{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_71003/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_71003","id":"gutenberg_71003","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/71003","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Hopi Indians -- Religion","Kachinas"],"text":"TUSAYAN KATCINAS\n\n BY\n\n JESSE WALTER FEWKES\n\n\n EXTRACT FROM THE FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE\n BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY\n\n [Illustration]\n\n WASHINGTON\n GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE\n 1897\n\n\n\n\n CONTENTS\n\n\n Page\n\n Introduction 251\n\n Tabular view of the sequence of Tusayan celebrations 255\n\n Names of months and corresponding ceremonials 256\n\n Means of determining the time for ceremonials 258\n\n Classification of ceremonials 260\n\n Discussion of previous descriptions of Katcinas 264\n\n Classification of Katcinas 265\n Elaborate Katcinas 268\n Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a 268\n Katcina\u2019s return 273\n Pow\u00e1m\u00fb 274\n P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti 291\n Nim\u00e1nkatcina 292\n\n Abbreviated Katcinas 292\n Characteristics 292\n S\u00edoc\u00e1lako 296\n Paw\u00edkkatcina 299\n \u00c1\u00f1akatcina 303\n\n Comparative study of Katcina dances in Cibola and Tusayan 304\n\n\n\n\n ILLUSTRATIONS\n\n\n Page\n\n PLATE CIV. _A_, Shield with star symbol; _B_, Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a shield\n with star and unknown symbol; _C_, Symbolic sun shield 262\n\n CV. The Nat\u00e1cka ceremony at Walpi 267\n\n CVI. Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti, Nat\u00e1cka, and Soy\u00f3kmana 272\n\n CVII. Doll of C\u00e1lakomana 278\n\n CVIII. Katcina mask with squash-blossom appendage and\n rain-cloud symbolism 286\n\n CIX. Doll of C\u00e1lakomana (mistakenly given on the plate as\n C\u00e1lakotaka) 294\n\n CX. Head-dress of Alosaka 301\n\n CXI. A Pow\u00e1m\u00fb mask 306\n\n FIGURE 39. Tablet of the Palah\u00edkomana mask 262\n\n 40. The \u00c1\u00f1akatcina 294\n\n 41. Maskette of \u00c1\u00f1akatcinamana 295\n\n 42. Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi in\n S\u00edoc\u00e1lako 298\n\n 43. Mask of Paw\u00edkkatcina (front view) 299\n\n 44. Mask of Paw\u00edkkatcina (side view) 300\n\n 45. Mask of Paw\u00edkkatcinamana 301\n\n 46. Staff of Paw\u00edkkatcina 301\n\n 47. Helmets, ear of corn, and spruce bough arranged for\n reception ceremony 302\n\n 48. Symbolism of the helmet of H\u00famiskatcina (tablet\n removed) 307\n\n\n\n\n THE GROUP OF TUSAYAN CEREMONIALS CALLED KATCINAS[1]\n\n By JESSE WALTER FEWKES\n\n\n INTRODUCTION\n\n\nIn their use of the word Katcina[2] the Hopi or Moki apply the term to\nsupernatural beings impersonated by men wearing masks or by statuettes\nin imitation of the same. The dances in which the former appear are\nlikewise called by the same name which with the orthography \u201cCachena\u201d\nis used in descriptions of these dances in the valley of the upper\nRio Grande. The present use of the term among the Tusayan Indians\nleads me to consider it as almost a synonym of a supernatural being of\nsubordinate rank to the great deities. Ancestral worship plays a not\ninconspicuous part in the Hopi conception of a Katcina.\n\nWhen we endeavor to classify the ceremonials which form the ritual\npracticed by the Tusayan villagers, the subject is found to be\nso complex that it can be adequately treated only by the help of\nobservations extending through many years. The plan which I have\nfollowed in my work, as will be seen in previous publications, has\nbeen to gather and record data in regard to the details of individual\nobservances as a basis for generalization.\n\nMy former publications on this subject have therefore been simply\nrecords of observations.[3] For various reasons it has seemed well\nto anticipate a final and general account and interpretation, with\ntentative efforts at a classification to serve as a stepping-stone\nto a more exhaustive and complete discussion of the relationship of\nthese observances, which would naturally appear in an elaborate memoir\nnecessitating a broader method of treatment than any yet adopted.\n\nAt the present stage of my researches it would be too early to\nwrite such an account of the ceremonial calendar of the Tusayan\nvillagers, but it has been deemed well to put on record, with many new\nobservations, this preliminary outline of what may be a portion of a\ngeneral system, to aid other investigators in kindred fields of study.\nWhen I began my work, four years ago, the task of bringing order out of\nwhat appeared to be a hopeless confusion seemed well nigh impossible,\nbut as one ceremony after another was studied it was found that the\nexactness of the ritual as exemplified in ceremonial presentations\npertained even to details, and that there was a logical connection\nrunning throughout all the religious observances of the Tusayan\nIndians, the presentations of which were practically little influenced\nby white races with whom the people had been brought in contact. As\nthese ceremonials were studied more sympathetically I discovered a\nunity throughout them which, whatever their origin may have been,\nplaced them in marked contrast to those of the nomads by whom they were\nsurrounded. They were found to belong to a type or ceremonial area in\nwhich the other Pueblos are embraced, the affinities of which carry us\ninto different geographic regions of the American continent.\n\nBut while this type differs or differed in ancient times from those of\nAthapascan or Shoshonean aborigines, it bears evidence of a composite\nnature. It had become so by contributions from many sources, and had\nin turn left its impress on other areas, so that as a type the Pueblo\nculture was the only one of its kind in aboriginal America. With strong\naffinities on all sides it was unique, having nearest kinship with\nthose of Mexico and Central America.\n\nThe geographic extension of the Pueblo type of culture was no doubt\nformerly much greater than it is at the present time. What its\noriginal boundaries were future investigation will no doubt help us\nto decide, but the problem at present before us is the determination\nof its characteristics as a survival in our times. When once this\nis satisfactorily known, and not until then, can we advance with\nconfidence to wider generalizations as to its past distribution and\noffer theories regarding its affinities with other ceremonial areas of\nthe American race.\n\nIt is doubtless true that we are not progressing beyond what can be\nclaimed to be known when we say that all the Pueblo peoples belong to\nthe same ceremonial type. I am sure that in prehistoric and historic\ntimes delegations from the Rio Grande country have settled among\nthe Tusayan villagers, and that many families of the latter have\nmigrated back to the Rio Grande again to make permanent homes in that\nsection. The most western and the most eastern peoples of this Pueblo\nculture-stock have been repeatedly united in marriage, bringing about a\nconsequent commingling of blood, and the legends of both tell of their\ncommon character. It is too early in research to inject into science\nthe idea that the Pueblos are modified Indians of other stocks, and\nwe outstrip our knowledge of facts if we ascribe to any one village or\ngroup of villages the implication involved in the expression, \u201cFather\nof the Pueblos.\u201d Part of the Pueblo culture is autochthonal, but its\ngerm may have originated elsewhere, and no one existing Pueblo people\nis able satisfactorily to support the claim that it is ancestral\noutside of a very limited area.\n\nIn the present article I have tried to present a picture of one of the\ntwo great natural groups of ceremonials into which the Tusayan ritual\nis divided. I have sought also to lay a foundation for comparative\nstudies of the same group as it exists in other pueblos, but have\nnot found sufficient data in regard to these celebrations in other\nvillages to carry this comparative research very far. Notwithstanding\nthese dances occur in most of the pueblos, the published data about\nthem is too meager for comparative uses. No connected description of\nthese ceremonies in other pueblos has been published; of theoretical\nexplanations we have more than are profitable. It is to be hoped that\nthe ever-increasing interest in the ceremonials of the Pueblos of the\nsouthwest will lead to didactic, exoteric accounts of the rituals of\nall these peoples, for a great field for research in this direction is\nyet to be tilled.\n\nIn the use, throughout this article, of the words \u201cgods,\u201d \u201cdeities,\u201d\nand \u201cworship\u201d we undoubtedly endow the subject with conceptions\nwhich do not exist in the Indian mind, but spring from philosophic\nideas resulting from our higher culture. For the first two the more\ncumbersome term \u201csupernatural beings\u201d[4] is more expressive, and the\nword \u201cspirit\u201d is perhaps more convenient, except from the fact that it\nlikewise has come to have a definite meaning unknown to the primitive\nmind.\n\nWorship, as we understand it, is not a proper term to use in the\ndescription of the Indian\u2019s methods of approaching his supernal beings.\nIt involves much which is unknown to him, and implies the existence\nof that which is foreign to his conceptions. Still, until some better\nnomenclature, more exactly defining his methods, is suggested, these\nterms from their convenience will still continue in common use.\n\nThe dramatic element which is ascribed to the Katcina[5] ritual is more\nprominent in the elaborate than in the abbreviated presentations, as\nwould naturally be the case, but even there it is believed to be less\nstriking than in the second group or those in which the performers are\nwithout masks.\n\nThere exists in Hopi mythology many stories of the old times which form\nan accompanying body of tradition explaining much of the symbolism\nand some of the ritual, but nowhere have I found the sequence of the\nceremonials to closely correspond with the episodes of the myth. In\nthe Snake or the Flute dramatizations this coincidence of myth and\nritual is more striking, but in them it has not gone so far as to be\ncomparable with religious dramatizations of more cultured peoples.\nAmong the Katcinas, however, it is more obscure or even very limited.\nWhile an abbreviated Katcina may be regarded as a reproduction of the\ncelebrations recounted in legends of times when real supernatural\nbeings visited the pueblos, and thus dramatizes semimythic stories, I\nfail to see aught else in them of the dramatic element.\n\nThe characteristic symbolism is prescribed and strictly conforms to the\nlegends. Explanations of why each Katcina is marked this or that way\ncan be gathered from legends, but the continuous carrying out of the\nsequence of events in the life of any Katcina, or any story of creation\nor migration, did not appear in any abbreviated[6] Katcina which was\nstudied. In this subdivision a dramatic element is present, but only\nin the crudest form. In the elaborate Katcinas, however, we find an\nadvance in the amount of dramatization, or an attempt to represent a\nstory or parts of the same. Thus we can in Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a follow a dramatic\npresentation of the legend of the conflict of the sun with hostile\ndeities or powers, in which both are personified.\n\nI must plead ignorance of the esoteric aspect of the Tusayan\nconceptions of the Katcinas when such exists. This want of knowledge\nis immaterial, for the object of this article is simply to record what\nhas been seen and goes no further. I will not say that a complete\naccount of the Katcinas can be given by such a treatment, and do not\nknow how much or how little of their esoterism has eluded me, but\nthese observations are wholly exoteric records of events rather than\nesoteric explanations of causes. It is thought that such a treatment of\nthe subject will be an important contribution to the appreciation of\nexplanations which it naturally precedes.\n\nAlthough it seems probable that the ritual of primitive man contains\nelements of a more or less perfect dramatization of his mythology, I\nincline to the opinion that the ritual is the least variable and from\nit has grown the legend as we now know it. The question, Which came\nfirst, myth or ritual? is outside the scope of this article.\n\nAny one who has studied the ceremonial system of the Tusayan Indians\nwill have noticed the predominance of great ceremonials in winter.\nFrom harvest time to planting there is a succession of celebrations of\nmost complicated and varied nature, but from planting to harvesting\nall these rites are much curtailed. The simplest explanation of this\ncondition would be, and probably is, necessity. There is not time\nenough to devote to great and elaborate ceremonials when the corn must\nbe cared for. Time is then too precious, but when the corn is high and\nthe crop is in sight, or during the long winter when the agriculturist\nis at home unemployed, then the superstitious mind has freedom to carry\non elaborate rites and observances, and then naturally he takes part\nin the complex ceremonies. Hence the spring and early summer religious\nobservances are abbreviated. Although the Pueblo farmer may thoroughly\nbelieve in his ceremonial system as efficacious, his human nature is\ntoo practical to consume the precious planting time with elaborate\nceremonials. But when he sees that the crop is coming and harvest is at\nhand, then he begins the series of, to him, magnificent pageants which\nextend from the latter part of August until March of the following year.\n\nIt has been proven by repeated observations of the same ceremonials\nthat there is great constancy in the way successive presentations\nof the ritual are carried out year after year. The inevitable\nmodifications resulting from the death of old priests undoubtedly in\ncourse of time affect individual observances, but their ritual is never\nvoluntarily changed. The ceremonials which I have here and elsewhere\ndescribed were not invented by them to show to me, nor will any\nreligious society of the Hopi at the present day get up a ceremony to\nplease the white man. Each observance is traditional and prescribed for\na certain time of the year.\n\n\n\n\n TABULAR VIEW OF THE SEQUENCE OF TUSAYAN CELEBRATIONS[7]\n\n\nThe following tabular view of the sequence of ceremonials may aid in\nthe study of the Hopi calendar, and indicate the ceremonials presented\nto us for classification:\n\n { Katcina\u2019s return.\n _A_[8] { Pow\u00e1m\u00fb.\n { P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti.\n\nThe abbreviated Katcinas commonly come in the interval, and vary\nsomewhat from year to year.\n\n { Nim\u00e1n (Katcina\u2019s departure).\n { Snake or Flute (alternating).\n { L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti.\n _B_ { Mamzra\u00fati.\n { W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti[9] (sometimes Na\u00e1cnaiya).\n { Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a.