{"collection":"philosophy-ethics","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_69290/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_69290","id":"gutenberg_69290","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69290","summary":null,"tags":["Category: History - American","Category: History - Modern (1750+)","Category: Philosophy & Ethics","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Slavery -- United States"],"text":"AMERICAN SLAVERY,\n  AND THE\n  MEANS OF ITS ABOLITION.\n\n  BY REV. JONATHAN WARD.\n\n  PUBLISHED BY REQUEST.\n\n  BOSTON:\n  PRINTED BY PERKINS & MARVIN.\n  1840.\n\n\nThe substance of the following Essay was delivered, in the form of an\nAddress, at Plymouth, N. H., May 5th, 1840; and is now published by the\nparticular request of those who heard it.\n\n\n\n\nAMERICAN SLAVERY, &c.\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION.\n\n\nMore than forty years ago the writer of the following pages read\nWilberforce\u2019s publications on the slave trade, in which were described\nthe various methods of procuring the slaves in Africa, the horrors of\nthe \u201cmiddle passage,\u201d and their cruel treatment in the West Indies.\nIn perusing these statements of that great philanthropist and friend\nof the injured African race, his feelings became, in some measure,\nenlisted in favor of the colored people of our land, and in opposition\nto the slavery upheld by our nation.\n\nHe was never sensible of feeling the prejudice against color, so often\nmanifested; but, in his intercourse with colored persons, treated them,\nas he would others. And having them for many years as neighbors, and,\nnot unfrequently, as hired help, they were admitted to eat with the\nfamily at the same table.\n\nIn 1824 he was invited to attend a political celebration on the 4th of\nJuly. In declining the invitation, he noticed the inconsistency of our\nconduct in celebrating our liberty, founded upon the principle that\nall men are created free and equal, and proclaiming this \u201cself-evident\ntruth,\u201d and yet holding hundreds of thousands of our fellow men in\ndegrading bondage.\n\nThe next year, he was requested to preach on the 4th of July. The\nsermon was, by request, printed. The following extract will show the\nwriter\u2019s views respecting American slavery. \u201cOur conduct in relation to\nthe Africans has been most inconsistent, absurd, and criminal. While\nearnestly contending for the principle, that all men ought to be free\nand equal, and risking every thing in opposing the claims of Great\nBritain to _tax us_, we were, at the same time, holding in abject\nslavery hundreds of thousands of our fellow beings, who, upon our own\nprinciples, had an equal right with ourselves to enjoy the sweets\nof liberty. How great guilt then has been contracted by enslaving,\nand holding in bondage, and maltreating the poor negroes. And what\nefforts ought to be made for their intellectual, moral and religious\nimprovement, and their emancipation, and their enjoyment of the rights\nof freemen.\u201d\n\nSuch being the feelings of the writer, he rejoiced to see attention\nturned to the subject of slavery, and combined efforts making for its\nremoval. And, though he deeply regretted the harshness and severity\nwith which opposers of abolition movements, and even those who did not\nengage in them, were treated, yet he was willing to countenance the\ncause of abolition, hoping that this, in his view, very exceptionable\nmanner, would be gradually corrected. But, as it respects many of the\nAbolitionists, he is sorry to say, his hopes have been disappointed.\n\nBeing, therefore, fully persuaded that the course alluded to is\ninjuring the cause both of religion and abolition, he ventures to point\nout what he believes the word of God teaches to be \u201ca more excellent\nway.\u201d And he will endeavor to do it kindly, and not needlessly to\nwound the feelings of any, hoping to be guided by that wisdom which\nis from above, and \u201cis profitable to direct,\u201d and which \u201cis pure,\nand peaceable, and gentle, and is without partiality, and without\nhypocrisy,\u201d and to present the subject as it will appear in the light\nof the great day. And he requests the reader impartially to weigh what\nis offered in \u201cthe balances of the sanctuary,\u201d and to regard it so far\nonly as it corresponds with the teachings of the divine oracles.\n\n\nTHE CHARACTER OF AMERICAN SLAVERY.\n\nThe subject of American slavery, if rightly considered, must be to\nevery Christian, and every true patriot, a deeply interesting and\npainful subject. That our country--which solemnly declared before God\nand the world, that it is \u201cself-evident\u201d that \u201call men are created\nequal, and are endowed with certain inalienable rights, as life,\nliberty and the pursuit of happiness,\u201d and which claims to be the\nfreest on earth, and the asylum of the oppressed--should, nevertheless,\nhold in abject bondage millions of its own people, is a deep stain on\nour national character. The holding of these unoffending fellow beings\nunder the rod of oppression is a great political and moral evil. It is\na flagrant violation of our professed principles of equal rights, and\nmanifestly inconsistent with the principles of our holy religion. No\none would be willing to be a slave himself, and, therefore, if he loved\nothers as himself, or was willing to do to others as he would have\nothers do to him, he could not hold others in involuntary slavery.\n\nSlaves are held as _property_, at the disposal of their master, and\npossess, strictly speaking, no legal rights, civil or religious, and,\nif ever so much abused, can seek no redress in any court of justice.\nThey are in a great measure kept without the means of intellectual,\nmoral and spiritual improvement. And by sale and the removal of the\npurchased slaves to a distant part of the country, the most endearing\nties are liable continually to be severed, and the nearest relatives,\nhusbands and wives, parents and children, and brothers and sisters, to\nbe torn from each other, and forever separated.\n\nBut the greatest of the evils of American slavery is the depriving of\nits victims of the Bible and of the means of religion. Some slaves\ndo indeed attend public worship, and receive oral instruction. Some\nmasters also impart to their slaves religious instruction. And a few\nare able to read. But, if I am rightly informed, teaching them to\nread is penal in all the slave States, except Kentucky, and those\nwho do it are liable to punishment by fine or imprisonment, or both.\nConsequently, they are effectually prevented from reading \u201cthe Holy\nScriptures, which are able to make them wise unto salvation through\nfaith which is in Christ Jesus.\u201d And many, according to the testimony\nof the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, \u201care in the condition of\nheathen.