{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_70484/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_70484","id":"gutenberg_70484","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/70484","summary":null,"tags":["Animism","Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Civilization -- History","Ethnology","Language and languages","Mythology","Prehistoric peoples","Religion","Social evolution"],"text":"PRIMITIVE CULTURE\n\n\n\n\n PRIMITIVE CULTURE\n\n RESEARCHES INTO THE DEVELOPMENT\n OF MYTHOLOGY, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION,\n LANGUAGE, ART, AND CUSTOM\n\n BY EDWARD B. TYLOR, D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S.\n\n PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD\n AUTHOR OF \u201cRESEARCHES INTO THE EARLY HISTORY OF MANKIND,\u201d ETC.\n\n \u201cCe n\u2019est pas dans les possibilit\u00e9s, c\u2019est dans l\u2019homme m\u00eame qu\u2019il\n faut \u00e9tudier l\u2019homme: il ne s\u2019agit pas d\u2019imaginer ce qu\u2019il auroit p\u00fb\n ou d\u00fb faire, mais de regarder ce qu\u2019il fait.\u201d\u2014DE BROSSES.\n\n\n IN TWO VOLUMES\n\n VOL. II\n\n\n LONDON\n JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.\n 1920\n\n\n\n\nPRINTED IN U.S.A.\n\n[_Rights of Translation and Reproduction reserved_]\n\n\n\n\n CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.\n\n\nCHAPTER XII.\n\nANIMISM (_continued_).\n\nDoctrine of Soul\u2019s Existence after Death; its main divisions,\nTransmigration and Future Life\u2014Transmigration of Souls: re-birth in\nHuman and Animal Bodies, transference to Plants and Objects\u2014Resurrection\nof Body: scarcely held in savage religion\u2014Future Life: a general if not\nuniversal doctrine of low races\u2014Continued existence, rather than\nImmortality; second death of Soul\u2014Ghost of Dead remains on earth,\nespecially if corpse unburied; its attachment to bodily remains\u2014Feasts\nof the Dead 1\n\nCHAPTER XIII.\n\nANIMISM (_continued_).\n\nJourney of the Soul to the Land of the Dead\u2014Visits by the Living to the\nRegions of Departed Souls\u2014Connexion of such legends with myths of\nSunset: the Land of the Dead thus imagined as in the West\u2014Realization of\ncurrent religious ideas, whether of savage or civilized theology, in\nnarratives of visits to the Regions of Souls\u2014Localization of the Future\nLife\u2014Distant earthly region: Earthly Paradise, Isles of the\nBlest\u2014Subterranean Hades or Sheol\u2014Sun, Moon, Stars\u2014Heaven\u2014Historical\ncourse of belief as to such localization\u2014Nature of Future\nLife\u2014Continuance-theory, apparently original, belongs especially to the\nlower races\u2014Transitional theories\u2014Retribution-theory, apparently\nderived, belongs especially to the higher races\u2014Doctrine of Moral\nRetribution as developed in the higher culture\u2014Survey of Doctrine of\nFuture State, from savage to civilized stages\u2014Its practical effect on\nthe sentiment and conduct of Mankind 44\n\nCHAPTER XIV.\n\nANIMISM (_continued_).\n\nAnimism, expanding from the Doctrine of Souls to the wider\nDoctrine of Spirits, becomes a complete Philosophy of Natural\nReligion\u2014Definition of Spirits similar to and apparently\nmodelled on that of Souls\u2014Transition-stage: classes of Souls\npassing into good and evil Demons\u2014Manes-Worship\u2014Doctrine of\nEmbodiment of Spirits in human, animal, vegetable, and inert\nbodies\u2014Demoniacal Possession and Obsession as causes of Disease and\nOracle-inspiration\u2014Fetishism\u2014Disease-spirits embodied\u2014Ghost attached to\nremains of Corpse\u2014Fetish produced by a Spirit embodied in, attached to,\nor operating through, an Object\u2014Analogues of Fetish-doctrine in Modern\nScience\u2014Stock-and-Stone-Worship\u2014Idolatry\u2014Survival of Animistic\nPhraseology in modern Language\u2014Decline of Animistic theory of Nature 108\n\nCHAPTER XV.\n\nANIMISM (_continued_).\n\nSpirits regarded as personal causes of Phenomena of the World\u2014Pervading\nSpirits as good and evil Demons affecting man\u2014Spirits manifest in Dreams\nand Visions: Nightmares; Incubi and Succubi; Vampires; Visionary\nDemons\u2014Demons of darkness repelled by fire\u2014Demons otherwise manifest:\nseen by animals; detected by footprints\u2014Spirits conceived and treated as\nmaterial\u2014Guardian and Familiar Spirits\u2014Nature-Spirits; historical course\nof the doctrine\u2014Spirits of Volcanos, Whirlpools, Rocks\u2014Water-Worship:\nSpirits of Wells, Streams, Lakes, &c.\u2014Tree-Worship: Spirits embodied in\nor inhabiting Trees; Spirits of Groves and Forests\u2014Animal-worship:\nAnimals Worshipped, directly, or as incarnations or representatives of\nDeities; Totemism; Serpent-Worship\u2014Species-Deities; their relation to\nArchetypal Ideas 184\n\nCHAPTER XVI.\n\nANIMISM (_continued_).\n\nHigher Deities of Polytheism\u2014Human characteristics applied to\nDeity\u2014Lords of Spiritual Hierarchy\u2014Polytheism: its course of development\nin lower and higher Culture\u2014Principles of its investigation;\nclassification of Deities according to central conceptions of their\nsignificance and function\u2014Heaven-god\u2014Rain\ngod\u2014Thunder-god\u2014Wind-gods\u2014Earth-god\u2014Water\ngod\u2014Sea-god\u2014Fire-god\u2014Sun-god\u2014Moon-god 247\n\nCHAPTER XVII.\n\nANIMISM (_continued_).\n\nPolytheism comprises a class of great Deities, ruling the course of\nNature and the life of Man\u2014Childbirth-god\u2014Agriculture-god\u2014War-god\u2014God of\nthe Dead\u2014First Man as Divine Ancestor\u2014Dualism; its rudimentary and\nunethical nature among low races; its development through the course of\nculture\u2014Good and Evil Deity\u2014Doctrine of Divine Supremacy, distinct from,\nwhile tending towards, the doctrine of Monotheism\u2014Idea of a Highest or\nSupreme Deity evolved in various forms; its place as completion of the\nPolytheistic system and outcome of the Animistic philosophy; its\ncontinuance and development among higher nations\u2014General survey of\nAnimism as a Philosophy of Religion\u2014Recapitulation of the theory\nadvanced as to its development through successive stages of culture; its\nprimary phases best represented among the lower races, while survivals\nof these among the higher races mark the transition from savage through\nbarbaric to civilized faiths\u2014Transition of Animism in the History of\nReligion; its earlier and later stages as a Philosophy of the Universe;\nits later stages as the principle of a Moral Institution 304\n\nCHAPTER XVIII.\n\nRITES AND CEREMONIES.\n\nReligious Rites: their purpose practical or symbolic\u2014Prayer: its\ncontinuity from low to high levels of Culture; its lower phases\nUnethical; its higher phases Ethical\u2014Sacrifice: its original Gift-theory\npasses into the Homage-theory and the Abnegation-theory\u2014Manner of\nreception of Sacrifice by Deity\u2014Material Transfer to elements,\nfetish-animals, priests; consumption of substance by deity or idol;\noffering of blood; transmission by fire; incense\u2014Essential transfer:\nconsumption of essence, savour, &c.\u2014Spiritual Transfer: consumption or\ntransmission of soul of offering\u2014Motive of Sacrificer\u2014Transition from\nGift-theory to Homage-theory: insignificant and formal offerings;\nsacrificial banquets\u2014Abnegation-theory; sacrifice of children,\n&c.\u2014Sacrifice of Substitutes: part given for whole; inferior life for\nsuperior; effigies\u2014Modern survival of Sacrifice in folklore and\nreligion\u2014Fasting, as a means of producing ecstatic vision; its course\nfrom lower to higher Culture\u2014Drugs use to produce ecstasy\u2014Swoons and\nfits induced for religious purposes\u2014Orientation: its relation to\nSun-myth and Sun-worship; rules of East and West as to burial of dead,\nposition of worship, and structure of temple\u2014Lustration by Water and\nFire: its transition from material to symbolic purification; its\nconnexion with special events of life; its appearance among the lower\nraces\u2014Lustration of new-born children; of women; of those polluted by\nbloodshed or the dead\u2014Lustration continued at higher levels of\nCulture\u2014Conclusion 362\n\nCHAPTER XIX.\n\nCONCLUSION.\n\nPractical results of the study of Primitive Culture\u2014Its bearing least\nupon Positive Science, greatest upon Intellectual, Moral, Social, and\nPolitical Philosophy\u2014Language\u2014Mythology\u2014Ethics and Law\u2014Religion\u2014Action\nof the Science of Culture, as a means of furthering progress and\nremoving hindrance, effective in the course of Civilization 443\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XII.\n ANIMISM (_continued_).\n\n Doctrine of Soul\u2019s Existence after Death; its main divisions,\n Transmigration and Future Life\u2014Transmigration of Souls: re-birth in\n Human and Animal Bodies, transference to Plants and\n Objects\u2014Resurrection of Body: scarcely held in savage\n religion\u2014Future Life: a general if not universal doctrine of low\n races\u2014Continued existence, rather than Immortality; second death of\n Soul\u2014Ghost of Dead remains on earth, especially if corpse unburied;\n its attachment to bodily remains\u2014Feasts of the Dead.\n\n\nHaving thus traced upward from the lower levels of culture the opinions\nof mankind as to the souls, spirits, ghosts, or phantoms, considered to\nbelong to men, to the lower animals, to plants, and to things, we are\nnow prepared to investigate one of the great religious doctrines of the\nworld, the belief in the soul\u2019s continued existence in a Life after\nDeath. Here let us once more call to mind the consideration which cannot\nbe too strongly put forward, that the doctrine of a Future Life as held\nby the lower races is the all but necessary outcome of savage Animism.\nThe evidence that the lower races believe the figures of the dead seen\nin dreams and visions to be their surviving souls, not only goes far to\naccount for the comparative universality of their belief in the\ncontinued existence of the soul after the death of the body, but it\ngives the key to many of their speculations on the nature of this\nexistence, speculations rational enough from the savage point of view,\nthough apt to seem far-fetched absurdities to moderns in their much\nchanged intellectual condition. The belief in a Future Life falls into\ntwo main divisions. Closely connected and even largely overlapping one\nanother, both world-wide in their distribution, both ranging back in\ntime to periods of unknown antiquity, both deeply rooted in the lowest\nstrata of human life which lie open to our observation, these two\ndoctrines have in the modern world passed into wonderfully different\nconditions. The one is the theory of the Transmigration of Souls, which\nhas indeed risen from its lower stages to establish itself among the\nhuge religious communities of Asia, great in history, enormous even in\npresent mass, yet arrested and as it seems henceforth unprogressive in\ndevelopment; but the more highly educated world has rejected the ancient\nbelief, and it now only survives in Europe in dwindling remnants. Far\ndifferent has been the history of the other doctrine, that of the\nindependent existence of the personal soul after the death of the body,\nin a Future Life. Passing onward through change after change in the\ncondition of the human race, modified and renewed in its long ethnic\ncourse, this great belief may be traced from its crude and primitive\nmanifestations among savage races to its establishment in the heart of\nmodern religion, where the faith in a future existence forms at once an\ninducement to goodness, a sustaining hope through suffering and across\nthe fear of death, and an answer to the perplexed problem of the\nallotment of happiness and misery in this present world, by the\nexpectation of another world to set this right.\n\nIn investigating the doctrine of Transmigration, it will be well first\nto trace its position among the lower races, and afterwards to follow\nits developments, so far as they extend in the higher civilization. The\ntemporary migration of souls into material substances, from human bodies\ndown to morsels of wood and stone, is a most important part of the lower\npsychology. But it does not relate to the continued existence of the\nsoul after death, and may be more conveniently treated of elsewhere, in\nconnexion with such subjects as d\u00e6moniacal possession and\nfetish-worship. We are here concerned with the more permanent tenancy of\nsouls for successive lives in successive bodies.\n\nPermanent transition, new birth, or re-incarnation of human souls in\nother human bodies, is especially considered to take place by the soul\nof a deceased person animating the body of an infant. It is recorded by\nBrebeuf that the Hurons, when little children died, would bury them by\nthe wayside, that their souls might enter into mothers passing by, and\nso be born again.[1] In North-West America, among the Tacullis, we hear\nof direct transfusion of soul by the medicine-man, who, putting his\nhands on the breast of the dying or dead, then holds them over the head\nof a relative and blows through them; the next child born to this\nrecipient of the departed soul is animated by it, and takes the rank and\nname of the deceased.[2] The Nutka Indians not without ingenuity\naccounted for the existence of a distant tribe speaking the same\nlanguage as themselves, by declaring them to be the spirits of their\ndead.[3] In Greenland, where the wretched custom of abandoning and even\nplundering widows and orphans was tending to bring the whole race to\nextinction, a helpless widow would seek to persuade some father that the\nsoul of a dead child of his had passed into a living child of hers, or\n_vice vers\u00e2_, thus gaining for herself a new relative and protector.[4]\nIt is mostly ancestral or kindred souls that are thought to enter into\nchildren, and this kind of transmigration is therefore from the savage\npoint of view a highly philosophical theory, accounting as it does so\nwell for the general resemblance between parents and children, and even\nfor the more special phenomena of atavism. In North-West America, among\nthe Koloshes, the mother sees in a dream the deceased relative whose\ntransmitted soul will give his likeness to the child;[5] and in\nVancouver\u2019s Island in 1860 a lad was much regarded by the Indians\nbecause he had a mark like the scar of a gun-shot wound on his hip, it\nbeing believed that a chief dead some four generations before, who had\nsuch a mark, had returned.[6] In Old Calabar, if a mother loses a child,\nand another is born soon after, she thinks the departed one to have come\nback.[7] The Wanika consider that the soul of a dead ancestor animates a\nchild, and this is why it resembles its father or mother;[8] in Guinea a\nchild bearing a strong resemblance, physical or mental, to a dead\nrelative, is supposed to have inherited his soul;[9] and the Yorubas,\ngreeting a new-born infant with the salutation, \u2018Thou art come!\u2019 look\nfor signs to show what ancestral soul has returned among them.[10] Among\nthe Khonds of Orissa, births are celebrated by a feast on the seventh\nday, and the priest, divining by dropping rice-grains in a cup of water,\nand judging from observations made on the person of the infant,\ndetermines which of his progenitors has reappeared, and the child\ngenerally at least among the northern tribes receives the name of that\nancestor.[11] In Europe the Lapps repeat an instructive animistic idea\njust noticed in America; the future mother was told in a dream what name\nto give her child, this message being usually given by the very spirit\nof the deceased ancestor, who was about to be incarnate in her.[12]\nAmong the lower races generally the renewal of old family names by\ngiving them to new-born children may always be suspected of involving\nsome such thought. The following is a curious pair of instances from the\ntwo halves of the globe. The New Zealand priest would repeat to the\ninfant a long list of names of its ancestors, fixing upon that name\nwhich the child by sneezing or crying when it was uttered, was\nconsidered to select for itself; while the Cheremiss in Russia would\nshake the baby till it cried, and then repeat names to it, till it chose\nitself one by leaving off crying.[13]\n\nThe belief in the new human birth of the departed soul, which has even\nled West African negroes to commit suicide when in distant slavery, that\nthey may revive in their own land, in fact amounts among several of the\nlower races to a distinct doctrine of an earthly resurrection. One of\nthe most remarkable forms which this belief assumes is when dark-skinned\nraces, wanting some reasonable theory to account for the appearance\namong them of human creatures of a new strange sort, the white men, and\nstruck with their pallid deathly hue combined with powers that seem\nthose of superhuman spiritual beings, have determined that the manes of\ntheir dead must have come back in this wondrous shape. The aborigines of\nAustralia have expressed this theory in the simple formula, \u2018Blackfellow\ntumble down, jump up Whitefellow.\u2019 Thus a native who was hanged years\nago at Melbourne expressed in his last moments the hopeful belief that\nhe would jump up Whitefellow, and have lots of sixpences. The doctrine\nhas been current among them since early days of European intercourse,\nand in accordance with it they habitually regarded the Englishmen as\ntheir own deceased kindred, come back to their country from an\nattachment to it in a former life. Real or imagined likeness completed\nthe delusion, as when Sir George Grey was hugged and wept over by an old\nwoman who found in him a son she had lost, or when a convict, recognized\nas a deceased relative, was endowed anew with the land he had possessed\nduring his former life. A similar theory may be traced northward by the\nTorres Islands to New Caledonia, where the natives thought the white men\nto be the spirits of the dead who bring sickness, and assigned this as\ntheir reason for wishing to kill white men.[14] In Africa, again, the\nbelief is found among the Western negroes that they will rise again\nwhite, and the Bari of the White Nile, believing in the resurrection of\nthe dead on earth, considered the first white people they saw as\ndeparted spirits thus come back.[15]\n\nNext, the lower psychology, drawing no definite line of demarcation\nbetween souls of men and of beasts, can at least admit without\ndifficulty the transmission of human souls into the bodies of the lower\nanimals. A series of examples from among the native tribes of America\nwill serve well to show the various ways in which such ideas are worked\nout. The Ahts of Vancouver\u2019s Island consider the living man\u2019s soul able\nto enter into other bodies of men and animals, going in and out like the\ninhabitant of a house. In old times, they say, men existed in the forms\nof birds, beasts, and fishes, or these had the spirits of the Indians in\ntheir bodies; some think that after death they will pass again into the\nbodies of the animals they occupied in this former state.[16] In an\nIndian district of North-West California, we find natives believing the\nspirits of their dead to enter into bears, and travellers have heard of\na tribe begging the life of a wrinkle-faced old she grizzly bear as the\nrecipient of the soul of some particular grandam, whom they fancied the\ncreature to resemble.[17] So, among the Esquimaux, a traveller noticed a\nwidow who was living for conscience\u2019 sake upon birds, and would not\ntouch walrus-meat, which the angekok had forbidden her for a time,\nbecause her late husband had entered into a walrus.[18] Among other\nNorth American tribes, we hear of the Powhatans refraining from doing\nharm to certain small wood-birds which received the souls of their\nchiefs;[19] of Huron souls turning into turtle-doves after the burial of\ntheir bones at the Feast of the Dead;[20] of that pathetic funeral rite\nof the Iroquois, the setting free a bird on the evening of burial, to\ncarry away the soul.[21] In Mexico, the Tlascalans thought that after\ndeath the souls of nobles would animate beautiful singing birds, while\nplebeians passed into weasels and beetles and such like vile\ncreatures.[22] So, in Brazil, the I\u00e7annas say that the souls of the\nbrave will become beautiful birds, feeding on pleasant fruits, but\ncowards will be turned into reptiles.[23] Among the Abipones we hear of\ncertain little ducks which fly in flocks at night, uttering a mournful\nhiss, and which fancy associates with the souls of the dead;[24] while\nin Popayan it is said that doves were not killed, as inspired by\ndeparted souls.[25] Lastly, transmigration into brutes is also a\nreceived doctrine in South America as when a missionary heard a\nChiriquane woman of western Brazil say of a fox, \u2018May not that be the\nspirit of my dead daughter?\u2019[26]\n\nIn Africa, again, mention is made of the Maravi thinking that the souls\nof bad men became jackals, and of good men snakes.[27] The Zulus, while\nadmitting that a man may turn into a wasp or lizard, work out in the\nfullest way the idea of the dead becoming snakes, a creature whose\nchange of skin has so often been associated with the thought of\nresurrection and immortality. It is especially certain green or brown\nharmless snakes, which come gently and fearlessly into houses, which are\nconsidered to be \u2018amatongo\u2019 or ancestors, and therefore are treated\nrespectfully, and have offerings of food given them. In two ways, the\ndead man who has become a snake can still be recognized; if the creature\nis one-eyed, or has a scar or some other mark, it is recognized as the\n\u2018itongo\u2019 of a man who was thus marked in life; but if he had no mark the\n\u2018itongo\u2019 appears in human shape in dreams, thus revealing the\npersonality of the snake.[28] In Guinea, monkeys found near a graveyard\nare supposed to be animated by the spirits of the dead, and in certain\nlocalities monkeys, crocodiles, and snakes, being thought men in\nmetempsychosis, are held sacred.[29] It is to be borne in mind that\nnotions of this kind may form in barbaric psychology but a portion of\nthe wide doctrine of the soul\u2019s future existence. For a conspicuous\ninstance of this, let us take the system of the Gold-Coast negroes. They\nbelieve that the \u2018kla\u2019 or \u2018kra,\u2019 the vital soul, becomes at death a\n\u2018sisa\u2019 or ghost, which can remain in the house with the body, plague the\nliving, and cause sickness, till it departs or is driven by the sorcerer\nto the bank of the River Volta, where the ghosts build themselves houses\nand dwell. But they can and do come back from this Land of Souls. They\ncan be born again as souls in new human bodies, and a soul who was poor\nbefore will now be rich. Many will not come back as men, but will become\nanimals. To an African mother who has lost her child, it is a\nconsolation to say, \u2018He will come again.\u2019[30]\n\nIn higher levels of culture, the theory of re-embodiment of the soul\nappears in strong and varied development. Though seemingly not received\nby the early Aryans, the doctrine of migration was adopted and adapted\nby Hindu philosophy, and forms an integral part of that great system\ncommon to Brahmanism and Buddhism, wherein successive births or\nexistences are believed to carry on the consequences of past and prepare\nthe antecedents of future life. To the Hindu the body is but the\ntemporary receptacle of the soul, which, \u2018bound in the chains of deeds\u2019\nand \u2018eating the fruits of past actions,\u2019 promotes or degrades itself\nalong a series of embodiments in plant, beast, man, deity. Thus all\ncreatures differ rather in degree than kind, all are akin to man, an\nelephant or ape or worm may once have been human, and may become human\nagain, a pariah or barbarian is at once low-caste among men and\nhigh-caste among brutes. Through such bodies migrate the sinful souls\nwhich desire has drawn down from primal purity into gross material\nbeing; the world where they do penance for the guilt incurred in past\nexistences is a huge reformatory, and life is the long grievous process\nof developing evil into good. The rules are set forth in the book of\nManu how souls endowed with the quality of goodness acquire divine\nnature, while souls governed by passion take up the human state, and\nsouls sunk in darkness are degraded to brutes. Thus the range of\nmigration stretches downward from gods and saints, through holy\nascetics, Brahmans, nymphs, kings, counsellors, to actors, drunkards,\nbirds, dancers, cheats, elephants, horses, Sudras, barbarians, wild\nbeasts, snakes, worms, insects, and inert things. Obscure as the\nrelation mostly is between the crime and its punishment in a new life,\nthere may be discerned through the code of penal transmigration an\nattempt at appropriateness of penalty, and an intention to punish the\nsinner wherein he sinned. For faults committed in a previous existence\nmen are afflicted with deformities, the stealer of food shall be\ndyspeptic, the scandal-monger shall have foul breath, the horse-stealer\nshall go lame, and in consequence of their deeds men shall be born\nidiots, blind, deaf and dumb, mis-shaped, and thus despised of good men.\nAfter expiation of their wickedness in the hells of torment, the\nmurderer of a Brahman may pass into a wild beast or pariah; he who\nadulterously dishonours his guru or spiritual father shall be a hundred\ntimes re-born as grass, a bush, a creeper, a carrion bird, a beast of\nprey; the cruel shall become blood-thirsty beasts; stealers of grain and\nmeat shall turn into rats and vultures; the thief who took dyed\ngarments, kitchen-herbs, or perfumes, shall become accordingly a red\npartridge, a peacock, or a musk-rat. In short, \u2018in whatever disposition\nof mind a man accomplishes such and such an act, he shall reap the fruit\nin a body endowed with such and such a quality.\u2019[31] The recognition of\nplants as possible receptacles of the transmigrating spirit well\nillustrates the conception of souls of plants. The idea is one known to\nlower races in a district of the world which has been under Hindu\ninfluence. Thus we hear among the Dayaks of Borneo of the human soul\nentering the trunks of trees, where it may be seen damp and blood-like,\nbut no longer personal and sentient, or of its being re-born from an\nanimal which has eaten of the bark, flower, or fruit;[32] and the\nSantals of Bengal are said to fancy that uncharitable men and childless\nwomen are eaten eternally by worms and snakes, while the good enter into\nfruit-bearing trees.[33] But it is an open question how far these and\nthe Hindu ideas of vegetable transmigration can be considered as\nindependent. A curious commentary on the Hindu working out of the\nconception of plant-souls is to be found in a passage in a 17th-century\nwork, which describes certain Brahmans of the Coromandel Coast as eating\nfruits, but being careful not to pull the plants up by the roots, lest\nthey should dislodge a soul; but few, it is remarked, are so scrupulous\nas this, and the consideration has occurred to them that souls in roots\nand herbs are most vile and abject bodies, so that if dislodged they may\nbecome better off by entering into the bodies of men or beasts.[34]\nMoreover, the Brahmanic doctrine of souls transmigrating into inert\nthings has in like manner a bearing on the savage theory of\nobject-souls.[35]\n\nBuddhism, like the Brahmanism from which it seceded, habitually\nrecognized transmigration between superhuman and human beings and the\nlower animals, and in an exceptional way recognized a degradation even\ninto a plant or a thing. How the Buddhist mind elaborated the doctrine\nof metempsychosis, may be seen in the endless legends of Gautama himself\nundergoing his 550 births, suffering pain and misery through countless\nages to gain the power of freeing sentient beings from the misery\ninherent in all existence. Four times he became Maha Brahma, twenty\ntimes the dewa Sekra, and many times or few he passed through such\nstages as a hermit, a king, a rich man, a slave, a potter, a gambler, a\ncurer of snake bites, an ape, an elephant, a bull, a serpent, a snipe, a\nfish, a frog, the dewa or genius of a tree. At last, when he became the\nsupreme Buddha, his mind, like a vessel overflowing with honey,\noverflowed with the ambrosia of truth, and he proclaimed his triumph\nover life:\u2014\n\n \u2018Painful are repeated births.\n O house-builder! I have seen thee,\n Thou canst not build again a house for me.\n Thy rafters are broken\n Thy roof-timbers are shattered.\n My mind is detached,\n I have attained to the extinction of desire.\u2019\n\nWhether the Buddhists receive the full Hindu doctrine of the migration\nof the individual soul from birth to birth, or whether they refine away\ninto metaphysical subtleties the notion of continued personality, they\ndo consistently and systematically hold that a man\u2019s life in former\nexistences is the cause of his now being what he is, while at this\nmoment he is accumulating merit or demerit whose result will determine\nhis fate in future lives. Memory, it is true, fails generally to recall\nthese past births, but memory, as we know, stops short of the beginning\neven of this present life. When King Bimsara\u2019s feet were burned and\nrubbed with salt by command of his cruel son that he might not walk, why\nwas this torture inflicted on a man so holy? Because in a previous birth\nhe had walked near a dagoba with his slippers on, and had trodden on a\npriest\u2019s carpet without washing his feet. A man may be prosperous for a\ntime on account of the merit he has received in former births, but if he\ndoes not continue to keep the precepts, his next birth will be in one of\nthe hells, he will then be born in this world as a beast, afterwards as\na preta or sprite; a proud man may be born again ugly with large lips,\nor as a demon or a worm. The Buddhist theory of \u2018karma\u2019 or \u2018action,\u2019\nwhich controls the destiny of all sentient beings, not by judicial\nreward and punishment, but by the inflexible result of cause into\neffect, wherein the present is ever determined by the past in an\nunbroken line of causation, is indeed one of the world\u2019s most remarkable\ndevelopments of ethical speculation.[36]\n\nWithin the classic world, the ancient Egyptians were described as\nmaintaining a doctrine of migration, whether by successive embodiments\nof the immortal soul through creatures of earth, sea, and air, and back\nagain to man, or by the simpler judicial penalty which sent back the\nwicked dead to earth as unclean beasts.[37] The pictures and\nhieroglyphic sentences of the Book of the Dead, however, do not afford\nthe necessary confirmation for these statements, even the mystic\ntransformations of the soul not being of the nature of transmigrations.\nThus it seems that the theological centre whence the doctrine of moral\nmetempsychosis may have spread over the ancient cultured religions, must\nbe sought elsewhere than in Egypt. In Greek philosophy, great teachers\nstood forth to proclaim the doctrine in a highly developed form. Plato\nhad mythic knowledge to convey of souls entering such new incarnations\nas their glimpse of real existence had made them fit for, from the body\nof a philosopher or a lover down to the body of a tyrant and usurper; of\nsouls transmigrating into beasts and rising again to man according to\nthe lives they led; of birds that were light-minded souls; of oysters\nsuffering in banishment the penalty of utter ignorance. Pythagoras is\nmade to illustrate in his own person his doctrine of metempsychosis, by\nrecognizing where it hung in Here\u2019s temple the shield he had carried in\na former birth, when he was that Euphorbos whom Menelaos slew at the\nsiege of Troy. Afterwards he was Hermotimos, the Klazomenian prophet\nwhose funeral rites were so prematurely celebrated while his soul was\nout, and after that, as Lucian tells the story, his prophetic soul\npassed into the body of a cock. Mikyllos asks this cock to tell him\nabout Troy\u2014were things there really as Homer said? But the cock replies,\n\u2018How should Homer have known, O Mikyllos? When the Trojan war was going\non, he was a camel in Baktria!\u2019[38]\n\nIn the later Jewish philosophy, the Kabbalists took up the doctrine of\nmigration, the _gilgul_ or \u2018rolling on\u2019 of souls, and maintained it by\nthat characteristic method of Biblical interpretation which it is good\nto hold up from time to time for a warning to the mystical interpreters\nof our own day. The soul of Adam passed into David, and shall pass into\nthe Messiah, for are not these initials in the very name of Ad(a)m, and\ndoes not Ezekiel say that \u2018my servant David shall be their prince for\never.\u2019 Cain\u2019s soul passed into Jethro, and Abel\u2019s into Moses, and\ntherefore it was that Jethro gave Moses his daughter to wife. Souls\nmigrate into beasts and birds and vermin, for is not Jehovah \u2018the lord\nof the spirits of all flesh\u2019? and he who has done one sin beyond his\ngood works shall pass into a brute. He who gives a Jew unclean meat to\neat, his soul shall enter into a leaf, blown to and fro by the wind;\n\u2018for ye shall be as an oak whose leaf fadeth;\u2019 and he who speaks ill\nwords, his soul shall pass into a dumb stone, as did Nabal\u2019s, \u2018and he\nbecame a stone.\u2019[39] Within the range of Christian influence the\nManich\u00e6ans appear as the most remarkable exponents of the\nmetempsychosis. We hear of their ideas of sinners\u2019 souls transmigrating\ninto beasts, the viler according to their crimes; that he who kills a\nfowl or rat will become a fowl or rat himself; that souls can pass into\nplants rooted in the ground, which thus have not only life but sense;\nthat the souls of reapers pass into beans and barley, to be cut down in\ntheir turn, and thus the elect were careful to explain to the bread when\nthey ate it, that it was not they who reaped the corn it was made of;\nthat the souls of the auditors, that is, the spiritually low commonalty\nwho lived a married life, would pass into melons and cucumbers, to\nfinish their purification by being eaten by the elect. But these details\ncome to us from the accounts of bitter theological adversaries, and the\nquestion is, how much of them did the Manich\u00e6ans really and soberly\nbelieve? Allowing for exaggeration and constructive imputation, there is\nsome reason to consider the account at least founded on fact. The\nManich\u00e6ans appear to have recognized a wandering of imperfect souls,\nwhether or not their composite religion may with its Zarathustrian and\nChristian elements have also absorbed in so Indian a shape the doctrine\nof purification of souls by migration into animals and plants.[40] In\nlater times, the doctrine of metempsychosis has been again and again\nnoticed in a district of South-Western Asia. William of Ruysbroek speaks\nof the notion of souls passing from body to body as general among the\nmedi\u00e6val Nestorians, even a somewhat intelligent priest consulting him\nas to the souls of brutes, whether they could find refuge elsewhere so\nas not to be compelled to labour after death. Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela\nrecords in the 12th century of the Druses of Mount Hermon: \u2018They say\nthat the soul of a virtuous man is transferred to the body of a new-born\nchild, whereas that of the vicious transmigrates into a dog, or some\nother animal.\u2019 Such ideas indeed, seem not yet extinct in the modern\nDruse nation. Among the Nassairi, also, transmigration is believed in as\na penance and purification: we hear of migration of unbelievers into\ncamels, asses, dogs, or sheep, of disobedient Nassairi into Jews,\nSunnis, or Christians, of the faithful into new bodies of their own\npeople, a few such changes of \u2018shirt\u2019 (i.e. body), bringing them to\nenter paradise or become stars.[41] An instance of the belief within the\nlimits of modern Christian Europe may be found among the Bulgarians,\nwhose superstition is that Turks who have never eaten pork in life will\nbecome wild boars after death. A party assembled to feast on a boar has\nbeen known to throw it all away, for the meat jumped off the spit into\nthe fire, and a piece of cotton was found in the ears, which the wise\nman decided to be a piece of the ci-devant Turk\u2019s turban.[42] Such\ncases, however, are exceptional. Metempsychosis never became one of the\ngreat doctrines of Christendom, though not unknown in medi\u00e6val\nscholasticism, and though maintained by an eccentric theologian here and\nthere into our own times. It would be strange were it not so. It is in\nthe very nature of the development of religion that speculations of the\nearlier culture should dwindle to survivals, yet be again and again\nrevived. Doctrines transmigrate, if souls do not; and metempsychosis,\nwandering along the course of ages, came at last to animate the souls of\nFourier and Soame Jenyns.[43]\n\nThus we have traced the theory of metempsychosis in stage after stage of\nthe world\u2019s civilization, scattered among the native races of America\nand Africa, established in the Asiatic nations, especially where\nelaborated by the Hindu mind into its system of ethical philosophy,\nrising and falling in classic and medi\u00e6val Europe, and lingering at last\nin the modern world as an intellectual crotchet, of little account but\nto the ethnographer who notes it down as an item of evidence for his\ncontinuity of culture. What, we may well ask, was the original cause and\nmotive of the doctrine of transmigration? Something may be said in\nanswer, though not at all enough for full explanation. The theory that\nancestral souls return, thus imparting their own likeness of mind and\nbody to their descendants and kindred, has been already mentioned and\ncommended as in itself a very reasonable and philosophical hypothesis,\naccounting for the phenomenon of family likeness going on from\ngeneration to generation. But why should it have been imagined that\nmen\u2019s souls could inhabit the bodies of beasts and birds? As has been\nalready pointed out, savages not unreasonably consider the lower animals\nto have souls like their own, and this state of mind makes the idea of a\nman\u2019s soul transmigrating into a beast\u2019s body at least seem possible.\nBut it does not actually suggest the idea. The view stated in a previous\nchapter as to the origin of the conception of soul in general, may\nperhaps help us here. As it seems that the first conception of souls may\nhave been that of the souls of men, this being afterwards extended by\nanalogy to the souls of animals, plants, &c., so it may seem that the\noriginal idea of transmigration was the straightforward and reasonable\none of human souls being re-born in new human bodies, where they are\nrecognized by family likenesses in successive generations. This notion\nmay have been afterwards extended to take in re-birth in bodies of\nanimals, &c. There are some well-marked savage ideas which will fit with\nsuch a course of thought. The half-human features and actions and\ncharacters of animals are watched with wondering sympathy by the savage,\nas by the child. The beast is the very incarnation of familiar qualities\nof man; and such names as lion, bear, fox, owl, parrot, viper, worm,\nwhen we apply them as epithets to men, condense into a word some leading\nfeature of a human life. Consistently with this, we see in looking over\ndetails of savage transmigration that the creatures often have an\nevident fitness to the character of the human beings whose souls are to\npass into them, so that the savage philosopher\u2019s fancy of transferred\nsouls offered something like an explanation of the likeness between\nbeast and man. This comes more clearly into view among the more\ncivilized races who have worked out the idea of transmigration into\nethical schemes of retribution, where the appropriateness of the\ncreatures chosen is almost as manifest to the modern critic as it could\nhave been to the ancient believer. Perhaps the most graphic restoration\nof the state of mind in which the theological doctrine of metempsychosis\nwas worked out in long-past ages, may be found in the writings of a\nmodern theologian whose spiritualism often follows to the extreme the\nintellectual tracks of the lower races. In the spiritual world, says\nEmanuel Swedenborg, such persons as have opened themselves for the\nadmission of the devil and acquired the nature of beasts, becoming foxes\nin cunning, &c., appear also at a distance in the proper shape of such\nbeasts as they represent in disposition.[44] Lastly, one of the most\nnotable points about the theory of transmigration is its close bearing\nupon a thought which lies very deep in the history of philosophy, the\ndevelopment-theory of organic life in successive stages. An elevation\nfrom the vegetable to the lower animal life, and thence onward through\nthe higher animals to man, to say nothing of superhuman beings, does not\nhere require even a succession of distinct individuals, but is brought\nby the theory of metempsychosis within the compass of the successive\nvegetable and animal lives of a single being.\n\nHere a few words may be said on a subject which cannot be left out of\nsight, connecting as it does the two great branches of the doctrine of\nfuture existence, but which it is difficult to handle in definite terms,\nand much more to trace historically by comparing the views of lower and\nhigher races. This is the doctrine of a bodily renewal or resurrection.\nTo the philosophy of the lower races it is by no means necessary that\nthe surviving soul should be provided with a new body, for it seems\nitself to be of a filmy or vaporous corporeal nature, capable of\ncarrying on an independent existence like other corporeal creatures.\nSavage descriptions of the next world are often such absolute copies of\nthis, that it is scarcely possible to say whether the dead are or are\nnot thought of as having bodies like the living; and a few pieces of\nevidence of this class are hardly enough to prove the lower races to\nhold original and distinct doctrines of corporeal resurrection.[45]\nAgain, attention must be given to the practice, so common among low and\nhigh races, of preserving relics of the dead, from mere morsels of bone\nup to whole mummified bodies. It is well known that the departed soul is\noften thought apt to revisit the remains of the body, as is seen in the\nwell-known pictures of the Egyptian funeral ritual. But the preservation\nof these remains, even where it thus involves a permanent connexion\nbetween body and soul, does not necessarily approach more closely to a\nbodily resurrection.[46] In discussing the closely allied doctrine of\nmetempsychosis, I have described the theory of the soul\u2019s transmigration\ninto a new human body as asserting in fact an earthly resurrection. From\nthe same point of view, a bodily resurrection in Heaven or Hades is\ntechnically a transmigration of the soul. This is plain among the higher\nraces, in whose religion these doctrines take at once clearer definition\nand more practical import. There are some distinct mentions of bodily\nresurrection in the Rig Veda: the dead is spoken of as glorified,\nputting on his body (tanu); and it is even promised that the pious man\nshall be born in the next world with his entire body (sarvatan\u00fb). In\nBrahminism and Buddhism, the re-births of souls in bodies to inhabit\nheavens and hells are simply included as particular cases of\ntransmigration. The doctrine of the resurrection appears far back in the\nreligion of Persia, and is thence supposed to have passed into late\nJewish belief.[47] In early Christianity, the conception of bodily\nresurrection is developed with especial strength and fulness in the\nPauline doctrine. For an explicit interpretation of this doctrine, such\nas commended itself to the minds of later theologians, it is instructive\nto cite the remarkable passage of Origen, where he speaks of \u2018corporeal\nmatter, of which matter, in whatever quality placed, the soul always has\nuse, now indeed carnal, but afterwards indeed subtler and purer, which\nis called spiritual.\u2019[48]\n\nPassing from these metaphysical doctrines of civilized theology, we now\ntake up a series of beliefs higher in practical moment, and more clearly\nconceived in savage thought. There may well have been, and there may\nstill be, low races destitute of any belief in a Future State.\nNevertheless, prudent ethnographers must often doubt accounts of such,\nfor this reason, that the savage who declares that the dead live no\nmore, may merely mean to say that they are dead. When the East African\nis asked what becomes of his buried ancestors, the \u2018old people,\u2019 he can\nreply that \u2018they are ended,\u2019 yet at the same time he fully admits that\ntheir ghosts survive.[49] In an account of the religious ideas of the\nZulus, taken down from a native, it is explicitly stated that\nUnkulunkulu the Old-Old-One said that people \u2018were to die and never rise\nagain,\u2019 and that he allowed them to \u2018die and rise no more.\u2019[50] Knowing\nso thoroughly as we now do the theology of the Zulus, whose ghosts not\nonly survive in the under-world, but are the very deities of the living,\nwe can put the proper sense to these expressions. But without such\ninformation, we might have mistaken them for denials of the soul\u2019s\nexistence after death. This objection may even apply to one of the most\nformal denials of a future life ever placed on record among an\nuncultured race, a poem of the Dinka tribe of the White Nile, concerning\nDendid the Creator:\u2014\n\n \u2018On the day when Dendid made all things,\n He made the sun;\n And the sun comes forth, goes down, and comes again:\n He made the moon;\n And the moon comes forth, goes down, and comes again:\n He made the stars;\n And the stars come forth, go down, and come again:\n He made man;\n And man comes forth, goes down into the ground, and comes no more.\u2019\n\nIt is to be remarked, however, that the close neighbours of these Dinka,\nthe Bari, believe that the dead do return to live again on earth, and\nthe question arises whether it is the doctrine of bodily resurrection,\nor the doctrine of the surviving ghost-soul, that the Dinka poem denies.\nThe missionary Kaufmann says that the Dinka do not believe the\nimmortality of the soul, that they think it but a breath, and with death\nall is over; Brun-Rollet\u2019s contrary authority goes to prove that they do\nbelieve in another life; both leave it an open question whether they\nrecognize the existence of surviving ghosts.[51]\n\nLooking at the religion of the lower races as a whole, we shall at least\nnot be ill-advised in taking as one of its general and principal\nelements the doctrine of the soul\u2019s Future Life. But here it is needful\nto explain, to limit, and to reserve, lest modern theological ideas\nshould lead us to misconstrue more primitive beliefs. In such enquiries\nthe phrase \u2018immortality of the soul\u2019 is to be avoided as misleading. It\nis doubtful how far the lower psychology entertains at all an absolute\nconception of immortality, for past and future fade soon into utter\nvagueness as the savage mind quits the present to explore them, the\nmeasure of months and years breaks down even within the narrow span of\nhuman life, and the survivor\u2019s thought of the soul of the departed\ndwindles and disappears with the personal memory that kept it alive. The\ndoctrine of the surviving soul may indeed be treated as common to all\nknown races, though its acceptance is not unanimous. In savage as in\ncivilized life, dull and careless natures ignore a world to come as too\nfar off, while sceptical intellects are apt to reject its belief as\nwanting proof. There are even statements on record of whole classes\nbeing formally excluded from future life. This may be a matter of social\npride. In the Tonga Islands, according to Mariner, it was held that the\nchiefs and nobles would live hereafter in the happy island of Bolotu,\nbut that the souls of the common people would die with their bodies. So\nCaptain John Smith relates as to the belief of the Virginians, that the\nchiefs went after death beyond the sunset mountains, there to dance and\nsing with their predecessors, \u2018but the common people they suppose shall\nnot live after death.\u2019 In the record of a missionary examination of the\nNicaraguans, they are made to state their belief that if a man lived\nwell, his soul would ascend to dwell among the gods, but if ill it would\nperish with the body, and there would be an end of it.[52] None of these\naccounts, however, agree with what is known of the religion of kindred\npeoples, Polynesian, Algonquin, or Aztec. But granted that the soul\nsurvives the death of the body, instance after instance from the records\nof the lower culture shows this soul to be regarded as a mortal being,\nliable like the body itself to accident and death. The Greenlanders\npitied the poor souls who must pass in winter or in storm the dreadful\nmountain where the dead descend to reach the other world, for then a\nsoul is like to come to harm, and die the other death where there is\nnothing left, and this is to them the dolefullest thing of all.[53] Thus\nthe Fijians tell of the fight which the ghost of a departed warrior must\nwage with the soul-killing Samu and his brethren; this is the contest\nfor which the dead man is armed by burying the war-club with his corpse,\nand if he conquers, the way is open for him to the judgment-seat of\nNdengei, but if he is wounded, his doom is to wander among the\nmountains, and if killed in the encounter he is cooked and eaten by Samu\nand his brethren. But the souls of unmarried Fijians will not even\nsurvive to stand this wager of battle; such try in vain to steal at low\nwater round to the edge of the reef past the rocks where Nangananga,\ndestroyer of wifeless souls, sits laughing at their hopeless efforts,\nand asking them if they think the tide will never flow again, till at\nlast the rising flood drives the shivering ghosts to the beach, and\nNangananga dashes them in pieces on the great black stone, as one\nshatters rotten firewood.[54] Such, again, were the tales told by the\nGuinea negroes of the life or death of departed souls. Either the great\npriest before whom they must appear after death would judge them,\nsending the good in peace to a happy place, but killing the wicked a\nsecond time with the club that stands ready before his dwelling; or else\nthe departed shall be judged by their god at the river of death, to be\ngently wafted by him to a pleasant land if they have kept feasts and\noaths and abstained from forbidden meats, but if not, to be plunged into\nthe river by the god, and thus drowned and buried in eternal\noblivion.[55] Even common water can drown a negro ghost, if we may\nbelieve the missionary Cavazzi\u2019s story of the Matamba widows being\nducked in the river or pond to drown off the souls of their departed\nhusbands, who might still be hanging about them, clinging closest to the\nbest-loved wives. After this ceremony, they went and married again.[56]\nFrom such details it appears that the conception of some souls suffering\nextinction at death or dying a second death, a thought still as\nheretofore familiar to speculative theology, is not unknown in the lower\nculture.\n\nThe soul, as recognized in the philosophy of the lower races, may be\ndefined as an ethereal surviving being, conceptions of which preceded\nand led up to the more transcendental theory of the immaterial and\nimmortal soul, which forms part of the theology of higher nations. It is\nprincipally the ethereal surviving soul of early culture that has now to\nbe studied in the religions of savages and barbarians and the folk-lore\nof the civilized world. That this soul should be looked on as surviving\nbeyond death is a matter scarcely needing elaborate argument. Plain\nexperience is there to teach it to every savage; his friend or his enemy\nis dead, yet still in dream or open vision he sees the spectral form\nwhich is to his philosophy a real objective being, carrying personality\nas it carries likeness. This thought of the soul\u2019s continued existence\nis, however, but the gateway into a complex region of belief. The\ndoctrines which, separate or compounded, make up the scheme of future\nexistence among particular tribes, are principally these: the theories\nof lingering, wandering, and returning ghosts, and of souls dwelling on\nor below or above the earth in a spirit-world, where existence is\nmodelled upon the earthly life, or raised to higher glory, or placed\nunder reversed conditions, and lastly, the belief in a division between\nhappiness and misery of departed souls, by a retribution for deeds done\nin life, determined in a judgment after death.\n\n\u2018All argument is against it; but all belief is for it,\u2019 said Dr. Johnson\nof the apparition of departed spirits. The doctrine that ghost-souls of\nthe dead hover among the living is indeed rooted in the lowest levels of\nsavage culture, extends through barbaric life almost without a break,\nand survives largely and deeply in the midst of civilization. From the\nmyriad details of travellers, missionaries, historians, theologians,\nspiritualists, it may be laid down as an admitted opinion, as wide in\ndistribution as it is natural in thought, that the two chief\nhunting-grounds of the departed soul are the scenes of its fleshly life\nand the burial place of its body. As in North America the Chickasaws\nbelieved that the spirits of the dead in their bodily shape moved about\namong the living in great joy; as the Aleutian islanders fancied the\nsouls of the departed walking unseen among their kindred, and\naccompanying them in their journeys by sea and land; as Africans think\nthat souls of the dead dwell in their midst, and eat with them at meal\ntimes; as Chinese pay their respects to kindred spirits present in the\nhall of ancestors;[57] so multitudes in Europe and America live in an\natmosphere that swarms with ghostly shapes\u2014spirits of the dead, who sit\nover against the mystic by his midnight fire, rap and write in\nspirit-circles, and peep over girls\u2019 shoulders as they scare themselves\ninto hysterics with ghost-stories. Almost throughout the vast range of\nanimistic religion, we shall find the souls of the departed hospitably\nentertained by the survivors on set occasions, and manes-worship, so\ndeep and strong among the faiths of the world, recognizes with a\nreverence not without fear and trembling those ancestral spirits which,\npowerful for good or ill, manifest their presence among mankind.\nNevertheless death and life dwell but ill together, and from savagery\nonward there is recorded many a device by which the survivors have\nsought to rid themselves of household ghosts. Though the unhappy savage\ncustom of deserting houses after a decease may often be connected with\nother causes, such as horror or abnegation of all things belonging to\nthe dead, there are cases where it appears that the place is simply\nabandoned to the ghost. In Old Calabar it was customary for the son to\nleave his fathers\u2019 house to decay, but after two years he might rebuild\nit, the ghost being thought by that time to have departed;[58] the\nHottentots abandoned the dead man\u2019s house, and were said to avoid\nentering it lest the ghost should be within;[59] the Yakuts let the hut\nfall in ruins where any one had expired, thinking it the habitation of\ndemons;[60] the Karens were said to destroy their villages to escape the\ndangerous neighbourhood of departed souls.[61] Such proceedings,\nhowever, scarcely extend beyond the limits of barbarism, and only a\nfeeble survival of the old thought lingers on into civilization, where\nfrom time to time a haunted house is left to fall in ruins, abandoned to\na ghostly tenant who cannot keep it in repair. But even in the lowest\nculture we find flesh holding its own against spirit, and at higher\nstages the householder rids himself with little scruple of an unwelcome\ninmate. The Greenlanders would carry the dead out by the window, not by\nthe door, while an old woman, waving a firebrand behind, cried\n\u2018piklerrukpok!\u2019 i.e., \u2018there is nothing more to be had here!\u2019;[62] the\nHottentots removed the dead from the hut by an opening broken out on\npurpose, to prevent him from finding the way back;[63] the Siamese, with\nthe same intention, break an opening through the house wall to carry the\ncoffin through, and then hurry it at full speed thrice round the\nhouse;[64] in Russia the Chuwashes fling a red-hot stone after the\ncorpse is carried out, for an obstacle to bar the soul from coming\nback;[65] so Brandenburg peasants pour out a pail of water at the door\nafter the coffin, to prevent the ghost from walking; and Pomeranian\nmourners returning from the churchyard leave behind the straw from the\nhearse that the wandering soul may rest there, and not come back so far\nas home.[66] In the ancient and medi\u00e6val world, men habitually invoked\nsupernatural aid beyond such material shifts as these, calling in the\npriest to lay or banish intruding ghosts, nor is this branch of the\nexorcist\u2019s art even yet forgotten. There is, and always has been, a\nprevalent feeling that disembodied souls, especially such as have\nsuffered a violent or untimely death, are baneful and malicious beings.\nAs Meiners suggests in his \u2018History of Religions,\u2019 they were driven\nunwillingly from their bodies, and have carried into their new existence\nan angry longing for revenge. No wonder that mankind should so generally\nagree that if the souls of the dead must linger in the world at all,\ntheir fitting abode should be not the haunts of the living but the\nresting-places of the dead.\n\nAfter all, it scarcely seems to the lower animistic philosophy that the\nconnexion between body and soul is utterly broken by death. Various\nwants may keep the soul from its desired rest, and among the chief of\nthese is when its mortal remains have not had the funeral rites. Hence\nthe deep-lying belief that the ghosts of such will walk. Among some\nAustralian tribes the \u2018ingna,\u2019 or evil spirits, human in shape, but with\nlong tails and long upright ears, are mostly souls of departed natives,\nwhose bodies were left to lie unburied or whose death the avenger of\nblood did not expiate, and thus they have to prowl on the face of the\nearth, and about the place of death, with no gratification but to harm\nthe living.[67] In New Zealand, the ideas were to be found that the\nsouls of the dead were apt to linger near the bodies, and that the\nspirits of men left unburied or killed in battle and eaten, would\nwander; and the bringing such malignant souls to dwell within the sacred\nburial-enclosure was a task for the priest to accomplish with his\ncharms.[68] Among the Iroquois of North America the spirit also stays\nnear the body for a time, and \u2018unless the rites of burial were\nperformed, it was believed that the spirits of the dead hovered for a\ntime upon the earth, in a state of great unhappiness. Hence their\nextreme solicitude to procure the bodies of the slain in battle.\u2019[69]\nAmong Brazilian tribes, the wandering shadows of the dead are said to be\nconsidered unresting till burial.[70] In Turanian regions of North Asia,\nthe spirits of the dead who have no resting-place in earth are thought\nof as lingering above ground, especially where their dust remains.[71]\nSouth Asia has such beliefs: the Karens say that the ghosts who wander\non earth are not the spirits of those who go to Plu, the land of the\ndead, but of infants, of such as died by violence, of the wicked, and of\nthose who by accident have not been buried or burned;[72] the Siamese\nfear as unkindly spirits the souls of such as died a violent death or\nwere not buried with the proper rites, and who desiring expiation,\ninvisibly terrify their descendants.[73] Nowhere in the world had such\nthoughts a stronger hold than in classic antiquity, where it was the\nmost sacred of duties to give the body its funeral rites, that the shade\nshould not flit moaning near the gates of Hades, nor wander in the\ndismal crowd along the banks of Acheron.[74] An Australian or a Karen\nwould have taken in the full significance of the fatal accusation\nagainst the Athenian commanders, that they abandoned the bodies of their\ndead in the sea-fight of Arginousai. The thought is not unknown to\nSlavonic folk-lore: \u2018Ha! with the shriek the spirit flutters from the\nmouth, flies up to the tree, from tree to tree, hither and thither till\nthe dead is burned.\u2019[75] In medi\u00e6val Europe the classic stories of\nghosts that haunt the living till laid by rites of burial pass here and\nthere into new legends, where, under a changed dispensation, the doleful\nwanderer now asks Christian burial in consecrated earth.[76] It is\nneedless to give here elaborate details of the world-wide thought that\nwhen the corpse is buried, exposed, burned, or otherwise disposed of\nafter the accepted custom of the land, the ghost accompanies its relics.\nThe soul stays near the Polynesian or the American Indian burial-place;\nit dwells among the twigs and listens joyfully to the singing birds in\nthe trees where Siberian tribes suspend their dead; it lingers by the\nSamoyed\u2019s scaffolded coffin; it haunts the Dayak\u2019s place of burial or\nburning; it inhabits the little soul-hut above the Malagasy grave, or\nthe Peruvian house of sun-dried bricks; it is deposited in the Roman\ntomb (animamque sepulchro condimus); it comes back for judgment into the\nbody of the later Israelite and the Moslem; it inhabits, as a divine\nancestral spirit, the palace-tombs of the old classic and new Asiatic\nworld; it is kept down by the huge cairn raised over Antar\u2019s body lest\nhis mighty spirit should burst forth, by the iron nails with which the\nCheremiss secures the corpse in its coffin, by the stake that pins down\nthe suicide\u2019s body at the four-cross way. And through all the changes of\nreligious thought from first to last in the course of human history, the\nhovering ghosts of the dead make the midnight burial-ground a place\nwhere men\u2019s flesh creeps with terror. Not to discuss here the general\nsubject of funeral rites of mankind, of which only part of the\nmultifarious details are directly relevant to the present purpose, a\ncustom may be selected which is admirably adapted for the study of\nanimistic religion, at once from the clear conception it gives of the\nbelief in disembodied souls present among the living, and from the\ndistinct line of ethnographic continuity in which it may be traced\nonward from the lower to the higher culture. This is the custom of\nFeasts of the Dead.\n\nAmong the funeral offerings described in the last chapter of which the\npurpose more or less distinctly appears to be that the departed soul\nshall take them away in some ghostly or ideal manner, or that they shall\nby some means be conveyed to him in his distant spirit-home, there are\ngiven supplies of food and drink. But the feasts of the dead with which\nwe are now concerned are given on a different principle; they are, so to\nspeak, to be consumed on the premises. They are set out in some proper\nplace, especially near the tombs or in the dwelling-houses, and there\nthe souls of the dead come and satisfy themselves. In North America,\namong Algonquins who held that one of a man\u2019s two souls abides with the\nbody after death, the provisions brought to the grave were intended for\nthe nourishment of this soul; tribes would make offerings to ancestors\nof part of any dainty food, and an Indian who fell by accident into the\nfire would believe that the spirits of his ancestors pushed him in for\nneglecting to make due offerings.[77] The minds of the Hurons were\nfilled with fancies not less lifelike than this. It seemed to them that\nthe dead man\u2019s soul, in his proper human figure, walked in front of the\ncorpse as they carried it to the burial-ground, there to dwell till the\ngreat feast of the dead; but meanwhile it would come and walk by night\nin the village, and eat the remnants in the kettles, wherefore some\nwould not eat of these, nor touch the food at funeral feasts\u2014though some\nindeed would eat all.[78] In Madagascar, the elegant little upper\nchamber in King Radama\u2019s mausoleum was furnished with a table and two\nchairs, and a bottle of wine, a bottle of water, and two tumblers were\nplaced there conformably with the ideas entertained by most of the\nnatives, that the ghost of the departed monarch might occasionally visit\nthe resting-place of his body, meet with the spirit of his father, and\npartake of what he was known to be fond of in his lifetime.[79] The\nWanika of East Africa set a coco-nut shell full of rice and tembo near\nthe grave for the \u2018koma\u2019 or shade, which cannot exist without food and\ndrink.[80] In West Africa the Efik cook food and leave it on the table\nin the little shed or \u2018devil-house\u2019 near the grave, and thither not only\nthe spirit of the deceased, but the spirits of the slaves sacrificed at\nhis funeral, come to partake of it.[81] Farther south, in the Congo\ndistrict, the custom has been described of making a channel into the\ntomb to the head or mouth of the corpse, whereby to send down month by\nmonth the offerings of food and drink.[82]\n\nAmong rude Asiatic tribes, the Bodo of North-East India thus celebrate\nthe last funeral rites. The friends repair to the grave, and the nearest\nof kin to the deceased, taking an individual\u2019s usual portion of food and\ndrink, solemnly presents it to the dead with these words, \u2018Take and eat,\nheretofore you have eaten and drunk with us, you can do so no more; you\nwere one of us, you can be so no longer; we come no more to you, come\nyou not to us.\u2019 Thereupon each of the party breaks off a bracelet of\nthread put on his wrist for this purpose, and casts it on the grave, a\nspeaking symbol of breaking the bond of fellowship, and \u2018next the party\nproceed to the river and bathe, and having thus lustrated themselves,\nthey repair to the banquet and eat, drink, and make merry as though they\nnever were to die.\u2019[83] With more continuance of affection, Naga tribes\nof Assam celebrate their funeral feasts month by month, laying food and\ndrink on the graves of the departed.[84] In the same region of the\nworld, the Kol tribes of Chota Nagpur are remarkable for their pathetic\nreverence for their dead. When a Ho or Munda has been burned on the\nfuneral pile, collected morsels of his bones are carried in procession\nwith a solemn, ghostly, sliding step, keeping time to the deep-sounding\ndrum, and when the old woman who carries the bones on her bamboo tray\nlowers it from time to time, then girls who carry pitchers and brass\nvessels mournfully reverse them to show that they are empty; thus the\nremains are taken to visit every house in the village, and every\ndwelling of a friend or relative for miles, and the inmates come out to\nmourn and praise the goodness of the departed; the bones are carried to\nall the dead man\u2019s favourite haunts, to the fields he cultivated, to the\ngrove he planted, to the threshing-floor where he worked, to the village\ndance-room where he made merry. At last they are taken to the grave, and\nburied in an earthen vase upon a store of food, covered with one of\nthose huge stone slabs which European visitors wonder at in the\ndistricts of the aborigines in India. Besides these, monumental stones\nare set up outside the village to the memory of men of note; they are\nfixed on an earthen plinth, where the ghost, resting in its walks among\nthe living, is supposed to sit shaded by the pillar. The Kheriahs have\ncollections of these monuments in the little enclosures round their\nhouses, and offerings and libations are constantly made at them. With\nwhat feelings such rites are celebrated may be judged from this Ho\ndirge:\u2014\n\n \u2018We never scolded you; never wronged you;\n Come to us back!\n We ever loved and cherished you; and have lived long together\n Under the same roof;\n Desert it not now!\n The rainy nights, and the cold blowing days, are coming on;\n Do not wander here!\n Do not stand by the burnt ashes; come to us again!\n You cannot find shelter under the peepul, when the rain comes down.\n The saul will not shield you from the cold bitter wind.\n Come to your home!\n It is swept for you, and clean; and we are there who loved you ever;\n And there is rice put for you; and water;\n Come home, come home, come to us again!\u2019\n\nAmong the Kol tribes this kindly hospitality to ancestral souls passes\non into the belief and ceremony of full manes-worship: votive offerings\nare made to the \u2018old folks\u2019 when their descendants go on a journey, and\nwhen there is sickness in the family it is generally they who are first\npropitiated.[85] Among Turanian races, the Chuwash put food and napkins\non the grave, saying, \u2018Rise at night and eat your fill, and there ye\nhave napkins to wipe your mouths!\u2019 while the Cheremiss simply said,\n\u2018That is for you, ye dead, there ye have food and drink!\u2019 In this Tatar\nregion we hear of offerings continued year after year, and even of\nmessengers sent back by a horde to carry offerings to the tombs of their\nforefathers in the old land whence they had emigrated.[86]\n\nDetails of this ancient rite are to be traced from the level of these\nrude races far upward in civilization. South-East Asia is full of it,\nand the Chinese may stand as its representative. He keeps his coffined\nparent for years, serving him with meals as if alive. He summons\nancestral souls with prayer and beat of drum to feed on the meat and\ndrink set out on special days when they are thought to return home. He\neven gives entertainments for the benefit of destitute and unfortunate\nsouls in the lower regions, such as those of lepers and beggars.\nLanterns are lighted to show them the way, a feast is spread for them,\nand with characteristic fancy, some victuals are left over for any blind\nor feeble spirits who may be late, and a pail of gruel is provided for\nheadless souls, with spoons for them to put it down their throats with.\nSuch proceedings culminate in the so-called Universal Rescue, now and\nthen celebrated, when a little house is built for the expected visitors,\nwith separate accommodation and bath-rooms for male and female\nghosts.[87] The ancient Egyptian would set out his provision of cakes\nand trussed ducks on reed scaffolds in the tomb, or would even keep the\nmummy in the house to be present as a guest at the feast, \u03c3\u03cd\u03bd\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03c0\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n\u03c3\u03c5\u03bc\u03c0\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03ae\u03c3\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf, as Lucian says.[88] The Hindu, as of old, offers to\nthe dead the funeral cakes, places before the door the earthen vessels\nof water for him to bathe in, of milk for him to drink, and celebrates\nat new and full moon the solemn presentation of rice-cakes made with\nghee, with its attendant ceremonies so important for the soul\u2019s release\nfrom its twelvemonth\u2019s sojourn with Yama in Hades, and its transition to\nthe Heaven of the Pitaras, the Fathers.[89] In the classic world such\nrites were represented by funeral feasts and oblations of food.[90]\n\nIn Christian times there manifests itself that interesting kind of\nsurvival which, keeping up the old ceremony in form, has adapted its\nmotive to new thoughts and feelings. The classic funeral oblations\nbecame Christian, the silicernium was succeeded by the feast held at the\nmartyr\u2019s tomb. Faustus inveighs against the Christians for carrying on\nthe ancient rites: \u2018Their sacrifices indeed ye have turned into\nlove-feasts, their idols into martyrs whom with like vows ye worship; ye\nappease the shades of the dead with wine and meals, ye celebrate the\nGentiles\u2019 solemn days with them, such as calends and solstices,\u2014of their\nlife certainly ye have changed nought,\u2019[91] and so forth. The story of\nMonica shows how the custom of laying food on the tomb for the manes\npassed into the ceremony, like to it in form, of setting food and drink\nto be sanctified by the sepulchre of a Christian saint. Saint-Foix, who\nwrote in the time of Louis XIV., has left us an account of the\nceremonial after the death of a King of France, during the forty days\nbefore the funeral when his wax effigy lay in state. They continued to\nserve him at meal-times as though still alive, the officers laid the\ntable, and brought the dishes, the ma\u00eetre d\u2019h\u00f4tel handed the napkin to\nthe highest lord present to be presented to the king, a prelate blessed\nthe table, the basins of water were handed to the royal arm-chair, the\ncup was served in its due course, and grace was said in the accustomed\nmanner, save that there was added to it the De Profundis.[92] Spaniards\nstill offer bread and wine on the tombs of those they love, on the\nanniversary of their decease.[93] The conservative Eastern Church still\nholds to ancient rite. The funeral feast is served in Russia, with its\ntables for the beggars, laden with fish pasties and bowls of shchi and\njugs of kvas, its more delicate dinner for friends and priests, its\nincense and chants of \u2018everlasting remembrance\u2019; and even the repetition\nof the festival on the ninth, and twentieth, and fortieth day are not\nforgotten. The offerings of saucers of kutiya or kolyvo are still made\nin the church; this used to be of parboiled wheat and was deposited over\nthe body, it is now made of boiled rice and raisins, sweetened with\nhoney. In their usual mystic fashion, the Orthodox Christians now\nexplain away into symbolism this remnant of primitive offering to the\ndead: the honey is heavenly sweetness, the shrivelled raisins will be\nfull beauteous grapes, the grain typifies the resurrection, \u2018that which\nthou sowest is not quickened except it die.\u2019[94]\n\nIn the calendar of many a people, differing widely as they may in race\nand civilization, there are to be found special yearly festivals of the\ndead. Their rites are much the same as those performed on other days for\nindividuals; their season differs in different districts, but seems to\nhave particular associations with harvest-time and the fall of the year,\nand with the year\u2019s end as reckoned at midwinter or in early spring.[95]\nThe Karens make their annual offerings to the dead in the \u2018month of\nshades,\u2019 that is, December;[96] the Kocch of North Bengal every year at\nharvest-home offer fruits and a fowl to deceased parents;[97] the Barea\nof East Africa celebrate in November the feast of Thiyot, at once a\nfeast of general peace and merry-making, of thanksgiving for the\nharvest, and of memorial for the deceased, for each of whom a little\npot-full of beer is set out two days, to be drunk at last by the\nsurvivors;[98] in West Africa we hear of the feast of the dead at the\ntime of yam-harvest;[99] at the end of the year the Haitian negroes take\nfood to the graves for the shades to eat, \u2018manger zombi,\u2019 as they\nsay.[100] The Roman Feralia and Lemuralia were held in February and\nMay.[101] In the last five or ten days of their year the Zoroastrians\nhold their feasts for departed relatives, when souls come back to the\nworld to visit the living, and receive from them offerings of food and\nclothing.[102] The custom of setting empty seats at the St. John\u2019s Eve\nfeast, for the departed souls of kinsfolk, is said to have lasted on in\nEurope to the seventeenth century. Spring is the season of the\ntime-honoured Slavonic rite of laying food on the graves of the dead.\nThe Bulgarians hold a feast in the cemetery on Palm Sunday, and, after\nmuch eating and drinking, leave the remains upon the graves of their\nfriends, who, they are persuaded, will eat them during the night. In\nRussia such scenes may still be watched on the two appointed days called\nParents\u2019 Days. The higher classes have let the rite sink to prayer at\nthe graves of lost relatives, and giving alms to the beggars who flock\nto the cemeteries. But the people still \u2018howl\u2019 for the dead, and set out\non their graves a handkerchief for a tablecloth, with gingerbread, eggs,\ncurd-tarts, and even vodka, on it; when the weeping is over, they eat up\nthe food, especially commemorating the dead in Russian manner by\npartaking of his favourite dainty, and if he were fond of a glass, the\nvodka is sipped with the ejaculation, \u2018The Kingdom of Heaven be his! He\nloved a drink, the deceased!\u2019[103] When Odilo, Abbot of Cluny, at the\nend of the tenth century, instituted the celebration of All Souls\u2019 Day\n(November 2),[104] he set on foot one of those revivals which have so\noften given the past a new lease of life. The Western Church at large\ntook up the practice, and round it there naturally gathered surviving\nremnants of the primitive rite of banquets to the dead. The accusation\nagainst the early Christians, that they appeased the shades of the dead\nwith feasts like the Gentiles, would not be beside the mark now, fifteen\nhundred years later. On the eve of All Souls\u2019 begins, within the limits\nof Christendom, a commemoration of the dead which combines some touches\nof pathetic imagination with relics of savage animism scarcely to be\nsurpassed in Africa or the South Sea Islands. In Italy the day is given\nto feasting and drinking in honour of the dead, while skulls and\nskeletons in sugar and paste form appropriate children\u2019s toys. In Tyrol,\nthe poor souls released from purgatory fire for the night may come and\nsmear their burns with the melted fat of the \u2018soul light\u2019 on the hearth,\nor cakes are left for them on the table, and the room is kept warm for\ntheir comfort. Even in Paris the souls of the departed come to partake\nof the food of the living. In Brittany the crowd pours into the\nchurchyard at evening, to kneel bareheaded at the graves of dead\nkinsfolk, to fill the hollow of the tombstone with holy water, or to\npour libations of milk upon it. All night the church bells clang, and\nsometimes a solemn procession of the clergy goes round to bless the\ngraves. In no household that night is the cloth removed, for the supper\nmust be left for the souls to come and take their part, nor must the\nfire be put out, where they will come to warm themselves. And at last,\nas the inmates retire to rest, there is heard at the door a doleful\nchant\u2014it is the souls, who, borrowing the voices of the parish poor,\nhave come to ask the prayers of the living.[105]\n\nIf we ask how the spirits of the dead are in general supposed to feed on\nthe viands set before them, we come upon difficult questions, which will\nbe met with again in discussing the theory of sacrifice. Even where the\nthought is certainly that the departed soul eats, this thought may be\nvery indefinite, with far less of practical intention in it than of\nchildish make-believe. Now and then, however, the sacrificers themselves\noffer closer definitions of their meaning. The idea of the ghost\nactually devouring the material food is not unexampled. Thus, in North\nAmerica, Algonquin Indians considered that the shadow-like souls of the\ndead can still eat and drink, often even telling Father Le Jeune that\nthey had found in the morning meat gnawed in the night by the souls.\nMore recently, we read that some Potawatomis will leave off providing\nthe supply of food at the grave if it lies long untouched, it being\nconcluded that the dead no longer wants it, but has found a rich\nhunting-ground in the other world.[106] In Africa, again, Father Cavazzi\nrecords of the Congo people furnishing their dead with supplies of\nprovisions, that they could not be persuaded that souls did not consume\nmaterial food.[107] In Europe the Esths, offering food for the dead on\nAll Souls\u2019, are said to have rejoiced if they found in the morning that\nany of it was gone.[108] A less gross conception is that the soul\nconsumes the steam or savour of the food, or its essence or spirit. It\nis said to have been with such purpose that the Maoris placed food by\nthe dead man\u2019s side, and some also with him in the grave.[109] The idea\nis well displayed among the natives in Mexican districts, where the\nsouls who came to the annual feast are described as hovering over and\nsmelling the food set out for them, or sucking out its nutritive\nquality.[110] The Hindu entreats the manes to quaff the sweet essence of\nthe offered food; thinking on them, he slowly sets the dish of rice\nbefore the Brahmans, and while they silently eat the hot food, the\nancestral spirits take their part of the feast.[111] At the old Slavonic\nmeals for the dead, we read of the survivors sitting in silence and\nthrowing morsels under the table, fancying that they could hear the\nspirits rustle, and see them feed on the smell and steam of the viands.\nOne account describes the mourners at the funeral banquet inviting in\nthe departed soul thought to be standing outside the door, and every\nguest throwing morsels and pouring drink under the table, for him to\nrefresh himself. What lay on the ground was not picked up, but was left\nfor friendless and kinless souls. When the meal was over, the priest\nrose from table, swept out the house, and hunted out the souls of the\ndead \u2018like fleas,\u2019 with these words, \u2018Ye have eaten and drunken, souls,\nnow go, now go!\u2019[112] Many travellers have described the imagination\nwith which the Chinese make such offerings. It is that the spirits of\nthe dead consume the impalpable essence of the food, leaving behind its\ncoarse material substance, wherefore the dutiful sacrificers, having set\nout sumptuous feasts for ancestral souls, allow them a proper time to\nsatisfy their appetite, and then fall to themselves.[113] The Jesuit\nFather Christoforo Borri suggestively translates the native idea into\nhis own scholastic phraseology. In Cochin China, according to him,\npeople believed \u2018that the souls of the dead have need of corporeal\nsustenance and maintenance, wherefore several times a year, according to\ntheir custom, they make splendid and sumptuous banquets, children to\ntheir deceased parents, husbands to their wives, friends to their\nfriends, waiting a long while for the dead guest to come and sit down at\ntable to eat.\u2019 The missionaries argued against this proceeding, but were\nmet by ridicule of their ignorance, and the reply \u2018that there were two\nthings in the food, one the substance, and the other the accidents of\nquantity, quality, smell, taste, and the like. The immaterial souls of\nthe dead, taking for themselves the substance of the food, which being\nimmaterial is food suited to the incorporeal soul, left only in the\ndishes the accidents which corporeal senses perceive; for this the dead\nhad no need of corporeal instruments, as we have said.\u2019 Thereupon the\nJesuit proceeds to remark, as to the prospect of conversion of these\npeople, \u2018it may be judged from the distinction they make between the\naccidents and the substance of the food which they prepare for the\ndead,\u2019 that it will not be very difficult to prove to them the mystery\nof the Eucharist.[114] Now to peoples among whom prevails the rite of\nfeasts of the dead, whether they offer the food in mere symbolic\npretence, or whether they consider the souls really to feed on it in\nthis spiritual way (as well as in the cases inextricably mixed up with\nthese, where the offering is spiritually conveyed away to the world of\nspirits), it can be of little consequence what becomes of the gross\nmaterial food. When the Kafir sorcerer, in cases of sickness, declares\nthat the shades of ancestors demand a particular cow, the beast is\nslaughtered and left shut up for a time for the shades to eat, or for\nits spirit to go to the land of shades, and then is taken out to be\neaten by the sacrificers.[115] So, in more civilized Japan, when the\nsurvivors have placed their offering of unboiled rice and water in a\nhollow made for the purpose in a stone of the tomb, it seems to them no\nmatter that the poor or the birds really carry off the grain.[116]\n\nSuch rites as these are especially exposed to dwindle in survival. The\nofferings of meals and feasts to the dead may be traced at their last\nstage into mere traditional ceremonies, at most tokens of affectionate\nremembrance of the dead, or works of charity to the living. The Roman\nFeralia in Ovid\u2019s time were a striking example of such transition, for\nwhile the idea was recognized that the ghosts fed upon the offerings,\n\u2018nunc posito pascitur umbra cibo,\u2019 yet there were but \u2018parva munera,\u2019\nfruits and grains of salt, and corn soaked in wine, set out for their\nmeal in the middle of the road. \u2018Little the manes ask, the pious thought\nstands instead of the rich gift, for Styx holds no greedy gods:\u2019\u2014\n\n \u2018Parva petunt manes. Pietas pro divite grata est\n Munere. Non avidos Styx habet ima deos.\n Tegula porrectis satis est velata coronis,\n Et sparsae fruges, parcaque mica salis,\n Inque mero mollita ceres, violaeque solutae:\n Haec habeat media testa relicta via.\n Nec majora veto. Sed et his placabilis umbra est.\u2019[117]\n\nStill farther back, in old Chinese history, Confucius had been called on\nto give an opinion as to the sacrifices to the dead. Maintainer of all\nancient rites as he was, he stringently kept up this, \u2018he sacrificed to\nthe dead as if they were present,\u2019 but when he was asked if the dead had\nknowledge of what was done or no, he declined to answer the question;\nfor if he replied yes, then dutiful descendants would injure their\nsubstance by sacrifices, and if no, then undutiful children would leave\ntheir parents unburied. The evasion was characteristic of the teacher\nwho expressed his theory of worship in this maxim, \u2018to give oneself\nearnestly to the duties due to men, and, while respecting spiritual\nbeings, to keep aloof from them, may be called wisdom.\u2019 It is said that\nin our own time the Taepings have made a step beyond Confucius; they\nhave forbidden the sacrifices to the spirits of the dead, yet keep up\nthe rite of visiting their tombs on the customary day, for prayer and\nthe renewal of vows.[118] How funeral offerings may pass into\ncommemorative banquets and feasts to the poor, has been shown already.\nIf we seek in England for vestiges of the old rite of funeral sacrifice,\nwe may find a lingering survival into modern centuries, doles of bread\nand drink given to the poor at funerals, and \u2018soul-mass cakes\u2019 which\npeasant girls perhaps to this day beg for at farmhouses with the\ntraditional formula,\n\n \u2018Soul, soul, for a soul cake,\n Pray you, mistress, a soul cake.\u2019[119]\n\nWere it not for our knowledge of the intermediate stages through which\nthese fragments of old custom have come down, it would seem far-fetched\nindeed to trace their origin back to the savage and barbaric times of\nthe institution of feasts of departed souls.\n\nFootnote 1:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s. dans la Nouvelle France,\u2019 1636, p. 130;\n Charlevoix, \u2018Nouvelle France,\u2019 vol. vi. p. 75. See Brinton, p. 253.\n\nFootnote 2:\n\n Waitz, vol. iii. p. 195, see p. 213. Morse, \u2018Report on Indian\n Affairs,\u2019 p. 345.\n\nFootnote 3:\n\n Mayne, \u2018British Columbia,\u2019 p. 181.\n\nFootnote 4:\n\n Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 pp. 248, 258, see p. 212. See also Turner,\n \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 353; Meiners, vol. ii. p. 793.\n\nFootnote 5:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 28.\n\nFootnote 6:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Zur vergl. Psychologie,\u2019 in Lazarus and Steinthal\u2019s\n \u2018Zeitschrift,\u2019 vol. v. p. 160, &c., also Papuas and other races.\n\nFootnote 7:\n\n Burton, \u2018W. & W. fr. W. Afr.\u2019 p. 376.\n\nFootnote 8:\n\n Krapf, \u2018E. Afr.\u2019 p. 201.\n\nFootnote 9:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 p. 210; see also R. Clarke, \u2018Sierra Leone,\u2019 p.\n 159.\n\nFootnote 10:\n\n Bastian, l. c.\n\nFootnote 11:\n\n Macpherson, p. 72; also Tickell in \u2018Journ. As. Soc. Bengal,\u2019 vol. ix.\n pp. 793, &c.; Dalton in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 22 (similar rite\n of Mundas and Oraons).\n\nFootnote 12:\n\n Klemm, \u2018C. G.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 77; K. Leems, \u2018Lapper,\u2019 c. xiv.\n\nFootnote 13:\n\n R. Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 284; see Shortland, \u2018Traditions,\u2019 p. 145;\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 353; Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 279; see\n also p. 276 (Samoyeds). Compare Charlevoix, \u2018Nouvelle France,\u2019 vol. v.\n p. 426; Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 353; Kracheninnikow, ii. 117. See\n Plath, \u2018Rel. der alten Chinesen,\u2019 ii. p. 98.\n\nFootnote 14:\n\n Grey, \u2018Australia,\u2019 vol. i. p. 301, vol. ii. p. 363 (native\u2019s\n accusation against some foreign sailors who had assaulted him,\n \u2018_djanga_ Taal-wurt kyle-gut bomb-gur,\u2019\u2014\u2018one of the dead struck\n Taal-wurt under the ear,\u2019 &c. The word _djanga_ = the dead, the\n spirits of deceased persons (see Grey, \u2018Vocab. of S. W. Australia\u2019),\n had come to be the usual term for a European). Lang, \u2018Queensland,\u2019 pp.\n 34, 336; Bonwick, \u2018Tasmanians,\u2019 p. 183; Scherzer, \u2018Voy. of Novara,\u2019\n vol. iii. p. 34; Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 222, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. iii.\n pp. 362-3, and in Lazarus and Steinthal\u2019s \u2018Zeitschrift,\u2019 l. c.;\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 424.\n\nFootnote 15:\n\n R\u00f6mer, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 p. 85; Brun-Rollet, \u2018Nil Blanc,\u2019 &c. p. 234.\n\nFootnote 16:\n\n Sproat, \u2018Savage Life,\u2019 ch. xviii., xix., xxi. Souls of the dead appear\n in dreams, either in human or animal forms, p. 174. See also Brinton,\n p. 145.\n\nFootnote 17:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part iii. p. 113.\n\nFootnote 18:\n\n Hayes, \u2018Arctic Boat Journey,\u2019 p. 198.\n\nFootnote 19:\n\n Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019 p. 102.\n\nFootnote 20:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1636, p. 104.\n\nFootnote 21:\n\n Morgan, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 174.\n\nFootnote 22:\n\n Clavigero, \u2018Messico,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 5.\n\nFootnote 23:\n\n Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019 vol. i. p. 602; Markham in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019\n vol. iii. p. 195.\n\nFootnote 24:\n\n Dobrizhoffer, \u2018Abipones,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 74, 270.\n\nFootnote 25:\n\n Coreal in Brinton, l. c. See also J. G. M\u00fcller, pp. 139 (Natchez), 223\n (Caribs), 402 (Peru).\n\nFootnote 26:\n\n Chom\u00e9 in \u2018Lettres Edif.\u2019 vol. viii.; see also Martius, vol. i. p. 446.\n\nFootnote 27:\n\n Waitz, vol. ii. p. 419 (Maravi).\n\nFootnote 28:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Rel. of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 196, &c.; Arbousset and Daumas, p.\n 237.\n\nFootnote 29:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 pp. 210, 218. See also Brun-Rollet, pp. 200,\n 234; Meiners, vol. i. p. 211.\n\nFootnote 30:\n\n Steinhauser in \u2018Mag. der Evang. Miss.\u2019 Basel, 1856, No. 2, p. 135.\n\nFootnote 31:\n\n Manu, xi. xii. Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. i. p. 164, vol. ii. pp. 215,\n 347-52.\n\nFootnote 32:\n\n St. John, \u2018Far East,\u2019 vol. i. p. 181; Perelaer, \u2018Ethnog. Beschr. der\n Dajaks,\u2019 p. 17.\n\nFootnote 33:\n\n Hunter, \u2018Rural Bengal,\u2019 p. 210. See also Shaw in \u2018As. Res.\u2019 vol. iv.\n p. 46 (Rajmahal tribes).\n\nFootnote 34:\n\n Abraham Roger, \u2018La Porte Ouverte,\u2019 Amst. 1670, p. 107.\n\nFootnote 35:\n\n Manu, xii. 9: \u2018\u00e7ar\u00eerajaih karmmadoshaih y\u00e2ti sth\u00e2varat\u00e2m narah\u2019\u2014\u2018for\n crimes done in the body, the man goes to the inert (motionless)\n state;\u2019 xii. 42, \u2018sth\u00e2var\u00e2h krimak\u00eet\u00e2\u00e7cha matsy\u00e2h sarp\u00e2h sakachhap\u00e2h\n pa\u00e7ava\u00e7cha mrigaschaiva jaghany\u00e2 t\u00e2mas\u00ee gatih\u2019\u2014\u2018inert (motionless)\n things, worms and insects, fish, serpents, tortoises and beasts and\n deer also are the last dark form.\u2019\n\nFootnote 36:\n\n K\u00f6ppen, \u2018Religion des Buddha,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 35, 289, &c., 318;\n Barth\u00e9lemy Saint-Hilaire, \u2018Le Bouddha et sa Religion,\u2019 p. 122; Hardy,\n \u2018Manual of Budhism,\u2019 pp. 98, &c., 180, 318, 445, &c.\n\nFootnote 37:\n\n Herod. ii. 123, see Rawlinson\u2019s Tr.; Plutarch. De Iside 31, 72;\n Wilkinson, \u2018Ancient Eg.\u2019 vol. ii. ch. xvi.\n\nFootnote 38:\n\n Plat. Ph\u00e6do, Tim\u00e6us, Ph\u00e6drus, Repub.; Diog. Laert. Empedokles xii.;\n Pindar. Olymp. ii. antistr. 4; Ovid. Metam. xv. 160; Lucian. Somn.\n 17, &c. Philostr. Vit. Apollon. Tyan. See also Meyer\u2019s\n Conversations-Lexicon, art. \u2018Seelenwanderung.\u2019 For re-birth in old\n Scandinavia, see Helgakvidha, iii., in \u2018Edda.\u2019\n\nFootnote 39:\n\n Eisenmenger, part ii. p. 23, &c.\n\nFootnote 40:\n\n Beausobre, \u2018Hist. de Manich\u00e9e,\u2019 &c., vol. i. pp. 245-6, vol. ii. pp.\n 496-9; G. Fl\u00fcgel, \u2018Mani.\u2019 See Augustin. Contra Faust.; De H\u00e6res.; De\n Quantitate Anim\u00e6.\n\nFootnote 41:\n\n Gul. de Rubruquis in \u2018Rec. des Voy. Soc. de G\u00e9ographie de Paris,\u2019 vol.\n iv. p. 356. Benjamin of Tudela, ed. and tr. by Asher, Hebrew 22, Eng.\n p. 62. Niebuhr, \u2018Reisebeschr. nach Arabien,\u2019 &c., vol. ii. pp.\n 438-443; Meiners, vol. ii. p. 796.\n\nFootnote 42:\n\n St. Clair and Brophy, \u2018Bulgaria,\u2019 p. 57. Compare the tenets of the\n Russian sect of Dukhobortzi, in Haxthausen, \u2018Russian Empire,\u2019 vol. i.\n p. 288, &c.\n\nFootnote 43:\n\n Since the first publication of the above remark, M. Louis Figuier has\n supplied a perfect modern instance by his book, entitled \u2018Le Lendemain\n de la Mort,\u2019 translated into English as \u2018The Day after Death: Our\n Future Life according to Science.\u2019 His attempt to revive the ancient\n belief, and to connect it with the evolution-theory of modern\n naturalists, is carried out with more than Buddhist elaborateness.\n Body is the habitat of soul, which goes out when a man dies, as one\n forsakes a burning house. In the course of development, a soul may\n migrate through bodies stage after stage, zoophyte and oyster,\n grasshopper and eagle, crocodile and dog, till it arrives at man,\n thence ascending to become one of the superhuman beings or angels who\n dwell in the planetary ether, and thence to a still higher state, the\n secret of whose nature M. Figuier does not endeavour to penetrate,\n \u2018because our means of investigation fail at this point.\u2019 The ultimate\n destiny of the more glorified being is the Sun; the pure spirits who\n form its mass of burning gases, pour out germs and life to start the\n course of planetary existence. (Note to 2nd edition.)\n\nFootnote 44:\n\n Swedenborg, \u2018The True Christian Religion,\u2019 13. Compare the notion\n attributed to the followers of Basilides the Gnostic, of men whose\n souls are affected by spirits or dispositions as of wolf, ape, lion,\n or bear, wherefore their souls bear the properties of these, and\n imitate their deeds (Clem. Alex. Stromat. ii. c. 20).\n\nFootnote 45:\n\n See J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 p. 208 (Caribs); but compare\n Rochefort, p. 429. Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 269, Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finnische\n Mythologie,\u2019 p. 119.\n\nFootnote 46:\n\n For Egyptian evidence see the funeral papyri and translations of the\n \u2018Book of the Dead.\u2019 Compare Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019 p. 254, &c.\n\nFootnote 47:\n\n Aryan evidence in \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 x. 14, 8; xi. 1, 8; Manu, xii. 16-22;\n Max M\u00fcller, \u2018Todtenbestattung,\u2019 pp. xii. xiv.; \u2018Chips,\u2019 vol. i. p. 47;\n Muir in \u2018Journ. As. Soc. Bengal,\u2019 vol. i. 1865, p. 306; Spiegel,\n \u2018Avesta\u2019; Haug, \u2018Essays on the Parsis.\u2019\n\nFootnote 48:\n\n Origen, De Princip. ii. 3, 2: \u2018materi\u00e6 corporalis, cujus materi\u00e6 anima\n usum semper habet, in qualibet qualitate posit\u00e6, nunc quidem carnali,\n postmodum vero subtiliori et puriori, qu\u00e6 spiritalis appellatur.\u2019\n\nFootnote 49:\n\n Burton, \u2018Central Africa,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 345.\n\nFootnote 50:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Rel. of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 84.\n\nFootnote 51:\n\n Kaufmann, \u2018Schilderungen aus Centralafrika,\u2019 p. 124; G. Lejean in\n \u2018Rev. des Deux Mondes,\u2019 Apr. 1, 1860, p. 760; see Brun-Rollet, \u2018Nil\n Blanc,\u2019 pp. 100, 234. A dialogue by the missionary Beltrame (1859-60),\n in Mitterutzner, \u2018Dinka-Sprache,\u2019 p. 57, ascribes to the Dinkas ideas\n of heaven and hell, which, however, show Christian influence.\n\nFootnote 52:\n\n Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 136; John Smith, \u2018Descr. of\n Virginia,\u2019 33; Oviedo, \u2018Nicaragua,\u2019 p. 50. The reference to the Laos\n in Meiners, vol. ii. p. 760, is worthless.\n\nFootnote 53:\n\n Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 259.\n\nFootnote 54:\n\n Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol. i. p. 244. See \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. iii.\n p. 113 (Dayaks). Compare wasting and death of souls in depths of\n Hades, Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 232.\n\nFootnote 55:\n\n Bosman, \u2018Guinea\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 401. See also Waitz,\n \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 191 (W. Afr.); Callaway, \u2018Rel. of\n Amazulu,\u2019 p. 355.\n\nFootnote 56:\n\n Cavazzi, \u2018Congo, Matamba, et Angola,\u2019 lib. i. p. 270. See also\n Liebrecht in \u2018Zeitschr. f\u00fcr Ethnologie,\u2019 vol. v. p. 96 (Tartary,\n Scandinavia, Greece).\n\nFootnote 57:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part i. p. 310; Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019\n pp. 111, 193; Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. p. 235.\n\nFootnote 58:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 323.\n\nFootnote 59:\n\n Kolben, p. 579.\n\nFootnote 60:\n\n Billings, p. 125.\n\nFootnote 61:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien.\u2019 vol. i. p. 145; Cross, l.c., p. 311. For\n other cases of desertion of dwellings after a death, possibly for the\n same motive, see Bourien, \u2018Tribes of Malay Pen.\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019\n vol. iii. p. 82; Polack, \u2018M. of New Zealanders,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 204, 216;\n Steiler, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 271. But the Todas say that the buffaloes\n slaughtered and the hut burnt at the funeral are transferred to the\n spirit of the deceased in the next world; Shortt in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019\n vol. vii. p. 247. See Waitz, vol. iii. p. 199.\n\nFootnote 62:\n\n Egede, \u2018Greenland,\u2019 p. 152; Cranz, p. 300.\n\nFootnote 63:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 323; see pp. 329, 363.\n\nFootnote 64:\n\n Bowring, \u2018Siam,\u2019 vol. i. p. 122; Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien.\u2019 vol. iii. p.\n 258.\n\nFootnote 65:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 120.\n\nFootnote 66:\n\n Wuttke, \u2018Volksaberglaube,\u2019 pp. 213-17. Other cases of taking out the\n dead by a gap made on purpose: Arbousset and Daumas, p. 502 (Bushmen);\n Magyar, p. 351 (Kimbunda); Moffat, p. 307 (Bechuanas); Waitz, vol.\n iii. p. 199 (Ojibwas);\u2014their motive is probably that the ghost may not\n find its way back by the door.\n\nFootnote 67:\n\n Oldfield in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. pp. 228, 236, 245.\n\nFootnote 68:\n\n Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 221; Schirren, p. 91; see Turner,\n \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 233.\n\nFootnote 69:\n\n Morgan, \u2018League of Iroquois,\u2019 p. 174.\n\nFootnote 70:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 286.\n\nFootnote 71:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 126.\n\nFootnote 72:\n\n Cross in \u2018Journ. Amer. Or. Soc.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 309; Mason in \u2018Journ. As.\n Soc. Bengal,\u2019 1865, part ii. p. 203. See also J. Anderson, \u2018Exp. to W.\n Yunnan,\u2019 pp. 126, 131 (Shans).\n\nFootnote 73:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 pp. 51, 99-101.\n\nFootnote 74:\n\n Lucian. De Luctu. See Pauly, \u2018Real. Encyclop.\u2019 and Smith, \u2018Dic. of Gr.\n and Rom. Ant.\u2019 s.v. \u2018inferi.\u2019\n\nFootnote 75:\n\n Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 p. 277.\n\nFootnote 76:\n\n Calmet, vol. ii. ch. xxxvi.; Brand, vol. iii. p. 67.\n\nFootnote 77:\n\n Charlevoix, \u2018Nouvelle France,\u2019 vol. vi. p. 75; Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian\n Tribes,\u2019 part i. pp. 39, 83; part iv. p. 65; Tanner\u2019s \u2018Narr.\u2019 p. 293.\n\nFootnote 78:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1636, p. 104.\n\nFootnote 79:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Madagascar,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 253, 364. See Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019\n p. 220.\n\nFootnote 80:\n\n Krapf, \u2018E. Afr.\u2019 p. 150.\n\nFootnote 81:\n\n T. J. Hutchinson, p. 206.\n\nFootnote 82:\n\n Cavazzi, \u2018Congo, &c.\u2019 lib. i. p. 264. So in ancient Greece, Lucian.\n Charon, 22.\n\nFootnote 83:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 p. 180.\n\nFootnote 84:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 235.\n\nFootnote 85:\n\n Tickell in \u2018Journ. As. Soc. Bengal,\u2019 vol. ix. p. 795; Dalton, ibid.\n 1866, part ii. p. 153, &c.; and in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 1, &c.;\n Latham, \u2018Descr. Eth.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 415, &c.\n\nFootnote 86:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 62; Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 121.\n\nFootnote 87:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. p. 173, &c.; vol. ii. p. 91, &c.;\n Meiners, vol. i. p. 306.\n\nFootnote 88:\n\n Wilkinson, \u2018Ancient Eg.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 362; Lucian. De Luctu, 21.\n\nFootnote 89:\n\n Manu, iii.; Colebrooke, \u2018Essays,\u2019 vol. i. p. 161, &c.; Pictet,\n \u2018Origines Indo-Europ.\u2019 part ii. p. 600; Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. p.\n 332.\n\nFootnote 90:\n\n Pauly, \u2018Real-Encyclop.\u2019 s.v. \u2018funus.\u2019; Smith\u2019s \u2018Dic.\u2019 s.v. \u2018funus.\u2019\n See Meiners, vol. i. pp. 305-19.\n\nFootnote 91:\n\n Augustin. contra Faustum, xx. 4; De Civ. Dei, viii. 27; conf. vi. 2.\n See Beausobre, vol. ii. pp. 633, 685; Bingham, xx. c. 7.\n\nFootnote 92:\n\n Saint-Foix, \u2018Essais Historiques sur Paris,\u2019 in \u2018\u0152uvres,\u2019 vol. iv. p.\n 147, &c.\n\nFootnote 93:\n\n Lady Herbert, \u2018Impressions of Spain,\u2019 p. 8.\n\nFootnote 94:\n\n H. C. Romanoff, \u2018Rites and Customs of Greco-Russian Church,\u2019 p. 249;\n Ralston, \u2018Songs of the Russian People,\u2019 pp. 135, 320; St. Clair and\n Brophy, \u2018Bulgaria,\u2019 p. 77; Brand, \u2018Pop. Ant.\u2019 vol. i. p. 115.\n\nFootnote 95:\n\n Beside the accounts of annual festivals of the dead cited here, see\n the following:\u2014Santos, \u2018Ethiopia,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 685\n (Sept.); Brasseur, \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol. iii. pp. 23, 522, 528 (Aug., Oct.,\n Nov.); Rivero and Tschudi, \u2018Peru,\u2019 p. 134 (Peruvian feast dated as\n Nov. 2 in coincidence with All Souls\u2019, but this reckoning is vitiated\n by confusion of seasons of N. and S. hemisphere, see J. G. M\u00fcller, p.\n 389; moreover, the Peruvian feast may have been originally held at a\n different date, and transferred, as happened elsewhere, to the\n \u2018Spanish All Souls\u2019); Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 44, 62 (esp.\n Apr.); Caron, \u2018Japan,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. vii. p. 629 (Aug.).\n\nFootnote 96:\n\n Mason, \u2018Karens,\u2019 l. c. p. 238.\n\nFootnote 97:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 p. 147.\n\nFootnote 98:\n\n Munzinger, \u2018Ostafr. Stud.\u2019 p. 473.\n\nFootnote 99:\n\n Waitz, vol. ii. p. 194.\n\nFootnote 100:\n\n G. D\u2019Alaux in \u2018Rev. des Deux Mondes,\u2019 May 15, 1852, p. 76.\n\nFootnote 101:\n\n Ovid. Fast. ii. 533; v. 420.\n\nFootnote 102:\n\n Spiegel, \u2018Avesta,\u2019 vol. ii. p. ci.; Alger, p. 137.\n\nFootnote 103:\n\n Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 pp. 374, 408; St. Clair and Brophy, \u2018Bulgaria,\u2019\n p. 77; Romanoff, \u2018Greco-Roman Church,\u2019 p. 255.\n\nFootnote 104:\n\n Petrus Damianus, \u2018Vita S. Odilonis,\u2019 in the Bollandist \u2018Acta\n Sanctorum,\u2019 Jan. 1, has the quaint legend attached to the new\n ordinance. An island hermit dwelt near a volcano, where souls of the\n wicked were tormented in the flames. The holy man heard the\n officiating demons lament that their daily task of new torture was\n interfered with by the prayers and alms of devout persons leagued\n against them to save souls, and especially they complained of the\n Monks of Cluny. Thereupon the hermit sent a message to Abbot Odilo,\n who carried out the work to the efficacy of which he had received such\n perfect spiritual testimony, by decreeing that November 2, the day\n after All Saints\u2019, should be set apart for services for the departed.\n\nFootnote 105:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 336. Meiners, vol. i. p. 316; vol. ii.\n p. 290. Wuttke, \u2018Deutsche Volksaberglaube,\u2019 p. 216. Cortet, \u2018F\u00eates\n Religieuses,\u2019 p. 233; \u2018Westminster Rev.\u2019 Jan. 1860; Hersart de la\n Villemarqu\u00e9, \u2018Chants de la Bretagne,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 307.\n\nFootnote 106:\n\n Le Jeune in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1634, p. 16; Waitz, vol. iii. p. 195.\n\nFootnote 107:\n\n Cavazzi, \u2018Congo,\u2019 &c., book i. 265.\n\nFootnote 108:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 865, but not so in the account of the Feast of the\n Dead in Boecler, \u2018Ehsten Abergl. Gebr.\u2019 (ed. Kreutzwald), p. 89.\n Compare Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019 vol. i. p. 345 (G\u00eas). The following\n passage from a spiritualist journal, \u2018The Medium,\u2019 Feb. 9, 1872, shows\n this primitive notion curiously surviving in modern England. \u2018Every\n time we sat at dinner, we had not only spirit-voices calling to us,\n but spirit-hands touching us; and last evening, as it was his\n farewell, they gave us a special manifestation, unasked for and\n unlooked for. He sitting at the right hand of me, a vacant chair\n opposite to him began moving, and, in answer to whether it would have\n some dinner, said \u201cYes.\u201d I then asked it to select what it would take,\n when it chose _croquets des pommes de terre_ (a French way of dressing\n potatoes, about three inches long and two wide. I will send you one\n that you may see it). I was desired to put this on the chair, either\n in a tablespoon or on a plate. I placed it in a tablespoon, thinking\n that probably the plate might be broken. In a few seconds I was told\n that it was eaten, and looking, found the half of it gone, with the\n marks showing the teeth.\u2019 (Note to 2nd ed.)\n\nFootnote 109:\n\n Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 220, see 104.\n\nFootnote 110:\n\n Brasseur, \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 24.\n\nFootnote 111:\n\n Colebrooke, \u2018Essays,\u2019 vol. i. p. 163, &c.; Manu. iii.\n\nFootnote 112:\n\n Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 p. 408; Hartknoch, \u2018Preussen,\u2019 part i. p. 187.\n\nFootnote 113:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 33, 48; Meiners, vol. i. p. 318.\n\nFootnote 114:\n\n Borri, \u2018Relatione della Nuova Missione della Comp. di Giesu,\u2019 Rome,\n 1631, p. 208; and in Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 822, &c.\n\nFootnote 115:\n\n Grout, \u2018Zulu Land,\u2019 p. 140; see Callaway, \u2018Rel. of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 11.\n\nFootnote 116:\n\n Caron, \u2018Japan,\u2019 vol. vii. p. 629; see Turpin, \u2018Siam,\u2019 ibid. vol. ix.\n p. 590.\n\nFootnote 117:\n\n Ovid. Fast. ii. 533.\n\nFootnote 118:\n\n Legge, \u2018Confucius,\u2019 pp. 101-2, 130; Bunsen, \u2018God in History,\u2019 p. 271.\n\nFootnote 119:\n\n Brand, \u2018Pop. Ant.\u2019 vol. i. p. 392, vol. ii. p. 289.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XIII.\n ANIMISM (_continued_).\n\n Journey of the Soul to the Land of the Dead\u2014Visits by the Living to\n the Regions of Departed Souls\u2014Connexion of such legends with myths\n of Sunset: the Land of the Dead thus imagined as in the\n West\u2014Realization of current religious ideas, whether of savage or\n civilized theology, in narratives of visits to the Regions of\n Souls\u2014Localization of the Future Life\u2014Distant earthly region:\n Earthly Paradise, Isles of the Blest\u2014Subterranean Hades or\n Sheol\u2014Sun, Moon, Stars\u2014Heaven\u2014Historical course of belief as to such\n localization\u2014Nature of Future Life\u2014Continuance-theory, apparently\n original, belongs especially to the lower races\u2014Transitional\n theories\u2014Retribution-theory, apparently derived, belongs especially\n to the higher races\u2014Doctrine of Moral Retribution as developed in\n the higher culture\u2014Survey of Doctrine of Future State, from savage\n to civilized stages\u2014Its practical effect on the sentiment and\n conduct of Mankind.\n\n\nThe departure of the dead man\u2019s soul from the world of living men, its\njourney to the distant land of spirits, the life it will lead in its new\nhome, are topics on which the lower races for the most part hold\nexplicit doctrines. When these fall under the inspection of a modern\nethnographer, he treats them as myths; often to a high degree\nintelligible and rational in their origin, consistent and regular in\ntheir structure, but not the less myths. Few subjects have aroused the\nsavage poet\u2019s mind to such bold and vivid imagery as the thought of the\nhereafter. Yet also a survey of its details among mankind displays in\nthe midst of variety a regular recurrence of episode which brings the\never-recurring question, how far is this correspondence due to\ntransmission of the same thought from tribe to tribe, and how far to\nsimilar but independent development in distant lands?\n\nFrom the savage state up into the midst of civilization, the comparison\nmay be carried through. Low races and high, in region after region, can\npoint out the very spot whence the flitting souls start to travel toward\ntheir new home. At the extreme western cape of Vanua Levu, a calm and\nsolemn place of cliff and forest, the souls of the Fijian dead embark\nfor the judgement-seat of Ndengei, and thither the living come in\npilgrimage, thinking to see their ghosts and gods.[120] The Baperi of\nSouth Africa will venture to creep a little way into their cavern of\nMarimatl\u00e9, whence men and animals came forth into the world, and whither\nsouls return at death.[121] In Mexico the cavern of Chalchatongo led to\nthe plains of paradise, and the Aztec name of Mictlan, \u2018Land of the\nDead,\u2019 now Mitla, keeps up the remembrance of another subterranean\ntemple which opened the way to the sojourn of the blessed.[122] How\nnaturally a dreary place, fit rather for the dead than the living,\nsuggests the thought of an entrance to the land of the departed, is seen\nin the fictitious travels known under the name of Sir John Mandevill,\nwhere the description of the Vale Perilous, adapted from the terrible\nvalley which Friar Odoric had seen full of corpses and heard resound\nwith strange noise of drums, has this appropriate ending: \u2018This vale es\nfull of deuilles and all way has bene; and men saise in that cuntree\nthat thare es ane entree to hell.\u2019[123] In more genuine folklore, North\nGerman peasants still remember on the banks of the swampy Dr\u00f6mling the\nplace of access to the land of departed souls.[124] To us Englishmen the\nshores of lake Avernus, trodden daily by our tourists, are more familiar\nthan the Irish analogue of the place, Lough Derg, with its cavern\nentrance of St. Patrick\u2019s Purgatory leading down to the awful world\nbelow. The mass of mystic details need not be repeated here of the\nsoul\u2019s dread journey by caverns and rocky paths and weary plains, over\nsteep and slippery mountains, by frail bark or giddy bridge across gulfs\nor rushing rivers, abiding the fierce onset of the soul-destroyer or the\ndoom of the stern guardian of the other world. But before describing the\nspirit-world which is the end of the soul\u2019s journey, let us see what the\nproof is which sustains the belief in both. The lower races claim to\nhold their doctrines of the future life on strong tradition, direct\nrevelation, and even personal experience. To them the land of souls is a\ndiscovered country, from whose bourne many a traveller returns.\n\nAmong the legendary visits to the world beyond the grave, there are some\nthat seem pure myth, without a touch of real personal history. Ojibwa,\nthe eponymic hero of his North American tribe, as one of his many\nexploits descended to the subterranean world of departed spirits, and\ncame up again to earth.[125] When the Kamchadals were asked how they\nknew so well what happens to men after death, they could answer with\ntheir legend of Haetsh the first man. He died and went down into the\nworld below, and a long while after came up again to his former\ndwelling, and there, standing above by the smoke-hole, he talked down to\nhis kindred in the house and told them about the life to come; it was\nthen that his two daughters whom he had left below followed him in anger\nand smote him so that he died a second time, and now he is chief in the\nlower world, and receives the Italmen when they die and rise anew.[126]\nThus, again, in the great Finnish epic, the Kalewala, one great episode\nis Wainamoinen\u2019s visit to the land of the dead. Seeking the last\ncharm-words to build his boat, the hero travelled with quick steps week\nafter week through bush and wood till he came to the Tuonela river, and\nsaw before him the island of Tuoni the god of death. Loudly he called to\nTuoni\u2019s daughter to bring the ferry-boat across:\u2014\n\n \u2018She, the virgin of Manala,\n She, the washer of the clothing,\n She, the wringer of the linen,\n By the river of Tuonela,\n In the under-world Manala,\n Spake in words, and this their meaning,\n This their answer to the hearer:\u2014\n \u201cForth the boat shall come from hither,\n When the reason thou hast given\n That hath brought thee to Manala,\n Neither slain by any sickness,\n Nor by Death dragged from the living,\n Nor destroyed by other ending.\u201d\u2019\n\nWainamoinen replies with lying reasons. Iron brought him, he says, but\nTuoni\u2019s daughter answers that no blood drips from his garment; Fire\nbrought him, he says, but she answers that his locks are unsinged, and\nat last he tells his real mission. Then she ferries him over, and\nTuonetar the hostess brings him beer in the two-eared jug, but\nWainamoinen can see the frogs and worms within and will not drink, for\nit was not to drain Manala\u2019s beer-jug he had come. He lay in the bed of\nTuoni, and meanwhile they spread the hundred nets of iron and copper\nacross the river that he might not escape; but he turned into a reed in\nthe swamp, and as a snake crept through the meshes:\u2014\n\n \u2018Tuoni\u2019s son with hooked fingers\n Iron-pointed hooked fingers\n Went to draw his nets at morning\u2014\n Salmon-trout he found a hundred,\n Thousands of the little fishes,\n But he found no Wainamoinen,\n Not the old friend of the billows.\n Then the ancient Wainamoinen,\n Come from out of Tuoni\u2019s kingdom,\n Spake in words, and this their meaning,\n This their answer to the hearer:\u2014\n \u201cNever mayst thou, God of goodness,\n Never suffer such another\n Who of self-will goes to Mana,\n Thrusts his way to Tuoni\u2019s kingdom.\n Many they who travel thither,\n Few who thence have found the home-way,\n From the houses of Tuoni\n From the dwellings of Manala.\u201d\u2019[127]\n\nIt is enough to name the familiar classic analogues of these mythic\nvisits to Hades,\u2014the descent of Dionysos to bring back Semele, of\nOrpheus to bring back his beloved Eurydike, of Herakles to fetch up the\nthree-headed Kerberos at the command of his master Eurystheus; above\nall, the voyage of Odysseus to the ends of the deep-flowing Ocean, to\nthe clouded city of Kimmerian men, where shining Helios looks not down\nwith his rays, and deadly night stretches always over wretched\nmortals,\u2014thence they passed along the banks to the entrance of the land\nwhere the shades of the departed, quickened for a while by the taste of\nsacrificial blood, talked with the hero and showed him the regions of\ntheir dismal home.[128]\n\nThe scene of the descent into Hades is in very deed enacted day by day\nbefore our eyes, as it was before the eyes of the ancient myth-maker,\nwho watched the sun descend to the dark under-world, and return at dawn\nto the land of living men. These heroic legends lie in close-knit\nconnexion with episodes of solar myth. It is by the simplest poetic\nadaptation of the Sun\u2019s daily life, typifying Man\u2019s life in dawning\nbeauty, in mid-day glory, in evening death, that mythic fancy even fixed\nthe belief in the religions of the world, that the Land of Departed\nSouls lies in the Far West or the World Below. How deeply the myth of\nthe Sunset has entered into the doctrine of men concerning a Future\nState, how the West and the Under-World have become by mere imaginative\nanalogy Regions of the Dead, how the quaint day-dreams of savage poets\nmay pass into honoured dogmas of classic sages and modern divines,\u2014all\nthis the crowd of details here cited from the wide range of culture\nstand to prove.\n\nMoreover, visits from or to the dead are matters of personal experience\nand personal testimony. When in dream or vision the seer beholds the\nspirits of the departed, they give him tidings from the other world, or\nhe may even rise and travel thither himself, and return to tell the\nliving what he has seen among the dead. It is sometimes as if the\ntraveller\u2019s material body went to visit a distant land, and sometimes\nall we are told is that the man\u2019s self went, but whether in body or in\nspirit is a mere detail of which the story keeps no record. Mostly,\nhowever, it is the seer\u2019s soul which goes forth, leaving his body behind\nin ecstasy, sleep, coma, or death. Some of these stories, as we trace\nthem on from savage into civilized times, are no doubt given in good\nfaith by the visionary himself, while others are imitations of these\ngenuine accounts.[129] Now such visions are naturally apt to reproduce\nthe thoughts with which the seer\u2019s mind was already furnished. Every\nidea once lodged in the mind of a savage, a barbarian, or an enthusiast,\nis ready thus to be brought back to him from without. It is a vicious\ncircle; what he believes he therefore sees, and what he sees he\ntherefore believes. Beholding the reflexion of his own mind like a child\nlooking at itself in a glass, he humbly receives the teaching of his\nsecond self. The Red Indian visits his happy hunting-grounds, the Tongan\nhis shadowy island of Bolotu, the Greek enters Hades and looks on the\nElysian Fields, the Christian beholds the heights of Heaven and the\ndepths of Hell.\n\nAmong the North American Indians, and especially the Algonquin tribes,\naccounts are not unusual of men whose spirits, travelling in dreams or\nin the hallucinations of extreme illness to the land of the dead, have\nreturned to reanimate their bodies, and tell what they have seen. Their\nexperiences have been in great measure what they were taught in early\nchildhood to expect, the journey along the path of the dead, the\nmonstrous strawberry at which the jebi-ug or ghosts refresh themselves,\nbut which turns to red rock at the touch of their spoons, the bark\noffered them for dried meat and great puff-balls for squashes, the river\nof the dead with its snake-bridge or swinging log, the great dog\nstanding on the other side, the villages of the dead beyond.[130] The\nZulus of our own day tell of men who have gone down by holes in the\nground into the underworld, where mountains and rivers and all things\nare as here above, and where a man may find his kindred, for the dead\nlive in their villages, and may be seen milking their cattle, which are\nthe cattle killed on earth and come to life anew. The Zulu Umpengula,\nwho told one of these stories to Dr. Callaway, remembered when he was a\nboy seeing an ugly little hairy man called Uncama, who once, chasing a\nporcupine that ate his mealies, followed it down a hole in the ground\ninto the land of the dead. When he came back to his home on earth he\nfound that he had been given up for dead himself, his wife had duly\nburnt and buried his mats and blankets and vessels, and the wondering\npeople at sight of him again shouted the funeral dirge. Of this Zulu\nDante it used to be continually said, \u2018There is the man who went to the\nunderground people.\u2019[131] One of the most characteristic of these savage\nnarratives is from New Zealand. This story, which has an especial\ninterest from the reminiscence it contains of the gigantic extinct Moa,\nand which may be repeated at some length as an illustration of the\nminute detail and lifelike reality which such visionary legends assume\nin barbaric life, was told to Mr. Shortland by a servant of his named Te\nWharewera. An aunt of this man died in a solitary hut near the banks of\nLake Rotorua. Being a lady of rank she was left in her hut, the door and\nwindows were made fast, and the dwelling was abandoned, as her death had\nmade it tapu. But a day or two after, Te Wharewera with some others\npaddling in a canoe near the place at early morning saw a figure on the\nshore beckoning to them. It was the aunt come to life again, but weak\nand cold and famished. When sufficiently restored by their timely help,\nshe told her story. Leaving her body, her spirit had taken flight toward\nthe North Cape, and arrived at the entrance of Reigna. There, holding on\nby the stem of the creeping akeake-plant, she descended the precipice,\nand found herself on the sandy beach of a river. Looking round, she\nespied in the distance an enormous bird, taller than a man, coming\ntowards her with rapid strides. This terrible object so frightened her,\nthat her first thought was to try to return up the steep cliff; but\nseeing an old man paddling a small canoe towards her she ran to meet\nhim, and so escaped the bird. When she had been safely ferried across\nshe asked the old Charon, mentioning the name of her family, where the\nspirits of her kindred dwelt. Following the path the old man pointed\nout, she was surprised to find it just such a path as she had been used\nto on earth; the aspect of the country, the trees, shrubs, and plants\nwere all familiar to her. She reached the village and among the crowd\nassembled there she found her father and many near relations; they\nsaluted her, and welcomed her with the wailing chant which Maoris always\naddress to people met after long absence. But when her father had asked\nabout his living relatives, and especially about her own child, he told\nher she must go back to earth, for no one was left to take care of his\ngrandchild. By his orders she refused to touch the food that the dead\npeople offered her, and in spite of their efforts to detain her, her\nfather got her safely into the canoe, crossed with her, and parting gave\nher from under his cloak two enormous sweet potatoes to plant at home\nfor his grandchild\u2019s especial eating. But as she began to climb the\nprecipice again, two pursuing infant spirits pulled her back, and she\nonly escaped by flinging the roots at them, which they stopped to eat,\nwhile she scaled the rock by help of the akeake-stem, till she reached\nthe earth and flew back to where she had left her body. On returning to\nlife she found herself in darkness, and what had passed seemed as a\ndream, till she perceived that she was deserted and the door fast, and\nconcluded that she had really died and come to life again. When morning\ndawned, a faint light entered by the crevices of the shut-up house, and\nshe saw on the floor near her a calabash partly full of red ochre mixed\nwith water; this she eagerly drained to the dregs, and then feeling a\nlittle stronger, succeeded in opening the door and crawling down to the\nbeach, where her friends soon after found her. Those who listened to her\ntale firmly believed the reality of her adventures, but it was much\nregretted that she had not brought back at least one of the huge\nsweet-potatoes, as evidence of her visit to the land of spirits.[132]\nRaces of North Asia[133] and West Africa[134] have in like manner their\nexplorers of the world beyond the grave.\n\nClassic literature continues the series. Lucian\u2019s graphic tales\nrepresent the belief of their age, if not of their author. His Eukrates\nlooks down the chasm into Hades, and sees the dead reclining on the\nasphodel in companies of kinsfolk and friends; among them he recognizes\nSokrates with his bald head and pot-belly, and also his own father,\ndressed in the clothes he was buried in. Then Kleodemos caps this story\nwith his own, how when he was sick, on the seventh day when his fever\nwas burning like a furnace, every one left him, and the doors were shut.\nThen there stood before him an all-beauteous youth in a white garment,\nwho led him through a chasm into Hades, as he knew by seeing Tantalos\nand Tityos and Sisyphos; and bringing him to the court of judgement,\nwhere were Aiakos and the Fates and the Erinyes, the youth set him\nbefore Pluto the King, who sat reading the names of those whose day of\nlife was over. But Pluto was angry, and said to the guide, \u2018This one\u2019s\nthread is not run out, that he should depart, but bring me Demylos the\ncoppersmith, for he is living beyond the spindle.\u2019 So Kleodemos came\nback to himself free from his fever and announced that Demylos, who was\na sick neighbour, would die; and accordingly a little while after there\nwas heard the cry of the mourners wailing for him.[135] Plutarch\u2019s\nstories, told more seriously, are yet one in type with the mocking\nLucian\u2019s. The wicked, pleasure-seeking Thespesios lies three days as\ndead, and revives to tell his vision of the world below. One Antyllos\nwas sick, and seemed to the doctors to retain no trace of life; till,\nwaking without sign of insanity, he declared that he had been indeed\ndead, but was ordered back to life, those who brought him being severely\nchidden by their lord, and sent to fetch Nikander instead, a well-known\ncurrier, who was accordingly taken with a fever, and died on the third\nday.[136] Such stories, old and new, are current among the Hindus at\nthis day. A certain man\u2019s soul, for instance, is carried to the realm of\nYama by mistake for a namesake, and is sent back in haste to regain his\nbody before it is burnt; but in the meanwhile he has a glimpse of the\nhideous punishments of the wicked, and of the glorious life of those who\nhad mortified the flesh on earth, and of suttee-widows now sitting in\nhappiness by their husbands.[137] Mutatis mutandis these tales reappear\nin Christian mythology, as when Gregory the Great records that a certain\nnobleman named Stephen died, who was taken to the region of Hades, and\nsaw many things he had heard before but not believed; but when he was\nset before the ruler there presiding, he sent him back, saying that it\nwas this Stephen\u2019s neighbour\u2014Stephen the smith\u2014whom he had commanded to\nbe brought; and accordingly the one returned to life, and the other\ndied.[138]\n\nThe thought of human visitors revealing the mysteries of the world\nbeyond the grave, which indeed took no slight hold on Christian belief,\nattached itself in a remarkable way to the doctrine of Christ\u2019s descent\ninto Hades. This dogma had so strongly established itself by the end of\nthe 4th century, that Augustine could ask, \u2018Quis nisi infidelis\nnegaverit fuisse apud inferos Christum?\u2019[139] A distinct statement of\nthe dogma was afterwards introduced into the symbol commonly called the\n\u2018Apostles\u2019 Creed:\u2019 \u2018Descendit ad inferos,\u2019 \u2018Descendit ad inferna,\u2019 \u2018He\ndescended into hell.\u2019[140] The Descent into Hades, which had the\ntheological use of providing a theory of salvation applicable to the\nsaints of the old covenant, imprisoned in the limbo of the fathers, is\nnarrated in full in the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, and is made\nthere to rest upon a legend which belongs to the present group of human\nvisits to the other world. It is related that two sons of Simeon, named\nCharinus and Leucius, rose from their tombs at the Resurrection, and\nwent about silently and prayerfully among men, till Annas and Caiaphas\nbrought them into the synagogue, and charged them to tell of their\nraising from the dead. Then, making the sign of the cross upon their\ntongues, the two asked for parchment and wrote their record. They had\nbeen set with all their fathers in the depths of Hades, when on a sudden\nthere appeared the colour of the sun like gold, and a purple royal light\nshining on them; then the patriarchs and prophets, from Adam to Simeon\nand John the Baptist, rejoicing proclaimed the coming of the light and\nthe fulfilment of the prophecies; Satan and Hades wrangled in strife\ntogether; in vain the brazen gates were shut with their iron bars, for\nthe summons came to open the gates that the king of glory may come in,\nwho hath broken the gates of brass and cut the bars of iron in sunder;\nthen the mighty Lord broke the fetters and visited them who sat in\ndarkness and the shadow of death; Adam and his righteous children were\ndelivered from Hades, and led into the glorious grace of Paradise.[141]\n\nDante, elaborating in the \u2018Divina Commedia\u2019 the conceptions of paradise,\npurgatory, and hell familiar to the actual belief of his age, describes\nthem once more in the guise of a living visitor to the land of the dead.\nEchoes in medi\u00e6val legend of such exploring expeditions to the world\nbelow still linger faintly in the popular belief of Europe. It has been\nthus with St. Patrick\u2019s Purgatory,[142] the cavern in the island of\nLough Derg, in the county Donegal, which even in the seventeenth century\nO\u2019Sullevan could describe first and foremost in his \u2018Catholic History\u2019\nas \u2018the greatest of all memorable things of Ireland.\u2019 Medi\u00e6val visits to\nthe other world were often made in the spirit. But like Ulysses,\nWainamoinen, and Dante, men could here make the journey in body, as did\nSir Owain and the monk Gilbert. When the pilgrim had spent fifteen days\nin prayer and fasting in the church, and had been led with litanies and\nsprinkling of holy water to the entrance of the purgatory, and the last\nwarnings of the monks had failed to turn him from his venture, the door\nwas closed upon him, and if found next morning, he could tell the events\nof his awful journey\u2014how he crossed the narrow bridge that spans the\nriver of death, how he saw the hideous torments of hell, and approached\nthe joys of paradise. Sir Owain, one of King Stephen\u2019s knights, went\nthither in penance for his life of violence and rapine, and this was one\nof the scenes he beheld in purgatory:\u2014\n\n \u2018There come develes other mony mo,\n And badde the knygth with hem to go,\n And ladde him into a fowle contreye,\n Where ever was nygth and never day,\n For hit was derke and wonther colde:\n Yette was there never man so bolde,\n Hadde he never so mony clothes on,\n But he wolde be colde as ony stone.\n Wynde herde he none blowe,\n But faste hit frese bothe hye and lowe.\n They browgte him to a felde full brode,\n Overe suche another never he yode,\n For of the lengthe none ende he knewe\n Thereover algate he moste nowe.\n As he wente he herde a crye,\n He wondered what hit was, and why,\n He syg ther men and wymmen also\n That lowde cryed, for hem was woo.\n They leyen thykke on every londe,\n Faste nayled bothe fote and honde\n With nayles glowyng alle of brasse:\n They ete the erthe so wo hem was;\n Here face was nayled to the grownde.\n \u201cSpare,\u201d they cryde, \u201ca lytylle stounde.\u201d\n The develes wolde hem not spare:\n To hem peyne they thowgte yare.\u2019\n\nWhen Owain had seen the other fields of punishment, with their fiery\nserpents and toads, and the fires where sinners were hung up by their\noffending members, and roasted on spits, and basted with molten metal,\nand turned about on a great wheel of fire, and when he had passed the\nDevil\u2019s Mouth over the awful bridge, he reached the fair white glassy\nwall of the Earthly Paradise, reaching upward and upward, and saw before\nhim the beautiful gate, whence issued a ravishing perfume. Then he soon\nforgot his pains and sorrows.\n\n \u2018As he stode, and was so fayne,\n Hym thowgth ther come hym agayne\n A swyde fayr processyoun\n Of alle manere menne of relygyoun,\n Fayre vestementes they hadde on,\n So ryche syg he never none.\n Myche joye hym thowgte to se\n Bysshopes yn here dygnit\u00e9;\n Ilkone wente other be and be,\n Every man yn his degr\u00e9.\n He syg ther monkes and chanones,\n And freres with newe shavene crownes;\n Ermytes he saw there amonge,\n And nonnes with fulle mery songe;\n Persones, prestes, and vycaryes;\n They made fulle mery melodyes.\n He syg ther kynges and emperoures,\n And dukes that had casteles and toures,\n Erles and barones fele,\n That some tyme hadde the worldes wele.\n Other folke he syg also,\n Never so mony as he dede thoo.\n Wymmen he syg ther that tyde:\n Myche was the joye ther on every syde:\n For alle was joye that with hem ferde,\n And myche solempnyt\u00e9 he herde.\u2019\n\nThe procession welcomed Owain, and led him about, showing him the\nbeauties of that country:\u2014\n\n \u2018Hyt was grene, and fulle of flowres\n Of mony dyvers colowres;\n Hyt was grene on every syde,\n As medewus are yn someres tyde.\n Ther were trees growyng fulle grene\n Fulle of fruyte ever more, y wene;\n For ther was frwyte of mony a kynde,\n Such yn the londe may no mon fynde.\n Ther they have the tree of lyfe,\n Theryn ys myrthe, and never stryfe;\n Frwyte of wysdom also ther ys,\n Of the whyche Adam and Eve dede amysse:\n Other manere frwytes ther were fele,\n And alle manere joye and wele.\n Moche folke he syg ther dwelle,\n There was no tongue that mygth hem telle;\n Alle were they cloded yn ryche wede,\n What cloth hit was he kowthe not rede.\n\n There was no wronge, but ever rygth,\n Ever day and nevere nygth.\n They shone as brygth and more clere\n Than ony sonne yn the day doth here.\u2019\n\nThe poem, in fifteenth-century English, from which these passages are\ntaken, is a version of the original legend of earlier date, and as such\ncontrasts with a story really dating from early in the fifteenth\ncentury\u2014William Staunton\u2019s descent into Purgatory, where the themes of\nthe old sincerely-believed visionary lore are fading into moral\nallegory, and the traveller sees the gay gold and silver collars and\ngirdles burning into the wearer\u2019s flesh, and the jags that men were\nclothed in now become adders and dragons, sucking and stinging them, and\nthe fiends drawing down the skin of women\u2019s shoulders into pokes, and\nsmiting into their heads with burning hammers their gay chaplets of gold\nand jewels turned to burning nails, and so forth. Late in this fifteenth\ncentury, St. Patrick\u2019s Purgatory fell into discredit, but even the\ndestruction of the entrance-building, in 1479, by Papal order, did not\ndestroy the ideal road. About 1693, an excavation on the spot brought to\nlight a window with iron stanchions; there was a cry for holy water to\nkeep the spirits from breaking out from prison, and the priest smelt\nbrimstone from the dark cavity below, which, however, unfortunately\nturned out to be a cellar. In still later times, the yearly pilgrimage\nof tens of thousands of votaries to the holy place has kept up this\ninteresting survival from the lower culture, whereby a communication may\nstill be traced, if not from Earth to Hades, at least from the belief of\nthe New Zealander to that of the Irish peasant.\n\nTo study and compare the ideal regions where man has placed the abodes\nof departed souls is not an unprofitable task. True, geography has now\nmapped out into mere earth and water the space that lay beyond the\nnarrower sea and land known to the older nations, and astronomy no\nlonger recognizes the flat earth trodden by men as being the roof of\nsubterranean halls, nor the sky as being a solid firmament, shutting out\nmen\u2019s gaze from strata or spheres of empyr\u00e6an regions beyond. Yet if we\ncarry our minds back to the state of knowledge among the lower races, we\nshall not find it hard to understand the early conceptions as to the\nlocality of the regions beyond the grave. They are no secrets of high\nknowledge made known to sages of old; they are the natural fancies which\nchildlike ignorance would frame in any age. The regularity with which\nsuch conceptions repeat themselves over the world bears testimony to the\nregularity of the processes by which opinion is formed among mankind. At\nthe same time, the student who carefully compares them will find in them\na perfect illustration of an important principle, widely applicable to\nthe general theory of the formation of human opinion. When a problem has\npresented itself to mankind at large, susceptible of a number of\nsolutions about equally plausible, the result is that the several\nopinions thus produced will be found lying scattered in country after\ncountry. The problem here is, given the existence of souls of the dead\nwho from time to time visit the living, where is the home of these\nghosts? Why men in one district should have preferred the earth, in\nanother the under-world, in another the sky, as the abode of departed\nsouls, is a question often difficult to answer. But we may at least see\nhow again and again the question was taken in hand, and how out of the\nthree or four available answers some peoples adopted one, some another,\nsome several at once. Primitive theologians had all the world before\nthem where to choose their place of rest for the departed, and they used\nto the full their speculative liberty.