremoved by a smith and a medicine man; a ram and a young ewe, which has\nnot yet borne, mwati, are provided, the ram is killed, and the usual\npurification ceremony gone through, the ewe being set aside and taken\nby the mundu mugo. After the evil magic has been removed, the head of\nthe afflicted village receives from the smith a twisted iron bracelet\n(muthiori).\n\nSmiths place their old clay tuy\u00e9res on sticks in cultivated fields to\nprotect the crops from thieves; there is no ceremony connected with\nthis, but if at any time these must be removed, the smith removes them,\ncarefully placing a little tatha from the stomach of a sacrificial\nsheep in the hole in which the stick was erected. This removes the\ncurse and also the possibility of the magic damaging, at some future\ntime, a person for whom it was not intended.\n\nWhen a smith forges a new hammer for use in his forge, the medicine men\nof the district come and collect the iron scale from the forging to mix\nwith their medicines, more particularly the medicines they make to\nprotect a village from thieves or wild beasts. The medicine man (mundu\nmugo) marches round the village with the medicine and then buries it at\nthe gate. It is called kihoho by the Kikuyu.\n\nIf anything is stolen from a smith\u2019s forge he calls together all the\nsmiths of the country-side. This assembly is called njama ya aturi.\nEach one in turn is asked if he stole the article, and whether the\nculprit confesses or not, they generally fix on one whom they strongly\nsuspect and insist on his taking the oath of the goat (ku-ringa\nthenge). If the culprit confesses he is forgiven and warned, but if he\nrefuses, he is cursed by the bracelet of a dead person. Should he be\nguilty, the spirit of that person will bewitch him to the peril of his\nlife. He cannot get the curse lifted until the njama ya aturi\nreassembles and lifts it.\n\nThe ordinary Kikuyu native is far too afraid of the magic of the smiths\nto steal anything from one of them, so that when a smith is the victim\nof a theft it is easy to guess that the crime has been committed by\nanother smith.\n\nIn the old days, the Anjiru clan, before starting on a foray against\nthe Masai, went to a smith and got from him a small piece of iron\ncalled kiheto, for which the representatives of the clan would pay a\npot of honey beer and one of sugar cane beer. The smith took a little\nof the beer and spat it out on the kiheto. The Anjiru then took away\nthe kiheto, made medicine with it, and buried it on the path at the\nentrance to the enemy\u2019s country. This was believed to stop the Masai\ncattle from being driven off a long way.\n\nSmiths were formerly called upon to settle cases. If, for instance, a\nman was owed a debt, he would induce some smiths to go to the village\nof the debtor and order him to pay. And as the smiths were held in fear\nbecause of this magic the order was generally complied with.\n\nThe Eithaga clan has never counted any smiths amongst its members. The\nmagic of the smiths was always feared by them. When this clan made\nspells to withhold the rain it is said that they were careful not to\nlet the fields of a smith suffer.\n\nIf a medicine man visits the village of a smith he does not sleep in\none of his huts, but lodges in the goat hut, thengira; a smith does the\nsame if he visits the village of a medicine man. If a Mweithaga passes\na smithy when it is raining he cannot enter to take shelter.\n\nA woman cannot enter a smithy unless she is a smith\u2019s wife, and she can\nthen come to bring her husband\u2019s food.\n\nSmiths Among the Kamba of Kitui.\u2014The original smiths all belonged to\none clan, viz., the Atui, which is a section of the Anzunzu clan, but\nmembers of other branches have now learnt the art and been admitted to\nthe brotherhood. In Machakos district some of the smiths belong to the\nEombi clan.\n\nIf a man wishes to become a smith he brews some beer and takes it along\nwith a goat to a local smith. They drink the beer together; the smith\ntakes a sip and then ceremonially squirts it over the hand of the\nnovice, saying, \u201cMay your hands become skilful at the work which I can\ndo.\u201d They then kill the goat and mix some of its blood with some of the\nbeer, and the smith pours it over the anvil and addresses it as\nfollows: \u201cThis man is now the same as I am, and I shall give him a new\nanvil, and may this new anvil be his friend.\u201d\n\nThe anvil is of stone, and when it is worn out the smith searches for\nanother suitable piece of some tough rock, generally granite or gneiss,\nand instals it in the forge. Before using it, however, he brews some\nbeer and pours it over the anvil, saying, \u201cYou are now an anvil, and\nyou must be as good a one as your predecessor.\u201d\n\nThe cult of the smith does not appear to be as highly developed in\nUkamba as in Kikuyu, for his powers are more limited; he wears no mark\nof his trade, and he does not dedicate the weapons he forges, as is\ndone by the Kikuyu smiths.\n\nIf, however, a man steals a smith\u2019s stone anvil or any tool from his\nsmithy, the smith can curse him by saying: \u201cSo-and-so has stolen my\nanvil, and I curse him, and if he eats this season\u2019s food he will die,\u201d\nand it is firmly believed that the thief will die before the harvest is\nreaped.\n\nWhen a man goes to a smith to have an iron rod forged for branding\ncattle, the smith will place it in the purchaser\u2019s hand when it is\nfinished and say: \u201cMay the cattle branded with this iron be lucky, may\nthey escape disease, and may they be fruitful.\u201d This tends to show that\nthe branding of cattle is believed to have a magical value and is not\nsolely intended as an identification mark for the beasts belonging to\neach clan.\n\nIron has always played a great part in ancient magic, and continues to\ndo so in many parts of the world. This is probably due to the fact that\nthe art of extracting the metal appeared so marvellous to early man\nthat it was attributed originally to magic. This idea was very likely\nkept alive by the early iron smelters and smiths. In early times, as at\nthe present day, in certain parts of Africa the same persons smelted\nand forged, and these men probably invested the process of manufacture\nwith an atmosphere of mystery and combined into a guild pledged to keep\nthe art a secret from the uninitiated.\n\nIn connection with this subject, it is interesting to note that some\nscientists lean to the opinion that the manufacture of iron originated\nin Africa. Professor Gregory comments on this problem in \u201cGeology of\nTo-day,\u201d pp. 321\u2013322. Referring to the easier smelting of iron than of\nbronze he says: \u201cGrains of iron oxide are very widely distributed, and\nin arid areas attract attention by their heaviness and metallic\naspect.... The preparation of iron by the negroes in Africa is a far\nsimpler process than the manufacture of bronze. Bronze tools, however,\nare found in Europe earlier than those of iron, but their earlier\npresence may be explained by the readiness with which iron tools would\nperish by rust.... This explanation is, however, not satisfactory, for\nif iron had been present and removed, the rust would have remained as a\nstain or as a cement. Moreover, it is clear that in Western Europe the\nbronze age immediately succeeded the stone age, for the early bronze\nimplements are copies of stone tools. The conflict of metallurgical and\narch\u00e6ological argument probably admits of a geographical explanation.\n\n\u201cGrains of iron ore in sands and gravels are conspicuous in hot, arid\nclimates such as tropical Africa, and it is probable that iron working\nwas invented there before the bronze age in Europe. The inhabitants of\nthe moister climates of the Mediterranean and Europe had no such easily\nfound supply of iron.\n\n\u201cSome conspicuous ores yielded tin and copper, and an ingenious smith\nwho had learnt iron working in tropical Africa may have combined them,\nand obtained bronze.\u201d\n\nThis is one view. Professor Sir W. Ridgeway, on the other hand, is, I\nbelieve, firmly convinced that the secret of the working of iron in the\nWestern world originated in Central Europe, probably in the Hallstadt\nregion, and there we must leave this problem.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II\n\nTHE EVIL EYE\n\n\nThis belief, so widespread in Europe, Morocco, and many other parts of\nthe world has never received much attention from observers in this part\nof Africa, and it was only recently realised that it received much\nrecognition in Kikuyu. It is called kita or kithamengo.\n\nThe word kita means saliva as well as evil eye. The Swahili synonym is\nkijicho.\n\nA few people here and there throughout the country are believed to\npossess this gift, women as well as men, irrespective of the guild to\nwhich they belong. The possessor is born with it.\n\nIt gradually dawns upon the people that So-and-so possesses the power,\nowing to the fact that if that person audibly admires a beast belonging\nto a neighbour the animal shortly after that becomes sick. If this\noccurs several times the various owners compare notes and it becomes\ngenerally known that So-and-so is kithamengo.\n\nIt would therefore seem that the idea is not based on an evil glance\nbut upon an envious thought.\n\nAfter that, if a cattle owner hears that a man who has this power (or\none ought, perhaps, to term it \u201cthis infliction\u201d) has been admiring one\nof his cows, he will send for him and insist on his removing the evil;\nthis is done by the man wetting his finger with saliva, and touching\nthe beast on the mouth and on various parts of the body with his wetted\nfinger; this is believed to neutralise the enchantment.\n\nMembers of the Chera and Anjiru clans are notably possessed of this\npower with considerable frequency; the Ambui and Aithiageni again very\nrarely possess it. Even a medicine man cannot remove a curse imposed by\na person with the evil eye; only the individual who imposed it can\nremove it, and he can do it only in the morning before he touches food.\n\nHuman beings and also inanimate objects are equally affected by the\npower, for it is said that if a person who possesses the evil eye\nadmires a woman who is enceinte she will abort, and if she is not, her\nbreasts will become highly inflamed, and he has to come and\nceremonially rub a little saliva on them to remove the danger.\n\nIf an individual object is admired, say a spear, it will soon\nafterwards be broken, or if, for instance, the leather-covered sheath\nof a sword is admired it will probably be gnawed by rats and spoilt.\n\nNo one who is not born with the power can acquire it, and it appears to\nbe looked upon as an unavoidable misfortune. It is said to be the gift\nof God (Engai), and if a death or loss occurs the person to whom it is\nattributable cannot be sued for compensation before the kiama, or\ncouncil of elders.\n\nIn time the people get to know who possesses the power, and if such a\nperson enters a village he is asked in a friendly way to spit\nceremonially on all the children to prevent anything untoward occurring\nto them owing to his visit. If a father possesses this power he can\nrender his children proof against its action either from himself or any\nother person by shutting his eyes and then ceremonially spitting into\neach of their mouths.\n\nThe power is said to be hereditary, but all the children are not born\nwith the gift. This belief exists among the Masai, and is called\n\u2019Ng-onyek oo\u2019-l-tunganak, and will probably be found to account for the\nceremonial spitting which was so common among them when they wished to\nshow their friendliness. Refer to Hollis\u2019s \u201cMasai,\u201d page 315, the\nspitting on children is undoubtedly done to show the parents that the\nstranger is anxious to do the right thing and not afflict the child by\nthe power of the evil eye. Also vide Hollis\u2019s \u201cNandi,\u201d page 90,\nspitting is again believed to remove the spell of the evil eye\n(sakutik).\n\nIn Ukamba, Mr Dundas states that it is called kyeni; there is said to\nbe a whole clan in Kitui called Mwanziu which possess the power, and it\noften happens that when a person has received a slight injury he will\ngo to a member of this clan and ask him to spit on the injured spot,\nwhich forthwith becomes whole. Possibly he attributes his hurt to\nsomeone with the power of the \u201cevil eye.\u201d It is also said that\npossessors of this gift have such power that if they admire a stone it\nwill split into fragments.\n\nThe evil eye is a belief of great antiquity, for it was even recognised\nas far back as Mosaic times, cf. Deut. xxviii. 54: \u201cHis eye shall be\nevil towards his brother and towards the wife of his bosom,\u201d etc.\n\nThe Magic of the Eithaga.\u2014It has occasionally been incorrectly alleged\nthat the power of the \u201cevil eye\u201d in Kikuyu is the monopoly of one clan\ncalled the Eithaga or Aithaga, but such does not appear to be the case.\nThe members of the Eithaga clan are credited with supernatural powers,\nbut they are of quite a different character, as will be seen below. The\nname of the clan is Eithaga or Kiuru, a single member is called\nMweithaga. The name Kiuru is an opprobrious nickname, which means\n\u201cthose who bewitch people.\u201d\n\nThe stronghold of the Eithaga is Karuri\u2019s country on the east slopes of\nthe Nandarua Mountain, but it is said that they originally came from\nKarira\u2019s to the north of the Saba Saba River. The present head of the\nclan is one Kiriri near Karuri\u2019s, and in South Kikuyu the most\nprominent Mweithaga is Mkone wa Ndawa, and it is said that the chief\nKiriri has hair growing on the point of his tongue. The clan is nearly\nentirely endogamous, that is to say, a Mweithaga generally marries a\nMweithaga, and no man of another clan will marry a Mweithaga woman, but\na Mweithaga man may occasionally find a mate from another clan. The\nmembers of the Eithaga clan practically all belong to the Kikuyu\ncircumcision guild. They are, however, divided into two divisions,\nA-Mbura and A-Kiuru, the first meaning the \u201crain-makers\u201d and the second\nthe \u201cwizards.\u201d\n\nThe former profess to be able to make rain, but their powers in this\nconnection are not considered very extensive, and the majority will\nonly admit that if rain is about, a Mu-Mbura may cause it to fall if it\nis the proper season for rain. If rain comes on in a camp where one has\nany Eithaga porters they will turn out, wave branches and blow\nvigorously in the direction from which the rain is coming, and, what is\nmore, firmly believe that they are having some effect on the elements.\n\nIn connection with these rain-making powers, it is curious to note that\nno Mweithaga may drink or cook with rain-water that has been collected\nin a cooking pot; if he does so he will surely die. Further, no\nMweithaga may carry embers of fire in a fragment of crock from a\ncooking pot. He must either carry the fire in some green leaves in his\nhand or get a firebrand.\n\nWe now come to the wizard branch of the clan. Only the males have\nmagical powers. It is said that a Mweithaga will take an ox or Kudu\nhorn and blow it, and so doing will bewitch an enemy, saying, \u201cI blow\nthis horn and your heart will become like the wind I blow through this\nhorn,\u201d meaning, it will disappear and be lost. The person will then be\nbewitched, will cough up phlegm, and eventually die unless he takes\nofferings to the Mweithaga and beseeches him to remove the spell. The\nproper thing is to take a ram and some sugar cane, and if this is done\nthe wizard is unable to refuse, and will keep the sheep, cook some of\nthe fat and put it in his mouth with some of the juice from the sugar\ncane. He will then squirt a little into the mouth of the bewitched\nperson, and will also put some into a gourd for the patient to take\nback to his village and give to his children. After this ceremony the\npatient recovers, and, what is better, it is said that no Mweithaga can\nagain bewitch him in this way.\n\nA Mweithaga, if he wishes to bewitch a village, will go into the bush\nand find francolin eggs, and will put these, together with the leaves\nof the mkurwe (Albizzia) bush, on a fire and will say, \u201cAs these eggs\nburst and as these leaves shrivel up so shall this village be\ndestroyed,\u201d and it is believed that evil will forthwith fall on the\npeople of that village, but only upon the people, for the Eithaga do\nnot harm live stock. Some will put the francolin eggs with water in a\ncooking pot on a fire and then break the pot and the eggs with one of\nthe hearth stones. The Eithaga rarely use herbs or material substances\nin their magic, their spells being done by invocation. No medicine man\ncan remove a spell imposed by a Mweithaga; it can only be removed by\nthe one who imposed it or by another Mweithaga. If, however, a\nmysterious sickness falls on a village a mundu mugo, or medicine man,\nis called in, and he can diagnose it and tell whether it is due to the\nmagic of Eithaga. A Mweithaga cannot bewitch another Mweithaga, nor can\nhe bewitch a person belonging to another tribe such as Masai or Kamba.\n\nSometimes, however, they are of use, for they are believed to have the\npower of bewitching unknown thieves, and so it occasionally happens\nthat a person who has had, say, some goats or some sugar cane stolen,\nwill call in a Mweithaga and ask him to throw a spell on the thief. He\nwill come to the village and take a piece of mud containing the spoor\nof one of the stolen animals or one of the stems from which the sugar\ncane has been cut, as the case may be, and he will say \u201cA rokwa nguo,\u201d\n\u201cI bewitch the thief.\u201d The thief, who is probably not far away, will\nhear people talking of this, and being convinced of the effects of the\nmagic will hasten to return the stolen property to its owner.\n\nThe Mweithaga is then called again, and the owner of the goats takes\none and kills it, the Mweithaga cuts out the stomach with part of the\n\u0153sophagus, wets his finger with saliva and touches the end of the\n\u0153sophagus with his wetted finger, and then inflates the stomach by\nblowing and makes passes with it over the body of the thief, thus\nremoving the spell. He finally fastens a rukwaru, or strip of the goat\nskin, on the thief\u2019s wrist and the thief has to pay a sheep to the\nMweithaga as a fee. If the theft is that of such a thing as sugar cane\nthe thief has to find the sacrificial goat and then be purified as\nabove described.\n\nNo Mweithaga may eat wild game, and in no case can he even wear the\nskin of a wild beast; the only exceptions to this law are that they can\neat locusts and can make honey bags out of the skin of the ngunu, a\nsmall reddish antelope, probably a duiker.\n\nFor all their magical powers the Eithaga, like other people, are\nsubject to the incidence of thahu, and are also subject to the power of\nthe evil eye.\n\nThere is a kind of constitutional antipathy between the Eithaga and the\nsmiths of the tribe, and it is said that there are no Eithaga smiths. A\nMweithaga may not sleep in a smith\u2019s house or vice vers\u00e2; if this did\noccur it is believed that illness or even death would supervene. The\nevil spell can, however, be removed by the owner of the house; that is\nto say, if a smith sleeps in the house of a Mweithaga, the Mweithaga\ncould remove the evil, and vice vers\u00e2.\n\nThe Kikuyu are very afraid of the Eithaga, and in former days after\nsomeone had been killed by their black art the elders would induce one\nof them to come and remove the spell from all the people of the village\nwhere the man had died. They would then collect as many of the members\nof the clan as they could find and insist on their taking the oath\nknown as ku-ringa thenge, by which they would swear not to bewitch any\nmore of their neighbours. Sometimes, however, they would turn out en\nmasse and slaughter all the Eithaga they could lay their hands on. It\nis said that a Kikuyu would never enter the village of a Mweithaga\nuninvited.\n\nIf a Mweithaga goes to a village and becomes embroiled in a quarrel\nwith a member of another tribe, goats must be exchanged to make the\npeace, and the Mweithaga must spit on the other party to obviate any\nevil effects. The Mweithaga then invites the other man to his village\nto drink beer with him, and will take a sip from a horn of beer and\neject it back into the horn, the man then drinking the beer, after\nwhich he is immune from the effects of any Eithaga magic.\n\nThe Eithaga are believed to have the power of protecting forest, and\ntheir powers are sometimes invoked for this purpose. If a man wishes to\nprotect a patch of forest on his property, he sends for a Mweithaga to\nput a spell on it; the magician proceeds to the spot with the local\nelders and brings with him a cooking pot taken from the deserted hut of\na deceased person. He fills this with water drawn from each spring and\nstream in the piece of forest, and boils it on a fire made on a path in\nthe said forest; the pot is supported on three stones. After this a\nlittle of the water is poured back into each of the springs or streams,\nand the pot is then shattered by dropping one of the hearth stones on\nit. The magician then blows his horn and announces that if anyone cuts\nthe trees in the forest his heart will burst forth like the blasts of\nthe horn.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nKIKUYU MAGIC AND MAGICIANS\n\n\nNjau wa Kabocha.\u2014There is, in S. Kikuyu, a curious old medicine man\nnamed Njau wa Kabocha, belonging to the Anjiru clan, who is held in\ngreat esteem on account of his magical powers and his priestly\nfunctions. He possesses a sacred tree, at which sacrifices are believed\nto be very effectual. He is said not to deal in bad magic, and one of\nhis specialities is the removal of a plague of caterpillars, ngunga, or\nwireworms, vigunyu, from the crops. He was good enough to give a\ndescription of the procedure used to effect this useful object.\n\nThe owner of the afflicted crops brings a ram, ndorume, and some beer;\nthe ram is strangled and the lower intestine, mutura, is extracted; a\nnumber of the caterpillars are also collected. The magician drinks a\ndraught of the beer and then bites the caterpillars in half, one after\nanother, and lays the pieces on the leaves of the mutundu (Croton\nmacrostachys) and mukuyu (Dombeya sp.). He then places fragments of the\ncaterpillars in the intestine of the ram, goes away into the bush and\nburies the parcel in the hole of white ants\u2019 nest (Muthongonina). [11]\nHe next takes some wood of the morika and muirangani trees and lights a\nfire near the place where the caterpillars are buried, and in this fire\nhe burns the above-mentioned leaves and the remaining caterpillars.\n\nThe magician does not eat any of the meat of the ram; this is consumed\nby the owners of the fields and the elders who have accompanied him.\n\nA second ram is then provided, and the magician, together with the\nvillage elders, goes and sacrifices this at the nearest sacred fig\ntree; the breast of the ram is cut out and hung in the tree, and the\nremainder of the sacrifice is eaten by the magician and the elders.\nAfter this, the magician takes the ngorima (colon?) from the second\nram, some beer, njohi, some unfermented beer, ngogoyo, honey, beeswax,\nmedicine, of which he would not disclose the nature, and the horns of\nthe ram; these he burns in a fire, ichua, in the afflicted field. The\nbones are all broken intentionally, but the marrow is not extracted, as\nit is said that when the fat and bones are burnt in the fire they make\na smell which is very acceptable to the deity Engai. The fire is called\nichua, the particular name for a fire lit at a sacrifice\u2014a sacred fire\nin fact.\n\nThis is the end of the ceremony, and the magician then receives two or\nthree miati, ewes which have not yet borne a kid. It was stated that\nafter the ceremony above described the caterpillars would disappear in\na day or two; they would either be killed by heavy rain, eaten by\nsoldier ants, siafu, or the sun would dry them up.\n\nOn the day after the ceremony no person is allowed to cultivate the\nfields, the men may not eat beef that day or the next, and that night\nevery man must observe celibacy. He must not sleep in one of his\nordinary huts, but in the thengira, or goat hut, among the unmarried\nmen.\n\nNjau wa Kabocha declares that he can, if he wishes it, bring a plague\nof caterpillars upon any section of people who treat him badly, and\nthat he can do this by pouring out some beer in his village and praying\nto Engai. Within fourteen days, he alleges, the caterpillars will begin\nto appear, but he admitted that he could only do this about the normal\nseason when caterpillars are apt to come in swarms.\n\nIn the old days, when the Kikuyu used to fight the Masai, Njau\u2019s\nfather, who was a great magician, was a specialist at making medicine\nto enable his people to check the Masai invasions, and when they came,\nto ensure victory for the Kikuyu. The knowledge of this art is said to\nhave come down from his ancestors.\n\nThis magic is called mwita, and its most important instrument is a\nkiheto, or small piece of iron obtained from a smith. A small clay pot\nis made in which the kiheto is placed and some medicine called njeku,\nand this is brought to the path by which the Masai usually came to\nattack. If this failed, Njau\u2019s father would go to an old woman of the\nAsi or Dorobo tribe, buy from her an earthenware pot; this he would\ntake, along with a ram, and proceed secretly through the forest near\nNgong Mt., to a spot close to the Masai raiding track. He would then\nkill the ram as if for a sacrifice, cook the tail fat in the pot, then\nmelt down some of the body fat, taking care to pick out any pieces of\nflesh which had accidentally been put into the pot. He would also add\nsome tatha from the stomach of the ram and some sugar cane beer to the\nmelted fat in the pot. He would next seek out a straight and lofty tree\nand bury the pot and its contents at the foot of it, being careful that\nthe mouth of the pot just showed above ground. This is what the\nSwahilis call kafara, and it is believed to stop a raiding party from\npassing that way. If, however, they did succeed in passing, their raid\nwould be abortive and many would be killed. The power of this magic is\nsaid to be derived from the deity Engai and not from the spirits.\n\nThe medicine above referred to and called njeku is stated to have been\nmade from a piece of cloth or an old discarded sandal secretly obtained\nfrom an abandoned Masai kraal; this is charred, ground up, and then\nmixed with certain magic herbs.\n\nKamiri wa Itherero.\u2014The Hon. C. Dundas has furnished some interesting\ninformation with regard to the magic powers of one Kamiri, who is the\nsame medicine man referred to in the curious incident described in\n\u201cEthnology of A-Kamba,\u201d p. 143 et seq.\n\nClose to Kyambu there lives a medicine man of the name of Kamiri wa\nItherero who is said to be one of the most renowned of all Kikuyu. Like\nmost medicine men, Kamiri is possessed of more character than most of\nhis countrymen, and this is shown by his manner and appearance to a far\ngreater extent than is usually the case among other natives. He is one\nof the few members of the senior generation of Maina, which in itself\nis a claim to veneration; this means that he has practically withdrawn\nfrom the council of elders, and that he must be a man of considerable\nage. Yet Kamiri looks younger and better preserved than many an elder\nof the Mwangi generation. This may possibly be due to his temperate\nhabits, for it is said that he has never in his life touched\nintoxicating liquors. In height Kamiri is much below the average of his\ntribe, but his remarkably clear features and the penetrating look of\nhis eyes give him a dignified appearance.\n\nFor the European, Kamiri, on the whole, has no liking, and he does not\ntrouble to conceal this; in his own mind he is clear on the point that\nwe do very little good and cause vast damage by upsetting all good\ncustoms; in particular the injurious effect of our administration on\nthe manners of women troubles him. And this is not surprising, for\nKamiri has suffered much by our intrusion. In former times the success\nof raids depended to a great extent on his advice and aid, and this,\ncoupled with his deep knowledge of the art of medicine in general, had\nwon him great respect, and one can even say that he was held in awe.\nKamiri, in fact, was probably the principal man of the tribe and the\nnearest approach to a chief that his countrymen of that day could\nimagine. To-day he is a small headman, but nevertheless enjoys no small\nstanding, as we shall show.\n\nMissionaries designate Kamiri as the \u201cofficial poisoner\u201d; yet one\nmissionary, who knows him better than any other European, tells me that\nif Kamiri is hired to poison a man he will first call that man and tell\nhim so and then he will inquire into the case and endeavour to settle\nthe quarrel, in which respect he is usually successful. If Kamiri is a\npoisoner he is essentially the \u201cofficial\u201d poisoner; he uses his art\nwith discretion and in legitimate causes. There is a great difference\nbetween the medicine man of Kamiri\u2019s type and the average witch doctor\nof to-day; the medicine man of the old school knows what he does, and\ndooms a man perhaps as conscientiously as a judge when he hangs a\nmurderer.