\u201d\n\nAnd though not much, comparatively, seems to be now said on this\nsubject by many advocates for emancipation, yet, what is the political\nbondage, and all the other evils of slavery, compared with this?\nWhat is all the temporal happiness, which can be enjoyed, compared\nwith the salvation of the soul, or eternal blessedness? And are all\nthe deprivations and misery, which can be endured in this short life,\ncomparable with eternal misery? \u201cThe sufferings of this present time,\u201d\nhowever great, \u201care not worthy to be compared with the glory which\nshall be revealed\u201d in saints, or with that \u201ceverlasting punishment\u201d\nwhich will be the portion of those who are \u201clost\u201d.\n\nThose means, therefore, which are necessary to secure the salvation\nof the soul, ought to be esteemed more highly, and sought with far\nmore earnestness for ourselves and others, than any mere temporal\nprivileges, advantages and blessings; and to deprive the slaves of\nthese means of salvation is the worst feature in the slave system, and\nincurs the deepest guilt. And when such is the system, it requires no\narguments to prove, that it ought to be immediately abolished.\n\nIndeed many at the South have most explicitly condemned slavery, and\nurged the necessity of its abolition. Mr. Jefferson, speaking of\nslavery, said, \u201cIt destroys the morals of one part of the nation, and\nthe _amor patria_ (love of country) of the other. With the morals of\nthe people, their industry is also destroyed. And can the liberties of\na nation be secure, when we have removed their only basis--a conviction\nin the minds of the people, that these liberties are the gift of God?\nthat they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble\nfor my country, when I reflect that God is just; that his justice\ncannot sleep for ever. The Almighty has no attribute which can take\nsides with us in such a contest;\u201d i. e. with the slaves. Patrick Henry\nsaid, \u201cIt is as repugnant to humanity, as it is inconsistent with the\nBible, and destructive to liberty.\u201d William Pinckney of Maryland said,\n\u201cIts continuance is as shameful as its origin.\u201d\n\nIn 1818, the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church _unanimously_\nadopted a report on slavery, in which they say, \u201cWe consider the\nvoluntary enslaving of one part of the human race by another, as a\ngross violation of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature;\nas utterly inconsistent with the law of God, which requires us to\nlove our neighbor as ourselves; and as totally irreconcilable with the\nspirit and principles of the gospel, which enjoins, that all things\nwhatsoever we would that men should do to us, we should do even so\nto them. Slavery creates a paradox in the moral system; it exhibits\nrational, accountable and immortal beings in such circumstances, as\nscarcely to leave them the power of moral action. It exhibits them as\ndependent on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious\ninstruction; whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel;\nwhether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endearments\nof husbands and wives, parents and children, neighbors and friends;\nwhether they shall preserve their chastity and purity, or regard the\ndictates of justice and humanity.\n\n\u201cSuch are some of the consequences of slavery--consequences not\nimaginary, but which connect themselves with its very existence.\u201d\n\nAnd they say further, \u201cIt is manifestly the duty of all Christians, who\nenjoy the light of the present day--when the inconsistency of slavery,\nboth with the dictates of humanity and religion, has been demonstrated,\nand is generally seen and acknowledged--to use their honest, earnest\nand unwearied endeavors, as speedily as possible, to efface this blot\non our holy religion, and to obtain the complete abolition of slavery\nthroughout Christendom, and, if possible, throughout the world.\u201d\n\nFreedom is the right of the slave. And it is the duty of the master to\ngrant it, and to grant it immediately.\n\nAnd, that emancipation is safe, and would be for the interest of\nslaveholders, might be easily shown, and is clearly proved by the\nresult of the experiment in the West Indies. Free labor is manifestly\nmore profitable than slave labor. The African race possess kind, and\ngenerous and grateful feelings; and if treated with humanity and\nkindness, would labor much more faithfully as freemen for wages, than\nas slaves under the cruel stimulus of the whip. And if emancipated,\nthere would be no fear of insurrection, or of the slaughter of the\nwhites. And the States, now feeling the withering influence of slavery,\nwould be much better cultivated and far more prosperous.\n\nThough the result of the emancipation in the British West India Islands\nhas been, by some writers and papers, represented as unfavorable, yet,\naccording to the most authentic accounts, it has been successful. And\nwhen difficulties have occurred, as has sometimes been the case, they\nhave been owing to the stupidity, or ill conduct of the planters.\n\nThe Rev. John Scoble of London--who had spent the greater part of the\nlast three years in the British West Indies, as an agent of the British\nAnti-Slavery Society--at a meeting held in Boston, August 22, 1839,\ngave a most interesting exposition of the results of the emancipation\nof the slaves in these colonies, in answer to questions proposed to\nhim. A few extracts from his statements will be given, taken from the\nEssex Register.\n\n\u201cFrom all which he had heard and seen, he was satisfied the experiment\nof _complete emancipation_ had worked well for the owners of the\nestates; and the prosperity of the colonies would be greatly increased\nby it. Landed property, he said, had increased in value in Barbadoes\nfrom 25 to 40 per cent. in some districts--and generally in the\ncolonies, from 5 to 25 per cent.\u201d\n\n\u201cThere had,\u201d he said, \u201cbeen a great improvement in the domestic\ncondition of the laborers--they enjoyed more comforts--their huts, or\nrather _hovels_, which they formerly occupied, were giving place to\nmore comfortable habitations--they were not willing to wear the poor\nand cheap clothes which their masters formerly furnished for them--many\nof the women, instead of toiling in the fields, were now devoted to\nhousehold duties; and many children, who formerly had been compelled to\nwork in the fields, were now sent to school.\n\n\u201cEnquiries were made of Mr. Scoble, as to the willingness of the blacks\nto labor for fair wages--as to the state of morals and religion among\nthem--how the aged and infirm poor were supported among them, &c.;\nto all which Mr. S. gave the most satisfactory answers. In regard\nto the state of _morals_, he said, crime had decreased since the\nemancipation--and he stated many interesting facts in regard to the\nnumber of persons confined in prisons in several colonies at his visits\nin 1836, compared with the number in 1838. The number is now _only\nabout half as large_ as in former years, and most of the offences of\nthe negroes were misdemeanors, petty thefts,\u201d &c.