\n\n\n_Masked or Katcina Ceremonials_\n\n+------------+-----------+------------+--------------+--------------+---------+\n| _December_ | _January_ | _February_ | _March_ | _April\u2013June_ | _July_ |\n+------------+-----------+------------+--------------+--------------+---------+\n| Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a. | Pa. | Pow\u00e1m\u00fb. | P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti. | Variable | Nim\u00e1n. |\n| | | | | abbreviated | |\n| | | | | Katcinas. | |\n+------------+-----------+------------+--------------+--------------+---------+\n\n\n _Unmasked or Nine Days\u2019 Ceremonials_\n\n+-----------------+-------------+------------+---------------+\n| _August_ | _September_ | _October_ | _November_ |\n+-----------------+-------------+------------+---------------+\n| Snake or Flute. | L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti. | Mamzra\u00fati. | W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti or |\n| | | | Na\u00e1cnaiya. |\n+-----------------+-------------+------------+---------------+\n\nThe Katcina chief, \u00cdntiwa, erects his altar every year in the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva,\nbut different kivas by rotation or otherwise celebrate the dance of\nthe Nim\u00e1n by their appropriate presentation, thus: The men of the\nWikw\u00e1liobikiva celebrated the dance in 1891; those of Nac\u00e1bkiva in\n1892; those of the \u00c1lkiva in 1893, and probably in 1894 the men of the\nTcivatokiva will personate the last Katcina of the summer. It thus will\nappear that the special supernatural personage represented varies from\nyear to year within certain limits, and the variations mean nothing\nmore than that the members of the different kivas participate in\nrotation.\n\n\n\n\n NAMES OF MONTHS AND CORRESPONDING CEREMONIALS\n\n\nThe Tusayan names of the months are as follows:\n\n +---------------------+------------------+\n | _Months_ | _Ceremonials_ |\n +---------------------+------------------+\n | 1. Pow\u00e1m\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb[10] | Pow\u00e1m\u00fb. |\n | 2. \u00dc\u2032c\u00fcm\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb | P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti. |\n | 3. Kwiyaom\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb. | |\n | 4. Hakitonm\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb. | |\n | 5. Kelem\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb. | |\n | 6. Kyam\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb | Nim\u00e1n. |\n | 7. Pam\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb | (Snake, Flute.) |\n | 8. Powa\u2032m\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb | L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti. |\n | 9. H\u00fc\u00fckm\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb | |\n |10. \u00dc\u2032c\u00fcm\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb | Mamzra\u00fati. |\n |11. Kelem\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb | W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti. |\n |12. Kyam\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb | Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a. |\n |13. Pam\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb | Katcina\u2019s return. |\n +---------------------+------------------+\n\nThe second part of the October (\u00dc\u2032c\u00fc) is said to be called T\u00fc\u2032hoe. If\nthis is recognized as a lunar period we would have 14 divisions to\nthe ceremonial year. In the Pam\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb, the Snake ceremony, and the\nKatcina\u2019s return, the same N\u00fcitiwa (struggle of maids for bowls, etc)\noccurs.\n\nIt will be noticed that the five summer moons have the same names as\nthose of the winter; by that I do not mean to discard the divisions\n\u201cnamed\u201d and \u201cnameless,\u201d elsewhere used on good authority. The questions\nregarding the nomenclature of the different moons and their number are\nvery perplexing and not yet satisfactorily answered.\n\nThe determination of the number of moons recognized in the year or\nthe interval between the successive reappearance of the sun in his\nhouse (T\u00e1waki) at the summer solstitial rising is a most important\nquestion, for a satisfactory answer to which my researches thus far\nare insufficient. Several of the priests have told me that there were\n13, as given above; but others say there are 12, and still others, 14.\nThe comparative ethnologist, familiar with Mexican calendars, would be\nglad to accept the report that there were 13, in which case there would\nbe introduced a remarkable harmony between peoples akin in many ways.\nAlthough, however, there is good evidence that 13 is recognized by some\npriests, the negative evidence must be mentioned, especially as it is\nderived from men whose knowledge of Hopi lore I have come to respect.\nI have, however, provisionally followed the opinion of those who hold\nthat the Hopi recognize 13 ceremonial months in their calendar.\n\nIf the second part of the \u00dc\u2032c\u00fc moon be called T\u00fc\u2032hoe, we would have\n14 moons, which would give 6 between 2 P\u00f3wa, or 2 Pa, K\u00e9le, Ky\u00e1,\nand divide the ceremonial year into two parts of 7 moons each. The\nKatcina\u2019s return (\u00dckine), or the beginning of the Katcinas, then occurs\nin the Pa moon; they end in Ky\u00e1 at the Nim\u00e1n (last, farewell). The\ngroup of unmasked ceremonials (nine days) likewise begins at the Pa\nmoon in the Snake or Flute, and ends at the winter, Ky\u00e1, or Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a.\n\nIn endeavoring to find some reason for the similarity of names in the\ntwo groups of months which compose the ceremonial year I have this\ninteresting hint, dropped by one of the priests: \u201cWhen we of the upper\nworld,\u201d he said, \u201care celebrating the winter Pa moon the people of the\nunder world are engaged in the observance of the Snake or Flute, and\nvice versa.\u201d The ceremonials in the two worlds are synchronous. \u201cThat\nis the reason,\u201d said my informant, \u201cthat we make the Snake or Flute\npahos during the winter season, although the dance is not celebrated\nuntil the corresponding month of the following summer.\u201d[11]\n\n\n\n\n MEANS OF DETERMINING THE TIME FOR CEREMONIALS\n\n\nAmong the Hopi Indians there are priests (tawawympkiyas) skilled in the\nlore of the sun, who determine, by observations of the points on the\nhorizon, where the sun rises or sets, the time of the year proper for\nreligious ceremonials. Two of these points are called sun houses, one\nat t\u00e1ty\u00fcka,[12] which is called the sun house (t\u00e1waki) par excellence,\nanother at kwin\u00edwi, which also is called t\u00e1waki, or sun house.\n\nThe points on the horizon used in the determination of ceremonial\nevents are as follows:\n\n1. T\u00e1waki (h\u00fctca, opening). The horizon point properly called savw\u00fawee\nmarks the cardinal point t\u00e1ty\u00fcka or place of sunrise at the winter\nsolstice. The winter ceremony Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a is determined not by sunrise,\nbut by sunset, although, as a general thing, the time of summer\nceremonials is determined by observations of sunrise.\n\n2. M\u00e1snam\u00fczr\u00fc (m\u00e1si, drab or gray; nam\u00fczr\u00fc, wooded ridge). This point\nis the ridge or crest of the mesa, east of P\u00fcp\u2032ce.\n\n3. Pav\u00fc\u00f1\u2032tc\u00f3mo (pav\u00fc\u00f1, young corn; tc\u00f3mo, mound). A point on the old\nwagon trail to Fort Defiance, a little beyond the head of Keams canyon.\n\n4. Ho\u00f1w\u00edtcomo (derivation obscure; h\u00f3\u00f1wi, erect).\n\n5. N\u00fcv\u00e1ktcomo (n\u00fcv\u00e1k, snow; tc\u00f3mo, mound). When the sun reaches here on\nits northern journey the Hon\u00e1ni or Badger people plant corn; the other\nHopi people plant melons, squashes, and gourds.\n\n6. P\u00fclhomotaka (p\u00fcl\u00fc, round, hump; h\u00f3mo, obscure; t\u00e1ka, man; possibly\nmany hump-back men). When the sun reaches here the P\u00e1tki or Water\npeople plant corn. When the sun returns here the Snake-Antelope\nfraternities assemble for the Snake dance.\n\n7. Kwitc\u00e1la.[13] When the sun rises at this point on his northward\njourney general planting begins, which continues until the summer\nsolstice. When the sun returns to this point on his southerly journey\nthe Nim\u00e1nkatcina is celebrated.\n\n8. Ta\u00edovi (?).\n\n9. Ow\u00e1tcoki (owa, rock; tc\u00f3ki, mound house).\n\n10. W\u00fc\u2032nacakabi (w\u00fc\u2032na, pole; c\u00e1ka, ladder).\n\n11. Wak\u00e1cva, cattle spring, 12 miles north of Keams canyon.\n\n12. Pav\u00e1ukyaki, swallow house.\n\n13. T\u00fcy\u00fcka, summer solstice.\n\nWe are justified in accepting the theory that sun and moon[14]\nworship is usual among primitive men. Whether that of the sun or\nof our satellite was the earlier it is not in the province of this\narticle to discuss, but it is doubtless true that sun worship is a\nvery ancient cult among most primitive peoples. The Pueblos are not\nexceptions, and while we can not say that their adoration is limited\nto the sun, it forms an essential element of their ritual, while their\nanhydrous environment has led them into a rain-cloud worship and other\ncomplexities. I think we can safely say, however, that the germ of\ntheir astronomy sprang from observations of the sun, and while yet in\na most primitive condition they noticed the fact that this celestial\nbody did not always rise or set at the same points on the horizon. The\nconnection between these facts and the seasons of the year must have\nbeen noted early in their history, and have led to orientation, which\nplays such an important part in all their rituals. Thus the approach\nof the sun to a more vertical position in the sky in summer and its\nrecession in winter led to the association of time when the earth\nyielded them their crops with its approach, and the time when the earth\nwas barren with its recession. These epochs were noticed, however, not\nby the position of the sun at midday, but at risings and settings,\nor the horizon points. The two great epochs, summer and winter,\nwere, it is believed, connected with solstitial amplitudes, and the\nequinoctial, horizontal points, unconnected with important times to\nagriculturists, were not considered as of much worth. There is every\nevidence, however, that the time of day was early indicated by the\naltitude of the sun, although the connection of the altitude at midday\nwith the time of year was subordinated to observations on the horizon.\n\n\n\n\nCLASSIFICATION OF CEREMONIALS\n\n\nIn attempting to make out the annual cycle of ceremonial observances,\nas determined by observations made during the last three years, I\nrecognize two groups, the differences between which may be more or less\narbitrary. These groups are called\u2014\n\n I. The Katcinas.\n II. The Nine days\u2019 ceremonials.\n\nThe former of these groups, which is the subject of this article,\nbegins with the Katcinas\u2019 return,[15] and ends with their departure\n(Nim\u00e1n). It is not my purpose here to do more than refer to the latter\ngroup, as a short reference to them may be of value for a proper\nunderstanding of the Katcinas.\n\nThere are significant likenesses between different members of the\nseries of nine days\u2019 ceremonials, and they may be grouped in several\npairs, of which the following may be mentioned:\n\n I. Snake or Flute.[16]\n II. L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti and Mamzra\u00fati.\n III. Pow\u00e1m\u00fb and P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti.\n IV. W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti and Na\u00e1cnaiya.\n\nThe likenesses are built on the similarity of the rites practiced in\nboth members of each pair. The Hopi priests recognize another kinship\nwhich does not appear in the nature of the ceremonies as much as in\nthe subordinate parts. Thus, L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti and P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti, W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti\nand Mamzra\u00fati are brother and sister ceremonials, according to their\nconceptions. This kinship is said to account for certain events in the\nceremonials, and friendly feeling manifested between certain societies,\nbut much obscurity envelops this whole subject of relationships.\n\nThe term \u201cNine days\u2019 ceremonies\u201d refers to the active[17] ceremonial\ndays, including those in which the chiefs perform the secret observance\nand the open dance of the last days. Strictly speaking, the ceremonial\nsmoke to determine the time is a part of the observance, and from this\ndate to the final public exhibition there are sixteen days, a multiple\nof the omnipresent number four.\n\nSome of the Katcinas have nine days of ceremonials, counting the\nassembly and the final purification.\n\nThe inception of the ceremony is called tc\u00f3tco\u00f1 y\u00fc\u00f1ya, smoking\nassembly, in which the chiefs (mo\u00f1\u2032mowit\u00fb) meet together in the evening\nat a prescribed house. The meeting places are as follows:\n\n Tc\u00fctc\u00fcb (Snake-Antelope fraternity) Snake chief\u2019s mother\u2019s house.\n Mamzra\u00fa S\u00e1lako\u2019s.\n L\u00e1lako\u00f1 K\u00f3tcn\u00fcmsi\u2019s.\n Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a V\u00e9nsi\u2019s.\n W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edm Tc\u00edw\u00fcqti\u2019s.\n L\u00e9nya (Flute) Tal\u00e1svensi\u2019s.\n Nim\u00e1n Kw\u00fcmaletci\u2019s.\n\nOn the day following this smoke the speaker chief (tca\u00e1kmo\u00f1wi) at early\nsunrise announces to the public that the ceremony is to begin, and to\nthe six direction deities (nananivo mo\u00f1\u2032mowit\u00fb) that the priests are\nabout to assemble to pray for rain. Eight days after the announcement\nthe chiefs gather in the kiva, and that day is called y\u00fc\u00f1ya,\nassemblage, but is not counted in the sequence of ceremonial days. The\nfirst ceremonial day is C\u00fcct\u00e1la, after which follow the remaining days\nas already explained in my account of the Snake ceremonials. Counting\nthe days from the commencement, the Snake, Flute, Nim\u00e1n, L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti, and\nMamzra\u00fati are always celebrated in extenso sixteen days, or nine days\nof active ceremonies, as shown in articles elsewhere. When Na\u00e1cnaiya\nis not celebrated, W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti, Pow\u00e1m\u00fb, Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a, and P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti are\nabbreviated to four days of active ceremonials.\n\nThe following diagnosis may be made of these great nine days\u2019\nceremonials: Duration of the ceremony, nine consecutive days and\nnights; no masked dancers in secret or public exhibitions; no Katcinas;\nno Tcuk\u00fawympkiyas.[18] Altars and sand mosaics generally present.\nIndividual ceremonials either annual or biennial, but in either case at\napproximately the same time of the year; sequence constant. T\u00edponi[19]\ngenerally brought out in the public dance. Many p\u00e1hos,[20] ordinarily\nof different length (Snake, Flute, L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti, Mamzra\u00fati), to deposit\nin shrines at varying distances from the town. Ceremonial racing,\ngenerally in the morning of the eighth and ninth days.\n\nThe following are the important nine days\u2019 ceremonies:\n\n1. The Antelope-Snake celebration, alternating biennially with the\nL\u00e9lenti or Flute observance.\n\n2. The L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti. This ceremony lasts nine days and as many nights,\nand is celebrated by women. The details of the celebration at Walpi in\n1891, together with the altars, fetiches, and the like have already\nbeen published.[21] It has some likenesses with the Mamzra\u00fati, which\nfollows it in sequence. There are four priestesses, the chief of whom\nis K\u00f3tcn\u00fcmsi. Three t\u00edponis were laid on the altar in the celebration\nof 1891, although it is customary for each society to have but one\nt\u00edponi, which, with the other paraphernalia, is in the keeping of the\nchief priest.