\n\nNothing which we or our influence could do has broken his position as a\nmedicine man; even the paramount chief has a great respect for him, and\nhe has been seen to get up and give his place to Kamiri. It is believed\nthat no Kikuyu, however strongly supported by the Government, would\nreally dare to go against Kamiri. A few years ago he demonstrated this\npower by hanging up a bag of rupees in a tree by the pathway and left\nit there for several months: no one dared to tamper with it. Natives\nattribute marvellous powers to him, and it is pretty certain that once\nhe has detected a criminal no Kikuyu has any doubt as to his guilt,\nneither would they think that any man poisoned by him had been unjustly\ndealt with. It is not very surprising that this cunning medicine man,\nwith his uncomfortable supernatural powers and his science of\ndetection, should not enjoy great popularity, and that there should be\nrather a feeling of distrust between him and his people.\n\nOn one occasion Kamiri volunteered to detect a case of theft of some\ncattle in which two men, A, a herder, and B, a man remotely suspected,\nwere in custody on suspicion. As far as is known Kamiri knew nothing\nabout the case or the persons suspected. Having set some boys to catch\nlizards, Kamiri placed the two men before him and dabbed some white\npowder on their noses and on the palms of their hands. The same\nsubstance was streaked on one of the lizard\u2019s heads and he then waved\nthe gourd containing this medicine round the lizard and likewise round\nthe suspected man. He then asked B if he had committed the theft, to\nwhich the man replied in the negative. Kamiri then held the lizard to\nthe man\u2019s nose for some minutes, but it made no signs. Next he repeated\nthe performance with A, and immediately on his denying the charge the\nlizard caught hold of his nostrils with its mouth. This it did several\ntimes. Kamiri was then asked if the man was guilty. He replied that he\nwas not, because if he had been so, the lizard would have held on and\nnot let go, but he was also not innocent, otherwise the lizard would\nhave acted as with B, and therefore he concluded that the man knew\nabout the theft and had probably abetted it. The charge was never\nproved against this man, but it was almost certain that he must have\nhad some knowledge of the theft. The natives had not the smallest doubt\nabout it after Kamiri\u2019s decision, and were highly surprised that B was\nnot at once liberated.\n\nA famous trick of Kamiri\u2019s is to make a small sheep grow large. The\nwriter has not seen this, but was told by a European that he had\nwitnessed it and that he made the sheep swell to an enormous size. One\nof Kamiri\u2019s feats is related with great satisfaction by the natives.\nKamiri once gave some medicine to a European in order that he should\nwin a race, and the story goes that the medicine worked satisfactorily.\nSo now there is a profound belief that Kamiri\u2019s medicine, unlike most\nothers, does not lose its potency with Europeans.\n\nKamiri\u2019s pupil is his son Kithege, who is said to be almost as\npractised in the arts as his father, and he is now generally sent in\nhis father\u2019s place when there is any distance to go. Kithege was seen\nto perform the same trick with the lizard in another case of theft.\nThis time the lizard hung on to the man\u2019s nose and remained so even\nwhen not held. The man was at once pronounced to be the offender, and\neven admitted himself that he had never heard of Kamiri making a\nmistake before, although he denied having committed the theft. On this\noccasion endeavours were made to discover how the trick was done. It\nwas certainly not due to any pressure of the hand; a trial was also\nmade with various colours, but with no effect. Seeing that the writer\nwas sceptical, Kithege, at his own suggestion, picked out at random two\nmen from the crowd and tried it with them, but the lizard would not\nbite either of them.\n\nFinally the conclusion was come to that there must be some connection\nbetween the breathing of the man and the lizard\u2019s action; possibly so\nlong as the man breathed freely, the lizard would not bite, but when he\nheld his breath or breathed strongly, after holding it for a time, the\nlizard, for some reason, hung to his nose.\n\nThe idea that a reptile will fasten on to a criminal has its parallel\nin the New Testament, vide Acts xxviii. 3\u20136: \u201cAnd when the barbarians\nsaw the venomous beast hang on to his hand they said among themselves,\nNo doubt this man is a murderer, whom, though he escaped the sea, yet\nvengeance suffereth not to live.\u201d Possibly there is an idea that the\nreptile is really a spirit which has temporarily assumed this form.\n\nIt is considered impossible that a medicine man should maintain a real\nstanding and the absolute faith of the people by mere trickery. Still\nless is it likely that a charlatan would have so much self-confidence\nas Kamiri, and therefore one is driven to the conclusion that a man\nsuch as Kamiri must repeatedly have proved himself to be right in his\ndetection. The most successful practices in this respect will always be\nsuch as work automatically, and the more one sees of noted medicine men\nthe more one inclines to the idea that many of their powers are neither\ntrickery nor mystery, but are simply due to the nervousness or to the\nmental effect upon the victim or patient.\n\nKithege was asked if he had any other ways of proving the man\u2019s\ninnocence or guilt, and he immediately expressed his readiness to try\nanother test. Asked what he would do, he announced his intention of\ntaking the man\u2019s eye out, and on being stopped he volunteered to put a\nvenomous snake round the man\u2019s neck. Unfortunately both of these\nexperiments entailed more risk than the confidence of the observer\nwould permit, although the suspected man seemed to have no\napprehensions as to the danger he was running.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\n\nMISCELLANEOUS MAGICAL PRACTICES\n\n\nRain Magic (Ukamba).\u2014The Kamba have no medicine men who specialise in\nrain-making, and in times of drought they pray and sacrifice at the\nithembo, or local shrine, in the manner already described. Some people,\nhowever, pretend that by means of a certain medicine they can make rain\npass by and not fall at a particular place. The ingredients of this are\nkept very secret and are only known to a few people. It is a black\npowder and is placed in the palm of the hand and blown in the direction\nof the rain storm. Some is also placed in the horn of an antelope and\nstuck in a tree. It is addressed as follows: \u201cYou are now a man and are\nplaced here to keep the rain away; if you fail you stay out here in the\nrain and I will not take you back into the house, but throw you away\ninto the bush.\u201d\n\nPresumably the concept is that by these means a human, or perhaps\nanthropomorphic spirit, having the power of averting rain, is bottled\nup in the horn by the potent medicine, or it may be that the spirit is\nsupposed to be in the medicine itself. It is a pity we do not know what\nthe medicine is composed of, as the reasoning might be the easier to\nfollow.\n\nBurglar\u2019s Magic.\u2014In the author\u2019s \u201cEthnology of A-Kamba\u201d an example of\nthis in connection with the Machakos district was given\u2014p. 95. The same\nkind of thing is evidently practised in Kitui, where it is said that a\nthief will sometimes obtain medicine from a magician and rub it on a\nstone. He then goes to a village at night and throws it on to the\nthatch of a hut. It is stated that he then probably waits till he hears\nthe people say: \u201cLet us sleep.\u201d He presently enters the hut and goes to\nthe owner and says: \u201cI have come for a cow which I am going to take\naway.\u201d The owner is apparently hypnotised and unable to refuse, for he\nanswers: \u201cTake such and such a one,\u201d and the people go on sleeping till\nlate the next morning. A neighbour calls at the village early next day,\nand is surprised to find the door of the hut and of the cattle kraal\nopen, one or two cattle missing, and the people still asleep.\n\nWomen often fashion little clay images of men and hang them up in their\ngardens to frighten youngsters who go there to pilfer the crops; the\nchildren believe that if they take anything they will be stricken with\na thabu. The elders, however, declare that such charms are only a sham,\nas the women do not really wish to harm the children, but only to scare\nthem.\n\nHunter\u2019s Magic.\u2014If a Kamba hunter shoots a very fat beast he must not\ntake snuff while he is skinning it or he will be seized with diarrh\u0153a.\n\nElephant hunters often carry a medicine called ngatho, of which a\nlittle is placed on each arrow before it is shot at an elephant; it is\ncarried in a hollow reed in the hunter\u2019s quiver. The hunter must not\neat or touch mutton before he returns from hunting or this medicine\nwill prove ineffective. The medicine man who concocts the medicine\nplaces it in the quiver of the hunter with his own hands, and the\nquiver must not be opened till the hunter is in the presence of the\nelephants. Hunters often carry another medicine called \u201cnzebi,\u201d which,\nif blown in the direction of game, prevents it from seeing the hunter.\n\nIn Kitui, if a man has made his preparations to go on a hunting\nexpedition, he must not cohabit with his wife the night before he\nstarts.\n\nIf there is a new-comer in a hunting party and an elephant is killed,\nthe leader of the party will cut off the trunk and breasts of the beast\nbefore the new-comer comes up, and hide them in the bush. It is said\nthat if this is not done the new-comer might joke about the peculiar\nappearance of these parts and in so doing turn their luck so that no\nother elephant would be killed. The elephant spirit would evidently be\nannoyed.\n\nAn officer, some time ago, shot an elephant in Kitui, and two of the\nnatives who accompanied him came up and asked if they might perform\ntheir ceremony, the object of which was to bring him much luck and good\nsport. He agreed, and a goat was killed and some of the blood\ncollected; one of the men tasted a little of the blood, and then each\nof them took a little in his mouth and ejected a few drops on the tusks\nof the dead elephant, the remainder being poured out as a libation.\n\nThe leader or leaders of the hunting party who are termed A-thiani in\nUkamba and Tha-mati in Kikuyu can alone eat the trunk of an elephant.\n\nWhen the hunting party returns it is the duty of the leader to\nsacrifice an ox and brew some beer; the blood of the ox and the beer\nare mixed and poured out in the village as a libation of thanksgiving.\n\nThe same ceremony is observed after the sale of the ivory.\n\nA man who organises successful hunts, or proves himself a good leader\nof caravans to the coast, obtains great honour among his people.\n\nCharms.\u2014The Kikuyu people sometimes place a human skull in a tree in a\ngarden to prevent people from stealing; it is not quite certain whether\nthis is believed to have any magic power. They also place the clay\ntuy\u00e9res from a smith\u2019s furnace in trees to protect gardens; in this\ncase they are probably trading on the dreaded magic powers of the\nsmiths.\n\nThe horns of the first ox presented to a man by the father or his\nson-in-law are not thrown away, but placed on the roof of the hut of\nhis principal wife. The significance of this is not very clear; it may\nbe done merely to commemorate the event, but in these matters it is\nnever safe to jump to conclusions.\n\nThe following observation in Kikuyu may be classed among magical\nprocedure. A man was sued for return of some cattle which he was\nobliged to return. On doing so, he pulled out a few hairs from the\nanimals\u2019 tails. It appears that when certain medicine is made in the\nvillage the owner has only to pull out a few tail hairs from a beast\nand it will always return to his village.\n\nOccasionally in a Kikuyu village the vertebra of an ox may be seen\ntransfixed on the stick which surmounts a grain hut. This is a charm to\nkeep butterflies away from the village, as it is believed that these\ninsects carry sickness to the goats and sheep.\n\nFear of old Women.\u2014Old women in Kikuyu are much feared, particularly\nthose who are blind, toothless, and decrepit; they are often believed\nto possess magic power. When meeting them, it is safer to pass by or to\nspeak to them pleasantly. If they are annoyed they may bring all sorts\nof ill luck. Being bothered one day by a number of very old women,\nChief Marraro and his elders were asked to send them away, but were\nafraid to tell them to go, and even many of the police dared not talk\nto them.\n\nKnots, etc.\u2014When a Kikuyu warrior goes to war he ties knots in the\ngrass on the way, so that he may find his enemy sleepy. Or again, if he\nis going to visit anyone he does the same in order that he may find his\nfriend at home.\n\nIf a man is at war, it is bad for the wife to make string for a food\nbag (chondo); it is probably believed that the twisting of string would\nhave the same deleterious effect as the tying of a knot is supposed to\nhave on certain occasions. Further, the wife must not sweep out the hut\nwhile her husband is away with a war party.\n\nA zebra was shot by the writer some time ago in Kitui, and when the\nmeat was brought to camp a Kamba was observed to tie a knot in the hair\nof the tail; the reason given for this was that zebras being rather\nsubject to diarrh\u0153a, it was a good thing to tie a knot in the tail, as\nthe persons who eat the meat would then not be likely to suffer from\nthis complaint.\n\nIn Kitui, also, if two men are starting on a cattle trading expedition\nand one gets ahead of the other the one who is delayed plants a stick\nin the ground and ties grass to it, this being supposed to delay the\nfirst man, and, the other passing him, will then be able to sell his\ncattle first and therefore at a better price.\n\nWar Medicine (Kikuyu).\u2014Before a young warrior departs on an expedition,\nthe father goes to a medicine man and obtains some medicine called\nnjeku and smears it on his son\u2019s shield, the object of this being to\nprotect him from the weapons of his enemies. It is said that sometimes\nthe medicine man, out of spite, supplies bad medicine and the warrior\nwill then be killed. This alternative is no doubt the explanation of\ncasualties, and it would be interesting to know how the medicine man\ndefends himself from the accusation of having supplied the wrong\nmedicine.\n\nIf a man collects the saliva of an enemy and takes it away to a\nmedicine man (murogi) who makes suitable medicine of it, the owner\nbecomes afflicted with a bad throat.\n\nA wife must not sleep away from her village while her husband is on a\njourney, nor bring a male friend to the village; she may shave her head\nin his absence, although this is barred among some tribes.\n\nMagical Remedies for Sterility.\u2014Among the A-Kamba of Ulu there are\nvarious remedies for barrenness in women. The husband consults a\nmedicine man, who casts lots, \u201cpiga mbau\u201d to find out which of the\nvarious remedies must be adopted. When the proper kind of remedy has\nbeen discovered, the husband takes his wife to the discoverer of the\nremedy (ngnondu), who administers it.\n\nVarious remedies are in vogue, viz:\n\n\n (1) A piece of the trunk of the mumo tree is cut out and bound in\n the woman\u2019s bead loin band.\n (2) One of the yellow fruits of a common wild weed is bound in the\n loin band. It is called baringo, and is probably a Solanum.\n (3) A goat is led round the woman seven times, and the aiimu are\n promised a goat if she proves fertile.\n (4) A goat or fowl is killed. Its blood is poured on the woman\u2019s\n head till it trickles down her back and breast. She is thus\n supposed to derive new blood.\n (5) The leather tails of her loin cloth are knotted.\n\n\nMedicine is also made from the following:\n\n\n (1) Two twigs of the mukengesia tree.\n (2) One twig of the musumsuyia tree.\n\n\nA branch of mulali tree sufficiently long to go round the woman\u2019s waist\nis then cut.\n\nThe woman\u2019s loin skin apron is cut into two pieces, and a knot is tied\nin one of them.\n\nThe mulali branch is then passed round her waist and tied into a knot.\n\nThe twigs 1 and 2 are then placed to the woman\u2019s lips, and she bites\nsome of them and spits out the pieces three times. Part of this is\ntaken and thrown on a main road for passers-by to tread on. The rest is\ntaken by the husband, who walks in front of the woman, dropping it for\nher to tread on as far as the village. Water in a nzele, or half gourd,\nis then drawn by the husband, and all the men and women of the village\nrinse their hands in it. A goat, given by the husband, is made to drink\nthe water in the nzele; it is then killed, and the chest is taken and\neaten by husband and wife. The husband does not cohabit with his wife\ntill the second night after the ceremony.\n\nAmong the Kikuyu if a married woman does not prove fertile a medicine\nman takes her to a mukeo, mukenyia, or muthakwa tree, and there\nsuffocates a mwati (a young ewe which has not yet borne a kid); the\nelders of the husband\u2019s clan take the small intestine of the mwati and\ntwine it around the woman and the tree, the intestine being then cut\nthrough with a sharp splinter of wood. The ceremony concludes with the\nanointing of the woman on the forehead with castor oil, and some fat\nfrom the carcase of the mwati is melted and poured out at the foot of\nthe tree.\n\nIt was impossible to discover the exact significance of this ceremony;\nit may be a form of so-called tree marriage, a ceremony by which\npresumably the fertility of the tree can be given to the woman.\n\nInoculation Against Snake Bites.\u2014Although these observations are\nclassified under the heading of magic, it is not at all clear whether\nthe procedure adopted is based on the knowledge of prophylactic or\nantiseptic drugs. The subject is worthy of professional investigation\nby a trained pathologist.\n\nThe author is indebted to Mr G. H. Osborne for the description of the\nprocess of inoculation for snake bites which took place in his presence\nat Machakos in Ukamba.\n\nThe practitioner was a young man of some twenty-five years of age,\nWaita wa Mathendu by name; the patient a boy of about sixteen, called\nKaboyi wa Kimoino\u2014both natives of the Iveti Hills. At the writer\u2019s\nrequest the native doctor brought specimens of the medicinal plants.\nThey consisted of:\n\n(1) A branch of a shrub called musobi (Kikamba). This has a leaf\nmeasuring about two inches in length, bright green on the top and a\nlighter shade below; the edges are serrated but not sharp, and the\nwhole leaf has a velvety feel to the touch. It bears a fruit which is\nred when ripe and which is eaten by the A-Kamba. It is also used as\nmedicine for colds in the head.\n\n(2) Two branches of a shrub called mthingii. The leaves appear to grow\non a single stem, and are composed of some six petals on either side of\nthe leaf stem. The leaf, full grown, measures about one and a half\ninches by three quarters. In the case of the first, a piece of the stem\nas it stands in the ground is lightly scraped three times with a knife.\nIn the case of the second, grains of mtama grain are thrown three times\nto strike the bush.\n\nBoth are then completely dug up by the roots, and the two roots, the\nstems and leaves, are put on the fire without water and dried\ncompletely. These are the vegetable ingredients of the medicine.\n\nThe animal ingredients are:\n\n(1) The heads of various kinds of snakes. When a medicine man captures\na snake he takes it by the neck in his right hand and passes its tail\nthree times around and behind his waist with the left hand, like a\nbelt, the third time passing its head to his left hand, which is\ngrasping the tail, and then clasping neck and tail in the left hand and\nholding it out from his body. He makes three gashes with a knife on the\nback of the snake\u2019s head, just above the neck, at the same time making\na gash in the back of his left hand, which is holding the snake\u2019s head\nand tail. He then takes some of the blood from the gash on the back of\nhis hand and smears it with his knife point in each of the gashes in\nthe snake\u2019s neck. The snake dies after the man\u2019s blood has been smeared\non the gashes, and its head is then severed below the gashes and put\ninto the nzele with the vegetable ingredients. These are then pounded\nup till the mixture becomes a pitch-like substance. It is put back on\nthe fire until thoroughly dried, when it is ground up into a powder\nvarying from dark grey to black in colour.\n\nThe medicine is now ready for use and is placed in its several\nreceptacles. The vegetable ingredients are always the same, but as each\nkind of snake is treated, each vessel holds a different kind of\nmedicine. On this occasion the doctor had only three snakes fastened up\nin a gourd with air holes bored into it. Before explaining the initial\nprocess he took them out and put the first round his neck and the\nsecond on his lap, where it lay diversifying its position by coiling\nround his arm.\n\nThe snakes brought for inspection were:\n\n(1) Ndau (female).\u2014About eighteen inches long, dark green on the back\nand light green underneath. It both spits and bites, and lives mostly\nin trees. Its darts are very rapid.\n\n(2) Syomelule (female).\u2014A dark grey colour on the back and light grey\nto light yellow below; the pattern appeared to be almost in squares. It\nwas about two feet long and had not digested a mouse which had got\nhalf-way down. It is said to be a tree snake; it both spits and\nstrikes, and after striking sticks on to the bitten part.\n\n(3) Kiko (male).\u2014Marked like a puff adder, black, with a broad flat\nhead. Unfortunately this one had had a slight difference with the\nsecond snake, which had struck and killed it on the way to the station.\nIt was in the bottom of the gourd and was not visible. It is said to\nlie on the road, shamming death, and rearing suddenly, to strike at the\nthigh. The larger ones also spit, and are especially dangerous to\npeople drawing water.\n\nThere were in all seven small gourds of powder, each containing a\nmixture of the vegetable ingredient and a different kind of snake. In\naddition to the three snakes above mentioned the gourds contained the\npowder made from four other kinds of snakes:\n\n(4) Nguluku.\u2014Said to be a small, reddish, whip-like snake of which\nlarger specimens have also been found living near streams; their bite\nis very deadly.\n\n(5) Kimbuba (Swahili Bafu).\u2014Puff adder.\n\n(6) Kisilu.\u2014A very black snake seldom leaving its hole in the daytime.\n\n(7) Yaitha.\u2014A tree snake which is very fond of taking up its residence\nin large birds\u2019 nests. It darts down on the passer-by from a tree,\nstrikes the head, and then retires again to the tree. In 1907, one of\nthem lived in a tree on the road to Mumoni, not far from Gai, and\nkilled two people in a short time. The District Commissioner was asked\nto kill it, but two Kamba went out together and one of them killed it\nas it tried to strike the other. This is probably a Dendraspis. The\ndoctor takes the skin of the patient\u2019s upper palm, just below the\nknuckle of the finger and thumb, and cuts three small gashes in the\nskin. He does this just above the upper wrist bone and upper elbow\njoint on the outside. The tongue is also slightly gashed in places till\nblood is drawn.\n\nThe writer only saw these particular places cut, as there was not\nsufficient time, but anyone undergoing the full treatment would be cut\non the top of the foot, just above the toes, on the upper thigh, the\nbuttock, and the shoulder, the process being repeated on the other side\nof the body.\n\nThe practitioner then pours into the palm of his left hand a little of\neach powder\u2014seven kinds in this case. With the first finger of the\nright hand he puts the mixed powder on to each of the three gashes,\nthen spits on the places and rubs the powder into the gashes with the\nsecond finger of his right hand. The remaining portion in the palm of\nthe left hand is licked three times off the palm by the patient\u2019s\ngashed tongue. The doctor then carefully wipes his hands, and, the\noperation being over, the powder is allowed to dry into the gashes.\n\nTo show the writer the efficacy of his medicine he took out the\nSyomelule snake and put it on to the finger of the patient, the mouth\nbeing closed over the first finger just below the nail, where it hung\nfor several seconds. Then he took it off and returned it to its\nreceptacle. One fang\u2014the upper one\u2014had drawn blood in the finger. He\nthen took a knife and scraped the place of the bite on the upper and\nlower side of the finger. He said this was to scrape off the fangs of\nthe snake. No blood was drawn on the under side of the finger. The\npatient said that the snake, when hanging to his finger, did not hurt\nhim, but that he merely felt as if his finger was being tightly\npinched. Both the doctors and the writer\u2019s boy who were present\ndeclared that instant death was the usual result of a bite by such a\nsnake.\n\nThe result of the treatment is that a person can seize hold of any\nsnake and, by making a circle round its head three times with the first\nfinger of the right hand, render it innocuous. If a person sees a snake\nenter a clump of grass, he walks three times round the clump, and at\nthe place where the snake has entered puts his hand in till he catches\nit by the tail. He pulls it out, and the snake strikes back. He allows\nit to strike his hand three times, and then seizes it by the head or\nneck and lets go the tail. He then makes three circular passes round\nits head with the first finger of the right hand and the snake can no\nlonger hurt anyone unless a person forcibly puts his fingers into its\nmouth. It can be carried about or worn with impunity.\n\nIf a person who is immune spits and strikes a snake with the spittle,\nthe snake becomes sick and dies at once. The patient was at the\nwriter\u2019s house for quite an hour after the operation. He still had the\nother side of the body to be operated upon. He showed no signs of\nswelling or illness.\n\nThe usual price for divulging the identity of the plants and the method\nof concoction to a fellow tribesman is a cow and a bull. For this\nreason the doctor brought the twigs tied up in a piece of cloth, so\nthat their nature was not apparent to a passer-by.\n\nThis inoculation may be a system of immunisation or it may be that the\nsnakes produced for the operation had had their poisonous fangs\nextracted. Its efficacy is, however, implicitly believed in by the\nKamba people of these parts, and no one who has been inoculated is\nknown to have died from the bite.\n\nIt must be noted that a certain amount of formality is observed, there\nbeing a favourite number for the magic \u201cpasses\u201d and for the gashes made\nfor inoculation.\n\nAnother observer writing from Kikuyu states that while standing at a\nparticular place with some elders a snake was seen in the long grass.\nOne man commenced to feel about in the grass for the snake, and when\nanother man struck at it, he picked it up alive. He seemed to have\nabsolutely no fear of snakes, and explained that he had medicine for\ntheir bites\u2014not to prevent bites, but to neutralise the poison. Later,\nhe was further cross-examined and denied that he had this medicine.\n\nThe author also saw in Kitui a man who professed to have no fear of\nsnake bites. This man one day walked into Kitui Station carrying a big\npuff adder (Bitis arietans) in his hand; he was not holding it by the\nneck, but was gripping it about eighteen inches below its head. He had\nheard that snakes were wanted for a collection, and had come to sell\nit. After the puff adder had been safely disposed of, he pointed out\ntwo deep scratches, not punctures, bleeding freely, at the base of his\nthumb and produced a black powder, some of which he rubbed on the\nwounds and some of which he placed on his tongue and swallowed. The\nwounds were inflicted by the adder. This man accompanied the writer for\na ten days\u2019 journey, and during that time caught various live snakes.\nHis general procedure was to lie down and put his arm into the recesses\nof a white ant nest which is a very favourite shelter for snakes during\nthe heat of the day; he would feel about and sometimes extract a snake.\nThe idea of feeling about in a dark hole in a district where cobras,\npuff adders, and other poisonous snakes are common, made one shudder.\nBut nothing untoward happened, and he suffered no ill effects from his\nscratches by the puff adder\u2019s fangs. He was asked what the black powder\nwas made of, and produced about six plants, the roots of which, when\ndried, charred and ground up, were said to constitute the antidote. It\nwas, however, not possible at the time to identify the plants.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPART III\n\nMISCELLANEOUS\n\n\nINTRODUCTORY\n\n\nIn this section a variety of matters, many of which have a bearing on\nthe beliefs of the people, but which cannot be legitimately placed\nunder either Religion or Magic, are dealt with.\n\nThe section dealing with the constitution of the people shows how the\ncouncil of elders grades into the primitive priesthood.