\n\nFirstly, when the land of souls is located on the surface of the earth,\nthere is choice of fit places among wild and cloudy precipices, in\nsecluded valleys, in far-off plains and islands. In Borneo, Mr. St. John\nvisited the heaven of the Idaan race, on the summit of Kina Balu, and\nthe native guides, who feared to pass the night in this abode of\nspirits, showed the traveller the moss on which the souls of their\nancestors fed, and the footprints of the ghostly buffaloes that followed\nthem. On Gunung Danka, a mountain in West Java, there is such another\n\u2018Earthly Paradise.\u2019 The Sajira who dwell in the district indeed profess\nthemselves Mohammedans, but they secretly maintain their old belief, and\nat death or funeral they enjoin the soul in solemn form to set aside the\nMoslem Allah, and to take the way to the dwelling-place of his own\nforefathers\u2019 souls:\u2014\n\n \u2018Step up the bed of the river, and cross the neck of land,\n Where the aren trees stand in a clump, and the pinangs in a row,\n Thither direct thy steps, Laillah being set aside.\u2019\n\nMr. Jonathan Rigg had lived ten years among these people, and knew them\nwell, yet had never found out that their paradise was on this mountain.\nWhen at last he heard of it, he made the ascent, finding on the top only\na few river-stones, forming one of the balai, or sacred cairns, common\nin the district. But the popular belief, that a tiger would devour the\nchiefs who permitted a violation of the sacred place, soon received the\nsort of confirmation which such beliefs receive everywhere, for a tiger\nkilled two children a few days later, and the disaster was of course\nascribed to Mr. Rigg\u2019s profanation.[143] The Chilians said that the soul\ngoes westward over the sea to Gulcheman, the dwelling-place of the dead\nbeyond the mountains; life, some said, was all pleasure there, but\nothers thought that part would be happy and part miserable.[144] Hidden\namong the mountains of Mexico lay the joyous garden-land of Tlalocan,\nwhere maize, and pumpkins, and chilis, and tomatos never failed, and\nwhere abode the souls of children sacrificed to Tlaloc, its god, and the\nsouls of such as died by drowning or thunderstroke, or by leprosy or\ndropsy, or other acute disease.[145] A survival of such thought may be\ntraced into medi\u00e6val civilization, in the legends of the Earthly\nParadise, the fire-girt abode of saints not yet raised to highest bliss,\nlocalized in the utmost East of Asia, where earth stretches up towards\nheaven.[146] When Columbus sailed west-ward across the Atlantic to seek\n\u2018the new heaven and the new earth\u2019 he had read of in Isaiah, he found\nthem, though not as he sought. It is a quaint coincidence that he found\nthere also, though not as he sought it, the Earthly Paradise which was\nanother main object of his venturous quest. The Haitians described to\nthe white men their Coaibai, the paradise of the dead, in the lovely\nWestern valleys of their island, where the souls hidden by day among the\ncliffs came down at night to feed on the delicious fruit of the\nmamey-trees, of which the living ate but sparingly, lest the souls of\ntheir friends should want.[147]\n\nSecondly, there are Australians who think that the spirit of the dead\nhovers awhile on earth and goes at last toward the setting sun, or\nwestward over the sea to the island of souls, the home of his fathers.\nThus these rudest savages have developed two thoughts which we meet with\nagain and again far onward in the course of culture\u2014the thought of an\nisland of the dead, and the thought that the world of departed souls is\nin the West, whither the Sun descends at evening to his daily\ndeath.[148] Among the North American Indians, when once upon a time an\nAlgonquin hunter left his body behind and visited the land of souls in\nthe sunny south, he saw before him beautiful trees and plants, but found\nhe could walk right through them. Then he paddled in the canoe of white\nshining stone across the lake where wicked souls perish in the storm,\ntill he reached the beautiful and happy island where there is no cold,\nno war, no bloodshed, but the creatures run happily about, nourished by\nthe air they breathe.[149] Tongan legend says that, long ago, a canoe\nreturning from Fiji was driven by stress of weather to Bolotu, the\nisland of gods and souls lying in the ocean north-west of Tonga. That\nisland is larger than all theirs together, full of all finest fruits and\nloveliest flowers, that fill the air with fragrance, and come anew the\nmoment they are plucked; birds of beauteous plumage are there, and hogs\nin plenty, all immortal save when killed for the gods to eat, and then\nnew living ones appear immediately to fill their places. But when the\nhungry crew of the canoe landed, they tried in vain to pluck the shadowy\nbread-fruit, they walked through unresisting trees and houses, even as\nthe souls of chiefs who met them walked unchecked through their solid\nbodies. Counselled to hasten home from this land of no earthly food, the\nmen sailed to Tonga, but the deadly air of Bolotu had infected them, and\nthey soon all died.[150]\n\nSuch ideas took strong hold on classic thought, in the belief in a\nparadise in the Fortunate Islands of the far Western Ocean. Hesiod in\nthe \u2018Works and Days\u2019 tells of the half-gods of the Fourth Age, between\nthe Age of Bronze and the Age of Iron. When death closed on this heroic\nrace, Zeus granted them at the ends of Earth a life and home, apart from\nman and far from the immortals. There Kronos reigns over them, and they\ndwell careless in the Islands of the Happy, beside deep-eddying\nOcean\u2014blest heroes, for whom the grain-giving field bears, thrice\nblooming yearly, the honey-sweet fruit:\u2014\n\n \u2018\u1f1c\u03bd\u03b8\u2019 \u1f24\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03b8\u03b1\u03bd\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bc\u03c6\u03b5\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03c5\u03c8\u03b5\u00b7\n \u03a4\u03bf\u00ee\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03b4\u03af\u03c7\u2019 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b8\u03c1\u03ce\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd \u03b2\u03af\u03bf\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f24\u03b8\u1f10 \u1f40\u03c0\u03ac\u03c3\u03c3\u03b1\u03c2\n \u0396\u03b5\u1f7a\u03c2 \u039a\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03c3\u03c3\u03b5 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1 \u1f10\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b5\u03af\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03b3\u03b1\u03af\u03b5\u03c2,\n \u03a4\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u1f50 \u1f00\u03c0\u2019 \u1f00\u03b8\u03b1\u03bd\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd\u00b7 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u039a\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bc\u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03cd\u03b5\u03b9\u00b7\n \u039a\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1f76 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f00\u03ba\u03b7\u03b4\u03ad\u03b1 \u03b8\u03c5\u03bc\u1f78\u03bd \u1f14\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2\n \u1f18\u03bd \u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03ac\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03bd\u03ae\u03c3\u03bf\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u2019 \u1f68\u03ba\u03b5\u03b1\u03bd\u1f78\u03bd \u03b2\u03b1\u03b8\u03c5\u03b4\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03bd,\n \u1f4c\u03bb\u03b2\u03b9\u03bf\u03b9 \u1f24\u03c1\u03bf\u03b5\u03c2, \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03bc\u03b5\u03bb\u03b9\u03b5\u03b4\u03ad\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u1f78\u03bd\n \u03a4\u03c1\u1f76\u03c2 \u1f14\u03c4\u03b5\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b8\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c6\u03ad\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9 \u03b6\u03b5\u03af\u03b4\u03c9\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f04\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c1\u03b1.\u2019[151]\n\nThese Islands of the Blest, assigned as the abode of blessed spirits of\nthe dead, came indeed to be identified with the Elysian Fields. Thus\nPindar sings of steadfast souls, who through three lives on either side\nhave endured free from injustice; then they pass by the road of Zeus to\nthe tower of Kronos, where the ocean breezes blow round the islands of\nthe happy, blazing with golden flowers of land and water. Thus, also, in\nthe famous hymn of Kallistratos in honour of Harmodios and Aristogeiton,\nwho slew the tyrant Hipparchos:\u2014\n\n \u2018\u03a6\u03af\u03bb\u03c4\u03b1\u03b8\u2019 \u1f09\u03c1\u03bc\u03cc\u03b4\u1f30, \u03bf\u1f54 \u03c4\u03b9 \u03c0\u03c9 \u03c4\u03ad\u03b8\u03bd\u03b7\u03ba\u03b1\u03c2\n \u039d\u03ae\u03c3\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f10\u03bd \u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03ac\u03c1\u03c9\u03bd \u03c3\u03b5 \u03c6\u03b1\u03c3\u1f76\u03bd \u03b5\u00ee\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9,\n \u1f3d\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u03c0\u03bf\u03b4\u03ce\u03ba\u03b5\u03c2 \u1f08\u03c7\u03b9\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5\u03cd\u03c2,\n \u03a4\u03c5\u03b4\u03b5\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd \u03c4\u03b5 \u03c6\u03b1\u03c3\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03c3\u03b8\u03bb\u1f78\u03bd \u0394\u03b9\u03bf\u03bc\u03ae\u03b4\u03b5\u03b1.\u2019[152]\n\nThis group of legends has especial interest to us Englishmen, who\nourselves dwell, it seems, on such an island of the dead. It is not that\nwe or our country are of a more ghostly nature than others, but the idea\nis geographical we are dwellers in the region of the setting sun, the\nland of death. The elaborate account by Procopius, the historian of the\nGothic War, dates from the 6th century. The island of Brittia, according\nto him, lies opposite the mouths of the Rhine, some 200 stadia off,\nbetween Britannia and Thule, and on it dwell three populous nations, the\nAngles, Frisians, and Britons. (By Brittia, it appears, he means our\nGreat Britain, his Britannia being the coast-land from modern Brittany\nto Holland, and his Thule being Scandinavia.) In the course of his\nhistory it seems to him needful to record a story, mythic and dreamlike\nas he thinks, yet which numberless men vouch for as having been\nthemselves witnesses by eye and ear to its facts. This story is that the\nsouls of the departed are conveyed across the sea to the island of\nBrittia. Along the mainland coast are many villages, inhabited by\nfishermen and tillers of the soil and traders to this island in their\nvessels. They are subject to the Franks, but pay no tribute, having from\nof old had to do by turns the burdensome service of transporting the\nsouls. Those on duty for each night stay at home till they hear a\nknocking at the doors, and a voice of one unseen calling them to their\nwork. Then without delay rising from their beds, compelled by some\nunknown power they go down to the beach, and there they see boats, not\ntheir own but others, lying ready but empty of men. Going on board and\ntaking the oars, they find that by the burden of the multitude of souls\nembarked, the vessel lies low in the water, gunwale under within a\nfinger\u2019s breadth. In an hour they are at the opposite shore, though in\ntheir own boats they would hardly make the voyage in a night and day.\nWhen they reach the island, the vessel becomes empty, till it is so\nlight that only the keel touches the waves. They see no man on the\nvoyage, no man at the landing, but a voice is heard that proclaims the\nname and rank and parentage of each newly arrived passenger, or if\nwomen, those of their husbands. Traces of this remarkable legend seem to\nhave survived, thirteen centuries later, in that endmost district of the\nBritannia of Procopius which still keeps the name of Bretagne. Near Raz,\nwhere the narrow promontory stretches westward into the ocean, is the\n\u2018Bay of Souls\u2019 (bo\u00e9 ann anavo); in the commune of Plouguel the corpse is\ntaken to the churchyard, not by the shorter road by land, but in a boat\nby the \u2018Passage de l\u2019Enfer,\u2019 across a little arm of the sea; and Breton\nfolk-lore holds fast to the legend of the Cur\u00e9 de Braspar, whose dog\nleads over to Great Britain the souls of the departed, when the wheels\nof the soul-car are heard creaking in the air. These are but mutilated\nfragments, but they seem to piece together with another Keltic myth,\ntold by Macpherson in the last century, the voyage of the boat of heroes\nto Flath-Innis, Noble Island, the green island home of the departed,\nwhich lies calm amid the storms far in the Western Ocean. With full\nreason, also, Mr. Wright traces to the situation of Ireland in the\nextreme West its especial association with legends of descents to the\nland of shades. Claudian placed at the extremity of Gaul the entrance\nwhere Ulysses found a way to Hades\u2014\n\n \u2018Est locus extremum qua pandit Gallia litus,\n Oceani pr\u00e6tentus aquis, ubi fertur Ulysses,\u2019 &c.\n\nNo wonder that this spot should have been since identified with St.\nPatrick\u2019s Purgatory, and that some ingenious etymologist should have\nfound in the name of \u2018Ulster\u2019 a corruption of \u2018Ulyssisterra,\u2019 and a\ncommemoration of the hero\u2019s visit.[153]\n\nThirdly, the belief in a subterranean Hades peopled by the ghosts of the\ndead is quite common among the lower races. The earth is flat, say the\nItalmen of Kamchatka, for if it were round, people would fall off; it is\nthe wrong side of another heaven, which covers another earth below,\nwhither the dead will go down to their new life, and so, as Steller\nsays, their mundane system is like a tub with three bottoms.[154] In\nNorth America, the Tacullis held that the soul goes after death into the\nbowels of the earth, whence it can come back in human shape to visit\nfriends.[155] In South America, Brazilian souls travel down to the world\nbelow in the West, and Patagonian souls will depart to enjoy eternal\ndrunkenness in the caves of their ancestral deities.[156] The New\nZealander who says \u2018The sun has returned to Hades\u2019 (kua hoki mai te Ra\nki te Rua), simply means that it has set. When a Samoan Islander dies,\nthe host of spirits that surround the house, waiting to convey his soul\naway, set out with him crossing the land and swimming the sea, to the\nentrance of the spirit-world. This is at the westernmost point of the\nwesternmost island, Savaii, and there one may see the two circular holes\nor basins where souls descend, chiefs by the bigger and plebeians by the\nsmaller, into the regions of the under-world. There below is a heaven,\nearth, and sea, and people with real bodies, planting, fishing, cooking,\nas in the present life; but at night their bodies become like a confused\ncollection of fiery sparks, and in this state during the hours of\ndarkness they come up to revisit their former abodes, retiring at dawn\nto the bush or to the lower regions.[157] For the state of thought on\nthis subject among rude African tribes, it is enough to cite the Zulus,\nwho at death will descend to live in Hades among their ancestors, the\n\u2018Abapansi,\u2019 the \u2018people underground.\u2019[158] Among rude Asiatic tribes,\nsuch an example may be taken from the Karens. They are not quite agreed\nwhere Plu, the land of the dead, is situate; it may be above the earth\nor beyond the horizon. But the dominant and seemingly indigenous opinion\nis that it is below the earth. When the sun sets on earth, it rises in\nthe Karen Hades, and when it sets in Hades it rises in this world. Here,\nagain, the familiar belief of the European peasant is found; the spirits\nof the dead may come up from the land of shades by night, but at\ndaybreak must return.[159]\n\nSuch ideas, developed by uncultured races, may be followed up in various\ndetail, through the stage of religion represented by the Mexican and\nPeruvian nations,[160] into higher ranges of culture. The Roman Orcus\nwas in the bowels of the earth, and when the \u2018lapis manalis,\u2019 the stone\nthat closed the mouth of the world below, was moved away on certain\nsolemn days, the ghosts of the dead came up to the world above, and\npartook of the offerings of their friends.[161] Among the Greeks, the\nLand of Hades was in the world below, nor was the thought unknown that\nit was the sunset realm of the Western god (\u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f11\u03c3\u03c0\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6). What\nHades seemed like to the popular mind, Lucian thus describes:\u2014\u2018The great\ncrowd, indeed, whom the wise call \u201cidiots,\u201d believing Homer and Hesiod,\nand the other myth-makers about these things, and setting up their\npoetry as a law, have supposed a certain deep place under the earth,\nHades, and that it is vast, and roomy, and gloomy, and sunless, and how\nthought to be lighted up so as to behold every one within, I know\nnot.\u2019[162] In the ancient Egyptian doctrine of the future life, modelled\non solar myth, the region of the departed combines the under-world and\nthe west, Amenti; the dead passes the gate of the setting sun to\ntraverse the roads of darkness, and behold his father Osiris; and with\nthis solar thought the Egyptian priests, representing in symbolic\nceremony the scenes of the other world, carried the corpse in the sacred\nboat across to the burial-place, on the western side of the sacred\nlake.[163] So, too, the cavernous Sheol of the Israelites, the shadowy\nregion of departed souls, lay deep below the earth. Through the great\nAryan religious systems, Brahmanism, Zarathustrism, Buddhism, and onward\ninto the range of Islam and of Christianity, subterranean hells of\npurgatory or punishment make the doleful contrast to heavens of light\nand glory.\n\nIt is, however, a point worthy of special notice that the conception of\nhell as a fiery abyss, so familiar to the religions of the higher\ncivilization, is all but unknown to savage thought, so much so that if\nmet with, its genuineness is doubtful. Captain John Smith\u2019s \u2018History of\nVirginia,\u2019 published in 1624, contains two different accounts of the\nIndians\u2019 doctrine of a future life. Smith\u2019s own description is of a land\nbeyond the mountains, toward sunset, where chiefs and medicine-men in\npaint and feathers shall smoke, and sing, and dance with their\nforefathers, while the common people have no life after death, but rot\nin their graves. Heriot\u2019s description is of tabernacles of the gods to\nwhich the good are taken up to perpetual happiness, while the wicked are\ncarried to \u2018Popogusso,\u2019 a great pit which they think to be at the\nfurthest parts of the world where the sun sets, and there burn\ncontinually.[164] Now knowing so much as we do of the religion of the\nAlgonquins, to whom these Virginians belonged, we may judge that while\nthe first account is genuinely native, though perhaps not quite\ncorrectly understood, the second was borrowed by the Indians from the\nwhite men themselves. Yet even here the touch of solar myth is manifest,\nand the description of the fiery abyss in the region of sunset may be\ncompared with one from our own country, in the Anglo-Saxon dialogue of\nSaturn and Solomon. \u2018Saga me forhwan byth seo sunne read on \u00e6fen? Ic the\nsecge, forthon heo locath on helle.\u2014Tell me, why is the sun red at even?\nI tell thee, because she looketh on hell.\u2019[165] To the same belief\nbelongs another striking mythic feature. The idea of volcanos being\nmouths of the under-world seems not unexampled among the lower races,\nfor we hear of certain New Zealanders casting their dead down into a\ncrater.[166] But in connexion with the thought of a gehenna of fire and\nbrimstone, Vesuvius, Etna, and Hecla had spiritual as well as material\nterrors to the mind of Christendom, for they were believed to be places\nof purgatory or the very mouths of the pit where the souls of the damned\nwere cast down.[167] The Indians of Nicaragua used in old times to offer\nhuman sacrifices to their volcano Masaya, flinging the corpses into the\ncrater, and in later years, after the conversion of the country, we hear\nof Christian confessors sending their penitents to climb the mountain,\nand (as a glimpse of hell) to look down upon the molten lava.[168]\n\nFourthly, in old times and new, it has come into men\u2019s minds to fix upon\nthe sun and moon as abodes of departed souls. When we have learnt from\nthe rude Natchez of the Mississippi and the Apalaches of Florida that\nthe sun is the bright dwelling of departed chiefs and braves, and have\ntraced like thoughts on into the theologies of Mexico and Peru, then we\nmay compare these savage doctrines with Isaac Taylor\u2019s ingenious\nsupposition in his \u2018Physical Theory of Another Life,\u2019\u2014the sun of each\nplanetary system is the house of the higher and ultimate spiritual\ncorporeity, and the centre of assembly to those who have passed on the\nplanets their preliminary era of corruptible organization. Or perhaps\nsome may prefer the Rev. Tobias Swinden\u2019s book, published in the last\ncentury, and translated into French and German, which proved the sun to\nbe hell, and its dark spots gatherings of damned souls.[169] And when in\nSouth America the Saliva Indians have pointed out the moon, their\nparadise where no mosquitos are, and the Guaycurus have shown it as the\nhome of chiefs and medicine-men deceased, and the Polynesians of Tokelau\nin like manner have claimed it as the abode of departed kings and\nchiefs, then these pleasant fancies may be compared with Plutarch\u2019s\ndescription of the virtuous souls who after purification in the middle\nspace gain their footing on the moon, and there are crowned as\nvictors.[170] The converse notion of the moon as the seat of hell, has\nbeen elaborated in profoundest bathos by Mr. M. F. Tupper:\n\n \u2018I know thee well, O Moon, thou cavern\u2019d realm,\n Sad Satellite, thou giant ash of death,\n Blot on God\u2019s firmament, pale home of crime,\n Scarr\u2019d prison-house of sin, where damned souls\n Feed upon punishment. Oh, thought sublime,\n That amid night\u2019s black deeds, when evil prowls\n Through the broad world, thou, watching sinners well,\n Glarest o\u2019er all, the wakeful eye of\u2014Hell!\u2019\n\nSkin for skin, the brown savage is not ill matched in such speculative\nlore with the white philosopher.\n\nFifthly, as Paradise on the face of the earth, and Hades beneath it\nwhere the sun goes down, are regions whose existence is asserted or not\ndenied by savage and barbaric science, so it is with Heaven. Among the\nexamples which display for us the real course of knowledge among\nmankind, and the real relation which primitive bears to later culture,\nthe belief in the existence of a firmament is one of the most\ninstructive. It arises naturally in the minds of children still, and in\naccordance with the simplest childlike thought, the cosmologies of the\nNorth American Indians[171] and the South Sea Islanders[172] describe\ntheir flat earth arched over by the solid vault of heaven. Like thoughts\nare to be traced on through such details as the Zulu idea that the blue\nheaven is a rock encircling the earth, inside which are the sun, moon,\nand stars, and outside which dwell the people of heaven; the modern\nnegro\u2019s belief that there is a firmament stretched above like a cloth or\nweb; the Finnish poem which tells how Ilmarinen forged the firmament of\nfinest steel, and set in it the moon and stars.[173] The New Zealander,\nwith his notion of a solid firmament, through which the waters can be\nlet down on earth through a crack or hole from the reservoir of rain\nabove, could well explain the passage in Herodotus concerning that place\nin North Africa where, as the Libyans said, the sky is pierced, as well\nas the ancient Jewish conception of a firmament of heaven, \u2018strong as a\nmolten mirror,\u2019 with its windows through which the rain pours down in\ndeluge from the reservoirs above, windows which late Rabbinical\nliterature tells us were made by taking out two stars.[174] In nations\nwhere the theory of the firmament prevails, accounts of bodily journeys\nor spiritual ascents to heaven are in general meant not as figure, but\nas fact. Among the lower races, the tendency to localize the region of\ndeparted souls above the sky seems less strong than that which leads\nthem to place their world of the dead on or below the earth\u2019s surface.\nYet some well-marked descriptions of a savage Heaven are on record, the\nfollowing, and others to be cited presently. Even some Australians seem\nto think of going up to the clouds at death, to eat and drink, and hunt\nand fish as here.[175] In North America, the Winnebagos placed their\nparadise in the sky, where souls travel along that \u2018Path of the Dead\u2019\nwhich we call the Milky Way; and working out the ever-recurring solar\nidea, the modern Iroquois speak of the soul going upward and westward,\ntill it comes out on the beauteous plains of heaven, with people and\ntrees and things as on earth.[176] In South America the Guarayos,\nrepresentatives in some sort of the past condition of the Guarani race,\nworship Tamoi the Grandfather, the Ancient of Heaven; he was their first\nancestor, who lived among them in old days and taught them to till the\nground; then rising to heaven in the East he disappeared, having\npromised to be the helper of his people on earth, and to transport them,\nwhen they died, from the top of a sacred tree into another life, where\nthey shall find their kindred and have hunting in plenty, and possess\nall that they possessed on earth; therefore it is that the Guarayos\nadorn their dead, and burn their weapons for them, and bury them with\ntheir faces to the East, whither they are to go.[177] Among American\npeoples whose culture rose to a higher level than that of these savage\ntribes, we hear of the Peruvian Heaven, the glorious \u2018Upper World,\u2019 and\nof the temporary abode of Aztec warriors on heavenly wooded plains,\nwhere the sun shines when it is night on earth, wherefore it was a\nMexican saying that the sun goes at evening to lighten the dead.[178]\nWhat thoughts of heaven were in the minds of the old Aryan poets, this\nhymn from the Rig-Veda may show:\u2014\n\n \u2018Where there is eternal light, in the world where the sun is placed,\n in that immortal imperishable world place me, O Soma!\n Where king Vaivasvata reigns, where the secret place of heaven is,\n where these mighty waters are, there make me immortal!\n Where life is free, in the third heaven of heavens, where the worlds\n are radiant, there make me immortal!\n Where wishes and desires are, where the place of the bright sun is,\n where there is freedom and delight, there make me immortal!\n Where there is happiness and delight, where joy and pleasure reside,\n where the desires of our desire are attained, there make me\n immortal!\u2019[179]\n\nIn such bright vague thoughts from the poet\u2019s religion of nature, or in\ncosmic schemes of ancient astronomy, with their artificial glories of\nbarbaric architecture exaggerated in the skies, or in the raptures of\nmystic vision, or in the calmer teaching of the theologic doctrine of a\nfuture life, descriptions of realms of blessed souls in heaven are to be\nfollowed through the religions of the Brahman, the Buddhist, the Parsi,\nthe later Jew, the Moslem, and the Christian.\n\nFor the object, not of writing a handbook of religions, but of tracing\nthe relation which the religion of savages bears to the religion of\ncultured nations, these details are enough to show the general line of\nhuman thought regarding the local habitations of departed souls. It\nseems plain from the most cursory inspection of these various\nlocalizations, however much we may consider them as inherited or\ntransmitted from people to people in the complex movements of\ntheological history, that they are at any rate not derived from any\nsingle religion accepted among ancient or prim\u00e6val men. They bear\nevident traces of independent working out in the varied definition of\nthe region of souls, as on earth among men, on earth in some distant\ncountry, below the earth, above or beyond the sky. Similar ideas of this\nkind are found in different lands, but this similarity seems in large\nmeasure due to independent recurrence of thoughts so obvious. Not less\nis independent fancy compatible with the ever-recurring solar myth in\nsuch ideas, placing the land of Death in the land of Evening or of\nNight, and its entrance at the gates of Sunset. Barbaric poets of many a\ndistant land must have gazed into the West to read the tale of Life and\nDeath, and tell it of Man. If, however, we look more closely into the\nstages of intellectual history to which these theories of the Future\nWorld belong, it will appear that the assignment of the realm of\ndeparted souls to the three great regions, Earth, Hades, Heaven, has not\nbeen uniform. Firstly, the doctrine of a land of souls on Earth belongs\nwidely and deeply to savage culture, but dwindles in the barbaric stage,\nand survives but feebly into the medi\u00e6val. Secondly, the doctrine of a\nsubterranean Hades holds as large a place as this in savage belief, and\nhas held it firmly along the course of higher religions, where, however,\nthis under-world is looked on less and less as the proper abode of the\ndead, but rather as the dismal place of purgatory and hell. Lastly, the\ndoctrine of a Heaven, floored upon a firmament, or placed in the upper\nair, seems in early savage belief less common than the other two, but\nyields to neither of them in its vigorous retention by the thought of\nmodern nations. These local theories appear to be taken, firstly and\nmostly, in the most absolute literal sense, and although, under the\ninfluence of physical science, much that was once distinctly-meant\nphilosophy has now passed among theologians into imagery and metaphor,\nyet at low levels of knowledge the new canons of interpretation find\nlittle acceptance, and even in modern Europe the rude cosmology of the\nlower races in no small measure retains its place.\n\nTurning now to consider the state of the departed in these their new\nhomes, we have to examine the definitions of the Future Life which\nprevail through the religions of mankind. In these doctrines there is\nmuch similarity caused by the spreading of established beliefs into new\ncountries, and also much similarity that is beyond what such\ntransmission can account for. So there is much variety due to local\ncolour and circumstance, and also much variety beyond the reach of such\nexplanation. The main causes of both similarity and variety seem to lie\nfar deeper, in the very origin and inmost meaning of the doctrines. The\ndetails of the future life, among the lower races and upwards, are no\nheterogeneous mass of arbitrary fancies. Classified, they range\nthemselves naturally round central ideas, in groups whose correspondence\nseems to indicate the special course of their development. Amongst the\npictures into which this world has shaped its expectations of the next,\ntwo great conceptions are especially to be discerned. The one is that\nthe future life is, as it were, a reflexion of this; in a new world,\nperhaps of dreamy beauty, perhaps of ghostly gloom, men are to retain\ntheir earthly forms and their earthly conditions, to have around them\ntheir earthly friends, to possess their earthly property, to carry on\ntheir earthly occupations. The other is that the future life is a\ncompensation for this, where men\u2019s conditions are re-allotted as the\nconsequence, and especially as the reward or punishment, of their\nearthly life. The first of these two ideas we may call (with Captain\nBurton) the \u2018continuance-theory,\u2019 contrasting with it the second as the\n\u2018retribution-theory.\u2019 Separately or combined, these two doctrines are\nthe keys of the subject, and by grouping typical examples under their\ntwo headings, it will be possible to survey systematically man\u2019s most\ncharacteristic schemes of his life beyond the grave.\n\nTo the doctrine of Continuance belongs especially the savage view of the\nspirit-land, that it is as the dream-land where the souls of the living\nso often go to visit the souls of the dead. There the soul of the dead\nKaren, with the souls of his axe and cleaver, builds his house and cuts\nhis rice; the shade of the Algonquin hunter hunts souls of beaver and\nelk, walking on the souls of his snow-shoes over the soul of the snow;\nthe fur-wrapped Kamchadal drives his dog-sledge; the Zulu milks his cows\nand drives his cattle to kraal; South American tribes live on, whole or\nmutilated, healthy or sick, as they left this world, leading their old\nlives, and having their wives with them again, though indeed, as the\nAraucanians said, they have no more children, for they are but\nsouls.[180] Soul-land is dream-land in its shadowy unreal pictures, for\nwhich, nevertheless, material reality so plainly furnished the models,\nand it is dream-land also in its vivid idealization of the soberer\nthoughts and feelings of waking life.\n\n \u2018There was a time when meadow, grove, and stream,\n The earth, and every common sight,\n To me did seem\n Apparell\u2019d in celestial light,\n The glory and the freshness of a dream.\u2019\n\nWell might the Mohawk Indian describe the good land of paradise, as he\nhad seen it in a dream. The shade of the Ojibwa follows a wide and\nbeaten path that leads toward the West, he crosses a deep and rapid\nwater, and reaching a country full of game and all things the Indian\ncovets, he joins his kindred in their long lodge.[181] So, on the\nsouthern continent, the Bolivian Yuracar\u00e9s will go, all of them, to a\nfuture life where there will be plenty of hunting, and Brazilian\nforest-tribes will find a pleasant forest full of calabash-trees and\ngame, where the souls of the dead will live happily in company.[182] The\nGreenlanders hoped that their souls\u2014pale, soft, disembodied forms which\nthe living could not grasp\u2014would lead a life better than that of earth,\nand never ceasing. It might be in heaven, reached by the rainbow, where\nthe souls pitch their tents round the great lake rich in fish and fowl,\nthe lake whose waters above the firmament overflowing make rain on\nearth, and if its banks broke, there would be another deluge. But\ngaining the most and best of their living from the depths of the sea,\nthey were also apt to think the land of Torngarsuk to be below the sea\nor earth, and to be entered by the deep holes in the rocks. Perpetual\nsummer is there, ever beauteous sunshine, and no night, good water and\nsuperfluity of birds and fish, seals and reindeer to be caught without\ndifficulty, or found alive seething in a great kettle.[183] In the\nKimbunda country of South-West Africa, souls live on in \u2018Kalunga,\u2019 the\nworld where it is day when it is night here; and with plenty of food and\ndrink, and women to serve them, and hunting and dancing for pastime,\nthey lead a life which seems a corrected edition of this.[184] On\ncomparison of these pictures of the future life with such as have\nexpressed the longings of more cultured nations, there appear indeed\ndifferent details, but the principle is ever the same\u2014the idealization\nof earthly good. The Norseman\u2019s ideal is sketched in the few broad\ntouches which show him in Walhalla, where he and the other warriors\nwithout number ride forth arrayed each morning and hew each other on\nOdin\u2019s plain, till the slain have been \u2018chosen\u2019 as in earthly battle,\nand meal-tide comes, and slayers and slain mount and ride home to feast\non the everlasting boar, and drink mead and ale with the \u00c6sir.[185] To\nunderstand the Moslem\u2019s mind, we must read the two chapters of the Koran\nwhere the Prophet describes the faithful in the garden of delights,\nreclining on their couches of gold and gems, served by children ever\nyoung, with bowls of liquor whose fumes will not rise into the drinkers\u2019\nheads, living among the thornless lotus-trees and date-palms loaded to\nthe ground, feasting on the fruits they love and the meat of the rarest\nbirds, with the houris near them with beautiful black eyes, like pearls\nin the shell, where no idle or wicked speech is heard, but only the\nwords \u2018Peace, Peace.\u2019\n\n \u2018They who fear the judgment of God shall have two gardens.\n Which of the benefits of God will ye deny?\n Adorned with groves.\n Which of the benefits of God will ye deny?\n In each of them shall spring two fountains.\n Which of the benefits of God will ye deny?\n In each of them shall grow two kinds of fruits.\n Which of the benefits of God will ye deny?\n They shall lie on carpets brocaded with silk and embroidered with\n gold; the fruits of the two gardens shall be near, easy to pluck.\n Which of the benefits of God will ye deny?\n There shall be young virgins with modest looks, unprofaned by man or\n jinn.\n Which of the benefits of God will ye deny?\n They are like jacinth and coral.\n Which of the benefits of God will ye deny?\n What is the recompence of good, if not good?\n Which of the benefits of God will ye deny?\u2019 &c.[186]\n\nWith these descriptions of Paradise idealized on secular life, it is\ninteresting to compare others which bear the impress of a priestly\ncaste, devising a heaven after their manner. We can almost see the\nfaces of the Jewish rabbis settling their opinions about the high\nschools in the firmament of heaven, where Rabbi Simeon ben Yochai and\nthe great Rabbi Eliezer teach Law and Talmud as they taught when they\nwere here below, and masters and learners go prosing on with the weary\nold disputations of cross question and crooked answer that pleased\ntheir souls on earth.[187] Nor less suggestively do the Buddhist\nheavens reflect the minds of the ascetics who devised them. As in\ntheir thoughts sensual pleasure seemed poor and despicable in\ncomparison with mystic inward joy, rising and rising till\nconsciousness fades in trance, so, above their heavens of millions of\nyears of mere divine happiness, they raised other ranges of heavens\nwhere sensual pain and pleasure cease, and enjoyment becomes\nintellectual, till at a higher grade even bodily form is gone, and\nafter the last heaven of \u2018Neither-consciousness-nor-unconsciousness\u2019\nthere follows Nirw\u00e2na, as ecstasy passes into swoon.[188]\n\nBut the doctrine of the continuance of the soul\u2019s life has another and a\ngloomier side. There are conceptions of an abode of the dead\ncharacterized not so much by dreaminess as by ghostliness. The realm of\nshades, especially if it be a cavern underground, has seemed a dim and\nmelancholy place to the dwellers in this \u2018white world,\u2019 as the Russian\ncalls the land of the living. One description of the Hurons tells how\nthe other world, with its hunting and fishing, its much-prized hatchets\nand robes and necklaces, is like this world, yet day and night the souls\ngroan and lament.[189] Thus the region of Mictlan, the subterranean land\nof Hades whither the general mass of the Mexican nation, high and low,\nexpected to descend from the natural death-bed, was an abode looked\nforward to with resignation, but scarcely with cheerfulness. At the\nfuneral the survivors were bidden not to mourn too much, the dead was\nreminded that he had passed and suffered the labours of this life,\ntransitory as when one warms himself in the sun, and he was bidden to\nhave no care or anxiety to return to his kinsfolk now that he has\ndeparted for ever and aye, for his consolation must be that they too\nwill end their labours, and go whither he has gone before.[190] Among\nthe Basutos, where the belief in a future life in Hades is general, some\nimagine in this underworld valleys ever green, and herds of hornless\nspeckled cattle owned by the dead; but it seems more generally thought\nthat the shades wander about in silent calm, experiencing neither joy\nnor sorrow. Moral retribution there is none.[191] The Hades of the West\nAfrican seems no ecstatic paradise, to judge by Captain Burton\u2019s\ndescription: \u2018It was said of the old Egyptians that they lived rather in\nHades than upon the banks of the Nile. The Dahomans declare that this\nworld is man\u2019s plantation, the next is his home,\u2014a home which, however,\nno one visits of his own accord. They of course own no future state of\nrewards and punishment: there the King will be a King, and the slave a\nslave for ever. Ku-to-men, or Deadman\u2019s land, the Dahoman\u2019s other but\nnot better world, is a country of ghosts, of umbr\u00e6, who, like the\nspirits of the nineteenth century in Europe, lead a quiet life, except\nwhen by means of mediums they are drawn into the drawing-rooms of the\nliving.\u2019 With some such hopeless expectation the neighbours of the\nDahomans, the Yorubas, judge the life to come in their simple proverb\nthat \u2018A corner in this world is better than a corner in the world of\nspirits.\u2019[192] The Finns, who feared the ghosts of the departed as\nunkind, harmful beings, fancied them dwelling with their bodies in the\ngrave, or else, with what Castr\u00e9n thinks a later philosophy, assigned\nthem their dwelling in the subterranean Tuonela. Tuonela was like this\nupper earth, the sun shone there, there was no lack of land and water,\nwood and field, tilth and meadow, there were bears and wolves, snakes\nand pike, but all things were of a hurtful, dismal kind, the woods dark\nand swarming with wild beasts, the water black, the cornfields bearing\nseed of snakes\u2019 teeth, and there stern pitiless old Tuoni, and his grim\nwife and son with the hooked fingers with iron points, kept watch and\nward over the dead lest they should escape.[193] Scarce less dismal was\nthe classic ideal of the dark realm below, whither the shades of the\ndead must go to join the many gone before (\u1f10\u03c2 \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u03cc\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd \u1f31\u03ba\u03ad\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9; penetrare\nad plures; andare tra i pi\u00f9). The Roman Orcus holds the pallid souls,\nrapacious Orcus, sparing neither good nor bad. Gloomy is the Greek land\nof Hades, dark dwelling of the images of departed mortals, where the\nshades carry at once their living features and their dying wounds, and\nglide and cluster and whisper, and lead the shadow of a life. Like the\nsavage hunter on his ghostly prairie, the great Orion still bears his\nbrazen mace, still chases over the meadows of asphodel the flying beasts\nhe slew of yore in the lonely mountains. Like the rude African of\nto-day, the swift-footed Achilles scorns such poor, thin, shadowy life;\nrather would he serve a mean man upon earth than be lord of all the\ndead.\n\n \u2018Truly, oxen and goodly sheep may be taken for booty,\n Tripods, too, may be bought, and the yellow beauty of horses;\n But from the fence of the teeth when once the soul is departed,\n Never cometh it back, regained by plunder or purchase.\u2019[194]\n\nWhere and what was Sheol, the dwelling of the ancient Jewish dead? Of\nlate years the Biblical critic has no longer to depend on passages of\nthe Old Testament for realizing its conception, so plainly is it\nconnected with the seven-circled Irkalla of the Babylonian-Assyrian\nreligion, the gloomy subterranean abode whence there is no return for\nman, though indeed the goddess Isthar passed through its seven gates,\nand came back to earth from her errand of saving all life from\ndestruction. In the history of religions, few passages are more\ninstructive than those in which the prophets of the Old Testament\nrecognize the ancestral connexion of their own belief with the national\nreligions of Babylon-Assyria, as united in the doctrine of a gloomy\nprison of ghosts, through whose gates Jew and Gentile alike must pass.\nSheol (\u05e9\u05d0\u05d5\u05dc from \u05e9\u05d0\u05dc) is, as its name implies, a cavernous recess, yet\nit is no mere surface-grave or tomb, but an under-world of awful depth:\n\u2018High as Heaven, what doest thou? deeper than Sheol, what knowest thou?\u2019\nAsshur and all her company, Elam and all her multitude, the mighty\nfallen of the uncircumcised, lie there. The great king of Babylon must\ngo down:\u2014\n\n \u2018Sheol from beneath is moved because of thee, to meet thee at thy\n coming:\n He rouseth for thee the mighty dead, all the great chiefs of the\n earth;\n He maketh to rise up from their thrones, all the kings of the\n nations.\n All of them shall accost thee, and shall say unto thee:\n Art thou, even thou too, became weak as we? Art thou made like unto\n us?\u2019\n\nTo the Greek Septuagint, _Sheol_ was _Hades_, and for this the Coptic\ntranslators had their long-inherited Egyptian name of _Amenti_, while\nthe Vulgate renders it as _Infernus_, the lower regions. The Gothic\nUlfilas, translating the Hades of the New Testament, could use _Halja_\nin its old German sense of the dim shadowy home of the dead below the\nearth; and the corresponding word _Hell_, if this its earlier sense be\nborne in mind, fairly translates Sheol and Hades in the English version\nof the Old and New Testament, though the word has become misleading to\nuneducated ears by being used also in the sense of Gehenna, the place of\ntorment. The early Hebrew historians and prophets, holding out neither\nthe hope of everlasting glory nor the fear of everlasting agony as\nguiding motives for man\u2019s present life, lay down little direct doctrine\nof a future state, yet their incidental mentions justify the translators\nwho regard Sheol as Hades. Sheol is a special locality where dead men go\nto their dead ancestors: \u2018And Isaac gave up the ghost, and died, and was\ngathered unto his people ... and his sons Esau and Jacob buried him.\u2019\nAbraham, though not even buried in the land of his forefathers, is thus\n\u2018gathered unto his people;\u2019 and Jacob has no thought of his body being\nlaid with Joseph\u2019s body, torn by wild beasts in the wilderness, when he\nsays, \u2018I shall go down to my son mourning to Sheol (\u2018\u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u1f85\u03b4\u03bf\u03c5\u2019 in the\nLXX., \u2018\u00e8pes\u00ebt \u00e8\u00e0menti\u2019 in the Coptic, \u2018in infernum\u2019 in the Vulgate). The\nrephaim, the \u2018shades\u2019 of the dead, who dwell in Sheol, love not to be\ndisturbed from their rest by the necromancer; \u2018And Samuel said to Saul,\nwhy hast thou disquieted me to bring me up?\u2019 Yet their quiet is\ncontrasted in a tone of sadness with the life on earth; \u2018Whatsoever thy\nhand findeth to do, do it with thy might; for there is no work, nor\ndevice, nor knowledge, nor wisdom, in Sheol, whither thou goest.\u2019[195]\nSuch thoughts of the life of the shades below did not disappear when, in\nthe later years of the Jewish nation, the great change in the doctrine\nof the future life passed in so large a measure over the Hebrew mind,\ntheir earlier thoughts of ghostly continuance giving place to the\ndoctrines of resurrection and retribution. The ancient ideas have even\nheld their place on into Christian thought, in pictures like that of the\nLimbus Patrum, the Hades where Christ descended to set free the\npatriarchs.\n\nThe Retribution-theory of the future life comprises in a general way the\nbelief in different grades of future happiness, especially in different\nregions of the other world allotted to men according to their lives in\nthis. This doctrine of retribution is, as we have already seen, far from\nuniversal among mankind, many races recognizing the idea of a spirit\noutliving the body, without considering the fate of this spirit to\ndepend at all upon the conduct of the living man. The doctrine of\nretribution indeed hardly seems an original part of the doctrine of the\nfuture life. On the contrary, if we judge that men in a primitive state\nof culture arrived at the notion of a surviving spirit, and that some\nraces, but by no means all, afterwards reached the further stage of\nrecognizing a retribution for deeds done in the body, this theory will\nnot, so far as I know, be discountenanced by facts.[196] Even among the\nhigher savages, however, a connexion between man\u2019s life and his\nhappiness or misery after death is often held as a definite article of\ntheology, and thence it is to be traced onward through barbaric\nreligions, and into the very heart of Christianity. Yet the grounds of\ngood and evil in the future life are so far from uniform among the\nreligions of the world, that they may differ widely within what is\nconsidered one and the same creed. The result is more definite than the\ncause, the end than the means. Men who alike look forward to a region of\nunearthly happiness beyond the grave, hope to reach that happy land by\nroads so strangely different, that the path of life which leads one\nnation to eternal bliss may seem to the next the very descent into the\npit. In noticing among savage and barbaric peoples the qualifications\nwhich determine future happiness, we may with some distinctness define\nthese as being excellence, valour, social rank, religious ordinance. On\nthe whole, however, in the religions of the lower range of culture,\nunless where they may have been affected by contact with higher\nreligions, the destiny of the man after death seems hardly to turn on\njudicial reward or punishment for his moral conduct in life. Such\ndifference as is made between the future conditions of different classes\nof souls, seems more often to belong to a remarkable intermediate\ndoctrine, standing between the earlier continuance-theory and the later\nretribution-theory. The idea of the next life being similar to this\nseems to have developed into the idea that what gives prosperity and\nrenown here will give it also there, so that earthly conditions carry on\ntheir contrasts into the changed world after death. Thus a man\u2019s\ncondition after death will be a result of, rather than a compensation or\nretribution for, his condition during life. A comparison of doctrines\nheld at various stages of culture may justify a tentative speculation as\nto their actual sequence in history, favouring the opinion that through\nsuch an intermediate stage the doctrine of simple future existence was\nactually developed into the doctrine of future reward and punishment, a\ntransition which for deep import to human life has scarcely its rival in\nthe history of religion.\n\nThe effect of earthly rank on the future life, as looked at by the lower\nraces, brings out this intermediate stage in bold relief. Mere transfer\nfrom one life to another makes chiefs and slaves here chiefs and slaves\nhereafter, and this natural doctrine is very usual. But there are cases\nin which earthly caste is exaggerated into utter difference in the life\nto come. The aerial paradise of Raiatea, with its fragrant ever-blooming\nflowers, its throngs of youths and girls all perfection, its luxurious\nfeasts and merrymakings, were for the privileged orders of Areois and\nchiefs who could pay the priests their heavy charges, but hardly for the\ncommon populace. This idea reached its height in the Tonga islands,\nwhere aristocratic souls would pass to take their earthly rank and\nstation in the island paradise of Bolotu, while plebeian souls, if\nindeed they existed, would die with the plebeian bodies they dwelt\nin.[197] In Vancouver\u2019s Island, the Ahts fancied Quawteaht\u2019s calm sunny\nplenteous land in the sky as the resting-place of high chiefs, who live\nin one great house as the Creator\u2019s guests, while the slain in battle\nhave another to themselves. But otherwise all Indians of low degree go\ndeep down under the earth to the land of Chay-her, with its poor houses\nand no salmon and small deer, and blankets so small and thin that when\nthe dead are buried the friends often bury blankets with them, to send\nthem to the world below with the departed soul.[198] The expectation of\nroyal dignity in the life after death, distinct from the fate of\nordinary mortals, comes well into view among the Natchez of Louisiana,\nwhere the sun-descended royal family would in some way return to the\nSun; thus also in the mightier empire of Peru, where each sun-descended\nInca, feeling the approach of death, announced to his assembled vassals\nthat he was called to heaven to rest with his father the Sun.[199] But\nin the higher religions, the change in this respect from the doctrine of\ncontinuance to the doctrine of retribution is wonderful in its\ncompleteness. The story of that great lady who strengthened her hopes of\nfuture happiness by the assurance, \u2018They will think twice before they\nrefuse a person of my condition,\u2019 is a mere jest to modern ears. Yet,\nlike many other modern jest, it is only an archaism which in an older\nstage of culture had in it nothing ridiculous.\n\nTo the happy land of Torngarsuk the Great Spirit, says Cranz, only such\nGreenlanders came as have been valiant workers, for other ideas of\nvirtue they have none; such as have done great deeds, taken many whales\nand seals, borne much hardship, been drowned at sea, or died in\nchildbirth.[200] Thus Charlevoix says of the Indians further south, that\ntheir claim to hunt after death on the prairies of eternal spring is to\nhave been good hunters and warriors here. Lescarbot, speaking of the\nbelief among the Indians of Virginia that after death the good will be\nat rest and the wicked in pain, remarks that their enemies are the\nwicked and themselves the good, so that in their opinion they are after\ndeath much at their ease, and principally when they have well defended\ntheir country and slain their enemies.[201] So Jean de Lery said of the\nrude Tubinambas of Brazil, that they think the souls of such as have\nlived virtuously, that is to say, who have well avenged themselves and\neaten many of their enemies, will go behind the great mountains and\ndance in beautiful gardens with the souls of their fathers, but the\nsouls of the effeminate and worthless, who have not striven to defend\ntheir country, will go to Aygnan the Evil Spirit, to incessant\ntorments.[202] More characteristic and probably more genuinely native\nthan most of these expectations, is that of the Caribs, that the braves\nof their nation should go after death to happy islands, where all good\nfruits grow wild, there to spend their time in dancing and feasting, and\nto have their enemies the Arawaks for slaves; but the cowards who feared\nto go to war should go to serve the Arawaks, dwelling in their waste and\nbarren lands beyond the mountains.[203]\n\nThe fate of warriors slain in battle is the subject of two singularly\ncontrasted theories. We have elsewhere examined the deep-lying belief\nthat if a man\u2019s body be wounded or mutilated, his soul will arrive in\nthe same state in the other world. Perhaps it is some such idea of the\nsoul being injured with the body by a violent death, that leads the\nMintira of the Malay Peninsula, though not believing in a future reward\nand punishment, to exclude from the happy paradise of \u2018Fruit Island\u2019\n(Pulo Bua) the souls of such as die a bloody death, condemning them to\ndwell on \u2018Red Land\u2019 (Tana Mera), a desolate barren place, whence they\nmust even go to the fortunate island to fetch their food.[204] In North\nAmerica, the idea is mentioned among the Hurons that the souls of the\nslain in war live in a band apart, neither they nor suicides being\nadmitted to the spirit-villages of their tribe. A belief ascribed to\ncertain Indians of California may be cited here, though less as a sample\nof real native doctrine than to illustrate that borrowing of Christian\nideas which so often spoils such evidence for ethnological purposes.\nThey held, it is said, that Niparaya, the Great Spirit, hates war, and\nwill have no warriors in his paradise, but that his adversary Wac, shut\nup for rebellion in a great cave, takes thither to himself the slain in\nbattle.[205] On the other hand, the thought which shows out in such bold\nrelief in the savage mind, that courage is virtue, and battle and\nbloodshed the hero\u2019s noblest pursuit, leads naturally to a hope of glory\nfor his soul when his body has been slain in fight. Such expectation was\nnot strange in North America, to that Indian tribe, for instance, who\ntalked of the Great Spirit walking in the moonlight on his island in\nLake Superior, whither slain warriors will go to him to take their\npleasure in the chace.[206] The Nicaraguans declared that men who died\nin their houses went underground, but the slain in war went to serve the\ngods in the east, where the sun comes from. This corresponds in part\nwith a remarkable threefold contrast of the future life among their\nAztec kinsfolk. Mictlan, the Hades of the general dead, and Tlalocan,\nthe Earthly Paradise, reached by certain special and acute ways of\ndeath, have been mentioned here already. But the souls of warriors slain\nin battle or sacrificed as captives, and of women who died in\nchild-birth, were transported to the heavenly plains; there the heroes,\npeeping through the holes in their bucklers pierced by arrows in earthly\nfight, watched the Sun arise and saluted him with shout and clash of\narms, and at noon the mothers received him with music and dance to\nescort him on his western way.[207] In such wise, to the old Norseman,\nto die the \u2018straw-death\u2019 of sickness or old age was to go down into the\ndismal loathly house of Hela the Death-goddess; if the warrior\u2019s fate on\nthe field of battle were denied him, and death came to fetch him from a\npeaceful couch, yet at least he could have the scratch of the spear,\nOdin\u2019s mark, and so contrive to go with a blood-stained soul to the\nglorious Walhalla. Surely then if ever, says a modern writer, the\nkingdom of heaven suffered violence, and the violent took it by\nforce.[208] Thence we follow the idea onward to the battle-fields of\nholy war, where the soldier earned with his blood the unfading crown of\nmartyrdom, and Christian and Moslem were urged in mutual onset and\nupheld in agony by the glimpse of paradise opening to receive the slayer\nof the infidel.\n\nSuch ideas, current among the lower races as to the soul\u2019s future\nhappiness or misery, do not seem, setting aside some exceptional points,\nto be thoughts adopted or degraded from doctrines of cultured nations.\nThey rather belong to the intellectual stratum in which they are found.\nIf so, we must neither ignore nor exaggerate their standing in the lower\nethics. \u2018The good are good warriors and hunters,\u2019 said a Pawnee chief;\nwhereupon the author who mentions the saying remarks that this would\nalso be the opinion of a wolf, if he could express it.[209]\nNevertheless, if experience has led societies of savage men to fix on\ncertain qualities, such as courage, skill, and industry, as being\nvirtues, then many moralists will say that such a theory is not only\nethical, but lying at the very foundation of ethics. And if these savage\nsocieties further conclude that such virtues obtain their reward in\nanother world as in this, then their theories of future happiness and\nmisery, destined for what they call good and bad men, may be looked on\nin this sense as belonging to morality, though at no high stage of\ndevelopment. But many or most writers, when they mention morality,\nassume a narrower definition of it. This must be borne in mind in\nappreciating what is meant by the statements of several well-qualified\nethnologists, who have, in more or less degree, denied a moral character\nto the future retribution as conceived in savage religion. Mr. Ellis,\ndescribing the Society Islanders, at least gives an explicit definition.\nWhen he tried to ascertain whether they connected a person\u2019s condition\nin a future state with his disposition and conduct in this, he never\ncould learn that they expected in the world of spirits any difference in\nthe treatment of a kind, generous, peaceful man, and that of a cruel,\nparsimonious, quarrelsome one.[210] This remark, it seems to me, applies\nto savage religion far and wide. Dr. Brinton, commenting on the native\nreligions of America, draws his line in a somewhat different place.\nNowhere, he says, was any well-defined doctrine that moral turpitude was\njudged and punished in the next world. No contrast is discoverable\nbetween a place of torments and a realm of joy; at the worst but a\nnegative castigation awaited the liar, the coward, or the niggard.[211]\nProfessor J. G. M\u00fcller, in his \u2018American Religions,\u2019 yet more pointedly\ndenies any \u2018ethical meaning\u2019 in the contrasts of the savage future life,\nand looks upon what he well calls its \u2018light-side\u2019 and \u2018shadow-side\u2019 not\nas recompensing earthly virtue and vice, but rather as carrying on\nearthly conditions in a new existence.[212]\n\nThe idea that admission to the happier region depends on the performance\nof religious rites and the giving of offerings, seems scarcely known to\nthe lowest savages. It is worth while, however, to notice some\nstatements which seem to mark its appearance at the level of high\nsavagery or low barbarism. Thus in the Society Islands, though the\ndestiny of man\u2019s spirit to the region of night or to elysium was\nirrespective of moral character, we hear of neglect of rites and\nofferings as being visited by the displeasure of deities.[213] In\nFlorida, the belief of the Sun-worshipping people of Achalaque was thus\ndescribed: those who had lived well, and well served the Sun, and given\nmany gifts to the poor in his honour, would be happy after death and be\nchanged into stars, whereas the wicked would be carried to a destitute\nand wretched existence among mountain precipices, where fierce wild\nbeasts have their dens.[214] According to Bosman, the souls of Guinea\nnegroes reaching the river of death must answer to the divine judge how\nthey have lived; have they religiously observed the holy days dedicated\nto their god, have they abstained from all forbidden meats and kept\ntheir vows inviolate, they are wafted across to paradise; but if they\nhave sinned against these laws they are plunged in the river and there\ndrowned for ever.[215] Such statements among peoples at these stages of\nculture are not frequent, and perhaps not very valid as accounts of\noriginal native doctrine. It is in the elaborate religious systems of\nmore organized nations, in modern Brahmanism and Buddhism, and degraded\nforms of Christianity, that the special adaptation of the doctrine of\nretribution to the purposes of priestcraft and ceremonialism has become\na commonplace of missionary reports.\n\nIt is well not to speak too positively on a subject so difficult and\ndoubtful as this of the history of the belief in future retribution.\nCareful criticism of the evidence is above all necessary. For instance,\nwe have to deal with several statements recorded among low races,\nexplicitly assigning reward or punishment to men after death, according\nas they were good or bad in life. Here the first thing to be done is to\nclear up, if possible, the question whether the doctrine of retribution\nmay have been borrowed from some more cultured neighbouring religion, as\nthe very details often show to have been the case. Examples of direct\nadoption of foreign dogmas on this subject are not uncommon in the\nworld. When among the Dayaks of Borneo it is said that a dead man\nbecomes a spirit and lives in the jungle, or haunts the place of burial\nor burning, or when some distant mountain-top is pointed to as the abode\nof spirits of departed friends, it is hardly needful to question the\noriginality of ideas so characteristically savage. But one of these\nDayak tribes, burning the dead, says that \u2018as the smoke of the funeral\npile of a good man rises, the soul ascends with it to the sky, and that\nthe smoke from the pile of a wicked man descends, and his soul with it\nis borne down to the earth, and through it to the regions below.\u2019[216]\nDid not this exceptional idea come into the Dayak\u2019s mind by contact with\nHinduism? In Orissa, again, Khond souls have to leap across the black\nunfathomable river to gain a footing on the slippery Leaping Rock, where\nDinga Pennu, the judge of the dead, sits writing his register of all\nmen\u2019s daily lives and actions, sending virtuous souls to become blessed\nspirits, keeping back wicked ones and sending them to suffer their\npenalties in new births on earth.[217] Here the striking myth of the\nleaping rock is perfectly savage, but the ideas of a judgment, moral\nretribution, and transmigration, may have come from the Hindus of the\nplains, as the accompanying notion of the written book unquestionably\ndid. Dr. Mason is no doubt right in taking as the indigenous doctrine of\nthe Karens their notion of an under-world where the ghosts of the dead\nlive on as here, while he sets down to Hindu influence the idea of\nTha-ma, the judge of the dead (the Hindu Yama), as allotting their fate\naccording to their lives, sending those who have done deeds of merit to\nheaven, those who have done wickedness to hell, and keeping in Hades the\nneither good nor bad.[218] How the theory of moral retribution may be\nsuperposed on more primitive doctrines of the future life, comes\nremarkably into view in Turanian religion. Among the Lapps, Jabme-Aimo,\nthe subterranean \u2018home of the dead\u2019 below the earth, where the departed\nhave their cattle and follow their livelihood like Lapps above, though\nthey are richer, wiser, stronger folk, and also Saivo-Aimo, a yet\nhappier \u2018home of the gods,\u2019 are conceptions thoroughly in the spirit of\nthe lower culture. But in one account the subterranean abode becomes a\nplace of transition, where the dead stay awhile, and then with bodies\nrenewed are taken up to the Heaven-god, or if misdoers, are flung into\nthe abyss. Castr\u00e9n is evidently right in rejecting this doctrine as not\nnative, but due to Catholic influence. So, at the end of the 16th Rune\nof the Finnish Kalewala, which tells of Wainamoinen\u2019s visit to the\ndismal land of the dead, there is put into the hero\u2019s mouth a second\nspeech, warning the children of men to harm not the innocent, for sad\npayment is in Tuoni\u2019s dwelling\u2014the bed of evil-doers is there, with its\nglowing red-hot stones below and its canopy of snakes above. But the\nsame critic condemns this moral \u2018tag,\u2019 as a later addition to the\ngenuine heathen picture of Manala, the under-world of the dead.[219] Nor\ndid Christianity scorn to borrow details from the religions it\nabolished. The narrative of a medi\u00e6val visit to the other world would be\nincomplete without its description of the awful Bridge of Death; Acheron\nand Charon\u2019s bark were restored to their places in Tartarus by the\nvisionary and the poet; the wailing of sinful souls might be heard as\nthey were hammered white-hot in Vulcan\u2019s smithies; and the weighing of\ngood and wicked souls, as we may see it figured on every Egyptian\nmummy-case, now passed into the charge of St. Paul and the Devil.[220]\n\nThe foregoing considerations having been duly weighed, it remains to\ncall attention to the final problem, at what state of religious history\nthe full theological doctrine of judicial retribution and moral\ncompensation in a future life may have arisen. It is hard, however, to\ndefine where this development takes place even at a barbaric stage of\nculture. Thus among the barbaric nations of West Africa, there appear\nsuch beliefs as that in Nuffi, that criminals who escape their\npunishment here will receive it in the other world; the division of the\nYoruba under-world into an upper and a lower region for the righteous\nand wicked; the Kru doctrine that only the good will rejoin their\nancestors in heaven; the Oji doctrine that only the good will dwell\nafter death in the heavenly house or city of the Deity whom they call\nthe \u2018Highest.\u2019[221] How far is all this to be taken as native\nconception, and how far as due to ages of Christian and Moslem\nintercourse, to which at any rate few will scruple to refer the last\ncase?\n\nIn the lower ranges of civilization, some of the most remarkable\ndoctrines of this class are recorded in North America. Thus they appear\nin connexion with the fancy of a river or gulf to be passed by the\ndeparting soul on its way to the land of the dead, one of the most\nremarkable traits of the mythology of the world. This seems in its\norigin a nature-myth, connected probably with the Sun\u2019s passage across\nthe sea into Hades, and in many of its versions it appears as a mere\nepisode of the soul\u2019s journey without any moral sense attached to it.\nBrebeuf, the same early Jesuit missionary who says explicitly of the\nHurons that there is no difference in their future life between the fate\nof the virtuous and the vicious, mentions also among them the tree-trunk\nthat bridges the river of death; here the dead must cross, the dog that\nguards it attacks some souls, and they fall. Yet in other versions this\nmyth has a moral sense attached to it, and the passage of the\nheaven-gulf becomes an ordeal to separate good and wicked. To take but\none instance, there is Catlin\u2019s account of the Choctaw souls journeying\nfar westward, to whom the long slippery barkless pine-log, stretching\nfrom hill to hill, bridges over the deep and dreadful river; the good\npass safely to a beauteous Indian paradise, the wicked fall into the\nabyss of waters, and go the dark hungry wretched land where they are\nhenceforth to dwell.[222] This and many similar beliefs current in the\nreligions of the world, which need not be particularised here, seem best\nexplained as originally nature-myths, afterwards adapted to a religious\npurpose. A different conception was recorded so early as 1623, by\nCaptain John Smith among the Massachusetts, whose name is still borne by\nthe New England district they once inhabited: They say, at first there\nwas no king but Kiehtan, that dwelleth far westerly above the heavens,\nwhither all good men go when they die, and have plenty of all things.\nThe bad men go thither also and knock at the door, but he bids them go\nwander in endless want and misery, for they shall not stay there.[223]\nLastly, the Salish Indians of Oregon say that the good go to a happy\nhunting-ground of endless game, while the bad go to a place where there\nis eternal snow, hunger, and thirst, and are tantalised by the sight of\ngame they cannot kill, and water they cannot drink.[224] If, now, in\nlooking at these records, the doubts which beset them can be put aside,\nand the accounts of the different fates assigned to the good and wicked\ncan be accepted as belonging to genuine native American religion and if,\nmoreover, it be considered that the goodness and wickedness for which\nmen are to be thus rewarded and punished are moral qualities, however\nundeveloped in definition, this will amount to an admission that the\ndoctrine of moral retribution at any rate appears within the range of\nsavage theology. Such a view, however, by no means invalidates the view\nhere put forward as to the historical development of the doctrine, but\nonly goes to prove at how early a stage it may have begun to take place.\nThe general mass of evidence still remains to show the savage doctrine\nof the future state, as originally involving no moral retribution, or\narriving at this through transitional and rudimentary stages.\n\nIn strong contrast with the schemes of savage future existence, I need\nbut set before the reader\u2019s mind a salient point here and there in the\ndoctrine of distinct and unquestionable moral retribution, as held in\nreligions of the higher culture. The inner mystic doctrines of ancient\nEgypt may perhaps never be extracted now from the pictures and\nhieroglyphic formulas of the \u2018Book of the Dead.\u2019 But the ethnographer\nmay satisfy himself of two important points as to the place which the\nEgyptian view of the future life occupies in the history of religion. On\nthe one hand, the soul\u2019s quitting and revisiting the corpse, the placing\nof the image in the tomb, the offering of meat and drink, the fearful\njourney to the regions of the departed, the renewed life like that on\nearth, with its houses to dwell in and fields to cultivate\u2014all these are\nconceptions which connect the Egyptian religion with the religions of\nthe ruder races of mankind. But on the other hand, the mixed ethical and\nceremonial standard by which the dead are to be judged adapts these\nprimitive and even savage thoughts to a higher social development, such\nas may be shown by fragments from that remarkable \u2018negative confession\u2019\nwhich the dead must make before Osiris and the forty-two judges in\nAmenti. \u2018O ye Lords of Truth! let me know you!... Rub ye away my faults.\nI have not privily done evil against mankind.... I have not told\nfalsehoods in the tribunal of Truth.... I have not done any wicked\nthing. I have not made the labouring man do more than his task daily....\nI have not calumniated the slave to his master.... I have not\nmurdered.... I have not done fraud to men. I have not changed measures\nof the country. I have not injured the images of the gods. I have not\ntaken scraps of the bandages of the dead. I have not committed adultery.\nI have not withheld milk from the mouths of sucklings. I have not hunted\nwild animals in the pasturages. I have not netted sacred birds.... I am\npure! I am pure! I am pure!\u2019[225]\n\nThe Vedic hymns, again, tell of endless happiness for the good in heaven\nwith the gods, and speak also of the deep pit where the liars, the\nlawless, they who give no sacrifice, will be cast.[226] The rival\ntheories of continuance and retribution are seen in instructive\ncoexistence in classic Greece and Rome. What seems the older belief\nholds its ground in the realm of Hades; that dim region of bodiless,\nsmoke-like ghosts remains the home of the undistinguished crowd in the\n\u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b2\u03af\u03bf\u03c2, the \u2018middle life.\u2019 Yet at the same time the judgment-seat of\nMinos and Rhadamanthos, the joys of Elysium for the just and good, fiery\nTartarus echoing with the wail of the wicked, represent the newer\ndoctrine of a moral retribution. The idea of purgatorial suffering,\nwhich hardly seems to have entered the minds of the lower races, expands\nin immense vigour in the great Aryan religions of Asia. In Brahmanism\nand Buddhism, the working out of good and evil actions into their\nnecessary consequence of happiness and misery is the very key to the\nphilosophy of life, whether life\u2019s successive transmigrations be in\nanimal, or human, or demon births on earth, or in luxurious\nheaven-palaces of gold and jewels, or in the agonizing hells where\nOriental fancy riots in the hideous inventory of torture\u2014caldrons of\nboiling oil and liquid fire; black dungeons and rivers of filth; vipers,\nand vultures, and cannibals; thorns, and spears, and red-hot pincers,\nand whips of flame. To the modern Hindu, it is true, ceremonial morality\nseems to take the upper hand, and the question of happiness or misery\nafter death turns rather on ablutions and fasts, on sacrifices and gifts\nto brahmans, than on purity and beneficence of life. Buddhism in South\nEast Asia, sadly degenerate from its once high estate, is apt to work\nout the doctrine of merit and demerit into debtor and creditor accounts\nkept in good and bad marks from day to day; to serve out so much tea in\nhot weather counts 1 to the merit-side, and putting a stop to one\u2019s\nwomen scolding for a month counts 1 likewise, but this may be balanced\nby the offence of letting them keep the bowls and plates dirty for a\nday, which counts 1 the wrong way; and it appears that giving wood for\ntwo coffins, which count 30 marks each, and burying four bones, at 10\nmarks a-piece, would just be balanced by murdering a child, which counts\n100 to the bad.[227] It need hardly be said here that these two great\nreligions of Asia must be judged rather in their records of long past\nages, than in the lingering degeneration of their modern reality.\n\nIn the Khordah-Avesta, a document of the old Persian religion, the fate\nof good and wicked souls at death is pictured in a dialogue between\nZarathustra (Zoroaster), and Ahura-Mazda and Anra-Mainyu (Ormuzd and\nAhriman). Zarathustra asks,\u2019Ahura-Mazda, Heavenly, Holiest, Creator of\nthe corporeal world, Pure! When a pure man dies, where does his soul\ndwell during this night?\u2019 Then answers Ahura-Mazda: \u2018Near his head it\nsits down, reciting the G\u00e2th\u00e2 Ustavaiti, praying happiness for itself;\n\u201cHappiness be to the man who conduces to the happiness of each. May\nAhura-Mazda create, ruling after his wish.\u201d\u2019 On this night the soul sees\nas much joyfulness as the whole living world possesses; and so the\nsecond and the third night. When the lapse of the third night turns\nitself to light, then the soul of the pure man goes forward,\nrecollecting itself by the perfume of plants. A wind blows to meet it\nfrom the mid-day regions, a sweet-scented one, more sweet-scented than\nthe other winds, and the soul of the pure man receives it\u2014\u2018Whence blows\nthis wind, the sweetest-scented which I ever have smelt with the nose?\u2019\nThen comes to meet him his own law (his rule of life) in the figure of a\nmaiden beautiful, shining, with shining arms, powerful, well-grown,\nslender, large-bosomed, with praiseworthy body, noble, with brilliant\nface, one of fifteen years, as fair in her growth as the fairest\ncreatures. Then to her speaks the soul of the pure man, asking, \u2018What\nmaiden art thou whom I have seen here as the fairest of maidens in\nbody?\u2019 She answers, \u2018I am, O youth, thy good thoughts, words, and works,\nthy good law, the own law of thine own body. Thou hast made the pleasant\nyet pleasanter to me, the fair yet fairer, the desirable yet more\ndesirable, the sitting in a high place sitting in a yet higher place.\u2019\nThen the soul of the pure man takes the first step and comes to the\nfirst paradise, the second and third step to the second and third\nparadise, the fourth step and arrives at the Eternal Lights. To the soul\nspeaks a pure one deceased before, asking it, \u2018How art thou, O pure\ndeceased, come away from the fleshly dwellings, from the corporeal world\nhither to the invisible, from the perishable world hither to the\nimperishable. Hail! has it happened to thee long?\u2019 \u2018Then speaks\nAhura-Mazda: \u201cAsk not him whom thou askest, for he is come on the\nfearful way of trembling, the separation of body and soul. Bring him\nhither of the food, of the full fatness, that is the food for a youth\nwho thinks, speaks, and does good, who is devoted to the good law after\ndeath\u2014that is the food for a woman who especially thinks good, speaks\ngood, does good, the following, obedient, pure after death.\u201d\u2019 And now\nZarathustra asks, when a wicked one dies, where his soul dwells? He is\ntold how, running about near the head, it utters the prayer, Ke\nma\u00fam:\u2014\u2018Which land shall I praise, whither shall I go praying, O\nAhura-Mazda?\u2019 In this night it sees as much unjoyfulness as the whole\nliving world; and so the second and the third night, and it goes at dawn\nto the impure place, recollecting itself by the stench. An evil-smelling\nwind comes towards the dead from the north, and with it the ugly hateful\nmaiden who is his own wicked deeds, and the soul takes the fourth step\ninto the darkness without beginning, and a wicked soul asks how long\u2014woe\nto thee!\u2014art thou come? and the mocking Anra-Mainyu, answering in words\nlike the words of Ahura-Mazda to the good, bids food to be\nbrought\u2014poison, and mixed with poison, for them who think and speak and\ndo evil, and follow the wicked law. The Parsi of our own time, following\nin obscure tradition the ancient Zoroastrian faith, before he prays for\nforgiveness for all that he ought to have thought, and said, and done,\nand has not, for all that he ought not to have thought, and said, and\ndone, and has, confesses thus his faith of the future life:\u2014\u2018I am wholly\nwithout doubt in the existence of the good Mazadaya\u00e7nian faith, in the\ncoming of the resurrection and the later body, in the stepping over the\nbridge Chinvat, in an invariable recompense of good deeds and their\nreward, and of bad deeds and their punishment.\u2019[228]\n\nIn Jewish theology, the doctrine of future retribution appears after the\nBabylonish captivity, not in ambiguous terms, but as the\nstrongly-expressed and intensely-felt religious conviction it has since\nremained among the children of Israel. Not long afterward, it received\nthe sanction of Christianity.\n\nA broad survey of the doctrine of the Future Life among the various\nnations of the world shows at once how difficult and how important is a\nsystematic theory of its development. Looked at ethnographically, the\ngeneral relations of the lower to the higher culture as to the belief in\nfuture existence may be defined somewhat as follows:\u2014If we draw a line\ndividing civilization at the junction of savagery and barbarism\u2014about\nwhere the Carib and New Zealander ends and the Aztec or Tatar begins, we\nmay see clearly the difference of prevalent doctrine on either side. On\nthe savage side, the theory of hovering ghosts is strong, rebirth in\nhuman or animal bodies is often thought of, but above all there prevails\nthe expectation of a new life, most often located in some distant\nearthly region, or less commonly in the under-world or on the sky. On\nthe cultured side, the theory of hovering ghosts continues, but tends to\nsubside from philosophy into folklore, the theory of re-birth is\nelaborated into great philosophic systems, but eventually dies out under\nthe opposition of scientific biology, while the doctrine of a new life\nafter death maintains its place with immense power in the human mind,\nalthough the dead have been ousted by geography from any earthly\ndistrict, and the regions of heaven and hell are more and more\nspiritualized out of definite locality into vague expressions of future\nhappiness and misery. Again, on the savage side we find the dominant\nidea to be a continuance of the soul in a new existence, like the\npresent life, or idealized and exaggerated on its model; while on the\ncultured side the doctrine of judgment and moral retribution prevails\nwith paramount, though not indeed absolute sway. What, then, has been\nthe historical course of theological opinion, to have produced in\ndifferent stages of culture these contrasted phases of doctrine?\n\nIn some respects, theories deriving savage from more civilized ideas are\ntenable. In certain cases, to consider a particular savage doctrine of\nthe future state as a fragmentary, or changed, or corrupted outcome of\nthe religion of higher races, seems as easy as to reverse this view by\ntaking savagery as representing the starting-point. It is open to anyone\nto suppose that the doctrine of transmigration among American savages\nand African barbarians may have been degraded from elaborate systems of\nmetempsychosis established among philosophic nations like the Hindus;\nthat the North American and South African doctrine of continued\nexistence in a subterranean world may be derived from similar beliefs\nheld by races at the level of the ancient Greeks; that when rude tribes\nin the Old or New World assign among the dead a life of happiness to\nsome, and of misery to others, this idea may have been inherited or\nadopted from cultured nations holding more strongly and systematically\nthe doctrine of retribution. In such cases the argument is to a great\nextent the same, whether the lower race be considered degenerate\ndescendants of a higher nation, or whether the simpler supposition be\nput forward that they have adopted the ideas of some more cultured\npeople. These views ought to have full attention, for degenerate and\nborrowed beliefs form no small item in the opinions of uncivilized\nraces. Yet this kind of explanation is more adapted to meet special\ncases than general conditions; it is rather suited to piecemeal\ntreatment, than to comprehensive study, of the religions of mankind.\nWorked out on a large scale, it would endeavour to account for the\ndoctrines of the savage world, as being a patchwork of fragments from\nvarious religions of high nations, transported by not easily-conceived\nmeans from their distant homes and set down in remote regions of the\nearth. It may be safely said that no hypothesis can account for the\nvaried doctrines current among the lower tribes, without the admission\nthat religious ideas have been in no small measure developed and\nmodified in the districts where they are current.\n\nNow this theory of development, in its fullest scope, combined with an\naccessory theory of degeneration and adoption, seems best to meet the\ngeneral facts of the case. A hypothesis which finds the origin of the\ndoctrine of the future life in the primitive animism of the lower\nraces, and thence traces it along the course of religious thought, in\nvaried developments fitted to exacter knowledge and forming part of\nloftier creeds, may well be maintained as in reasonable accordance\nwith the evidence. Such a theory, as has been sufficiently shown in\nthe foregoing chapters, affords a satisfactory explanation of the\noccurrence, in the midst of cultured religions, of intellectually low\nsuperstitions, such as that of offerings to the dead, and various\nothers. These, which the development theory treats naturally as\nsurvivals from a low stage of education lingering on in a higher, are\nby no means so readily accounted for by the degeneration theory. There\nare more special arguments which favour the priority of the savage to\nthe civilized phases of the doctrine of a future life. If savages did\nin general receive their views of another existence from the religious\nsystems of cultured nations, these systems can hardly have been such\nas recognize the dominant doctrines of heaven and hell. For, as to the\nlocality of the future world, savage races especially favour a view\nlittle represented in civilized belief, namely, that the life to come\nis in some distant earthly country. Moreover, the belief in a fiery\nabyss or Gehenna, which excites so intensely and lays hold so firmly\nof the imagination of the most ignorant men, would have been\nespecially adapted to the minds of savages, had it come down to them\nby tradition from an ancestral faith. Yet, in fact, the lower races so\nseldom recognize such an idea, that even the few cases in which it\noccurs lie open to suspicion of not being purely native. The\nproposition that the savage doctrines descend from the more civilized\nseems thus to involve the improbable supposition, that tribes capable\nof keeping up traditions of Paradise, Heaven, or Hades, should\nnevertheless have forgotten or discarded a tradition of Hell. Still\nmore important is the contrast between the continuance-theory and the\nretribution-theory of the future existence, in the sections of culture\nwhere they respectively predominate. On the one hand, the\ncontinuance-theory, with its ideas of a ghostly life like this, is\ndirectly vouched for by the evidence of the senses in dreams and\nvisions of the dead, and may be claimed as part of the \u2018Natural\nReligion,\u2019 properly so called, of the lower races. On the other hand,\nthe retribution-theory is a dogma which this evidence of apparitions\ncould hardly set on foot, though capable of afterwards supporting it.\nThroughout the present study of animistic religion, it constantly\ncomes into view that doctrines which in the lower culture are\nphilosophical, tend in the higher to become ethical; that what among\nsavages is a science of nature, passes among civilized nations into a\nmoral engine. Herein lies the distinction of deepest import between\nthe two great theories of the soul\u2019s existence after bodily death.\nAccording to a development theory of culture, the savage, unethical\ndoctrine of continuance would be taken as the more primitive,\nsucceeded in higher civilization by the ethical doctrine of\nretribution. Now this theory of the course of religion in the distant\nand obscure past is conformable with experience of its actual history,\nso far as this lies within our knowledge. Whether we compare the early\nGreek with the later Greek, the early Jew with the later Jew, the\nruder races of the world in their older condition with the same races\nas affected by the three missionary religions of Buddhism,\nMohammedanism, Christianity, the testimony of history vouches for the\nlike transition towards ethical dogma.\n\nIn conclusion, though theological argument on the actual validity of\ndoctrines relating to the future life can have no place here, it will be\nwell not to pass by without further remark one great practical question\nwhich lies fairly within the province of Ethnography. How, in the\nvarious stages of culture, has the character and conduct of the living\nbeen affected by the thought of a life to come? If we take the savage\nbeliefs as a starting-point, it will appear that these belong rather to\nspeculative philosophy than to practical rule of life. The lower races\nhold opinions as to a future state because they think them true, but it\nis not surprising that men who take so little thought of a contingency\nthree days off, should receive little practical impulse from vague\nanticipations of a life beyond the grave. Setting aside the\nconsideration of possible races devoid of all thought of a future\nexistence, there unquestionably has been and is a great mass of mankind\nwhose lives are scarcely affected by such expectations of another life\nas they do hold. The doctrine of continuance, making death as it were a\nmere journey into a new country, can have little direct action on men\u2019s\nconduct, though indirectly it has indeed an enormous and disastrous\ninfluence on society, leading as it does to the slaughter of wives and\nslaves, and the destruction of property, for the use of the dead in the\nnext world. If this world to come be thought a happier region, the\nlooking forward to it makes men more willing to risk their lives in\nbattle, promotes the habit of despatching the sick and aged into a\nbetter life, and encourages suicide when life is very hateful here. When\nthe half-way house between continuance and retribution is reached, and\nthe idea prevails that the manly virtues which give rank and wealth and\nhonour here will lead hereafter to yet brighter glory, then this belief\nmust add new force to the earthly motives which make bold warriors and\nmighty chiefs. But among men who expect to become hovering ghosts at\ndeath, or to depart to some gloomy land of shades, such expectation\nstrengthens the natural horror and hatred of dissolution. They tend\ntoward the state of mind frequent among modern Africans, whose thought\nof death is that he shall drink no more rum, wear no more fine clothes,\nhave no more wives. The negro of our own day would feel to the utmost\nthe sense of those lines in the beginning of the Iliad, which describe\nthe heroes\u2019 \u2018souls\u2019 being cast down to Hades, but \u2018themselves\u2019 left a\nprey to dogs and carrion birds.\n\nRising to the level of the higher races, we mark the thought of future\nexistence taking a larger and larger place in the convictions of\nreligion, the expectation of a judgment after death gaining in intensity\nand becoming, what it scarcely seems to the savage, a real motive in\nlife. Yet this change is not to be measured as proceeding throughout in\nany direct proportion with the development of culture. The doctrine of\nthe future life has hardly taken deeper and stronger root in the higher\nthan in the middle levels of civilization. In the language of ancient\nEgypt, it is the dead who are emphatically called the \u2018living,\u2019 for\ntheir life is everlasting, whether in the world of the departed, or\nnearer home in the tomb, the \u2018eternal dwelling.\u2019 The Moslem says that\nmen sleep in life and wake in death; the Hindu likens the body which a\nsoul has quitted to the bed he rises from in the morning. The story of\nthe ancient Get\u00e6, who wept at births and laughed at funerals, embodies\nan idea of the relation of this life to the next which comes to the\nsurface again and again in the history of religion, nowhere perhaps\ntouched in with a lighter hand than in the Arabian Nights\u2019 tale where\nAbdallah of the Sea indignantly breaks off his friendship with Abdallah\nof the Land, when he hears that the dwellers on the land do not feast\nand sing when one of them dies, like the dwellers in the sea, but mourn\nand weep and tear their garments. Such thoughts lead on into the morbid\nasceticism that culminates in the life of the Buddhist saint, eating his\nfood with loathing from the alms-bowl that he carries as though it held\nmedicine, wrapping himself in grave-clothes from the cemetery, or\nputting on his disfigured robe as though it were a bandage to cover a\nsore, whose looking forward is to death for deliverance from the misery\nof life, whose dreamiest hope is that after an inconceivable series of\nsuccessive existences he may find in utter dissolution and not-being a\nrefuge even from heaven.\n\nThe belief in future retribution has been indeed a powerful engine in\nshaping the life of nations. Powerful both for good and evil, it has\nbeen made the servant-of-all-work of many faiths. Priesthoods have used\nit unscrupulously for their professional ends, to gain wealth and power\nfor their own caste, to stop intellectual and social progress beyond the\nbarriers of their consecrated systems. On the banks of the river of\ndeath, a band of priests has stood for ages to bar the passage against\nall poor souls who cannot satisfy their demands for ceremonies, and\nformulas, and fees. This is the dark side of the picture. On the bright\nside, as we study the moral standards of the higher nations, and see how\nthe hopes and fears of the life to come have been brought to enforce\ntheir teachings, it is plain that through most widely differing\nreligions the doctrine of future judgment has been made to further\ngoodness and to check wickedness, according to the shifting rules by\nwhich men have divided right from wrong. The philosophic schools which\nfrom classic times onward have rejected the belief in a future\nexistence, appear to have come back by a new road to the very\nstarting-point which perhaps the rudest races of men never quitted. At\nleast this seems true as regards the doctrine of future retribution,\nwhich is alike absent from the belief of classes of men at the two\nextremes of culture. How far the moral standard of life may have been\nadjusted throughout the higher races with reference to a life hereafter,\nis a problem difficult of solution, so largely do unbelievers in this\nsecond life share ethical principles which have been more or less shaped\nunder its influence. Men who live for one world or for two, have high\nmotives of virtue in common; the noble self-respect which impels them to\nthe life they feel worthy of them; the love of goodness for its own sake\nand for its immediate results; and beyond this, the desire to do good\nthat shall survive the doer, who will not indeed be in the land of the\nliving to see his work, but who can yet discount his expectations into\nsome measure of present satisfaction. Yet he who believes that his\nthread of life will be severed once and for ever by the fatal shears,\nwell knows that he wants a purpose and a joy in life, which belong to\nhim who looks for a life to come. Few men feel real contentment in the\nexpectation of vanishing out of conscious existence, henceforth, like\nthe great Buddha, to exist only in their works. To remain incarnate in\nthe memory of friends is something. A few great spirits may enjoy in the\nreverence of future ages a thousand years or so of \u2018subjective\nimmortality;\u2019 though as for mankind at large, the individual\u2019s personal\ninterest hardly extends beyond those who have lived in his time, while\nhis own memory scarce outlives the third and fourth generation. But over\nand above these secular motives, the belief in immortality extends its\npowerful influence through life, and culminates at the last hour, when,\nsetting aside the very evidence of their senses, the mourners smile\nthrough their tears, and say it is not death but life.\n\nFootnote 120:\n\n Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol. i. p. 239; Seemann, \u2018Viti,\u2019 p. 398.\n\nFootnote 121:\n\n Arbousset and Daumas, p. 347; Casalis, p. 247.\n\nFootnote 122:\n\n Brasseur, \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 20, &c.\n\nFootnote 123:\n\n See \u2018The Buke of John Mandeuill,\u2019 31, edited by Geo. F. Warner,\n published by the Roxburghe Club, 1889; Yule, \u2018Cathay,\u2019 Hakluyt Soc.\n (Note to 3rd ed.)\n\nFootnote 124:\n\n Wuttke, \u2018Volksaberglaube,\u2019 p. 215. Other cases in Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019\n vol. ii. pp. 58, 369, &c.\n\nFootnote 125:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Algic Res.\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 32, 64, and see ante, vol. i.\n p. 312.\n\nFootnote 126:\n\n Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 271; Klemm, \u2018C. G.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 312.\n\nFootnote 127:\n\n Kalewala, Rune xvi.; see Schiefner\u2019s German Translation, and Castr\u00e9n,\n \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 pp. 128, 134. A Slavonic myth in Hanusch, p. 412.\n\nFootnote 128:\n\n Homer. Odyss. xi. On the vivification of ghosts by sacrifice of blood,\n and on libations of milk and blood, see Meiners, vol. i. p. 315, vol.\n ii. p. 89; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 85; Rochholz, \u2018Deutscher Glaube und\n Brauch,\u2019 vol. i. p. 1, &c.\n\nFootnote 129:\n\n See for example, various details in Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. pp.\n 369-75, &c.\n\nFootnote 130:\n\n See vol. i. p. 481; also below, p. 52, note. Tanner\u2019s \u2018Narr.\u2019 p. 290;\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part iii. p. 233; Keating, vol. ii. p.\n 154; Loskiel, part i. p. 35; Smith, \u2018Virginia,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol.\n xiii. p. 14. See Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 269.\n\nFootnote 131:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Zulu Tales,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 316-20.\n\nFootnote 132:\n\n Shortland, \u2018Traditions of New Zealand,\u2019 p. 150; R. Taylor, \u2018New\n Zealand,\u2019 p. 423. The idea, of which the classic representative\n belongs to the myth of Persephone, that the living who tastes the food\n of the dead may not return, and which is so clearly stated in this\n Maori story, appears again among the Sioux of North America. Ahak-tah\n (\u2018Male Elk\u2019) seems to die, but after two days comes down from the\n funeral-scaffold where his body had been laid, and tells his tale. His\n soul had travelled by the path of braves through the beautiful land of\n great trees and gay loud-singing birds, till he reached the river, and\n saw the homes of the spirits of his forefathers on the shore beyond.\n Swimming across, he entered the nearest house, where he found his\n uncle sitting in a corner. Very hungry, he noticed some wild rice in a\n bark dish. \u2018I asked my uncle for some rice to eat, but he did not give\n it to me. Had I eaten of the food for spirits, I never should have\n returned to earth.\u2019 Eastman, \u2018Dacotah,\u2019 p. 177.\n\nFootnote 133:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 139, &c.\n\nFootnote 134:\n\n Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 Letter 19, in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 501; Burton,\n \u2018Dahome,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 158. For modern visits to hell and heaven by\n Christianized negro visionaries in America, see Macrae, \u2018Americans at\n Home,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 91.\n\nFootnote 135:\n\n Lucian. Philopseudes, c. 17-28.\n\nFootnote 136:\n\n Plutarch. De Sera Numinis Vindicta, xxii.; and in Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. Evang.\n xi. 36.\n\nFootnote 137:\n\n Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 63.\n\nFootnote 138:\n\n Gregor. Dial. iv. 36. See Calmet, vol. ii. ch. 49.\n\nFootnote 139:\n\n Augustin. Epist. clxiv. 2.\n\nFootnote 140:\n\n See Pearson, \u2018Exposition of the Creed;\u2019 Bingham, \u2018Ant. Ch. Ch.\u2019 book\n x. ch. iii. Art. iii. of the Church of England was reduced to its\n present state by Archbp. Parker\u2019s revision.\n\nFootnote 141:\n\n Codex Apocr. N. T. Evang. Nicod. ed. Giles. \u2018Apocryphal Gospels,\u2019 &c.\n tr. by A. Walker; \u2018Gospel of Nicodemus.\u2019 The Greek and Latin texts\n differ much.\n\nFootnote 142:\n\n The following details mostly from T. Wright, \u2018St. Patrick\u2019s Purgatory\u2019\n (an elaborate critical dissertation on the medi\u00e6val legends of visits\n to the other world).\n\nFootnote 143:\n\n St. John, \u2018Far East,\u2019 vol. i. p. 278. Rigg. in \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019\n vol. iv. p. 119. See also Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 397;\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. i. p. 83; Irving, \u2018Astoria,\u2019 p. 142.\n\nFootnote 144:\n\n Molina, \u2018Chili,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 89.\n\nFootnote 145:\n\n Brasseur, \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 496; Sahagun, iii. App. c. 2, x. c.\n 29; Clavigero, vol. ii. p. 5.\n\nFootnote 146:\n\n See Wright, l.c. &c.; Alger, p. 391; &c.\n\nFootnote 147:\n\n \u2018History of Colon,\u2019 ch. 61; Pet. Martyr. Dec. i. lib. ix.; Irving,\n \u2018Life of Columbus,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 121.\n\nFootnote 148:\n\n Stanbridge in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. i. p. 299; G. F. Moore, \u2018Vocab. W.\n Austr.\u2019 p. 83; Bonwick, \u2018Tasmanians,\u2019 p. 181.\n\nFootnote 149:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part i. p. 321; see part iii. p. 229.\n\nFootnote 150:\n\n Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 107. See also Burton, \u2018W. and W. fr.\n W. Africa,\u2019 p. 154 (Gold Coast).\n\nFootnote 151:\n\n Hesiod. Opera et Dies, Pindar, Olymp. ii. antistr. 4. Callistrat.\n Hymn. in Ilgen, Scolia Gr\u00e6ca, 10. Strabo, iii. 2, 13; Plin. iv. 36.\n\nFootnote 152:\n\n Loc. cit.\n\nFootnote 153:\n\n Procop. De Bello Goth. iv. 20; Plut. Fragm. Comm. in Hesiod. 2; Grimm,\n \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 793; Hersart de Villemarqu\u00e9, vol. i. p. 136; Souvestre,\n \u2018Derniers Bretons,\u2019 p. 37; Jas. Macpherson, \u2018Introd. to Hist. of Great\n Britain and Ireland,\u2019 2nd ed. London, 1772, p. 180; Wright, \u2018St.\n Patrick\u2019s Purgatory,\u2019 pp. 64, 129.\n\nFootnote 154:\n\n Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 269.\n\nFootnote 155:\n\n Harmon, \u2018Journal,\u2019 p. 299; see Lewis and Clarke, p. 139 (Mandans).\n\nFootnote 156:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrelig.\u2019 pp. 140, 287; see Humboldt and\n Bonpland, \u2018Voy.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 132; Falkner, \u2018Patagonia,\u2019 p. 114.\n\nFootnote 157:\n\n Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 232; Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 235.\n\nFootnote 158:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Zulu Tales,\u2019 vol. i. p. 317, &c.; Arbousset and Daumas, p.\n 474. See also Burton, \u2018Dahome,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 157.\n\nFootnote 159:\n\n Mason, \u2018Karens,\u2019 l.c. p. 195; Cross, l.c. p. 313. Turanian examples in\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 119.\n\nFootnote 160:\n\n See below, pp. 79, 85.\n\nFootnote 161:\n\n Festus, s.v. \u2018manalis,\u2019 &c.\n\nFootnote 162:\n\n Sophocl. \u0152dip. Tyrann. 178; Lucian. De Luctu, 2. See classic details\n in Pauly, \u2018Real-Encyclop.\u2019 art. \u2018inferi.\u2019\n\nFootnote 163:\n\n Birch in Bunsen\u2019s \u2018Egypt,\u2019 vol. v.; Wilkinson, \u2018Ancient Eg.\u2019 vol. ii.\n p. 368; Alger, p. 101.\n\nFootnote 164:\n\n Smith, \u2018History of Virginia,\u2019 in \u2018Works\u2019 ed. by Arber; Pinkerton, vol.\n xiii. pp. 14, 41; vol. xii. p. 604; see below, p. 95.\n\nFootnote 165:\n\n Thorpe, \u2018Analecta Anglo-Saxonica,\u2019 p. 115.\n\nFootnote 166:\n\n Schirren, p. 151. See Taylor, \u2018N. Z.\u2019 p. 525.\n\nFootnote 167:\n\n Meiners, vol. ii. p. 781; Maury, \u2018Magie,\u2019 &c. p. 170.\n\nFootnote 168:\n\n Oviedo, \u2018Nicaragua,\u2019 p. 160; Brinton, p. 288.\n\nFootnote 169:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 p. 138, see also 220 (Caribs), 402\n (Peru), 505, 660 (Mexico); Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019 p. 233;\n Taylor, \u2018Physical Theory,\u2019 ch. xvi.; Alger, \u2018Future Life,\u2019 p. 590; see\n also above, p. 16, note.\n\nFootnote 170:\n\n Humboldt and Bonpland, \u2018Voy.\u2019 vol. v. p. 90; Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019\n vol. i. p. 233; Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 531; Plutarch. De Facie in\n Orbe Lun\u00e6; Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 pp. 80, 89 (souls in stars).\n\nFootnote 171:\n\n See Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part i. pp. 269, 311; Smith,\n \u2018Virginia,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xiii. p. 54; Waitz, vol. iii. p. 223;\n Squier, \u2018Abor. Mon. of N. Y.\u2019 p. 156; Catlin, \u2018N. A. Ind.\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 180.\n\nFootnote 172:\n\n Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 134; Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 103;\n Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 pp. 101, 114, 256.\n\nFootnote 173:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Rel. of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 393; Burton, \u2018W. and W. fr. W. Afr.\u2019\n p. 454; Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 295.\n\nFootnote 174:\n\n Herodot. iv. 158, see 185, and Rawlinson\u2019s note. See Smith\u2019s \u2018Dic. of\n the Bible,\u2019 s.v. \u2018firmament.\u2019 Eisenmenger, part i. p. 408.\n\nFootnote 175:\n\n Eyre, \u2018Australia,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 367.\n\nFootnote 176:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part iv. p. 240 (but compare part v. p.\n 403); Morgan, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 176; Sproat, \u2018Savage Life,\u2019 p. 209.\n\nFootnote 177:\n\n D\u2019Orbigny, \u2018L\u2019Homme Am\u00e9ricain,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 319, 328; see Martius,\n vol. i. p. 485 (Jumanas).\n\nFootnote 178:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 403; Brasseur, \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 496;\n Kingsborough, \u2018Mexico,\u2019 Cod. Letellier, fol. 20.\n\nFootnote 179:\n\n Max M\u00fcller, \u2018Chips,\u2019 vol. i. p. 46; Roth in \u2018Zeitschr. d. Deutsch.\n Morgenl. Ges.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 427.\n\nFootnote 180:\n\n Cross, \u2018Karens,\u2019 l.c. pp. 309, 313; Le Jeune in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1634,\n p. 16; Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 272; Callaway, \u2018Zulu Tales,\u2019 vol. i.\n p. 316; Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 310, 315; J. G. M\u00fcller,\n \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 pp. 139, 286.\n\nFootnote 181:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 224; Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part ii.\n p. 135.\n\nFootnote 182:\n\n D\u2019Orbigny, \u2018L\u2019Homme Am\u00e9ricain,\u2019 vol. i. p. 364; Spix and Martius,\n \u2018Brasilien,\u2019 vol. i. p. 383; De Laet, Novus Orbis, xv. 2.\n\nFootnote 183:\n\n Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 258.\n\nFootnote 184:\n\n Magyar, \u2018S\u00fcd-Afrika,\u2019 p. 336.\n\nFootnote 185:\n\n Edda: \u2018Gylfaginning.\u2019\n\nFootnote 186:\n\n \u2018Koran,\u2019 ch. lv. lvi.\n\nFootnote 187:\n\n Eisenmenger, \u2018Entdecktes Judenthum,\u2019 part i. p. 7.\n\nFootnote 188:\n\n Hardy, \u2018Manual of Budhism,\u2019 pp. 5, 24; K\u00f6ppen, \u2018Rel. des Buddha,\u2019 vol.\n i. p. 235, &c.\n\nFootnote 189:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1636, p. 105.\n\nFootnote 190:\n\n Sahagun, \u2018Hist. de Nueva Espa\u00f1a,\u2019 book iii. appendix ch. i., in\n Kingsborough, vol. vii.; Brasseur, vol. iii. p. 571.\n\nFootnote 191:\n\n Casalis, \u2018Basutos,\u2019 pp. 247, 254.\n\nFootnote 192:\n\n Burton, \u2018Dahome,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 156; \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 403;\n \u2018Wit and Wisdom from W. Afr.\u2019 pp. 280, 449; see J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 140.\n\nFootnote 193:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 126, &c.; Kalewala, Rune xv. xvi. xlv. &c.;\n Meiners, vol. ii. p. 780.\n\nFootnote 194:\n\n Homer. Il. ix. 405; Odyss. xi. 218, 475; Virg. \u00c6n. vi. 243, &c., &c.\n\nFootnote 195:\n\n Gen. xxxv. 29; xxv. 8; xxxvii. 35; Job xi. 8; Amos ix. 2; Psalm\n lxxxix. 48; Ezek. xxxi., xxxii.; Isaiah xiv. 9, xxxviii. 10-18; 1\n Sam., xxviii. 15; Eccles. ix. 10. \u2018Records of the Past,\u2019 vol. i. pp.\n 141-9; Sayce \u2018Lectures on Hist. of Rel.\u2019 part ii.; Alger, \u2018Critical\n History of the Doctrine of a Future Life,\u2019 ch. viii.\n\nFootnote 196:\n\n The doctrine of reversal, as in Kamchatka, where rich and poor will\n change places in the other world (Steller, pp. 269-72), is too\n exceptional in the lower culture to be generalized. See Steinhauser,\n \u2018Rel. des Negers,\u2019 l. c., p. 135. A Wolof proverb is \u2018The more\n powerful one is in this world, the more servile one will be in the\n next.\u2019 (Burton, \u2018Wit and Wisdom,\u2019 p. 28.)\n\nFootnote 197:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 245, 397; see also Turner,\n \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 237 (Samoans); Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 105.\n\nFootnote 198:\n\n Sproat, \u2018Savage Life,\u2019 p. 209.\n\nFootnote 199:\n\n \u2018Rec. des Voy. au Nord,\u2019 vol. v. p. 23 (Natchez); Garcilaso de la\n Vega, \u2018Commentarios Reales,\u2019 lib. i. c. 23, tr. by C. R. Markham;\n Prescott, \u2018Peru,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 29, 83; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 402, &c.\n\nFootnote 200:\n\n Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 259.\n\nFootnote 201:\n\n Charlevoix, \u2018Nouvelle France,\u2019 vol. vi. p. 77; Lescarbot, \u2018Hist. de la\n Nouvelle France,\u2019 Paris, 1619, p. 679.\n\nFootnote 202:\n\n Lery, \u2018Hist. d\u2019un Voy. en Br\u00e9sil,\u2019 p. 234; Coreal, \u2018Voi. aux Indes\n Occ.\u2019 i. p. 224.\n\nFootnote 203:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 430.\n\nFootnote 204:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. i. p. 325.\n\nFootnote 205:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1636, p. 104; see also Meiners, vol. ii. p.\n 769; J. G. M\u00fcller, pp. 89, 139.\n\nFootnote 206:\n\n Chateaubriand, \u2018Voy. en Am\u00e9rique\u2019 (Religion).\n\nFootnote 207:\n\n Oviedo, \u2018Nicaragua,\u2019 p. 22; Torquemada, \u2018Monarquia Indiana,\u2019 book\n xiii. c. 48; Sahagun, book iii. app. ch. i.-iii. in Kingsborough, vol.\n vii. Compare Anderson, \u2018Exp. to W. Yunnan,\u2019 p. 125. (Shans, good men\n and mothers dying in child-birth to heaven, bad men and those killed\n by the sword to hell.)\n\nFootnote 208:\n\n Alger, \u2018Future Life,\u2019 p. 93.\n\nFootnote 209:\n\n Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019 p. 300.\n\nFootnote 210:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 397; see also Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol.\n i. p. 243.\n\nFootnote 211:\n\n Brinton, p. 242, &c.\n\nFootnote 212:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 pp. 87, 224. See also the opinions of\n Meiners, \u2018Gesch. der Religion,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 768; Wuttke. \u2018Gesch. des\n Heidenthums,\u2019 vol. i. p. 115.\n\nFootnote 213:\n\n Ellis, l. c.; Moerenhout, \u2018Voyage,\u2019 vol. i. p. 433.\n\nFootnote 214:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 378.\n\nFootnote 215:\n\n Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 letter x.; in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 401.\n\nFootnote 216:\n\n St. John, \u2018Far East,\u2019 vol. i. p. 181; see Mundy, \u2018Narrative,\u2019 vol. i.\n p. 332.\n\nFootnote 217:\n\n Macpherson, p. 92. Compare Moerenhout, l. c. (Tahiti).\n\nFootnote 218:\n\n Mason, l. c. p. 195. See also De Brosses, \u2018Nav. aux Terres Australes,\u2019\n vol. ii. p. 482 (Caroline Is.).\n\nFootnote 219:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 pp. 136, 144. See Georgi, \u2018Reise im Russ.\n Reich,\u2019 vol. i. p. 278. Compare accounts of Purgatory among the North\n American Indians, apparently derived from missionaries, in Morgan,\n \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 169; Waitz, vol. iii. p. 345.\n\nFootnote 220:\n\n See T. Wright, \u2018St. Patrick\u2019s Purgatory.\u2019\n\nFootnote 221:\n\n Waitz, vol. ii. pp. 171, 191; Bowen, \u2018Yoruba Lang.\u2019 p. xvi. See J. L.\n Wilson, p. 210.\n\nFootnote 222:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1635, p. 35; 1636, p. 105. Catlin, \u2018N. A.\n Ind.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 127; Long\u2019s \u2018Exp.\u2019 vol. i. p. 180. See Brinton, p.\n 247; Waitz, vol. ii. p. 191, vol. iii. p. 197; and the collection of\n myths of the Heaven-Bridge and Heaven-Gulf in \u2018Early History of\n Mankind,\u2019 chap. xii.\n\nFootnote 223:\n\n Smith, \u2018New England,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xiii. p. 244.\n\nFootnote 224:\n\n Wilson in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 303.\n\nFootnote 225:\n\n Birch, Introduction to and translation of the \u2018Book of the Dead,\u2019 in\n Bunsen, vol. v.; Wilkinson, \u2018Ancient Eg.\u2019 vol. v.\n\nFootnote 226:\n\n For references to Rig Veda see Muir, \u2018Sanskrit Texts,\u2019 sec. xviii.;\n Max M\u00fcller, Lecture on Vedas in \u2018Essays,\u2019 vol. ii.\n\nFootnote 227:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 new ser. vol. ii. p. 210. See Bastian, \u2018Oestl.\n Asien,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 387.\n\nFootnote 228:\n\n Spiegel, \u2018Avesta,\u2019 ed. Bleek, vol. iii. pp. 136, 163; see vol. i. pp.\n xviii. 90, 141; vol. ii. p. 68.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XIV.\n ANIMISM (_continued_).\n\n Animism, expanding from the Doctrine of Souls to the wider Doctrine\n of Spirits, becomes a complete Philosophy of Natural\n Religion\u2014Definition of Spirits similar to and apparently modelled on\n that of Souls\u2014Transition stage: classes of Souls passing\n into good and evil Demons\u2014Manes-Worship\u2014Doctrine of\n Embodiment of Spirits in human, animal, vegetable, and inert\n bodies\u2014Demoniacal Possession and Obsession as causes of Disease and\n Oracle-inspiration\u2014Fetishism\u2014Disease-spirits embodied\u2014Ghost attached\n to remains of Corpse\u2014Fetish produced by a Spirit embodied in,\n attached to, or operating through, an Object\u2014Analogues\n of Fetish-doctrine in Modern Science\u2014Stock-and-Stone\n Worship\u2014Idolatry\u2014Survival of Animistic Phraseology in modern\n Language\u2014Decline of Animistic theory of Nature.\n\n\nThe general scheme of Animism, of which the doctrine of souls hitherto\ndiscussed forms part, thence expands to complete the full general\nphilosophy of Natural Religion among mankind. Conformably with that\nearly childlike philosophy in which human life seems the direct key to\nthe understanding of nature at large, the savage theory of the universe\nrefers its phenomena in general to the wilful action of pervading\npersonal spirits. It was no spontaneous fancy, but the reasonable\ninference that effects are due to causes, which led the rude men of old\ndays to people with such ethereal phantoms their own homes and haunts,\nand the vast earth and sky beyond. Spirits are simply personified\ncauses. As men\u2019s ordinary life and actions were held to be caused by\nsouls, so the happy or disastrous events which affect mankind, as well\nas the manifold physical operations of the outer-world, were accounted\nfor as caused by soul-like beings, spirits whose essential similarity of\norigin is evident through all their wondrous variety of power and\nfunction. Much that the primitive animistic view thus explains, has been\nindeed given over by more advanced education to the \u2018metaphysical\u2019 and\n\u2018positive\u2019 stages of thought. Yet animism is still plainly to be traced\nonward from the intellectual state of the lower races, along the course\nof the higher culture, whether its doctrines have been continued and\nmodified into the accepted philosophy of religion, or whether they have\ndwindled into mere survivals in popular superstition. Though all I here\nundertake is to sketch in outline such features of this spiritualistic\nphilosophy as I can see plainly enough to draw at all, scarcely\nattempting to clear away the haze that covers great parts of the\nsubject, yet even so much as I venture on is a hard task, made yet\nharder by the responsibility attaching to it. For it appears that to\nfollow the course of animism on from its more primitive stages, is to\naccount for much of medi\u00e6val and modern opinion whose meaning and reason\ncould hardly be comprehended without the aid of a development-theory of\nculture, taking in the various processes of new formation, abolition,\nsurvival, and revival. Thus even the despised ideas of savage races\nbecome a practically important topic to the modern world, for here, as\nusual, whatever bears on the origin of philosophic opinion, bears also\non its validity.\n\nAt this point of the investigation, we come fully into sight of the\nprinciple which has been all along implied in the use of the word\nAnimism, in a sense beyond its narrower meaning of the doctrine of\nsouls. By using it to express the doctrine of spirits generally, it is\npractically asserted that the idea of souls, demons, deities, and any\nother classes of spiritual beings, are conceptions of similar nature\nthroughout, the conceptions of souls being the original ones of the\nseries. It was best, from this point of view, to begin with a careful\nstudy of souls, which are the spirits proper to men, animals, and\nthings, before extending the survey of the spirit-world to its fullest\nrange. If it be admitted that souls and other spiritual beings are\nconceived of as essentially similar in their nature, it may be\nreasonably argued that the class of conceptions based on evidence most\ndirect and accessible to ancient men, is the earlier and fundamental\nclass. To grant this, is in effect to agree that the doctrine of souls,\nfounded on the natural perceptions of primitive man, gave rise to the\ndoctrine of spirits, which extends and modifies its general theory for\nnew purposes, but in developments less authenticated and consistent,\nmore fanciful and far-fetched. It seems as though the conception of a\nhuman soul, when once attained to by man, served as a type or model on\nwhich he framed not only his ideas of other souls of lower grade, but\nalso his ideas of spiritual beings in general, from the tiniest elf that\nsports in the long grass up to the heavenly Creator and Ruler of the\nworld, the Great Spirit.\n\nThe doctrines of the lower races fully justify us in classing their\nspiritual beings in general as similar in nature to the souls of men. It\nwill be incidentally shown here, again and again, that souls have the\nsame qualities attributed to them as other spirits, are treated in like\nfashion, and pass without distinct breaks into every part of the general\nspiritual definition. The similar nature of soul and other spirit is, in\nfact, one of the commonplaces of animism, from its rudest to its most\ncultured stages. It ranges from the native New Zealanders\u2019 and West\nIndians\u2019 conceptions of the \u2018atua\u2019 and the \u2018cemi,\u2019 beings which require\nspecial definition to show whether they are human souls or demons or\ndeities of some other class,[229] and so onward to the declaration of\nPhilo Jud\u00e6us, that souls, demons, and angels differ indeed in name, but\nare in reality one,[230] and to the state of mind of the modern Roman\nCatholic priest, who is cautioned in the rubric concerning the\nexamination of a possessed patient, not to believe the demon if he\npretends to be the soul of some saint or deceased person, or a good\nangel (neque ei credatur, si d\u00e6mon simularet se esse animam alicujus\nSancti, vel defuncti, vel Angelum bonum).[231] Nothing can bring more\nbroadly into view the similar nature of souls and other spiritual beings\nthan the existence of a full transitional series of ideas. Souls of dead\nmen are in fact considered as actually forming one of the most important\nclasses of demons and deities.\n\nIt is quite usual for savage tribes to live in terror of the souls of\nthe dead as harmful spirits. Thus Australians have been known to\nconsider the ghosts of the unburied dead as becoming malignant\ndemons.[232] New Zealanders have supposed the souls of their dead to\nbecome so changed in nature as to be malignant to their nearest and\ndearest friends in life;[233] the Caribs said that, of man\u2019s various\nsouls, some go to the seashore and capsize boats, others to the forest\nto be evil spirits;[234] among the Sioux Indians the fear of a ghost\u2019s\nvengeance has been found to act as a check on murder;[235] of some\ntribes in Central Africa it may be said that their main religious\ndoctrine is the belief in ghosts, and that the main characteristic of\nthese ghosts is to do harm to the living.[236] The Patagonians lived in\nterror of the souls of their wizards, which become evil demons after\ndeath;[237] Turanian tribes of North Asia fear their shamans even more\nwhen dead than when alive, for they become a special class of spirits\nwho are the hurtfullest in all nature, and who among the Mongols plague\nthe living on purpose to make them bring offerings.[238] In China it is\nheld that the multitudes of wretched destitute spirits in the world\nbelow, such as souls of lepers and beggars, can sorely annoy the living;\ntherefore at certain times they are to be appeased with offerings of\nfood, scant and beggarly; and a man who feels unwell, or fears a mishap\nin business, will prudently have some mock-clothing and mock-money burnt\nfor these \u2018gentlemen of the lower regions.\u2019[239] Notions of this sort\nare widely prevalent in Indo-China and India; whole orders of demons\nthere were formerly human souls, especially of people left unburied or\nslain by plague or violence, of bachelors or of women who died in\nchildbirth, and who henceforth wreak their vengeance on the living. They\nmay, however, be propitiated by temples and offerings, and thus have\nbecome in fact a regular class of local deities.[240] Among them may be\ncounted the diabolic soul of a certain wicked British officer, whom\nnative worshippers in the Tinnevelly district still propitiate by\noffering at his grave the brandy and cheroots he loved in life.[241]\nIndia even carried theory into practice by an actual manufacture of\ndemons, as witness the two following accounts. A certain brahman, on\nwhose lands a kshatriya raja had built a house, ripped himself up in\nrevenge, and became a demon of the kind called brahmadasyu, who has been\never since the terror of the whole country, and is the most common\nvillage deity in Kharakpur.[242] Toward the close of the last century\nthere were two brahmans, out of whose house a man had wrongfully, as\nthey thought, taken forty rupees; whereupon one of the brahmans\nproceeded to cut off his own mother\u2019s head, with the professed view,\nentertained by both mother and son, that her spirit, excited by the\nbeating of a large drum during forty days, might haunt, torment, and\npursue to death the taker of their money and those concerned with him.\nDeclaring with her last words that she would blast the thief, the\nspiteful hag deliberately gave up her life to take ghostly vengeance for\nthose forty rupees.[243] By instances like these it appears that we may\ntrace up from the psychology of the lower races the familiar ancient and\nmodern European tales of baleful ghost-demons. The old fear even now\ncontinues to vouch for the old belief.\n\nHappily for man\u2019s anticipation of death, and for the treatment of the\nsick and aged, thoughts of horror and hatred do not preponderate in\nideas of deified ancestors, who are regarded on the whole as kindly\npatron spirits, at least to their own kinsfolk and worshippers.\nManes-worship is one of the great branches of the religion of mankind.\nIts principles are not difficult to understand, for they plainly keep up\nthe social relations of the living world. The dead ancestor, now passed\ninto a deity, simply goes on protecting his own family and receiving\nsuit and service from them as of old; the dead chief still watches over\nhis own tribe, still holds his authority by helping friends and harming\nenemies, still rewards the right and sharply punishes the wrong. It will\nbe enough to show by a few characteristic examples the general position\nof manes-worship among mankind, from the lower culture upward.[244] In\nthe two Americas it appears not unfrequently, from the low savage level\nof the Brazilian Camacans, to the somewhat higher stage of northern\nIndian tribes whom we hear of as praying to the spirits of their\nforefathers for good weather or luck in hunting, and fancying when an\nIndian falls into the fire that the ancestral spirits pushed him in to\npunish neglect of the customary gifts, while the Natchez of Louisiana\nare said to have even gone so far as to build temples for dead men.[245]\nTurning to the dark races of the Pacific, we find the Tasmanians laying\ntheir sick round a corpse on the funeral pile, that the dead might come\nin the night and take out the devils that caused the diseases; it is\nasserted in a general way of the natives, that they believed most\nimplicitly in the return of the spirits of their departed friends or\nrelations to bless or injure them as the case might be.[246] In Tanna,\nthe gods are spirits of departed ancestors, aged chiefs becoming deities\nafter death, presiding over the growth of yams and fruit trees, and\nreceiving from the islanders prayer and offerings of first fruits.[247]\nNor are the fairer Polynesians behind in this respect. Below the great\nmythological gods of Tonga and New Zealand, the souls of chiefs and\nwarriors form a lower but active and powerful order of deities, who in\nthe Tongan paradise intercede for man\u2019s benefit with the higher deities,\nwho direct the Maori war parties on the march, hover over them and give\nthem courage in the fight, and, watching jealously their own tribes and\nfamilies, punish any violation of the sacred laws of tapu.[248] Thence\nwe trace the doctrine into the Malay islands, where the souls of\ndeceased ancestors are looked to for prosperity in life and help in\ndistress.[249] In Madagascar, the worship of the spirits of the dead is\nremarkably associated with the Vazimbas, the aborigines of the island,\nwho are said still to survive as a distinct race in the interior, and\nwhose peculiar graves testify to their former occupancy of other\ndistricts. These graves, small in size, and distinguished by a cairn and\nan upright stone slab or altar, are places which the Malagasy regard\nwith equal fear and veneration, and their faces become sad and serious\nwhen they even pass near. To take a stone or pluck a twig from one of\nthese graves, to stumble against one in the dark, would be resented by\nthe angry Vazimba inflicting disease, or coming in the night to carry\noff the offender to the region of ghosts. The Malagasy is thus enabled\nto account for every otherwise unaccountable ailment by his having\nknowingly or unknowingly given offence to some Vazimba. They are not\nindeed always malevolent, they may be placable or implacable, or partake\nof both characters. Thus it comes to pass, that at the altar-slab which\nlong ago some rude native family set up for commemoration or dutiful\noffering of food to a dead kinsman, a barbaric supplanting race now\ncomes to smear the burnt fat of sacrifice, and set up the heads of\npoultry and sheep and the horns of bullocks, that the mysterious tenant\nmay be kind, not cruel, with his superhuman powers.[250]\n\nOn the continent of Africa, manes-worship appears with extremest\ndefiniteness and strength. Thus Zulu warriors, aided by the \u2018amatongo,\u2019\nthe spirits of their ancestors, conquer in the battle; but if the dead\nturn their backs on the living, the living fall in the fight, to become\nancestral spirits in their turn. In anger the \u2018itongo\u2019 seizes a living\nman\u2019s body and inflicts disease and death; in beneficence he gives\nhealth, and cattle, and corn, and all men wish. Even the little children\nand old women, of small account in life, become at death spirits having\nmuch power, the infants for kindness, the crones for malice. But it is\nespecially the head of each family who receives the worship of his kin.\nWhy it is naturally and reasonably so, a Zulu thus explains. \u2018Although\nthey worship the many Amatongo of their tribe, making a great fence\naround them for their protection; yet their father is far before all\nothers when they worship the Amatongo. Their father is a great treasure\nto them even when he is dead. And those of his children who are already\ngrown up know him thoroughly, his gentleness, and his bravery.\u2019 \u2018Black\npeople do not worship all Amatongo indifferently, that is, all the dead\nof their tribe. Speaking generally, the head of each house is worshipped\nby the children of that house; for they do not know the ancients who are\ndead, nor their laud-giving names, nor their names. But their father\nwhom they knew is the head by whom they begin and end in their prayer,\nfor they know him best, and his love for his children; they remember his\nkindness to them whilst he was living; they compare his treatment of\nthem whilst he was living, support themselves by it, and say, \u201cHe will\nstill treat us in the same way now he is dead. We do not know why he\nshould regard others besides us; he will regard us only.\u201d\u2019[251] It will\nbe seen in another place how the Zulu follows up the doctrine of divine\nancestors till he reaches a first ancestor of man and creator of the\nworld, the prim\u00e6val Unkulunkulu. In West Africa, manes-worship displays\nin contrast its two special types. On the one hand, we see the North\nGuinea negroes transferring the souls of the dead, according to their\nlives, to the rank of good and evil spirits, and if evil worshipping\nthem the more zealously, as fear is to their minds a stronger impulse\nthan love. On the other hand, in Southern Guinea, we see the deep\nrespect paid to the aged during life, passing into worship when death\nhas raised them to yet higher influence. There the living bring to the\nimages of the dead food and drink, and even a small portion of their\nprofits gained in trade; they look especially to dead relatives for help\nin the trials of life, and \u2018it is no uncommon thing to see large groups\nof men and women, in times of peril or distress, assembled along the\nbrow of some commanding eminence, or along the skirts of some dense\nforest, calling in the most piteous and touching tones upon the spirits\nof their ancestors.\u2019[252]\n\nIn Asia, manes-worship comes to the surface in all directions. The rude\nVeddas of Ceylon believe in the guardianship of the spirits of the dead;\nthese, they say, are \u2018ever watchful, coming to them in sickness,\nvisiting them in dreams, giving them flesh when hunting;\u2019 and in every\ncalamity and want they call for aid on the \u2018kindred spirits,\u2019 and\nespecially the shades of departed children, the \u2018infant spirits.\u2019[253]\nAmong non-Hindu tribes of India, whose religions more or less represent\npr\u00e6-Brahmanic and pr\u00e6-Buddhistic conditions, wide and deep traces appear\nof an ancient and surviving cultus of ancestors.[254] Among Turanian\ntribes spread over the northern regions of the Old World, a similar\nstate of things may be instanced from the Mongols, worshipping as good\ndeities the princely souls of Genghis Khan\u2019s family, at whose head\nstands the divine Genghis himself.[255] Nor have nations of the higher\nAsiatic culture generally rejected the time-honoured rite. In Japan the\n\u2018Way of the Kami,\u2019 better known to foreigners as the Sin-tu religion, is\none of the officially recognized faiths, and in it there is still kept\nup in hut and palace the religion of the rude old mountain-tribes of the\nland, who worshipped their divine ancestors, the Kami, and prayed to\nthem for help and blessing. To the time of these ancient Kami, say the\nmodern Japanese, the rude stone implements belong which are found in the\nground in Japan as elsewhere: to modern ethnologists, however, these\nbear witness not of divine but savage parentage.[256] In Siam the lower\norders scruple to worship the great gods, lest through ignorance they\nshould blunder in the complex ritual; they prefer to pray to the\n\u2018theparak,\u2019 a lower class of deities among whom the souls of great men\ntake their places at death.[257] In China, as every one knows,\nancestor-worship is the dominant religion of the land, and interesting\nproblems are opened out to the Western mind by the spectacle of a great\npeople who for thousands of years have been thus seeking the living\namong the dead. Nowhere is the connexion between parental authority and\nconservatism more graphically shown. The worship of ancestors, begun\nduring their life, is not interrupted but intensified when death makes\nthem deities. The Chinese, prostrate bodily and mentally before the\nmemorial tablets that contain the souls of his ancestors, little thinks\nthat he is all the while proving to mankind how vast a power unlimited\nfilial obedience, prohibiting change from ancestral institutions, may\nexert in stopping the advance of civilization. The thought of the souls\nof the dead as sharing the happiness and glory of their descendants is\none which widely pervades the world, but most such ideas would seem\nvague and weak to the Chinese, who will try hard for honour in his\ncompetitive examination with the special motive of glorifying his dead\nancestors, and whose titles of rank will raise his deceased father and\ngrandfather a grade above himself, as though, with us, Zachary Macaulay\nand Copley the painter should now have viscounts\u2019 coronets officially\nplaced on their tombstones. As so often happens, what is jest to one\npeople is sober sense to another. There are 300 millions of Chinese who\nwould hardly see a joke in Charles Lamb reviling the stupid age that\nwould not read him, and declaring that he would write for antiquity. Had\nhe been a Chinese himself, he might have written his book in all\nseriousness for the benefit of his great-great-grandfather. Among the\nChinese, manes-worship is no rite of mere affection. The living want the\nhelp of the ancestral spirits, who reward virtue and punish vice: \u2018The\nexalted ancestor will bring thee, O Prince, much good!\u2019\u2014\u2018Ancestors and\nfathers will abandon you and give you up, and come not to help, and ye\nwill die.\u2019 If no help comes in time of need, the Chinese will reproach\nhis ancestor, or even come to doubt his existence. Thus in a Chinese ode\nthe sufferers in a dreadful drought cry, \u2018Heu-tsi cannot or will not\nhelp.... Our ancestors have surely perished.... Father, mother,\nancestors, how could you calmly bear this?\u2019 Nor does manes-worship stop\nshort with direct family ties; it is naturally developed to produce, by\ndeification of the heroic dead, a series of superior gods to whom\nworship is given by the public at large. Thus, according to legend, the\nWar-god or Military Sage was once in human life a distinguished soldier,\nthe Mechanics\u2019 god was a skilful workman and inventor of tools, the\nSwine-god was a hog-breeder who lost his pigs and died of sorrow, and\nthe Gamblers\u2019 god, a desperate gamester who lost his all and died of\nwant, is represented by a hideous image called a \u2018devil gambling for\ncash,\u2019 and in this shape receives the prayers and offerings of confirmed\ngamblers, his votaries. The spirits of San-kea Ta-te, and Chang-yuen-sze\ngo to partake of the offerings set out in their temples, returning\nflushed and florid from their meal; and the spirit of Confucius is\npresent in the temple, where twice a year the Emperor does sacrifice to\nhim.[258]\n\nThe Hindu unites in some degree with the Chinese as to ancestor-worship,\nand especially as to the necessity of having a son by blood or adoption,\nwho shall offer the proper sacrifices to him after death. \u2018May there be\nborn in our lineage,\u2019 the manes are supposed to say, \u2018a man to offer to\nus, on the thirteenth day of the moon, rice boiled in milk, honey and\nghee.\u2019 Offerings made to the divine manes, the \u2018pitaras\u2019 (patres,\nfathers) as they are called, preceded and followed by offerings to the\ngreater deities, give to the worshipper merit and happiness.[259] In\nclassic Europe, apotheosis lies part within the limits of myth, where it\nwas applied to fabled ancestors, and part within the limits of actual\nhistory, as where Julius and Augustus shared its honours with the vile\nDomitian and Commodus. The most special representatives of\nancestor-worship in Europe were perhaps the ancient Romans, whose word\n\u2018manes\u2019 has become the recognized name for ancestral deities in modern\ncivilized language; they embodied them as images, set them up as\nhousehold patrons, gratified them with offerings and solemn homage, and\ncounting them as or among the infernal gods, inscribed on tombs D. M.,\n\u2018Diis Manibus.\u2019[260] The occurrence of this D. M. in Christian epitaphs\nis an often-noticed case of religious survival.\n\nAlthough full ancestor-worship is not practised in modern Christendom,\nthere remains even now within its limits a well-marked worship of the\ndead. A crowd of saints, who were once men and women, now form an order\nof inferior deities, active in the affairs of men and receiving from\nthem reverence and prayer, thus coming strictly under the definition of\nmanes. This Christian cultus of the dead, belonging in principle to the\nolder manes-worship, was adapted to answer another purpose in the course\nof religious transition in Europe. The local gods, the patron gods of\nparticular ranks and crafts, the gods from whom men sought special help\nin special needs, were too near and dear to the inmost heart of\npr\u00e6-Christian Europe to be done away with without substitutes. It proved\neasier to replace them by saints who could undertake their particular\nprofessions, and even succeed them in their sacred dwellings. The system\nof spiritual division of labour was in time worked out with wonderful\nminuteness in the vast array of professional saints, among whom the most\nfamiliar to modern English ears are St. Cecilia, patroness of musicians;\nSt. Luke, patron of painters; St. Peter, of fishmongers; St. Valentine,\nof lovers; St. Sebastian, of archers; St. Crispin, of cobblers; St.