\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 39\u2014Tablet of the Palah\u00edkomana mask.]\n\n3. The Mamzra\u00fati. This ceremonial has likewise been described.[22] In\nsome celebrations of this festival girls appear with tablets on their\nheads personifying maids called Palah\u00edkomanas. In 1891 these personages\nwere represented by pictures[23] of the same on slabs carried in the\nhands of girls. In this way the variations of their celebrations in\ndifferent years may be explained; sometimes women are dressed to\nimpersonate the Palah\u00edkomanas, at others only pictures of the same are\ncarried.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CIV.\n\n SHIELD WITH STAR SYMBOL.\n\n SOYALUNA SHIELD WITH UNKNOWN SYMBOL.\n\n SYMBOLIC SUN SHIELD.\n\n DRAWN BY MARY M. MITCHELL. A. HOEN & CO., LITH.]\n\n4. The W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti. The Na\u00e1cnaiya, of which this is an abbreviated\nobservance, has been described.[24] One of the most prominent events\nis the ceremonial making of the new fire; and as this is in a measure\ndistinctive of these two, it is proper to designate them the New Fire\nceremonies.\n\nIn essentials the Na\u00e1cnaiya and the W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti are the same, but the\nformer appears to be of less constant appearance and more complicated.\nIn it, as elsewhere described, the statuette of Tal\u00e1tumsi is brought\ninto the pueblo, but in the abbreviated form offerings are made at her\nshrine down the trail. During the making of the new fire \u00c1nawita,[25]\npersonifying Masauw\u00fbh, is hidden behind a blanket held by two\nassistants.\n\nThe second group, called the Katcinas, which may be divided into two\nsmaller divisions, known as the elaborate and the abbreviated, fills\nout the sequence of religious ceremonials between the Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a and the\nNim\u00e1nkatcina. These celebrations are distinguished from those of the\nformer group by the presence of masked personages to whom is given the\nname of Katcinas. By the use of these masks or helmets the participant\nis supposed to be transformed into the deity represented, and women and\nchildren avoid looking at Katcinas when unmasked. The main symbolism of\nthe deity is depicted on the helmet or head, and varies in different\npresentations, but the remaining paraphernalia is constant, whatever\npersonage is represented.[26]\n\nThe mask (k\u00fc\u2032\u012dt\u00fc, head) is often addressed as \u00edkwatci, \u201cmy friend\nor double.\u201d Prescriptively it must be put on and taken off with the\nleft hand.[27] It is of helmet shape, fitting closely to the head and\nresting on the shoulders. These masks or helmets are repainted at\neach presentation with the symbolism of the personage intended to be\nrepresented. They are ordinarily made of leather, portions of boot legs\nor saddles, and in one or two instances I have found on their inside\nthe embossed or incised markings characteristic of Spanish saddles. Old\nfelt hats are sometimes used in the manufacture of the simpler masks\nand those of the mud-heads are of coarse cloth. Few of the helmets now\nused give evidence of very great antiquity, although some are made of\nthe skin of the bison. One can seldom purchase these helmets, as their\nmanufacture is difficult, and instead of being discarded after use in\none ceremony they are repainted for other presentations.\n\nThere is a similar uniformity year by year in the time of the\ncelebration of the extended or elaborate Katcinas called Nim\u00e1n,\nPow\u00e1m\u00fb, P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti, Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a, and the Pa or Katcina\u2019s return. Their\nsequence is always the same, but in the abbreviated Katcinas or masked\ndances this uniformity is not adhered to. A certain number of these\nare celebrated each spring and summer, but the particular abbreviated\nKatcina[28] which is presented varies from year to year, and may or may\nnot be reproduced.\n\nWhile Katcinas or masked dances do not generally occur during the\ninterval of the nine days\u2019 ceremonials (autumn and early winter), I\nhave notes on one of these which indicate that they sometimes take\nplace in this epoch.\n\nOn September 20, 1893, a Katcina called \u00c1\u00f1akatcina[29] was performed\nin Hano after the Nim\u00e1n had been celebrated in Walpi. Theoretically it\nwould not be expected, as the farewell Katcina is universally said to\nbe a celebration of the departure of these personages to their distant\nhome, an event which does not occur at Hano. It would be strange if\nlater observations should show that Katcinas are celebrated in other\nvillages between the departure and return of these personages.\n\n\n\n\n DISCUSSION OF PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF KATCINAS\n\n\nOur exact knowledge of the character of the Hopi Katcinas dates back to\nSchoolcraft\u2019s valuable compilation. While the existence of these dances\nwas known previously to that time, and several references to similar\ndances among the other Pueblos might be quoted from the writings of\nSpanish visitors, our information of the Katcina celebrations in\nTusayan previously to 1852 is so fragmentary that it is hardly of\nvalue in comparative studies. In the year named Dr P. S. G. Ten Broeck\nvisited Tusayan and published a description of what was probably a\nKatcina dance at Sitcomovi. Although his account is so imperfect that\nwe can not definitely say what Katcina was personated, his description\nwas the first important contribution to our knowledge of the character\nof these dances among the Hopi Indians. It will be noticed in a general\nway that the personation differed but slightly from those of the\npresent day. Ten Broeck noted that the male dancers, Katcinas, wore\non their heads \u201clarge pasteboard towers\u201d (n\u00e1ktci?), and \u201cvisors[30]\nmade of small willows, with the bark peeled off and dyed a deep\nbrown.\u201d He recognized that the female dancers (Katcinamanas) were men\ndressed as women and that they wore yellow \u201cvisors\u201d and dressed their\nhair in whorls as at the present time. He described the musical (?)\naccompaniment of the dance with the scapula of an animal rubbed over a\n\u201cground piece of wood.\u201d He likewise noticed the priests who sprinkled\nthe dancers with sacred meal, and speaks of two small boys painted\nblack with white rings who accompanied the dance. The latter may have\nbeen personifications of the Little Fire Gods.\n\nThe Hopi clowns, Tcuk\u00fawympkiyas, were likewise seen by Ten Broeck, who\ndescribed their comical actions. From his description of the byplay of\ntheir \u201cassistants,\u201d I find very little change has taken place since his\ntime. In the Katcina which he observed food was distributed during the\ndance, as I have elsewhere described is the case today. Although much\nmight be added to Ten Broeck\u2019s description, his observations were the\nmost important which had been made known up to his time, and continued\nfor forty years the most valuable record of this group[31] of dances\namong the Tusayan Indians.\n\n\n\n\n CLASSIFICATION OF KATCINAS\n\n\nBefore considering the various ceremonials in which the Katcinas\nappear, it may be well to say something of the nature of these\nsupernatural beings which figure in them as made known by the testimony\nof some of the best-informed men of the tribe. The various legends\nwhich are told about them are numerous and can not be repeated here,\nbut a few notions gathered from them may render it possible for the\nreader to better understand the character of the ceremonials in which\nthey appear.\n\nThese deities are generally regarded as animistic and subordinate to\nthe greater gods.[32] They have been called intercessors between man\nand the highest supernatural beings. There are misty legends that\nlong ago the Katcinas, like men, came from the under world and brought\nwith them various charms or n\u00e1h\u00fc with which the Hopi are familiar. By\nsome it is said that a Hon\u00e1ni (Badger) chief came up from the \u00c1tkyaa,\nor under world, in the center of a square whose four sides were formed\nof lines of Katcinas, and that he bore in his left hand a buzzard\nwing feather and a bundle of medicine hats on his back. The Katcinas\nrecognized him as their chief, and became Katcina Hon\u00e1ni, Badger\nKatcinas.\n\nThe legend runs that in ancient times Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti[33] emerged from the\nunder world followed by four sons, who were Katcinas, each bearing in\nhis arms a pet called p\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1\u00fbh, plumed serpent. Following these four\ncame other Katcinas with pets (p\u00f3komat\u00fc), of whom the following are\nmentioned:\n\nOne bearing p\u00e1kwa, frog (water-eagle).\n\nOne bearing p\u00e1tsro, water-bird.\n\nOne bearing paw\u00edkya, duck.\n\nOne bearing pav\u00e1kiyuta, water on the backs bearers, aquatic animals.\n\nOne bearing y\u00fc\u00f1\u2032ocona, turtle.\n\nOne bearing zr\u00e1na, bullfrog.\n\nOne bearing pav\u00e1tiya, young water bearer (tadpole).\n\nThe others with kw\u00e1h\u00fc (eagle), parrot, crow, cooper\u2019s hawk, swallow,\nand night hawk.\n\nThe S\u00fama\u00edkoli pets for the six directions are:\n\n Sow\u00fc\u00f1w\u00fb, deer Kwin\u00edwi.\n Pa\u00f1\u2032w\u00fb, mountain sheep Tevy\u00fc\u00f1a.\n Tc\u00fc\u2032bio, antelope Taty\u00faka.\n Tca\u00edzrisa, elk H\u00f3poka.\n S\u00f3wi, hare Omy\u00faka.\n T\u00e1bo, cottontail rabbit Atky\u00e1ntuka.\n\nThe first four Katcinas bear a startling yet foreign resemblance to the\nNavaho Etsuth\u00e7le.[34] The word p\u00f3komat\u00fc is difficult to translate, but\n\u201cpets\u201d seems a good rendering. Its usage is similar to that of certain\nNavaho words. A Navaho woman speaks of a favorite child as cili\u207f; a man\ncalls his pet horse cili\u207f, and the shaman designates his fetich-emblem\nof a nature deity b\u012dli\u207f; a Hopi calls his dog p\u00f3ko. The pet of Tu\u00f1wup\nis depicted on the altar as elsewhere mentioned in my account of the\nreredos of the farewell Katcina at Walpi.[35]\n\n[Illustration: PL. CV.\n\n THE NATACKA CEREMONY AT WALPI]\n\nIn the Hopi conception of the All Katcina there seems to be an idea\nthat they dwell in four terrestrial places or world-quarters.[36] This\nmay be looked on as an application of a general idea of world-quarter\ndeities so common among them.\n\n Northwest, kwin\u00edwi Kicy\u00faba.\n Southwest, tevy\u00fc\u00f1a N\u00fcvatikyaubi, San Francisco mountains.\n Southeast, taty\u00faka W\u00e9nima.\n Northeast, h\u00f3poko N\u00fcvatikyaubi, San Mateo mountains.\n\nIf there is any one feature which distinguishes a Katcina it is the\nuse, by some or all of the participants, of a mask or ceremonial\nhelmet. The Katcinas are divided into two groups, the complete and\nthe abbreviated; the former is constant year by year, the latter\nvarying. Altars are present in the complete, absent in abbreviated\npresentations. A cloud-charm altar or invocation to the six\nworld-quarter deities is sometimes made. Public announcements are\nnot prescribed. The Tcuk\u00fawympkiya or clowns are generally present.\nAbbreviated Katcinas consist mainly of public dances in which Katcinas,\nKatcinamanas, and clowns take part. The p\u00e1hos or prayer offerings\nare few in number. Ceremony ends with a feast; generally no altars.\nT\u00edponi[37] is not brought out in public. It is possible that the\nfox-skin so universally worn by the animistic personifications called\nKatcinas hanging from the belt behind, is a survival comparable with\nthe skin of the animal in which formerly, as in Nahuatl ceremonials,\nthe whole body was clothed. In the case of Nat\u00e1cka, for instance,\na skin is still worn over the shoulders. Conservatism in dress is\ntenaciously adhered to in religious paraphernalia among all peoples.\n\nRoughly speaking we may say that the Katcina celebrations are\ncharacterized by the presence of the Tcuk\u00fawympkiyas (Tatc\u00fckti,\nTc\u00fcck\u00fct\u00fb, Paikyam\u00fb or clowns), which do not appear in the unmasked\nor nine days\u2019 ceremonials. The epoch in which they remain among the\nHopi is therefore approximately that from the winter to the summer\nsolstices; that in which they are absent, from the summer to the\nwinter solstices.[38]\n\nI classify the Katcina celebrations into two large groups, which may be\ncalled the elaborate and the abbreviated, and have considered them in\nthe following pages.\n\n\n ELABORATE KATCINAS\n\nUnder the head of elaborate Katcinas[39] may be included:\n\n Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a.\n Katcina\u2019s return.[40]\n Pow\u00e1m\u00fb,\n P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti.\n Nim\u00e1nkacma.\n\n\n SOY\u00c1LU\u00d1A\n\nThe celebration in the December moon has not as yet been described,[41]\nbut a large body of material relating thereto is in my hands. In\norder to give a general idea of its character a brief outline of a\ncharacteristic portion of it is inserted in this place. Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a is\ndistinctly a warriors\u2019 observance, and has been called the Return\nKatcina. In one sense it may be so designated, but more strictly it\nis the return of the War god, regarded as a leader of the gods, and\nin that recalls the Nahuatl Teotleco, as elsewhere pointed out. The\nsinging of the night songs of the warriors is one of the most effective\narchaic episodes of the ceremonial of the winter solstice.\n\nIn the following account a description of a few events in the\ncelebration of 1891 is introduced:\n\nOn the 22d of December of that year most of the men of the villages\nprepared cotton strings, to the end of which they tied feathers and\npi\u00f1on needles. These were given away during the day to different\npersons, some receiving from one to two dozen, which they tied in\ntheir hair. When a maker of these feathered strings presented one to\na friend, he said, as translated, \u201cTomorrow all the Katcinas to you\ngrant your wishes,\u201d holding his bundle vertically and moving it with\na horizontal motion. At nightfall each man procured a willow wand\nfrom 3 to 4 feet long and looped upon it all the strings which he had\nreceived. He then carried his stick to the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva and placed it in the\nrafters, thus imparting to the ceiling the appearance of a bower of\nfeathers and pi\u00f1on needles.\n\nAll the kivas were meeting places of the participants, but the\nT\u00e1taukyam\u00fb met at the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva, where the principal festivities took\nplace. Their chief wore a head-dress decorated with symbols of\nrain-clouds (plate CVIII), and carried a shield upon which was depicted\nthe sun (plate CIV). The chief of a second society carried a shield\nupon which was drawn a star (plate CIV), and a third chief bore a\nshield with an antelope drawn upon it. The head-dress of the chief\nof the A\u00e1wympkiya was adorned with glistening triplex horns, and on\nhis shield was represented an unknown Katcina (plate CIV). The fifth\nsociety was Kw\u00e1kwant\u00fb, or warrior, whose chief carried in his hand an\neffigy of the great snake (P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1\u00fbh) which was carved from the woody\nstalk of the agave (kwan), from which the society was named. He came\nfrom the Tcivato-kiva and on his shield was depicted a Kw\u00e1kwant\u00fb in\nfull costume. The sixth society was the Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti or \u201cknobbed heads;\u201d\ntheir shield-bearer wore a head-dress like a coronet, while on his\nshield was drawn a black figure with lozenge-shape eyes. The shield\nof the chief of the seventh society was adorned with a picture of the\nT\u00e1wamo\u00f1wi or sun chief.