\n\nSimilar testimony is furnished in a letter, published in the New York\nJournal of Commerce, from Mr. Gurney, an English Quaker gentleman, who\nhas lately visited some of the Windward Islands.\n\nHe says, \u201cLanded property _has risen, and is still rising in\nvalue_--being decidedly of greater value now than it was six years ago.\nIn Antigua it seems to be a clear point, that the property _without_\nthe slaves, is now of equal value with the property _and_ the slaves,\nsix years ago, or before emancipation.\n\n\u201cA similar remark applies with still greater force to St. Kitts. R.\nClaxton, the Solicitor General there, told me that he would not take\n\u00a36,000 now for a property which cost him only \u00a32,000 six years ago.\nIndeed, many planters spoke of what they receive in the shape of\ncompensation, as quite a gratuity.\n\n\u201cThe unfavorable reports which have been spread of the working of\nfreedom, have generally arisen from persons who are anxious to lay hold\nof landed property at a cheap rate. A clear proof that all is doing\nwell, is unintentionally given by a gentleman in Antigua, who cries\ndown the system, as having ruined the West Indies, while he strives to\npurchase all the landed property he can.\n\n\u201cThe _comforts_ of the negroes are immensely increased. They are\nproviding themselves with good food and clothing. The evidence of\nthis fact is abundant in every island which we visited. No proof of\nit can be stronger than the almost doubling of the imports within the\nlast two years. On the whole there cannot be the shadow of doubt that\nthe substantial property of the colonies which we visited is on the\nincrease.\u201d\n\n\nMEANS FOR ABOLISHING SLAVERY.\n\nI shall now inquire how slavery may be abolished in our land. This is\nthe most difficult part of the subject; and on which I imagine there\nis, in reality, a great diversity of opinion, even among abolitionists.\n\nThere are three ways, and three only, in which it is contemplated that\nit can be removed; by insurrection--the action of Congress--or the\naction of the slave States. Probably all would deprecate an attempt on\nthe part of the slaves to obtain their liberty by insurrection. This,\nif ultimately successful, would be attended with much bloodshed and\nmisery, and a vast loss of life, both of the colored people and of the\nwhites.\n\nSome suppose, that Congress have power to abolish slavery in the slave\nStates. They have undoubtedly power to abolish it in the District of\nColumbia, and in the Territories. And the constitution might be so\namended as to give Congress power to abolish slavery within the States\nwhere it exists. But, as it now stands, it appears to me that it does\nnot give Congress any such power. Whatever may be said, and though the\nconstitution does not name slaves or slavery, it manifestly sanctions\nit.\n\nAmong other provisions, that respecting representation in Congress\nis conclusive, where \u201c_three-fifths of all other persons_,\u201d besides\ncitizens--who are to be reckoned in apportioning the number of\nrepresentatives--can only mean slaves. And when the constitution went\ninto operation, while the framers were alive and among the leading\npoliticians of the day, the representatives were chosen in this\nproportion in the slave States; and have always continued to be thus\nchosen.\n\nAnd Congress were forbidden by the constitution to prohibit the foreign\n_slave trade_ within twenty years. And when these twenty years were\nexpired, Congress immediately passed laws to put a stop to this trade.\nBut, how absurd to suppose that the constitution forbid Congress to\nabolish the _slave trade_ within twenty years, and yet, gave that body\npower to abolish _slavery itself_ immediately!\n\nBut it is pleaded, that this power is given to Congress in the fifth\narticle of the amendments, where it is said, \u201cNo person shall be\ndeprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law.\u201d And\ndoes this refer to slaves? Manifestly not. Can persons be _deprived_\nof that which they do not possess? To deprive a person of something,\nimplies that he _possessed_ it. And do slaves possess liberty, or\nproperty? And can they be deprived of property, when they have none?\nAnd would an article have been adopted by Congress and the States, so\nmanifestly contrary to other parts of the constitution? But it is said,\nthat the most liberal construction ought to be given to the clause in\nfavor of liberty. True, when there can be any reasonable doubt as to\nthe real meaning of a constitution or law. But where the meaning is\n_plain_, there is no room for _construction_.\n\nAnd when we have substantial and efficient weapons enough, it is not\ngood policy to seize those which are feeble, and which may be wrested\nfrom us, and turned against us.\n\nBut, if slavery must be abolished by the action of the slave States,\nthen it is an important question--How can they be brought to put forth\nthis action? This they will not do till they are convinced that their\nduty, their interest, or their safety, _or all these_, demand the\nemancipation of their slaves. It is evident then, that _arguments_ must\nbring them to the adoption of this measure. These may be addressed to\ntheir reason, their conscience, their interest and their fears; and\nmore especially, to the two former.[A]\n\nBut by whom, and in what manner, must these arguments be addressed to\nthem? Are there those among themselves, who will do this work, and\nlabor effectually to convince the people of the slaveholding States,\nthat they ought immediately to \u201cbreak every yoke?\u201d\n\nAs there is so much in those States from self-interest, education, long\ncherished habits, and familiarity with slavery, to lessen the evil in\nthe public estimation, and counteract the efforts and influence of\nthose who might desire its abolition, an external force from the free\nStates is necessary to bear upon this fearful evil. And that this force\nmay be powerful and effectual, it must be _combined_ and general. It\nmust be a _united_ testimony against slavery.\n\nHow then can this union in sentiment and action be secured? Those\nwho attempt to secure this object need to be \u201cwise as serpents, and\nharmless as doves.\u201d Meekness, prudence and decision are all highly\nnecessary. The more difficult the object to be attained, the more\nneedful are wisdom, prudence and firmness. A fiery zeal not tempered\nwith meekness may do much injury, by irritating those whom we would\nwish to gain, and exciting in them prejudice, and thus repelling them\ninstead of gaining them. And there is great danger of this.