\n\nA chapter on Kikuyu dances is included, and for this the author has to\nthank the Hon. C. Dundas. Many of these dances take place either at\nplanting time or near the harvest, and also at marriages, and\nundoubtedly come under the class of fertility ceremonies. They may thus\nbe considered to come under the heading of either Religion or Magic,\nalthough it is not always possible to say to which they belong.\n\nA chapter has been added on the position of women in tribal\norganisation, and this subject is particularly recommended to future\ninvestigators.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I\n\nTHE CONSTITUTION AND WORKING OF COUNCILS AMONG THE KIKUYU\n\n\nAccording to the natural organisation of the Kikuyu tribe every youth,\nas he grows up, gradually passes through the various grades of tribal\nlife. He commences as a kihe, an uncircumcised boy, and after\ncircumcision becomes a mwanake, and finally a muthuri. He has to be\ninitiated, step by step, into each grade according to the ritual of the\ntribe, and payment has to be made for entry into each stage. The\nprocedure and rites with regard to circumcision have been dealt with\nelsewhere, and we now have to consider entry into the higher grades.\n\nWhen a father considers that his son is old enough, he agrees to his\nmarriage, and after marriage, when he is the father of a child, he\nbecomes eligible for eldership. When the father thinks the time has\ncome, he provides the son with a goat to present to the council of\nelders for his initiation into the grade.\n\nThe elders cannot refuse to admit him to the lowest grade, and at their\nnext meeting the initiation takes place. The goat is first strangled,\nand a knife is then driven into its chest and the blood collected in a\npot. The senior elders take a sip of the blood, and the candidate also\ndrinks a little.\n\nThe following portions of the carcase are then set apart, viz., the\nribs, a piece of the meat of a leg called ruhongi, a piece of the small\nintestine, one of the small stomach, ngorima, and one of liver.\n\nTwo athamaki, or full elders of council, take these portions and roast\nthem before a fire; they are then brought to the hut of the candidate\nand handed over to his wife, or, if he has more than one, to the senior\nwife, who places them on a kind of shelf, called thegi, near the bed,\nand they are afterwards eaten by the man. The wife then gives the\nelders a half gourd, njeli, of gruel and a portion of cooked pigeon\npea, njahe. The elders eat a little of this and the remainder is given\nto the candidate.\n\nThis ceremonial meal appears to be in the nature of an oath. The man is\nthen called a muthuri ya mburi imwe, viz., an elder of one goat.\n\nA little later on he presents another goat to the elders and becomes an\nelder of two goats, muthuri ya mburi igiri; and then again, he presents\na third goat and becomes an elder of three goats, muthuri ya imburi\nitatu. No particular ceremony attends the presenting of the second or\nthird goats.\n\nAfter a due time has elapsed the man can apply to the senior council to\nbe admitted to that body. As a rule his entry is not refused, but it is\nsaid that he cannot demand admittance to this grade without the\napproval of its elders. He pays a fourth goat as entrance fee, and the\nsame ceremony as for the lower grade elder of one goat is gone through.\nHe then has to pay a fine thenge, or male goat, which counts as two\nordinary goats, whereupon the elders reveal to him the secret matters\nof their grade and instruct him in the procedure of the council. They\nalso invest him with his staff of office, the mithegi, and hand him the\nbunch of sacred leaves, mutathia (Clausena anisata and also Clausena\ninaequalis), and he is then a fully fledged elder of council and is\ncalled muthuri ya imburi nne or ithano, elder of four or five goats, as\nthe case may be, and is entitled to be called muthamaki, which may be\ntranslated as magistrate or judge, or one who is entitled to try cases.\n\nOrdinary elders are allowed to carry a bunch of leaves of mutathia\n(Clausena inaequalis, also C. anisata), but until they become ukuru,\nthey cannot carry the leaves of muturanguru (Vernonia sp.).\n\nIt is now necessary to consider the functions of the various grades.\nThere are two councils, or kiamas: kiama cha kamatimo and kiama cha\nathamaki. The council whose legal powers are recognised by Government\nis the kiama cha athamaki.\n\nThe following table shows how these councils are composed:\n\n\n NAME OF COUNCILS COMPOSED OF\n\n Kiama cha kamatimo Athuri cha imburi imwe\n ,, ,, igiri\n ,, ,, itatu\n Kiama cha athamaki ,, ,, nne\n ,, ithano\n Athuri ya ukuru.\n\n\nThe members of the kiama cha kamatimo have no judicial power; they\nattend at a meeting of the council but do not sit with the athamaki;\nthey are grouped at some little distance, the word, in fact, meaning\nthose who sit away. This body generally correspond to the kisuka of the\nA-Kamba.\n\nThe kiama cha athamaki actually means those who adjudicate or settle\ncases. The term athuri ya kiama, elders of council, is generally\nunderstood to refer only to the elders of the kiama cha athamaki. The\nathuri ya ukuru still remain members of the kiama cha athamaki, but\nwhen they reach this grade, as years go by, they generally take a less\nactive part in judicial matters, although they are always called upon\nto settle knotty points of tribal law and custom.\n\nWhen a man becomes a muthuri ya ukuru he assumes more definite priestly\nfunctions, and becomes responsible for the proper conduct of the\nperiodical sacrifices at the sacred trees. When such a sacrifice is\nmade the athuri ya ukuru are alone privileged to eat half of the head\nand the kidneys of the sacrificed ram.\n\nIn the same way when a sheep is brought to the kiama as a judicial fee,\nit is eaten by the elders present, and the ukuru, if they happen to be\nthere, claim the head and the kidneys, which, according to custom, they\npass on to the small boys of the village.\n\nWhen an elder enters the grade of ukuru he can wear in his ears the\nflat discs of brass-wire known as ichui.\n\nIn former times, one of the duties of the ukuru was to summon the kiama\nfor the discussion of questions of national importance.\n\nThe elders of ukuru also decide the date of the circumcision feasts,\nand other similar questions.\n\nIt is also the function of the ukuru of the tribe to settle when the\ntime has arrived for the holding of the great itwika feast, in which\nthe generation changes from Mwangi to Maina, or vice vers\u00e2.\n\nAs a general rule the athamaki are men advanced in years, but there is\nno fixed rule as to this; many are middle-aged or younger. Occasionally\none may see quite a young man, practically a youth, among the elders.\nThe elders explained this as follows: the election to the muthamaki\ngrade lies entirely with the athamaki; if they see a young man whose\nprudence and knowledge has impressed them favourably, they may elect\nhim into their grade; further, the family of a muthamaki should always\nbe represented in this grade, and therefore if one dies and leaves no\nnear relation other than a young man, they will elect his son or\nbrother in his place even if he is quite a youth. Such elections are,\nof course, rare and are only mentioned in case these exceptions should\nbe noticed. They are more frequently found among the A-Kamba, as the\nithembo, or sacred places, are inherited from father to son, and the\nowner of an ithembo must always have his place among the elders of\nithembo, who correspond to the athuri ya ukuru among the A-Kikuyu.\n\nIf an elder behaves improperly while occupying the position of elder,\nor commits a serious breach of tribal custom, his fellows threaten to\ncurse him with their staves and sacred plants, and he stands in such\nawe of this that he will appear before the elders and beg forgiveness,\nbringing with him a ram or male goat as a sign of his good intent. He\nwill then be ceremonially purified, tahikia.\n\nInitiation into the Ukuru Grade of Elders (Kikuyu).\u2014When a muthuri, or\nelder, becomes old he generally aspires to a higher grade called the\nukuru, but cannot enter it until all his children have been\ncircumcised. Some, however, never become members of the ukuru grade;\nthe consent of the other members of the grade is necessary and they do\nnot approve of a candidate who is not well endowed with worldly goods,\nor, again, prospective candidates may be considered unlucky.\n\nWhen an elder wishes to become a muthuri ya ukuru he prepares a supply\nof beer and invites all the elders of that grade from the surrounding\nneighbourhood; if they agree to his admission they assemble and\nceremonially spit on him. A day is then fixed for the formal\ninitiation, and a larger gathering of elders of various grades\nassembles.\n\nThe candidate has to present formally to the elders of the grade what\nis called njahe, and at the ceremony at which the writer was present\nthis consisted of:\n\n\n 4 gourds of honey-beer.\n 4 gourds of sugar-cane beer.\n 4 gourds of gruel made from kimanga and mawele meal all\n mixed together.\n 4 bowls of cooked njahe or pigeon pea.\n Numerous bowls of cooked sweet potatoes.\n\n\nA bullock and ram were also provided for the guest.\n\nThe first thing to be settled was to which elders the various parts of\nthe beasts should be given; this goes by seniority. The head of the\nbullock went to the senior, two forelegs and chest to the next, the\nleft hind leg to the next, the hide to the next, and the right hind leg\nto the candidate.\n\nThis being decided, the candidate presented each of the most senior\nelders with a gourd of the different beers and each kind of food. The\ncandidate then presented the principal wife of the senior elder with a\ngourd of beer and food. The senior elder brought forth a horn of beer,\ntook a sip and spilt a tiny drop into his left breast and then offered\nit to the candidate who took a sip and ceremonially spat into his left\nbreast. The senior elder\u2019s wife did the same, offering the beer to the\ncandidate\u2019s wife. The food was then divided among the other elders, who\ngathered round and drank beer. After this, various elders made speeches\nwelcoming the candidate into the grade and prayed to Engai to look\nfavourably on him, his wives being also mentioned with the hope that\nthey might be fruitful.\n\nThe animals are then slaughtered, the following portions being\nselected:\n\n\n The heart of the ram\u2014ngora.\n Lungs, a portion of\u2014mahuri.\n Intestines, a portion of\u2014wei.\n Spleen, a portion of\u2014weriungu.\n Loins, a piece from\u2014ruduithi.\n Rump, a piece from\u2014ruhongi.\n Ribs, portion of\u2014kengeto.\n Colon\u2014ngorima.\n Kidneys of bullock\u2014hiyo.\n\n\nThe ngorima is cut out and the end tied up; it is then filled with\nblood from the ram and bits of meat.\n\nThe mromo waiyu, or big stomach of the ram, is filled with bits of meat\nand fat and tied up.\n\nAll these are cooked, and when ready are taken inside the hut of the\nsenior elder and only a chosen few of the ukuru are allowed inside; on\nthis particular occasion only eight were admitted.\n\nThe senior elder bites a small piece out of the ram\u2019s heart and spits\nout a bit to the right and left as an offering to the ngoma, or\nancestral spirits, and the candidate does the same. The next senior\nelder eats the kengeto. The mahuri and ngorima are given to the senior\nwife of the host by the senior wife of the candidate.\n\nA little honey beer was then brought into the hut, and the candidate\nwas presented with one of the black staves which only elders are\nallowed to carry, and also the bunch of sacred leaves known as\nmuturanguru (Vernonia sp.). The leaves are tied together with the fibre\nfrom the mukeo bush.\n\nThe candidate took hold of the staff and the leaves, and the senior\nelder drank a little sip of the beer and ceremonially spat on the\nleaves saying \u201cAroendwo na kiama\u201d\u2014\u201cMay you be well liked by the council\nof elders.\u201d This was a kind of blessing which may be likened to the\nblessing which accompanies the \u201claying on of hands.\u201d\n\nThe ceremony inside the hut was then over, and all the elders outside\nindicated its conclusion by taking a sip of beer and spitting a little\non to their right breasts. The meat was then divided and cooked, and\nthe company settled down to the feast of meat and beer.\n\nProcedure in Pre-administration Times.\u2014The procedure in former times\nseems not to have differed greatly from that followed nowadays in\nregard to the form of trial. It is said that the elders of mburi imwe,\nigiri and itatu used to sit separately, according to their rank,\ninstead of together as they seem to do now, but it is doubtful if this\ncustom was religiously observed.\n\nThe whole procedure was, of course, less organised than at present.\nThere appear to have been no fixed councils or meeting places, which is\neasily explained by the fact that there were no defined locations. If\ntwo men had a case, they each called a few elders, who met to judge the\ncase; others came and joined in, partly out of interest in the affair\nand partly because the elders, on the whole, delight in litigation.\nCertain cases became of general interest or may have affected the whole\ncountry, and then the council would probably comprise most of the\nelders from far and wide.\n\nIt is certain that the elders could exercise considerable authority\nwhen they chose, as already described, but the object of the council\nwas primarily to arbitrate in disputes and to point out the recognised\ncustom to be followed. Where an offence affected the whole community,\nor when an accused was regarded as an habitual and dangerous offender,\npublic indignation might be so strong that the affair would appear as a\npublic concern, and the elders would then use their full authority.\nOrdinarily differences between two men, however, were considered to be\ntheir own affair, and if a man would not give what was due by custom,\nthe claimant was expected to use force, although in such cases he was\nheld liable for any damage done in using such means. The elders were,\nhowever, always able to enforce a judgment by cursing an accused found\nguilty if he refused to obey the judgment against him, but probably\nthis was only done in very serious cases where public feeling ran high.\nHence, probably, the many ancient feuds and the intense desire to\nincrease the strength of the family. Had public authority been very\nstrong and efficient this would not have been considered of such\nimportance.\n\nThe presumption that the elders were regarded more in the light of\narbitrators than judges is strongly supported by the fact that even\nto-day some elders appear to be adverse to deciding questions of fact.\nThe mere appearance of a defendant before the council would seem to\nhave implied his liability; even now it is difficult at times to induce\na native to appear before either the council or a court if he maintains\nthat the charge is entirely groundless or false.\n\nPresent-Day Procedure.\u2014In each locality there is a gazetted council, or\nkiama, which meets at the council house situated near the headman\u2019s\nvillage; a special flag is hoisted to tell the people that there is a\nmeeting. Until now the kiama has met whenever there has been a case to\ntry, but this has proved a great evil, as a few elders are hastily\ncollected and the large majority object to going to the councils too\nfrequently. The councils have therefore mostly been composed of elders\nliving in the vicinity of the chief\u2019s village. It is now arranged that\nthe meetings shall, if possible, be on fixed days, and not more than\nthree or four times a month, and the improvement in consequence has\nbeen most marked.\n\nThe athamaki for each locality are now registered, and it has been\nagreed that at each meeting at least half, or in large localities, one\nquarter, of their number must be present. Hitherto it has been\ncustomary for the headman to summon the defendants through his askaris,\nor retainers, but now that each elder has been entrusted with the\ncharge of a certain number of huts, it has been agreed that the parties\nshall in the first instance be summoned by their respective athamaki.\n(In S. Kikuyu each muthamaki will have, on an average, twenty-five huts\nunder his charge.)\n\nAs a general rule the elders prefer to sit outside the council house;\nthis is a good rule, as it ensures publicity to the proceedings, and\npublicity is also the object of native law. The athamaki sit in front\nand the other elders, the kamatimo, behind; only women and anake, or\nyoung unmarried men, are barred from sitting on the general council.\n\nThe fee paid to the elders varies greatly according to the means of the\nparties and the matter in dispute. It would be advisable to see a fixed\nfee instituted, but the elders should make this change of their own\naccord. When the parties appear, they come before the elders of\nathamaki in turn and state their cases; the plaintiff as a rule begins.\nWitnesses are sometimes called, but the parties repeatedly appear\nbefore the athamaki to contradict or correct the opponents\u2019 statements.\nThe elders generally keep count of the articles in dispute by breaking\ntwigs; if, as is usual, part of the claim is admitted, the twigs\nrepresenting what is admitted are put aside.\n\nHaving heard all that the parties have to say the elders of athamaki\nthen retire alone to discuss the question and settle it (this\nconference is called ndundu). They do not, however, all go, and any\nelders who are relatives of the parties are excluded; this is, of\ncourse, very equitable. The gazetted headmen never appear to go with\nthese elders, but are sometimes called and consulted by them. The\ndiscussion between the elders is conducted so that it is not heard by\nanyone else; they are hardly ever known to break up without coming to\nan agreement. Having decided what it is to be, they break twigs\nrepresenting the amount to be paid or any imprisonment imposed. One of\nthem repeats what each twig represents, while the rest give their\nassent in chorus. Two of the senior members then stand up and invoke\npoverty, sickness, and calamity upon those who disobey their orders,\nand to this the rest again assent in chorus. After this, all beat their\nsticks on the ground, repeating much the same phrases, and finally they\nbring their staves together on the ground, so that the points meet,\nwhile they give a peculiar sort of whoop indicating that they have\nagreed. They then return to the general council, and one of the most\nsenior among them, carrying the twigs, asks in varying terms if they\nhave agreed, to which they assent in chorus. The elders then state what\neach twig represents, and finally throws his staff or club on the\nearth.\n\nOne case was recently witnessed in which the elders came to a decision\nwithout adjourning at all. As a general rule they are loth to decide\nfacts, and if such are in dispute, or either party appears to be lying,\nthe decision will simply be that both parties must take the oath of\nmuma. The investigation is generally most searching; if the subject is\nsome hurt done they will not be satisfied until they have examined and\nprobed the wounds. No questions are asked as to dates and time, these\nbeing considered of minor importance.\n\nThe elders will not recognise that a claim has been paid unless it was\nmade good before a kiama, and this is the only proof that it was paid.\nNatives will therefore not pay debts out of court, as it were, and this\nprinciple is often erroneously taken to mean that they will not pay\ndebts at all unless forced to. If the council imposes a fine, it is\npaid to the Government. In almost all cases, however, a goat or two\nmust be paid to the elders, who are allowed to keep them on the\nunderstanding that such fines must be consumed by them.\n\nAs was previously mentioned, in former times many of the judgments were\nnot executed until force was used by the plaintiff and his kin.\n\nThe fear of revenge must, indeed, have been the chief preventative of\ncrime, as it has been at all times before the State became the public\navenger. Mere compensation could certainly not have acted as a\ndeterrent to crime any more than it could to-day. We have therefore, in\nreinstituting the settlement of crimes by payment of compensation only,\nnot made adequate provision for the prevention of crime, nor have we\nbeen able to revive fully the old native organisation by leaving out\nthe fear of private revenge.\n\nThe councils are, it is believed, gradually realising that crime will\nnot be effectually checked by awards of compensation only; the right of\nprivate revenge has been abolished. It would therefore seem that the\ninfliction of imprisonment by councils is at times a necessity if peace\nand good order is to prevail, but stringent supervision by Government\nwill, of course, be necessary for a long time to come.\n\nConstitution and Working of Councils among the A-Kamba of Kitui.\u2014The\nmale Mu-Kamba from birth to death passes through most of the following\ngrades:\n\nKana.\u2014(a) Kahengi, an unweaned child; (b) Kabisi, a weaned child able\nto walk. The generic name is, however, kana. These distinctions would\nreally only amount to our describing children as being in long clothes\nor short.\n\nKivizi or Kivisi.\u2014A boy old enough to herd goats, but who has not been\ncircumcised.\n\nKamwana.\u2014A circumcised boy who is old enough to dance at ngomas, but\nnot reached the age of puberty.\n\nMwanake (plural\u2014Anake).\u2014A young man who has reached the age of puberty,\ndances at ngomas, and has joined the warrior class. He may be married\nand have children.\n\nNthele (plural\u2014Anthele).\u2014A married man with children who has ceased to\ndance at ngomas. He pays a fee of one to three goats to the anthele on\nbeing promoted from the anake grade, part of the meat going to the\nanthele and part to the anake. It is said that an oath, kithito, has to\nbe taken with the blood. A mwanake may be of any age and must remain in\nthat group until he has been admitted among the anthele.\n\nNgila.\u2014This does not appear to be a regular grade, but is merely a war\ntitle. No initiation seems to be necessary. An ngila is one of the\nadvanced guard in war, and his portion of meat is the lower part of the\nleg. It does not seem necessary that he should be even an nthele.\n\nMwamba in Kitui, and Kiauu in Machakos, is also a war title. The bearer\nforms part of the rear-guard, whose duty it is to keep off the enemy\nwhile the ngila escape with the booty. His portion is the rump and\nupper part of the leg.\n\nAn nthele next enters the grade of atumia ya kisuka, elders of kisuka,\nand has to pay ten goats. As a matter of fact they generally pay one\nbullock, which is the recognised equivalent, but the fee is always\nquoted in goats, the A-Kamba probably having nothing but goats when the\nprocedure was evolved. The fee is divided among the members of the\nkisuka and the elders of nzama, which is the next higher grade.\n\nAlthough a man enters this grade, it must not be inferred that the\nkisuka is a council which still exists. The duty of the elders of\nkisuka is to deal with a kingnoli palaver; that is to say, the communal\nexecution of a person who has been proved to their satisfaction to have\nkilled a number of people by witchcraft, poison and so forth. The\npractice corresponds in a measure to the stoning of Stephen by the\npeople described in Acts vii. 57\u201360. The people undoubtedly looked upon\nthis man as a strange and harmful magician, and their point of view is\nquite comprehensible.\n\nThey also assembled on the occasion of a Masai raid to draw up a plan\nof campaign, another of their functions being to arrange a peace\npalaver in case of serious internal fighting. The grade takes its name\nfrom the meat they ate on the occasion of such meetings.\n\nThe next grade is mutumia ya nzama (plural, atumia ya nzama), elders of\nthe nzama, and for the privilege of entering this grade a man has to\npay one bullock and ten goats. Its members are the arbiters of private\ndisputes, the assessors of damages, and the witnesses of the payment of\nbridal price and ordinary debts, and are thus the archives of the tribe\nand the registrars of transactions. A man enters this grade by\ninvitation of the members of the council, and must have proved himself\na man of sound judgment. His age does not matter, but he must be\nmarried and a father to be eligible either as a member of the council\nof the anthele or of the nzama. At a feast the portion of meat allotted\nto him is the head, the back, and, if a bullock is killed, the rump.\n\nThe next, or final grade, is that of atumia ya ithembo, elders of\nithembo, often just referred to as ithembo, to which there is no\nspecific entrance fee, as the selection is made by the other elders of\nthe grade. The candidate, however, invariably makes a present to the\nother elders after his election, as a compliment for the honour done\nhim, the usual payment, according to the statement of one elder, being\nfour goats.\n\nThe bullock which an elder has to pay to enter the grade of nzama is\nalso said not to be a fee but a thank-offering to the elders for his\nelection. The atumia ya ithembo claim the tail as their portion of a\nfeast. Their duties are mainly sacerdotal; they arrange and carry out\nthe sacrifices at the ithembo, or sacred place, in times of drought,\npestilence, planting of crops, and they are responsible for the proper\ncarrying out of burial customs and village offerings to the spirits. In\ntimes of national crisis their advice is sought, but they do not\nordinarily sit and hear cases dealing with private disputes.\n\nThe rise of a Kamba native from one social grade to another depends:\n\n\n (1) On his supposed fitness for the position, this being decided\n by the members of the grade he can enter, and an invitation\n to join is necessary.\n (2) On the ability of the candidate to pay the fees.\n\n\nWhen a case is brought before the council of elders, nzama, any of the\nmale population can be present, but can only listen to the evidence and\ncannot interfere in the proceedings.\n\nThe evidence is generally taken by one man on behalf of the council; he\nconducts the examination and cross-examines, and if other members of\nthe court wish to put questions, it is generally done through the\npresiding elder.\n\nThe Government Chief, or Gazetted Headman, who is really foreign to the\norganisation, does not generally sit with the nzama; he sits apart.\n\nThe nzama is really a court for the settlement of questions of law or\ncustom.\n\nShould the evidence on matters of fact differ materially, the only way,\nwith the exception of very obvious cases, is for the litigants to take\nthe native oath (kula kithito), which is supposed to bring most dire\nconsequences on the perjurer. A litigant who refuses to take the oath\nis out of court, and judgment goes against him. The results of the oath\nare supposed to take effect within six months or a year, and should the\nlitigant who has taken the oath survive the period, the case is given\nin his favour. Only one party and his witnesses are allowed to take the\noath.\n\nAs cattle are generally involved in the case, the cattle in dispute are\ngenerally placed with some respected headman or elder until the effects\nof the oath are known.\n\nThe elders of the nzama retire to consider their verdict, and no\nmembers of the tribe below that rank are admitted to the consultation.\n\nThe council generally sits in a circle.\n\nThe Government Chief has in recent years assumed the duty of Executive\nOfficer to carry out the judgment of the nzama, and in many cases in\nUkamba has, at times, arrogated to himself a certain amount of\nrevisionary power.\n\nDisputes between members of the same family rarely come before the\ncouncil, but are settled by the head of the family.\n\nEnforcement of Orders of the Council.\u2014Formerly obedience would be\nenforced by any sentence, up to that of a death penalty. At the present\nday obedience has in some cases to be enforced by Government.\n\nThe successful litigant could enforce the payment awarded by court by\nseizing the defendant or members of his family.\n\nIn connection with this inquiry it is of some interest to analyse the\nfunctions of two special grades of elders among the Kamba, i.e., atumia\nya makwa (elders of makwa) and atumia ya ukuu (elders of ukuu).\n\nIt must first of all be clearly understood that these titles have no\nconnection with the ranks of atumia ya nzama (elders of council) in\nwhose hands the judicial functions are vested. The members of the\nhighest grade of this rank are termed the atumia ya ithembo (elders of\nthe shrine), both of these ranks being part of the natural career of\nthe head of a family of any standing in the tribe. The elders of makwa\nand ukuu are, however, more comparable to positions which are attained\nby successful medical specialists. A man may become one or the other,\nor he may be both. Of the two branches the elders of ukuu are\nconsidered the more important; on the other hand, it is said to be more\ndifficult to become a successful elder of makwa.\n\nThese branches of practice must not be confused with the profession of\nmedicine man, which is quite distinct. A man can only become a medicine\nman if he is in direct communication with the aiimu, or ancestral\nspirits.\n\nThe function of a mutumia ma makwa (elder of makwa) is to avert the\nevil consequences of the incidence of a thabu or makwa; the functions\nof a mutumia ma ukuu is to ward off death itself.\n\nThe former uses ceremonial and lustrates by means of various herbs,\nfrom which he concocts the ngnondu or purifying reagents.