\n\nAfter the societies had entered the kiva an invocation to the cardinal\npoints was chanted, and the shield-bearers, in turn, standing over the\ns\u00edpap\u00fb, stamped on it. At a signal the society arranged itself into\ntwo irregular groups, one on the north, the other on the south side\nof the main floor. All then vehemently burst forth into a song, the\nshield-bearer making eccentric dashes among his associates, first to\none side and then to the other.\n\nWhile the song lasted the shield-bearer continued these short, swift\nrushes, and the assembled groups crouched down and met his dashes by\nrising and driving him back to the s\u00edpap\u00fb. He madly oscillated from\nright to left, that is, from the north to the south side of the room,\nand swung his shield in rhythm, while those near him beat their feet in\ntime. The shield was dashed from face to face, and the groups made many\nmotions as if to seize it, but no one did more than to touch it with\noutstretched hands. The movements on both sides were highly suggestive\nof attack and defense.\n\nAt 8 p. m. about one dozen men were collected in the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva, among\nwhom was L\u00e9sma playing a flageolet. The hatchway was guarded by a\ntyler, and for a n\u00e1tci there was placed there a wicker skullcap\nornamented with a pair of imitation mountain-sheep horns (plate CX),\nTwo hours later the room was densely packed with naked men, their\nbodies undecorated, wearing small eagle plumes attached to the crown\nof the head. Two women were present. Anaw\u00edta, chief of the Kw\u00e1kwant\u00fb,\nsat alone on the southern side of the main floor which was clear in the\nmiddle, and twelve chiefs, among them C\u00edmo, S\u00fapela, and Tcub\u00e9ma, sat\nopposite him.\n\nTen novices from the other kivas entered gorgeously arrayed in white\nkilts, brilliant crowns of feathers, white body decorations, bearing\nan imitation squash blossom, with spruce sprigs in their left hands\nand corn in their right hands. As the chiefs took their places L\u00e9sma\nsprinkled the floor of the room near the ladder with moist valley sand,\nabout an inch deep. The novices stepped from the ladder upon this sand\nand passed up in front of the chiefs, then squatted before them facing\nthe south, their kilts having been lifted so that they sat on the cold\nfloor.\n\nAnaw\u00edta then crossed over to the south side of the room and seated\nhimself at the east end of the line of chiefs.\n\nAt the west wall of the kiva a strange altar had been erected. L\u00e9sma\nhad piled against the ledge of this part of the kiva a stack of corn,\ntwo or more ears of which had been contributed by the maternal head of\neach family in the pueblo. At either side and in front of the stack of\ncorn shrubbery had been placed. In the space between the top of the\ncorn pile and the roof wands were placed, and to these wands had been\nfastened many artificial flowers, 4 or 5 inches in diameter, set close\ntogether but in no regular lines. There were over 200 of these flowers\nof different colors, dark-red and white predominating. Nearly in the\ncenter of this artificial shrubbery there was a large gourd shell with\nthe convex side turned toward the audience and having an aperture\nabout 8 inches in diameter in its center. Through this opening had\nbeen thrust the head of an effigy[42] of P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1\u00fbh, the plumed-head\nsnake, painted black, with a tongue-like appendage protruding from the\nmouth. When all the assembled priests were seated a moment of solemn\nstillness ensued, after which S\u00fapela arose, cast a handful of meal\ntoward the effigy of the snake, and said a short prayer in a reverent\ntone.[43] Then the head of the snake, which was manipulated by an\nunseen person behind the altar, was observed to rise slowly to the\ncenter of the aperture, and a mellow sounding roar like a blast through\na conch appeared to come from the mouth, while the whole head was made\nto quiver and wave. The sound was of short duration, repeated four\ntimes, and then the head reposed again on the lower rim of the ground\nshell. Presently was heard a sound as of a scapula drawn across a\nnotched stick six times. All the old chiefs in succession cast meal to\nthe effigy and prayed, and in response to each the great snake emitted\nsounds identical with those mentioned above. The spectators then left\nthe kiva, and a frenzied dance of strange character occurred. The\nsocieties from other kivas came in, and the chief of each declaimed in\na half-chanting voice which rose to a shriek at the close of a stanza.\nFirst, he drew back to the fireplace, and then with a shuffling gait\napproached the symbolic opening in the floor called the s\u00edpap\u00fb.\n\nAnaw\u00edta then shouted at the top of his voice, and the shuffler sprang\nin the air and vaulted over the s\u00edpap\u00fb. Then everybody in the room\nshouted loudly and a song in concert followed. A moment later the\nvisiting societies dashed down the ladder, each bearing a splendid\nshield ornamented with the figure of the sun and a rim of radiating\neagle feathers. Each society had its distinctive sun shield, which on\nentering was handed to the chief. As he received it he stamped on the\ns\u00edpap\u00fa and a fierce song was sung. Meanwhile two members of the society\nstood apart from their fellows against the southern wall facing each\nother, each holding a squash flower emblem in a bouquet of spruce twigs\nand an ear of corn in his left hand.\n\nSuddenly the fifteen or twenty members of the society drew back from\ntheir chief, who then sprang upon the s\u00edpap\u00fb plank, and quickly turning\nfaced them as all burst forth in an ecstatic shouting, with wild\nflinging of their arms as they approached the shield-bearers. They\nnaturally formed two clusters, and as the shield-bearer dashed his\nshield in their faces they surged back, to leap again toward him. This\nseeming assault, wild though it appeared, was maintained in time with\nthe song. The two chieftains joined their men, all in ecstatic frenzy,\nand one of them, shaking his shield, sprang from right to left, drawing\nback his assistants in rhythm with the beating of the feet of all on\nthe floor. After a few moments of most exhaustive movements some of the\nweaker staggered up the ladder, and shortly after one of the chiefs\nfell fainting to the floor, overcome by exhaustion and the intense\nheat of the room. One splendid athlete danced with vigor for fully\nfive minutes, and then swept toward the ladder where the assistant\nwas standing in readiness to receive his shield. Another stride and\nhe reached the foot of the ladder and suddenly became as rigid as\na corpse. The men who belonged to the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva took no part in this\nexhaustive dance but stood in readiness to carry those who fainted up\nthe ladder to the cool air outside.\n\nIt has been suggested that this assault of the men on the bearer of\nthe sun shield dramatizes the attack of hostile powers on the sun, and\nthat the object is to offset malign influences or to draw back the sun\nfrom a disappearance suggested by its southern declination.[44] In\nthis possible interpretation it is well to consider that immediately\npreceding it the archaic offerings and prayers to the great snake\nwere made, as described, in the presence of spectators. The idea of\nhostility of the great snake to the sun is an aboriginal American\nconception. In the Maya Codex Cortesianus (33_b_) the plumed snake is\nrepresented[45] as swallowing the sun as in an eclipse. If Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a\nis a propitiatory ceremony to prevent the destruction or disappearance\nof the sun in winter or to offset the attacks of hostile malevolent\ndeities upon him, we can see a possible explanation of the attacks and\ndefenses of the sun as here dramatized.[46] The evil influences of the\ngreat snake are met by the prayers to his effigy; the attacks of other\nless powerful deities are dramatized in the manner indicated.\n\nThe following contains a few suggestions in regard to the character of\nthe dramatization in the December celebration. In the prayers to the\nPlumed Snake his hostility was quieted, and the chiefs did what they\ncould to propitiate that powerful deity, who was the great cause of\ntheir apprehension that the beneficent sun (T\u00e1wa) would be overcome.\nThen followed the dramatization of the conflict of opposing powers,\npossibly representing other deities hostile to our beneficent father,\nthe sun. Although the struggle involved, so far as the participants\nwere concerned, their highest powers of endurance and bodily suffering,\nthe sun-shield or symbol of T\u00e1wa had the good fortune to resist the\nmany assaults made upon it.\n\nThe introduction of dramatization as an explanation of the warrior\ncelebration is theoretic, therefore not insisted upon, and is at least\nplausible until a better interpretation is suggested. It has in its\nsupport the evidence drawn from a comparative study of ceremonials. In\nthe light of this theory the return and departure of the Katcina has a\nnew significance, and may be regarded as a modified sun myth. At the\nwinter solstice the sun and his attendant deities have reached their\nmost distant point, and turned to come back to the pueblos. In the\nmid-summer the solar deity approached them; he was near them, and in\nappreciation of this fact, which means blessings, the poor Hopi made\nhis offering;[47] danced the Snake dance, asking the snake to bring the\nrain, believing he was no longer hostile or at enmity with the sun. But\nthe withdrawal of the gods (Farewell Katcinas) could not be delayed by\nthese rites, and the sun each day drew farther from them. The Katcinas\n(gods) departed; the bright, beneficent summer gave place to cold,\ndreary winter; life was replaced by death. In this most critical epoch\nthe warriors, the most potent human powers of the pueblo, performed\ntheir ceremony to bring back the beneficent god and his train. The\nNahuatl priest called a similar ceremony \u201cTeotleco,\u201d the god comes\u2014\u201cThe\ndead god is reborn,\u201d says Duran. The gods (Katcinas) come, say the Hopi\n(Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a, all assemblage; derived from co, all; yu\u00f1ya, assemblage).\nThe Nahuatl priest sprinkled meal on the floor of the teocalli, and\nwhen he saw in the meal the footprint of the War god, the leader of\nthe divinities, he announced the fact. The Hopi priest still continues\nto sprinkle sand on the kiva floor during the ceremony.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CVI\n\n HAHA\u00cdW\u00dcQTI, NAT\u00c1CKA, AND SOY\u00d3KMANA]\n\n\n KATCINA\u2019S RETURN\n\nThe first celebration of the Katcinas in the spring, several months\nafter their departure,[48] took place in that division of the year\ncalled the Pam\u00fcyaw\u00fb,and is known as Mohti Katc\u00ednumy\u00fc\u00f1ya, or \u201cFirst\nKatcina assembly.\u201d I have called it the Return Katcina. It follows\ndirectly after the winter p\u00e1ho making of the Snake-Antelope or Flute\nsocieties, which varies in character according to whether the Snake or\nthe Flute society gives the presentation that year. In 1893 it followed\nthe Snake p\u00e1ho making, and in 1894 that of the Flute. It may be called\na composite, abbreviated assembly of Katcinas.\n\nDuring the day Katcina masks were renovated in the kivas of the mesa,\nand there were visitations at all the kivas by the personators in\nthe coming celebration. Women and children crowded the spectators\u2019\nquarters of these rooms, and the performances lasted from 10 oclock in\nthe evening until 2 oclock of the following morning. Previously to the\nexhibition in the kivas, men personating different Katcinas visited\nthe following points to make h\u00f3moya or meal offerings and to say\nappropriate prayers:\n\n -------------+------------------+-----------------+-------------------\n _Kiva_ | _Katcina_ | _Points from | _Prayers directed,\n | | which prayers | or meal thrown\n | | are made_ | toward_\u2014\n -------------+------------------+-----------------+-------------------\n Mo\u00f1 | K\u00fctca an\u00e1k[49] | S. W. Walpi | N\u00fcv\u00e1tikyaubi\n | | |\n Wikwaliobi | Coy\u00f3him momoyamu | do. | do.\n | | |\n Nacab | Tcatca kwa\u00edna | do. | do.\n | | |\n Al | Popkotu | N. E. Walpi | Kicyuba\n | | |\n Tcivato | M\u00fcca\u00edzru | do. |\n | | |\n Puv\u00fc\u00f1tcomo | H\u00fciki | |\n | Heh\u00e9a | |\n | | |\n Kwiny\u00e1ptcomo | Av\u00e1tchoya mana | N. E. Sitcomovi | do.\n | | |\n M\u00f3nete | Tac\u00e1b | N. E. Hano | do.\n | | |\n Pend\u00edte | Hum\u00eds | |\n -------------+------------------+-----------------+-------------------\n\nOn the 24th of this month (Pa), as after the Snake ceremonials,[50] the\nN\u00fcitiwa, or struggles of the maids with the men for bowls, etc., took\nplace, except that in this instance it was a struggle with a Katcina\nand not, as in the Snake observance, between girls and young men.\n\nFrom the foregoing table we learn that in the Return Katcina for 1894\nthe following[51] were personified:\n\n 1. K\u00fctca (white) a\u00f1a.\n 2. Coy\u00f3him.\n 3. Tcakwa\u00edna.\n 4. P\u00f3pkotu.\n 5. Muca\u00edzru.\n 6. H\u00fc\u2032iki.\n 7. Heh\u00e9a.\n 8. Av\u00e1tchoya.\n 9. Tac\u00e1b.\n 10. Hum\u00eds.\n\nThe accompanying clowns were the Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti or knob-head priests. It is\nan interesting fact that in the celebration of the departure of the\nKatcinas the clowns took no part, but these priests were important\nadditions to the S\u00edoc\u00e1lako.\n\nThe celebration of the Return Katcina, which occurs in the winter\nPa moon, is accompanied by elaborate rites performed by either the\nSnake-Antelope or the Flute fraternity, the society observing it being\nthat which will give its celebration in the summer Pa moon of the same\nyear. A description of these rites naturally falls in an account of the\ngroup of unmasked dances. They extend over several days and appear to\nbe wholly distinct from the celebration of the Return Katcina. While\nthese are being performed in the \u201cupper world,\u201d the complemental Flute\nor Snake observances are supposed to be taking place in the \u201cunder\nworld,\u201d where the summer Pa moon then reigns. Precisely the same\nrelationship is thought to exist between the two as that between the\nseasons of the north and south temperate zones.\n\n\n POW\u00c1M\u00db\n\nThis ceremony is one of the most elaborate in which the Katcinas\nappear, and for want of a better name may be designated a\nrenovation[52] or purification observance. In the year 1893 it took\nplace near the close of January and continued for nine days, and in a\nprevious[53] article I have mentioned and figured the most striking\npersonages, the monsters or Nat\u00e1ckas, who appear in its presentation\n(plates CV, CVI, CXI). There are, however, certain other personages\nnew to students of Tusayan ceremonials who are introduced, and I have\ntherefore thought it well to describe the presentation in extenso.\n\nThe details of this ceremony in 1893 were as follows:[54]\n\n_January 20_\u2014Early this morning Ho\u00f1yi went to all the kivas and\nformally announced that the ceremony was soon to begin. There was\nno public announcement, as no Katcina celebration is made known in\nthis way, and the Katcinas must not be spoken of in public. \u00cdntiwa\nand Pauwat\u00edwa began making p\u00e1hos in the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva without preliminary\nceremony at about 9 a. m., and fifteen other priests removed the masks\nand redecorated them, after having scraped off the old paint remaining\nfrom other ceremonials.