\n\nAbolitionists have dwelt so much upon the horrors of slavery, and seen\nthe sufferings of the slaves, and the cruelties inflicted upon them so\noften depicted in lively colors, that their feelings have been deeply\nenlisted in behalf of these degraded and suffering fellow beings. And\nif others do not appear to feel for them as they do, they are in dancer\nof indulging wrong feelings towards them, and condemning them with\ngreat severity. And when their sympathy is so strongly excited, they\nare liable to be swayed entirely by it, and not duly to regard the\nsober dictates of reason, or the precepts of the Bible.\n\nSome seem to be so absorbed in this subject, as to regard every other\nevil, and every other enterprise, of comparatively small concernment;\nand appear to feel, that, if this evil be removed from our land, the\njudgments of Heaven must be averted, and we shall enjoy prosperity; and\nthat all ought, therefore, to be mainly concerned for the removal of\nthis one great evil. Hence some of this class, who were professors of\nreligion, appear to have lost, in a great measure, their interest in\nthe cause of Christ. And I fear that many have, in this way, suffered\nin their religious feelings.\n\nSome have said, that abolitionism is Christianity, and that\nabolitionists are Christians. But this is setting up a standard of\nChristian character, manifestly not warranted by the holy Scriptures,\nand is crying peace to many, to whom God has said \u201cthere is no peace.\u201d\nWicked men do not become good men by becoming abolitionists. And\nit must be dangerous to their immortal interests, and provoking to\nGod, to flatter them that, because they are engaged in the abolition\nenterprise, they are Christians, or are doing God an acceptable\nservice, while they are in heart his enemies, and are in rebellion\nagainst him. And yet, some professing Christians appear to have a more\ncordial union with such, than with others who are not united with them\nin this enterprise, though engaged in other benevolent enterprises, and\nin the cause of Christ, and appear to be devoted Christians. But is\nthis right? And will it meet the approbation of the God of heaven? If\nthey themselves neglect other benevolent enterprises, should they not\n\u201ccast the beam out of their own eye\u201d before they attempt to \u201cpull the\nmote out of their brother\u2019s eye?\u201d\n\nWe should, as far as possible, estimate every _cause_, and every\n_interest_, as _God_ estimates them. And there are other very great\nand crying sins in our land beside slaveholding. Sabbath breaking,\nneglect and contempt of divine institutions and of the authority of\nGod, disregard of the divine oracles, infidelity, licentiousness,\nintemperance, selfishness, supreme devotedness to the world, and our\ntreatment of the Indian tribes, are all crying sins of our land. And\nshould slavery be abolished, I should have no hope that the judgments\nof Heaven would be averted without a general reformation: this all\nought to endeavor to promote, and to set themselves against _all_ these\nevils, and to help remove them, so far as their influence can reach.\n\nAll Christians should duly estimate, and engage in the support of every\nbenevolent enterprise. But some zealous abolitionists take little\ninterest in these enterprises, and especially in the missionary cause;\nand not unfrequently have articles and observations been published,\nwhich were calculated to discredit it in the minds of the community.\n\nBut is not the cause of missions far more important than the cause of\nabolition in our land? What is the emancipation of _three millions_,\ncompared with the civilization and christianizing of SIX HUNDRED\nMILLIONS, multitudes of whom are equally or more degraded than the\nslaves of the South?\n\nLet Christian abolitionists, therefore, especially, feel the importance\nof meeting _all_ their responsibilities, as they must answer it\nto God in the great day, and not withdraw their support from, or\nthrow obstacles in the way of any good cause, but afford it their\ncordial countenance and co\u00f6peration. In this way they will recommend\ntheir principles to others. And let them cultivate deep piety and\ndeep humility, and \u201cin lowliness of mind esteem others better than\nthemselves.\u201d And then they will not be so ready to condemn others with\nseverity, as has been a too common practice, and by which the cause has\nbeen, I am fully persuaded, greatly injured and retarded.\n\nDenunciation, or heaping upon others opprobrious epithets, or bringing\nagainst them charges which they believe to be unjust, is not the way\nto convince or gain them. No person of any consideration would treat\na friend thus, whom he considered in fault, and whom he wished to\nconvince and reclaim.\n\nAnd are the public attacks, which are so often made upon ministers and\nchurches, calculated to subserve the cause of religion or of abolition?\nAnd have those who make them, seriously inquired, and satisfied their\nown minds, that such charges will meet the approbation of God? Though\nthe churches are not so pure, nor the ministers so devoted as they\nought to be; yet it may be doubted whether there are purer churches,\nor more devoted ministers in any other country. In the time of Isaiah,\nGod\u2019s ancient church was doubtless less pure than are our churches; and\nyet God said to her, \u201cHe that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine\neye\u201d--and \u201cevery tongue that shall rise against thee in judgment thou\nshalt condemn.\u201d\n\nSome abolitionists have appeared disposed to condemn all ministers and\nprofessing Christians, who did not act with them, as \u201cpro-slavery,\u201d and\nunworthy of confidence. Though I have no doubt many abolitionists have\ndisapproved of such a course, yet I have seen little disapproval of it\nexpressed. Perhaps they thought it would injure the cause to censure\nthose who were engaged in it, and would not be _expedient_. But that\n\u201cwisdom, which is without _partiality_,\u201d will lead us to condemn what\nis wrong in _friends_, as well as others. Such an impartial course is,\nI believe, the way to secure the divine approbation and blessing. As I\nam a professed abolitionist,[B] and, as remarks have been made, and\nresolutions passed at abolition meetings, which will apply to ministers\nmuch better than myself, representing them as unworthy of support, I\ncannot feel it to be right to pass such things in silence. Whatever\nbe their design, they are calculated to destroy the influence of\nministers, and to _destroy souls_. For, let the impenitent hearers of\nsuch ministers believe these representations, and their preaching will\ndo them no good. Probably when making these remarks, and passing these\nresolutions, the authors thought they were doing right; but perhaps on\nsober reflection, and in their _closets_, away from excitement, those\nwho are Christians will feel differently, and be convinced that a\nmore conciliatory course would be better. Hoping that this may be the\neffect, I here set down a few of the things to which I have alluded.