\n\nThe latter (ukuu) uses spells which have a magical value only, and\ngives directions.\n\nThe qualification which enables a man to become a mutumia ma makwa\n(elder of makwa) is that one of his wives shall have died under\ncircumstances which may leave a curse or thabu. He must then at once\nconsult an elder of makwa, who performs certain purification\nceremonies. If these are not performed the children of the deceased\nwill become afflicted with thabu or makwa. If the ceremonies are\nsuccessful the husband is considered to be initiated as an elder of\nmakwa; if, however, he wishes to practise the art, he must set to work\nto obtain experience, as the ceremonial necessary to cure the many\nforms of makwa is very varied, and a wide knowledge of the various\nherbs employed is necessary.\n\nIn the case of a mutumia ma ukuu (elder of ukuu) the necessary\nqualification is a series of deaths in the family within a short\nperiod. He can then go to another elder of ukuu, pay fees and be\ninitiated in the secrets of the art\u2014the fee is usually one or two\nbullocks; his duties are to remove the curse due to murders, accidental\ndeaths, and remove the curse of death from a family which has been\nafflicted by an unusual number of deaths. He does not perform\npurification ceremonial, but lays down certain procedure which has to\nbe followed by the applicant. He may be compared to the consulting\nphysician who gives certain advice, such as a particular diet, and\nleaves the patient to follow it or not as he likes. The prescription\nsometimes, for instance, takes the form of a direction to have conjugal\nintercourse at a particular season.\n\nThe final degree which he reaches in old age is called mutumia ma\nithembo (elder of the shrine), and his duty then is to offer the\nsacrifices at the sacred grove or ithembo. Among the Kamba tribe the\nmembers of this grade take but little part in the affairs of the tribe,\nbut in Kikuyu the athuri ya ukuu form a tribal court of appeal (the\nword ukuu in Kikuyu has a different significance from ukuu in Ukamba\nand merely means \u201cgreat or senior\u201d).\n\nIf an elder of ithembo becomes so old as to fall into his dotage, and\nhas a son who is qualified to take his place, the son is often elected\nin his stead.\n\nIf, however, a mutumia ma nzama (elder of council) is married to a wife\nwho is a magician, and who can instruct him in certain matters\nconnected with the ritual of the shrine, he can approach much nearer to\nthe sacred grove than the ordinary elder of nzama, but cannot actually\ngo up to the place of sacrifice\u2014the elders of ithembo only being\nprivileged to do so.\n\nElders of ithembo are very few in number; there are rarely more than\ntwo for each grove. The above practice is prevalent among the Kamba of\nUlu. The Kitui customs may possibly vary somewhat.\n\nThe author is greatly indebted to the late Hon. K. Dundas for\nassistance in making these matters clear.\n\nCurse for Disobedience to a Judgment by the Court of Elders.\u2014In\nconnection with the history of the operation of the thahu in Kikuyu one\npoint is worthy of notice. If a person has been one of the parties in a\nsuit before the kiama, or council of elders, and refuses to pay the\nnecessary compensation, the elders can lay a curse or thahu on him. The\nprocedure is as follows: they assemble at one of their recognised\nmeeting places and then mass together, beating their long staves on the\nground in unison, calling out, \u201cWe curse you on the mithegi; the person\nwho disobeys the order of the kiama shall be cursed.\u201d Mithegi is the\nname of the staves carried by old men, the name coming from the wood\nthey are made of. No elder goes to a council without his staff. The\noffender need not be present, but it is believed that the curse\nforthwith begins to take effect.\n\nTo remove the curse the offender then goes to the elders and begs to be\nallowed to pay the amount of the judgment. This is done, and in\naddition he brings a sheep; the elders then say, \u201cGo back home, bring\nsome beer, and the day after to-morrow we will come and spit on you.\u201d\nThey assemble at his village on the appointed day and the offender\ngives another sheep, which is killed outside the gate of the village;\nthe purpose of this is to purify the village, ku-thirura muchi, and the\nmeat is carried round the confines of the huts. The elders then each\ntake a little of the sheep\u2019s fat and rub it on their staves, saying,\n\u201cWe are glad that the man who defied our orders has now obeyed it; we\ncursed him through our mithegi, but we now smear our mithegi with fat,\nas a sign that we and our mithegi are glad, and there is now nothing to\nbe feared, for we have come to cleanse you and your village from evil.\u201d\nThe elders then assemble in a circle with the man and his family in the\nmiddle, and one of the elders anoints the tongue of each individual of\nthe family with a spot of ira, or white earth, and the elders then\nceremonially spit on the offender and each of his family, and depart.\n\nThe same belief occurs in Ukamba, and the nzama, or council of elders,\ncan inflict a curse upon a man for disregard of its orders; if he is\nstill recalcitrant it is said to be potent enough to kill him and all\nthe people of his village in a short time. The elders impose this\ncurse, called kutuu, by all clapping their hands together. The effect\nof the curse can be averted if the man obeys and the elders forgive\nhim; as in Kikuyu, however, he has to pay a fee of a goat, and the\nelders assemble and ceremonially spit on the culprit to neutralise the\ncurse. The removal of this curse is called ka-athimwa or ka-musia by\nthe A-Kamba.\n\nSometimes, however, in Kikuyu a defiant tribesman was beaten with\nstaves, or his village was burnt, and in extreme cases he was ordered\nto be killed and his property was confiscated. If he was executed by\njudicial order, he had to be killed by his blood kin, so that no claim\nfor blood money should lie. The procedure consists either in strangling\nthe culprit with a rope, choking him by clasping his throat kuita, or\nkilling him by blows delivered with the handle of an axe.\n\nIt was also considered right to drive a man out of his tribe if he\nproved himself an undesirable; this may be done even now, in which case\nhe is allowed to take his property with him.\n\nSummary.\u2014The preceding review of the organisation of the councils of\nelders, and the functions exercised by them, show how, in the first\nplace, the elders are merely administrators of tribal law or arbiters\nas to what is right and proper according to the tribal code; secondly,\nhow they eventually acquire a sacerdotal position. The memories of the\nelders are also the archives of the tribe as well as the unwritten\nrecords of tribal law and tribal observances. If a debt of any\nimportance is paid, it is generally done in the presence of one or more\nelders, and the matter is then settled without the necessity of any\nreceipt or quittance.\n\nIt is sometimes assumed by reformers that the elders are nothing more\nthan useless encumbrances, and every district officer wishes they were\nmore progressive. They certainly have their faults, and in some tribes\nthe faults almost overshadow the more useful qualities. On the other\nhand, we may be rather over anxious to push things along, and we are\napt to expect a tribe to jump into a higher cultural plane in too short\na time. We forget too easily that reform must come from within, and\nthat the inner consciousness of a tribe changes slowly. A veneer\napplied on the surface is always thin, and is unlikely to wear.\n\nTo illustrate this organisation it may be interesting to refer to the\naccount of the Druids of Britain, about 55 B.C., left to us by C\u00e6sar;\nthese functionaries apparently performed very much the same duties as\nthose of the present-day elders of the ithembo in Kikuyu and Ukamba; in\nthe case of these tribes, however, the line between ordinary people and\nthe priestly caste does not seem to be as sharply marked as it was in\nBritain. C\u00e6sar in Bell. Gall. vi. 13\u201314 writes as follows:\n\n\u201cAmong the Celts there are only two classes held in consideration and\nhonour, the Knights (equites) and the Druids. The latter are concerned\nwith all things divine, manage the public and private sacrifices,\ninterpret sacred omens and religious scruples. (N.B.\u2014This is identical\nwith the duties of the athuri ya ukuru as regards thahu, etc.). For\nthey make decisions on almost all disputes, both private and public,\nand if a crime is committed, e.g., a murder, or if a lawsuit arises\nconcerning heritages or disputed boundaries, it is they who give\njudgment. They name the compensation and assess the penalty, and if any\nprivate person will not accept their award they interdict him from\ntaking part in the sacrifice. This is the heaviest punishment they can\nimpose. Persons thus placed under interdict are held impious and\naccursed; men quit their company and avoid meeting them or speaking to\nthem lest they may come to harm from the contagion of the wicked.\u201d\n\nAll this has a peculiarly African flavour, and with slight amendment\nmight refer to the constitution of a modern African tribe on the same\nlevel of civilisation as the Kikuyu or Kamba people.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II\n\nLAWS OF COMPENSATION FOR MURDER\n\n\nIt is a matter of great importance, from an administrative point of\nview, that these should be properly understood, as a murder is\notherwise likely to create a hereditary feud between the two families,\nwhich will eventually lead to fresh crimes.\n\nKikuyu.\u2014In Kikuyu, for instance, until the ceremonial has all been\nproperly carried out, no member of the family of the murdered man can\neat food out of the same dish or drink beer with any member of the\nfamily of the murderer. In Ukamba it is believed that unless the matter\nis properly adjusted according to the law (their law) the members of\nthe family of the murderer will continually be involved in quarrels\nwhich are likely to end by one of them killing his neighbour, and\nconversely the members of the family of the murdered man become\ninvolved in quarrels and are liable to be killed in the same way as\ntheir relation. If one tries to look at the matter from their point of\nview it appears to be this: there is a bad spirit or muimu about,\nbelonging to an ancestor; it enters into a man and the result is that\nthe next time he quarrels with a neighbour he kills him. This spirit\nmay continue to possess that person, or it may go on to another member\nof that family with the same result. In the same way the muimu of the\ndeceased, the murdered man, influences the aiimu in the bodies of all\nthe members of his family and makes them afraid. They know that this\ndeath-dealing spirit is abroad, and the members of the family are more\nliable to be killed if they become entangled in a broil. Thus both\nfamilies are anxious that this state of affairs should cease and that\nthe troublesome spirit be appeased and laid to rest.\n\nThe explanation just given may or may not be the final interpretation,\nbut the fact remains that it is considered a vital necessity that the\nceremonies necessary to close the trouble caused in a tribe by a murder\nshould be carried out according to the law of the tribe, and only by\nthe observance of the proper ritual can the avenging spirit be\nappeased.\n\nIn South Kikuyu there are only two persons qualified to perform these\nceremonies: Gachii wa Kihara and Juguna wa Kihara, both sons of a great\nelder and chief named Kihara, of the Anjiru clan, upon whom those\nduties devolved. The office is apparently hereditary.\n\nThe ceremonies are called Kugira uhio wa kuria mundu, which means \u201cTo\ncarry the man who was killed,\u201d and the word mugiro, derived from\nku-gira, is also used in this connection. Of course, the payment of\ncompensation has now been abrogated by Government, and the death\npenalty imposed in its place according to our law, so that the\nfunctions of the elders mentioned have of late years been confined to\nthe supervision of the ceremonies which have magical or religious\nsignificance. The description of the affair, however, which was\nobtained from Gachii himself, takes no cognisance of the amendment\ncaused by the substitution of the \u201clex talionis\u201d for the old principle\nof \u201cwergild\u201d or compensation. The procedure runs as follows: soon after\nthe murder had occurred the father of the murderer summoned Gachii or\nJuguna to his village, and whichever of these elders attended took with\nhim eight athuri ya ukuu (elders of appeal), and the first object of\ntheir mission was to stop any fighting between the young men of the two\nparties.\n\nThey remained at the village, and the father of the murderer then\ncollected seventy goats and sent them to the father of the murdered\nman, and a bullock and a male sheep to the mother of the deceased. This\nbullock is important; it is called ndegwa muhiriga or njiga migwe, that\nis the \u201cox for the clan\u201d or the \u201cox of the arrows,\u201d which represents a\npeace offering to the clan, and prevents the clan of the deceased\ntaking out their arrows to avenge their brother. Two days later thirty\ngoats were collected and sent to the father of the deceased. The\ncompensation of a hundred sheep or goats can be paid either in goats or\nsheep or cattle, but, whatever is paid, the count is always kept in\nsheep or goats. For instance, a thenge, or big male goat, may count as\ntwo or three goats, according to size, and in the same way an ox has\nits stated rate of exchange and is counted as so many goats; in\npre-European days the ox counted as three goats, and a heifer or cow\ncounted as ten in paying compensation or in marriage fees for a wife.\n\nThe next payment is nine male sheep to the athuri ya ukuu, nine more\nsheep being given to the father of the deceased, and nine ewes,\nnyarume, to the maternal uncle of the deceased, or mamawe, as he is\ncalled. The father of the murderer and the father of the deceased then\neach bring a male sheep, and the trunk of a banana plant is procured,\nplaced on the ground, and the murderer and his relations seat\nthemselves on one side of it, and the relatives of the other party on\nthe opposite side; four of the athuri ya ukuu also sit on each side.\nThe two sheep are then killed, and the two parties exchange pieces of\ncooked meat and eat them; they then exchange pieces of sugar cane and\nsweet potatoes smeared with tatha (the contents of the stomach of the\nsheep), which are given to the women and children of the two families.\nSome gruel is also exchanged; this is for the children of the two\nfamilies, and is eaten inside the villages of the two parties.\n\nThe presiding elder, Gachii or Juguna, does not sit with either party,\nbut a little way off, his function being to see that the proper ritual\nis observed.\n\nThe elders then take the spear or sword with which the murder was\ncommitted, and beat it until it is quite blunt. The spear head or sword\nis taken away and thrown into a deep pool in the nearest river. They\nsay that if this were not done the weapon would continue to be the\ncause of murder.\n\nThe final act is what is called ku-kukuriwa ithe na nyina (to purify\nfather and mother). The elders adorn themselves with necklets of a\ngrass called ngoka, which they wear for eight days, but if at the\nexpiration of this period no moon is visible they cannot take them off\ntill the moon reappears. When the day comes for dispensing with them\nthey cross a river and bury them on the far side, and return home\nwithout looking back. In North Kikuyu, Mwaitume, it is said that they\nthrow the rings away in an old shamba, garden, dig up a sweet potato,\neat it, and then return home.\n\nThese ceremonies are the same for both grades of the Kikuyu, viz.:\nthose circumcised Kikuyu fashion, and those circumcised Masai fashion.\nIf they are properly carried out they wipe out all questions of blood\nfeud, and the members of both families can eat together.\n\nIf the mugiro ceremonies are not properly carried out, the spirit of\nthe murdered man will go back to his village, cry out in the night like\na child, and enter into one of the villagers, who will become as one\npossessed. The people will call out to him, \u201cWho are you?\u201d and he will\nreply, \u201cI am So-and-so\u201d (mentioning the deceased). \u201cI have come because\nI have been abandoned.\u201d A near blood relative of the deceased must then\ntake a male goat or sheep, if the deceased was a man, or a young ewe,\nmwati, if the victim was a woman, into the bush, where it is killed by\nstrangulation, and immediately it is dead its throat is pierced and the\nblood allowed to run out on the ground. They then carve a piece of meat\nfrom each limb and part of the animal, and place them in a heap, the\nbones also being placed in another heap, and left there. Any meat that\nremains is eaten by the elders; the person who was possessed of the\nngoma, or spirit, of the deceased then recovers.\n\nThe customs vary according to different cases, the compensation for the\nmurder of a woman being only thirty sheep or goats and three rams.\n\nIf a man murders his cousin on his mother\u2019s side of the family, the\nfather of the murderer collects fifty sheep or goats, and pays them to\nthe head of the family of the deceased, and the recipients usually kill\nan ox which is eaten by both parties; the elaborate ritual described\nabove is not observed because of the blood relationship which exists.\n\nIf a man kills his brother or sister by the same mother there is no\ncompensation\u2014the case very rarely arises; the father would, however,\nkill a sheep and make his children eat it together.\n\nIf a pregnant woman is struck and injured by a man, and miscarries in\nconsequence, the elders are called in to settle the matter. The culprit\nhas to bring two male sheep; first one is killed and eaten by the\nvillagers and the elders, but not by the woman. The second is eaten by\nthe woman and visitors, but not by the elders.\n\nSome of the fat and meat of this second animal is cooked in a pot with\nsome bitter herbs, and the woman drinks the decoction, this being\nevidently in the nature of a purification; it is called theria nda, to\npurify the belly. The people present who are nearly related, either to\nthe offender or the woman, are then invested with rukwaru, or\nwristlets, made of the skin of the sheep first mentioned.\n\nThis is not a matter for the athuri ya ukuu, but the ordinary\ncouncillors, athuri ya kiama.\n\nUkamba.\u2014In Ukamba there is a general similarity of ideas, but a\nconsiderable difference in ceremonial.\n\nThe general compensation for the murder of a man is thirteen cows, two\nbulls, and fifty goats; and for a woman six cows, two bulls, and one\ngoat.\n\nIn each case the actual blood money is twelve cows and five cows\nrespectively, the balance being for the ceremonies necessary to wipe\nout the blood stains, and which bear the name of etumo.\n\nThe cow, the two bulls, and the goat are taken to the village of the\nmurdered man; the elders, athuri ya ukuu, assemble there, and the goat\nis first killed at about five p.m. The murderer must not be present; if\nhe or any member of his clan appeared at the etumo ceremonies they\nwould probably be killed. Fourteen pieces of meat are cut from its\nthroat, an elder impales seven pieces on a wooden skewer, and puts them\ninto the mouth of the wife of the deceased, who eats them, and the\nother seven are similarly given to the brother of the deceased. When\ndarkness comes on, the elders retire to a short distance from the\nvillage, and the widow and her brother-in-law retire to a hut and have\nconnection; they then return and call the elders.\n\nUpon their return the bull is killed and they receive half of its meat\nand half of that of the goat, the remainder being consumed by the\nfamily of the deceased. All the meat must be eaten during the night,\nand none of the bones must be broken, and before morning the latter\nmust be carried out and deposited in the bush by the elders. The hides\nof the two animals must not be allowed to remain in the village, but\nare carried off by any elders who do not belong to the same mbai, or\nclan, as the deceased. The cow remains in the village, and becomes the\npersonal property of the widow, who is not allowed to sell it.\n\nThe collection of the number of cattle payable as blood money generally\ntakes some time, and the members of a man\u2019s clan often assist him to\npay. When they are all collected, an assembly of people and elders\ntakes place at the village of the deceased, comprising members of the\nfamily and clan as well as strangers, and a bull is slaughtered from\nthe compensation cattle; there is a general feast, and each person\ntakes a strip of the hide away for tying up loads. The cattle are then\ndivided; the senior member of the deceased\u2019s family receives one cow\nand pays back one bull, the maternal grandfather of the deceased\nreceives a cow and pays back a bullock, and if there is a half-brother\nof the deceased he receives a cow and pays back a bull, provided that\nhe does not live in the village of the deceased. If there is a village\nof the same clan near by, the head of it receives a cow and pays back a\nbull. None of these cows may be sold or given in exchange for a wife;\nif this rule is broken the recipient has to pay back a cow to the\nfamily. The bulls given in exchange provide feasts for the elders,\nmembers of the family of the deceased, and members of the clan. The\nremainder of the cattle are the property of the eldest brother of the\ndeceased, who divides them between the mother and wife or wives of the\ndeceased, who have the use of the milk. He cannot dispose of one of the\nbeasts without the permission of these women.\n\nThe payment of the cow, bull, and goat first mentioned is of ritual\nimportance, and is called etumo; they are necessary to protect both the\nfamily of the murderer and the murdered one from the powers of the\nunappeased death-dealing spirit which is abroad. Even if the killing\nwas accidental (mbanga) the etumo payments and ritual must be observed,\nbecause it shows that there is a bad influence about or the accident\nwould never have occurred.\n\nIn former times, if a man of one clan killed another in some\ninter-tribal fight, the custom was for a brother to waylay and kill a\nman of the clan who had killed his brother. The two deaths cancelled\neach other, and there was no further question of compensation, but it\nwas considered essential that the etumo fees should be paid and the\nproper ceremonial observed.\n\nOne other point in connection with the weapon used in the murder should\nbe mentioned: in Kikuyu the spear is thrown away, but in Ukamba the\nweapon is nearly always an arrow, which is carried away some distance\nand placed on a path, the idea apparently being that it contains a\nharmful essence which it is impossible to remove, and the evil is\nbelieved to pass on to whoever picks it up. If this is not done the\nevil is said to remain with the family of the deceased.\n\nThe Kingnoli Custom.\u2014In the author\u2019s \u201cEthnology of A-Kamba,\u201d p. 95, an\naccount is given of the old form of judicial execution called kingnoli\nwhich used to be customary throughout Ukamba. It is also referred to by\nC. Dundas in the \u201cHistory of Kitui,\u201d p. 514.\n\nIt is not proposed to describe over again the details of the procedure,\nbut while considering the question of sacrifice, it may be interesting\nto point out the similarity of this practice with the judicial slaying\nwhich took place among the ancient Semites, e.g., among the Hebrews the\ncriminal was stoned.\n\nProfessor R. Smith ably shows how the idea of an execution of this kind\nis not penal in one sense of the word: it is not done to punish the\noffender, but to rid the community of an impious member\u2014generally a man\nwho has shed the tribal blood.\n\nIt would appear that the repeated spilling of tribal blood is an act\nwhich annoys the aiimu of the tribe to such an extent that an ordinary\nsacrifice is insufficient to appease them, and a human sacrifice\nbecomes necessary either as an expiation or to re-establish good\nrelations: by not offering compensation for the crimes he has\ncommitted, the brothers of the criminal formally surrender him to the\ncommunity and this acquits the community of any bloodstain.\n\nThe kingnoli custom is also known among the Kikuyu, who call it mwinge.\nThe Hon. C. Dundas states that the procedure in Kikuyu is practically\nthe same as that in Ukamba except that the near relative of the\naccused, whose consent to the execution is essential, had to carry it\nout by strangling the convicted person.\n\nAnother important point is that any person giving evidence against a\ntribesman being tried under this law had to make his charges on the\nkithito or kithathi which is one of the most potent oaths.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nCEREMONIAL OATHS\n\n\nThe Kithito of Ukamba.\u2014This is the most powerful oath recognised by the\ntribe, and is common to all sections of the Kamba; it corresponds to\nthe kithathi of the Kikuyu. The apparatus for the oath is made by\nmedicine men. Secret medicines are placed in the horn of a buffalo or\nhartebeest, a hippo tusk, or on the bottom end of a small ivory tusk.\nThere is usually one in each district, and it is always in the\npossession of a particular elder; in many cases, they have been bought\nfrom the makers, who reside in either Mumoni or Tharaka country. All\nover the world the idea that better medicine can be obtained from a\ndistance than at home seems to exist; even in England, people in the\nprovinces have unbounded faith in the London specialist.\n\nSome of these kithito are undoubtedly of great age, and are handed down\nthrough many generations. The kithito must always be kept away from the\nvillage, as it might harm the inmates; it is generally hidden away in a\ncavity in the rocks. It is carried about in a small pot or a basket,\nbeing very dangerous to handle; the original owner or his son, if he\nhas been taught, can handle it by observing certain precautions, but no\none else. An unmarried man cannot possess a kithito.\n\nThe writer once witnessed the administration of a kithito oath near\nMachakos at Mathend\u00fa\u2019s. The gathering was a very large one, and elders\nfrom all parts of the district were present, all the various clans\nbeing represented. It was an occasion of some importance, the object of\nthe gathering being for representative elders from each council to\nswear upon the kithito to conduct their councils and the internal\ngovernment of the district upon proper lines and to afford the local\ncouncils due support.\n\nThe congregation of elders, which probably numbered some five hundred,\nsat round in a large circle on the hill-side; in the centre were a few\nof the senior chiefs and elders from each clan and the elders chosen to\nofficiate. The first proceeding was for an elder to march round the\noutside of the whole circle with the kithito, which was suspended by a\nstring; after this, all the persons included in the circle were subject\nto the effects of the oath. The kithito was then brought into the\ncentre of the circle and deposited on a branch of the acacia tree,\nkisumi.\n\nAs far as could be seen the contents of the kithito were as follows:\n\n\n A shell (containing secret medicine).\n A human leg bone.\n The tooth of a ruminant.\n Twigs from various trees.\n\n\nThe whole of these were wrapped in a portion of a plaited Kamba fibre\nbag (chondo). Stones were arranged on the ground around the package.\nThe end of the kithito parcel faced towards the afternoon sun, i.e.,\nthe west.\n\nThe officiating elder then stood on the two stones to the west of the\nkithito and, with a thin stick, touched the kithito and recited the\nterms of the oath. The object of these stones was to insulate him from\nthe ground while he was engaged in the ceremony.\n\nAt each item of the oath the elder took a thin stick and dipped it in\nsome blackish sticky medicine in the shell and recited the particular\npoints, saying: \u201cIf any man breaks this, may he be thrown away,\u201d and\nthen jerked the stick over his right shoulder in the direction of the\nsun.\n\nAfter the ceremony, the kithito was carried away and a sheep was killed\nnear by and the tatha, or stomach contents, were sprinkled on the\nground at the spot where the kithito had been. This was said to be done\nto cure the ground from the evil effects of the kithito.\n\nThe Oath of the Sacred Bead (Chuma cha mchugu) in Kikuyu.\u2014This oath or\nordeal belongs to the same class as those described in the writer\u2019s\nwork, \u201cEthnology of A-Kamba\u201d (Camb. Press), pp. 139\u2013143, viz., the\nkithathi and ku-ringa thengi ceremonies.\n\nIf one man is in debt to another and repudiates his debt, the creditor\ngoes to the elders and demands that they may both be given the ordeal\nof the chuma cha mchugu (chuma is the Kikuyu word for bead).\n\nNow the bead used for this purpose must be one of a particular kind,\nwhich has been handed down from past ages and is evidently believed to\nbe of magical value. Several of the clans in Kikuyu are alleged to\npossess specimens of this bead, each one being in charge of a\nparticular elder; they are said to be reddish in colour and rather long\nin shape. [12] Endeavours have been made to get a specimen for\nexamination, but it has not been possible to locate one; the elders\nstate that they have not seen one used for some years. A chuma cha\nmchugu must not be kept in a house, but is hidden away in the bush\u2014in\nthis particular it is like the kithathi.