\n\nAll the masks were finished about 7 p. m., after which Su\u00f1oitiwa and\nthe other elders brought fox-skins and other paraphernalia into the\nkiva, where Kw\u00e1tcakwa, K\u00f3peli, Tc\u00e1bi, K\u00e1kapti, and four or five other\nmen began to decorate their bodies with pigment, using a pale-red iron\noxide (c\u00fata) on their legs, knees, and waists. They daubed the whole\nupper leg above the knee with a white pigment, and drew two lines\nacross the shins, the fore and upper arms, and on each side of the\nchest and abdomen. The entrance into the katc\u00ednaki, or paraphernalia\ncloset, was open while this took place.\n\nThe masks were all ornamented with large clusters of feathers. They\nwere tied to the head with a loose loop across the top which slipped\nover the crown where the plumage rested, and there were strings at the\nsides of the mask by which they were attached. The body was ornamented\nwith ribbons, red flannel, and other articles of white man\u2019s make,\nwhich are innovations.\n\nKw\u00e1tcakwa, who later personated a Tcuk\u00fawympkiya, drew a broad band\nof white clay across his shins, thighs, arms, and body. A great wisp\nof cornhusks was tied in his hair, which was all brought forward and\ncoiled over the forehead. The others donned their kilts, necklaces,\nturquoise eardrops, and moccasins. Each one wore a fox-skin hanging\ntail downward at the loins, and on the left leg below the knee a string\nof bells, while the majority had garters of blue yarn. Their hair,\nwhich was first bound in long cues, wrapped high with strings, was\nlater loosened, hanging in a fine fluffy mass.\n\nSakw\u00edstiwa, who was the p\u00fac\u00fcc\u00fctoi or drummer, wore pantaloons held up\nby a belt of silver disks, and a grotesque mask. All left the kiva\nimmediately after their disguises were completed and assembled in the\nM\u00f3\u00f1kiva court.\n\n\u00cdntiwa hurriedly but thoroughly swept the floor of the chamber, during\nwhich time a number of women and children came down the ladder, filling\nthe spectators\u2019 part of the room. The assembled group of Katcinas\nprayed and then went out, but about fifteen minutes later returned\nto the kiva entrance and shook their rattles at the hatchway. \u201cYu\u00f1ya\nai,\u201d \u201ccome, assemble,\u201d said the old men, and the women invited them to\ncome down, which they did. Kw\u00e1tcakwa, who personated the N\u00fcv\u00e1kkatcina,\nentered, followed by ten others. They assembled in a semicircle, each\nwith a rattle in the right hand and a spruce bough in the left, \u00cdntiwa\nsprinkled with meal all who came, after which they performed a dance,\nin which, however, their leader did not join.\n\nBefore they finished a band of ten men, disguised as Paiutes, carrying\nbows and arrows, rabbits, and small game which they wished to trade,\ncame to the hatchway. They had a drummer with a Paiute drum, made of\na bundle of skins wrapped in an oblong package, on which he beat with\na stick held in both hands. The persons performed a dance, which they\naccompanied with a song. They likewise talked, cracked jokes, and\npresented the rabbits to the assembled women.\n\nAfter them there came others from the Nacabkiva, each with a crook in\nthe left hand and a rattle in the right. These wore grotesque masks,\none representing an old woman with a long crooked staff in her hand.\nTheir bodies were whitened and they wore saddle-mat kilts around their\nloins and tortoise rattles on the right leg. They sang a very spirited\nsong, shaking their rattles as they advanced. These were six in number\nand were called the Pow\u00e1m\u00fbkatcinas. Directly after them there came a\nband of Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti, who sang and danced on the roof of the kiva. The old\nmen within repeatedly invited them to enter the room, and a dialogue\nof some length ensued. Their leader carried a large basket tray in\nwhich were four cones made of wood and each mud-head had in his hand\na wooden rod and an eagle leather. The leader placed the cones in the\nmiddle of the floor in a pile, one above the other, near the fireplace.\nThe others danced around the pile, roaring a song with much dramatic\naction, and heaped up ears of corn in the tray.\n\nThey then brought a young married woman from those assembled to the\nmiddle of the floor, where she knelt and tried without success to lift\nthe cones as high as the staff which the leader held beside them. Four\nor five other women tried in turn, and all failed. The mud-heads then\ndivided the cones into two piles and one of the women lifted them the\nrequired height. All the Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti[55] then fell down on the floor and\nkicked their heels in the air, while certain of them stood on their\nheads for a minute or two. The woman who was successful in lifting the\ncones received the contents of the tray. The Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti then left the\nroom and the Katcinas returned and unmasked, indicating that this part\nof the ceremony was over.\n\n_January 21_\u2014During last night there were ceremonials which were\nnot seen in the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva, in which it was said the Ah\u00fc\u2032lkatcina made\nparallel marks in meal on the four sides of the kiva and upon the\nceiling and floor as in the Mamzra\u00fati and other ceremonials. A basin\nwith sprouting beans, which had been planted at the full of the Pam\u00fciya\nor Pa moon (January 2) and which were about a foot high, was brought\nfrom one of the houses opposite the Tc\u00edvatokiva. The beans, which were\ngrowing in a basin, were plucked from the sand, tied into a separate\nbundle, and given to Ah\u00fc\u2032lkatcina. A large squirrel-skin was filled\nwith meal and given to him, and he was handed also a wooden staff\n(m\u00f3\u00f1kohu). The large discoidal mask characteristic of this personage\nhad a pouch-like attachment of buckskin which was pulled over the head,\nupon which was a large cluster of feathers. A white kilt was worn as a\ncape and the skin of a gray fox hung from the girdle at his loins.\n\nAt daylight Ah\u00fc\u2032lktacina and \u00cdntiwa returned, passing the gap (Wala)\nand halting at the pah\u00f3ki (shrine[56]) to deposit certain nakw\u00e1kwocis\nand p\u00e1hos. Just as the sun rose the two visited a kiva in Hano.\nStooping down in front of it, Ah\u00fc\u2032l drew a vertical mark with meal\non the inside of the front of the hatchway, on the side of the\nentrance opposite the ladder. He turned to the sun and made six silent\ninclinations, after which, standing erect, he bent his head backward\nand began a low rumbling growl, and as he bent, his head forward,\nraised his voice to a high falsetto. The sound he emitted was one\nlong expiration, and continued as long as he had breath. This act he\nrepeated four times and, turning toward the hatchway, made four silent\ninclinations, emitting the same four characteristic expiratory calls.\nThe first two of these calls began with a low growl, the other two were\nin the same high falsetto from beginning to end.\n\nThe kiva chief and two or three other principal members, each carrying\na handful of meal, then advanced, bearing short nakw\u00e1kwoci hotomni,\nwhich they placed in his left hand while they muttered low, reverent\nprayers. They received in return a few stems of the corn and bean\nplants which Ah\u00fc\u2032l carried.\n\nAh\u00fc\u2032l and \u00cdntiwa next proceeded to the house of Tetapobi,[57] who\nis the only representative of the Bear clan in Hano. Here at the\nright-hand side of the door Ah\u00fc\u2032l pressed his hand full of meal\nagainst the wall at about the height of his chest and moved his hand\nupward.[58] He then, as at the kiva, turned around and faced the\nsun, holding his staff vertically at arm\u2019s length with one end on\nthe ground, and made six silent inclinations and four calls. Turning\nthen to the doorway he made four inclinations and four calls. He then\nwent to the house of Namp\u00edyo\u2019s mother, where the same ceremony was\nperformed, and so on to the houses of each man or woman of the pueblo\nwho owns a t\u00edponi or other principal w\u00edmi (fetich).\n\nHe repeated the same ceremony in houses in Sitcomovi and in Walpi,\nwhere \u00cdntiwa left him. Ah\u00fc\u2032l entered this pueblo by the north street\nand passed through the passageway to the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva. He proceeded to the\nhouses of Kwumawumsi, Nasy\u00fa\u00f1wewe, Samiwiki, and to all the kivas and\nthe houses of all the leading chiefs.\n\nAfter visiting all the kivas and appropriate houses mentioned above,\nAh\u00fc\u2032l went to Kowawainovi (the ledge under Talatryuku) and deposited\nin the pah\u00f3ki all the offerings that he had received, after which he\nreturned to the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva, divested himself of his ceremonial disguises,\nand went home.\n\nAt 2 p. m. the N\u00fcv\u00e1k (snow) Katcinas came from the Nacabki, led by\nSoy\u00f3ko. They were nine in number and were accompanied by a drummer. All\nwore bright plumage on their heads and their masks were painted green\nand white, but that of the drummer was pink. They were adorned with\nmany necklaces, and wore white kilts and gray fox-skins. Yellow stripes\nwere painted on the shoulders, the forearm, on each breast and the\nabdomen, and the bodies of all were stained red.\n\nAfter singing and dancing for about five minutes, nine clowns\n(Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti) came from the \u00c1lkiva and danced madly around the court, at\nfirst independently, but finally keeping step with the Katcinas. They\njoined in line one behind the other, each grasping the uplifted leg of\nthe man in front of him, and then tumbled pell-mell over one another,\nshouting and laughing as they did so.[59]\n\nAt 2.20 a personification of Tcava\u00edyo, arrayed in a conical black mask\nwith globular eyes and great teeth, entered the kiva. He carried a bow\nand arrows in his left hand and a saw in his right. His forearms and\nlegs were painted black with white spots. This monster dispersed the\nclowns, during which many Zu\u00f1i words were uttered.\n\nAt 2.50 the Katcinas again returned and repeated their former dance in\nthe same way as described. The antics of the Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti continued, and\nthe Katcinas appeared again at 4.20 p. m.; then later at 5, when they\nall departed, not to return. When the Katcinas retired to Wiky\u00e1tiwa\u2019s\nhouse at 4 oclock the clowns went down into the \u00c1lkiva and returned\nin their characteristic procession, the drummer in front, the other\neight in two lines of four persons. Each carried on his back a large\nbundle composed of a fine blanket, cotton cloth, yarn, and all kinds\nof textile articles of value. One also had the four cones which they\nhad used the night before and a tray of shelled corn of all colors,\nmixed with various kinds of seeds. They laid the tray in the center\nof the court and spread a blanket beside it, on which they placed\nall their bundles. One of their number then piled the cones, one on\ntop of another, and while he was doing this the drummer rapidly beat\nhis drum, while the others shook their rattles and sung vigorously.\nWhen the cones had been set up one of the men sought out a girl and\nbrought her to them and told her if she would take hold of the lowest\ncone with both hands, raise the pile, and set it back in place without\nletting any of the cones fall she should have all the wealth piled on\nthe blanket. But the least jar tumbled the cones down, and each one of\nthe half dozen or more girls to whom they made the same offer failed\nin turn. Then they invited the youths to try, and several essayed, but\nnone were able to perform the feat. So the prize, doubtless designedly,\nwas left in the original owner\u2019s hands. They then brought a blanket\nfull of hoyiani and placed the cones in two piles, but even then\nnone of the girls succeeded in carrying it. No one was allowed a second\ntrial. Finally one youth, Macakw\u00e1ptiwa, carried them around safely\nand won the prize. He was closely followed around the pillar by the\nTatc\u00fc\u2032kti shaking their rattles, singing and crying, \u201cDon\u2019t fall, don\u2019t\nfall,\u201d and when he laid them safely down in their original place all\nthe Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti fell down as if dead. \u00cdntiwa then ran and obtained ashes\nfrom a cooking pit and placed them on a private part of their bodies.\nThen all the clowns got up and danced around with their usual pranks.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CVII.\n\n A. HOEN & CO. LITH.\n\n DOLL OF C\u00c1LAKO MANA.]\n\nA tray full of corn and other seeds which was set beside the cones was\nobtained by the Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti from Nakwa\u00edyumsi, the chief priestess of the\nKatcina clan. At the close of the ceremony \u00cdntiwa distributed these\nseeds in small handfuls to all the women spectators, to be planted the\ncoming season. It was not learned that these seeds were consecrated by\nthe priestess, but they were part of those planted in the kivas on the\nnight of the 21st.\n\n_January 22_\u2014The younger men brought sand from a mound[60] and threw\nit down in a pile at the east of the kiva, and each man, as he came\ninto the room with his basin, box, or other receptacle, filled it with\nthis sand. He then thickly sprinkled the surface of the sand with seeds\nof every kind. Some had several vessels which they thus planted, and\nthe old wife of Soy\u00f3ko gave her grandson a bag of large white beans to\nplant for her.[61] The basins were well watered, a hot fire was kept in\nthe kiva, and the hatch or entrance was entirely covered with a straw\nmat to retain the heat in the chamber, making it a veritable hothouse.\n\n_January 24_\u2014No ceremonies occurred today, but constant fires were\nmaintained in the kivas, from the heat of which the beans soon\nsprouted. It was understood that children must not be told that beans\nwere growing in the kivas nor be allowed to look into the room.\n\n_January 25_\u2014The Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti went out from the \u00c1lkiva this morning for\nwood, making their way northward, past Wala and along the mesa to the\ncedar grove. They returned at evening, but left the wood they had\ngathered at the gap.[62] There was no singing nor dancing in the kivas\nduring the night.\n\n_January 26_\u2014During the morning the Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti went to Wala to bring\nin the wood they had collected yesterday. Before their departure they\ncovered their bodies with pinkish clay, put on an old kilt (kw\u00e1ca),[63]\nblue leggings, and masks with knobs. Each carried an eagle-tail feather\nin the left and a small gourd in the right hand. They returned along\nthe trail, marching in single file, with the loads of wood on their\nbacks, stamping their feet as they came. They likewise shook their\nrattles and occasionally turned and walked backward.