\n\nThe editor of \u201cThe Liberator\u201d published the following declaration:\n\n  \u201cChristianity indignantly rejects the sanctimonious pretensions of\n  the great mass of the clergy in this land. It is becoming more and\n  more apparent, that they are nothing better than hirelings, in the\n  bad sense of the term, that they are blind leaders of the blind,\n  spiritual popes, dumb dogs that cannot bark, that they love the\n  fleece better than the flock. Their overthrow is registered in the\n  scroll of destiny.\u201d\n\nAt the meeting of the Grafton County Anti-Slavery Society, holden at\nLittleton, N. H. January 29th and 30th, 1840, the following resolutions\nwere passed, though not without opposition:\n\n  \u201c_Resolved_, That the slave system of this country derives its chief\n  and essential support from the nominally free States; and that the\n  citizens of New Hampshire are as deeply implicated in the guilt of\n  slaveholding as those of any other State in the Union.\n\n  \u201c_Resolved_, That the only way in which the citizens of New Hampshire\n  can exculpate themselves from the guilt of slaveholding, is to\n  countenance and support the Anti-slavery enterprise.\u201d\n\nHere it is asserted, that the citizens of New Hampshire are as deeply\nimplicated in the guilt of slaveholding as those of any of the slave\nStates; and that the _only way_ in which they can exculpate themselves\nfrom this guilt, \u201cis to countenance and support the Anti-slavery\nenterprise.\u201d As the guilt of all sin must be removed in the same\nway--and this is said to be the only way to remove this guilt--it\nwould seem, that all who \u201ccountenance and support the Anti-slavery\nenterprise\u201d are exculpated from the guilt of _all their sins_, as they\ncannot be exculpated from the guilt of _one_ sin, and not of _all_ sin.\n\nI presume that those who adopted this resolution did not reflect,\nthat it would lead to such a conclusion. They probably thought,\nthat the citizens of New Hampshire could not give evidence of\nsincere repentance, unless they should \u201ccountenance and support the\nAnti-slavery enterprise.\u201d But if this is their _only way_ to afford\nsuch evidence, and to be exculpated from this guilt, do not all who\n\u201ccountenance and support the Anti-slavery enterprise\u201d afford such\nevidence, and thus show that they are exculpated from the guilt of this\nsin, and consequently, from the guilt of _all_ sin?\n\nAt the annual meeting of the Merrimack County Anti-Slavery Society,\nJanuary 14th, 1840, the following resolutions were adopted:\n\n  \u201c_Resolved_, That the abolition enterprise is the cause of God,\n  and that those professed ministers of the gospel who treat it with\n  opposition or indifference, are recreant to their high trust as\n  ambassadors of Christ--hypocritical in their professions of love\n  to man, and are unworthy the confidence and support of a Christian\n  community.\n\n  \u201c_Resolved_, That all those who support professed ministers of\n  the gospel who refuse to wield their pulpit influence against the\n  diabolical system of American slavery, are guilty of supporting that\n  system.\u201d\n\nAt a meeting of \u201ca number of the friends of the slave, from different\nparts of the State,\u201d at Concord, January 22d--the day after the meeting\nof the Convention of Congregational and Presbyterian Ministers and\nChurches--the following resolution, among others, was adopted:\n\n  \u201c_Resolved_, That at the present stage of the Anti-slavery\n  enterprise, those ministers professing to be the ministers of\n  Christ, who do not fearlessly and boldly advocate the immediate\n  and unconditional emancipation of the slaves of this country, are\n  unworthy the countenance or support of the Christian community.\u201d\n\nThese and similar resolutions which have been passed in other\nplaces, doubtless refer to all ministers who do not openly join with\nabolitionists, and thus \u201ccountenance and support the Anti-slavery\nenterprise.\u201d\n\nAre such attacks calculated to do ministers good, or to promote the\ncause of Christ, or the cause of abolition? Though we are commanded\nto \u201cbless those that curse us,\u201d yet even good men do not like to be\nreproached, and will not be pleased with those who assail them with\nopprobrious language. Especially, if instead of being treated according\nto the direction of the Saviour in the 18th of Matthew they are\n_publicly assailed_, they will be very liable to be irritated. And, if\nby such attacks any cause them to sin, they will be guilty themselves.\nAnd, if they duly considered what a dreadful thing even the least sin\nis, as committed against an infinite and holy God, they would dread to\ncommit it themselves, or to lead others into it.\n\nThough David was a good man, the irritating language and conduct of\nNabal so provoked him, that, had it not been for the prudent and mild\nconduct of Abigail, he would have destroyed the whole family.\n\nRehoboam lost a great part of his kingdom by forsaking the counsel of\nthe old men who stood before Solomon his father, who advised him to\n\u201cspeak good words to the people,\u201d and following the counsel of the\nyoung men, and \u201canswering the people roughly.\u201d\n\nSuch conduct in abolitionists is inconsistent with their own professed\nprinciples--with the spirit and precepts of the gospel--with the\ncounsel of wise and good men--and with the teachings of experience.\n\nThe great principles upon which they rest their plea for the slave,\nare--that we ought to love others as ourselves, and do to others as we\nwould have them do to us. But would _they_ be willing to have others\nthus publicly assail _their_ character. When thus assailed, they show\nplainly that they would not. If, therefore, they loved others as\nthemselves, they could not do thus.\n\nA man\u2019s _character_ is dearer to him than _property_. \u201cA good name is\nrather to be chosen than great riches.\u201d\n\n  ----\u201cWho steals my purse\n  Steals trash----\n  But he who filches from me my good name,\n  Robs me of that which not enriches him,\n  But makes me poor indeed.\u201d\n\nShould some persons injure the property, or cast filth upon the\nclothes of one who was the object of their dislike, every one would\ncondemn such conduct as becoming only a mob. And yet it is a far\ngreater injury to have the character vilified and reproached.