\nHubert, who cures the bite of mad dogs; St. Vitus, who delivers madmen\nand sufferers from the disease which bears his name; St. Fiacre, whose\nname is now less known by his shrine than by the hackney-coaches called\nafter him in the seventeenth century. Not to dwell here minutely on an\noften-treated topic, it will be enough to touch on two particular\npoints. First, as to the direct historical succession of the Christian\nsaint to the heathen deity, the following are two very perfect\nillustrations. It is well known that Romulus, mindful of his own\nadventurous infancy, became after death a Roman deity propitious to the\nhealth and safety of young children, so that nurses and mothers would\ncarry sickly infants to present them in his little round temple at the\nfoot of the Palatine. In after ages the temple was replaced by the\nchurch of St. Theodorus, and there Dr. Conyers Middleton, who drew\npublic attention to its curious history, used to look in and see ten or\na dozen women, each with a sick child in her lap, sitting in silent\nreverence before the altar of the saint. The ceremony of blessing\nchildren, especially after vaccination, may still be seen there on\nThursday mornings.[261] Again, Sts. Cosmas and Damianus, according to\nMaury, owe their recognized office to a similar curious train of events.\nThey were martyrs who suffered under Diocletian, at \u00c6g\u00e6\u00e6 in Cilicia. Now\nthis place was celebrated for the worship of \u00c6sculapius, in whose temple\nincubation, i.e. sleeping for oracular dreams, was practised. It seems\nas though the idea was transferred on the spot to the two local saints,\nfor we next hear of them as appearing in a dream to the Emperor\nJustinian, when he was ill at Byzantium. They cured him, he built them a\ntemple, their cultus spread far and wide, and they frequently appeared\nto the sick to show them what they should do. Legend settled that Cosmas\nand Damianus were physicians while they lived on earth, and at any rate\nthey are patron-saints of the profession of medicine to this day.[262]\nSecond, as to the actual state of hagiolatry in modern Europe, it is\nobvious on a broad view that it is declining among the educated classes.\nYet modern examples may be brought forward to show ideas as extreme as\nthose which prevailed more widely a thousand years ago. In the Church of\nthe Jesuit College at Rome lies buried St. Aloysius Gonzaga, on whose\nfestival it is customary especially for the college students to write\nletters to him, which are placed on his gaily decorated and illuminated\naltar, and afterwards burnt unopened. The miraculous answering of these\nletters is vouched for in an English book of 1870. To the same year\nbelongs an English tract commemorating a late miraculous cure. An\nItalian lady afflicted with a tumour and incipient cancer of the breast\nwas exhorted by a Jesuit priest to recommend herself to the Blessed John\nBerchmans, a pious Jesuit novice from Belgium, who died in 1621, and was\nbeatified in 1865. Her adviser procured for her \u2018three small packets of\ndust gathered from the coffin of this saintly innocent, a little cross\nmade of the boards of the room the blessed youth occupied, as well as\nsome portion of the wadding in which his venerable head was wrapped.\u2019\nDuring nine days\u2019 devotion the patient accordingly invoked the Blessed\nJohn, swallowed small portions of his dust in water, and at last pressed\nthe cross to her breast so vehemently that she was seized with sickness,\nwent to sleep, and awoke without a symptom of the complaint. And when\nDr. Panegrossi the physician beheld the incredible cure, and heard that\nthe patient had addressed herself to the Blessed Berchmans, he bowed his\nhead, saying, \u2018When such physicians interfere, we have nothing more to\nsay!\u2019[263] To sum up the whole history of manes-worship, it is plain\nthat in our time the dead still receive worship from far the larger half\nof mankind, and it may have been much the same ever since the remote\nperiods of primitive culture in which the religion of the manes probably\ntook its rise.\n\nIt has now been seen that the theory of souls recognizes them as capable\neither of independent existence, or of inhabiting human, animal, or\nother bodies. On the principle here maintained, that the general theory\nof spirits is modelled on the theory of souls, we shall be able to\naccount for several important branches of the lower philosophy of\nreligion, which without such explanation may appear in great measure\nobscure or absurd. Like souls, other spirits are supposed able either to\nexist and act flitting free about the world, or to become incorporate\nfor more or less time in solid bodies. It will be well at once to get a\nsecure grasp of this theory of Embodiment, for without it we shall be\nstopped every moment by a difficulty in understanding the nature of\nspirits, as defined in the lower animism. The theory of embodiment\nserves several highly important purposes in savage and barbarian\nphilosophy. On the one hand it provides an explanation of the phenomena\nof morbid exaltation and derangement, especially as connected with\nabnormal utterance, and this view is so far extended as to produce an\nalmost general doctrine of disease. On the other hand, it enables the\nsavage either to \u2018lay\u2019 a hurtful spirit in some foreign body, and so get\nrid of it, or to carry about a useful spirit for his service in a\nmaterial object, to set it up as a deity for worship in the body of an\nanimal, or in a block or stone or image or other thing, which contains\nthe spirit as a vessel contains a fluid: this is the key to strict\nfetishism, and in no small measure to idolatry. In briefly considering\nthese various branches of the Embodiment-theory, there may be\nconveniently included certain groups of cases often impossible to\ndistinguish apart. These cases belong theoretically rather to obsession\nthan possession, the spirits not actually inhabiting the bodies, but\nhanging or hovering about them and affecting them from the outside.\n\nAs in normal conditions the man\u2019s soul, inhabiting his body, is held to\ngive it life, to think, speak, and act through it, so an adaptation of\nthe self-same principle explains abnormal conditions of body or mind, by\nconsidering the new symptoms as due to the operation of a second\nsoul-like being, a strange spirit. The possessed man, tossed and shaken\nin fever, pained and wrenched as though some live creature were tearing\nor twisting him within, pining as though it were devouring his vitals\nday by day, rationally finds a personal spiritual cause for his\nsufferings. In hideous dreams he may even sometimes see the very ghost\nor nightmare-fiend that plagues him. Especially when the mysterious\nunseen power throws him helpless on the ground, jerks and writhes him in\nconvulsions, makes him leap upon the bystanders with a giant\u2019s strength\nand a wild beast\u2019s ferocity, impels him, with distorted face and frantic\ngesture, and voice not his own nor seemingly even human, to pour forth\nwild incoherent raving, or with thought and eloquence beyond his sober\nfaculties to command, to counsel, to foretell\u2014such a one seems to those\nwho watch him, and even to himself, to have become the mere instrument\nof a spirit which has seized him or entered into him, a possessing demon\nin whose personality the patient believes so implicitly that he often\nimagines a personal name for it, which it can declare when it speaks in\nits own voice and character through his organs of speech; at last,\nquitting the medium\u2019s spent and jaded body, the intruding spirit departs\nas it came. This is the savage theory of d\u00e6moniacal possession and\nobsession, which has been for ages, and still remains, the dominant\ntheory of disease and inspiration among the lower races. It is obviously\nbased on an animistic interpretation, most genuine and rational in its\nproper place in man\u2019s intellectual history, of the actual symptoms of\nthe cases. The general doctrine of disease-spirits and oracle-spirits\nappears to have its earliest, broadest, and most consistent position\nwithin the limits of savagery. When we have gained a clear idea of it in\nthis its original home, we shall be able to trace it along from grade to\ngrade of civilization, breaking away piecemeal under the influence of\nnew medical theories, yet sometimes expanding in revival, and at least\nin lingering survival holding its place into the midst of our modern\nlife. The possession-theory is not merely known to us by the statements\nof those who describe diseases in accordance with it. Disease being\naccounted for by attack of spirits, it naturally follows that to get rid\nof these spirits is the proper means of cure. Thus the practices of the\nexorcist appear side by side with the doctrine of possession, from its\nfirst appearance in savagery to its survival in modern civilization; and\nnothing could display more vividly the conception of a disease or a\nmental affection as caused by a personal spiritual being than the\nproceedings of the exorcist who talks to it, coaxes or threatens it,\nmakes offerings to it, entices or drives it out of the patient\u2019s body,\nand induces it to take up its abode in some other. That the two great\neffects ascribed to such spiritual influence in obsession and\npossession, namely, the infliction of ailments and the inspiration of\noracles, are not only mixed up together but often run into absolute\ncoincidence, accords with the view that both results are referred to one\ncommon cause. Also that the intruding or invading spirit may be either a\nhuman soul or may belong to some other class in the spiritual hierarchy,\ncountenances the opinion that the possession-theory is derived from, and\nindeed modelled on, the ordinary theory of the soul acting on the body.\nIn illustrating the doctrine by typical examples from the enormous mass\nof available details, it will hardly be possible to discriminate among\nthe operating spirits, between those which are souls and those which are\ndemons, nor to draw an exact line between obsession by a demon outside\nand possession by a demon inside, nor between the condition of the\ndemon-tormented patient and the demon-actuated doctor, seer, or priest.\nIn a word, the confusion of these conceptions in the savage mind only\nfairly represents their intimate connexion in the Possession-theory\nitself.\n\nIn the Australian-Tasmanian district, disease and death are ascribed to\nmore or less defined spiritual influences; descriptions of a demon\nworking a sorcerer\u2019s wicked will by coming slyly behind his victim and\nhitting him with his club on the back of his neck, and of a dead man\u2019s\nghost angered by having his name uttered, and creeping up into the\nutterer\u2019s body to consume his liver, are indeed peculiarly graphic\ndetails of savage animism.[264] The theory of disease-spirits is well\nstated in its extreme form among the Mintira, a low race of the Malay\npeninsula. Their \u2018hantu\u2019 or spirits have among their functions that of\ncausing ailments; thus the \u2018hantu kalumbahan\u2019 causes small-pox; the\n\u2018hantu kamang\u2019 brings on inflammation and swellings in the hands and\nfeet; when a person is wounded, the \u2018hantu pari\u2019 fastens on the wound\nand sucks, and this is the cause of the blood flowing. And thus, as the\ndescriber says, \u2018To enumerate the remainder of the hantus would be\nmerely to convert the name of every species of disease known to the\nMintira into a proper one. If any new disease appeared, it would be\nascribed to a hantu bearing the same name.\u2019[265] It will help us to an\nidea of the distinct personality which the disease-demon has in the\nminds of the lower races, to notice the Orang Laut of this district\nplacing thorns and brush in the paths leading to a part where small-pox\nhad broken out, to keep the demons off; just as the Khonds of Orissa try\nwith thorns, and ditches, and stinking oil poured on the ground, to\nbarricade the paths to their hamlets against the goddess of small-pox,\nJugah Pennu.[266] Among the Dayaks of Borneo, \u2018to have been smitten by a\nspirit\u2019 is to be ill; sickness may be caused by invisible spirits\ninflicting invisible wounds with invisible spears, or entering men\u2019s\nbodies and driving out their souls, or lodging in their hearts and\nmaking them raving mad. In the Indian Archipelago, the personal\nsemi-human nature of the disease-spirits is clearly acknowledged by\nappeasing them with feasts and dances and offerings of food set out for\nthem away in the woods, to induce them to quit their victims, or by\nsending tiny proas to sea with offerings, that spirits which have taken\nup their abode in sick men\u2019s bowels may embark and not come back.[267]\nThe animistic theory of disease is strongly marked in Polynesia, where\nevery sickness is ascribed to spiritual action of deities, brought on by\nthe offerings of enemies, or by the victim\u2019s violation of the laws of\ntapu. Thus in New Zealand each ailment is caused by a spirit,\nparticularly an infant or undeveloped human spirit, which sent into the\npatient\u2019s body gnaws and feeds inside; and the exorcist, finding the\npath by which such a disease-spirit came from below to feed on the\nvitals of a sick relative, will persuade it by a charm to get upon a\nflax-stalk and set off home. We hear, too, of an idea of the parts of\nthe body\u2014forehead, breast, stomach, feet, &c.\u2014being apportioned each to\na deity who inflicts aches and pains and ailments there.[268] So in the\nSamoan group, when a man was near death, people were anxious to part on\ngood terms with him, feeling assured that if he died with angry feelings\ntowards any one, he would certainly return and bring calamity on that\nperson or some one closely allied to him. This was considered a frequent\nsource of disease and death, the spirit of a departed member of the\nfamily returning and taking up his abode in the head, chest, or stomach\nof a living man, and so causing sickness and death. If a man died\nsuddenly, it was thought that he was eaten by the spirit that took him;\nand though the soul of one thus devoured would go to the common\nspirit-land of the departed, yet it would have no power of speech there,\nand if questioned could but beat its breast. It completes this account\nto notice that the disease-inflicting souls of the departed were the\nsame which possessed the living under more favourable circumstances,\ncoming to talk through a certain member of the family, prophesying\nfuture events, and giving directions as to family affairs.[269] Farther\neast, in the Georgian and Society Islands, evil demons are sent to\nscratch and tear people into convulsions and hysterics, to torment poor\nwretches as with barbed hooks, or to twist and knot inside them till\nthey die writhing in agony. But madmen are to be treated with great\nrespect, as entered by a god, and idiots owe the kindness with which\nthey are appeased and coaxed to the belief in their superhuman\ninspiration.[270] Here, and elsewhere in the lower culture, the old real\nbelief has survived which has passed into a jest of civilized men in the\nfamous phrase of the \u2018inspired idiot.\u2019\n\nAmerican ethnography carries on the record of rude races ascribing\ndisease to the action of evil spirits. Thus the Dacotas believe that the\nspirits punish them for misconduct, especially for neglecting to make\nfeasts for the dead; these spirits have the power to send the spirit of\nsomething, as of a bear, deer, turtle, fish, tree, stone, worm, or\ndeceased person, which entering the patient causes disease; the\nmedicine-man\u2019s cure consists in reciting charms over him, singing\n\u2018He-le-li-lah, &c.,\u2019 to the accompaniment of a gourd-rattle with beads\ninside, ceremonially shooting a symbolic bark representation of the\nintruding creature, sucking over the seat of pain to get the spirit out,\nand firing guns at it as it is supposed to be escaping.[271] Such\nprocesses were in full vogue in the West Indies in the time of Columbus,\nwhen Friar Roman Pane put on record his quaint account of the native\nsorcerer pulling the disease off the patient\u2019s legs (as one pulls off a\npair of trousers), going out of doors to blow it away, and bidding it\nbegone to the mountain or the sea; the performance concluding with the\nregular sucking-cure and the pretended extraction of some stone or bit\nof flesh, or such thing, which the patient is assured that his\npatron-spirit or deity (cemi) put into him to cause the disease, in\npunishment for neglect to build him a temple or honour him with prayer\nor offerings of goods.[272] Patagonians considered sickness as caused by\na spirit entering the patient\u2019s body; \u2018they believe every sick person to\nbe possessed of an evil demon; hence their physicians always carry a\ndrum with figures of devils painted on it, which they strike at the beds\nof sick persons to drive out from the body the evil demon which causes\nthe disorder.\u2019[273] In Africa, according to the philosophy of the\nBasutos and the Zulus, the causes of disease are the ghosts of the dead,\ncome to draw the living to themselves, or to compel them to sacrifice\nmeat-offerings. They are recognized by the diviners, or by the patient\nhimself, who sees in dreams the departed spirit come to torment him.\nCongo tribes in like manner consider the souls of the dead, passed into\nthe ranks of powerful spirits, to cause disease and death among mankind.\nThus, in both these districts, medicine becomes an almost entirely\nreligious matter of propitiatory sacrifice and prayer addressed to the\ndisease-inflicting manes. The Barolong give a kind of worship to\nderanged persons, as being under the direct influence of a deity; while\nin East Africa the explanation of madness and idiocy is simple and\ntypical\u2014\u2018he has fiends.\u2019[274] Negroes of West Africa, on the supposition\nthat an attack of illness has been caused by some spiritual being, can\nascertain to their satisfaction what manner of spirit has done it, and\nwhy. The patient may have neglected his \u2018wong\u2019 or fetish-spirit, who has\ntherefore made him ill; or it may be his own \u2018kla\u2019 or personal\nguardian-spirit, who on being summoned explains that he has not been\ntreated respectfully enough, &c.; or it may be a \u2018sisa\u2019 or ghost of some\ndead man, who has taken this means of making known that he wants perhaps\na gold ornament that was left behind when he died.[275] Of course, the\nmeans of cure will then be to satisfy the demands of the spirit. Another\naspect of the negro doctrine of disease-spirits is displayed in the\nfollowing description from Guinea, by the Rev. J. L. Wilson, the\nmissionary:\u2014\u2018Demoniacal possessions are common, and the feats performed\nby those who are supposed to be under such influence are certainly not\nunlike those described in the New Testament. Frantic gestures,\nconvulsions, foaming at the mouth, feats of supernatural strength,\nfurious ravings, bodily lacerations, gnashing of teeth, and other things\nof a similar character, may be witnessed in most of the cases which are\nsupposed to be under diabolical influence.\u2019[276] The remark several\ntimes made by travellers is no doubt true, that the spiritualistic\ntheory of disease has tended strongly to prevent progress in the medical\nart among the lower races. Thus among the Bodo and Dhimal of North-East\nIndia, who ascribe all diseases to a deity tormenting the patient for\nsome impiety or neglect, the exorcists divine the offended god and\nappease him with the promised sacrifice of a hog; these exorcists are a\nclass of priests, and the people have no other doctors.[277] Where the\nworld-wide doctrine of disease-demons has held sway, men\u2019s minds, full\nof spells and ceremonies, have scarce had room for thought of drugs and\nregimen.\n\nThe cases in which disease-possession passes into oracle-possession are\nespecially connected with hysterical, convulsive, and epileptic\naffections. Mr. Backhouse describes a Tasmanian native sorcerer,\n\u2018affected with fits of spasmodic contraction of the muscles of one\nbreast, which he attributes, as they do all other diseases, to the\ndevil\u2019; this malady served to prove his inspiration to his people.[278]\nWhen Dr. Mason was preaching near a village of heathen Pwo, a man fell\ndown in an epileptic fit, his familiar spirit having come over him to\nforbid the people to listen to the missionary, and he sang out his\ndenunciations like one frantic. This man was afterwards converted, and\ntold the missionary that \u2018he could not account for his former exercises,\nbut that it certainly appeared to him as though a spirit spoke, and he\nmust tell what was communicated.\u2019 In this Karen district flourishes the\nnative \u2018wee\u2019 or prophet, whose business is to work himself into the\nstate in which he can see departed spirits, visit their distant home,\nand even recall them to the body, thus raising the dead; these wees are\nnervous excitable men, such as would become mediums, and in giving\noracles they go into actual convulsions.[279] Dr. Callaway\u2019s details of\nthe state of the Zulu diviners are singularly instructive. Their\nsymptoms are ascribed to possession by \u2018amatongo\u2019 or ancestral spirits;\nthe disease is common, from some it departs of its own accord, others\nhave the ghost laid which causes it, and others let the affection take\nits course and become professional diviners, whose powers of finding\nhidden things and giving apparently inaccessible information are vouched\nfor by native witnesses, who at the same time are not blind to their\ntricks and their failures. The most perfect description is that of a\nhysterical visionary, who had \u2018the disease which precedes the power to\ndivine.\u2019 This man describes that well-known symptom of hysteria, the\nheavy weight creeping up within him to his shoulders, his vivid dreams,\nhis waking visions of objects that are not there when he approaches, the\nsongs that come to him without learning, the sensation of flying in the\nair. This man was \u2018of a family who are very sensitive, and become\ndoctors.\u2019[280] Persons whose constitutional unsoundness induces morbid\nmanifestations are indeed marked out by nature to become seers and\nsorcerers. Among the Patagonians, patients seized with falling sickness\nor St. Vitus\u2019s dance were at once selected for magicians, as chosen by\nthe demons themselves who possessed, distorted, and convulsed them.[281]\nAmong Siberian tribes, the shamans select children liable to convulsions\nas suitable to be brought up to the profession, which is apt to become\nhereditary with the epileptic tendencies it belongs to.[282] Thus, even\nin the lower culture, a class of sickly brooding enthusiasts begin to\nhave that power over the minds of their lustier fellows, which they have\nkept in so remarkable a way through the course of history.\n\nMorbid oracular manifestations are habitually excited on purpose, and\nmoreover the professional sorcerer commonly exaggerates or wholly feigns\nthem. In the more genuine manifestations the medium may be so intensely\nwrought upon by the idea that a possessing spirit is speaking from\nwithin him, that he may not only give this spirit\u2019s name and speak in\nits character, but possibly may in good faith alter his voice to suit\nthe spiritual utterance. This gift of spirit-utterance, which belongs to\n\u2018ventriloquism\u2019 in the ancient and proper sense of the term, of course\nlapses into sheer trickery. But that the phenomena should be thus\nartificially excited or dishonestly counterfeited, rather confirms than\nalters the present argument. Real or simulated, the details of\noracle-possession alike illustrate popular belief. The Patagonian wizard\nbegins his performance with drumming and rattling till the real or\npretended epileptic fit comes on by the demon entering him, who then\nanswers questions from within him with a faint and mournful voice.[283]\nIn Southern India and Ceylon the so-called \u2018devil-dancers\u2019 have to work\nthemselves into paroxysms, to gain the inspiration whereby they profess\nto cure their patients.[284] So, with furious dancing to the music and\nchanting of the attendants, the Bodo priest brings on the fit of\nmaniacal inspiration in which the deity fills him and gives oracles\nthrough him.[285] In Kamchatka the female shamans, when Billukai came\ndown into them in a thunderstorm, would prophesy; or, receiving spirits\nwith a cry of \u2018hush!\u2019 their teeth chattered as in fever, and they were\nready to divine.[286] Among the Singpho of South-East Asia, when the\n\u2018natzo\u2019 or conjurer is sent for to a sick patient, he calls on his \u2018nat\u2019\nor demon, the soul of a deceased foreign prince, who descends into him\nand gives the required answers.[287] In the Pacific Islands, spirits of\nthe dead would enter for a time the body of a living man, inspiring him\nto declare future events, or to execute some commission from the higher\ndeities. The symptoms of oracular possession among savages have been\nespecially well described in this region of the world. The Fijian priest\nsits looking steadfastly at a whale\u2019s tooth ornament, amid dead silence.\nIn a few minutes he trembles, slight twitchings of face and limbs come\non, which increase to strong convulsions, with swelling of the veins,\nmurmurs and sobs. Now the god has entered him, and with eyes rolling and\nprotruding, unnatural voice, pale face and livid lips, sweat streaming\nfrom every pore, and the whole aspect of a furious madman, he gives the\ndivine answer, and then, the symptoms subsiding, he looks round with a\nvacant stare, and the deity returns to the land of spirits. In the\nSandwich Islands, where the god Oro thus gave his oracles, his priest\nceased to act or speak as a voluntary agent, but with his limbs\nconvulsed, his features distorted and terrific, his eyes wild and\nstrained, he would roll on the ground foaming at the mouth, and reveal\nthe will of the possessing god in shrill cries and sounds violent and\nindistinct, which the attending priests duly interpreted to the people.\nIn Tahiti, it was often noticed that men who in the natural state showed\nneither ability nor eloquence, would in such convulsive delirium burst\nforth into earnest lofty declamation, declaring the will and answers of\nthe gods, and prophesying future events, in well-knit harangues full of\nthe poetic figure and metaphor of the professional orator. But when the\nfit was over, and sober reason returned, the prophet\u2019s gifts were\ngone.[288] Lastly, the accounts of oracular possession in Africa show\nthe primitive ventriloquist in perfect types of morbid knavery. In\nSofala, after a king\u2019s funeral, his soul would enter into a sorcerer,\nand speaking in the familiar tones that all the bystanders recognized,\nwould give counsel to the new monarch how to govern his people.[289]\nAbout a century ago, a negro fetish-woman of Guinea is thus described in\nthe act of answering an enquirer who has come to consult her. She is\ncrouching on the earth, with her head between her knees and her hands up\nto her face, till, becoming inspired by the fetish, she snorts and foams\nand gasps. Then the suppliant may put his question, \u2018Will my friend or\nbrother get well of this sickness?\u2019\u2014\u2018What shall I give thee to set him\nfree from his sickness?\u2019 and so forth. Then the fetish-woman answers in\na thin, whistling voice, and with the old-fashioned idioms of\ngenerations past; and thus the suppliant receives his command, perhaps\nto kill a white cock and put him at a four-cross way, or tie him up for\nthe fetish to come and fetch him, or perhaps merely to drive a dozen\nwooden pegs into the ground, so to bury his friend\u2019s disease with\nthem.[290]\n\nThe details of demoniacal possession among barbaric and civilized\nnations need no elaborate description, so simply do they continue the\nsavage cases.[291] But the state of things we notice here agrees with\nthe conclusion that the possession-theory belongs originally to the\nlower culture, and is gradually superseded by higher medical knowledge.\nSurveying its course through the middle and higher civilization, we\nshall notice first a tendency to limit it to certain peculiar and severe\naffections, especially connected with mental disorder, such as epilepsy,\nhysteria, delirium, idiocy, madness; and after this a tendency to\nabandon it altogether, in consequence of the persistent opposition of\nthe medical faculty. Among the nations of South-East Asia, obsession and\npossessions by demons is strong at least in popular belief. The Chinese\nattacked with dizziness, or loss of the use of his limbs, or other\nunaccountable disease, knows that he has been influenced by a malignant\ndemon, or punished for some offence by a deity whose name he will\nmention, or affected by his wife of a former existence, whose spirit has\nafter a long search discovered him. Exorcism of course exists, and when\nthe evil spirit or influence is expelled, it is especially apt to enter\nsome person standing near; hence the common saying, \u2018idle spectators\nshould not be present at an exorcism.\u2019 Divination by possessed mediums\nis usual in China: among such is the professional woman who sits at a\ntable in contemplation, till the soul of a deceased person from whom\ncommunication is desired enters her body and talks through her to the\nliving; also the man into whom a deity is brought by invocations and\nmesmeric passes, when, assuming the divine figure and attitude, he\npronounces the oracle.[292] In Burma, the fever-demon of the jungle\nseizes trespassers on his domain, and shakes them in ague till he is\nexorcised, while falls and apoplectic fits are the work of other\nspirits. The dancing of women by demoniacal possession is treated by the\ndoctor covering their heads with a garment, and thrashing them soundly\nwith a stick, the demon and not the patient being considered to feel the\nblows; the possessing spirit may be prevented from escaping by a knotted\nand charmed cord hung round the bewitched person\u2019s neck, and when a\nsufficient beating has induced it to speak by the patient\u2019s voice and\ndeclare its name and business, it may either be allowed to depart, or\nthe doctor tramples on the patient\u2019s stomach till the demon is stamped\nto death. For an example of invocation and offerings, one characteristic\nstory told by Dr. Bastian will suffice. A Bengali cook was seized with\nan apoplectic fit, which his Burmese wife declared was but a just\nretribution, for the godless fellow had gone day after day to market to\nbuy pounds and pounds of meat, yet in spite of her remonstrances would\nnever give a morsel to the patron-spirit of the town; as a good wife,\nhowever, she now did her best for her suffering husband, placing near\nhim little heaps of coloured rice for the \u2018nat,\u2019 and putting on his\nfingers rings with prayers addressed to the same offended being\u2014\u2018Oh ride\nhim not!\u2019\u2014\u2018Ah let him go!\u2019\u2014\u2018Grip him not so hard!\u2019\u2014\u2018Thou shalt have\nrice!\u2019\u2014\u2018Ah, how good that tastes!\u2019 How explicitly Buddhism recognizes\nsuch ideas, may be judged from one of the questions officially put to\ncandidates for admission as monks or talapoins\u2014\u2018Art thou afflicted by\nmadness or the other ills caused by giants, witches, or evil demons of\nthe forest and mountain?\u2019[293] Within our own domain of British India,\nthe possession-theory and the rite of exorcism belonging to it may be\nperfectly studied to this day. There the doctrine of sudden ailment or\nnervous disease being due to a blast or possession by a \u2018bhut,\u2019 or\nbeing, that is, a demon, is recognized as of old; there the old witch\nwho has possessed a man and made him sick or deranged, will answer\nspiritually out of his body and say who she is and where she lives;\nthere the frenzied demoniac may be seen raving, writhing, tearing,\nbursting his bonds, till, subdued by the exorcist, his fury subsides, he\nstares and sighs, falls helpless to the ground, and comes to himself;\nand there the deities caused by excitement, singing, and incense to\nenter into men\u2019s bodies, manifest their presence with the usual\nhysterical or epileptic symptoms, and speaking in their own divine name\nand personality, deliver oracles by the vocal organs of the inspired\nmedium.[294]\n\nIn the Ancient Babylonian-Assyrian texts, the exorcism-formulas show the\ndoctrine of disease-demons in full development, and similar opinions\nwere current in ancient Greece and Rome, to whose languages indeed our\nown owes the technical terms of the subject, such as \u2018demoniac\u2019 and\n\u2018exorcist.\u2019 Homer\u2019s sick men racked with pain are tormented by a hateful\ndemon (\u03c3\u03c4\u03c5\u03b3\u03b5\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad \u03bf\u1f31 \u1f14\u03c7\u03c1\u03b1\u03b5 \u03b4\u03b1\u03af\u03bc\u03c9\u03bd). \u2018Epilepsy\u2019 (\u1f10\u03c0\u03af\u03bb\u03b7\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2) was, as its\nname imports, the \u2018seizure\u2019 of the patient by a superhuman agent: the\nagent being more exactly defined in \u2018nympholepsy,\u2019 the state of being\nseized or possessed by a nymph, i.e., rapt or entranced (\u03bd\u03c5\u03bc\u03c6\u03cc\u03bb\u03b7\u03c0\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2,\nlymphatus). The causation of mental derangement and delirious utterance\nby spiritual possession was an accepted tenet of Greek philosophy. To be\ninsane was simply to have an evil spirit, as when Sokrates said of those\nwho denied demonic or spiritual knowledge, that they themselves were\ndemoniac (\u03b4\u03b1\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u1fb6\u03bd \u1f14\u03c6\u03b7), and Alexander ascribed to the influence of\noffended Dionysos the ungovernable drunken fury in which he killed his\nfriend Kleitos; raving madness was obsession or possession by an evil\ndemon (\u03ba\u1f00\u03ba\u03bf\u03b4\u03b1\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03af\u03b1). So the Romans called madmen \u2018larvati,\u2019 \u2018larvarum\npleni,\u2019 full of ghosts. Patients possessed by demons stared and foamed,\nand the spirits spoke from within them by their voices. The craft of the\nexorcist was well known. As for oracular possession, its theory and\npractice remained in fullest vigour through the classic world, scarce\naltered from the times of lowest barbarism. Could a South Sea Islander\nhave gone to Delphi to watch the convulsive struggles of the Pythia, and\nlisten to her raving, shrieking utterances, he would have needed no\nexplanation whatever of a rite so absolutely in conformity with his own\nsavage philosophy.[295]\n\nThe Jewish doctrine of possession[296] at no time in its long course\nexercised a direct influence on the opinion of the civilized world\ncomparable to that produced by the mentions of demoniacal possession in\nthe New Testament. It is needless to quote here even a selection from\nthe familiar passages of the Gospels and Acts which display the manner\nin which certain described symptoms were currently accounted for in\npublic opinion. Regarding these documents from an ethnographic point of\nview, it need only be said that they prove, incidentally but absolutely,\nthat Jews and Christians at that time held the doctrine which had\nprevailed for ages before, and continued to prevail for ages after,\nreferring to possession and obsession by spirits the symptoms of mania,\nepilepsy, dumbness, delirious and oracular utterance, and other morbid\nconditions, mental and bodily.[297] Modern missionary works, such as\nhave been cited here, give the most striking evidence of the\ncorrespondence of these demoniac symptoms with such as may still be\nobserved among uncivilized races. During the early centuries of\nChristianity, demoniacal possession indeed becomes peculiarly\nconspicuous, perhaps not from unusual prevalence of the animistic theory\nof disease, but simply because a period of intense religious excitement\nbrought it more than usually into requisition. Ancient ecclesiastical\nrecords describe, under the well-known names of \u2018d\u00e6moniacs\u2019\n(\u03b4\u03b1\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03b9\u03b6\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9), \u2018possessed\u2019 (\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03c7\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9), \u2018energumens\u2019\n(\u1f10\u03bd\u03b5\u03c1\u03b3\u03bf\u03cd\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9), the class of persons whose bodies are seized or\npossessed by an evil spirit; such attacks being frequently attended with\ngreat commotions and vexations and disturbances of the body, occasioning\nsometimes frenzy and madness, sometimes epileptic fits, and other\nviolent tossings and contortions. These energumens formed a recognised\npart of an early Christian congregation, a standing-place apart being\nassigned to them in the church. The church indeed seems to have been the\nprincipal habitation of these afflicted creatures, they were occupied\nout of service-time in such work as sweeping, daily food was provided\nfor them, and they were under the charge of a special order of clergy,\nthe exorcists, whose religious function was to cast out devils by prayer\nand adjuration and laying on of hands. As to the usual symptoms of\npossession, Justin, Tertullian, Chrysostom, Cyril, Minucius, Cyprian,\nand other early Fathers, give copious descriptions of demons entering\ninto the bodies of men, disordering their health and minds, driving them\nto wander among the tombs, forcing them to writhe and wallow and rave\nand foam, howling and declaring their own diabolical names by the\npatients\u2019 voices, but when overcome by conjuration or by blows\nadministered to their victims, quitting the bodies they had entered, and\nacknowledging the pagan deities to be but devils.[298]\n\nOn a subject so familiar to educated readers I may be excused from\nciting at length a vast mass of documents, barbaric in nature and only\nmore or less civilized in circumstance, to illustrate the continuance of\nthe doctrine of possession and the rite of exorcism through the middle\nages and into modern times. A few salient examples will suffice. For a\ntype of medical details, we may instance the recipes in the \u2018Early\nEnglish Leechdoms\u2019: a cake of the \u2018thost\u2019 of a white hound baked with\nmeal is to be taken against the attack by dwarves (i.e. convulsions); a\ndrink of herbs worked up off clear ale with the aid of garlic, holy\nwater, and singing of masses, is to be drunk by a fiend-sick patient out\nof a church bell. Philosophical argument may be followed in the\ndissertations of the \u2018Malleus Maleficarum,\u2019 concerning demons\nsubstantially inhabiting men and causing illness in them, enquiries\nwhich may be pursued under the auspices of Glanvil in the \u2018Saducismus\nTriumphatus.\u2019 Historical anecdote bears record of the convulsive\nclairvoyant demon who possessed Nicola Aubry, and under the Bishop of\nLaon\u2019s exorcism testified in an edifying manner to the falsity of\nCalvinism; of Charles VI. of France, who was possessed, and whose demon\na certain priest tried in vain to transfer into the bodies of twelve men\nwho were chained up to receive it; of the German woman at Elbingerode\nwho in a fit of toothache wished the devil might enter into her teeth,\nand who was possessed by six demons accordingly, which gave their names\nas Schalk der Wahrheit, Wirk, Widerkraut, Myrrha, Knip, St\u00fcp; of George\nLukins of Yatton, whom seven devils threw into fits and talked and sang\nand barked out of, and who was delivered by a solemn exorcism by seven\nclergymen at the Temple Church at Bristol in the year 1788.[299] A\nstrong sense of the permanence of the ancient doctrine may be gained\nfrom accounts of the state of public opinion in Europe, from Greece and\nItaly to France, where within the last century derangement and hysteria\nwere still popularly ascribed to possession and treated by exorcism,\njust as in the dark ages.[300] In the year 1861, at Morzine, at the\nsouth of the Lake of Geneva, there might be seen in full fury an\nepidemic of diabolical possession worthy of a Red Indian settlement or a\nnegro kingdom of West Africa, an outburst which the exorcisms of a\nsuperstitious priest had so aggravated that there were a hundred and ten\nraving demoniacs in that single village.[301] The following is from a\nletter written in 1862 by Mgr. Anouilh, a French missionary-bishop in\nChina. \u2018Le croiriez-vous? dix villages se sont convertis. Le diable est\nfurieux et fait les cent coups. Il y a eu, pendant les quinze jours que\nje viens de pr\u00eacher, cinq ou six possessions. Nos cat\u00e9chum\u00e8nes avec\nl\u2019eau b\u00e9nite chassent les diables, gu\u00e9rissent les malades. J\u2019ai vu des\nchoses merveilleuses. Le diable m\u2019est d\u2019un grand secours pour convertir\nles pa\u00efens. Comme au temps de Notre-Seigneur, quoique p\u00e8re du mensonge,\nil ne peut s\u2019emp\u00eacher de dire la v\u00e9rit\u00e9. Voyez ce pauvre poss\u00e9d\u00e9 faisant\nmille contorsions et disant \u00e0 grands cris: \u201cPourquoi pr\u00eaches-tu la vraie\nreligion? Je ne puis souffrir que tu m\u2019enl\u00e8ves mes disciples.\u201d\u2014\u201cComment\nt\u2019appelles-tu?\u201d lui demande le cat\u00e9chiste. Apr\u00e8s quelques refus: \u201cJe\nsuis l\u2019envoy\u00e9 de Lucifer\u201d\u2014\u201cCombien \u00eates-vous?\u201d\u2014\u201cNous sommes vingt-deux.\u201d\n\u201cL\u2019eau b\u00e9nite et le signe de la croix ont d\u00e9livr\u00e9 ce poss\u00e9d\u00e9.\u201d\u2019[302] To\nconclude the series with a modern spiritualistic instance, one of those\nwhere the mediums feel themselves entered and acted through by a spirit\nother than their own soul. The Rev. Mr. West of Philadelphia describes\nhow a certain possessed medium went through the sword exercise, and fell\ndown senseless; when he came to himself again, the spirit within him\ndeclared itself to be the soul of a deceased ancestor of the minister\u2019s,\nwho had fought and died in the American War.[303] We in England now\nhardly hear of demoniacal possession except as a historical doctrine of\ndivines. We have discarded from religious services the solemn ceremony\nof casting out devils from the bodies of the possessed, a rite to this\nday officially retained in the Rituals of the Greek and Roman Churches.\nCases of diabolical influence alleged from time to time among ourselves\nare little noticed except by newspaper paragraphs on superstition and\nimposture. If, however, we desire to understand the doctrine of\npossession, its origin and influence in the world, we must look beyond\ncountries where public opinion has passed into this stage, and must\nstudy the demoniac theory as it still prevails in lower and lowest\nlevels of culture.\n\nIt has to be thoroughly understood that the changed aspect of the\nsubject in modern opinion is not due to disappearance of the actual\nmanifestations which early philosophy attributed to demoniacal\ninfluence. Hysteria and epilepsy, delirium and mania, and such like\nbodily and mental derangement, still exist. Not only do they still\nexist, but among the lower races, and in superstitious districts among\nthe higher, they are still explained and treated as of old. It is not\ntoo much to assert that the doctrine of demoniacal possession is kept\nup, substantially the same theory to account for substantially the same\nfacts, by half the human race, who thus stand as consistent\nrepresentatives of their forefathers back into primitive antiquity. It\nis in the civilized world, under the influence of the medical doctrines\nwhich have been developing since classic times, that the early animistic\ntheory of these morbid phenomena has been gradually superseded by views\nmore in accordance with modern science, to the great gain of our health\nand happiness. The transition which has taken place in the famous insane\ncolony of Gheel in Belgium is typical. In old days, the lunatics were\ncarried there in crowds to be exorcised from their demons at the church\nof St. Dymphna; to Gheel they still go, but the physician reigns in the\nstead of the exorcist. Yet wherever, in times old or new, demoniacal\ninfluences are brought forward to account for affections which\nscientific physicians now explain on a different principle, care must be\ntaken not to misjudge the ancient doctrine and its place in history. As\nbelonging to the lower culture it is a perfectly rational philosophical\ntheory to account for certain pathological facts. But just as mechanical\nastronomy gradually superseded the animistic astronomy of the lower\nraces, so biological pathology gradually supersedes animistic pathology,\nthe immediate operation of personal spiritual beings in both cases\ngiving place to the operation of natural processes.\n\nWe now pass to the consideration of another great branch of the lower\nreligion of the world, a development of the same principles of spiritual\noperation with which we have become familiar in the study of the\npossession-theory. This is the doctrine of Fetishism. Centuries ago, the\nPortuguese in West Africa, noticing the veneration paid by the negroes\nto certain objects, such as trees, fish, plants, idols, pebbles, claws\nof beasts, sticks and so forth, very fairly compared these objects to\nthe amulets or talismans with which they were themselves familiar, and\ncalled them _feiti\u00e7o_ or \u2018charm,\u2019 a word derived from Latin _factitius_,\nin the sense of \u2018magically artful.\u2019 Modern French and English adopted\nthis word from the Portuguese as _f\u00e9tiche_, _fetish_, although curiously\nenough both languages had already possessed the word for ages in a\ndifferent sense, Old French _faitis_, \u2018well made, beautiful,\u2019 which Old\nEnglish adopted as _fetys_, \u2018well made, neat.\u2019 It occurs in the\ncommonest of all quotations from Chaucer:\n\n \u2018And Frensch sche spak ful faire and _fetysly_,\n Aftur the scole of Stratford atte Bowe,\n For Frensch of Parys was to hire unknowe.\u2019\n\nThe President de Brosses, a most original thinker of the 18th century,\nstruck by the descriptions of the African worship of material and\nterrestrial objects, introduced the word F\u00e9tichisme as a general\ndescriptive term,[304] and since then it has obtained great currency by\nComte\u2019s use of it to denote a general theory of primitive religion, in\nwhich external objects are regarded as animated by a life analogous to\nman\u2019s. It seems to me, however, more convenient to use the word Animism\nfor the doctrine of spirits in general, and to confine the word\nFetishism to that subordinate department which it properly belongs to,\nnamely, the doctrine of spirits embodied in, or attached to, or\nconveying influence through, certain material objects. Fetishism will be\ntaken as including the worship of \u2018stocks and stones,\u2019 and thence it\npasses by an imperceptible gradation into Idolatry.\n\nAny object whatsoever may be a fetish. Of course, among the endless\nmultitude of objects, not as we should say physically active, but to\nwhich ignorant men ascribe mysterious power, we are not to apply\nindiscriminately the idea of their being considered vessels or vehicles\nor instruments of spiritual beings. They may be mere signs or tokens set\nup to represent ideal notions or ideal beings, as fingers or sticks are\nset up to represent numbers. Or they may be symbolic charms working by\nimagined conveyance of their special properties, as an iron ring to give\nfirmness, or a kite\u2019s foot to give swift flight. Or they may be merely\nregarded in some undefined way as wondrous ornaments or curiosities. The\ntendency runs through all human nature to collect and admire objects\nremarkable in beauty, form, quality, or scarceness. The shelves of\nethnological museums show heaps of the objects which the lower races\ntreasure up and hang about their persons\u2014teeth and claws, roots and\nberries, shells and stones, and the like. Now fetishes are in great\nmeasure selected from among such things as these, and the principle of\ntheir attraction for savage minds is clearly the same which still guides\nthe superstitious peasant in collecting curious trifles \u2018for luck.\u2019 The\nprinciple is one which retains its force in far higher ranges of culture\nthan the peasant\u2019s. Compare the Ostyak\u2019s veneration for any peculiar\nlittle stone he has picked up, with the Chinese love of collecting\ncurious varieties of tortoise-shell, or an old-fashioned English\nconchologist\u2019s delight in a reversed shell. The turn of mind which in a\nGold-Coast negro would manifest itself in a museum of monstrous and most\npotent fetishes, might impel an Englishman to collect scarce\npostage-stamps or queer walking-sticks. In the love of abnormal\ncuriosities there shows itself a craving for the marvellous, an\nendeavour to get free from the tedious sense of law and uniformity in\nnature. As to the lower races, were evidence more plentiful as to the\nexact meaning they attach to objects which they treat with mysterious\nrespect, it would very likely appear more often and more certainly than\nit does now, that these objects seem to them connected with the action\nof spirits, so as to be, in the strict sense in which the word is here\nused, real fetishes. But this must not be taken for granted. To class an\nobject as a fetish, demands explicit statement that a spirit is\nconsidered as embodied in it or acting through it or communicating by\nit, or at least that the people it belongs to do habitually think this\nof such objects; or it must be shown that the object is treated as\nhaving personal consciousness and power, is talked with, worshipped,\nprayed to, sacrificed to, petted or ill-treated with reference to its\npast or future behaviour to its votaries. In the instances now selected,\nit will be seen that in one way or another they more or less satisfy\nsuch conditions. In investigating the exact significance of fetishes in\nuse among men, savage or more civilized, the peculiar difficulty is to\nknow whether the effect of the object is thought due to a whole personal\nspirit embodied in or attached to it, or to some less definable\ninfluence exerted through it. In some cases this point is made clear,\nbut in many it remains doubtful.\n\nIt will help us to a clearer conception of the nature of a fetish, to\nglance at a curious group of nations which connect a disease at once\nwith spiritual influence, and with the presence of some material object.\nThey are a set of illustrations of the savage principle, that a disease\nor an actual disease-spirit may exist embodied in a stick or stone or\nsuch-like material object. Among the natives of Australia, one hears of\nthe sorcerers extracting from their own bodies by passes and\nmanipulations a magical essence called \u2018boylya,\u2019 which they can make to\nenter the patient\u2019s body like pieces of quartz, which causes pain there\nand consumes the flesh, and may be magically extracted either as\ninvisible or in the form of a bit of quartz. Even the spirit of the\nwaters, \u2018nguk-wonga,\u2019 which had caused an attack of erysipelas in a\nboy\u2019s leg (he had been bathing too long when heated) is declared to have\nbeen extracted by the conjurers from the affected part in the shape of a\nsharp stone.[305] The Caribs, who very distinctly referred diseases to\nthe action of hostile demons or deities, had a similar sorcerer\u2019s\nprocess of extracting thorns or splinters from the affected part as the\npeccant causes, and it is said that in the Antilles morsels of stone and\nbone so extracted were wrapped up in cotton by the women, as protective\nfetishes in childbirth.[306] The Malagasy, considering all diseases as\ninflicted by an evil spirit, consult a diviner, whose method is often to\nremove the disease by means of a \u2018faditra;\u2019 this is some object, such as\na little grass, ashes, a sheep, a pumpkin, the water the patient has\nrinsed his mouth with, or what not, and when the priest has counted on\nit the evils that may injure the patient, and charged the faditra to\ntake them away for ever, it is thrown away, and the malady with it.[307]\nAmong those strong believers in disease-spirits, the Dayaks of Borneo,\nthe priest, waving and jingling charms over the affected part of the\npatient, pretends to extract stones, splinters, and bits of rag, which\nhe declares are spirits; of such evil spirits he will occasionally bring\nhalf-a-dozen out of a man\u2019s stomach, and as he is paid a fee of six\ngallons of rice for each, he is probably disposed (like a chiropodist\nunder similar circumstances) to extract a good many.[308] The most\ninstructive accounts of this kind are those which reach us from Africa.\nDr. Callaway has taken down at length a Zulu account of the method of\nstopping out disease caused by spirits of the dead. If a widow is\ntroubled by her late husband\u2019s ghost coming and talking to her night\nafter night as though still alive, till her health is affected and she\nbegins to waste away, they find a \u2018nyanga\u2019 or sorcerer who can bar out\nthe disease. He bids her not lose the spittle collected in her mouth\nwhile she is dreaming, and gives her medicine to chew when she wakes.\nThen he goes with her to lay the \u2018itongo,\u2019 or ghost; perhaps he shuts it\nup in a bulb of the inkomfe plant, making a hole in the side of this,\nputting in the medicine and the dream-spittle, closing the hole with a\nstopper, and re-planting the bulb. Leaving the place, he charges her not\nto look back till she gets home. Thus the dream is barred; it may still\ncome occasionally, but no longer infests the woman; the doctor prevails\nover the dead man as regards that dream. In other cases the cure of a\nsick man attacked by the ancestral spirits may be effected with some of\nhis blood put into a hole in an anthill by the doctor, who closes the\nhole with a stone, and departs without looking back; or the patient may\nbe scarified over the painful place, and the blood put into the mouth of\na frog, caught for the purpose and carried back. So the disease is\nbarred out from the man.[309] In West Africa, a case in point is the\npractice of transferring a sick man\u2019s ailment to a live fowl, which is\nset free with it, and if any one catches the fowl, the disease goes to\nhim.[310] Captain Burton\u2019s account from Central Africa is as follows.\nDisease being possession by a spirit or ghost, the \u2018mganga\u2019 or sorcerer\nhas to expel it, the principal remedies being drumming, dancing, and\ndrinking, till at last the spirit is enticed from the body of the\npatient into some inanimate article, technically called a \u2018keti\u2019 or\nstool for it. This may be an ornament, such as a peculiar bead or a\nleopard\u2019s claw, or it may be a nail or rag, which by being driven into\nor hung to a \u2018devil\u2019s tree\u2019 has the effect of laying the disease-spirit.\nOr disease-spirits may be extracted by chants, one departing at the end\nof each stave, when a little painted stick made for it is flung on the\nground, and some patients may have as many as a dozen ghosts extracted,\nfor here also the fee is so much apiece.[311] In Siam, the Laos sorcerer\ncan send his \u2018phi phob\u2019 or demon into a victim\u2019s body, where it turns\ninto a fleshy or leathery lump, and causes disease ending in death.[312]\nThus, on the one hand, the spirit-theory of disease is seen to be\nconnected with that sorcerer\u2019s practice prevalent among the lower races,\nof pretending to extract objects from the patient\u2019s body, such as\nstones, bones, balls of hair, &c., which are declared to be causes of\ndisease conveyed by magical means into him; of this proceeding I have\ngiven a detailed account elsewhere, under the name of the\n\u2018sucking-cure.\u2019[313] On the other hand, there appears among the lower\nraces that well-known conception of a disease or evil influence as an\nindividual being, which may be not merely conveyed by an infected object\n(though this of course may have much to do with the idea), but may be\nremoved by actual transfer from the patient into some other animal or\nobject. Thus Pliny informs us how pains in the stomach may be cured by\ntransmitting the ailment from the patient\u2019s body into a puppy or duck,\nwhich will probably die of it;[314] it is considered baneful to a Hindu\nwoman to be a man\u2019s third wife, wherefore the precaution is taken of\nfirst betrothing him to a tree, which dies in her stead;[315] after the\nbirth of a Chinese baby, its father\u2019s trousers are hung in the room\nwrong side up, that all evil influences may enter into them instead of\ninto the child.[316] Modern folklore still cherishes such ideas. The\nethnographer may still study in the \u2018white witchcraft\u2019 of European\npeasants the arts of curing a man\u2019s fever or headache by transferring it\nto a crawfish or a bird, or of getting rid of ague or gout or warts by\ngiving them to a willow, elder, fir, or ash-tree, with suitable charms,\n\u2018Goe morgen, olde, ick geef oe de Kolde,\u2019 \u2018Goden Abend, Herr Fleder,\nhier bring ick mien Feber, ick bind em di an und gah davan,\u2019 \u2018Ash-tree,\nashen tree, pray buy this wart of me,\u2019 and so forth; or of nailing or\nplugging an ailment into a tree-trunk, or conveying it away by some of\nthe patient\u2019s hair or nail-parings or some such thing, and so burying\nit. Looking at these proceedings from a moral point of view, the\npractice of transferring the ailment to a knot or a lock of hair and\nburying it is the most harmless, but another device is a very pattern of\nwicked selfishness. In England, warts may be touched each with a pebble,\nand the pebbles in a bag left on the road to church, to give up their\nailments to the unlucky finder; in Germany, a plaister from a sore may\nbe left at a cross-way to transfer the disease to a passer-by; I am told\non medical authority that the bunches of flowers which children offer to\ntravellers in Southern Europe are sometimes intended for the ungracious\npurpose of sending some disease away from their homes.[317] One case of\nthis group, mentioned to me by Mr. Spottiswoode, is particularly\ninteresting. In Thuringia it is considered that a string of\nrowan-berries, a rag, or any small article, touched by a sick person and\nthen hung on a bush beside some forest path, imparts the malady to any\nperson who may touch this article in passing, and frees the sick person\nfrom the disease. This gives great probability to Captain Burton\u2019s\nsuggestion that the rags, locks of hair, and what not, hung on trees\nnear sacred places by the superstitious from Mexico to India and from\nEthiopia to Ireland, are deposited there as actual receptacles of\ndisease; the African \u2018devil\u2019s trees\u2019 and the sacred trees of Sindh, hung\nwith rags through which votaries have transferred their complaints,\nbeing typical cases of a practice surviving in lands of higher culture.\n\nThe spirits which enter or otherwise attach themselves to objects may be\nhuman souls. Indeed one of the most natural cases of the fetish-theory\nis when a soul inhabits or haunts what is left of its former body. It is\nplain enough that by a simple association of ideas the dead person is\nimagined to keep up a connexion with his remains. Thus we read of the\nMandan women going year after year to take food to the skulls of their\ndead kinsfolk, and sitting by the hour to chat and jest in their most\nendearing strain with the relics of a husband or child;[318] thus the\nGuinea negroes, who keep the bones of parents in chests, will go to talk\nwith them in the little huts which serve for their tombs.[319] And thus,\nfrom the savage who keeps and carries with his household property the\ncleaned bones of his forefathers,[320] to the mourner among ourselves\nwho goes to weep at the grave of one beloved, imagination keeps together\nthe personality and the relics of the dead. Here, then, is a course of\nthought open to the animistic thinker, leading him on from fancied\nassociation to a belief in the real presence of a spiritual being in a\nmaterial object. Thus there is no difficulty in understanding how the\nKarens thought the spirits of the dead might come back from the other\nworld to reanimate their bodies;[321] nor how the Marian islanders\nshould have kept the dried bodies of their dead ancestors in their huts\nas household gods, and even expected them to give oracles out of their\nskulls;[322] nor how the soul of a dead Carib might be thought to abide\nin one of his bones, taken from the grave and carefully wrapped in\ncotton, in which state it could answer questions, and even bewitch an\nenemy if a morsel of his property were wrapped up with it;[323] nor how\nthe dead Santal should be sent to his fathers by the ceremony of\ncommitting to the sacred river morsels of his skull from the\nfuneral-pile.[324] Such ideas are of great interest in studying the\nburial rites of mankind, especially the habit of keeping relics of the\ndead as vehicles of superhuman power, and of even preserving the whole\nbody as a mummy, as in Peru and Egypt. The conception of such human\nrelics becoming fetishes, inhabited or at least acted through by the\nsouls which formerly belonged to them, will give a rational explanation\nof much relic-worship otherwise obscure.\n\nA further stretch of imagination enables the lower races to associate\nthe souls of the dead with mere objects, a practice which may have had\nits origin in the merest childish make-believe, but which would lead a\nthorough savage animist straight on to the conception of the soul\nentering the object as a body. Mr. Darwin saw two Malay women in Keeling\nIsland who held a wooden spoon dressed in clothes like a doll; this\nspoon had been carried to the grave of a dead man, and becoming inspired\nat full moon, in fact lunatic, it danced about convulsively like a table\nor a hat at a modern spirit-s\u00e9ance.[325] Among the Salish Indians of\nOregon, the conjurers bring back men\u2019s lost souls as little stones or\nbones or splinters, and pretend to pass them down through the tops of\ntheir heads into their hearts, but great care must be taken to remove\nthe spirits of any dead people that may be in the lot, for the patient\nreceiving one would die.[326] There are indigenous Kol tribes of India\nwho work out this idea curiously in bringing back the soul of a deceased\nman into the house after the funeral, apparently to be worshipped as a\nhousehold spirit; while some catch the spirit re-embodied in a fowl or\nfish, the Binjwar of Raepore bring it home in a pot of water, and the\nBunjia in a pot of flour.[327] The Chinese hold such theories with\nextreme distinctness, considering one of a man\u2019s three spirits to take\nup its abode in the ancestral tablet, where it receives messages and\nworship from the survivors; while the long keeping of the dead man\u2019s\ngilt and lacquered coffin, and the reverence and offerings continued at\nthe tomb, are connected with the thought of a spirit lingering about the\ncorpse. Consistent with these quaint ideas are ceremonies in vogue in\nChina, of bringing home in a cock (live or artificial) the spirit of a\nman deceased in a distant place, and of enticing into a sick man\u2019s coat\nthe departing spirit which has already left his body, and so conveying\nit back.[328] Tatar folklore illustrates the idea of soul-embodiment in\nthe quaint but intelligible story of the demon-giant who could not be\nslain, for he did not keep his soul in his body, but in a twelve-headed\nsnake carried in a bag on his horse\u2019s back; the hero finds out the\nsecret and kills the snake, and then the giant dies too. This tale is\ncurious, as very likely indicating the original sense of a well-known\ngroup of stories in European folklore, the Scandinavian one, for\ninstance, where the giant cannot be made an end of, because he keeps his\nheart not in his body, but in a duck\u2019s egg in a well far away; at last\nthe young champion finds the egg and crushes it, and the giant\nbursts.[329] Following the notion of soul-embodiment into civilized\ntimes, we learn that \u2018A ghost may be laid for any term less than an\nhundred years, and in any place or body, full or empty; as, a solid\noak\u2014the pommel of a sword\u2014a barrel of beer, if a yeoman or simple\ngentleman\u2014or a pipe of wine, if an esquire or a justice.\u2019 This is from\nGrose\u2019s bantering description in the 18th century of the art of \u2018laying\u2019\nghosts,[330] and it is one of the many good instances of articles of\nserious savage belief surviving as jests among civilized men.\n\nThus other spiritual beings, roaming free about the world, find\nfetish-objects to act through, to embody themselves in, to present them\nvisibly to their votaries. It is extremely difficult to draw a distinct\nline of separation between the two prevailing sets of ideas relating to\nspiritual action through what we call inanimate objects. Theoretically\nwe can distinguish the notion of the object acting as it were by the\nwill and force of its own proper soul or spirit, from the notion of some\nforeign spirit entering its substance or acting on it from without, and\nso using it as a body or instrument. But in practice these conceptions\nblend almost inextricably. This state of things is again a confirmation\nof the theory of animism here advanced, which treats both sets of ideas\nas similar developments of the same original idea, that of the human\nsoul, so that they may well shade imperceptibly into one another. To\ndepend on some typical descriptions of fetishism and its allied\ndoctrines in different grades of culture, is a safer mode of treatment\nthan to attempt too accurate a general definition.\n\nThere is a quaint story, dating from the time of Columbus, which shows\nwhat mysterious personality and power rude tribes could attach to\nlifeless matter. The cacique Hatuey, it is related, heard by his spies\nin Hispaniola that the Spaniards were coming to Cuba. So he called his\npeople together, and talked to them of the Spaniards\u2014how they persecuted\nthe natives of the islands, and how they did such things for the sake of\na great lord whom they much desired and loved. Then, taking out a basket\nwith gold in it, he said, \u2018Ye see here their lord whom they serve and go\nafter; and, as ye have heard, they are coming hither to seek this lord.\nTherefore let us make him a feast, that when they come he may tell them\nnot to do us harm.\u2019 So they danced and sang from night to morning before\nthe gold-basket, and then the cacique told them not to keep the\nChristian\u2019s lord anywhere, for if they kept him in their very bowels\nthey would have to bring him out; so he bade them cast him to the bottom\nof the river, and this they did.[331] If this story be thought too good\nto be true, at any rate it does not exaggerate authentic savage ideas.\nThe \u2018maraca\u2019 or ceremonial rattle, used by certain rude Brazilian\ntribes, was an eminent fetish. It was a calabash with a handle and a\nhole for a mouth, and stones inside; yet to its votaries it seemed no\nmere rattle, but the receptacle of a spirit that spoke from it when\nshaken; therefore the Indians set up their maracas, talked to them, set\nfood and drink and burned incense before them, held annual feasts in\ntheir honour, and would even go to war with their neighbours to satisfy\nthe rattle-spirits\u2019 demand for human victims.[332] Among the North\nAmerican Indians, the fetish-theory seems involved in that remarkable\nand general proceeding known as getting \u2018medicine.\u2019 Each youth obtains\nin a vision or dream a sight of his medicine, and considering how\nthoroughly the idea prevails that the forms seen in visions and dreams\nare spirits, this of itself shows the animistic nature of the matter.\nThe medicine thus seen may be an animal, or part of one, such as skin or\nclaws, feather or shell, or such a thing as a plant, a stone, a knife, a\npipe; this object he must obtain, and thenceforward through life it\nbecomes his protector. Considered as a vehicle or receptacle of a\nspirit, its fetish-nature is shown in many ways; its owner will do\nhomage to it, make feasts in its honour, sacrifice horses, dogs, and\nother valuable objects to it or its spirit, fast to appease it if\noffended, have it burned with him to conduct him as a guardian-spirit to\nthe happy hunting-grounds. Beside these special protective objects, the\nIndians, especially the medicine-men (the word is French, \u2018m\u00e9decin,\u2019\napplied to these native doctors or conjurers, and since stretched to\ntake in all that concerns their art), use multitudes of other fetishes\nas means of spiritual influence.[333] Among the Turanian tribes of\nNorthern Asia, where Castr\u00e9n describes the idea of spirits contained in\nmaterial objects, to which they belong, and wherein they dwell in the\nsame incomprehensible way as the souls in a man\u2019s body, we may notice\nthe Ostyak\u2019s worship of objects of scarce or peculiar quality, and also\nthe connexion of the shamans or sorcerers with fetish-objects, as where\nthe Tatars consider the innumerable rags and tags, bells and bits of\niron, that adorn the shaman\u2019s magic costume, to contain spirits helpful\nto their owner in his magic craft.[334] John Bell, in his journey across\nAsia in 1719, relates a story which well illustrates Mongol ideas as to\nthe action of self-moving objects. A certain Russian merchant told him\nthat once some pieces of damask were stolen out of his tent. He\ncomplained, and the Kutuchtu Lama ordered the proper steps to be taken\nto find out the thief. One of the Lamas took a bench with four feet, and\nafter turning it several times in different directions, at last it\npointed directly to the tent where the stolen goods lay concealed. The\nLama now mounted astride the bench, and soon carried it, or, as was\ncommonly believed, it carried him, to the very tent, where he ordered\nthe damask to be produced. The demand was directly complied with: for it\nis vain in such cases to offer any excuse.[335]\n\nA more recent account from Central Africa may be placed as a pendant to\nthis Asiatic account of divination by a fetish-object. The Rev. H.\nRowley says of the Manganja, that they believed the medicine-men could\nimpart a power for good or evil to objects either animate or inanimate,\nwhich objects the people feared, though they did not worship them. This\nmissionary once saw this art employed to detect the thief who had stolen\nsome corn. The people assembled round a large fig-tree. The magician, a\nwild-looking man, produced two sticks, like our broomsticks, which after\nmysterious manipulation and gibberish he delivered to four young men,\ntwo holding each stick. A zebra-tail and a calabash-rattle were given to\na young man and a boy. The medicine-man rolled himself about in hideous\nfashion, and chanted an unceasing incantation; the bearers of the tail\nand rattle went round the stick-holders, and shook these implements over\ntheir heads. After a while the men with the sticks had spasmodic\ntwitchings of the arms and legs, these increased nearly to convulsions,\nthey foamed at the mouth, their eyes seemed starting from their heads,\nthey realized to the full the idea of demoniacal possession. According\nto the native notion, it was the sticks which were possessed primarily,\nand through them the men, who could hardly hold them. The sticks whirled\nand dragged the men round and round like mad, through bush and thorny\nshrub, and over every obstacle, nothing stopped them, their bodies were\ntorn and bleeding; at last they came back to the assembly, whirled round\nagain, and rushed down the path to fall panting and exhausted in the hut\nof one of a chief\u2019s wives, the sticks rolling to her very feet,\ndenouncing her as the thief. She denied it, but the medicine-man\nanswered, \u2018The spirit has declared her guilty, the spirit never lies.\u2019\nHowever, the \u2018muavi\u2019 or ordeal-poison was administered to a cock, as\ndeputy for the woman; the bird threw it up, and she was acquitted.[336]\n\nFetishism in the lower civilization is thus by no means confined to the\nWest African negro with whom we specially associate the term. Yet, what\nwith its being in fact extremely prevalent there, and what with the\nattention of foreign observers having been particularly drawn to it, the\naccounts from West Africa are certainly the fullest and most minute on\nrecord. The late Professor Waitz\u2019s generalization of the principle\ninvolved in these is much to the purpose. He thus describes the negro\u2019s\nconception of his fetish. \u2018According to his view, a spirit dwells or can\ndwell in every sensible object, and often a very great and mighty one in\nan insignificant thing. This spirit he does not consider as bound fast\nand unchangeably to the corporeal thing it dwells in, but it has only\nits usual or principal abode in it. The negro indeed in his conception\nnot uncommonly separates the spirit from the sensible object which it\ninhabits, he even sometimes contrasts the one with the other, but most\nusually combines the two as forming a whole, and this whole is (as the\nEuropeans call it) the \u201cfetish,\u201d the object of his religious worship.\u2019\nSome further particulars will show how this principle is worked out.\nFetishes (native names for them are \u2018grigri,\u2019 \u2018juju,\u2019 &c.) may be mere\ncurious mysterious objects that strike a negro\u2019s fancy, or they may be\nconsecrated or affected by a priest or fetish-man; the theory of their\ninfluence is that they belong to or are made effectual by a spirit or\ndemon yet they have to stand the test of experience, and if they fail to\nbring their owner luck and safety, he discards them for some more\npowerful medium. The fetish can see and hear and understand and act, its\npossessor worships it, talks familiarly with it as a dear and faithful\nfriend, pours libations of rum over it, and in times of danger calls\nloudly and earnestly on it as if to wake up its spirit and energy. To\ngive an idea of the sort of things which are chosen as fetishes, and of\nthe manner in which they are associated with spiritual influences,\nR\u00f6mer\u2019s account from Guinea about a century ago may serve. In the\nfetish-house, he says, there hang or lie thousands of rubbishy trifles,\na pot with red earth and a cock\u2019s feather stuck in it, pegs wound over\nwith yarn, red parrots\u2019 feathers, men\u2019s hair, and so forth. The\nprincipal thing in the hut is the stool for the fetish to sit on, and\nthe mattress for him to rest on, the mattress being no bigger than a\nman\u2019s hand and the stool in proportion, and there is a little bottle of\nbrandy always ready for him. Here the word fetish is used as it often\nis, to denote the spirit which dwells in this rudimentary temple, but we\nsee that the innumerable quaint trifles which we call fetishes were\nassociated with the deity in his house. R\u00f6mer once peeped in at an open\ndoor, and found an old negro caboceer sitting amid twenty thousand\nfetishes in his private fetish-museum, thus performing his devotions.\nThe old man told him he did not know the hundredth part of the use they\nhad been to him; his ancestors and he had collected them, each had done\nsome service. The visitor took up a stone about as big as a hen\u2019s egg,\nand its owner told its history. He was once going out on important\nbusiness, but crossing the threshold he trod on this stone and hurt\nhimself. Ha ha! thought he, art thou here? So he took the stone, and it\nhelped him through his undertaking for days. In our own time, West\nAfrica is still a world of fetishes. The traveller finds them on every\npath, at every ford, on every house-door, they hang as amulets round\nevery man\u2019s neck, they guard against sickness or inflict it if\nneglected, they bring rain, they fill the sea with fishes willing to\nswim into the fisherman\u2019s net, they catch and punish thieves, they give\ntheir owner a bold heart and confound his enemies, there is nothing that\nthe fetish cannot do or undo, if it be but the right fetish. Thus the\none-sided logic of the barbarian, making the most of all that fits and\nglossing over all that fails, has shaped a universal fetish-philosophy\nof the events of life. So strong is the pervading influence, that the\nEuropean in Africa is apt to catch it from the negro, and himself, as\nthe saying is, \u2018become black.\u2019 Thus even yet some traveller, watching a\nwhite companion asleep, may catch a glimpse of some claw or bone or\nsuch-like sorcerer\u2019s trash secretly fastened round his neck.[337]\n\nEuropean life, lastly, shows well-marked traces of the ancient doctrine\nof spirits or mysterious influences inhabiting objects. Thus a medi\u00e6val\ndevil might go into an old sow, a straw, a barleycorn, or a willow-tree.\nA spirit might be carried about in a solid receptacle for use:\u2014\n\n \u2018Besides in glistering glasses fayre, or else in christall cleare,\n They sprightes enclose.\u2019\n\nModern peasant folklore knows that spirits must have some animal body or\nother object to dwell in, a feather, a bag, a bush, for instance. The\nTyrolese object to using grass for toothpicks because of the demons that\nmay have taken up their abode in the straws. The Bulgarians hold it a\ngreat sin not to fumigate the flour when it is brought from the mill\n(particularly if the mill be kept by a Turk) in order to prevent the\ndevil from entering into it.[338] Amulets are still carried in the most\ncivilized countries of the world, by the ignorant and superstitious with\nreal savage faith in their mysterious virtues, by the more enlightened\nin quaint survival from the past. The mental and physical phenomena of\nwhat is now called \u2018table-turning\u2019 belong to a class of proceedings\nwhich have here been shown to be familiar to the lower races, and\naccounted for by them on a theory of extra-human influence which is in\nthe most extreme sense spiritualistic.\n\nIn giving its place in the history of mental development to the doctrine\nof the lower races as to embodiment in or penetration of an object by a\nspirit or an influence, there is no slight interest in comparing it with\ntheories familiar to the philosophy of cultured nations. Thus Bishop\nBerkeley remarks on the obscure expressions of those who have described\nthe relation of power to the objects which exert it. He cites Torricelli\nas likening matter to an enchanted vase of Circe serving as a receptacle\nof force, and declaring that power and impulse are such subtle abstracts\nand refined quintessences, that they cannot be enclosed in any other\nvessels but the inmost materiality of natural solids; also Leibnitz as\ncomparing active primitive power to soul or substantial form. Thus, says\nBerkeley, must even the greatest men, when they give way to abstraction,\nhave recourse to words having no certain signification, and indeed mere\nscholastic shadows.[339] We may fairly add that such passages show the\ncivilized metaphysician falling back on such primitive conceptions as\nstill occupy the minds of the rude natives of Siberia and Guinea. To go\nyet farther, I will venture to assert that the scientific conceptions\ncurrent in my own schoolboy days, of heat and electricity as invisible\nfluids passing in and out of solid bodies, are ideas which reproduce\nwith extreme closeness the special doctrine of Fetishism.\n\nUnder the general heading of Fetishism, but for convenience\u2019 sake\nseparately, may be considered the worship of \u2018stocks and stones.\u2019 Such\nobjects, if merely used as altars, are not of the nature of fetishes,\nand it is first necessary to ascertain that worship is actually\naddressed to them. Then arises the difficult question, are the stocks\nand stones set up as mere ideal representatives of deities, or are these\ndeities considered as physically connected with them, embodied in them,\nhovering about them, acting through them? In other words, are they only\nsymbols, or have they passed in the minds of their votaries into real\nfetishes? The conceptions of the worshippers are sometimes in this\nrespect explicitly stated, may sometimes be fairly inferred from the\ncircumstances, and are often doubtful.\n\nAmong the lower races of America, the Dacotas would pick up a round\nboulder, paint it, and then, addressing it as grandfather, make\nofferings to it and pray to it to deliver them from danger;[340] in the\nWest India Islands, mention is made of three stones to which the natives\npaid great devotion\u2014one was profitable for the crops, another for women\nto be delivered without pain, the third for sunshine and rain when they\nwere wanted;[341] and we hear of Brazilian tribes setting up stakes in\nthe ground, and making offerings before them to appease their deities or\ndemons.[342] Stone-worship held an important place in the midst of the\ncomparatively high culture of Peru, where not only was reverence given\nto especial curious pebbles and the like, but stones were placed to\nrepresent the penates of households and the patron-deities of villages.\nIt is related by Montesinos that when the worship of a certain sacred\nstone was given up, a parrot flew from it into another stone, to which\nadoration was paid: and though this author is not of good credit, he can\nhardly have invented a story which, as we shall see, so curiously\ncoincides with the Polynesian idea of a bird conveying to and from an\nidol the spirit which embodies itself in it.[343]\n\nIn Africa, stock-and-stone worship is found among the Damaras of the\nSouth, whose ancestors are represented at the sacrificial feasts by\nstakes cut from trees or bushes consecrated to them, to which stakes the\nmeat is first offered;[344] among the Dinkas of the White Nile, where\nthe missionaries saw an old woman in her hut offering the first of her\nfood and drink before a short thick staff planted in the ground, that\nthe demon might not hurt her;[345] among the Gallas of Abyssinia, a\npeople with a well-marked doctrine of deities, and who are known to\nworship stones and logs, but not idols.[346] In the island of Sambawa,\nthe Orang Dongo attribute all supernatural or incomprehensible force to\nthe sun, moon, trees, &c., but especially to stones, and when troubled\nby accident or disease, they carry offerings to certain stones to\nimplore the favour of their genius or dewa.[347] Similar ideas are to be\ntraced through the Pacific islands, both among the lighter and the\ndarker races. Thus in the Society Islands, rude logs or fragments of\nbasalt columns, clothed in native cloth and anointed with oil, received\nadoration and sacrifice as divinely powerful by virtue of the atua or\ndeity which had filled them.[348] So in the New Hebrides worship was\ngiven to water-worn pebbles,[349] while Fijian gods and goddesses had\ntheir abodes or shrines in black stones like smooth round milestones,\nand there received their offerings of food.[350] The curiously\nanthropomorphic idea of stones being husbands and wives, and even having\nchildren, is familiar to the Fijians as it is to the Peruvians and the\nLapps.\n\nThe Turanian tribes of North Asia display stock-and-stone worship in\nfull sense and vigour. Not only were stones, especially curious ones and\nsuch as were like men or animals, objects of veneration, but we learn\nthat they were venerated because mighty spirits dwelt in them. The\nSamoyed travelling ark-sledge, with its two deities, one with a stone\nhead, the other a mere black stone, both dressed in green robes with red\nlappets, and both smeared with sacrificial blood, may serve as a type of\nstone-worship. And as for the Ostyaks, had the famous King Log presented\nhimself among them, they would without more ado have wrapped his sacred\nperson in rags, and set him up for worship on a mountain-top or in the\nforest.[351] The frequent stock-and-stone worship of modern India\nbelongs especially to races non-Hindu or part-Hindu in race and culture.\nAmong such may serve as examples the bamboo which stands for the Bodo\ngoddess Mainou, and for her receives the annual hog, and the monthly\neggs offered by the women;[352] the stone under the great cotton-tree of\nevery Khond village, shrine of Nadzu Pennu the village deity;[353] the\nclod or stone under a tree, which in Behar will represent the deified\nsoul of some dead personage who receives worship and inspires oracles\nthere;[354] the stone kept in every house by the Bakad\u00e2ra and Betad\u00e2ra,\nwhich represents their god B\u00fbta, whom they induce by sacrifice to\nrestrain the demon-souls of the dead from troubling them;[355] the two\nrude stones placed under a shed among the Shanars of Tinnevelly, by the\nmedium of which the great god and goddess receive sacrifice, but which\nare thrown away or neglected when done with.[356] The remarkable groups\nof standing-stones in India are, in many cases at least, set up for each\nstone to represent or embody a deity. Mr. Hislop remarks that in every\npart of Southern India, four or five stones may often be seen in the\nryot\u2019s field, placed in a row and daubed with red paint, which they\nconsider as guardians of the field and call the five P\u00e2ndus; he\nreasonably takes these Hindu names to have superseded more ancient\nnative appellations. In the Indian groups it is a usual practice to daub\neach stone with red paint, forming as it were a great blood-spot where\nthe face would be if it were a shaped idol.[357] In India, moreover, the\nrites of stone-worship are not unexampled among the Hindus proper.\nShasht\u00ee, protectress of children, receives worship, vows, and offerings,\nespecially from women; yet they provide her with no idol or temple, but\nher proper representative is a rough stone as big as a man\u2019s head,\nsmeared with red paint and set at the foot of the sacred vata-tree. Even\nSiva is worshipped as a stone, especially that Siva who will afflict a\nchild with epileptic fits, and then, speaking by its voice, will\nannounce that he is Panch\u00e2nana the Five-faced, and is punishing the\nchild for insulting his image; to this Siva, in the form of a clay idol\nor of a stone beneath a sacred tree, there are offered not only flowers\nand fruits, but also bloody sacrifices.[358]\n\nThis stone-worship among the Hindus seems a survival of a rite belonging\noriginally to a low civilization, probably a rite of the rude indigenes\nof the land, whose religion, largely incorporated into the religion of\nthe Aryan invaders, has contributed so much to form the Hinduism of\nto-day. It is especially interesting to survey the stock-and-stone\nworship of the lower culture, for it enables us to explain by the theory\nof survival the appearance in the Old World, in the very midst of\nclassic doctrine and classic art, of the worship of the same rude\nobjects, whose veneration no doubt dated from remote barbaric antiquity.\nAs Mr. Grote says, speaking of Greek worship, \u2018The primitive memorial\nerected to a god did not even pretend to be an image, but was often\nnothing more than a pillar, a board, a shapeless stone or a post,\nreceiving care and decoration from the neighbourhood, as well as\nworship.\u2019 Such were the log that stood for Artemis in Eub\u0153a, the stake\nthat represented Pallas Athene, \u2018sine effigie rudis palus, et informe\nlignum,\u2019 the unwrought stone (\u03bb\u03af\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c1\u03b3\u03cc\u03c2) at Hyettos which \u2018after the\nancient manner\u2019 represented Herakles, the thirty such stones which the\nPhar\u00e6ans in like archaic fashion worshipped for the gods, and that one\nwhich received such honour in B\u0153otian festivals as representing the\nThespian Eros. Theophrastus, in the 4th century B.C., depicts the\nsuperstitious Greek passing the anointed stones in the streets, taking\nout his phial and pouring oil on them, falling on his knees to adore,\nand going his way. Six centuries later, Arnobius could describe from his\nown heathen life the state of mind of the stock-and-stone worshipper,\ntelling how when he saw one of the stones anointed with oil, he accosted\nit in flattering words, and asked benefits from the senseless thing as\nthough it contained a present power.[359] The ancient and graphic\npassage in the book of Isaiah well marks stone-worship within the range\nof the Semitic race:\n\n \u2018Among the smooth stones of the valley is thy portion:\n They, they are thy lot:\n Even to them hast thou poured a drink-offering,\n Hast thou offered a meat-offering.\u2019[360]\n\nLong afterwards, among the local deities which Mohammed found in Arabia,\nand which Dr. Sprenger thinks he even acknowledged as divine during a\nmoment when he well-nigh broke down in his career, were Manah and L\u00e2t,\nthe one a rock, the other a stone or a stone idol; while the veneration\nof the black stone of the Kaaba, which Captain Burton thinks an\na\u00ebrolite, was undoubtedly a local rite which the Prophet transplanted\ninto his new religion, where it flourishes to this day.[361] The curious\npassage in Sanchoniathon which speaks of the Heaven-god forming the\n\u2018b\u00e6tyls, animated stones\u2019 (\u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2 \u039f\u1f50\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u1f78\u03c2 \u0392\u03b1\u03b9\u03c4\u03cd\u03bb\u03b9\u03b1, \u03bb\u03af\u03b8\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bc\u03c8\u03cd\u03c7\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2,\n\u03bc\u03b7\u03c7\u03b1\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03ac\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2) perhaps refers to meteorites or supposed thunderbolts\nfallen from the clouds. To the old Ph\u0153nician religion, which made so\ndeep a contact with the Jewish world on the one side and the Greek and\nRoman on the other, there belonged the stone pillars of Baal and the\nwooden ashera-posts, but how far these objects were of the character of\naltars, symbols, or fetishes, is a riddle.[362] We may still say with\nTacitus, describing the conical pillar which stood instead of an image\nto represent the Paphian Venus\u2014\u2018et ratio in obscuro.\u2019\n\nThere are accounts of formal Christian prohibitions of stone-worship in\nFrance and England, reaching on into the early middle ages,[363] which\nshow this barbaric cultus as then distinctly lingering in popular\nreligion. Coupling this fact with the accounts of the groups of\nstanding-stones set up to represent deities in South India, a\ncorresponding explanation has been suggested in Europe. Are the menhirs,\ncromlechs, &c., idols, and circles and lines of idols, worshipped by\nremotely ancient dwellers in the land as representatives or embodiments\nof their gods? The question at least deserves consideration, although\nthe ideas with which stone-worship is carried on by different races are\nmultifarious, and the analogy may be misleading. It is remarkable to\nwhat late times full and genuine stone-worship has survived in Europe.\nIn certain mountain districts of Norway, up to the end of the last\ncentury, the peasants used to preserve round stones, washed them every\nThursday evening (which seems to show some connection with Thor),\nsmeared them with butter before the fire, laid them in the seat of\nhonour on fresh straw, and at certain times of the year steeped them in\nale, that they might bring luck and comfort to the house.[364] In an\naccount dating from 1851, the islanders of Inniskea, off Mayo, are\ndeclared to have a stone carefully wrapped in flannel, which is brought\nout and worshipped at certain periods, and when a storm arises it is\nsupplicated to send a wreck on the coast.[365] No savage ever showed\nmore clearly by his treatment of a fetish that he considered it a\npersonal being, than did these Norwegians and Irishmen. The ethnographic\nargument from the existence of stock-and-stone worship among so many\nnations of comparatively high culture seems to me of great weight as\nbearing on religious development among mankind. To imagine that peoples\nskilled in carving wood and stone, and using these arts habitually in\nmaking idols, should have gone out of their way to invent a practice of\nworshipping logs and pebbles, is not a likely theory. But on the other\nhand, when it is considered how such a rude object serves to uncultured\nmen as a divine image or receptacle, there is nothing strange in its\nbeing a relic of early barbarism holding its place against more artistic\nmodels through ages of advancing civilization, by virtue of the\ntraditional sanctity which belongs to survival from remote antiquity.\n\nBy a scarcely perceptible transition, we pass to Idolatry. A few chips\nor scratches or daubs of paint suffice to convert the rude post or stone\ninto an idol. Difficulties which complicate the study of stock-and-stone\nworship disappear in the worship of even the rudest of unequivocal\nimages, which can no longer be mere altars, and if symbols must at least\nbe symbols of a personal being. Idolatry occupies a remarkable district\nin the history of religion. It hardly belongs to the lowest savagery,\nwhich simply seems not to have attained to it, and it hardly belongs to\nthe highest civilization, which has discarded it. Its place is\nintermediate, ranging from the higher savagery where it first clearly\nappears, to the middle civilization where it reaches its extreme\ndevelopment, and thenceforward its continuance is in dwindling survival\nand sometimes expanding revival. The position thus outlined is, however,\nvery difficult to map exactly. Idolatry does not seem to come in\nuniformly among the higher savages; it belongs, for instance, fully to\nthe Society Islanders, but not to the Tongans and Fijians. Among higher\nnations, its presence or absence does not necessarily agree with\nparticular national affinities or levels of culture\u2014compare the\nidol-worshipping Hindu with his ethnic kinsman the idol-hating Parsi, or\nthe idolatrous Ph\u0153nician with his ethnic kinsman the Israelite, among\nwhose people the incidental relapse into the proscribed image-worship\nwas a memory of disgrace. Moreover, its tendency to revive is\nethnographically embarrassing. The ancient Vedic religion seems not to\nrecognize idolatry, yet the modern Brahmans, professed followers of\nVedic doctrine, are among the greatest idolators of the world. Early\nChristianity by no means abrogated the Jewish law against image-worship,\nyet image-worship became and still remains widely spread and deeply\nrooted in Christendom.\n\nOf Idolatry, so far as its nature is symbolic or representative, I have\ngiven some account elsewhere.[366] The old and greatest difficulty in\ninvestigating the general subject is this, that an image may be, even to\ntwo votaries kneeling side by side before it, two utterly different\nthings; to the one it may be only a symbol, a portrait, a memento; while\nto the other it is an intelligent and active being, by virtue of a life\nor spirit dwelling in it or acting through it. In both cases\nImage-worship is connected with the belief in spiritual beings, and is\nin fact a subordinate development of animism. But it is only so far as\nthe image approximates to the nature of a material body provided for a\nspirit, that Idolatry comes properly into connexion with Fetishism. It\nis from this point of view that it is proposed to examine here its\npurpose and its place in history. An idol, so far as it belongs to the\ntheory of spirit-embodiment, must combine the characters of portrait and\nfetish. Bearing this in mind, and noticing how far the idol is looked on\nas in some way itself an energetic object, or as the very receptacle\nenshrining a spiritual god, let us proceed to judge how far, along the\ncourse of civilization, the idea of the image itself exerting power or\nbeing personally animate has prevailed in the mind of the idolater.\n\nAs to the actual origin of idolatry, it need not be supposed that the\nearliest idols made by man seemed to their maker living or even active\nthings. It is quite likely that the primary intention of the image was\nsimply to serve as a sign or representative of some soul or deity, and\ncertainly this original character is more or less maintained in the\nworld through the long history of image-worship. At a stage succeeding\nthis original condition, it may be argued, the tendency to identify the\nsymbol and the symbolized, a tendency so strong among children and the\nignorant everywhere, led to the idol being treated as a living powerful\nbeing, and thence even to explicit doctrines as to the manner of its\nenergy or animation. It is, then, in this secondary stage, where the\nonce merely representative image is passing into the active\nimage-fetish, that we are particularly concerned to understand it. Here\nit is reasonable to judge the idolater by his distinct actions and\nbeliefs. A line of illustrative examples will carry the personality of\nthe idol through grade after grade of civilization. Among the lower\nraces, such thoughts are displayed by the Kurile islander throwing his\nidol into the sea to calm the storm; by the negro who feeds ancestral\nimages and brings them a share of his trade profits, but will beat an\nidol or fling it into the fire if it cannot give him luck or preserve\nhim from sickness; by famous idols of Madagascar, of which one goes\nabout of himself or guides his bearers, and another answers when spoken\nto\u2014at least, they did this till they were ignominiously found out a few\nyears ago. Among Tatar peoples of North Asia and Europe, conceptions of\nthis class are illustrated by the Ostyak, who clothes his puppet and\nfeeds it with broth, but if it brings him no sport will try the effect\nof a good thrashing on it, after which he will clothe and feed it again;\nby the Lapps, who fancied their uncouth images could go about at will;\nor the Esths, who wondered that their idols did not bleed when Dieterich\nthe Christian priest hewed them down. Among high Asiatic nations, what\ncould be more anthropomorphic than the rites of modern Hinduism, the\ndances of the nautch-girls before the idols, the taking out of Jagannath\nin procession to pay visits, the spinning of tops before Krishna to\namuse him? Buddhism is a religion in its principles little favourable to\nidolatry. Yet, from setting up portrait-statues of Gautama and other\nsaints, there developed itself the full worship of images, and even of\nimages with hidden joints and cavities, which moved and spoke as in our\nown middle ages. In China, we read stories of worshippers abusing some\nidol that has failed in its duty. \u2018How now,\u2019 they say, \u2018you dog of a\nspirit; we have given you an abode in a splendid temple, we gild you and\nfeed you and fumigate you with incense, and yet you are so ungrateful\nthat you won\u2019t listen to our prayers!\u2019 So they drag him in the dirt, and\nthen, if they get what they want, it is but to clean him and set him up\nagain, with apologies and promises of a new coat of gilding. There is\nwhat appears a genuine story of a Chinaman who had paid an idol priest\nto cure his daughter, but she died; whereupon the swindled worshipper\nbrought an action at law against the god, who for his fraud was banished\nfrom the province. The classic instances, again, are perfect\u2014the\ndressing and anointing of statues, feeding them with delicacies and\ndiverting them with raree-shows, summoning them as witnesses; the story\nof the Arkadian youths coming back from a bad day\u2019s hunting and\nrevenging themselves by scourging and pricking Pan\u2019s statue, and the\ncompanion tale of the image which fell upon the man who ill-treated it;\nthe Tyrians chaining the statue of the Sun-god that he might not abandon\ntheir city; Augustus chastising in effigy the ill-behaved Neptune;\nApollo\u2019s statue that moved when it would give an oracle; and the rest of\nthe images which brandished weapons, or wept, or sweated, to prove their\nsupernatural powers. Such ideas continued to hold their place in\nChristendom, as was natural, considering how directly the holy image or\npicture took the place of the household god or the mightier idol of the\ntemple. The Russian boor covering up the saint\u2019s picture that it may not\nsee him do wrong; the Mingrelian borrowing a successful neighbour\u2019s\nsaint when his own crop fails, or when about to perjure himself choosing\nfor the witness of his deceitful oath a saint of mild countenance and\nmerciful repute; the peasant of Southern Europe, alternately coaxing and\ntrampling on his special saint-fetish, and ducking the Virgin or St.\nPeter for rain; the winking and weeping images that are worked, even at\nthis day, to the greater glory of God, or rather to the greater shame of\nMan\u2014these are but the extreme instances of the worshipper\u2019s endowment of\nthe sacred image with a life and personality modelled on his own.[367]\n\nThe appearance of idolatry at a grade above the lowest of known human\nculture, and its development in extent and elaborateness under higher\nconditions of civilization, are well displayed among the native races of\nAmerica. \u2018Conspicuous by its absence\u2019 among many of the lower tribes,\nimage-worship comes plainly into view toward the upper levels of\nsavagery, as where, for instance, Brazilian native tribes set up in\ntheir huts, or in the recesses of the forest, their pygmy\nheaven-descended figures of wax or wood;[368] or where the Mandans,\nhowling and whining, made their prayers before puppets of grass and\nskins; or where the spiritual beings of the Algonquins (manitu) or the\nHurons (oki) were represented by, and in language identified with, the\ncarved wooden heads or more complete images to which worship and\nsacrifice were offered. Among the Virginians and other of the more\ncultured Southern tribes, these idols even had temples to dwell in.[369]\nThe discoverers of the New World found idolatry an accepted institution\namong the islanders of the West Indies. These strong animists are\nrecorded to have carved their little images in the shapes in which they\nbelieved the spirits themselves to have appeared to them; and some human\nfigures bore the names of ancestors in memory of them. The images of\nsuch \u2018cemi\u2019 or spirits, some animal, but most of human type, were found\nby thousands; and it is even declared that an island near Hayti had a\npopulation of idol-makers, who especially made images of nocturnal\nspectres. The spirit could be conveyed with the image, both were called\n\u2018cemi,\u2019 and in the local accounts of sacrifices, oracles, and miracles,\nthe deity and the idol are mixed together in a way which at least shows\nthe extreme closeness of their connexion in the native mind.[370] If we\npass to the far higher culture of Peru, we find idols in full reverence,\nsome of them complete figures, but the great deities of Sun and Moon\nfigured by discs with human countenances, like those which to this day\nrepresent them in symbol among ourselves. As for the conquered\nneighbouring tribes brought under the dominion of the Incas, their idols\nwere carried, half trophies and half hostages, to Cuzco, to rank among\nthe inferior deities of the Peruvian Pantheon.[371] In Mexico, idolatry\nhad attained to its full barbaric development. As in the Aztec mind the\nworld swarmed with spiritual deities, so their material representatives,\nthe idols, stood in the houses at the corners of the streets, on every\nhill and rock, to receive from passers-by some little offering\u2014a\nnosegay, a whiff of incense, a drop or two of blood; while in the\ntemples more huge and elaborate images enjoyed the dances and\nprocessions in their honour, were fed by the bloody sacrifice of men and\nbeasts, and received the tribute and reverence paid to the great\nnational gods.[372] Up to a certain point, such evidence bears upon the\npresent question. We learn that the native races of the New World had\nidols, that those idols in some sort represented ancestral souls and\nother deities, and for them received adoration and sacrifice. But\nwhether the native ideas of the connexion of spirit and image were\nobscure, or whether the foreign observers did not get at these ideas, or\npartly for both reasons, there is a general want of express statement\nhow far the idols of America remained mere symbols or portraits, or how\nfar they had come to be considered the animated bodies of the gods.\n\nIt is not always thus, however. In the island regions of the Southern\nHemisphere, while image-worship scarcely appears among the Andaman\nislanders, Tasmanians, or Australians, and is absent or rare in various\nPapuan and Polynesian districts, it prevails among the majority of the\nisland tribes who have attained to middle and high savage levels. In\nPolynesian islands, where the meaning of the native idolatry has been\ncarefully examined, it is found to rest on the most absolute theory of\nspirit-embodiment. Thus, New-Zealanders set up memorial idols of\ndeceased persons near the burial-place, talking affectionately to them\nas if still alive, and casting garments to them when they passed by,\nalso they preserve in their houses small carved wooden images, each\ndedicated to the spirit of an ancestor. It is distinctly held that such\nan atua or ancestral deity enters into the substance of an image in\norder to hold converse with the living. A priest can by repeating charms\ncause the spirit to enter into the idol, which he will even jerk by a\nstring round its neck to arrest its attention; it is the same atua or\nspirit which will at times enter not the image but the priest himself,\nthrow him into convulsions, and deliver oracles through him; while it is\nquite understood that the images themselves are not objects of worship,\nnor do they possess in themselves any virtue, but derive their\nsacredness from being the temporary abodes of spirits.[373] In the\nSociety Islands, it was noticed in Captain Cook\u2019s exploration that the\ncarved wooden images at burial-places were not considered mere\nmemorials, but abodes into which the souls of the departed retired. In\nMr. Ellis\u2019s account of the Polynesian idolatry, relating as it seems\nespecially to this group, the sacred objects might be either mere stocks\nand stones, or carved wooden images, from six or eight feet long down to\nas many inches. Some of these were to represent \u2018tii,\u2019 divine manes or\nspirits of the dead, while others were to represent \u2018tu,\u2019 or deities of\nhigher rank and power. At certain seasons, or in answer to the prayers\nof the priests, these spiritual beings entered into the idols, which\nthen became very powerful, but when the spirit departed, the idol\nremained only a sacred object. A god often came to and passed from an\nimage in the body of a bird, and spiritual influence could be\ntransmitted from an idol by imparting it by contact to certain valued\nkinds of feathers, which could be carried away in this \u2018inhabited\u2019\nstate, and thus exert power elsewhere, and transfer it to new idols.\nHere then we have the similarity of souls to other spirits shown by the\nsimilar way in which both become embodied in images, just as these same\npeople consider both to enter into human bodies. And we have the pure\nfetish, which here is a feather or a log or stone, brought together with\nthe more elaborate carved idol, all under one common principle of\nspirit-embodiment.[374] In Borneo, notwithstanding the Moslem\nprohibition of idolatry, not only do images remain in use, but the\ndoctrine of spirit-embodiment is distinctly applied to them. Among the\ntribes of Western Sarawak the priestesses have made for them rude\nfigures of birds, which none but they may touch. These are supposed to\nbecome inhabited by spirits, and at the great harvest feasts are hung up\nin bunches of ten or twenty in the long common room, carefully veiled\nwith coloured handkerchiefs. Again, among some Dayak tribes, they will\nmake rude figures of a naked man and woman, and place these opposite to\none another on the path to the farms. On their heads are head-dresses of\nbark, by their sides is the betel-nut basket, and in their hands a short\nwooden spear. These figures are said to be inhabited each by a spirit\nwho prevents inimical influences from passing on to the farms, and\nlikewise from the farms to the village, and evil betide the profane\nwretch who lifts his hand against them\u2014violent fever and sickness would\nbe sure to follow.[375]\n\nWest Africa naturally applies its familiar fetish-doctrine of\nspirit-embodiment to images or idols. How an image may be considered a\nreceptacle for a spirit, is well shown here by the straw and rag figures\nof men and beasts made in Calabar at the great triennial purification,\nfor the expelled spirits to take refuge in, whereupon they are got rid\nof over the border.[376] As to positive idols, nothing could be more\nexplicit than the Gold-Coast account of certain wooden figures called\n\u2018amagai,\u2019 which are specially treated by a \u2018wong-man\u2019 or priest, and\nhave a \u2018wong\u2019 or deity in connexion with them; so close is the connexion\nconceived between spirit and image, that the idol is itself called\n\u2018wong.\u2019[377] So in the Ewe district, the same \u2018edro\u2019 or deity who\ninspires the priest is also present in the idol, and \u2018edro\u2019 signifies\nboth god and idol.[378] Waitz sums up the principles of West African\nidolatry in a distinct theory of embodiment, as follows: \u2018The god\nhimself is invisible, but the devotional feeling and especially the\nlively fancy of the negro demands a visible object to which worship may\nbe directed. He wishes really and sensibly to behold the god, and seeks\nto shape in wood or clay the conception he has formed of him. Now if the\npriest, whom the god himself at times inspires and takes possession of,\nconsecrates this figure to him, the idea has only to follow that the god\nmay in consequence be pleased to take up his abode in the figure, to\nwhich he may be specially invited by the consecration, and thus\nimage-worship is seen to be comprehensible enough. Denham found that\neven to take a man\u2019s portrait was dangerous and caused mistrust, from\nthe fear that a part of the living man\u2019s soul might be conveyed by magic\ninto the artificial figure. The idols are not, as Bosman thinks,\ndeputies of the gods, but merely objects in which the god loves to place\nhimself, and which at the same time display him in sensible presence to\nhis adorers. The god is also by no means bound fast to his dwelling in\nthe image, he goes out and in, or rather is present in it sometimes with\nmore and sometimes with less intensity.\u2019[379]\n\nCastr\u00e9n\u2019s wide and careful researches among the rude Turanian tribes of\nNorth Asia led him to form a similar conception of the origin and nature\nof their idolatry. The idols of these people are uncouth objects, often\nmere stones or logs with some sort of human countenance, or sometimes\nmore finished images, even of metal; some are large, some mere dolls;\nthey belong to individuals, or families, or tribes; they may be kept in\nthe yurts for private use, or set up in sacred groves or on the steppes\nor near the hunting and fishing places they preside over, or they may\neven have special temple-houses; some open-air gods are left naked, not\nto spoil good clothes, but others under cover are decked out with all an\nOstyak\u2019s or Samoyed\u2019s wealth of scarlet cloths and costly furs,\nnecklaces and trinkets; and lastly, to the idols are made rich offerings\nof food, clothes, furs, kettles, pipes, and the rest of the inventory of\nSiberian nomade riches. Now these idols are not to be taken as mere\nsymbols or portraits of deities, but the worshippers mostly imagine that\nthe deity dwells in the image or, so to speak, is embodied in it,\nwhereby the idol becomes a real god capable of giving health and\nprosperity to man. On the one hand, the deity becomes serviceable to the\nworshipper by being thus contained and kept for his use, and on the\nother hand, the god profits by receiving richer offerings, failing which\nit would depart from its receptacle. We even hear of numerous spirits\nbeing contained in one image, and flying off at the death of the shaman\nwho owned it. In Buddhist Tibet, as in West Africa, the practice of\nconjuring into puppets the demons which molest men is a recognized rite;\nwhile in Siam the making of clay puppets to be exposed on trees or by\nthe roadside, or set adrift with food-offerings in baskets, is a\nrecognized manner of expelling disease-spirits.[380] In the\nimage-worship of modern India, there crop up traces of the\nembodiment-theory. It is possible for the intelligent Hindu to attach as\nlittle real personality to a divine image, as to the man of straw which\nhe makes in order to celebrate the funeral rites of a relative whose\nbody cannot be recovered. He can even protest against being treated as\nan idolater at all, declaring the images of his gods to be but symbols,\nbringing to his mind thoughts of the real deities, as a portrait reminds\none of a friend no longer to be seen in the body. Yet in the popular\nreligion of his country, what could be more in conformity with the\nfetish-theory than the practice of making temporary hollow clay idols by\ntens of thousands, which receive no veneration for themselves, and only\nbecome objects of worship when the officiating brahman has invited the\ndeity to dwell in the image, performing the ceremony of the \u2018adhiv\u00e2sa\u2019\nor inhabitation, after which he puts in the eyes and the \u2018pr\u00e2na,\u2019 i.e.,\nbreath, life, or soul.[381]\n\nNowhere, perhaps, in the wide history of religion, can we find\ndefinitions more full and absolute of the theory of deities actually\nanimating their images, than in those passages from early Christian\nwriters which describe the nature and operation of the heathen idols.\nArnobius introduces the heathen as declaring that it is not the bronze\nor gold and silver material they consider to be gods, but they worship\nin them those beings which sacred dedication introduces, and causes to\ninhabit the artificial images.[382] Augustine cites as follows the\nopinions attributed to Hermes Trismegistus. This Egyptian, he tells us,\nconsiders some gods as made by the highest Deity, and some by men; \u2018he\nasserts the visible and tangible images to be as it were bodies of gods,\nfor there are within them certain invited spirits, of some avail for\ndoing harm or for fulfilling certain desires of those who pay them\ndivine honours and rites of worship. By a certain art to connect these\ninvisible spirits with visible objects of corporeal matter, that such\nmay be as it were animated bodies, effigies dedicate and subservient to\nthe spirits\u2014this is what he calls making gods, and men have received\nthis great and wondrous power.\u2019 And further, this Trismegistus is made\nto speak of \u2018statues animated with sense and full of spirit, doing so\ngreat things; statues prescient of the future, and predicting it by\nlots, by priests, by dreams, and by many other ways.\u2019[383] This idea, as\naccepted by the early Christians themselves, with the qualification that\nthe spiritual beings inhabiting the idols were not beneficent deities\nbut devils, is explicitly stated by Minucius Felix, in a passage in the\n\u2018Octavius,\u2019 which gives an instructive account of the animistic\nphilosophy of Christianity towards the beginning of the third century:\n\u2018Thus these impure spirits or demons, as shown by the magi, by the\nphilosophers, and by Plato, are concealed by consecration in statues and\nimages, and by their afflatus obtain the authority as of a present deity\nwhen at times they inspire priests, inhabit temples, occasionally\nanimate the filaments of the entrails, govern the flight of birds, guide\nthe falling of lots, give oracles enveloped in many falsehoods ... also\nsecretly creeping into (men\u2019s) bodies as thin spirits, they feign\ndiseases, terrify minds, distort limbs, in order to compel men to their\nworship; that fattening on the steam of altars or their offered victims\nfrom the flocks, they may seem to have cured the ailments which they had\nconstrained. And these are the madmen whom ye see rush forth into public\nplaces; and the very priests without the temple thus go mad, thus rave,\nthus whirl about.... All these things most of you know, how the very\ndemons confess of themselves, so often as they are expelled by us from\nthe patients\u2019 bodies with torments of word and fires of prayer. Saturn\nhimself, and Serapis, and Jupiter, and whatsoever demons ye worship,\novercome by pain declare what they are; nor surely do they lie\nconcerning their iniquity, above all when several of you are present.\nBelieve these witnesses, confessing the truth of themselves, that they\nare demons. For adjured by the true and only God, they shudder reluctant\nin the wretched bodies; and either they issue forth at once, or vanish\ngradually, according as the faith of the patient aids, or the grace of\nthe curer favours.\u2019[384]\n\nThe strangeness with which such words now fall upon our ears is full of\nsignificance. It is one symptom of that vast quiet change which has come\nover animistic philosophy in the modern educated world. Whole orders of\nspiritual beings, worshipped in polytheistic religion, and degraded in\nearly Christendom to real but evil demons, have since passed from\nobjective to subjective existence, have faded from the Spiritual into\nthe Ideal. By the operation of similar intellectual changes, the general\ntheory of spirit-embodiment, having fulfilled the great work it had for\nages to do in religion and philosophy, has now dwindled within the\nlimits of the educated world to near its vanishing-point. The doctrines\nof Disease-possession and Oracle-possession, once integral parts of the\nhigher philosophy, and still maintaining a vigorous existence in the\nlower culture, seem to be dying out within the influence of the higher\ninto dogmatic survival, conscious metaphor, and popular superstition.\nThe doctrine of spirit-embodiment in objects, Fetishism, now scarcely\nappears outside barbaric regions save in the peasant folklore which\nkeeps it up amongst us with so many other remnants of barbaric thought.\nAnd the like theory of spiritual influence as applied to Idolatry,\nthough still to be studied among savages and barbarians, and on record\nin past ages of the civilized world, has perished so utterly amongst\nourselves, that few but students are aware of its ever having existed.\n\nTo bring home to our minds the vastness of the intellectual tract\nwhich separates modern from savage philosophy, and to enable us to\nlook back along the path where step by step the mind\u2019s journey was\nmade, it will serve us to glance over the landmarks which language to\nthis day keeps standing. Our modern languages reach back through the\nmiddle ages to classic and barbaric times, where in this matter the\ntransition from the crudest prim\u00e6val animism is quite manifest. We\nkeep in daily use, and turn to modern meaning, old words and idioms\nwhich carry us home to the philosophy of ancient days. We talk of\n\u2018genius\u2019 still, but with thought how changed. The genius of Augustus\nwas a tutelary demon, to be sworn by and to receive offerings on an\naltar as a deity. In modern English, Shakspere, Newton, or Wellington,\nis said to be led and prompted by his genius, but that genius is a\nshrivelled philosophic metaphor. So the word \u2018spirit\u2019 and its kindred\nterms keep up with wondrous pertinacity the traces which connect the\nthought of the savage with its hereditary successor, the thought of\nthe philosopher. Barbaric philosophy retains as real what civilized\nlanguage has reduced to simile. The Siamese is made drunk with the\ndemon of the arrack that possesses the drinker, while we with so\ndifferent sense still extract the \u2018spirit of wine.\u2019[385] Look at the\nsaying ascribed to Pythagoras, and mentioned by Porphyry. \u2018The sound\nindeed which is given by striking brass, is the voice of a certain\ndemon contained in that brass.\u2019 These might have been the\nrepresentative words of some savage animistic philosopher; but with\nthe changed meaning brought by centuries of philosophizing, Oken hit\nupon a definition almost identical in form, that \u2018What sounds,\nannounces its spirit\u2019 (\u2018Was t\u00f6nt, gibt seinen Geist kund\u2019).[386] What\nthe savage would have meant, or Porphyry after him did mean, was that\nthe brass was actually animated by a spirit of the brass apart from\nits matter, but when a modern philosopher takes up the old phrase, all\nhe means is the qualities of the brass. As in other animistic phrases\nof thought and feeling such as \u2018animal spirits,\u2019 or being in \u2018good and\nbad spirits,\u2019 the term only recalls with an effort the long-past\nphilosophy which it once expressed. The modern theory of the mind\nconsiders it capable of performing even exalted and unusual functions\nwithout the intervention of prompting or exciting demons; yet the old\nrecognition of such beings crops up here and there in phrases which\nadapt animistic ideas to commonplaces of human disposition, as when a\nman is still said to be animated by a patriotic spirit, or possessed\nby a spirit of disobedience. In old times the \u1f10\u03b3\u03b3\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03bc\u03c5\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2, or\n\u2018ventriloquus\u2019 was really held to have a spirit rumbling or talking\nfrom inside his body, as when Eurykles the soothsayer was inspired by\nsuch a familiar; or when a certain Patriarch mentioning a demon heard\nto speak out of a man\u2019s belly, remarks on the worthy place it had\nchosen to dwell in. In the time of Hippokrates, the giving of oracular\nresponses by such ventriloquism was practised by certain women as a\nprofession. To this day in China one may get an oracular response from\na spirit apparently talking out of a medium\u2019s stomach, for a fee of\nabout twopence-halfpenny. How changed a philosophy it marks, that\namong ourselves the word \u2018ventriloquist\u2019 should have sunk to its\npresent meaning.[387] Nor is that change less significant which,\nstarting with the conception of a man being really \u1f14\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u03c2, possessed\nby a deity within him, carries on a metamorphosed relic of this\nthorough animistic thought, from \u1f10\u03bd\u03b8\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03c3\u03bc\u03cc\u03c2 to \u2018enthusiasm.\u2019 With\nall this, let it not be supposed that such change of opinion in the\neducated world has come about through wanton incredulity or decay of\nthe religious temperament. Its source is the alteration in natural\nscience, assigning new causes for the operations of nature and the\nevents of life. The theory of the immediate action of personal spirits\nhas here, as so widely elsewhere, given place to ideas of force and\nlaw. No indwelling deity now regulates the life of the burning sun, no\nguardian angels drive the stars across the arching firmament, the\ndivine Ganges is water flowing down into the sea to evaporate into\ncloud and descend again in rain. No deity simmers in the boiling pot,\nno presiding spirits dwell in the volcano, no howling demon shrieks\nfrom the mouth of the lunatic. There was a period of human thought\nwhen the whole universe seemed actuated by spiritual life. For our\nknowledge of our own history, it is deeply interesting that there\nshould remain rude races yet living under the philosophy which we have\nso far passed from, since Physics, Chemistry, Biology, have seized\nwhole provinces of the ancient Animism, setting force for life and law\nfor will.\n\nFootnote 229:\n\n See Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 134; J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amerikanische\n Urreligionen,\u2019 p. 171.\n\nFootnote 230:\n\n Philo Jud. de Gigantibus, iv.\n\nFootnote 231:\n\n Rituale Romanum: De Exorcizandis Obsessis a D\u00e6monio.\n\nFootnote 232:\n\n Oldfield, \u2018Abor. of Australia\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 236.\n See Bonwick, \u2018Tasmanians,\u2019 p. 181.\n\nFootnote 233:\n\n Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 104.\n\nFootnote 234:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 429.\n\nFootnote 235:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part ii. p. 195; M. Eastman, \u2018Dahcotah,\u2019\n p. 72.\n\nFootnote 236:\n\n Burton, \u2018Central Afr.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 344; Schlegel, \u2018Ewe-Sprache,\u2019 p.\n xxv.\n\nFootnote 237:\n\n Falkner, \u2018Patagonia,\u2019 p. 116; but cf. Musters, p. 180.\n\nFootnote 238:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 122.\n\nFootnote 239:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. p. 206.\n\nFootnote 240:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 129, 416; vol. iii. pp. 29, 257,\n 278; \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 pp. 77, 99; Cross, \u2018Karens,\u2019 l. c. p. 316; Elliot\n in \u2018Journ. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. i. p. 115; Buchanan, \u2018Mysore, &c.,\u2019 in\n Pinkerton, vol. viii. p. 677.\n\nFootnote 241:\n\n Shortt, \u2018Tribes of India,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vii. p. 192;\n Tinling, \u2018Tour round India,\u2019 p. 19.\n\nFootnote 242:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 101.\n\nFootnote 243:\n\n Sir J. Shore in \u2018Asiatic Res.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 331.\n\nFootnote 244:\n\n For some collections of details of manes-worship, see Meiners,\n \u2018Geschichte der Religionen,\u2019 vol. i. book 3; Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol.\n ii. pp. 402-11; \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 pp. 72-114.\n\nFootnote 245:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 pp. 73, 173, 209, 261; Schoolcraft,\n \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part i. p. 39, part iii. p. 237; Waitz,\n \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. iii. pp. 191, 204.\n\nFootnote 246:\n\n Backhouse, \u2018Australia,\u2019 p. 105; Bonwick, \u2018Tasmanians,\u2019 p. 182.\n\nFootnote 247:\n\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 88.\n\nFootnote 248:\n\n Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 104; S. S. Farmer, p. 126; Shortland,\n \u2018Trads. of N. Z.\u2019 p. 81; Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 108.\n\nFootnote 249:\n\n J. R. Forster, \u2018Observations,\u2019 p. 604; Marsden, \u2018Sumatra,\u2019 p. 258;\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 234.\n\nFootnote 250:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Madagascar,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 123, 423. As to the connexion of the\n Vazimbas with the Mazimba of East Africa, see Waitz, vol. ii. pp. 360,\n 426.\n\nFootnote 251:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Religious System of Amazulu,\u2019 part ii.; see also Arbousset\n and Daumas, p. 469; Casalis, \u2018Basutos,\u2019 pp. 248-54; Waitz,\n \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 411, 419; Magyar, \u2018Reisen in\n S\u00fcd-Afrika,\u2019 pp. 21, 335 (Congo); Cavazzi, \u2018Congo,\u2019 lib. i.\n\nFootnote 252:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 pp. 217, 388-93. See Waitz, vol. ii. pp. 181,\n 194.\n\nFootnote 253:\n\n Bailey in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 301. Compare Taylor, \u2018New\n Zealand,\u2019 p. 153.\n\nFootnote 254:\n\n Buchanan, \u2018Mysore,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. viii. pp. 674-7. See\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 p. 95 (Khonds); Hunter, \u2018Rural Bengal,\u2019 p. 183\n (Santals).\n\nFootnote 255:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 122; Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 90. See\n Palgrave, \u2018Arabia,\u2019 vol. i. p. 373.\n\nFootnote 256:\n\n Siebold, \u2018Nippon,\u2019 vol. i. p. 3, vol. ii. p. 51; Kempfer, \u2018Japan,\u2019 in\n Pinkerton, vol. vii. pp. 672, 680, 723, 755.\n\nFootnote 257:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 250.\n\nFootnote 258:\n\n Plath, \u2018Religion der alten Chinesen,\u2019 part i. p. 65, part ii. p. 89;\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. pp. vi. viii.; vol. ii. p. 373; \u2018Journ.\n Ind. Archip.\u2019 New Ser. vol. ii. p. 363; Legge, \u2018Confucius,\u2019 p. 92.\n\nFootnote 259:\n\n Manu, book iii.\n\nFootnote 260:\n\n Details in Pauly, \u2018Real-Encyclop.\u2019 s.v. \u2018inferi\u2019; Smith\u2019s \u2018Dic. of Gr.\n and Rom. Biog. and Myth.\u2019; Meiners, Hartung, &c.\n\nFootnote 261:\n\n Middleton, \u2018Letter from Rome\u2019; Murray\u2019s \u2018Handbook of Rome.\u2019\n\nFootnote 262:\n\n L. F. Alfred Maury, \u2018Magie, &c.,\u2019 p. 249; \u2018Acta Sanctorum,\u2019 27 Sep.;\n Gregor. Turon. De Gloria Martyr, i. 98.\n\nFootnote 263:\n\n J. R. Beste, \u2018Nowadays at Home and Abroad,\u2019 London, 1870, vol. ii. p.\n 44; \u2018A New Miracle at Rome; being an Account of a Miraculous Cure,\n &c., &c.,\u2019 London (Washbourne), 1870.\n\nFootnote 264:\n\n Oldfield in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 235; see Grey, \u2018Australia,\u2019\n vol. ii. p. 337. Bonwick, \u2018Tasmanians,\u2019 pp. 183, 195.\n\nFootnote 265:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. i. p. 307.\n\nFootnote 266:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 204; \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 73, see p. 125\n (Battas); Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 p. 370. See also Mason, \u2018Karens,\u2019 l. c.\n p. 201.\n\nFootnote 267:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 110, vol. iv. p. 194; St. John,\n \u2018Far East,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 71, 87; Beeckman in Pinkerton, vol. ix. p.\n 133; Meiners, vol. i. p. 278. See also Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i.\n p. 159.\n\nFootnote 268:\n\n Shortland, \u2018Trads. of N. Z.\u2019 pp. 97, 114, 125; Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019\n pp. 48, 137.\n\nFootnote 269:\n\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 236.\n\nFootnote 270:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 363, 395, &c., vol. ii. pp. 193, 274;\n Cook, \u20183rd Voy.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 131. Details of the superhuman character\n ascribed to weak or deranged persons among other races, in\n Schoolcraft, part iv. p. 49; Martius, vol. i. p. 633; Meiners, vol. i.\n p. 323; Waitz, vol. ii. p. 181.\n\nFootnote 271:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part i. p. 250, part ii. pp. 179, 199,\n part iii. p. 498; M. Eastman, \u2018Dahcotah,\u2019 pp. xxiii. 34, 41, 72. See\n also Gregg, \u2018Commerce of Prairies,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 297 (Comanches);\n Morgan, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 163; Sproat, p. 174 (Ahts); Egede, \u2018Greenland,\u2019\n p. 186; Cranz, p. 269.\n\nFootnote 272:\n\n Roman Pane, xix. in \u2018Life of Colon\u2019; in Pinkerton, vol. xii. p. 87.\n\nFootnote 273:\n\n D\u2019Orbigny, \u2018L\u2019Homme Am\u00e9ricain,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 73, 168; Musters,\n \u2018Patagonians,\u2019 p. 180. See also J. G. M\u00fcller, pp. 207, 231 (Caribs);\n Spix and Martius, \u2018Brasilien,\u2019 vol. i. p. 70; Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019\n vol. i. p. 646 (Marcusis).\n\nFootnote 274:\n\n Casalis, \u2018Basutos,\u2019 p. 247; Callaway, \u2018Rel. of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 147, &c.;\n Magyar, \u2018S\u00fcd-Afrika,\u2019 p. 21, &c.; Burton, \u2018Central Afr.\u2019 vol. ii. pp.\n 320, 354; Steere in \u2018Journ. Anthrop. Inst.\u2019 vol. i. 1871, p. cxlvii.\n\nFootnote 275:\n\n Steinhauser, \u2018Religion des Negers,\u2019 in \u2018Magaz. der Evang. Missions und\n Bibel-Gesellschaften,\u2019 Basel, 1856, No. 2, p. 139.\n\nFootnote 276:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 pp. 217, 388.\n\nFootnote 277:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 pp. 163, 170.\n\nFootnote 278:\n\n Backhouse, \u2018Australia,\u2019 p. 103.\n\nFootnote 279:\n\n Mason, \u2018Burmah,\u2019 p. 107, &c. Cross, l.c. p. 305.\n\nFootnote 280:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Religion of Amazulu,\u2019 pp. 183, &c., 259, &c.\n\nFootnote 281:\n\n Falkner, \u2018Patagonia,\u2019 p. 116. See also Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p.\n 418 (Caribs).\n\nFootnote 282:\n\n Georgi, \u2018Reise im Russ. Reich,\u2019 vol. i. p. 280; Meiners, vol. ii. p.\n 488.\n\nFootnote 283:\n\n Falkner, l.c.\n\nFootnote 284:\n\n Caldwell, \u2018Dravidian Languages,\u2019 App.; Latham, vol. ii. p. 469.\n\nFootnote 285:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 p. 172.\n\nFootnote 286:\n\n Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 278.\n\nFootnote 287:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 328, see vol. iii. p. 201,\n \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 139. See also R\u00f6mer, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 p. 59.\n\nFootnote 288:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 352, 373; Moerenhout, \u2018Voyage,\u2019 vol.\n i. p. 479; Mariner, \u2018Tonga Islands,\u2019 vol. i. p. 105; Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019\n vol. i. p. 373.\n\nFootnote 289:\n\n Dos Santos, \u2018Ethiopia,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 686.\n\nFootnote 290:\n\n R\u00f6mer, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 p. 57. See also Steinhauser, l.c. pp. 132, 139; J. B.\n Schlegel, \u2018Ewe-Sprache,\u2019 p. xvi.\n\nFootnote 291:\n\n Details from Tatar races in Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 pp. 164, 173, &c.;\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 90; from Abyssinia in Parkyns, \u2018Life in\n A.,\u2019 ch. xxxiii.\n\nFootnote 292:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. p. 143, vol. ii. pp. 110, 320.\n\nFootnote 293:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 103, 152, 381, 418, vol. iii. p.\n 247, &c. See also Bowring, \u2018Siam,\u2019 vol. i. p. 139; \u2018Journ. Ind.\n Archip.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 507, vol. vi. p. 614; Turpin, in Pinkerton, vol.\n ix. p. 761; Kempfer, \u2018Japan,\u2019 _ibid._ vol. vii. pp. 701, 730, &c.\n\nFootnote 294:\n\n Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. i. p. 155, vol. ii. p. 183; Roberts, \u2018Oriental\n Illustrations of the Scriptures,\u2019 p. 529; Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 pp.\n 164, 184-7. Sanskrit pai\u00e7\u00e2cha-graha = demon-seizure, possession.\n Ancient evidence in Pictet, \u2018Origines Indo-Europ.\u2019 part ii. ch. v.\n\nFootnote 295:\n\n Homer. Odyss. v. 396, x. 64; Plat. Ph\u00e6dr. Tim. &c.; Pausan. iv. 27, 2;\n Xen. Mem. I. i. 9; Plutarch. Vit. Alex.; De Orac. Def.; Lucian.\n Philopseudes; Petron. Arbiter, Sat.; &c., &c.\n\nFootnote 296:\n\n Joseph. Ant. Jud. viii. 2, 5. Eisenmenger, \u2018Entdecktes Judenthum,\u2019\n part ii. p. 454. See Maury, p. 290.\n\nFootnote 297:\n\n Matth. ix. 32, xi. 18, xii. 22, xvii. 15; Mark, i. 23, ix. 17; Luke,\n iv. 33, 39, vii. 33, viii. 27, ix. 39, xiii. 11; John, x. 20; Acts,\n xvi. 16, xix. 13; &c.\n\nFootnote 298:\n\n For general evidence see Bingham, \u2018Antiquities of Christian Church,\u2019\n book iii. ch. iv.; Calmet, \u2018Dissertation sur les Esprits\u2019; Maury,\n \u2018Magie,\u2019 &c.; Lecky, \u2018Hist. of Rationalism.\u2019 Among particular passages\n are Tertull. Apolog. 23; De Spectaculis, 26; Chrysostom. Homil.\n xxviii. in Matth. iv.; Cyril. Hierosol. Catech. xvi. 16; Minuc. Fel.\n Octavius. xxi.; Concil. Carthag. iv.; &c., &c.\n\nFootnote 299:\n\n Details in Cockayne, \u2018Leechdoms, &c., of Early England,\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 365, vol. ii. p. 137, 355; Sprenger, \u2018Malleus Maleficarum,\u2019 part ii.;\n Calmet, \u2018Dissertation,\u2019 vol. i. ch. xxiv.; Horst, \u2018Zauber-Bibliothek\u2019;\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 557, &c.; \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 115, &c.;\n Voltaire, \u2018Questions sur l\u2019Encyclop\u00e9die,\u2019 art., \u2018Superstition\u2019;\n \u2018Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica,\u2019 5th ed. art. \u2018Possession.\u2019\n\nFootnote 300:\n\n See Maury, \u2018Magie,\u2019 &c., part ii. ch. ii.\n\nFootnote 301:\n\n A. Constans, \u2018Rel. sur une Epid\u00e9mie d\u2019Hyst\u00e9ro-D\u00e9monopathie, en 1861.\u2019\n 2nd ed. Paris, 1863. For descriptions of such outbreaks, among the\n North American Indians, see Le Jeune in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s. dans la\n Nouvelle France,\u2019 1639; Brinton, p. 275; and in Guinea, see J. L.\n Wilson, \u2018Western Africa,\u2019 p. 217.\n\nFootnote 302:\n\n Gaume, \u2018L\u2019Eau B\u00e9nite au Dix-Neuvi\u00e8me Si\u00e8cle,\u2019 3rd ed. Paris, 1866, p.\n 353.\n\nFootnote 303:\n\n West, in \u2018Spiritual Telegraph,\u2019 cited by Bastian.\n\nFootnote 304:\n\n (C. de Brosses.) \u2018Du culte des dieux f\u00e9tiches ou Parall\u00e8le de\n l\u2019ancienne Religion de l\u2019Egypte avec la religion actuelle de\n Nigritie.\u2019 1760. (De Brosses supposed the word _f\u00e9tiche_ connected\n with _chose f\u00e9e, fatum_.)\n\nFootnote 305:\n\n Grey, \u2018Australia,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 337; Eyre, \u2018Australia,\u2019 vol. ii. p.\n 362; Oldfield in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 235, &c.; G. F. Moore,\n \u2018Vocab. of S. W. Austr.\u2019 pp. 18, 98, 103. See Bonwick, \u2018Tasmanians,\u2019\n p. 195.\n\nFootnote 306:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 pp. 419, 508; J. G. M\u00fcller, pp. 173, 207,\n 217.\n\nFootnote 307:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Madagascar,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 221, 232, 422.\n\nFootnote 308:\n\n St. John, \u2018Far East,\u2019 vol. i. p. 211, see 72.\n\nFootnote 309:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Religion of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 314.\n\nFootnote 310:\n\n Steinhauser, l.c. p. 141. See also Steere, \u2018East Afr. Tribes,\u2019 in\n \u2018Journ. Anthrop. Soc.\u2019 vol. i. p. cxlviii.\n\nFootnote 311:\n\n Burton, \u2018Central Africa,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 352. See \u2018Sindh,\u2019 p. 177.\n\nFootnote 312:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 275.\n\nFootnote 313:\n\n \u2018Early Hist. of Mankind,\u2019 ch. x. See Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p.\n 116, &c.\n\nFootnote 314:\n\n Plin. xxx. 14, 20. Cardan, \u2018De Var. Rerum,\u2019 cap. xliii.\n\nFootnote 315:\n\n Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. i. p. 134, vol. ii. p. 247.