\n\nThey first assembled around each of the kiva hatchways in Hano, singing\nand chaffing one another, and were sprinkled with meal by the kiva\nchiefs. Proceeding onward to Sitcomovi, they went to the entrances of\nthe kivas of this pueblo and were there sprinkled with meal by the\nchiefs as they sang their curious songs, accompanying them with a\nstamping of the feet and a rotating movement of the body. It was after\n1 oclock when they arrived at Walpi, for they halted a short time at\nthe neck of the mesa to arrange their loads. As they entered the pueblo\nthey advanced along the south street singing as they went.\n\nAt the entrance to Tc\u00edvatokiva they stopped and told Pauwat\u00edwa a\nfacetious story of their wood-gathering. He sprinkled them with meal,\nand they then went on to the dance court and set down their bundles,\nall the time making a droll byplay. They then separated into parties\nof two or three members and visited the houses of several women, with\nwhom they left one or more bundles of wood. These women had previously\nprepared nakw\u00e1kwocis, which they gave to the clowns with a handful of\nmeal.\n\nAfter all the wood had been distributed, with much rollicking fun,\nseveral women gave them food, and the small parties of Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti\nresumed their songs and marched through the dance court, where they\nall assembled. One of them was a drummer, who sat in the middle of the\ncourt, and the others danced about him in a circle, singing a Zu\u00f1i\nsong. Pauwat\u00edwa, \u00cdntiwa, Tc\u00f3sra, and Soy\u00f3ko sprinkled them with meal,\nand the first-mentioned invited the women who had been given wood to\napproach, which they did, sprinkling the individual Tatc\u00fc\u2032ktis with\nmeal. Their masks were then harshly removed and thrust into a bag, tied\nup in a bundle, and carried to the house of Wiky\u00e1tiwa. Most of the food\nwhich they had received was carried down into the \u00c1lkiva, which was the\nassemblage place of the Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti in this ceremony.\n\nIn all the kivas the beans had sprouted and were now called h\u00e1zr\u00fc\n(angular), possibly so named from the angle formed by the cotyledons\nwith the stem. When they had grown somewhat higher they were called\nwup\u00e1hazr\u00fc (great or long, angular).\n\n_January 28_\u2014No ceremonials were observed on this day.\n\n_January 29_\u2014This was called the first ceremonial day of the Pow\u00e1muh.\nAbout 11 oclock last night the Nat\u00e1cka donned their masks in the\n\u00c1lkiva, and the man who took the part of Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti, the mother of\nthe Nat\u00e1ckas, put on her disguise and took her long juniper bough.\nH\u00e1hawe went up the ladder, standing on it with his shoulders just above\nthe hatchway, while the mother of the monsters stood at the foot of\nthe same in the room. Assuming a hollow falsetto voice, in which the\nmother of the Nat\u00e1ckas always speaks, she announced that she was ready\nto visit the children. H\u00e1hawe shouted his replies to her in a voice\naudible through the pueblo that the children were all asleep and that\nshe had better put off her visit to them until the morning. A dialogue,\nthe real object of which was to announce to the children that the\nNat\u00e1ckas had arrived, was maintained for five minutes, and H\u00e1hawe then\nwent down the ladder; the Nat\u00e1ckas and Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti took off their masks\nand all laid down to sleep.\n\nAbout 4.20 p. m. the Tewa personification of Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti, accompanied\nby one Nat\u00e1cka, came to Walpi and went to K\u00f3kyanw\u00fc\u2032qti\u2019s and Kele\u2019s\nhouses, giving to the little girls a few seeds and a snare of yucca\nshred. They dressed the Walpi Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti, Nat\u00e1ckas, and Soy\u00f3kmana in\nthe \u00c1lkiva at 4.25 p. m. Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti carried, besides a whitened gourd\nladle, a basket (p\u00f3ota) containing two ears of corn, and two boiled\nhoy\u00edani, some squash seeds, and a small bundle of sticks, of which she\ngave one to each little girl, who will later redeem it by presenting\nHaha\u00edw\u00fcqti with some h\u00f3tomni. She gave each little boy, who will also\nredeem it with some kinds of game, a shred of yucca looped to a stick\nat the butt end (a rude snare). Nat\u00e1cka and N\u00e1am\u00fb wore cloth shirts,\ntrousers and buckskin leggings, and two buckskins hung as loose mantles\nover their shoulders. The former carried a tortoise-shell rattle on his\nright leg, and had a bow and arrows in his left hand and an arrow in\nthe right. Soy\u00f3kmana had the hair smeared with white clay. She wore a\nloose mantle and whistled as Nat\u00e1cka hooted. Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti wore a fox-skin\naround the neck. The hands of all were whitened. Soy\u00f3kmana wore a\nhideous black mask and was dressed in dilapidated clothing. She had a\nlarge knife in her left hand and a crook in her right (plates CV and\nCVI).\n\nThe Nat\u00e1cka helmets had turkey-tail feathers[64] closely radiating\nvertically at the crown, and they wore a cloth shirt and trousers, with\nbelt with silver disks. Each had buckskin leggings and wore a fox-skin\naround the base of the mask; two large buckskins hung as mantles over\nthe right shoulder. He carried a bow and arrows[65] in the left hand\nand with his right hand he received the food and placed it in the\ntozr\u00faki[66] slung over his right shoulder. Soy\u00f3kmana was personified\nby a lad of 12 years, wearing a woman\u2019s blanket (kw\u00e1ca) and a buckskin\nmantle. He had a nakw\u00e1kwoci, stained red, tied to the scalp lock.\n\nA similar group, all costumed identically, was prepared in each of the\nthree villages. The group of Tewa personifications went to every house\nin that pueblo and then to the houses in other villages where men from\nHano have married. The groups of the other towns go first to the houses\nof their own pueblo and then to the houses in the other villages where\nmen have transferred themselves by marriage.\n\nWhen the Walpi group had finished their exercises at Hano and Sitcomovi\nthey went back to Walpi and proceeded along the front side of their\npueblo to their own kiva, where they disrobed about dark. The object\nof the exhibition was to frighten children who exhibited fear of them,\nbut children 6 years of age or thereabouts were somewhat familiar with\nthem, and while it was evident they held the monsters in considerable\nawe they tried to assume a bold front when receiving the seeds and\nsnares.[67]\n\nAt 8.30 a man personifying T\u00fcm\u00e1ckatcina ran through Walpi from the\nM\u00f3\u00f1kiva toward Wala, emitting hoots as he went. A full half hour\nafter, about 9 oclock, a group of masked but uncostumed men wrapped in\nblankets went to the kiva hatches and uttered most ferocious groans for\nfour or five minutes. This was done in an informal manner, but was said\nto be prescribed ceremonially.\n\n_January 30_\u2014Between 7 and 8 oclock Wikokuitkatcina emerged from the\n\u00c1lkiva, passed around Walpi to the east end of the pueblo, and then\ndown through the north lane, past \u00cdntiwa\u2019s house, under the passageways\nback to the \u00c1lkiva. His body was painted white and he wore a blanket\ntied with a girdle (wukokwena), a fox-skin dangling at his loins.\nNothing was elicited in relation to this event.\n\nBetween 8 and 9 oclock uncostumed groups of Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti went to the\nentrances of the kivas and laid themselves prone upon the hatch,\ntheir heads projecting over its edges. Several of them uttered their\ncharacteristic growls and pretended to snarl at and worry one another,\npossibly imitating ferocious animals or monsters. One of them carried\non a dialogue with some one in the kiva.\n\nAt 9 oclock T\u00fcmac and two Tu\u00f1w\u00fapkatcina (masked but uncostumed) made\nthe tour of the pueblos, emitting peculiar hoots. Between 9 and 10\noclock Owana zrozrokatcina and Wup\u00e1mokatcina appeared separately, each\nmaking a solitary tour of the village. They were not masked, but so\nwrapped in blankets that their masks were not visible.\n\nAt 10 oclock the Hano clowns and Nat\u00e1cka group came to Walpi and\nperformed the same ceremony as the Walpi group, which has been\ndescribed. There was informal singing in all the kivas.\n\n_January 31_\u2014During this day the masks of Hililikatcina and Soy\u00f3kmana\nwere painted. After dark a masked man (Katcina not known) rushed\nthrough the pueblo, and shortly after T\u00fcmac and her two sons\n(Tu\u00f1w\u00fapkatcina), unmasked, ran through the pueblo hooting. About 9\noclock delegates from Sitcomovi, with a drum and rattles, made the\nrounds of Walpi and carried on a dialogue with the kiva chief.\n\nAt 10 oclock 18 Tcakwa\u00ednakatcinas came to the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva from Hano.\nThey were naked, save a breechcloth, but their bodies and limbs were\nornamented with white zigzag markings. They wore fillets of a dozen or\nmore yucca bands around the head, and necklaces in profusion on their\nnecks. They passed in succession into the kivas, dancing a few minutes\nin each, and returned home shortly before midnight.\n\n_February 1_\u2014Several t\u00edhus (dolls) were carved in the kivas, to be\ndistributed to the children as in the Nim\u00e1nkatcina. Tumac and her sons\nwent around the pueblo about half past 7 oclock, as on former evenings.\n\nIn the Tcivatokiva 14 men and a boy about 10 years of age, with\nPauwat\u00edwa as chief, whitened their faces, bound a fillet around\ntheir foreheads, and made curious crescentic marks on their cheeks.\nThey afterward danced and sang. Sitcomovi priests, beginning at the\nM\u00f3\u00f1kiva, made formal visits to each kiva in Walpi. There were 12 of\nthese men and they were decorated like those of the Tcivatokiva. They\nsang S\u00edoh\u00famiskatcina songs, but wore no masks. They later visited the\nSitcomovi kivas. The Tcivatokiva people then put on their kilts, tied\non their turtle-shell rattles, took their juniper staffs and gourd\nrattles, and, led by Pauwat\u00edwa, went to the \u00c1lkiva, and later to all\nthe other kivas, where they danced and sang Pawik (duck) Katcina songs.\nPauwat\u00edwa sprinkled meal on the Katcinas from Sitcomovi before they\nbegan, and the chiefs of the other kivas did the same to those who\nvisited them before they opened their dance.\n\n_February 2_\u2014This afternoon 8 girls, assisted by the men, washed the\nwalls of the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva with a thin mud made of valley sand. The following\ngirls took part in this work: Kaiy\u00f3nsi, Humisi, Hum\u00edta, L\u00e9nho (a\nwoman), Le\u00fanaisi, Tuv\u00e9waisi, Hokw\u00e1ti, and H\u00f3nka. The girls also made\nmud designs, lightning symbols, and hand-prints on the rafters of the\nroom.\n\nTu\u00f1w\u00fapkatcina[68] (personified by Tak\u00e1la) arrayed himself as follows:\nHe donned trousers made of cotton cloth and wrapped himself in a\nblanket, under which he concealed all his paraphernalia. He received\ntwo bunches of yucca with about twelve or fifteen leaves in each\nbunch, and concealing them under his blanket hastened off to the\nnortheastern end of the village. There he arrayed himself, and at 5 p.\nm. he returned, running back and hooting as he came, until he halted at\nthe court, where he kept trotting up and down, marking time. He wore\na mud-head helmet with a black band across the eyes, and parrakeet\nfeathers on the top of the head. Turkey-tail feathers were arranged\nradiating horizontally from the crown to the back of the head. He wore\nalso a cotton shirt and a kilt girded with a white belt (wuk\u00f3kwena).\nHe had yellow clay on his legs and a tortoise-shell rattle below each\nknee. His moccasins were painted black. A whip or bunch of yucca with\nthe butts in front was held in each hand.\n\nThe children who were flogged were brought to Tu\u00f1wup in the following\nway: The mother, sometimes accompanied by the father, led the child to\nthe court, and if it were a boy the godfather took him in charge. He\ngave the lad an ear of corn, his tc\u00f3tcnunwa, and a handful of prayer\nmeal, and led the frightened child close up to Tu\u00f1wup. The godfather\nprompted the boy, who cast his handful of meal on or toward Tu\u00f1wup.\nThe godfather also cast meal on the same personage and then divested\nthe boy of all his clothing and presented the lad with his back toward\nTu\u00f1wup, who all this time had maintained his trotting motion but\nwithout advancing. Tu\u00f1wup then plied one of his yucca wands vigorously,\ngiving the boy five or six forcible lashes on the back. After this was\nover the godfather withdrew the screaming boy and tied a nakw\u00e1kwoci to\nhis scalplock. The mother was standing by and hurriedly covered her\nson, frightened with his punishment, and led him home, but the mother\nwas careful to see that he carried his tc\u00f3tcnunwa in his hand.\n\nIf the child were a girl, her godmother led her up to Tu\u00f1wup, but her\nlittle gown was not taken off; only the mantle was removed for the\nflogging. Notwithstanding this, however, the blows were delivered\nwith enough force to cause considerable pain, but her crying probably\nresulted as much from fright as from physical suffering. The godmother\nled the little girl back to her home, after having cast meal on Tu\u00f1wup,\nand was very careful that the child carried her tc\u00f3tcnunwa.\n\nThere were five children of age varying from about eight to ten years\nwho were thus flagellated. After each boy was flogged the godfather\ncast meal toward Tu\u00f1wup and then held out his own bared arms and legs\nsuccessively, which Tu\u00f1wup lashed four or five times with all his\nmight; but no women were submitted to this flagellation. Several men\nwho had some ailment also went up to Tu\u00f1wup, and casting meal upon him\nreceived lashes on their bare arms and legs.\n\nThe man who personified Tu\u00f1wup exercised considerable discretion in\nperforming his duty. In the case of a little girl who showed more than\nordinary fear, he simply whirled his yucca whip over her head without\ntouching her, and then motioned her away; but on the arms and legs\nof the adults he laid his whip without restraint. When all had been\nflagellated, Pauwat\u00edwa came up from his kiva and gave Tu\u00f1wup a handful\nof meal and a nakw\u00e1kwoci, who then trotted off, going outside the\npueblo, possibly to preserve the illusion among the children that he\nwas a real Katcina who had visited the pueblo from afar.\n\nFor four successive mornings the flagellated child was taken to a point\non the mesa called Talatiyuka and there deposited a nakw\u00e1kwoci in a\nshrine and cast meal toward the sun. During this time the child was not\npermitted to eat salt nor flesh, but on the fourth day a little before\nsunset this abstinence ceased, and the child might henceforth look upon\nKatcinas and sacred objects in the kivas without harm.\n\nThe primary significance of the flogging seems to be that until\nchildren have acquired sufficient intelligence or are eight or ten\nyears of age, they are made to believe that the Katcinas, appearing\nat each dance, are superhuman visitors, and they are never permitted\nto see an unmasked Katcina. When they have matured enough or have\nsufficient understanding, they are instructed that the real[69]\nKatcinas have long since ceased their visits to mankind and are merely\nimpersonated by men; but they acquire that knowledge at the expense of\na sound flogging, such as I have just described.