\n\nSome justify such language from the denunciations of the Saviour\nagainst the Scribes and Pharisees, and his calling them hypocrites. But\nwhen any can, like the Saviour, know the hearts of others, and know to\nwhom to apply such epithets, then they may use them. And they may take\nthe lash, and compel others to do what they think they ought to do, and\nplead the example of Christ, who, with a scourge, drove the buyers and\nsellers out of the temple.\n\nA good cause does not need such weapons to support it, and will only\nbe injured by their use. And when any resort to them, they will be\nsuspected of being conscious of the weakness of their cause, or of\nbeing under the influence of a wrong spirit. When a person is conscious\nthat he is strong in _argument_, he will feel no need of such base\nweapons, and will not use them, if he is in the exercise of a right\nspirit.[C] For it is contrary to the spirit of the gospel, and to the\ninstructions of the Bible. The spirit of the gospel is a meek, kind,\nbenevolent spirit, and undissembled goodwill to all. And, if in full\nexercise, men would love others as themselves; \u201cand love worketh no\nill to his neighbor.\u201d But to pursue a course which directly tends to\ninjure the character, and to destroy the peace and usefulness of a\ngood man, is working the greatest evil to him, and is contrary to the\ninstructions of the Bible, and the way there pointed out to convince\nand gain others: \u201cA soft tongue breaketh the bone.\u201d This we are here\ntaught will have the greatest effect. \u201cA soft answer turneth away\nwrath, but grievous words stir up anger.\u201d \u201cThe servant of the Lord\nmust not strive; but be gentle unto all men; in meekness instructing\nthose that oppose themselves; if God peradventure will give them\nrepentance to the acknowledging of the truth.\u201d This is most explicit,\nand teaches, that, if we would gain others, we must be gentle towards\n_all_ men without any exception, in meekness instructing them. \u201cSpeak\nnot evil one of another, brethren. He that speaketh evil of his\nbrother, and judgeth his brother, speaketh evil of the law, and judgeth\nthe law,\u201d by practically condemning the law for prohibiting such\nevil-speaking.\n\n\u201cWhosoever shall say to his brother, Raca, shall be in danger of the\ncouncil; but whosoever shall say, Thou fool, shall be in danger of\nhell-fire.\u201d This is a most solemn declaration. \u201cJudge not, and ye\nshall not be judged: condemn not, and ye shall not be condemned.\u201d \u201cBut\nwhy dost thou judge thy brother? or why dost thou set at nought thy\nbrother? for we shall all stand before the judgment-seat of Christ.\u201d\n\u201cLet us not, therefore, judge one another any more: but judge this\nrather, that no man put a stumbling-block, or an occasion to fall,\nin his brother\u2019s way;\u201d which he would do by harshly judging and\ncondemning, and thus irritating him. \u201cI beseech you, that ye walk\nworthy of the vocation wherewith ye are called, with all lowliness\nand meekness, with long-suffering, forbearing one another in love,\nendeavoring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.\u201d \u201cLet\nall bitterness, and wrath, and anger, and clamor, and evil-speaking,\nbe put away from you, with all malice: And be ye kind one to another,\ntender-hearted, forgiving one another, even as God for Christ\u2019s sake\nhath forgiven you,\u201d \u201cPut them in mind to speak evil of no man, to be no\nbrawlers, but gentle, showing _all meekness unto all men_.\u201d\n\nWhat a picture St. James gives of the terrible effects of an unbridled\ntongue. And an unbridled _pen_ is more dangerous. \u201cThe tongue is an\nunruly evil, full of deadly poison. The tongue is a fire, a world of\niniquity, and setteth on fire the course of nature; and it is set on\nfire of hell.\u201d \u201cWherefore, laying aside all malice, and all guile,\nand hypocrisies, and envies, and all evil speakings--be pitiful, be\ncourteous; not rendering evil for evil, or railing for railing, but\ncontrariwise, blessing.\u201d Jude says, that even \u201cMichael the archangel,\nwhen contending with the devil, durst not bring against him a railing\naccusation, but said, The Lord rebuke thee.\u201d\n\nIt is therefore extremely manifest, that evil-speaking, or assailing\nthe character of brethren in the ministry, or in the church, or even\nothers--except by kind and faithful reproof, for evident faults--is\ncontrary to the instructions of the word of God, and is wrong. The\nBible allows us to reprove others plainly for their sins, with\nmeekness, and in love, but not with harshness, or opprobrious language.\n\nAnd this is agreeable to the counsel of the wisest and best of men.\n\nMr. Adam, an eminently pious minister in England, who died in 1784,\nin his \u201cThoughts on Religion,\u201d says, \u201cWe should study only the good\nof others, let them do what they will to us. If I aim at the real\nspiritual improvement of those I converse with, I shall never say any\nthing to irritate or vex them, but keep a constant guard on myself.\nSpeaking evil of others at all, unless it be to prevent mischief to\nreligion, or our neighbor, proceeds from pride. Say all the good you\ncan of all; but if you would have ill spoken of any, turn that office\nto the devil.\u201d\n\nCudworth said, \u201c_Truth_ and _love_ are two of the most powerful things\nin the world, and when they both go together, they cannot easily be\nwithstood. The golden beams of truth, and the silken cords of love\ntwisted together, will draw men on with a sweet violence, whether they\nwill or no.\u201d\n\n\u201cCertainly,\u201d says Bishop Hall, \u201cGod abides none but charitable\ndissensions; those that are well grounded and well governed; grounded\nupon just causes, and governed with Christian charity and wise\nmoderation; those whose beginning is equity, and end is peace. If\nwe must differ, let these be the conditions; let every one of God\u2019s\nministers be ambitious of that praise which Gregory Nazianzen gave to\nAthanasius; to be an adamant to them that strike him, and a loadstone\nto them that dissent from him; the one not to be moved with wrong,\nthe other to draw those hearts which disagree. So the fruit of\nrighteousness shall be sown in peace of them that make peace. So the\nGod of peace shall have glory, the church of God rest, and our souls,\nunspeakable joy and consolation in the day of the appearing of our Lord\nJesus.\u201d\n\n\u201cIt is,\u201d says a respectable writer, \u201cimpossible to entertain sentiments\nof true friendship, towards those whom we are in the practice of\nmaligning every day.\u201d Milner, in his Church History, says, \u201cSatire and\ninvective are plants of rapid growth in the malignant soil of human\nnature.\u201d\n\nRev. Mr. Jenkins, in his remarks on the Report submitted to the\nSenate of the United States, on the petitions presented to Congress,\npraying that the mails might not be transmitted through the country\non the Sabbath, says, \u201cThey who are honestly concerned to preserve\nthe sanctity of the Sabbath, can cherish no other than sentiments\nof heart-felt kindness towards the author of this report. Their\ndisagreement with him on a subject of such vital and enduring interest,\nwould prove it the offspring of some of the very lowest principles\nwhich govern human conduct, were it to lead them to return railing for\nrailing.