\n\nFootnote 316:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. p. 122.\n\nFootnote 317:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 pp. 1118-23; Wuttke, \u2018Volksaberglaube,\u2019 pp. 155-70;\n Brand, \u2018Pop. Ant.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 375, vol. iii. p. 286; Halliwell, \u2018Pop.\n Rhymes,\u2019 p. 208; R. Hunt, \u2018Pop. Romances,\u2019 2nd Series, p. 211;\n Hylten-Cavallius, \u2018W\u00e4rend och Wirdarne,\u2019 vol. i. p. 173. It is said,\n however, that rags fastened on trees by Gypsies, which passers-by\n avoid with horror as having diseases thus banned into them, are only\n signs left for the information of fellow vagrants; Liebich, \u2018Die\n Zigeuner,\u2019 p. 96.\n\nFootnote 318:\n\n Catlin, \u2018N. A. Indians,\u2019 vol. i. p. 90.\n\nFootnote 319:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Africa,\u2019 p. 394.\n\nFootnote 320:\n\n Meiners, \u2018Gesch. der Rel.\u2019 vol. i. p. 305; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 209.\n\nFootnote 321:\n\n Mason, Karens, l.c. p. 231.\n\nFootnote 322:\n\n Meiners, vol. ii. pp. 721-3.\n\nFootnote 323:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 418. See Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019 vol.\n i. p. 485 (Yumanas swallow ashes of deceased with liquor, that he may\n live again in them).\n\nFootnote 324:\n\n Hunter, \u2018Rural Bengal,\u2019 p. 210. See Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 73; J.\n G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 pp. 209, 262, 289, 401, 419.\n\nFootnote 325:\n\n Darwin, \u2018Journal,\u2019 p. 458.\n\nFootnote 326:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 320.\n\nFootnote 327:\n\n \u2018Report of Jubbulpore Ethnological Committee,\u2019 Nagpore, 1868, part i.\n p. 5.\n\nFootnote 328:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 151, 207, 214, vol. ii. p. 401; see\n Plath, \u2018Religion der alten Chinesen,\u2019 part i. p. 59, part ii. p. 101.\n\nFootnote 329:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 187; Dasent, \u2018Norse Tales,\u2019 p. 69; Lane,\n \u2018Thousand and One Nights,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 316; Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 1033.\n See also Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 213. Eisenmenger, \u2018Judenthum,\u2019\n part ii. p. 39.\n\nFootnote 330:\n\n Brand, \u2018Pop. Ant.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 72.\n\nFootnote 331:\n\n Herrera, \u2018Hist. de las Indias Occidentales,\u2019 Dec. i. ix. 3.\n\nFootnote 332:\n\n Lery, Br\u00e9sil, p. 249; J. G. M\u00fcller, pp. 210, 262.\n\nFootnote 333:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes\u2019; Waitz, vol. iii.; Catlin, \u2018N. A. Ind.\u2019\n vol. i. p. 36; Keating, \u2018Narrative,\u2019 vol. i. p. 421; J. G. M\u00fcller, p.\n 74, &c. See Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 274.\n\nFootnote 334:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 pp. 162, 221, 230; Meiners, vol. i. p. 170.\n\nFootnote 335:\n\n Bell, in Pinkerton, vol. vii. p. 357.\n\nFootnote 336:\n\n H. Rowley, \u2018Universities\u2019 Mission to Central Africa,\u2019 p. 217.\n\nFootnote 337:\n\n Waitz, \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 174; R\u00f6mer, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 p. 56, &c.;\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018West Africa,\u2019 pp. 135, 211-6, 275, 338; Burton, \u2018Wit\n and Wisdom from W. Afr.\u2019 pp. 174, 455; Steinhauser, l.c. p. 134;\n Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 397; Meiners, \u2018Gesch. der\n Relig.\u2019 vol. i. p. 173. See also Ellis, \u2018Madagascar,\u2019 vol. i. p. 396;\n Flacourt, \u2018Madag.\u2019 p. 191.\n\nFootnote 338:\n\n Brand, \u2018Popular Antiquities,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 255, &c. Bastian,\n \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 171. Wuttke, \u2018Deutsche Volksaberglaube,\u2019 pp. 75-95,\n 225, &c. St. Clair and Brophy, \u2018Bulgaria,\u2019 p. 46.\n\nFootnote 339:\n\n Berkeley, \u2018Concerning Motion,\u2019 in \u2018Works,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 86.\n\nFootnote 340:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part ii. p. 196, part iii. p. 229.\n\nFootnote 341:\n\n Herrera, \u2018Indias Occidentales,\u2019 dec. i. iii. 3.\n\nFootnote 342:\n\n De Laet, Novus Orbis, xv. 2.\n\nFootnote 343:\n\n Garcilaso de la Vega, \u2018Commentarios Reales,\u2019 i. 9; J. G. M\u00fcller, pp.\n 263, 311, 371, 387; Waitz, vol. iv. p. 454; see below, p. 175.\n\nFootnote 344:\n\n Hahn, \u2018Gramm. des Herer\u00f3,\u2019 s.v. \u2018omu-makisina.\u2019\n\nFootnote 345:\n\n Kaufmann, \u2018Central-Afrika,\u2019 (White Nile), p. 131.\n\nFootnote 346:\n\n Waitz, vol. ii. pp. 518, 523.\n\nFootnote 347:\n\n Zollinger in \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 692.\n\nFootnote 348:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 337. See also Ellis, \u2018Madagascar,\u2019\n vol. i. p. 399.\n\nFootnote 349:\n\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 pp. 347, 526.\n\nFootnote 350:\n\n Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol. i. p. 220; Seemann, \u2018Viti,\u2019 pp. 66, 89.\n\nFootnote 351:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 193, &c., 204, &c.; \u2018Voyages au Nord,\u2019 vol.\n viii. pp. 103, 410; Klemm, \u2018C. G.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 120. See also Steller,\n \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 pp. 265, 276.\n\nFootnote 352:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 p. 174. See also Macrae in \u2018As. Res.\u2019 vol.\n vii. p. 196; Dalton, \u2018Kols,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 33.\n\nFootnote 353:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 pp. 103, 358.\n\nFootnote 354:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 177. See also Shortt, \u2018Tribes of\n Neilgherries,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vii. p. 281.\n\nFootnote 355:\n\n Elliot in \u2018Journ. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. i. 1869, p. 115.\n\nFootnote 356:\n\n Buchanan, \u2018Mysore,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. vii. p. 739.\n\nFootnote 357:\n\n Elliot in \u2018Journ. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 96, 115, 125. Lubbock,\n \u2018Origin of Civilization,\u2019 p. 222. Forbes Leslie, \u2018Early Races of\n Scotland,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 462, &c. Prof. Liebrecht, in \u2018Ztschr. f\u00fcr\n Ethnologie,\u2019 vol. v. p. 100, compares the field-protecting\n Priapos-hermes of ancient Italy, daubed with minium.\n\nFootnote 358:\n\n Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 142, 182, &c., see 221. See also Latham,\n \u2018Descr. Eth.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 239. (Siah-push, stone offered to the\n representative of deity.)\n\nFootnote 359:\n\n Grote, \u2018Hist. of Greece,\u2019 vol. iv. p. 132; Welcker, \u2018Griechische\n G\u00f6tterlehre,\u2019 vol. i. p. 220. Meiners, vol. i. p. 150, &c. Details\n esp. in Pausanias; Theophrast. Charact. xvi.; Tacit. Hist. ii. 3;\n Arnobius, Adv. Gent.; Tertullianus; Clemens Alexandr.\n\nFootnote 360:\n\n Is. lvii. 6. The first line, \u2018behhalkey-nahhal hh\u00ealkech,\u2019 turns on the\n pun on hhlk = smooth (stone), and also lot or portion; a double sense\n probably connected with the use of smooth pebbles for casting lots.\n\nFootnote 361:\n\n Sprenger, \u2018Mohammad,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 7, &c. Burton, \u2018El Medinah,\u2019 &c.,\n vol. ii. p. 157.\n\nFootnote 362:\n\n Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. Evang. i. 10. Deut. xii. 3; Micah v. 13, &c. Movers,\n \u2018Ph\u00f6nizier,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 105, 569, and see index, \u2018S\u00e4ule,\u2019 &c. See De\n Brosses, \u2018Dieux F\u00e9tiches,\u2019 p. 135 (considers b\u00e6tyl = beth-el, &c.).\n\nFootnote 363:\n\n For references see Ducange s.v. \u2018petra\u2019; Leslie, \u2018Early Races of\n Scotland,\u2019 vol. i. p. 256.\n\nFootnote 364:\n\n Nilsson, \u2018Primitive Inhabitants of Scandinavia,\u2019 p. 241. See also\n Meiners, vol. ii. p. 671 (speaking stones in Norway, &c.).\n\nFootnote 365:\n\n Earl of Roden, \u2018Progress of Reformation in Ireland,\u2019 London, 1851, p.\n 51. Sir J. E. Tennent in \u2018Notes and Queries,\u2019 Feb. 7, 1852. See\n Borlase, \u2018Antiquities of Cornwall,\u2019 Oxford, 1754, book iii. ch. 2.\n\nFootnote 366:\n\n \u2018Early Hist. of Mankind,\u2019 chap. vi.\n\nFootnote 367:\n\n For general collections of evidence, see especially Meiners,\n \u2018Geschichte der Religionen,\u2019 vol. i. books i. and v.; Bastian,\n \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii.; Waitz, \u2018Anthropologie;\u2019 De Brosses, \u2018Dieux\n F\u00e9tiches,\u2019 &c. Particular details in J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 p. 393;\n Ellis, \u2018Madagascar,\u2019 vol. i. p. 395; Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finnische Mythologie,\u2019\n p. 193, &c.; Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii.; K\u00f6ppen, \u2018Rel. des Buddha,\u2019\n vol. i. p. 493, &c.; Grote, \u2018Hist, of Greece.\u2019\n\nFootnote 368:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrelig.\u2019 p. 263; Meiners, vol. i. p. 163.\n\nFootnote 369:\n\n Loskiel, \u2018Ind. of N. A.\u2019 vol. i. p. 39; Smith, \u2018Virginia,\u2019 in\n Pinkerton, vol. xiii. p. 14; Waitz, vol. iii. p. 203; J. G. M\u00fcller,\n pp. 95-8, 128.\n\nFootnote 370:\n\n Fernando Colombo, \u2018Vita del Amm. Cristoforo Colombo,\u2019 Venice, 1571, p.\n 127, &c.; and \u2018Life of Colon,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xii. p. 84. Herrera,\n dec. i. iii. 3. Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 pp. 421-4. Waitz, vol.\n iii. p. 384; J. G. M\u00fcller, pp. 171-6, 182, 210, 232.\n\nFootnote 371:\n\n Prescott, \u2018Peru,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 71, 89; Waitz, vol. iv. p. 458; J. G.\n M\u00fcller, pp. 322, 371.\n\nFootnote 372:\n\n Brasseur, \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 486; Waitz, vol. iv. p. 148; J. G.\n M\u00fcller, p. 642.\n\nFootnote 373:\n\n Shortland, \u2018Trads. of N. Z.\u2019 &c., p. 83; Taylor, pp. 171, 183, 212.\n\nFootnote 374:\n\n J. R. Forster, \u2018Obs. during Voyage,\u2019 London, 1778, p. 534, &c.; Ellis,\n \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 281, &c., 323, &c. See also Earl, \u2018Papuans,\u2019\n p. 84; Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 78 (Nias).\n\nFootnote 375:\n\n St. John, \u2018Far East,\u2019 vol. i. p. 198.\n\nFootnote 376:\n\n Hutchinson in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. i. p. 336; see Bastian,\n \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 172.\n\nFootnote 377:\n\n Steinhauser, in \u2018Magaz. der Evang. Missionen,\u2019 Basel, 1856, No. 2, p.\n 131.\n\nFootnote 378:\n\n Schlegel, \u2018Ewe-Sprache,\u2019 p. xvi.\n\nFootnote 379:\n\n Waitz, \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 183; Denham, \u2018Travels,\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 113; R\u00f6mer, \u2018Guinea\u2019; Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. See\n also Livingstone, \u2018S. Afr.\u2019 p. 282 (Balonda).\n\nFootnote 380:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 193, &c.; Bastian, \u2018Psych.\u2019 p. 34, 208,\n \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. iii. pp. 293, 486. See \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol.\n ii. p. 350 (Chinese).\n\nFootnote 381:\n\n Max M\u00fcller, \u2018Chips,\u2019 vol. i. p. xvii.; Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 198, vol. ii. pp. xxxv, 164, 234, 292, 485.\n\nFootnote 382:\n\n Arnobius, Adversus Gentes, vi. 17-19.\n\nFootnote 383:\n\n Augustinus \u2018De Civ. Dei,\u2019 viii. 23: \u2018at ille visibilia et\n contrectabilia simulacra, velut corpora deorum esse asserit; inesse\n autem his quosdam spiritus invitatos, &c.... Hos ergo spiritus\n invisibiles per artem quandam visibilibus rebus corporalis materi\u00e6\n copulare, ut sint quasi animata corpora, illis spiritibus dicata et\n subdita simulacra, &c.\u2019 See also Tertullianus De Spectaculis, xii.:\n \u2018In mortuorum autem idolis d\u00e6monia consistunt, &c.\u2019\n\nFootnote 384:\n\n Marcus Minucius Felix, Octavius, cap. xxvii.: \u2018Isti igitur impuri\n spiritus, d\u00e6mones, ut ostensum a magis, a philosophis, et a Platone\n sub statuis et imaginibus consecrati delitescunt, &c.\u2019\n\nFootnote 385:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 455. See Spiegel, \u2018Avesta,\u2019 vol.\n ii. p. 54.\n\nFootnote 386:\n\n Porphyr. de Vita Pythagor\u00e6. Oken, \u2018Lehrbuch der Naturphilosophie,\u2019\n 2753.\n\nFootnote 387:\n\n Suidas, s.v. \u1f10\u03b3\u03b3\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03bc\u03c5\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2; Isidor. Gloss. s.v. \u2018pr\u00e6cantatores\u2019;\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 578. Maury, \u2018Magie,\u2019 &c. p. 269.\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 115.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XV.\n ANIMISM (_continued_).\n\n Spirits regarded as personal causes of Phenomena of the\n World\u2014Pervading Spirits as good and evil Demons affecting\n man\u2014Spirits manifest in Dreams and Visions: Nightmares; Incubi and\n Succubi; Vampires; Visionary Demons\u2014Demons of darkness repelled by\n fire\u2014Demons otherwise manifest: seen by animals; detected by\n footprints\u2014Spirits conceived and treated as material\u2014Guardian and\n Familiar Spirits\u2014Nature-Spirits; historical course of the\n doctrine\u2014Spirits of Volcanoes, Whirlpools, Rocks\u2014Water-Worship:\n Spirits of Wells, Streams, Lakes, &c.\u2014Tree-Worship: Spirits\n embodied in or inhabiting Trees; Spirits of Groves and\n Forests\u2014Animal-Worship: Animals worshipped, directly, or as\n incarnations or representatives of Deities; Totem-Worship;\n Serpent-Worship\u2014Species-Deities; their relation to Archetypal\n Ideas.\n\n\nWe have now to enter on the final topic of the investigation of Animism,\nby completing the classified survey of spiritual beings in general, from\nthe myriad souls, elves, fairies, genii, conceived as filling their\nmultifarious offices in man\u2019s life and the world\u2019s, up to the deities\nwho reign, few and mighty, over the spiritual hierarchy. In spite of\nendless diversity of detail, the general principles of this\ninvestigation seem comparatively easy of access to the enquirer, if he\nwill use the two keys which the foregoing studies supply: first, that\nspiritual beings are modelled by man on his primary conception of his\nown human soul, and second, that their purpose is to explain nature on\nthe primitive childlike theory that it is truly and throughout \u2018Animated\nNature.\u2019 If, as the poet says, \u2018Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere\ncausas,\u2019 then rude tribes of ancient men had within them this source of\nhappiness, that they could explain to their own content the causes of\nthings. For to them spiritual beings, elves and gnomes, ghosts and\nmanes, demons and deities, were the living personal causes of universal\nlife. \u2018The first men found everything easy, the mysteries of nature were\nnot so hidden from them as from us,\u2019 said Jacob B\u00f6hme the mystic. True,\nwe may well answer, if these primitive men believed in that animistic\nphilosophy of nature which even now survives in the savage mind. They\ncould ascribe to kind or hostile spirits all good and evil of their own\nlives, and all striking operations of nature; they lived in familiar\nintercourse with the living and powerful souls of their dead ancestors,\nwith the spirits of the stream and grove, plain and mountain, they knew\nwell the living mighty Sun pouring his beams of light and heat upon\nthem, the living mighty Sea dashing her fierce billows on the shore, the\ngreat personal Heaven and Earth protecting and producing all things. For\nas the human body was held to live and act by virtue of its own\ninhabiting spirit-soul, so the operations of the world seemed to be\ncarried on by the influence of other spirits. And thus Animism, starting\nas a philosophy of human life, extended and expanded itself till it\nbecame a philosophy of nature at large.\n\nTo the minds of the lower races it seems that all nature is possessed,\npervaded, crowded, with spiritual beings. In seeking by a few types to\ngive an idea of this conception of pervading Spirits in its savage and\nbarbaric stage, it is not indeed possible to draw an absolute line of\nseparation between spirits occupied in affecting for good and ill the\nlife of Man, and spirits specially concerned in carrying on the\noperations of Nature. In fact these two classes of spiritual beings\nblend into one another as inextricably as do the original animistic\ndoctrines they are based on. As, however, the spirits considered\ndirectly to affect the life and fortune of Man lie closest to the centre\nof the animistic scheme, it is well to give them precedence. The\ndescription and function of these beings extend upwards from among the\nrudest human tribes. Milligan writes of the Tasmanians: \u2018They were\npolytheists; that is, they believed in guardian angels or spirits, and\nin a plurality of powerful but generally evil-disposed beings,\ninhabiting crevices and caverns of rocky mountains, and making temporary\nabode in hollow trees and solitary valleys; of these a few were supposed\nto be of great power, while to the majority were imputed much of the\nnature and attributes of the goblins and elves of our native land.\u2019[388]\nOldfield writes of the aborigines of Australia, \u2018The number of\nsupernatural beings, feared if not loved, that they acknowledge, is\nexceedingly great; for not only are the heavens peopled with such, but\nthe whole face of the country swarms with them; every thicket, most\nwatering-places, and all rocky places abound with evil spirits. In like\nmanner, every natural phenomenon is believed to be the work of demons,\nnone of which seem of a benign nature, one and all apparently striving\nto do all imaginable mischief to the poor black fellow.\u2019[389] It must be\nindeed an unhappy race among whom such a demonology could shape itself,\nand it is a relief to find that other people of low culture, while\nrecognizing the same spiritual world swarming about them, do not hold\nits main attribute to be spite against themselves. Among the Algonquin\nIndians of North America, Schoolcraft finds the very groundwork of their\nreligion in the belief \u2018that the whole visible and invisible creation is\nanimated with various orders of malignant or benign spirits, who preside\nover the daily affairs and over the final destinies of men.\u2019[390] Among\nthe Khonds of Orissa, Macpherson describes the greater gods and tribal\nmanes, and below these the order of minor and local deities: \u2018They are\nthe tutelary gods of every spot on earth, having power over the\nfunctions of nature which operate there, and over everything relating to\nhuman life in it. Their number is unlimited. They fill all nature, in\nwhich no power or object, from the sea to the clods of the field, is\nwithout its deity. They are the guardians of hills, groves, streams,\nfountains, paths, and hamlets, and are cognizant of every human action,\nwant, and interest in the locality, where they preside.\u2019[391] Describing\nthe animistic mythology of the Turanian tribes of Asia and Europe,\nCastr\u00e9n has said that every land, mountain, rock, river, brook, spring,\ntree, or whatsoever it may be, has a spirit for an inhabitant; the\nspirits of the trees and stones, of the lakes and brooks, hear with\npleasure the wild man\u2019s pious prayers and accept his offerings.[392]\nSuch are the conceptions of the Guinea negro, who finds the abodes of\nhis good and evil spirits in great rocks, hollow trees, mountains, deep\nrivers, dense groves, echoing caverns, and who passing silently by these\nsacred places leaves some offering, if it be but a leaf or a shell\npicked up on the beach.[393] Such are examples which not unfairly\npicture the belief of the lower races in a world of spirits on earth,\nand such descriptions apply to the state of men\u2019s minds along the course\nof civilization.\n\nThe doctrine of ancient philosophers such as Philo[394] and\nIamblichus,[395] of spiritual beings swarming through the atmosphere we\nbreathe, was carried on and developed in special directions in the\ndiscussions concerning the nature and functions of the world-pervading\nhost of angels and devils, in the writings of the early Christian\nFathers.[396] Theologians of modern centuries have for the most part\nseen reason to reduce within comparatively narrow limits the action\nascribed to external spiritual beings on mankind; yet there are some who\nretain to the full the angelology and demonology of Origen and\nTertullian. These two views may be well contrasted by setting side by\nside the judgments of two ecclesiastics of the Roman Church, as to the\nbelief in pervading demons prevalent in uncivilized countries. The\ncelebrated commentator, Dom Calmet, lays down in the most explicit terms\nthe doctrine of angels and demons, as a matter of dogmatic theology. But\nhe is less inclined to receive unquestioned the narratives of particular\nmanifestations in the medi\u00e6val and modern world. He mentions indeed the\ntestimony of Louis Vivez, that in the newly discovered countries of\nAmerica, nothing is more common than to see spirits which appear at\nnoon-day, not only in the country but in towns and villages, speaking,\ncommanding, sometimes even striking men; and the account by Olaus Magnus\nof the spectres or spirits seen in Sweden and Norway, Finland and\nLapland, which do wonderful things, some even serving men as domestics\nand driving the cattle out to pasture. But what Calmet remarks on these\nstories, is that the greater ignorance prevails in a country, the more\nsuperstition reigns there.[397] It seems that in our own day, however,\nthe tendency is to encourage less sceptical views. Monsignor Gaume\u2019s\nbook on \u2018Holy Water,\u2019 which not long since received the special and\nformal approval of Pius IX., appears \u2018at an epoch when the millions of\nevil angels which surround us are more enterprising than ever;\u2019 and here\nOlaus Magnus\u2019 story of the demons infesting Northern Europe is not only\ncited but corroborated.[398] On the whole, the survey of the doctrine of\npervading spirits through all the grades of culture is a remarkable\ndisplay of intellectual continuity. Most justly does Ellis the\nmissionary, depicting the South Sea Islanders\u2019 world crowded with its\ninnumerable pervading spirits, point out the closeness of correspondence\nhere between doctrines of the savage and the civilized animist,\nexpressed as both may be in Milton\u2019s familiar lines:\u2014\n\n \u2018Millions of spiritual creatures walk the earth,\n Unseen, both when we wake, and when we sleep.\u2019[399]\n\nAs with souls, so with other spirits, man\u2019s most distinct and direct\nintercourse is had where they become actually present to his senses in\ndreams and visions. The belief that such phantoms are real and personal\nspirits, suggested and maintained as it is by the direct evidence of the\nsenses of sight, touch, and hearing, is naturally an opinion usual in\nsavage philosophy, and indeed elsewhere, long and obstinately resisting\nthe attacks of the later scientific doctrine. The demon Koin strives to\nthrottle the dreaming Australian;[400] the evil \u2018na\u2019 crouches on the\nstomach of the Karen;[401] the North American Indian, gorged with\nfeasting, is visited by nocturnal spirits;[402] the Caribs, subject to\nhideous dreams, often woke declaring that the demon Maboya had beaten\nthem in their sleep, and they could still feel the pain.[403] These\ndemons are the very elves and nightmares that to this day in benighted\ndistricts of Europe ride and throttle the snoring peasant, and whose\nnames, not forgotten among the educated, have only made the transition\nfrom belief to jest.[404] A not less distinct product of the savage\nanimistic theory of dreams as real visits from personal spiritual\nbeings, lasted on without a shift or break into the belief of medi\u00e6val\nChristendom. This is the doctrine of the incubi and succubi, those male\nand female nocturnal demons which consort sexually with men and women.\nWe may set out with their descriptions among the islanders of the\nAntilles, where they are the ghosts of the dead, vanishing when\nclutched;[405] in New Zealand, where ancestral deities \u2018form attachments\nwith females and pay them repeated visits,\u2019 while in the Samoan Islands\nsuch intercourse of mischievious inferior gods caused \u2018many supernatural\nconceptions;\u2019[406] and in Lapland, where details of this last extreme\nclass have also been placed on record.[407] From these lower grades of\nculture the idea may be followed onward. Formal rites are specified in\nthe Hindu Tantra, which enable a man to obtain a companion-nymph by\nworshipping her and repeating her name by night in a cemetery.[408]\nAugustine, in an instructive passage, states the popular notions of the\nvisits of incubi, vouched for, he tells us, by testimony of such\nquantity and quality that it may seem impudence to deny it; yet he is\ncareful not to commit himself to a positive belief in such spirits.[409]\nLater theologians were less cautious, and grave argumentation on\nnocturnal intercourse with incubi and succubi was carried on till, at\nthe height of medi\u00e6val civilization, it is found accepted in full belief\nby ecclesiastics and lawyers. Nor is it to be counted as an ugly but\nharmless superstition, when for example it is set forth in the Bull of\nPope Innocent VIII. in 1484, as an accepted accusation against \u2018many\npersons of both sexes, forgetful of their own salvation, and falling\naway from the Catholic faith.\u2019 The practical outcome of this belief is\nknown to students who have traced the consequence of the Papal Bull in\nthe legal manual of the witchcraft tribunals, drawn up by the three\nappointed Inquisitors, the infamous Malleus Maleficarum; and have\nfollowed the results of this again into those dreadful records which\nrelate in their bald matter-of-fact phraseology the confessions of the\ncrime of diabolic intercourse, wrung from the wretched victims worked on\nby threat and persuasion in the intervals of the rack, till enough\nevidence was accumulated for clear judgment, and sentence of the\nstake.[410] I need not dwell on the mingled obscenity and horror of\nthese details, which here only have their bearing on the history of\nanimism. But it will aid the ethnographer to understand the relation of\nmodern to savage philosophy, if he will read Richard Burton\u2019s seriously\nbelieving account in the \u2018Anatomy of Melancholy,\u2019 where he concludes\nwith acquiescence in a declaration lately made by Lipsius, that on the\nshowing of daily narratives and judicial sentences, in no age had these\nlecherous demons appeared in such numbers as in his own time\u2014and this\nwas about A.D. 1600.[411]\n\nIn connexion with the nightmare and the incubus, another variety of\nnocturnal demon requires notice, the vampire. Inasmuch as certain\npatients are seen becoming day by day, without apparent cause, thin,\nweak, and bloodless, savage animism is called upon to produce a\nsatisfactory explanation, and does so in the doctrine that there exist\ncertain demons which eat out the souls or hearts or suck the blood of\ntheir victims. The Polynesians said that it was the departed souls (tii)\nwhich quitted the graves and grave-idols to creep by night into the\nhouses, and devour the heart and entrails of the sleepers, and these\ndied.[412] The Karens tell of the \u2018kephu,\u2019 which is a wizard\u2019s stomach\ngoing forth in the shape of a head and entrails, to devour the souls of\nmen, and they die.[413] The Mintira of the Malay Peninsula have their\n\u2018hantu penyadin;\u2019 he is a water-demon, with a dog\u2019s head and an\nalligator\u2019s mouth, who sucks blood from men\u2019s thumbs and great toes, and\nthey die.[414] It is in Slavonia and Hungary that the demon\nblood-suckers have their principal abode, and to this district belongs\ntheir special name of _vampire_, Polish _upior_, Russian _upir_. There\nis a whole literature of hideous vampire-stories, which the student will\nfind elaborately discussed in Calmet. The shortest way of treating the\nbelief is to refer it directly to the principles of savage animism. We\nshall see that most of its details fall into their places at once, and\nthat vampires are not mere creations of groundless fancy, but causes\nconceived in spiritual form to account for specific facts of wasting\ndisease. As to their nature and physical action, there are two principal\ntheories, but both keep close to the original animistic idea of\nspiritual beings, and consider these demons to be human souls. The first\ntheory is that the soul of a living man, often a sorcerer, leaves its\nproper body asleep and goes forth, perhaps in the visible form of a\nstraw or fluff of down, slips through keyholes and attacks its sleeping\nvictim. If the sleeper should wake in time to clutch this tiny\nsoul-embodiment, he may through it have his revenge by maltreating or\ndestroying its bodily owner. Some say these \u2018mury\u2019 come by night to men,\nsit upon their breasts and suck their blood, while others think it is\nonly children\u2019s blood they suck, they being to grown people mere\nnightmares. Here we have the actual phenomenon of nightmare, adapted to\na particular purpose. The second theory is that the soul of a dead man\ngoes out from its buried corpse and sucks the blood of living men. The\nvictim becomes thin, languid, and bloodless, falls into a rapid decline\nand dies. Here again is actual experience, but a new fancy is developed\nto complete the idea. The corpse thus supplied by its returning soul\nwith blood, is imagined to remain unnaturally fresh and supple and\nruddy; and accordingly the means of detecting a vampire is to open his\ngrave, where the reanimated corpse may be found to bleed when cut, and\neven to move and shriek. One way to lay a vampire is to stake down the\ncorpse (as with suicides and with the same intention); but the more\neffectual plan is to behead and burn it. This is the substance of the\ndoctrine of vampires. Still, as one order of demons is apt to blend into\nothers, the vampire-legends are much mixed with other animistic\nfolklore. Vampires appear in the character of the poltergeist or\nknocker, as causing those disturbances in houses which modern\nspiritualism refers in like manner to souls of the departed. Such was\nthe ghost of a certain surly peasant who came out of his grave in the\nisland of Mycone in 1700, after he had been buried but two days; he came\ninto the houses, upset the furniture, put the lamps out, and carried on\nhis tricks till the whole population went wild with terror. Tournefort\nhappened to be there and was present at the exhumation; his account is\ncurious evidence of the way an excited mob could persuade themselves,\nwithout the least foundation of fact, that the body was warm and its\nblood red. Again, the blood-sucker is very generally described under the\nSlavonic names of werewolf (wilkodlak, brukolaka, &c.); the descriptions\nof the two creatures are inextricably mixed up, and a man whose eyebrows\nmeet, as if his soul were taking flight like a butterfly, to enter some\nother body, may be marked by this sign either as a werewolf or a\nvampire. A modern account of vampirism in Bulgaria well illustrates the\nnature of spirits as conceived in such beliefs as these. A sorcerer\narmed with a saint\u2019s picture will hunt a vampire into a bottle\ncontaining some of the filthy food that the demon loves; as soon as he\nis fairly inside he is corked down, the bottle is thrown into the fire,\nand the vampire disappears for ever.[415]\n\nAs to the savage visionary and the phantoms he beholds, the Greenlander\npreparing for the profession of sorcerer may stand as type, when, rapt\nin contemplation in his desert solitude, emaciated by fasting and\ndisordered by fits, he sees before him scenes with figures of men and\nanimals, which he believes to be spirits. Thus it is interesting to read\nthe descriptions by Zulu converts of the dreadful creatures which they\nsee in moments of intense religious exaltation, the snake with great\neyes and very fearful, the leopard creeping stealthily, the enemy\napproaching with his long assagai in his hand\u2014these coming one after\nanother to the place where the man has gone to pray in secret, and\nstriving to frighten him from his knees.[416] Thus the visionary\ntemptations of the Hindu ascetic and the medi\u00e6val saint are happening in\nour own day, though their place is now rather in the medical handbook\nthan in the record of miracle. Like the disease-demons and the\noracle-demons, these spiritual groups have their origin not in fancy,\nbut in real phenomena interpreted on animistic principles.\n\nIn the dark especially, harmful spirits swarm. Round native Australian\nencampments, Sir George Grey used to see the bush dotted with little\nmoving points of fire; these were the firesticks carried by the old\nwomen sent to look after the young ones, but who dared not quit the\nfirelight without a brand to protect them from the evil spirits.[417] So\nSouth American Indians would carry brands or torches for fear of evil\ndemons when they ventured into the dark.[418] Tribes of the Malay\nPeninsula light fires near a mother at childbirth, to scare away the\nevil spirits.[419] Such notions extend to higher levels of civilization.\nIn Southern India, where for fear of pervading spirits only pressing\nneed will induce a man to go abroad after sundown, the unlucky wight who\nhas to venture into the dark will carry a fire-brand to keep off the\nspectral foes. Even in broad daylight, the Hindu lights lamps to keep\noff the demons,[420] a ceremony which is to be noticed again at a\nChinese wedding.[421] In Europe, the details of the use of fire to drive\noff demons and witches are minute and explicit. The ancient Norse\ncolonists in Iceland carried fire round the lands they intended to\noccupy, to expel the evil spirits. Such ideas have brought into\nexistence a whole group of Scandinavian customs, still remembered in the\ncountry, but dying out in practice. Till a child is baptized, the fire\nmust never be let out, lest the trolls should be able to steal the\ninfant; a live coal must be cast after the mother as she goes to be\nchurched, to prevent the trolls from carrying her off bodily or\nbewitching her; a live coal is to be thrown after a troll-wife or witch\nas she quits a house, and so forth.[422] Into modern times, the people\nof the Hebrides continued to protect the mother and child from evil\nspirits, by carrying fire round them.[423] In modern Bulgaria, on the\nFeast of St. Demetrius, lighted candles are placed in the stables and\nthe wood-shed, to prevent evil spirits from entering into the domestic\nanimals.[424] Nor did this ancient idea remain a mere lingering notion\nof peasant folklore. Its adoption by the Church is obvious in the\nceremonial benediction of candles in the Roman Ritual: \u2018Ut quibuscumque\nlocis accens\u00e6, sive posit\u00e6 fuerint, discedant principes tenebrarum, et\ncontremiscant, et fugiant pavidi cum omnibus ministris suis ab\nhabitationibus illis, &c.\u2019 The metrical translation of Naogeorgus shows\nperfectly the retention of primitive animistic ideas in the middle\nages:\u2014\n\n \u2018... a wondrous force and might\n Doth in these candels lie, which if at any time they light,\n They sure beleve that neyther storm or tempest dare abide,\n Nor thunder in the skies be heard, nor any devil\u2019s spide,\n Nor fearefull sprightes that walke by night, nor hurts of frost or\n haile.\u2019[425]\n\nAnimals stare and startle when we see no cause; is it that they see\nspirits invisible to man? Thus the Greenlander says that the seals and\nwildfowl are scared by spectres, which no human eye but the sorcerer\u2019s\ncan behold;[426] and thus the Khonds hold that their flitting ethereal\ngods, invisible to man, are seen by beasts.[427] The thought holds no\nsmall place in the folklore of the world. Telemachos could not discern\nAthene standing near him, for not to all do the gods visibly appear; but\nOdysseus saw her, and the dogs, and they did not bark, but with low\nwhine slunk across the dwelling to the further side.[428] So in old\nScandinavia, the dogs could see Hela the death-goddess move unseen by\nmen;[429] so Jew and Moslem, hearing the dogs howl, know that they have\nseen the Angel of Death come on his awful errand;[430] while the beliefs\nthat animals see spirits, and that a dog\u2019s melancholy howl means death\nsomewhere near, are still familiar to our own popular superstition.\n\nAnother means by which men may detect the presence of invisible spirits,\nis to adopt the thief-catcher\u2019s well-known device of strewing ashes.\nAccording to the ideas of a certain stage of animism, a spirit is\nconsidered substantial enough to leave a footprint. The following\ninstances relate sometimes to souls, sometimes to other beings. The\nPhilippine islanders expected the dead to return on the third day to his\ndwelling, wherefore they set a vessel of water for him to wash himself\nclean from the grave-mould, and strewed ashes to see footprints.[431] A\nmore elaborate rite forms part of the funeral customs of the Hos of\nNorth-East India. On the evening of a death, the near relatives perform\nthe ceremony of calling the dead. Boiled rice and a pot of water are\nplaced in an inner room, and ashes sprinkled from thence to the\nthreshold. Two relatives go to the place where the body was burnt, and\nwalk round it beating ploughshares and chanting a plaintive dirge to\ncall the spirit home; while two others watch the rice and water to see\nif they are disturbed, and look for the spirit-footsteps in the ashes.\nIf a sign appears, it is received with shivering horror and weeping, the\nmourners outside coming in to join. Till the survivors are thus\nsatisfied of the spirit\u2019s return, the rite must be repeated.[432] In\nYucatan there is mention of the custom of leaving a child alone at night\nin a place strewn with ashes; if the footprint of an animal were found\nnext morning, this animal was the guardian deity of the child.[433]\nBeside this may be placed the Aztec ceremony at the second festival of\nthe Sun-god Tezcatlipoca, when they sprinkled maize-flour before his\nsanctuary, and his high-priest watched till he beheld the divine\nfootprints, and then shouted to announce, \u2018Our great god is come.\u2019[434]\nAmong such rites in the Old World, the Talmud contains a salient\ninstance; there are a great multitude of devils, it is said; and he who\nwill be aware of them let him take sifted ashes and strew them by his\nbed, and in the early morning he shall see as it were marks of cocks\u2019\nfeet.[435] This is an idea that has widely spread in the modern world,\nas where in German folklore the little \u2018earth-men\u2019 make footprints like\na duck\u2019s or goose\u2019s in the strewn ashes. Other marks, too, betoken the\npassage of spirit-visitors;[436] and as for ghosts, our own superstition\nis among the most striking of the series. On St. Mark\u2019s Eve, ashes are\nto be sifted over the hearth, and the footprints will be seen of any one\nwho is to die within the year; many a mischievous wight has made a\nsuperstitious family miserable by slily coming down stairs and marking\nthe print of some one\u2019s shoe.[437] Such details as these may justify us\nin thinking that the lower races are apt to ascribe to spirits in\ngeneral that kind of ethereal materiality which we have seen they\nattribute to souls. Explicit statements on the subject are scarce till\nwe reach the level of early Christian theology. The ideas of Tertullian\nand Origen, as to the thin yet not immaterial substance of angels and\ndemons, probably represent the conceptions of primitive animism far more\nclearly than the doctrine which Calmet lays down with the weight of\ntheological dogma, that angels, demons, and disembodied souls are pure\nimmaterial spirit; but that when by divine permission spirits appear,\nact, speak, walk, eat, they must produce tangible bodies by either\ncondensing the air, or substituting other terrestrial solid bodies\ncapable of performing these functions.[438]\n\nNo wonder that men should attack such material beings by material means,\nand even sometimes try to rid themselves by a general clearance from the\nlegion of ethereal beings hovering around them. As the Australians\nannually drive from their midst the accumulated ghosts of the last\nyear\u2019s dead, so the Gold Coast negroes from time to time turn out with\nclubs and torches to drive the evil spirits from their towns; rushing\nabout and beating the air with frantic howling, they drive the demons\ninto the woods, and then come home and sleep more easily, and for a\nwhile afterwards enjoy better health.[439] When a baby was born in a\nKalmuk horde, the neighbours would rush about crying and brandishing\ncudgels about the tents, to drive off the harmful spirits who might hurt\nmother and child.[440] Keeping up a closely allied idea in modern\nEurope, the Bohemians at Pentecost, and the Tyrolese on Walpurgisnacht,\nhunt the witches, invisible and imaginary, out of house and stall.[441]\n\nClosely allied to the doctrine of souls, and almost rivalling it in the\npermanence with which it has held its place through all the grades of\nanimism, is the doctrine of patron, guardian, or familiar spirits. These\nare beings specially attached to individual men, soul-like in their\nnature, and sometimes considered as actually being human souls. These\nbeings have, like all others of the spiritual world as originally\nconceived, their reason and purpose. The special functions which they\nperform are twofold. First, while man\u2019s own proper soul serves him for\nthe ordinary purposes of life and thought, there are times when powers\nand impressions out of the course of the mind\u2019s normal action, and words\nthat seem spoken to him by a voice from without, messages of mysterious\nknowledge, of counsel or warning, seem to indicate the intervention of\nas it were a second superior soul, a familiar demon. And as enthusiasts,\nseers, sorcerers, are the men whose minds most often show such\nconditions, so to these classes more than to others the informing and\ncontrolling patron-spirits are attached. Second, while the common\nexpected events of daily life pass unnoticed as in the regular course of\nthings, such events as seem to fall out with especial reference to an\nindividual, demand an intervening agent; and thus the decisions,\ndiscoveries, and deliverances, which civilized men variously ascribe to\ntheir own judgment, to luck, and to special interposition of Providence,\nare accounted for in the lower culture by the action of the\npatron-spirit or guardian-genius. Not to crowd examples from all the\ndistricts of animism to which this doctrine belongs, let us follow it by\na few illustrations from the lower grades of savagery upward. Among the\nWatchandis of Australia, it is held that when a warrior slays his first\nman, the spirit of the dead enters the slayer\u2019s body and becomes his\n\u2018woorie\u2019 or warning spirit; taking up its abode near his liver, it\ninforms him by a scratching or tickling sensation of the approach of\ndanger.[442] In Tasmania, Dr. Milligan heard a native ascribe his\ndeliverance from an accident to the preserving care of his deceased\nfather\u2019s spirit, his guardian angel.[443] That the most important act of\nthe North American Indian\u2019s religion is to obtain his individual patron\ngenius or deity, is well known. Among the Esquimaux, the sorcerer\nqualifies for his profession by getting a \u2018torngak\u2019 or spirit which will\nhenceforth be his familiar demon, and this spirit may be the soul of a\ndeceased parent.[444] In Chili, as to guardian spirits, it has been\nremarked that every Araucanian imagines he has one in his service; \u2018I\nkeep my amchi-malghen (guardian nymph) still,\u2019 being a common expression\nwhen they succeed in any undertaking.[445] The Caribs display the\ndoctrine well in both its general and special forms. On the one hand,\nthere is a guardian deity for each man, which accompanies his soul to\nthe next life; on the other hand, each sorcerer has his familiar demon,\nwhich he evokes in mysterious darkness by chants and tobacco-smoke; and\nwhen several sorcerers call up their familiars together, the consequence\nis apt to be a quarrel among the demons, and a fight.[446] In Africa,\nthe negro has his guardian spirit\u2014how far identified with what Europeans\ncall soul or conscience, it may be hard to determine; but he certainly\nlooks upon it as a being separate from himself, for he summons it by\nsorcery, builds a little fetish-hut for it by the wayside, rewards and\npropitiates it by libations of liquor and bits of food.[447] In Asia,\nthe Mongols, each with his patron genius,[448] and the Laos sorcerers\nwho can send their familiar spirits into others\u2019 bodies to cause\ndisease,[449] are examples equally to the purpose.\n\nAmong the Aryan nations of Northern Europe,[450] the old doctrine of\nman\u2019s guardian spirit may be traced, and in classic Greece and Rome it\nrenews with philosophic eloquence and cultured custom the ideas of the\nAustralian and the African. The thought of the spiritual guide and\nprotector of the individual man is happily defined by Menander, who\ncalls the attendant genius, which each man has from the hour of birth,\nthe good mystagogue (i.e. the novice\u2019s guide to the mysteries) of this\nlife.\n\n \u1f0c\u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9 \u03b4\u03b1\u03af\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bc\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9\n \u0395\u1f50\u03b8\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u1ff3 \u03bc\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03b3\u03c9\u03b3\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b2\u03af\u03bf\u03c5.\n \u1f08\u03b3\u03b1\u03b8\u03cc\u03c2; \u03ba\u03b1\u03ba\u1f78\u03bd \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03b4\u03b1\u03af\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u2019 \u03bf\u1f50 \u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03ad\u03bf\u03bd\n \u0395\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03b2\u03af\u03bf\u03bd \u03b2\u03bb\u03ac\u03c0\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd. \u03a0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1\n \u0394\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f00\u03b3\u03b1\u03b8\u1f78\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u0398\u03b5\u03cc\u03bd.\n\nThe divine warning voice which Sokrates used to hear, is a salient\nexample of the mental impressions leading to the belief in guardian\nspirits.[451] In the Roman world, the doctrine came to be accepted as a\nphilosophy of human life. Each man had his \u2018genius natalis,\u2019 associated\nwith him from birth to death, influencing his action and his fate,\nstanding represented by its proper image as a lar among the household\ngods; and at weddings and joyous times, and especially on the\nanniversary of the birthday when genius and man began their united\ncareer, worship was paid with song and dance to the divine image,\nadorned with garlands, and propitiated with incense and libations of\nwine. The demon or genius was, as it were, the man\u2019s companion soul, a\nsecond spiritual ego. The Egyptian astrologer warned Antonius to keep\nfar from the young Octavius, \u2018for thy demon,\u2019 said he, \u2018is in fear of\nhis;\u2019 and truly in after years that genius of Augustus had become an\nimperial deity, by whom Romans swore solemn oaths, not to be\nbroken.[452] The doctrine which could thus personify the character and\nfate of the individual man, proved capable of a yet further development.\nConverting into animistic entities the inmost operations of the human\nmind, a dualistic philosophy conceived as attached to every mortal a\ngood and an evil genius, whose efforts through life drew him backward\nand forward toward virtue and vice, happiness and misery. It was the\nkakodaim\u014dn of Brutus which appeared to him by night in his tent: \u2018I am\nthy evil genius,\u2019 it said, \u2018we meet again at Philippi.\u2019[453]\n\nAs we study the shapes which the attendant spirits of the individual man\nassumed in early and medi\u00e6val Christendom, it is plain that the good and\nevil angels contending for man from birth to death, the guardian angel\nwatching and protecting him, the familiar spirit giving occult knowledge\nor serving with magic art, continue in principle, and even in detail,\nthe philosophy of earlier culture. Such beings even take visible form.\nSt. Francisca had a familiar angel, not merely that domestic one that is\ngiven as a guardian to every man, but this was as it were a boy of nine\nyears old, with a face more splendid than the sun, clad in a little\nwhite tunic; it was in after years that there came to her a second\nangel, with a column of splendour rising to the sky, and three golden\npalm-branches in his hands. Or such attendant beings, though invisible,\nmake their presence evident by their actions, as in Calmet\u2019s account of\nthat Cistercian monk whose familiar genius waited on him, and used to\nget his chamber ready when he was coming back from the country, so that\npeople knew when to expect him home.[454] There is a pleasant quaintness\nin Luther\u2019s remark concerning guardian angels, that a prince must have a\ngreater, stronger, wiser angel than a count, and a count than a common\nman.[455] Bishop Bull, in one of his vigorous sermons, thus sums up a\nlearned argument: \u2018I cannot but judge it highly probable, that every\nfaithful person at least hath his particular good _Genius_ or _Angel_,\nappointed by God over him, as the Guardian and Guide of his Life.\u2019 But\nhe will not insist on the belief, provided that the general ministry of\nangels be accepted.[456] Swedenborg will go beyond this. \u2018Every man,\u2019 he\nsays, \u2018is attended by an associate spirit; for without such an\nassociate, a man would be incapable of thinking analytically,\nrationally, and spiritually.\u2019[457] Yet in the modern educated world at\nlarge, this group of beliefs has passed into the stage of survival. The\nconception of the good and evil genius contending for man through life,\nindeed, perhaps never had much beyond the idealistic meaning which art\nand poetry still give it. The traveller in France may hear in our own\nday the peasant\u2019s salutation, \u2018Bonjour \u00e0 vous et \u00e0 votre compagnie!\u2019\n(i.e. your guardian angel).[458] But at the birthday festivals of\nEnglish children, how few are even aware of the historical sequence,\nplain as it is, from the rites of the classic natal genius and the\nmedi\u00e6val natal saint! Among us, the doctrine of guardian angels is to be\nfound in commentaries, and may be sometimes mentioned in the pulpit; but\nthe once distant conception of a present guardian spirit, acting on each\nindividual man and interfering with circumstances on his behalf, has all\nbut lost its old reality. The familiar demon which gave occult knowledge\nand did wicked work for the magician, and sucked blood from miserable\nhags by witch-teats, was two centuries ago as real to the popular mind\nas the alembic or the black cat with which it was associated. Now, it\nhas been cast down to the limbo of unhallowed superstitions.\n\nTo turn from Man to Nature. General mention has been made already of the\nlocal spirits which belong to mountain and rock and valley, to well and\nstream and lake, in brief to those natural objects and places which in\nearly ages aroused the savage mind to mythological ideas, such as modern\npoets in their altered intellectual atmosphere strive to reproduce. In\ndiscussing these imaginary beings, it is above all things needful to\nbring our minds into sympathy with the lower philosophy. Here we must\nseek to realize to the utmost the definition of the Nature-Spirits, to\nunderstand with what distinct and full conviction savage philosophy\nbelieves in their reality, to discern how, as living causes, they can\nfill their places and do their daily work in the natural philosophy of\nprim\u00e6val man. Seeing how the Iroquois at their festivals could thank the\ninvisible aids or good spirits, and with them the trees, shrubs, and\nplants, the springs and streams, the fire and wind, the sun, moon, and\nstars\u2014in a word, every object that ministered to their wants\u2014we may\njudge what real personality they attached to the myriad spirits which\ngave animated life to the world around them.[459] The Gold Coast negro\u2019s\ngeneric name for a fetish-spirit is \u2018wong;\u2019 these aerial beings dwell in\ntemple-huts and consume sacrifices, enter into and inspire their\npriests, cause health and sickness among men, and execute the behests of\nthe mighty Heaven-god. But part or all of them are connected with\nmaterial objects, and the negro can say, \u2018In this river, or tree, or\namulet, there is a wong.\u2019 But he more usually says, \u2018This river, or\ntree, or amulet is a wong.\u2019 Thus among the wongs of the land are rivers,\nlakes, and springs, districts of land, termite-hills, trees, crocodiles,\napes, snakes, elephants, birds.[460] In a word, his conceptions of\nanimating souls and presiding spirits as efficient causes of all nature\nare two groups of ideas which we may well find it hard to distinguish,\nfor the sufficient reason that they are but varying developments of the\nsame fundamental animism.\n\nIn the doctrine of nature-spirits among nations which have reached a\nhigher grade of culture, are found at once traces of such primitive\nthought, and of its change under new intellectual conditions. Knowing\nthe thoughts of rude Turanian tribes of Siberia as to pervading spirits\nof nature, we are prepared to look for remodelled ideas of the same\nclass among a nation whose religion shows plain traces of evolution from\nthe low Turanian stage. The archaic system of manes-worship and\nnature-worship, which survives as the state religion of China, fully\nrecognizes the worship of the numberless spirits which pervade the\nuniverse. The belief in their personality is vouched for by the\nsacrifices offered to them. \u2018One must sacrifice to the spirits,\u2019 says\nConfucius, \u2018as though they were present at the sacrifice.\u2019 At the same\ntime, spirits were conceived as embodied in material objects. Confucius\nsays, again: \u2018The action of the spirits, how perfect is it! Thou\nperceivest it, and yet seest it not! Incorporated or immembered in\nthings, they cannot quit them. They cause men, clean and pure and better\nclothed, to bring them sacrifice. Many, many, are there of them, as the\nbroad sea, as though they were above and right and left.\u2019 Here are\ntraces of such a primitive doctrine of personal and embodied\nnature-spirits as is still at home in the religion of rude Siberian\nhordes. But it was natural that Chinese philosophers should find means\nof refining into mere ideality these ruder animistic creations. Spirit\n(shin), they tell us, is the fine or tender part in all the ten thousand\nthings; all that is extraordinary or supernatural is called spirit; the\nunsearchable of the male and female principles is called spirit; he who\nknows the way of passing away and coming to be, he knows the working of\nspirit.[461]\n\nThe classic Greeks had inherited from their barbaric ancestors a\ndoctrine of the universe essentially similar to that of the North\nAmerican Indian, the West African, and the Siberian. We know, more\nintimately than the heathen religion of our own land, the ancient Greek\nscheme of nature-spirits impelling and directing by their personal power\nand will the functions of the universe, the ancient Greek religion of\nnature, developed by imagination, adorned by poetry, and consecrated by\nfaith. History records for our instruction, how out of the midst of this\nsplendid and honoured creed there were evolved the germs of the new\nphilosophy. Led by minuter insight and stricter reason, thoughtful\nGreeks began the piecemeal supersession of the archaic scheme, and set\nin movement the transformation of animistic into physical science, which\nthence pervaded the whole cultured world. Such, in brief, is the history\nof the doctrine of nature-spirits from first to last. Let us endeavour,\nby classifying some of its principal special groups, to understand its\nplace in the history of the human intellect.\n\nWhat causes volcanos? The Australians account for volcanic rocks by the\ntradition that the sulky underground \u2018ingna\u2019 or demons made great fires\nand threw up red-hot stones.[462] The Kamchadals say that just as they\nthemselves warm up their winter-houses, so the \u2018kamuli\u2019 or\nmountain-spirits heat up the mountains in which they dwell, and fling\nthe brands out of the chimney.[463] The Nicaraguans offered human\nsacrifices to Masaya or Popogatepec (Smoking-Mountain), by throwing the\nbodies into the crater. It seems as though it were a controlling deity,\nnot the mountain itself, that they worshipped; for one reads of the\nchiefs going to the crater, whence a hideous old naked woman came out\nand gave them counsel and oracle; at the edge were placed earthen\nvessels of food to please her, or to appease her when there was a storm\nor earthquake.[464] Thus animism provided a theory of volcanoes, and so\nit was likewise with whirlpools and rocks. In the Vei country in West\nAfrica, there is a dangerous rock on the Mafa river, which is never\npassed without offering a tribute to the spirit of the flood\u2014a leaf of\ntobacco, a handful of rice, or a drink of rum.[465] An early missionary\naccount of a rock-demon worshipped by the Huron Indians will show with\nwhat absolute personality savages can conceive such a being. In the\nhollow of a certain sacred rock, it is related, dwells an \u2018oki\u2019 or\nspirit who can give success to travellers, wherefore they put tobacco\ninto one of the cracks, and pray thus: \u2018Demon who dwellest in this\nplace, behold tobacco I present to thee; help us, keep us from\nshipwreck, defend us against our enemies, and vouchsafe that when we\nhave made a good trade, we may return safe and sound to our village.\u2019\nFather Marquette relates how, travelling on a river in the then little\nknown region of North America, he was told of a dreadful place to which\nthe canoe was just drawing near, where dwells a demon waiting to devour\nsuch as dare to approach; this terrific manitu proved on arrival to be\nsome high rocks in the bend of the river, against which the current runs\nviolently.[466] Thus the missionary found in living belief among the\nsavage Indians the very thought which had so long before passed into the\nclassic tale of Skylla and Charybdis.\n\nIn those moments of the civilized man\u2019s life when he casts off hard dull\nscience, and returns to childhood\u2019s fancy, the world-old book of\nanimated nature is open to him anew. Then the well-worn thoughts come\nback fresh to him, of the stream\u2019s life that is so like his own; once\nmore he can see the rill leap down the hillside like a child, to wander\nplaying among the flowers; or can follow it as, grown to a river, it\nrushes through a mountain gorge, henceforth in sluggish strength to\ncarry heavy burdens across the plain. In all that water does, the poet\u2019s\nfancy can discern its personality of life. It gives fish to the fisher,\nand crops to the husbandman; it swells in fury and lays waste the land;\nit grips the bather with chill and cramp, and holds with inexorable\ngrasp its drowning victim:[467]\n\n \u201cTweed said to Till,\n \u2018What gars ye rin sae still?\u2019\n Till said to Tweed,\n \u2018Though ye rin wi\u2019 speed,\n And I rin slaw,\n Yet, where ye drown ae man,\n I drown twa.\u2019\u201d\n\nWhat ethnography has to teach of that great element of the religion of\nmankind, the worship of well and lake, brook and river, is simply\nthis\u2014that what is poetry to us was philosophy to early man; that to his\nmind water acted not by laws of force, but by life and will; that the\nwater-spirits of prim\u00e6val mythology are as souls which cause the water\u2019s\nrush and rest, its kindness and its cruelty; that lastly man finds, in\nthe beings which with such power can work him weal and woe, deities with\na wider influence over his life, deities to be feared and loved, to be\nprayed to and praised and propitiated with sacrificial gifts.\n\nIn Australia, special water-demons infest pools and watering-places. In\nthe native theory of disease and death, no personage is more prominent\nthan the water-spirit, which afflicts those who go into unlawful pools\nor bathe at unlawful times, the creature which causes women to pine and\ndie, and whose very presence is death to the beholder, save to the\nnative doctors, who may visit the water-spirit\u2019s subaqueous abode and\nreturn with bleared eyes and wet clothes to tell the wonders of their\nstay.[468] It would seem that creatures with such attributes come\nnaturally into the category of spiritual beings, but in such stories as\nthat of the bunyip living in the lakes and rivers and seen floating as\nbig as a calf, which carries off native women to his retreat below the\nwaters, there appears that confusion between the spiritual water-demon\nand the material water-monster, which runs on into the midst of European\nmythology in such conceptions as that of the water-kelpie and the\nsea-serpent.[469] America gives cases of other principal animistic ideas\nconcerning water. The water has its own spirits, writes Cranz, among the\nGreenlanders, so when they come to an untried spring, an angekok or the\noldest man must drink first, to free it from a harmful spirit.[470] \u2018Who\nmakes this river flow?\u2019 asks the Algonquin hunter in a medicine-song,\nand his answer is, \u2018The spirit, he makes this river flow.\u2019 In any great\nriver, or lake, or cascade, there dwell such spirits, looked upon as\nmighty manitus. Thus Carver mentions the habit of the Red Indians, when\nthey reached the shores of Lake Superior or the banks of the\nMississippi, or any other great body of water, to present to the spirit\nwho resides there some kind of offering; this he saw done by a Winnebago\nchief who went with him to the Falls of St. Anthony. Franklin saw a\nsimilar sacrifice made by an Indian, whose wife had been afflicted with\nsickness by the water-spirits, and who accordingly to appease them tied\nup in a small bundle a knife and a piece of tobacco and some other\ntrifling articles, and committed them to the rapids.[471] On the\nriver-bank, the Peruvians would scoop up a handful of water and drink\nit, praying the river-deity to let them cross or to give them fish, and\nthey threw maize into the stream as a propitiatory offering; even to\nthis day the Indians of the Cordilleras perform the ceremonial sip\nbefore they will pass a river on foot or horseback.[472] Africa displays\nwell the rites of water-worship. In the East, among the Wanika, every\nspring has its spirit, to which oblations are made; in the West, in the\nAkra district, lakes, ponds, and rivers received worship as local\ndeities. In the South, among the Kafirs, streams are venerated as\npersonal beings, or the abodes of personal deities, as when a man\ncrossing a river will ask leave of its spirit, or having crossed will\nthrow in a stone; or when the dwellers by a stream will sacrifice a\nbeast to it in time of drought, or, warned by illness in the tribe that\ntheir river is angry, will cast into it a few handfuls of millet or the\nentrails of a slaughtered ox.[473] Not less strongly marked are such\nideas among the Tatar races of the North. Thus the Ostyaks venerate the\nriver Ob, and when fish is scanty will hang a stone about a reindeer\u2019s\nneck and cast it in for a sacrifice. Among the Buraets, who are\nprofessing Buddhists, the old worship may still be seen at the\npicturesque little mountain lake of Ikeougoun, where they come to the\nwooden temple on the shore to offer sacrifices of milk and butter and\nthe fat of the animals which they burn on the altars. So across in\nNorthern Europe, almost every Esthonian village has its sacred\nsacrificial spring. The Esths could at times even see the churl with\nblue and yellow stockings rise from the holy brook W\u00f6hhanda, no doubt\nthat same spirit of the brook to whom in older days there were\nsacrificed beasts and little children; in newer times, when a German\nlandowner dared to build a mill and dishonour the sacred water, there\ncame bad seasons that lasted year after year, and the country people\nburned down the abominable thing.[474] As for the water-worship\nprevailing among non-Aryan indigenes of British India, it seems to reach\nits climax among the Bodo and Dhimal of the North-East, tribes to whom\nthe local rivers are the local deities,[475] so that men worship\naccording to their water-sheds, and the map is a pantheon.\n\nNor is such reverence strange to Aryan nations. To the modern Hindu,\nlooking as he still does on a river as a living personal being to be\nadored and sworn by, the Ganges is no solitary water deity, but only the\nfirst and most familiar of the long list of sacred streams.[476] Turn to\nthe classic world, and we but find the beliefs and rites of a lower\nbarbaric culture holding their place, consecrated by venerable antiquity\nand glorified by new poetry and art. To the great Olympian assembly in\nthe halls of cloud-compelling Zeus, came the Rivers, all save Ocean, and\nthither came the nymphs who dwell in lovely groves and at the springs of\nstreams, and in the grassy meads; and they sate upon the polished\nseats:\u2014\n\n \u2018\u039f\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5 \u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u03a0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b1\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u03ad\u03b7\u03bd, \u03bd\u03cc\u03c3\u03c6\u2019 \u1f68\u03ba\u03b5\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf,\n \u039f\u1f54\u03c4\u2019 \u1f05\u03c1\u03b1 \u039d\u03c5\u03bc\u03c6\u03b1\u03ce\u03bd \u03c4\u03b1\u03af \u03c4\u2019 \u1f04\u03bb\u03c3\u03b5\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u1f70 \u03bd\u03ad\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9,\n \u039a\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b7\u03b3\u1f70\u03c2 \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b1\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03af\u03c3\u03b5\u03b1 \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03ae\u03b5\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1.\n \u1f18\u03bb\u03b8\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f10\u03c2 \u03b4\u1ff6\u03bc\u03b1 \u0394\u03b9\u1f78\u03c2 \u03bd\u03b5\u03c6\u03b5\u03bb\u03b7\u03b3\u03b5\u03c1\u03ad\u03c4\u03b1\u03bf,\n \u039e\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u1fc7\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f30\u03b8\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u1fc3\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f10\u03c6\u03af\u03b6\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd, \u1f03\u03c3 \u0394\u03b9\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u1f76\n \u1f2c\u03c6\u03b1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c0\u03bf\u03af\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd \u1f30\u03b4\u03c5\u03af\u1fc3\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03c1\u03b1\u03c0\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c3\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd.\u2019\n\nEven against Hephaistos the Fire-god, a River-god dared to stand\nopposed, deep-eddying Xanthos, called of men Skamandros. He rushed down\nto overwhelm Achilles and bury him in sand and slime, and though\nHephaistos prevailed against him with his flames, and forced him, with\nthe fish skurrying hither and thither in his boiling waves and the\nwillows scorched upon his banks, to rush on no more but stand, yet at\nthe word of white-armed Here, that it was not fit for mortals\u2019 sake to\nhandle so roughly an immortal god, Hephaistos quenched his furious fire,\nand the returning flood sped again along his channel:\u2014\n\n \u2018\u1f2c\u03c6\u03b1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5, \u03c3\u03c7\u03ad\u03bf, \u03c4\u03ad\u03ba\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u1f00\u03b3\u03b1\u03ba\u03bb\u03ad\u03b5\u03c2; \u03bf\u1f50 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u1f14\u03bf\u03b9\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd\n \u1f08\u03b8\u03ac\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03bd \u1f67\u03b4\u03b5 \u03b2\u03c1\u03bf\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f15\u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03b1 \u03c3\u03c4\u03c5\u03c6\u03b5\u03bb\u03af\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd.\n \u1f6b\u03c2 \u1f14\u03c6\u03b1\u03b8\u2019\u00b7 \u1f2d\u03c6\u03b1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03b2\u03b5\u03c3\u03b5 \u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03c0\u03b9\u03b4\u03b1\u1f72\u03c2 \u03c0\u1fe6\u03c1\u00b7\n \u1f0c\u03c8\u03bf\u03c1\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u2019 \u1f04\u03c1\u03b1 \u03ba\u1fe6\u03bc\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03c5\u03c4\u03bf \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u1f70 \u1fe5\u03ad\u03b5\u03b8\u03c1\u03b1.\u2019\n\nTo beings thus conceived in personal divinity, full worship was given.\nOdysseus invokes the river of Scheria; Skamandros had his priest and\nSpercheios his grove; and sacrifice was done to the rival of Herakles,\nthe river-god Acheloos, eldest of the three thousand river-children of\nold Okeanos.[477] Through the ages of the classic world, the river-gods\nand the water-nymphs held their places, till within the bounds of\nChristendom they came to be classed with ideal beings like them in the\nmythology of the northern nations, the kindly sprites to whom offerings\nwere given at springs and lakes, and the treacherous nixes who entice\nmen to a watery death. In times of transition, the new Christian\nauthorities made protest against the old worship, passing laws to forbid\nadoration and sacrifice to fountains\u2014as when Duke Bretislav forbade the\nstill half-pagan country folk of Bohemia to offer libations and\nsacrifice victims at springs,[478] and in England Ecgbert\u2019s\nPoenitentiale proscribed the like rites, \u2018if any man vow or bring his\nofferings to any well,\u2019 \u2018if one hold his vigils at any well.\u2019[479] But\nthe old veneration was too strong to be put down, and with a varnish of\nChristianity and sometimes the substitution of a saint\u2019s name,\nwater-worship has held its own to our day. The Bohemians will go to pray\non the river-bank where a man has been drowned, and there they will cast\nin an offering, a loaf of new bread and a pair of wax-candles. On\nChristmas Eve they will put a spoonful of each dish on a plate, and\nafter supper throw the food into the well, with an appointed formula,\nsomewhat thus:\u2014\n\n \u2018House-father gives thee greeting,\n Thee by me entreating:\n Springlet, share our feast of Yule,\n But give us water to the full;\n When the land is plagued with drought,\n Drive it with thy well-spring out.\u2019[480]\n\nIt well shows the unchanged survival of savage thought in modern\npeasants\u2019 minds, to find still in Slavonic lands the very same fear of\ndrinking a harmful spirit in the water, that has been noticed among the\nEsquimaux. It is a sin for a Bulgarian not to throw some water out of\nevery bucket brought from the fountain; some elemental spirit might be\nfloating on the surface, and if not thrown out, might take up his abode\nin the house, or enter into the body of some one drinking from the\nvessel.[481] Elsewhere in Europe, the list of still existing water-rites\nmay be extended. The ancient lake-offerings of the South of France seem\nnot yet forgotten in La Loz\u00e8re, the Bretons venerate as of old their\nsacred springs, and Scotland and Ireland can show in parish after parish\nthe sites and even the actual survivals of such observance at the holy\nwells. Perhaps Welshmen no longer offer cocks and hens to St. Tecla at\nher sacred well and church of Llandegla, but Cornish folk still drop\ninto the old holy-wells offerings of pins, nails, and rags, expecting\nfrom their waters cure for disease, and omens from their bubbles as to\nhealth and marriage.[482]\n\nThe spirits of the tree and grove no less deserve our study for their\nillustrations of man\u2019s primitive animistic theory of nature. This is\nremarkably displayed in that stage of thought where the individual tree\nis regarded as a conscious personal being, and as such receives\nadoration and sacrifice. Whether such a tree is looked on as inhabited,\nlike a man, by its own proper life or soul, or as possessed, like a\nfetish, by some other spirit which has entered it and uses it for a\nbody, is often hard to determine. Shelley\u2019s lines well express a\ndoubting conception familiar to old barbaric thought\u2014\n\n \u2018Whether the sensitive plant, or that\n Which within its boughs like a spirit sat\n Ere its outward form had known decay,\n Now felt this change, I cannot say.\u2019\n\nBut this vagueness is yet again a proof of the principle which I have\nconfidently put forward here, that the conceptions of the inherent soul\nand of the embodied spirit are but modifications of one and the same\ndeep-lying animistic thought. The Mintira of the Malay Peninsula believe\nin \u2018hantu kayu,\u2019 i.e. \u2018tree-spirits,\u2019 or \u2018tree-demons,\u2019 which frequent\nevery species of tree, and afflict men with diseases; some trees are\nnoted for the malignity of their demons.[483] Among the Dayaks of\nBorneo, certain trees possessed by spirits must not be cut down; if a\nmissionary ventured to fell one, any death that happened afterwards\nwould naturally be set down to this crime.[484] The belief of certain\nMalays of Sumatra is expressly stated, that certain venerable trees are\nthe residence, or rather the material frame, of spirits of the\nwoods.[485] In the Tonga Islands, we hear of natives laying offerings at\nthe foot of particular trees, with the idea of their being inhabited by\nspirits.[486] So in America, the Ojibwa medicine-man has heard the tree\nutter its complaint when wantonly cut down.[487] A curious and\nsuggestive description bearing on this point is given in Friar Roman\nPane\u2019s account of the religion of the Antilles islanders, drawn up by\norder of Columbus. Certain trees, he declares, were believed to send for\nsorcerers, to whom they gave orders how to shape their trunks into\nidols, and these \u2018cemi\u2019 being then installed in temple-huts, received\nprayer and inspired their priests with oracles.[488] Africa shows as\nwell-defined examples. The negro woodman cuts down certain trees in fear\nof the anger of their inhabiting demons, but he finds his way out of the\ndifficulty by a sacrifice to his own good genius, or, when he is giving\nthe first cuts to the great asorin-tree, and its indwelling spirit comes\nout to chase him, he cunningly drops palm-oil on the ground, and makes\nhis escape while the spirit is licking it up.[489] A negro was once\nworshipping a tree with an offering of food, when some one pointed out\nto him that the tree did not eat; the negro answered, \u2018O the tree is not\nfetish, the fetish is a spirit and invisible, but he has descended into\nthis tree. Certainly he cannot devour our bodily food, but he enjoys its\nspiritual part and leaves behind the bodily which we see.\u2019[490]\nTree-worship is largely prevalent in Africa, and much of it may be of\nthis fully animistic kind; as where in Whidah Bosman says that \u2018the\ntrees, which are the gods of the second rank of this country, are only\nprayed to and presented with offerings in time of sickness, more\nespecially fevers, in order to restore the patients to health;\u2019[491] or\nwhere in Abyssinia the Gallas made pilgrimage from all quarters to their\nsacred tree Wodanabe on the banks of the Hawash, worshipping it and\npraying to it for riches, health, life, and every blessing.[492]\n\nThe position of tree-worship in Southern Asia in relation to Buddhism is\nof particular interest. To this day there are districts of this region,\nBuddhist or under strong Buddhist influence, where tree-worship is still\ndisplayed with absolute clearness of theory and practice. Here in legend\na dryad is a being capable of marriage with a human hero, while in\nactual fact a tree-deity is considered human enough to be pleased with\ndolls set up to swing in the branches. The Talein of Burmah, before they\ncut down a tree, offer prayers to its \u2018kaluk\u2019 (_i.q._, \u2018kelah\u2019), its\ninhabiting spirit or soul. The Siamese offer cakes and rice to the\ntakhien-tree before they fell it, and believe the inhabiting nymphs or\nmothers of trees to pass into guardian-spirits of the boats built of\ntheir wood, so that they actually go on offering sacrifice to them in\nthis their new condition.[493] These people have indeed little to learn\nfrom any other race, however savage, of the principles of the lower\nanimism. The question now arises, did such tree-worship belong to the\nlocal religions among which Buddhism established itself? There is strong\nevidence that this was the case. Philosophic Buddhism, as known to us by\nits theological books, does not include trees among sentient beings\npossessing mind, but it goes so far as to acknowledge the existence of\nthe \u2018dewa\u2019 or genius of a tree. Buddha, it is related, told a story of a\ntree crying out to the brahman carpenter who was going to cut it down,\n\u2018I have a word to say, hear my word!\u2019 but then the teacher goes on to\nexplain that it was not really the tree that spoke, but a dewa dwelling\nin it. Buddha himself was a tree-genius forty-three times in the course\nof his transmigrations. Legend says that during one such existence, a\ncertain brahman used to pray for protection to the tree which Buddha was\nattached to; but the transformed teacher reproved the tree-worshipper\nfor thus addressing himself to a senseless thing which hears and knows\nnothing.[494] As for the famous Bo tree, its miraculous glories are not\nconfined to the ancient Buddhist annals; for its surviving descendant,\ngrown from the branch of the parent tree sent by King Asoka from India\nto Ceylon in the 3rd century B.C., to this day receives the worship of\nthe pilgrims who come by thousands to do it honour, and offer prayer\nbefore it. Beyond these hints and relics of the old worship, however,\nMr. Fergusson\u2019s recent investigations, published in his \u2018Tree and\nSerpent Worship,\u2019 have brought to light an ancient state of things which\nthe orthodox Buddhist literature gives little idea of. It appears from\nthe sculptures of the Sanchi tope in Central India, that in the Buddhism\nof about the 1st century A.D., sacred trees had no small place as\nobjects of authorized worship. It is especially notable that the\nrepresentatives of indigenous race and religion in India, the Nagas,\ncharacterized by their tutelary snakes issuing from their backs between\ntheir shoulders and curving over their heads, and other tribes actually\ndrawn as human apes, are seen adoring the divine tree in the midst of\nunquestionable Buddhist surroundings.[495] Tree-worship, even now well\nmarked among the indigenous tribes of India, was obviously not abolished\non the Buddhist conversion. The new philosophic religion seems to have\namalgamated, as new religions ever do, with older native thoughts and\nrites. And it is quite consistent with the habits of the Buddhist\ntheologians and hagiologists, that when tree-worship was suppressed,\nthey should have slurred over the fact of its former prevalence, and\nshould even have used the recollection of it as a gibe against the\nhostile Brahmans.\n\nConceptions like those of the lower races in character, and rivalling\nthem in vivacity, belong to the mythology of Greece and Rome. The\nclassic thought of the tree inhabited by a deity and uttering oracles,\nis like that of other regions. Thus the sacred palm of Negra in Yemen,\nwhose demon was propitiated by prayer and sacrifice to give oracular\nresponse,[496] or the tall oaks inhabited by the gods, where old\nSlavonic people used to ask questions and hear the answers,[497] have\ntheir analogue in the prophetic oak of Dodona, wherein dwelt the deity,\n\u2018\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03b5\u03bd \u03b4\u2019 \u1f10\u03bd\u1f76 \u03c0\u03c5\u03b8\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b9 \u03c6\u03b7\u03b3\u03bf\u1fe6.\u2019[498] The Homeric hymn to Aphrodite tells\nof the tree-nymphs, long-lived yet not immortal\u2014they grow with their\nhigh-topped leafy pines and oaks upon the mountains, but when the lot of\ndeath draws nigh, and the lovely trees are sapless, and the bark rots\naway and the branches fall, then their spirits depart from the light of\nthe sun:\u2014\n\n \u2018\u039d\u03cd\u03bc\u03c6\u03b1\u03b9 \u03bc\u03b9\u03bd \u03b8\u03c1\u03ad\u03c8\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f40\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03ba\u1ff7\u03bf\u03b9 \u03b2\u03b1\u03b8\u03cd\u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9,\n \u03b1\u1f35 \u03c4\u03cc\u03b4\u03b5 \u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03b5\u03c4\u03ac\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03b3\u03b1 \u03c4\u03b5 \u03b6\u03ac\u03b8\u03b5\u03cc\u03bd \u03c4\u03b5\u00b7\n \u03b1\u1f35 \u1fe5\u2019 \u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5 \u03b8\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u2019 \u1f00\u03b8\u03b1\u03bd\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f15\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9\u00b7\n \u03b4\u03b7\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03b6\u03ce\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f04\u03bc\u03b2\u03c1\u03bf\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f37\u03b4\u03b1\u03c1 \u1f14\u03b4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9,\n \u03ba\u03b1\u03af \u03c4\u03b5 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u2019 \u1f00\u03b8\u03b1\u03bd\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u1f78\u03bd \u03c7\u03bf\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03c1\u03c1\u03ce\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf.\n \u03c4\u1fc7\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03a3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03bf\u03af \u03c4\u03b5 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f54\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f08\u03c1\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c6\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2\n \u03bc\u03af\u03c3\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u2019 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c4\u03b9 \u03bc\u03c5\u03c7\u1ff7 \u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u1f10\u03c1\u03bf\u03ad\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd.\n \u03c4\u1fc7\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f05\u03bc\u2019 \u1f22 \u1f10\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f20\u1f72 \u03b4\u03c1\u03cd\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c8\u03b9\u03ba\u03ac\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\n \u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u1fc3\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f14\u03c6\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c7\u03b8\u03bf\u03bd\u1f76 \u03b2\u03c9\u03c4\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd\u03b5\u03af\u03c1\u1fc3,\n \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03af, \u03c4\u03b7\u03bb\u03b5\u03b8\u03ac\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9, \u1f10\u03bd \u03bf\u1f54\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f51\u03c8\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd\u00b7\n\n \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u2019 \u1f45\u03c4\u03b5 \u03ba\u03b5\u03bd \u03b4\u1f74 \u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c1\u03b1 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03ba\u1fc3 \u03b8\u03b1\u03bd\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf,\n \u1f00\u03b6\u03ac\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u1ff6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c7\u03b8\u03bf\u03bd\u1f76 \u03b4\u03ad\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03b5\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03ac,\n \u03c6\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f00\u03bc\u03c6\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c6\u03b8\u03b9\u03bd\u03cd\u03b8\u03b5\u03b9, \u03c0\u03af\u03c0\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f04\u03c0\u2019 \u1f44\u03b6\u03bf\u03b9,\n \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03b8\u2019 \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f74 \u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c6\u03b1\u03cc\u03c2 \u1f20\u03b5\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf.\u2019[499]\n\nThe hamadryad\u2019s life is bound to her tree, she is hurt when it is\nwounded, she cries when the axe threatens, she dies with the fallen\ntrunk:\u2014\n\n \u2018Non sine hamadryadis fato cadit arborea trabs.\u2019[500]\n\nHow personal a creature the tree-nymph was to the classic mind, is shown\nin legends like that of Paraibios, whose father, regardless of the\nhamadryad\u2019s entreaties, cut down her ancient trunk, and in himself and\nin his offspring suffered her dire vengeance.[501] The ethnographic\nstudent finds a curious interest in transformation-myths like Ovid\u2019s,\nkeeping up as they do vestiges of philosophy of archaic type\u2014Daphne\nturned into the laurel that Apollo honours for her sake, the sorrowing\nsisters of Phaethon changing into trees, yet still dropping blood and\ncrying for mercy when their shoots are torn.[502] Such episodes medi\u00e6val\npoetry could still adapt, as in the pathless infernal forest whose\nknotted dusk-leaved trees revealed their human animation to the\nFlorentine when he plucked a twig,\n\n \u2018Allor porsi la mano un poco avante,\n E colsi un ramoscel da un gran pruno:\n E\u2019 l tronco suo grid\u00f2: Perch\u00e8 mi schiante?\u2019[503]\n\nor the myrtle to which Ruggiero tied his hippogriff, who tugged at the\npoor trunk till it murmured and oped its mouth, and with doleful voice\ntold that it was Astolfo, enchanted by the wicked Alcina among her other\nlovers,\n\n \u2018D\u2019 entrar o in fera o in fonte o in legno o in sasso.\u2019[504]\n\nIf these seem to us now conceits over quaint for beauty, we need not\nscruple to say so. They are not of Dante and Ariosto, they are sham\nantiques from classic models. And if even the classic originals have\nbecome unpleasing, we need not perhaps reproach ourselves with decline\nof poetic taste. We have lost something, and the loss has spoiled our\nappreciation of many an old poetic theme, yet it is not always our sense\nof the beautiful that has dwindled, but the old animistic philosophy of\nnature that is gone from us, dissipating from such fancies their\nmeaning, and with their meaning their loveliness. Still, if we look for\nliving men to whom trees are, as they were to our distant forefathers,\nthe habitations and embodiments of spirits, we shall not look in vain.\nThe peasant folklore of Europe still knows of willows that bleed and\nweep and speak when hewn, of the fairy maiden that sits within the\nfir-tree, of that old tree in Rugaard forest that must not be felled,\nfor an elf dwells within, of that old tree on the Heinzenberg near Zell,\nwhich uttered its complaint when the woodman cut it down, for in it was\nOur Lady, whose chapel now stands upon the spot.[505] One may still look\non where Franconian damsels go to a tree on St. Thomas\u2019s Day, knock\nthrice solemnly, and listen for the indwelling spirit to give answer by\nraps from within, what manner of husbands they are to have.[506]\n\nIn the remarkable document of mythic cosmogony, preserved by Eusebius\nunder the alleged authorship of the Ph\u0153nician Sanchoniathon, is the\nfollowing passage: \u2018But these first men consecrated the plants of the\nearth, and judged them gods, and worshipped the things upon which they\nthemselves lived and their posterity, and all before them, and (to\nthese) they made libations and sacrifices.\u2019[507] From examples such as\nhave been here reviewed, it seems that direct and absolute tree-worship\nof this kind may indeed lie very wide and deep in the early history of\nreligion. But the whole tree-cultus of the world must by no means be\nthrown indiscriminately into this one category. It is only on such\ndistinct evidence as has been here put forward, that a sacred tree may\nbe taken as having a spirit embodied in or attached to it. Beyond this\nlimit, there is a wider range of animistic conceptions connected with\ntree and forest worship. The tree may be the spirit\u2019s perch or shelter\nor favourite haunt. Under this definition come the trees hung with\nobjects which are the receptacles of disease-spirits. As places of\nspiritual resort, there is no real distinction between the sacred tree\nand the sacred grove. The tree may serve as a scaffold or altar, at once\nconvenient and conspicuous, where offerings can be set out for some\nspiritual being, who may be a tree-spirit, or perhaps the local deity,\nliving there just as a man might do who had his hut and owned his plot\nof land around. The shelter of some single tree, or the solemn seclusion\nof a forest grove, is a place of worship set apart by nature, of some\ntribes the only temple, of many tribes perhaps the earliest. Lastly, the\ntree may be merely a sacred object patronized by or associated with or\nsymbolizing some divinity, often one of those which we shall presently\nnotice as presiding over a whole species of trees or other things. How\nall these conceptions, from actual embodiment or local residence or\nvisit of a demon or deity, down to mere ideal association, can blend\ntogether, how hard it often is to distinguish them, and yet how in spite\nof this confusion they conform to the animistic theology in which all\nhave their essential principles, a few examples will show better than\nany theoretical comment.[508] Take the groups of malicious wood-fiends\nso obviously devised to account for the mysterious influences that beset\nthe forest wanderer. In the Australian bush, demons whistle in the\nbranches, and stooping with outstretched arms sneak among the trunks to\nseize the wayfarer; the lame demon leads astray the hunter in the\nBrazilian forest; the Karen crossing a fever-haunted jungle shudders in\nthe grip of the spiteful \u2018phi,\u2019 and runs to lay an offering by the tree\nhe rested under last, from whose boughs the malaria-fiend came down upon\nhim; the negro of Senegambia seeks to pacify the long-haired tree-demons\nthat send diseases; the terrific cry of the wood-demon is heard in the\nFinland forest; the baleful shapes of terror that glide at night through\nour own woodland are familiar still to peasant and poet.[509] The North\nAmerican Indians of the Far West, entering the defiles of the Black\nMountains of Nebraska, will often hang offerings on the trees or place\nthem on the rocks, to propitiate the spirits and procure good weather\nand hunting.[510] In South America, Mr. Darwin describes the Indians\noffering their adorations by loud shouts when they came in sight of the\nsacred tree standing solitary on a high part of the Pampas, a landmark\nvisible from afar. To this tree were hanging by threads numberless\nofferings such as cigars, bread, meat, pieces of cloth, &c., down to the\nmere thread pulled from his poncho by the poor wayfarer who had nothing\nbetter to give. Men would pour libations of spirits and mat\u00e9 into a\ncertain hole, and smoke upwards to gratify Walleechu, and all around lay\nthe bleached bones of the horses slaughtered as sacrifices. All Indians\nmade their offerings here, that their horses might not tire, and that\nthey themselves might prosper. Mr. Darwin reasonably judges on this\nevidence that it was to the deity Walleechu that the worship was paid,\nthe sacred tree being only his altar; but he mentions that the Gauchos\nthink the Indians consider the tree as the god itself, a good example of\nthe misunderstanding possible in such cases.[511] The New Zealanders\nwould hang an offering of food or a lock of hair on a branch at a\nlanding place, or near remarkable rocks or trees would throw a bunch of\nrushes as an offering to the spirit dwelling there.[512] The Dayaks\nfasten rags of their clothes on trees at cross roads, fearing for their\nhealth if they neglect the custom;[513] the Macassar man halting to eat\nin the forest will put a morsel of rice or fish on a leaf, and lay it on\na stone or stump.[514] The divinities of African tribes may dwell in\ntrees remarkable for size and age, or inhabit sacred groves where the\npriest alone may enter.[515] Trees treated as idols by the Congo people,\nwho put calabashes of palm wine at their feet in case they should be\nthirsty,[516] and amongst West African negro tribes farther north, trees\nhung with rags by the passers-by, and the great baobabs pegged to hang\nofferings to, and serving as shrines before which sheep are\nsacrificed,[517] display well the rites of tree sacrifice, though\nleaving undefined the precise relation conceived between deity and tree.\n\nThe forest theology that befits a race of hunters is dominant still\namong Turanian tribes of Siberia, as of old it was across to Lapland.\nFull well these tribes know the gods of the forest. The Yakuts hang on\nany remarkably fine tree iron, brass, and other trinkets; they choose a\ngreen spot shaded by a tree for their spring sacrifice of horses and\noxen, whose heads are set up in the boughs; they chant their\nextemporised songs to the Spirit of the Forest, and hang for him on the\nbranches of the trees along the roadside offerings of horsehair, emblems\nof their most valued possession. A clump of larches on a Siberian\nsteppe, a grove in the recesses of a forest, is the sanctuary of a\nTuranian tribe. Gaily-decked idols in their warm fur-coats, each set up\nbeneath its great tree swathed with cloth or tinplate, endless\nreindeer-hides and peltry hanging to the trees around, kettles and\nspoons and snuff-horns and household valuables strewn as offerings\nbefore the gods\u2014such is the description of a Siberian holy grove, at the\nstage when the contact of foreign civilization has begun by ornamenting\nthe rude old ceremonial it must end by abolishing.[518] A race\nethnologically allied to these tribes, though risen to higher culture,\nkept up remarkable relics of tree-worship in Northern Europe. In\nEsthonian districts, during the last century, the traveller might often\nsee the sacred tree, generally an ancient lime, oak, or ash, standing\ninviolate in a sheltered spot near the dwelling-house, and old memories\nare handed down of the time when the first blood of a slaughtered beast\nwas sprinkled on its roots, that the cattle might prosper, or when an\noffering was laid beneath the holy linden, on the stone where the\nworshipper knelt on his bare knees, moving from east to west and back,\nwhich stone he kissed thrice when he had said, \u2018Receive the food as an\noffering!\u2019 It may well have been an indwelling tree-deity for whom this\nworship was intended, for folklore shows that the Esths recognized such\na conception with the utmost distinctness; they have a tale of the\ntree-elf who appeared in personal shape outside his crooked birch-tree,\nwhence he could be summoned by three knocks on the trunk and the\ninquiry, \u2018Is the crooked one at home?\u2019 But also it may have been the\nWood-Father or Tree-King, or some other deity, who received sacrifice\nand answered prayer beneath his sacred tree, as in a temple.[519] If,\nagain, we glance at the tree-and-grove worship of the non-Aryan\nindigenous tribes of British India, we shall gather clear and\ninstructive hints of its inner significance. In the courtyard of a Bodo\nhouse is planted the sacred \u2018sij\u2019 or euphorbia of Batho, the national\ngod, to whom under this representation the \u2018deoshi\u2019 or priest offers\nprayer and kills a pig.[520] When the Khonds settle a new village, the\nsacred cotton-tree must be planted with solemn rites, and beneath it is\nplaced the stone which enshrines the village deity.[521] Nowhere,\nperhaps, in the world in these modern days is the original meaning of\nthe sacred grove more picturesquely shown than among the Mundas of\nChota-Nagpur, in whose settlements a sacred grove of sal-trees, a\nremnant of the prim\u00e6val forest spared by the woodman\u2019s axe, is left as a\nhome for the spirits, and in this hallowed place offerings to the gods\nare made.[522]\n\nHere, then, among the lower races, is surely evidence enough to put on\ntheir true historic footing the rites of tree and grove which are found\nflourishing or surviving within the range of Semitic or Aryan culture.\nMentions in the Old Testament record the Canaanitish Ashera-worship, the\nsacrifice under every green tree, the incense rising beneath oak and\nwillow and shady terebinth, rites whose obstinate revival proves how\ndeeply they were rooted in the old religion of the land.[523] The\nevidence of these Biblical passages is corroborated by other evidence\nfrom Semitic regions, as in the lines by Silius Italicus which mention\nthe prayer and sacrifice in the Numidian holy groves, and the records of\nthe council of Carthage which show that in the 5th century, an age after\nAugustine\u2019s time, it was still needful to urge that the relics of\nidolatry in trees and groves should be done away.[524] From the more\nprecise descriptions which lie within the range of Aryan descent and\ninfluence, examples may be drawn to illustrate every class of belief and\nrite of the forest. Modern Hinduism is so largely derived from the\nreligions of the non-Aryan indigenes, that we may fairly explain thus a\nconsiderable part of the tree-worship of modern India, as where in the\nBirbh\u00fbm district of Bengal a great annual pilgrimage is made to a shrine\nin a jungle, to give offerings of rice and money and sacrifice animals\nto a certain ghost who dwells in a bela-tree.[525] In thoroughly Hindu\ndistricts may be seen the pippala (Ficus religiosa) planted as the\nvillage tree, the \u2018chaityataru\u2019 of Sanskrit literature, while the Hindu\nin private life plants the banyan and other trees and worships them with\ndivine honours.[526] Greek and Roman mythology give perfect types not\nonly of the beings attached to individual trees, but of the dryads,\nfauns, and satyrs living and roaming in the forest\u2014creatures whose\nanalogues are our own elves and fairies of the woods. Above these\ngraceful fantastic beings are the higher deities who have trees for\nshrines and groves for temples. Witness the description in Ovid\u2019s story\nof Erisichthon:\u2014\n\n \u2018And Ceres\u2019 grove he ravaged with the axe,\n They say, and shame with iron the ancient glades.\n There stood a mighty oak of age-long strength,\n Festooned with garlands, bearing on its trunk\n Memorial tablets, proofs of helpful vows.\n Beneath, the dryads led their festive dance,\n And circled hand-in-hand the giant bole.\u2019[527]\n\nIn more prosaic fashion, Cato instructs the woodman how to gain\nindemnity for thinning a holy grove; he must offer a hog in sacrifice\nwith this prayer, \u2018Be thou god or goddess to whom this grove is sacred,\npermit me, by the expiation of this pig, and in order to restrain the\novergrowth of this wood, &c., &c.\u2019[528] Slavonic lands had their groves\nwhere burned the everlasting fire of Piorun the Heaven-god; the old\nPrussians venerated the holy oak of Romowe, with its drapery and images\nof the gods, standing in the midst of the sacred inviolate forest where\nno twig might be broken nor beast slain; and so on down to the\nelder-tree beneath which Pushkait was worshipped with offerings of bread\nand beer.[529] The Keltic Heaven-god, whose image was a mighty oak, the\nwhite-robed Druids climbing the sacred tree to cut the mistletoe, and\nsacrificing the two white bulls beneath, are types from another national\ngroup.[530] Teutonic descriptions begin with Tacitus, \u2018Lucos ac nemora\nconsecrant, deorumque nominibus adpellant secretum illud, quod sola\nreverentia vident,\u2019 and the curious passage which describes the Semnones\nentering the sacred grove in bonds, a homage to the deity that dwelt\nthere; many a century after, the Swedes were still holding solemn\nsacrifice and hanging the carcases of the slaughtered beasts in the\ngrove hard by the temple of Upsal.[531] With Christianity comes a\ncrusade against the holy trees and groves. Boniface hews down in the\npresence of the priest the huge oak of the Hessian Heaven-god, and\nbuilds of the timber a chapel to St. Peter. Amator expostulated with the\nhunters who hung the heads of wild beasts to the boughs of the sacred\npear-tree of Auxerre, \u2018Hoc opus idololatri\u00e6 cultur\u00e6 est, non christian\u00e6\nelegantissim\u00e6 disciplin\u00e6;\u2019 but this mild persuasion not availing, he\nchopped it down and burned it. In spite of all such efforts, the old\nreligion of the tree and grove survived in Europe often in most pristine\nform. Within the last two hundred years, there were old men in Gothland\nwho would \u2018go to pray under a great tree, as their forefathers had done\nin their time;\u2019 and to this day the sacrificial rite of pouring milk and\nbeer over the roots of trees is said to be kept up on out-of-the-way\nSwedish farms.[532] In Russia, the Lyeshy or wood-demon still protects\nthe birds and beasts in his domain, and drives his flocks of field-mice\nand squirrels from forest to forest, when we should say they are\nmigrating. The hunter\u2019s luck depends on his treatment of the\nforest-spirit, wherefore he will leave him as a sacrifice the first game\nhe kills, or some smaller offering of bread or salted pancake on a\nstump. Or if one falls ill on returning from the forest, it is known\nthat this is the Lyeshy\u2019s doing, so the patient carries to the wood some\nbread and salt in a clean rag, and leaving it with a prayer, comes home\ncured.[533] Names like _Holyoake_ and _Holywood_ record our own old\nmemories of the holy trees and groves, memories long lingering in the\ntenacious peasant mind; and it was a great and sacred _linden_-tree with\nthree stems, standing in the parish of Hvitaryd in South Sweden, which\nwith curious fitness gave a name to the family of _Linn\u00e6us_. Lastly,\nJakob Grimm even ventures to connect historically the ancient sacred\ninviolate wood with the later royal forest, an ethnological argument\nwhich would begin with the savage adoring the Spirit of the Forest, and\nend with the modern landowner preserving his pheasants.[534]\n\nTo the modern educated world, few phenomena of the lower civilization\nseem more pitiable than the spectacle of a man worshipping a beast. We\nhave learnt the lessons of Natural History at last thoroughly enough to\nrecognize our superiority to our \u2018younger brothers,\u2019 as the Red Indians\ncall them, the creatures whom it is our place not to adore but to\nunderstand and use. By men at lower levels of culture, however, the\ninferior animals are viewed with a very different eye. For various\nmotives, they have become objects of veneration ranking among the most\nimportant in the lower ranges of religion. Yet I must here speak shortly\nand slightly of Animal-worship, not as wanting in interest, but as\nover-abounding in difficulty. Wishing rather to bring general principles\ninto view than to mass uninterpreted facts, all I can satisfactorily do\nis to give some select examples from the various groups of evidence, so\nas at once to display the more striking features of the subject, and to\ntrace the ancient ideas upward from the savage level far into the higher\ncivilization.\n\nFirst and foremost, uncultured man seems capable of simply worshipping a\nbeast as beast, looking on it as possessed of power, courage, cunning,\nbeyond his own, and animated like a man by a soul which continues to\nexist after bodily death, powerful as ever for good and harm. Then this\nidea blends with the thought of the creature as being an incarnate\ndeity, seeing, hearing, and acting even at a distance, and continuing\nits power after the death of the animal body to which the divine spirit\nwas attached. Thus the Kamchadals, in their simple veneration of all\nthings that could do them harm or good, worshipped the whales that could\noverturn their boats, and the bears and wolves of whom they stood in\nfear. The beasts, they thought, could understand their language, and\ntherefore they abstained from calling them by their names when they met\nthem, but propitiated them with certain appointed formulas.[535] Tribes\nof Peru, says Garcilaso de la Vega, worshipped the fish and vicu\u00f1as that\nprovided them food, the monkeys for their cunning, the sparrowhawks for\ntheir keen sight. The tiger and the bear were to them ferocious deities,\nand mankind, mere strangers and intruders in the land, might well adore\nthese beings, its old inhabitants and lords.[536] How, indeed, can one\nwonder that in direct and simple awe, the Philippine islanders, when\nthey saw an alligator, should have prayed him with great tenderness to\ndo them no harm, and to this end offered him of whatever they had in\ntheir boats, casting it into the water.[537] Such rites display at least\na partial truth in the famous apophthegm which attributes to fear the\norigin of religion: \u2018Primos in orbe deos fecit timor.\u2019[538] In\ndiscussing the question of the souls of animals in a previous chapter,\ninstances were adduced of men seeking to appease by apologetic phrase\nand rite the animals they killed.[539] It is instructive to observe how\nnaturally such personal intercourse between man and animal may pass into\nfull worship, when the creature is powerful or dangerous enough to claim\nit. When the Sti\u00eans of Kambodia asked pardon of the beast they killed,\nand offered sacrifice in expiation, they expressly did so through fear\nlest the creature\u2019s disembodied soul should come and torment them.[540]\nYet, strange to say, even the worship of the animal as divine does not\nprevent the propitiatory ceremony from passing into utter mockery. Thus\nCharlevoix describes North American Indians who, when they had killed a\nbear, would set up its head painted with many colours, and offer it\nhomage and praise while they performed the painful duty of feasting on\nits body.[541] So among the Ainos, the indigenes of Yesso, the bear is a\ngreat divinity. It is true they slay him when they can, but while they\nare cutting him up they salute him with obeisances and fair speeches,\nand set up his head outside the house to preserve them from\nmisfortune.[542] In Siberia, the Yakuts worship the bear in common with\nthe spirits of the forest, bowing toward his favourite haunts with\nappropriate phrases of prose and verse, in praise of the bravery and\ngenerosity of their \u2018beloved uncle.\u2019 Their kindred the Ostyaks swear in\nthe Russian courts of law on a bear\u2019s head, for the bear, they say, is\nall-knowing, and will slay them if they lie. This idea actually serves\nthe people as a philosophical, though one would say rather superfluous,\nexplanation of a whole class of accidents: when a hunter is killed by a\nbear, it is considered that he must at some time have forsworn himself,\nand now has met his doom. Yet these Ostyaks, when they have overcome and\nslain their deity, will stuff its skin with hay, kick it, spit on it,\ninsult and mock it till they have satiated their hatred and revenge, and\nare ready to set it up in a yurt as an object of worship.[543]\n\nWhether an animal be worshipped as the receptacle or incarnation of an\nindwelling divine soul or other deity, or as one of the myriad\nrepresentatives of the presiding god of its class, the case is included\nunder and explained by the general theory of fetish-worship already\ndiscussed. Evidence which displays these two conceptions and their\nblending is singularly perfect in the islands of the Pacific. In the\nGeorgian group, certain herons, kingfishers, and woodpeckers were held\nsacred and fed on the sacrifices, with the distinct view that the\ndeities were embodied in the birds, and in this form came to eat the\noffered food and give the oracular responses by their cries.[544] The\nTongans never killed certain birds, or the shark, whale, &c., as being\nsacred shrines in which gods were in the habit of visiting earth; and if\nthey chanced in sailing to pass near a whale they would offer scented\noil or kava to him.[545] In the Fiji Islands, certain birds, fish,\nplants, and some men, were supposed to have deities closely connected\nwith or residing in them. Thus the hawk, fowl, eel, shark, and nearly\nevery other animal became the shrine of some deity, which the worshipper\nof that deity might not eat, so that some were even tabued from eating\nhuman flesh, the shrine of their god being a man. Ndengei, the dull and\notiose supreme deity, had his shrine or incarnation in the serpent.[546]\nEvery Samoan islander had his tutelary deity or \u2018aitu,\u2019 appearing in\nsome animal, an eel, shark, dog, turtle, &c., which species became his\nfetish, not to be slighted or injured or eaten, an offence which the\ndeity would avenge by entering the sinner\u2019s body and generating his\nproper incarnation within him till he died.[547] The \u2018atua\u2019 of the New\nZealander, corresponding with this in name, is a divine ancestral soul,\nand is also apt to appear in the body of an animal.[548] If we pass to\nSumatra, we shall find that the veneration paid by the Malays to the\ntiger, and their habit of apologizing to it when a trap is laid, is\nconnected with the idea of tigers being animated by the souls of\ndeparted men.[549] In other districts of the world, one of the most\nimportant cases connected with these is the worship paid by the North\nAmerican Indian to his medicine-animal, of which he kills one specimen\nto preserve its skin, which thenceforth receives adoration and grants\nprotection as a fetish.[550] In South Africa, as has been already\nmentioned, the Zulus hold that divine ancestral shades are embodied in\ncertain tame and harmless snakes, whom their human kinsfolk receive with\nkindly respect and propitiate with food.[551] In West Africa, monkeys\nnear a grave-yard are supposed to be animated by the spirits of the\ndead, and the general theory of sacred and worshipped crocodiles,\nsnakes, birds, bats, elephants, hy\u00e6nas, leopards, &c., is divided\nbetween the two great departments of the fetish-theory, in some cases\nthe creature being the actual embodiment or personation of the spirit,\nand in other cases sacred to it or under its protection.[552] Hardly any\nregion of the world displays so perfectly as this the worship of\nserpents as fetish-animals endowed with high spiritual qualities, to\nkill one of whom would be an offence unpardonable. For a single\ndescription of negro ophiolatry, may be cited Bosman\u2019s description from\nWhydah in the Bight of Benin; here the highest order of deities were a\nkind of snakes which swarm in the villages, reigned over by that huge\nchief monster, uppermost and greatest and as it were the grandfather of\nall, who dwelt in his snake-house beneath a lofty tree, and there\nreceived the royal offerings of meat and drink, cattle and money and\nstuffs. So heartfelt was the veneration of the snakes, that the Dutchmen\nmade it a means of clearing their warehouses of tiresome visitors; as\nBosman says, \u2018If we are ever tired with the natives of this country, and\nwould fain be rid of them, we need only speak ill of the snake, at which\nthey immediately stop their ears and run out of doors.\u2019[553] Lastly,\namong the Tatar tribes of Siberia, Castr\u00e9n finds the explanation of the\nveneration which the nomade pays to certain animals, in a distinct\nfetish-theory which he thus sums up: \u2018Can he also contrive to propitiate\nthe snake, bear, wolf, swan, and various other birds of the air and\nbeasts of the field, he has in them good protectors, for in them are\nhidden mighty spirits.\u2019[554]\n\nIn the lower levels of civilization the social institution known as\nTotemism is of frequent occurrence. Its anthropological importance was\nespecially brought into notice by J. F. McLennan, whose views as to an\nearly totem-period of society have much influenced opinion since his\ntime.[555] The totemic tribe is divided into clans, the members of each\nclan connecting themselves with, calling themselves by the name of, and\neven deriving their mythic pedigree from some animal, plant, or thing,\nbut most often an animal; these totem-clans are exogamous, marriage not\nbeing permissible within the clan, while permissible or obligatory\nbetween clan and clan. Thus among the Ojibwa Indians of North America,\nthe names of such clan-animals, Bear, Wolf, Tortoise, Deer, Rabbit, &c.,\nserved to designate the intermarrying clans into which the tribes were\ndivided, Indians being actually spoken of as bears, wolves, &c., and the\nfigures of these animals indicating their clans in the native\npicture-writing. The Ojibwa word for such a clan-name has passed into\nEnglish in the form \u2018totem,\u2019 and thus has become an accepted term among\nanthropologists to denote similar clan-names customary over the world,\nthis system of dividing tribes being called Totemism. Unfortunately for\nthe study of the subject, John Long, the trader interpreter who\nintroduced the Ojibwa word totem into Europe in 1791, does not seem to\nhave grasped its meaning in the native law of marriage and clanship, but\nto have confused the totem-animal of the clan with the patron or\nguardian animal of the individual hunter, his manitu or \u2018medicine.\u2019[556]\nEven when the North American totem-clans came to be better understood as\nsocial institutions regulating marriage, the notion of the guardian\nspirit still clung to them. Sir George Grey, who knew of the American\ntotem-clans from the \u2018Arch\u00e6ologia Americana,\u2019 put on record in 1841 a\nlist of exogamous classes in West Australia, and mentioned the opinion\nfrequently given by the natives as to the origin of these class-names,\nthat they were derived from some animal or vegetable being very common\nin the district which the family inhabited, so that the name of this\nanimal or vegetable came to be applied to the family. This seems so far\nvaluable evidence, but Grey was evidently led by John Long\u2019s mistaken\nstatement, which he quotes, to fall himself into the same confusion\nbetween the tribal name and the patron animal or vegetable, the \u2018kobong\u2019\nof his natives, which he regarded as a tribal totem.[557] In Mr. J. G.\nFrazer\u2019s valuable collection of information on totemism,[558] the use of\nthe self-contradictory term \u2018individual totem\u2019 has unfortunately tended\nto perpetuate this confusion. In the present state of the problem of\ntotemism, it would be premature to discuss at length its development and\npurpose. Mention may however be made of observations which tend to place\nit on a new footing, as being distinctly related to the transmigration\nof souls. In Melanesia men may say that after death they will reappear\nfor instance as sharks or bananas, and the family will acknowledge the\nkinship by feeding the sharks and abstaining from the bananas. It is not\nunreasonable that Dr. Codrington should suggest such practices as\nthrowing light on the origin of totemism.[559] The late investigations\nof Spencer and Gillen, conducted with scrupulous care in an almost\nuntouched district of Central Australia, show totemism in the Arunta\ntribe, not as the means of regulating the intermarriage of clans, but as\nbased on a native theory of the ancestry of the race, as descended from\nthe Alcheringa, quasi-human animal or vegetable ancestors, whose souls\nare still reborn in human form in successive generations.[560] This\ncareful and definite account may be the starting-point of a new study.\nSavages would be alive to the absurdity of naming clans after animals in\norder to indicate a prohibition of marrying-in, opposed to the habit of\nthe animals themselves. Indeed, it seems more likely that such\nanimal-names may have commonly belonged to inbred clans, before the rule\nof exogamy was developed. At present the plainest fact as to Totemism is\nits historical position as shown by its immense geographical\ndistribution. Its presence in North America and Australia has been\nnoticed. It extends its organization through the forest-region of South\nAmerica from Guyana to Patagonia. Northward of Australia it is to be\ntraced among the more unchanged of the Malay populations, who underneath\nforeign influence still keep remains of a totemic system like that of\nthe American tribes. Thence we follow the totem-clan into India, when it\nappears among non-Aryan hill-tribes such as the Oraons and Mundas, who\nhave clans named after Eel, Hawk, Heron, and so on, and must not kill or\neat these creatures. North of the Himalaya it appears among Mongoloid\ntribes in their native low cultured state, such as the Yakuts with their\nintermarrying totem-clans Swan, Raven, and the like. In Africa totemism\nappears in the Bantu district up to the West Coast. For example, the\nBechuana are divided into Bakuena, men of the crocodile; Batlapi, of the\nfish; Balaung, of the lion; Bamorara, of the wild vine. A man does not\neat his tribe-animal, or clothe himself in its skin, and if he must kill\nit as hurtful, the lion for instance, he asks pardon of it, and purifies\nhimself from the sacrilege. These few instances illustrate the\ngeneralization that totemism in its complete form belongs to the savage\nand early barbaric stages of culture, only partial remains or survivals\nof it having lasted into the civilized period. Though appearing in all\nother quarters of the globe, it is interesting to notice that there is\nno distinct case of totemism found or recorded in Europe.[561]\n\nThe three motives of animal-worship which have been described, viz.,\ndirect worship of the animal for itself, indirect worship of it as a\nfetish acted through by a deity, and veneration for it as a totem or\nrepresentative of a tribe-ancestor, no doubt account in no small measure\nfor the phenomena of Zoolatry among the lower races, due allowance being\nalso made for the effects of myth and symbolism, of which we may gain\nfrequent glimpses. Notwithstanding the obscurity and complexity of the\nsubject, a survey of Animal-worship as a whole may yet justify an\nethnographic view of its place in the history of civilization. If we\nturn from its appearances among the less cultured races to notice the\nshapes in which it has held its place among peoples advanced to the\nstage of national organization and stereotyped religion, we shall find a\nreasonable cause for its new position in the theory of development and\nsurvival, whereby ideas at first belonging to savage theology have in\npart continued to spread and solidify in their original manner, while in\npart they have been changed to accommodate them to more advanced ideas,\nor have been defended from the attacks of reason by being set up as\nsacred mysteries. Ancient Egypt was a land of sacred cats and jackals\nand hawks, whose mummies are among us to this day, but the reason of\nwhose worship was a subject too sacred for the Father of History to\ndiscuss. Egyptian animal-worship seems to show, in a double line, traces\nof a savage ancestry extending into ages lying far behind even the\nremote antiquity of the Pyramids. Deities patronising special sacred\nanimals, incarnate in their bodies, or represented in their figures,\nhave nowhere better examples than the divine bull-dynasty of Apis, the\nsacred hawks caged and fed in the temple of Horus, Thoth and his\ncynocephalus and ibis, Hathor the cow and Sebek the crocodile. Moreover,\nthe local character of many of the sacred creatures, worshipped in\ncertain nomes yet killed and eaten with impunity elsewhere, fits\nremarkably with that character of tribe-fetishes and deified totems with\nwhich Mr. McLennan\u2019s argument is concerned. See the men of Oxyrynchos\nreverencing and sparing the fish oxyrynchos, and those of Latopolis\nlikewise worshipping the latos. At Apollinopolis men hated crocodiles\nand never lost a chance of killing them, while the people of the\nArsinoite nome dressed geese and fish for these sacred creatures,\nadorned them with necklaces and bracelets, and mummified them\nsumptuously when they died.[562] In the modern world the most civilized\npeople among whom animal-worship vigorously survives, lie within the\nrange of Brahmanism, where the sacred animal, the deity incarnate in an\nanimal or invested with or symbolized by its shape, may to this day be\nstudied in clear example. The sacred cow is not merely to be spared, she\nis as a deity worshipped in annual ceremony, daily perambulated and\nbowed to by the pious Hindu, who offers her fresh grass and flowers;\nHanuman the monkey-god has his temples and his idols, and in him Siva is\nincarnate, as Durga is in the jackal; the wise Ganesa wears the\nelephant\u2019s head; the divine king of birds, Garuda, is Vishnu\u2019s vehicle;\nthe forms of fish, and boar, and tortoise, were assumed in those\navatar-legends of Vishnu which are at the intellectual level of the Red\nIndian myths they so curiously resemble.[563] The conceptions which\nunderlie the Hindu creed of divine animals were not ill displayed by\nthat Hindu who, being shown the pictures of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and\nJohn with their respective man, lion, ox, and eagle, explained these\nquite naturally and satisfactorily as the avatars or vehicles of the\nfour evangelists.\n\nIn Animal-worship, some of the most remarkable cases of development and\nsurvival belong to a class from which striking instances have already\nbeen taken. Serpent-worship unfortunately fell years ago into the hands\nof speculative writers, who mixed it up with occult philosophies,\nDruidical mysteries, and that portentous nonsense called the \u2018Arkite\nSymbolism,\u2019 till now sober students hear the very name of Ophiolatry\nwith a shiver. Yet it is in itself a rational and instructive subject of\ninquiry, especially notable for its width of range in mythology and\nreligion. We may set out among the lower races, with such accounts as\nthose of the Red Indian\u2019s reverence to the rattlesnake, as grandfather\nand king of snakes, as a divine protector able to give fair winds or\ncause tempests;[564] or of the worship of great snakes among the tribes\nof Peru before they received the religion of the Incas, as to whom an\nold author says, \u2018They adore the demon when he presents himself to them\nin the figure of some beast or serpent, and talks with them.\u2019[565]\nThenceforth such examples of direct Ophiolatry may be traced on into\nclassic and barbaric Europe; the great serpent which defended the\ncitadel of Athens and enjoyed its monthly honey-cakes;[566] the Roman\ngenius loci appearing in the form of the snake (Nullus enim locus sine\ngenio est, qui per anguem plerumque ostenditur);[567] the old Prussian\nserpent-worship and offering of food to the household snakes;[568] the\ngolden viper adored by the Lombards, till Barbatus got it in his hands\nand the goldsmiths made it into paten and chalice.[569] To this day,\nEurope has not forgotten in nursery tales or more serious belief the\nsnake that comes with its golden crown and drinks milk out of the\nchild\u2019s porringer; the house-snake, tame and kindly but seldom seen,\nthat cares for the cows and the children and gives omens of a death in\nthe family; the pair of household snakes which have a mystic connexion\nof life and death with the husband and housewife themselves.[570]\nSerpent-worship, apparently of the directest sort, was prominent in the\nindigenous religions of Southern Asia. It now even appears to have\nmaintained no mean place in early Indian Buddhism, for the sculptures of\nthe Sanchi tope show scenes of adoration of the five-headed snake-deity\nin his temple, performed by a race of serpent-worshippers, figuratively\nrepresented with snakes growing from their shoulders, and whose raja\nhimself has a five-headed snake arching hood-wise over his head. Here,\nmoreover, the totem-theory comes into contact with ophiolatry. The\nSanskrit name of the snake, \u2018n\u00e2ga,\u2019 becomes also the accepted\ndesignation of its adorers, and thus mythological interpretation has to\nreduce to reasonable sense legends of serpent-races who turn out to be\nsimply serpent-worshippers, tribes who have from the divine reptiles at\nonce their generic name of N\u00e2gas, and with it their imagined ancestral\ndescent from serpents.[571] In different ways, these N\u00e2ga tribes of\nSouth Asia are on the one hand analogues of the Snake Indians of\nAmerica, and on the other of the Ophiogenes or Serpent-race of the\nTroad, kindred of the vipers whose bite they could cure by touch, and\ndescendants of an ancient hero transformed into a snake.[572]\n\nSerpents hold a prominent place in the religions of the world, as the\nincarnations, shrines, or symbols of high deities. Such were the\nrattlesnake worshipped in the Natchez temple of the Sun, and the snake\nbelonging in name and figure to the Aztec deity Quetzalcoatl;[573] the\nsnake as worshipped still by the Slave Coast negro, not for itself but\nfor its indwelling deity;[574] the snake kept and fed with milk in the\ntemple of the old Slavonic god Potrimpos;[575] the serpent-symbol of the\nhealing deity Asklepios, who abode in or manifested himself through the\nhuge tame snakes kept in his temples[576] (it is doubtful whether this\nhad any original connexion with the adoption of the snake, from its\nrenewal by casting its old slough, as the accepted emblem of new life or\nimmortality in later symbolism); and lastly, the Ph\u0153nician serpent with\nits tail in its mouth, symbol of the world and of the Heaven-god Taaut,\nin its original meaning perhaps a mythic world-snake like the\nScandinavian Midgard-worm, but in the changed fancy of later ages\nadapted into an emblem of eternity.[577] It scarcely seems proved that\nsavage races, in all their mystic contemplations of the serpent, ever\ndeveloped out of their own minds the idea, to us so familiar, of\nadopting it as a personification of evil.[578] In ancient times, we may\nascribe this character perhaps to the monster whose well-known form is\nto be seen on the mummy-cases, the Apophis-serpent of the Egyptian\nHades;[579] and it unequivocally belongs to the destroying serpent of\nthe Zarathustrians, Azhi Dah\u00e2ka,[580] a figure which bears so remarkable\na relation to that of the Semitic serpent of Eden, which may possibly\nstand in historical connexion with it. A wondrous blending of the\nancient rites of Ophiolatry with mystic conceptions of Gnosticism\nappears in the cultus which tradition (in truth or slander) declares the\nsemi-Christian sect of Ophites to have rendered to their tame snake,\nenticing it out of its chest to coil round the sacramental bread, and\nworshipping it as representing the great king from heaven who in the\nbeginning gave to the man and woman the knowledge of the mysteries.[581]\nThus the extreme types of religious veneration, from the soberest\nmatter-of-fact to the dreamiest mysticism, find their places in the\nworship of animals.[582]\n\nHitherto in the study of animistic doctrine, our attention has been\nturned especially to those minor spirits whose functions concern the\ncloser and narrower detail of man\u2019s life and its surroundings. In\npassing thence to the consideration of divine beings whose functions\nhave a wider scope, the transition may be well made through a special\ngroup. An acute remark of Auguste Comte\u2019s calls attention to an\nimportant process of theological thought, which we may here endeavour to\nbring as clearly as possible before our minds. In his \u2018Philosophie\nPositive,\u2019 he defines deities proper as differing by their general and\nabstract character from pure fetishes (i.e., animated objects), the\nhumble fetish governing but a single object from which it is\ninseparable, while the gods administer a special order of phenomena at\nonce in different bodies. When, he continues, the similar vegetation of\nthe different oaks of a forest led to a theological generalization from\ntheir common phenomena, the abstract being thus produced was no longer\nthe fetish of a single tree, but became the god of the forest; here,\nthen, is the intellectual passage from fetishism to polytheism, reduced\nto the inevitable preponderance of specific over individual ideas.[583]\nNow this observation of Comte\u2019s may be more immediately applied to a\nclass of divine beings which may be accurately called species-deities.\nIt is highly suggestive to study the crude attempts of barbaric theology\nto account for the uniformity observed in large classes of objects, by\nmaking this generalization from individual to specific ideas. To explain\nthe existence of what we call a species, they would refer it to a common\nancestral stock, or to an original archetype, or to a species-deity, or\nthey combined these conceptions. For such speculations, classes of\nplants and animals offered perhaps an early and certainly an easy\nsubject. The uniformity of each kind not only suggested a common\nparentage, but also the notion that creatures so wanting in\nindividuality, with qualities so measured out as it were by line and\nrule, might not be independent arbitrary agents, but mere copies from a\ncommon model, or mere instruments used by controlling deities. Thus in\nPolynesia, as has been just mentioned, certain species of animals were\nconsidered as incarnations of certain deities, and among the Samoans it\nappears that the question as to the individuality of such creatures was\nactually asked and answered. If, for instance, a village god were\naccustomed to appear as an owl, and one of his votaries found a dead owl\nby the roadside, he would mourn over the sacred bird and bury it with\nmuch ceremony, but the god himself would not be thought to be dead, for\nhe remains incarnate in all existing owls.[584] According to Father\nGeronimo Boscana, the Acagchemen tribe of Upper California furnish a\ncurious parallel to this notion. They worshipped the \u2018panes\u2019 bird, which\nseems to have been an eagle or vulture, and each year, in the temple of\neach village, one of them was solemnly killed without shedding blood,\nand the body burned. Yet the natives maintained and believed that it was\nthe same individual bird they sacrificed each year, and more than this,\nthat the same bird was slain by each of the villages.[585] Among the\ncomparatively cultured Peruvians, Acosta describes another theory of\ncelestial archetypes. Speaking of star-deities, he says that shepherds\nvenerated a certain star called Sheep, another star called Tiger\nprotected men from tigers, &c.: \u2018And generally, of all the animals and\nbirds there are on the earth, they believed that a like one lived in\nheaven, in whose charge were their procreation and increase, and thus\nthey accounted of divers stars, such as that they call Chacana, and\nTopatorca, and Mamana, and Mizco, and Miquiquiray, and other such, so\nthat in a manner it appears that they were drawing towards the dogma of\nthe Platonic ideas.\u2019[586] The North American Indians also have\nspeculated as to the common ancestors or deities of species. One\nmissionary notes down their idea as he found it in 1634. \u2018They say,\nmoreover, that all the animals of each species have an elder brother,\nwho is as it were the principle and origin of all the individuals, and\nthis elder brother is marvellously great and powerful. The elder brother\nof the beavers, they told me, is perhaps as large as our cabin.\u2019 Another\nearly account is that each species of animals has its archetype in the\nland of souls; there exists, for example, a manitu or archetype of all\noxen, which animates all oxen.[587] Here, again, occurs a noteworthy\ncorrespondence with the ideas of a distant race. In Buy\u00e1n, the island\nparadise of Russian myth, there are to be found the Snake older than all\nsnakes, and the prophetic Raven, elder brother of all ravens, and the\nBird, the largest and oldest of all birds, with iron beak and copper\nclaws, and the Mother of Bees, eldest among bees.[588] Morgan\u2019s\ncomparatively modern account of the Iroquois mentions their belief in a\nspirit of each species of trees and plants, as of oak, hemlock, maple,\nwhortleberry, raspberry, spearmint, tobacco; most objects of nature\nbeing thus under the care of protecting spirits.[589] The doctrine of\nsuch species-deities is perhaps nowhere more definitely stated than by\nCastr\u00e9n in his \u2018Finnish Mythology.\u2019 In his description of the Siberian\nnature-worship, the lowest level is exemplified by the Samoyeds, whose\ndirect worship of natural objects for themselves may perhaps indicate\nthe original religious condition of the whole Turanian race. But the\ndoctrine of the comparatively cultured heathen Finns was at a different\nstage. Here every object in nature has a \u2018haltia,\u2019 a guardian deity or\ngenius, a being which was its creator and thenceforth became attached to\nit. These deities or genii are, however, not bound to each single\ntransitory object, but are free personal beings which have movement,\nform, body, and soul. Their existence in no wise depends on the\nexistence of the individual objects, for although no object in nature is\nwithout its guardian deity, this deity extends to the whole race or\nspecies. This ash-tree, this stone, this house, has indeed its\nparticular \u2018haltia,\u2019 yet these same \u2018haltiat\u2019 concern themselves with\nother ash-trees, stones, and houses, of which the individuals may\nperish, but their presiding genii live on in the species.[590] It seems\nas though some similar view ran through the doctrine of more civilized\nraces, as in the well-known Egyptian and Greek examples where whole\nspecies of animals, plants, or things, stand as symbolic of, and as\nprotected by, particular deities. The thought appears with most perfect\nclearness in the Rabbinical philosophy which apportions to each of the\n2100 species, of plants for instance, a presiding angel in heaven, and\nassigns this as the motive of the Levitical prohibition of mixtures\namong animals and plants.[591] The interesting likeness pointed out by\nFather Acosta between these crude theological conceptions and the\ncivilized philosophical conceptions which have replaced them, was again\nbrought into view in the last century by the President De Brosses, in\ncomparing the Red Indians\u2019 archetypes of species with the Platonic\narchetypal ideas.[592] As for animals and plants, the desire of\nnaturalists to ascend to primal unity to some extent finds satisfaction\nin a theory tracing each species to an origin in a single pair. And\nthough this is out of the question with inanimate objects, our language\nseems in suggestive metaphor to lay hold on the same thought, when we\nsay of a dozen similar swords, or garments, or chairs, that they have\nthe same _pattern_ (patronus, as it were father), whereby they were\nshaped from their _matter_ (materia, or mother substance).\n\nFootnote 388:\n\n F. R. Nixon, \u2018Cruise of the Beacon\u2019; Bonwick, p. 182.\n\nFootnote 389:\n\n Oldfield in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 228.\n\nFootnote 390:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Algic Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 41. \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 vol. iii. p.\n 327. Waitz, vol. iii. p. 191. See also J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 175. (Antilles\n Islanders); Brasseur, \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 482.\n\nFootnote 391:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 p. 90. See also Cross, \u2018Karens,\u2019 in \u2018Journ. Amer.\n Or. Soc.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 315; Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol. i. p. 239.\n\nFootnote 392:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 114, 182, &c.\n\nFootnote 393:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 p. 218, 388; Waitz, vol. ii. p. 171.\n\nFootnote 394:\n\n Philo, De Gigant. I. iv.\n\nFootnote 395:\n\n Iamblichus, ii.\n\nFootnote 396:\n\n Collected passages in Calmet, \u2018Diss. sur les Esprits\u2019; Horst,\n \u2018Zauber-Bibliothek,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 263, &c.; vol. vi. p. 49, &c.; see\n Migne\u2019s Dictionaries.\n\nFootnote 397:\n\n Calmet, \u2018Dissertation sur les Esprits,\u2019 vol. i. ch. xlviii.\n\nFootnote 398:\n\n Gaume, \u2018L\u2019Eau B\u00e9nite au XIXme Si\u00e8cle,\u2019 pp. 295, 341.\n\nFootnote 399:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 331.\n\nFootnote 400:\n\n Backhouse, \u2018Australia,\u2019 p. 555; Grey, \u2018Australia,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 337.\n\nFootnote 401:\n\n Mason, \u2018Karens,\u2019 l.c. p. 211.\n\nFootnote 402:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part iii. p. 226.\n\nFootnote 403:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Antilles,\u2019 p. 419.\n\nFootnote 404:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 1193; Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 p. 332; St. Clair and\n Brophy, \u2018Bulgaria,\u2019 p. 59; Wuttke, \u2018Volksaberglaube,\u2019 p. 122; Bastian,\n \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 103; Brand, vol. iii. p. 279. The _mare_ in\n _nightmare_ means spirit, elf, or nymph; compare Anglo-Sax. _wudum\u00e6re_\n (wood-mare) = echo.\n\nFootnote 405:\n\n \u2018Vita del Amm. Christoforo Colombo,\u2019 ch. xiii.; and \u2018Life of Colon,\u2019\n in Pinkerton, vol. xii. p. 84.\n\nFootnote 406:\n\n Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 pp. 149, 389. Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. p.\n 119.\n\nFootnote 407:\n\n H\u00f6gstr\u00f6m, \u2018Lapmark,\u2019 ch. xi.\n\nFootnote 408:\n\n Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 151. See also Borri, \u2018Cochin-China,\u2019 in\n Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 823.\n\nFootnote 409:\n\n Augustin. \u2018De Civ. Dei,\u2019 xv. 23: \u2018Et quoniam creberrima fama est,\n multique se expertos, vel ab eis qui experti essent, de quorum fide\n dubitandum non esset, audisse confirmant, Silvanos et Faunos, quos\n vulgo incubos vocant, improbos s\u00e6pe extitisse mulieribus, et earum\n appetisse ac peregisse concubitum; et quosdam d\u00e6mones, quos Dusios\n Galli nuncupant, hanc assidue immunditiam et tentare et efficere;\n plures talesque asseverant, ut hoc negare impudenti\u00e6 videatur; non\n hinc aliquid audeo definire, utrum aliqui spiritus ... possint etiam\n hanc pati libidinem; ut ... sentientibus feminibus misceantur.