\n\nTo return, however, to the ceremonial connected with its use: on the\nappointed day the creditor and debtor meet the elders; the latter sit\nin a circle and the former sit on the ground in the middle and facing\neach other. Each takes a piece of fine grass and places it inside the\naperture in the bead and swears, as the case may be, that he lent a\ncow, or that he borrowed a cow, and that if he testifies falsely may he\nbe eaten by the bead (i.e., destroyed). Sometimes the bead is held in\nthe hand, and sometimes it is placed on the ground between the two\nparties.\n\nPerjury is believed to result in the death of the perjurer, and\nfurthermore serious harm, even death, to his near relatives.\n\nIf a man who has perjured himself by this oath dies, his brothers by\nthe same parents will promptly pay the debt, and then call in the\nelders to remove the curse, or thahu, which the perjury has inflicted.\nTo effect this lustration, the sacred bead has to be brought to the\nvillage, a sheep is killed and some of the stomach contents are smeared\non the bead. Another sheep is next marched round the afflicted village,\nis killed, and the people eat the meat. The bones of the sheep are\nafterwards collected and calcined in the fire on which the meat was\ncooked, next morning a libation of beer being poured over the ashes of\nthe bones by the elders of the village. A medicine man is then\nsummoned, and he purifies (tahikia) the villages, and these are finally\nsafe from all danger from this thahu.\n\nThere is another piece of ritual in which beads play a part. If an\nelder or old woman dies in one village, and later on a similar death\noccurs in a neighbouring village, the head of each village goes to\nassist at the hukura or death ceremonies (described in Chapter VI) at\nthe village where the death has occurred. At the conclusion of these\nceremonies each will have two blue trade ring beads, of the pattern\nknown as mtinorok, fastened on his wrist, and the senior wife of the\nprincipal elder of the village where the death occurred will have two\nbeads tied to her wrist; they wear these for eight days, and then bathe\nand cast the beads into a river; finally they wash their clothes there\nand return home.\n\nThe custom is practised only by the people belonging to the Kikuyu\ncircumcision guild. The blue beads used on this occasion are ordinary\ntrade beads and are called chuma cha mchugu, but are not the sacred\nbeads referred to in the earlier portion of this chapter. Probably, as\nthe real chuma cha mchugu are very rare, they pretend that these are\nthe real articles, or think they delude the spirits into believing that\nthe beads are the genuine thing.\n\nThe sacred bead is also said to be used for the detection of thieves;\nthe elders declare that the bead is first doctored by a medicine man\nand then thrown away in the direction of the suspected person, and the\nelders simultaneously cry out, \u201cGo and find the thief.\u201d The belief is\nthat after it is thus thrown the bead will enter the stomach of the\noffender and trouble him to such an extent that he will be forced to\nconfess, and he can then be ceremonially purified and healed.\n\nThe Muma Oath and Adultery.\u2014A case of adultery occurred in Kikuyu in\nwhich a man, having seduced a woman, afterwards induced her to take the\noath of muma that she would not tell her husband. After a time she\ndisclosed this to her husband and, shortly after, she died. The husband\nthen sued for blood money, but the elders refused his demand on the\nground that if the woman had held her tongue the muma would not have\nkilled her. The husband then demanded that the man should jump over the\ncorpse seven times; this he refused to do and the elders would not\ninsist as they held that the woman had, in fact, committed suicide.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\n\nWAR AND PEACE\n\n\nWar.\u2014In former times raids were conducted by the anake or warrior class\nonly, but if the country was invaded, the younger elders also fought,\nwhile the old men went to hide with the women and stock; elders were\narmed with bows and arrows, but the anake of Kikuyu carried spears and\nswords only.\n\nThe Kikuyu apparently made a good stand against the Masai invaders, for\nit is said that the Masai killed most of the Dorobo, so presumably this\ntribe was unable to stand against the invaders while the Kikuyu held\ntheir own. It is probable that the scourge of the Masai was generally\nmuch overrated, and that they were as often as not badly beaten by\nother tribes.\n\nDuring a Masai invasion it was customary to bury knives at the foot of\nmugumu trees; this was supposed to give the invaders sore and swollen\nfeet.\n\nExpeditions and raids were led by three anake called asigani. These had\nfirst to consult with a medicine man, who would say whether they could\nbe asigani or not; Kamiri was particularly noted as such a medicine\nman. If approved by the medicine man they had to go alone into Masai\ncountry as a test of courage and spy out where the cattle were. Only\nsuch men could be leaders of raids, and they remained as asigani until\nthey had passed the warrior age.\n\nOn return from a raid the booty was brought together and the elders\nassembled. The asigani had first choice of the spoil, and got about one\nquarter more than the rest. The elders merely looked on, and each\nwarrior took his share of the booty home; the father took possession of\nthe cattle so long as his son remained in the village, but if he left\nthe village and settled elsewhere he would take with him the stock he\nhad obtained in war.\n\nThe only elder who was actually given any part was the medicine man who\nhad been previously consulted as to the success of the raid. When a\nraid was arranged, the warriors were collected from everywhere, but no\none was forced to join. Special distinction was attained by those who\nhad killed a Masai. Such a man was called mundu wa rohiu, man of the\nsword; the shield and spear of the Masai he would give to his uncle,\nfrom whom, in turn, he received a goat or two; he would also go round\nto all his relations, who would give him small presents, but to prove\nhis deed he had to bring back the sword of the slain Masai, otherwise\nhe was not believed.\n\nThe Kikuyu apparently often raided Masai country, but raids on the\nKamba were considered much more dangerous, and were only undertaken by\nlarge bodies and with greater precautions. The whole force was divided\nup into various bodies to guard against total annihilation; attacks\nwere made only at night, and as soon as the stock was captured it was\nsent, under escort, to Kikuyu so that if they were attacked and killed\nthe stock was saved.\n\nWomen and children were also taken and handed over to the warrior\u2019s\nfather, but a Kamba was generally permitted to redeem his wife for nine\nhead of cattle; this is said to have been the practice owing to the\nformer friendship existing between the Kamba and the Kikuyu. This\npractice was broken later, because the Kamba always stole the wives of\nthe Kikuyu. The Kamba is to this day an incorrigible wife stealer; the\nsame cause led to his breaking friendship with the Masai and Galla, so\nthe legend goes.\n\nIt is said that fights with the Kamba were more frequent than with the\nMasai, and that they were much more feared because of the Kamba arrows,\nbut nevertheless the Kikuyu declare that they penetrated as far as\nMumoni, and that they also fought the Emberre. Gachii wa Kichara\nremembers that on one occasion the Kamba and Kikuyu joined to fight the\nMasai, but that the Kamba ran away, not because they were afraid of the\nMasai, but because they foresaw that they would have to fight the more\nnumerous Kikuyu if they were to get any of the booty.\n\nOn the whole it would appear that the Kikuyu were no mean fighting\ntribe; they certainly inflicted very severe lessons on the Masai, and\nthey gave us no little trouble in the early days. One can, however,\nscarcely imagine them to have been warlike judging from their present\ncharacter, but the generation of warriors before our time have passed\ninto elders, and the present warrior class has never known war; this\nclass is also rapidly disappearing, and the young native now marries\nlong before the time when wars and raids allowed them to do so in the\npast.\n\nIt is believed to be very lucky to meet a mole on the way to war; a\nwarrior kills it with his spear and carries the skin on the point of\nit; this is supposed to bring him good fortune in the fight.\n\nBefore the Kikuyu went to war they used to sacrifice at the sacred\ntrees in the usual way; the elders attended, but not the warriors;\ntheir weapons were not smeared with the sacrificial blood. If any of\nthe warriors killed an enemy during the fighting, the elders who had\nconducted the sacrifice above mentioned shaved the heads of the\nwarriors upon their return, took away the hair and hid it in the woods.\nThey also smeared their faces with a line of ira, or white earth, and\nthe spear which had done the killing was also smeared with ira. This\nwhite earth is generally used as a protecting agent against evil\ninfluences, in this case doubtless the spirits of the slaughtered foes.\n\nIf cattle were captured the captain of the warriors, as soon as\npossible after the fight, would choose a fine bullock from the spoil\nand slaughter it as near as possible to the scene of the fighting. This\nwas done as a thank-offering to the deity, Engai. The bullock should be\na whole coloured beast, either black, white, or red, and not spotted or\nparti-coloured.\n\nThe elders who go to sacrifice and pray at the sacred tree before the\nfighting, and the captain of the warriors, eat the meat; the bulk of\nthe fighting men do not participate. The hide of the bullock is left on\nthe spot after the feast.\n\nPeace Ceremonial (Kikuyu).\u2014Seven elders from the clans or tribes at\nenmity each meet with a number of the warrior class, the different\nsides providing a ram or he-goat, which is slaughtered. An elder of one\nside then takes the intestines and cuts them with a razor and says:\n\u201cWho breaks this peace may he be cut as this is cut.\u201d An elder from the\nother side now takes the intestines from the animal provided by his\nside and goes through the same ceremonial. Both sides then eat the meat\ntogether.\n\nIn the days of the early travellers, some fifteen to twenty-five years\nago, the Kikuyu were noted for their treachery; one day they would make\npeace with a caravan and the next day attack it. The elders were asked\nthe reason of this, and whether they believed that peace deliberately\nbroken would bring evil on the breakers of it; they said it was quite\ntrue that many had been guilty in this respect, but that the great\nfamine of 1899, and the smallpox which followed it, had killed off all\nthe guilty ones.\n\nIn former war-like times when a member of another tribe came to the\nvillage of an elder and wished to enter into brotherhood and settle\namong the tribe, the elder would summon his colleagues and kill a\nbullock. The stranger would be formally adorned with a bracelet made of\nthe ox hide, and he would then be safe from harm. The meat was eaten by\nthe assembled elders and the villagers. The elder then chose a daughter\nfor him to marry. If, for instance, the head of the village belonged to\nthe Anjiru clan, the stranger became a Munjiru; and he also adopted the\ncircumcision guild of his host. If, after this, anyone belonging to the\ntribe were to kill him, the murderer would have to pay a hundred goats\nand nine rams to his adopted father, nine rams for the elders and nine\nrams for his mother.\n\nPeace Ceremonial, Ukamba (Kitui).\u2014The elders of the vanquished side\nbring an ox, and the elders of the winning side bring a kithito. The\nelders of each side assemble in two groups in the centre, and the\nwarriors are collected in two masses, one on either side of the area\nchosen for the ceremony. The kithito oath is then administered to the\nleaders of the two groups of fighting men.\n\nThey kill the ox, skin it, and cut the meat off the throat and also cut\nout a few of the vertebr\u00e6 of the neck (ngata) and place them on the\nkithito. An iron arrow head is then produced and tied on to a shaft; it\nmust be tied with the fibre from the lilambia bush, and a few thorns of\nthe mulaa tree are also fastened to the arrow. A small bag is made from\na piece of the small intestine of the ox and is filled with blood. The\nofficiating elder then picks up the arrow and slits open this bag and\nallows the blood to drip on the neck-vertebr\u00e6 and meat, which are\nplaced on the kithito, and calls out to the assembly: \u201cIf anyone breaks\nthis peace may he be slit as the mwethi wa kitutu.\u201d The neck bones and\nmeat are then left to be devoured by hy\u00e6nas.\n\nBefore this, however, an oath is administered to each of the captains\nof the fighting; those who take the oath are naked; the right arm and\nright leg are smeared with ashes, and a bunch of leaves is fastened\nover the pubes. Each man takes a bundle of arrows in his right hand and\nswears by the kithito that he will never again fight the opposite party\nand that if any should come to his village they shall be received as\nfriends; the company of warriors assent to this and say, \u201cIf you break\nthis oath may the kithito slay you.\u201d\n\nBlood Brotherhood (Ukamba of Kitui).\u2014The two parties meet and a goat is\nkilled; two pieces of the liver are taken and slightly fried on a fire.\nA small incision is then made in the right forearm, the chest, and the\nnavel of each party, and a spot of the blood therefrom is smeared on\nthe liver. The two pieces are then exchanged and eaten jointly.\n\nThis is a very sacred and lasting oath of friendship. If ever it is\nbroken, the people are very shocked and Engai is believed to injure the\nvillage of the one who breaks it and probably both blood kin and stock\nwill die.\n\nIt is often difficult to state with precision whether the high god or\nthe ancestral spirits are meant when the term Engai is here used. In\nthis case, however, the high god is probably referred to. And if the\nopinion be correct, it is a striking example of the belief in the\nconcept of a personal God, who takes a continual and minute interest in\nthe doings of His creatures.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V\n\nMISCELLANEOUS CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS\n\n\nAdoption into a New Clan (Kikuyu).\u2014This is a proceeding which sometimes\ntakes place in Kikuyu, but which rarely comes to the notice of European\nobservers. It is called njama ya ruoro kucharua, which means \u201cthe\nassembly or council of the knife to change,\u201d and, expanded, means \u201cthe\nceremonial gathering of the knife at which a man changes his clan.\u201d The\nword ruoro means the knife used for branding cattle.\n\nThe candidate first makes an arrangement about the matter with the\nsenior elder of the clan he wishes to enter; a day is fixed for the\nceremony and the elder summons the other elders of his clan and the\ncandidate brings his brothers. A number of elders belonging to other\nclans are also invited as witnesses.\n\nThe candidate presents a razor (ruenji), some castor oil, butter\n(ngoromo), and a ewe lamb (mwati) to the elders of the clan he wishes\nto join, and the elders of that clan provide a bullock. The bullock is\nslaughtered and the skin is dried, this being for the parties to sit on\nduring the ceremony. The candidate and the senior elder of the clan he\nwishes to enter then sit on the bullock\u2019s hide, and the elder\u2019s senior\nwife comes and shaves both their heads. When this is completed, they\nanoint each other\u2019s head with the castor oil and the butter. Each man\ncollects and takes away the hair cut off and carefully hides it so that\nno evilly disposed person shall pick it up and make medicine with it.\n\nHenceforward the man is considered as adopted in the new clan, and his\nchildren belong to that clan. If he is a young man and wants a wife,\nthe senior elder of his new clan will buy him one, and if he is killed\nin a tribal fight the elder claims the blood money.\n\nIf, after this ceremony, the elder was to commit adultery with the wife\nof the adopted man he would surely die.\n\nIf a daughter of the adopted man is married, the elder gets five goats\nfrom the bridal price received for the girl; these goats are called\nugendi and possibly have reference to cases in which the elder has paid\nthe bridal price for the wife of the adopted man.\n\nA Kikuyu native does not, however, change his circumcision guild by\nentering a new clan.\n\nNjama ya Kikende.\u2014The ceremony of adoption is closely connected to a\nceremony performed between great friends; this is a form of ceremonial\nbrotherhood, but the man who makes the alliance does not change his\nclan, and if he is killed the blood money would go to his own clan. In\nthis case the elder kills a ram or he-goat (thengi), which is skinned,\nand a piece of the skin of the chest is cut off, whilst another elder\ncuts out a bracelet of the skin and places it on the elder\u2019s right\nwrist and on the wrist of the man who wishes to join in brotherhood\nwith him.\n\nThe man who desires the brotherhood then presents a gourd of beer to\nthe elder; the beer must be of two kinds, viz., sugar-cane and\nhoney-beer mixed. The elder who cuts the bracelet also receives a gourd\nof beer from the man.\n\nOn Bee-Keeping.\u2014The A-Kamba are great bee-keepers. When Europeans first\nvisited the country they found the industry fully established; as at\nthe present day, logs of wood were hollowed out and hung in trees for\nbees to hive in. They periodically collected the honey, brewed mead,\nand then threw away the comb. The Government Officers have since taught\nthem to boil down the wax into cakes which can be sold, and a large\nquantity is annually exported.\n\nIn Kitui when a man makes his first beehive he does not hang it in a\ntree himself, but gets his uncle to do so; he believes that if he\nomitted to do this the bees would not settle in it.\n\nThe owner of the beehive cannot cohabit with his wife until he sees\nthat a swarm of bees has settled in the hive and is building there. Two\nnights after he is satisfied that this is the case, he may resume his\nmarital relations.\n\nIf on his first visit of inspection he finds the hive occupied, he\nbrews beer and pours some on the ground as a libation to the aiimu, or\nancestral spirits.\n\nIn a season when there is a dearth of honey the owners of the hives go\nto the woods in which they have put their hives and sacrifice a goat;\nthe meat is eaten, and the blood, mixed with beer, is poured on the\nground as a propitiatory libation to the aiimu to secure a good honey\ncrop. Among the Ulu A-Kamba the ceremonial varies and is apparently\nmore elaborate.\n\nWhen a man has hollowed out the log of wood which forms the beehive he\ntakes a shaving or chip of the wood which is called ikavu, and gives it\nto his mother, who then cooks beans, pigeon peas and maize in a pot and\nplaces the chip, ikavu, in the fire under the pot to assist in cooking\nthe food. If he has lost his mother the ikavu is given to his wife, who\ncooks the ceremonial meal.\n\nWhen the food is boiled the villagers are summoned to eat it. The\nbeehive is then hung in a tree, and when it is full the owner collects\nthe honey and brings it to his village. Before the honey can be mixed\nwith water to make beer or mead the owner of the hive must present his\nmother with some of the raw honey.\n\nWhen the first brew of the mead is ready the father of the owner of the\nhive buys it for a goat, which may not be killed. On the second night\nafter the purchase, the parents of the owner of the hive must cohabit;\nthis in speaking to each other they refer to as kuzya mbui, and if\ntalking to another person, the term kulunga mbui is used.\n\nThey believe that the consumption of the beer and the succeeding\nceremony ensures that the hive will always yield a good supply of\nhoney, and that there will always be plenty of people to buy succeeding\nbrews of mead made from the honey. The whole proceeding may therefore\nbe considered as a magical fertility ceremony.\n\nIf a man has lost his own parents, he sells the first brew of mead to\nhis uncle, presumably as head of the family.\n\nAmong the Dorobo hunting tribe of the Kikuyu escarpment when a man\nmakes a new beehive, beer is made and the old men and women drink it\nbefore it is hung in a tree. They then ceremonially spit on the hive\nand next morning place it in a tree; the inside of a hive is also\nsmeared with beeswax to attract the bees.\n\nThe first crop of honey out of a new hive is only eaten by the children\nof the village, or perhaps by very old women. The reason of this is\nsaid to be that if a young woman were to eat any and then misconduct\nherself with a man, the honey crop would be spoilt and the bees would\nnot enter any of the hives hung up on that day.\n\nIt is a well-known fact the natives always mark their beehives before\nsuspending them from the trees, and the marks are generally of two\nkinds, one being that of the clan and the other that of the owner. Mr\nA. C. Hollis states that on the Southern Aberdare Range in the bamboo\nforest between Karanja\u2019s and Enjabini he saw two musaiti trees (camphor\nwood, Ocotea usambarensis) from which the Kikuyu make their honey\nbarrels or beehives. Although still standing, they were both marked\nwith the same designs one sees on beehives.\n\nThe trees, it would appear, are earmarked by certain persons for the\nmanufacture of beehives while still standing. Sketches of these marks\nare given below. At first sight it seems curious to put the clan mark\non beehives, but the object is to warn a would-be thief that if he robs\na hive he will have to reckon with the whole of the clan to which the\nowner belongs. Further, if a would-be thief found a hive belonging to\nhis own clan he would be very unlikely to rob it, as he could always\nobtain honey or honey-beer from his blood kin.\n\nInfectious Mania among the Kamba People.\u2014In \u201cEthnology of A-Kamba,\u201d p.\n10, reference was made to a peculiar kind of infectious possession or\nmania which appears periodically in Ukamba country, and in 1906 many\nyoung people in Machakos district were seized with it at the sight of a\nEuropean hat. In a few months, however, it passed away, but in 1911 a\nsimilar epidemic recurred. This took a different form, and was called\nEngai ya mweretu, or the spirit of the girl. The spirit of a girl who\nwas said to have died mysteriously was supposed to enter into people in\nvarious parts of the district\u2014generally old women\u2014and speak. The whole\ndistrict rapidly became disturbed; the spirit, through its oracles,\ndemanded that bullocks should be slaughtered; the order was implicitly\nobeyed, for anyone who refused was supposed to be doomed. As a result,\nseveral thousand bullocks were slaughtered and consumed in a week or\ntwo. Great dances, at which the meat was eaten, were held. Very soon\nthe oracles became seditious, and plans were being made for the\nabolition of European government and attack on the Government station.\nThe whole thing was kept secret at first, but eventually it all came\nout and a company of troops had to be sent to the district to calm the\nexcited people; the elders, who felt sore at the loss of so many\ncattle, rallied to the support of law and order and the country\ngradually regained a normal state.\n\nThe phenomenon is also known in Kitui, but is said to have been\nintroduced from the Machakos district. Mr C. Dundas has investigated it\nin the former district and states that when people wish to misrepresent\nthe nature of any dances held in this connection they refer to them as\nkilumi. Now kilumi is an old Kamba dance which is periodically\nperformed at ithembo all over the country with the object of warding\noff epidemics, but the Engai dances are carried on at villages to cure\nan individual possessed by the form of mania known as Engai. Fez caps\nand other unusual ornaments and clothing worn at Engai dances are not\nworn at kilumi dances. The word Engai appears to be loosely used in\nthis connection, but this is possibly due to the fact that the\nindividual organising the dance is supposed to be a person possessing\noccult powers, a person, in short, who knows the inner mysteries or who\nwould not otherwise possess the \u201cmedicine\u201d which is supposed to come\nfrom Engai.\n\nAs far as is known, this Engai possession appears to be almost entirely\nconfined to women. A woman becomes mysteriously possessed; the medicine\nman cannot account for it. A woman who understands the affection is\ntherefore called in and orders the appropriate dance to be performed.\nThe performers become worked up and wildly excited, and many of them\nbecome affected and the disease spreads, although the afflicted person\nfor whom the dance was convened may be cured. When the people are\nworked up to a pitch of frenzy, the leader of the dance then demands a\nbullock, beer, and a goat from the head elder, and these are consumed\nby the performers.\n\nWomen who organise these dances have been seen and interviewed by the\nwriter and they generally appear to be stupid and half-witted, and one\nwould not suspect that they were capable of influencing the people as\nthey undoubtedly do. When they have worked themselves up into a kind of\nhypnotic state they may possibly be different. One great idea at these\ndances is that everyone must shake hands with the woman, and for this\nprivilege she is given sixpence or more. The people believe that if\nthis be omitted, they will be permanently afflicted with a spirit; they\ndo not apparently mind temporary possession, but fear its becoming a\npermanency. The payments appear to be peculiar to Kitui.\n\nThe elders do not approve of these dances, but are generally too\nfrightened to intervene. The reason of their disapproval is not far to\nseek; every woman who becomes possessed is told to demand something\nfrom her husband or the mania will not leave her. The women generally\nask for fez caps and clothes which are worn at subsequent dances; one\nelder told Mr Dundas that his wife had demanded the tails of ten white\ncows. They dress in white and red clothes, consisting of deep bands\nworn round the waists, and have fez caps on their heads and cows\u2019 tails\nsuspended from their arms. The women who conduct the ceremony are\ntermed Siekitundumu; the meaning of kitundumu is thunder. One of the\nchants sung on such an occasion was translated as: \u201cWe have come from a\ncomet and one day we will return there to stay with Siekitundumu.\u201d When\na woman shakes hands with the leader she is seized with a kind of\nconvulsion and says, \u201cI am Siekitundumu.\u201d The speeches of the women\nappear to be devoid of meaning; they will attempt to use English words\nin particular, calling out \u201cYesu,\u201d and So-and-so is said to be the\nchildren of \u201cYesu,\u201d or one will be asked who she is and she will\nmention the name of some European or other. \u201cYesu\u201d\u2014Mr Dundas thinks\u2014may\nbe either a corruption of the English \u201cYes\u201d or it may be a contraction\nof \u201cJesus\u201d as pronounced by the German missionaries, or it may be a\ncorrupt pronunciation of the Swahili word \u201ckisu,\u201d which means a knife,\nand which the A-Kamba are inclined to pronounce \u201ckyesu.\u201d\n\nIt is also said that those who participate in the dance must keep their\neyes fixed on the ground; they are otherwise supposed to be liable to\nfly up to the heavens.\n\nThe woman called the Siekitundumu has a chondo (string bag) full of\nmedicines carried in small gourds. No one may look at these magical\nproperties without paying. The medicines are said to be made by a kind\nof ghoul who has only one hand and one leg and who lives above. These\nmysteries work the credulous and susceptible women into a state of\nfrenzy, when they cease to be responsible for their actions. One chief,\nwith some pathos, stated that women who have been to one of these\ndances often go back home and beat their husbands.\n\nThe principal Siekitundumu in Kitui is said to be one Monge wa Muli.\nShe and her husband assembled all the people at the village of the\nchief Muli and told them to collect food and other gifts. The elders\nhad to pay a bull and a black goat. On a certain day the bull was\nkilled and its blood poured into a large hole in the ground and mixed\nwith meal, milk, and grain. Monge then announced that she would\ntransfer the Engai to a particular village. She selected certain\nable-bodied women, who ran into the bush with a fowl, shouting that\nthey were sending \u201cEngai\u201d to Muli\u2019s village, the fowl being left in the\nbush. A few days later a woman in Muli\u2019s village was, of course, seized\nwith the Engai mania and the dance had to be performed there. Thus the\naffection is spread throughout the district. After a time, either the\nGovernment or the combined elders take steps to stop it by drastic\nmeasures and it dies down for a while, possibly for a year or two, but\nat any time it is liable to recur and it is then necessary for the\nadministration to keep a sharp look out for its appearance.