\u201d\n\nSome attempt to justify harsh language from the example of Luther. But\nbesides the change in the times and the style of controversy, it ought\nto be recollected that Luther himself _condemned_ what they adduce\nas a _justification_ for the use of such language. \u201cIn my books of a\npolemical nature,\u201d said he, \u201cI avow, that I have been more violent and\nbitter than suits my religion and my robe.\u201d\n\nThe distinguished Christian poet, Cowper, in a letter to Rev. John\nNewton, said, \u201cNo man was ever scolded out of his sins. The heart,\ncorrupt as it is--and because it is so--grows angry if it be not\ntreated with some management and good manners, and scolds again. A\nsurly mastiff will perhaps bear to be poked, though he will growl\neven under that operation, but if you touch him roughly, he will\nbite. There is no grace that the spirit of self can counterfeit with\nmore success than a religious zeal. A man thinks he is fighting for\nChrist, and he is fighting for his own notions. He thinks that he is\nskilfully searching the hearts of others, when he is only gratifying\nthe malignity of his own; and charitably supposes his hearers destitute\nof all grace, that he may shine the more in his own eyes by the\ncomparison. When he has performed this notable task, he wonders that\nthey are not convicted. He has given it to them soundly, and if they do\nnot tremble and confess that God is in them of a truth, he gives them\nup as reprobate, incorrigible, and lost forever. But the man that loves\nme, if he sees me in an error, will pity me, and endeavor calmly to\nconvince me of it, and persuade me to forsake it. If he has great and\ngood news to tell me, he will not do it angrily and in much heat and\ndiscomposure of spirit. It is not therefore easy to conceive on what\nground a minister can justify a conduct which only proves that he does\nnot understand his errand. The absurdity of it would certainly strike\nhim, if he were not himself deluded.\u201d\n\nMinisters undoubtedly sometimes greatly injure their usefulness by\ntheir harshness of expression, and the want of a kind and conciliatory\naddress. The abolition enterprise is often said to be \u201cthe cause\nof God,\u201d and a \u201choly cause.\u201d If so, it ought surely to be defended\nand sustained by \u201cspiritual,\u201d and not \u201ccarnal weapons.\u201d And some\nof the advocates of the cause deeply feel this. William Ladd, the\ndistinguished Advocate of Peace, in a letter addressed some months\nsince to an Anti-slavery Meeting in Portsmouth, which he was invited\nto attend, says, \u201cIf I were present among you, I should say--let\nevery thing be done in LOVE, not only to the poor down-trodden slave,\nbut to his oppressor, and to the slaves of prejudice, \u2018forbearing\nthreatening.\u2019 The chains of the slave may be melted off by the fire of\nlove, but they cannot be severed by the sledge hammer of violence.\u201d\n\nMany abolitionists, instead of manifesting the meek, mild and\nforbearing spirit of Him who, \u201cwhen he was reviled not again,\u201d have\ntoo often displayed the spirit of party politicians. But even some of\nthe politicians of the day seem to be convinced of the impropriety of\ntreating opponents with rudeness. After the close of a four weeks\u2019\nsession of the Legislature of Rhode Island, in 1838, it was said, \u201cNot\nan angry or offensive personality has been uttered by any member.\u201d\n\nAt an editorial convention held last season at Columbus, Ohio, the\nfollowing resolutions were passed:\n\n  _Resolved_, That in the opinion of this Convention, there is one\n  plain standard of editorial propriety from which no man ought to\n  depart, i. e. nothing should be esteemed justifiable in editorial\n  intercourse, which would be clearly condemned in the intercourse of\n  private gentlemen. And, therefore\n\n  _Resolved_, That in the opinion of this Convention, in all editorial\n  discussions concerning politics and other subjects of public\n  disputation, all opprobrious epithets, offensive personal allusions,\n  and harsh attacks on private reputation, ought to be carefully\n  avoided.\n\nThese testimonies are surely amply sufficient to show the impropriety\nof the course which I have disapproved, in the estimation of\nrespectable, and wise, and good men. But I will add one more.\n\nSaid an eminent missionary among the heathen, \u201cUntil a minister feels\nas our Saviour did on his last return to Jerusalem, when he wept as he\nsaid, \u2018O that thou hadst known,\u2019 &c., he is not in a fit state of mind\nto repeat a single denunciation from his master\u2019s lips.\u201d\n\nIs not this the spirit which we all need? And were this spirit\ngenerally possessed by professing Christians, and Christian ministers,\nhow much of that \u201cwrath of man which worketh not the righteousness\nof God,\u201d and contention and unchristian feeling, and attacks on each\nothers\u2019 reputation would be prevented; and how rapidly would the cause\nof truth, of righteousness, and of benevolence advance. The weapons\nof truth and love would then be wielded with mighty power, and with\nastonishing success.\n\nEven slaveholders would hardly be able to resist such powerful weapons.\nMr. Chester, editor of the Christian Journal at New York, speaking\nof Rev. John Rankin, a distinguished abolitionist, says, \u201cHe was\nborn, educated, and brought into the ministry in Tennessee, and has\nbeen an abolitionist, I might perhaps say, from his birth. Twenty,\nor twenty-five years ago he was a member of an Abolition Society in\nthat State. His abolition principles and feelings never lead him to\nindulge in bitterness towards slaveholders, or opponents of any kind.\nAnd such is his kindness, such the deep tone of his feeling, that few\nslaveholders--though often pressed with the most earnest appeals--have\never parted with him but with increased respect.\u201d\n\nLast year there was published an account of the visit of a minister\nof the Quaker denomination to a slave trader in Virginia, given by\nthe visiter himself, which strikingly illustrates the influence of\nfaithful, but kind remonstrance. Being accompanied to his house by\na friend, he says, \u201cI found he was considered, independent of his\nemployment, of a ferocious disposition. His countenance looked fierce.