\u2019 See\n also Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 pp. 449, 479; Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 p. 332;\n Cockayne, \u2018Leechdoms of Early England,\u2019 vol. i. p. xxxviii., vol. ii.\n p. 345.\n\nFootnote 410:\n\n The \u2018Malleus Maleficarum\u2019 was published about 1489. See on the general\n subject, Horst, \u2018Zauber-Bibliothek,\u2019 vol. vi.; Ennemoser, \u2018Magic,\u2019\n vol. ii.; Maury, \u2018Magie,\u2019 &c. p. 256; Lecky, \u2018Hist, of Rationalism,\u2019\n vol. i.\n\nFootnote 411:\n\n Burton, \u2018Anatomy of Melancholy,\u2019 iii. 2. \u2018Unum dixero, non opinari me\n ullo retro \u00e6vo tantam copiam Satyrorum, et salacium istorum Geniorum\n se ostendisse, quantum nunc quotidian\u00e6 narrationes, et judiciales\n sententi\u00e6 proferunt.\u2019\n\nFootnote 412:\n\n J. R. Forster, \u2018Observations during Voyage round World,\u2019 p. 543.\n\nFootnote 413:\n\n Cross, \u2018Karens,\u2019 l.c. p. 312.\n\nFootnote 414:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. i. p. 307.\n\nFootnote 415:\n\n J. V. Grohmann, \u2018Aberglauben aus B\u00f6hmen,\u2019 &c., p. 24; Calmet, \u2018Diss.\n sur les Esprits,\u2019 vol. ii.; Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 1048, &c.; St. Clair and\n Brophy, \u2018Bulgaria,\u2019 p. 49; see Ralston, \u2018Songs of Russian People,\u2019 p.\n 409.\n\nFootnote 416:\n\n Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 268. Callaway, \u2018Rel. of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 246, &c.\n\nFootnote 417:\n\n Grey, \u2018Australia,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 302. See also Bonwick, \u2018Tasmanians,\u2019 p.\n 180.\n\nFootnote 418:\n\n Southey, \u2018Brazil,\u2019 part i. p. 238. See also Rochefort, p. 418; J. G.\n M\u00fcller, p. 273 (Caribs); Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 301; Schoolcraft,\n \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part iii. p. 140.\n\nFootnote 419:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 270, 298; vol. ii. \u2018N. S.\u2019 p. 117.\n\nFootnote 420:\n\n Roberts, \u2018Oriental Illustrations,\u2019 p. 531; Colebrook in \u2018As. Res.\u2019\n vol. vii. p. 274.\n\nFootnote 421:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. p. 77.\n\nFootnote 422:\n\n Hylten-Cavallius, \u2018W\u00e4rend och Wirdarne,\u2019 vol. i. p. 191; Atkinson,\n \u2018Glossary of Cleveland Dial.\u2019 p. 597. (Prof. Liebrecht, in\n \u2018Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie,\u2019 vol. v. 1873, p. 99, adds comparison of\n the still usual German custom of keeping a light burning in the\n lying-in room till the child is baptized (Wuttke, 2nd ed. No. 583),\n and the similar ancient Roman practice whence the goddess Candelifera\n had her name (note to 2nd. ed.).)\n\nFootnote 423:\n\n Martin, \u2018Western Islands,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. iii. p. 612.\n\nFootnote 424:\n\n St. Clair and Brophy, \u2018Bulgaria,\u2019 p. 44.\n\nFootnote 425:\n\n Rituale Romanum; Benedictio Candelarum. Brand, \u2018Popular Antiquities,\u2019\n vol. i. p. 46.\n\nFootnote 426:\n\n Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 267, see 296.\n\nFootnote 427:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 p. 100.\n\nFootnote 428:\n\n Homer, Odyss, xvi. 160.\n\nFootnote 429:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 632.\n\nFootnote 430:\n\n Eisenmenger, \u2018Judenthum,\u2019 part i. p. 872. Lane, \u2018Thousand and One\n Nights,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 56.\n\nFootnote 431:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 162. Other localities in \u2018Journ. Ind.\n Archip.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 333.\n\nFootnote 432:\n\n Tickell in \u2018Journ. As. Soc. Bengal,\u2019 vol. ix. p. 795. The dirge is\n given above, p. 32.\n\nFootnote 433:\n\n De Brosses, \u2018Dieux F\u00e9tiches,\u2019 p. 46.\n\nFootnote 434:\n\n Clavigero, \u2018Messico,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 79.\n\nFootnote 435:\n\n Tractat. Berachoth.\n\nFootnote 436:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 pp. 420, 1117; St. Clair and Brophy, \u2018Bulgaria,\u2019 p. 54.\n See also Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 325; Tschudi, \u2018Peru,\u2019 vol. ii.\n p. 355.\n\nFootnote 437:\n\n Brand, \u2018Popular Antiquities,\u2019 vol. i. p. 193. See Boecler, \u2018Ehsten\n Abergl.\u2019 p. 73.\n\nFootnote 438:\n\n Tertullian, De Carne Christi, vi.; Adv. Marcion, ii.; Origen, De\n Princip. i. 7. See Horst, l.c. Calmet, \u2018Dissertation,\u2019 vol. i. ch.\n xlvi.\n\nFootnote 439:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 p. 217. See Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 in Pinkerton,\n vol. xvi. p. 402.\n\nFootnote 440:\n\n Pallas, \u2018Reisen,\u2019 vol. i. p. 360.\n\nFootnote 441:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 1212; Wuttke, \u2018Volksaberglaube,\u2019 p. 119; see\n Hylt\u00e9n-Cavallius, part i. p. 178 (Sweden).\n\nFootnote 442:\n\n Oldfield, \u2018Abor. of Australia,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 240.\n\nFootnote 443:\n\n Bonwick, \u2018Tasmanians,\u2019 p. 182.\n\nFootnote 444:\n\n Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 268; Egede, p. 187.\n\nFootnote 445:\n\n Molina, \u2018Chili,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 86.\n\nFootnote 446:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 pp. 416, 429; J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019\n pp. 171, 217.\n\nFootnote 447:\n\n Waitz, vol. ii. p. 182; J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 p. 387; Steinhauser,\n l.c. p. 134. Compare Callaway, p. 327, &c.\n\nFootnote 448:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 77.\n\nFootnote 449:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 275.\n\nFootnote 450:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 829; Rochholz, \u2018Deutscher Glaube,\u2019 part i. p. 92;\n Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 p. 247.\n\nFootnote 451:\n\n Menander, 205, in Clement. Stromat.; Xenophon, Memor. Socr.; Plato,\n Apol. Socr. &c. See Plotin. Ennead. iii. 4; Porphyr. Plotin.\n\nFootnote 452:\n\n Paulus Diaconus: \u2018_Genium_ appellant Deum, qui vim obtineret rerum\n omnium _generandarum_.\u2019 Censorin. de Die Natali, 3: \u2018Eundem esse\n genium et larem, multi veteres memori\u00e6 prodiderunt.\u2019 Tibull. Eleg. i.\n 2, 7; Ovid. Trist. iii. 13, 18, v. 5, 10; Horat. Epist. ii. 1, 140,\n Od. iv. 11, 7. Appian. de Bellis Parth. p. 156. Tertullian, Apol.\n xxiii.\n\nFootnote 453:\n\n Serv. in Virg. \u00c6n. vi. 743: \u2018Cum nascimur, duos genios sortimur: unus\n hortatur ad bona, alter depravat ad mala, quibus assistentibus post\n mortem aut asserimur in meliorem vitam, aut condemnamur in\n deteriorem.\u2019 Horat. Epist. ii. 187; Valer. Max. i. 7; Plutarch,\n Brutus. See Pauly, \u2018Real-Encyclop.;\u2019 Smith\u2019s \u2018Dic. of Biog. & Myth.\u2019\n s.v. \u2018genius.\u2019\n\nFootnote 454:\n\n Acta Sanctorum Bolland.: S. Francisca Romana ix. Mart. Calmet,\n \u2018Dissertation,\u2019 ch. iv. xxx.; Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 140,\n 347, vol. iii. p. 10; Wright, \u2018St. Patrick\u2019s Purgatory,\u2019 p. 33.\n\nFootnote 455:\n\n Rochholz, p. 93.\n\nFootnote 456:\n\n Bull, \u2018Sermons,\u2019 2nd ed. London, 1714, vol. ii. p. 506.\n\nFootnote 457:\n\n Swedenborg, \u2018True Christian Religion,\u2019 p. 380. See also A. J. Davis,\n \u2018Philosophy of Spiritual Intercourse,\u2019 p. 38.\n\nFootnote 458:\n\n D. Monnier, \u2018Traditions Populaires,\u2019 p. 7.\n\nFootnote 459:\n\n L. H. Morgan, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 64. Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1636, p.\n 107. See Schoolcraft, \u2018Tribes,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 337.\n\nFootnote 460:\n\n Steinhauser, \u2018Religion des Negers,\u2019 in \u2018Magazin der Evang. Missionen,\u2019\n Basel, 1856; No. 2, p. 127, &c.\n\nFootnote 461:\n\n Plath, \u2018Religion der alten Chinesen,\u2019 part i. p. 44.\n\nFootnote 462:\n\n Oldfield, \u2018Abor. of Austr.\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 232.\n\nFootnote 463:\n\n Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 pp. 47, 265.\n\nFootnote 464:\n\n Oviedo, \u2018Nicaragua,\u2019 in Ternaux-Compans, part xiv. pp. 132, 160.\n Compare Catlin, \u2018N. A. Ind.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 169.\n\nFootnote 465:\n\n Creswick, \u2018Veys,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 359. See Du Chaillu,\n \u2018Ashango-land,\u2019 p. 106.\n\nFootnote 466:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1636, p. 108. Long\u2019s Exp. vol. i. p. 46.\n See Loskiel, \u2018Indians of N. A.\u2019 part i. p. 45.\n\nFootnote 467:\n\n For details of the belief in water-spirits as the cause of drowning,\n see ante, vol. i. p. 109.\n\nFootnote 468:\n\n Oldfield in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 328; Eyre, vol. ii. p. 362;\n Grey, vol. ii. p. 339; Bastian, \u2018Vorstellungen von Wasser und Feuer,\u2019\n in \u2018Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie,\u2019 vol. i. (contains a general\n collection of details as to water-worship).\n\nFootnote 469:\n\n Compare John Morgan, \u2018Life of William Buckley\u2019; Bonwick, p. 203;\n Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 48, with Forbes Leslie, Brand, &c.\n\nFootnote 470:\n\n Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 267.\n\nFootnote 471:\n\n Tanner, \u2018Narr.\u2019 p. 341; Carver, \u2018Travels,\u2019 p. 383; Franklin, \u2018Journey\n to Polar Sea,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 245; Lubbock, \u2018Origin of Civilization,\u2019 pp.\n 213-20 (contains details as to water-worship); see Brinton, p. 124.\n\nFootnote 472:\n\n Rivero and Tschudi, \u2018Peruvian Ant.\u2019 p. 161; Garcilaso de la Vega,\n \u2018Comm. Real.\u2019 i. 10. See also J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrelig.\u2019 pp. 258,\n 260, 282.\n\nFootnote 473:\n\n Krapf, \u2018E. Afr.\u2019 p. 198; Steinhauser, l.c. p. 131; Villault in Astley,\n vol. i. p. 668; Backhouse, \u2018Afr.\u2019 p. 230; Callaway, \u2018Zulu Tales,\u2019 vol.\n i. p. 90; Bastian, l.c.\n\nFootnote 474:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Vorlesungen \u00fcber die Altaischen V\u00f6lker,\u2019 p. 114. \u2018Finn.\n Myth.\u2019 p. 70. Atkinson, \u2018Siberia,\u2019 p. 444. Boecler, \u2018Ehsten Abergl\u00e4ub.\n Gebr\u00e4uche,\u2019 ed. Kreutzwald, p. 6.\n\nFootnote 475:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 p. 164; Hunter, \u2018Rural Bengal.\u2019 p. 184. See\n also Lubbock, l.c.; Forbes Leslie, \u2018Early Races of Scotland,\u2019 vol. i.\n p. 163, vol. ii. p. 497.\n\nFootnote 476:\n\n Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 206, &c.\n\nFootnote 477:\n\n Homer, Il. xx. xxi. See Gladstone, \u2018Juventus Mundi,\u2019 pp. 190, 345,\n &c., &c.\n\nFootnote 478:\n\n Cosmas, book iii. p. 197, \u2018superstitiosas institutiones, quas villani\n adhuc semipagani in Pentecosten tertia sive quarta feria observabant\n offerentes libamina super fontes mactabant victimas et d\u00e6monibus\n immolabant.\u2019\n\nFootnote 479:\n\n Poenitentiale Ecgberti, ii. 22, \u2018gif hwilc man his \u00e6lmessan geh\u00e2te\n oththe bringe to hwilcon wylle;\u2019 iv. 19, \u2018gif hw\u00e2 his w\u00e6ccan \u00e6t \u00e6nigum\n wylle h\u00e6bbe.\u2019 Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 549, &c. See Hylt\u00e9n-Cavallius, \u2018W\u00e4rend\n och Wirdarne,\u2019 part i. pp. 131, 171 (Sweden).\n\nFootnote 480:\n\n Grohmann, \u2018Aberglauben aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren,\u2019 p. 43, &c. Hanusch,\n \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 p. 291, &c. Ralston, \u2018Songs of Russian People,\u2019 p. 139,\n &c.\n\nFootnote 481:\n\n St. Clair and Brophy, \u2018Bulgaria,\u2019 p. 46. Similar ideas in Grohmann, p.\n 44. Eisenmenger, \u2018Entd. Judenthum,\u2019 part i. p. 426.\n\nFootnote 482:\n\n Maury, \u2018Magie,\u2019 &c., p. 158. Brand, \u2018Pop. Ant.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 366, &c.\n Hunt, \u2018Pop. Rom. 2nd Series,\u2019 p. 40, &c. Forbes Leslie, \u2018Early Races\n of Scotland,\u2019 vol. i. p. 156, &c.\n\nFootnote 483:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. i. p. 307.\n\nFootnote 484:\n\n Beeker, \u2018Dyaks,\u2019 in \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 111.\n\nFootnote 485:\n\n Marsden, \u2018Sumatra,\u2019 p. 301.\n\nFootnote 486:\n\n S. S. Farmer, \u2018Tonga,\u2019 p. 127.\n\nFootnote 487:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Der Baum in vergleichender Ethnologie,\u2019 in Lazarus and\n Steinthal\u2019s \u2018Zeitschrift f\u00fcr V\u00f6lkerpsychologie,\u2019 &c., vol. v. 1868.\n\nFootnote 488:\n\n Chr. Colombo, ch. xix.; and in Pinkerton, vol. xii. p. 87.\n\nFootnote 489:\n\n Burton, \u2018W. & W. fr. W. Afr.\u2019 pp. 205, 243.\n\nFootnote 490:\n\n Waitz, vol. ii. p. 188.\n\nFootnote 491:\n\n Bosman, letter 19, and in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 500.\n\nFootnote 492:\n\n Krapf, \u2018E. Afr.\u2019 p. 77; Prichard, \u2018N. H. of Man,\u2019 p. 290; Waitz, vol.\n ii. p. 518. See also Merolla, \u2018Congo,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 236.\n\nFootnote 493:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 457, 461, vol. iii. pp. 187,\n 251, 289, 497. For details of tree-worship from other Asiatic\n districts, see Ainsworth, \u2018Yezidis,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. i. p. 23;\n Jno. Wilson, \u2018Parsi Religion,\u2019 p. 262.\n\nFootnote 494:\n\n Hardy, \u2018Manual of Budhism,\u2019 pp. 100, 443.\n\nFootnote 495:\n\n Fergusson, \u2018Tree and Serpent Worship,\u2019 pl. xxiv. xxvi. &c.\n\nFootnote 496:\n\n Tabary in Bastian, l.c. p. 295.\n\nFootnote 497:\n\n Hartknoch, \u2018Alt. und Neues Preussen,\u2019 part i. ch. v.\n\nFootnote 498:\n\n See Pauly, \u2018Real-Encyclopedie.\u2019 Homer. Odyss. xiv. 327, xix. 296.\n\nFootnote 499:\n\n Hymn. Homer. Aphrod. 257.\n\nFootnote 500:\n\n Ausonii Idyll. De Histor. 7.\n\nFootnote 501:\n\n Apollon. Rhod. Argonautica, ii. 476. See Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019\n vol. iii. p. 57.\n\nFootnote 502:\n\n Ovid. Metamm. i. 452, ii. 345, xi. 67.\n\nFootnote 503:\n\n Dante, \u2018Divina Commedia,\u2019 \u2018Inferno,\u2019 canto xiii.\n\nFootnote 504:\n\n Ariosto, \u2018Orlando Furioso,\u2019 canto vi.\n\nFootnote 505:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 615, &c. Bastian, \u2018Der Baum,\u2019 l.c. p. 297; Hanusch,\n \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 p. 313.\n\nFootnote 506:\n\n Wuttke, \u2018Volksaberglaube,\u2019 p. 57, see 183.\n\nFootnote 507:\n\n Euseb. \u2018Pr\u00e6p. Evang.\u2019 i. 10.\n\nFootnote 508:\n\n Further details as to tree-worship in Bastian, \u2018Der Baum,\u2019 &c., here\n cited; Lubbock, \u2018Origin of Civilization,\u2019 p. 206, &c.; Fergusson,\n \u2018Tree and Serpent Worship,\u2019 &c.\n\nFootnote 509:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Der Baum,\u2019 l.c. &c.\n\nFootnote 510:\n\n Irving, \u2018Astoria,\u2019 vol. ii. ch. viii.\n\nFootnote 511:\n\n Darwin, \u2018Journal,\u2019 p. 68.\n\nFootnote 512:\n\n Polack, \u2018New Z.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 6; Taylor, p. 171, see 99.\n\nFootnote 513:\n\n St. John, \u2018Far East,\u2019 vol. i. p. 89.\n\nFootnote 514:\n\n Wallace, \u2018Eastern Archipelago,\u2019 vol. i. p. 338.\n\nFootnote 515:\n\n Prichard, \u2018Nat. Hist. of Man,\u2019 p. 531.\n\nFootnote 516:\n\n Merolla in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 236.\n\nFootnote 517:\n\n Lubbock, p. 193; Bastian, l.c.; Park, \u2018Travels,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 64, 106.\n\nFootnote 518:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 86, &c., 191, &c.; Latham, \u2018Descr. Eth.\u2019\n vol. i. p. 363; Simpson, \u2018Journey,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 261.\n\nFootnote 519:\n\n Boecler, \u2018Ehsten Abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche,\u2019 &c., ed. Kreutzwald, pp.\n 2, 112, 146.\n\nFootnote 520:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 pp. 165, 173.\n\nFootnote 521:\n\n Macpherson, p. 61.\n\nFootnote 522:\n\n Dalton, \u2018Kols,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 34. Bastian, \u2018Oestl.\n Asien.\u2019 vol. i. p. 134, vol. iii. p. 252.\n\nFootnote 523:\n\n Deut. xii. 3; xvi. 21. Judges vi. 25. 1 Kings xiv. 23; xv. 13; xviii.\n 19. 2 Kings xvii. 10; xxiii. 4. Is. lvii. 5. Jerem. xvii. 2. Ezek. vi.\n 13; xx. 28. Hos. iv. 13, &c., &c.\n\nFootnote 524:\n\n Sil. Ital. Punica, iii. 675, 690. Harduin, Acta Conciliorum, vol. i.\n For further evidence as to Semitic tree-and-grove worship, see Movers,\n \u2018Ph\u00f6nizier,\u2019 vol. i. p. 560, &c.\n\nFootnote 525:\n\n Hunter, \u2018Rural Bengal,\u2019 pp. 131, 194.\n\nFootnote 526:\n\n Boehtlingk and Roth, s.v. \u2018chaityataru.\u2019 Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. p.\n 204.\n\nFootnote 527:\n\n Ovid. Metamm. viii. 741.\n\nFootnote 528:\n\n Cato de Re Rustica, 139; Plin. xvii. 47.\n\nFootnote 529:\n\n Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 pp. 98, 229. Hartknoch, part i. ch. v. vii.;\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 67.\n\nFootnote 530:\n\n Maxim. Tyr. viii.; Plin. xvi. 95.\n\nFootnote 531:\n\n Tacit. Germania, 9, 39, &c.; Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 66.\n\nFootnote 532:\n\n Hylt\u00e9n-Cavallius, \u2018W\u00e4rend och Wirdarne,\u2019 part i. p. 142.\n\nFootnote 533:\n\n Ralston, \u2018Songs of Russian People,\u2019 p. 153, see 238.\n\nFootnote 534:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 62, &c.\n\nFootnote 535:\n\n Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 276.\n\nFootnote 536:\n\n Garcilaso de la Vega, \u2018Comentarios Reales,\u2019 i. ch. ix. &c.\n\nFootnote 537:\n\n Marsden, \u2018Sumatra,\u2019 p. 303.\n\nFootnote 538:\n\n Petron. Arb. Fragm.; Statius, iii. Theb. 661.\n\nFootnote 539:\n\n See ante, ch. xi.\n\nFootnote 540:\n\n Mouhot, \u2018Indo-China,\u2019 vol. i. p. 252.\n\nFootnote 541:\n\n Charlevoix, \u2018Nouvelle France,\u2019 vol. v. p. 443.\n\nFootnote 542:\n\n W. M. Wood in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 36.\n\nFootnote 543:\n\n Simpson, \u2018Journey,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 269; Erman, \u2018Siberia,\u2019 vol. i. p. 492;\n Latham, \u2018Descr. Eth.\u2019 vol. i. p. 456; \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. iv.\n p. 590.\n\nFootnote 544:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 336.\n\nFootnote 545:\n\n Farmer, \u2018Tonga,\u2019 p. 126; Mariner, vol. ii. p. 106.\n\nFootnote 546:\n\n Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol. i. p. 217, &c.\n\nFootnote 547:\n\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 238.\n\nFootnote 548:\n\n Shortland, \u2018Trads. of N. Z.\u2019 ch. iv.\n\nFootnote 549:\n\n Marsden, \u2018Sumatra,\u2019 p. 292.\n\nFootnote 550:\n\n Loskiel, \u2018Ind. of N. A.\u2019 part i. p. 40; Catlin, \u2018N. A. Ind.\u2019 vol. i.\n p. 36; Schoolcraft, \u2018Tribes,\u2019 part i. p. 34, part v. p. 652; Waitz,\n vol. iii. p. 190.\n\nFootnote 551:\n\n See ante, p. 8; Callaway, \u2018Rel. of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 196.\n\nFootnote 552:\n\n Steinhauser, \u2018Religion des Negers,\u2019 l.c. p. 133. J. L. Wilson, \u2018W.\n Afr.\u2019 pp. 210, 218. Schlegel, \u2018Ewe-Sprache,\u2019 p. xv.\n\nFootnote 553:\n\n Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 letter 19; in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 499. See\n Burton, \u2018Dahome,\u2019 ch. iv., xvii. An account of the Vaudoux\n serpent-worship still carried on among the negroes of Hayti, in\n \u2018Lippincott\u2019s Magazine,\u2019 Philadelphia, March, 1870.\n\nFootnote 554:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 196, see 228.\n\nFootnote 555:\n\n J. F. McLennan in \u2018Fortnightly Review,\u2019 1869-70; reprinted in \u2018Studies\n in Ancient History,\u2019 2nd Series, pp. 117, 491.\n\nFootnote 556:\n\n John Long, \u2018Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter,\u2019 London,\n 1791, p. 86. See pp. 233, 411 of present volume.\n\nFootnote 557:\n\n Grey, \u2018Journals of Expeditions in N. W. & W. Australia,\u2019 vol. ii. pp.\n 225-9; \u2018Arch\u00e6ologia Americana,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 109.\n\nFootnote 558:\n\n J. G. Frazer, \u2018Totemism,\u2019 p. 53; \u2018Golden Bough,\u2019 2nd ed. vol. iii. pp.\n 419, 423.\n\nFootnote 559:\n\n Codrington, \u2018Melanesians,\u2019 pp. 32-3, 170.\n\nFootnote 560:\n\n Spencer and Gillen, \u2018Native Tribes of Central Australia,\u2019 1899, pp.\n 73, 121.\n\nFootnote 561:\n\n General references in J. F. McLennan, \u2018Studies in Ancient History;\u2019 J.\n G. Frazer, \u2018Totemism.\u2019\n\nFootnote 562:\n\n Herod. ii.; Plutarch, De Iside & Osiride; Strabo, xvii. 1; Wilkinson,\n \u2018Ancient Eg.,\u2019 edited by Birch, vol. iii.; Bunsen, 2nd Edition, with\n notes by Birch, vol. i.\n\nFootnote 563:\n\n Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 195, &c.\n\nFootnote 564:\n\n Schoolcraft, part iii. p. 231; Brinton, p. 108, &c.\n\nFootnote 565:\n\n Garcilaso de la Vega, \u2018Comentarios Reales,\u2019 i. 9.\n\nFootnote 566:\n\n Herodot. viii. 41.\n\nFootnote 567:\n\n Servius ad \u00c6n. v. 95.\n\nFootnote 568:\n\n Hartknoch, \u2018Preussen,\u2019 part i. pp. 143, 162.\n\nFootnote 569:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 648.\n\nFootnote 570:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 650. Rochholz, \u2018Deutscher Glaube,\u2019 &c., vol. i. p.\n 146. Monnier, \u2018Traditions Populaires,\u2019 p. 644. Grohmann, \u2018Aberglauben\n aus B\u00f6hmen,\u2019 &c., p. 78. Ralston, \u2018Songs of Russian People,\u2019 p. 175.\n\nFootnote 571:\n\n Fergusson \u2018Tree and Serpent Worship,\u2019 p. 55, &c., pl. xxiv. McLennan\n l.c. p. 563, &c.\n\nFootnote 572:\n\n Strabo, xiii. 1, 14.\n\nFootnote 573:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 pp. 62, 585.\n\nFootnote 574:\n\n J. B. Schlegel, \u2018Ewe-Sprache,\u2019 p. xiv.\n\nFootnote 575:\n\n Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 p. 217.\n\nFootnote 576:\n\n Pausan. ii. 28; \u00c6lian, xvi. 39. See Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol.\n ii. p. 734.\n\nFootnote 577:\n\n Macrob. Saturnal. i. 9. Movers, \u2018Ph\u00f6nizier,\u2019 vol. i. p. 500.\n\nFootnote 578:\n\n Details such as in Schoolcraft, \u2018Ind. Tribes,\u2019 part i. pp. 38, 414,\n may be ascribed to Christian intercourse. See Brinton, p. 121.\n\nFootnote 579:\n\n Lepsius, \u2018Todtenbuch,\u2019 and Birch\u2019s transl. in Bunsen\u2019s \u2018Egypt,\u2019 vol.\n v.\n\nFootnote 580:\n\n Spiegel, \u2018Avesta,\u2019 vol. i. p. 66, vol. iii. p. lix.\n\nFootnote 581:\n\n Epiphan. Adv. H\u00e6res. xxxvii. Tertullian. De Pr\u00e6script. contra\n H\u00e6reticos, 47.\n\nFootnote 582:\n\n Further collections of evidence relating to Zoolatry in general may be\n found in Bastian, \u2018Das Thier in seiner mythologischen Bedeutung,\u2019 in\n Bastian and Hartmann\u2019s \u2018Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie,\u2019 vol. i., Meiners,\n \u2018Geschichte der Religionen,\u2019 vol. i.\n\nFootnote 583:\n\n Comte, \u2018Philosophie Positive,\u2019 vol. v. p. 101.\n\nFootnote 584:\n\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 242.\n\nFootnote 585:\n\n Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019 p. 105.\n\nFootnote 586:\n\n Acosta, \u2018Historia de las Indias,\u2019 book v. c. iv.; Rivero & Tschudi,\n pp. 161, 179; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 365.\n\nFootnote 587:\n\n Le Jeune in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s. dans la Nouvelle France,\u2019 1634, p. 13.\n Lafitau, \u2018M\u0153urs des Sauvages,\u2019 vol. i. p. 370. See also Waitz, vol.\n iii. p. 194; Schoolcraft, part iii. p. 327.\n\nFootnote 588:\n\n Ralston, \u2018Songs of the Russian People,\u2019 p. 375. The Slavonic myth of\n Buy\u00e1n with its dripping oak and the snake Garafena lying beneath, is\n obviously connected with the Scandinavian myth of the dripping ash,\n Yggdrasill, the snake Nidh\u00f6gg below, and the two Swans of the\n Urdharfount, parents of all swans.\n\nFootnote 589:\n\n Morgan, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 162.\n\nFootnote 590:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 pp. 106, 160, 189, &c.\n\nFootnote 591:\n\n Eisenmenger, \u2018Judenthum,\u2019 part ii. p. 376; Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol.\n iii. p. 194.\n\nFootnote 592:\n\n De Brosses, \u2018Dieux F\u00e9tiches,\u2019 p. 58.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XVI.\n ANIMISM (_continued_).\n\n Higher Deities of Polytheism\u2014Human characteristics applied\n to Deity\u2014Lords of Spiritual Hierarchy\u2014Polytheism: its\n course of development in lower and higher Culture\u2014Principles\n of its investigation; classification of Deities according\n to central conceptions of their significance and\n function\u2014Heaven-god\u2014Rain-god\u2014Thunder-god\u2014Wind\n gods\u2014Earth-god\u2014Water-god\u2014Sea-god\u2014Fire-god\u2014Sun-god\u2014Moon-god.\n\n\nSurveying the religions of the world and studying the descriptions of\ndeity among race after race, we may recur to old polemical terms in\norder to define a dominant idea of theology at large. Man so habitually\nascribes to his deities human shape, human passions, human nature, that\nwe may declare him an Anthropomorphite, an Anthropopathite, and (to\ncomplete the series) an Anthropophysite. In this state of religious\nthought, prevailing as it does through so immense a range among mankind,\none of the strongest confirmations may be found of the theory here\nadvanced concerning the development of Animism. This theory that the\nconception of the human soul is the very \u2018fons et origo\u2019 of the\nconceptions of spirit and deity in general, has been already vouched for\nby the fact of human souls being held to pass into the characters of\ngood and evil demons, and to ascend to the rank of deities. But beyond\nthis, as we consider the nature of the great gods of the nations, in\nwhom the vastest functions of the universe are vested, it will still be\napparent that these mighty deities are modelled on human souls, that in\ngreat measure their feeling and sympathy, their character and habit,\ntheir will and action, even their material and form, display throughout\ntheir adaptations, exaggerations and distortions, characteristics shaped\nupon those of the human spirit. The key to investigation of the Dii\nMajorum Gentium of the world is the reflex of humanity, and as we behold\ntheir figures in their proper districts of theology, memory ever brings\nback the Psalmist\u2019s words, \u2018Thou thoughtest I was altogether as\nthyself.\u2019\n\nThe higher deities of Polytheism have their places in the general\nanimistic system of mankind. Among nation after nation it is still clear\nhow, man being the type of deity, human society and government became\nthe model on which divine society and government were shaped. As chiefs\nand kings are among men, so are the great gods among the lesser spirits.\nThey differ from the souls and minor spiritual beings which we have as\nyet chiefly considered, but the difference is rather of rank than of\nnature. They are personal spirits, reigning over personal spirits. Above\nthe disembodied souls and manes, the local genii of rocks and fountains\nand trees, the host of good and evil demons, and the rest of the\nspiritual commonality, stand these mightier deities, whose influence is\nless confined to local or individual interests, and who, as it pleases\nthem, can act directly within their vast domain, or control and operate\nthrough the lower beings of their kind, their servants, agents, or\nmediators. The great gods of Polytheism, numerous and elaborately\ndefined in the theology of the cultured world, do not however make their\nearliest appearance there. In the religions of the lower races their\nprincipal types were already cast, and thenceforward, for many an age of\nprogressing or relapsing culture, it became the work of poet and priest,\nlegend-monger and historian, theologian and philosopher, to develop and\nrenew, to degrade and abolish, the mighty lords of the Pantheon.\n\nWith little exception, wherever a savage or barbaric system of religion\nis thoroughly described, great gods make their appearance in the\nspiritual world as distinctly as chiefs in the human tribe. In the\nlists, it is true, there are set down great deities, good or evil, who\nprobably came in from modern Christian missionary teaching, or otherwise\nby contact with foreign religions. It is often difficult to distinguish\nfrom these the true local gods, animistic figures of native meaning and\norigin. Among the following polytheistic systems, examples may be found\nof such combinations, with the complex theological problems they\nsuggest. Among the Australians, above the swarming souls,\nnature-spirits, demons, there stand out mythic figures of higher\ndivinity; Nguk-wonga, the Spirit of the Waters; Biam, who gives\nceremonial songs and causes disease, and is perhaps the same as Baiame\nthe creator; Nambajandi and Warrugura, lords of heaven and the nether\nworld.[593] In South America, if we look into the theology of the Manaos\n(whose name is well known in the famous legend of El Dorado and the\ngolden city of Manoa), we see Mauari and Saraua, who may be called the\nGood and Evil Spirit, and beside the latter the two Gamainhas, Spirits\nof the Waters and the Forest.[594] In North America the description of a\nsolemn Algonquin sacrifice introduces a list of twelve dominant manitus\nor gods; first the Great Manitu in heaven, then the Sun, Moon, Earth,\nFire, Water, the House-god, the Indian corn, and the four Winds or\nCardinal Points.[595] The Polynesian\u2019s crowd of manes, and the lower\nranks of deities of earth, sea, and air, stand below the great gods of\nPeace and War, Oro and Tane the national deities of Tahiti and Huahine,\nRaitubu the Sky-producer, Hina who aided in the work of forming the\nworld, her father Taaroa, the uncreate Creator who dwells in\nHeaven.[596] Among the Land Dayaks of Borneo, the commonalty of spirits\nconsists of the souls of the departed, and of such beings as dwell in\nthe noble old forests on the tops of lofty hills, or such as hover about\nvillages and devour the stores of rice; above these are Tapa, creator\nand preserver of man, and Iang, who taught the Dayaks their religion,\nJirong, whose function is the birth and death of men, and Tenabi, who\nmade, and still causes to flourish, the earth and all things therein\nsave the human race.[597] In West Africa, an example may be taken from\nthe theology of the Slave Coast, a systematic scheme of all nature as\nmoved and quickened by spirits, kindly or hostile to mankind. These\nspirits dwell in field and wood, mountain and valley; they live in air\nand water; multitudes of them have been human souls, such ghosts hover\nabout the graves and near the living, and have influence with the\nunder-gods, whom they worship; among these \u2018edr\u00f5\u2019 are the patron-deities\nof men and families and tribes; through these subordinate beings works\nthe highest god, Mawu. The missionary who describes this negro hierarchy\nquite simply sees in it Satan and his Angels.[598] In Asia, the\nSamoyed\u2019s little spirits that are bound to his little fetishes, and the\nlittle elves of wood and stream, have greater beings above them, the\nForest-Spirit, the River-Spirit, the Sun and Moon, the Evil Spirit and\nthe Good Spirit above all.[599] The countless host of the local gods of\nthe Khonds pervade the world, rule the functions of nature, and control\nthe life of men, and these have their chiefs; above them rank the\ndeified souls of men who have become tutelary gods of tribes; above\nthese are the six great gods, the Rain-god, the goddess of Firstfruits,\nthe god of Increase, the god of Hunting, the iron god of War, the god of\nBoundaries, with which group stands also the Judge of the Dead, and\nabove all other gods, the Sun-god and Creator Boora Pennu, and his wife\nthe mighty Earth-goddess, Tari Pennu.[600] The Spanish conquerors found\nin Mexico a complex and systematic hierarchy of spiritual beings;\nnumberless were the little deities who had their worship in house and\nlane, grove and temple, and from these the worshipper could pass to gods\nof flowers or of pulque, of hunters and goldsmiths, and then to the\ngreat deities of the nation and the world, the figures which the\nmythologist knows so well, Centeotl the Earth-goddess, Tlaloc the\nWater-god, Huitzilopochtli the War-god, Mictlanteuctli the Lord of\nHades, Tonatiuh and Metztli the Sun and Moon.[601] Thus, starting from\nthe theology of savage tribes, the student arrives at the polytheistic\nhierarchies of the Aryan nations. In ancient Greece, the\ncloud-compelling Heaven-god reigns over such deities as the god of War\nand the goddess of Love, the Sun-god and the Moon-goddess, the Fire-god\nand the ruler of the Under-world, the Winds and Rivers, the nymphs of\nwood and well and forest.[602] In modern India, Brahma-Vishnu-Siva reign\npre-eminent over a series of divinities, heterogeneous and often obscure\nin nature, but among whom stand out in clear meaning and purpose such\nfigures as Indra of Heaven and S\u00fbrya of the Sun, Agni of the Fire,\nPavana of the Winds and Varuna of the Waters, Yama lord of the\nUnder-world, K\u00e2ma god of Love and K\u00e2rttikeya of War, Panch\u00e2nana who\ngives epilepsy and Manas\u00e2 who preserves from snake-bites, the divine\nRivers, and below these the ranks of nymphs, elves, demons, ministering\nspirits, of heaven and earth\u2014Gandharvas, Apsaras, Siddhas, Asuras,\nBh\u00fbtas, R\u00e2kshasas.[603]\n\nThe systematic comparison of polytheistic religions has been of late\nyears worked with admirable results. These have been due to the adoption\nof comparatively exact methods, as where the ancient Aryan deities of\nthe Veda have been brought into connexion with those of the Homeric\npoems, in some cases as clearly as where we Englishmen can study in the\nScandinavian Edda the old gods of our own race, whose names stand in\nlocal names on the map of England, and serve as counters to reckon our\ndays of the week. Yet it need scarcely be said that to compare in full\ndetail the deities even of closely connected nations, and \u00e0 fortiori\nthose of tribes not united in language and history, is still a difficult\nand unsatisfactory task. The old-fashioned identifications of the gods\nand heroes of different nations admitted most illusory evidence. Some\nhad little more ground than similar-sounding names, as when the Hindu\nBrahma and Praj\u00e2pati were discovered to be the Hebrew Abraham and\nJaphet, and when even Sir William Jones identified Woden with Buddha.\nWith not much more stringency, it is still often taken as matter of\ncourse that the Keltic Beal, whose bealtines correspond with a whole\nclass of bonfire-customs among several branches of the Aryan race, is\nthe Bel or the Baal of the Semitic cultus. Unfortunately, classical\nscholarship at the Renaissance started the subject on an unsound\nfooting, by accepting the Greek deities with the mystified shapes and\nperverted names they had assumed in Latin literature. That there was a\npartial soundness in such comparisons, as in identifying Zeus and\nJupiter, Hestia and Vesta, made the plan all the more misleading when\nKronos came to figure as Saturn, Poseidon as Neptune, Athene as Minerva.\nTo judge by example of the possible results of comparative theology\nworked on such principles, Thoth being identified with Hermes, Hermes\nwith Mercury, and Mercury with Woden, there comes to pass the absurd\ntransition from the Egyptian ibis-headed divine scribe of the gods, to\nthe Teutonic heaven-dwelling driver of the raging tempest. It is not in\nthis loose fashion that the mental processes are to be sought out, which\nled nations to arrange so similarly and yet so diversely their array of\ndeities.\n\nA twofold perplexity besets the soberest investigator on this ground,\ncaused by the modification of deities by development at home and\nadoption from abroad. Even among the lower races, gods of long\ntraditional legend and worship acquire a mixed and complex personality.\nThe mythologist who seeks to ascertain the precise definition of the Red\nIndian Michabu in his various characters of Heaven-god and Water-god,\nCreator of the Earth and first ancestor of Man, or who examines the\npersonality of the Polynesian Maui in his relation to Sun, lord of\nHeaven or Hades, first Man, and South Sea Island hero, will sympathize\nwith the Semitic or Aryan student bewildered among the heterogeneous\nattributes of Baal and Astarte, Herakles and Athene. Sir William Jones\nscarcely overstated the perplexity of the problem in the following\nremarkable forecast delivered more than a century ago, in the first\nanniversary discourse before the Asiatic Society of Bengal, at a time\nwhen glimpses of the relation of the Hindu to the Greek Pantheon were\nopening into a new broad view of comparative theology in his mind. \u2018We\nmust not be surprised,\u2019 he says, \u2018at finding, on a close examination,\nthat the characters of all the Pagan deities, male and female, melt into\neach other and at last into one or two; for it seems a well-founded\nopinion, that the whole crowd of gods and goddesses in ancient Rome, and\nmodern V\u00e1r\u00e1nes [Benares] mean only the powers of nature, and principally\nthose of the Sun, expressed in a variety of ways and by a multitude of\nfanciful names.\u2019 As to the travelling of gods from country to country,\nand the changes they are apt to suffer on the road, we may judge by\nexamples of what has happened within our knowledge. It is not merely\nthat one nation borrows a god from another with its proper figure and\nattributes and rites, as where in Rome the worshipper of the Sun might\ntake his choice whether he would adore in the temple of the Greek\nApollo, the Egyptian Osiris, the Persian Mithra, or the Syrian\nElagabalus. The intercourse of races can produce quainter results than\nthis. Any Orientalist will appreciate the wonderful hotchpot of Hindu\nand Arabic language and religion in the following details, noted down\namong rude tribes of the Malay Peninsula. We hear of Jin Bumi the\nEarth-god (Arabic jin = demon, Sanskrit bh\u00fbmi = earth); incense is burnt\nto Jewajewa (Sanskrit dewa = god) who intercedes with Pirman the supreme\ninvisible deity above the sky (Brahma?); the Moslem Allah T\u00e1ala, with\nhis wife Nabi Mahamad (Prophet Mohammed), appear in the Hinduized\ncharacters of creator and destroyer of all things; and while the spirits\nworshipped in stones are called by the Hindu term of \u2018dewa\u2019 or deity,\nMoslem conversion has so far influenced the mind of the\nstone-worshipper, that he will give to his sacred boulder the title of a\nProphet Mohammed.[604] If we would have examples nearer home, we may\ntrace the evil demon Aeshma Daeva of the ancient Persian religion\nbecoming the Asmodeus of the book of Tobit, afterwards to find a place\nin the devilry of the middle ages, and to end his career as the Diable\nBoiteux of Le Sage. Even the Aztec war-god Huitzilopochtli may be found\nfiguring as the demon Vizlipuzli in the popular drama of Doctor Faustus.\n\nIn ethnographic comparisons of the religions of mankind, unless there is\nevidence of direct relation between gods belonging to two peoples, the\nsafe and reasonable principle is to limit the identification of deities\nto the attributes they have in common. Thus it is proper to compare the\nDendid of the White Nile with the Aryan Indra, in so far as both are\nHeaven-gods and Rain-gods; the Aztec Tonatiuh with the Greek Apollo, in\nso far as both are Sun-gods; the Australian Baiame with the Scandinavian\nThor, in so far as both are Thunder-gods. The present purpose of\ndisplaying Polytheism as a department of Animism does not require that\nelaborate comparison of systems which would be in place in a manual of\nthe religions of the world. The great gods may be scientifically ranged\nand treated according to their fundamental ideas, the strongly-marked\nand intelligible conceptions which, under names often obscure and\npersonalities often mixed and mystified, they stand to represent. It is\nenough to show the similarity of principle on which the theologic mind\nof the lower races shaped those old familiar types of deity, with which\nour first acquaintance was gained in the pantheon of classic mythology.\nIt will be observed that not all, but the principal figures, belong to\nstrict Nature-worship. These may be here first surveyed. They are Heaven\nand Earth, Rain and Thunder, Water and Sea, Fire and Sun and Moon,\nworshipped either directly for themselves, or as animated by their\nspecial deities, or these deities are more fully set apart and adored in\nanthropomorphic shape\u2014a group of conceptions distinctly and throughout\nbased on the principles of savage fetishism. True, the great Nature-gods\nare huge in strength and far-reaching in influence, but this is because\nthe natural objects they belong to are immense in size or range of\naction, pre-eminent and predominant among lesser fetishes, though still\nfetishes themselves.\n\nIn the religion of the North American Indians, the Heaven-god displays\nperfectly the gradual blending of the material sky itself with its\npersonal deity. In the early times of French colonization, Father\nBrebeuf mentions the Hurons addressing themselves to the earth, rivers,\nlakes, and dangerous rocks, but above all to heaven, believing that it\nis all animated, and some powerful demon dwells therein. He describes\nthem as speaking directly to heaven by its personal name \u2018Aronhiat\u00e9!\u2019\nThus when they throw tobacco into the fire as sacrifice, if it is Heaven\nthey address, they say \u2018Aronhiat\u00e9! (Heaven!) behold my sacrifice, have\npity on me, aid me!\u2019 They have recourse to Heaven in almost all their\nnecessities, and respect this great body above all creatures, remarking\nin it particularly something divine. They imagine in the sky an \u2018oki,\u2019\ni.e. demon or power, which rules the seasons of the year and controls\nthe winds and waves. They dread its anger, calling it to witness when\nthey make some important promise or treaty, saying, Heaven hears what we\ndo this day, and fearing chastisement should their word be broken. One\nof their renowned sorcerers said, Heaven will be angry if men mock him;\nwhen they cry every day to Heaven, Aronhiat\u00e9! yet give him nothing, he\nwill avenge himself. Etymology again suggests the divine sky as the\ninner meaning of the Iroquois supreme deity, Taronhiawagon the\n\u2018sky-comer\u2019 or \u2018sky-holder,\u2019 who had his festival about the winter\nsolstice, who brought the ancestral race out of the mountain, taught\nthem hunting, marriage, and religion, gave them corn and beans, squashes\nand potatoes and tobacco, and guided them on their migrations as they\nspread over the land. Among the North American tribes, not only does the\nconception of the personal divine Heaven thus seem the fundamental idea\nof the Heaven-god, but it may expand under Christian influence into a\nyet more general thought of divinity in the Great Spirit in Heaven.[605]\nIn South Africa, the Zulus speak of the Heaven as a person, ascribing to\nit the power of exercising a will, and they also speak of a Lord of\nHeaven, whose wrath they deprecate during a thunderstorm. In the native\nlegends of the Zulu princess in the country of the Half-Men, the captive\nmaiden expostulates personally with the Sky, for only acting in an\nordinary way, and not in the way she wishes, to destroy her enemies:\u2014\n\n \u2018Listen, yon heaven. Attend; mayoya, listen.\n Listen, heaven. It does not thunder with loud thunder.\n It thunders in an undertone. What is it doing?\n It thunders to produce rain and change of season.\u2019\n\nThereupon the clouds gather tumultuously; the princess sings again and\nit thunders terribly, and the Heaven kills the Half-Men round about her,\nbut she is left unharmed.[606] West Africa is another district where the\nHeaven-god reigns, in whose attributes may be traced the transition from\nthe direct conception of the personal sky to that of the supreme\ncreative deity. Thus in Bonny, one word serves for god, heaven, cloud;\nand in Aquapim, Yankupong is at once the highest god and the weather. Of\nthis latter deity, the Nyankupon of the Oji nation, it is remarked by\nRiis, \u2018The idea of him as a supreme spirit is obscure and uncertain, and\noften confounded with the visible heavens or sky, the upper world\n(sorro) which lies beyond human reach; and hence the same word is used\nalso for heavens, sky, and even for rain and thunder.\u2019[607] The same\ntransition from the divine sky to its anthropomorphic deity shows out in\nthe theology of the Tatar tribes. The rude Samoyed\u2019s mind scarcely if at\nall separates the visible personal Heaven from the divinity united with\nit under one and the same name, Num. Among the more cultured Finns, the\ncosmic attributes of the Heaven-god, Ukko the Old One, display the same\noriginal nature; he is the ancient of Heaven, the father of Heaven, the\nbearer of the Firmament, the god of the Air, the dweller on the Clouds,\nthe Cloud-driver, the shepherd of the Cloud-lambs.[608] So far as the\nevidence of language, and document, and ceremony, can preserve the\nrecord of remotely ancient thought, China shows in the highest deity of\nthe state religion a like theologic development. Tien, Heaven, is in\npersonal shape the Shang-ti or Upper Emperor, the Lord of the Universe.\nThe Chinese books may idealize this supreme divinity; they may say that\nhis command is fate, that he rewards the good and punishes the wicked,\nthat he loves and protects the people beneath him, that he manifests\nhimself through events, that he is a spirit full of insight,\npenetrating, fearful, majestic. Yet they cannot refine him so utterly\naway into an abstract celestial deity, but that language and history\nstill recognize him as what he was in the beginning, Tien, Heaven.[609]\n\nWith such evidence perfectly accords the history of the Heaven-god among\nour Indo-European race. This being, adored in ancient Aryan religion,\nwas\u2014\n\n \u2018... the whole circle of the heavens, for him\n A sensitive existence, and a God,\n With lifted hands invoked, and songs of praise.\u2019\n\nThe evidence of language to this effect has been set forth with extreme\nclearness by Professor Max M\u00fcller. In the first stage, the Sanskrit Dyu\n(Dyaus), the bright sky, is taken in a sense so direct that it expresses\nthe idea of day, and the storms are spoken of as going about in it;\nwhile Greek and Latin rival this distinctness in such terms as \u1f14\u03bd\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2,\n\u2018in the open air,\u2019 \u03b5\u1f54\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, \u2018well-skyed, calm,\u2019 sub divo, \u2018in the open\nair,\u2019 sub Jove frigido, \u2018under the cold sky,\u2019 and that graphic\ndescription by Ennius of the bright firmament, Jove whom all invoke:\u2014\n\n \u2018Aspice hoc sublime candens, quem invocant omnes Jovem.\u2019\n\nIn the second stage, Dyaus pitar, Heaven-father, stands in the Veda as\nconsort of Prithiv\u00ee m\u00e2tar, Earth-mother, ranked high or highest among\nthe bright gods. To the Greek he is \u0396\u03b5\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1, the Heaven-father, Zeus\nthe All-seer, the Cloud-compeller, King of Gods and Men. As Max M\u00fcller\nwrites: \u2018There was nothing that could be told of the sky that was not in\nsome form or other ascribed to Zeus. It was Zeus who rained, who\nthundered, who snowed, who hailed, who sent the lightning, who gathered\nthe clouds, who let loose the winds, who held the rainbow. It is Zeus\nwho orders the days and nights, the months, seasons, and years. It is he\nwho watches over the fields, who sends rich harvests, and who tends the\nflocks. Like the sky, Zeus dwells on the highest mountains; like the\nsky, Zeus embraces the earth; like the sky, Zeus is eternal, unchanging,\nthe highest god. For good and for evil, Zeus the sky and Zeus the god\nare wedded together in the Greek mind, language triumphing over thought,\ntradition over religion.\u2019 The same Aryan Heaven-father is Jupiter, in\nthat original name and nature which he bore in Rome long before they\narrayed him in the borrowed garments of Greek myth, and adapted him to\nthe ideas of classic philosophy.[610] Thus, in nation after nation, took\nplace the great religious development by which the Father-Heaven became\nthe Father in Heaven.\n\nThe Rain-god is most often the Heaven-god exercising a special function,\nthough sometimes taking a more distinctly individual form, or blending\nin characteristics with a general Water-god. In East Central Africa, the\nspirit of an old chief dwelling on a cloudy mountain-top may receive the\nworship of his votaries and send down the refreshing showers in answer\nto their prayers; among the Damaras the highest deity is Omakuru the\nRain-giver, who dwells in the far North; while to the negro of West\nAfrica the Heaven-god is the rain-giver, and may pass in name into the\nrain itself.[611] Pachacamac, the Peruvian world-creator, has set the\nRain-goddess to pour waters over the land, and send down hail and\nsnow.[612] The Aztec Tlaloc was no doubt originally a Heaven-god, for he\nholds the thunder and lightning, but he has taken especially the\nattributes of Water-god and Rain-god; and so in Nicaragua the Rain-god\nQuiateot (Aztec quiahuitl = rain, teotl = god) to whom children were\nsacrificed to bring rain, shows his larger celestial nature by being\nalso sender of thunder and lightning.[613] The Rain-god of the Khonds is\nPidzu Pennu, whom the priests and elders propitiate with eggs and arrack\nand rice and a sheep, and invoke with quaintly pathetic prayers. They\ntell him how, if he will not give water, the land must remain\nunploughed, the seed will rot in the ground, they and their children and\ncattle will die of want, the deer and the wild hog will seek other\nhaunts, and then of what avail will it be for the Rain-god to relent,\nhow little any gift of water will avail, when there shall be left\nneither man, nor cattle, nor seed; so let him, resting on the sky, pour\nwaters down upon them through his sieve, till the deer are drowned out\nof the forest and take refuge in the houses, till the soil of the\nmountains is washed into the valleys, till the cooking-pots burst with\nthe force of the swelling rice, till the beasts gather so plentifully in\nthe green and favoured land, that men\u2019s axes shall be blunted with\ncutting up the game.[614] With perfect meteorological fitness, the Kol\ntribes of Bengal consider their great deity Marang Buru, Great Mountain,\nto be the Rain-god. Marang Buru, one of the most conspicuous hills of\nthe plateau near Lodmah in Chota-Nagpur, is the deity himself or his\ndwelling. Before the rains come on, the women climb the hill, led by the\nwives of the pahans, with girls drumming, to carry offerings of milk and\nbel-leaves, which are put on the flat rock at the top. Then the wives of\nthe pahans kneel with loosened hair and invoke the deity, beseeching him\nto give the crops seasonable rain. They shake their heads violently as\nthey reiterate this prayer, till they work themselves into a frenzy, and\nthe movement becomes involuntary. They go on thus wildly gesticulating,\ntill a cloud is seen; then they rise, take the drums, and dance the\nkurrun on the rock, till Marang Buru\u2019s response to their prayer is heard\nin the distant rumbling of thunder, and they go home rejoicing. They\nmust go fasting to the mount, and stay there till there is \u2018a sound of\nabundance of rain,\u2019 when they get them down to eat and drink. It is said\nthat the rain always comes before evening, but the old women appear to\nchoose their own moment for beginning the fast.[615] It was to Ukko the\nHeaven-god, that in old days the Finn turned with such prayers:\u2014\n\n \u2018Ukko, thou, O God above us\n Thou, O Father in the heavens,\n Thou who rulest in the cloud-land,\n And the little cloud-lambs leadest,\n Send us down the rain from heaven,\n Make the clouds to drop with honey,\n Let the drooping corn look upward,\n Let the grain with plenty rustle.\u2019[616]\n\nQuite like this were the classic conceptions of \u0396\u03b5\u1f7a\u03c2 \u1f51\u03ad\u03c4\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 Jupiter\nPluvius. They are typified in the famous Athenian prayer recorded by\nMarcus Aurelius, \u2018Rain, rain, O dear Zeus, on the plough-lands of the\nAthenians, and the plains!\u2019[617] and in Petronius Arbiter\u2019s complaint of\nthe irreligion of his times, that now no one thinks heaven is heaven, no\none keeps a fast, no one cares a hair for Jove, but all men with closed\neyes reckon up their goods. Afore-time the ladies walked up the hill in\ntheir stoles with bare feet and loosened hair and pure minds, and\nentreated Jove for water; then all at once it rained bucketsfull, then\nor never, and they all went home wet as drowned rats.[618] In later\nages, when drought parched the fields of the medi\u00e6val husbandman, he\ntransferred to other patrons the functions of the Rain-god, and with\nprocession and litany sought help from St. Peter or St. James, or, with\nmore of mythological consistency, from the Queen of Heaven. As for\nourselves, we have lived to see the time when men shrink from addressing\neven to Supreme Deity the old customary rain-prayers, for the rainfall\nis passing from the region of the supernatural, to join the tides and\nseasons in the realm of physical science.\n\nThe place of the Thunder-god in polytheistic religion is similar to that\nof the Rain-god, in many cases even to entire coincidence. But his\ncharacter is rather of wrath than of beneficence, a character which we\nhave half lost the power to realize, since the agonizing terror of the\nthunderstorm which appals savage minds has dwindled away in ours, now\nthat we behold in it not the manifestation of divine wrath, but the\nrestoration of electric equilibrium. North American tribes, as the\nMandans, heard in the thunder and saw in the lightning the clapping\nwings and flashing eyes of that awful heaven-bird which belongs to, or\neven is, the Great Manitu himself.[619] The Dacotas could show at a\nplace called Thunder-tracks, near the source of the St. Peter\u2019s River,\nthe footprints of the thunder-bird five and twenty miles apart. It is to\nbe noticed that these Sioux, among their varied fancies about\nthunder-birds and the like, give unusually well a key to the great\nthunderbolt-myth which recurs in so many lands. They consider the\nlightning entering the ground to scatter there in all directions\nthunderbolt-stones, which are flints, &c., their reason for this notion\nbeing the very rational one, that these siliceous stones actually\nproduce a flash when struck.[620] In an account of certain Carib\ndeities, who were men and are now stars, occurs the name of Savacou, who\nwas changed into a great bird; he is captain of the hurricane and\nthunder, he blows fire through a tube and that is lightning, he gives\nthe great rain. Rochefort describes the effect of a thunderstorm on the\npartly Europeanized Caribs of the West Indies two centuries ago. When\nthey perceive its approach, he says, they quickly betake themselves to\ntheir cabins, and range themselves in the kitchen on their little seats\nnear the fire; hiding their faces and leaning their heads in their hands\nand on their knees, they fall to weeping and lamenting in their jargon\n\u2018Maboya mouche fache contre Cara\u00efbe,\u2019 i.e., Maboya (the evil demon) is\nvery angry with the Caribs. This they say also when there comes a\nhurricane, not leaving off this dismal exercise till it is over, and\nthere is no end to their astonishment that the Christians on these\noccasions manifest no such affliction and fear.[621] The Tupi tribes of\nBrazil are an example of a race among whom the Thunder or the Thunderer,\nTupan, flapping his celestial wings and flashing with celestial light,\nwas developed into the very representative of highest deity, whose name\nstill stands among their Christian descendants as the equivalent of\nGod.[622] In Peru, a mighty and far-worshipped deity was Catequil the\nThunder-god, child of the Heaven-god, he who set free the Indian race\nfrom out of the ground by turning it up with his golden spade, he who in\nthunder-flash and clap hurls from his sling the small round smooth\nthunderstones, treasured in the villages as fire-fetishes and charms to\nkindle the flames of love. How distinct in personality and high in rank\nwas the Thunder and Lightning (Chuqui yllayllapa) in the religion of the\nIncas, may be judged from his huaca or fetish-idol standing on the bench\nbeside the idols of the Creator and the Sun at the great Solar festival\nin Cuzco, when the beasts to be sacrificed were led round them, and the\npriests prayed thus: \u2018O Creator, and Sun, and Thunder, be for ever\nyoung! do not grow old. Let all things be at peace! let the people\nmultiply, and their food, and let all other things continue to\nincrease.\u2019[623]\n\nIn Africa, we may contrast the Zulu, who perceives in thunder and\nlightning the direct action of Heaven or Heaven\u2019s lord, with the Yoruba,\nwho assigns them not to Olorun the Lord of Heaven, but to a lower deity,\nShango the Thunder-god, whom they call also Dzakuta the Stone-caster,\nfor it is he who (as among so many other peoples who have forgotten\ntheir Stone Age) flings down from heaven the stone hatchets which are\nfound in the ground, and preserved as sacred objects.[624] In the\nreligion of the Kamchadals, Billukai, the hem of whose garment is the\nrainbow, dwells in the clouds with many spirits, and sends thunder and\nlightning and rain.[625] Among the Ossetes of the Caucasus the Thunderer\nis Ilya, in whose name mythologists trace a Christian tradition of\nElijah, whose fiery chariot seems indeed to have been elsewhere\nidentified with that of the Thunder-god, while the highest peak of\n\u00c6gina, once the seat of Pan-hellenic Zeus, is now called Mount St.\nElias. Among certain Moslem schismatics, it is even the historical Ali,\ncousin of Mohammed, who is enthroned in the clouds, where the thunder is\nhis voice, and the lightning the lash wherewith he smites the\nwicked.[626] Among the Turanian or Tatar race, the European branch shows\nmost distinctly the figure of the Thunder-god. To the Lapps, Tiermes\nappears to have been the Heaven-god, especially conceived as Aija the\nThunder-god; of old they thought the Thunder (Aija) to be a living\nbeing, hovering in the air and hearkening to the talk of men, smiting\nsuch as spoke of him in an unseemly way; or, as some said, the\nThunder-god is the foe of sorcerers, whom he drives from heaven and\nsmites, and then it is that men hear in thunder-peals the hurtling of\nhis arrows, as he speeds them from his bow, the Rainbow. In Finnish\npoetry, likewise, Ukko the Heaven-god is portrayed with such attributes.\nThe Runes call him Thunderer, he speaks through the clouds, his fiery\nshirt is the lurid storm-cloud, men talk of his stones and his hammer,\nhe flashes his fiery sword and it lightens, or he draws his mighty\nrainbow, Ukko\u2019s bow, to shoot his fiery copper arrows, wherewith men\nwould invoke him to smite their enemies. Or when it is dark in his\nheavenly house he strikes fire, and that is lightning. To this day the\nFinlanders call a thunderstorm an \u2018ukko,\u2019 or an \u2018ukkonen,\u2019 that is, \u2018a\nlittle ukko,\u2019 and when it lightens they say, \u2018There is Ukko striking\nfire!\u2019[627]\n\nWhat is the Aryan conception of the Thunder-god, but a poetic\nelaboration of thoughts inherited from the savage state through which\nthe primitive Aryans had passed? The Hindu Thunder-god is the Heaven-god\nIndra, Indra\u2019s bow is the rainbow, Indra hurls the thunderbolts, he\nsmites his enemies, he smites the dragon-clouds, and the rain pours down\non earth, and the sun shines forth again. The Veda is full of Indra\u2019s\nglories: \u2018Now will I sing the feats of Indra, which he of the\nthunderbolt did of old. He smote Ahi, then he poured forth the waters;\nhe divided the rivers of the mountains. He smote Ahi by the mountain;\nTvashtar forged for him the glorious bolt.\u2019\u2014\u2018Whet, O strong Indra, the\nheavy strong red weapon against the enemies!\u2019\u2014\u2018May the axe (the\nthunderbolt) appear with the light; may the red one blaze forth bright\nwith splendour!\u2019\u2014\u2018When Indra hurls again and again his thunderbolt, then\nthey believe in the brilliant god.\u2019 Nor is Indra merely a great god in\nthe ancient Vedic pantheon, he is the very patron-deity of the invading\nAryan race in India, to whose help they look in their conflicts with the\ndark-skinned tribes of the land. \u2018Destroying the Dasyus, Indra protected\nthe Aryan colour\u2019\u2014\u2018Indra protected in battle the Aryan worshipper, he\nsubdued the lawless for Manu, he conquered the black skin.\u2019[628] This\nHindu Indra is the offspring of Dyaus the Heaven. But in the Greek\nreligion, Zeus is himself Zeus Kerauneios, the wielder of the\nthunderbolt, and thunders from the cloud-capped tops of Ida or Olympos.\nIn like manner the Jupiter Capitolinus of Rome is himself Jupiter\nTonans:\n\n \u2018Ad penetrale Num\u00e6, Capitolinumque Tonantem.\u2019[629]\n\nThus, also, it was in accurate language that the old Slavonic nations\nwere described as adoring Jupiter Tonans as their highest god. He was\nthe cloud-dwelling Heaven-god, his weapon the thunder-bolt, the\nlightning-flash, his name Perun the Smiter (Perkun, Perkunas). In the\nLithuanian district, the thunder itself is Perkun; in past times the\npeasant would cry when he heard the thunder peal \u2018Dewe Perkune apsaugog\nmus!\u2014God Perkun spare us!\u2019 and to this day he says, \u2018Perkunas\ngravja!\u2014Perkun is thundering!\u2019 or \u2018Wezzajs barrahs!\u2014the Old One\ngrowls!\u2019[630] The old German and Scandinavian theology made Thunder,\nDonar, Thor, a special deity to rule the clouds and rain, and hurl his\ncrushing hammer through the air. He reigned high in the Saxon heaven,\ntill the days came when the Christian convert had to renounce him in\nsolemn form, \u2018ec forsacho Thunare!\u2014I forsake Thunder!\u2019 Now, his survival\nis for the most part in mere verbal form, in the etymology of such names\nas Donnersberg, Thorwaldsen, Thursday.[631]\n\nIn the polytheism of the lower as of the higher races, the Wind-gods are\nno unknown figures. The Winds themselves, and especially the Four Winds\nin their four regions, take name and shape as personal divinities, while\nsome deity of wider range, a Wind-god, Storm-god, Air-god, or the mighty\nHeaven-god himself, may stand as compeller or controller of breeze and\ngale and tempest. We have already taken as examples from the Algonquin\nmythology of North America the four winds whose native legends have been\nversified in \u2018Hiawatha;\u2019 Mudjekeewis the West Wind, Father of the Winds\nof Heaven, and his children, Wabun the East Wind, the morning-bringer,\nthe lazy Shawondasse the South Wind, the wild and cruel North Wind, the\nfierce Kabibonokka. Viewed in their religious aspect, these mighty\nbeings correspond with four of the great manitus sacrificed to among the\nDelawares, the West, South, East, and North; while the Iroquois\nacknowledged a deity of larger grasp, G\u00e4oh, the Spirit of the Winds, who\nholds them prisoned in the mountains in the Home of the Winds.[632] The\nPolynesian Wind-gods are thus described by Ellis: \u2018The chief of these\nwere Veromatautoru and Tairibu, brother and sister to the children of\nTaaroa, their dwelling was near the great rock, which was the foundation\nof the world. Hurricanes, tempests, and all destructive winds, were\nsupposed to be confined within them, and were employed by them to punish\nsuch as neglected the worship of the gods. In stormy weather their\ncompassion was sought by the tempest-driven mariner at sea, or the\nfriends of such on shore. Liberal presents, it was supposed, would at\nany time purchase a calm. If the first failed, subsequent ones were\ncertain of success. The same means were resorted to for procuring a\nstorm, but with less certainty. Whenever the inhabitants of one island\nheard of invasion from those of another, they immediately carried large\nofferings to these deities, and besought them to destroy by tempest the\nhostile fleet whenever it might put to sea. Some of the most intelligent\npeople still think evil spirits had formerly great power over the winds,\nas they say there have been no such fearful storms since they abolished\nidolatry, as there were before.\u2019 Or, again, the great deity Maui adds a\nnew complication to his enigmatic solar-celestial character by appearing\nas a Wind-God. In Tahiti he was identified with the East Wind; in New\nZealand he holds all the winds but the west in his hands, or he\nimprisons them with great stones rolled to the mouths of their caves,\nsave the West Wind which he cannot catch or prison, so that it almost\nalways blows.[633] To the Kamchadal, it is Billukai the Heaven-god who\ncomes down and drives his sledge on earth, and men see his traces in the\nwind-drifted snow.[634] To the Finn, while there are traces of\nsubordinate Wind-gods in his mythology, the great ruler of wind and\nstorm is Ukko the Heaven-god;[635] while the Esth looked rather to\nTuule-ema, Wind\u2019s Mother, and when the gale shrieks he will still say\n\u2018Wind\u2019s mother wails, who knows what mothers shall wail next.\u2019[636] Such\ninstances from Allophylian mythology[637] show types which are found\ndeveloped in full vigour by the Aryan races. In the Vedic hymns, the\nStorm Gods, the Maruts, borne along with the fury of the boisterous\nwinds, with the rain-clouds distribute showers over the earth, make\ndarkness during the day, rend the trees and devour the forests like wild\nelephants.[638] No effort of the Red Indian\u2019s personifying fancy in the\ntales of the dancing Pauppuk-keewis the Whirlwind, or that fierce and\nshifty hero, Manabozho the North-West Wind, can more than match the\ndescription in the Iliad, of Achilles calling on Boreas and Zephyros\nwith libations and vows of sacrifice, to blow into a blaze the funeral\npyre of Patroklos\u2014\n\n ... his prayer\n Swift Iris heard, and bore it to the Winds.\n They in the hall of gusty Zephyrus\n Were gathered round the feast; in haste appearing,\n Swift Iris on the stony threshold stood.\n They saw, and rising all, besought her each\n To sit beside him; she with their requests\n Refused compliance, and addressed them thus,\u2019 &c.\n\n\u00c6olus with the winds imprisoned in his cave has the office of the Red\nIndian Spirit of the Winds, and of the Polynesian Maui. With quaint\nadaptation to nature-myth and even to moral parable, the Harpies, the\nStorm-gusts that whirl and snatch and dash and smirch with eddying\ndust-clouds, become the loathsome bird-monsters sent to hover over the\ntable of Phineus to claw and defile his dainty viands.[639] If we are to\nchoose an Aryan Storm-god for ideal grandeur, we must seek him in\n\n \u2018... the hall where Runic Odin\n Howls his war-song to the gale.\u2019\n\nJakob Grimm has defined Odin or Woden as \u2018the all-penetrating creative\nand formative power.\u2019 But such abstract conceptions can hardly be\nascribed to his barbaric worshippers. As little may his real nature be\ndiscovered among the legends which degrade him to a historical king of\nNorthern men, an \u2018Othinus rex.\u2019 See the All-father sitting cloud-mantled\non his heaven-seat, overlooking the deeds of men, and we may discern in\nhim the attributes of the Heaven-god. Hear the peasant say of the raging\ntempest, that it is \u2018Odin faring by;\u2019 trace the mythological transition\nfrom Woden\u2019s tempest to the \u2018W\u00fctende Heer,\u2019 the \u2018Wild Huntsman\u2019 of our\nown grand storm-myth, and we shall recognize the old Teutonic deity in\nhis function of cloud-compeller, of Tempest-god.[640] The \u2018rude\nCarinthian boor\u2019 can show a relic from a yet more primitive stage of\nmental history, when he sets up a wooden bowl of various meats on a tree\nbefore his house, to fodder the wind that it may do no harm. In Swabia,\nTyrol, and the Upper Palatinate, when the storm rages, they will fling a\nspoonful or a handful of meal in the face of the gale, with this formula\nin the last-named district, \u2018Da Wind, hast du Mehl f\u00fcr dein Kind, aber\naufh\u00f6ren musst du!\u2019[641]\n\nThe Earth-deity takes an important place in polytheistic religion. The\nAlgonquins would sing medicine-songs to Mesukkummik Okwi, the Earth, the\nGreat-Grandmother of all. In her charge (and she must be ever at home in\nher lodge) are left the animals whose flesh and skins are man\u2019s food and\nclothing, and the roots and medicines of sovereign power to heal\nsickness and kill game in time of hunger; therefore good Indians never\ndig up the roots of which their medicines are made, without depositing\nan offering in the earth for Mesukkummik Okwi.[642] In the list of\nfetish-deities of Peruvian tribes, the Earth, adored as Mamapacha,\nMother Earth, took high subordinate rank below Sun and Moon in the\npantheon of the Incas, and at harvest-time ground corn and libations of\nchicha were offered to her that she might grant a good harvest.[643] Her\nrank is similar in the Aquapim theology of West Africa; first the\nHighest God in the firmament, then the Earth as universal mother, then\nthe fetish. The negro, offering his libation before some great\nundertaking, thus calls upon the triad: \u2018Creator, come drink! Earth,\ncome drink! Bosumbra, come drink!\u2019[644]\n\nAmong the indigenes of India, the Bygah tribes of Seonee show a\nwell-marked worship of the Earth. They call her \u2018Mother Earth\u2019 or\nDhurteemah, and before praying or eating their food, which is looked on\nalways as a daily sacrifice, they invariably offer some of it to the\nearth, before using the name of any other god.[645] Of all religions of\nthe world, perhaps that of the Khonds of Orissa gives the Earth-goddess\nher most remarkable place and function. Boora Pennu or Bella Pennu, the\nLight-god or Sun-god, created Tari Pennu the Earth-goddess for his\nconsort, and from them were born the other great gods. But strife arose\nbetween the mighty parents, and it became the wife\u2019s work to thwart the\ngood creation of her husband, and to cause all physical and moral ill.\nThus to the Sun-worshipping sect she stands abhorred on the bad eminence\nof the Evil Deity. But her own sect, the Earth-worshipping sect, seem to\nhold ideas of her nature which are more primitive and genuine. The\nfunctions which they ascribe to her, and the rites with which they\npropitiate her, display her as the Earth-mother, raised by an intensely\nagricultural race to an extreme height of divinity. It was she who with\ndrops of her blood made the soft muddy ground harden into firm earth;\nthus men learnt to offer human victims, and the whole earth became firm;\nthe pastures and ploughed fields came into use, and there were cattle\nand sheep and poultry for man\u2019s service; hunting began, and there were\niron and ploughshares and harrows and axes, and the juice of the\npalm-tree; and love arose between the sons and daughters of the people,\nmaking new households, and society with its relations of father and\nmother, and wife and child, and the bonds between ruler and subject. It\nwas the Khond Earth-goddess who was propitiated with those hideous\nsacrifices, the suppression of which is matter of recent Indian history.\nWith dances and drunken orgies, and a mystery play to explain in\ndramatic dialogue the purpose of the rite, the priest offered Tari Pennu\nher sacrifice, and prayed for children and cattle and poultry and brazen\npots and all wealth; every man and woman wished a wish, and they tore\nthe slave-victim piecemeal, and spread the morsels over the fields they\nwere to fertilize.[646] In Northern Asia, also, among the Tatar races,\nthe office of the Earth-deity is strongly and widely marked. Thus in the\nnature-worship of the Tunguz and Buraets, Earth stands among the greater\ndivinities. It is especially interesting to notice among the Finns a\ntransition like that just observed from the god Heaven to the\nHeaven-god. In the designation of Maaem\u00e4, Earth-mother, given to the\nearth itself, there may be traced survival from the stage of direct\nnature-worship, while the passage to the conception of a divine being\ninhabiting and ruling the material substance, is marked by the use of\nthe name Maan emo, Earth\u2019s mother, for the ancient subterranean goddess\nwhom men would ask to make the grass shoot thick and the thousandfold\nears mount high, or might even entreat to rise in person out of the\nearth to give them strength. The analogy of other mythologies agrees\nwith the definition of the divine pair who reign in Finn theology: as\nUkko the Grandfather is the Heaven-god, so his spouse Akka the\nGrandmother is the Earth-goddess.[647] Thus in the ancient\nnature-worship of China, the personal Earth holds a place below the\nHeaven. Tien and Tu are closely associated in the national rites, and\nthe idea of the pair as universal parents, if not an original conception\nin Chinese theology, is at any rate developed in Chinese classic\nsymbolism. Heaven and Earth receive their solemn sacrifices not at the\nhands of common mortals but of the Son of Heaven, the Emperor, and his\ngreat vassals and mandarins. Yet their adoration is national; they are\nworshipped by the people who offer incense to them on the hill-tops at\ntheir autumn festival, they are adored by successful candidates in\ncompetitive examination; and, especially and appropriately, the\nprostration of bride and bridegroom before the father and mother of all\nthings, the \u2018worshipping of Heaven and Earth,\u2019 is the all-important\nceremony of a Chinese marriage.[648]\n\nThe Vedic hymns commemorate the goddess Prithiv\u00ee, the broad Earth, and\nin their ancient strophes the modern Brahmans still pray for benefits to\nmother Earth and father Heaven, side by side:\u2014\n\n \u2018Tanno V\u00e2to mayobhu v\u00e2tu bheshajam tanm\u00e2t\u00e2 Prithiv\u00ee tatpit\u00e2\n Dyauh.\u2019[649]\n\nGreek religion shows a transition to have taken place like that among\nthe Turanian tribes, for the older simpler nature-deity Gaia, \u0393\u1fc6 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\n\u03bc\u03ae\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1, Earth the All-Mother, seems to have faded into the more\nanthropomorphic D\u0113m\u0113t\u0113r, Earth-Mother, whose eternal fire burned in\nMantin\u0113a, and whose temples stood far and wide over the land which she\nmade kindly to the Greek husbandman.[650] The Romans acknowledged her\nplain identity as Terra Mater, Ops Mater.[651] Tacitus could rightly\nrecognize this deity of his own land among German tribes, worshippers of\n\u2018Nerthum (or, Hertham), id est Terram matrem,\u2019 Mother Earth, whose holy\ngrove stood in an ocean isle, whose chariot drawn by cows passed through\nthe land making a season of peace and joy, till the goddess, satiated\nwith mortal conversation, was taken back by her priest to her temple,\nand the chariot and garments and even the goddess herself were washed in\na secret lake, which forthwith swallowed up the ministering\nslaves\u2014\u2018hence a mysterious terror and sacred ignorance, what that should\nbe which only the doomed to perish might behold.\u2019[652] If in these\nmodern days we seek in Europe traces of Earth-worship, we may find them\nin curiously distinct survival in Germany, if no longer in the Christmas\nfood-offerings buried in and for the earth up to early in this\ncentury,[653] at any rate among Gypsy hordes. Dewel, the great god in\nheaven (dewa, deus), is rather feared than loved by these weatherbeaten\noutcasts, for he harms them on their wanderings with his thunder and\nlightning, his snow and rain, and his stars interfere with their dark\ndoings. Therefore they curse him foully when misfortune falls on them,\nand when a child dies, they say that Dewel has eaten it. But Earth,\nMother of all good, self-existing from the beginning, is to them holy,\nso holy that they take heed never to let the drinking-cup touch the\nground, for it would become too sacred to be used by men.[654]\n\nWater-worship, as has been seen, may be classified as a special\ndepartment of religion. It by no means follows, however, that savage\nwater-worshippers should necessarily have generalized their ideas, and\npassed beyond their particular water-deities to arrive at the conception\nof a general deity presiding over water as an element. Divine springs,\nstreams, and lakes, water-spirits, deities concerned with the clouds and\nrain, are frequent, and many details of them are cited here, but I have\nnot succeeded in finding among the lower races any divinity whose\nattributes, fairly criticized, will show him or her to be an original\nand absolute elemental Water-god. Among the deities of the Dakotas,\nUnktahe the fish-god of the waters is a master-spirit of sorcery and\nreligion, the rival even of the mighty Thunderbird.[655] In the Mexican\npantheon, Tlaloc god of rain and waters, fertilizer of earth and lord of\nparadise, whose wife is Chalchihuitlicue, Emerald-Skirt, dwells among\nthe mountain-tops where the clouds gather and pour down the\nstreams.[656] Yet neither of these mythic beings approaches the\ngenerality of conception that belongs to full elemental deity, and even\nthe Greek N\u0113reus, though by his name he should be the very\npersonification of water (\u03bd\u03b7\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2), seems too exclusively marine in his\nhome and family to be cited as the Water-god. Nor is the reason of this\nhard to find. It is an extreme stretch of the power of theological\ngeneralization to bring water in its myriad forms under one divinity,\nthough each individual body of water, even the smallest stream or lake,\ncan have its personal individuality or indwelling spirit.\n\nIslanders and coast-dwellers indeed live face to face with mighty\nwater-deities, the divine Sea and the great Sea-gods. What the sea may\nseem to an uncultured man who first beholds it, we may learn among the\nLampongs of Sumatra: \u2018The inland people of that country are said to pay\na kind of adoration to the sea, and to make to it an offering of cakes\nand sweetmeats on their beholding it for the first time, deprecating its\npower of doing them mischief.\u2019[657] The higher stage of such doctrine is\nwhere the sea, no longer itself personal, is considered as ruled by\nindwelling spirits. Thus Tuaraatai and Ruahatu, principal among marine\ndeities of Polynesia, send the sharks to execute their vengeance. Hiro\ndescends to the depths of the ocean and dwells among the monsters, they\nlull him to sleep in a cavern, the Wind-god profits by his absence to\nraise a violent storm to destroy the boats in which Hiro\u2019s friends are\nsailing, but, roused by a friendly spirit-messenger, the Sea-god rises\nto the surface and quells the tempest.[658] This South Sea Island myth\nmight well have been in the Odyssey. We may point to the Guinea Coast as\na barbaric region where Sea-worship survives in its extremest form. It\nappears from Bosman\u2019s account, about 1700, that in the religion of\nWhydah, the Sea ranked only as younger brother in the three divine\norders, below the Serpents and Trees. But at present, as appears from\nCaptain Burton\u2019s evidence, the religion of Whydah extends through\nDahome, and the divine Sea has risen in rank. \u2018The youngest brother of\nthe triad is Hu, the ocean or sea. Formerly it was subject to\nchastisement, like the Hellespont, if idle or useless. The Huno, or\nocean priest, is now considered the highest of all, a fetish king, at\nWhydah, where he has 500 wives. At stated times he repairs to the beach,\nbegs \u2018Agbwe,\u2019 the ... ocean god, not to be boisterous, and throws in\nrice and corn, oil and beans, cloth, cowries, and other valuables.... At\ntimes the king sends as an ocean sacrifice from Agbome a man carried in\na hammock, with the dress, the stool, and the umbrella of a caboceer; a\ncanoe takes him out to sea, where he is thrown to the sharks.\u2019[659]\nWhile in these descriptions the individual divine personality of the sea\nis so well marked, an account of the closely related Slave Coast\nreligion states that a great god dwells in the sea, and it is to him,\nnot to the sea itself, that offerings are cast in.[660] In South America\nthe idea of the divine Sea is clearly marked in the Peruvian worship of\nMamacocha, Mother Sea, giver of food to men.[661] Eastern Asia, both in\nits stages of lower and higher civilization, contributes members to the\ndivine group. In Kamchatka, Mitgk the Great Spirit of the Sea, fish-like\nhimself, sends the fish up the rivers.[662] Japan deifies separately on\nland and at sea the lords of the waters; Midsuno Kami, the Water-god, is\nworshipped during the rainy season; Jebisu, the Sea-god, is younger\nbrother of the Sun.[663]\n\nAmong barbaric races we thus find two conceptions current, the personal\ndivine Sea and the anthropomorphic Sea-god. These represent two stages\nof development of one idea\u2014the view of the natural object as itself an\nanimated being, and the separation of its animating fetish-soul as a\ndistinct spiritual deity. To follow the enquiry into classic times shows\nthe same distinction as strongly marked. When Kleomenes marched down to\nThyrea, having slaughtered a bull to the sea (\u03c3\u03c6\u03b1\u03b3\u03b9\u03b1\u03c3\u03ac\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad \u03c4\u1fc7\n\u03b8\u03b1\u03bb\u03ac\u03c3\u03c3\u1fc3 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd) he embarked his army in ships for the Tirynthian land\nand Nauplia.[664] Cicero makes Cotta remark to Balbus that \u2018our\ngenerals, embarking on the sea, have been accustomed to immolate a\nvictim to the waves,\u2019 and he goes on to argue, not unfairly, that if the\nEarth herself is a goddess, what is she other than Tellus, and \u2018if the\nEarth, the Sea too, whom thou saidst to be Neptune.\u2019[665] Here is direct\nnature-worship in its extremest sense of fetish-worship. But in the\nanthropomorphic stage appear that dim pr\u00e6-Olympian figure of N\u0113reus the\nOld Man of the Sea, father of the Nereids in their ocean caves, and the\nHomeric Poseid\u014dn the Earth-shaker, who stables his coursers in his cave\nin the \u00c6gean deeps, who harnesses the gold-maned steeds to his chariot\nand drives through the dividing waves, while the subject sea-beasts come\nup at the passing of their lord, a king so little bound to the element\nhe governs, that he can come from the brine to sit in the midst of the\ngods in the assembly on Olympos, and ask the will of Zeus.[666]\n\nFire-worship brings into view again, though under different aspects and\nwith different results, the problems presented by water-worship. The\nreal and absolute worship of fire falls into two great divisions, the\nfirst belonging rather to fetishism, the second to polytheism proper,\nand the two apparently representing an earlier and later stage of\ntheological ideas. The first is the rude barbarian\u2019s adoration of the\nactual flame which he watches writhing, roaring, devouring like a live\nanimal; the second belongs to an advanced generalization, that any\nindividual fire is a manifestation of one general elemental being\u2014the\nFire-god. Unfortunately, evidence of the exact meaning of fire-worship\namong the lower races is scanty, while the transition from fetishism to\npolytheism seems a gradual process of which the stages elude close\ndefinition. Moreover, it must be borne in mind that rites performed with\nfire are, though often, yet by no means necessarily, due to worship of\nthe fire itself. Authors who have indiscriminately mixed up such rites\nas the new fire, the perpetual fire, the passing through the fire,\nclassing them as acts of fire-worship, without proper evidence as to\ntheir meaning in any particular case, have added to the perplexity of a\nsubject not too easy to deal with, even under strict precautions. Two\nsources of error are especially to be noted. On the one hand, fire\nhappens to be a usual means whereby sacrifices are transmitted to\ndeparted souls and deities in general; and on the other hand, the\nceremonies of earthly fire-worship are habitually and naturally\ntransferred to celestial fire-worship in the religion of the Sun.\n\nIt may best serve the present purpose to carry a line of some of the\nbest-defined facts which seems to bear on fire-worship proper, from\nsavagery on into the higher culture. In the last century, Loskiel, a\nmissionary among the North American Indians, remarks that \u2018In great\ndanger, an Indian has been observed to lie prostrate on his face, and\nthrowing a handful of tobacco into the fire, to call aloud, as in an\nagony of distress, \u201cThere, take and smoke, be pacified, and don\u2019t hurt\nme.\u201d\u2019 Of course this may have been a mere sacrifice transmitted to some\nother spiritual being through fire, but we have in this region explicit\nstatements as to a distinct fire-deity. The Delawares, it appears from\nthe same author, acknowledged the Fire-manitu, first parent of all\nIndian nations, and celebrated a yearly festival in his honour, when\ntwelve manitus, animal and vegetable, attended him as subordinate\ndeities.[667] In North-West America, in Washington Irving\u2019s account of\nthe Chinooks and other Columbia River Tribes, mention is made of the\nspirit which inhabits fire. Powerful both for evil and good, and\nseemingly rather evil than good in nature, this being must be kept in\ngood humour by frequent offerings. The Fire-spirit has great influence\nwith the winged a\u00ebrial supreme deity, wherefore the Indians implore him\nto be their interpreter, to procure them success in hunting and fishing,\nfleet horses, obedient wives, and male children.[668] In the elaborately\nsystematic religion of Mexico, there appears in his proper place a\nFire-god, closely related to the Sun-god in character, but keeping well\nmarked his proper identity. His name was Xiuhteuctli, Fire-lord, and\nthey called him likewise Huehueteotl, the old god. Great honour was paid\nto this god Fire, who gives them heat, and bakes their cakes, and roasts\ntheir meat. Therefore at every meal the first morsel and libation were\ncast into the fire, and every day the deity had incense burnt to him.\nTwice in the year were held his solemn festivals. At the first, a felled\ntree was set up in his honour, and the sacrificers danced round his fire\nwith the human victims, whom afterwards they cast into a great fire,\nonly to drag them out half roasted for the priests to complete the\nsacrifice. The second was distinguished by the rite of the new fire, so\nwell known in connexion with solar worship; the friction-fire was\nsolemnly made before the image of Xiuhteuctli in his sanctuary in the\ncourt of the great teocalli, and the game brought in at the great hunt\nwhich began the festival was cooked at the sacred fire for the banquets\nthat ended it.[669] Polynesia well knows from the mythological point of\nview Mahuika the Fire-god, who keeps the volcano-fire on his\nsubterranean hearth, whither Maui goes down (as the Sun into the\nUnderworld) to bring up fire for man; but in the South Sea islands there\nis scarcely a trace of actual rites of fire-worship.[670] In West\nAfrica, among the gods of Dahome is Zo the fire-fetish; a pot of fire is\nplaced in a room, and sacrifice is offered to it, that fire may \u2018live\u2019\nthere, and not go forth to destroy the house.[671]\n\nAsia is a region where distinct fire-worship may be peculiarly well\ntraced through the range of lower and higher civilization. The rude\nKamchadals, worshipping all things that did them harm or good,\nworshipped the fire, offering to it noses of foxes and other game, so\nthat one might tell by looking at furs whether they had been taken by\nbaptized or heathen hunters.[672] The Ainos of Yesso worship Abe kamui\nthe Fire-deity as the benefactor of men, the messenger to the other\ngods, the purifier who heals the sick.[673] Turanian tribes likewise\nhold fire a sacred element, many Tunguz, Mongol, and Turk tribes\nsacrifice to Fire, and some clans will not eat meat without first\nthrowing a morsel upon the hearth. The following passage is from a\nMongol wedding-song to the personified Fire, \u2018Mother Ut, Queen of Fire,\nthou who art made from the elm that grows on the mountain-tops of\nChanggai-Chan and Burchatu-Chan, thou who didst come forth when heaven\nand earth divided, didst come forth from the footsteps of Mother Earth,\nand wast formed by the King of Gods. Mother Ut, whose father is the hard\nsteel, whose mother is the flint, whose ancestors are the elm-trees,\nwhose shining reaches to the sky and pervades the earth. Goddess Ut, we\nbring thee yellow oil for offering, and a white wether with yellow head,\nthou who hast a manly son, a beauteous daughter-in-law, bright\ndaughters. To thee, Mother Ut, who ever lookest upward, we bring brandy\nin bowls, and fat in both hands. Give prosperity to the King\u2019s son (the\nbridegroom), to the King\u2019s daughter (the bride), and to all the\npeople!\u2019[674] As an analogue to Hephaistos the Greek divine smith, may\nstand the Circassian Fire-god, Tleps, patron of metal-workers, and the\npeasants whom he has provided with plough and hoe.[675]\n\nAmong the most ancient cultured nations of the Old World, Egyptians,\nBabylonians, Assyrians, accounts of fire-worship are absent, or so\nscanty and obscure that their study is more valuable in compiling the\nhistory than in elucidating the principles of religion.[676] For this\nscientific purpose, the more full and minute documents of Aryan religion\ncan give a better answer. In various forms and under several names, the\nFire-god is known. Nowhere does he carry his personality more distinctly\nthan under his Sanskrit name of Agni, a word which keeps its quality,\nthough not his divinity, in the Latin \u2018ignis.\u2019 The name of Agni is the\nfirst word of the first hymn of the Rig-Veda: \u2018Agnim \u00eele puro-hitam\nyajnasya devam ritvijam!\u2014Agni I entreat, divine appointed priest of\nsacrifice!\u2019 The sacrifices which Agni receives go to the gods, he is the\nmouth of the gods, but he is no lowly minister, as it is said in another\nhymn:\n\n \u2018No god indeed, no mortal is beyond the might of thee, the mighty\n one, with the Maruts come hither, O Agni!\u2019\n\nSuch the mighty Agni is among the gods, yet he comes within the\npeasant\u2019s cottage to be protector of the domestic hearth. His worship\nhas survived the transformation of the ancient patriarchal Vedic\nreligion of nature into the priest-ridden Hinduism of our own day. In\nIndia there may yet be found the so-called Fire-priests (Agnihotri) who\nperform according to Vedic rite the sacrifices entitling the worshippers\nto heavenly life. The sacred fire-drill for churning the new fire by\nfriction of wood (arani) is used so that Agni still is new-born of the\ntwirling fire-sticks, and receives the melted butter of the\nsacrifice.[677] Among the records of fire-worship in Asia, is the\naccount of Jonas Hanways\u2019s \u2018Travels,\u2019 dating from about 1740, of the\neverlasting fire at the burning wells near Baku, on the Caspian. At the\nsacred spot stood several ancient stone temples, mostly arched vaults 10\nto 15 feet high. One little temple was still used for worship, near the\naltar of which, about three feet high, a large hollow cane conveyed the\ngas up from the ground, burning at the mouth with a blue flame. Here\nwere generally forty or fifty poor devotees, come on pilgrimage from\ntheir country to make expiation for themselves and others, and\nsubsisting on wild celery, &c. These pilgrims are described as marking\ntheir foreheads with saffron, and having great veneration for a red cow;\nthey wore little clothing, and the holiest of them kept one arm on their\nheads, or continued unmoved in some other posture; they are described as\nGhebers, or Gours, the usual Moslem term for Fire-worshippers.[678]\n\nIn general, this name of Ghebers is applied to the Zoroastrians or\nParsis, whom a modern European would all but surely point to if asked to\ninstance a modern race of Fire-worshippers. Classical accounts of the\nPersian religion set down fire-worship as part and parcel of it; the\nMagi, it is recorded, hold the gods to be Fire and Earth and Water; and\nagain, the Persians reckon the Fire to be a god (\u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u03c6\u03bf\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd).[679] On\nthe testimony of the old religious books of the Parsis themselves, Fire,\nas the greatest Ized, as giver of increase and health, as craving for\nwood and scents and fat, seems to take the distinctest divine\npersonality. Their doctrine that Ardebehist, the presiding angel or\nspirit of fire, is adored, but not the material object he belongs to, is\na perfect instance of the development of the idea of an elemental\ndivinity from that of an animated fetish. When, driven by Moslem\npersecution from Persia, Parsi exiles landed in Gujarat, they described\ntheir religion in an official document as being the worship of Agni or\nFire, thus claiming for themselves a place among recognized Hindu\nsects.[680] In modern times, though for the most part the Parsis have\nfound toleration and prosperity in India, yet an oppressed remnant of\nthe race still keeps up the everlasting fires at Yezd and Kirman, in\ntheir old Persian land. The modern Parsis, as in Strabo\u2019s time, scruple\nto defile the fire or blow it with their breath, they abstain from\nsmoking out of regard not to themselves but to the sacred element, and\nthey keep up consecrated ever-burning fires before which they do\nworship. Nevertheless, Prof. Max M\u00fcller is able to say of the Parsis of\nour own day: \u2018The so-called Fire-worshippers certainly do not worship\nthe fire, and they naturally object to a name which seems to place them\non a level with mere idolators. All they admit is, that in their youth\nthey are taught to face some luminous object while worshipping God, and\nthat they regard the fire, like other great natural phenomena, as an\nemblem of the Divine power. But they assure us that they never ask\nassistance or blessings from an unintelligent material object, nor is it\neven considered necessary to turn the face to any emblem whatever in\npraying to Ormuzd.\u2019[681] Now, admitting this view of fire-worship as\ntrue of the more intelligent Parsis, and leaving aside the question how\nfar among the more ignorant this symbolism may blend (as in such cases\nis usual) into actual adoration, we may ask what is the history of\nceremonies which thus imitate, yet are not, fire-worship. The\nethnographic answer is clear and instructive. The Parsi is the\ndescendant of a race in this respect represented by the modern Hindu, a\nrace who did simply and actually worship Fire. Fire-worship still forms\na link historically connecting the Vedic with the Zoroastrian ritual;\nfor the Agnishtoma or praise of Agni the Fire, where four goats are to\nbe sacrificed and burnt, is represented by the Yajishn ceremony, where\nthe Parsi priests are now content to put some hair of an ox in a vessel\nand show it to the Fire. But the development of the more philosophic\nZarathustrian doctrines has led to a result common in the history of\nreligion, that the ancient distinctly meant rite has dwindled to a\nsymbol, to be preserved with changed sense in a new theology.\n\nSomewhat of the same kind may have taken place among the European race\nwho seem in some respects the closest relatives of the old Persians.\nSlavonic history possibly keeps up some trace of direct and absolute\nfire-worship, as where in Bohemia the Pagans are described as\nworshipping fires, groves, trees, stones. But though the Lithuanians and\nOld Prussians and Russians are among the nations whose especial rite it\nwas to keep up sacred everlasting fires, yet it seems that their\nfire-rites were in the symbolic stage, ceremonies of their great\ncelestial-solar religion, rather than acts of direct worship to a\nFire-god.[682] Classical religion, on the other hand, brings prominently\ninto view the special deities of fire. H\u0113phaistos, Vulcan, the divine\nmetallurgist who had his temples on \u00c6tna and Lipari, stands in especial\nconnexion with the subterranean volcanic fire, and combines the nature\nof the Polynesian Mahuika and the Circassian Tleps. The Greek Hestia,\nthe divine hearth, the ever-virgin venerable goddess, to whom Zeus gave\nfair office instead of wedlock, sits in the midst of the house,\nreceiving fat:\u2014\n\n \u2018\u03a4\u1fc7 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u1f74\u03c1 \u0396\u03b5\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03b4\u1ff6\u03ba\u03b5 \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u1f78\u03bd \u03b3\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03c4\u1f76 \u03b3\u03ac\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf,\n \u039a\u03b1\u03af \u03c4\u03b5 \u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u1ff3 \u03bf\u1f34\u03ba\u1ff3 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u2019 \u1f04\u03c1\u2019 \u1f14\u03b6\u03b5\u03c4\u03bf \u03c0\u1fd6\u03b1\u03c1 \u1f11\u03bb\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b1.\u2019\n\nIn the high halls of gods and men she has her everlasting seat, and\nwithout her are no banquets among mortals, for to Hestia first and last\nis poured the honey-sweet wine:\u2014\n\n \u2018\u1f18\u03c3\u03c4\u03af\u03b7, \u1f23 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03b4\u03ce\u03bc\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f51\u03c8\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd\n \u1f08\u03b8\u03b1\u03bd\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u03b5 \u03b8\u03b5\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c7\u03b1\u03bc\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03c1\u03c7\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u2019 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b8\u03c1\u03ce\u03c0\u03c9\u03bd\n \u1f1c\u03b4\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd \u1f00\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1f14\u03bb\u03b1\u03c7\u03b5, \u03c0\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03b2\u03b7\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03c4\u03b9\u03bc\u1f74\u03bd,\n \u039a\u03b1\u03bb\u1f78\u03bd \u1f14\u03c7\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1 \u03b3\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03af\u03bc\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u00b7 \u03bf\u1f50 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u1f04\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1 \u03c3\u03bf\u1fe6\n \u0395\u1f30\u03bb\u03b1\u03c0\u03af\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b8\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd, \u1f35\u03bd\u2019 \u03bf\u1f50 \u03c0\u03c1\u1ff6\u03c4\u1fc3 \u03c0\u03c5\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u1fc3 \u03c4\u03b5\n \u1f19\u03c3\u03c4\u03af\u1fc3 \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c3\u03c0\u03ad\u03bd\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9 \u03bc\u03b5\u03bb\u03b9\u03b7\u03b4\u03ad\u03b1 \u03bf\u1f36\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd.\u2019[683]\n\nIn Greek civil life, Hestia sat in house and assembly as representative\nof domestic and social order. Like her in name and origin, but not\naltogether in development, is Vesta with her ancient Roman cultus, and\nher retinue of virgins to keep up her pure eternal fire in her temple,\nneeding no image, for she herself dwelt within:\u2014\n\n \u2018Esse diu stultus Vest\u00e6 simulacra putavi:\n Mox didici curvo nulla subesse tholo.\n Ignis inextinctus templo celatur in illo.\n Effigiem nullam Vesta nec ignis habet.\u2019[684]\n\nThe last lingering relics of fire-worship in Europe reach us, as usual,\nboth through Turanian and Aryan channels of folklore. The Esthonian\nbride consecrates her new hearth and home by an offering of money cast\ninto the fire, or laid on the oven for Tule-ema, Fire-mother.[685] The\nCarinthian peasant will \u2018fodder\u2019 the fire to make it kindly, and throw\nlard or dripping to it, that it may not burn his house. To the Bohemian\nit is a godless thing to spit into the fire, \u2018God\u2019s fire\u2019 as he calls\nit. It is not right to throw away the crumbs after a meal, for they\nbelong to the fire. Of every kind of dish some should be given to the\nfire, and if some runs over it is wrong to scold, for it belongs to the\nfire. It is because these rites are now so neglected that harmful fires\nso often break out.[686]\n\nWhat the Sea is to Water-worship, in some measure the Sun is to\nFire-worship. From the doctrines and rites of earthly fire, various and\nambiguous in character, generalized from many phenomena, applied to many\npurposes, we pass to the religion of heavenly fire, whose great deity\nhas a perfect definiteness from his embodiment in one great individual\nfetish, the Sun.\n\nRivalling in power and glory the all-encompassing Heaven, the Sun moves\neminent among the deities of nature, no mere cosmic globe affecting\ndistant material worlds by force in the guise of light and heat and\ngravity, but a living reigning Lord:\u2014\n\n \u2018O thou, that with surpassing glory crown\u2019d,\n Look\u2019st from thy sole dominion like the God\n Of this new world.\u2019\n\nIt is no exaggeration to say, with Sir William Jones, that one great\nfountain of all idolatry in the four quarters of the globe was the\nveneration paid by men to the sun: it is no more than an exaggeration to\nsay with Mr. Helps of the sun-worship in Peru, that it was inevitable.\nSun-worship is by no means universal among the lower races of mankind,\nbut manifests itself in the upper levels of savage religion in districts\nfar and wide over the earth, often assuming the prominence which it\nkeeps and develops in the faiths of the barbaric world. Why some races\nare sun-worshippers and others not, is indeed too hard a question to\nanswer in general terms. Yet one important reason is obvious, that the\nSun is not so evidently the god of wild hunters and fishers, as of the\ntillers of the soil, who watch him day by day giving or taking away\ntheir wealth and their very life. On the geographical significance of\nsun-worship, D\u2019Orbigny has made a remark, suggestive if not altogether\nsound, connecting the worship of the sun not so much with the torrid\nregions where his glaring heat oppresses man all day long, and drives\nhim to the shade for refuge, as with climates where his presence is\nwelcomed for his life-giving heat, and nature chills at his departure.\nThus while the low sultry forests of South America show little\nprominence of Sun-worship, this is the dominant organized cultus of the\nhigh table-lands of Peru and Cundinamarca.[687] The theory is ingenious,\nand if not carried too far may often be supported. We may well compare\nthe feelings with which the sun-worshipping Massaget\u00e6 of Tartary must\nhave sacrificed their horses to the deity who freed them from the\nmiseries of winter, with the thoughts of men in those burning lands of\nCentral Africa where, as Sir Samuel Baker says, \u2018the rising of the sun\nis always dreaded ... the sun is regarded as the common enemy,\u2019 words\nwhich recall Herodotus\u2019 old description of the Atlantes or Atarantes who\ndwelt in the interior of Africa, who cursed the sun at his rising, and\nabused him with shameful epithets for afflicting them with his burning\nheat, them and their land.[688]\n\nThe details of Sun-worship among the native races of America give an\nepitome of its development among mankind at large. Among many of the\nruder tribes of the northern continent, the Sun is looked upon as one of\nthe great deities, as representative of the greatest deity, or as that\ngreatest deity himself. Indian chiefs of Hudson\u2019s Bay smoked thrice to\nthe rising sun. In Vancouver Island men pray in time of need to the sun\nas he mounts toward the zenith. Among the Delawares the sun received\nsacrifice as second among the twelve great manitus; the Virginians bowed\nbefore him with uplifted hands and eyes as he rose and set; the\nPottawatomis would climb sometimes at sunrise on their huts, to kneel\nand offer to the luminary a mess of Indian corn; his likeness is found\nrepresenting the Great Manitu in Algonquin picture-writings. Father\nHennepin, whose name is well known to geologists as the earliest visitor\nto the Falls of Niagara, about 1678, gives an account of the native\ntribes, Sioux and others, of this far-west region. He describes them as\nvenerating the Sun, \u2018which they recognize, though only in appearance, as\nthe Maker and Preserver of all things;\u2019 to him first they offer the\ncalumet when they light it, and to him they often present the best and\nmost delicate of their game in the lodge of the chief, \u2018who profits more\nby it than the Sun.\u2019 The Creeks regarded the Sun as symbol or minister\nof the Great Spirit, sending toward him the first puff of the calumet at\ntreaties, and bowing reverently toward him in confirming their council\ntalk or haranguing their warriors to battle.[689] Among the rude\nBotocudos of Brazil, the idea of the Sun as the great good deity seems\nnot unknown; the Araucanians are described as bringing offerings to him\nas highest deity; the Puelches as ascribing to the sun, and praying to\nhim for, all good things they possess or desire; the Diaguitas of\nTucuman as having temples dedicated to the Sun, whom they adored, and to\nwhom they consecrated birds\u2019 feathers, which they then brought back to\ntheir cabins, and sprinkled from time to time with the blood of\nanimals.[690]\n\nSuch accounts of Sun-worship appearing in the lower native culture of\nAmerica, may be taken to represent its first stage. It is on the whole\nwithin distinctly higher culture that its second stage appears, where it\nhas attained to full development of ritual and appurtenance, and become\nin some cases even the central doctrine of national religion and\nstatecraft. Sun-worship had reached this level among the Natchez of\nLouisiana, with whom various other tribes of this district stood in\nclose relation. Every morning at sunrise the great Sun-chief stood at\nthe house-door facing the east, shouted and prostrated himself thrice,\nand smoked first toward the sun, and then toward the other three\nquarters. The Sun-temple was a circular hut some thirty feet across and\ndome-roofed: here in the midst was kept up the everlasting fire, here\nprayer was offered thrice daily, and here were kept images and fetishes\nand the bones of dead chiefs. The Natchez government was a solar\nhierarchy. At its head stood the great chief, called the Sun or the\nSun\u2019s brother, high priest and despot over his people. By his side stood\nhis sister or nearest female relative, the female chief who of all women\nwas alone permitted to enter the Sun-temple. Her son, after the custom\nof female succession common among the lower races, would succeed to the\nprimacy and chiefship; and the solar family took to themselves, wives\nand husbands from the plebeian order, who were their inferiors in life,\nand were slain to follow them as attendants in death.[691] Another\nnation of sun-worshippers were the Apalaches of Florida, whose daily\nservice was to salute the Sun at their doors as he rose and set. The\nSun, they said, had built his own conical mountain of Olaimi, with its\nspiral path leading to the cave-temple, in the east side. Here, at the\nfour solar festivals, the worshippers saluted the rising sun with chants\nand incense as his rays entered the sanctuary, and again when at midday\nthe sunlight poured down upon the altar through the hole or shaft\npierced for this purpose in the rocky vault of the cave; through this\npassage the sun-birds, the tonatzuli, were let fly up sunward as\nmessengers, and the ceremony was over.[692] Day by day, in the temples\nof Mexico, the rising sun was welcomed with blast of horns, and incense,\nand offering of a little of the officiators\u2019 own blood drawn from their\nears, and a sacrifice of quails. Saying, the Sun has risen, we know not\nhow he will fulfil his course nor whether misfortune will happen, they\nprayed to him\u2014\u2018Our Lord, do your office prosperously.\u2019 In distinct and\nabsolute personality, the divine Sun in Aztec theology was Tonatiuh,\nwhose huge pyramid-mound stands on the plain of Teotihuacan, a witness\nof his worship for future ages. Beyond this, the religion of Mexico, in\nits complex system or congeries of great gods, such as results from the\nmixture and alliance of the deities of several nations, shows the solar\nelement rooted deeply and widely in other personages of its divine\nmythology, and attributes especially to the Sun the title of Teotl,\nGod.[693] Again, the high plateau of Bogota in New Granada was the seat\nof the semi-civilized Chibchas or Muyscas, of whose mythology and\nreligion the leading ideas were given by the Sun. The Sun was the great\ndeity to whom the human sacrifices were offered, and especially the\nholiest sacrifice, the blood of a pure captive youth daubed on a rock on\na mountain-top for the rising sun to shine on. In native Muysca legend,\nthe mythic civilizer of the land, the teacher of agriculture, the\nfounder of the theocracy and institutor of sun-worship, is a figure in\nwhom we cannot fail to discern the personal Sun himself.[694] It is\nthus, lastly, in the far more celebrated native theocracy to the south.\nIn the royal religion of Peru, the Sun was at once ancestor and founder\nof the dynasty of Incas, who reigned as his representatives and almost\nin his person, who took wives from the convent of virgins of the Sun,\nand whose descendants were the solar race, the ruling aristocracy. The\nSun\u2019s innumerable flocks of llamas grazed on the mountains, and his\nfields were tilled in the valleys, his temples stood throughout the\nland, and first among them the \u2018Place of Gold\u2019 in Cuzco, where his new\nfire was kindled at the annual solar festival of Raymi, and where his\nsplendid golden disc with human countenance looked forth to receive the\nfirst rays of its divine original. Sun-worship was ancient in Peru, but\nit was the Incas who made it the great state religion, imposing it\nwherever their wide conquests reached, till it became the central idea\nof Peruvian life.[695] The culture of the Old World never surpassed this\nhighest range of Sun-worship in the New.\n\nIn Australia and Polynesia the place of the solar god or hero is rather\nin myth than in religion. In Africa, though found in some\ndistricts,[696] Sun-worship is not very conspicuous out of Egypt. In\ntracing its Old World development, we begin among the ruder Allophylian\ntribes of Asia, and end among the great polytheistic nations. The\nnortheast quarter of India shows the doctrine well defined among the\nindigenous stocks. The Bodo and Dhimal place the Sun in the pantheon as\nan elemental god, though in practical rank below the sacred rivers.[697]\nThe Kol tribes of Bengal, Mundas, Oraons, Santals, know and worship as\nsupreme, Sing-bonga, the Sun-god; to him some tribes offer white animals\nin token of his purity, and while not regarding him as author of\nsickness or calamity, they will resort to him when other divine aid\nbreaks down in sorest need.[698] Among the Khonds, Bura Pennu the\nLight-god, or Bella Pennu the Sun-god, is creator of all things in\nheaven and earth, and great first cause of good. As such, he is\nworshipped by his own sect above the ranks of minor deities whom he\nbrought into being to carry out the details of the universal work.[699]\nThe Tatar tribes with much unanimity recognize as a great god the Sun,\nwhose figure may be seen beside the Moon\u2019s on their magic drums, from\nSiberia to Lapland. Castr\u00e9n, the ethnologist, speaking of the Samoyed\nexpression for heaven or deity in general (jilibeambaertje), tells an\nanecdote from his travels, which gives a lively idea of the thorough\nsimple nature-religion still possible to the wanderers of the steppes.\n\u2018A Samoyed woman,\u2019 he says, \u2018told me it was her habit every morning and\nevening to step out of her tent and bow down before the sun; in the\nmorning saying, \u201cWhen thou Jilibeambaertje risest, I too rise from my\nbed!\u201d in the evening, \u201cWhen thou Jilibeambaertje sinkest down, I too get\nme to rest!\u201d The woman brought this as a proof of her assertion that\neven among the Samoyeds they said their morning and evening prayers, but\nshe added with pity that \u201cthere were also among them wild people who\nnever sent up a prayer to God.\u201d\u2019 Mongol hordes may still be met with\nwhose shamans invoke the Sun, and throw milk up into the air as an\noffering to him, while the Karagas Tatars would bring to him as a\nsacrifice the head and heart of bear or stag. Tunguz, Ostyaks, Woguls,\nworship him in a character blending with that of their highest deity and\nHeaven-god; while among the Lapps, Baiwe the Sun, though a mighty deity,\nstood in rank below Tiermes the Thunder-god, and the great celestial\nruler who had come to bear the Norwegian name of Storjunkare.[700]\n\nIn direct personal nature-worship like that of Siberian nomades of our\nday, the solar cultus of the ancient pastoral Aryans had its source. The\nVedic bards sing of the great god S\u00fbrya, knower of beings, the\nall-revealer before whom the stars depart with the nights like thieves.\nWe approach S\u00fbrya (they say) shining god among the gods, light most\nglorious. He shines on the eight regions, the three worlds, the seven\nrivers; the golden-handed Savitar, all-seeing, goes between heaven and\nearth. To him they pray, \u2018On thy ancient paths, O Savitar, dustless,\nwell made, in the air, on those good-going paths this day preserve us\nand bless us, O God!\u2019 Modern Hinduism is full of the ancient\nSun-worship, in offerings and prostrations, in daily rites and appointed\nfestivals, and it is Savitar the Sun who is invoked in the \u2018g\u00e2yatr\u00ee,\u2019\nthe time-honoured formula repeated day by day since long-past ages by\nevery Brahman: \u2018Tat Savitur varenyam bhargo devasya dh\u00eemahi dhiyo yo nah\nprakoday\u00e2t.\u2014Let us meditate on the desirable light of the divine Sun;\nmay he rouse our minds!\u2019 Every morning the Brahman worships the sun,\nstanding on one foot and resting the other against his ankle or heel,\nlooking towards the east, holding his hands open before him in a hollow\nform, and repeating to himself these prayers: \u2018The rays of light\nannounce the splendid fiery sun, beautifully rising to illumine the\nuniverse.\u2019\u2014\u2018He rises, wonderful, the eye of the sun, of water, and of\nfire, collective power of gods; he fills heaven, earth, and sky with his\nluminous net; he is the soul of all that is fixed or locomotive.\u2019\u2014\u2018That\neye, supremely beneficial, rises pure from the east; may we see him a\nhundred years; may we live a hundred years; may we hear a hundred\nyears.\u2019\u2014\u2018May we, preserved by the divine power, contemplating heaven\nabove the region of darkness, approach the deity, most splendid of\nluminaries!\u2019[701] A Vedic celestial deity, Mitra the Friend, came to be\ndeveloped in the Persian religion into that great ruling divinity of\nlight, the victorious Mithra, lord of life and head of all created\nbeings. The ancient Persian Mihr-Yasht invokes him in the character of\nthe sun-light, Mithra with wide pastures, whom the lords of the regions\npraise at early dawn, who as the first heavenly Yazata rises over\nHara-berezaiti before the sun, the immortal with swift steeds, who first\nwith golden form seizes the fair summits, then surrounds the whole Aryan\nregion. Mithra came to be regarded as the very Sun, as where Dionysos\naddresses the Tyrian Bel, \u2018\u03b5\u1f34\u03c4\u03b5 \u03c3\u1f7a \u039c\u03af\u03b8\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2 \u0397\u03ad\u03bb\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u0392\u03b1\u03b2\u03c5\u03bb\u1ff6\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2.\u2019 His worship\nspread from the East across the Roman empire, and in Europe he takes\nrank among the great solar gods absolutely identified with the personal\nSun, as in this inscription on a Roman altar dating from Trajan\u2019s\ntime\u2014\u2018Deo Soli Mithr\u00e6.\u2019[702] The earlier Sun-worship of Europe, upon\nwhich this new Oriental variety was intruded, in certain of its\ndevelopments shows the same clear personality. The Greek Helios, to whom\nhorses were sacrificed on the mountain-top of Taugetos, was that same\npersonal Sun to whom Sokrates, when he had staid rapt in thought till\ndaybreak, offered a prayer before he departed (\u1f14\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c4\u2019 \u1f64\u03c7\u03b5\u03c4\u2019 \u1f00\u03c0\u03b9\u1f7c\u03bd\n\u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03b5\u03c5\u03be\u03ac\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f21\u03bb\u03b9\u1ff3).[703] C\u00e6sar devotes to the German theology of his\ntime three lines of his Commentaries. They reckon in the number of the\ngods, he says, those only whom they perceive and whose benefits they\nopenly enjoy, Sun and Vulcan and Moon, the rest they know not even by\nreport.[704] It is true that C\u00e6sar\u2019s short summary does no justice to\nthe real number and quality of the deities of the German pantheon, yet\nhis forcible description of nature-worship in its most primitive stage\nmay probably be true of the direct adoration of the sun and moon, and\npossibly of fire. On the other hand, European sun-worship leads into the\nmost perplexing problems of mythology. Well might Cicero exclaim, \u2018How\nmany suns are set forth by the theologians!\u2019[705] The modern student who\nshall undertake to discriminate among the Sun-gods of European lands, to\nseparate the solar and non-solar elements of the Greek Apollo and\nHerakles, or of the Slavonic Swatowit, has a task before him complicate\nwith that all but hopeless difficulty which besets the study of myth,\nthe moment that the clue of direct comparison with nature falls away.\n\nThe religion of ancient Egypt is one of which we know much, yet\nlittle\u2014much of its temples, rites, names of deities, liturgical\nformulas, but little of the esoteric religious ideas which lay hidden\nwithin these outer manifestations. Yet it is clear that central solar\nconceptions as it were radiate through the Egyptian theology. Ra, who\ntraverses in his boat the upper and lower regions of the universe, is\nthe Sun himself in plain cosmic personality. And to take two obvious\ninstances of solar characters in other deities, Osiris the manifester of\ngood and truth, who dies by the powers of darkness and becomes judge of\nthe dead in the west-land of Amenti, is solar in his divine nature, as\nis also his son Horus, smiter of the monster Set.[706] In the religions\nof the Semitic race, the place of the Sun is marked through a long range\nof centuries. The warning to the Israelites lest they should worship and\nserve sun, moon, and stars, and the mention of Josiah taking away the\nhorses that the Kings of Judah had given to the sun, and burning the\nchariots of the sun with fire,[707] agree with the place given in other\nSemitic religions to the Sun-god, Shamas of Assyria, or Baal, even\nexpressly qualified as Baal-Shemesh or Lord Sun. Syrian religion, like\nPersian, introduced a new phase of Sun-worship into Rome, the cultus of\nElagabal, and the vile priest emperor who bore this divine name made it\nmore intelligible to classic ears as Heliogabalus.[708] Eusebius is a\nlate writer as regards Semitic religion, but with such facts as these\nbefore us we need not withhold our confidence from him when he describes\nthe Ph\u0153nicians and Egyptians as holding Sun, Moon, and Stars to be gods,\nsole causes of the generation and destruction of all things.[709]\n\nThe widely spread and deeply rooted religion of the Sun naturally\noffered strenuous resistance to the invasion of Christianity, and it was\none of the great signs of the religious change of the civilized world\nwhen Constantine, that ardent votary of the Sun, abandoned the faith of\nApollo for that of Christ. Amalgamation even proved possible between the\ndoctrines of Sab\u00e6ism and Christianity, and in and near Armenia a sect of\nSun-worshippers have lasted on into modern times under the profession of\nJacobite Christians;[710] a parallel case within the limits of\nMohammedanism being that of Beduin Arabs who still continue the old\nadoration of the rising sun, in spite of the Prophet\u2019s expressed command\nnot to bow before the sun or moon, and in spite of the good Moslem\u2019s\ndictum, that \u2018the sun rises between the devil\u2019s horns.\u2019[711] Actual\nworship of the sun in Christendom soon shrank to the stage of survival.\nIn Lucian\u2019s time the Greeks kissed their hands as an act of worship to\nthe rising sun; and Tertullian had still to complain of many Christians\nthat with an affectation of adoring the heavenly bodies they would move\ntheir lips toward the sunrise (Sed et plerique vestrum affectatione\naliquando et c\u0153lestia adorandi ad solis ortum labia vibratis).[712] In\nthe 5th century, Leo the Great complains of certain Christians who,\nbefore entering the Basilica of St. Peter, or from the top of a hill,\nwould turn and bow to the rising sun; this comes, he says, partly of\nignorance and partly of the spirit of paganism.[713] To this day, in the\nUpper Palatinate, the peasant takes off his hat to the rising sun; and\nin Pomerania, the fever-stricken patient is to pray thrice turning\ntoward the sun at sunrise, \u2018Dear Sun, come soon down, and take the\nseventy-seven fevers from me. In the name of God the Father, &c.\u2019[714]\n\nFor the most part, the ancient rites of solar worship are represented in\nmodern Christendom in two ways; by the ceremonies connected with turning\nto the east, of which an account is given in an ensuing chapter under\nthe heading of Orientation; and in the continuance of the great\nsun-festivals, countenanced by or incorporated in Christianity.\nSpring-tide, reckoned by so many peoples as New-Year, has in great\nmeasure had its solar characteristics transferred to the Paschal\nfestival. The Easter bonfires with which the North German hills used to\nbe ablaze mile after mile, are not altogether given up by local custom.\nOn Easter morning in Saxony and Brandenburg, the peasants still climb\nthe hill-tops before dawn, to see the rising sun give his three joyful\nleaps, as our forefathers used to do in England in the days when Sir\nThomas Browne so quaintly apologized for declaring that \u2018the sun doth\nnot dance on Easter Day.\u2019 The solar rite of the New Fire, adopted by the\nRoman Church as a Paschal ceremony, may still be witnessed in Europe,\nwith its solemn curfew on Easter Eve, and the ceremonial striking of the\nnew holy fire. On Easter Eve, under the solemn auspices of the Greek\nChurch, a mob of howling fanatics crush and trample to death the victims\nwho faint and fall in their struggles to approach the most shameless\nimposture of modern Christendom, the miraculous fire from heaven which\ndescends into the Holy Sepulchre.[715] Two other Christian festivals\nhave not merely had solar rites transferred to them, but seem distinctly\nthemselves of solar origin. The Roman winter-solstice festival, as\ncelebrated on December 25 (VIII. Kal. Jan.) in connexion with the\nworship of the Sun-god Mithra, appears to have been instituted in this\nspecial form after the Eastern campaign of Aurelian A.D. 273, and to\nthis festival the day owes its apposite name of Birthday of the\nUnconquered Sun, \u2018Dies Natalis Solis invicti.\u2019 With full symbolic\nappropriateness, though not with historical justification, the day was\nadopted in the Western Church, where it appears to have been generally\nintroduced by the 4th century, and whence in time it passed to the\nEastern Church, as the solemn anniversary of the birth of Christ, the\nChristian Dies Natalis, Christmas Day. Attempts have been made to ratify\nthis date as matter of history, but no valid nor even consistent early\nChristian tradition vouches for it. The real solar origin of the\nfestival is clear from the writings of the Fathers after its\ninstitution. In religious symbolism of the material and spiritual sun,\nAugustine and Gregory of Nyassa discourse on the glowing light and\ndwindling darkness that follow the Nativity, while Leo the Great, among\nwhose people the earlier solar meaning of the festival evidently\nremained in strong remembrance, rebukes in a sermon the pestiferous\npersuasion, as he calls it, that this solemn day is to be honoured not\nfor the birth of Christ, but for the rising, as they say, of the new\nsun.[716] As for modern memory of the sun-rites of mid-winter, Europe\nrecognizes Christmas as a primitive solar festival by bonfires which our\n\u2018yule-log,\u2019 the \u2018souche de No\u00ebl,\u2019 still keeps in mind; while the\nadaptation of ancient solar thought to Christian allegory is as plain as\never in the Christmas service chant, \u2018Sol novus oritur.\u2019[717] The solar\nChristmas festival has its pendant at Midsummer. The summer solstice was\nthe great season of fire-festivals throughout Europe, of bonfires on the\nheights, of dancing round and leaping through the fires, of sending\nblazing fire-wheels to roll down from the hills into the valleys in sign\nof the sun\u2019s descending course. These ancient rites attached themselves\nin Christendom to St. John\u2019s Eve.[718] It seems as though the same train\nof symbolism which had adapted the midwinter festival to the Nativity,\nmay have suggested the dedication of the midsummer festival to John the\nBaptist, in clear allusion to his words, \u2018He must increase, but I must\ndecrease.\u2019\n\nMoon-worship, naturally ranking below Sun-worship in importance, ranges\nthrough nearly the same district of culture. There are remarkable cases\nin which the Moon is recognized as a great deity by tribes who take less\naccount, or none at all, of the Sun. The rude savages of Brazil seem\nespecially to worship or respect the moon, by which they regulate their\ntime and festivals, and draw their omens. They would lift up their hands\nto the moon with wonder-struck exclamations of teh! teh! they would have\nchildren smoked by the sorcerers to preserve them from moon-given\nsickness, or the women would hold up their babes to the luminary. The\nBotocudos are said to give the highest rank among the heavenly bodies to\nTaru the Moon, as causing thunder and lightning and the failure of\nvegetables and fruits, and as even sometimes falling to the earth,\nwhereby many men die.[719] An old account of the Caribs describes them\nas esteeming the Moon more than the Sun, and at new moon coming out of\ntheir houses crying \u2018Behold the Moon!\u2019[720] The Ahts of Vancouver\u2019s\nIsland, it is stated, worship the Sun and Moon, particularly the full\nmoon and the sun ascending to the zenith. Regarding the Moon as husband\nand the Sun as wife, their prayers are more generally addressed to the\nMoon as the superior deity; he is the highest object of their worship,\nand they speak of him as \u2018looking down upon the earth in answer to\nprayer, and seeing everybody.\u2019[721] With a somewhat different turn of\nmythic fancy, the Hurons seem to have considered Ataentsic the Moon as\nmaker of the earth and man, and grandmother of Iouskeha the Sun, with\nwhom she governs the world.[722] In Africa, Moon-worship is prominent in\nan immense district where Sun-worship is unknown or insignificant. Among\nsouth-central tribes, men will watch for the first glimpses of the new\nMoon, which they hail with shouts of kua! and vociferate prayers to it;\non such an occasion Dr. Livingstone\u2019s Makololo prayed, \u2018Let our journey\nwith the white man be prosperous!\u2019 &c.[723] These people keep holiday at\nnew-moon, as indeed in many countries her worship is connected with the\nsettlement of periodic festival. Negro tribes seem almost universally to\ngreet the new Moon, whether in delight or disgust. The Guinea people\nfling themselves about with droll gestures, and pretend to throw\nfirebrands at it; the Ashango men behold it with superstitious fear; the\nFetu negroes jumped thrice into the air with hands together and gave\nthanks.[724] The Congo people fell on their knees, or stood and clapped\ntheir hands, crying, \u2018So may I renew my life as thou art renewed!\u2019[725]\nThe Hottentots are described early in the last century as dancing and\nsinging all night at new and full moon, calling the Moon the Great\nCaptain, and crying to him \u2018Be greeted!\u2019 \u2018Let us get much honey!\u2019 \u2018May\nour cattle get much to eat and give much milk!\u2019 With the same thought as\nthat just noticed in the district north-west of them, the Hottentots\nconnect the Moon in legend with that fatal message sent to Man, which\nought to have promised to the human race a moon-like renewal of life,\nbut which was perverted into a doom of death like that of the beast who\nbrought it.[726]\n\nThe more usual status of the Moon in the religions of the world is, as\nnature suggests, that of a subordinate companion deity to the Sun, such\na position as is acknowledged in the precedence of Sunday to Monday.\nTheir various mutual relations as brother and sister, husband and wife,\nhave already been noticed here as matter of mythology. As wide-lying\nrude races who place them thus side by side in their theology, it is\nenough to mention the Delawares of North America,[727] the Ainos of\nYesso,[728] the Bodos of North-East-India,[729] the Tunguz of\nSiberia.[730] This is the state of things which continues at higher\nlevels of systematic civilization. Beside the Mexican Tonatiuh the Sun,\nMetztli the Moon had a smaller pyramid and temple;[731] in Bogota, the\nMoon, identified in local myth with the Evil Deity, had her place and\nfigure in the temple beside the Sun her husband;[732] the Peruvian\nMother-Moon, Mama-Quilla, had her silver disc-face to match the golden\none of her brother and husband the Sun, whose companion she had been in\nthe legendary civilizing of the land.[733] In the ancient Kami-religion\nof Japan, the supreme Sun-god ranks high above the Moon-god, who was\nworshipped under the form of a fox.[734] Among the historic nations of\nthe Old World, documents of Semitic culture show Sun and Moon side by\nside. For one, we may take the Jewish law, to stone with stones till\nthey died the man or woman who \u2018hath gone and served other gods, and\nworshipped them, either the sun, or moon, or any of the host of heaven.\u2019\nFor another, let us glance over the curious record of the treaty-oath\nbetween Philip of Macedon and the general of the Carthaginian and Libyan\narmy, which so well shows how the original identity of nature-deities\nmay be forgotten in their different local shapes, so that the same\ndivinity may come twice or even three times over in as many national\nnames and forms. Herakles and Apollo stand in company with the personal\nSun, and as well as the personal Moon is to be seen the \u2018Carthaginian\ndeity,\u2019 whom there is reason to look on as Astarte, a goddess latterly\nof lunar nature. This is the list of deities invoked: \u2018Before Zeus and\nHera and Apollo; before the goddess of the Carthaginians (\u03b4\u03b1\u03af\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\n\u039a\u03b1\u03c1\u03c7\u03b7\u03b4\u03bf\u03bd\u03af\u03c9\u03bd) and Herakles and Iolaos; before Ares, Triton, Poseidon;\nbefore the gods who fought with the armies, and Sun and Moon and Earth;\nbefore the rivers and meadows and waters; before all the gods who rule\nMacedonia and the rest of Greece; before all the gods who were at the\nwar, they who have presided over this oath.\u2019[735] When Lucian visited\nthe famous temple of Hierapolis in Syria, he saw the images of the other\ngods, \u2018but only of the Sun and Moon they show no images.\u2019 And when he\nasked why, they told him that the forms of other gods were not seen by\nall, but Sun and Moon are altogether clear, and all men see them.[736]\nIn Egyptian theology, not to discuss other divine beings to whom a lunar\nnature has been ascribed, it is at least certain that Khonsu is the Moon\nin absolute personal divinity.[737] In Aryan theology, the personal Moon\nstands as Sel\u0113n\u0113 beside the more anthropomorphic forms of Hekat\u0113 and\nArtemis,[738] as Luna beside the less understood Lucina, and Diana with\nher borrowed attributes,[739] while our Teutonic forefathers were\ncontent with his plain name of Moon.[740] As for lunar survivals in the\nhigher religions, they are much like the solar. Monotheist as he is, the\nMoslem still claps his hands at sight of the new moon, and says a\nprayer.[741] In Europe in the 15th century it was matter of complaint\nthat some still adored the new moon with bended knee, or hood or hat\nremoved, and to this day we may still see a hat raised or a curtsey\ndropped to her, half in conservatism and half in jest. It is with\nreference to silver as the lunar metal, that money is turned when the\nact of adoration is performed, while practical peasant wit dwells on the\nill-luck of having no piece of silver when the new moon is first\nseen.[742]\n\nThus, in tracing the development of Nature-Worship, it appears that\nthough Fire, Air, Earth, and Water are not yet among the lower races\nsystematized into a quaternion of elements, their adoration, with that\nof Sun and Moon, shows already arising in primitive culture the familiar\ntypes of those great divinities, who received their further development\nin the higher Polytheism.\n\nFootnote 593:\n\n Eyre, \u2018Australia,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 362; Oldfield in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol.\n iii. p. 228; Lang, \u2018Queensland,\u2019 p. 444.\n\nFootnote 594:\n\n Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019 vol. i. p. 583.\n\nFootnote 595:\n\n Loskiel, \u2018Ind. of N. America,\u2019 part i. p. 43.\n\nFootnote 596:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 1322.\n\nFootnote 597:\n\n St. John, \u2018Far East,\u2019 vol. i. p. 180.\n\nFootnote 598:\n\n J. B. Schlegel, \u2018Schl\u00fcssel zur Ewe Sprache,\u2019 p. xii.; compare Bowen,\n \u2018Yoruba Lang.\u2019 in \u2018Smithsonian Contrib.\u2019 vol. i. p. xvi.\n\nFootnote 599:\n\n Samoiedia, in Pinkerton, vol. i. p. 531.\n\nFootnote 600:\n\n Macpherson, p. 84, &c.\n\nFootnote 601:\n\n Clavigero, \u2018Messico,\u2019 vol. ii. ch. i.\n\nFootnote 602:\n\n Gladstone, \u2018Juventus Mundi,\u2019 ch. vii. &c.\n\nFootnote 603:\n\n Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii.\n\nFootnote 604:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 33, 255, 275, 338, vol. ii. p. 692.\n\nFootnote 605:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.,\u2019 1636, p. 107; Lafitau, \u2018M\u0153urs des Sauvages\n Am\u00e9riquains,\u2019 vol. i. p. 132. Schoolcraft, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 36, &c. 237.\n Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019 pp. 48, 172. J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer.\n Urrelig.\u2019 p. 119.\n\nFootnote 606:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Zulu Tales,\u2019 vol. i. p. 203.\n\nFootnote 607:\n\n Waitz, \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 168, &c.; Burton, \u2018W. & W. fr. W.\n Afr.\u2019 p. 76.\n\nFootnote 608:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 7, &c.\n\nFootnote 609:\n\n Plath, \u2018Religion und Cultus der alten Chinesen,\u2019 part i. p. 18, &c.;\n part ii. p. 32; Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 396. See Max M\u00fcller,\n \u2018Lectures,\u2019 2nd S. p. 437; Legge, \u2018Confucius,\u2019 p. 100. For further\n evidence as to savage and barbaric worship of the Heaven as Supreme\n Deity, see chap. xvii.\n\nFootnote 610:\n\n Max M\u00fcller, \u2018Lectures,\u2019 2nd Series, p. 425; Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 ch. ix.;\n Cicero, De Natura Deorum, iii. 4. Connexion of the Sanskrit Dyu with\n the Scandinavian Tyr and the Anglo Saxon Tiw is perhaps rather of\n etymology than definition.\n\nFootnote 611:\n\n Duff Macdonald, \u2018Africana,\u2019 vol. i. p. 60 (E. Centr. Afr.). Waitz,\n \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 169 (W. Afr.) p. 416 (Damaras).\n\nFootnote 612:\n\n Markham, \u2018Quichua Gr. and Dic.\u2019 p. 9; J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 pp.\n 318, 368.\n\nFootnote 613:\n\n Ibid. pp. 496-9; Oviedo, \u2018Nicaragua,\u2019 pp. 40, 72.\n\nFootnote 614:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 pp. 89, 355.\n\nFootnote 615:\n\n Dalton, \u2018Kols,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 34. Compare 1 Kings\n xviii.\n\nFootnote 616:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 36; Kalewala, Rune ii. 317.\n\nFootnote 617:\n\n Marc. Antonin. v. 7. \u2018\u1f18\u1f50\u03c7\u1f74 \u1f08\u03b8\u03b7\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd, \u1f56\u03c3\u03bf\u03bd, \u1f56\u03c3\u03bf\u03bd, \u1f66 \u03c6\u03af\u03bb\u03b5 \u0396\u03b5\u1fe6, \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2\n \u1f00\u03c1\u03bf\u03cd\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f08\u03b8\u03b7\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03b5\u03b4\u03af\u03c9\u03bd.\u2019\n\nFootnote 618:\n\n Petron. Arbiter. Sat. xliv. \u2018Antea stolat\u00e6 ibant nudis pedibus in\n clivum, passis capillis, mentibus puris, et Jovem aquam exorabant.\n Itaque statim urceatim pluebat: aut tunc aut nunquam; et omnes\n redibant udi tanquam mures.\u2019 See Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 160.\n\nFootnote 619:\n\n Pr. Max v. Wied, \u2018N. Amer.\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 152, 223; J. G. M\u00fcller, p.\n 120; Waitz, vol. iii. p. 179.\n\nFootnote 620:\n\n Keating, \u2018Narr.\u2019 vol. i. p. 407; Eastman, \u2018Dahcotah,\u2019 p. 71; Brinton,\n p. 150, &c.; see M\u2019Coy, \u2018Baptist Indian Missions,\u2019 p. 363.\n\nFootnote 621:\n\n De la Borde, \u2018Cara\u00efbes,\u2019 p. 530; Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 431.\n\nFootnote 622:\n\n De Laet, \u2018Novus Orbis,\u2019 xv. 2. Waitz, vol. iii. p. 417; J. G. M\u00fcller,\n p. 270; also 421 (thunderstorms by anger of Sun, in Cumana, &c.).\n\nFootnote 623:\n\n Brinton, p. 153; Herrera, \u2018Indias Occidentales,\u2019 Dec., v. 4. J. G.\n M\u00fcller p. 327. \u2018Rites and Laws of the Yncas,\u2019 tr. & ed. by C. R.\n Markham, p. 16, see 81; Prescott, \u2018Peru,\u2019 vol. i. p. 86.