\n\nThe whole phenomenon rather reminds one of the ancient accounts of\ndemoniacal possession. According to Goodrich Freer a peculiar kind of\npossession, called bonda, is said to attack women in Abyssinia. Here\nagain all their demands for dress, food, and trifles of any sort must\nbe strictly attended to. They sometimes mimic a hy\u00e6na.\n\n\n\n\nSUNDRY BELIEFS\n\nSlaughter of Pregnant Animals.\u2014The A-Kamba may not wilfully kill an\nanimal heavy with young when hunting, and certainly would not slaughter\na domestic animal in this condition. Should, however, such an animal\nhappen to be killed by mistake, the uterus is opened to discover the\nsex of the f\u0153tus. In cutting up the uterus the hunter will hold a few\nblades of grass in his hand, together with the knife, at the same time\ngrasping the wrist of the hand holding the knife with the other hand.\nIf there are two men, the second man will grasp the wrist of the other\nwhile he cuts open the uterus.\n\nIf the f\u0153tus is male it is unlucky, and if female it is lucky. The\nkilling of the mother in this condition must, however, have been done\nunwittingly.\n\nThis curious custom appears to be common to all the Kamba people.\n\nEclipses.\u2014These are said to be the work of Engai (or the high god) and\nto be an omen of a sickness in the land. The head of each village has\nto take two children and a goat, which is lead round the outside of the\nvillage, and when it reaches the gate, an elder cuts a piece out of one\near and lets the animal return to the village. They then smear it with\nia (Kamba) ira (Kikuyu), or white earth\u2014on its face, along its stomach,\nand along its back to the tail.\n\nLunar Changes.\u2014The Kikuyu people have no theories as to the nature of\nthe sun or moon, but believe that the sun and moon are constantly at\nwar with each other and that the moon is always beaten and driven away.\nAfter a time she regains her strength and returns to the fight.\n\nFood (Kitui).\u2014The Kamba of Kitui state that they cannot eat the meat of\nhy\u00e6na, jackal, serval cat, hunting dog, crocodile, snakes, kites,\nvultures, marabou stork, ducks, geese, crows, rats, or even eggs. A few\nwill sometimes eat a little of the flesh of lions and leopards,\nprobably on the grounds of sympathetic magic, i.e., with the idea of\nassimilating the strength and agility of these beasts. Baboon, monkey,\nand donkey meat are also eaten by some.\n\nFood Ceremonial (Kikuyu).\u2014If an ox is killed for a feast and a member\nof the same clan, who happens to live at a distance, puts in an\nappearance, he must be given a piece of meat, although he cannot claim\nto share in the feast.\n\nIf an ox is killed on the occasion of a wedding, the members of the\nclan living in the neighbourhood are always invited to participate.\n\nWomen eat separately inside the huts and out of sight of the men, but\ncan drink water or beer in the presence of men.\n\nSmall children naturally feed with their mothers, but once the boys are\ncircumcised they no longer eat with women.\n\nA curious custom was recently noticed during a journey among the\nKikuyu. The desiccated carcase of a cow or ox was noticed in the\nbranches of a tree by the roadside, a little distance from a village,\nand it appears that if cattle are lodged at the village of a friend and\none should die, the owner is informed, and is asked to come over and\nsee it and remove the meat. If for some reason or other he does not\ncome the carcase is hoisted into a tree so that all may see it. The\nobject of this is that people may know that the beast was not\nsurreptitiously killed and eaten by the people of the village, and no\nclaim can then be lodged against them by the owner.\n\nNames Among the Kikuyu.\u2014Every Kikuyu child receives two proper names.\nIf a male, his first name is that of the paternal grandfather, thiga,\nand if a female that of the maternal grandmother, chuchu. In the case\nof a male the second name is that of the father.\n\nIn addition he generally receives another name at the time of\ncircumcision; this is considered as a nickname, and generally refers to\nsome peculiarity of character, habits, or physique.\n\nFor instance, a boy will be called kichuru because he was said to drink\na large amount of gruel as a child. If the lobe of a man\u2019s ear is\nbroken he is called kachuru; if he happens to break a finger he is\ncalled kara.\n\nThe names are derived from animals such as nugu\u2014a baboon, njovu\u2014an\nelephant, hiti\u2014hy\u00e6na, ngui\u2014a dog.\n\nFrom names of natural objects, such as kamiti\u2014trees, kegio\u2014a wild\nhibiscus used by the Kikuyu for making fibre, higa\u2014stone, meriwa\u2014a\nthorn, wa-rui\u2014a stream, kirima\u2014a hill.\n\nFrom names of weapons such as kitimu\u2014a spear (used of a tall thin man),\nkahiu\u2014a sword, njuguma\u2014a club.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI\n\nLEGENDS\n\n\nLegend of Kilui Lake (Kamba of Kibwezi).\u2014A few miles below Kibwezi\nStation there is a small lake called Kilui which is believed to be\nhaunted by numerous spirits. The author recently had occasion to visit\nthe place and, seeing a crocodile, shot it; the crocodile was badly\nhit, but, as usual, managed to struggle back into the water. The Kamba\nporters were afterwards heard to say that it was a good thing that it\nwas not killed as the master would have been taken sick and probably\ndied. The local elders, however, were questioned on the subject later\non, but denied that any evil effects were likely to supervene. They\nstated that the place was undoubtedly full of spirits, as a long time\nago there was a large village on the site of the lake, and, one day, a\nterrible rain storm occurred during which a frog entered one of the\nhuts; the housewife on seeing it told one of her children to throw it\nout, and this having been done, the frog then went to another hut where\nthe same thing occurred, and so on at the third, but at the fourth hut\nthe wife, however, said, \u201cOh, it is doing no harm, let it stay.\u201d\nThereupon the frog said to her, \u201cYou have given me shelter and so\nlisten to my words\u2014take your children and flee from this village\nwithout delay for it will disappear.\u201d She had the sense to obey this\nwonderful warning and had only gone a short distance when the whole\nvillage sank below the water.\n\nThe place was also supposed to possess a large sacred snake, and it is\nsaid that the manager of a neighbouring rubber plantation shot this\nreptile and cut down a sacred tree near by. This man having died of\ndysentery a few months later, the natives were convinced that his death\nwas directly due to the ancestral spirits avenging such sacrilegious\nactions.\n\nThe Kibwezi River flows along an old valley carved through the\nmetamorphic rocks, but in recent geological times a sheet of lava came\ndown the valley from the Chyulu Mountains and choked its flow. It\nappears from under a lava-bed near the railway station and runs for\nabout three-quarters of a mile, and then disappears entirely and\nreappears in three sources, joining up at Kilui Lake. The eruptions\nwhich caused this are of so recent a date that quite possibly the\nlegend above narrated may be founded on fact and may contain some\nvestige of the record of an actual occurrence during the last phases of\nvolcanic activity in this region.\n\nIn the author\u2019s book on the A-Kamba, p. 167, mention was made of a\nhaunted hill in the Kibwezi region; it is of volcanic origin, and is\nregarded with great awe by the people. It is called Chumbi and is\nsituated near the south end of the Chyulu Range on the eastern side.\nThere are two small hills, one being bush-covered, and the other so\nrecent that no bush has yet taken root on it. It is said by some that\nthe latter was only formed some fifty years ago. The people will only\ndiscuss it with those whom they know very intimately, but it is said\nthat a rhythmic beat, attributed to the female spirits crushing corn in\nmortars and keeping time with each other, can be heard, as one\napproaches the place. If, however, a native could be persuaded to guide\none there, it would be probably found that this rhythmic beat is due to\nthe sound of a pulsating steam vent. It is also said that when an\nintruder approaches the hill a rushing wind comes and sweeps him up\ninto the hill and he is never seen again. The first native who told a\nEuropean about this awesome place is said to have sickened and died\nshortly afterwards.\n\nLegend Regarding Origin of Fire.\u2014The Kikuyu have a curious folk tale\nconcerning the origin of fire. This has now become merely a fairy-tale\ntold to children.\n\nA long time ago a man borrowed a spear, katimu, from a neighbour to\nkill a porcupine which was destroying his crops. He lay in wait in the\nfield and eventually speared one, but it was only wounded and ran off\nwith the spear in its body and disappeared down a burrow. He went to\nthe owner and told him that the spear was lost, but the owner insisted\non having it back. Whereupon, the man bought a new spear and offered it\nto the owner in place of the lost weapon, but the owner refused it and\nagain insisted on the return of the original spear. The man then\nproceeded to crawl down the porcupine burrow, and having crawled a long\nway found himself eventually, to his surprise, in a place where many\npeople were sitting about cooking food by a fire. They asked him what\nhe wanted and he told them of his errand. They then invited him to stay\nand eat with them; he was afraid and said he could not stay as he must\ngo back with the spear which he saw lying there. They made no effort to\nkeep him, but told him to climb up the roots of a mugumu tree, which\npenetrated down into the cavern, and said that he would soon come out\ninto the upper world. They gave him some fire to take back with him. So\nhe took the spear and the fire and climbed out as he was told.\n\nThis is said to be the way fire came to man; before that people ate\ntheir food raw.\n\nWhen the man reached his friends he returned the spear and said to the\nowner, \u201cYou have caused me a great deal of trouble to recover your\nspear, and if you want some of this fire which you see going away into\nsmoke, you will have to climb up the smoke and get it back for me.\u201d The\nowner of the spear tried and tried to climb the smoke but could not do\nit, and the elders then came and intervened and said, \u201cWe will make the\nfollowing arrangement: fire shall be for the use of all, and because\nyou have brought it you shall be our chief.\u201d\n\nThe underworld referred to in this tale is called Miri ya mikeongoi.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII\n\nDANCES\n\n\nKikuyu.\u2014There are, according to trustworthy authorities, a large number\nof Kikuyu dances. It is difficult to give an exhaustive list of these,\nas it has been impossible to trace them all. The word ngoma (a dance,\nSwahili) has such a very wide meaning that it is difficult to say where\ndances begin or end.\n\nA girl must not refuse to dance when called upon to do so by the anake\n(warrior class); if she does so she may be beaten by them and her\nparents cannot interfere. Generally, in such cases, a mwanake will\ndeprive her of her ornaments and she cannot then dance until she gets\nthem back. The mwanake who takes the ornaments cannot keep them, but\nmust divide them with the other anake. If he breaks them he has to make\nuji (gruel) for the other anake; if he hurts the girl when taking her\nornaments he has to pay a goat to the elders, but her parents get\nnothing.\n\nThe principal dances of the anake are connected with harvest and crops;\nthe most important of these is the Kivata dance. In this only certain\nrikas, or age grades, may take part; at present only the rikas named\nKincheku, Kamandu, Kanyeta, and Mutungu dance the Kivata, while the\nrikas of Sengenge, Matiha, Njarege, Kangei, and Makiomei are not\nallowed to join in. Formerly the junior rikas were not even permitted\nto look on, but now they do so and frequently try to take part in the\nsame; which leads to fierce fights and not a few deaths. The elders are\ntherefore much against this dance, and have often forbidden it.\nFormerly if the elders wished to prohibit a dance they would go to a\nplace where it was to be held, and lay a cooking pot on the ground; a\nbranch of the mugere tree was stuck beside it, and the anake could not\ndance there unless they were returning from a raid on enemy\u2019s country.\n\nThis custom is still practised, for in Kyambu district a few years ago\nthe elders for some reason wished to prevent a Kivata dance, and they\nresorted to the old rite.\n\nKivata is danced when the mawele grain is reaped. The dancers wear no\nclothes whatsoever; they are ornamented with a large inverted crown of\nostrich feathers which is slung from the forehead to the back of the\nhead. Strings of beads and bells are hung about the body, and plumes of\ncolobus monkey fur are tied below the knees. In many cases the face is\ncovered completely with yellow colouring, the loins being likewise\nadorned; others affect various colours in stripes and dots. The legs\nand arms are also coloured. The weapons carried are mostly swords and\nclubs; very few have spears, but the younger rikas, who look on,\ngenerally have spears. Their faces are often decorated with a broad red\nstripe drawn across the face and outlined with white dots.\n\nThe dancers march round in rows of from six to eight, the dancing\nconsisting mainly in a continued jumping from one foot to the other.\nThe women bring gourds of uji, or gruel, which they give to the dancers\nand thereby signify their affections. The dance is said to be a general\noccasion for choosing brides by old men as well as by anake.\n\nMany of the onlookers (not the younger rikas) run madly round the whole\ncircle, brandishing swords and leaping into the air. The name of the\ndance is said to be derived from this.\n\nEven the old men who are spectators become infected with the spirit of\nthe dance, cast off their blankets and trot round the outside of the\ncircle. In fact it appears to be essential to discard clothing, for if\none omits to do so he is censured by his fellows. The women also follow\nthe men with shrill cries, but otherwise they take no part.\n\nAt one of these dances several girls were noticed amusing themselves by\na game exactly similar to one played by children in Europe, and which\nconsists in clapping hands. This is called Amukiana.\n\nWhen the njahe or cajanus bean is planted the Mugoyo is danced. This\ndance is held at night when there is no moon, and is one of the most\npicturesque dances of the country. A circle of fires is made and\nmaintained by men appointed for the purpose, and round the outside of\nthis circle stand the dancers. Richly smeared with red earth and fat as\nthey are, the fire heightening the blaze of red, the whole scene is\nintensely bright in the darkness. The men stand with their backs to the\nfire, each holding his partner, who stands with her feet on his. Their\nfaces and legs are slightly coloured, but the girls use no colouring\nbeyond the red mixed with fat. Forming a diameter across the circle\nstands another row of dancers. The leader of the maribeta (song or\nverse) goes about and the rest join in the chorus. Excepting for a\nslight movement of the shoulders among the dancers the whole dance has\nan air of quietness which is presumably intentional. There are masters\nof ceremony who go about and check noisy persons, preserving general\nquiet and the regular formation of the circle. Their methods are simple\nand effective: two firebrands are struck together over offending\ncouples, and a shower of sparks thus quickly calls them to order. All\nthe men are naked but elaborately ornamented; unfortunately the\nvulgarity of civilisation too often mars the beauty of this picturesque\nscene. One smart youth has dangling on his back an advertisement for\nsardines, another a gaudy scriptural text, and others, similar cheap\narticles of European origin. Occasionally the figure of the dance\nvaries\u2014the men turn facing the fire and bump up and down on their\nheels; another time they kneel joining hands on spears held\nhorizontally which they sway to the rhythm of the song. The song is not\nstartlingly comprehensible: \u201cWe went to Juja and saw a white ostrich,\nso we put its feathers on our heads,\u201d and such like. The girls also\njoin in the chorus, while the men now and again make a curious gulping\nsound produced from the throat. Finally at midnight, or later, the\ndance breaks up: each mwanake takes a firebrand, and the country is\nsoon dotted in every direction with small spots of fire.\n\nAt such a dance a man was seen carrying a clay figure of the kind\ndescribed by Mr Routledge. It was not, however, part of the ceremony,\nand the man who was carrying it in his hand was not dancing. This image\nis a common feature in dances, but its significance is not known even\nto the people themselves. Judging from Mr Routledge\u2019s description,\ntherefore, the figure must either have lost its meaning among the\nKikuyu west of the Chania, or it must have acquired a new and increased\nsignificance in the Kenya area.\n\nAnother dance connected with the crops is Kichukia, which is held when\nthe mawele is six to eight inches high. It is danced both at night when\nthere is a moon, and in the daytime. The author has not seen this\ndance. It must not be confounded with Njukia, which is called thus\nbecause the girls do not choose the song. Both are danced by girls and\nanake together; the latter dance is held about the month of July, and\nin the morning only.\n\nMuzogo.\u2014This is also danced by anake and girls on dark nights by\nfirelight, and is very similar to the Mugoyo both in name and\ncharacter, but is danced when the maize is nearly ripe.\n\nOne of the most important dances for young men is Nguru. In 1912 it was\nheld all over the district in the month of September; it does not seem\nto be in any way connected with crops, but denotes rather a time of\nrest and leisure while there is no work in the field. It is danced by\nyoung men and boys only, but the latter are said to join merely for\ninstruction; anyone may look on. The dance commences with a sort of\n\u201cfollow my leader\u201d march, after which there is continued jumping up and\ndown with great vigour, although the heels are not lifted off the\nground. A continuous song is maintained by one man; there is no chorus.\nThe dance somewhat resembles Kivata, but the body painting is much less\nprofuse. No spears are carried, but among the people east of the Ruiru\nRiver it is customary to dance with shields, which, during the march,\nare held aloft over the head. Sticks with wisps of fur are carried. A\ncurious feature is the wearing of skin apron flaps such as are worn by\nwomen; when the season for this dance is over these coverings are given\nto small girls to wear.\n\nThe main feature of this dance is the eating of meat by the dancers and\nelders. Everyone who dances must contribute to the cost of buying bulls\nto supply the meat which is eaten in common by the dancers at a hut\nbuilt near a river. The dancing which takes place at different villages\ngoes on day by day until the meat is finished; the bladders of the\nslaughtered beasts are very common articles of decoration in the dance.\nThe elders, if they contribute, are given a share of the meat, which\nthey eat apart from the young men. In the eastern part of Kikuyu\nmeat-eating is not a part of the Nguru dance, but at the same time of\nthe year several men, both old and young, club together and buy meat\nwhich is eaten at a common meal; this custom is called kiruga.\n\nAt this time people are supposed to lose strength, and therefore\nrequire good nourishing; this is said to be the reason for the custom.\nIt appears, therefore, to be a general time for feasting all over\nKikuyu.\n\nThis dance is said by Mr Routledge to be one held by warriors before\ngoing to war, but this can hardly be so seeing that it is performed at\na fixed season in the year. If it were so it must be a relic of a very\nold custom, when possibly the tribe had a favourite time for raiding.\n\nThere is thus a continual round of dances for the anake, and they\ncontinue for a fixed period. One should therefore be able to reckon the\nseasons by the dances, but as a matter of fact they may be very\nirregularly held. For instance in 1912 most of the dances, Kivata in\nparticular, were quite out of season, and this was only owing to the\nprevious heavy rains in which the people could not dance. The anake\nwill, however, have their dances, and if the season is unsuitable they\nwill dance it at another time. It is probable that the significance of\nthe dance as connected with the crops is beginning to be lost. In this\nconnection it is interesting to note that although there is a great\ndifference in the seasons prevailing in the highlands and the lowlands,\nthe dances are mostly held at the same period all along one ridge. It\nthus happens that the highlanders are often completely out of season in\ntheir dances. The fact is that the Fort Hall Kikuyu give the lead, and\nthe dances spread westward so that the lowlanders even in Kyambu may\nnot be dancing quite at the proper season. Fort Hall is, on the whole,\nthe authority for the Kikuyu customs, whether because it is the\nbirthplace of the tribe or not, one cannot say, but the lead given by\nFort Hall is analogous to that given by Machakos to the Kamba of Kitui.\nThese facts give a curious instance of how a custom may lose its\nmeaning; we have here an example of a custom superseding its own\norigin.\n\nThe uncircumcised boys and girls are called irego. Their principal\ndance is Ngoisia. There is no particular season for this, and it is\ndanced both in the daytime and at night; in the former case anyone may\nwatch it, but at night only the inmates of the village in which it is\nheld may be present.\n\nBefore the circumcision feasts a dance called Kibuiya is danced by\ncircumcised and uncircumcised boys. It is so called because of the\nbuffalo horns worn by the boys, but this dance is now said to be\npractically extinct, mainly because they cannot get buffalo horns.\n\nFor women there are two dances which are:\n\nGetiro\u2014This is a marriage dance and is held first at the bride\u2019s\nvillage and in the evening at the bridegroom\u2019s village.\n\nNdumo\u2014This is danced by women at the close of the Kikuyu year. It takes\nplace in a village, but anyone may be present.\n\nIn Kikuyu the elders have only one dance, called Muthungwei, which they\ndance together with the women; its name is said to be derived from the\nnodding of the head in the dance. Only elders can dance it, and a woman\ncannot join unless her husband is entitled to dance. It is held in an\nopen space outside a village.\n\nMr Routledge mentions three other dances, but he was probably misled by\nthe words used. Two of these, Keoana and Kuinenera, are verbs meaning\nto dance or sing. The third, Ndorothi, is the name given to a stick\ncarried by youths at circumcision feasts. It is topped with a tuft of\ncolobus monkey fur and is carried until the evening before the\nceremony. On that evening, all those about to be circumcised race to a\nmugumu tree and throw the Ndorothi sticks at the foot of the tree.\n\nAt the time of circumcision there is, again, the Mambura dance. The\nboys travel about the country, their bodies painted white, and wearing\ncurious wooden shields on their arms above the elbow.\n\nNatives, of course, often sing either in chorus or singly, and at any\ntime; such songs are also called ngoma. On one occasion the author met\na man who was a sort of primitive travelling minstrel. It was his\nvocation in life to go about the country singing songs, for which\npeople gave him a few cents. The natives said that he was the only man\nknown to do this, and he was therefore perhaps rather a freak.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII\n\nWOMEN AS A FACTOR IN TRIBAL ORGANISATION\n\n\nAlthough far from negligible, the part played by women in the life of a\nsavage tribe is very apt to be overlooked by a man. The reasons are\nobvious; the African woman is not obtrusive; she is perpetually busy,\nand one rarely comes into contact with her. Her inner thoughts and\nbeliefs are a sealed book to the investigator, and one is at first\ninclined to believe that her influence is not worth consideration. The\nlonger the experience, the more clearly one realises that this lack of\ninformation about the woman is one of the weak points of any inquiry.\n\nAmong the Kikuyu there is a council, or kiama, of old women in every\ndistrict; they collect goats periodically and present them to the\nelders of ukuru, or priestly class. They occasionally fine troublesome\nwomen, and the fine, usually a goat, has to be obtained by the culprit\neither by extra work or by begging one from her father. The men fear\nthe women\u2019s kiama, as it is believed that the members of it have the\npower to bewitch people.\n\nIt is to be regretted that so little is known about the methods of\ninitiation and the scope of their activities in this direction, but\ncomplete information could only be obtained by a female investigator\nwho has exceptional opportunity and great sympathy.\n\nThe official recognition of the wife of a candidate for admission into\nthe grade of ukuru among the Kikuyu has been described at another\nplace. This is unusual in African ritual, but can readily be understood\nwhen one learns that old women, past the child-bearing age, can\nparticipate in sacrificial ceremonies at the sacred trees. This is due\nto the fact that the growth of cereal and other vegetable food falls to\nthe woman, and they alone are responsible for the food of the family.\n\nThis leads to great difficulty, as the women are intensely\nconservative, and when an energetic district officer wishes to improve\nthe economic products of his district and distribute better seeds he is\ninvariably up against the opposition of the women, which is very\ndifficult to overcome. The woman knows by long experience that, given a\ncertain area, a certain seed, and a certain rainfall she can feed the\nfamily, and one can understand that she should be loth to waste labour\non experiments, the result of which is doubtful. This feeling is very\ndeep-rooted, and consequently most difficult to overcome: the same\nobstacles are met with in connection with the introduction of big\nEuropean hoes for agriculture. The African woman has for generations\ndone her planting with either a digging stick or the small African hoe;\nthe tiresome European comes along and worries the men to buy the big\nheavy hoe, and one can hear the annoyed woman inquiring of her husband\nwhy she is being bothered to give up the implement she has been brought\nup to use with one hand, for a strange thing which is more expensive\nand requires two hands. For all that, however, the European hoe is\nmaking good progress, and will eventually win. It is hoped that this,\nand the introduction of ox-drawn ploughs, will result in the male\nsection of the population taking a more active part in agriculture, and\nalleviating the lot of the women. It is believed that if instructors\ncould be detailed to travel about and demonstrate the benefits of\nutilising oxen to plough, women would soon champion the cause of\nprogress.\n\nThe male African in his home life is not noted for persistent steady\nwork; the women, on the other hand, are never idle, and are withal\ncheerful and uncomplaining about their lot, and not nearly so\ndown-trodden as some people believe. In most tribes they are\nwell-treated; their lot among the Masai is probably harder than among\nagricultural tribes; the old women have to go on watch at night in the\ncattle kraal and often get beaten if they fall asleep. In Kavirondo, on\nthe other hand, the mother of the head of the village is often the most\nimportant person in the village, and her opinion is generally sought\neven on political matters which lie outside the ordinary sphere of a\nwoman\u2019s influence; the affection of the Kavirondo for their mothers is,\nhowever, a very marked trait in their character. Among the A-Kamba the\nfact that manifestations from the spirit would nearly always come\nthrough the mouths of women undoubtedly proves that the sex plays an\nimportant part in the life of the people. The fact that in both Ukamba\nand Giriama old women have in recent years turned out to be at the\nbottom of serious political agitation also demonstrates this point. The\ninfluence of a woman over her children is the same all the world over,\nbut owing to the long period of lactation prevalent in African society,\nand possibly among any polygamous community, the African mother might\nbe expected to be more tied by her children than a European mother;\nsuch, however, is not the case, and the baby is taken everywhere with\nthe mother\u2014to market, to the field, out into the bush when firewood has\nto be gathered, and to the river or water-hole. The first separation is\nwhen the small boy first goes out to herd the goats; the small girl\nstays on with her mother and trots by her side and assists her in her\nvarious duties. This continues until the boy is promoted to herd cattle\nand then goes out into the wider world and comes into contact with\ncivilising influences and European progress which cannot fail to\nenlarge his horizon and increase his knowledge of men and affairs. The\ngirl, however, stays on with her mother in the narrow life of an\nAfrican village. The difference of environment at the formative stage\nof life is thus ever producing a great disparity between the mental\ndevelopment of the two sexes, and must, as time goes on, prove more and\nmore a disturbing factor in tribal life.