\nI offered him my hand, feeling nothing in my heart but love towards\nhim as a man. I endeavored in a tender, feeling, but decided manner\nto open the subject that brought me to his house, telling him I came\nin behalf of the poor colored people. I requested him to pause for\na moment, and endeavor as much as possible to place his own parents\nand nearest relatives in the very situation of those poor slaves he\nhad at times purchased and sold again, thereby separating the nearest\nconnections far from each other. He appeared to hear me patiently,\nand tried to justify his conduct, but with coolness and deliberation.\nBut in time he cast away all his weapons of defence. He gave it as\nhis opinion that before twenty years were passed away, slavery would\nbe brought to a final close, if the work was rightly gone about. He\nassured us of his determination to quit his business, and acknowledged\nthe gratitude he felt for the visit; and took his leave of us in an\naffectionate manner.\u201d I have given only a very brief sketch of this\ninteresting visit, as published in the \u2018Herald of Freedom.\u2019\n\nIf this were the spirit generally displayed, and this the course\npursued even by professors of religion among abolitionists, how long\nwould it be before they would be joined by the great mass of the people\nin the free States, and by many in the slave States? But so much of\na contrary spirit has been manifested, and such a different course\npursued, that it has produced irritation, and excited prejudice in the\nminds of very many who would otherwise have cordially united in efforts\nfor the removal of slavery.\n\nIt was stated in the \u2018Herald of Freedom,\u2019 that emancipation was\nuniversally popular in New York in 1827. And the same feeling, I\npresume, then pervaded New England generally.\n\nThough Wilberforce in his zealous, and untiring, and finally successful\nefforts to abolish the slave trade, manifested the spirit which I have\nhere recommended, yet others who were engaged with him, manifested\na different spirit, and pursued a different course, which tended to\nembarrass this great philanthropist, and to retard the progress of the\ncause in which he was engaged.\n\n\u201cThe contest,\u201d says his biographer, \u201cin behalf of abolition, was\nthroughout conducted by Mr. Wilberforce in a spirit of conciliation\ntowards the supporters of the trade. Some amongst the West Indian body\nwere his personal friends, and of all \u2018we should not forget,\u2019 he writes\nto Dr. Currie, \u2018that Christian candor is due to those who carry it\non. There may be, I doubt not, amongst them, many men of enlarged and\nhumane minds. I trust that you have done me the justice to acquit me of\nhaving adopted any such indiscriminate and false judgment as that you\noppose.\u2019\u201d\n\nHis prospect of speedy success seemed to be encouraging. \u201cThe sympathy\nof the country was too much aroused to be patient of delay. Public\nmeetings, and petitions numerously signed, multiplied both in England\nand Scotland.\u201d But the levelling principles of the French revolution\nbegan to spread and were favored by many abolitionists, which excited\ngreat prejudice against their cause. \u201cYou will see Clarkson,\u201d writes\nMr. Wilberforce to Lord Muncaster; \u201ccaution him against talking of the\nFrench revolution, it will be ruin to our cause.\u201d \u201cClarkson,\u201d writes\nDr. Milner, \u201cwill tell you that he had a long conversation with me. I\nwish him better health, and better notions in politics; no government\ncan stand on such principles as he appeals to, and maintains. I am very\nsorry for it, because I see plainly, advantage is taken of such cases\nas his, in order to represent the friends of abolition as levellers.\nThis is not the only instance where the converse of a proposition does\nnot hold; levellers certainly are friends of abolition. Great mischief\nhad then already risen to the cause. \u2018What business had your friend\nClarkson,\u2019 asked Dundas \u2018to attend the Crown and Anchor last Thursday?\nHe could not have done a more mischievous thing to the cause you have\ntaken in hand.\u2019\n\n\u201cThe seed which had been so freely scattered by the revolutionary\npolitics of some leading abolitionists had sprung up into a plentiful\nharvest of suspicion. \u2018People connect,\u2019 writes Mr. Clark, \u2018democratical\nprinciples with the abolition of the slave trade, and will not hear it\nmentioned.\u2019\u201d\n\nOn this reverse, Mr. Wilberforce made the following reflections,\ndisplaying a humility worthy the imitation of every abolitionist,\nand of every Christian:--\u201cOh, may not this have been because one so\nunworthy as I undertook this hallowed cause, (Uzzah and the ark,) and\ncarried it on with so little true humility, faith, self-abasement, and\nconfidence in God through Christ? No principles but the principles\nof the gospel should be connected with the abolition of slavery.\nAnd if we would expect the blessing of God upon this enterprise, it\nmust be conducted in the spirit of his gospel, and in conformity to\nthe precepts of his word. And without his blessing we shall labor in\nvain.\u201d[D]\n\nAnd is a dependence on God\u2019s aid and blessing duly felt? If thus\nfelt, it will lead to the cultivation and exemplification of a right\nspirit--the spirit not merely of humanity, or sympathy, or party zeal,\nbut of real vital piety, which will seek supremely the glory of God,\nthe honor and permanency of his institutions, the advancement of his\ncause in the world, and the disenthralment and salvation of those\naround us, who are slaves to sin, and in bondage to Satan; and the\nconversion of the benighted heathen, as well as the emancipation and\nelevation of the slaves of our own beloved country. And then the car of\nliberty, and the chariot of the gospel will move on with majestic and\nmighty power.\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n\n[A] These were manifestly the views of those who formed the American\nAnti-Slavery Society in 1833. For in the second article of the\nconstitution, they say of the Society, \u201cIt shall aim to convince all\nour fellow citizens, by arguments addressed to their understandings and\nconsciences, that slavery is a heinous sin in the sight of God,\u201d &c.\n\n[B] I am a member of the New Hampshire State Anti-Slavery Society.\n\n[C] Though we are commanded \u201cearnestly to contend for the faith once\ndelivered to the saints,\u201d yet the unkind and censorious spirit, and\nharsh language often displayed in theological disputes, has excited\ngreat prejudice, and led many to condemn _all_ religious controversy.\n\n[D] Life of Wilberforce, pp. 112, 113, 111, 110, 126, 130.\n\n\n\n\nTRANSCRIBER\u2019S NOTES:\n\n\n  Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_.\n\n  Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.\n\n  Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been standardized.\n\n  Archaic or variant spelling has been retained.","title":"American slavery, and the means of its abolition","tradition":"philosophy-ethics","translated_text":null,"word_count":8913}