\n\nFootnote 624:\n\n Bowen, \u2018Yoruba Lang.\u2019 p. xvi. in \u2018Smithsonian Contr.\u2019 vol. i. See\n Burton, \u2018Dahome,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 142. Details as to thunder-axes, &c., in\n \u2018Early Hist. of Mankind,\u2019 ch. viii.\n\nFootnote 625:\n\n Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 266.\n\nFootnote 626:\n\n Klemm, \u2018C. G.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 85. (Ossetes, &c.) See Welcker, vol. i. p.\n 170; Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 158. Bastian, \u2018Mensch.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 423\n (Ali-sect.).\n\nFootnote 627:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 39, &c.\n\nFootnote 628:\n\n \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 i. 32. 1, 55. 5, 130. 8, 165; iii. 34. 9; vi. 20; x. 44.\n 9, 89. 9. Max M\u00fcller, \u2018Lectures,\u2019 2nd S. p. 427; \u2018Chips,\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 42, vol. ii. p. 323. See Muir, \u2018Sanskrit Texts.\u2019\n\nFootnote 629:\n\n Homer. Il. viii. 170, xvii. 595. Ovid. Fast. ii. 69. See Welcker,\n \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 194.\n\nFootnote 630:\n\n Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 p. 257.\n\nFootnote 631:\n\n Grimm, \u2018Deutsche Myth.\u2019 ch. viii. Edda; Gylfaginning, 21, 44.\n\nFootnote 632:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Algic Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 139, vol. ii. p. 214; Loskiel,\n part i. p. 43; Waitz, vol. iii. p. 190. Morgan, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 157; J.\n G. M\u00fcller, p. 56. Further American evidence in Brinton, \u2018Myths of New\n World,\u2019 pp. 50, 74; Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 267 (Sillagiksartok,\n Weather-spirit); De la Borde, \u2018Cara\u00efbes,\u2019 p. 530 (Carib Star Curumon,\n makes the billows and upsets canoes).\n\nFootnote 633:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 329 (compare with the Maori\n Tempest-god Tawhirimatea, Grey, \u2018Polyn. Myth.\u2019 p. 5); Schirren,\n \u2018Wandersage der Neuseel\u00e4nder,\u2019 &c. p. 85; Yate, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 144.\n See also Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 115.\n\nFootnote 634:\n\n Steller, \u2018Kamschatka,\u2019 p. 266.\n\nFootnote 635:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 pp. 37, 68.\n\nFootnote 636:\n\n Boecler, pp. 106, 147.\n\nFootnote 637:\n\n See also Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 85 (Circassian Water-god\n and Wind-god).\n\nFootnote 638:\n\n Muir, \u2018Sanskrit Texts,\u2019 vol. v. p. 150.\n\nFootnote 639:\n\n Homer. Il. xxiii. 192, Odyss. xx. 66, 77; Apollon. Rhod. Argonautica;\n Apollodor. i. 9. 21; Virg. \u00c6n. i. 56; Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol.\n i. p. 707, vol. iii. p. 67.\n\nFootnote 640:\n\n Grimm, \u2018Deutsche Myth.\u2019 pp. 121, 871.\n\nFootnote 641:\n\n Wuttke, \u2018Deutsche Volksabergl.\u2019 p. 86.\n\nFootnote 642:\n\n Tanner\u2019s \u2018Narrative,\u2019 p. 193; Loskiel, l.c. See also Rochefort, \u2018Iles\n Antilles,\u2019 p. 414; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 178 (Antilles).\n\nFootnote 643:\n\n Garcilaso de la Vega, \u2018Commentarios Reales,\u2019 i. 10; Rivero & Tschudi,\n p. 161; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 369.\n\nFootnote 644:\n\n Waitz, \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 170.\n\nFootnote 645:\n\n \u2018Report of Ethnological Committee, Jubbulpore Exhibition,\u2019 1866-7.\n Nagpore, 1868, part ii. p. 54.\n\nFootnote 646:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 chap. vi.\n\nFootnote 647:\n\n Georgi, \u2018Reise im Russ. Reich,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 275, 317. Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn.\n Myth,\u2019 p. 86, &c.\n\nFootnote 648:\n\n Plath, \u2018Religion der alten Chinesen,\u2019 part i. pp. 36, 73, part ii. p.\n 32. Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 86, 354, 413, vol. ii. pp. 67,\n 380, 455.\n\nFootnote 649:\n\n \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 i. 89. 4, &c., &c.\n\nFootnote 650:\n\n Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol. i. p. 385, &c.\n\nFootnote 651:\n\n Varro de Ling. Lat. iv.\n\nFootnote 652:\n\n Tacit. Germania, 40. Grimm, \u2018Deutsche Myth.\u2019 p. 229, &c.\n\nFootnote 653:\n\n Wuttke, \u2018Deutsche Volksabergl.\u2019 p. 87.\n\nFootnote 654:\n\n Liebich, \u2018Die Zigeuner,\u2019 pp. 30, 84.\n\nFootnote 655:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part iii. p. 485; Eastman, \u2018Dahcotah,\u2019\n pp. i. 118, 161.\n\nFootnote 656:\n\n Clavigero, vol. ii. p. 14.\n\nFootnote 657:\n\n Marsden, \u2018Sumatra,\u2019 p. 301; see also 303 (Tagals).\n\nFootnote 658:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 328.\n\nFootnote 659:\n\n Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 letter xix.; in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 494. Burton,\n \u2018Dahome,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 141. See also below, chap. xviii. (sacrifice).\n\nFootnote 660:\n\n Schlegel, \u2018Ewe Sprache,\u2019 p. xiv.\n\nFootnote 661:\n\n Garcilaso de la Vega, \u2018Commentarios Reales,\u2019 i. 10, vi. 17; Rivero &\n Tschudi, \u2018Peru,\u2019 p. 161.\n\nFootnote 662:\n\n Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 265.\n\nFootnote 663:\n\n Siebold, \u2018Nippon,\u2019 part v. p. 9.\n\nFootnote 664:\n\n Herod. vi. 76.\n\nFootnote 665:\n\n Cicero, De Natura Deorum, iii. 20.\n\nFootnote 666:\n\n Homer, Il. i. 538, xiii. 18, xx. 13. Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol.\n i. p. 616 (Nereus), p. 622 (Poseidon). Cox, \u2018Mythology of Aryan\n Nations,\u2019 vol. ii. ch. vi.\n\nFootnote 667:\n\n Loskiel, \u2018Ind. of N. A.\u2019 part i. pp. 41, 45. See also J. G. M\u00fcller, p.\n 55.\n\nFootnote 668:\n\n Irving, \u2018Astoria,\u2019 vol. ii. ch. xxii.\n\nFootnote 669:\n\n Torquemada, \u2018Monarquia Indiana,\u2019 vi. c. 28, x. c. 22, 30; Brasseur,\n \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol. iii. pp. 492, 522, 536.\n\nFootnote 670:\n\n Schirren, \u2018Wandersage der Neuseel\u00e4nder,\u2019 &c., p. 32; Turner,\n \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 pp. 252, 527.\n\nFootnote 671:\n\n Burton, \u2018Dahome,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 148; Schlegel, \u2018Ewe Sprache,\u2019 p. xv.\n\nFootnote 672:\n\n Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 276.\n\nFootnote 673:\n\n Batchelor in \u2018Tr. As. Soc. Japan,\u2019 vols. x. xvi.\n\nFootnote 674:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 57; Billings, \u2018N. Russia,\u2019 p. 123 (Yakuts);\n Bastian, \u2018Vorstellungen von Wasser und Feuer,\u2019 in \u2018Zeitschr. f\u00fcr\n Ethnologie,\u2019 vol. i. p. 383 (Mongols).\n\nFootnote 675:\n\n Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 85 (Circassia). Welcker, vol. i. p.\n 663.\n\nFootnote 676:\n\n See \u2018Records of the Past,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 137, vol. ix. p. 143; Sayce,\n \u2018Lectures on Rel. of Ancient Babylonians,\u2019 p. 170. For accounts of\n Semitic fire-worship, see Movers, \u2018Ph\u00f6nizier,\u2019 vol. i. p. 327, &c.,\n 337, &c., 401.\n\nFootnote 677:\n\n \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 i. 1. 1, 19. 2, iii. 1. 18, &c.; Max M\u00fcller, vol. i. p.\n 39; Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 53. Haug, \u2018Essays on Parsis,\u2019 iv.;\n \u2018Early Hist. of Mankind,\u2019 p. 255.\n\nFootnote 678:\n\n Hanway, \u2018Journal of Travels,\u2019 London, 1753, vol. i. ch. lvii.\n\nFootnote 679:\n\n Diog. L\u00e6rt. Pro\u0153m. ii. 6. Sextus Empiricus adv. Physicos, ix.; Strabo,\n xv. 3, 13.\n\nFootnote 680:\n\n John Wilson, \u2018The Parsi Religion,\u2019 ch. iv.; \u2018Avesta,\u2019 tr. by Spiegel,\n Yacna, i. lxi.\n\nFootnote 681:\n\n Max M\u00fcller, \u2018Chips,\u2019 vol. i. p. 169. Haug, \u2018Essays on Parsis,\u2019 p. 281.\n\nFootnote 682:\n\n Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 pp. 88, 98.\n\nFootnote 683:\n\n Homer. Hymn. Aphrod. 29, Hestia 1. Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol.\n ii. pp. 686, 691.\n\nFootnote 684:\n\n Ovid. Fast. vi. 295.\n\nFootnote 685:\n\n Boecler, \u2018Ehsten Abergl.\u2019 p. 29, &c.\n\nFootnote 686:\n\n Wuttke, \u2018Volksabergl.\u2019 p. 86. Grohmann, \u2018Aberglauben aus B\u00f6hmen,\u2019 p.\n 41.\n\nFootnote 687:\n\n D\u2019Orbigny, \u2018L\u2019Homme Am\u00e9ricain,\u2019 vol. i. p. 242.\n\nFootnote 688:\n\n Herod, i. 216, iv. 184. Baker, \u2018Albert Nyanza,\u2019 vol. i. p. 144.\n\nFootnote 689:\n\n Waitz, \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 181 (Hudson\u2019s B., Pottawatomies),\n 205 (Virginians). J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 p. 117 (Delawares,\n Sioux, Mingos, &c.). Sproat, \u2018Ind. of Vancouver\u2019s I.\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth.\n Soc.\u2019 vol. v. p. 253. Loskiel, \u2018Ind. of N. A.\u2019 part i. p. 43\n (Delawares). Hennepin, \u2018Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique,\u2019 p. 302 (Sioux), &c.\n Bartram, \u2018Creek and Cherokee Ind.\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Amer. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii.\n part i. pp. 20, 26; see also Schoolcraft, \u2018Ind. Tribes,\u2019 part ii. p.\n 127 (Comanches, &c.); Morgan, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 164; Gregg, vol. ii. p.\n 238 (Shawnees); but compare the remarks of Brinton, \u2018Myths of New\n World,\u2019 p. 141.\n\nFootnote 690:\n\n Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019 vol. i. p. 327 (Botocudos). Waitz, vol. iii.\n p. 518 (Araucanians). Dobrizhoffer, vol. ii. p. 89 (Puelches).\n Charlevoix, \u2018Hist. du Paraguay,\u2019 vol. i. p. 331 (Diaguitas). J. G.\n M\u00fcller, p. 255 (Botocudos, Aucas, Diaguitas).\n\nFootnote 691:\n\n Charlevoix, \u2018Nouvelle France,\u2019 vol. vi. p. 172; Waitz, vol. iii. p.\n 217.\n\nFootnote 692:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 book ii. ch. viii.\n\nFootnote 693:\n\n Torquemada, \u2018Monarquia Indiana,\u2019 ix. c. 34; Sahagun, \u2018Hist. de Nueva\n Espa\u00f1a,\u2019 ii. App. in Kingsborough, \u2018Antiquities of Mexico;\u2019 Waitz,\n vol. iv. p. 138; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 474, &c.; Brasseur, \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol.\n iii. p. 487; Tylor, \u2018Mexico,\u2019 p. 141.\n\nFootnote 694:\n\n Piedrahita, \u2018Hist. Gen. de las Conquistas del Nuevo Reyno de Granada,\u2019\n Antwerp, 1688: part i. book i. c. iii. iv.; Humboldt, \u2018Vues des\n Cordill\u00e8res;\u2019 Waitz, vol. iv. p. 352, &c.; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 432, &c.\n\nFootnote 695:\n\n Garcilaso de la Vega, \u2018Commentarios Reales,\u2019 lib. i. c. 15, &c., iii.\n c. 20; v. c. 2, 6; \u2018Rites and Laws of the Yncas,\u2019 tr. & ed. by C. R.\n Markham, (Hakluyt Soc., 1873) p. 84; Prescott, \u2018Peru,\u2019 book i. ch.\n iii.; Waitz, vol. iv. p. 447, &c.; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 362, &c.\n\nFootnote 696:\n\n Meiners, \u2018Gesch. der Rel.\u2019 vol. i. p. 383. Burton, \u2018Central Afr.\u2019 vol.\n ii. p. 346; \u2018Dahome,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 147.\n\nFootnote 697:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 pp. 167, 175 (Bodos, &c.).\n\nFootnote 698:\n\n Dalton, \u2018Kols,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 33 (Oraons, &c.);\n Hunter, \u2018Annals of Rural Bengal,\u2019 p. 184 (Santals).\n\nFootnote 699:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 p. 84, &c. (Khonds).\n\nFootnote 700:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 pp. 16, 51, &c. Meiners, l.c. Georgi, \u2018Reise im\n Russ. Reich.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 275, 317. Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Geschichte,\u2019 vol.\n iii. p. 87. Sun-Worship in Japan, Siebold, \u2018Nippon,\u2019 part v. p. 9. For\n further evidence as to savage and barbaric worship of the Sun as\n Supreme Deity, see chap. xvii.\n\nFootnote 701:\n\n \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 i. 35, 50; iii. 62, 10. Max M\u00fcller, \u2018Lectures,\u2019 2nd Ser.\n pp. 378, 411; \u2018Chips,\u2019 vol. i. p. 19. Colebrooke, \u2018Essays,\u2019 vol. i.\n pp. 30, 133. Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 42.\n\nFootnote 702:\n\n \u2018Khordah-Avesta,\u2019 xxvi. in Avesta tr. by Spiegel, vol. iii.; M. Haug,\n \u2018Essays on Parsis.\u2019 Strabo, xv. 3, 13. Nonnus, xl. 400. Movers,\n \u2018Ph\u00f6nizier,\u2019 vol. i. p. 180: \u2018\u1f29\u03bb\u03af\u1ff3 \u039c\u03af\u03b8\u03c1\u1fb3 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae\u03c4\u1ff3\u2019; \u2018\u0394\u03b9\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd\n \u1f29\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03c5.\u2019\n\nFootnote 703:\n\n Plat. Sympos. xxxvi. See Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterlehre,\u2019 vol. i. pp.\n 400, 412.\n\nFootnote 704:\n\n C\u00e6sar de Bello Gallico, vi. 21: \u2018Deorum numero eos solos ducunt, quos\n cernunt et quorum aperte opibus juvantur, Solem et Vulcanum et Lunam,\n reliquos ne fama quidem acceperunt.\u2019\n\nFootnote 705:\n\n Cicero de Natura Deorum, iii. 21.\n\nFootnote 706:\n\n See Wilkinson, \u2018Ancient Egyptians\u2019; Renouf, \u2018Religion of Ancient\n Egypt.\u2019\n\nFootnote 707:\n\n Deut. iv. 19, xvii. 3; 2 Kings xxiii. 11.\n\nFootnote 708:\n\n Movers, \u2018Ph\u00f6nizier,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 162, 180, &c. Lamprid. Heliogabal. i.\n\nFootnote 709:\n\n Euseb. Pr\u00e6parat. Evang. i. 6.\n\nFootnote 710:\n\n Neander, \u2018Church History,\u2019 vol. vi. p. 341. Carsten Niebuhr,\n \u2018Reisebeschr.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 396.\n\nFootnote 711:\n\n Palgrave, \u2018Arabia,\u2019 vol. i. p. 9; vol. ii. p. 258. See Koran, xli. 37.\n\nFootnote 712:\n\n Tertullian. Apolog. adv. Gentes, xvi. See Lucian. de Saltat. xvii.;\n compare Job. xxxi. 26.\n\nFootnote 713:\n\n Leo. I. Serm. viii. in Natal. Dom.\n\nFootnote 714:\n\n Wuttke, \u2018Volksaberglaube,\u2019 p. 150.\n\nFootnote 715:\n\n Grimm, \u2018Deutsche Myth.\u2019 p. 581, &c. Wuttke, pp. 17, 93. Brand, \u2018Pop.\n Ant.\u2019 vol. i. p. 157, &c. \u2018Early Hist. of Mankind,\u2019 p. 260. Murray\u2019s\n \u2018Handbook for Syria and Palestine,\u2019 1868, p. 162.\n\nFootnote 716:\n\n See Pauly, \u2018Real-Encyclop.\u2019 s.v. \u2018Sol;\u2019 Petavius, \u2018Juliani Imp.\n Opera,\u2019 290-2, 277. Bingham, \u2018Antiquities of Christian Church,\u2019 book\n xx. ch. iv.; Neander, \u2018Church Hist.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 437; Beausobre,\n \u2018Hist. de Manich\u00e9e,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 691; Gibbon, ch. xxii.; Creuzer,\n \u2018Symbolik,\u2019 vol. i. p. 761, &c.\n\nFootnote 717:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 pp. 593, 1223. Brand, \u2018Popular Antiquities,\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 467. Monnier, \u2018Traditions Populaires,\u2019 p. 188.\n\nFootnote 718:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 583; Brand, vol. i. p. 298; Wuttke, pp. 14, 140.\n Beausobre, l.c.\n\nFootnote 719:\n\n Spix and Martius, \u2018Reise in Brasilien,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 377, 381; Martius,\n \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019 vol. i. p. 327; Pr. Max. v. Wied, vol. ii. p. 58; J.\n G. M\u00fcller, pp. 218, 254; also Musters, \u2018Patagonians,\u2019 pp. 58, 179.\n\nFootnote 720:\n\n De la Borde, \u2018Caraibes,\u2019 p. 525.\n\nFootnote 721:\n\n Sproat, \u2018Savage Life,\u2019 p. 206; \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. v. p. 253.\n\nFootnote 722:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1635, p. 34.\n\nFootnote 723:\n\n Livingstone, \u2018S. Afr.\u2019 p. 235; Waitz, vol. ii. pp. 175, 342.\n\nFootnote 724:\n\n R\u00f6mer, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 p. 84; Du Chaillu, \u2018Ashango-land,\u2019 p. 428; see\n Purchas, vol. v. p. 766. M\u00fcller, \u2018Fetu,\u2019 p. 47.\n\nFootnote 725:\n\n Merolla, \u2018Congo,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 273.\n\nFootnote 726:\n\n Kolbe, \u2018Beschryving van de Kaap de Goede Hoop,\u2019 part i. xxix. See\n ante, vol. i. p. 355.\n\nFootnote 727:\n\n Loskiel, \u2018Ind. of N. A.\u2019 part i. p. 43.\n\nFootnote 728:\n\n Bickmore, \u2018Ainos,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vii. p. 20.\n\nFootnote 729:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 p. 167.\n\nFootnote 730:\n\n Georgi, \u2018Reise im Russ. R.\u2019 vol. i. p. 275.\n\nFootnote 731:\n\n Clavigero, \u2018Messico,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 9, 35; Tylor, \u2018Mexico,\u2019 l.c.\n\nFootnote 732:\n\n Waitz, vol. iv. p. 362.\n\nFootnote 733:\n\n Garcilaso de la Vega, \u2018Commentarios Reales,\u2019 iii. 21.\n\nFootnote 734:\n\n Siebold, \u2018Nippon,\u2019 part v. p. 9.\n\nFootnote 735:\n\n Deuteron. xvii. 3; Polyb. vii. 9; see Movers, \u2018Ph\u00f6nizier,\u2019 pp. 159,\n 536, 605.\n\nFootnote 736:\n\n Lucian. de Syria Dea, iv. 34.\n\nFootnote 737:\n\n Wilkinson, \u2018Ancient Egyptians,\u2019 ed. by Birch, vol. iii. p. 174. See\n Plutarch. Is. et Osir.\n\nFootnote 738:\n\n Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol. i. p. 550, &c.\n\nFootnote 739:\n\n Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 27.\n\nFootnote 740:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 ch. xxii.\n\nFootnote 741:\n\n Akerblad, \u2018Lettre \u00e0 Italinsky.\u2019 Burton, \u2018Central Afr.\u2019 vol. ii. p.\n 346. Mungo Park, \u2018Travels,\u2019 in \u2018Pinkerton,\u2019 vol. xvi. p. 875.\n\nFootnote 742:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 pp. 29, 667; Brand, vol. iii. p. 146; Forbes Leslie,\n \u2018Early Races of Scotland,\u2019 vol. i. p. 136.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XVII.\n ANIMISM (_continued_).\n\n Polytheism comprises a class of Great Deities, ruling\n the course of Nature and the life of\n Man\u2014Childbirth-god\u2014Agriculture-god\u2014War-god\u2014God of the Dead\u2014First Man\n as Divine Ancestor\u2014Dualism; its rudimentary and unethical nature\n among low races; its development through the course of culture\u2014Good\n and Evil Deity\u2014Doctrine of Divine Supremacy, distinct from, while\n tending towards, the doctrine of Monotheism\u2014Idea of a Highest or\n Supreme Deity evolved in various forms; its place as completion of\n the Polytheistic system and outcome of the Animistic philosophy; its\n continuance and development among higher nations\u2014General survey of\n Animism as a Philosophy of Religion\u2014Recapitulation of the theory\n advanced as to its development through successive stages of culture;\n its primary phases best represented among the lower races, while\n survivals of these among the higher races mark the transition from\n savage through barbaric to civilized faiths\u2014Transition of Animism in\n the History of Religion; its earlier and later stages as a\n Philosophy of the Universe; its later stages as the principle of a\n Moral Institution.\n\n\nPolytheism acknowledges, beside great fetish-deities like Heaven and\nEarth, Sun and Moon, another class of great gods whose importance lies\nnot in visible presence, but in the performance of certain great offices\nin the course of Nature and the life of Man. The lower races can furnish\nthemselves with such deities, either by giving the recognized gods\nspecial duties to perform, or by attributing these functions to beings\ninvented in divine personality for the purpose. The creation of such\ndivinities is however carried to a much greater extent in the complex\nsystems of the higher polytheism. For a compact group of examples\nshowing to what different ideas men will resort for a deity to answer a\nspecial end, let us take the deity presiding over Childbirth. In the\nWest Indies, a special divinity occupied with this function took rank as\none of the great indigenous fetish-gods;[743] in the Samoan group, the\nhousehold god of the father\u2019s or mother\u2019s family was appealed to;[744]\nin Peru the Moon takes to this office,[745] and the same natural idea\nrecurs in Mexico;[746] in Esthonian religion the productive Earth-mother\nappropriately becomes patroness of human birth;[747] in the classic\ntheology of Greece and Italy, the divine spouse of the Heaven-king,\nHera,[748] Juno,[749] favours and protects on earth marriage and the\nbirth of children; and to conclude the list, the Chinese work out the\nproblem from the manes-worshipper\u2019s point of view, for the goddess whom\nthey call \u2018Mother\u2019 and propitiate with many a ceremony and sacrifice to\nsave and prosper their children, is held to have been in human life a\nskilful midwife.[750]\n\nThe deity of Agriculture may be a cosmic being affecting the weather and\nthe soil, or a mythic giver of plants and teacher of their cultivation\nand use. Thus among the Iroquois, Heno the Thunder, who rides through\nthe heavens on the clouds, who splits the forest-trees with the\nthunderbolt-stones he hurls at his enemies, who gathers the clouds and\npours out the warm rains, was fitly chosen as patron of husbandry,\ninvoked at seed-time and harvest, and called Grandfather by his children\nthe Indians.[751] It is interesting to notice again on the southern\ncontinent the working out of this idea in the Tupan of Brazilian tribes;\nThunder and Lightning, it is recorded, they call Tupan, considering\nthemselves to owe to him their hoes and the profitable art of tillage,\nand therefore acknowledging him as a deity.[752] Among the Guarani race,\nTamoi the Ancient of Heaven had no less rightful claim, in his character\nof heaven-god, to be venerated as the divine teacher of agriculture to\nhis people.[753] In Mexico, Centeotl the Grain-goddess received homage\nand offerings at her two great festivals, and took care of the growth\nand keeping of the corn.[754] In Polynesia, we hear in the Society\nIslands of Ofanu the god of husbandry, in the Tonga Islands of Alo Alo\nthe fanner, god of wind and weather, bearing office as god of harvest,\nand receiving his offering of yams when he had ripened them.[755] A\npicturesque figure from barbaric Asia is Pheebee Yau, the Ceres of the\nKarens, who sits on a stump and watches the growing and ripening com, to\nfill the granaries of the frugal and industrious.[756] The Khonds\nworship at the same shrine, a stone or tree near the village, both B\u016brbi\nPennu the goddess of new vegetation, and Pidzu Pennu the rain-god.[757]\nAmong Finns and Esths it is the Earth-mother who appropriately\nundertakes the task of bringing forth the fruits.[758] And so among the\nGreeks it is the same being, D\u0113m\u0113t\u0113r the Earth-mother, who performs this\nfunction, while the Roman Ceres who is confused with her is rather, as\nin Mexico, a goddess of grain and fruit.[759]\n\nThe War-god is another being wanted among the lower races, and formed or\nadapted accordingly. Areskove the Iroquois War-god seems to be himself\nthe great celestial deity; for his pleasant food they slaughtered human\nvictims, that he might give them victory over their enemies; as a\npleasant sight for him they tortured the war-captives; on him the\nwar-chief called in solemn council, and the warriors, shouting his name,\nrushed into the battle he was surveying from on high. Canadian Indians\nbefore the fight would look toward the sun, or addressed the Great\nSpirit as god of war; Floridan Indians prayed to the Sun before their\nwars.[760] Araucanians of Chili entreated Pillan the Thunder-god that he\nwould scatter their enemies, and thanked him amidst their cups after a\nvictory.[761] The very name of Mexico seems derived from Mexitli, the\nnational War-god, identical or identified with the hideous gory\nHuitzilopochtli. Not to attempt a general solution of the enigmatic\nnature of this inextricable compound parthenogenetic deity, we may\nnotice the association of his principal festival with the\nwinter-solstice, when his paste idol was shot through with an arrow, and\nbeing thus killed, was divided into morsels and eaten, wherefore the\nceremony was called the teoqualo or \u2018god-eating.\u2019 This and other details\ntend to show Huitzilopochtli as originally a nature-deity, whose life\nand death were connected with the year\u2019s, while his functions of War-god\nmay be of later addition.[762] Polynesia is a region where quite an\nassortment of war-gods may be collected. Such, to take but one example,\nwas Tairi, war-god of King Kamehameha of the Sandwich Islands, whose\nhideous image, covered with red feathers, shark-toothed,\nmother-of-pearl-eyed, with helmet-crest of human hair, was carried into\nbattle by his special priest, distorting his own face into hideous\ngrins, and uttering terrific yells which were considered to proceed from\nthe god.[763] Two examples from Asia may show what different original\nconceptions may serve to shape such deities as these upon. The Khond\nWar-god, who entered into all weapons, so that from instruments of peace\nthey became weapons of war, who gave edge to the axe and point to the\narrow, is the very personified spirit of tribal war, his token is the\nrelic of iron and the iron weapons buried in his sacred grove which\nstands near each group of hamlets, and his name is Loha Pennu or\nIron-god.[764] The Chinese War-god, Kuang T\u00e4, on the other hand, is an\nancient military ghost; he was a distinguished officer, as well as a\n\u2018faithful and honest courtier,\u2019 who flourished during the wars of the\nHan dynasty, and emperors since then have delighted to honour him by\nadding to his usual title more and more honorary distinctions.[765]\nLooking at these selections from the army of War-gods of the different\nregions of the world, we may well leave their classic analogues, Ar\u0113s\nand Mars, as beings whose warlike function we recognize, but not so\neasily their original nature.[766]\n\nIt would be easy, going through the religious systems of Polynesia and\nMexico, Greece and Rome, India and China, to give the names and offices\nof a long list of divinities, patrons of hunting and fishing,\ncarpentering and weaving, and so forth. But studying here rather the\ncontinuity of polytheistic ideas than the analysis of polytheistic\ndivinities, it is needless to proceed farther in the comparison of these\ndeities of special function, as recognized to some extent in the lower\ncivilization, before their elaborate development became one of the great\nfeatures of the higher.\n\nThe great polytheistic deities we have been examining, concerned as they\nare with the earthly course of nature and human life, are gods of the\nliving. But even in savage levels man began to feel an intellectual need\nof a God of the Dead, to reign over the souls of men in the next life,\nand this necessity has been supplied in various ways. Of the deities set\nup as lords of Deadman\u2019s Land, some are beings whose original meaning is\nobscure. Some are distinctly nature-deities appointed to this office,\noften for local reasons, as happening to belong to the regions where the\ndead take up their abode. Some, again, are as distinctly the deified\nsouls of men. The two first classes may be briefly instanced together in\nAmerica, where the light-side and shadow-side (as Dr. J. G. M\u00fcller well\ncalls them) of the conception of a future life are broadly contrasted in\nthe definitions of the Lord of the Dead. Among the Northern Indians this\nmay be Tarenyawagon the Heaven-God, identified with the Great Spirit,\nwho receives good warriors in his happy hunting-grounds, or his\ngrandmother, the Death-goddess Atahentsic.[767] In Brazil, the\nUnder-world-god, who places good warriors and sorcerers in Paradise,\ncontrasts with Aygnan the evil deity who takes base and cowardly Tupi\nsouls,[768] much as the Mexican Tlaloc, Water-god and lord of the\nearthly paradise, contrasts with Mictlanteuctli, ruler of the dismal\ndead-land in the shades below.[769] In Peru there has been placed on\nrecord a belief that the departed spirits went to be with the Creator\nand Teacher of the World\u2014\u2018Bring us too near to thee ... that we may be\nfortunate, being near to thee, O Uira-cocha!\u2019 There are also statements\nas to an under-world of shades, the land of the demon Supay.[770]\nAccounts of this class must often be suspected of giving ideas\nmis-stated under European influence, or actually adopted from Europeans,\nbut there is in some a look of untouched genuineness. Thus in Polynesia,\nthe idea of a Devil borrowed from colonists or missionaries may be\nsuspected in such a figure as the evil deity Wiro, chief of Reigna, the\nNew Zealander\u2019s western world of departed souls. But few conceptions of\ndeity are more quaintly original than that of the Samoan deity\nSaveasiuleo, at once ruler of destinies of war and other affairs of men\nand chief of the subterranean Bulot\u016b, with the human upper half of his\nbody reclining in his great house in company with the spirits of\ndeparted chiefs, while his tail or extremity stretches far away into the\nsea, in the shape of an eel or serpent. Under a name corresponding\ndialectically (Siuleo = Hikuleo), this composite being reappears in the\nkindred myths of the neighbouring group, the Tonga Islands. The Tongan\nHikuleo has his home in the spirit-land of Bulot\u016b, here conceived as out\nin the far western sea. Here we are told the use of his tail. His body\ngoes away on journeys, but his tail remains watching in Bulot\u016b, and thus\nhe is aware of what goes on in more places than one. Hikuleo used to\ncarry off the first-born sons of Tongan chiefs, to people his island of\nthe blest, and he so thinned the ranks of the living that at last the\nother gods were moved to compassion. Tangaloa and Maui seized Hikuleo,\npassed a strong chain round him, and fastened one end to heaven and the\nother to earth. Another god of the dead, of well-marked native type, is\nthe Rarotongan Tiki, an ancestral deity as in New Zealand, to whose long\nhouse, a place of unceasing joys, the dead are to find their way.[771]\nAmong Turanian tribes, there are Samoyeds who believe in a deity called\n\u2018A,\u2019 dwelling in impenetrable darkness, sending disease and death to men\nand reindeer, and ruling over a crowd of spirits which are manes of the\ndead. Tatars tell of the nine Irle-Chans, who in their gloomy\nsubterranean kingdom not only rule over souls of the dead, but have at\ntheir command a multitude of ministering spirits, visible and invisible.\nIn the gloomy under-world of the Finns reigns Mana or Tuoni, a being\nwhose nature is worked out by personification from the dismal dead-land\nor death itself.[772] Much the same may be said of the Greek Aid\u0113s,\nHades, and the Scandinavian Hel, whose names, perhaps not so much by\nconfusion as with a sense of their latent significance, have become\nidentified in language with the doleful abodes over which a personifying\nfancy set them to preside.[773] As appropriately, though working out a\ndifferent idea, the ancient Egyptians conceived their great solar deity\nto rule in the regions of his western under-world\u2014Osiris is Lord of the\nDead in Amenti.[774]\n\nIn the world\u2019s assembly of great gods, an important place must be filled\nup by the manes-worshipper in logical development of his special system.\nThe theory of family manes, carried back to tribal gods, leads to the\nrecognition of superior deities of the nature of Divine Ancestor or\nFirst Man, and it is of course reasonable that such a being, if\nrecognized, should sometimes fill the place of lord of the dead, whose\nancestral chief he is. There is an anecdote among the Mandans told by\nPrince Maximilian von Wied, which brings into view conceptions lying in\nthe deepest recesses of savage religion, the idea of the divine first\nancestor, the mythic connexion of the sun\u2019s death and descent into the\nunder-world, with the like fate of man and the nature of the spiritual\nintercourse between man\u2019s own soul and his deity. The First Man, it is\nsaid, promised the Mandans to be their helper in time of need, and then\ndeparted into the West. It came to pass that the Mandans were attacked\nby foes. One Mandan would send a bird to the great ancestor to ask for\nhelp, but no bird could fly so far. Another thought a look would reach\nhim, but the hills walled him in. Then said a third, thought must be the\nsafest way to reach the First Man. He wrapped himself in his\nbuffalo-robe, fell down, and spoke, \u2018I think\u2014I have thought\u2014I come\nback.\u2019 Throwing off the fur, he was bathed in sweat. The divine helper\nhe had called on in his distress appeared.[775] There is instructive\nvariety in the ways in which the lower American races work out the\nconception of the divine forefather. The Mingo tribes revere and make\nofferings to the First Man, he who was saved at the great deluge, as a\npowerful deity under the Master of Life, or even as identified with him;\nsome Mississippi Indians said that the First Man ascended into heaven,\nand thunders there; among the Dog-ribs, he was creator of sun and\nmoon;[776] Tamoi, the grandfather and ancient of heaven of the Guaranis,\nwas their first ancestor, who dwelt among them and taught them to till\nthe soil, and rose to heaven in the east, promising to succour them on\nearth, and at death to carry them from the sacred tree into a new life\nwhere they should all meet again, and have much hunting.[777]\n\nPolynesia, again, has thoroughly worked the theory of divine ancestors\ninto the native system of multiform and blending nature-deities. Men are\nsprung from the divine Maui, whom Europeans have therefore called the\n\u2018Adam of New Zealand,\u2019 or from the Rarotongan Tiki, who seems his\nequivalent (Mauitiki), and who again is the Tii of the Society Islands;\nit is, however, the son of Tii who precisely represents a Polynesian\nAdam, for his name is Taata, i.e., Man, and he is the ancestor of the\nhuman race. There is perhaps also reason to identify Maui and the First\nMan with Akea, first King of Hawaii, who at his earthly death descended\nto rule over his dark subterranean kingdom, where his subjects are the\ndead who recline under the spreading kou-trees, and drink of the\ninfernal rivers, and feed on lizards and butterflies.[778] In the\nmythology of Kamchatka, the relation between the Creator and the First\nMan is one not of identity but of parentage. Among the sons of Kutka the\nCreator is Haetsh the First Man, who dwelt on earth, and died, and\ndescended into Hades to be chief of the under-world; there he receives\nthe dead and new-risen Kamchadals, to continue a life like that of earth\nin his pleasant subterranean land where mildness and plenty prevail, as\nthey did in the regions above in the old days when the Creator was still\non earth.[779] Among all the lower races who have reasoned out this\ndivine ancestor, none excel those consistent manes-worshippers, the\nZulus. Their worship of the manes of the dead has not only made the\nclan-ancestors of a few generations back into tribal deities\n(Unkulunkulu), but beyond these, too far off and too little known for\nactual worship, yet recognized as the original race-deity and identified\nwith the Creator, stands the First Man, he who \u2018broke off in the\nbeginning,\u2019 the Old-Old-One, the great Unkulunkulu. While the Zulu\u2019s\nmost intense religious emotions are turned to the ghosts of the\ndeparted, while he sacrifices his beloved oxen and prays with agonising\nentreaty to his grandfather, and carries his tribal worship back to\nthose ancestral deities whose praise-giving names are still remembered,\nthe First Man is beyond the reach of such rites. \u2018At first we saw that\nwe were made by Unkulunkulu. But when we were ill we did not worship\nhim, nor ask anything of him. We worshipped those whom we had seen with\nour eyes, their death and their life among us.... Unkulunkulu had no\nlonger a son who could worship him; there was no going back to the\nbeginning, for people increased, and were scattered abroad, and each\nhouse had its own connections; there was no one who said, \u201cFor my part I\nam of the house of Unkulunkulu.\u201d\u2019 Nay more, the Zulus who would not dare\nto affront an \u2018idhlozi,\u2019 a common ghost, that might be angry and kill\nthem, have come to make open mock of the name of the great first\nancestor. When the grown-up people wish to talk privately or eat\nsomething by themselves, it is the regular thing to send the children\nout to call at the top of their voices for Unkulunkulu. \u2018The name of\nUnkulunkulu has no respect paid to it among black men; for his house no\nlonger exists. It is now like the name of a very old crone, who has no\npower to do even a little thing for herself, but sits continually where\nshe sat in the morning till the sun sets. And the children make sport of\nher, for she cannot catch them and flog them, but only talk with her\nmouth. Just so is the name of Unkulunkulu when all the children are told\nto go and call him. He is now a means of making sport of children.\u2019[780]\n\nIn Aryan religion, the divinities just described give us analogues for\nthe Hindu Yama, throughout his threefold nature as First Man, as solar\nGod of Hades, as Judge of the Dead. Professor Max M\u00fcller thus suggests\nhis origin, which may indeed be inferred from his being called the child\nof Vivasvat, himself the Sun: \u2018The sun, conceived as setting or dying\nevery day, was the first who had trodden the path of life from East to\nWest\u2014the first mortal\u2014the first to show us the way when our course is\nrun, and our sun sets in the far West. Thither the fathers followed\nYama; there they sit with him rejoicing, and thither we too shall go\nwhen his messengers (day and night) have found us out.... Yama is said\nto have crossed the rapid waters, to have shown the way to many, to have\nfirst known the path on which our fathers crossed over.\u2019 It is a\nperfectly consistent myth-formation, that the solar Yama should become\nthe first of mortals who died and discovered the way to the other world,\nwho guides other men thither and assembles them in a home which is\nsecured to them for ever. As representative of death, Yama had even in\nearly Aryan times his aspects of terror, and in later Indian theology he\nbecomes not only the Lord but the awful Judge of the Dead, whom some\nmodern Hindus are said to worship alone of all the gods, alleging that\ntheir future state is to be determined only by Yama, and that they have\nnothing therefore to hope or fear from any beside him. In these days,\nHindu and Parsi in Bombay are learning from scholars in Europe the\nancient connexion of their long antagonistic faiths, and have to hear\nthat Yama son of Visavat sitting on his awful judgment-seat of the dead,\nto reward the good and punish the wicked with hideous tortures, and Yima\nson of Vivanh\u00e2o who in prim\u00e6val days reigned over his happy deathless\nkingdom of good Zarathustrian men, are but two figures developed in the\ncourse of ages out of one and the same Aryan nature-myth.[781] Within\nthe limits of Jewish, Christian, and Moslem theology, the First Man\nscarcely occupies more than a place of precedence among the human race\nin Hades or in Heaven, not the high office of Lord of the Dead. Yet that\ntendency to deify an ideal ancestor, which we observe to act so strongly\non lower races, has taken effect also here. The Rabbinical Adam is a\ngigantic being reaching from earth to heaven, for the definition of\nwhose stature Rabbi Eliezer cites Deuteronomy iv. 32, \u2018God made man\n(Adam) upon the earth, and from one end of heaven to the other.\u2019[782] It\nis one of the familiar episodes of the Koran, how the angels were bidden\nto bow down before Adam, the regent of Allah upon earth, and how Eblis\n(Diabolus) swelling with pride, refused the act of adoration.[783] Among\nthe Gnostic sect of the Valentinians, Adam the primal man in whom the\nDeity had revealed himself, stood as earthly representative of the\nDemiurge, and was even counted among the \u00c6ons.[784]\n\nThe figures of the great deities of Polytheism, thus traced in outline\naccording to the determining idea on which each is shaped, seem to show\nthat conceptions originating under rude and primitive conditions of\nhuman thought and passing thence into the range of higher culture, may\nsuffer in the course of ages the most various fates, to be expanded,\nelaborated, transformed, or abandoned. Yet the philosophy of modern ages\nstill to a remarkable degree follows the primitive courses of savage\nthought, even as the highways of our land so often follow the unchanging\ntracks of barbaric roads. Let us endeavour timidly and circumspectly to\ntrace onward from savage times the courses of vast and pregnant\ngeneralization which tend towards the two greatest of the world\u2019s\nschemes of religious doctrine, the systems of Dualism and Monotheism.\n\nRudimentary forms of Dualism, the antagonism of a Good and Evil Deity,\nare well known among the lower races of mankind. The investigation of\nthese savage and barbaric doctrines, however, is a task demanding\npeculiar caution. The Europeans in contact with these rude tribes since\ntheir discovery, themselves for the most part holding strongly dualistic\nforms of Christianity, to the extent of practically subjecting the world\nto the contending influences of armies of good and evil spirits under\nthe antagonistic control of God and Devil, were liable on the one hand\nto mistake and exaggerate savage ideas in this direction, so that their\nrecords of native religion can only be accepted with reserve, while on\nthe other hand there is no doubt that dualistic ideas have been largely\nintroduced and developed among the savages themselves, under this same\nEuropean influence. For instance, among the natives of Australia, we\nhear of the great deity Nambajandi who dwells in his heavenly paradise,\nwhere the happy shades of black men feast and dance and sing for\nevermore; over against him stands the great evil being Warr\u016bg\u016bra, who\ndwells in the nethermost regions, who causes the great calamities which\nbefall mankind, and whom the natives represent with horns and tail,\nalthough no horned beast is indigenous in the land.[785] There may be\nmore or less native substratum in all this, but the hints borrowed from\npopular Christian ideas are unmistakeable. Thus also, among the North\nAmerican Indians, the native religion was modified under the influence\nof ideas borrowed from the white men, and there arose a full dualistic\nscheme, of which Loskiel, a Moravian missionary conversant especially\nwith Algonquin and Iroquois tribes, gives the following suggestive\nparticulars, dating from 1794. \u2018They (the Indians) first received in\nmodern times through the Europeans the idea of the Devil, the Prince of\nDarkness. They consider him as a very mighty spirit, who can only do\nevil, and therefore call him the Evil One. Thus they now believe in a\ngreat good and a great evil spirit; to the one they ascribe all good,\nand to the other all evil. About thirty years ago, a remarkable change\ntook place in the religious opinions of the Indians. Some preachers of\ntheir own nation pretended to have received revelations from above, to\nhave travelled into heaven, and conversed with God. They gave different\naccounts of their journey to heaven, but all agreed in this, that no one\ncould arrive there without great danger; for the road runs close by the\ngates of hell. There the Devil lies in ambush, and snatches at every one\nwho is going to God. Now those who have passed by this dangerous place\nunhurt, come first to the Son of God, and from him to God himself, from\nwhom they pretend to have received a commandment, to instruct the\nIndians in the way to heaven. By them the Indians were informed that\nheaven was the dwelling of God, and hell that of the Devil. Some of\nthese preachers had not indeed reached the dwelling of God, but\nprofessed to have approached near enough to hear the cocks in heaven\ncrow, or to see the smoke of the chimneys in heaven, &c., &c.\u2019[786]\n\nSuch unequivocal proofs that savage tribes can adopt and work into the\nmidst of their native beliefs the European doctrine of the Good and Evil\nSpirit, must induce us to criticize keenly all recorded accounts of the\nreligion of uncultured tribes, lest we should mistake the confused\nreflexion of Christendom for the indigenous theology of Australia or\nCanada. It is the more needful to bring this state of things into the\nclearest light, in order that the religion of the lower tribes may be\nplaced in its proper relation to the religion of the higher nations.\nGenuine savage faiths do in fact bring to our view what seem to be\nrudimentary forms of ideas which underlie dualistic theological schemes\namong higher nations. It is certain that even among rude savage hordes,\nnative thought has already turned toward the deep problem of good and\nevil. Their crude though earnest speculation has already tried to solve\nthe great mystery which still resists the efforts of moralists and\ntheologians. But as in general the animistic doctrine of the lower races\nis not yet an ethical institution, but a philosophy of man and nature,\nso savage dualism is not yet a theory of abstract moral principles, but\na theory of pleasure or pain, profit or loss, affecting the individual\nman, his family, or at the utmost stretch, his people. This narrow and\nrudimentary distinction between good and evil was not unfairly stated by\nthe savage who explained that if anybody took away his wife, that would\nbe bad, but if he himself took someone\u2019s else\u2019s, that would be good. Now\nby the savage or barbarian mind, the spiritual beings which by their\npersonal action account for the events of life and the operations of\nnature, are apt to be regarded as kindly or hostile, sometimes or\nalways, like the human beings on whose type they are so obviously\nmodelled. In such a case, we may well judge by the safe analogy of\ndisembodied human souls, and it appears that these are habitually\nregarded as sometimes friends and sometimes foes of the living. Nothing\ncould be more conclusive in this respect than an account of the three\ndays\u2019 battle between two factions of Zulu ghosts for the life of a man\nand wife whom the one spiritual party desired to destroy and the other\nto save; the defending spirits prevailed, dug up the bewitched\ncharm-bags which had been buried to cause sympathetic disease, and flung\nthese objects into the midst of the assembly of the people watching in\nsilence, just as the spirits now fling real flowers at a table-rapping\ns\u00e9ance.[787] For spirits less closely belonging to the definition of\nghosts, may be taken Rochefort\u2019s remarks in the 17th century as to the\ntwo sorts of spirits, good and bad, recognized by the Caribs of the West\nIndies. This writer declares that their good spirits or divinities are\nin fact so many demons who seduce them and keep them enchained in their\ndamnable servitude; but nevertheless, he says, the people themselves do\ndistinguish them from their evil spirits.[788] Nor can we pronounce this\ndistinction of theirs unreasonable, learning from other authorities that\nit was the office of some of these spirits to attend men as familiar\ngenii, and of others to inflict diseases. After the numerous details\nwhich have incidentally been cited in the present volumes, it will be\nneedless to offer farther proof that spiritual beings are really\nconceived by savages and barbarians as ranged in antagonistic ranks as\ngood and evil, i.e., friendly and hostile to themselves. The interesting\nenquiry on which it is here desirable to collect evidence, is this: how\nfar are the doctrines of the higher nations anticipated in principle\namong the lower tribes, in the assignment of the conduct of the universe\nto two mighty hostile beings, in whom the contending powers of good and\nevil are personified, the Good Deity and the Evil Deity, each the head\nand ruler of a spiritual host like-minded? The true answer seems to be\nthat savage belief displays to us the primitive conceptions which, when\ndeveloped in systematic form and attached to ethical meaning, take their\nplace in religious systems of which the Zoroastrian is the type.\n\nFirst, when in district after district two special deities with special\nnative names are contrasted in native religion as the Good and Evil\nDeity, it is in some cases easier to explain these beings as native at\nleast in origin, than to suppose that foreign intercourse should have\nexerted the consistent and far-reaching influence needed to introduce\nthem. Second, when the deities in question are actually polytheistic\ngods, such as Sun, Moon, Heaven, Earth, considered as of good or evil,\ni.e., favourable or unfavourable aspect, this looks like native\ndevelopment, not innovation derived from a foreign religion ignoring\nsuch divinities. Third, when it is held that the Good Deity is remote\nand otiose, but the Evil Deity present and active, and worship is\ntherefore directed especially to the propitiation of the hostile\nprinciple, we have here a conception which appears native in the lower\nculture, rather than derived from the higher culture to which it is\nunfamiliar and even hateful. Now Dualism, as prevailing among the lower\nraces, will be seen in a considerable degree to assert its originality\nby satisfying one or more of these conditions.\n\nThere have been recorded among the Indians of North America a group of\nmythic beliefs, which display the fundamental idea of dualism in the\nvery act of germinating in savage religion. Yet the examination of these\nmyths leads us first to destructive criticism of a picturesque but not\nancient member of the series. An ethnologist, asked to point out the\nmost striking savage dualistic legend of the world, would be likely to\nname the celebrated Iroquois myth of the Twin Brethren. The current\nversion of this legend is that set down in 1825 by the Christian chief\nof the Tuscaroras, David Cusick, as the belief of his people. Among the\nancients, he relates, there were two worlds, the lower world in darkness\nand possessed by monsters, the upper world inhabited by mankind. A woman\nnear her travail sank from this upper region to the dark world below.\nShe alighted on a Tortoise, prepared to receive her with a little earth\non his back, which Tortoise became an island. The celestial mother bore\ntwin sons into the dark world, and died. The tortoise increased to a\ngreat island, and the twins grew up. One was of gentle disposition, and\nwas called Enigorio, the Good Mind, the other was of insolent character,\nand was named Enigonhahetgea, the Bad Mind. The Good Mind, not contented\nto remain in darkness, wished to create a great light; the Bad Mind\ndesired that the world should remain in its natural state. The Good Mind\ntook his dead mother\u2019s head and made it the sun, and of a remnant of her\nbody he made the moon. These were to give light to the day and to the\nnight. Also he created many spots of light, now stars: these were to\nregulate the days, nights, seasons, years. Where the light came upon the\ndark world, the monsters were displeased, and hid themselves in the\ndepths, lest man should find them. The Good Mind continued the creation,\nformed many creeks and rivers on the Great Island, created small and\ngreat beasts to inhabit the forests, and fishes to inhabit the waters.\nWhen he had made the universe, he doubted concerning beings to possess\nthe Great Island. He formed two images of the dust of the ground in his\nown likeness, male and female, and by breathing into their nostrils gave\nthem living souls, and named them Ea-gwe-howe, that is \u2018real people;\u2019\nand he gave the Great Island all the animals of game for their\nmaintenance; he appointed thunder to water the earth by frequent rains;\nthe island became fruitful, and vegetation afforded to the animals\nsubsistence. The Bad Mind went throughout the island and made high\nmountains and waterfalls and great steeps, and created reptiles\ninjurious to mankind; but the Good Mind restored the island to its\nformer condition. The Bad Mind made two clay images in the form of man,\nbut while he was giving them existence they became apes; and so on. The\nGood Mind accomplished the works of creation, notwithstanding the\nimaginations of the Bad Mind were continually evil; thus he attempted to\nenclose all the animals of game in the earth away from mankind, but his\nbrother set them free, and traces of them were made on the rocks near\nthe cave where they were shut in. At last the brethren came to single\ncombat for the mastery of the universe. The Good Mind falsely persuaded\nthe Bad Mind that whipping with flags would destroy his own life, but he\nhimself used the deer-horns, the instrument of death. After a two days\u2019\nfight, the Good Mind slew his brother and crushed him in the earth; and\nthe last words of the Bad Mind were that he would have equal power over\nmen\u2019s souls after death, then he sank down to eternal doom and became\nthe Evil Spirit. The Good Mind visited the people, and then retired from\nthe earth.[789]\n\nThis is a graphic tale. Its versions of the cosmic myth of the\nWorld-Tortoise, and its apparent philosophical myth of fossil\nfootprints, have much mythological interest. But its Biblical copying\nextends to the very phraseology, and only partial genuineness can be\nallowed to its main theme. Dr. Brinton has shown from early American\nwriters how much dualistic fancy has sprung up since the times of first\nintercourse between natives and white men. When this legend is compared\nwith the earlier version given by Father Brebeuf, missionary to the\nHurons in 1636, we find its whole complexion altered; the moral dualism\nvanishes; the names of Good and Bad Mind do not appear; it is the story\nof Ioskeha the White One, with his brother Tawiscara the Dark One, and\nwe at once perceive that Christian influence in the course of two\ncenturies had given the tale a meaning foreign to its real intent. Yet\nto go back to the earliest sources and examine this myth of the White\nOne and the Dark One, proves it to be itself a perfect example of the\nrise of primitive dualism in the savage mind. Father Brebeuf\u2019s story is\nas follows: Aataentsic the Moon fell from heaven on earth, and bore two\nsons, Taouiscaron and Iouskeha, who being grown up quarrelled; judge, he\nsays, if there be not in this a touch of the death of Abel. They came to\ncombat, but with very different weapons. Iouskeha had a stag-horn,\nTaouiscaron contented himself with some wild-rose berries, persuading\nhimself that as soon as he should thus smite his brother, he would fall\ndead at his feet; but it fell out quite otherwise than he had promised\nhimself, and Iouskeha struck him so heavy a blow in the side that the\nblood gushed forth in streams. The poor wretch fled, and from his blood\nwhich fell upon the land came the flints which the savages still call\nTaouiscara, from the victim\u2019s name. From this we see it to be true that\nthe original myth of the two brothers, the White One and the Dark One,\nhad no moral element. It seems mere nature-myth, the contest between Day\nand Night, for the Hurons knew that Iouskeha was the Sun, even as his\nmother or grandmother Aataentsic was the Moon. Yet in the contrast\nbetween these two, the Huron mind had already come to the rudimentary\ncontrast of the Good and Evil Deity. Iouskeha the Sun, it is expressly\nsaid, seemed to the Indians their benefactor; their kettle would not\nboil were it not for him; it was he who learnt from the Tortoise the art\nof making fire; without him they would have no luck in hunting; it is he\nwho makes the corn to grow. Iouskeha the Sun takes care for the living\nand all things concerning life, and therefore, says the missionary, they\nsay he is good. But Aataentsic the Moon, the creatress of earth and man,\nmakes men die and has charge of their departed souls, and they say she\nis evil. The Sun and Moon dwell together in their cabin at the end of\nthe earth, and thither it was that the Indians made the mythic journey\nof which various episodes have been more than once cited here; true to\ntheir respective characters, the Sun receives the travellers kindly and\nsaves them from the harm the beauteous but hurtful Moon would have done\nthem. Another missionary of still earlier time identifies Iouskeha with\nthe supreme deity Atahocan: \u2018Iouskeha,\u2019 he says, \u2018is good and gives\ngrowth and fair weather; his grandmother Eatahentsic is wicked and\nspoils.\u2019[790] Thus in early Iroquois legend, the Sun and Moon, as god\nand goddess of Day and Night, had already acquired the characters of the\ngreat friend and enemy of man, the Good and Evil Deity. And as to the\nrelated cosmic legend of Day and Night, contrasted in the persons of the\ntwo brothers, the White One and the Dark One, though this was originally\npure unethic nature-myth, yet it naturally took the same direction among\nthe half-Europeanized Indians of later times, becoming a moral myth of\nGood and Evil. The idea comes to full maturity in the modern shaping of\nIroquois religion, where the good and great deity H\u00e4wenneyu the Ruler\nhas opposed to him a rival deity keeping the same name as in the myth,\nH\u00e4negoategeh the Evil-minded. We have thus before us the profoundly\ninteresting fact, that the rude North American Indians have more than\nonce begun the same mythologic transition which in ancient Asia shaped\nthe contrast of light and darkness into the contrast of righteousness\nand wickedness, by following out the same thought which still in the\nEuropean mind arrays in the hostile forms of Light and Darkness the\ncontending powers of Good and Evil.\n\nJudging by such evidence, at once of the rudimentary dualism springing\nup in savage animism, and of the tendency of this to amalgamate with\nsimilar thought brought in by foreign intercourse, it is possible to\naccount for many systems of the dualistic class found in the native\nreligions of America. While the evidence may lead us to agree with Waitz\nthat the North American Indian dualism, the most distinct and universal\nfeature of their religion, is not to be altogether referred to a modern\nChristian origin, yet care must be taken not to claim as the result of\nprimitive religious development what shows signs of being borrowed\ncivilized theology. The records remain of the Jesuit missionary teaching\nunder which the Algonquins came to use their native term Manitu, that\nis, spirit or demon, in speaking of the Christian God and Devil as the\ngood and the evil Manitu. Still later, the Great Spirit and the Evil\nSpirit, Kitchi Manitu and Matchi Manitu, gained a wider place in the\nbeliefs of North American tribes, who combined these adopted Christian\nconceptions with older native beliefs in powers of light and warmth and\nlife and protection, of darkness and cold and death and destruction.\nThus the two great antagonistic Beings became chiefs of the kindly and\nharmful spirits pervading the world and struggling for the mastery over\nit. Here the nature-religion of the savage was expanded and developed\nrather than set on foot by the foreigner. Among other American races,\nsuch combinations of foreign and native religious ideas are easy to\nfind, though hard to analyse. In the extreme north-west, we may doubt\nany native origin in the semi-Christianized Kodiak\u2019s definition of\nShljem Sho\u00e1 the creator of heaven and earth, to whom offerings were made\nbefore and after the hunt, as contrasted with Ijak the bad spirit\ndwelling in the earth. In the extreme south-east may be found more\noriginality among the Floridan Indians two or three centuries ago, for\nthey are said to have paid solemn worship to the Bad Spirit Toia who\nplagued them with visions, but to have had small regard for the Good\nSpirit, who troubles himself little about mankind.[791] On the southern\ncontinent, Martius makes this characteristic remark as to the rude\ntribes of Brazil: \u2018All Indians have a lively conviction of the power of\nan evil principle over them; in many there dawns also a glimpse of the\ngood; but they revere the one less than they fear the other. It might be\nthought that they hold the Good Being weaker in relation to the fate of\nman than the evil.\u2019 This generalization is to some extent supported by\nstatements as to particular tribes. The Macusis are said to recognize\nthe good creator Macunaima, \u2018he who works by night,\u2019 and his evil\nadversary Epel or Horiuch: of these people it is observed that \u2018All the\npowers of nature are products of the Good Spirit, when they do not\ndisturb the Indian\u2019s rest and comfort, but the work of evil spirits when\nthey do.\u2019 Uau\u00fcloa and Locozy, the good and evil deity of the Yumanas,\nlive above the earth and toward the sun; the Evil Deity is feared by\nthese savages, but the Good Deity will come to eat fruit with the\ndeparted and take their souls to his dwelling, wherefore they bury the\ndead each doubled up in his great earthen pot, with fruit in his lap,\nand looking toward the sunrise. Even the rude Botocudos are thought to\nrecognize antagonistic principles of good and evil in the persons of the\nSun and Moon.[792] This idea has especial interest from its\ncorrespondence on the one hand with that of the Iroquois tribes, and on\nthe other with that of the comparatively civilized Muyscas of Bogota,\nwhose good deity is unequivocally a mythic Sun, thwarted in his kindly\nlabours for man by his wicked wife Huythaca the Moon.[793] The native\nreligion of Chili is said to have placed among the subaltern deities\nMeulen, the friend of man, and Huecuvu the bad spirit and author of\nevil. These people can hardly have learnt from Christianity to conceive\ntheir evil spirit as simply and fully the general cause of misfortune:\nif the earth quakes, Huecuvu has given it a shock; if a horse tires,\nHuecuvu has ridden him; if a man falls sick, Huecuvu has sent the\ndisease into his body, and no man dies but that Huecuvu suffocates\nhim.[794]\n\nIn Africa, again, allowing for Moslem influence, dualism is not ill\nrepresented in native religion. An old account from Loango describes the\nnatives as theoretically recognizing Zambi the supreme deity, creator of\ngood and lover of justice, and over against him Zambi-anbi the\ndestroyer, the counsellor of crime, the author of loss and accident, of\ndisease and death. But when it comes to actual worship, as the good god\nwill always be favourable, it is the god of evil who must be appeased,\nand it is for his satisfaction that men abstain some from one kind of\nfood and some from another.[795] Among accounts of the two rival deities\nin West Africa, one describes the Guinea negroes as recognizing below\nthe Supreme Deity two spirits (or classes of spirits), Ombwiri and\nOnyambe, the one kind and gentle, doing good to men and rescuing them\nfrom harm, the other hateful and wicked, whose seldom mentioned name is\nheard with uneasiness and displeasure.[796] It would be scarcely\nprofitable, in an enquiry where accurate knowledge of the doctrine of\nany insignificant tribe is more to the purpose than vague speculation on\nthe theology of the mightiest nation, to dwell on the enigmatic traces\nof ancient Egyptian dualism. Suffice it to say that the two\nbrother-deities Osiris and Seti, Osiris the beneficent solar divinity\nwhose nature the blessed dead took on them, Seti perhaps a rival\nnational god degraded to a Typhon, seem to have become the\nrepresentative figures of a contrasted scheme of light and darkness,\ngood and evil; the sculptured granite still commemorates the contests of\ntheir long-departed sects, where the hieroglyphic square-eared beast of\nSeti has been defaced to substitute for it the figure of Osiris.[797]\n\nThe conception of the light-god as the good deity in contrast to a rival\ngod of evil, is one plainly suggested by nature, and naturally recurring\nin the religions of the world. The Khonds of Orissa may be counted its\nmost perfect modern exponents in barbaric culture. To their supreme\ncreative deity, B\u016bra Pennu or Bella Pennu, Light-god or Sun-god, there\nstands opposed his evil consort Tari Pennu the Earth-goddess, and the\nhistory of good and evil in the world is the history of his work and her\ncounterwork. He created a world paradisaic, happy, harmless; she\nrebelled against him, and to blast the lot of his new creature, man, she\nbrought in disease, and poison, and all disorder, \u2018sowing the seeds of\nsin in mankind as in a ploughed field.\u2019\n\nDeath became the divine punishment of wickedness, the spontaneously\nfertile earth went to jungle and rock and mud, plants and animals grew\npoisonous and fierce, throughout nature good and evil were commingled,\nand still the fight goes on between the two great powers. So far all\nKhonds agree, and it is on the practical relation of good and evil that\nthey split into their two hostile sects of B\u016bra and Tari. B\u016bra\u2019s sect\nhold that he triumphed over Tari, in sign of her discomfiture imposed\nthe cares of childbirth on her sex, and makes her still his subject\ninstrument wherewith to punish; Tari\u2019s sect hold that she still\nmaintains the struggle, and even practically disposes of the happiness\nof man, doing evil or good on her own account, and allowing or not\nallowing the Creator\u2019s blessings to reach mankind.[798]\n\nNow that the sacred books of the Zend-Avesta are open to us, it is\npossible to compare the doctrines of savage tribes with those of the\ngreat faith through which of all others Dualism seems to have impressed\nitself on the higher nations. The religion of Zarathustra was a schism\nfrom that ancient Aryan nature-worship which is represented in a pure\nand early form in the Veda, and in depravity and decay in modern\nHinduism. The leading thought of the Zarathustrian faith was the contest\nof Good and Evil in the world, a contrast typified and involved in that\nof Day and Night, Light and Darkness, and brought to personal shape in\nthe warfare of Ahura-Mazda and Anra-Mainyu, the Good and Evil Deity,\nOrmuzd and Ahriman. The prophet Zarathustra said: \u2018In the beginning\nthere was a pair of twins, two spirits, each of a peculiar activity.\nThese are the good and the base in thought, word, and deed. Choose one\nof these two spirits. Be good, not base!\u2019 The sacred Vendidad begins\nwith the record of the prim\u00e6val contest of the two principles.\nAhura-Mazda created the best of regions and lands, the Aryan home,\nSogdia, Bactria, and the rest; Anra-Mainyu against his work created snow\nand pestilence, buzzing insects and poisonous plants, poverty and\nsickness, sin and unbelief. The modern Parsi, in passages of his\nformularies of confession, still keeps alive the old antagonism. I\nrepent, he says, of all kind of sins which the evil Ahriman produced\namongst the creatures of Ormuzd in opposition. \u2018That which was the wish\nof Ormazd the Creator, and I ought to have thought and have not thought,\nwhat I ought to have spoken and have not spoken, what I ought to have\ndone and have not done; of these sins repent I with thoughts, words, and\nworks, corporeal as well as spiritual, earthly as well as heavenly, with\nthe three words: Pardon, O Lord, I repent of sin. That which was the\nwish of Ahriman, and I ought not to have thought and yet have thought,\nwhat I ought not to have spoken and yet have spoken, what I ought not to\nhave done and yet have done; of these sins repent I with thoughts,\nwords, and works, corporeal as well as spiritual, earthly as well as\nheavenly, with the three words: Pardon, O Lord, I repent of sin.\u2019 ...\n\u2018May Ahriman be broken, may Ormazd increase.\u2019[799] The Izedis or\nYezidis, the so-called Devil-worshippers, still remain a numerous though\noppressed people in Mesopotamia and adjacent countries. Their adoration\nof the sun and horror of defiling fire accord with the idea of a Persian\norigin of their religion (Persian ized = god), an origin underlying more\nsuperficial admixture of Christian and Moslem elements. This remarkable\nsect is distinguished by a special form of dualism. While recognizing\nthe existence of a Supreme Being, their peculiar reverence is given to\nSatan, chief of the angelic host, who now has the means of doing evil to\nmankind, and in his restoration will have the power of rewarding them.\n\u2018Will not Satan then reward the poor Izedis, who alone have never spoken\nill of him, and have suffered so much for him?\u2019 Martyrdom for the rights\nof Satan! exclaims the German traveller to whom an old white-bearded\ndevil-worshipper thus set forth the hopes of his religion.[800]\n\nDirect worship of the Evil Principle, familiar as it is to low barbaric\nraces, is scarcely to be found among people higher in civilization than\nthese persecuted and stubborn sectaries of Western Asia. So far as such\nideas extend in the development of religion, they seem fair evidence how\nfar worship among low tribes turns rather on fear than love. That the\nadoration of a Good Deity should have more and more superseded the\npropitiation of an Evil Deity, is the sign of one of the great movements\nin the education of mankind, a result of happier experience of life, and\nof larger and more gladsome views of the system of the universe. It is\nnot, however, through the inactive systems of modern Parsism and Izedism\nthat the mighty Zoroastrian dualism has exerted its main influence on\nmankind. We must look back to long-past ages for traces of its contact\nwith Judaism and Christianity. It is often and reasonably thought that\nintercourse between Jews and ancient Persians was an effective agent in\nproducing that theologic change which differences the later Jew of the\nRabbinical books from the earlier Jew of the Pentateuch, a change in\nwhich one important part is the greater prominence of the dualistic\nscheme. So in later times (about the fourth century), the contact of\nZoroastrism and Christianity appears to have been influential in\nproducing Manich\u00e6ism. Manich\u00e6ism is known mostly on the testimony of its\nadversaries, but thus much seems clear, that it is based on the very\ndoctrine of the two antagonistic principles of good and evil, of spirit\nand matter. It sets on the one hand God, original good and source of\ngood alone, primal light and lord of the kingdom of light, and on the\nother hand the Prince of Darkness, with his kingdom of darkness, of\nmatter, of confusion, and destruction. The theory of ceaseless conflict\nbetween these contending powers becomes a key to the physical and moral\nnature and course of the universe.[801] Among Christian or\nsemi-Christian sects, the Manich\u00e6ans stand as representatives of dualism\npushed to its utmost development. It need scarcely be said, however,\nthat Christian dualism is not bounded by the limits of this or that\nspecial sect. In so far as the Evil Being, with his subordinate powers\nof darkness, is held to exist and act in any degree in independence of\nthe Supreme Deity and his ministering spirits of light, so far\ntheological schools admit, though in widely different grades of\nimportance, a philosophy of nature and of life which has its basis\nrather in dualism than in monotheism.\n\nWe now turn to the last objects of our present survey, those theological\nbeliefs of the lower tribes of mankind which point more or less\ndistinctly toward a doctrine of Monotheism. Here it is by no means\nproposed to examine savage ideas from the point of view of doctrinal\ntheology, an undertaking which would demand arguments quite beyond the\npresent range. Their treatment is limited to classifying the actual\nbeliefs of the lower races, with some ethnographic considerations as to\ntheir origin and their relation to higher religions. For this purpose it\nis desirable to distinguish the prevalent doctrines of the uncultured\nworld from absolute monotheism. At the outset, care is needed to exclude\nan ambiguity of which the importance often goes unnoticed. How are the\nmighty but subordinate divinities, recognized in different religions, to\nbe classed? Beings who in Christian or Moslem theology would be called\nangels, saints, demons, would under the same definitions be called\ndeities in polytheistic systems. This is obvious, but we may realize it\nmore distinctly from its actually having happened. The Chuwashes, a race\nof Tatar affinity, are stated to reverence a god of Death, who takes to\nhimself the souls of the departed, and whom they call Esrel; it is\ncurious that Castr\u00e9n, in mentioning this, should fail to point out that\nthis deity is no other than Azrael the angel of death, adopted under\nMoslem influence.[802] Again, in the mixed Pagan and Christian religion\nof the Circassians, which at least in its recently prevalent form would\nbe reckoned polytheistic, there stand beneath the Supreme Being a number\nof mighty subordinate deities, of whom the principal are Iele the\nThunder-god, Tleps the Fire-god, Seoseres the god of Wind and Water,\nMisitcha the Forest-god, and Mariam the Virgin Mary.[803] If the\nmonotheistic criterion be simply made to consist in the Supreme Deity\nbeing held as creator of the universe and chief of the spiritual\nhierarchy, then its application to savage and barbaric theology will\nlead to perplexing consequences. Races of North and South America, of\nAfrica, of Polynesia, recognizing a number of great deities, are usually\nand reasonably considered polytheists, yet under this definition their\nacknowledgment of a Supreme Creator, of which various cases will here be\nshown, would entitle them at the same time to the name of monotheists.\nTo mark off the doctrines of monotheism, closer definition is required,\nassigning the distinctive attributes of deity to none save the Almighty\nCreator. It may be declared that, in this strict sense, no savage tribe\nof monotheists has been ever known. Nor are any fair representatives of\nthe lower culture in a strict sense pantheists. The doctrine which they\ndo widely hold, and which opens to them a course tending in one or other\nof these directions, is polytheism culminating in the rule of one\nsupreme divinity. High above the doctrine of souls, of divine manes, of\nlocal nature-spirits, of the great deities of class and element, there\nare to be discerned in barbaric theology shadowings, quaint or majestic,\nof the conception of a Supreme Deity, henceforth to be traced onward in\nexpanding power and brightening glory along the history of religion. It\nis no unimportant task, partial as it is, to select and group the\ntypical data which show the nature and position of the doctrine of\nsupremacy, as it comes into view within the lower culture.\n\nOn the threshold of the investigation, there meets us the same critical\ndifficulty which obstructs the study of primitive dualism. Among low\ntribes who have been in contact with Christianity or Mohammedanism, how\nare we to tell to what extent, under this foreign influence, dim,\nuncouth ideas of divine supremacy may have been developed into more\ncultured forms, or wholly foreign ideas implanted? We know how the\nJesuit missionaries led the native Canadians to the conception of the\nGreat Manitu; how they took up the native Brazilian name of the divine\nThunder, Tupan, and adapted its meaning to convey in Christian teaching\nthe idea of God. Thus, again, we find most distinctly-marked African\nideas of a Supreme Deity in the West, where intercourse with Moslems has\nactually Islamized or semi-Islamized whole negro nations, and the name\nof Allah is in all men\u2019s mouths. The ethnographer must be ever on the\nlook-out for traces of such foreign influence in the definition of the\nSupreme Deity acknowledged by any uncultured race, a divinity whose\nnature and even whose name may betray his adoption from abroad. Thus the\nsupreme Iroquois deity, Neo or Hawaneu, the pre-existent creator, has\nbeen triumphantly adduced to show the monotheism underlying the native\ncreeds of America. But it seems that this divinity was introduced by the\nFrench Catholic missionaries, and that Niio is an altered form of\nDieu.[804] Among the list of supreme deities of the lower races who are\nalso held to be first ancestors of man, we hear of Louquo, the uncreate\nfirst Carib, who descended from the eternal heaven, made the flat earth,\nand produced man from his own body. He lived long on earth among men,\ndied and came to life again after three days, and returned to\nheaven.[805] It would be hardly reasonable to enumerate, among genuine\ndeities of native West Indian religion, a being with characteristics\nthus on the face of them adopted from the religion of the white men. Yet\neven in such extreme cases, it does not necessarily follow that the\ndefinitions of these deities, vitiated as they are for ethnographical\nuse by foreign influence, have not to some extent a native substratum.\nIn criticising details, moreover, it must not be forgotten how largely\nthe similarities in the religions of different races may be of\nindependent origin, and how closely allied are many ideas in the rude\nnative theologies of savages to ideas holding an immemorial place in the\nreligions of their civilized invaders. For the present purpose, however,\nit is well to dwell especially on such evidence as by characteristic\ntraits or early date is farthest removed from suspicion of being\nborrowed from a foreign source.\n\nIn surveying the peoples of the world, the ethnographer finds many who\nare not shown to have any definite conception of a supreme deity; and\neven where such a conception is placed on record, it is sometimes so\nvaguely asserted, or on such questionable authority, that he can but\ntake note of it and pass on. In numerous cases, however, illustrated by\nthe following collection from different regions, certain leading ideas,\nsingly or blended, may be traced. There are many savage and barbaric\nreligions which solve their highest problem by the simple process of\nraising to divine primacy one of the gods of polytheism itself. Even the\nsystem of the manes-worshipper has been stretched to reach the limit of\nsupreme deity, in the person of the prim\u00e6val ancestor. More frequently,\nit is the nature-worshipper\u2019s principle which has prevailed, giving to\none of the great nature-deities the precedence of the rest. Here, by no\nrecondite speculation, but by the plain teaching of nature, the choice\nhas for the most part lain between two mighty visible divinities, the\nall-animating Sun and the all-encompassing Heaven. In the study of such\nschemes, we are on intellectual terra firma. There is among the\nreligions of the lower races another notable group of systems, seemingly\nin close connexion with the first. These display to us a heavenly\npantheon arranged on the model of an earthly political constitution,\nwhere the commonalty are crowds of human souls and other tribes of\nworld-pervading spirits, the aristocracy are great polytheistic gods,\nand the King is the supreme Deity. To this comparatively intelligible\nside of the subject, a more perplexed and obscure side stands\ncontrasted. Among thoughtful men whose theory of the soul animating the\nbody has already led them to suppose a divine spirit animating the huge\nmass of earth or sky, this idea needs but a last expansion to become a\ndoctrine of the universe as animated by one greatest, all-pervading\ndivinity, the World-Spirit. Moreover, where speculative philosophy\ngrapples with the vast fundamental world-problem, the solution is\nattained by ascending from the Many to the One, by striving to discern\nthrough and beyond the Universe a First Cause. Let the basis of such\nreasoning be laid in theological ground, then the First Cause is\nrealized as the Supreme Deity. In such ways, the result of carrying to\ntheir utmost limits the animistic conceptions which among low races and\nhigh pervade the philosophy of religion, is to reach an idea of as it\nwere a soul of the world, a shaper, animator, ruler of the universe.\nEntering these regions of transcendental theology, we are not to wonder\nthat the comparative distinctness belonging to conceptions of lower\nspiritual beings here fades away. Human souls, subordinate\nnature-spirits, and huge polytheistic nature-gods, carry with the\ndefined special functions they perform some defined character and\nfigure, but beyond such limits form and function blend into the infinite\nand universal in the thought of supreme divinity. To realize this widest\nidea, two especial ways are open. The first way is to fuse the\nattributes of the great polytheistic powers into more or less of common\npersonality, thus conceiving that, after all, it is the same Highest\nBeing who holds up the heavens, shines in the sun, smites his foes in\nthe thunder, stands first in the human pedigree as the divine ancestor.\nThe second way is to remove the limit of theologic speculation into the\nregion of the indefinite and the inane. An unshaped divine entity\nlooming vast, shadowy, and calm beyond and over the material world, too\nbenevolent or too exalted to need human worship, too huge, too remote,\ntoo indifferent, too supine, too merely existent, to concern himself\nwith the petty race of men,\u2014this is a mystic form of formlessness in\nwhich religion has not seldom pictured the Supreme.\n\nThus, then, it appears that the theology of the lower races already\nreaches its climax in conceptions of a highest of the gods, and that\nthese conceptions in the savage and barbaric world are no copies stamped\nfrom one common type, but outlines widely varying among mankind. The\ndegeneration-theory, in some instances no doubt with justice, may claim\nsuch beliefs as mutilated and perverted remnants of higher religions.\nYet for the most part, the development-theory is competent to account\nfor them without seeking their origin in grades of culture higher than\nthose in which they are found existing. Looked upon as products of\nnatural religion, such doctrines of divine supremacy seem in no way to\ntranscend the powers of the low-cultured mind to reason out, nor of the\nlow-cultured imagination to deck with mythic fancy. There have existed\nin times past, and do still exist, savage or barbaric peoples who hold\nsuch views of a highest god as they may have attained to of themselves,\nwithout the aid of more cultured nations. Among these races, Animism has\nits distinct and consistent outcome, and Polytheism its distinct and\nconsistent completion, in the doctrine of a Supreme Deity.\n\nThe native religions of South America and the West Indies display a\nwell-marked series of types. The primacy of the Sun was long ago well\nstated by the Moluches when a Jesuit missionary preached to them, and\nthey replied, \u2018Till this hour, we never knew nor acknowledged anything\ngreater or better than the Sun.\u2019[806] So when a later missionary argued\nwith the chief of the Tobas, \u2018My god is good and punishes wicked\npeople,\u2019 the chief replied, \u2018My God (the Sun) is good likewise; but he\npunishes nobody, satisfied to do good to all.\u2019[807] In various\nmanifestations, moreover, there reigns among barbarians a supreme being\nwhose characteristics are those of the Heaven-god. It is thus with the\nTamoi of the Guaranis, \u2018that beneficent deity worshipped in his blended\ncharacter of ancestor of mankind and ancient of heaven, lord of the\ncelestial paradise.\u2019[808] It is so with the highest deity of the\nAraucanians, Pillan the Thunder or the Thunderer, called also\nHuenu-Pillan or Heaven-Thunder, and Vuta-gen or Great Being. \u2018The\nuniversal government of Pillan,\u2019 says Molina, \u2018is a prototype of the\nAraucanian polity. He is the great Toqui (Governor) of the invisible\nworld, and as such has his Apo-Ulmenes, and his Ulmenes, to whom he\nentrusts the administration of affairs of less importance. These ideas\nare certainly very rude, but it must be acknowledged that the\nAraucanians are not the only people who have regulated the things of\nheaven by those of the earth.\u2019[809] A different but not less\ncharacteristic type of the Supreme Deity is placed on record among the\nCaribs, a beneficent power dwelling in the skies, reposing in his own\nhappiness, careless of mankind, and by them not honoured nor\nadored.[810]\n\nThe theological history of Peru, in ages before the Spanish conquest,\nhas lately had new light thrown on it by the researches of Mr. Markham.\nHere the student comes into view of a rivalry full of interest in the\nhistory of barbaric religion, the rivalry between the Creator and the\ndivine Sun. In the religion of the Incas, precedence was given to\nUiracocha, called Pachacamac, \u2018Creator of the World.\u2019 The Sun (with whom\nwas coupled his sister-wife the Moon) was the divine ancestor, the dawn\nor origin, the totem or lar, of the Inca family. The three great deities\nwere the Creator, Sun, and Thunder; their images were brought out\ntogether at great festivals into the square of Cuzco, llamas were\nsacrificed to all three, and they could be addressed in prayer together,\n\u2018O Creator, and Sun, and Thunder, be for ever young, multiply the\npeople, and let them always be at peace.\u2019 Yet the Thunder and Lightning\nwas held to come by the command of the Creator, and the following prayer\nshows clearly that even \u2018our father the Sun\u2019 was but his creature:\u2014\n\n \u2018Uiracocha! Thou who gavest being to the Sun, and afterwards said\n let there be day and night. Raise it and cause it to shine, and\n preserve that which thou hast created, that it may give light to\n men. Grant this, Uiracocha!\n\n \u2018Sun! Thou who art in peace and safety, shine upon us, keep us from\n sickness, and keep us in health and safety.\u2019\n\nAmong the transitions of religion, however, it is not strange that a\nsubordinate God, by virtue of his nearer intercourse and power, should\nusurp the place of the supreme deity. Among the various traces of this\ntaking place under the Incas, are traditions of the great temple at\nCuzco called \u2018The Golden Place,\u2019 where Manco Ccapac originally set up a\nflat oval golden plate to signify the Creator; Mayta Ccapac, it is said,\nrenewed the Creator\u2019s symbol, but Huascar Inca took it down, and set up\nin its stead in the place of honour a round golden plate like the sun\nwith rays. The famous temple itself, Ccuricancha the \u2018Golden Place,\u2019 was\nknown to the Spaniards as the Temple of the Sun; no wonder that the idea\nhas come to be so generally accepted, that the Sun was the chief god of\nPeru. There is even on record a memorable protest made by one Inca, who\ndared to deny that the Sun could be the maker of all things, comparing\nhim to a tethered beast that must make ever the same daily round, and to\nan arrow that must go whither it is sent, not whither it will. But what\navailed philosophic protest, even from the head of church and state\nhimself, against a state church of which the world has seldom seen the\nequal for stiff and solid organization? The Sun reigned in Peru till\nPizarro overthrew him, and his splendid golden likeness came down from\nthe temple wall to be the booty of a Castilian soldier, who lost it in\none night at play.[811]\n\nAmong rude tribes of the North American continent, evidence of the\nprimacy of the divine Sun is not unknown. Father Hennepin\u2019s account of\nthe Sioux worshipping the Sun as the Creator is explicit enough, and\nagrees with the argument of the modern Shawnees, that the Sun animates\neverything, and therefore must be the Master of Life or Great\nSpirit.[812] It is the widespread belief in this Great Spirit which has\nlong and deservedly drawn the attention of European thinkers to the\nnative religions of the North American tribes. The name of the Great\nSpirit originates with the equivalent term Kitchi Manitu in the language\nof the Algonquin Indians. Before the European intercourse in the 17th\ncentury, these tribes had indeed no deity so called, but as has been\nalready pointed out, the term came first into use by the application of\nthe native word manitu, meaning demon or deity, to the Christian God.\nDuring the following centuries, the name of the Great Spirit, with the\nideas belonging to the name, travelled far and wide over the continent.\nIt became the ordinary expression of Europeans in their descriptions of\nIndian religion, and in discourse carried on in English words between\nEuropeans and Indians, and was more or less naturalized among the\nIndians themselves. On their religions it had on the one hand a\ntransforming influence, while on the other hand, as is usual in the\ncombination of religions, the new divinity incorporated into himself the\ncharacteristics of native divinities, so that native ideas remained in\npart represented in him. A divine being whose characteristics are often\nso unlike what European intercourse would have suggested, could be\nhardly altogether of foreign origin.[813] Again, among the Greenlanders,\nTorngarsuk or Great Spirit (his name is an augmentative of\n\u2018torngak\u2019\u2014\u2018demon\u2019) was known to the early Danish missionary Egede as the\noracular deity of the angekoks, to whose under-world souls hope to\ndescend at death. He so far held the place of supreme deity in the\nnative mind, that, as Cranz the missionary relates somewhat afterwards,\nmany Greenlanders hearing of God and his almighty power were apt to fall\non the idea that it was their Torngarsuk who was meant; but he was\neventually identified with the Devil.[814] In like manner, Algonquin\nIndians, early in the 17th century, hearing of the white man\u2019s Deity,\nidentified him with one known to their own native belief, Atahocan the\nCreator. When Le Jeune the missionary talked to them of an almighty\ncreator of heaven and earth, they began to say to one another,\n\u2018Atahocan, Atahocan, it is Atahocan!\u2019 The traditional idea of such a\nbeing seems indeed to have lain in utter mythic vagueness in their\nthoughts, for they had made his name into a verb, \u2018Nitatahocan,\u2019\nmeaning, \u2018I tell a fable, an old fanciful story.\u2019[815]\n\nIn late times, Schoolcraft represents the Great Spirit as a Soul of the\nUniverse, inhabiting and animating all things, recognized in rocks and\ntrees, in cataracts and clouds, in thunder and lightning, in tempest and\nzephyr, becoming incarnate in birds and beasts as titular deities,\nexisting in the world under every possible form, animate and\ninanimate.[816] Whether the Red Indian mind even in modern times really\nentertained this extreme pantheistic scheme, we may well doubt. In early\ntimes of American discovery, the records show a quite different and more\nusual conception of a supreme deity. Among the more noteworthy of these\nolder documents are the following. Jacques Cartier, in his second\nCanadian voyage (1535), speaks of the people having no valid belief in\nGod, for they believe in one whom they call Cudouagni, and say that he\noften speaks with them, and tells them what the weather will be; they\nsay that when he is angry with them he casts earth in their eyes.\nThevet\u2019s statement somewhat later is as follows: \u2018As to their religion,\nthey have no worship or prayer to God, except that they contemplate the\nnew moon, called in their language Osannaha, saying that Andouagni calls\nit thus, sending it little by little to advance or retard the waters.\nFor the rest, they fully believe that there is a Creator, greater than\nthe Sun, the Moon, and the Stars, and who holds all in his power. He it\nis whom they call Andouagni, without however having any form or method\nof prayer to him.\u2019[817] In Virginia about 1586, we learn from Heriot\nthat the natives believed in many gods, which they call \u2018mantoac,\u2019 but\nof different sorts and degrees, also that there is one chief god who\nfirst made other principal gods, and afterwards the sun, moon, and stars\nas petty gods. In New England, in 1622, Winslow says that they believe,\nas do the Virginians, in many divine powers, yet of one above all the\nrest; the Massachusetts call their great god Kiehtan, who made all the\nother gods; he dwells far westerly above the heavens, whither all good\nmen go when they die; \u2018They never saw _Kiehtan_, but they hold it a\ngreat charge and dutie, that one age teach another; and to him they make\nfeasts, and cry and sing for plentie and victorie, or anything is good.\u2019\nAnother famous native American name for the supreme deity is Oki.\nCaptain John Smith, the hero of the colonization of Virginia in 1607, he\nwho was befriended by Pocahontas, \u2018La Belle Sauvage,\u2019 thus describes the\nreligion of the country, and especially of her tribe, the Powhatans:\n\u2018There is yet in Virginia no place discovered to be so Savage in which\nthey haue not a Religion, Deer, and Bow and Arrowes. All things that are\nable to doe them hurt beyond their prevention, they adore with their\nkinde of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our\nOrdnance peeces, horses, &c. But their chiefe god they worship is the\nDevill. Him they call Okee, and serue him more of feare than loue. They\nsay they haue conference with him, and fashion themselves as neare to\nhis shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they haue his image\nevill favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines of\ncopper, and beads, and covered with a skin in such manner as the\ndeformities may well suit with such a God.\u2019[818] This quaint account\ndeserves to be quoted at length as an example of the judgment which a\nhalf-educated and whole-prejudiced European is apt to pass on savage\ndeities, which from his point of view seem of simply diabolic nature. It\nis known from other sources that Oki, a word belonging not to the\nPowhatan but to the Huron language, was in fact a general name for\nspirit or deity. We may judge the real belief of these Indians better\nfrom Father Brebeuf\u2019s description of the Heaven God, cited here in a\nformer chapter: they imagine in the heavens an Oki, that is, a Demon or\npower ruling the seasons of the year, and controlling the winds and\nwaves, a being whose anger they fear, and whom they call on in making\nsolemn treaties.[819] About a century later, Father Lafitau wrote\npassages which illustrate well the transformation of native animistic\nconceptions under missionary influence into analogues of Christian\ntheology. Such general terms for spiritual beings as \u2018oki\u2019 or \u2018manitu\u2019\nhad become to him individual names of one supreme being. \u2018This great\nSpirit, known among the Caribs under the name of _Chemiin_, under that\nof _Manitou_ among the Algonquin nations, and under that of _Okki_ among\nthose who speak the Huron tongue ...\u2019 &c. All American tribes, he says,\nuse expressions which can only denote God: \u2018they call him the great\nSpirit, sometimes the Master and Author of Life ...\u2019 &c.[820] The longer\nrude tribes of America have been in contact with European belief, the\nless confidently can we ascribe to purely native sources the theologic\nscheme their religions have settled into. Yet the Creeks towards the end\nof the 18th century preserved some elements of native faith. They\nbelieved in the Great Spirit, the Master of Breath (a being whom Bartram\nrepresents as a soul and governor of the universe): to him they would\naddress their frequent prayers and ejaculations, at the same time paying\na kind of homage to the sun, moon, and stars, as the mediators or\nministers of the Great Spirit, in dispensing his attributes for their\ncomfort and well-being in this life.[821] In our own day, among the wild\nComanches of the prairies, the Great Spirit, their creator and supreme\ndeity, is above Sun and Moon and Earth; towards him is sent the first\npuff of tobacco-smoke before the Sun receives the second, and to him is\noffered the first morsel of the feast.[822]\n\nTurning from the simple faiths of savage tribes of North America to the\ncomplex religion of the half-civilized Mexican nation, we find what we\nmight naturally expect, a cumbrous polytheism complicated by mixture of\nseveral national pantheons, and beside and beyond this, certain\nappearances of a doctrine of divine supremacy. But these doctrines seem\nto have been spoken of more definitely than the evidence warrants. A\nremarkable native development of Mexican theism must be admitted, in so\nfar as we may receive the native historian Ixtlilxochitl\u2019s account of\nthe worship paid by Nezahualcoyotl, the poet king of Tezcuco, to the\ninvisible supreme Tloque Nahuaque, he who has all in him, the cause of\ncauses, in whose star-roofed pyramid stood no idol, and who there\nreceived no bloody sacrifice, but only flowers and incense. Yet it would\nhave been more satisfactory were the stories told by this Aztec\npanegyrist of his royal ancestor confirmed by other records. Traces of\ndivine supremacy in Mexican religion are especially associated with\nTezcatlipoca, \u2018Shining Mirror,\u2019 a deity who seems in his original nature\nthe Sun-God, and thence by expansion to have become the soul of the\nworld, creator of heaven and earth, lord of all things, Supreme Deity.\nSuch conceptions may in more or less measure have arisen in native\nthought, but it should be pointed out that the remarkable Aztec\nreligious formulas collected by Sahagun, in which the deity Tezcatlipoca\nis so prominent a figure, show traces of Christian admixture in their\nmaterial, as well as of Christian influence in their style. For\ninstance, all students of Mexican antiquities know the belief in\nMictlan, the Hades of the dead. But when one of these Aztec\nprayer-formulas (concerning auricular confession, the washing away of\nsins, and a new birth) makes mention of sinners being plunged into a\nlake of intolerable misery and torment, the introduction of an idea so\nobviously European condemns the composition as not purely native. The\nquestion of the actual developments of ideas verging on pantheism or\ntheism, among the priests and philosophers of native Mexico, is one to\nbe left for further criticism.[823]\n\nIn the islands of the Pacific, the idea of Supreme Deity is especially\nmanifested in that great mythologic divinity of the Polynesian race,\nwhom the New Zealanders call Tangaroa, the Hawaiians Kanaroa, the\nTongans and Samoans Tangaloa, the Georgian and Society islanders Taaroa.\nStudents of the science of religion who hold polytheism to be but the\nmis-development of a primal idea of divine unity, which in spite of\ncorruption continues to pervade it, might well choose this South Sea\nIsland divinity as their aptest illustration from the savage world.\nTaaroa, says Moerenhout, is their supreme or rather only god; for all\nthe others, as in other known polytheisms, seem scarcely more than\nsensible figures and images of the infinite attributes united in his\ndivine person. The following is given as a native poetic definition of\nthe Creator. \u2018He was; Taaroa was his name; he abode in the void. No\nearth, no sky, no men. Taaroa calls, but nought answers; and alone\nexisting, he became the universe. The props are Taaroa; the rocks are\nTaaroa; the sands are Taaroa; it is thus he himself is named.\u2019 According\nto Ellis, Taaroa is described in the Leeward Islands as the eternal\nparentless uncreate Creator, dwelling alone in the highest heaven, whose\nbodily form mortals cannot see, who after intervals of innumerable\nseasons casts off his body or shell and becomes renewed. It was he who\ncreated Hina his daughter, and with her aid formed the sky and earth and\nsea. He founded the world on a solid rock, which with all the creation\nhe sustains by his invisible power. Then he created the ranks of lesser\ndeities such as reign over sea and land and air, and govern peace and\nwar, and preside over physic and husbandry, and canoe-building, and\nroofing, and theft. The version from the Windward Islands is that\nTaaroa\u2019s wife was the rock, the foundation of all things, and she gave\nbirth to earth and sea. Now, fortunately for our understanding of this\nmyth, the name of Taaroa\u2019s wife, with whom he begat the lesser deities,\nwas taken down in Tahiti in Captain Cook\u2019s time. She was a rock called\nPapa, and her name plainly suggests her identity with Papa the Earth,\nthe wife of Rangi the Heaven in the New Zealand myth of Heaven and\nEarth, the great first parents. If this inference be just, then it seems\nthat Taaroa the Creator is no personification of a prim\u00e6val theistic\nidea, but simply the divine personal Heaven transformed under European\ninfluence into the supreme Heaven-god. Thus, when Turner gives the\nSamoan myths of Tangaloa in heaven presiding over the production of the\nearth from beneath the waters, or throwing down from the sky rocks which\nare now islands, the classic name by which he calls him is that which\nrightly describes his nature and mythic origin\u2014Tangaloa, the Polynesian\nJupiter. Yet in island district after district, we find the name of the\nmighty heavenly creator given to other and lesser mythic beings. In\nTahiti, the manes-worshipper\u2019s idea is applied not only to lesser\ndeities, but to Taaroa the Creator himself, whom some maintained to be\nbut a man deified after death. In the New Zealand mythology, Tangaroa\nfigures on the one hand as Sea-god and father of fish and reptiles, on\nthe other as the mischievous eaves-dropping god who reveals secrets. In\nTonga, Tangaloa was god of artificers and arts, and his priests were\ncarpenters; it was he who went forth to fish, and dragged up the Tonga\nislands from the bottom of the sea. Here, then, he corresponds with\nMaui, and indeed Tangaroa and Maui are found blending in Polynesia even\nto full identification. It is neither easy nor safe to fix to definite\norigin the Protean shapes of South Sea mythology, but on the whole the\nnative myths are apt to embody cosmic ideas, and as the idea of the Sun\npreponderates in Maui, so the idea of the Heaven in Taaroa.[824] In the\nFiji Islands, whose native mythology is on the whole distinct from that\nof Polynesia proper, a strange weird figure takes the supreme place\namong the gods. His name is Ndengei, the serpent is his shrine, some\ntraditions represent him with a serpent\u2019s head and body and the rest of\nhim stone. He passes a monotonous existence in his gloomy cavern,\nfeeling no emotion nor sensation, nor any appetite but hunger; he takes\nno interest in any one but Uto, his attendant, and gives no sign of life\nbeyond eating, answering his priest, and changing his position from one\nside to the other. No wonder Ndengei is less worshipped than most of the\ninferior gods. The natives have even made a comic song about him, where\nhe talks with his attendant, Uto, who has been to attend the feast at\nRakiraki, where Ndengei has especially his temple and worship.\n\n _Ndengei._ \u2018Have you been to the sharing of food to-day?\u2019\n\n _Uto._ \u2018Yes: and turtles formed a part; but only the under-shell was\n shared to us two.\u2019\n\n _Ndengei._ \u2018Indeed, Uto! This is very bad. How is it? We made them\n men, placed them on the earth, gave them food, and yet they share to\n us only the under-shell. Uto, how is this?\u2019[825]\n\nThe native religion of Africa, a land pervaded by the doctrines of\ndivine hierarchy and divine supremacy, affords apt evidence for the\nproblem before us. The capacity of the manes-worshipper\u2019s scheme to\nextend in this direction may be judged from the religious speculations\nof the Zulus, where may be traced the merging of the First Man, the\nOld-Old-One, Unkulunkulu, into the ideal of the Creator, Thunderer, and\nHeaven-god.[826] If we examine a collection of documents illustrating\nthe doctrines of the West African races lying between the Hottentots on\nthe south and the Berbers on the north, we may fairly judge their\nconceptions, evidently influenced as these have been by Christian\nintercourse, to be nevertheless based on native ideas of the personal\nHeaven.[827] Whether they think of their supreme deity as actively\npervading and governing his universe, or as acting through his divine\nsubordinates, or as retiring from his creation and leaving the lesser\nspirits to work their will, he is always to their minds the celestial\nruler, the Heaven-god. Examples may be cited, each in its way full of\ninstruction. In the mind of the Gold-coast negro, tendencies towards\ntheistic religion seem to have been mainly developed through the idea of\nNyongmo, the personal Heaven, or its animating personal deity. Heaven,\nwide-arching, rain-giving, light-giving, who has been and is and shall\nbe, is to him the Supreme Deity. The sky is Nyongmo\u2019s creature, the\nclouds are his veil, the stars his face-ornaments. Creator of all\nthings, and of their animating powers whose chief and elder he is, he\nsits in majestic rest surrounded by his children, the wongs, the spirits\nof the air who serve him and represent him on earth. Though men\u2019s\nworship is for the most part paid to these, reverence is also given to\nNyongmo, the Eldest, the Highest. Every day, said a fetish-man, we see\nhow the grass and corn and trees spring forth by the rain and sunshine\nthat Nyongmo sends, how should he not be the Creator? Again, the mighty\nHeaven-god, far removed from man and seldom roused to interfere in\nearthly interests, is the type on which the Guinea negroes may have\nmodelled their thoughts of a Highest Deity who has abandoned the control\nof his world to lesser and evil spirits.[828] The religion of another\ndistrict seems to show clearly the train of thought by which such ideas\nmay be worked out. Among the Kimbunda race of Congo, Suku-Vakange is the\nhighest being. He takes little interest in mankind, leaving the real\ngovernment of the world to the good and evil kilulu or spirits, into\nwhose ranks the souls of men pass at death. Now in that there are more\nbad spirits who torment, than good who favour living men, human misery\nwould be unbearable, were it not that from time to time Suku-Vakange,\nenraged at the wickedness of the evil spirits, terrifies them with\nthunder, and punishes the more obstinate with his thunderbolts. Then he\nreturns to rest, and lets the kilulu rule again.[829] Who, we may ask,\nis this divinity, calm and indifferent save when his wrath bursts forth\nin storm, but the Heaven himself? The relation of the Supreme Deity to\nthe lesser gods of polytheism is graphically put in the following\npassage, where an American missionary among the Yorubas describes the\nrelation of Olorung, the Lord of Heaven, to his lesser deities (orisa),\namong whom the chief are the androgynous Obatala, representing the\nreproductive power of nature, and Shango the Thunder-god. \u2018The doctrine\nof idolatry prevalent in Yoruba appears to be derived by analogy from\nthe form and customs of the civil government. There is but one king in\nthe nation, and one God over the universe. Petitioners to the king\napproach him through the intervention of his servants, courtiers, and\nnobles: and the petitioner conciliates the courtier whom he employs by\ngood words and presents. In like manner no man can directly approach\nGod; but the Almighty himself, they say, has appointed various kinds of\norisas, who are mediators and intercessors between himself and mankind.\nNo sacrifices are made to God, because he needs nothing; but the orisas,\nbeing much like men, are pleased with offerings of sheep, pigeons, and\nother things. They conciliate the orisa or mediator that he may bless\nthem, not in his own power, but in the power of God.\u2019[830]\n\nRooted as they are in the depths of nature-worship, the doctrines of the\nsupreme Sun and Heaven both come to the surface again in the native\nreligions of Asia. The divine Sun holds his primacy distinctly enough\namong the rude indigenous tribes of India. Although one sect of the\nKhonds of Orissa especially direct their worship to Tari Pennu the\nEarth-goddess, yet even they agree theoretically with the sect who\nworship Bura Pennu or Bella Pennu, Light-god or Sun-god, in giving to\nhim supremacy above the manes-gods and nature-gods, and all spiritual\npowers.[831] Among the Kol tribes of Bengal, the acknowledged primate of\nall classes of divinities is the beneficent supreme deity, Sing-bonga,\nSun-god. Among some Munda tribes his authority is so real that they will\nappeal to him for help where recourse to minor deities has failed; while\namong the Santals his cultus has so dwindled away that he receives less\npractical worship than his malevolent inferiors, and is scarce honoured\nwith more than nominal dignity and an occasional feast.[832] These are\nrude tribes who, so far as we know, have never been other than rude\ntribes. The Japanese are a comparatively civilized nation, one of those\nso instructive to the student of culture from the stubborn conservatism\nwith which they have consecrated by traditional reverence, and kept up\nby state authority, the religion of their former barbarism. This is the\nKami-religion, Spirit-religion, the ancient but mixed faith of divine\nspirits of ancestors, nature-spirits, and polytheistic gods, which still\nholds official place by the side of the imported Buddhism and\nConfucianism. The Sun-goddess, Amaterasu, \u2018Heaven-shiner,\u2019 though but\nsprung from the left eye of the parent Izanagi, came to be honoured\nabove all lesser kamis or gods, while by a fiction of ancestor-worship\nthe solar race, as in Peru, became the royal family, her spirit\ndescending to animate the Mikado. Kaempfer, in his \u2018History of Japan,\u2019\nwritten early in the 18th century, showed how absolutely the divine\nTensio Dai Sin, represented below on the imperial throne, was looked\nupon as ruler of the minor powers; he mentions the Japanese tenth month,\ncalled the \u2018godless month,\u2019 because then the lesser gods are considered\nto be away from their temples, gone to pay their annual homage to the\nDairi. He describes, as it was in his time, the great Japanese place of\npilgrimage, Yse. There was to be seen the small cavern in a hill near\nthe sea, where the divine Sun once hid herself, depriving the world of\nlight, and thus showing herself to be supreme above all gods. Within the\nsmall ancient temple hard by, of which an account and a picture are\ngiven from a Japanese book, there were to be seen round the walls the\nusual pieces of cut white paper, and in the midst nothing but a polished\nmetal mirror.[833]\n\nOver the vast range of the Tatar races, it is the type of the supreme\nHeaven that comes prominently into view. Nature-worshippers in the\nextreme sense, these rude tribes conceived their ghosts and elves and\ndemons and great powers of the earth and air to be, like men themselves,\nwithin the domain of the divine Heaven, almighty and all-encompassing.\nTo trace the Samoyed\u2019s thought of Num the personal Sky passing into\nvague conceptions of pervading deity; to see with the Tunguz how Boa the\nHeaven-god, unseen but all-knowing, kindly but indifferent, has divided\nthe business of his world among such lesser powers as sun and moon,\nearth and fire; to discern the meaning of the Mongrel Tengri, shading\nfrom Heaven into Heaven-god, and thence into god or spirit in general;\nto follow the records of Heaven-worship among the ancient Turks and\nHiong-nu; to compare the supremacy among the Lapps of Tiermes, the\nThunderer, with the supremacy among the Finns of Jumala and Ukko, the\nHeaven-god and heavenly Grandfather\u2014such evidence seems good ground for\nCastr\u00e9n\u2019s argument, that the doctrine of the divine Sky underlay the\nfirst Turanian conceptions, not merely of a Heaven-god, but of a highest\ndeity who in after ages of Christian conversion blended into the\nChristian God.[834] Here, again, we may have the advantage of studying\namong a cultured race the survival of religion from ruder ancient times,\nkept up by official ordinance. The state religion of China is in its\ndominant doctrine the worship of Tien, Heaven, identified with Shang-ti,\nthe Emperor-above, next to whom stands Tu, Earth; while below them are\nworshipped great nature-spirits and ancestors. It is possible that this\nfaith, as Professor Max M\u00fcller argues, may be ethnologically and even\nlinguistically part and parcel of the general Heaven-worship of the\nTuranian tribes of Siberia. At any rate, it is identical with it in its\nprimary idea, the adoration of the supreme Heaven. Dr. Legge charges\nConfucius with an inclination to substitute in his religious teaching\nthe name of Tien, Heaven, for that known to more ancient religion and\nused in more ancient books, Shang-ti, the personal ruling Deity. But it\nseems rather that the sage was in fact upholding the traditions of the\nancient faith, thus acting according to the character on which he prided\nhimself, that of a transmitter and not a maker, a preserver of old\nknowledge, not a new revealer. It is in accordance with the usual course\nof theologic development, for the divine Heaven to reign in rude\nmythologic religion over the lesser spirits of the world before the\nchildlike poetic thought passes into the statesman\u2019s conception of a\nCelestial Emperor. As Plath well remarks, \u2018It belongs to the Chinese\nsystem that all nature is animated by spirits, and that all these follow\none order. As the Chinese cannot think of a Chinese Empire with an\nEmperor only, and without the host of vassal-princes and officials, so\nhe cannot think of the Upper Emperor without the host of spirits.\u2019\nDeveloped in a different line, the idea of a supreme Heaven comes to\npervade Chinese philosophy and ethics as a general expression of fate,\nordinance, duty. \u2018Heaven\u2019s order is nature\u2019\u2014\u2018The wise man readily awaits\nHeaven\u2019s command\u2019\u2014\u2018Man must first do his own part; when he has done all,\nthen he can wait for Heaven to complete it\u2019\u2014\u2018All state officers are\nHeaven\u2019s workmen, and represent him\u2019\u2014\u2018How does Heaven speak? The four\nseasons have their course, the hundred things arise, what speaks\nhe?\u2019\u2014\u2018No, Heaven speaks not; by the course of events he makes himself\nunderstood, no more.\u2019[835]\n\nThese stray scraps from old Chinese literature are intelligible to\nEuropean ears, for our Aryan race has indeed worked out religious ideas\nfrom the like source and almost in the like directions. The Samoyed or\nTunguz Heaven-god had his analogue in Dyu, Heaven, of the Vedic hymns.\nOnce meaning the sky, and the sky personified, this Zeus came to mean\nfar more than mere heaven in the minds of Greek poets and philosophers,\nwhen it rose toward \u2018that conception which in sublimity, brightness, and\ninfinity transcended all others as much as the bright blue sky\ntranscended all other things visible upon earth.\u2019 At the lower level of\nmythic religion, the ideal process of shaping the divine world into a\nmonarchic constitution was worked out by the ancient Greeks, on the same\nsimple plan as among such barbarians as the Kols of Chota-Nagpur or the\nGallas of Abyssinia; Zeus is King over Olympian gods, and below these\nagain are marshalled the crowded ranks of demigods, heroes, demons,\nnymphs, ghosts. At the higher level of theologic speculation, exalted\nthoughts of universal cause and being, of physical and moral law, took\npersonality under the name of Zeus. It is in direct derivation along\nthis historic line, that the classical heaven-cultus still asserts\nitself in song and pageant among us, in that quaintest of quaint\nsurvivals, the factitious religion of the Italian Opera, where such\nworship as artistic ends require is still addressed to the divine Cielo.\nEven in our daily talk, colloquial expressions call up before the mind\nof the ethnographer outlines of remotest religious history. Heaven\ngrants, forbids, blesses still in phrase, as heretofore in fact.\n\nVast and difficult as is the research into the full scope and history of\nthe doctrine of supremacy among the higher nations, it may be at least\nseen that helpful clues exist to lead the explorer. The doctrine of\nmighty nature-spirits, inhabiting and controlling sky and earth and sea,\nseems to expand in Asia into such ideas as that of Mah\u00e2tman the Great\nSpirit, Param\u00e2tman the Highest Spirit, taking personality as Brahma the\nall-pervading universal soul[836]\u2014in Europe into philosophic conceptions\nof which a grand type stands out in Kepler\u2019s words, that the universe is\na harmonious whole, whose soul is God. There is a saying of Comte\u2019s that\nthrows strong light upon this track of speculative theology: he declares\nthat the conception among the ancients of the Soul of the Universe, the\nnotion that the earth is a vast living animal, and in our own time, the\nobscure pantheism which is so rife among German metaphysicians, are only\nfetishism generalized and made systematic.[837] Polytheism, in its\ninextricable confusion of the persons and functions of the great\ndivinities, and in its assignment of the sovereignty of the world to a\nsupreme being who combines in himself the attributes of several such\nminor deities, tends toward the doctrine of fundamental unity. Max\nM\u00fcller, in a lecture on the Veda, has given the name of kathenotheism to\nthe doctrine of divine unity in diversity which comes into view in these\ninstructive lines:\u2014\n\n \u2018Indram Mitram Varunam Agnim \u00e2hur atho\n divyah sa suparno Garutm\u00e2n:\n Ekam sad vipr\u00e2 bahudha vadanti Agnim\n Yamam M\u00e2tari\u00e7v\u00e2nam \u00e2huh.\u2019\n\n\u2018They call him Indra, Mitra, Varuna, Agni; then he is the\nbeautiful-winged heavenly Garutman: That which is One the wise call it\nin divers manners; they call it Agni, Yama, M\u00e2tari\u00e7van.\u2019[838]\n\nThe figure of the supreme deity, be he Heaven-god, Sun-god, Great\nSpirit, beginning already in uncultured thought to take the form and\nfunction of a divine ruler of the world, represents a conception which\nit becomes the age-long work of systematic theology to develop and to\ndefine. Thus in Greece arises Zeus the highest, greatest, best, \u2018who was\nand is and shall be,\u2019 \u2018beginning and chief of all things,\u2019 \u2018who rules\nover all mortals and immortals,\u2019 \u2018Zeus the god of gods.\u2019[839] Such is\nAhura Mazda in the Persian faith, among whose seventy-two names of might\nare these: Creator, Protector, Nourisher, Holiest Heavenly One, Healing\nPriest, Most Pure, Most Majestic, Most Knowing, Most Ruling at\nWill.[840] There may be truth in the assertion that the esoteric\nreligion of ancient Egypt centred in a doctrine of divine unity,\nmanifested through the heterogeneous crowd of popular deities.[841] It\nmay be a hopeless task to disentangle the confused personalities of\nBaal, Bel, and Moloch, and no antiquary may ever fully solve the enigma\nhow far the divine name of El carried in its wide range among the Jewish\nand other Semitic nations a doctrine of divine supremacy.[842] The great\nSyro-Ph\u0153nician kingdoms and religions have long since passed away into\ndarkness, leaving but antiquarian relics to vouch for their former\nmight. Far other has been the history of their Jewish kindred, still\nstanding fast to their ancient nationality, still upholding to this day\ntheir patriarchal religion, in the midst of nations who inherit from the\nfaith of Israel the belief in one God, highest, almighty, who in the\nbeginning made the heavens and the earth, whose throne is established of\nold, who is from everlasting to everlasting.\n\nBefore now bringing these researches to a close, it will be well to\nstate compactly the reasons for treating the animism of the modern\nsavage world as more or less representing the animism of remotely\nancient races of mankind. Savage animism, founded on a doctrine of souls\ncarried to an extent far beyond its limits in the cultivated world, and\nthence expanding to a yet wider doctrine of spiritual beings animating\nand controlling the universe in all its parts, becomes a theory of\npersonal causes developed into a general philosophy of man and nature.\nAs such, it may be reasonably accounted for as the direct product of\nnatural religion, using this term according to the sense of its\ndefinition by Bishop Wilkins: \u2018I call that Natural Religion, which men\nmight know, and should be obliged unto, by the meer principles of\nReason, improved by Consideration and Experience, without the help of\nRevelation.\u2019[843] It will scarcely be argued by theologians familiar\nwith the religions of savage tribes, that they are direct or nearly\ndirect products of revelation, for the theology of our time would\nabolish or modify their details till scarce one was left intact. The\nmain issue of the problem is this, whether savage animism is a primary\nformation belonging to the lower culture, or whether it consists, mostly\nor entirely, of beliefs originating in some higher culture, and conveyed\nby adoption or degradation into the lower. The evidence for the first\nalternative, though not amounting to complete demonstration, seems\nreasonably strong, and not met by contrary evidence approaching it in\nforce. The animism of the lower tribes, self-contained and\nself-supporting, maintained in close contact with that direct evidence\nof the senses on which it appears to be originally based, is a system\nwhich might quite reasonably exist among mankind, had they never\nanywhere risen above the savage condition. Now it does not seem that the\nanimism of the higher nations stands in a connexion so direct and\ncomplete with their mental state. It is by no means so closely limited\nto doctrines evidenced by simple contemplation of nature. The doctrines\nof the lower animism appear in the higher often more and more modified,\nto bring them into accordance with an advancing intellectual condition,\nto adapt them at once to the limits of stricter science and the needs of\nhigher faith; and in the higher animism these doctrines are retained\nside by side with other and special beliefs, of which the religions of\nthe lower world show scarce a germ. In tracing the course of animistic\nthought from stage to stage of history, instruction is to be gained\nalike from the immensity of change and from the intensity of permanence.\nSavage animism, both by what it has and by what it wants, seems to\nrepresent the earlier system in which began the age-long course of the\neducation of the world. Especially is it to be noticed that various\nbeliefs and practices, which in the lower animism stand firm upon their\ngrounds as if they grew there, in the higher animism belong rather to\npeasants than philosophers, exist rather as ancestral relics than as\nproducts belonging to their age, are falling from full life into\nsurvival. Thus it is that savage religion can frequently explain\ndoctrines and rites of civilized religion. The converse is far less\noften the case. Now this is a state of things which appears to carry a\nhistorical as well as a practical meaning. The degradation-theory would\nexpect savages to hold beliefs and customs intelligible as broken-down\nrelics of former higher civilization. The development-theory would\nexpect civilized men to keep up beliefs and customs which have their\nreasonable meaning in less cultured states of society. So far as the\nstudy of survival enables us to judge between the two theories, it is\nseen that what is intelligible religion in the lower culture is often\nmeaningless superstition in the higher, and thus the development-theory\nhas the upper hand. Moreover, this evidence fits with the teaching of\nprehistoric arch\u00e6ology. Savage life, carrying on into our own day the\nlife of the Stone Age, may be legitimately claimed as representing\nremotely ancient conditions of mankind, intellectual and moral as well\nas material. If so, a low but progressive state of animistic religion\noccupies a like ground in savage and in primitive culture.\n\nLastly, a few words of explanation may be offered as to the topics which\nthis survey has included and excluded. To those who have been accustomed\nto find theological subjects dealt with on a dogmatic, emotional, and\nethical, rather than an ethnographic scheme, the present investigation\nmay seem misleading, because one-sided. This one-sided treatment,\nhowever, has been adopted with full consideration. Thus, though the\ndoctrines here examined bear not only on the development but the actual\ntruth of religious systems, I have felt neither able nor willing to\nenter into this great argument fully and satisfactorily, while\nexperience has shown that to dispose of such questions by an occasional\ndictatorial phrase is one of the most serious of errors. The scientific\nvalue of descriptions of savage and barbarous religions, drawn up by\ntravellers and especially by missionaries, is often lowered by their\ncontroversial tone, and by the affectation of infallibility with which\ntheir relation to the absolutely true is settled. There is something\npathetic in the simplicity with which a narrow student will judge the\ndoctrines of a foreign religion by their antagonism or conformity to his\nown orthodoxy, on points where utter difference of opinion exists among\nthe most learned and enlightened scholars. The systematization of the\nlower religions, the reduction of their multifarious details to the few\nand simple ideas of primitive philosophy which form the common\ngroundwork of them all, appeared to me an urgently needed contribution\nto the science of religion. This work I have carried out to the utmost\nof my power, and I can now only leave the result in the hands of other\nstudents, whose province it is to deal with such evidence in wider\nschemes of argument. Again, the intellectual rather than the emotional\nside of religion has here been kept in view. Even in the life of the\nrudest savage, religious belief is associated with intense emotion, with\nawful reverence, with agonizing terror, with rapt ecstasy when sense and\nthought utterly transcend the common level of daily life. How much the\nmore in faiths where not only does the believer experience such\nenthusiasm, but where his utmost feelings of love and hope, of justice\nand mercy, of fortitude and tenderness and self-sacrificing devotion, of\nunutterable misery and dazzling happiness, twine and clasp round the\nfabric of religion. Language, dropping at times from such words as soul\nand spirit their mere philosophic meaning, can use them in full\nconformity with this tendency of the religious mind, as phrases to\nconvey a mystic sense of transcendent emotion. Yet of all this religion,\nthe religion of vision and of passion, little indeed has been said in\nthese pages, and even that little rather in incidental touches than with\npurpose. Those to whom religion means above all things religious\nfeeling, may say of my argument that I have written soullessly of the\nsoul, and unspiritually of spiritual things. Be it so: I accept the\nphrase not as needing an apology, but as expressing a plan. Scientific\nprogress is at times most furthered by working along a distinct\nintellectual line, without being tempted to diverge from the main object\nto what lies beyond, in however intimate connexion. The anatomist does\nwell to discuss bodily structure independently of the world of happiness\nand misery which depends upon it. It would be thought a mere\nimpertinence for a strategist to preface a dissertation on the science\nof war, by an enquiry how far it is lawful for a Christian man to bear\nweapons and serve in the wars. My task has been here not to discuss\nReligion in all its bearings, but to portray in outline the great\ndoctrine of Animism, as found in what I conceive to be its earliest\nstages among the lower races of mankind, and to show its transmission\nalong the lines of religious thought.\n\nThe almost entire exclusion of ethical questions from this investigation\nhas more than a mere reason of arrangement. It is due to the very nature\nof the subject. To some the statement may seem startling, yet the\nevidence seems to justify it, that the relation of morality to religion\nis one that only belongs in its rudiments, or not at all, to rudimentary\ncivilization. The comparison of savage and civilized religions bring\ninto view, by the side of a deep-lying resemblance in their philosophy,\na deep-lying contrast in their practical action on human life. So far as\nsavage religion can stand as representing natural religion, the popular\nidea that the moral government of the universe is an essential tenet of\nnatural religion simply falls to the ground. Savage animism is almost\ndevoid of that ethical element which to the educated modern mind is the\nvery mainspring of practical religion. Not, as I have said, that\nmorality is absent from the life of the lower races. Without a code of\nmorals, the very existence of the rudest tribe would be impossible; and\nindeed the moral standards of even savage races are to no small extent\nwell-defined and praiseworthy. But these ethical laws stand on their own\nground of tradition and public opinion, comparatively independent of the\nanimistic belief and rites which exist beside them. The lower animism is\nnot immoral, it is unmoral. For this plain reason, it has seemed\ndesirable to keep the discussion of animism, as far as might be,\nseparate from that of ethics. The general problem of the relation of\nmorality to religion is difficult, intricate, and requiring immense\narray of evidence, and may be perhaps more profitably discussed in\nconnexion with the ethnography of morals. To justify their present\nseparation, it will be enough to refer in general terms to the accounts\nof savage tribes whose ideas have been little affected by civilized\nintercourse; proper caution being used not to trust vague statements\nabout good and evil, but to ascertain whether these are what philosophic\nmoralists would call virtue and vice, righteousness and wickedness, or\nwhether they are mere personal advantage and disadvantage. The essential\nconnexion of theology and morality is a fixed idea in many minds. But it\nis one of the lessons of history that subjects may maintain themselves\nindependently for ages, till the event of coalescence takes place. In\nthe course of history, religion has in various ways attached to itself\nmatters small and great outside its central scheme, such as prohibition\nof special meats, observance of special days, regulation of marriage as\nto kinship, division of society into castes, ordinance of social law and\ncivil government. Looking at religion from a political point of view, as\na practical influence on human society, it is clear that among its\ngreatest powers have been its divine sanction of ethical laws, its\ntheological enforcement of morality, its teaching of moral government of\nthe universe, its supplanting the \u2018continuance-doctrine\u2019 of a future\nlife by the \u2018retribution-doctrine\u2019 supplying moral motive in the\npresent. But such alliance belongs almost or wholly to religions above\nthe savage level, not to the earlier and lower creeds. It will aid us to\nsee how much more the fruit of religion belongs to ethical influence\nthan to philosophical dogma, if we consider how the introduction of the\nmoral element separates the religions of the world, united as they are\nthroughout by one animistic principle, into two great classes, those\nlower systems whose best result is to supply a crude childlike natural\nphilosophy, and those higher faiths which implant on this the law of\nrighteousness and of holiness, the inspiration of duty and of love.\n\nFootnote 743:\n\n Herrera, \u2018Indias Occidentales,\u2019 Dec. i. 3, 3; J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer.\n Urrel.\u2019 pp. 175, 221.\n\nFootnote 744:\n\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 174.\n\nFootnote 745:\n\n Rivero and Tschudi, \u2018Peru,\u2019 p. 160.\n\nFootnote 746:\n\n Kingsborough, \u2018Mexico,\u2019 vol. v. p. 179.\n\nFootnote 747:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 89.\n\nFootnote 748:\n\n Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol. i. p. 371.\n\nFootnote 749:\n\n Ovid. Fast. ii. 449.\n\nFootnote 750:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. p. 264.\n\nFootnote 751:\n\n Morgan, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 158.\n\nFootnote 752:\n\n De Laet, \u2018Novus Orbis,\u2019 xv. 2; Waitz, vol. iii. p. 417; Brinson, pp.\n 152, 185; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 271, &c.\n\nFootnote 753:\n\n D\u2019Orbigny, \u2018L\u2019Homme Am\u00e9ricain,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 319.\n\nFootnote 754:\n\n Clavigero, \u2018Messico,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 16, 68, 75.\n\nFootnote 755:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 333. Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. p.\n 115.\n\nFootnote 756:\n\n Cross, in \u2018Journ. Amer. Oriental Soc.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 316; Mason, p. 215.\n\nFootnote 757:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 pp. 91, 355.\n\nFootnote 758:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 89.\n\nFootnote 759:\n\n Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 467. Cox, \u2018Mythology of Aryan\n Nations,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 308.\n\nFootnote 760:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 pp. 141, 271, 274, 591, &c.\n\nFootnote 761:\n\n Dobrizhoffer, \u2018Abipones,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 90.\n\nFootnote 762:\n\n Clavigero, \u2018Messico,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 17, 81.\n\nFootnote 763:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 326; vol. iv. p. 158. See also\n Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 112; Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 218.\n\nFootnote 764:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 pp. 90, 360.\n\nFootnote 765:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. p. 267.\n\nFootnote 766:\n\n Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol. i. p. 413. Cox, \u2018Myth. of Aryan N.,\u2019\n vol. ii. pp. 254, 311.\n\nFootnote 767:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 pp. 137, &c., 272, 286, &c., 500, &c. See\n Sproat, p. 213 (Ahts), cited ante, p. 85. Chay-her signifies not only\n the world below, but Death personified as a boneless greybeard who\n wanders at night stealing men\u2019s souls away.\n\nFootnote 768:\n\n Lery, \u2018Bresil,\u2019 p. 234.\n\nFootnote 769:\n\n Clavigero, vol. ii. pp. 14, 17; Brasseur, \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 495.\n\nFootnote 770:\n\n \u2018Rites and Laws of Yncas,\u2019 tr. and ed. by C. R. Markham, pp. 32, 48\n (prayer from MS. communication by C. R. M.); Garcilaso de la Vega,\n lib. ii. c. 2, 7; Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019 p. 251.\n\nFootnote 771:\n\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 237; Farmer, \u2018Tonga,\u2019 p. 126. Yate, \u2018New\n Zealand,\u2019 p. 140; J. Williams, \u2018Missionary Enterprise,\u2019 p. 145. See\n Schirren, \u2018Wandersagen der Neuseel\u00e4nder,\u2019 p. 89; Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019\n vol. i. p. 246.\n\nFootnote 772:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 pp. 128, 147, 155; Waitz, vol. ii. p. 171\n (Africa).\n\nFootnote 773:\n\n Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterl.\u2019 vol. i. p. 395; Roscher, s.v. \u2018Hades.\u2019\n Grimm, \u2018Deutsch. Myth.\u2019 p. 288.\n\nFootnote 774:\n\n Brugsch, \u2018Religion der alten Aegypter\u2019; \u2018Book of Dead.\u2019\n\nFootnote 775:\n\n Pr. Max. v. Wied, \u2018N. Amerika,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 157.\n\nFootnote 776:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 pp. 133, &c., 228, 255. Catlin, \u2018N. A.\n Ind.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 159, 177; Pr. Max v. Wied, vol. ii. pp. 149, &c.\n Compare Sproat, \u2018Savage Life,\u2019 p. 179 (Quawteaht the Great Spirit is\n also First Man).\n\nFootnote 777:\n\n D\u2019Orbigny, \u2018L\u2019Homme Am\u00e9ricain,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 319.\n\nFootnote 778:\n\n Schirren, \u2018Wandersagen der Neuseel\u00e4nder,\u2019 p. 64, &c., 88, &c. Ellis,\n \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 111, vol. iv. pp. 145, 366.\n\nFootnote 779:\n\n Steller, \u2018Kamtschatka,\u2019 p. 271.\n\nFootnote 780:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Religion of Amazulu,\u2019 pp. 1-104.\n\nFootnote 781:\n\n \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 x. \u2018Atharva-Veda,\u2019 xviii. Max M\u00fcller, \u2018Lectures,\u2019 2nd Ser.\n p. 514. Muir, \u2018Yama,\u2019 &c., in \u2018Journ. As. Soc. N. S.\u2019 vol. i. 1865.\n Roth in \u2018Ztschr. Deutsch. Morgenl. G.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 426. Ward,\n \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 60. Avesta: \u2018Vendidad,\u2019 ii. Pictet, \u2018Origines\n Indo-Europ.\u2019 part ii. p. 621.\n\nFootnote 782:\n\n Eisenmenger, part i. p. 365.\n\nFootnote 783:\n\n Koran, ii. 28, vii. 10, &c.\n\nFootnote 784:\n\n Neander, \u2018Hist. of Chr.\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 81, 109, 174.\n\nFootnote 785:\n\n Oldfield in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 228. See also Eyre, vol. ii.\n p. 356; Lang, \u2018Queensland,\u2019 p. 444.\n\nFootnote 786:\n\n Loskiel, \u2018Gesch. der Mission unter den Ind. in Nord-Amer.\u2019 part i. ch.\n 3.\n\nFootnote 787:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Rel. of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 348.\n\nFootnote 788:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 416. See J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 207.\n\nFootnote 789:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part v. p. 632; see part i. p. 316, part\n vi. p. 166; \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 36, see 237; Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019\n p. 63.\n\nFootnote 790:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9suites dans la Nouvelle France,\u2019 1635, p. 34,\n 1636, p. 100. Sagard, \u2018Histoire du Canada,\u2019 Paris, 1636, p. 490. L. H.\n Morgan, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 156. See ante, vol. i. pp. 288, 349.\n\nFootnote 791:\n\n Waitz, \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. iii. pp. 182, 330, 335, 345; Le Jeune in\n \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1637, p. 49; La Potherie, \u2018Hist. de l\u2019Am\u00e9r.\n Septentrionale,\u2019 Paris, 1722, vol. i. p. 121; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 149,\n &c. Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part i. p. 35, &c., 320, 412;\n Catlin, vol. i. p. 156; Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 263.\n\nFootnote 792:\n\n Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 327, 485, 583, 645, see 247, 393,\n 427, 696. See also J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrelig.\u2019 pp. 259, &c., 403,\n 423; D\u2019Orbigny, \u2018L\u2019Homme Am\u00e9ricain,\u2019 vol. i. p. 405, vol. ii. p. 257;\n Falkner, \u2018Patagonia,\u2019 p. 114; Musters, \u2018Patagonians,\u2019 p. 179; Fitzroy,\n \u2018Voy. of Adventure and Beagle,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 180, 190.\n\nFootnote 793:\n\n Piedrahita, \u2018Hist. de Neuv. Granada,\u2019 part i. book i. ch. 3.