\n\nOwing to the marriage value of girls their parents are loth to allow\nthem to go far from home; the missionaries complain of this as one of\ntheir greatest difficulties. Boys can be attracted to the missions for\ninstruction, but it is very difficult to induce parents to allow their\ndaughters to go to school. The old women say that if they go to school\ntheir heads will be turned, that they will want to be fine ladies, as\nthe saying goes, and will not take kindly to agriculture, the\ncollection of firewood, and other household duties. There is probably a\nlarge amount of truth in the accusation, for education would\nundoubtedly open their eyes to the life of drudgery they lead; they\nwould, as far as physical labour goes, have an easier time while at a\nmission, and would feel the return to a harder life. The whole question\nis a problem which time alone can solve, and a proper adjustment of the\nsphere of activity of the two sexes will take many years.\n\nIt may be of some interest to review the class of work which is the\nspecial duty of the women. Their primary duty may be said to be the\nraising of food, be it in the form of grain, beans, bananas, sweet\npotatoes, etc. They sow, they tend the fields during the growth of the\ncrop, and then reap the grain, thresh it, store it, crush it in wooden\nmortars, and grind it into meal. In most tribes the clearing of the\nbush and the heavy work of breaking up new ground devolves on the men,\nand in Kavirondo the men assist to a great extent in actual\nagriculture. Where natives irrigate, this branch of agriculture is\nalways in the hands of the men.\n\nAs the producers of food, it naturally becomes the duty of the women to\nmake the supply of beer for the family. In Kikuyu young girls crush the\nsugar cane in mortars made out of a log of wood with round holes in it,\nand they then squeeze out the sweet sap and brew the beer. They\nunderstand the art of malting grain and the manufacture of beer from\ncereals.\n\nHaving grown the food, the cooking of it naturally falls to them; they\nknow the wild green herbs which are used as green food, particularly in\ntimes of scarcity, and the wild edible roots which are sought for at\nsuch periods.\n\nThe collection of firewood to cook the food and the transport of the\nwater used also falls to the women.\n\nThe manufacture of the cooking pots and other household utensils is\ngenerally women\u2019s work. In Uganda, however, it is as a rule done by\nmen. Smith\u2019s work is never done by women, this industry being a\nmonopoly of man; there would be a prejudice against any arms or weapons\nmade by women, and by analogy it is therefore believed that the persons\nwho made the stone implements which we are beginning to find in Africa\nwere men.\n\nThe collection of honey and the manipulation of bees is also never done\nby women.\n\nThe basket work used in the villages is almost always made by women,\nand also sleeping mats. The rule is, however, not invariable, for an\nold influential elder in Giriama was recently seen plaiting a mat,\npossibly because he was too infirm to do more active work. The string\nbags, singular, chondo, plural, vyondo, used by the A-Kamba are always\nmade by the women.\n\nWood cutting or rude carpentry is the work of the men; if bedsteads are\nused they are made by the men, also the ornamental staves and stools so\nextensively used.\n\nIf skin garments are worn, the woman will bray the goat skins she wears\nand that in which she carries her child. When the men have not reached\nthe blanket stage they usually go naked or wear an ox hide, and this\nthey generally prepare themselves.\n\nLeather work for weapons is always done by the men.\n\nIn Uganda the bark cloth is made by men.\n\nThe bead work affected by some tribes is nearly always done by the\nwomen, but in Kikuyu a young dandy will often be seen sewing beads on\nto a bit of hide.\n\nMetal work used as ornament is always done by the men; the beautiful\niron chain work of Ukamba is man\u2019s monopoly; any working in ivory, such\nas armlets, must be done by men.\n\nEach wife in an African family usually has dedicated to her particular\nuse a certain number of cattle; they are not her property, but she has\nthe sole disposal of their milk for the use of her children. The adult\nA-Kamba and others also drink a considerable amount of curdled milk,\nand each wife keeps a supply for her husband and his friends.\n\nTo what extent women have assisted in the domestication of animals is\nnow a matter of some conjecture, but there is little doubt that the men\ncaught the animals, probably young ones, when out on hunting\nexpeditions, and handed them over to the women to rear. It is\nnoticeable that among African tribes a woman never owns live stock, and\nprobably never did, even in matriarchal times.\n\nThe women are largely responsible for the handing on of the folk lore\nof a tribe and undoubtedly teach it to their children, as is done in\nEurope to-day. The men, however, often unconsciously help in this, for\nat a friendly beer-drinking gathering elders will recount folk tales,\nout of the stores of their experience, to the assembled company, and\none tale will remind someone of another and he will try to cap the\nprevious story by one more wonderful.\n\nWomen have done a good deal, however, for the development and blending\nof folk lore. In times past when inter-tribal conflict was common,\nwomen were frequently carried off and thus became incorporated with\nanother tribe; they carried their folk tales with them, and\nunconsciously the stories, as well as the blood of a tribe, became\nmodified.\n\nThe influence of women in fixing a language must not be overlooked; the\nmother teaches it to her children, not actively perhaps, but the young\nchild is in closest association with the mother and assimilates her\nspeech, and, of course, captured women will, if in any number, bring\nforeign words with them, and may be instrumental in their general\nadoption.\n\nEuropean women may consider that none of her sisters, even in Africa,\ncould willingly acquiesce in a polygamous life; such, however, is not\nthe case. The burden of life falls heavily on the African woman, and\nshe is, as a rule, only too pleased to welcome a new wife to share her\nburden of work.\n\nSeveral cases have been observed of women worrying their husbands to\ntake a second wife, and a senior wife will often lodge a new wife in\nher hut until she becomes settled down in the village and her own hut\nis ready. There are doubtless quarrels, but, on the whole, the family\nlives in amity and it is believed that jealousy in the European sense\ndoes not loom very large; fierce feeling is, however, sometimes aroused\nif a husband unfairly favours one wife in the allotment of cattle.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX\n\nSOME GENERAL REMARKS\n\n\nThe writer\u2019s main object has been to demonstrate the fact that the\ntribes under review possess a system of natural religion more elaborate\nthan was hitherto suspected, and he must frankly admit that, although\nliving for some years in close touch with these natives, he had no idea\nof the extent and variety of the ceremonial connected with the tabu\nbeliefs, sacrifice, and other cognate branches of their beliefs. The\nlight which the inquiry has thrown upon the complex nature of a\nnative\u2019s life is somewhat of a revelation. It should serve as a warning\nto rash reformers who consider that so-called pagan heathendom can be\nabolished by a stroke of the pen. This attitude should most certainly\nbe avoided in Africa as much as in India. The beliefs of an African are\nas real to him as those of a Buddhist, although they may belong to\ndifferent and more primitive plane of thought.\n\nThe influence of the spirits, or the belief in their influence which in\nfact comes to the same thing, is, as it were, the real key to a close\nunderstanding of the native mind.\n\nThe native mind is so permeated with these beliefs, and they\nconsequently have such a profound effect on his actions that, until\nthis point has been thoroughly grasped, we are bound to be perpetually\nbrought face to face with absolute enigmas.\n\nProgressive Europeans are at times apt to sneer at native beliefs and\nto feel very impatient with them; there is no doubt that, generally\nspeaking, these beliefs tend to check progress and development, as we\nunderstand them. Although this cannot be denied, we must not lose sight\nof the fact that, on the whole, they undoubtedly act as moral\nrestraints and perform in very much the same way the functions which a\ndogmatic religion fulfils among people of a higher culture.\n\nEven if Government formally abolished the ceremonial by legislation,\nthe belief would not be affected one iota; each people has to reckon\nwith its own gods, and before the indigenous religion is officially\ndiscountenanced, the ruling power must be sure that it has something\nbetter and equally suited to the native mind to put in the place of a\nfaith it tries to displace. Otherwise materialism will result, and the\neffect of this negation of faith, and freedom from all moral restraint\nupon a savage would be most disastrous.\n\nThere is practical evidence of this in the criminal tendencies evinced\nby numbers of natives who have drifted into the up-country towns in\nBritish East Africa and cut themselves adrift from their tribal life.\nTo what extent the progress of Christianity will supply discipline and\nfit the spiritual needs of a people at this stage of culture is not yet\nquite clear. While not opposing missionary effort, it would therefore\nappear to be imperative to study carefully their present beliefs and\nnot give the impression of trying to crush them; at the same time, with\nthe influence based on the knowledge acquired, the people could be\ngradually induced to give up any repugnant features and retain the\nbetter elements of their ritual.\n\nIt is not suggested that this is a policy of finality, but it is\nimportant at this juncture to avoid the spread of an impression that\nthe Europeans have set out to crush the deep-seated and cherished\nnatural religion which the natives now possess. The spread of an idea\nof this character will do as much as anything to alienate the\nsympathies of the blacks and may prove a cause of serious antagonism.\nThe need for higher philosophy will gradually spread, but let the\ncraving come from within.\n\nIt is of great interest to note how readily the more intelligent elders\nrespond to inquiry into their beliefs once they are convinced that it\nis undertaken in the proper spirit, and nothing convinces them so much\nof the bona fides of our administrative intentions as a sympathetic\nstudy of their customs and a demonstration of one\u2019s knowledge of them.\n\nIt is therefore maintained that the study of these questions is not\nmerely academic but one of the greatest practical value to the\nadministrator, the missionary, and the colonist, as well as the\nstudent.\n\nIt is interesting to show how these questions may frequently affect the\ncolonist. It is well known that the Kikuyu people form the bulk of the\nlabour supply of the upland colonists in British East Africa, and\ncomplaints are often received from employers of its capricious nature.\nUpon investigation it was found that, apart from the natural ebb and\nflow of this supply, the charge of caprice was well founded, i.e.,\nthere were many cases of desertion, often without any suspicion of\nill-treatment; further, in some cases it was discovered that this\ndesertion was traceable to a belief on the part of the individual that\nit was necessary to go away to get dawa, which is the general local\nsynonym for medicine, whether of the nature of drugs or magical in\ncharacter. The question then arose as to why such frequent calls\noccurred, and it was a long time before a definite clue could be\nobtained, but the principles gradually unfolded and became clear and\nwere found to rest on the necessity of obtaining ceremonial\npurification to free the individual from either a thahu or the impurity\nleft by a death in the family, as has been described in this work. It\nis in fact difficult at first to believe how complex a native\u2019s social\nlife may be. It may not be immediately obvious how a knowledge of these\nbeliefs can ameliorate the difficulty, but the point is that if a man\ndeserts without leave he breaks his contract of service and dare not\nventure back for a long time in case he should be identified and\npunished, whereas if he knows that his master understands his beliefs\nhe will probably go and tell him and ask if he can go away for a day or\nso and carry out the necessary ceremonies, and will then usually come\nback. It may be a little tiresome to the master, but the better feeling\nand mutual confidence which is induced pays in every way. This is not\nmere theory, for the men who do get into close touch with their\nemployees lose very few, and can generally get more men than they\nrequire. This is merely quoted as an example of the practical value of\nethnological inquiry in daily life, which after all is not a bad\nworking test.\n\nThe method employed in collecting the material has been to discuss the\nquestions with as many responsible elders as possible, and compare and\ncorrect the statements so obtained. It has been a work of great\ninterest, though often very tedious, but probably more tedious to the\ninformer than to the recorder.\n\nThere is one warning which it is desired to impress upon persons living\nin the country and who have opportunities of research, and that is that\nthe last word has not been said upon these questions, and it is hoped\nthat these observations will only encourage further research and the\nkeenest criticism. It must be remembered that very few of the\nceremonials described in this book have been witnessed by Europeans,\nand if they have, they have not been observed and described by eyes\ntrained to note the important features, and it may well happen that\nwith the best intentions the elders may have from time to time omitted\nsome point which, when accurately described, may throw a flood of light\nupon an apparently obscure point in the ritual. This is where the\ndistrict officer and the missionary can, if they choose, play such an\nimportant part; we have many missionaries who possess a thorough\nknowledge of the vernaculars of the tribes, and district officers who,\nif not such good linguists, are in intimate touch with these people;\nthese men have many chances if they would only train themselves for the\ntask. Up to the time of the war signs of a renaissance were not\nwanting, however, and administrative officers and others were yearly\ntaking more and more scientific interest in their people, and one of\nthe missionary societies, it is said, formed a committee for the study\nof native customs. It is to be feared that the war has indirectly\nchecked this branch of scientific study, and the activities of many\nobservers, who before its occurrence promised to develop a flair for\nthis kind of research, have temporarily ceased. A very marked need at\npresent is greater sympathetic appreciation from high quarters.\nFurther, local assistance with regard to the publication of\nobservations is essential. Few signs of such support are, however,\nvisible at present in many of our colonies. Missionary endeavour in\nthis field is particularly welcome, but if a word of advice will not be\nresented, these observers must realise the necessity of caution in\ncollecting observations of pagan customs from persons who have been for\nsome time in close contact with their teaching, which often has the\neffect of causing their pupils to ridicule time-honoured ceremonial.\nMoreover, missionaries are, as a rule, only in close touch with the\nrising generation who are not initiated in the procedure, and have\nlittle to do with the elders of the tribe.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X\n\nEAST AFRICA AFTER THE WAR\n\n\nAlthough it may appear somewhat beyond the scope of the foregoing\ninquiry, which was mainly conducted before the war occurred to\ninterrupt it, I consider that it may be of interest to examine the\neffect of the great world conflict on the native races, and to assess\nthe present position with regard to black and white in that region.\n\nThe outbreak of war came as an unexpected shock to the natives as a\nwhole. The up-country tribes had very little conception of the\ndistinctions between the various white races, and were somewhat puzzled\nby the conflict. The coast people, who were in daily touch with Germans\nand Austrians, were a little clearer, but, of course, had no conception\nof the casus belli, and although they knew that the daily lives of the\ntwo sections were apart, yet they saw them mix at the clubs and never\ndreamt that Europeans among themselves ever resorted to arms. The\ninternment of the enemy subjects in Mombasa was the first material\nsign, and it was hailed with acclamation by the Swahilis of Mombasa,\nwho treasured up resentment at the arrogant behaviour of the Germans\nprior to the war. The conflict was therefore a great blow to the\nsolidarity of the white race, but this effect was not immediately\napparent.\n\nOn the whole the tribes behaved in an exemplary manner, but enemy\nagents produced some active unrest among a coast tribe which for some\nyears past had been unfavourably disposed towards Government.\n\nLike most of our countrymen, the natives naturally had no conception of\nthe magnitude of the struggle or its possible duration. They thought\nthat it would be over in a few months, and responded with alacrity to\ncalls for porters, and for recruits for the K.A.R. They also made no\ndemur to the numerous restrictions which a war imposes on the people\ninvolved.\n\nThe war, however, dragged on year after year, the calls for labour\nbecame more and more insistent, the poor carriers suffered hardships\nand died in tens of thousands, from the diseases inseparable from a\ncampaign in an unhealthy tropical region, dysentery and pneumonia being\nthe two main causes of death.\n\nIn a campaign of this character, where troops of mixed races are\nemployed, the close contact between black and white is an undesirable\nand unavoidable feature.\n\nThe black troops soon came to realise the physical disabilities of the\nEuropeans and their vulnerability. They saw Europeans shot down and\neven bayoneted by enemy black soldiers, they realised that very few\nEuropeans were crack shots, they noted the inferior marching capacity\nof the white man, his inability to find his way about in the bush\nunaccompanied by a native guide, and in some cases they even saw that\nthe courage of the white was not greater than that of the black. After\nall this can it be wondered that the prestige of the white race has\nsuffered in the war! Is it surprising that the attitude of many of the\nblacks to the white man has altered?\n\nThe black has always been quick to realise who is in authority and who\nis not, and will still accede outward respect to a representative of\nthe Government, but that is not the test, and the real criterion is his\nattitude towards the ordinary farmer or settler; this has been\nconsiderably modified during the war, and it is doubtful if the old\ntraditional wide respect of white by black can ever be entirely\nrestored.\n\nThe might of the Government has been demonstrated during the war to an\nunheard of extent, and to some extent Government has unconsciously\ntraded on this impression, for it has boldly imposed restrictions on\nthe black, and a degree of taxation which it would have hesitated to do\nbefore the war.\n\nThere are two schools of thought in existence regarding the governance\nof the black races in East Africa.\n\n(1) This school claims to be progressive, and favours the abolition of\ntribal control by its indigenous constitution; it is opposed to chiefs,\ntribal law and customs, and is in favour of direct government by\nEuropean magistrates and by police.\n\n(2) The conservative school aims at retaining and strengthening the\ninternal forces which control a tribe, at the same time promoting an\nevolution of the character of that control by inducing the native\nleaders to slough the more repugnant customs and beliefs.\n\nThe former scheme receives considerable support from the settler\ncommunity on the grounds that it will result in the native, conjointly\nwith themselves, playing a more active part in the development of\nAfrica. It is also supported to some extent by the missionaries, who\nfeel that the disintegration of the old order would afford them greater\nchances for their propaganda. At the same time the probable effect of\nthe dissolution of tribal control is rarely realised. The nearest\nexample of such emancipation can be observed in the larger towns, and\nhere we have thousands of natives attracted to these places by the\ndesire to earn money. They have no natural authorities in control, and\nalthough there are, of course, respectable members in these\nassemblages, taking it all round they are the biggest collection of\nnative ruffians in the country, and are saturated with every vice.\nConsequently in spite of a concentration of magisterial and police\ncontrol far in excess of anything in a native reserve, crime of every\nkind is rife, and they have become an increasing menace to the European\nresidents.\n\nThese town colonies of natives, it must be remembered, are products of\nour own creation, and do not argue well for native emancipation from\ntheir natural leaders.\n\nThe native system of government is admittedly faulty, not so much in\ndesign as in execution; this is partly due to the fact that the blood\nkin of a criminal will go to great lengths to shield him, and partly\nbecause chiefs and elders are often venial or amenable to threats or to\nfear of witchcraft.\n\nNative custom has in recent years been purged of many of its repugnant\nfeatures, and any that exist will steadily tend to disappear if\nintelligently approached by native commissioners who take the trouble\nto understand these customs and the motives behind them. Blind action\nin these matters is rarely effective.\n\nIf the present-day political shibboleth of \u201cself-determination\u201d is to\nbe encouraged in Africa, the policy of disintegration of all native\nauthority should be pursued. It is a sure prescription for the birth of\na native party which will speedily demand equal electoral privileges\nwith the Europeans; it will abolish tribal isolation and inter-tribal\nprejudice which has for long years been a safeguard against the\ncombination of the black millions against the few white intruders from\noverseas. It will produce a receptive soil for educated blacks from\nother countries to propagate the doctrine of \u201cAfrica for the Africans.\u201d\nIn the event of a struggle, the European, having sole control of\nmunitions, will not eventually be worsted, but he will not re-establish\ndomination until much blood, both black and white, has been spilled,\nand both sides will emerge from the struggle with bitterness and\ndistrust. The choice of a policy is therefore a vital matter to all,\nand the problem should be dispassionately considered.\n\nAfter the Armistice large numbers of natives who had served in the\nKing\u2019s African Rifles were disbanded, and some people maintain that\nthese men in future may prove a menace owing to their knowledge of arms\nand their close acquaintance with European troops in the field. In\nKenya there is, as far as I know, no signs of it, for they have no\narms; they are moreover weary of war, and the majority have gone back\nto their reserves to spend their savings or invest them in wives. In\nTanganyika a good many arms were secreted by deserters and picked up\nafter engagements, and these may be used to some extent in attempts to\nsettle inter-tribal feuds; there is, however, little fear of the\nconcentration of any force in opposition to Government. In fact our\nrule is so mild compared with the German r\u00e9gime that when the internal\nprosperity of that country revives there is no reason to anticipate\nanything but peace for a long time to come. When one realises that over\neight thousand official floggings per annum took place in German East\nAfrica before the war, and in addition many thousands of unofficial\nfloggings, no record of which was kept, the relief must be apparent to\nall. The Germans themselves must have realised that the flogging\npropensity had to be checked, for in 1912\u20131913 no fewer than one\nhundred and seven employers were convicted of assaulting their\nlabourers. Needless to say, under British rule, flogging is only\ninflicted for a few extremely serious crimes.\n\nIt is, however, fruitless at this stage to dilate upon the differences\nbetween German and British rule; it is far more important to consider\nthe factors on both sides that count in the present situation and to\noutline any obvious future dangers.\n\nThe question of religion is intimately connected with behaviour, and an\nattempt has been made in this work to show how closely interwoven with\ntheir life are the primitive beliefs of the people. In recent years,\nhowever, a new set of influences have arisen, viz., those of the\nChristian churches and also Mohammedanism.\n\nThe Christian missions are very varied; there are the Roman Catholic,\nand Church of England faiths, Methodists, Seventh Day Adventists, also\na loosely knit group of nonconformist type known as the Inland African\nMission and others.\n\nTo obviate undue competition in any particular area, Government has in\nKenya Colony agreed to spheres of influence being arranged between the\nvarious mission groups, and withholds approval of the establishment of\na new mission too near an already established rival. The only argument\nin favour of this practice is expediency, for on ethical grounds the\nState has no right to decide that the people of any particular area\nshall only have ready access to the doctrines of any particular church.\n\nThe Roman Catholic missions, as is often the case, have acquired more\nland than any other religious body, and there is a marked tendency on\ntheir part to attempt to set up imperia in imperio on their estates on\nthe plea of internal discipline, thus usurping to some extent the\nrights of government. It will be remembered that in the early days in\nUganda this led to armed struggles between Catholics and Protestants:\nsuch, however, are unlikely to recur under modern conditions.\n\nThe Catholics have perhaps more than any other mission suffered from\nshortness of funds since the expulsion of the religious orders from\nFrance, and up country in Africa they generally endeavour to grow\ncoffee or some other crop to help to support the mission; such efforts\nare praiseworthy and useful in the educational sense. They are a great\ncontrast, for instance, to the neglected estate of the C.M.S. at\nFreretown.\n\nThe missionaries, taking it all round, have in spite of unrivalled\nfacilities contributed but little to our knowledge of the country; but\nthey have, it is true, recorded the construction of various native\nlanguages. With one notable exception in Uganda, who, in spite of\ndiscouragement from his fellows, persisted in his researches, no\nmissionary in East Africa has thrown much light on the ethnology of the\nnatives; it is said that they have been inclined to consider researches\nof this nature as somewhat irreligious, but this view has, it is\nbelieved, died away.\n\nUpon the plea of combating the spread of Mohammedanism, the missions\nhave, except at the coast, declined to teach the Swahili language,\nwhich is the lingua franca of East Central Africa, and have perpetuated\nand are still endeavouring to perpetuate a host of tribal languages,\nwhich, although interesting as linguistic curiosities, prove a barrier\nto civilisation and progress. It may be, of course, that English will\non this account come into general use quicker, but that result, if it\ncomes, will not be due to the missions.\n\nThe main qualification for a missionary in Africa appears to be what\nthey term \u201cearnestness,\u201d but it is to be feared that the possession of\nthis admirable trait is an inadequate equipment for the task of\nregenerating the black. It is to be regretted that there are not a\ngreater percentage of scholarly men with liberal ideas among their\nnumbers. It is not to be inferred that such men are absent; it would,\nhowever, be invidious to mention names; there is a leaven of men of\nwide vision, and the missionaries as a whole afford examples of purity\nof life which cannot fail to have a good moral effect.\n\nThis short review of the missionary position may seem beside the point,\nbut the character of the influences which affect the native are of no\nlittle importance.\n\nThe missions all claim to play a great part in the education of the\nnatives, and the local government has, through paucity of funds, found\nit convenient to acquiesce in this claim, and to a great extent leaves\nnative education to mission effort. The results leave much to be\ndesired, and naturally the primary mission ideal of education is to\nimpart to the native a sufficient knowledge of reading and writing to\nenable him to read such portion of the scriptures as have been\ntranslated into the vernacular of the tribe.