\n\nAt 10 oclock six Tc\u00fc\u2032tck\u00fct\u00fc (clowns), accompanied by P\u00edptuku, who was\ndressed as an old woman and wore an old mask, passed about the pueblo\nfrom one kiva to another. These six persons entered the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva, and\nP\u00edptuku, after some urging, followed them. One of the Tc\u00fc\u2032tck\u00fct\u00fc was\nsent out, and the other five in succession took a pinch of ashes in\nthe left hand from the fireplace, and poising it as if taking aim at\nsomething through the hatch struck off the ashes with the right hand.\n\nA few minutes later four Wuw\u00edyomokatcinas wearing characteristic masks\nappeared at the kiva hatch with turkey feathers radiating vertically\naround the upper part. They carried m\u00f3\u00f1kohus[70] and an undressed skin\npouch. Their leader, Sil\u00e1nktiwa, was without costume, and C\u00e1lako,\nKw\u00e1tcakwa, and seven other unmasked persons followed. Their faces and\nbodies were whitened, the hair hanging loose, and limbs bare. They wore\nplumes of gaudy feathers on their heads, were arrayed in white kilts,\nand held crooks in their hands. A personage called E\u00f3toto[71] preceded\nthem, and Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti, continually talking, followed. The procession was\nclosed by a warrior (Kal\u00e9ktaka),[72] who carried a bundle of arrows in\none hand and a bow and arrows in the other, and frequently hooted. The\nuncostumed chorus, composed of about twelve persons, accompanied by a\ndrummer, followed in a cluster.\n\nWhen the leading Wuw\u00edyomo came to the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva he threw down the\nhatchway a ball of moist meal, which struck the middle of the floor.\nAfter this announcement he was clamorously invited by those within the\nchamber to enter, which he did, followed by the others. Each Wuw\u00edyomo\nbore a bundle of deer scapul\u00e6, which he clanked as a rattle, and all\nwere sprinkled with meal by \u00cdntiwa as they entered the kiva. They\nafterward filed to the western side of the room where the plants were\ngrowing; they sang for about five minutes, all standing.\n\nWhen E\u00f3toto entered the chamber he made on the floor with meal four\nsymbols of the rain cloud, one in advance of the other, and each of\nthe C\u00e1lakos squatted on one of these symbols. The chorus, remaining\noutside, continued their song for a few minutes, while the Wuw\u00edyomos\nwere singing. Those who had last entered the kiva then passed out in\nthe same order, and as they did so were sprinkled with meal, and each\nof the four Wuw\u00edyomos was handed a nakw\u00e1kwoci. They then visited the\nother Walpi kivas, where no observations were made, but the same\nceremonials were probably repeated. After this they went off to perform\nthe same ceremonies in the kivas of other villages on the mesa.\n\nAt 11 oclock a group of 12 men and a boy from Hano, costumed but\naccompanied by an uncostumed fiddler,[73] visited all the kivas in\nsuccession. Their bodies were painted white and they had plumes in\ntheir hair, but were unmasked. Each wore a fox skin depending from the\nloins, was barefoot, and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand and a\nsprig of spruce in the left hand. Their visits were expected, but they\npersonated no especial Katcina and after their departure, the men in\nthe M\u00f3\u00f1kiva rehearsed a song.\n\n_February 3_\u2014No ceremonial took place throughout the day. The walls of\nthe kivas were renovated by the girls with a wash of mud, and every\nkiva on the mesa was replastered in this way during the festival.\n\n_February 4_\u2014This day the manufacture of t\u00edhus (dolls) went on in\nall the kivas, and there was a continuation of the replastering and\ndecoration of the walls of these chambers.\n\nAt 9 oclock a dialogue similar to that above recorded on the 29th of\nJanuary took place between Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti and the kiva chief. The former\nwished to go among the children, but was told that it was very dark and\nthe children were asleep. She was finally prevailed on to wait until\nthe morrow.\n\nAt 10 p. m. 20 unmasked persons,[74] men and women with flowing\nhair, from Sitcomovi visited all the Walpi kivas. Each of the male\npersonators carried a narrow green tablet (pava\u00edyikaci),[75] fringed\nwith long red hair and decorated with a symbol of the sun painted in\ncolors. Each had a gourd rattle, and a stick about 2 feet long, to the\nend of which was attached half a gourd painted to represent a squash\nblossom, was held in the right hand. The 10 men personating women were\nnot costumed. The leader carried a large Oraibi basket tray with a\nbroad, brightly colored handle. In this was an effigy of a bird.\n\nHe set this tray on the floor near the fireplace, and after the chief\nof the kiva had sprinkled the visitors with meal a male and a female\npersonator advanced from the western end of the kiva to the fireplace.\nThe man picked up the basket on the butt end of his stick and presented\nit to the woman, who held it in both hands and danced a few moments,\nwhile all the others sang. She then laid the tray down and passed to\nthe northern side of the chamber, the man retiring to the southern\nside. After the other couples had performed the same ceremony they left\nthe kivas.\n\nImmediately after their departure 28 personators from Hano entered.\nThese consisted of male and female deities, the latter personated by\nmen. The former passed to the southern, the latter to the northern\nside of the kiva. Each of the male personages wore a yucca fillet on\nhis head and his legs were decorated with clay streaks; he wore white\nkilts and girdles, with dependent fox-skins. They also had tortoise\nrattles on the legs and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand. Their\ncostume was as follows: They were without masks; the hair was loose and\nan imitation of a squash blossom was tied therein. The face was not\ncolored, but on the right shoulder curving to the breast was daubed\na mass of blue and green pigment. On the left shoulder and over the\nbreast they were painted with yellow, and bright red streaks were drawn\nfrom the neck down the center of the breast and middle of the back.\nThe upper part of the right arm was colored yellow, the left forearm\ngreen, the upper part of the left arm green. These colors were reversed\non the right arm. The right leg also was yellow and the left leg was\ngreen with two contrasting bands below the knee. The hands, waist, and\nupper portion of the thighs were whitened. They likewise wore white\nkilts tied with girdles (wukokw\u00e9na and nanelkw\u00e9na). A gray fox-skin\ndepended from the loins. Each had a tortoise shell rattle on the right\nleg and on the left leg generally a garter to which small sleigh-bells\nwere attached. Their moccasins were blue or green. In his right hand\neach carried a blue or green painted rattle, and in the left a sprig\nor small branch of spruce. Those personating females neither wore\nfox-skins nor held anything in the left hand. The female personators\ncarried in the left hand a bundle of straw held well up before the\nface. After they had been sprinkled with meal they began to sing, and\nthe couple in the center on the west side joined hands, holding them\nabove the head\u2014the female with the palm turned up, the male with the\npalm down and fingers imbricated. They advanced close to the fireplace\nand then returned to their respective places. The personators executed\nthis figure four times in sequence and then went out.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CVIII.\n\n A. HOEN & CO. LITH.\n\n KATCINA MASK WITH SQUASH BLOSSOM APPENDAGE AND RAIN CLOUD SYMBOLISM.]\n\nImmediately after this presentation the delegation from the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva,\nled by a masked person, entered. The bodily decorations of these were\nnot uniform; one had a figure of a gourd drawn on his breast, another\nzigzag lines, and still another parallel bars. The males carried a\ngourd rattle in the right hand; they wore no fillets on the head but\nallowed the hair to hang loosely. The female personators held a bunch\nof straw[76] and a sprig of spruce in the left hand, carrying it high\nup before the face. They sang the same song and executed the same\nfigure as that already mentioned in the account of the presentation by\nthe men from the village of Hano. The groups finished their visits at\nabout midday.\n\n_February 5_\u2014At earliest dawn (5 a. m.) either the chief or one of his\nelders roused all the sleepers in the kiva, and each spread his blanket\nbeside his basin of growing plants. He then carefully plucked the\nplants, one by one, so as not to bruise either stalk or roots. He laid\nthem on the blanket in an orderly pile, the leaves together. The sand\nwhich remained in the basin was carried to some place where children\nwould not see it, and the vessels were dried before the kiva fire and\nhidden away in the houses out of sight of the prying eyes of the young\nones.\n\nNearly all the plants were tied with a yucca shred and a sprig of\nspruce (symbol of a Katcina), in neat bundles, leaving loose bights of\nthe yucca by which to hold them. Each priest also tied up the dolls\nwhich he had made. All traces of the soil in which the corn had been\nforced to sprout had disappeared long before dawn.\n\nThe presents (dolls) which were made in the Tcivatoki were then\ndistributed by a man personifying Paw\u00edkkatcina, under the instruction\nof those who had fashioned them. The distributing Katcinas of the\nNacabki were two N\u00fcv\u00e1ktcinas,[77] and the same did this duty with\nthe dolls in the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva. For the \u00c1lkiva two Tcosh\u00fch\u00fcw\u00fbh performed\nthis duty. These Katcinas and two persons called Kawa\u00edka (Keres)\nfrom Sitcomovi bustled about the pueblo on their errands and the\ndistribution was finished about sunrise. The men did not speak when\nthey approached a house with their gifts, but hooted after the\ncustomary manner of Katcinas.\n\nAlmost half an hour before sunrise the Soy\u00f3kmana passed around the\nkivas, holding a dialogue at the hatchways with the chiefs inside.\nShe wore a black conical mask with red mouth and white teeth, and was\ncostumed as an old woman. In the right hand she bore a crook 7 feet\nlong, at the end of which were tied many shells. In the left hand\nshe carried a knife smeared with rabbit blood. H\u00fc\u2032h\u00fcw\u00fbh also held\na dialogue with the kiva chiefs and made gifts of watermelons and\nsquashes to various persons.\n\nAt 11.30 a. m. Soy\u00f3kmana, Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti, and the Nat\u00e1ckas (plate CVI) made\na visit to all the houses. They were followed by two Heh\u00e9akatcinas[78]\nwith bags and pouches of food recently received, and after them\nfollowed three black and two white Nat\u00e1ckas. These five went together\nand were constantly in motion, moving or beating time with their feet.\n\nThe strange company went to each house demanding food, and when it was\nrefused or poor quality offered the Nat\u00e1ckas uttered a hoot like an\nowl, and at the same time Soy\u00f3kmana whistled. They refused to leave a\nhouse until proper food had been given them, and if a child who had not\nbeen ceremonially flogged appeared with the mother its eyes were shaded\nby the mother\u2019s hand while she presented food to the Nat\u00e1ckas.\n\nBetween 12 and 1 oclock \u00cdntiwa, assisted by Ho\u00f1yi and Letaiyo,\nfinished making twelve sets of c\u00e1kwa (blue) p\u00e1hos, most of which were\ncomposed of two sticks of uniform diameter, and only one set showed\nthe flat face characteristic of the female. They likewise made twelve\nnakw\u00e1kwoci hotomni, consisting of a twig about 2 feet long from which\nfour nakw\u00e1kwocis depended at intervals, and twelve simple feathered\nstrings. When these were finished \u00cdntiwa placed them in a tray of meal\nbeside the s\u00edpap\u00fb and brought from the paraphernalia closet of the kiva\nsix ears of corn of different colors, his t\u00edponi, two n\u00e1kwipis and as\nmany aspergills, two or more rattles, and other bundles containing the\nremaining paraphernalia of the cloud-charm altar.\n\nAt 1.30 p. m. he placed a small hillock of sand back of the s\u00edpap\u00fb and\ndeposited his t\u00edponi upright upon it; he then made the cloud-charm\naltar,[79] arranging the corn at the ends of six radial lines of meal\nin a sinistral circuit, placing two crystals upon each ear of corn\nexcept that corresponding to the nadir. The aspergills (makw\u00e1mpis) also\nwere laid down beside each ear of corn except that which was symbolic\nof the nadir. The sequence of ceremonials which then took place about\nthis altar was as follows:\n\n1. Ceremonial smoke.\n\n2. Prayers.\n\n3. Liquid poured into the crenelated vessel or n\u00e1kwipi.\n\n4. Songs.\n\n Synopsis of ceremonial events during the songs:\n\n (_a_) Meal shaken from the six aspergills into the liquid.\n\n (_b_) Whistling into the liquid through a turkey bone, and asperging\n to the cardinal points with the same, six times in all.\n\n (_c_) Meal cast into liquid, on tray of p\u00e1hos and over the t\u00edponi\n in ceremonial circuit.\n\n (_d_) Pollen cast on the same objects in sequence.\n\n5. Prayers.\n\n6. Ceremonial smoke into the liquid with two pipes.\n\nAt the close of this observance Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti and the Nat\u00e1ckas came to\nthe kiva hatch and a comic dialogue ensued. She demanded meat and\nother food, and the elders went up the ladder and refused to grant\nher wishes. Nat\u00e1cka hooted and Soy\u00f3kmana whistled back, and then the\nHeh\u00e9akatcinas threw down the end of their lariat, and those in the kiva\nbelow hung a piece of sheepskin and horns of goats to it.\n\n\u00cdntiwa then called two youths, and without anointing them[80] gave them\ninstructions where to deposit the offerings which had been consecrated\non the cloud-charm altar.[81] One youth was told to deposit his at\nshrines in a circuit, beginning with Tawapa (Sun spring), and the other\nat Kokyanba (Spider spring) and Tuveskyabi. Two sets of offerings were\nleft, and these with Katcinas were placed on the southwest point of the\nmesa. This closed the ceremony, for \u00cdntiwa then replaced the plug of\nthe s\u00edpap\u00fb and tied up his t\u00edponi and other paraphernalia.\n\nThe Nat\u00e1cka group went to the Wikwaliobikiva, and there S\u00f3yoko gave\neach of them and the Heh\u00e9akatcina a handful of meal and a nakw\u00e1kwoci.\nTal\u00e1hoya blew puffs of smoke over them. They then marched around\nthe houses to the Nacabki, along the plaza to Tcivatoki, and then\nto \u00c1lkiva, where they begged for meat and held comic dialogues with\ndifferent chiefs. At the last-mentioned place there came from the kiva\nsix men arrayed and costumed as the Mamzra\u00fati tcatumakaa, who, singing\nas they went, marched to the dance court and halted close to the edge\nof the cliff, facing the houses. The Nat\u00e1cka group accompanied them,\nand two men personifying Heh\u00e9akatcinas assumed erotic paroxysms and\nlay down on their backs on the ground close to the disguised Mamzra\u00fati\npersonages, endeavoring to lift up their kilts and performing obscene\nactions. Then they rolled on the ground in assumed fits. The Nat\u00e1ckas,\nas usual, maintained their prancing step around them, and occasionally\nSoy\u00f3kmana thumped them with the butt end of her crook. After about five\nminutes of this exhibition the Heh\u00e9a seized the Mamzra\u00fati personators\nand tumbled them into an indiscriminate heap, fell on top of them, and\ndid other acts which need not be mentioned. The Nat\u00e1cka then retired\nfor food, and, unmasking in the kiva, did not again appear.