\n\nFootnote 794:\n\n Molina, \u2018Hist. of Chili,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 84; Febres, \u2018Diccionario\n Chile\u00f1o,\u2019 s.v.\n\nFootnote 795:\n\n Proyart, \u2018Loango,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 504. Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019\n vol. ii. p. 109. See Kolbe, \u2018Kaap de Goede Hoop,\u2019 part i. xxix.:\n Waitz, vol. ii. p. 342 (Hottentots).\n\nFootnote 796:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 pp. 217, 387. Waitz, vol. ii. p. 173.\n\nFootnote 797:\n\n Birch, in Bunsen, vol. v. p. 136. Wilkinson, \u2018Ancient Eg.\u2019 &c.\n\nFootnote 798:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 p. 84.\n\nFootnote 799:\n\n Avesta, tr. by Spiegel. Vendidad, i.; \u2018Khorda-Avesta.\u2019 xlv. xlvi. Max\n M\u00fcller, \u2018Lectures,\u2019 1st Ser. p. 208.\n\nFootnote 800:\n\n Layard, \u2018Nineveh,\u2019 vol. i. p. 297; Ainsworth, \u2018Izedis,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth.\n Soc.\u2019 vol. i. p. 11.\n\nFootnote 801:\n\n Beausobre, \u2018Hist. de Manich\u00e9e,\u2019 &c. Neander, \u2018Hist. of Christian\n Religion,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 157, &c.\n\nFootnote 802:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 155.\n\nFootnote 803:\n\n Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 85.\n\nFootnote 804:\n\n \u2018\u00c9tudes Philologiques sur quelques Langues Sauvages de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique,\u2019\n par N. O. (J. A. Cuoq.) Montreal, 1866, p. 14. Brinton, \u2018Myths of New\n World,\u2019 p. 53. Schoolcraft, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 33.\n\nFootnote 805:\n\n De la Borde, \u2018Caraibes,\u2019 p. 524. J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrel.\u2019 p. 228.\n\nFootnote 806:\n\n Dobrizhoffer, \u2018Abipones,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 89.\n\nFootnote 807:\n\n Hutchinson, \u2018Chaco Ind.\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 327.\n\nFootnote 808:\n\n D\u2019Orbigny, \u2018L\u2019Homme Am\u00e9ricain,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 319.\n\nFootnote 809:\n\n Molina, \u2018Hist. of Chili,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 84, &c. Compare Febres,\n \u2018Diccionario Chile\u00f1o.\u2019\n\nFootnote 810:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 415. Musters, \u2018Patagonians,\u2019 p. 179.\n\nFootnote 811:\n\n \u2018Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas,\u2019 trans. from the\n original Spanish MSS., and ed. by C. R. Markham, Hakluyt Soc. 1873, p.\n ix. 5, 16, 30, 76, 84, 154, &c. The above remarks are based on the\n early evidence here printed for the first time, and on private\n suggestions for which I am also indebted to Mr. Markham. The title\n Pachacamac has been also considered to mean Animator or Soul of the\n World, camani = I create, camac = creator, cama = soul (note to 2nd\n ed.). Garcilaso de la Vega, lib. i., ii. c. 2, iii. c. 20; Herrera,\n dec. v. 4; Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019 p. 177, see 142; Rivero and\n Tschudi, \u2018Peruvian Antiquities,\u2019 ch. vii.; Waitz, vol. iv. p. 447; J.\n G. M\u00fcller, p. 317, &c.\n\nFootnote 812:\n\n Sagard, \u2018Hist. du Canada,\u2019 p. 490. Hennepin, \u2018Voy. dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique,\u2019\n p. 302. Gregg, \u2018Commerce of Prairies,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 237.\n\nFootnote 813:\n\n Le Jeune, \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1637, p. 49; Brinton, p. 52; Lafitau, \u2018M\u0153urs\n des Sauvages Am\u00e9riquains,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 126, 145 (note to 3rd ed.).\n\nFootnote 814:\n\n Egede, \u2018Descr. of Greenland,\u2019 ch. xviii.; Cranz, \u2018Gr\u00f6nland,\u2019 p. 263;\n Rink, \u2018Eskimoiske Eventyr,\u2019 &c., p. 28.\n\nFootnote 815:\n\n Le Jeune, 1633, p. 16; 1634, p. 13.\n\nFootnote 816:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part i. p. 15.\n\nFootnote 817:\n\n Cartier, \u2018Relation;\u2019 Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 212; Lescarbot, \u2018Nouvelle\n France,\u2019 p. 613. Thevet, \u2018Singularitez de la France Antarctique,\u2019\n Paris, 1558, ch. 77. See also J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 102. Andouagni is\n perhaps a miscopied form of Cudouagni. Other forms, Cudruagni, &c.,\n occur.\n\nFootnote 818:\n\n Smith, \u2018Hist. of Virginia,\u2019 London, 1632, in Pinkerton, \u2018Voyages,\u2019\n vol. xiii. pp. 13, 18, 244 (New Eng.); see Arber\u2019s edition. Priority\n has been claimed for E. Strachey (see Lang, \u2018Making of Religion,\u2019 p.\n 254), but this copyist seems only to have copied Capt. Smith\u2019s \u2018Map of\n Virginia\u2019 (1608). Brinton, p. 58; Waitz, vol. iii. p. 177, &c. J. G.\n M\u00fcller, pp. 99, &c.; Loskiel, part i. pp. 33, 43.\n\nFootnote 819:\n\n Brebeuf in \u2018Rel. des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1636, p. 107; see above, p. 255. Sagard, p.\n 494; Cuoq, p. 176; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 103. For other mention of a\n Supreme Deity among North American tribes see Joutel, \u2018Journal du\n Voyage,\u2019 &c., Paris, 1713, p. 224 (Louisiana); Sproat in \u2018Tr. Eth.\n Soc.\u2019 vol. v. p. 253 (Vancouver\u2019s I.).\n\nFootnote 820:\n\n Lafitau, \u2018M\u0153urs des Sauvages Am\u00e9riquains,\u2019 1724, vol. i. pp. 124-6.\n\nFootnote 821:\n\n Bartram in \u2018Tr. Amer. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. pp. 20, 26.\n\nFootnote 822:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Ind. Tribes,\u2019 part ii. p. 127.\n\nFootnote 823:\n\n Prescott, \u2018Mexico,\u2019 book i. ch. vi. Sahagun, \u2018Hist. de Nueva Espa\u00f1a,\u2019\n lib. vi. in Kingsborough, vol. v.; Torquemada, \u2018Monarq. Ind.\u2019 lib. x.\n c. 14. Waitz, vol. iv. p. 136; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 621, &c.\n\nFootnote 824:\n\n Moerenhout, \u2018Voy. aux Iles du Grand Oc\u00e9an,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 419, 437.\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p. 321, &c. J. R. Forster, \u2018Voyage round\n the World,\u2019 pp. 540, 567. Grey, \u2018Polyn. Myth.\u2019 p. 6. Taylor, \u2018New\n Zealand,\u2019 p. 118; see above, vol. i. p. 322. Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p.\n 244. Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 116, 121. Schirren,\n \u2018Wandersagen der Neuseel\u00e4nder,\u2019 pp. 68, 89.\n\nFootnote 825:\n\n Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol. i. p. 217.\n\nFootnote 826:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Religion of Amazulu,\u2019 part i. See ante, pp. 116, 313.\n\nFootnote 827:\n\n See especially Waitz, vol. ii. p. 167, &c.; J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019\n pp. 209, 387; Bosman, Mungo Park, &c. Comp. Ellis, \u2018Madagascar,\u2019 vol.\n i. p. 390.\n\nFootnote 828:\n\n Steinhauser, \u2018Religion des Negers,\u2019 in \u2018Mag. der Miss.\u2019 Basel, 1856.\n No. 2, p. 128. J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 pp. 92, 209; R\u00f6mer, \u2018Guinea,\u2019\n p. 42. See also Waitz, vol. ii. pp. 171, 419.\n\nFootnote 829:\n\n Magyar, \u2018Reisen in S\u00fcd-Afrika,\u2019 pp. 125, 335.\n\nFootnote 830:\n\n Bowen, \u2018Gr. and Dic. of Yoruba,\u2019 p. xvi. in \u2018Smithsonian Contr.\u2019 vol.\n i.\n\nFootnote 831:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 p. 84, &c.\n\nFootnote 832:\n\n Dalton, \u2018Kols,\u2019 in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 32. Hunter, \u2018Rural\n Bengal,\u2019 p. 184.\n\nFootnote 833:\n\n Siebold, \u2018Nippon.\u2019 Kaempfer, \u2018Hist. of Japan,\u2019 1727, book I. ch. I,\n IV. For accurate modern information, see papers of Chamberlain and\n Satow in \u2018Tr. As. Soc. Japan,\u2019 and Murray\u2019s Handbook (note to 3rd\n ed.).\n\nFootnote 834:\n\n Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p. 1, &c. Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. iii. p.\n 101. \u2018Samoiedia,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. i. p. 531. \u2018Georgi, Reise im\n Russ. Reich.\u2019 vol. i. p. 275.\n\nFootnote 835:\n\n Plath, \u2018Rel. der Alten Chinesen,\u2019 part i. p. 18, &c. See Max M\u00fcller,\n \u2018Lectures on Science of Religion,\u2019 No. III. in \u2018Fraser\u2019s Mag.\u2019 1870.\n Legge, \u2018Confucius,\u2019 p. 100.\n\nFootnote 836:\n\n See Colebrooke, \u2018Essays,\u2019 vol. ii. Wuttke, \u2018Heidenthum,\u2019 part i. p.\n 254. Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. i. p. xxi. vol. ii. p. 1.\n\nFootnote 837:\n\n Comte, \u2018Philosophie Positive.\u2019 Cf. Bp. Berkeley\u2019s \u2018Siris\u2019; and for a\n modern dissertation on the universal \u00e6ther as the divine soul of the\n world, see Phil. Spiller, \u2018Gott im Lichte der Naturwissenschaften,\u2019\n Berlin, 1873 (note to 2nd ed.).\n\nFootnote 838:\n\n \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 i. 164, 46. Max M\u00fcller, \u2018Chips,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 27, 241.\n\nFootnote 839:\n\n See Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterlehre,\u2019 pp. 143, 175.\n\nFootnote 840:\n\n Avesta; trans. by Spiegel, \u2018Ormazd-Yasht.\u2019 12.\n\nFootnote 841:\n\n Wilkinson, \u2018Ancient Eg.\u2019 vol. iv. ch. xii.; Bunsen, \u2018Egypt,\u2019 vol. iv.\n p. 325.\n\nFootnote 842:\n\n Movers, \u2018Ph\u00f6nizier,\u2019 vol. i. p. 169, &c.\n\nFootnote 843:\n\n \u2018Of the Principles and Duties of Natural Religion,\u2019 London, 1678, book\n i. ch. vi. Johnson\u2019s Dictionary, s.v. The term \u2018natural religion\u2019 is\n used in various and even incompatible senses. Thus Butler in his\n \u2018Analogy of Religion, Natural and Revealed, to the Constitution and\n Course of Nature,\u2019 signifies by \u2018natural religion\u2019 a prim\u00e6val system\n which he expressly argues to have been not reasoned out, but taught\n first by revelation. This system, of which the main tenets are the\n belief in one God, the Creator and Moral Governor of the World, and in\n a future state of moral retribution, differs in the extreme from the\n actual religions of the lower races.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XVIII.\n RITES AND CEREMONIES.\n\n Religious Rites: their purpose practical or symbolic\u2014Prayer: its\n continuity from low to high levels of Culture; its lower phases\n Unethical; its higher phases Ethical\u2014Sacrifice: its\n original Gift-theory passes into the Homage-theory and the\n Abnegation-theory\u2014Manner of reception of Sacrifice by Deity\u2014Material\n Transfer to elements, fetish-animals, priests; consumption of\n substance by deity or idol; offering of blood; transmission by fire;\n incense\u2014Essential Transfer: consumption of essence, savour,\n &c.\u2014Spiritual Transfer: consumption or transmission of soul of\n offering\u2014Motive of Sacrificer\u2014Transition from Gift-theory to\n Homage-theory: insignificant and formal offerings; sacrificial\n banquets\u2014Abnegation-theory; sacrifice of children, &c.\u2014Sacrifice of\n Substitutes: part given for whole; inferior life for superior;\n effigies\u2014Modern survival of Sacrifice in folklore and\n religion\u2014Fasting, as a means of producing ecstatic vision; its\n course from lower to higher Culture\u2014Drugs used to produce\n ecstasy\u2014Swoons and fits induced for religious purposes\u2014Orientation:\n its relation to Sun-myth and Sun-worship; rules of East and West as\n to burial of dead, position of worship, and structure of\n temple\u2014Lustration by Water and Fire: its transition from material to\n symbolic purification; its connexion with special events of life;\n its appearance among the lower races\u2014Lustration of new-born\n children; of women; of those polluted by bloodshed or the\n dead\u2014Lustration continued at higher levels of Culture\u2014Conclusion.\n\n\nReligious rites fall theoretically into two divisions, though these\nblend in practice. In part, they are expressive and symbolic\nperformances, the dramatic utterance of religious thought, the\ngesture-language of theology. In part, they are means of intercourse\nwith and influence on spiritual beings, and as such, their intention is\nas directly practical as any chemical or mechanical process, for\ndoctrine and worship correlate as theory and practice. In the science of\nreligion, the study of ceremony has its strong and weak sides. On the\none hand, it is generally easier to obtain accurate accounts of\nceremonies by eye-witnesses, than anything like trustworthy and\nintelligible statements of doctrine; so that very much of our knowledge\nof religion in the savage and barbaric world consists in acquaintance\nwith its ceremonies. It is also true that some religious ceremonies are\nmarvels of permanence, holding substantially the same form and meaning\nthrough age after age, and far beyond the range of historic record. On\nthe other hand, the signification of ceremonies is not to be rashly\ndecided on by mere inspection. In the long and varied course in which\nreligion has adapted itself to new intellectual and moral conditions,\none of the most marked processes has affected time-honoured religious\ncustoms, whose form has been faithfully and even servilely kept up,\nwhile their nature has often undergone transformation. In the religions\nof the great nations, the natural difficulty of following these changes\nhas been added to by the sacerdotal tendency to ignore and obliterate\ntraces of the inevitable change of religion from age to age, and to\nconvert into mysteries ancient rites whose real barbaric meaning is too\nfar out of harmony with the spirit of a later time. The embarrassments,\nhowever, which beset the enquirer into the ceremonies of a single\nreligion, diminish in a larger comparative study. The ethnographer who\nbrings together examples of a ceremony from different stages of culture\ncan often give a more rational account of it, than the priest, to whom a\nspecial signification, sometimes very unlike the original one, has\nbecome matter of orthodoxy. As a contribution to the theory of religion,\nwith especial view to its lower phases as explanatory of the higher, I\nhave here selected for ethnographic discussion a group of sacred rites,\neach in its way full of instruction, different as these ways are. All\nhave early place and rudimentary meaning in savage culture, all belong\nto barbaric ages, all have their representatives within the limits of\nmodern Christendom. They are the rites of Prayer, Sacrifice, Fasting and\nother methods of Artificial Ecstasy, Orientation, Lustration.\n\nPrayer, \u2018the soul\u2019s sincere desire, uttered or unexpressed,\u2019 is the\naddress of personal spirit to personal spirit. So far as it is actually\naddressed to disembodied or deified human souls, it is simply an\nextension of the daily intercourse between man and man; while the\nworshipper who looks up to other divine beings, spiritual after the\nnature of his own spirit, though of place and power in the universe far\nbeyond his own, still has his mind in a state where prayer is a\nreasonable and practical act. So simple and familiar indeed is the\nnature of prayer, that its study does not demand that detail of fact and\nargument which must be given to rites in comparison practically\ninsignificant. It has not indeed been placed everywhere on record as the\nnecessary outcome of animistic belief, for especially at low levels of\ncivilization there are many races who distinctly admit the existence of\nspirits, but are not positively known to pray to them. Beyond this lower\nlevel, however, animism and ceremonial prayer become nearly\nconterminous; and a view of their relation in their earlier stages may\nbe best gained from a selection of actual prayers taken down word for\nword, within the limits of savage and barbaric life. These agree with an\nopinion that prayer appeared in the religion of the lower culture, but\nthat in this its earlier stage it was unethical. The accomplishment of\ndesire is asked for, but desire is as yet limited to personal advantage.\nIt is at later and higher moral levels, that the worshipper begins to\nadd to his entreaty for prosperity the claim for help toward virtue and\nagainst vice, and prayer becomes an instrument of morality.\n\nIn the Papuan Island of Tanna, where the gods are the spirits of\ndeparted ancestors, and preside over the growth of fruits, a prayer\nafter the offering of first-fruits is spoken aloud by the chief who acts\nas high priest to the silent assembly: \u2018Compassionate father! Here is\nsome food for you; eat it; be kind to us on account of it!\u2019 Then all\nshout together.[844] In the Samoan Islands, when the libation of ava was\npoured out at the evening meal, the head of the family prayed thus:\u2014\n\n \u2018Here is ava for you, O gods! Look kindly towards this family: let\n it prosper and increase; and let us all be kept in health. Let our\n plantations be productive; let food grow; and may there be abundance\n of food for us, your creatures. Here is ava for you, our war gods!\n Let there be a strong and numerous people for you in this land.\n\n \u2018Here is ava for you, O sailing gods (gods who come in Tongan canoes\n and foreign vessels). Do not come on shore at this place; but be\n pleased to depart along the ocean to some other land.\u2019[845]\n\nAmong the Indians of North America, more or less under European\ninfluence, the Sioux will say, \u2018Spirits of the dead, have mercy on me!\u2019\nthen they will add what they want, if good weather they say so, if good\nluck in hunting, they say so.[846] Among the Osages, prayers used not\nlong since to be offered at daybreak to Wohkonda, the Master of Life.\nThe devotee retired a little from the camp or company, and with affected\nor real weeping, in loud uncouth voice of plaintive piteous tone, howled\nsuch prayers as these:\u2014 \u2018Wohkonda, pity me, I am very poor; give me what\nI need; give me success against mine enemies, that I may avenge the\ndeath of my friends. May I be able to take scalps, to take horses! &c.\u2019\nSuch prayers might or might not have allusion to some deceased relative\nor friend.[847] How an Algonquin Indian undertakes a dangerous voyage,\nwe may judge from John Tanner\u2019s account of a fleet of frail Indian bark\ncanoes setting out at dawn one calm morning on Lake Superior. We had\nproceeded, he writes, about two hundred yards into the lake, when the\ncanoes all stopped together, and the chief, in a very loud voice,\naddressed a prayer to the Great Spirit, entreating him to give us a good\nlook to cross the lake. \u2018You,\u2019 said he, \u2018have made this lake, and you\nhave made us, your children; you can now cause that the water shall\nremain smooth while we pass over in safety.\u2019 In this manner he continued\npraying for five or ten minutes; he then threw into the lake a small\nquantity of tobacco, in which each of the canoes followed his\nexample.[848] A Nootka Indian, preparing for war, prayed thus: \u2018Great\nQuahootze, let me live, not be sick, find the enemy, not fear him, find\nhim asleep, and kill a great many of him.\u2019[849] There is more pathos in\nthese lines from the war-song of a Delaware:\u2014\n\n \u2018O Great Spirit there above\n Have pity on my children\n And my wife!\n Prevent that they shall mourn for me!\n Let me succeed in this undertaking,\n That I may slay my enemy\n And bring home the tokens of victory\n To my dear family and my friends\n That we may rejoice together....\n Have pity on me and protect my life,\n And I will bring thee an offering.\u2019[850]\n\nThe following two prayers are among those recorded by Molina, from the\nmemory of aged men who described to him the religion of Peru under the\nIncas, in whose rites they had themselves borne part. The first is\naddressed to the Sun, the second to the World-creator:\u2014\n\n \u2018O Sun! Thou who hast said, let there be Cuzcos and Tampus, grant\n that these thy children may conquer all other people. We beseech\n thee that thy children the Yncas may be the conquerors always, for\n this hast thou created them.\u2019\n\n \u2018O conquering Uiracocha! Ever present Uiracocha! Thou who art in the\n ends of the earth without equal! Thou who gavest life and valour to\n men, saying \u201cLet this be a man!\u201d and to women, saying, \u201cLet this be\n a woman!\u201d Thou who madest them and gavest them being! Watch over\n them that they may live in health and peace. Thou who art in the\n high heavens, and among the clouds of the tempest, grant this with\n long life, and accept this sacrifice, O Uiracocha!\u2019[851]\n\nIn Africa, the Zulus, addressing the spirits of their ancestors, think\nit even enough to call upon them without saying what they want, taking\nit for granted that the spirits know, so that the mere utterance \u2018People\nof our house!\u2019 is a prayer. When a Zulu sneezes, and is thus for the\nmoment in close relation to the divine spirits, it is enough for him to\nmention what he wants (\u2018to wish a wish,\u2019 as our own folklore has it),\nand thus the words \u2018A cow!\u2019 \u2018Children!\u2019 are prayers. Fuller forms are\nsuch as these: \u2018People of our house! Cattle!\u2019\u2014\u2018People of our house! Good\nluck and health!\u2019\u2014\u2018People of our house! Children!\u2019 On occasions of\nancestral cattle-sacrifice the prayers extend to actual harangues, as\nwhen, after the feast is over, the headman speaks thus amid dead\nsilence: \u2018Yes, yes, our people, who did such and such noble acts, I pray\nto you\u2014I pray for prosperity after having sacrificed this bullock of\nyours. I say, I cannot refuse to give you food, for these cattle which\nare here you gave me. And if you ask food of me which you have given me,\nis it not proper that I should give it to you? I pray for cattle, that\nthey may fill this pen. I pray for corn, that many people may come to\nthis village of yours, and make a noise, and glorify you. I ask also for\nchildren, that this village may have a large population, and that your\nname may never come to an end.\u2019 So he finishes.[852] From among the\nnegro races near the equator, the following prayers may be cited,\naddressed to that Supreme Deity whose nature is, as we have seen, more\nor less that of the Heaven-god. The Gold Coast negro would raise his\neyes to Heaven and thus address him: \u2018God, give me to-day rice and yams,\ngold and agries, give me slaves, riches, and health, and that I may be\nbrisk and swift!\u2019 The fetish-man will often in the morning take water in\nhis mouth and say, \u2018Heaven! grant that I may have something to eat\nto-day;\u2019 and when giving medicine shown him by the fetish, he will hold\nit up to heaven first, and say, \u2018Ata Nyongmo! (Father Heaven!) bless\nthis medicine that I now give.\u2019 The Yebu would say, \u2018God in heaven,\nprotect me from sickness and death. God give me happiness and\nwisdom!\u2019[853] When the Manganja of Lake Nyassa were offering to the\nSupreme Deity a basketful of meal and a pot of native beer, that he\nmight give them rain, the priestess dropped the meal handful by handful\non the ground, each time calling, in a high-pitched voice, \u2018Hear thou, O\nGod, and send rain!\u2019 and the assembled people responded, clapping their\nhands softly and intoning (they always intone their prayers) \u2018Hear thou,\nO God!\u2019[854]\n\nTypical forms of prayer may be selected in Asia near the junction-line\nof savage and barbaric culture. Among the Karens of Burma, the\nHarvest-goddess has offerings made to her in a little house in the\npaddy-field, in which two strings are put for her to bind the spirits of\nany persons who may enter her field. Then they entreat her on this wise:\n\u2018Grandmother, thou guardest my field, thou watchest over my plantation.\nLook out for men entering; look sharp for people coming in. If they\ncome, bind them with this string, tie them with this rope, do not let\nthem go!\u2019 And at the threshing of the rice they say: \u2018Shake thyself,\nGrandmother, shake thyself! Let the paddy ascend till it equals a hill,\nequals a mountain. Shake thyself, Grandmother, shake thyself!\u2019[855] The\nfollowing are extracts from the long-drawn prayers of the Khonds of\nOrissa: \u2018O Boora Pennu! and O Tari Pennu, and all other gods! (naming\nthem). You, O Boora Pennu! created us, giving us the attribute of\nhunger; thence corn food was necessary to us, and thence were necessary\nproducing fields. You gave us every seed, and ordered us to use\nbullocks, and to make ploughs, and to plough. Had we not received this\nart, we might still indeed have existed upon the natural fruits of the\njungle and the plain, but, in our destitution, we could not have\nperformed your worship. Do you, remembering this\u2014the connexion betwixt\nour wealth and your honour\u2014grant the prayers which we now offer. In the\nmorning, we rise before the light to our labour, carrying the seed. Save\nus from the tiger, and the snake, and from stumblingblocks. Let the seed\nappear earth to the eating birds, and stones to the eating animals of\nthe earth. Let the grain spring up suddenly like a dry stream that is\nswelled in a night. Let the earth yield to our ploughshares as wax melts\nbefore hot iron. Let the baked clods melt like hailstones. Let our\nploughs spring through the furrows with a force like the recoil of a\nbent tree. Let there be such a return from our seed, that so much shall\nfall and be neglected in the fields, and so much on the roads in\ncarrying it home, that, when we shall go out next year to sow, the paths\nand the fields shall look like a young corn-field. From the first times\nwe have lived by your favour. Let us continue to receive it. Remember\nthat the increase of our produce is the increase of your worship, and\nthat its diminution must be the diminution of your rites.\u2019 The following\nis the conclusion of a prayer to the Earth-goddess: \u2018Let our herds be so\nnumerous that they cannot be housed; let children so abound that the\ncare of them shall overcome their parents\u2014as shall be seen by their\nburned hands; let our heads ever strike against brass pots innumerable\nhanging from our roofs; let the rats form their nests of shreds of\nscarlet cloth and silk; let all the kites in the country be seen in the\ntrees of our village, from beasts being killed there every day. We are\nignorant of what it is good to ask for. You know what is good for us.\nGive it to us!\u2019[856]\n\nSuch are types of prayer in the lower levels of culture, and in no small\ndegree they remain characteristic of the higher nations. If, in\nlong-past ages, the Chinese raised themselves from the condition of rude\nSiberian tribes to their peculiar culture, at any rate their consecutive\nreligion has scarce changed the matter-of-fact prayers for rain and good\nharvest, wealth and long life, addressed to manes and nature-spirits and\nmerciful Heaven.[857] In other great national religions of the world,\nnot the whole of prayer, but a smaller or larger part of it, holds\nclosely to the savage definition. This is a Vedic prayer: \u2018What, Indra,\nhas not yet been given me by thee, Lightning-hurler, all good things\nbring us hither with both hands ... with mighty riches fill me, with\nwealth of cattle, for thou art great!\u2019[858] This is Moslem: \u2018O Allah!\nunloose the captivity of the captives, and annul the debts of the\ndebtors: and make this town to be safe and secure, and blessed with\nwealth and plenty, and all the towns of the Moslems, O Lord of all\ncreatures! and decree safety and health to us and to all travellers, and\npilgrims, and warriors, and wanderers, upon thy earth, and upon thy sea,\nsuch as are Moslems, O Lord of all creatures!\u2019[859] Thus also,\nthroughout the rituals of Christendom, stand an endless array of\nsupplications unaltered in principle from savage times\u2014that the weather\nmay be adjusted to our local needs, that we may have the victory over\nall our enemies, that life and health and wealth and happiness may be\nours.\n\nSo far, then, is permanence in culture: but now let us glance at the\nnot less marked lines of modification and new formation. The vast\npolitical effect of a common faith in developing the idea of exclusive\nnationality, a process scarcely expanding beyond the germ among savage\ntribes, but reaching its full growth in the barbaric world, is apt to\nhave its outward manifestation in hostility to those of another creed,\na sentiment which finds vent in characteristic prayers. Such are these\nfrom the Rig-Veda: \u2018Take away our calamities. By sacred verses may we\novercome those who employ no holy hymns! Distinguish between the Aryas\nand those who are Dasyus: chastising those who observe no sacred\nrites, subject them to the sacrificer.... Indra subjects the impious\nto the pious, and destroys the irreligious by the religious.\u2019[860] The\nfollowing is from the closing prayer which the boys in many schools in\nCairo used to repeat some years ago, and very likely do still: \u2018I seek\nrefuge with Allah from Satan the accursed. In the name of Allah, the\nCompassionate, the Merciful ... O Lord of all creatures! O Allah!\ndestroy the infidels and polytheists, thine enemies, the enemies of\nthe religion! O Allah! make their children orphans, and defile their\nabodes, and cause their feet to slip, and give them and their families\nand their households and their women and their children and their\nrelations by marriage and their brothers and their friends and their\npossessions and their race and their wealth and their lands as booty\nto the Moslems! O Lord of all creatures!\u2019[861] Another powerful\ntendency of civilization, that of regulating human affairs by fixed\nordinance, has since early ages been at work to arrange worship into\nmechanical routine. Here, so to speak, religion deposits itself in\nsharply defined shape from a supersaturated solution, and crystallizes\ninto formalism. Thus prayers, from being at first utterances as free\nand flexible as requests to a living patriarch or chief, stiffened\ninto traditional formulas, whose repetition required verbal accuracy,\nand whose nature practically assimilated more or less to that of\ncharms. Liturgies, especially in those three quarters of the world\nwhere the ancient liturgical language has become at once\nunintelligible and sacred, are crowded with examples of this\nhistorical process. Its extremest development in Europe is connected\nwith the use of the rosary. This devotional calculating-machine is of\nAsiatic invention; it had if not its origin at least its special\ndevelopment among the ancient Buddhists, and its 108 balls still slide\nthrough the modern Buddhist\u2019s hands as of old, measuring out the\nsacred formulas whose reiteration occupies so large a fraction of a\npious life. It was not till toward the middle ages that the rosary\npassed into Mohammedan and Christian lands, and finding there\nconceptions of prayer which it was suited to accompany, has flourished\never since. How far the Buddhist devotional formulas themselves\npartake of the nature of prayer, is a question opening into\ninstructive considerations, which need only be suggested here. By its\nderivation from Brahmanism and its fusion with the beliefs of rude\nspirit-worshipping populations, Buddhism practically retains in no\nsmall measure a prayerful temper and even practice. Yet, according to\nstrict and special Buddhist philosophy, where personal divinity has\nfaded into metaphysical idea, even devotional utterances of desire are\nnot prayers; as K\u00f6ppen says, there is no \u2018Thou!\u2019 in them. It must be\nonly with reservation that we class the rosary in Buddhist hands as an\ninstrument of actual prayer. The same is true of the still more\nextreme development of mechanical religion, the prayer-mill of the\nTibetan Buddhists. This was perhaps originally a symbolic \u2018chakra\u2019 or\nwheel of the law, but has become a cylinder mounted on an axis, which\nby each rotation is considered to repeat the sentences written on the\npapers it is filled with, usually the \u2018Om mani padme h\u00fbm!\u2019\nPrayer-mills vary in size, from the little wooden toys held in the\nhand, to the great drums turned by wind or water-power, which repeat\ntheir sentences by the million.[862] The Buddhist idea, that \u2018merit\u2019\nis produced by the recitation of these sentences, may perhaps lead us\nto form an opinion of large application in the study of religion and\nsuperstition, namely, that the theory of prayers may explain the\norigin of charms. Charm-formulas are in very many cases actual\nprayers, and as such are intelligible. Where they are mere verbal\nforms, producing their effect on nature and man by some unexplained\nprocess, may not they or the types they were modelled on have been\noriginally prayers, since dwindled into mystic sentences?\n\nThe worshipper cannot always ask wisely what is for his good, therefore\nit may be well for him to pray that the greater power of the deity may\nbe guided by his greater wisdom\u2014this is a thought which expands and\nstrengthens in the theology of the higher nations. The simple prayer of\nSokrates, that the gods would give such things as are good, for they\nknow best what are good,[863] raises a strain of supplication which has\nechoed through Christendom from its earliest ages. Greatest of all\nchanges which difference the prayers of lower from those of higher\nnations, is the working out of the general principle that the ethical\nelement, so scanty and rudimentary in the lower forms of religion,\nbecomes in the higher its most vital point; while it scarcely appears as\nthough any savage prayer, authentically native in its origin, were ever\ndirected to obtain moral goodness or to ask pardon for moral sin. Among\nthe semi-civilized Aztecs, in the elaborate ritual which from its early\nrecord and its original characteristics may be thought to have a partial\nauthenticity, we mark the appearance of ethical prayer. Such is the\nsupplication concerning the newly-elect ruler: \u2018Make him, Lord, as your\ntrue image, and permit him not to be proud and haughty in your throne\nand court; but vouchsafe, Lord, that he may calmly and carefully rule\nand govern them whom he has in charge, the people, and permit not, Lord,\nthat he may injure or vex his subjects, nor without reason and justice\ncause loss to any; and permit not, Lord, that he may spot or soil your\nthrone or court with any injustice or wrong, &c.\u2019[864] Moral prayer,\nsometimes appearing in rudiment, sometimes shrunk into insignificance,\nsometimes overlaid by formalism, sometimes maintained firm and vigorous\nin the inmost life, has its place without as well as within the\nJewish-Christian scheme. The ancient Aryan prayed: \u2018Through want of\nstrength, thou strong and bright god, have I gone wrong; have mercy,\nalmighty, have mercy!... Whenever we men, O Varuna, commit an offence\nbefore the heavenly host, whenever we break the law through\nthoughtlessness, have mercy, almighty, have mercy!\u2019[865] The modern\nParsi prays: \u2018Of my sins which I have committed against the ruler\nOrmazd, against men, and the different kinds of men.... Deceit,\ncontempt, idol-worship, lies, I repent of.... All and every kind of sin\nwhich men have committed because of me, or which I have committed\nbecause of men; pardon, I repent with confession!\u2019[866] As a general\nrule it would be misleading to judge utterances of this kind in the\nreligions of classic Greece and Rome as betokening the intense habitual\nprayerfulness which pervades the records of Judaism, Mohammedanism,\nChristianity. Moralists admit that prayer can be made an instrument of\nevil, that it may give comfort and hope to the superstitious robber,\nthat it may strengthen the heart of the soldier to slay his foes in an\nunrighteous war, that it may uphold the tyrant and the bigot in their\npersecution of freedom in life and thought. Philosophers dwell on the\nsubjective operation of prayer, as acting not directly on outward\nevents, but on the mind and will of the worshipper himself, which it\ninfluences and confirms. The one argument tends to guide prayer, the\nother to suppress it. Looking on prayer in its effect on man himself\nthrough the course of history, both must recognize it as even in savage\nreligion a means of strengthening emotion, of sustaining courage and\nexciting hope, while in higher faiths it becomes a great motive power of\nthe ethical system, controlling and enforcing, under an ever-present\nsense of supernatural intercourse and aid, the emotions and energies of\nmoral life.\n\nSacrifice has its apparent origin in the same early period of culture\nand its place in the same animistic scheme as prayer, with which through\nso long a range of history it has been carried on in the closest\nconnexion. As prayer is a request made to a deity as if he were a man,\nso sacrifice is a gift made to a deity as if he were a man. The human\ntypes of both may be studied unchanged in social life to this day. The\nsuppliant who bows before his chief, laying a gift at his feet and\nmaking his humble petition, displays the anthropomorphic model and\norigin at once of sacrifice and prayer. But sacrifice, though in its\nearly stages as intelligible as prayer is in early and late stages\nalike, has passed in the course of religious history into transformed\nconditions, not only of the rite itself but of the intention with which\nthe worshipper performs it. And theologians, having particularly turned\ntheir attention to sacrifice as it appears in the higher religions, have\nbeen apt to gloss over with mysticism ceremonies which, when traced\nethnographically up from their savage forms, seem open to simply\nrational interpretation. Many details of offerings have already been\ngiven incidentally here, as a means of elucidating the nature of the\ndeities they are offered to. Moreover, a main part of the doctrine of\nsacrifice has been anticipated in examining the offerings to spirits of\nthe dead, and indeed the ideal distinction between soul and deity breaks\ndown among the lower races, when it appears how often the deities\nreceiving sacrifice are themselves divine human souls. In now attempting\nto classify sacrifice in its course through the religions of the world,\nit seems a satisfactory plan to group the evidence as far as may be\naccording to the manner in which the offering is given by the\nworshipper, and received by the deity. At the same time, the examples\nmay be so arranged as to bring into view the principal lines along which\nthe rite has undergone alteration. The ruder conception that the deity\ntakes and values the offering for itself, gives place on the one hand to\nthe idea of mere homage expressed by a gift, and on the other to the\nnegative view that the virtue lies in the worshipper depriving himself\nof something prized. These ideas may be broadly distinguished as the\ngift-theory, the homage-theory, and the abnegation-theory. Along all\nthree the usual ritualistic change may be traced, from practical reality\nto formal ceremony. The originally valuable offering is compromised for\na smaller tribute or a cheaper substitute, dwindling at last to a mere\ntrifling token or symbol.\n\nThe gift-theory, as standing on its own independent basis, properly\ntakes the first place. That most childlike kind of offering, the giving\nof a gift with as yet no definite thought how the receiver can take and\nuse it, may be the most primitive as it is the most rudimentary\nsacrifice. Moreover, in tracing the history of the ceremony from level\nto level of culture, the same simple unshaped intention may still\nlargely prevail, and much of the reason why it is often found difficult\nto ascertain what savages and barbarians suppose to become of the food\nand valuables they offer to the gods, may be simply due to ancient\nsacrificers knowing as little about it as modern ethnologists do, and\ncaring less. Yet rude races begin and civilized races continue to\nfurnish with the details of their sacrificial ceremonies the key also to\ntheir meaning, the explanation of the manner in which the offering is\nsupposed to pass into the possession of the deity.\n\nBeginning with cases in which this transmission is performed bodily, it\nappears that when the deity is the personal Water, Earth, Fire, Air, or\na fetish-spirit animating or inhabiting such element, he can receive and\nsometimes actually consume the offerings given over to this material\nmedium. How such notions may take shape is not ill shown in the quaintly\nrational thought noticed in old Peru, that the Sun drinks the libations\npoured out before him; and in modern Madagascar, that the Angatra drinks\nthe arrack left for him in the leaf-cup. Do not they see the liquids\ndiminish from day to day?[867] The sacrifice to Water is exemplified by\nIndians caught in a storm on the North American lakes, who would appease\nthe angry tempest-raising deity by tying the feet of a dog and throwing\nit overboard.[868] The following case from Guinea well shows the\nprinciple of such offerings. Once in 1693, the sea being unusually\nrough, the headmen complained to the king, who desired them to be easy,\nand he would make the sea quiet next day. Accordingly he sent his\nfetishman with a jar of palm oil, a bag of rice and corn, a jar of\npitto, a bottle of brandy, a piece of painted calico, and several other\nthings to present to the sea. Being come to the sea-side, he made a\nspeech to it, assuring it that his king was its friend, and loved the\nwhite men; that they were honest fellows and came to trade with him for\nwhat he wanted; and that he requested the sea not to be angry, nor\nhinder them to land their goods; he told it, that if it wanted palm oil,\nhis king had sent it some; and so threw the jar with the oil into the\nsea, as he did, with the same compliment, the rice, corn, pitto, brandy,\ncalico, &c.[869] Among the North American Indians the Earth also\nreceives offerings buried in it. The distinctness of idea with which\nsuch objects may be given is well shown in a Sioux legend. The Spirit of\nthe earth, it seems, requires an offering from those who perform\nextraordinary achievements, and accordingly the prairie gapes open with\nan earthquake before the victorious hero of the tale; he casts a\npartridge into the crevice, and springs over.[870] One of the most\nexplicit recorded instances of the offering to the Earth is the hideous\nsacrifice to the Earth-goddess among the Khonds of Orissa, the tearing\nof the flesh of the human victim from the bones, the priest burying half\nof it in a hole in the earth behind his back without looking round, and\neach householder carrying off a particle to bury in like manner in his\nfavourite field.[871] For offerings to the Fire, we may take for an\nexample the Yakuts, who not only give him the first spoonful of food,\nbut instead of washing their earthen pots allow him to clean out the\nremains.[872] Here is a New Zealand charm called Wangaihau, i.e.,\nfeeding the Wind:\u2014\n\n \u2018Lift up his offering,\n To Uenga a te Rangi his offering,\n Eat, O invisible one, listen to me,\n Let that food bring you down from the sky.\u2019[873]\n\nBeside this may be set the quaint description of the Fanti negroes\nassisting at the sacrifice of men and cattle to the local fetish; the\nvictims were considered to be carried up in a whirlwind out of the midst\nof the small inner ring of priests and priestesses; this whirlwind was,\nhowever, not perceptible to the senses of the surrounding\nworshippers.[874] These series of details collected from the lower\ncivilization throw light on curious problems as to sacrificial ideas in\nthe religions of the classic world; such questions as what Xerxes meant\nwhen he threw the golden goblet and the sword into the Hellespont, which\nhe had before chained and scourged; why Hannibal cast animals into the\nsea as victims to Poseidon; what religious significance underlay the\npatriotic Roman legend of the leap of Marcus Curtius.[875]\n\nSacred animals, in their various characters of divine beings,\nincarnations, representatives, agents, symbols, naturally receive meat\nand drink offerings, and sometimes other gifts. For examples, may be\nmentioned the sun-birds (tonatzuli), for which the Apalaches of\nFlorida set out crushed maize and seed;[876] the Polynesian deities\ncoming incarnate in the bodies of birds to feed on the meat-offerings\nand carcases of human victims set out upon the altar-scaffolds;[877]\nthe well-fed sacred snakes of West Africa, and local fetish animals\nlike the alligator at Dix Cove which will come up at a whistle, and\nfollow a man half a mile if he carries a white fowl in his hands, or\nthe shark at Bonny that comes to the river bank every day to see if a\nhuman victim has been provided for his repast;[878] in modern India\nthe cows reverently fed with fresh grass, Durga\u2019s meat-offerings laid\nout on stones for the jackals, the famous alligators in their\ntemple-tanks.[879] The definition of sacred animal from this point of\nview distinctly includes man. Such in Mexico was the captive youth\nadored as living representative of Tezcatlipoca, and to whom banquets\nwere made during the luxurious twelvemonth which preceded his\nsacrifice at the festival of the deity whom he personated: such still\nmore definitely was Cortes himself, when Montezuma supposed him to be\nthe incarnate Quetzalcoatl come back into the land, and sent human\nvictims accordingly to be slaughtered before him, should he seem to\nlust for blood.[880] Such in modern India is the woman who as\nrepresentative of Radha eats and drinks the offerings at the shameless\norgies of the Saktas.[881] More usually it is the priest who as\nminister of the deities has the lion\u2019s share of the offerings or the\nsole privilege of consuming them, from the Fijian priest who watches\nfor the turtle and puddings apportioned to his god,[882] and the West\nAfrican priest who carries the allowances of food sent to the local\nspirits of mountain, or river, or grove, which food he eats himself as\nthe spirit\u2019s proxy,[883] to the Brahmans who receive for the divine\nancestors the oblation of a worshipper who has no sacred fire to\nconsume it, \u2018for there is no difference between the Fire and a\nBrahman, such is the judgment declared by them who know the\nVeda.\u2019[884] It is needless to collect details of a practice so usual\nin the great systematic religions of the world, where priests have\nbecome professional ministers and agents of deity, as for them to\npartake of the sacrificial meats. It by no means follows from this\nusage that the priest is necessarily supposed to consume the food as\nrepresentative of his divinity; in the absence of express statement to\nsuch effect, the matter can only be treated as one of ceremonial\nordinance. Indeed, the case shows the caution needed in interpreting\nreligious rites, which in particular districts may have meanings\nattached to them quite foreign to their general intent.\n\nThe feeding of an idol, as when Ostyaks would pour daily broth into the\ndish at the image\u2019s mouth,[885] or when the Aztecs would pour the blood\nand put the heart of the slaughtered human victim into the monstrous\nidol\u2019s mouth,[886] seems ceremonial make-believe, but shows that in each\ncase the deity was somehow considered to devour the meal. The conception\namong the lower races of deity, as in disembodied spiritual form, is\neven less compatible with the notion that such a being should consume\nsolid matter. It is true that the notion does occur. In old times it\nappears in the legend of Bel and the Dragon, where the footprints in the\nstrewn ashes betray the knavish priests who come by secret doors to eat\nup the banquet set before Bel\u2019s image.[887] In modern centuries, it may\nbe exemplified by the negroes of Labode, who could hear the noise of\ntheir god Jimawong emptying one after another the bottles of brandy\nhanded in at the door of his straw-roofed temple;[888] or among the\nOstyaks, who, as Pallas relates, used to leave a horn of snuff for their\ngod, with a shaving of willow bark to stop his nostrils with after the\ncountry fashion; the traveller describes their astonishment when\nsometimes an unbelieving Russian has emptied it in the night, leaving\nthe simple folk to conclude that the deity must have gone out hunting to\nhave snuffed so much.[889] But these cases turn on fraud, whereas\nabsurdities in which low races largely agree are apt to have their\norigin rather in genuine error. Indeed, their dominant theories of the\nmanner in which deities receive sacrifice are in accordance not with\nfraud but with facts, and must be treated as strictly rational and\nhonest developments of the lower animism. The clearest and most general\nof these theories are as follows.\n\nWhen the deity is considered to take actual possession of the food or\nother objects offered, this may be conceived to happen by abstraction of\ntheir life, savour, essence, quality, and in yet more definite\nconception their spirit or soul. The solid part may die, decay, be taken\naway or consumed or destroyed, or may simply remain untouched. Among\nthis group of conceptions, the most materialized is that which carries\nout the obvious primitive world-wide doctrine that the life is the\nblood. Accordingly, the blood is offered to the deity, and even\ndisembodied spirits are thought capable of consuming it, like the ghosts\nfor whom Odysseus entering Hades poured into the trench the blood of the\nsacrificed ram and black ewe, and the pale shades drank and spoke;[890]\nor the evil spirits which the Mintira of the Malay Peninsula keep away\nfrom the wife in childbirth by placing her near the fire, for the demons\nare believed to drink human blood when they can find it.[891] Thus in\nVirginia the Indians (in pretence or reality) sacrificed children, whose\nblood the oki or spirit was said to suck from their left breast.[892]\nThe Kayans of Borneo used to offer human sacrifice when a great chief\ntook possession of a newly built house; in one late case, about 1847, a\nMalay slave girl was bought for the purpose and bled to death, the\nblood, which alone is efficacious, being sprinkled on the pillars and\nunder the house, and the body being thrown into the river.[893] The same\nideas appear among the indigenes of India, alike in North Bengal and in\nthe Deccan, where the blood alone of the sacrificed animal is for the\ndeities, and the votary retains the meat.[894] Thus, in West Africa, the\nnegroes of Benin are described as offering a cock to the idol, but it\nreceives only the blood, for they like the flesh very well\nthemselves;[895] while in the Yoruba country, when a beast is sacrificed\nfor a sick man, the blood is sprinkled on the wall and smeared on the\npatient\u2019s forehead, with the idea, it is said, of thus transferring to\nhim the victim\u2019s life.[896] The Jewish law of sacrifice marks clearly\nthe distinction between shedding the blood as life, and offering it as\nfood. As the Israelites themselves might not eat with the flesh the\nblood which is the life, but must pour it on the earth as water, so the\nrule applies to sacrifice. The blood must be sprinkled before the\nsanctuary, put upon the horns of the altar, and there sprinkled or\npoured out, but not presented as a drink offering\u2014\u2018their drink-offerings\nof blood will I not offer.\u2019[897]\n\nSpirit being considered in the lower animism as somewhat of the\nethereal nature of smoke or mist, there is an obvious reasonableness\nin the idea that offerings reduced to this condition are fit to be\nconsumed by, or transmitted to, spiritual beings towards whom the\nvapour rises in the air. This idea is well shown in the case of\nincense, and especially a peculiar kind of incense offered among the\nnative tribes of America. The habit of smoking tobacco is not\nsuggestive of religious rites among ourselves, but in its native\ncountry, where it is so widely diffused as to be perhaps the best\npoint assignable in favour of a connexion in the culture of the\nnorthern and southern continent, its place in worship is very\nimportant. The Osages would begin an undertaking by smoking a pipe,\nwith such a prayer as this: \u2018Great Spirit, come down to smoke with me\nas a friend! Fire and Earth, smoke with me and help me to overthrow my\nfoes!\u2019 The Sioux in Hennepin\u2019s time would look toward the Sun when\nthey smoked, and when the calumet was lighted, they presented it to\nhim, saying: \u2018Smoke, Sun!\u2019 The Natchez chief at sunrise smoked first\nto the east and then to the other quarters; and so on. It is not\nmerely, however, that puffs from the tobacco-pipe are thus offered to\ndeities as drops of drink or morsels of food might be. The calumet is\na special gift of the Sun or the Great Spirit, tobacco is a sacred\nherb, and smoking is an agreeable sacrifice ascending into the air to\nthe abode of gods and spirits.[898] Among the Caribs, the native\nsorcerer evoking a demon would puff tobacco-smoke into the air as an\nagreeable perfume to attract the spirit; while among Brazilian tribes\nthe sorcerers smoked round upon the bystanders and on the patient to\nbe cured.[899] How thoroughly incense and burnt-offering are of the\nsame nature, the Zulus well show, burning incense together with the\nfat of the caul of the slaughtered beast, to give the spirits of the\npeople a sweet savour.[900] As to incense more precisely of the sort\nwe are familiar with, it was in daily use in the temples of Mexico,\nwhere among the commonest antiquarian relics are the earthen\nincense-pots in which \u2018copalli\u2019 (whence our word copal) and bitumen\nwere burnt.[901] Though incense was hardly usual in the ancient\nreligion of China, yet in modern Chinese houses and temples the\n\u2018joss-stick\u2019 and censer do honour to all divine beings, from the\nancestral manes to the great gods and Heaven and Earth.[902] The\nhistory of incense in the religion of Greece and Rome points the\ncontrast between old thrift and new extravagance, where the early\nfumigations with herbs and chips of fragrant wood are contrasted with\nthe later oriental perfumes, myrrh and cassia and frankincense.[903]\nIn the temples of ancient Egypt, numberless representations of\nsacrificial ceremony show the burning of the incense-pellets in\ncensers before the images of the gods; and Plutarch speaks of the\nincense burnt thrice daily to the Sun, resin at his rising, myrrh at\nhis meridian, kuphi at his setting.[904] The ordinance held as\nprominent a place among the Semitic nations. At the yearly festival of\nBel in Babylon, the Chald\u00e6ans are declared by Herodotus to have burned\na thousand talents of incense on the large altar in the temple where\nsat his golden image.[905] In the records of ancient Israel, there has\ncome down to us the very recipe for compounding incense after the art\nof the apothecary. The priests carried every man his censer, and on\nthe altar of incense, overlaid with gold, standing before the vail in\nthe tabernacle, sweet spices were burned morn and even, a perpetual\nincense before the Lord.[906]\n\nThe sacrifice by fire is familiar to the religion of North American\ntribes. Thus the Algonquins knew the practice of casting into the fire\nthe first morsel of the feast; and throwing fat into the flames for the\nspirits, they would pray to them \u2018make us find food.\u2019 Catlin has\ndescribed and sketched the Mandans dancing round the fire where the\nfirst kettleful of the green-corn is being burned, an offering to the\nGreat Spirit before the feast begins.[907] The Peruvians burnt llamas as\nofferings to the Creator, Sun, Moon, and Thunder, and other lesser\ndeities. As to the operation of sacrifice, an idea of theirs comes well\ninto view in the legend of Manco Ccapac ordering the sacrifice of the\nmost beautiful of his sons, \u2018cutting off his head, and sprinkling the\nblood over the fire, that the smoke might reach the Maker of heaven and\nearth.\u2019[908] In Siberia the sacrifices of the Tunguz and Buraets, in the\ncourse of which bits of meat and liver and fat are cast into the fire,\ncarry on the same idea.[909] Chinese sacrifices to sun and moon, stars\nand constellations, show their purpose in most definite fashion; beasts\nand even silks and precious stones are burned, that their vapour may\nascend to these heavenly spirits.[910] No less significant, though in a\ndifferent sense, is the Siamese offering to the household deity, incense\nand arrack and rice steaming hot; he does not eat it all, not always any\npart of it, it is the fragrant steam which he loves to inhale.[911]\nLooking now to the records of Aryan sacrifice, views similar to these\nare not obscurely expressed. When the Brahman burns the offerings on the\naltar-fire, they are received by Agni the divine Fire, mouth of the\ngods, messenger of the All-knowing, to whom is chanted the Vedic\nstrophe, \u2018Agni! the sacrifice which thou encompassest whole, it goes\nunto the gods!\u2019[912] The Homeric poems show the plain meaning of the\nhecatombs of old barbaric Greece, where the savour of the burnt offering\nwent up in wreathing smoke to heaven, \u2018\u039a\u03bd\u03af\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7 \u03b4\u2019 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u1f78\u03bd \u1f36\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd \u1f10\u03bb\u03b9\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\n\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c0\u03bd\u1ff7.\u2019[913] Passed into a far other stage of history, men\u2019s minds\nhad not lost sight of the archaic thought even in Porphyry\u2019s time, for\nhe knows how the demons who desire to be gods rejoice in the libations\nand fumes of sacrifice, whereby their spiritual and bodily substance\nfattens, for this lives on the steam and vapours and is strengthened by\nthe fumes of the blood and flesh.[914]\n\nThe view of commentators that sacrifice, as a religious act of remote\nantiquity and world-wide prevalence, was adopted, regulated, and\nsanctioned in the Jewish law, is in agreement with the general\nethnography of the subject. Here sacrifice appears not with the lower\nconception of a gift acceptable and even beneficial to deity, but with\nthe higher significance of devout homage or expiation for sin. As is so\nusual in the history of religion, the offering consisted in general of\nfood, and the consummation of the sacrifice was by fire. To the\nceremonial details of the sacrificial rites of Israel, whether\nprescribing the burning of the carcases of oxen and sheep or of the\nbloodless gifts of flour mingled with oil, there is appended again and\nagain the explanation of the intent of the rite; it is \u2018an offering made\nby fire, of a sweet savour unto the Lord.\u2019 The copious records of\nsacrifice in the Old Testament enable us to follow its expansion from\nthe simple patriarchal forms of a pastoral tribe, to the huge and\ncomplex system organized to carry on the ancient service in a now\npopulous and settled kingdom. Among writers on the Jewish religion, Dean\nStanley has vividly portrayed the aspect of the Temple, with the flocks\nof sheep and droves of cattle crowding its courts, the vast apparatus of\nslaughter, the great altar of burnt-offering towering above the people,\nwhere the carcases were laid, the drain beneath to carry off the streams\nof blood. To this historian, in sympathy rather with the spirit of the\nprophet than the ceremony of the priest, it is a congenial task to dwell\nupon the great movement in later Judaism to maintain the place of\nethical above ceremonial religion.[915] In those times of Hebrew\nhistory, the prophets turned with stern rebuke on those who ranked\nceremonial ordinance above weightier matters of the law. \u2018I desired\nmercy and not sacrifice, and the knowledge of God more than burnt\nofferings.\u2019 \u2018I delight not in the blood of bullocks, or of lambs, or of\nhe goats.... Wash you, make you clean; put away the evil of your doings\nfrom before mine eyes. Cease to do evil, learn to do well.\u2019\n\nContinuing the enquiry into the physical operation ascribed to\nsacrifice, we turn to a different conception. It is an idea well vouched\nfor in the lower culture, that the deity, while leaving apparently\nuntouched the offering set out before him, may nevertheless partake of\nor abstract what in a loose way may be described as its essence. The\nZulus leave the flesh of the sacrificed bullock all night, and the\ndivine ancestral spirits come and eat, yet next morning everything\nremains just as it was. Describing this practice, a native Zulu thus\nna\u00efvely comments on it: \u2018But when we ask, \u201cWhat do the Amadhlozi eat?\nfor in the morning we still see all the meat,\u201d the old men say, \u201cThe\nAmatongo lick it.\u201d And we are unable to contradict them, but are silent,\nfor they are older than we, and tell us all things and we listen; for we\nare told all things, and assent without seeing clearly whether they are\ntrue or not.\u2019[916] Such imagination was familiar to the native religion\nof the West Indian islands. In Columbus\u2019 time, and with particular\nreference to Hispaniola, Roman Pane describes the native mode of\nsacrifice. Upon any solemn day, when they provide much to eat, whether\nfish, flesh, or any other thing, they put it all into the house of the\ncemis, that the idol may feed on it. The next day they carry all home,\nafter the cemi has eaten. And God so help them (says the friar), as the\ncemi eats of that or anything else, they being inanimate stocks or\nstones. A century and a half later, a similar notion still prevailed in\nthese islands. Nothing could show it more neatly than the fancy of the\nCaribs that they could hear the spirits in the night moving the vessels\nand champing the food set out for them, yet next morning there was\nnothing touched; it was held that the viands thus partaken of by the\nspirits had become holy, so that only the old men and considerable\npeople might taste them, and even these required a certain bodily\npurity.[917] Islanders of Pulo Aur, though admitting that their banished\ndisease-spirits did not actually consume the grains of rice set out for\nthem, nevertheless believed them to appropriate its essence.[918] In\nIndia, among the indigenes of the Garo hills, we hear of the head and\nblood of the sacrificed animal being placed with some rice under a\nbamboo arch covered with a white cloth; the god comes and takes what he\nwants, and after a time this special offering is dressed for the company\nwith the rest of the animal.[919] The Khond deities live on the flavours\nand essences drawn from the offerings of their votaries, or from animals\nor grain which they cause to die or disappear.[920] When the Buraets of\nSiberia have sacrificed a sheep and boiled the mutton, they set it up on\na scaffold for the gods while the shaman is chanting his song, and then\nthemselves fall to.[921] And thus, in the folklore of medi\u00e6val Europe,\nDomina Abundia would come with her dames into the houses at night, and\neat and drink from the vessels left uncovered for their increase-giving\nvisit, yet nothing was consumed.[922]\n\nThe extreme animistic view of sacrifice is that the soul of the offered\nanimal or thing is abstracted by or transmitted to the deity. This\nnotion of spirits taking souls is in a somewhat different way\nexemplified among the Binua of Johore, who hold that the evil\nRiver-spirits inflict diseases on man by feeding on the \u2018semangat,\u2019 or\nunsubstantial body (in ordinary parlance the spirit) in which his life\nresides,[923] while the Karen demon devours not the body but the \u2018la,\u2019\nspirit or vital principle; thus when it eats a man\u2019s eyes, their\nmaterial part remains, but they are blind.[924] Now an idea similar to\nthis furnished the Polynesians with a theory of sacrifice. The priest\nmight send commissions by the sacrificed human victim; spirits of the\ndead are eaten by the gods or demons; the spiritual part of the\nsacrifices is eaten by the spirit of the idol (i.e. the deity dwelling\nor embodied in the idol) before whom it is presented.[925] Of the\nFijians it is observed that of the great offerings of food native belief\napportions merely the soul to the gods, who are described as being\nenormous eaters; the substance is consumed by the worshippers. As in\nvarious other districts of the world, human sacrifice is here in fact a\nmeat-offering; cannibalism is a part of the Fijian religion, and the\ngods are described as delighting in human flesh.[926] Such ideas are\nexplicit among Indian tribes of the American lakes, who consider that\nofferings, whether abandoned or consumed by the worshippers, go in a\nspiritual form to the spirit they are devoted to. Native legends afford\nthe clearest illustrations. The following is a passage from an Ottawa\ntale which recounts the adventures of Wassamo, he who was conveyed by\nthe spirit-maiden to the lodge of her father, the Spirit of the Sand\nDowns, down below the waters of Lake Superior. \u2018Son-in-law,\u2019 said the\nOld Spirit, \u2018I am in want of tobacco. You shall return to visit your\nparents, and can make known my wishes. For it is very seldom that those\nfew who pass these Sand Hills, offer a piece of tobacco. When they do\nit, it immediately comes to me. Just so,\u2019 he added, putting his hand out\nof the side of the lodge, and drawing in several pieces of tobacco,\nwhich some one at that moment happened to offer to the Spirit, for a\nsmooth lake and prosperous voyage. \u2018You see,\u2019 he said, \u2018every thing\noffered me on earth, comes immediately to the side of my lodge.\u2019 Wassamo\nsaw the women also putting their hands to the side of the lodge, and\nthen handing round something, of which all partook. This he found to be\nofferings of food made by mortals on earth. The distinctly spiritual\nnature of this transmission is shown immediately after, for Wassamo\ncannot eat such mere spirit-food, wherefore his spirit-wife puts out her\nhand from the lodge and takes in a material fish out of the lake to cook\nfor him.[927] Another Ottawa legend, the already cited nature-myth of\nthe Sun and Moon, is of much interest not only for its display of this\nspecial thought, but as showing clearly the motives with which savage\nanimists offer sacrifices to their deities, and consider these deities\nto accept them. Onowuttokwutto, the Ojibwa youth who has followed the\nMoon up to the lovely heaven-prairies to be her husband, is taken one\nday by her brother the Sun to see how he gets his dinner. The two look\ndown together through the hole in the sky upon the earth below, the Sun\npoints out a group of children playing beside a lodge, at the same time\nthrowing a tiny stone to hit a beautiful boy. The child falls, they see\nhim carried into the lodge, they hear the sound of the sheesheegwun (the\nrattle), and the song and prayer of the medicine-man that the child\u2019s\nlife may be spared. To this entreaty of the medicine-man, the Sun makes\nanswer, \u2018Send me up the white dog.\u2019 Then the two spectators above could\ndistinguish on the earth the hurry and bustle of preparation for a\nfeast, a white dog killed and singed, and the people who were called\nassembling at the lodge. While these things were passing, the Sun\naddressed himself to Onowuttokwutto, saying, \u2018There are among you in the\nlower world some whom you call great medicine-men; but it is because\ntheir ears are open, and they hear my voice, when I have struck any one,\nthat they are able to give relief to the sick. They direct the people to\nsend me whatever I call for and when they have sent it, I remove my hand\nfrom those I had made sick.\u2019 When he had said this, the white dog was\nparcelled out in dishes for those that were at the feast; then the\nmedicine-man when they were about to begin to eat, said, \u2018We send thee\nthis, Great Manito.\u2019 Immediately the Sun and his Ojibwa companion saw\nthe dog, cooked and ready to be eaten, rising to them through the\nair\u2014and then and there they dined upon it.[928] How such ideas bear on\nthe meaning of human sacrifice, we may perhaps judge from this prayer of\nthe Iroquois, offering a human victim to the War-god: \u2018To thee, O Spirit\nArieskoi, we slay this sacrifice, that thou mayst feed upon the flesh,\nand be moved to give us henceforth luck and victory over our\nenemies!\u2019[929] So among the Aztec prayers, there occurs this one\naddressed to Tezcatlipoca-Yautl in time of war: \u2018Lord of battles; it is\na very certain and sure thing, that a great war is beginning to make,\nordain, form, and concert itself; the War-god opens his mouth, hungry to\nswallow the blood of many who shall die in this war; it seems that the\nSun and the Earth-God Tlatecutli desire to rejoice; they desire to give\nmeat and drink to the gods of Heaven and Hades, making them a banquet of\nthe flesh and blood of the men who are to die in this war,\u2019 &c.[930]\nThere is remarkable definiteness in the Peruvian idea that the souls of\nhuman victims are transmitted to another life in divine as in funeral\nsacrifice; at one great ceremony, where children of each tribe were\nsacrificed to propitiate the gods, \u2018they strangled the children, first\ngiving them to eat and drink, that they might not enter the presence of\nthe Creator discontented and hungry.\u2019[931] Similar ideas of spiritual\nsacrifice appear in other regions of the world. Thus in West Africa we\nread of the tree-fetish enjoying the spirit of the food-offering, but\nleaving its substance, and an account of the religion of the Gold Coast\nmentions how each great wong or deity has his house, and his priest and\npriestess to clean the room and give him daily bread kneaded with\npalm-oil, \u2018of which, as of all gifts of this kind, the wong eats the\ninvisible soul.\u2019[932] So, in India, the Limbus of Darjeeling make small\nofferings of grain, vegetables, and sugar-cane, and sacrifice cows,\npigs, fowls, &c., on the declared principle \u2018the life breath to the\ngods, the flesh to ourselves.\u2019[933] It seems likely that such meaning\nmay largely explain the sacrificial practices of other religions. In\nconjunction with these accounts, the unequivocal meaning of funeral\nsacrifices, whereby offerings are conveyed spiritually into the\npossession of spirits of the dead, may perhaps justify us in inferring\nthat similar ideas of spiritual transmission prevail extensively among\nthe many nations whose sacrificial rites we know in fact, but cannot\ntrace with certainty to their original significance.\n\nHaving thus examined the manner in which the operation of sacrifice is\nconsidered to take physical effect, whether indefinitely or definitely,\nand having distinguished its actual transmission as either substantial,\nessential, or spiritual, let us now follow the question of the\nsacrificer\u2019s motive in presenting the sacrifice. Important and complex\nas this problem is, its key is so obvious that it may be almost\nthroughout treated by mere statement of general principle. If the main\nproposition of animistic natural religion be granted, that the idea of\nthe human soul is the model of the idea of deity, then the analogy of\nman\u2019s dealings with man ought, _inter alia_, to explain his motives in\nsacrifice. It does so, and very fully. The proposition may be maintained\nin wide generality, that the common man\u2019s present to the great man, to\ngain good or avert evil, to ask aid or to condone offence, needs only\nsubstitution of deity for chief, and proper adaptation of the means of\nconveying the gift to him, to produce a logical doctrine of sacrificial\nrites, in great measure explaining their purpose directly as they stand,\nand elsewhere suggesting what was the original meaning which has passed\ninto changed shape in the course of ages. Instead of offering a special\ncollection of evidence here on this proposition, it may be enough to ask\nattentive reference to any extensive general collection of accounts of\nsacrifice, such for instance as those cited for various purposes in\nthese volumes. It will be noticed that offerings to divinities may be\nclassed in the same way as earthly gifts. The occasional gift made to\nmeet some present emergency, the periodical tribute brought by subject\nto lord, the royalty paid to secure possession or protection of acquired\nwealth, all these have their evident and well-marked analogues in the\nsacrificial systems of the world. It may impress some minds with a\nstronger sense of the sufficiency of this theory of sacrifice, to\nconsider how the transition is made in the same imperceptible way from\nthe idea of substantial value received, to that of ceremonial homage\nrendered, whether the recipient be man or god. We do not find it easy to\nanalyse the impression which a gift makes on our own feelings, and to\nseparate the actual value of the object from the sense of gratification\nin the giver\u2019s good-will or respect, and thus we may well scruple to\ndefine closely how uncultured men work out this very same distinction in\ntheir dealings with their deities. In a general way it may be held that\nthe idea of practical acceptableness of the food or valuables presented\nto the deity, begins early to shade into the sentiment of divine\ngratification or propitiation by a reverent offering, though in itself\nof not much account to so mighty a divine personage. These two stages of\nthe sacrificial idea may be fairly contrasted, the one among the Karens\nwho offer to a demon arrack or grain or a portion of the game they kill,\nconsidering invocation of no avail without a gift,[934] the other among\nthe negroes of Sierra Leone, who sacrifice an ox \u2018to make God glad very\nmuch, and do Kroomen good.\u2019[935]\n\nHopeless as it may be in hundreds of accounts of sacrifice to guess\nwhether the worshipper means to benefit or merely to gratify the deity,\nthere are also numbers of cases in which the thought in the sacrificer\u2019s\nmind can scarcely be more than an idea of ceremonial homage. One of the\nbest-marked sacrificial rites of the world is that of offering by fire\nor otherwise morsels or libations at meals. This ranges from the\nreligion of the North American Indian to that of the classic Greek and\nthe ancient Chinese, and still holds its place in peasant custom in\nEurope.[936] Other groups of cases pass into yet more absolute formality\nof reverence. See the Guinea negro passing in silence by the sacred tree\nor cavern, and dropping a leaf or a sea-shell as an offering to the\nlocal spirit;[937] the Talein of Burma holding up the dish at his meal\nto offer it to the nat, before the company fall to;[938] the Hindu\nholding up a little of his rice in his fingers to the height of his\nforehead, and offering it in thought to Siva or Vishnu before he eats\nit.[939] The same argument applies to the cases ranging far and wide\nthrough religion, where, whatever may have been the original intent of\nthe sacrifice, it has practically passed into a feast. A banquet where\nthe deity has but the pretence and the worshippers the reality, may seem\nto us a mere mockery of sacrifice. Yet how sincerely men regard it as a\nreligious ceremony, the following anecdote of a North American Indian\ntribe will show. A travelling party of Potawatomis, for three days\nfinding no game, were in great distress for want of food. On the third\nnight, a chief, named Saugana, had a dream, wherein a person appearing\nto him showed him that they were suffering because they had set out\nwithout a sacrificial feast. He had started, on this important journey,\nthe dreamer said, \u2018as a white man would,\u2019 without making any religious\npreparation. Therefore the Great Spirit had punished them with scarcity.\nNow, however, twelve men were to go and kill four deer before the sun\nwas thus high (about nine o\u2019clock). The chief in his dream had seen\nthese four deer lying dead, the hunters duly killed them, and the\nsacrificial feast was held.[940] Further illustrative examples of such\nsacred banquets may be chosen through the long range of culture. The\nZulus propitiate the Heaven-god above with a sacrifice of black cattle,\nthat they may have rain; the village chiefs select the oxen, one is\nkilled, the rest are merely mentioned; the flesh of the slaughtered ox\nis eaten in the house in perfect silence, a token of humble submission;\nthe bones are burnt outside the village; and after the feast they chant\nin musical sounds, a song without words.[941] The Serwatty Islanders\nsacrifice buffaloes, pigs, goats, and fowls to the idols when an\nindividual or the community undertakes an affair or expedition of\nimportance, and as the carcases are devoured by the devotees, this\nensures a respectable attendance when the offerings are numerous.[942]\nThus among rude tribes of Northern India, sacrifices of beasts are\naccompanied by libations of fermented liquor, and in fact sacrifice and\nfeast are convertible words.[943] Among the Aztecs, prisoners of war\nfurnished first an acceptable sacrifice to the deity, and then the\nstaple of a feast for the captors and their friends;[944] while in\nancient Peru whole flocks of sacrificed llamas were eaten by the\npeople.[945] The history of Greek religion plainly records the\ntransition from the early holocausts devoted by fire to the gods, to the\ngreat festivals where the sacrifices provided meat for the public\nbanquets held to honour them in ceremonial homage.[946]\n\nBeside this development from gift to homage, there arises also a\ndoctrine that the gist of sacrifice is rather in the worshipper giving\nsomething precious to himself, than in the deity receiving benefit. This\nmay be called the abnegation-theory, and its origin may be fairly\nexplained by considering it as derived from the original gift-theory.\nTaking our own feelings again for a guide, we know how it satisfies us\nto have done our part in giving, even if the gift be ineffectual, and\nhow we scruple to take it back if not received, but rather get rid of it\nin some other way\u2014it is corban. Thus we may enter into the feelings of\nthe Assinaboin Indians, who considered that the blankets and pieces of\ncloth and brass kettles and such valuables abandoned in the woods as a\nmedicine-sacrifice, might be carried off by any friendly party who\nchanced to discover them;[947] or of the Ava Buddhists bringing to the\ntemples offerings of boiled rice and sweetmeats and coco-nut fried in\noil, and never attempting to disturb the crows and wild dogs who\ndevoured it before their eyes;[948] of the modern Moslems sacrificing\nsheep, oxen, and camels in the valley of Muna on their return from\nMekka, it being a meritorious act to give away a victim without eating\nany of it, while parties of Takruri watch around like vultures, ready to\npounce upon the carcases.[949] If the offering to the deity be continued\nin ceremonial survival, in spite of a growing conviction that after all\nthe deity does not need and cannot profit by it, sacrifice will be thus\nkept up in spite of having become practically unreasonable, and the\nworshipper may still continue to measure its efficacy by what it costs\nhim. But to take this abnegation theory as representing the primitive\nintention of sacrifice would be, I think, to turn history upside down.\nThe mere fact of sacrifices to deities, from the lowest to the highest\nlevels of culture, consisting to the extent of nine-tenths or more of\ngifts of food and sacred banquets, tells forcibly against the\noriginality of the abnegation-theory. If the primary motive had been to\ngive up valuable property, we should find the sacrifice of weapons,\ngarments, ornaments, as prevalent in the lower culture as in fact it is\nunusual. Looking at the subject in a general view, to suppose men to\nhave started by devoting to their deities what they considered\npractically useless to them, in order that they themselves might suffer\na loss which none is to gain, is to undervalue the practical sense of\nsavages, who are indeed apt to keep up old rites after their meaning has\nfallen away, but seldom introduce new ones without a rational motive. In\nstudying the religion of the lower races, men are found dealing with\ntheir gods in as practical and straightforward a way as with their\nneighbours, and where plain original purpose is found, it may well be\naccepted as sufficient explanation. Of the way in which gift can pass\ninto abnegation, an instructive example is forthcoming in Buddhism. It\nis held that sinful men are liable to be re-born in course of\ntransmigration as wandering, burning, miserable demons (preta). Now\nthese demons may receive offerings of food and drink from their\nrelatives, who can further benefit them by acts of merit done in their\nname, as giving food to priests, unless the wretched spirits be so low\nin merit that this cannot profit them. Yet even in this case it is held\nthat though the act does not benefit the spirit whom it is directed to,\nit does benefit the person who performs it.[950] Unequivocal examples of\nabnegation in sacrifice may be best found among those offerings of which\nthe value to the offerer utterly exceeds the value they can be supposed\nto have to the deity. The most striking of these found among nations\nsomewhat advanced in general culture, appear in the history of human\nsacrifice among Semitic nations. The king of Moab, when the battle was\ntoo sore for him, offered up his eldest son for a burnt-offering on the\nwall. The Ph\u0153nicians sacrificed the dearest children to propitiate the\nangry gods, they enhanced their value by choosing them of noble\nfamilies, and there was not wanting among them even the utmost proof\nthat the efficacy of the sacrifice lay in the sacrificer\u2019s grievous\nloss, for they must have for yearly sacrifice only-begotten sons of\ntheir parents (\u039a\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u1ff3 \u03b3\u03b1\u03c1 \u03a6\u03bf\u03af\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u03b5\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u2019 \u1f15\u03ba\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u1f14\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f14\u03b8\u03c5\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f00\u03b3\u03b1\u03c0\u03b7\u03c4\u1f70 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03bf\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u1fc6 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c4\u03ad\u03ba\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd). Heliogabalus brought the hideous Oriental rite\ninto Italy, choosing for victims to his solar divinity high-born lads\nthroughout the land. Of all such cases, the breaking of the sacred law\nof hospitality by sacrificing the guest to Jupiter hospitalis, \u0396\u03b5\u1f7a\u03c2\n\u03be\u03ad\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, shows in the strongest light in Semitic regions how the value to\nthe offerer might become the measure of acceptableness to the god.[951]\nIn such ways, slightly within the range of the lower culture, but\nstrongly in the religion of the higher nations, the transition from the\ngift-theory to the abnegation theory seems to have come about. Our\nlanguage displays it in a word, if we do but compare the sense of\npresentation and acceptance which \u2018sacrificium\u2019 had in a Roman temple,\nwith the sense of mere giving up and loss which \u2018sacrifice\u2019 conveys in\nan English market.\n\nThrough the history of sacrifice, it has occurred to many nations that\ncost may be economized without impairing efficiency. The result is seen\nin ingenious devices to lighten the burden on the worshipper by\nsubstituting something less valuable than what he ought to offer, or\npretends to. Even in such a matter as this, the innate correspondence in\nthe minds of men is enough to produce in distant and independent races\nso much uniformity of development, that three or four headings will\nserve to class the chief divisions of sacrificial substitution among\nmankind.\n\nTo give part for the whole is a proceeding so closely conformed to\nordinary tribute by subject to lord, that in great measure it comes\ndirectly under the gift-theory, and as such has already had its examples\nhere. It is only when the part given to the gods is of contemptible\nvalue in proportion to the whole, that full sacrifice passes gradually\ninto substitution. This is the case when in Madagascar the head of the\nsacrificed beast is set up on a pole, and the blood and fat are rubbed\non the stones of the altar, but the sacrificers and their friends and\nthe officiating priest devour the whole carcase;[952] when rich Guinea\nnegroes sacrifice a sheep or goat to the fetish, and feast on it with\ntheir friends, only leaving for the deity himself part of the\nentrails;[953] when Tunguz, sacrificing cattle, would give a bit of\nliver and fat and perhaps hang up the hide in the woods as the god\u2019s\nshare, or Mongols would set the heart of the beast before the idol till\nnext day.[954] Thus the most ancient whole burnt-offering of the Greeks\ndwindled to burning for the gods only the bones and fat of the\nslaughtered ox, while the worshippers feasted themselves on the meat, an\neconomic rite which takes mythic shape in the legend of the sly\nPrometheus giving Zeus the choice of the two parts of the sacrificed ox\nhe had divided for gods and mortals, on the one side bones covered\nseemly with white fat, on the other the joints hidden under repulsive\nhide and entrails.[955] With a different motive, not that of parsimony,\nbut of keeping up in survival an ancient custom, the Zarathustrian\nreligion performed by substitution the old Aryan sacrifice by fire. The\nVedic sacrifice Agnishtoma required that animals should be slain, and\ntheir flesh partly committed to the gods by fire, partly eaten by\nsacrificers and priests. The Parsi ceremony Izeshne, formal successor of\nthis bloody rite, requires no animal to be killed, but it suffices to\nplace the hair of an ox in a vessel, and show it to the fire.[956]\n\nThe offering of a part of the worshipper\u2019s own body is a most usual act,\nwhether its intention is simply that of gift or tribute, or whether it\nis considered as a _pars pro toto_ representing the whole man, either in\ndanger and requiring to be ransomed, or destined to actual sacrifice for\nanother and requiring to be redeemed. How a finger-joint may thus\nrepresent a whole body, is perfectly shown in the funeral sacrifices of\nthe Nicobar islanders; they bury the dead man\u2019s property with him, and\nhis wife has a finger-joint cut off (obviously a substitute for\nherself), and if she refuses even this, a deep notch is cut in a pillar\nof the house.[957] We are now concerned, however, with the\nfinger-offering, not as a sacrifice to the dead, but as addressed to\nother deities. This idea is apparently worked out in the Tongan custom\nof tutu-nima, the chopping off a portion of the little finger with a\nhatchet or sharp stone as a sacrifice to the gods, for the recovery of a\nsick relation of higher rank; Mariner saw children of five years old\nquarrelling for the honour of having it done to them.[958] In the Mandan\nceremonies of initiation into manhood, when the youth at last hung\nsenseless and (as they called it) lifeless by the cords made fast to\nsplints through his flesh, he was let down, and coming to himself\ncrawled on hands and feet round the medicine-lodge to where an old\nIndian sat with hatchet in his hand and a buffalo skull before him; then\nthe youth, holding up the little finger of his left hand to the Great\nSpirit, offered it as a sacrifice, and it was chopped off, and sometimes\nthe fore-finger afterwards, upon the skull.[959] In India, probably as a\nDravidian rather than Aryan rite, the practice with full meaning comes\ninto view; as Siva cut off his finger to appease the wrath of Kali, so\nin the southern provinces mothers will cut off their own fingers as\nsacrifices lest they lose their children, and one hears of a golden\nfinger being allowed instead, the substitute of a substitute.[960] The\nNew Zealanders hang locks of hair on branches of trees in the\nburying-ground, a recognised place for offerings.[961] That hair may be\na substitute for its owner is well shown in Malabar, where we read of\nthe demon being expelled from the possessed patient and flogged by the\nexorcist to a tree; there the sick man\u2019s hair is nailed fast, cut away,\nand left for a propitiation to the demon.[962] Thus there is some ground\nfor interpreting the consecration of the boy\u2019s cut hair in Europe as a\nrepresentative sacrifice.[963] As for the formal shedding of blood, it\nmay represent fatal bloodshed, as when the Jagas or priests in Quilombo\nonly marked with spears the children brought in, instead of running them\nthrough;[964] or when in Greece a few drops of human blood had come to\nstand instead of the earlier and more barbaric human sacrifice;[965] or\nwhen in our own time and under our own rule a Vishnuite who has\ninadvertently killed a monkey, a garuda, or a cobra, may expiate his\noffence by a mock sacrifice, in which a human victim is wounded in the\nthigh, pretends to die, and goes through the farce of resuscitation, his\ndrawn blood serving as substitute for his life.[966] One of the most\nnoteworthy cases of the survival of such formal bloodshed within modern\nmemory in Europe must be classed as not Aryan but Turanian, belonging as\nit does to the folklore of Esthonia. The sacrificer had to draw drops of\nblood from his forefinger, and therewith to pray this prayer, which was\ntaken down verbatim from one who remembered it:\u2014\u2018I name thee with my\nblood and betroth thee with my blood, and point thee out my buildings to\nbe blessed, stables and cattle-pens and hen-roosts; let them be blessed\nthrough my blood and thy might!\u2019 \u2018Be my joy, thou Almighty, upholder of\nmy forefathers, my protector and guardian of my life! I beseech thee by\nstrength of flesh and blood; receive the food that I bring thee to thy\nsustenance and the joy of my body; keep me as thy good child, and I will\nthank and praise thee. By the help of the Almighty, my own God, hearken\nto me! What through negligence I have done imperfectly toward thee, do\nthou forget! But keep it truly in remembrance, that I have honestly paid\nmy gifts to my parents\u2019 honour and joy and requital. Moreover falling\ndown I thrice kiss the earth. Be with me quick in doing, and peace be\nwith thee hitherto!\u2019[967] These various rites of finger-cutting,\nhair-cutting, and blood-letting, have required mention here from the\nspecial point of view of their connexion with sacrifice. They belong to\nan extensive series of practices, due to various and often obscure\nmotives, which come under the general heading of ceremonial mutilations.\n\nWhen a life is given for a life, it is still possible to offer a life\nless valued than the life in danger. When in Peru the Inca or some great\nlord fell sick, he would offer to the deity one of his sons, imploring\nhim to take this victim in his stead.[968] The Greeks found it\nsufficient to offer to the gods criminals or captives;[969] and the like\nwas the practice of the heathen tribes of northern Europe, to whom\nindeed Christian dealers were accused of selling slaves for sacrificial\npurposes.[970] Among such accounts, the typical story belongs to Punic\nhistory. The Carthaginians, overcome and hard pressed in the war with\nAgathokles, set down the defeat to divine wrath. Now Kronos had in\nformer times received his sacrifice of the chosen of their sons, but of\nlate they had put him off with children bought and nourished for the\npurpose. In fact they had obeyed the sacrificer\u2019s natural tendency to\nsubstitution, but now in time of misfortune the reaction set in. To\nbalance the account and condone the parsimonious fraud, a monstrous\nsacrifice was celebrated. Two hundred children, of the noblest of the\nland, were brought to the idol. \u2018For there was among them a brazen\nstatue of Kronos, holding out his hands sloping downward, so that the\nchild placed on them rolled off and fell into a certain chasm full of\nfire.\u2019[971] The Ph\u0153nician god here called Kronos is commonly though not\ncertainly identified with Moloch. Next, it will help us to realize how\nthe sacrifice of an animal may atone for a human life, if we notice in\nSouth Africa how a Zulu will redeem a lost child from the finder by a\nbullock, or a Kimbunda will expiate the blood of a slave by the offering\nof an ox, whose blood will wash away the other.[972] For instances of\nthe animal substituted for man in sacrifice the following may serve.\nAmong the Khonds of Orissa, when Colonel Macpherson was engaged in\nputting down the sacrifice of human victims by the sect of the\nEarth-goddess, they at once began to discuss the plan of sacrificing\ncattle by way of substitutes. Now there is some reason to think that\nthis same course of ceremonial change may account for the following\nsacrificial practice in the other Khond sect. It appears that those who\nworship the Light-god hold a festival in his honour, when they slaughter\na buffalo in commemoration of the time when, as they say, the\nEarth-goddess was prevailing on men to offer human sacrifices to her,\nbut the Light-god sent a tribe-deity who crushed the bloody-minded\nEarth-goddess under a mountain, and dragged a buffalo out of the jungle,\nsaying, \u2018Liberate the man, and sacrifice the buffalo!\u2019[973] This legend,\ndivested of its mythic garb, may really record a historical substitution\nof animal for human sacrifice. In Ceylon, the exorcist will demand the\nname of the demon possessing a demoniac, and the patient in frenzy\nanswers, giving the demon\u2019s name, \u2018I am So-and-so, I demand a human\nsacrifice and will not go out without!\u2019 The victim is promised, the\npatient comes to from the fit, and a few weeks later the sacrifice is\nmade, but instead of a man they offer a fowl.[974] Classic examples of\nsubstitution of this sort may be found in the sacrifice of a doe for a\nvirgin to Artemis in Laodic\u00e6a, a goat for a boy to Dionysos at Potni\u00e6.\nThere appears to be Semitic connexion here, as there clearly is in the\nstory of the \u00c6olians of Tenedos sacrificing to Melikertes (Melkarth)\ninstead of a new-born child a new-born calf, shoeing it with buskins and\ntending the mother-cow as if a human mother.[975]\n\nOne step more in the course of substitution leads the worshipper to make\nhis sacrifice by effigy. An instructive example of the way in which this\nkind of substitution arises may be found in the rites of ancient Mexico.\nAt the yearly festival of the water-gods and mountain-gods, certain\nactual sacrifices of human victims took place in the temples. At the\nsame time, in the houses of the people, there was celebrated an\nunequivocal but harmless imitation of this bloody rite. They made paste\nimages, adored them, and in due pretence of sacrifice cut them open at\nthe breast, took out their hearts, cut off their heads, divided and\ndevoured their limbs.[976] In the classic religions of Greece and Rome,\nthe desire to keep up the consecrated rites of ages more barbaric, more\nbloodthirsty, or more profuse, worked itself out in many a compromise of\nthis class, such as the brazen statues offered for human victims, the\ncakes of dough or wax in the figure of the beasts for which they were\npresented as symbolic substitutes.[977] Not for economy, but to avoid\ntaking life, Brahmanic sacrifice has been known to be brought down to\noffering models of the victim-animals in meal and butter.[978] The\nmodern Chinese, whose satisfaction in this kind of make-believe is so\nwell shown by their despatching paper figures to serve as attendants for\nthe dead, work out in the same fanciful way the idea of the sacrificial\neffigy, in propitiating the presiding deity of the year for the cure of\na sick man. The rude figure of a man is drawn on or cut out of a piece\nof paper, pasted on a slip of bamboo, and stuck upright in a packet of\nmock-money. With proper exorcism, this representative is carried out\ninto the street with the disease, the priest squirts water from his\nmouth over patient, image, and mock-money, the two latter are burnt, and\nthe company eat up the little feast laid out for the year-deity.[979]\nThere is curious historical significance in the custom at the inundation\nof the Nile at Cairo, of setting up a conical pillar of earth which the\nflood washes away as it rises. This is called the ar\u00fbseh or bride, and\nappears to be a substitute introduced under humaner Moslem influence,\nfor the young virgin in gay apparel who in older time was thrown into\nthe river, a sacrifice to obtain a plentiful inundation.[980] Again, the\npatient\u2019s offering the model of his diseased limb is distinctly of the\nnature of a sacrifice, whether it be propitiatory offering before cure,\nor thank-offering after. On the one hand, the ex-voto models of arms and\nears dedicated in ancient Egyptian temples are thought to be grateful\nmemorials,[981] as seems to have been the case with metal models of\nfaces, breasts, hands, &c., in B\u0153otian temples.[982] On the other hand,\nthere are cases where the model and, as it were, substitute of the\ndiseased part is given to obtain a cure; thus in early Christian times\nin Germany protest was made against the heathen custom of hanging up\ncarved wooden limbs to a helpful idol for relief,[983] and in modern\nIndia the pilgrim coming for cure will deposit in the temple the image\nof his diseased limb, in gold or silver or copper according to his\nmeans.[984]\n\nIf now we look for the sacrificial idea within the range of modern\nChristendom, we shall find it in two ways not obscurely manifest. It\nsurvives in traditional folklore, and it holds a place in established\nreligion. One of its most remarkable survivals may be seen in Bulgaria,\nwhere sacrifice of live victims is to this day one of the accepted rites\nof the land. They sacrifice a lamb on St. George\u2019s day, telling to\naccount for the custom a legend which combines the episodes of the\noffering of Isaac and the miracle of the Three Children. On the feast of\nthe Panagia (Virgin Mary) sacrifices of lambs, kids, honey, wine, &c.,\nare offered in order that the children of the house may enjoy good\nhealth throughout the year. A little child divines by touching one of\nthree saints\u2019 candles to which the offering is to be dedicated; when the\nchoice is thus made, the bystanders each drink a cup of wine, saying\n\u2018Saint So-and-So, to thee is the offering.\u2019 Then they cut the throat of\nthe lamb, or smother the bees, and in the evening the whole village\nassembles to eat the various sacrifices, and the men end the ceremony\nwith the usual drunken bout.[985] Within the borders of Russia, many and\nvarious sacrifices are still offered; such is the horse with head\nsmeared with honey and mane decked with ribbons, cast into the river\nwith two millstones to its neck to appease the water-spirit, the\nVodyany, at his spiteful flood-time in early spring; and such is the\nportion of supper left out for the house-demon, the domovoy, who if not\nthus fed is apt to turn spirit-rapper, and knock the tables and benches\nabout at night.[986] In many another district of Europe, the tenacious\nmemory of the tiller of the soil has kept up in wondrous perfection\nheirlooms from pr\u00e6-Christian faiths. In Franconia, people will pour on\nthe ground a libation before drinking; entering a forest they will put\nofferings of bread and fruit on a stone, to avert the attacks of the\ndemon of the woods, the \u2018bilberry-man;\u2019 the bakers will throw white\nrolls into the oven flue for luck, and say, \u2018Here, devil, they are\nthine!\u2019 The Carinthian peasant will fodder the wind by setting up a dish\nof food in a tree before his house, and the fire by casting in lard and\ndripping, in order that gale and conflagration may not hurt him. At\nleast up to the end of the 18th century this most direct elemental\nsacrifice might be seen in Germany at the midsummer festival in the most\nperfect form; some of the porridge from the table was thrown into the\nfire, and some into running water, some was buried in the earth, and\nsome smeared on leaves and put on the chimney-top for the winds.[987]\nRelics of such ancient sacrifice may be found in Scandinavia to this\nday; to give but one example, the old country altars, rough earth-fast\nstones with cup-like hollows, are still visited by mothers whose\nchildren have been smitten with sickness by the trolls, and who smear\nlard into the hollows and leave rag-dolls as offerings.[988] France may\nbe represented by the country-women\u2019s custom of beginning a meal by\nthrowing down a spoonful of milk or bouillon; and by the record of the\ncustom of Andrieux in Dauphiny, where at the solstice the villagers went\nout upon the bridge when the sun rose, and offered him an omelet.[989]\nThe custom of burning alive the finest calf, to save a murrain-struck\nherd, had its last examples in Cornwall in the 19th century; the records\nof bealtuinn sacrifices in Scotland continue in the Highlands within a\ncentury ago; and Scotchmen still living remember the corner of a field\nbeing left untilled for the Goodman\u2019s Croft (i.e., the Devil\u2019s), but the\nprinciple of \u2018cheating the devil\u2019 was already in vogue, and the piece of\nland allotted was but a worthless scrap.[990] It is a remnant of old\nsacrificial rite, when the Swedes still bake at yule-tide a cake in the\nshape of a boar, representing the boar sacrificed of old to Freyr, and\nOxford to this day commemorates the same ancestral ceremony, when the\nboar\u2019s head is carried in to the Christmas feast at Queen\u2019s College,\nwith its appointed carol, \u2018Caput apri defero, Reddens laudes\nDomino.\u2019[991] With a lingering recollection of the old libations, the\nGerman toper\u2019s saying still runs that heeltaps are a devil\u2019s\noffering.[992]\n\nAs for sacrificial rites most fully and officially existing in modern\nChristendom, the presentation of ex-votos is one. The ecclesiastical\nopposition to the continuance of these classic thank-offerings was but\ntemporary and partial. In the 5th century it seems to have been usual to\noffer silver and gold eyes, feet, &c., to saints in acknowledgment of\ncures they had effected. At the beginning of the 16th century, Polydore\nVergil, describing the classic custom, goes on to say: \u2018In the same\nmanner do we now offer up in our churches sigillaria, that is, little\nimages of wax, and oscilla. As oft as any part of the body is hurt, as\nthe hand, foot, breast, we presently make a vow to God, and his saints,\nto whom upon our recovery we make an offering of that hand or foot or\nbreast shaped in wax, which custom has so far obtained that this kind of\nimages have passed to the other animals. Wherefore so for an ox, so for\na horse, so for a sheep, we place puppets in the temples. In which thing\nany modestly scrupulous person may perhaps say he knows not whether we\nare rivalling the religion or the superstition of the ancients.\u2019[993] In\nmodern Europe the custom prevails largely, but has perhaps somewhat\nsubsided into low levels of society, to judge by the general use of mock\nsilver and such-like worthless materials for the dedicated effigies. In\nChristian as in pr\u00e6-Christian temples, clouds of incense rise as of old.\nAbove all, though the ceremony of sacrifice did not form an original\npart of Christian worship, its prominent place in the ritual was\nobtained in early centuries. In that Christianity was recruited among\nnations to whom the conception of sacrifice was among the deepest of\nreligious ideas, and the ceremony of sacrifice among the sincerest\nefforts of worship, there arose an observance suited to supply the\nvacant place. This result was obtained not by new introduction, but by\ntransmutation. The solemn eucharistic meal of the primitive Christians\nin time assumed the name of the sacrifice of the mass, and was adapted\nto a ceremonial in which an offering of food and drink is set out by a\npriest on an altar in a temple, and consumed by priest and worshippers.\nThe natural conclusion of an ethnographic survey of sacrifice, is to\npoint to the controversy between Protestants and Catholics, for\ncenturies past one of the keenest which have divided the Christian\nworld, on this express question whether sacrifice is or is not a\nChristian rite.\n\nThe next group of rites to be considered comprises Fasting and certain\nother means of producing ecstasy and other morbid exaltation for\nreligious ends. In the foregoing researches on animism, it is frequently\nobserved or implied that the religious beliefs of the lower races are in\nno small measure based on the evidence of visions and dreams, regarded\nas actual intercourse with spiritual beings. From the earliest phases of\nculture upward, we find religion in close alliance with ecstatic\nphysical conditions. These are brought on by various means of\ninterference with the healthy action of body and mind, and it is\nscarcely needful to remind the reader that, according to philosophic\ntheories antecedent to those of modern medicine, such morbid\ndisturbances are explained as symptoms of divine visitation, or at least\nof superhuman spirituality. Among the strongest means of disturbing the\nfunctions of the mind so as to produce ecstatic vision, is fasting,\naccompanied as it so usually is with other privations, and with\nprolonged solitary contemplation in the desert or the forest. Among the\nordinary vicissitudes of savage life, the wild hunter has many a time to\ntry involuntarily the effects of such a life for days and weeks\ntogether, and under these circumstances he soon comes to see and talk\nwith phantoms which are to him visible personal spirits. The secret of\nspiritual intercourse thus learnt, he has thenceforth but to reproduce\nthe cause in order to renew the effects.\n\nThe rite of fasting, and the utter objective reality ascribed to what we\ncall its morbid symptoms, are shown in striking details among the savage\ntribes of North America. Among the Indians (the accounts mostly refer to\nthe Algonquin tribes), long and rigorous fasting is enjoined among boys\nand girls from a very early age; to be able to fast long is an enviable\ndistinction, and they will abstain from food three to seven days, or\neven more, taking only a little water. During these fasts, especial\nattention is paid to dreams. Thus Tanner tells the story of a certain\nNet-no-kwa, who at twelve years old fasted ten successive days, till in\na dream a man came and stood before her, and after speaking of many\nthings gave her two sticks, saying, \u2018I give you these to walk upon, and\nyour hair I give it to be like snow;\u2019 this assurance of extreme old age\nwas through life a support to her in times of danger and distress. At\nmanhood the Indian lad, retiring to a solitary place to fast and\nmeditate and pray, receives visionary impressions which stamp his\ncharacter for life, and especially he waits till there appears to him in\na dream some animal or thing which will be henceforth his \u2018medicine,\u2019\nthe fetish-representative of his manitu or protecting genius. For\ninstance, an aged warrior who had thus in his youth dreamed of a bat\ncoming to him, wore the skin of a bat on the crown of his head\nhenceforth, and was all his life invulnerable to his enemies as a bat on\nthe wing. In after life, an Indian who wants anything will fast till he\nhas a dream that his manitu will grant it him. While the men are away\nhunting, the children are sometimes made to fast, that in their dreams\nthey may obtain omens of the chase. Hunters fasting before an expedition\nare informed in dreams of the haunts of the game, and the means of\nappeasing the wrath of the bad spirits; if the dreamer fancies he sees\nan Indian who has been long dead, and hears him say, \u2018If thou wilt\nsacrifice to me thou shalt shoot deer at pleasure,\u2019 he will prepare a\nsacrifice, and burn the whole or part of a deer, in honour of the\napparition. Especially the \u2018meda\u2019 or \u2018medicine-man\u2019 receives in fasts\nmuch of his qualification for his sacred office. The Ojibwa prophetess,\nknown in after life as Catherine Wabose, in telling the story of her\nearly years, relates how at the age of womanhood she fasted in her\nsecluded lodge till she went up into the heavens and saw the spirit at\nthe entrance, the Bright Blue Sky; this was the first supernatural\ncommunication of her prophetic career. The account given to Schoolcraft\nby Chingwauk, an Algonquin chief deeply versed in the mystic lore and\npicture-writing of his people, is as follows: \u2018Chingwauk began by saying\nthat the ancient Indians made a great merit of fasting. They fasted\nsometimes six or seven days, till both their bodies and minds became\nfree and light, which prepared them to dream. The object of the ancient\nseers was to dream of the sun, as it was believed that such a dream\nwould enable them to see everything on the earth. And by fasting long\nand thinking much on the subject, they generally succeeded. Fasts and\ndreams were at first attempted at an early age. What a young man sees\nand experiences during these dreams and fasts, is adopted by him as\ntruth, and it becomes a principle to regulate his future life. He relies\nfor success on these revelations. If he has been much favoured in his\nfasts, and the people believe that he has the art of looking into\nfuturity, the path is open to the highest honours. The prophet, he\ncontinued, begins to try his power in secret, with only one assistant,\nwhose testimony is necessary should he succeed. As he goes on, he puts\ndown the figures of his dreams and revelations, by symbols, on bark or\nother material, till a whole winter is sometimes passed in pursuing the\nsubject, and he thus has a record of his principal revelations. If what\nhe predicts is verified, the assistant mentions it, and the record is\nthen appealed to as proof of his prophetic power and skill. Time\nincreases his fame. His _kee-ke\u00e9-wins_, or records, are finally shown to\nthe old people, who meet together and consult upon them, for the whole\nnation believe in these revelations. They in the end give their\napproval, and declare that he is gifted as a prophet\u2014is inspired with\nwisdom, and is fit to lead the opinions of the nation. Such, he\nconcluded, was the ancient custom, and the celebrated old war-captains\nrose to their power in this manner.\u2019 It remains to say that among these\nAmerican tribes, the \u2018jossakeed\u2019 or soothsayer prepares himself by\nfasting and the use of the sweating-bath for the state of convulsive\necstasy in which he utters the dictates of his familiar spirits.[994]\n\nThe practice of fasting is described in other districts of the\nuncultured world as carried on to produce similar ecstasy and\nsupernatural converse. The account by Roman Pane in the Life of Colon\ndescribes the practice in Hayti of fasting to obtain knowledge of future\nevents from the spirits (cemi); and a century or two later, rigorous\nfasting formed part of the apprentice\u2019s preparation for the craft of\n\u2018boy\u00e9\u2019 or sorcerer, evoker, consulter, propitiator, and exorciser of\nspirits.[995] The \u2018keeb\u00e8t\u2019 or conjurers of the Abipones were believed by\nthe natives to be able to inflict disease and death, cure all disorders,\nmake known distant and future events, cause rain, hail, and tempests,\ncall up the shades of the dead, put on the form of tigers, handle\nserpents unharmed, &c. These powers were imparted by diabolical\nassistance, and Father Dobrizhoffer thus describes the manner of\nobtaining them:\u2014\u2018Those who aspire to the office of juggler are said to\nsit upon an aged willow, overhanging some lake, and to abstain from food\nfor several days, till they begin to see into futurity. It always\nappeared probable to me that these rogues, from long fasting, contract a\nweakness of brain, a giddiness, and kind of delirium, which makes them\nimagine that they are gifted with superior wisdom, and give themselves\nout for magicians. They impose upon themselves first, and afterwards\nupon others.\u2019[996] The Malay, to make himself invulnerable, retires for\nthree days to solitude and scanty food in the jungle, and if on the\nthird day he dreams of a beautiful spirit descending to speak to him,\nthe charm is worked.[997] The Zulu doctor qualifies himself for\nintercourse with the \u2018amadhlozi,\u2019 or ghosts, from whom he is to obtain\ndirection in his craft, by spare abstemious diet, want, suffering,\ncastigation, and solitary wandering, till fainting fits or coma bring\nhim into direct intercourse with the spirits. These native diviners fast\noften, and are worn out by fastings, sometimes of several days\u2019\nduration, when they become partially or wholly ecstatic, and see\nvisions. So thoroughly is the connexion between fasting and spiritual\nintercourse acknowledged by the Zulus, that it has become a saying among\nthem, \u2018The continually stuffed body cannot see secret things.\u2019 They have\nno faith in a fat prophet.[998]\n\nThe effects thus looked for and attained by fasting among uncultured\ntribes continue into the midst of advanced civilization. No wonder that,\nin the Hindu tale, king Vasavadatta and his queen after a solemn penance\nand a three days\u2019 fast should see Siva in a dream and receive his\ngracious tidings; no wonder that, in the actual experience of to-day,\nthe Hindu yogi should bring on by fasting a state in which he can with\nbodily eyes behold the gods.[999] The Greek oracle-priests recognized\nfasting as a means of bringing on prophetic dreams and visions; the\nPythia of Delphi herself fasted for inspiration; Galen remarks that\nfasting dreams are the clearer.[1000] Through after ages, both cause and\nconsequence have held their places in Christendom. Thus Michael the\nArchangel, with sword in right hand and scales in left, appears to a\ncertain priest of Siponte, who during a twelvemonth\u2019s course of prayer\nand fasting had been asking if he would have a temple built in his\nhonour:\u2014\n\n \u2018precibus jejunia longis\n Addiderat, totoque orans se afflixerat anno.\u2019[1001]\n\nReading the narratives of the wondrous sights seen by St. Theresa and\nher companions, how the saint went in spirit into hell and saw the\ndarkness and fire and unutterable despair, how she had often by her side\nher good patrons Peter and Paul, how when she was raised in rapture\nabove the grate at the nunnery where she was to take the sacrament,\nSister Mary Baptist and others being present, they saw an angel by her\nwith a golden fiery dart at the end whereof was a little fire, and he\nthrust it through her heart and bowels and pulled them out with it,\nleaving her wholly inflamed with a great love of God\u2014the modern reader\nnaturally looks for details of physical condition and habit of life\namong the sisterhood, and as naturally finds that St. Theresa was of\nmorbid constitution and subject to trances from her childhood, in after\nlife subduing her flesh by long watchings and religious discipline, and\nkeeping severe fast during eight months of the year.[1002] It is\nneedless to multiply such medi\u00e6val records of fasts which have produced\ntheir natural effects in beatific vision\u2014are they not written page after\npage in the huge folios of the Bollandists? So long as fasting is\ncontinued as a religious rite, so long its consequences in morbid mental\nexaltation will continue the old and savage doctrine that morbid\nphantasy is supernatural experience. Bread and meat would have robbed\nthe ascetic of many an angel\u2019s visit; the opening of the refectory door\nmust many a time have closed the gates of heaven to his gaze.\n\nIt is indeed not the complete theory of fasting as a religious rite, but\nonly an important and perhaps original part of it, that here comes into\nview. Abstinence from food has a principal place among acts of\nself-mortification or penance, a province of religious ordinance into\nwhich the present argument scarcely enters. Looking at the practice of\nfasting here from an animistic point of view, as a process of bringing\non dreams and visions, it will be well to mention with it certain other\nmeans by which ecstatic phenomena are habitually induced.\n\nOne of these means is the use of drugs. In the West India Islands at the\ntime of the discovery, Columbus describes the religious ceremony of\nplacing a platter containing \u2018cohoba\u2019 powder on the head of the idol,\nthe worshippers then snuffing up this powder through a cane with two\nbranches put to the nose. Pane further describes how the native priest,\nwhen brought to a sick man, would put himself in communication with the\nspirits by thus snuffing cohoba, \u2018which makes him drunk, that he knows\nnot what he does, and so says many extraordinary things, wherein they\naffirm that they are talking with the cemis, and that from them it is\ntold them that the infirmity came.\u2019 On the Amazons, the Omaguas have\ncontinued to modern times the use of narcotic plants, producing an\nintoxication lasting twenty-four hours, during which they are subject to\nextraordinary visions; from one of these plants they obtain the \u2018curupa\u2019\npowder which they snuff into their nostrils with a Y-shaped reed.[1003]\nHere the similar names and uses of the drug plainly show historical\nconnexion between the Omaguas and the Antilles islanders. The\nCalifornian Indians would give children narcotic potions, in order to\ngain from the ensuing visions information about their enemies; and thus\nthe Mundrucus of North Brazil, desiring to discover murderers, would\nadminister such drinks to seers, in whose dreams the criminals\nappeared.[1004] The Darien Indians used the seeds of the Datura\nsanguinea to bring on in children prophetic delirium, in which they\nrevealed hidden treasure. In Peru the priests who talked with the\n\u2018huaca\u2019 or fetishes used to throw themselves into an ecstatic condition\nby a narcotic drink called \u2018tonca,\u2019 made from the same plant, whence its\nname of \u2018huacacacha\u2019 or fetish-herb.[1005] The Mexican priests also\nappear to have used an ointment or drink made with seeds of\n\u2018ololiuhqui,\u2019 which produced delirium and visions.[1006] In both\nAmericas tobacco served for such purposes. It must be noticed that\nsmoking is more or less practised among native races to produce full\nintoxication, the smoke being swallowed for the purpose. By smoking\ntobacco, the sorcerers of Brazilian tribes raised themselves to ecstasy\nin their convulsive orgies, and saw spirits; no wonder tobacco came to\nbe called the \u2018holy herb.\u2019[1007] So North American Indians held\nintoxication by tobacco to be supernatural ecstasy, and the dreams of\nmen in this state to be inspired.[1008] This idea may explain a\nremarkable proceeding of the Delaware Indians. At their festival in\nhonour of the Fire-god with his twelve attendant manitus, inside the\nhouse of sacrifice a small oven-hut was set up, consisting of twelve\npoles tied together at the top and covered with blankets, high enough\nfor a man to stand nearly upright within it. After the feast this oven\nwas heated with twelve red-hot stones, and twelve men crept inside. An\nold man threw twelve pipefulls of tobacco on these stones, and when the\npatients had borne to the utmost the heat and suffocating smoke, they\nwere taken out, generally falling in a swoon.[1009] This practice, which\nwas carried on in the last century, is remarkable for its coincidence\nwith the Scythian mode of purification after a funeral, as described by\nHerodotus. He relates that they make their hut with three stakes sloping\ntogether at the top and covered in with wooden felts; then they cast\nred-hot stones into a trough placed within and throw hemp-seed on them,\nwhich sends forth fumes such as no Greek vapour-bath could exceed, and\nthe Scyths in their sweating-hut roar with delight.[1010]\n\nNot to dwell on the ancient Aryan deification of an intoxicating drink,\nthe original of the divine Soma of the Hindus and the divine Haoma of\nthe Parsis, nor on the drunken orgies of the worship of Dionysos in\nancient Greece, we find more exact Old World analogues of the ecstatic\nmedicaments used in the lower culture. Such are the decoctions of\nthalass\u00e6gle which Pliny speaks of as drunk to produce delirium and\nvisions; the drugs mentioned by Hesychius, whereby Hekate was evoked;\nthe medi\u00e6val witch-ointments which brought visionary beings into the\npresence of the patient, transported him to the witches\u2019 sabbath,\nenabled him to turn into a beast.[1011] The survival of such practices\nis most thorough among the Persian dervishes of our own day. These\nmystics are not only opium-eaters, like so large a proportion of their\ncountrymen; they are hashish-smokers, and the effect of this drug is to\nbring them into a state of exaltation passing into utter hallucination.\nTo a patient in this condition, says Dr. Polak, a little stone in the\nroad will seem a great block that he must stride over; a gutter becomes\na wide stream to his eyes, and he calls for a boat to ferry him across;\nmen\u2019s voices sound like thunder in his ears; he fancies he has wings and\ncan rise from the ground. These ecstatic effects, in which miracle is\nmatter of hourly experience, are considered in Persia as high religious\ndevelopments; the visionaries and their rites are looked on as holy, and\nthey make converts.[1012]\n\nMany details of the production of ecstasy and swoon by bodily exercises,\nchanting and screaming, &c., have been incidentally given in describing\nthe doctrine of demoniacal possession. I will only further cite a few\ntypical cases to show that the practice of bringing on swoons or fits by\nreligious exercises, in reality or pretence, is one belonging originally\nto savagery, whence it has been continued into higher grades of\ncivilization. We may judge of the mental and bodily condition of the\npriest or sorcerer in Guyana, by his preparation for his sacred office.\nThis consisted in the first place in fasting and flagellation of extreme\nseverity; at the end of his fast he had to dance till he fell senseless,\nand was revived by a potion of tobacco-juice causing violent nausea and\nvomiting of blood; day after day this treatment was continued till the\ncandidate, brought into or confirmed in the condition of a\n\u2018convulsionary,\u2019 was ready to pass from patient into doctor.[1013]\nAgain, at the Winnebago medicine-feast, members of the fraternity\nassemble in a long arched booth, and with them the candidates for\ninitiation, whose preparation is a three days\u2019 fast, with severe\nsweating and steaming with herbs, under the direction of the old\nmedicine-men. The initiation is performed in the assembly by a number of\nmedicine-men. These advance in line, as many abreast as there are\ncandidates; holding their medicine-bags before them with both hands,\nthey dance forward slowly at first, uttering low guttural sounds as they\napproach the candidates, their step and voice increasing in energy,\nuntil with a violent \u2018Ough!\u2019 they thrust their medicine-bags at their\nbreasts. Instantly, as if struck with an electric shock, the candidates\nfall prostrate on their faces, their limbs extended, their muscles rigid\nand quivering. Blankets are now thrown over them, and they are suffered\nto lie thus a few moments; as soon as they show signs of recovering from\nthe shock, they are assisted to their feet and led forward.\nMedicine-bags are then put in their hands, and medicine-stones in their\nmouths; they are now medicine men or women, as the case may be, in full\ncommunion and fellowship; and they now go round the bower in company\nwith the old members, knocking others down promiscuously by thrusting\ntheir medicine-bags at them. A feast and dance to the music of drum and\nrattle carry on the festival.[1014] Another instance may be taken from\namong the Alfurus of Celebes, inviting Empong Lembej to descend into\ntheir midst. The priests chant, the chief priest with twitching and\ntrembling limbs turns his eyes towards heaven; Lembej descends into him,\nand with horrible gestures he springs upon a board, beats about with a\nbundle of leaves, leaps and dances, chanting legends of an ancient\ndeity. After some hours another priest relieves him, and sings of\nanother deity. So it goes on day and night till the fifth day, and then\nthe chief priest\u2019s tongue is cut, he falls into a swoon like death, and\nthey cover him up. They fumigate with benzoin the piece taken from his\ntongue, and swing a censer over his body, calling back his soul; he\nrevives and dances about, lively but speechless, till they give him back\nthe rest of his tongue, and with it his power of speech.[1015] Thus, in\nthe religion of uncultured races, the phenomenon of being \u2018struck\u2019 holds\nso recognised a position that impostors will even counterfeit it. In its\nmorbid nature, its genuine cases at least plainly correspond with the\nfits which history records among the convulsionnaires of St. Medard and\nthe enthusiasts of the Cevennes. Nor need we go even a generation back\nto see symptoms of the same type accepted as signs of grace among\nourselves. Medical descriptions of the scenes brought on by fanatical\npreachers at \u2018revivals\u2019 in England, Ireland, and America, are full of\ninterest to students of the history of religious rites. I will but quote\na single case. \u2018A young woman is described as lying extended at full\nlength; her eyes closed, her hands clasped and elevated, and her body\ncurved in a spasm so violent that it appeared to rest arch-like upon her\nheels and the back portion of her head. In that position she lay without\nspeech or motion for several minutes. Suddenly she uttered a terrific\nscream, and tore handfuls of hair from her uncovered head. Extending her\nopen hands in a repelling attitude of the most appalling terror, she\nexclaimed, \u201cOh, that fearful pit!\u201d During this paroxysm three strong men\nwere hardly able to restrain her. She extended her arms on either side,\nclutching spasmodically at the grass, shuddering with terror, and\nshrinking from some fearful inward vision; but she ultimately fell back\nexhausted, nerveless, and apparently insensible.\u2019[1016] Such\ndescriptions carry us far back in the history of the human mind, showing\nmodern men still in ignorant sincerity producing the very fits and\nswoons to which for untold ages savage tribes have given religious\nimport. These manifestations in modern Europe indeed form part of a\nrevival of religion, the religion of mental disease.\n\nFrom this series of rites, practical with often harmful practicality, we\nturn to a group of ceremonies whose characteristic is picturesque\nsymbolism. In discussing sun-myth and sun-worship, it has come into view\nhow deeply the association in men\u2019s mind of the east with light and\nwarmth, life and happiness and glory, of the west with darkness and\nchill, death and decay, has from remote ages rooted itself in religious\nbelief. It will illustrate and confirm this view to observe how the same\nsymbolism of east and west has taken shape in actual ceremony, giving\nrise to a series of practices concerning the posture of the dead in\ntheir graves and the living in their temples, practices which may be\nclassed under the general heading of Orientation.\n\nWhile the setting sun has shown to men, from savage ages onward, the\nwestern region of death, the rising sun has displayed a scene more\nhopeful, an eastern home of deity. It seems to be the working out of the\nsolar analogy, on the one hand in death as sunset, on the other in new\nlife as sunrise, that has produced two contrasted rules of burial, which\nagree in placing the dead in the sun\u2019s path, the line of east and west.\nThus the natives of Australia have in some districts well-marked\nthoughts of the western land of the dead, yet the custom of burying the\ndead sitting with face to the east is also known among them.[1017] The\nSamoans and Fijians, agreeing that the land of the departed lies in the\nfar west, bury the corpse lying with head east and feet west;[1018] the\nbody would but have to rise and walk straight onward to follow its soul\nhome. This idea is stated explicitly among the Winnebagos of North\nAmerica; they will sometimes bury a dead man sitting up to the breast in\na hole in the ground, looking westward; or graves are dug east and west,\nand the bodies laid in them with the head eastward, with the motive\n\u2018that they may look towards the happy land in the west.\u2019[1019] With\nthese customs may be compared those of certain South American tribes.\nThe Yumanas bury their dead bent double with faces looking toward the\nheavenly region of the sunrise, the home of their great good deity, who\nthey trust will take their souls with him to his dwelling;[1020] the\nGuarayos bury the corpses with heads turned to the east, for it is in\nthe eastern sky that their god Tamoi, the Ancient of Heaven, has his\nhappy hunting-grounds where the dead will meet again.[1021] On the other\nhand the Peruvian custom was to place the dead huddled up in a sitting\nposture and with faces turned to the west.[1022] Barbaric Asia may be\nrepresented by the modern Ainos of Yesso, burying the dead lying robed\nin white with the head to the east, \u2018because that is where the sun\nrises;\u2019 or by the Tunguz who bury with the head to the west; or by the\nmedi\u00e6val Tatars, raising a great mound over the dead, and setting up\nthereon a statue with face turned toward the east, holding a\ndrinking-cup in his hand before his navel; or by the modern Siamese, who\ndo not sleep with their heads to the west, because it is in this\nsignificant position that the dead are burned.[1023] The burial of the\ndead among the ancient Greeks in the line of east and west, whether\naccording to Athenian custom of the head toward the sunset, or the\nconverse, is another link in the chain of custom.[1024] Thus it is not\nto late and isolated fancy, but to the carrying on of ancient and\nwidespread solar ideas, that we trace the well-known legend that the\nbody of Christ was laid with the head toward the west, thus looking\neastward, and the Christian usage of digging graves east and west, which\nprevailed through medi\u00e6val times and is not yet forgotten. The rule of\nlaying the head to the west, and its meaning that the dead shall rise\nlooking toward the east, are perfectly stated in the following passage\nfrom an ecclesiastical treatise of the 16th century: \u2018Debet autem quis\nsic sepeliri, ut capite ad occidentem posito, pedes dirigat ad orientem,\nin quo quasi ipsa positione orat: et innuit quod promptus est, ut de\noccasu festinet ad ortum: de mundo ad seculum.\u2019[1025]\n\nWhere among the lower races sun-worship begins to consolidate itself in\nsystematic ritual, the orientation of the worshipper and the temple\nbecomes usual and distinct. The sun-worshipping Comanches, preparing for\nthe war-path, will place their weapons betimes on the east side of the\nlodge to receive the sun\u2019s first rays; it is a remnant of old solar\nrite, that the Christianized Pueblo Indians of New Mexico turn to the\nsun at his rising.[1026] It has been already noticed how in old times\neach morning at sunrise the Sun-chief of the Natchez of Louisiana stood\nfacing the east at the door of his house, and smoked toward the sun\nfirst, before he turned to the other three quarters of the world.[1027]\nThe cave-temple of the sun-worshipping Apalaches of Florida had its\nopening looking east, and within stood the priests on festival days at\ndawn, waiting till the first rays entered to begin the appointed rites\nof chant and incense and offering.[1028] In old Mexico, where\nsun-worship was the central doctrine of the complex religion, men knelt\nin prayer towards the east, and the doors of the sanctuaries looked\nmostly westward.[1029] It was characteristic of the solar worship of\nPeru that even the villages were habitually built on slopes toward the\neast, that the people might see and greet the national deity at his\nrising. In the temple of the sun at Cuzco, his splendid golden disc on\nthe western wall looked out through the eastern door, so that as he rose\nhis first beams fell upon it, reflected thence to light up the\nsanctuary.[1030]\n\nIn Asia, the ancient Aryan religion of the sun manifests itself not less\nplainly in rites of orientation. They have their place in the weary\nceremonial routine which the Brahman must daily accomplish. When he has\nperformed the dawn ablution, and meditated on the effulgent sun-light\nwhich is Brahma, the supreme soul, he proceeds to worship the sun,\nstanding on one foot and resting the other against his ankle or heel,\nlooking toward the east, and holding his hands open before him in a\nhollow form. At noon, when he has again adored the sun, it is sitting\nwith his face to the east that he must read his daily portion of the\nVeda; it is looking toward the east that his offering of barley and\nwater must be first presented to the gods, before he turns to north and\nsouth; it is with first and principal direction to the east that the\nconsecration of the fire and the sacrificial implements, a ceremony\nwhich is the groundwork of all his religious acts, has to be\nperformed.[1031] The significance of such reverence paid by adorers of\nthe sun to the glorious eastern region of his rising, may be heightened\nto us by setting beside it a ceremony of a darker faith, displaying the\nawe-struck horror of the western home of death. The antithesis to the\neastward consecration by the orthodox Brahmans is the westward\nconsecration by the Thugs, worshippers of Kali the death-goddess. In\nhonour of Kali their victims were murdered, and to her the sacred\npickaxe was consecrated, wherewith the graves of the slain were dug. At\nthe time of the suppression of Thuggee, Englishmen had the consecration\nof the pickaxe performed in make-believe in their presence by those who\nwell knew the dark ritual. On the dreadful implement no shadow of any\nliving thing must fall, its consecrator sits facing the west to perform\nthe fourfold washing and the sevenfold passing through the fire, and\nthen it being proved duly consecrated by the omen of the coco-nut\ndivided at a single cut, it is placed on the ground, and the bystanders\nworship it, turning to the west.[1032]\n\nThese two contrasted rites of east and west established themselves and\nstill remain established in modern European religion. In judging of the\ncourse of history that has brought about this state of things, it\nscarcely seems that Jewish influence was effective. The Jewish temple\nhad the entrance in the east, and the sanctuary in the west. Sun-worship\nwas an abomination to the Jews, and the orientation especially belonging\nto it appears as utterly opposed to Jewish usage, in Ezekiel\u2019s\nhorror-stricken vision: \u2018and, behold, at the door of the temple of\nJehovah, between the porch and the altar, about five-and-twenty men,\nwith their backs toward the temple of Jehovah, and their faces toward\nthe east, and they worshipped the sun toward the east.\u2019[1033] Nor is\nthere reason to suppose that in later ages such orientation gained\nground in Jewish ceremony. The solar rites of other nations whose ideas\nwere prominent in the early development of Christianity, are sufficient\nto account for the rise of Christian orientation. On the one hand there\nwas the Asiatic sun-worship, perhaps specially related to the veneration\nof the rising sun in old Persian religion, and which has left relics in\nthe east of the Turkish empire into modern years; Christian sects\npraying toward the sun, and Yezidis turning to the east as their kibleh\nand burying their dead looking thither.[1034] On the other hand,\norientation was recognized in classic Greek religion, not indeed in\nslavish obedience to a uniform law, but as a principle to be worked out\nin converse ways. Thus it was an Athenian practice for the temple to\nhave its entrance east, looking out through which the divine image stood\nto behold the rising sun. This rule it is that Lucian refers to, when he\ntalks of the delight of gazing toward the loveliest and most longed-for\nof the day, of welcoming the sun as he peeps forth, of taking one\u2019s fill\nof light through the wide-open doors, even as the ancients built their\ntemples looking forth. Nor was the contrary rule as stated by Vitruvius\nless plain in meaning; the sacred houses of the immortal gods shall be\nso arranged, that if no reason prevents and choice is free, the temple\nand the statue erected in the cell shall look toward the west, so that\nthey who approach the altar to sacrifice and vow and pray may look at\nonce toward the statue and the eastern sky, the divine figures thus\nseeming to arise and look upon them. Altars of the gods were to stand\ntoward the east.[1035]\n\nUnknown in primitive Christianity, the ceremony of orientation was\ndeveloped within its first four centuries. It became an accepted custom\nto turn in prayer toward the east, the mystic region of the Light of the\nWorld, the Sun of Righteousness. Augustine says, \u2018When we stand at\nprayer, we turn to the east, where the heaven arises, not as though God\nwere only there, and had forsaken all other parts of the world, but to\nadmonish our mind to turn to a more excellent nature, that is, to the\nLord.\u2019 No wonder that the early Christians were thought to practise in\nsubstance the rite of sun-worship which they practised in form. Thus\nTertullian writes: \u2018Others indeed with greater truth and verisimilitude\nbelieve the sun to be our God ... the suspicion arising from its being\nknown that we pray toward the region of the east.\u2019 Though some of the\nmost ancient and honoured churches of Christendom stand to show that\norientation was no original law of ecclesiastical architecture, yet it\nbecame dominant in early centuries. That the author of the \u2018Apostolical\nConstitutions\u2019 should be able to give directions for building churches\ntoward the east (\u1f41 \u03bf\u1f36\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f14\u03c3\u03c4\u03c9 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03bc\u03b7\u03ba\u03ae\u03c2, \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u2019 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bb\u1f70\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b5\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2), just\nas Vitruvius had laid down the rule as to the temples of the gods, is\nonly a part of that assimilation of the church to the temple which took\neffect so largely in the scheme of worship. Of all Christian ceremony,\nhowever, it was in the rite of baptism that orientation took its fullest\nand most picturesque form. The catechumen was placed with face toward\nthe west, and then commanded to renounce Satan with gestures of\nabhorrence, stretching out his hands against him, or smiting them\ntogether, and blowing or spitting against him thrice. Cyril of\nJerusalem, in his \u2018Mystagogic Catechism,\u2019 thus depicts the scene: \u2018Ye\nfirst came into the ante-room of the baptistery, and standing toward the\nwest (\u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b4\u03c5\u03c3\u03bc\u03ac\u03c2) ye were commanded to put away Satan, stretching\nout your hands as though he were present.... And why did ye stand toward\nthe west? It was needful, for sunset is the type of darkness, and he is\ndarkness and has his strength in darkness; therefore symbolically\nlooking toward the west ye renounce that dark and gloomy ruler.