\n\nVery few missionaries understand the philosophy of education; very few\neven have much knowledge of educational method. As a brilliant\neducationalist has written, \u201cthe function of education is to foster\ngrowth\u201d\u2014the aim of the teacher should be \u201cthe development of the latent\npowers of his pupil, the unfolding of the latent life.\u201d\n\nAre the blacks in Kenya Colony receiving an education of this nature?\nThe answer is, it is feared, generally in the negative. Now the\ncharacter of the education of the black is going to have a profound\neffect on his future and also on the relations of black and white. This\nis a truism, and as Dudley Kidd has so forcibly put it, \u201cThe problem is\nthe progress of a backward race, and we allow inefficient teachers,\nwhose only qualification for the difficult work is their own kind\nhearts, to form the character of the rising generation and to\ncomplicate our difficulties\u2014has any State the right to allow\nunqualified people to intensify national problems in this gratuitous\nfashion?\u201d\n\nIt is not to be inferred that missionary educational effort is\nmischievous. Far from it; but it is narrow in its outlook, it is not\nbased on any sound foundation, and it does very little to develop\nlatent powers.\n\nThe colonists do not, as a rule, favour literary education, but clamour\nmainly for industrial education. There is a germ of truth in this\nopinion, but a sense of proportion must be exercised or the industrial\nmarket may be flooded with artisans of mediocre efficiency far in\nexcess of the demand. The great r\u00f4le of the African in the future must\nbe, as it has been in the past, the cultivation of the soil. Improve\nhis agricultural methods and teach him to extract more food per acre to\nfeed the future increase of the native population and still have\nsomething to sell.\n\nMohammedanism needs a reference, for it is a factor of no mean\nimportance in Africa. Some students of extreme views picture the growth\nof a pan-Islamic spirit which will bind all the blacks against the\nEuropeans; and missionary publications often refer to this as an\nimminent danger possibly with the object of eliciting financial support\nfor Christian propaganda. The writer has no such fears. Mohammedanism\nis spreading to a limited extent in East Africa, but there is little\nreligious fervour behind it, and it is difficult to see how it can ever\nbecome more than a veneer with the up-country tribes, for it is certain\nthat they will never learn Arabic in order to be able to enjoy the\nKoran.\n\nAmong the up-country people who come into intimate contact with\nMohammedan life, such as those who come to coast towns to work, it is\nreadily embraced, for it becomes the religion of the cooking pot. The\nSwahilis and such like are hospitable folk, but may not eat with\nunbelievers, and it is therefore very expedient for an up-country\nstranger to become nominally a Mohammedan, for he may then dip his\nfinger in the food bowl with his hosts.\n\nApart from this, however, there is no doubt that the easy doctrines of\nIslam appeal to the African; they are suited to his temperament, and\nmore important still, Islamism is not looked upon as an alien religion,\nfor although the Arabs are few, the Swahilis, who form the greater\nnumber of the followers of Islam in the country, are only Africans who\nare a little more civilised and better clothed than their cousins from\nup-country, while Christianity is always associated with the coming of\nthe Europeans and with their domination of the country.\n\nAlthough for many reasons Mohammedanism appears more suited to the\nblack than Christianity\u2014it is a ceremonial religion and it moreover\ncountenances polygamy\u2014nevertheless, it is inadvisable that the State\nshould in any way foster its progress in our African colonies, for it\ncontains many dangerous elements. The Mohammedanism of East Africa is a\nmild variety, but there is much inflammable material lying about in the\nMohammedan world, and it might at any time be blown over to that area.\nMohammedanism, too, has a reactionary influence; it stunts cultural\ndevelopment and it appears to be insusceptible to internal evolution.\n\nOn these grounds it would appear expedient that the bias of the State\nshould be in favour of the eventual spread of Christianity, for it is a\nreligion of a higher ethical type. It is the religion of the Western\nworld, and although its spiritual progress has been hampered by an\nextraordinary mass of mediaeval accretions in the shape of dogma,\nritual and such like, there are signs that it is endeavouring to\neliminate non-essentials and adjust itself to the plane of modern\nthought. The progress is slow but it has to such a great extent lost\nits authority and its influence over the people as a mass, that if it\nwishes to survive it must adjust itself to the age it serves and\nendeavour to carry mankind a step further in the way of spiritual\nevolution. As for faith, faith is common to and alike in all\nreligions\u2014faith is the vital spark without which no religion can live\nor can ever become a vital force\u2014be it a highly developed creed of the\nWest or a lowly primitive type such as we have been considering. Faith\nevades all logic, and even the higher criticism of advanced clerics\nleaves it untouched.\n\nDuring recent years the rapid internal development of East Africa has\nproduced an acute situation with regard to native labour, and although,\nowing to the present economic depression, this is relieved for the\nmoment, it is bound to recur as trade improves and production\nincreases. The supply of labour has vastly increased during the last\nten years, but up to the outbreak of war the amount but rarely kept\npace with the demand, and the loss of native life during the German\nEast campaign was so heavy that if the pre-war demand had been\nmaintained there would have been a general shortage; a few years of\nrestricted demand will therefore give a little breathing space, and a\nnumber of youths who were not old enough for military service will\nbecome old enough to go out and seek work.\n\nAmong a certain section of people in England whose knowledge of the\ncolonies is somewhat vague, and whose outlook is tinged with\nsentimental philanthropy, the employment of blacks as agricultural\nlabourers or industrial workers by British colonists is looked upon\nwith suspicion and as being little removed from slavery. It is\napparently based on the belief that such labour is forcibly seized,\nbadly treated and paid only a nominal wage. Ill-informed criticism is\ngenerally faulty, and in the present instance it is particularly so.\nTwenty years ago the up-country natives were, generally speaking,\nreluctant to work for private Europeans or for Government, except\noccasionally to carry loads; as settlement, however, proceeded the\ndemand for farm labour arose, the needs of the native gradually\nincreased, and a few rupees had annually to be earned to pay the hut\ntax; as these stimuli became felt, so native labour gradually became\navailable. Every year up to the war the supply increased, and more and\nmore natives became accustomed to the idea of working for wages several\nmonths in the year. Is this desirable, and if so, why? In the old days,\nbefore European occupation of the country, the able-bodied male\npopulation had to be always ready to repel raids or participate in\nraids, and in times of peace its main duty was the herding and guarding\nof the tribal cattle. The danger of attack ceased with the advent of\nsettled government, and if the younger men of the tribe do not go out\nto work, they spend the bulk of their time loafing from village to\nvillage attending beer feasts and philandering with the young girls;\nfor tribal custom insists that the bulk of the agricultural work shall\nas formerly be done by the woman.\n\nThe elders do not approve of the present habits of the youths, but\nunfortunately under our rule the bonds of tribal discipline have been\nrelaxed. If this is fully realised it will readily be seen that the\nabsence of a considerable portion of these young men for a part of each\nyear is beneficial to the good order of a native reserve; they are\nunder discipline when working, they learn something, and come back to\ntheir villages with money which enriches the tribe.\n\nOn the majority of plantations and farms the natives are well treated,\nand it is the duty of Government to see that they are well housed, well\nfed, and that any grievances are speedily redressed; inspectors\nperiodically visit employees for this purpose. Ill treatment has\noccurred from time to time, and isolated cases of brutality on the part\nof employers have unfortunately happened and have been punished by the\ncourts. Such cases should, however, not be allowed to cloud our vision\nor distort our sense of proportion any more than the occurrence of a\nfew cases of cruelty to children in England.\n\nAs regards wages, the rates are such that have naturally grown up in\nthe country with due regard to the cost of food, the usual village diet\nof the labourer, and the cost of his simple clothing. It must also be\nborne in mind that the output of an African is very minute compared\nwith a European, and the supervision required is vastly greater.\n\nA recent petition to the home government headed by prelates, labour\nrepresentatives, and various well-meaning people took rather an extreme\nview, and urged the adoption of a policy entirely native in its\noutlook, and one which would result in crushing European endeavour in\nthis part of Africa.\n\nOne important plank in the policy was the foundation of native\nindustries in the reserves, and so forth. Every well-wisher of the\nnative wishes to see progress in the reserves, but intimate knowledge\nof the cultural plane of the aboriginal population causes one to\nrealise clearly how easy it is to formulate dicta in London, and how\ndifficult it is to carry them out in Africa.\n\nThe individual planting of agricultural products in reserves by the\nmedium of the African hoe, and the labour of the African woman, is an\nuneconomical form of production, and once the food supply of the tribe\nis assured, the surplus enriches the Indian middle man more than the\nnative. Long established custom rules that the agricultural work in a\ntribe shall be carried out by the women, and no ordinance will force\nthe young men to relieve the women of this duty if they do not desire\nto do so.\n\nNative progress proceeds slowly, and the stimulus for acceleration must\ncome from within if it is to be permanent.\n\nThen again with regard to native industries\u2014conditions of life can be\ngradually improved, and the people can be taught to build better\nhouses, and to use furniture. The majority, however, cannot afford such\nluxuries, and are contented with their own mode of life; their idea of\nsaving money being to provide the means to buy live stock, the\npossession of which is essential for wife purchase.\n\nThe renaissance again must come from within. It will come gradually,\nbut not nearly so soon as our benevolent friends hope and desire.\n\nTo sum up this brief survey of a complex question, it is desired to\nimpress upon all that the future of the African native and the nature\nof his relations with the white race will not be decided by the\nacademic recommendations of any body in England. The utmost that\nphilanthropically minded opinion can demand is a high ethical standard\nin native administration, and the safeguarding by government of native\nland rights. Further, the well-meaning people at home must trust their\nown people in Africa, trust to the growth of a tolerant and humane\nlocal view of the relationship of black and white. There is no reason\nto believe that this spirit will not reach as high a level in East\nAfrica as it has done in other parts of our Empire.\n\nFurther, as Lord Buxton recently remarked in an address on native\nproblems, and referring to the government of the Union of South Africa\nand Rhodesia: \u201cEspecially do they resent criticism when those who\ncriticise put on a self-righteous air and assume that they and their\nassociates alone have the welfare of the native at heart, and imply\nthat those who differ are actuated by obstinate or unworthy motives.\u201d\n\nThe main points in native policy which long experience of Africa\nsuggest may be stated as follows:\n\n(1) The old tribal discipline and organisation is in danger of\ndissolution; it rarely rested on very firm foundations, for the\nauthorities were weak; it should receive most careful review by\nexperienced men of knowledge and sympathy, tribe by tribe. The\nsituation is at present drifting, and neither black nor white can see\nwhither.\n\nThere is one thing, however, which is obvious, and that is that the new\ngeneration of native leaders should be educated by Government to fit\nthem for their duties. Such a step would be widely appreciated and\nmight do a great deal to avert future danger. Their education should,\nabove all, concern itself with the formation of character and the\ndevelopment of responsibility; education seems to so rarely provide the\nAfrican with these essentials, in fact their vital importance seems to\nbe often overlooked.\n\n(2) The taxation collected from natives by the State for general\npurposes should be low, and any addition to the standard tax which may\nbe collectable as the wealth of the natives increases should be devoted\nto specific objects, such as native education, the development of the\nreserves and such like. The natives should clearly understand this, and\nit would do a great deal to improve the relations of the Government\nwith the native, for there is at present a well-founded belief in the\nnative mind that they are periodically called upon to pay more and at\nthe same time get but little return for their money; confidence in\nGovernment has perceptibly lessened in the last few years.\n\n(3) The excessive infantile mortality in native reserves should receive\nspecific attention, and also the checking of disease generally. On\neconomic grounds alone, epidemics among the native population are far\nmore important than those among cattle; it is feared, however, that up\nto now they have not received as much attention, and the reason is not\nfar to seek.\n\nEffective measures will entail the training of a considerable staff of\nnative subordinate medical staff who should be distributed throughout\nthe reserves, each group being under a European medical officer.\n\n(4) As has been previously stated, the more dangerous elements of the\nnative population are in the towns; for it is there that the\nrestraining influence of the chiefs and elders is absent, it is there\nthat crime is more prevalent, it is there that undesirable political\nmovements are bred and where more educated material can be found; a\nfertile soil for the seditious seed of the Asiatic agitation. Common\nsense therefore suggests that special efforts be made to reach these\nmixed assemblages of native life by the provision of suitable\neducational facilities and by the provision of healthy amusement and\nentertainment, by evening lectures in subjects both interesting and\ninstructive, by an amusing and healthy native press.\n\nNeedless to say, better housing in town locations is an important\nmatter if these people are to be taught to live decent, respectable\nlives; baths and places for washing clothes are also essential for\nhealth and well-being.\n\n(5) Abrupt interference with native customs and tribal laws is to be\ndeprecated; much of the old codes is good, and undesirable features\ncan, with the consent of the people, gradually be eliminated, if the\nguiding hand applies his reforming touch with judgment; and this brings\nus to the necessity for the careful selection of administrative\nofficers and the importance of these being trained in ethnological\nmethod, for no man can reform and develop a system of which he is not\nqualified to judge.\n\nGreater knowledge of native psychology will help to maintain the\npaternal relations which should exist between the natives of a district\nand their commissioner, and to which the most successful native\nadministrators in the past owe their success.\n\n(6) Education. This is essential, but, as has been explained, matters\nare not satisfactory at present, nor will they improve much until\nGovernment takes it over into its own hands, and it should begin by the\nformation of a well-equipped normal school wherein a large staff of\nnative teachers should be trained by a picked European staff.\n\nA boarding school should also be founded in each province where an\neffective industrial training can be given to a number of picked\nyouths, and in conjunction with a sound rudimentary education.\n\nThe African is a receptive person, but has little persistence, and is\napt to become weary before he is efficient. There are altogether too\nmany young men about with a mere smattering of education which is\nnothing more than a surface veneer, and is often used as an excuse for\nescaping manual labour; this spirit needs to be vigorously combated.\nVery few natives leave the mission schools with anything more than this\nsurface veneer of education, the outward sign of which is a passion for\nkhaki coats, boots, collars and ties, and in this way they ape the\nEuropean. This may appear ridiculous at present, but there is one thing\ncertain and that is that a renaissance has now begun, and we must in\nthe future be prepared for curious manifestations of the aspiration for\nself-realisation on the part of the African. The true art of\ngovernment, therefore, will be to utilise with wisdom any real signs of\ntheir desire to rise to a higher cultural and social plane. The way\nwill not be easy, but much can be attained by wide sympathy and by\nknowledge of the psychology of the subject.\n\nIt must never be forgotten that in a colony of the East African type\nthe European colonist and the native are interdependent. Due\nconsideration and justice for the backward partner must be the keynote\nof the native policy, for a contented, friendly black population will\nconnote a healthy and prosperous white community.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nL\u2019ENVOI\n\n\nThe student of anthropology is urged to be precise and accurate in his\nrecord of facts, and the haunting fear of giving rein to the\nimaginative side, especially when dealing with beliefs which have\nalmost ceased to evoke response from Western races, often tends to make\none\u2019s narrative seem dull and lifeless.\n\nThe poet is bound by no such paltry conventions, but it is rare to find\none who strikes the true note\u2014intimate knowledge coupled with acute\ninsight.\n\nThe late Captain Cullen Gouldsbury of Rhodesian repute possessed this\nrare gift, and the writer takes the liberty of reproducing the\nfollowing poem as a remarkable and unique attempt to express the native\npoint of view:\n\n\n THE POINT OF VIEW\n\n From Songs out of Exile by Cullen Gouldsbury\n (Fisher Unwin, 1912)\n\nWhite man, cease from your tales\u2014your God may be good for you,\nBut think you that aught avails to fashion our creed anew?\nWe, who are born and bred in the fear of \u2019Mlimo\u2019s wrath,\nHeirs to eternal dread shall we cast our Witchmen forth\nTo take as a load instead the creed of ye from the North?\n\nLo! we are born in the fear of wild and unspeakable things;\nBorn in the Bush land here, where the souls of the dead have wings.\nHovering high in the air where the shades of even fall,\nShrinking in dim despair at the gate of each lonely kraal\u2014\nScoff not, white man! beware, when the ghosts of the dead men call.\n\nThere are Spirits that walk by night with their heads behind their backs\u2014\nThere are Spirits that fade from sight in the gloom of the forest tracks;\nThere are ghosts of the babes that died in the kraal long moons ago,\nGhosts of cripples that glide with shambling pace and slow,\nGhosts of the new-made bride and of many a girl we know.\n\nYestereen, when the sun sank low in the western sky,\nAnd silently, one by one, the hovering bats flew by,\nZiwa, pride of my heart, my youngest and best-loved wife,\nDrew me a pace apart, saying: \u201cHusband, \u2019tis done with life,\nNay friend, shrink not, nor start! lend me your hunting knife!\u201d\n\nAy! and she lies there dead\u2014and the youths and maidens mourn,\nThey bury her, so one said, in the cool of to-morrow\u2019s dawn\u2014\nFor the evil moor-hens keep a watch on this kraal, I know,\nAnd perch when the world\u2019s asleep, on the hut-tops then below.\nSee! I will kill a sheep to ward off a further blow!\n\nWhite man, laugh if you will! such tales are for babes, you say?\nHave you no God of Ill? Do you not cringe and pray?\nOffering sacrifice in a temple built of stone?\nDo you not seek advice from a priest man of your own?\nDo you not pay a price? Are we the heathen alone?\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nGLOSSARY\n\nThis includes the native names most used in the text.\n\n\nDorobo: Masai word (spelt Torobo by Hollis) often corrupted by\ntravellers to Wandorobo or Andorobo. Dorobo in Masai means tsetse fly.\nThe name for an aboriginal race of hunters who inhabit the great\nforests of the highlands in East Africa. They call themselves Asi and\nthe Kikuyu call them Adzi. The name of the Athi River is believed to be\na corruption of Adzi.\n\nEngai (Kikuyu): The deity.\n\nEithaga: The name of a Kikuyu clan, members of which are said to\npossess magical powers; sometimes spelt Aithaga. A member of this clan\nis called a Mweithaga.\n\nGethaka (Kikuyu): The portion of a ridge in Kikuyu owned by a\nparticular family, the title to possession of this being obtained from\nthe Dorobo, the original occupants of the forest. Some regard it as a\nfreehold right, others maintain that the Kikuyu only acquired the right\nto cut the forest in order to make shambas, or gardens. The gethaka\nrights are, however, very real possessions in the eyes of the Kikuyu.\n\nHuku (Kikuyu): A mole-like rodent\u2014Tachyorctes sp.\n\nIchua (Kikuyu): A sacrificial fire.\n\nImu, singular; aiimu, plural (Kamba): Ancestral spirits.\n\nIthembo, singular; mathembo, plural (Kamba): Sacred place where\nsacrifices are carried out.\n\nIra (Kikuyu): White diatomaceous earth which is also used in ceremonial\nas a purifying agent.\n\nItwika (Kikuyu): A periodic ceremony which marks the termination of a\ngeneration or age in the tribe\u2014it corresponds in some ways to the Masai\nEunoto ceremony.\n\nKikuyu: The missionaries now often spell it Gikuyu. A member of the\nKikuyu tribe is called Mu-Kikuyu\u2014plural, A-Kikuyu. In common parlance,\nhowever, if one drops the prefixes and refers to a man of this tribe as\na Kikuyu (native)\u2014the latter word being widely understood, it is\nsimpler than attaching the appropriate prefix. An upland tribe in Kenya\nColony extending from near Nairobi to Mount Kenya.\n\nKamba: Mu-Kamba is the singular; A-Kamba is plural and collective. In\nthe same way as above, it has become more usual to simply refer to them\nas Kamba (native). Their country is termed Ukamba, and their language\nKi-Kamba. A tribe in Kenya Colony, east of Nairobi. There are detached\nportions of the tribe near Mombasa, near Taveta, and in Tanganyika\nterritory.\n\nKithangaona (Kikuyu): Sacred place.\n\nKu-roga (Kikuyu) verb: To place upon or to bewitch.\n\nKihe (Kikuyu): An uncircumcised boy.\n\nKamwana (Kamba): An uncircumcised boy.\n\nKingnoli (Kamba): Collective killing or execution by the people of a\nperson convicted of certain serious offences.\n\nKafara (Swahili): A charm placed at cross-roads to avert misfortune. If\nanyone carries it away it is believed that the misfortune or disease\nwill be carried with it.\n\nKirume (Kikuyu): The dying curse which can be suspended over his\ndescendants by a dying man.\n\nKiume (Kamba): The dying curse which can be suspended over his\ndescendants by a dying man.\n\nKonono (Masai): A clan of serfs believed to be of alien race who live\namong the Masai and who are the smiths to the tribe. They correspond to\nthe Tumal of the Somalis.\n\nKita (Kikuyu): The power of the evil eye.\n\nKiama (Kikuyu): Council of elders.\n\nMwanake, singular; anake, plural (Kikuyu): Warrior class.\n\nMutumia, singular; atumia, plural (Kamba): Tribal elders.\n\nMuthuri, singular; athuri, plural (Kikuyu): Athuri ya Ukuru\u2014the senior\nelders.\n\nMumo (Kamba): Sacred fig tree.\n\nMugumu (Kikuyu): Sacred fig tree, often called muti wa Engai.\n\nMakwa (Kamba): Afflicted by a curse. See thabu.\n\nMwati, singular; miati, plural (Kikuyu): A young ewe which has not\nborne a lamb.\n\nMiatini (Kamba): The fruit of Kigelia musa or Kigelia pinnata\u2014used for\nfermenting beer.\n\nMulungu (Kamba): The deity.\n\nMathamaki, singular; azamaki or athamaki, plural (Kikuyu): An elder of\ncouncil; his official title, not his grade rank.\n\nMuturi, singular; aturi, plural (Kikuyu): A smith.\n\nMundu Mugo (Kikuyu): Medicine man.\n\nMurogi (Kikuyu): Medicine man who deals in black magic.\n\nMuburi (Kikuyu): Goat.\n\nNgoma (Kikuyu): Ancestral spirit.\n\nNgoma (Swahili): A dance. This word is also widely used by up-country\nnatives.\n\nNjele (Swahili): A half gourd used as a domestic utensil for drinking\nwater, gruel or milk.\n\nNzeli or nzele (Kamba): A half gourd used as a domestic utensil for\ndrinking water, gruel or milk.\n\nNthele, singular; anthele, plural (Kamba): Young married man.\n\nNdorume (Kikuyu): A ram, a favourite form of sacrifice.\n\nNgnondu (Kikuyu): A ewe, which is also used as a sacrifice on certain\noccasions.\n\nNgunga (Kikuyu): Caterpillars.\n\nNjohi (Kikuyu): Native beer, usually made from sugar cane.\n\nNzama (Kamba): Council of elders.\n\nNjama (Kikuyu): A consultation by the elders; the proceedings are\ngenerally secret.\n\nRika (Kikuyu): Generation\u2014age grade.\n\nRathi (Swahili): Happiness, blessing\u2014generally used of a formal\nblessing. Kuwarathi\u2014to be satisfied or content with.\n\nRukwaru (Kikuyu): A strip of goat skin bound on the waist of a person\nto signify that he has duly performed a certain ceremony.\n\nRuenji (Kikuyu): A razor.\n\nRuoro (Kikuyu): Knife used for branding cattle.\n\nShamba, singular; ma-shamba, plural (Swahili): Cultivated field or\ngarden, widely used by up-country Africans.\n\nKu-tahikia (Kikuyu), verb: To purify. Ku is the infinitive prefix\ncommon to all verbs.\n\nThabu (Kamba): A curse or afflicted by a curse\u2014a condition which is the\nresult of certain acts, analogous to some forms of tabu.\n\nThahu (Kikuyu): A curse or afflicted by a curse\u2014a condition which is\nthe result of certain acts, analogous to some forms of tabu.\n\nThengira (Kikuyu): Literally the goat hut. It is synonymous with the\nhut in which the unmarried men sleep.\n\nThomi (Kamba): Open meeting place outside every village.\n\nTatha (Kikuyu): The semi-digested vegetable matter which forms the\ncontents of a sheep or goat. When an animal is sacrificed this is used\nas a purifying agent to remove evil. In Kamba language called muyo.\n\nUji (Swahili): Gruel\u2014also widely used by East Africa Bantu tribes. Uji\nis usually made of maize or millet meal.\n\nUki (Kamba): Beer, especially mead, made from honey, but the word is\nused for all beer.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nNOTES\n\n\n[1] Vol. II. pp. 4 et seq.\n\n[2] Apollodorus, The Library, II. 2, 2, with my notes.\n\n[3] Members of the Kikuyu tribe from birth to old age pass through\nvarious grades of initiation, but the ceremonial observed is of two\nclasses, one of which is referred to by the natives as the Kikuyu\nsystem, and the other the Masai system. The Kikuyu system is probably\nthe older, whilst the so-called Masai system is probably contact\nmetamorphism due to the proximity of the Masai and the partial\nintermingling which has occurred from time to time. Curiously enough,\nthe Masai system bears very little resemblance to the Masai customs of\nthe present day, so presumably it has been modified to fit in with the\npsychology of the Kikuyu who adopted it.\n\n[4] Ol-divai is the Masai word for the wild Sanseviera.\n\n[5] Vide article on Masai and their traditions, by A. C. Hollis\u2014London\nQuarterly Review, July, 1907, p. 104\u2014\u201cNow the Masai themselves say they\nlearnt this peculiar ceremony (viz.: their method of circumcision) from\nthe Kikuyu.\u201d\n\n[6] Mr Routledge mentions a later one which took place near Karuri\u2019s\nabout 1904, but according to the S. Kikuyu natives it was only a local\nceremony.\n\n[7] Of course the analogy is not complete, for it does not apply to one\nwho accidentally becomes the victim of certain circumstances.\n\n[8] The act of stepping over a corpse is probably considered a serious\ninsult to the ngoma.\n\n[9] The frequent occurrence of sexual rites may appear repugnant to\nEuropeans, but students of the ancient world will readily admit that\nthere is an intimate connection between these rites and the religious\nbeliefs of people in a certain stage of culture. Many examples could be\nquoted.\n\n[10] \u201cReligion of Semites,\u201d p. 264.\n\n[11] A Syrian superstition quoted in \u201cReligion of the Semites,\u201d p. 443,\ndeals with a ceremony to rid gardens of caterpillars, and in that, one\nof the insects is bewailed and buried and the caterpillars then\ndisappear.\n\n[12] These are probably ancient carnelian beads; they are occasionally\nfound among the divination apparatus of medicine men; they almost\ncertainly were derived from Egypt or the Nile valley.","title":"Bantu Beliefs and Magic: With particular reference to the Kikuyu and Kamba tribes of Kenya Colony; together with some reflections on East Africa after the war","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":95509}