\u2019 Then\nturning round to the east, the catechumen took up his allegiance to his\nnew master, Christ. The ceremony and its significance are clearly set\nforth by Jerome, thus: \u2018In the mysteries [meaning baptism] we first\nrenounce him who is in the west, and dies to us with our sins; and so,\nturning to the east, we make a covenant with the Sun of righteousness,\npromising to be his servants.\u2019[1036] This perfect double rite of east\nand west, retained in the baptismal ceremony of the Greek Church, may be\nseen in Russia to this day. The orientation of churches and the practice\nof turning to the east as an act of worship, are common to both Greek\nand Latin ritual. In our own country they declined from the Reformation,\ntill at the beginning of the 19th century they seemed falling out of\nuse; since then, however, they have been restored to a certain\nprominence by the revived medi\u00e6valism of our own day. To the student of\nhistory, it is a striking example of the connexion of thought and\nceremony through the religions of the lower and higher culture, to see\nsurviving in our midst, with meaning dwindled into symbolism, this\nancient solar rite. The influence of the divine Sun upon his rude and\nancient worshippers still subsists before our eyes as a mechanical\nforce, acting diamagnetically to adjust the axis of the church and turn\nthe body of the worshipper.\n\nThe last group of rites whose course through religious history is to be\noutlined here, takes in the varied dramatic acts of ceremonial\npurification of Lustration. With all the obscurity and intricacy due to\nage-long modification, the primitive thought which underlies these\nceremonies is still open to view. It is the transition from practical to\nsymbolic cleansing, from removal of bodily impurity to deliverance from\ninvisible, spiritual, and at last moral evil. Our language follows this\nideal movement to its utmost stretch, where such words as cleansing and\npurification have passed from their first material meaning, to signify\nremoval of ceremonial contamination, legal guilt, and moral sin. What we\nthus express in metaphor, the men of the lower culture began early to\nact in ceremony, purifying persons and objects by various prescribed\nrites, especially by dipping them in and sprinkling them with water, or\nfumigating them with and passing them through fire. It is the plainest\nproof of the original practicality of proceedings now passed into\nformalism, to point out how far the ceremonial lustrations still keep\ntheir connexion with times of life when real purification is necessary,\nhow far they still consist in formal cleansing of the new-born child and\nthe mother, of the man-slayer who has shed blood, or the mourner who has\ntouched a corpse. In studying the distribution of the forms of\nlustration among the races of the world, while allowing for the large\neffect of their transmission from religion to religion, and from nation\nto nation, we may judge that their diversity of detail and purpose\nscarcely favours a theory of their being all historically derived from\none or even several special religions of the ancient world. They seem\nmore largely to exemplify independent working out, in different\ndirections, of an idea common to mankind at large. This view may be\njustified by surveying lustration through a series of typical instances,\nwhich show its appearance and character in savage and barbaric culture,\nas being an act belonging to certain well-marked events of human life.\n\nThe purification of the new-born child appears among the lower races in\nvarious forms, but perhaps in some particular instances borrowed from\nthe higher. It should be noticed that though the naming of the child is\noften associated with its ceremonial cleansing, there is no real\nconnexion between the two rites, beyond their coming due at the same\nearly time of life. To those who look for the matter-of-fact origin of\nsuch ceremonies, one of the most suggestive of the accounts available is\na simple mention of the two necessary acts of washing and name-giving,\nas done together in mere practical purpose, but not as yet passed into\nformal ceremony\u2014the Kichtak Islanders, it is remarked, at birth wash the\nchild, and give it a name.[1037] Among the Yumanas of Brazil, as soon as\nthe child can sit up, it is sprinkled with a decoction of certain herbs,\nand receives a name which has belonged to an ancestor.[1038] Among some\nJakun tribes of the Malay Peninsula, as soon as the child is born it is\ncarried to the nearest stream and washed; it is then brought back to the\nhouse, the fire is kindled, and fragrant wood thrown on, over which it\nis passed several times.[1039] The New Zealanders\u2019 infant baptism is no\nnew practice, and is considered by them an old traditional rite, but\nnothing very similar is observed among other branches of the Polynesian\nrace. Whether independently invented or not, it was thoroughly worked\ninto the native religious scheme. The baptism was performed on the\neighth day or earlier, at the side of a stream or elsewhere, by a native\npriest who sprinkled water on the child with a branch or twig; sometimes\nthe child was immersed. With this lustration it received its name, the\npriest repeating a list of ancestral names till the child chose one for\nitself by sneezing at it. The ceremony was of the nature of a\ndedication, and was accompanied by rhythmical formulas of exhortation.\nThe future warrior was bidden to flame with anger, to leap nimbly and\nward off the spears, to be angry and bold and industrious, to work\nbefore the dew is off the ground; the future housewife was bidden to get\nfood and go for firewood and weave garments with panting of breath. In\nafter years, a second sacred sprinkling was performed to admit a lad\ninto the rank of warriors. It has to be noticed with reference to the\nreason of this ceremonial washing, that a new-born child is in the\nhighest degree tapu, and may only be touched by a few special persons\ntill the restriction is removed.[1040] In Madagascar, a fire is kept up\nin the room for several days, then the child in its best clothes is in\ndue form carried out of the house and back to its mother, both times\nbeing carefully lifted over the fire, which is made near the door.[1041]\nIn Africa, some of the most noticeable ceremonies of the class are\nthese. The people of Sarac wash the child three days after birth with\nholy water.[1042] When a Mandingo child was about a week old its hair\nwas cut, and the priest, invoking blessings, took it in his arms,\nwhispered in its ear, spat thrice in its face, and pronounced its name\naloud before the assembled company.[1043] In Guinea, when a child is\nborn, the event is publicly proclaimed, the new-born babe is brought\ninto the streets, and the headman of the town or family sprinkles it\nwith water from a basin, giving it a name and invoking blessings of\nhealth and wealth upon it; other friends follow the example, till the\nchild is thoroughly drenched.[1044] In these various examples of\nlustration of infants, the purifications by fire have especial\nimportance ethnologically, not because this proceeding is more natural\nto the savage mind than that of bathing or sprinkling with water, but\nbecause this latter ceremony may sometimes have been imitated from\nChristian baptism. The fact of savage and barbaric lustration of infants\nbeing in several cases associated with the belief in re-birth of\nancestral souls seems to mark the rite as belonging to remote\npre-Christian ages.[1045]\n\nThe purification of women at childbirth, &c., is ceremonially practised\nby the lower races under circumstances which do not suggest adoption\nfrom more civilized nations. The seclusion and lustration among North\nAmerican Indian tribes have been compared with those of the Levitical\nlaw, but the resemblance is not remarkably close, and belongs rather to\na stage of civilization than to the ordinance of a particular nation. It\nis a good case of independent development in such customs, that the rite\nof putting out the fires and kindling \u2018new fire\u2019 on the woman\u2019s return\nis common to the Iroquois and Sioux in North America,[1046] and the\nBasutos in South Africa. These latter have a well-marked rite of\nlustration by sprinkling, performed on girls at womanhood.[1047] The\nHottentots considered mother and child unclean till they had been washed\nand smeared after the uncleanly native fashion.[1048] Lustrations with\nwater were usual in West Africa.[1049] Tatar tribes in Mongolia used\nbathing, while in Siberia the custom of leaping over a fire answered the\npurpose of purification.[1050] The Mantras of the Malay Peninsula have\nmade the bathing of the mother after childbirth into a ceremonial\nordinance.[1051] It is so among the indigenes of India, where both in\nnorthern and southern districts the naming of the child comes into\nconnexion with the purification of the mother, both ceremonies being\nperformed on the same day.[1052] Without extending further this list of\ninstances, it is sufficiently plain that we have before us the record of\na practical custom becoming consecrated by traditional habit, and making\nits way into the range of religious ceremony.\n\nMuch the same may be said of the purification of savage and barbaric\nraces on occasion of contamination by bloodshed or funeral. In North\nAmerica, the Dacotas use the vapour-bath not only as a remedy, but also\nfor the removal of ceremonial uncleanness, such as is caused by killing\na person, or touching a dead body.[1053] So among the Navajos, the man\nwho has been deputed to carry a dead body to burial, holds himself\nunclean until he has thoroughly washed himself in water prepared for the\npurpose by certain ceremonies.[1054] In Madagascar, no one who has\nattended a funeral may enter the palace courtyard till he has bathed,\nand in all cases there must be an ablution of the mourner\u2019s garments on\nreturning from the grave.[1055] Among the Basutos of South Africa,\nwarriors returning from battle must rid themselves of the blood they\nhave shed, or the shades of their victims would pursue them and disturb\ntheir sleep. Therefore they go in procession in full armour to the\nnearest stream to wash, and their weapons are washed also. It is usual\nin this ceremony for a sorcerer higher up the stream to put in some\nmagical ingredient, such as he also uses in the preparation of the holy\nwater which is sprinkled over the people with a beast\u2019s tail at the\nfrequent public purifications. These Basutos, moreover, use fumigation\nwith burning wood to purify growing corn, and cattle taken from the\nenemy. Fire serves for purification in cases too trifling to require\nsacrifice; thus when a mother sees her child walk over a grave, she\nhastens to call it, makes it stand before her, and lights a small fire\nat its feet.[1056] The Zulus, whose horror of a dead body will induce\nthem to cast out and leave in the woods their sick people, at least\nstrangers, purify themselves by an ablution after a funeral. It is to be\nnoticed that these ceremonial practices have come to mean something\ndistinct from mere cleanliness. Kaffirs who will purify themselves from\nceremonial uncleanness by washing, are not in the habit of washing\nthemselves or their vessels for ordinary purposes, and the dogs and the\ncockroaches divide between them the duty of cleaning out the\nmilk-baskets.[1057] Medi\u00e6val Tatar tribes, some of whom had\nconscientious scruples against bathing, have found passing through fire\nor between two fires a sufficient purification, and the household stuff\nof the dead was lustrated in this latter way.[1058]\n\nIn the organised nations of the semi-civilized and civilized world,\nwhere religion shapes itself into elaborate and systematic schemes, the\npractices of lustration familiar to the lower culture now become part of\nstringent ceremonial systems. It seems to be at this stage of their\nexistence that they often take up in addition to their earlier\nceremonial significance an ethical meaning, absent or all but absent\nfrom them at their first appearance above the religious horizon. This\nwill be made evident by glancing over the ordinances of lustration in\nthe great national religions of history. It will be well to notice first\nthe usages of two semi-civilized nations of America, which though they\nhave scarcely produced practical effect on civilization at large, give\nvaluable illustration of a transition period in culture, leaving apart\nthe obscure question of their special civilization having been\ninfluenced in early or late times from the Old World.\n\nIn the religion of Peru, lustration is well-marked and characteristic.\nOn the day of birth, the water in which the child has been washed was\npoured into a hole in the ground, charms being repeated by a wizard or\npriest; an excellent instance of the ceremonial washing away of evil\ninfluences. The naming of the child was also more or less generally\naccompanied with ceremonial washing, as in districts where at two years\nold it was weaned, baptized, had its hair ceremonially cut with a stone\nknife, and received its child-name; Peruvian Indians still cut off a\nlock of the child\u2019s hair at its baptism. Moreover, the significance of\nlustration as removing guilt is plainly recorded in ancient Peru; after\nconfession of guilt, an Inca bathed in a neighbouring river and repeated\nthis formula, \u2018O thou River, receive the sins I have this day confessed\nunto the Sun, carry them down to the sea, and let them never more\nappear.\u2019[1059] In old Mexico, the first act of ceremonial lustration\ntook place at birth. The nurse washed the infant in the name of the\nwater-goddess, to remove the impurity of its birth, to cleanse its heart\nand give it a good and perfect life; then blowing on water in her right\nhand she washed it again, warning it of forthcoming trials and miseries\nand labours, and praying the invisible Deity to descend upon the water,\nto cleanse the child from sin and foulness, and to deliver it from\nmisfortune. The second act took place some four days later, unless the\nastrologers postponed it. At a festive gathering, amid fires kept alight\nfrom the first ceremony, the nurse undressed the child sent by the gods\ninto this sad and doleful world, bade it receive the life-giving water,\nand washed it, driving out evil from each limb and offering to the\ndeities appointed prayers for virtue and blessing. It was then that the\ntoy instruments of war or craft or household labour were placed in the\nboy\u2019s or girl\u2019s hand (a custom singularly corresponding with one usual\nin China), and the other children, instructed by their parents, gave the\nnewcomer its child-name, here again to be replaced by another at manhood\nor womanhood. There is nothing unlikely in the statement that the child\nwas also passed four times through the fire, but the authority this is\ngiven on is not sufficient. The religious character of ablution is well\nshown in Mexico by its forming part of the daily service of the priests.\nAztec life ended as it had begun, with ceremonial lustration; it was one\nof the funeral ceremonies to sprinkle the head of the corpse with the\nlustral water of this life.[1060]\n\nAmong the nations of East Asia, and across the more civilized Turanian\ndistricts of Central Asia, ceremonial lustration comes frequently into\nnotice; but it would often bring in difficult points of ethnography to\nattempt a general judgment how far these may be native local rites, and\nhow far ceremonies adopted from foreign religious systems. As examples\nmay be mentioned in Japan the sprinkling and naming of the child at a\nmonth old, and other lustrations connected with worship;[1061] in China\nthe religious ceremony at the first washing of the three days\u2019 old\ninfant, the lifting of the bride over burning coals, the sprinkling of\nholy-water over sacrifices and rooms and on the mourners after a\nfuneral;[1062] in Burma the purification of the mother by fire, and the\nannual sprinkling-festival.[1063] Within the range of Buddhism in its\nLamaist form, we find such instances as the Tibetan and Mongol\nlustration of the child a few days after birth, the lama blessing the\nwater and immersing the child thrice, and giving its name; the Buraet\nconsecration by threefold washing; the Tibetan ceremony where the\nmourners returning from the funeral stand before the fire, wash their\nhands with warm water over the hot coals, and fumigate themselves thrice\nwith proper formulas.[1064] With this infant baptism of Tibetans and\nMongols may be compared the rite of their ethnological kinsfolk in\nEurope. The Lapps in their semi-Christianized state had a form of\nbaptism, in which a new name, that of the deceased ancestor who would\nlive again in the child, as the mother was spiritually informed in a\ndream, was given with a threefold sprinkling and washing with warm water\nwhere mystic alder-twigs were put. This ceremony, though called by the\nScandinavian name of \u2018laugo\u2019 or bath, was distinct from the Christian\nbaptism to which the Lapps also conformed.[1065] The natural\nethnographic explanation of these two baptismal ceremonies existing\ntogether in Northern Europe, is that Christianity had brought in a new\nrite, without displacing a previous native one.\n\nOther Asiatic districts show lustration in more compact and\ncharacteristic religious developments. The Brahman leads a life marked\nby recurring ceremonial purification, from the time when his first\nappearance in the world brings uncleanness on the household, requiring\nablution and clean garments to remove it, and thenceforth through his\nyears from youth to old age, where bathing is a main part of the long\nminute ceremonial of daily worship, and further washings and aspersions\nenter into more solemn religious acts, till at last the day comes when\nhis kinsfolk, on their way home from his funeral, cleanse themselves by\na final bath from their contamination by his remains. For the means of\nsome of his multifarious lustrations the Hindu has recourse to the\nsacred cow, but his more frequent medium of removing uncleanness of body\nand soul is water, the divine waters to which he prays, \u2018Take away, O\nWaters, whatsoever is wicked in me, what I have done by violence or\ncurse, and untruth!\u2019[1066] The Parsi religion prescribes a system of\nlustrations which well shows its common origin with that of Hinduism by\nits similar use of cow\u2019s urine and of water. Bathing or sprinkling with\nwater, or applications of \u2018nirang\u2019 washed off with water, form part of\nthe daily religious rites, as well as of such special ceremonies as the\nnaming of the new-born child, the putting on of the sacred cord, the\npurification of the mother after childbirth, the purification of him who\nhas touched a corpse, when the unclean demon, driven by sprinkling of\nthe good water from the top of the head and from limb to limb, comes\nforth at the left toe and departs like a fly to the evil region of the\nnorth. It is, perhaps, the influence of this ancestral religion, even\nmore than the actual laws of Islam, that makes the modern Persian so\nstriking an example of the way in which ceremony may override reality.\nIt is rather in form than in fact that his cleanliness is next to\ngodliness. He carries the principle of removing legal uncleanness by\nablution so far, that a holy man will wash his eyes when they have been\npolluted by the sight of an infidel. He will carry about a water-pot\nwith a long spout for his ablutions, yet he depopulates the land by his\nneglect of the simplest sanitary rules, and he may be seen by the side\nof the little tank where scores of people have been in before him,\nobliged to clear with his hand a space in the foul scum on the water,\nbefore he plunges in to obtain ceremonial purity.[1067]\n\nOver against the Aryan rites of lustration in the religions of Asia, may\nbe set the well-known types in the religions of classic Europe. At the\nGreek amphidromia, when the child was about a week old, the women who\nhad assisted at the birth washed their hands, and afterwards the child\nwas carried round the fire by the nurse, and received its name; the\nRoman child received its pr\u00e6nomen with a lustration at about the same\nage, and the custom is recorded of the nurse touching its lips and\nforehead with spittle. To wash before an act of worship was a ceremony\nhanded down by Greek and Roman ritual through the classic ages: \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2\n\u03b4\u1f72 \u03b4\u03c1\u03cc\u03c3\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2, \u1f00\u03c6\u03c5\u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u03ac\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9 \u03c3\u03c4\u03c7\u03b5\u03af\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5 \u03bd\u03b1\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2\u2014eo lavatum, ut sacrificem. The\nholy-water mingled with salt, the holy-water vessel at the temple\nentrance, the brush to sprinkle the worshippers, all belong to classic\nantiquity. Romans, their flocks and herds and their fields, were\npurified from disease and other ill by lustrations which show perfectly\nthe equivalent nature of water and fire as means of purification; the\npassing of flocks and shepherds through fires, the sprinkling water with\nlaurel branches, the fumigating with fragrant boughs and herbs and\nsulphur, formed part of the rustic rites of the Palilia. Bloodshed\ndemanded the lustral ceremony. Hektor fears to pour with unwashen hands\nthe libation of dark wine, nor may he pray bespattered with gore to\ncloud-wrapped Zeus; \u00c6neas may not touch the household gods till cleansed\nfrom slaughter by the living stream. It was with far changed thought\nthat Ovid wrote his famous reproof of his too-easy countrymen, who\nfancied that water could indeed wash off the crime of blood:\u2014\n\n \u2018Ah nimium faciles, qui tristia crimina c\u00e6dis\n Fluminea tolli posse putetis aqua.\u2019\n\nThus, too, the mourner must be cleansed by lustration from the\ncontaminating presence of death. At the door of the Greek house of\nmourning was set the water-vessel, that those who had been within might\nsprinkle themselves and be clean; while the mourners returning from a\nRoman funeral, aspersed with water and stepping over fire, were by this\ndouble process made pure.[1068]\n\nThe ordinances of purification in the Levitical law relate especially to\nthe removal of legal uncleanness connected with childbirth, death, and\nother pollutions. Washing was prescribed for such purposes, and also\nsprinkling with water of separation, water mingled with the ashes of the\nred heifer. Ablution formed part of the consecration of priests, and\nwithout it they might not serve at the altar nor enter the tabernacle.\nIn the later times of Jewish national history, perhaps through\nintercourse with nations whose lustrations entered more into the daily\nroutine of life, ceremonial washings were multiplied. It seems also that\nin this period must be dated the ceremony which in after ages has held\nso great a place in the religion of the world, their rite of baptism of\nproselytes.[1069] The Moslem lustrations are ablutions with water, or in\ndefault with dust or sand, performed partially before prayer, and\ntotally on special days or to remove special uncleanness. They are\nstrictly religious acts, belonging in principle to prevalent usage of\nOriental religion; and their details, whether invented or adopted as\nthey stand in Islam, are not carried down from Judaism or\nChristianity.[1070] The rites of lustration which have held and hold\ntheir places within the pale of Christianity are in well-marked\nhistorical connexion with Jewish and Gentile ritual. Purification by\nfire has only appeared as an actual ceremony among some little-known\nChristian sects, and in the European folklore custom of passing children\nthrough or over fire, if indeed we can be sure that this rite is lustral\nand not sacrificial.[1071] The usual medium of purification is water.\nHoly-water is in full use through the Greek and Roman churches. It\nblesses the worshipper as he enters the temple, it cures disease, it\naverts sorcery from man and beast, it drives demons from the possessed,\nit stops the spirit-writer\u2019s pen, it drives the spirit-moved table it is\nsprinkled upon to dash itself frantically against the wall; at least\nthese are among the powers attributed to it, and some of the most\nstriking of them have been lately vouched for by papal sanction. This\nlustration with holy-water so exactly continues the ancient classic\nrite, that its apologists are apt to explain the correspondence by\narguing that Satan stole it for his own wicked ends.[1072] Catholic\nritual follows ancient sacrificial usage in the priest\u2019s ceremonial\nwashing of hands before mass. The priest\u2019s touching with his spittle the\nears and nostrils of the infant or catechumen, saying, \u2018Ephphatha,\u2019 is\nobviously connected with passages in the Gospels; its adoption as a\nbaptismal ceremony has been compared, perhaps justly, with the classical\nlustration by spittle.[1073] Finally, it has but to be said that\nceremonial purification as a Christian act centres in baptism by water,\nthat symbol of initiation of the convert which history traces from the\nJewish rite to that of John the Baptist, and thence to the Christian\nordinance. Through later ages adult baptism carries on the Jewish\nceremony of the admission of the proselyte, while infant baptism\ncombines this with the lustration of the new-born infant. Passing\nthrough a range of meaning such as separates the sacrament of the Roman\ncenturion from the sacrament of the Roman cardinal, becoming to some a\nsolemn symbol of new life and faith, to some an act in itself of\nsupernatural efficacy, the rite of baptism has remained almost\nthroughout the Christian world the outward sign of the Christian\nprofession.\n\nIn considering the present group of religious ceremonies, their\nmanifestations in the religions of the higher nations have been but\nscantily outlined in comparison with their rudimentary forms in the\nlower culture. Yet this reversal of the proportions due to practical\nimportance in no way invalidates, but rather aids, the ethnographic\nlessons to be drawn by tracing their course in history. Through their\nvaried phases of survival, modification, and succession, they have each\nin its own way brought to view the threads of continuity which connect\nthe faiths of the lower with the faiths of the higher world; they have\nshown how hardly the civilized man can understand the religious rites\neven of his own land without knowledge of the meaning, often the widely\nunlike meaning, which they bore to men of distant ages and countries,\nrepresentatives of grades of culture far different from his.\n\nFootnote 844:\n\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 88; see p. 427.\n\nFootnote 845:\n\n Ibid. p. 200; see p. 174. See also Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 343. Mariner, \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 235.\n\nFootnote 846:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Ind. Tribes,\u2019 part iii. p. 237.\n\nFootnote 847:\n\n M\u2019Coy, \u2018Baptist Indian Missions,\u2019 p. 359.\n\nFootnote 848:\n\n Tanner, \u2018Narrative,\u2019 p. 46.\n\nFootnote 849:\n\n Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019 p. 297.\n\nFootnote 850:\n\n Heckewelder, \u2018Ind. V\u00f6lkerschaften,\u2019 p. 354.\n\nFootnote 851:\n\n \u2018Narratives of Rites and Laws of Yncas,\u2019 tr. and ed. by C. R. Markham,\n pp. 31, 33. See also Brinton, p. 298.\n\nFootnote 852:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Religion of Amazulu,\u2019 pp. 141, 174, 182. \u2018Remarks on Zulu\n Lang.\u2019 Pietermaritzburg, 1870, p. 22.\n\nFootnote 853:\n\n Waitz, vol. ii. p. 169. Steinhauser, l.c. p. 129.\n\nFootnote 854:\n\n Rowley, \u2018Universities\u2019 Mission to Central Africa,\u2019 p. 226.\n\nFootnote 855:\n\n Mason, \u2018Karens,\u2019 l.c. p. 215.\n\nFootnote 856:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 pp. 110, 128. See also Hunter, \u2018Rural Bengal,\u2019 p.\n 182 (Santals).\n\nFootnote 857:\n\n Plath, \u2018Religion der Chinesen,\u2019 part ii. p. 2; Doolittle, vol. ii. p.\n 116.\n\nFootnote 858:\n\n \u2018Sama-Veda,\u2019 i. 4, 2. Wuttke, \u2018Gesch. des Heidenthums,\u2019 part ii. p.\n 342.\n\nFootnote 859:\n\n Lane, \u2018Modern Egyptians,\u2019 vol. i. p. 128.\n\nFootnote 860:\n\n \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 i. 51, 8, x. 105, 8. Muir, \u2018Sanskrit Texts,\u2019 part ii. ch.\n iii.\n\nFootnote 861:\n\n Lane, \u2018Modern Egyptians,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 383.\n\nFootnote 862:\n\n See K\u00f6ppen, \u2018Religion des Buddha,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 345, 556; vol. ii. pp.\n 303, 319. Compare Fergusson, \u2018Tree and Serpent Worship,\u2019 pl. xlii.\n\nFootnote 863:\n\n Xenoph. Memorabilia Socrat. i. 3, 2.\n\nFootnote 864:\n\n Sahagun, \u2018Retorica, &c., de la Gente Mexicana,\u2019 lib. vi. c. 4, in\n Kingsborough, \u2018Antiquities of Mexico,\u2019 vol. v.\n\nFootnote 865:\n\n \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 vii. 89, 3. Max M\u00fcller, \u2018Chips,\u2019 vol. i. p. 39.\n\nFootnote 866:\n\n \u2018Avesta,\u2019 tr. by Spiegel; \u2018Khorda-Avesta,\u2019 Patet Qod.\n\nFootnote 867:\n\n Garcilaso de la Vega, \u2018Commentarios Reales,\u2019 v. 19. Ellis,\n \u2018Madagascar,\u2019 vol. i., p. 421.\n\nFootnote 868:\n\n Charlevoix, \u2018Nouv. Fr.\u2019 vol. i. p. 394. See also Smith, \u2018Virginia,\u2019 in\n \u2018Pinkerton,\u2019 vol. xiii. p. 41.\n\nFootnote 869:\n\n Phillips in Astley\u2019s \u2018Voyages,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 411; Lubbock, \u2018Origin of\n Civilization,\u2019 p. 216. Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p.\n 500. Bastian in \u2018Ztschr. f\u00fcr Ethnologie,\u2019 1869, p. 315.\n\nFootnote 870:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Algic Res.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 75. See also Tanner, \u2018Narr.\u2019 p.\n 193, and above, p. 270.\n\nFootnote 871:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 p. 129.\n\nFootnote 872:\n\n Billings, \u2018Exp. to Northern Russia,\u2019 p. 125. Chinese sacrifices buried\n for earth spirits, see ante, vol. i. p. 107; Plath, part ii. p. 50.\n\nFootnote 873:\n\n Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 182.\n\nFootnote 874:\n\n R\u00f6mer, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 p. 67.\n\nFootnote 875:\n\n Herod. vii. 35, 54. Liv. vii. 6. Grote, \u2018Hist. of Greece,\u2019 vol. x. p.\n 589, see p. 715.\n\nFootnote 876:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 367.\n\nFootnote 877:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 336, 358. Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol. i.\n p. 220.\n\nFootnote 878:\n\n Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 494; J. L. Wilson, \u2018W.\n Afr.\u2019 p. 218; Burton, \u2018W. & W. fr. W. Afr.\u2019 p. 331.\n\nFootnote 879:\n\n Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 195, &c.\n\nFootnote 880:\n\n Clavigero, \u2018Messico,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 69. J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 631.\n\nFootnote 881:\n\n Ward, vol. ii. p. 194; \u2018Mem. Anthrop. Soc.\u2019 vol. i. p. 332.\n\nFootnote 882:\n\n Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol. i. p. 226.\n\nFootnote 883:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 p. 218.\n\nFootnote 884:\n\n Manu, iii. 212. See also \u2018Avesta,\u2019 tr. by Spiegel, vol. ii. p. lxxvii.\n (sacrificial cakes eaten by priest).\n\nFootnote 885:\n\n Ysbrants Ides, \u2018Reize naar China,\u2019 p. 38. Meiners, vol. i. p. 162.\n\nFootnote 886:\n\n Clavigero, vol. ii. p. 46. J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 631.\n\nFootnote 887:\n\n Bel and the Dragon.\n\nFootnote 888:\n\n R\u00f6mer, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 p. 47.\n\nFootnote 889:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 part ii. p. 210.\n\nFootnote 890:\n\n Homer, Odyss. xi. xii.\n\nFootnote 891:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. i. p. 270.\n\nFootnote 892:\n\n Smith, \u2018Virginia,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xiii. p. 41; see J. G. M\u00fcller,\n p. 143; Waitz, vol. iii. p. 207. Comp. Meiners, vol. ii. p. 89. See\n also Bollaert in \u2018Mem. Anthrop. Soc.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 96.\n\nFootnote 893:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 145. See also St. John, \u2018Far East,\u2019\n vol. i. p. 160.\n\nFootnote 894:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 p. 147; Hunter, \u2018Rural Bengal,\u2019 p. 181;\n Forbes Leslie, \u2018Early Races of Scotland,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 458.\n\nFootnote 895:\n\n Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 letter xxi. in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 531. See also\n Waitz, vol. ii. p. 192.\n\nFootnote 896:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 96.\n\nFootnote 897:\n\n Levit. i. &c.; Deuteron. xii. 23; Psalm xvi. 4.\n\nFootnote 898:\n\n Waitz, vol. iii. p. 181. Hennepin, \u2018Voyage,\u2019 p. 302. Charlevoix,\n \u2018Nouvelle France,\u2019 vol. v. p. 311, vi. p. 178. Schoolcraft, \u2018Ind.\n Tribes,\u2019 part i. p. 49, part ii. p. 127. Catlin, vol. i. pp. 181, 229.\n Morgan, \u2018Iroquois,\u2019 p. 164. J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 58.\n\nFootnote 899:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 pp. 418, 507. Lery, \u2018Voy. en Br\u00e9sil,\u2019 p.\n 268. See also Musters in \u2018Journ. Anthrop. Inst.\u2019 vol. i. p. 202\n (Patagonians).\n\nFootnote 900:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Religion of Amazulu,\u2019 pp. 11, 141, 177. See also Casalis,\n \u2018Basutos,\u2019 p. 258.\n\nFootnote 901:\n\n Clavigero, \u2018Messico,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 39. See also Piedrahita, part i.\n lib. i. c. 3 (Muyscas).\n\nFootnote 902:\n\n Plath, \u2018Religion der alten Chinesen,\u2019 part ii. p. 31. Doolittle,\n \u2018Chinese.\u2019\n\nFootnote 903:\n\n Porphyr. de Abstinentia, ii. 5. Arnob. contra Gentes. vii. 26.\n Meiners, vol. ii. p. 14.\n\nFootnote 904:\n\n Wilkinson, \u2018Ancient Egyptians,\u2019 vol. v. pp. 315, 338. Plutarch, de Is.\n et Osir.\n\nFootnote 905:\n\n Herodot. i. 183.\n\nFootnote 906:\n\n Exod. xxx., xxxvii. Lev. x. 1, xvi. 12, &c.\n\nFootnote 907:\n\n Smith, \u2018Virginia,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xiii. p. 41. Le Jeune in \u2018Rel.\n des J\u00e9s.\u2019 1634, p. 16. Catlin, \u2018N. A. Ind.\u2019 vol. i. p. 189.\n\nFootnote 908:\n\n \u2018Rites and Laws of Incas,\u2019 p. 16, &c., 79; see \u2018Ollanta, an ancient\n Ynca Drama,\u2019 tr. by C. R. Markham, p. 81. Garcilaso de la Vega, lib.\n i. ii. vi.\n\nFootnote 909:\n\n Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. iii. pp. 106, 114.\n\nFootnote 910:\n\n Plath, part ii. p. 65.\n\nFootnote 911:\n\n Latham, \u2018Descr. Eth.\u2019 vol. i. p. 191.\n\nFootnote 912:\n\n \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 i. 1, 4.\n\nFootnote 913:\n\n Homer, Il. i. 317.\n\nFootnote 914:\n\n Porphyr. De Abstinentia, ii. 42; see 58.\n\nFootnote 915:\n\n Stanley, \u2018Jewish Church,\u2019 2d Ser. pp. 410, 424. See Kalisch on\n Leviticus; Barry in Smith\u2019s \u2018Dictionary of the Bible,\u2019 art.\n \u2018sacrifice.\u2019\n\nFootnote 916:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Religion of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 11 (amadhlozi or amatongo =\n ancestral spirits).\n\nFootnote 917:\n\n Roman Pane, ch. xvi. in \u2018Life of Colon,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xii. p.\n 86. Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 418; see Meiners, vol. ii., p. 516;\n J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 212.\n\nFootnote 918:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 194.\n\nFootnote 919:\n\n Eliot in \u2018As. Res.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 30.\n\nFootnote 920:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 pp. 88, 100.\n\nFootnote 921:\n\n Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 114.\n\nFootnote 922:\n\n Grimm, \u2018Deutsche Myth.\u2019 p. 264.\n\nFootnote 923:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. i. p. 27.\n\nFootnote 924:\n\n Mason, \u2018Karens,\u2019 l.c. p. 208.\n\nFootnote 925:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 407. Ellis, \u2018Polyn. Res.\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 358. Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 pp. 104, 220.\n\nFootnote 926:\n\n Williams, \u2018Fiji,\u2019 vol. i. p. 231.\n\nFootnote 927:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Algic Researches,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 140; see p. 190.\n\nFootnote 928:\n\n Tanner\u2019s \u2018Narrative,\u2019 pp. 286, 318. See also Waitz, vol. iii. p. 207.\n\nFootnote 929:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 142; see p. 282.\n\nFootnote 930:\n\n Sahagun, lib. vi. in Kingsborough, vol. v.\n\nFootnote 931:\n\n \u2018Rites and Laws of Yncas,\u2019 tr. and ed. by C. R. Markham, pp. 55, 58,\n 166. See ante, p. 385 (possible connexion of smoke with soul).\n\nFootnote 932:\n\n Waitz, vol. ii. pp. 188, 196. Steinhauser, l.c. p. 136. See also\n Schlegel, \u2018Ewe-Sprache,\u2019 p. xv.; Magyar, \u2018S\u00fcd-Afrika,\u2019 p. 273.\n\nFootnote 933:\n\n A. Campbell in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vii. p. 153.\n\nFootnote 934:\n\n O\u2019Riley, in \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 592. Bastian, \u2018Oestl.\n Asien,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 12.\n\nFootnote 935:\n\n R. Clarke, \u2018Sierra Leone,\u2019 p. 43.\n\nFootnote 936:\n\n Smith, \u2018Virginia,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xiii. p. 41. Welcker, \u2018Griech.\n G\u00f6tterlehre,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 693. Legge, \u2018Confucius,\u2019 p. 179. Grohmann,\n \u2018Aberglauben aus B\u00f6hmen,\u2019 p. 41, &c.\n\nFootnote 937:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018W. Afr.\u2019 p. 218; Bosman, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol.\n xvi. p. 400.\n\nFootnote 938:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 387.\n\nFootnote 939:\n\n Roberts, \u2018Oriental Illustrations,\u2019 p. 545.\n\nFootnote 940:\n\n M\u2019Coy, \u2018Baptist Indian Missions,\u2019 p. 305.\n\nFootnote 941:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Religion of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 59. See Casalis, p. 252.\n\nFootnote 942:\n\n Earl in \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 174.\n\nFootnote 943:\n\n Hodgson, \u2018Abor. of India,\u2019 p. 170, see p. 146; Hooker, \u2018Himalayan\n Journals,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 276.\n\nFootnote 944:\n\n Prescott, \u2018Mexico,\u2019 book i. ch. iii.\n\nFootnote 945:\n\n \u2018Rites and Laws of Yncas,\u2019 p. 33, &c.\n\nFootnote 946:\n\n Welcker, \u2018Griech. G\u00f6tterlehre,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 50; Pauly,\n \u2018Real-Encyclopedie,\u2019 s.v. \u2018Sacrificia.\u2019\n\nFootnote 947:\n\n Tanner\u2019s \u2018Nar.\u2019 p. 154; see also Waitz, vol. iii. p. 167.\n\nFootnote 948:\n\n Symes, \u2018Ava,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 440; Caron, \u2018Japan,\u2019 ib. vol.\n vii. p. 629.\n\nFootnote 949:\n\n Burton, \u2018Medinah,\u2019 &c., vol. iii. p. 302; Lane, \u2018Mod. Eg.\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 132.\n\nFootnote 950:\n\n Hardy, \u2018Manual of Budhism,\u2019 p. 59.\n\nFootnote 951:\n\n 2 Kings iii. 27. Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. Evang. i. 10, iv. 156; Laud. Constant.\n xiii. Porphyr. De Abstin. ii. 56, &c. Lamprid. Heliogabal. vii.\n Movers, \u2018Ph\u00f6nizier,\u2019 vol. i. p. 300, &c.\n\nFootnote 952:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Madagascar,\u2019 vol. i. p. 419.\n\nFootnote 953:\n\n R\u00f6mer, \u2018Guinea,\u2019 p. 59. Bosman in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 399.\n\nFootnote 954:\n\n Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 106; Castr\u00e9n, \u2018Finn. Myth.\u2019 p.\n 232.\n\nFootnote 955:\n\n Hesiod. Theog. 537. Welcker, vol. i. p. 764; vol. ii. p. 51.\n\nFootnote 956:\n\n Haug, \u2018Parsis,\u2019 Bombay, 1862, p. 238.\n\nFootnote 957:\n\n Hamilton in \u2018As. Res.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 342.\n\nFootnote 958:\n\n Mariner\u2019s \u2018Tonga Is.\u2019 vol. i. p. 454; vol. ii. p. 222. Cook\u2019s \u20183rd\n Voy.\u2019 vol. i. p. 403. Details from S. Africa in Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019\n vol. iii. pp. 4, 24; Scherzer, \u2018Voy. of Novara,\u2019 vol. i. p. 212.\n\nFootnote 959:\n\n Catlin, \u2018N. A. Ind.\u2019 vol. i. p. 172; Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. ii.\n p. 170. See also Venegas, \u2018Noticia de la California,\u2019 vol. i. p. 117;\n Garcilaso de la Vega, lib. ii. c. 8 (Peru).\n\nFootnote 960:\n\n Buchanan, \u2018Mysore,\u2019 &c., in Pinkerton, vol. viii. p. 661; Meiners,\n vol. ii. p. 472; Bastian, l.c. See also Dubois, \u2018India,\u2019 vol. i. p. 5.\n\nFootnote 961:\n\n Polack, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 vol. i. p. 264.\n\nFootnote 962:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 184.\n\nFootnote 963:\n\n Theodoret. in Levit. xix.; Hanusch, \u2018Slaw. Myth.\u2019 Details in Bastian,\n \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 229, &c.\n\nFootnote 964:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 113 (see other details).\n\nFootnote 965:\n\n Pausan. viii. 23; ix. 8.\n\nFootnote 966:\n\n \u2018Encyc. Brit.\u2019 art. \u2018Brahma.\u2019 See \u2018Asiat. Res.\u2019 vol. ix. p. 387.\n\nFootnote 967:\n\n Boecler, \u2018Ehsten Abergla\u00fcbische Gebra\u00fcche,\u2019 &c., p. 4.\n\nFootnote 968:\n\n Rivero and Tschudi, p. 196. See \u2018Rites of Yncas,\u2019 p. 79.\n\nFootnote 969:\n\n Bastian, p. 112, &c.; Smith\u2019s \u2018Dic. of Gr. and Rom. Ant.\u2019 art.\n \u2018Sacrificium.\u2019\n\nFootnote 970:\n\n Grimm, \u2018Deutsche Myth.\u2019 p. 40.\n\nFootnote 971:\n\n Diodor. Sic. xx. 14.\n\nFootnote 972:\n\n Callaway, \u2018Zulu Tales,\u2019 vol. i. p. 88; Magyar, \u2018S\u00fcd-Afrika,\u2019 p. 256.\n\nFootnote 973:\n\n Macpherson, \u2018India,\u2019 pp. 108, 187.\n\nFootnote 974:\n\n De Silva in Bastian, \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 p. 181.\n\nFootnote 975:\n\n Details in Pauly, \u2018Real-Encyclop.\u2019 s.v. \u2018Sacrificia\u2019; Bastian,\n \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 114; Movers, \u2018Ph\u00f6nizier,\u2019 vol. i. p. 300.\n\nFootnote 976:\n\n Clavigero, \u2018Messico,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 82; Torquemada, \u2018Monarquia Indiana,\u2019\n x. c. 29; J. G. M\u00fcller, pp. 502, 640. See also ibid. p. 379 (Peru);\n \u2018Rites and Laws of Yncas,\u2019 pp. 46, 54.\n\nFootnote 977:\n\n Grote, vol. v. p. 366. Schmidt in Smith\u2019s \u2018Dic. of Gr. and Rom. Ant.\u2019\n art. \u2018Sacrificium.\u2019 Bastian, l.c.\n\nFootnote 978:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 501.\n\nFootnote 979:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. p. 152.\n\nFootnote 980:\n\n Lane, \u2018Modern Eg.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 262. Meiners, vol. ii. p. 85.\n\nFootnote 981:\n\n Wilkinson, \u2018Ancient Eg.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 395; and in Rawlinson\u2019s\n Herodotus, vol. ii. p. 137. See 1 Sam. vi. 4.\n\nFootnote 982:\n\n Grimm, \u2018Deutsche Myth.\u2019 p. 1131.\n\nFootnote 983:\n\n Ibid.\n\nFootnote 984:\n\n Bastian, vol. iii. p. 116.\n\nFootnote 985:\n\n St. Clair and Brophy, \u2018Bulgaria,\u2019 p. 43. Compare modern Circassian\n sacrifice of animal before cross, as substitute for child, in Bell,\n \u2018Circassia,\u2019 vol. ii.\n\nFootnote 986:\n\n Ralston, \u2018Songs of Russian People,\u2019 pp. 123, 153, &c.\n\nFootnote 987:\n\n Wuttke, \u2018Deutsche Volksaberglaube,\u2019 p. 86. See also Grimm, \u2018Deutsche\n Myth.\u2019 pp. 417, 602.\n\nFootnote 988:\n\n Hylt\u00e9n-Cavallius, \u2018W\u00e4rend och Wirdarne,\u2019 part i. pp. 131, 146, 157,\n &c.\n\nFootnote 989:\n\n Monnier, \u2018Traditions Populaires,\u2019 pp. 187, 666.\n\nFootnote 990:\n\n R. Hunt, \u2018Pop. Rom. of W. of England,\u2019 1st Ser. p. 237. Pennant, \u2018Tour\n in Scotland,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. iii. p. 49. J. Y. Simpson, Address to\n Soc. Antiq. Scotland, 1861, p. 33; Brand, \u2018Pop. Ant.\u2019 vol. iii. pp.\n 74, 317.\n\nFootnote 991:\n\n Brand, vol. i. p. 484. Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 pp. 45, 194, 1188, see p. 250;\n \u2018Deutsche Rechtsalterth\u00fcmer,\u2019 p. 900; Hylt\u00e9n-Cavallius, part i. p.\n 175.\n\nFootnote 992:\n\n Grimm, \u2018D. M.\u2019 p. 962.\n\nFootnote 993:\n\n Beausobre, vol. ii. p. 667. Polydorus Vergilius, De Inventoribus Rerum\n (Basel, 1521), lib. v. 1.\n\nFootnote 994:\n\n Tanner\u2019s \u2018Narrative,\u2019 p. 288. Loskiel, \u2018N. A. Ind.\u2019 part i. p. 76.\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Ind. Tribes,\u2019 part i. pp. 34, 113, 360, 391; part iii.\n p. 227. Catlin, \u2018N. A. Ind.\u2019 vol. i. p. 36. Charlevoix, \u2018Nouv. Fr.\u2019\n vol. ii. p. 170; vol. vi. p. 67. Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. ii. p.\n 170. Waitz, \u2018Anthropologie,\u2019 vol. iii. pp. 206, 217.\n\nFootnote 995:\n\n Colombo, \u2018Vita,\u2019 ch. xxv. Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 501. See also\n Meiners, vol. ii. p. 143 (Guyana).\n\nFootnote 996:\n\n Dobrizhoffer, \u2018Abipones,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 68.\n\nFootnote 997:\n\n St. John, \u2018Far East,\u2019 vol. i. p. 144.\n\nFootnote 998:\n\n D\u00f6hne, \u2018Zulu Dic.\u2019 s.v. \u2018nyanga;\u2019 Grout, \u2018Zulu-land,\u2019 p. 158;\n Callaway, \u2018Religion of Amazulu,\u2019 p. 387.\n\nFootnote 999:\n\n Somadeva Bhatta, tr. Brockhaus, vol. ii. p. 81. Meiners, vol. ii. p.\n 147.\n\nFootnote 1000:\n\n Maury, \u2018Magic,\u2019 &c., p. 237; Pausan. i. 34; Philostrat. Apollon. Tyan.\n i.; Galen. Comment. in Hippocrat. i.\n\nFootnote 1001:\n\n Baptist. Mantuan. Fast. ix. 350.\n\nFootnote 1002:\n\n \u2018Acta Sanctorum Bolland.\u2019 S. Theresa.\n\nFootnote 1003:\n\n Colombo, \u2018Vita,\u2019 ch. lxii.; Roman Pane, ibid. ch. xv.; and in\n Pinkerton, vol. xii. Condamine, \u2018Travels,\u2019 in Pinkerton, vol. xiv. p.\n 226; Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019 vol. i. pp. 441, 631 (details of\n snuff-powders among Omaguas, Otomacs, &c.; native names curup\u00e1,\n paric\u00e1, niopo, nupa; made from seeds of Mimosa acacioides, Acacia\n niopo).\n\nFootnote 1004:\n\n Maury, \u2018Magie,\u2019 &c., p. 425.\n\nFootnote 1005:\n\n Seemann, \u2018Voy. of Herald,\u2019 vol. i. p. 256. Rivero and Tschudi,\n \u2018Peruvian Antiquities,\u2019 p. 184. J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 397.\n\nFootnote 1006:\n\n Brasseur, \u2018Mexique,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 558; Clavigero, vol. ii. p. 40; J.\n G. M\u00fcller, p. 656.\n\nFootnote 1007:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, \u2018Amer. Urrelig.\u2019 p. 277; Hernandez, \u2018Historia Mexicana,\u2019\n lib. v. c. 51; Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1292.\n\nFootnote 1008:\n\n D. Wilson, \u2018Prehistoric Man,\u2019 vol. i. p. 487.\n\nFootnote 1009:\n\n Loskiel, \u2018Ind. of N. A.\u2019 part i. p. 42.\n\nFootnote 1010:\n\n Herodot. iv. 73-5.\n\nFootnote 1011:\n\n Maury, \u2018Magie,\u2019 &c., l.c.; Plin. xxiv. 102; Hesych. s.v. \u2018\u1f60\u03c0\u03ae\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03b1.\u2019\n See also Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 152, &c.; Baring-Gould,\n \u2018Were-wolves,\u2019 p. 149.\n\nFootnote 1012:\n\n Polak, \u2018Persien,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 245; Vamb\u00e9ry in \u2018Mem. Anthrop. Soc.\u2019\n vol. ii. p. 20; Meiners, vol. ii. p. 216.\n\nFootnote 1013:\n\n Meiners, vol. ii. p. 162.\n\nFootnote 1014:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part iii. p. 286.\n\nFootnote 1015:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 145. Compare \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. ii.\n p. 247 (Aracan).\n\nFootnote 1016:\n\n D. H. Tuke in \u2018Journal of Mental Science,\u2019 Oct. 1870, p. 368.\n\nFootnote 1017:\n\n Grey, \u2018Australia,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 327.\n\nFootnote 1018:\n\n Turner, \u2018Polynesia,\u2019 p. 230. Seemann, \u2018Viti,\u2019 p. 151.\n\nFootnote 1019:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part iv. p. 54.\n\nFootnote 1020:\n\n Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019 vol. i. p. 485.\n\nFootnote 1021:\n\n D\u2019Orbigny, \u2018L\u2019Homme Am\u00e9ricain,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 319, 330.\n\nFootnote 1022:\n\n Rivero and Tschudi, \u2018Peruvian Antiquities,\u2019 p. 202. See also Arbousset\n and Daumas, \u2018Voyage,\u2019 p. 277 (Kafirs).\n\nFootnote 1023:\n\n Bickmore, in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vii. p. 20. Georgi, \u2018Reise,\u2019 vol. i.\n p. 266. Gul. de Rubruquis in Hakluyt vol. i. p. 78. Bastian, \u2018Oestl.\n Asien,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 228.\n\nFootnote 1024:\n\n \u00c6lian. Var. Hist. v. 14, vii. 19; Plutarch. Solon, x.; Diog. Laert.\n Solon; Welcker, vol. i. p. 404.\n\nFootnote 1025:\n\n Beda in Die S. Pasch\u00e6. Durand, Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, lib.\n vii. c. 35-9. Brand, \u2018Popular Antiquities,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 295, 318.\n\nFootnote 1026:\n\n Gregg, \u2018Commerce of Prairies,\u2019 vol. i. pp. 270, 273; vol. ii. p. 318.\n\nFootnote 1027:\n\n Charlevoix, \u2018Nouvelle France,\u2019 vol. vi. p. 178.\n\nFootnote 1028:\n\n Rochefort, \u2018Iles Antilles,\u2019 p. 365.\n\nFootnote 1029:\n\n Clavigero, \u2018Messico,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 24; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 641. See\n Oviedo, \u2018Nicaragua,\u2019 p. 29.\n\nFootnote 1030:\n\n J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 363; Prescott, \u2018Peru,\u2019 book i. ch. 3. Garcilaso de la\n Vega, \u2018Commentarios Reales,\u2019 lib. iii. c. 20, says it was at the east\n end; cf. lib. vi. c. 21 (llama sacrificed with head to east).\n\nFootnote 1031:\n\n Colebrooke, \u2018Essays,\u2019 vol. i., iv. and v.\n\nFootnote 1032:\n\n \u2018Illustrations of the History and Practices of the Thugs,\u2019 London,\n 1837, p. 46.\n\nFootnote 1033:\n\n Ezek. viii. 16; Mishna, \u2018Sukkoth,\u2019 v. See Fergusson in Smith\u2019s\n \u2018Dictionary of the Bible,\u2019 s.v. \u2018Temple.\u2019\n\nFootnote 1034:\n\n Hyde, \u2018Veterum Persarum Religionis Historia,\u2019 ch. iv. Niebuhr,\n \u2018Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien,\u2019 vol. i. p. 396. Layard, \u2018Nineveh,\u2019\n vol. i. ch. ix.\n\nFootnote 1035:\n\n Lucian. De Domo, vi. Vitruv. de Architectura, iv. 5. See Welcker, vol.\n i. p. 403.\n\nFootnote 1036:\n\n Augustin. de Serm. Dom. in Monte, ii. 5. Tertullian. Contra Valentin.\n iii.; Apolog. xvi. Constitutiones Apostolic\u00e6, ii. 57. Cyril. Catech.\n Mystag. i. 2. Hieronym. in Amos. vi. 14; Bingham, \u2018Antiquities of Chr.\n Church,\u2019 book viii. ch. 3, book xi. ch. 7, book xiii. ch. 8. J. M.\n Neale, \u2018Eastern Church,\u2019 part i. p. 956; Romanoff, \u2018Greco-Russian\n Church,\u2019 p. 67.\n\nFootnote 1037:\n\n Billings, \u2018N. Russia,\u2019 p. 175.\n\nFootnote 1038:\n\n Martius, \u2018Ethnog. Amer.\u2019 vol. i. p. 485.\n\nFootnote 1039:\n\n \u2018Journ. Ind. Archip.\u2019 vol. ii. p. 264.\n\nFootnote 1040:\n\n Taylor, \u2018New Zealand,\u2019 p. 184; Yate, p. 82; Polack, vol. i. p. 51; A.\n S. Thomson, vol. i. p. 118; Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 304.\n See Schirren, \u2018Wandersagen der Neuseel\u00e4nder,\u2019 pp. 58, 183; Shortland,\n p. 145.\n\nFootnote 1041:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Madagascar,\u2019 vol. i. p. 152.\n\nFootnote 1042:\n\n Munzinger, \u2018Ost-Afrika,\u2019 p. 387.\n\nFootnote 1043:\n\n Park, \u2018Travels,\u2019 ch. vi.\n\nFootnote 1044:\n\n J. L. Wilson, \u2018Western Africa,\u2019 p. 399. See also Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019\n vol. ii. p. 279 (Watje); \u2018Anthropological Review,\u2019 Nov. 1864, p. 243\n (Mpongwe); Barker-Webb and Berthelot, vol. ii. p. 163 (Tenerife).\n\nFootnote 1045:\n\n See pp. 5, 437.\n\nFootnote 1046:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part i. p. 261; part iii. p. 243, &c.\n Charlevoix, \u2018Nouvelle France,\u2019 vol. v. p. 425. Wilson in \u2018Tr. Eth.\n Soc.\u2019 vol. iv. p. 294.\n\nFootnote 1047:\n\n Casalis, \u2018Basutos,\u2019 p. 267.\n\nFootnote 1048:\n\n Kolben, vol. i. pp. 273, 283.\n\nFootnote 1049:\n\n Bosman, in Pinkerton, vol. xvi. pp. 423, 527; Meiners, vol. ii. pp.\n 107, 463.\n\nFootnote 1050:\n\n Pallas, \u2018Mongolische V\u00f6lkerschaften,\u2019 vol. i. p. 166, &c.;\n Strahlenberg, \u2018Siberia,\u2019 p. 97.\n\nFootnote 1051:\n\n Bourien in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. iii. p. 81.\n\nFootnote 1052:\n\n Dalton in \u2018Tr. Eth. Soc.\u2019 vol. vi. p. 22; Shortt, ibid. vol. iii. p.\n 375.\n\nFootnote 1053:\n\n Schoolcraft, \u2018Indian Tribes,\u2019 part i. p. 255.\n\nFootnote 1054:\n\n Brinton, \u2018Myths of New World,\u2019 p. 127.\n\nFootnote 1055:\n\n Ellis, \u2018Madagascar,\u2019 vol. i. p. 241; see pp. 407, 419.\n\nFootnote 1056:\n\n Casalis, \u2018Basutos,\u2019 p. 258.\n\nFootnote 1057:\n\n Grout, \u2018Zulu-land,\u2019 p. 147; Backhouse, \u2018Mauritius and S. Africa,\u2019 pp.\n 213, 225.\n\nFootnote 1058:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. iii. p. 75; Rubruquis, in Pinkerton, vol. vii.\n p. 82; Plano Carpini in Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 37.\n\nFootnote 1059:\n\n Rivero and Tschudi, \u2018Peruvian Antiquities,\u2019 p. 180; J. G. M\u00fcller,\n \u2018Amer. Urrelig.\u2019 p. 389; Acosta, \u2018Ind. Occ.\u2019 v. c. 25; Brinton, p.\n 126. See account of the rite of driving out sicknesses and evils into\n the rivers, \u2018Rites and Laws of Incas,\u2019 tr. and ed. by C. R. Markham,\n p. 22.\n\nFootnote 1060:\n\n Sahagun, \u2018Nueva Espa\u00f1a,\u2019 lib. vi.; Torquemada, \u2018Monarquia Indiana,\u2019\n lib. xii.; Clavigero, vol. ii. pp. 39, 86, &c.; Humboldt, \u2018Vues des\n Cordill\u00e8res,\u2019 Mendoza Cod.; J. G. M\u00fcller, p. 652.\n\nFootnote 1061:\n\n Siebold, \u2018Nippon,\u2019 v. p. 22; Kempfer, \u2018Japan,\u2019 ch. xiii. in Pinkerton,\n vol. vii.\n\nFootnote 1062:\n\n Doolittle, \u2018Chinese,\u2019 vol. i. p. 120, vol. ii. p. 273. Davis, vol. i.\n p. 269.\n\nFootnote 1063:\n\n Bastian, \u2018Oestl. Asien,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 247; Meiners, vol. ii. p. 106;\n Symes in Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 435.\n\nFootnote 1064:\n\n K\u00f6ppen, \u2018Religion des Buddha,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 320; Bastian,\n \u2018Psychologie,\u2019 pp. 151, 211; \u2018Mensch,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 499.\n\nFootnote 1065:\n\n Leems, \u2018Finnmarkens Lapper.\u2019 Copenhagen, c. xiv., xxii., and Jessen,\n c. xiv.; Pinkerton, vol. i. p. 483; Klemm, \u2018Cultur-Gesch.\u2019 vol. iii.\n p. 77.\n\nFootnote 1066:\n\n Ward, \u2018Hindoos,\u2019 vol. ii. pp. 96, 246, 337; Colebrooke, \u2018Essays,\u2019 vol.\n ii. Wuttke, \u2018Gesch. des Heidenthums,\u2019 vol. ii. p. 378. \u2018Rig-Veda,\u2019 i.\n 22, 23.\n\nFootnote 1067:\n\n Avesta, Vendidad, v.-xii.; Lord, in Pinkerton, vol. viii. p. 570;\n Naoroji, \u2018Parsee Religion\u2019; Polak, \u2018Persien,\u2019 vol i. p. 355, &c., vol.\n ii. p. 271. Meiners, vol. ii. p. 125.\n\nFootnote 1068:\n\n Details in Smith\u2019s \u2018Dic. of Gr. and Rom. Ant.\u2019 and Pauly,\n \u2018Real-Encyclopedie,\u2019 s.v. \u2018amphidromia,\u2019 \u2018lustratio,\u2019 \u2018sacrificium,\u2019\n \u2018funus\u2019; Meiners, \u2018Gesch. der Religionen,\u2019 book vii.; Lomeyer, \u2018De\n Veterum Gentilium Lustrationibus\u2019; Montfaucon, \u2018L\u2019Antiquit\u00e9\n Expliqu\u00e9e,\u2019 &c. Special passages; Homer, Il. vi. 266; Eurip. Ion. 96;\n Theocrit. xxiv. 95; Virg. \u00c6n. ii. 719; Plaut. Aulular. iii. 6; Pers.\n Sat. ii. 31; Ovid. Fast. i. 669, ii. 45, iv. 727; Festus, s.v. \u2018aqua\n et ignis,\u2019 &c. The obscure subject of lustration in the mysteries is\n here left untouched.\n\nFootnote 1069:\n\n Ex. xxix. 4, xxx. 18, xl. 12; Lev. viii. 6, xiv. 8, xv. 5, xxii. 6;\n Numb. xix. &c.; Lightfoot in \u2018Works,\u2019 vol. xi.; Browne in Smith\u2019s\n \u2018Dic. of the Bible,\u2019 s.v. \u2018baptism;\u2019 Calmet, \u2018Dic.\u2019 &c.\n\nFootnote 1070:\n\n Reland, \u2018De Religione Mohammedanica;\u2019 Lane, \u2018Modern Eg.\u2019 vol. i. p.\n 98, &c.\n\nFootnote 1071:\n\n Bingham, \u2018Antiquities of Christian Church,\u2019 book xi. ch. 2. Grimm,\n \u2018Deutsche Mythologie,\u2019 p. 592; Leslie, \u2018Early Races of Scotland,\u2019 vol.\n i. p. 113; Pennant, in Pinkerton, vol. iii. p. 383.\n\nFootnote 1072:\n\n Rituale Romanum; Gaume, \u2018L\u2019Eau B\u00e9nite;\u2019 Middleton, \u2018Letter from Rome,\u2019\n &c.\n\nFootnote 1073:\n\n Rituale Romanum. Bingham, book x. ch. 2, book xv. ch. 3. See Mark vii.\n 34, viii. 23; John ix. 6.\n\n\n\n\n CHAPTER XIX.\n CONCLUSION.\n\n Practical results of the study of Primitive Culture\u2014Its bearing\n least upon Positive Science, greatest upon Intellectual, Moral,\n Social, and Political Philosophy\u2014Language\u2014Mythology\u2014Ethics and\n Law\u2014Religion\u2014Action of the Science of Culture, as a means of\n furthering progress and removing hindrance, effective in the course\n of Civilization.\n\n\nIt now remains, in bringing to a close these investigations on the\nrelation of primitive to modern civilization, to urge the practical\nimport of the considerations raised in their course. Granted that\narch\u00e6ology, leading the student\u2019s mind back to remotest known conditions\nof human life, shows such life to have been of unequivocally savage\ntype; granted that the rough-hewn flint hatchet, dug out from amidst the\nbones of mammoths in a drift gravel-bed to lie on an ethnologist\u2019s\nwriting-table, is to him a very type of primitive culture, simple yet\ncrafty, clumsy yet purposeful, low in artistic level yet fairly started\non the ascent toward highest development\u2014what then? Of course the\nhistory and pr\u00e6-history of man take their proper places in the general\nscheme of knowledge. Of course the doctrine of the world-long evolution\nof civilization is one which philosophic minds will take up with eager\ninterest, as a theme of abstract science. But beyond this, such research\nhas its practical side, as a source of power destined to influence the\ncourse of modern ideas and actions. To establish a connexion between\nwhat uncultured ancient men thought and did, and what cultured modern\nmen think and do, is not a matter of inapplicable theoretic knowledge,\nfor it raises the issue, how far are modern opinion and conduct based on\nthe strong ground of soundest modern knowledge, or how far only on such\nknowledge as was available in the earlier and ruder stages of culture\nwhere their types were shaped. It has to be maintained that the early\nhistory of man has its bearing, almost ignored as that bearing has been\nby those whom it ought most stringently to affect, on some of the\ndeepest and most vital points of our intellectual, industrial, and\nsocial state.\n\nEven in advanced sciences, such as relate to measure and force and\nstructure in the inorganic and organic world, it is at once a common and\na serious error to adopt the principle of letting bygones be bygones.\nWere scientific systems the oracular revelations they sometimes all but\npretend to be, it might be justifiable to take no note of the condition\nof mere opinion or fancy that preceded them. But the investigator who\nturns from his modern text-books to the antiquated dissertations of the\ngreat thinkers of the past, gains from the history of his own craft a\ntruer view of the relation of theory to fact, learns from the course of\ngrowth in each current hypothesis to appreciate its raison d\u2019\u00eatre and\nfull significance, and even finds that a return to older starting-points\nmay enable him to find new paths, where the modern track seems stopped\nby impassable barriers. It is true that rudimentary conditions of arts\nand sciences are often rather curious than practically instructive,\nespecially because the modern practitioner has kept up, as mere\nelementary processes, the results of the ancient or savage man\u2019s most\nstrenuous efforts. Perhaps our tool-makers may not gain more than a few\nsuggestive hints from a museum of savage implements, our physicians may\nonly be interested in savage recipes so far as they involve the use of\nlocal drugs, our mathematicians may leave to the infant-school the\nhighest flights of savage arithmetic, our astronomers may only find in\nthe star-craft of the lower races an uninstructive combination of myth\nand commonplace. But there are departments of knowledge, of not less\nconsequence than mechanics and medicine, arithmetic and astronomy, in\nwhich the study of the lowest stages, as influencing the practical\nacceptance of the higher, cannot be thus carelessly set aside.\n\nIf we survey the state of educated opinion, not within the limits of\nsome special school, but in the civilized world at large, on such\nsubjects especially as relate to Man, his intellectual and moral nature,\nhis place and function among his fellow-men and in the universe at\nlarge, we see existing side by side, as if of equal right, opinions most\ndiverse in real authority. Some, vouched for by direct and positive\nevidence, hold their ground as solid truths. Others, though founded on\ncrudest theories of the lower culture, have been so modified under the\ninfluence of advancing knowledge, as to afford a satisfactory framework\nfor recognized facts; and positive science, mindful of the origin of its\nown philosophic schemes, must admit the validity of such a title.\nOthers, lastly, are opinions belonging properly to lower intellectual\nlevels, which have held their place into the higher by mere force of\nancestral tradition; these are survivals. Now it is the practical office\nof ethnography to make known to all whom it may concern the tenure of\nopinions in the public mind, to show what is received on its own direct\nevidence, what is ruder ancient doctrine reshaped to answer modern ends,\nand what is but time-honoured superstition in the garb of modern\nknowledge.\n\nTopic after topic shows at a glimpse the way in which ethnography bears\non modern intellectual conditions. Language, appearing as an art in full\nvigour among rude tribes, already displays the adaptation of childlike\ndevices in self-expressive sound and pictorial metaphor, to utter\nthoughts as complex and abstruse as savage minds demand speech for. When\nit is considered how far the development of knowledge depends on full\nand exact means of expressing thought, is it not a pregnant\nconsideration that the language of civilized men is but the language of\nsavages, more or less improved in structure, a good deal extended in\nvocabulary, made more precise in the dictionary definition of words? The\ndevelopment of language between its savage and cultured stages has been\nmade in its details, scarcely in its principle. It is not too much to\nsay that half the vast defect of language as a method of utterance, and\nhalf the vast defect of thought as determined by the influence of\nlanguage, are due to the fact that speech is a scheme worked out by the\nrough and ready application of material metaphor and imperfect analogy,\nin ways fitting rather the barbaric education of those who formed it,\nthan our own. Language is one of those intellectual departments in which\nwe have gone too little beyond the savage stage, but are still as it\nwere hacking with stone celts and twirling laborious friction-fire.\nMetaphysical speculation, again, has been one of the potent influences\non human conduct, and although its rise, and one may almost say also its\ndecline and fall, belong to comparatively civilized ages, yet its\nconnexion with lower stages of intellectual history may to some extent\nbe discerned. For example, attention may be recalled to a special point\nbrought forward in this work, that one of the greatest metaphysical\ndoctrines is a transfer to the field of philosophy from the field of\nreligion, made when philosophers familiar with the conception of\nobject-phantoms used this to provide a doctrine of thought, thus giving\nrise to the theory of ideas. Far more fully and distinctly, the study of\nthe savage and barbaric intellect opens to us the study of Mythology.\nThe evidence here brought together as to the relation of the savage to\nthe cultured mind in the matter of mythology has, I think, at any rate\njustified this claim. With a consistency of action so general as to\namount to mental law, it is proved that among the lower races all over\nthe world the operation of outward events on the inward mind leads not\nonly to statement of fact, but to formation of myth. It gives no\nunimportant clues to the student of mental history, to see by what\nregular processes myths are generated, and how, growing by wear and\nincreasing in value at secondhand, they pass into pseudo-historic\nlegend. Poetry is full of myth, and he who will understand it\nanalytically will do well to study it ethnographically. In so far as\nmyth, seriously or sportively meant, is the subject of poetry, and in so\nfar as it is couched in language whose characteristic is that wild and\nrambling metaphor which represents the habitual expression of savage\nthought, the mental condition of the lower races is the key to\npoetry\u2014nor is it a small portion of the poetic realm which these\ndefinitions cover. History, again, is an agent powerful, and becoming\nmore powerful, in shaping men\u2019s minds, and through their minds their\nactions in the world; now one of the most prominent faults of historians\nis that, through want of familiarity with the principles of\nmyth-development, they cannot apply systematically to ancient legend the\nappropriate test for separating chronicle from myth, but with few\nexceptions are apt to treat the mingled mass of tradition partly with\nundiscriminating credulity and partly with undiscriminating scepticism.\nEven more injurious is the effect of such want of testing on that part\nof traditional or documentary record which, among any section of\nmankind, stands as sacred history. It is not merely that in turning to\nthe index of some book on savage tribes, one comes on such a suggestive\nheading as this, \u2018Religion\u2014_see_ Mythology.\u2019 It is that within the upper\nhalf of the scale of civilization, among the great historic religions of\nthe world, we all know that between religion and religion, and even to\nno small extent between sect and sect, the narratives which to one side\nare sacred history, may seem to the other mythic legend. Among the\nreasons which retard the progress of religious history in the modern\nworld, one of the most conspicuous is this, that so many of its approved\nhistorians demand from the study of mythology always weapons to destroy\ntheir adversaries\u2019 structures, but never tools to clear and trim their\nown. It is an indispensable qualification of the true historian that he\nshall be able to look dispassionately on myth as a natural and regular\nproduct of the human mind, acting on appropriate facts in a manner\nsuited to the intellectual state of the people producing it, and that he\nshall treat it as an accretion to be deducted from professed history,\nwhenever it is recognized by the tests of being decidedly against\nevidence as fact, and at the same time clearly explicable as myth. It is\nfrom the ethnographic study of savage and barbaric races that the\nknowledge of the general laws of myth-development, required for the\ncarrying out of this critical process, may be best or must necessarily\nbe gained.\n\nThe two vast united provinces of Morals and Law have been as yet too\nimperfectly treated on a general ethnographic scheme, to warrant\ndistinct statement of results. Yet thus much may be confidently said,\nthat where the ground has been even superficially explored, every\nglimpse reveals treasures of knowledge. It is already evident that\nenquirers who systematically trace each department of moral and legal\ninstitutions from the savage through the barbaric and into the civilized\ncondition of mankind, thereby introduce into the scientific\ninvestigations of these subjects an indispensable element which merely\ntheoretical writers are apt unscrupulously to dispense with. The law or\nmaxim which a people at some particular stage of its history might have\nmade fresh, according to the information and circumstances of the\nperiod, is one thing. The law or maxim which did in fact become current\namong them by inheritance from an earlier stage, only more or less\nmodified to make it compatible with the new conditions, is another and\nfar different thing. Ethnography is required to bridge over the gap\nbetween the two, a very chasm where the arguments of moralists and\nlegists are continually falling in, to crawl out maimed and helpless.\nWithin modern grades of civilization this historical method is now\nbecoming more and more accepted. It will not be denied that English law\nhas acquired, by modified inheritance from past ages, a theory of\nprimogeniture and a theory of real estate which are so far from being\nproducts of our own times that we must go back to the middle ages for\nanything like a satisfactory explanation of them; and as for more\nabsolute survival, did not Jewish disabilities stand practically, and\nthe wager of battle nominally, in our law of not many years back? But\nthe point to be pressed here is, that the development and survival of\nlaw are processes that did not first come into action within the range\nof written codes of comparatively cultured nations. Admitted that\ncivilized law requires its key from barbaric law; it must be borne in\nmind that the barbarian lawgiver too was guided in judgment not so much\nby first principles, as by a reverent and often stupidly reverent\nadherence to the tradition of earlier and yet ruder ages.\n\nNor can these principles be set aside in the scientific study of moral\nsentiment and usage. When the ethical systems of mankind, from the\nlowest savagery upward, have been analyzed and arranged in their stages\nof evolution, then ethical science, no longer vitiated by too exclusive\napplication to particular phases of morality taken unreasonably as\nrepresenting morality in general, will put its methods to fair trial on\nthe long and intricate world-history of right and wrong.\n\nIn concluding a work of which full half is occupied by evidence bearing\non the philosophy of religion, it may well be asked, how does all this\narray of facts stand toward the theologian\u2019s special province? That the\nworld sorely needs new evidence and method in theology, the state of\nreligion in our own land bears witness. Take English Protestantism as a\ncentral district of opinion, draw an ideal line through its centre, and\nEnglish thought is seen to be divided as by a polarizing force extending\nto the utmost limits of repulsion. On one side of the dividing line\nstand such as keep firm hold on the results of the 16th century\nreformation, or seek yet more original canons from the first Christian\nages; on the other side stand those who, refusing to be bound by the\ndoctrinal judgments of past centuries, but introducing modern science\nand modern criticism as new factors in theological opinion, are eagerly\npressing toward a new reformation. Outside these narrower limits,\nextremer partizans occupy more distant ground on either side. On the one\nhand the Anglican blends gradually into the Roman scheme, a system so\ninteresting to the ethnologist for its maintenance of rites more\nnaturally belonging to barbaric culture; a system so hateful to the man\nof science for its suppression of knowledge, and for that usurpation of\nintellectual authority by a sacerdotal caste which has at last reached\nits climax, now that an aged bishop can judge, by infallible\ninspiration, the results of researches whose evidence and methods are\nalike beyond his knowledge and his mental grasp. On the other hand,\nintellect, here trampled under foot of dogma, takes full revenge\nelsewhere, even within the domain of religion, in those theological\ndistricts where reason takes more and more the command over hereditary\nbelief, like a mayor of the palace superseding a nominal king. In yet\nfarther ranges of opinion, religious authority is simply deposed and\nbanished, and the throne of absolute reason is set up without a rival\neven in name; in secularism the feeling and imagination which in the\nreligious world are bound to theological belief, have to attach\nthemselves to a positive natural philosophy, and to a positive morality\nwhich shall of its own force control the acts of men. Such, then, is the\nboundless divergence of opinion among educated citizens of an\nenlightened country, in an age scarcely approached by any former age in\nthe possession of actual knowledge and the strenuous pursuit of truth as\nthe guiding principle of life. Of the causes which have brought to pass\nso perplexed a condition of public thought, in so momentous a matter as\ntheology, there is one, and that a weighty one, which demands mention\nhere. It is the partial and one-sided application of the historical\nmethod of enquiry into theological doctrines, and the utter neglect of\nthe ethnographical method which carries back the historical into remoter\nand more primitive regions of thought. Looking at each doctrine by\nitself and for itself, as in the abstract true or untrue, theologians\nclose their eyes to the instances which history is ever holding up\nbefore them, that one phase of a religious belief is the outcome of\nanother, that in all times religion has included within its limits a\nsystem of philosophy, expressing its more or less transcendental\nconceptions in doctrines which form in any age their fittest\nrepresentatives, but which doctrines are liable to modification in the\ngeneral course of intellectual change, whether the ancient formulas\nstill hold their authority with altered meaning, or are themselves\nreformed or replaced. Christendom furnishes evidence to establish this\nprinciple, if for example we will but candidly compare the educated\nopinion of Rome in the 5th with that of London in the 19th century, on\nsuch subjects as the nature and functions of soul, spirit, deity, and\njudge by the comparison in what important respects the philosophy of\nreligion has come to differ even among men who represent in different\nages the same great principles of faith. The general study of the\nethnography of religion, through all its immensity of range, seems to\ncountenance the theory of evolution in its highest and widest sense. In\nthe treatment of some of its topics here, I have propounded special\nhypotheses as to the order in which various stages of doctrine and rite\nhave succeeded one another in the history of religion. Yet how far these\nparticular theories may hold good, seems even to myself a minor matter.\nThe essential part of the ethnographic method in theology lies in\nadmitting as relevant the compared evidence of religion in all stages of\nculture. The action of such evidence on theology proper is in this wise,\nthat a vast proportion of doctrines and rites known among mankind are\nnot to be judged as direct products of the particular religious systems\nwhich give them sanction, for they are in fact more or less modified\nresults adopted from previous systems. The theologian, as he comes to\ndeal with each element of belief and worship, ought to ascertain its\nplace in the general scheme of religion. Should the doctrine or rite in\nquestion appear to have been transmitted from an earlier to a later\nstage of religious thought, then it should be tested, like any other\npoint of culture, as to its place in development. The question has to be\nraised, to which of these three categories it belongs:\u2014is it a product\nof the earlier theology, yet sound enough to maintain a rightful place\nin the later?\u2014is it derived from a cruder original, yet so modified as\nto become a proper representative of more advanced views?\u2014is it a\nsurvival from a lower stage of thought, imposing on the credit of the\nhigher by virtue not of inherent truth but of ancestral belief? These\nare queries the very asking of which starts trains of thought which\ncandid minds should be encouraged to pursue, leading as they do toward\nthe attainment of such measure of truth as the intellectual condition of\nour age fits us to assimilate. In the scientific study of religion,\nwhich now shows signs of becoming for many a year an engrossing subject\nof the world\u2019s thought, the decision must not rest with a council in\nwhich the theologian, the metaphysician, the biologist, the physicist,\nexclusively take part. The historian and the ethnographer must be called\nupon to show the hereditary standing of each opinion and practice, and\ntheir enquiry must go back as far as antiquity or savagery can show a\nvestige, for there seems no human thought so primitive as to have lost\nits bearing on our own thought, nor so ancient as to have broken its\nconnection with our own life.\n\nIt is our happiness to live in one of those eventful periods of\nintellectual and moral history, when the oft-closed gates of discovery\nand reform stand open at their widest. How long these good days may\nlast, we cannot tell. It may be that the increasing power and range of\nthe scientific method, with its stringency of argument and constant\ncheck of fact, may start the world on a more steady and continuous\ncourse of progress than it has moved on heretofore. But if history is to\nrepeat itself according to precedent, we must look forward to stiffer\nduller ages of traditionalists and commentators, when the great thinkers\nof our time will be appealed to as authorities by men who slavishly\naccept their tenets, yet cannot or dare not follow their methods through\nbetter evidence to higher ends. In either case, it is for those among us\nwhose minds are set on the advancement of civilization, to make the most\nof present opportunities, that even when in future years progress is\narrested, it may be arrested at the higher level. To the promoters of\nwhat is sound and reformers of what is faulty in modern culture,\nethnography has double help to give. To impress men\u2019s minds with a\ndoctrine of development, will lead them in all honour to their ancestors\nto continue the progressive work of past ages, to continue it the more\nvigorously because light has increased in the world, and where barbaric\nhordes groped blindly, cultured men can often move onward with clear\nview. It is a harsher, and at times even painful, office of ethnography\nto expose the remains of crude old culture which have passed into\nharmful superstition, and to mark these out for destruction. Yet this\nwork, if less genial, is not less urgently needful for the good of\nmankind. Thus, active at once in aiding progress and in removing\nhindrance, the science of culture is essentially a reformer\u2019s science.\n\n\n\n\n INDEX.\n\n Abacus, i. 270.\n\n Accent, i. 173.\n\n Acephali, i. 390.\n\n Achilles:\u2014vulnerable spot, i. 358; dream, i. 444;\n in Hades, ii. 81.\n\n Acosta, on American archetypal deities, ii. 244.\n\n Adam, ii. 312, 315.\n\n \u00c6lian, i. 372, ii. 423;\n on Kynokephali, i. 389.\n\n \u00c6olus, i. 361, ii. 269.\n\n \u00c6sculapius:\u2014incubation in temple, ii. 121;\n serpents of, ii. 241.\n\n Affirmative and negative particles, i. 192.\n\n Afghans, race-genealogy of, i. 403.\n\n Agni, ii. 281, 386.\n\n Agreement in custom and opinion no proof of soundness, i. 13.\n\n Agriculture, god of, ii. 305.\n\n Ahriman, ii. 328.\n\n Ahura-Mazda, ii. 283, 328, 355.\n\n Alexander the Great, i. 395, ii. 138.\n\n Alfonso di Liguori, St., bilocation of, i. 447.\n\n Alger, W. R., i. 471, 484, ii. 83.\n\n Algonquin languages, animate and inanimate genders, i. 302.\n\n Ali as Thunder-god, ii. 264.\n\n All Souls\u2019, feast of dead, ii. 37.\n\n Allegory, i. 277, 408.\n\n Aloysius Gonzaga, St., letters to, ii. 122.\n\n Alphabet, i. 171;\n by raps, i. 145;\n as numeral series, i. 258.\n\n Amatongo, i. 443, ii. 115, 131, 313, 367, 387.\n\n Amenti, Egyptian dead-land, ii. 67, 81, 96, 295, 311.\n\n Amphidromia, ii. 439.\n\n Analogy, myth product of, i. 297.\n\n Ancestors, eponymic myths of, i. 398, ii. 234;\n worship of divine, ii. 113, 311;\n see Manes-worship, Totem-worship.\n\n Ancestral names indicate re-birth of souls, ii. 5.\n\n Ancestral tablet, Chinese, ii. 118, 152.\n\n Andaman Islanders, mythic origin of, i. 369, 389.\n\n Angang, omen from meeting animal, i., 120.\n\n Angel, see Spirit;\n of death, i. 295, ii. 196, 322.\n\n Angelo, St., legend of, i. 295.\n\n Anima, animus, i. 433, 470.\n\n Animals:\u2014omens from, i. 120;\n calls to and cries of, 177;\n imitative names from cries, &c., 206;\n treated as human, i. 467, ii. 230;\n souls of, i. 469;\n future life and funeral sacrifice of, i. 469, ii. 75, &c.;\n entry and transmigration of souls into and possession by spirits, ii.\n 7, 152, 161, 175, 231, 241, 378, &c.;\n diseases transferred to, ii. 147;\n see spirits invisible to men, ii. 196.\n\n Animals, sacred, incarnations or representatives of deities, ii. 231;\n receive and consume sacrifices, 378.\n\n Animal-worship, i. 467, ii. 229, 378.\n\n Animism:\u2014defined, i. 23, 425;\n is the philosophy of religion, i. 426, ii. 356;\n is a primitive scientific system of man and nature based on the\n conception of the human soul, i. 428, 499, ii. 108, 184, 356;\n its stages of development, survival, and decline, i. 499, ii. 181,\n 356.\n See Soul, Spirit, &c., &c.\n\n Anra-Mainyu, ii. 328.\n\n Antar, tumulus of, ii. 29.\n\n Anthropomorphic conceptions of spirit and deity, ii. 110, 184, 247,\n 335.\n\n Antipodes, i. 392.\n\n Ape-men, i. 379;\n apes degenerate men, 376;\n can but will not talk, 379.\n\n Apollo, ii. 294.\n\n Apophis-serpent, ii. 241.\n\n Apotheosis, ii. 120.\n\n Apparitional soul, i. 428;\n its likeness to body, 450.\n\n Apparitions, i. 143, 440, 445, 478, ii. 24, 187, 410, &c.\n\n Archetypal deities and ideas, ii. 243.\n\n Ares, ii. 308.\n\n Argos Panoptes, i. 320.\n\n Argyll, Duke of, on prim\u00e6val man, i. 60.\n Arithmetic, see Counting.\n\n Arriero, i. 191.\n\n Arrows, magic, i. 345.\n\n Artemidorus, on dream-omens, i. 122.\n\n Artemis, ii. 302.\n\n Aryan race:\u2014no savage tribe among, i. 49;\n antiquity of culture, i. 54.\n\n Ascendant in horoscope, i. 129.\n\n Ashera, worship of, ii. 166, 226.\n\n Ashes strewn for spirit-footprints, i. 455. ii. 197.\n\n Asmodeus, ii. 254.\n\n Association of ideas, foundation of magic, i. 116.\n\n Astrology, i. 128, 291.\n\n Atahentsic, ii. 299, 309, 323.\n\n Atahocan, ii. 323, 340.\n\n Atavism, explained by transmigration, ii. 3.\n\n Atheist, use of word, i. 420.\n\n Augury, &c., i. 119. See ii. 179, 232.\n\n Augustine, St., i. 199, 441, ii. 54, 427;\n on dreams, i. 441;\n on incubi, ii. 190.\n\n Augustus, genius of, ii. 202.\n\n Avatars, ii. 239.\n\n Avernus, Lake, ii. 45.\n\n Ayenbite of Inwyt, i. 456.\n\n\n Baal-Shemesh, ii. 295.\n\n Bacon, Lord, on allegory, i. 277.\n\n B\u00e6tyls, animated stones, ii. 166.\n\n Baku, burning wells of, ii. 281.\n\n Baldr, i. 464.\n\n Bale, Bishop, i. 384;\n on witchcraft, i. 142.\n\n Bands, clerical, i. 18.\n\n Baptism, ii. 440;\n orientation in, 427.\n\n Baring-Gould, S., on werewolves, i. 314.\n\n Bastian, Adolf, Mensch in der Geschichte, i. vi.; ii. 209, 222, 242,\n 280, &c.\n\n Baudet, etymology of, i. 413.\n\n Beal, ii. 252, 408.\n\n Bear, Great, i. 359.\n\n Beast-fables, i. 381, 409.\n\n Bees, telling, i. 287.\n\n Bel, ii. 293, 380, 384.\n\n Berkeley, Bishop, on ideas, i. 499;\n on force and matter, ii. 160.\n\n Bewitching by objects, i. 116.\n\n Bible and key, ordeal by, i. 128.\n\n Bilocation, i. 447.\n\n Bird, of thunder, i. 362;\n bird conveys spirit, ii. 161, 175.\n\n Blackstone\u2019s Commentaries, i. 20.\n\n Blemmy\u00e6, headless men, i. 390.\n\n Blood:\u2014related to soul, i. 431;\n revives ghosts, ii. 48;\n offered to deities, 381;\n substitute for life, 402.\n\n Blood-red stain, myths to account for, i. 406.\n\n Bloodsuckers, ii. 191.\n\n Blow-tube, i. 67.\n\n Bo tree, ii. 218.\n\n Boar\u2019s head, ii. 408.\n\n Boats without iron, myth on, i. 374.\n\n Bochica, i. 353, ii. 290.\n\n Boehme, Jacob, on man\u2019s primitive knowledge, ii. 185.\n\n Bolotu, ii. 22, 62, 310.\n\n Boni Homines, i. 77.\n\n Book of Dead, Egyptian, ii. 13, 96.\n\n Boomerang, i. 67.\n\n Boreas, i. 362, ii. 268.\n\n Bosjesman, etymology of word, i. 381.\n\n Bow and Arrow, i. 7, 15, 64, 73.\n\n Brahma, ii. 354, 425.\n\n Brahmanism:\u2014funeral rites, i. 465, &c.;\n transmigration, ii. 9, 19, 97;\n manes-worship, 119;\n stone-worship, 164;\n idolatry, 178;\n animal-worship, 238;\n sun-worship, 292;\n orientation, 425;\n lustration, 437.\n\n Breath, its relation to soul, i. 432.\n\n Bride-capture, game of, i. 72.\n\n Bridge, first crossing, i. 106;\n of dead, i. 495, ii. 50, 94, 100, &c.\n\n Brinton, D. G., i. 53, 361, ii. 90, 340;\n on dualistic myths, ii. 320.\n\n Britain, eponymic kings of, i. 400;\n voyage of souls to, ii. 64.\n\n Brosses, C. de, on degeneration and development, i. 36;\n origin of language, 161;\n fetishism, ii. 144;\n species-deities, 246.\n\n Browne, Sir Thos., on magnetic mountain, i. 375.\n\n Brutus, evil genius of, ii. 203.\n\n Brynhild, i. 465.\n\n Buck, buck, game of, i. 74.\n\n Buddha, transmigrations of, i. 414, ii. 11.\n\n Buddhism:\u2014culture-tradition, i. 41;\n saints rise in air, i. 149;\n transmigration, ii. 11, 20, 97;\n nirvana, ii. 79;\n tree-worship, i. 476, ii. 217;\n serpent-worship, 240;\n religious formulas, 372.\n\n Buildings, victim immured in foundation, i. 104, &c.;\n mythic founders of, i. 394.\n\n Bull, Bishop, on guardian angels, ii. 203.\n\n Bura Pennu, ii. 327, 350, 368, 404.\n\n Burial, ghost wanders till, ii. 27;\n corpse laid east and west, 423.\n\n Burning oats from straw, i. 44.\n\n Burton, R. F., continuance-theory of future life, ii. 75;\n disease-spirits, 150.\n\n Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, incubi, &c., ii. 191.\n\n Buschmann, on nature-sound, i. 223.\n\n Butler, Bishop, on natural religion, ii. 356.\n\n\n Cacod\u00e6mon, ii. 138, 202.\n\n C\u00e6sar, on German deities, ii. 294.\n\n Cagots, i. 115, 384.\n\n Calls to animals, i. 177.\n\n Calmet, on souls, i. 457;\n on spirits, ii. 188, &c.\n\n Calumet, i. 210.\n\n Candles against demons, ii. 194.\n\n Cant, myth on word, i. 397.\n\n Cardinal numbers, i. 257.\n\n Cards, Playing, i. 82, 126.\n\n Cassava, i. 63.\n\n Castr\u00e9n, ii. 80, 155, 177, 245, 351, &c.\n\n Cave-men, condition of, i. 59.\n\n Ceremonies, religious, ii. 362, &c.\n\n Ceres, ii. 306.\n\n Chances, games of, their relation to arts of divination, i. 78.\n\n Chanticleer, i. 413.\n\n Charivari at eclipse, i. 329.\n\n Charms:\u2014objects, i. 118, ii. 148;\n formulas, their relation to prayers, ii. 373.\n\n Charon, i. 490, ii. 93.\n\n Chesterfield, Lord, on customs, i. 95;\n on omens, i. 118.\n\n Chic, myth on word, i. 397.\n\n Child-birth-goddess, ii. 305.\n\n Children, numerical series of names for, i. 254;\n suckled by wild beasts, i. 281;\n receive ancestors\u2019 souls and names, ii. 4;\n sacrifice of, ii. 398, 403.\n\n Children\u2019s language, i. 223.\n\n China, religion of:\u2014funeral rites, i. 464, 493;\n manes-worship, ii. 118;\n cultus of heaven and earth, 257, 272, 352;\n divine hierarchy, 352;\n prayer, 370;\n sacrifices, 385, 405.\n\n Chinese culture-tradition, i. 40;\n remains in Borneo, i. 57.\n\n Chiromancy or palmistry, i. 125.\n\n Chirp or twitter of ghosts, &c., i. 453.\n\n Christmas, origin of, ii. 297.\n\n Chronology, limits of ancient, i. 54.\n\n Cicero, on dreams, i. 444;\n sun-gods, ii. 294.\n\n Civilization, see Culture.\n\n Civilization-myths, i. 39, 353.\n\n Civilized men adopt savage life, i. 45.\n\n Clairvoyance, by objects, i. 116.\n\n Clashing rocks, myth of, i. 347.\n\n Clicks, i. 171, 192.\n\n Cocoa-nut, divination by, i. 80.\n\n Coin placed with dead, i. 490, 494.\n\n Columba, St., legend of, i. 104.\n\n Columbus, his quest of Earthly Paradise, ii. 61.\n\n Common, right of, i. 20.\n\n Comparative theology, ii. 251.\n\n Comte, Auguste, i. 19;\n fetishism, i. 477, ii. 144, 354;\n species-deities, 242.\n\n Confucius, i. 157;\n funeral sacrifice, i. 464, ii. 42;\n spirits, 206;\n name of supreme deity, 352.\n\n Consonants, i. 169.\n\n Constellations, myths of, i. 290, 356.\n\n Continuance-theory of future life, ii. 75.\n\n Convulsions:\u2014by demoniacal possession, ii. 130;\n artificially produced, 416.\n\n Convulsionnaires, ii. 420.\n\n Copal incense, ii. 384.\n\n Cord, magical connexion by, i. 117.\n\n Corpse taken out by special opening in house, ii. 26;\n soul remains near, ii. 29, 150.\n\n Cortes, i. 319.\n\n Costume, i. 18.\n\n Counting, art of i. 22, 240, &c.;\n on fingers and toes, 244;\n by letters of alphabet, &c., 258;\n derivation of numeral words, 247;\n evidence of independent development of low tribes, 271.\n\n Counting games, i. 75, 87.\n\n Couvade, in South India, i. 84.\n\n Cow, name of, i. 208;\n purification by nirang, &c., ii. 438.\n\n Cox, G. W., i. 341, 346, 362.\n\n Creator, doctrine of, ii. 249, 312, 321, &c.\n\n Credibility of tradition, i. 275, 370.\n\n Crete, earth of, fatal to serpents, i. 372.\n\n Cromlechs and menhirs objects of worship, ii. 164.\n\n Culture:\u2014\n definition of, i. 1;\n scale of, i. 26;\n primitive, represented by modern savages, i. 21, 68, ii. 443, &c.;\n development of, i. 21, &c., 62, &c., 237, 270, 417, &c., ii. 356,\n 445;\n evidence of independent progress from low stages, i. 56, &c.;\n survival in culture, 70, &c.;\n evidence of early culture from language, 236;\n art of counting, 270;\n myth, 284;\n religion, i. 500, ii. 102, 184, 356, &c.;\n practical import of study of culture, 443.\n\n Curtius, Marcus, leap of, ii. 378.\n\n Curupa, cohoba, narcotic used in W. Ind. and S. Amer., ii. 416.\n\n Customs, permanence of, i. 70, 156;\n rational origin of, 94.\n\n Customs of Dahome, i. 462.\n\n Cyclops, i. 391.\n\n Cyrus, i. 281, 286.\n\n\n Dancing for religious excitement, ii. 133, 420.\n\n Danse Macabre, myth on name, i. 397.\n\n Dante, Divina Commedia, ii. 55, 220.\n\n Daphne, ii. 220.\n\n Dark, evil spirits in, ii. 194.\n\n Darwin, Charles, i. vii., ii. 152, 223.\n\n Dasent, G. W., i. 19.\n\n Davenport Brothers, i. 152, 311.\n\n Dawn, i. 338, &c.\n\n Day, sun as eye of, i. 350.\n\n Day and Night, myths of, i. 322, 337, &c., ii. 48, 323.\n\n Dead, use objects sacrificed for them, i. 485;\n feasts of, ii. 29;\n region of future life of, ii. 59, 74, 244;\n god and judge of, ii. 75, &c., 308.\n\n Deaf and Dumb, counting, i. 244, 262;\n their mythic ideas, i. 298, 413.\n\n Death:\u2014\n ascribed to sorcery, i. 138;\n omens of, i. 145, 449;\n angel of, i. 295, ii. 196, 332;\n personification and myths of, i. 295, 349, 355, ii. 46, &c., 309;\n death and sunset, myths of, i. 335, ii. 48;\n exit of soul at death, i. 448, ii. 1, &c.;\n death of soul, ii. 22.\n\n Death-watch, i. 146.\n\n Decimal notation, i. 261.\n\n Degeneration in culture, i. 35, &c.;\n is a secondary action, i. 38, 69;\n examples of, in Africa, North America, &c., i. 47.\n\n Delphi, oracle of, i. 94, ii. 138.\n\n Demeter, i. 328, ii. 273, 306.\n\n Democritus, theory of ideas, i. 497.\n\n Demons:\u2014souls become, ii. 27, 111, &c.;\n iron, charm against, i. 140;\n pervade world, ii. 111, 137, 185, &c.;\n disease-demons, 126, &c., 177, 192, 215;\n water-demons, i. 109, ii. 209;\n tree and forest demons, ii. 215, 222;\n possession and obsession by demons, i. 98, 152, 309, ii. 111, 123,\n &c., 179, 404;\n expulsion of, i. 103, ii. 125, 199, 438;\n answer in own name through patient or medium, ii. 124, &c., 182, 404.\n\n Dendid, creation-poem of, ii. 21.\n\n Deodand, origin of, i. 20, 287.\n\n Destruction of objects sacrificed to dead, i. 483;\n to deities, ii. 376, &c.\n\n Development of culture, see Culture.\n\n Development myths, men from apes, &c., i. 376.\n\n Devil:\u2014as satyr, i. 307;\n devils\u2019 tree, ii. 148;\n devil-dancers, ii. 133;\n devil-worshippers, ii. 329.\n\n Dice, for divination and gambling, i. 82.\n\n Dies Natalis, ii. 202, 297.\n\n Differential words, phonetic expression of distance and sex, i. 220.\n\n Dirge, Lyke-wake, i. 495; of Ho, ii. 32.\n\n Disease:\u2014personification and myths of, i. 295;\n caused by exit of soul, i. 436;\n by demoniacal possession, &c., i. 127, ii. 114, 123, 404;\n disease-spirits, ii. 125, &c., 178, 215, 408;\n embodied in objects or animals, 146, 178, &c., see Demons, Vampires.\n\n Distance expressed by phonetic modification, i. 220.\n\n Divination:\u2014lots, i. 78;\n symbolic processes, 81, 117;\n augury, &c., 119;\n dreams, 121;\n haruspication, 124;\n swinging ring, &c., 126;\n astrology, 128;\n possessed objects, i. 125, ii. 155.\n\n Divining rod and pendulum, i. 127.\n\n Doctrines borrowed by low from high races:\u2014on future life, ii. 91;\n dualism, 316;\n supremacy, 333.\n\n Dodona, oak of, ii. 219.\n\n Dog-headed men, i. 389.\n\n Dolmens, &c., myths suggested by, i. 387.\n\n Domina Abundia, ii. 389.\n\n Dook, ghost, i. 433.\n\n D\u2019Orbigny, on religion of low tribes, i. 419;\n on sun-worship, ii. 286.\n\n Dravidian languages, high and low gender, i. 302.\n\n Dreams:\u2014\n omens by, i. 121;\n by contraries, 122;\n caused by exit of soul, i. 440;\n by spiritual visit to soul, i. 442, 478;\n evidence of future life, ii. 24, 49, 75;\n oracular fasting for, 410;\n narcotizing for, 416.\n\n Drift, stone implements from, i. 58.\n\n Drivers\u2019 and Drovers\u2019 words, i. 180.\n\n Drowning, superstition against rescuing from, i. 107;\n caused by spirits, 109, ii. 209.\n\n Drugs used to produce morbid excitement, dreams, visions, &c., ii. 416.\n\n Dual and plural numbers in primitive culture, i. 265.\n\n Dualism:\u2014good and evil spirits, ii. 186;\n good and evil genius, 202;\n good and evil deity, 316.\n\n Dusii, ii. 190.\n\n Dwarfs, myths of, i. 385.\n\n Dyu, ii. 258.\n\n\n Earth, myths of, i. 322, &c., 364, ii. 270, 320.\n\n Earth-bearer, i. 364.\n\n Earth-goddess and earth-worship, i. 322, &c., ii. 270, 306, 345.\n\n Earth-mother, i. 326, &c., 365.\n\n Earthquake, myths of, i. 364.\n\n Earthly Paradise, ii. 57, &c.\n\n Earthly resurrection, ii. 5.\n\n East and West, burial of dead, turning to in worship, adjusting temples\n toward, ii. 383, 422.\n\n Easter fires and festivals, ii. 297.\n\n Eclipse, myths of, i. 288, 329, 356;\n driving off eclipse monster, i. 328.\n\n Ecstasy, swoon, &c.:\u2014\n by exit of soul, i. 439:\n by demoniacal possession, ii. 130;\n induced by fasting, drugs, excitement, ii. 410, &c.\n\n Edda, i. 84, ii. 77, &c.\n\n Egypt, antiquity of culture, i. 54;\n religion of, future life, ii. 13, 96;\n animal worship, 238;\n sun-worship, 295, 311;\n dualism, 327;\n polytheism and supremacy, 355.\n\n El, ii. 355.\n\n Elagabal, Elagabalus, Heliogabalus, ii. 295, 398.\n\n Elements, worship of the four, ii. 303.\n\n Elf-furrows, myth of, i. 393.\n\n Elijah as thunder-god, ii. 264.\n\n Elysium, ii. 97.\n\n Embodiment of souls and spirits, ii. 3, 123, &c.\n\n Emotional tone, i. 166, &c.\n\n Emphasis, i. 173.\n\n Endor, witch of, i. 446.\n\n Energumens or demoniacs, ii. 139.\n\n Englishman, Peruvian myth of, i. 354.\n\n Enigmas, Greek, i. 93.\n\n Enoch, Book of, i. 408.\n\n Enthusiasm, changed signification of, ii. 183.\n\n Epicurean theory of development of culture, i. 37, 60;\n of soul, 456;\n of ideas, 497.\n\n Epileptic fits by demoniacal possession, ii. 130, 137;\n induced, 419.\n\n Eponymic ancestors, &c., myths of, i. 387, 398, &c., ii. 235.\n\n Essence of food consumed by souls, ii. 39;\n by deities, 381.\n\n Ethereal substance of soul, i. 454;\n of spirit, ii. 198.\n\n Ethnological evidence from myths of monstrous tribes, i. 379, &c.;\n from eponymic race-genealogies, 401.\n\n Etiquette, significance of, i. 95.\n\n Etymological myths:\u2014\n names of places, i. 395;\n of persons, 396;\n nations, cities, &c., traced to eponymic ancestors or founders, 398,\n &c.\n\n Euhemerism, i. 279.\n\n Evans, Sir John, on stone implements, i. 65;\n Sebastian, i. 106, 453.\n\n Evil deity, ii. 316, &c.;\n worshipped only, 320.\n\n Excitement of convulsions, &c., for religious purposes, ii. 133, 419.\n\n Exeter, myth on name of, i. 396.\n\n Exorcism and expulsion of souls and spirits, i. 102, 454, ii. 26, 40,\n 125, &c., 146, 179, 199, 438.\n\n Expression of feature causes corresponding tone, i. 165, 183.\n\n Expressive sound modifies words, i. 215.\n\n Ex-voto offering, ii. 406, 409.\n\n Eye of day, of Odin, of Grai\u00e6, i. 350.\n\n\n Fables of animals, i. 381, 409.\n\n Familiar spirits, ii. 199.\n\n Fancy, in mythology, i. 315, 405.\n\n Fasting for dreams and visions, i. 306, 445, ii. 410.\n\n Fauns and satyrs, ii. 227.\n\n Feasts of the dead, ii. 30;\n sacrificial banquets, 395.\n\n Feralia, ii. 42.\n\n Fergusson, Jas., on tree-worship, ii. 218;\n serpent-worship, 240.\n\n Fetch or wraith, i. 448, 452.\n\n Fetish, etymology of, ii. 143.\n\n Fetishism:\u2014defined, ii. 143;\n doctrine of, i. 477, ii. 157, &c., 175, 205, 215, 270, &c.;\n survival of, ii. 160;\n its relation to philosophical theory of force, 160;\n to nature-worship, 205; to animal-worship, 231;\n transition to polytheism, 243;\n to supremacy, 335;\n to pantheism, 354.\n\n Fiji and S. Africa, moon-myth common to, i. 355.\n\n Finger-joints cut off as sacrifice, ii. 400.\n\n Fingers and toes, counting on, i. 242.\n\n Finns, as sorcerers, i. 84, 115.\n\n Fire, passing through or over, i. 85, ii. 281, 429, &c.;\n lighted on grave, i. 484;\n drives off spirits, ii. 194;\n new fire, ii. 278, 290, 297, 432;\n perpetual fire, 278;\n sacrifice by fire, 383, &c.\n\n Fire-drill, i. 15, 50;\n ceremonial and sportive survival of, 75, ii. 281.\n\n Fire-god and fire-worship, ii. 277, 376, &c., 403.\n\n Firmament, belief in existence of, i. 299, ii. 70.\n\n First Cause, doctrine of, ii. 335.\n\n Food offered to dead, i. 485, ii. 30, &c.;\n to deities, ii. 397;\n how consumed, ii. 39, 376.\n\n Footprints of souls and spirits, ii. 197.\n\n Forest-spirits, ii. 215, &c.\n\n Formalism, ii. 363, 371.\n\n Formulas:\u2014prayers, ii. 371;\n charms, 373.\n\n Fortunate Isles, ii. 63.\n\n Four winds, cardinal points, i. 361.\n\n Frances, St., her guardian angels, ii. 203.\n\n French numeral series in English, i. 268.\n\n Fumigation, see Lustration.\n\n Funeral procession:\u2014\n horse led in, i. 463, 474;\n kill persons meeting, 464.\n\n Funeral sacrifice:\u2014\n attendants and wives killed for service of dead, i. 458;\n animals, 472;\n objects deposited or destroyed, 481;\n motives of, 458, 472, 483;\n survival of, 463, 474, 492;\n see Feast of Dead.\n\n Future Life, i. 419, 469, 480, ii. 1, &c., 100;\n transmigration of soul, ii. 2;\n remaining on earth or departure to spirit-world, ii. 22;\n whether races without belief in, 20;\n connexion with evidence of senses in dreams and visions, 24, 49;\n locality of region of departed souls, 44, 74;\n visionary visits to, 46;\n connexion of solar ideas with, 48, 74, 311, 422;\n character of future life, 74;\n continuance-theory, 75;\n retribution-theory, 83;\n introduction of moral element, 10, 83;\n stages or doctrine of future life, 100;\n its practical effect on mankind, 104;\n god of the dead, 308.\n\n\n Gambling numerals, i. 268.\n\n Games:\u2014\n children\u2019s games related to serious occupations, i. 72;\n counting-games, 74;\n games of chance related to arts of divination, 78.\n\n Gataker, on lots, i. 79.\n\n Gates of Hades, Night, Death, i. 347.\n\n Gayatri, daily sun-prayer of Brahmans, ii. 292.\n\n Genders, distinguished as male and female, animate and inanimate, &c.,\n i. 301.\n\n Genghis-Khan, worshipped, ii. 117.\n\n Genius, patron or natal, ii. 199, 216;\n good and evil, 203;\n changed signification of word, 181.\n\n German and Scandinavian mythology and religion:\u2014\n funeral sacrifice, i. 464, 491;\n Walhalla, ii. 79, 88;\n Hel, i. 347, ii. 88;\n Odin, Woden, i. 351, 362, ii. 269;\n Loki, i. 83, 365;\n Thor, Thunder, ii. 266;\n Sun and Moon, i. 289, ii. 294.\n\n Gesture-language, and gesture accompanying language, i. 163;\n effect of gesture on vocal tone, 165;\n gesture-counting original method, i. 246.\n\n Ghebers or Gours, fire-worshippers, ii. 282.\n\n Gheel, treatment of lunatics at, ii. 143.\n\n Ghost:\u2014ghost-soul, i. 142, 428, 433, 445, 488;\n seen in dreams and visions, 440, &c.;\n voice of, 452;\n substance and weight of, 453;\n of men, animals, and objects, 429, 469, 479;\n popular theory inconsistent and broken down from primitive, 479;\n ghost as harmful and vengeful demons, ii. 27;\n ghosts of unburied wander, ii. 28;\n ghosts remain near corpse or dwelling, ii. 29, &c.;\n laying ghosts, ii. 153, 194.\n\n Giants, myths of, i. 386.\n\n Gibbon, on development of culture, i. 33.\n\n Glanvil, Saducismus Triumphatus, ii. 140.\n\n Glass-mountain, Anafielas, i. 492.\n\n Godless month, ii. 350.\n\n Gods:\u2014seen in vision, i. 306;\n of waters, ii. 209;\n of trees, groves, and forests, 215;\n embodied in or represented by animals, 231;\n gods of species, 242;\n higher gods of polytheism, 247, &c.;\n of dualism, 316;\n gods of different religions compared, 250;\n classified by common attributes, 254.\n\n Gog and Magog, i. 386, &c.\n\n Goguet, on degeneration and development, i. 32.\n\n Gold, worshipped, ii. 154.\n\n Good and evil, rudimentary distinction of, ii. 89, 318;\n good and evil spirits and dualistic deities, 317.\n\n Goodman\u2019s croft, ii. 408.\n\n Grai\u00e6, eye of, i. 352.\n\n Great Spirit, ii. 256, 324, 339, 343, 354, 365, 395.\n\n Great-eared tribes, i. 388.\n\n Greek mythology and religion:\u2014nature-myths, i. 320, 328, 349;\n funeral rites, 464, 490;\n future life, ii. 53, 63, &c.;\n nature-spirits and polytheism, 206, &c.;\n Zeus, 258, &c., 355;\n Demeter, 273, 306;\n Nereus, Poseidon, 277;\n Hephaistos, Hestia, 284;\n Apollo, 294;\n Hekate, Artemis, 302;\n stone-worship, 165;\n sacrifice, 386, 396;\n orientation, 426;\n lustration, 439.\n\n Grey, Sir George, i. 322.\n\n Grote, George, on mythology, i. 276, 400.\n\n Grove-spirits, ii. 215.\n\n Guarani, name of, i. 401.\n\n Guardian spirits and angels, ii. 199.\n\n Gulf of dead, ii. 62.\n\n Gunthram, dream of i. 442.\n\n Gypsies, i. 49, 115.\n\n\n Hades, under-world of departed souls, i. 335, 340, ii. 65, &c., 81, 97,\n 309;\n descent into, i. 340, 345, ii. 45, 54, 83;\n personification of, i. 340, ii. 55, 309, 311.\n\n Haetsh, Kamchadal, ii. 46, 313.\n\n Hagiology, ii. 120, 261;\n rising in air, i. 151;\n miracles, i. 157, 371;\n second-sight, i. 449;\n hagiolatry, ii. 120.\n\n Hair, lock of, as offering, ii. 401.\n\n Half-men, tribes of, i. 391.\n\n Haliburton, on sneezing-rite, i. 103.\n\n Hamadryad, ii. 215.\n\n Hand-numerals, from counting on fingers, &c., i. 246.\n\n Hanuman, monkey-god, i. 378.\n\n Harakari, i. 463.\n\n Harmosios and Aristogeiton, ii. 63.\n\n Harpies, ii. 269.\n\n Harpocrates, ii. 295.\n\n Haruspication, i. 123, ii. 179.\n\n Harvest-deity, ii. 305, 364, 368.\n\n Hashish, ii. 379.\n\n Head-hunting, Dayak, i. 459.\n\n Headless tribes, myths of, i. 390.\n\n Healths, drinking, i. 96.\n\n Heart, related to soul, i. 431, ii. 152.\n\n Heaven, region of departed souls, ii. 70.\n\n Heaven and earth, universal father and mother, i. 322, ii. 272, 345.\n\n Heaven-god, and heaven-worship, i. 306, 322, ii. 255, &c., 337, &c.,\n 367, 395.\n\n Hebrides, low culture in, i. 45.\n\n Hekate, i. 150, ii. 302, 418.\n\n Hel, death-goddess, i. 301, 347, ii. 88, 311.\n\n Hell, ii. 56, 68, 97;\n related to Hades, ii. 74, &c.;\n as place of torment, not conception of savage religion, 103.\n\n Hellenic race-genealogy, i. 402.\n\n Hellshoon, i. 491.\n\n Hephaistos, ii. 212, 280.\n\n Hera, ii. 305.\n\n Herakles, ii. 294;\n and Hesione, i. 339.\n\n Hermes Trismegistus, ii. 178.\n\n Hermotimos, i. 439, ii. 13.\n\n Hero-children suckled by beasts, i. 281.\n\n Hesiod, Isles of Blest, ii. 63.\n\n Hestia, ii. 284.\n\n Hiawatha, poem of, i. 345, 361.\n\n Hide-boiling, i. 44.\n\n Hierarchy, polytheistic, ii. 248, 337, 349, &c.\n\n Hissing, for silence, contempt, respect, i. 197.\n\n History, relation of myth to, i. 278, 416, ii. 447;\n criticism of, i. 280;\n similarity of nature-myth to, 320.\n\n Hole to let out soul, i. 453.\n\n Holocaust, ii. 385, 396.\n\n Holyoake, Holywood, &c., ii. 229.\n\n Holy Sepulchre, Easter fire at, ii. 297.\n\n Holy water, ii. 188, 439.\n\n Holy wells, ii. 214.\n\n Horne Tooke on interjections, i. 175.\n\n Horse, sacrificed or led at funeral, i. 463, 473.\n\n Horseshoes, against witches and demons, i. 140.\n\n House abandoned to ghost, ii. 25.\n\n Hucklesbones, i. 82.\n\n Huitzilopochtli, ii. 254, 307.\n\n Human sacrifice:\u2014funerals, i. 458;\n to deities, ii. 271, 385, 389, 398, 403.\n\n Humbolt, W. v., on continuity, i. 19;\n on language, 236;\n on numerals, 253.\n\n Hume, Natural History of religion, i. 477.\n\n Huns, as giants, i. 386.\n\n Hunting-calls, i. 181.\n\n Hurricane, i. 363.\n\n Hyades, i. 358.\n\n Hysteria, &c., by possession, ii. 131, &c.;\n induced, 419.\n\n\n Iamblichus, i. 150, ii. 187.\n\n Ideas:\u2014Epicurean related to object-souls, i. 497;\n Platonic related to species-deities, ii. 244.\n\n Idiots, inspired, ii. 128.\n\n Idol, see Image.\n\n Idolatry as related to fetishism, ii. 168.\n\n Images:\u2014fallen from heaven, i. 157;\n as substitutes in sacrifice, i. 463, ii. 405;\n fed and treated as alive, ii. 170;\n moving, weeping, sweating, &c., 171;\n animated by spirits or deities, 172.\n\n Imagination, based on experience, i. 273, 298, 304.\n\n Imitative words, i. 200;\n verbs, &c., of blowing, swelling, mumbling, spitting, sneezing,\n eating, &c., 203, &c.;\n names of animals, 206;\n names of musical instruments, 208;\n verbs, &c., of striking, cracking, clapping, falling, &c., 211;\n prevalence of imitative words in savage language, 212;\n imitative adaptation of words, 214.\n\n Immateriality of soul, not conception of lower culture, i. 456, ii.\n 198.\n\n Immortality of soul, not conception of lower culture, ii. 22.\n\n Implements, inventions of, i. 64, &c.\n\n Incas, myth of ancestry and civilization, i. 288, 354, ii. 290, 301.\n\n Incense, ii. 383.\n\n Incubi and succubi, ii. 189.\n\n Indigenes of low culture, i. 50, &c.;\n considered as sorcerers, 113;\n myths of, as monsters, 376, &c.\n\n Indo-Chinese languages, musical pitch of vowels, i. 169.\n\n Indra, i. 320, ii. 265.\n\n Infant, lustration of, ii. 430, &c.\n\n Infernus, ii. 81.\n\n Innocent VIII., bull against witchcraft, i. 139, ii. 190.\n\n Inspiration, ii. 124, &c.\n\n Inspired idiot, ii. 128.\n\n Interjectional words:\u2014verbs, &c. of wailing, laughing, insulting,\n complaining, fearing, driving, &c., i. 187;\n hushing, hissing, loathing, hating, &c., 197.\n\n Interjections, i. 175;\n sense-words used as, 176;\n directly expressive sounds, 183.\n\n Intoxicating liquor, absence of, i. 63.\n\n Intoxication as a rite, ii. 417.\n\n Inventions, development of, i. 14, 62;\n myths of, 39, 392.\n\n Iosco, Ioskeha and Tawiscara, myth of, i. 288, 348, ii. 323.\n\n Ireland, low culture in, i. 44.\n\n Iron, charm against witches, elves, &c., i. 140.\n\n Islands, earth of, fatal to serpents, i. 372;\n of Blest, ii. 57.\n\n Italian numeral series in English, i. 268.\n\n\n Jameson, Mrs., on parables, i. 414.\n\n Januarius, St., blood of, i. 157.\n\n Jerome, St., ii. 428.\n\n Jew\u2019s harp, vowels sounded with, i. 168.\n\n John, St., Midsummer festival of, ii. 298.\n\n Johnson, Dr., i. 6, ii. 24.\n\n Jonah, i. 329.\n\n Jones, Sir W., on nature deities, ii. 253, 286.\n\n Joss-sticks, ii. 384.\n\n Journey to spirit-world, region of dead, i. 481, ii. 44, &c.\n\n Judge of dead, ii. 92, 314.\n\n Julius C\u00e6sar, i. 320.\n\n Jupiter, i. 350, ii. 258, &c.\n\n\n Kaaba, black stone of, ii. 166.\n\n Kalewala, Finnish epic, ii. 46, 80, 93, 261.\n\n Kali, ii. 425.\n\n Kami-religion of Japan, ii. 117, 301, 350.\n\n Kang-hi on magnetic needle, i. 375.\n\n Kathenotheism, ii. 354.\n\n Keltic counting by scores continued in French and English, i. 263.\n\n Kepler on world-soul, ii. 354.\n\n Kimmerian darkness, ii. 48.\n\n Kissing, i. 63.\n\n Kitchi Manitu and Matchi Manitu, Great and Evil Spirit, ii. 324.\n\n Klemm, Gustav, on development of implements, i. 64.\n\n Kobong, ii. 235.\n\n Koran, i. 407, ii. 77, 296.\n\n Kottabos, game of, i. 82.\n\n Kronos swallowing children, i. 341.\n\n Kynokephali, i. 389.\n\n\n Lake-dwellers, i. 61.\n\n Language:\u2014i. 17, 236, ii. 445;\n directly expressive element in, i. 160;\n correspondence of this in different languages, 163;\n interjectional forms, 175;\n imitative forms, 200;\n differential forms, 220;\n children\u2019s language, 223;\n origin and development of language, 229;\n relation of language to mythology, 299;\n gender, 301;\n language attributed to birds, &c., 19, 469;\n place of language in development of culture, ii. 445.\n\n Langue d\u2019oc, &c., i. 193.\n\n Last breath, inhaling, i. 433.\n\n Laying ghosts, ii. 25, 153.\n\n Legge, J., on Confucius, ii. 352.\n\n Leibnitz, i. 2.\n\n Lewes, G. H., i. 497.\n\n Liebrecht, Felix, i. vii., 108, 177, 348-9, ii. 24, 164, 195, &c.\n\n Life caused by soul, i. 436.\n\n Light and darkness, analogy of good and evil, ii. 324.\n\n Likeness of relatives accounted for by re-birth of soul, ii. 3.\n\n Limbus Patrum, ii. 83.\n\n Linn\u00e6us, name of, ii. 229.\n\n Little Red Riding-hood, i. 341.\n\n Loki, 83, 365.\n\n Lots, divination and gambling by, i. 78.\n\n Lubbock, Sir J.:\u2014\n evidence of metallurgy and pottery, against degeneration-theory, i.\n 57;\n on low tribes described as without religious ideas, i. 421;\n on water-worship, ii. 210;\n on totemism, ii. 237.\n\n Lucian, i. 149, ii. 13, 52, 67, 302, 426.\n\n Lucina, ii. 302.\n\n Lucretius, i. 40, 60, 498.\n\n Lunatics, demoniacal possession of, ii. 124, &c.\n\n Lustration, by water and fire, ii. 429, &c.;\n of new-born children, 430;\n of women, 432;\n of those polluted by blood or corpse, 433;\n general, 434, &c.\n\n Luther, on witches, i. 137;\n on guardian angels, ii. 203.\n\n Lyell, Sir C., on degeneration-theory, i. 57.\n\n Lying in state, of King of France, ii. 35.\n\n Lyke-wake dirge, i. 495.\n\n\n McLennan, J. F., theory of totemism, ii. 236.\n\n Macrocosm, i. 350, ii. 354.\n\n Madness and idiocy by possession, ii. 128, &c., 179.\n\n Magic:\u2014\n origin and development, i. 112, 132;\n belongs to low level of culture, 112;\n attributed to low tribes, 113;\n based on association of ideas, 116;\n processes of divination, 78, 118;\n relation to Stone Age, 127;\n see Fetishism.\n\n Magnetic Mountain, philosophical myth of, i. 374.\n\n Maistre, Count de, on degeneration in culture, i. 35;\n astrology, 128;\n animation of stars, 291.\n\n Makrokephali, i. 391.\n\n Malleus Maleficarum, ii. 140, 191.\n\n Man, primitive condition of, i. 21, ii. 443;\n see Savage.\n\n Man of the woods, bushman, orang-utan, i. 381.\n\n Man swallowed by monster, nature-myth of, i. 335, &c.\n\n Manco Capac, i. 354.\n\n Manes and manes-worship, i. 98, 143, 434, ii. 8, 111, &c., 129, 162,\n 307, 364;\n theory of, ii. 113, &c.;\n divine ancestor or first man as great deity, 311, 347.\n\n Manich\u00e6ism, ii. 14, 330.\n\n Manitu, ii. 249, 324, 339.\n\n Manoa, golden city of, ii. 249.\n\n Manu, laws of:\u2014ordeal by water, i. 141;\n pitris, ii. 119.\n\n Marcus Curtius, leap of, ii. 378.\n\n Margaret, St., i. 340.\n\n Markham, C. R., i. vii., ii. 337, 366, 392, &c.\n\n Marriages in May, i. 70.\n\n Mars, ii. 308.\n\n Martius, Dr. V., on dualism, ii. 325.\n\n Maruts, Vedic, i. 362, ii. 268.\n\n Mass, ii. 410.\n\n Master of life or breath, ii. 339, 343, 365.\n\n Materiality of soul, i. 453;\n of spirit, ii. 198.\n\n Maui, i. 335, 343, 360, ii. 253, 267, 279.\n\n Maundevile, Sir John, i. 375, ii. 45.\n\n Medicine, of N. A. Indians, ii. 154, 200, 233, 372, &c., 411.\n\n Meiners, History of Religions, ii. 27, 48, &c.\n\n Melissa, i. 491.\n\n Men descended from apes, myths of, i. 376;\n men with tails, 383.\n\n Menander, guardian genius, ii. 201.\n\n Merit and demerit, Buddhist, ii. 12, 98.\n\n Messalians, i. 103.\n\n Metaphor, i. 234, 297;\n myths from, 405.\n\n Metaphysics, relation of animism to, i. 497, ii. 242, 311.\n\n Metempsychosis, i. 379, 409, 469, 476, ii. 2;\n origin of, ii. 16.\n\n Micare digitis, i. 75.\n\n Middleton, Conyers, i. 157, ii. 121.\n\n Midgard-snake, ii. 241.\n\n Midsummer festival, ii. 298.\n\n Milk and blood, sacrifices of, ii. 48;\n see Blood.\n\n Milky Way, myths of, i. 359, ii. 72.\n\n Mill, J. S., on ideas of number, i. 240.\n\n Milton, on eponymic kings of Britain, i. 400.\n\n Minne, drinking, i. 96.\n\n Minucius Felix, on spirits, &c., ii. 179.\n\n Miracles, i. 276, 371, ii. 121.\n\n Mithra, i. 351, ii. 293, 297.\n\n Moa, legend of, ii. 50.\n\n Mohammed, legend of, i. 407.\n\n Moloch, ii. 403.\n\n Money borrowed to be repaid in next life, i. 491.\n\n Monkeys, preserved as dwarfs, i. 388;\n see Apes.\n\n Monotheism, ii. 331.\n\n Monster, driven off at eclipse, i. 328;\n hero or maiden devoured by, 335.\n\n Monstrous mythic human tribes, ape-like, tailed, gigantic and dwarfish,\n noseless, great-eared, dog-headed, &c., i. 376, &c.;\n their ethnological significance, 379, &c.\n\n Month\u2019s mind, i. 83.\n\n Moon:\u2014\n omens and influence by changes, i. 130;\n myths of, 288, 354;\n inconstant, 354;\n changes typical of death and new life, i. 354, ii. 300;\n moon-myths common to S. Africa and Fiji, i. 354, and to Bengal and\n Malay Peninsula, 356;\n moon abode of departed souls, ii. 70.\n\n Moon-god and moon-worship, i. 289, ii. 299, &c., 323.\n\n Moral and social condition of low tribes, i. 29, &c.\n\n Moral element in culture, i. 28;\n absent or scanty in lower religions, i. 247, ii. 361;\n divides lower from higher religions, ii. 361;\n introduced in funeral sacrifice, i. 495;\n in transmigration, ii. 12;\n in future life, 85, &c.;\n in dualism, 316, &c.;\n in prayer, 373;\n in sacrifice, 386, &c.;\n in lustration, 429.\n\n Morals and law, ii. 448.\n\n Morbid imagination related to myth, i. 305.\n\n Morbid excitement for religious purposes, ii. 416, &c.\n\n Morning and evening stars, myths of, i. 344, 350.\n\n Morra, game of, in Europe and China, i. 75.\n\n Morzine, demoniacal possessions at, i. 152, ii. 141.\n\n Mound-builders, i. 56.\n\n Mountain, abode of departed souls on, ii. 60;\n ascending for rain, 260.\n\n Mouth of Night and Death, myths of, i. 347.\n\n M\u00fcller, J. G., on future life, ii. 90, &c.\n\n M\u00fcller, Max:\u2014on language and myth, i. 299;\n funeral rites of Brahmans, 466;\n heaven-god, ii. 258, 353;\n sun-myth of Yama, 314;\n Chinese Religion, 352;\n kathenotheism, 354.\n\n Mummies, ii. 19, 34, 151.\n\n Musical instruments named from sound, i. 208.\n\n Musical tone used in language, i. 168, 174.\n\n Mutilation of soul with body, i. 451.\n\n Mythology:\u2014i. 23, 273, &c.;\n formation and laws of, 273, &c.;\n allegorical interpretation, 277;\n mixture with history, 278;\n rationalization, euhemerism, &c., 278;\n classification and interpretation, 281, 317, &c.;\n nature-myths, 284, 316, &c.;\n personification and animation of nature, 285;\n grammatical gender as related to, 301;\n personal names of objects as related to, 303;\n morbid delusion, 305;\n similarity of nature-myths to real history, 319;\n historical import of mythology, i. 416, ii. 446;\n its place in culture, ii. 446;\n philosophical myths, i. 366;\n explanatory legends, 392;\n etymological myths, 395;\n eponymic myths, 399;\n legends from fancy and metaphor, 405;\n realized or pragmatic legends, 407;\n allegory and parables, 408.\n\n Myths:\u2014myth-riddles, i. 93;\n origin of sneezing-rite, 101;\n foundation-sacrifice, 104;\n heroes suckled by beasts, 281;\n sun, moon, and stars, 288, &c.;\n eclipse, 288;\n waterspout, 292;\n sand-pillar, 293;\n rainbow, 293, 297;\n waterfalls, rocks, &c., 295;\n disease, death, pestilence, 295;\n phenomena of nature, 297, 320;\n heaven and earth, i. 322, ii. 345;\n sunrise and sunset, day and night, death and life, i. 335, ii. 48,\n 62, 322;\n moon, inconstant, typical of death, i. 353;\n civilization-legends, 39, 353;\n winds, i. 361, ii. 266;\n thunder, i. 362, ii. 264;\n men and apes, development and degeneration, i. 378;\n ape-men, 379;\n men with tails, 382;\n giants and dwarfs, 385;\n monstrous men, 389;\n personal names introduced, 394;\n race-genealogies of nations, 402;\n beast-fables, 409;\n visits to spirit-world, ii. 46, &c.;\n giant with soul in egg, 153;\n transformation into trees, 219;\n dualistic myth of two brothers, 320.\n\n\n Nagas, serpent-worshippers, ii. 218, 240.\n\n Names:\u2014\n of children in numerical series, i. 254;\n of objects as related to myth, 303;\n of personal heroes introduced into myths, 394;\n of places, tribes, countries, &c., myths formed from, 396;\n ancestral names given to children, ii. 4;\n name-giving ceremonials, ii. 429.\n\n Natural religion, i. 427, ii. 103, 356.\n\n Nature, conceived of as personal and animated, i. 285, 478, ii. 184.\n\n Nature-deities, polytheistic, ii. 255, 376.\n\n Nature-myths, i. 284, 316, &c., 326.\n\n Nature-spirits, elves, nymphs, &c., ii. 184, 204, &c.\n\n Necromancy, i. 143, 312, 446;\n see Manes.\n\n Negative and affirmative particles, i. 192.\n\n Negroes re-born as whites, ii. 5.\n\n Neo or Hawaneu, ii. 333.\n\n Neptune, ii. 276.\n\n Nereus, ii. 274, 277.\n\n Neuri, i. 313.\n\n New birth of soul, ii. 3.\n\n Newton, Sir Isaac, on sensible species, i. 498.\n\n Nicene Council, spirit-writing at, i. 148.\n\n Nicodemus, Gospel of, ii. 54.\n\n Niebuhr, on origin of culture, i. 41.\n\n Night, myths of, i. 334, ii. 48, 61.\n\n Nightmare-demon, ii. 189, 193.\n\n Nilsson, Sven, on development of culture, i. 61, 64.\n\n Nirvana, ii. 12, 79.\n\n Nix, water-demon, i. 110, ii. 213.\n\n Norns or Fates, i. 352.\n\n Noseless tribes, i. 388.\n\n Notation, arithmetical, quinary, decimal, vigesimal, i. 261.\n\n Numerals:\u2014low tribes only to 3 or 5, i. 242;\n derivation of numerals from counting fingers and toes, 246;\n from other significant objects, 251;\n series of number-names of children, 254;\n new formation of numerals, 255;\n etymology of, 259, 270;\n numerals borrowed from foreign languages, 266;\n initials of numerals, used as figures, 269;\n see Notation.\n\n Nympholepsy, ii. 137.\n\n Nymphs:\u2014water-nymphs, ii. 212;\n tree-nymphs, 219, 227.\n\n\n Objectivity of dreams and visions, i. 442, 479;\n abandoned, 500.\n\n Objects treated as personal, i. 286, 477, ii. 205;\n souls or phantoms of objects, i. 478, 497, ii. 9;\n dispatched to dead by funeral sacrifice, i. 481.\n\n Occult sciences, see Magic.\n\n Odin, or Woden, as heaven-god, i. 351, 362, ii. 269;\n one-eyed, i. 351.\n\n Odysseus, unbinding of, i. 153;\n descent to Hades, i. 346, ii. 48, 65.\n\n Ohio, Ontario, i. 190.\n\n Ojibwa, myth of, i. 345, ii. 46.\n\n Oki, demon, ii. 208, 255, 342.\n\n Old man of sea, ii. 277.\n\n Omens, i. 97, 118, &c., 145, 449.\n\n Omophore, Manich\u00e6an, i. 365.\n\n One-eyed tribes, i. 391.\n\n Oneiromancy, i. 121.\n\n Opening to let out soul, i. 453.\n\n Ophiolatry, see Serpent-worship.\n\n Ophites, ii. 242.\n\n Oracles, i. 94, ii. 411;\n by inspiration or possession, ii. 124, &c., 179.\n\n Orang-utan, i. 381.\n\n Orcus, ii. 67, 80.\n\n Ordeal by fire, i. 85;\n by sieve and shears, 128;\n by water, 140;\n by bear\u2019s head, ii. 231.\n\n Ordinal numbers, i. 257.\n\n Oregon, Orejones, i. 389.\n\n Orientation, solar rite or symbolism, ii. 422.\n\n Origin of language, i. 231;\n numerals, 247.\n\n Orion, i. 358, ii. 81.\n\n Ormuzd, ii. 283, 328.\n\n Orpheus and Eurydike, i. 346, ii. 48.\n\n Osiris, ii. 67, 295;\n and Isis, i. 289.\n\n Otiose supreme deity, ii. 320, 336, &c.\n\n Outcasts, distinct from savages, i. 43, 49.\n\n Owain, Sir, visit to Purgatory, ii. 56.\n\n\n Pachacamac, ii. 337, 366.\n\n Pandora, myth of, i. 408.\n\n Panotii, i. 389.\n\n Pantheism, ii. 332, 341, 354.\n\n Papa, mamma, &c., i. 223.\n\n Paper figures substitutes in sacrifice, i. 464, 493, ii. 405.\n\n Parables, i. 411.\n\n Pars pro toto in sacrifice, ii. 399.\n\n Parthenogenesis, ii. 190, 307.\n\n Particles, affirmative and negative, i. 192;\n of distance, 220.\n\n Passage de l\u2019Enfer, ii. 65.\n\n Patrick, St., i. 372;\n his Purgatory, i. 45, 55.\n\n Patroklos, i. 444, 464.\n\n Patron saints, ii. 120;\n patron spirits, 199.\n\n Pattern and matter, ii. 246.\n\n Pennycomequick, i. 396.\n\n Periander, i. 491.\n\n Perkun, Perun, ii. 266.\n\n Persephone, myth of, i. 321.\n\n Perseus and Andromeda, i. 339.\n\n Persian race-genealogy, i. 403.\n\n Personal names, in mythology, i. 303, 394, 396.\n\n Personification:\u2014natural phenomena, i. 28, &c., 320, 477, ii. 205, 254;\n disease, death, &c., i. 295;\n ideas, 300;\n tribes, cities, countries, &c., 339;\n Hades, i. 339, ii. 55.\n\n Pestilence, personification and myths of, i. 295.\n\n Peter and Paul, Acts of, i. 372.\n\n Petit bonhomme, game of, i. 77.\n\n Petronius Arbiter, i. 75, ii. 261.\n\n Philology, Generative, i. 198, 230.\n\n Philosophical myths, i. 368.\n\n Phrase-melody, i. 174.\n\n Pillars of Hercules, i. 395.\n\n Pipe, i. 208.\n\n Pithecus\u00e6, i. 377.\n\n Places, myths from names of, i. 395.\n\n Planchette, i. 147.\n\n Plants, souls of, i. 474.\n\n Plath, on Chinese religion, ii. 352, &c.\n\n Plato, on transmigration, ii. 13;\n Platonic ideas, 244.\n\n Pleiades, i. 291, 358.\n\n Pliny on magic, i. 133;\n on eclipses, 334.\n\n Plurality of souls, i. 433.\n\n Plutarch, visits to spirit-world, ii. 53.\n\n Pneuma, psyche, i. 433, &c.\n\n Pointer-facts, i. 62.\n\n Polytheism, ii. 247, &c.;\n based on analogy of human society, ii. 248, 337, 349, 352;\n classification of deities by attributes, 255;\n heaven-god, 255, 334, &c.;\n rain-god, 259;\n thunder-god, 262;\n wind-god, 266;\n earth-god, 270;\n water-god, 274;\n sea-god, 275;\n fire-god, 277;\n sun-god, 286, 335, &c.;\n moon-god, 299;\n gods of childbirth, agriculture, war, &c., 304;\n god and judge of dead, 308;\n first man, divine ancestor, 311;\n evil deity, 316;\n supreme deity, 332;\n relation of polytheism to monotheism, 331.\n\n Popular rhymes, &c., i. 86;\n sayings, i. 19, 83, 122, 313, ii. 268, 353.\n\n Poseidon, i. 365, ii. 277, 378.\n\n Possession and obsession, see Demons, Embodiment.\n\n Pott, A. F., on reduplication, i. 219;\n on numerals, 261.\n\n Pottery, evidence from remains, i. 56;\n absence of potter\u2019s wheel, 45, 63.\n\n Pozzuoli, myth of subsidence of, i. 372.\n\n Pragmatic or realized myths, i. 407.\n\n Prayer:\u2014\n doctrine of, ii. 364, &c.;\n relation to nationality, 371;\n introduction of moral element, 373;\n prayers, i. 98, ii. 136, 208, 261, 280, 292, 329, 338, 364, &c., 435;\n rosary, ii. 372;\n prayer-mill and prayer-wheel, 372.\n\n Prehistoric arch\u00e6ology, i. 55, &c.; ii. 443.\n\n Priests consume sacrifices, ii. 379.\n\n Prithivi, i. 327, ii. 258, 272.\n\n Procopius, voyage of souls to Britain, ii. 64.\n\n Progression in culture, i. 14, 32;\n inventions, 62, &c.;\n language, 236;\n arithmetic, 270;\n philosophy of religion, see Animism.\n\n Prometheus, i. 365, ii. 400.\n\n Proverbs, i. 84, &c.;\n see Popular Sayings.\n\n Psychology, i. 428.\n\n Pupil of eye, related to soul, i. 431.\n\n Purgatory, ii. 68, 92;\n St. Patrick\u2019s, 55.\n\n Purification, see Lustration.\n\n Puss, i. 178.\n\n Pygmies, myths of, i. 385;\n connected with dolmens, 387;\n monkeys as, 388.\n\n Pythagoras, metempsychosis, ii. 13.\n\n\n Quaternary period, i. 58.\n\n Quetelet, on social laws, i. 11.\n\n Quinary numeration and notation, i. 261;\n in Roman numeral letters, 263.\n\n\n Races:\u2014\n distribution of culture among, i. 49;\n culture of mixed races, Gauchos, &c., 46, 52;\n ethnology in eponymic genealogies, 401;\n moral condition of low races, 26;\n considered as magicians, 113;\n as monsters, 380.\n\n Rahu and Ketu, eclipse-monsters, i. 379.\n\n Rain-god, ii. 254, 259.\n\n Rainbow, myths of, i. vii. 293, ii. 239.\n\n Ralston, W. R., i. 342, ii. 245, &c.\n\n Rangi and Papa, i. 322, ii. 345.\n\n Rapping, omens and communications by, i. 144, ii. 221.\n\n Rationalization of myths, i. 278.\n\n Red Swan, myth of, i. 345.\n\n Reduplication, i. 219.\n\n Reid, Dr., on ideas, i. 499.\n\n Relics, ii. 150.\n\n Religion, i. 22, ii. 357, 449;\n whether any tribes without, i. 417;\n accounts misleading among low tribes, 419;\n rudimentary definition of, 424;\n adoption from foreign religions, future life, ii. 91;\n ideas and names of deities, 254, 309, 331, 344;\n dualism, 316, 322;\n supreme deity, 333;\n natural religion, i. 427, ii. 103, 356.\n\n Resurrection, ii. 5, 18.\n\n Retribution-theory of future life, ii. 83;\n not conception of lower culture, 83.\n\n Return and restoration of soul, i. 436.\n\n Revival, in culture, i. 136, 141.\n\n Revivals, morbid symptoms in religious, ii. 421.\n\n Reynard the Fox, i. 412.\n\n Riddles, i. 90.\n\n Ring, divination by swinging, i. 126.\n\n Rising in air, supernatural, i. 149, ii. 415.\n\n Rites, religious, ii. 362, &c.\n\n River of death, i. 473, 480, ii. 23, 29, 51, 94.\n\n River-gods and river-worship, ii. 209.\n\n River-spirits, i. 109, ii. 209, 407.\n\n Rock, spirit of, ii. 207.\n\n Roman mythology and religion:\u2014funeral rites, ii. 42;\n future life, 45, 67, 81;\n nature-spirits, 220, 227;\n polytheism, 251;\n Jupiter, 258, 265;\n Neptune, 277;\n Vesta, 285;\n Lucina, 302, &c.\n\n Roman numeral letters, i. 263.\n\n Romulus, patron deity of children, ii. 121;\n and Remus, i. 281.\n\n Rosary, ii. 372.\n\n\n Sab\u00e6ism, ii. 296.\n\n Sacred springs, streams, &c., ii. 209;\n trees and groves, 222;\n animals, 234, 378.\n\n Sacrifice:\u2014origin and theory of, ii. 375, &c., 207, 269;\n manner of consumption or reception by deity, 216, 376, &c., see 39;\n motive of sacrificer, 393, &c.;\n substitution, 399;\n survival, i. 76, ii. 214, 228, 406.\n\n Saint-Foix, i. 474, ii. 35.\n\n Saints, worship of, ii. 120.\n\n Samson\u2019s riddle, i. 93.\n\n Sanchoniathon, ii. 221.\n\n Sand-pillar, myths of, i. 293.\n\n Sanskrit roots, i. 197, 224.\n\n Savage, man of woods, i. 382.\n\n Savage culture as representative of primitive culture:\u2014i. 21, ii. 443;\n magic, witchcraft, and spiritualism, i. 112, &c.;\n language, i. 236, ii. 445;\n numerals, i. 242;\n myth, 284, 324;\n doctrine of souls, 499;\n future life, ii. 102;\n animistic theory of nature, i. 285, ii. 180, 356;\n polytheism, 248;\n dualism, 317;\n supremacy, 334;\n rites and ceremonies, 363, 375, 411, 421, 429.\n\n Savitar, ii. 292.\n\n Scalp, i. 460.\n\n Scores, counting by, i. 263.\n\n Sea, myths of, ii. 275.\n\n Sea-god and sea-worship, ii. 275, 377.\n\n Second death, ii. 22.\n\n Second sight, i. 143, 447.\n\n Semitic race, no savage tribe among, i. 49;\n antiquity of culture, 54;\n race-genealogy, 404.\n\n Sennaar, i. 395.\n\n Serpent emblem of immortality and eternity, ii. 241.\n\n Serpent-worship, ii. 8, 239, 310, 347.\n\n Sex distinguished by phonetic modification, i. 222.\n\n Shadow related to soul, i. 430, 435;\n shadowless men, 85, 430.\n\n Shell-mounds, i. 61.\n\n Sheol, ii. 68, 81;\n gates of, i. 347.\n\n Shingles, disease, i. 307.\n\n Shoulder-blade, divination by, i. 124.\n\n Sieve and shears, oracle by, i. 128.\n\n Silver at new moon, ii. 302.\n\n Sing-bonga, ii. 291, 350.\n\n Skylla and Charybdis, ii. 208.\n\n Slaves sacrificed to serve dead, i. 458.\n\n Sling, i. 73.\n\n Snakes, destroyed in Ireland, &c., i. 372.\n\n Sneezing, salutation on, i. 97;\n connected with spiritual influence, 97.\n\n Social rank retained in future life, ii. 22, 84.\n\n Sokrates, ii. 137, 294;\n demon of 202;\n prayer of, 373.\n\n Soma, Haoma, ii. 418.\n\n Soul, doctrine of, definition and general course in history, i. 428,\n 499;\n cause of life, 428;\n qualities as conceived by lower races, 428;\n conception of, related to dreams and visions, i. 429, ii. 24, 410;\n related to shadow, heart, blood, pupil of eye, breath, i. 430;\n plurality or division of, 434;\n exit of, i. 309, 438, &c., 448, ii. 50;\n restoration of, i. 436, 475;\n trance, ecstasy, 439;\n dreams, 440;\n visions, 445;\n soul not visible to all, 446;\n likeness to body, i. 450;\n mutilated with body, 451;\n voice, a whisper, chirp, &c., 452;\n material substance of soul, i. 453, ii. 198;\n ethereality not immateriality of, in lower culture, i. 456;\n human souls transmitted by funeral sacrifice to future life, i. 458,\n ii. 31;\n souls of animals, i. 467, ii. 41;\n their future life and transmission by funeral sacrifice, i. 469;\n souls of plants, trees, &c., i. 474, ii. 10;\n souls of objects, i. 476, ii. 9, 75, 153, &c.;\n transmission by funeral sacrifice, i. 481;\n conveyed or consumed in sacrifice to deities, ii. 216, 389;\n object-souls related to ideas, i. 497;\n existence of soul after death of body, i. 428, &c., ii. 1, &c.;\n transmigration or metempsychosis, ii. 2;\n new birth in human body, 3;\n in animal body, plant, inert object, 9, &c.;\n souls remain on earth among survivors, near dwelling, corpse, or\n tomb, i. 148, 447, ii. 25, &c., 150;\n souls called up by necromancer or medium, i. 143, 312, 446, ii. 136,\n &c.;\n food set out for, ii. 30, &c.;\n region of departed souls, ii. 59, &c., 73, 244;\n future life of, i. 458, &c., ii. 74, &c.;\n relation of soul to spirit in general, ii. 109;\n souls pass into demons, patron-spirits, deities, 111, 124, 192, 200,\n 364, 375;\n manes-worship, 112, &c.;\n souls embodied in men, animals, plants, objects, 147, 153, 192, 232;\n mystic meaning of word soul, 359.\n\n Soul of world, ii. 335, &c., 354.\n\n Soul-mass cake, ii. 43.\n\n Sound-words, i. 231.\n\n Speaking machine, i. 170.\n\n Spear-thrower, i. 66.\n\n Species-deities, ii. 242.\n\n Spencer and Gillen, ii. 236.\n\n Sphinx, i. 90.\n\n Spirit:\u2014course of meaning of word, i. 433, ii. 181, 206, 359;\n animism, doctrine of spirits, i. 424, ii. 108, 356;\n doctrine of spirit founded on that of soul, ii. 109;\n spirits connected and confounded with souls, ii. 109, 363;\n spirits seen in dreams and visions, i. 306, 440, ii. 154, 189, 194,\n 411;\n action of spirits, i. 125, ii. 111, &c.;\n embodiment of spirits, ii. 123;\n disease by attack of, 126;\n oracular inspiration by, 130;\n whistling, &c., voice of, i. 453, ii. 135;\n act through fetishes, ii. 143, &c.;\n through idols, 167;\n spirits causes of nature, 185, 204, &c., 250;\n good and evil spirits, 186, 319;\n spirits swarm in dark, fire drives off, 194;\n seen by animals, 196;\n footprints of, i. 455, ii. 197;\n ethereal-material substance of, ii. 198;\n exclusion, expulsion, exorcism of, 125, 199;\n patron, guardian, and familiar spirits, 199;\n nature-spirits of volcanoes, whirlpools, rocks, &c., 207;\n water-spirits and deities, 209, 407;\n tree-spirits and deities, 215;\n spirits subordinate to great polytheistic deities, 248, &c.;\n spirits receive prayer, 363;\n sacrifice, 75;\n see Animism, &c.\n\n Spirit, Great, ii. 256, 324, 339, &c., 354, 365, 395.\n\n Spirit-footprints, i. 455, ii. 197.\n\n Spiritualism, modern:\u2014\n its origin in savage culture, i. 141, 155, 426, ii. 25, 39;\n spirit-rapping, i. 144, ii. 193, 221, 407;\n spirit-writing, 147;\n rising in air, 149;\n supernatural unbinding, 153;\n moving objects, &c., i. 439, ii. 156, 319, 441;\n mediums, i. 146, 312, ii. 132, 410;\n oracular possession, i. 148, ii. 135, 141.\n\n Spirit-world, journey or visit to, by soul, i. 439, 481, ii. 44, &c.\n\n Spitting, i. 103;\n lustration with spittle, ii. 439, 441.\n\n Standing-stones, objects of worship, ii. 164.\n\n Stanley, A. P., ii. 387.\n\n Stars, myths of, i. 288, 356;\n souls of, i. 291.\n\n Staunton, William, his visit to Purgatory, ii. 58.\n\n Stock-and-stone-worship, ii. 161, &c., 254, 388.\n\n Stone, myths of men turned to, i. 353;\n stone-worship, ii. 160, &c., 254, 388.\n\n Stone Age, i. 56, &c.;\n magic as belonging to, 140;\n myths of giants and dwarfs as belonging to, 385.\n\n Storm, myths of, i. 322;\n storm-god, i. 323, ii. 266.\n\n Strut, i. 62.\n\n Substitutes in sacrifice, i. 106, 463, ii. 399, &c.\n\n Succubi, see Incubi.\n\n Sucking cure, ii. 146.\n\n Suicide, body of, staked down, ii. 29, 193.\n\n Sun, myths of, i. 288, 319, 335, &c., ii. 48, 66, 323;\n sunset, myths of, connected with death and future life, i. 335, 345,\n ii. 48, &c., 311;\n sun abode of departed souls, ii. 69.\n\n Sun-god and sun-worship, i. 99, 288, 353, ii. 263, 285, 323, &c., 376,\n &c., 408, 422, &c.;\n sun and moon as good and evil deity, ii. 324, &c.\n\n Superlative, triple, i. 265.\n\n Superstition, case of survival, i. 16, 72, &c.\n\n Supreme deity, ii. 332, 367;\n heaven-god, &c., as, 255, 337, &c.;\n sun-god as, 290, 337, &c.;\n conception of, in manes-worship, 334;\n as chief of divine hierarchy, 335, &c.;\n first cause, 335.\n\n Survival in culture, i. 16, &c., 70, &c., ii. 403;\n children\u2019s games, i. 72;\n games of chance, &c., 78;\n proverbs, 89;\n riddles, 91;\n sneezing-salutation, 98;\n foundation-sacrifice, 104;\n not save drowning, 108;\n magic, witchcraft, &c., 112;\n spiritualism, 141;\n numeration, 262, 271;\n deodand, 287;\n were-wolves, 313;\n eclipse-monster, 330;\n animism, i. 500, ii. 356;\n funeral sacrifice, i. 463, 474, 492;\n feasts of dead, ii. 35, 41;\n possession, 140;\n fetishism, 159;\n stone-worship, 168;\n water-worship, 213;\n fire-worship, 285;\n sun-worship, 297;\n moon-worship, 302;\n heaven-worship, 353;\n sacrifice, 406, &c.\n\n Susurrus necromanticus, i. 453, ii. 135.\n\n Suttee, i. 465.\n\n Swedenborg, spiritualism of, i. 144, 450, ii. 18, 204.\n\n Symbolic connexion in magic, &c., i. 116, &c., ii. 144;\n symbolism in religious ceremony, ii. 362, &c.\n\n Symplegades, i. 350.\n\n\n Tabor, i. 209.\n\n Tacitus, i. 333, ii. 228, 273.\n\n Tailed men, i. 383.\n\n Tangaroa, Taaroa, ii. 345.\n\n Tari Pennu, ii. 271, 349, 368, 404.\n\n Taronhiawagon, ii. 256, 309.\n\n Tarots, i. 82.\n\n Tartarus, ii. 97.\n\n Tatar race, culture of, i. 51;\n race-genealogy of, 404.\n\n Tattooing, mythic origin of, i. 393.\n\n Taylor, Jeremy, on lots, i. 79.\n\n Teeth-defacing, mythic origin of, i. 393.\n\n Temple, Jewish, ii. 426.\n\n Tertullian, i. 456, ii. 188, 427.\n\n Tezcatlipoca, ii. 197, 344, 391.\n\n Theodorus, St., church of, ii. 121.\n\n Theophrastus, ii. 165.\n\n Theresa, St., her visions, ii. 415.\n\n Thor, ii. 266.\n\n Thought, conveyance of, by vocal tone, i. 166;\n Epicurean theory of, 497;\n savage conception of, ii. 311.\n\n Thousand and One Nights:\n \u2014water-spout and sand-pillar, i. 292;\n Magnetic Mountain, 374;\n Abdallah of Sea and Abdallah of Land, ii. 106.\n\n Thunder-bird, myths of, i. 363, ii. 262;\n thunder-bolt, ii. 262.\n\n Thunder-god, ii. 262, 305, 312, 337, &c.\n\n Tien and Tu, ii. 257, 272, 352.\n\n Tlaloc, Tlalocan, ii. 61, 274, 309.\n\n Tobacco smoked as sacrifice or incense, ii. 287, 343, 383;\n to cause morbid vision, &c., 417.\n\n Torngarsuk, ii. 340.\n\n Tortoise, World, i. 364.\n\n Totem-ancestors, i. 402, ii. 235;\n totemism, ii. 235.\n\n Traditions, credibility of, i. 275, 280, 370;\n of early culture, i. 39, 52.\n\n Transformation-myths, i. 308, 377, ii. 10, 220.\n\n Transmigration of souls, i. 379, 409, 469, 476, ii. 2, &c.;\n theory of, ii. 16.\n\n Trapezus, i. 396.\n\n Trees, objects suspended to, ii. 150, 223.\n\n Tree-souls, i. 475, ii. 10, 215;\n tree-spirits, i. 476, ii. 148, 215.\n\n Tribe-names, mythic ancestors, i. 398;\n tribe-deities, ii. 234.\n\n Tribes without religion, i. 417.\n\n Tuckett, F. F., i. 373.\n\n Tumuli, remains of funeral sacrifice in, i. 486.\n\n Tupan, ii. 263, 305, 333.\n\n Turks, race-genealogy of, i. 403.\n\n Turnskins, i. 308, &c.\n\n Twin brethren, N. A. dualistic myth, ii. 320, &c.\n\n Two paths, allegory of, i. 409.\n\n\n Uiracocha, ii. 338, 366.\n\n Ukko, ii. 257, 261, 265.\n\n Ulster, mythic etymology of, ii. 65.\n\n Unbinding, supernatural, i. 153.\n\n Under-world, sun and souls of dead descend to, ii. 66;\n see Hades.\n\n Unkulunkulu, ii. 116, 313, 347.\n\n\n Vampires, ii. 191.\n\n Vapour-bath, narcotic, of Scyths and N. A. Indians, ii. 417.\n\n Vasilissa the Beautiful, i. 342.\n\n Vatnsd\u00e6la Saga, i. 439.\n\n Veda, i. 54, 351, 362, 465, ii. 72, 265, 281, 354, 371, 386.\n\n Vegetal, sensitive, and rational souls, i. 435.\n\n Ventriloquism, i. 453, ii. 132, 182.\n\n Vergil, Polydore, ii. 409.\n\n Versipelles, i. 308, &c.\n\n Vesta, ii. 285.\n\n Vigesimal notation, i. 261;\n survival in French and English, 263.\n\n Visions:\u2014\n mythic fancy in, i. 305;\n are apparitions of spirits, 143, 445, 478, ii. 194, 410;\n as evidence of future life, 24, 49;\n fasting for, 410;\n use of drugs to cause, 416.\n\n Visits to spirit-world, i. 436, 481, ii. 46, &c.\n\n Vitruvius, on orientation, ii. 427.\n\n Vocal tone, i. 166, &c.\n\n Voice of ghosts and other spirits, whisper, twitter, murmur, i. 452,\n ii. 134.\n\n Volcano, mouth of underworld, i. 344, 364, ii. 69;\n caused by spirits, 207.\n\n Vowels, i. 168.\n\n Vulcan, ii. 280, 284.\n\n\n Wainamoinen, ii. 46, 93.\n\n Waitz, Theodor, Anthropologie der Naturv\u00f6lker, i. vi.;\n fetishism, ii. 157, 176.\n\n Walhalla, i. 491, ii. 77, 88.\n\n War-god, ii. 306.\n\n Warriors, fate of souls of, ii. 87.\n\n Wassail, i. 97, 101.\n\n Water, spirits not cross, i. 442.\n\n Waterfalls and waterspouts, myths, of, i. 292, 294.\n\n Water-gods and water-worship, ii. 209, 274, 376, 407.\n\n Water-spirits and water-monsters, i. 109, ii. 208, &c.\n\n Watling Street, Milky Way, i. 360.\n\n Weapons, i. 64, &c.;\n personal names given to, 303.\n\n Wedgwood, Hensleigh, on imitative language, i. 161.\n\n Weight of soul, i. 455;\n of spirit, ii. 198.\n\n Well-worship, ii. 209, &c.\n\n Werewolves, &c., doctrine of, i. 113, 308, &c., 435, ii. 193.\n\n West, mythic conceptions of, as region of night and death, i. 337, 343,\n ii. 48, 61, 66, 311, &c., 422, &c.;\n see East and West.\n\n Whately, Archbishop, on origin of culture, i. 38, 41.\n\n Wheatstone, Sir C., i. 170.\n\n Wheel-lock, i. 15.\n\n Whirlpool, spirit of, ii. 207.\n\n Widow-sacrifice, i. 458.\n\n Wild Hunt, i. 362, ii. 269.\n\n Wilson, Daniel, on dual and plural, i. 265.\n\n Wind gods, ii. 266.\n\n Winds, myths of, i. 360.\n\n Witchcraft, i. 116, &c.;\n origin in savage culture, 138;\n medi\u00e6val revival, 138;\n iron charm against, 140;\n ordeal by water, 140;\n rising in air, 152;\n doctrine of werewolves, 312;\n incubi and succubi, ii. 190;\n witch ointment, 418.\n\n Woden, see Odin.\n\n Wolf of Night, i. 341.\n\n Wong, ii. 176, 205, 348.\n\n World pervaded by spirits, ii. 137, 180, 185, 205, 250.\n\n Worship as related to belief, i. 427, ii. 362.\n\n Wraith or fetch, i. 448, 451.\n\n Wright, Thomas, ii. 56, 65.\n\n Wuttke, Adolf, i. 456, &c.\n\n\n Xerxes, i. 286, ii. 378.\n\n\n Yama, ii. 54, 314.\n\n Yawning, possession, i. 102.\n\n Yezidism, ii. 329.\n\n\n Zend-Avesta, i. 116, 351, ii. 98, 293, 328, 438.\n\n Zeus, i. 328, 350, ii. 258, &c., 353.\n\n Zingani, myth of name, i. 400.\n\n Zoroastrism, ii. 20, 98, 282, 319, 328, 354, 374, 400, 438.\n\nTHE END.\n\n\n\n\n \u25cf Transcriber\u2019s Notes:\n \u25cb Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).\n \u25cb Footnotes have been moved to follow the chapters in which they are\n referenced.","title":"Primitive culture, vol. 2 (of 2) : $b Researches into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, language, art, and custom","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":174624}