\n\n_February 6_\u2014Food was carried to all the kivas yesterday morning, but\nthere was neither dancing nor ceremonials.\n\n_February 7_\u2014No ceremony took place on this day, but the kiva chief and\nthe Heh\u00e9akatcinas played a curious game of ball called sunwuwinpa, in\nwhich the ball is attached to a looped string. The player lay on his\nback and, passing the loop over the great toe, projected the ball back\nover his head. Two groups of these players were noted.\n\nThe following Katcinas were personated in the Pow\u00e1m\u00fb of 1893:[82]\n\n Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti, Ancient Woman, Mother of Monsters.\n Nat\u00e1cka, Monster.\n Soy\u00f3kmana, Attendant of Nat\u00e1cka.\n Tu\u00f1w\u00fap, Flogging Katcina.\n Ah\u00fc\u2032l.\n T\u00fcm\u00e1c, Mother of Ah\u00fc\u2032l.\n Wuy\u00f3kwati.\n Tcakwa\u00edna.\n Wuw\u00edyomo.\n Paw\u00edk, Duck.\n N\u00fcv\u00e1k, Snow.\n Heh\u00e9a.\n Mamzra\u00fati tcatumakaa.\n Tcava\u00edyo, Giant Elk.\n Wup\u00e1mo, Great Cloud.\n Owanazrozro, Stone Devourer.\n\n\n P\u00c1L\u00dcL\u00dcKO\u00d1TI\n\nThe screen drama of the P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti ceremonial as performed in 1893 has\nalready been described.[83]\n\nThe following personifications of Katcinas appeared in the P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti\nin 1893:\n\n Coy\u00f3him, All.\n Paw\u00edk, Duck.\n Tac\u00e1b, Navaho.\n Hokya\u00f1a.\n H\u00fahian, Barter.\n C\u00e1lako, C\u00e1lako.\n\nIts presentation in other years differs very materially from the\ndescription given.\n\nIn the celebration of 1891 a wooden figure representing C\u00e1lako was\nintroduced with two carved marionettes, which were manipulated as if\ngrinding corn, and serpent effigies were thrust through the sun opening\nof the screen. These were likewise used in the presentation in 1894.[84]\n\nThe celebration of P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti in 1894 was controlled by the Badger\npeople, and the exhibition of the screen drama occurred March 16.\nA number of slabs with symbolic figures of T\u00e1wa (the sun), and\nC\u00f3t\u00fckinu\u00f1wa (the heart of all the sky), and two small effigies of\nP\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1\u00fbh (plumed snake) were introduced. The two mechanical\nfigurines, which were so manipulated as to appear to be in the act of\ngrinding corn on metates, represented C\u00e1lakomanas, and were made by\nT\u00f3tci of the Badger people.\n\nThis variation from year to year, it will be observed, preserves\nwithout change the various deities introduced and recalls what I\nhave already written about the variations in altars of the Nim\u00e1n in\ndifferent villages. In stage effects latitude is permissible, but there\nis no change in the deities represented. Something similar occurs in\nthe Mamzra\u00fati, where, in 1891, tablets with Palah\u00edkomana symbols were\nused, while in 1893 women represented that personage.\n\nSo far as I know the essential personages[85] to be represented by\nsymbolism or by men in disguise, are:\n\n T\u00e1wa, Sun.\n M\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb, Moon.\n C\u00f3tokinu\u00f1wa, Heart of the Sky.\n Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti, Ancient Mother.\n P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti, Plumed Snake.\n C\u00e1lako taka or mana, Corn Man or Maid.\n Various Katcinas, mentioned above, but these may vary year by year.\n M\u00e1sauw\u00fbh, Fire God.\n Various Tcuk\u00fawympkiyas, Clowns.\n\n\n NIM\u00c1NKATCINA\n\nAn outline of the ceremonials attending the departure of the\nKatcinas from three of the Tusayan villages has already been given\nelsewhere.[86] From new observations it is found that much remains to\ncomplete this account, but the main events have already been described.\nWhile the dance resembles the abbreviated Katcinas, from which it\nshould not be widely separated, the altar and kiva ceremonials place\nit in the group of elaborate Katcinas or those with complicated secret\nusages. It is only in those villages in which are preserved the w\u00edmi\nof the Kachina m\u00f3\u00f1wi that this celebration can occur, although, as\nwe shall later see, abbreviated Katcinas are not so limited. It will\nprobably be found that any abbreviated Katcina may be used for the\npublic dance of the Nim\u00e1n, but no abbreviated Katcina can have the\nsecret ceremonials of the Nim\u00e1n without becoming the same. When the\nKatcina chief, \u00cdntiwa, sets up his altar it is but natural that any\nset of Katcinas may give the public dance, which, while a necessary\naccompaniment, is far from being prescribed as to kind.\n\n\n ABBREVIATED KATCINAS\n\n\n CHARACTERISTICS\n\nThis group includes a large number of simple ceremonials in which\na masked dance in public is the most significant part. The general\ncharacter of these observances may be seen by a consultation of my\narticle, \u201cA few summer ceremonials at the Tusayan pueblos.\u201d[87]\nThe distinctive name is determined by the characters personified\nas indicated by the symbolic markings of the masks or by other\nparaphernalia. No elaborate kiva ceremonials are performed.[88]\n\nAll the abbreviated presentations have certain common features which\nrun through them. These characteristics may be learned from my\ndescription in the article on \u201cThe summer ceremonials,\u201d[89] but in\norder to make them more prominent I have mentioned them in an appended\nfootnote.[87]\n\nThe special Katcina celebrated is designated by the symbolism depicted\non the mask, which is repainted and redecorated according to the\nKatcina which it is intended to represent. For the special name and\nthe accompanying symbolism a study of the dolls will give as good an\nidea as can yet be obtained from published articles.[90]\n\nThe participants in the abbreviated Katcinas may be divided into\ntwo groups: (1) The Katcinas, male and female, with related masked\npersonages, and the priests who pray to them and sprinkle meal upon\nthem, and (2) the accompanying clowns and masked or other persons\nwho participate in their antics and presentation. The details of\nthe proceedings of the second or possibly subordinate group vary in\ndifferent dances more than those of the first.\n\nThe participants of the first group are:\n\n1. Masked personages (always men) called Katcinas.\n\n2. Masked men, personifying women, called Katcinamanas.\n\n3. One or more masked persons, who vary in symbolic characters in\ndifferent Katcinas. These are often absent.\n\n4. Priests (unmasked), directors of the dance, who sprinkle the\nKatcinas with sacred meal. These priests are vehicles of prayers to the\nKatcinas and masked participants, and are generally few in number.\n\nThe presentation is accompanied with a feast[91] (generally at noon)\nlimited to Katcinas and Katcinamanas. The Katcinas dance in line,\nsing, distribute gifts, but never utter any continuous sentence or\nprayer. The Katcinamanas dance in line facing the Katcinas, or kneel\nin front of the same, accompanying their songs with a rasping noise\nmade by rubbing a scapula over a notched stick. Ordinarily their\nmask is identical in all Katcinas of the abbreviated form, and they\ngenerally have their hair in two whorls on the sides of the head,\nand wear white blankets and other feminine apparel. The second group\nof personifications are the Tcuk\u00fawympkiyas (Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti, knob-head\npriests; Tc\u00fc\u2032ck\u00fct\u00fb, gluttons; or Paiaka\u00edam\u00fb, horned clowns). Their\nrepresentation consists of a series of antics and dramatizations, story\ntelling, gluttony, obscene gestures or bawdy remarks, and flogging and\nother indignities heaped upon each other or upon accompanying masked\npersons. These representations and the personifications who carry on\ntheir portion of the observance vary in different reproductions of the\nsame drama.\n\nThe Tcuk\u00fawympkiya do not dance or sing with the Katcinas, but sprinkle\nthem with meal and pray to them. While an essential feature in certain\nabbreviated Katcinas, they are not always present, and their exhibition\nhas many secular or temporal characteristics or innovations more\nor less dependent on the invention of the participants. The masked\npersons who assist them are representatives of semimythologic beings,\ncalled P\u00edptuka, \u00dc\u2032tci (Apache), Tac\u00e1b (Navaho), K\u00e9se, and others. A\ndescription of the various modifications of their performances would\nmean special account of each presentation and would vary in details\nfor each exhibition, but except in a very general way these variations\nare quite unimportant in the study of the characteristics of the\nabbreviated Katcinas. The following are some of the episodes introduced:\n\n1. Inordinate eating and begging, urine drinking, gluttony, and\nobscenity.\n\n2. Flogging of one another, stripping off breechcloths, drenching with\nfoul water, ribald remarks to spectators, and comical episodes with\ndonkeys and dogs.\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 40\u2014The \u00c1\u00f1akatcina.]\n\n3. Story telling for pieces of corn under severe flogging by masked\npersons, races, smearing one another with blood, urinating upon one\nanother, tormenting with cactus branches, etc.\n\nThe Katcina dance ordinarily lasts from daybreak to sunset, with\nintermissions, during which the participants unmask under an\noverhanging cliff on the southern side of the mesa. Here likewise they\nhave their feast at midday. The dances in the forenoon are slimly\nattended by spectators, but in the afternoon all the terraces and roofs\nof the houses surrounding the plaza[92] in which the pillar mound is\nsituated are occupied by natives and visitors. The line of Katcinas\nis led by an uncostumed chief, who sprinkles meal on the ground as he\nenters and leaves the dance court, and who from time to time shouts to\nthe dancers (figure 40). The leader of the Katcinas stands midway\nin the line, and by a rapid movement of his rattle as a signal changes\nthe song and directs the termination. To him[93] as a representative\nthe prayers are addressed. The dance is a rhythmic stamping movement of\none foot on the ground, and all keep in line, elbowing their neighbors,\nturning now to one side, then to another, as directed. The female\nKatcinas face the male and stand about midway in the line. They use the\nserrated stick and scapula as an accompaniment to the song.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CIX.\n\n A. HOEN & CO., LITH.\n\n DOLL OF C\u00c1LAKO TAKA.]\n\nIt is common for both male and female Katcinas to bring gifts to the\nplaza for spectators, especially children, as they return to the\ndance.[94] These gifts are ordinarily corn, bread, or tortillas. It is\ncustomary for priests to sprinkle the Katcinas with sacred meal, and\nthe Tcuk\u00fawympkiyas, or clowns, also perform this function. The t\u00edponi\nor Katcina badge of office is not carried in every celebration, nor\ndoes the Katcina chief, \u00cdntiwa, always lead the line.\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 41\u2014Maskette of \u00c1\u00f1akatcinamana.]\n\nThe one garment worn by the male Katcinas is the ceremonial kilt. This\nis not confined to them, but is likewise worn in other ceremonials, as\nin the Snake-Antelope observance and in minor celebrations. Every male\nKatcina, whatever his helmet, has one of these about his loins. It is\nmade of coarse cotton, on the ends of which are embroidered symbolic\nfigures of rain-clouds, falling rain, and lightning. Ordinarily half\nof the width is painted green, and the lower edge is black, with nine\nsquare blocks of the same color at regular intervals. This kilt is\nrepresented on many dolls of the Katcinas figured in my article on that\nsubject.[95]\n\nThe Katcinas, irrespective of the special personage depicted, wear a\nbroad cotton sash with knotted strings at the proximal end. In this\nbelt spruce branches are held. A fox-skin depends from the belt, and\nturtle-shell rattles on the leg are invariably part of a Katcina\u2019s\ncostume. Moccasins and heel bands are prescribed and bodily decoration\nwith pigments is common, but none of the above are characteristic of\nspecial kinds of Katcinas. The mask is in general the one distinctive\ncharacteristic of a definite personification.\n\n\n S\u00cdOC\u00c1LAKO\n\nThe Sh\u00e1lako is one of the most important observances at Zu\u00f1i, and is\npartially described by Cushing in an article on his life in Zu\u00f1i.[96]\nAn exhaustive account, however, has never been published. The Hopi\noccasionally celebrate a C\u00e1lako, which from its name and other reasons\nis undoubtedly an incorporated modification of this ceremonial, as\nthe Tusayan legends distinctly state.[97] The following pages give an\noutline of the Hopi presentation as a contribution to the comparative\nstudy of Pueblo ritual. A complete account of the Sh\u00e1lako at Zu\u00f1i is a\ngreat desideratum before it is possible to undertake close comparisons.\n\nThe presentation of C\u00e1lako is not an annual event at the East mesa of\nTusayan, but occurs after long intervals of time. The paraphernalia are\nkept in a house in Sitcomovi and belong to the Badger clan. The house\nin which they are deposited is the property of Ko\u012dk\u00e1am\u00fc, the daughter\nof Masi\u00famtiwa\u2019s eldest sister, now deceased, and the w\u00edmi likewise\nbelong to her by descent.\n\nThe chiefs of all the gentes in Walpi and Sitcomovi, the chief of the\nKatcinas, and one or two others from Hano assembled in this house on\nthe 16th of July, 1893, and made a large number (over two hundred) of\np\u00e1hos for use in the ceremonials to be described.\n\nEarly on the morning of the next day the masks and effigies of\nSioc\u00e1lako were renovated and carried to the spring called Kwa\u00f1w\u00e1ba\n(sweet water), which is situated on the Zu\u00f1i trail southward from\nthe mesa. In a modern house owned by a Sitcomovi family[98] at this\nspring the masks were repainted and the hoops which were used to make a\nframework for the bodies were set around with eagle feathers.\n\nThe effigies which were used in personifications were made up of masks\nor helmets of the ordinary size for the heads and a crinoline-like[99]\nframework of willow hoops for the bodies. These masks were made from\nnarrow shreds of leaves of the agave plaited together diagonally, and\nthis plaited frame was covered with a painted buckskin upon which the\nsymbolism of the S\u00edoc\u00e1lako was delineated. The projecting beak of the\nface had a movable under jaw, which was hinged and manipulated with\na string. The helmet was attached to a staff forming a backbone, 3\u00bd\nfeet long, by which it was carried. The series of crinoline hoops or\nsupports of the blankets which formed the body were about fifteen in\nnumber, the upper being about the size of the helmet, the lower 4\u00bd feet\nin diameter. A t\u00fc\u2032ihi or large white embroidered mantle was draped\nabout the upper hoops or the shoulders, and a gray fox-skin was hung\naround the neck, which was likewise profusely decorated with shell\nnecklaces.\n\nThe man who acted the part of bearer walked inside the crinoline,\nfreely supporting the effigy by the staff or backbone, holding it at\nsuch a height as to permit the lowest hoop with its attached feathers\nto reach to his knees. Each effigy bearer was bareheaded, and although\nhidden from view, was decorated with the white kilt of a typical\nKatcina.\n\nAn uncostumed chief led the four giants in single file toward the mesa,\nfollowed by a large number of men dressed as mud-heads or Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti,\nwho were called \u201cKoy\u00edmse,\u201d a term adapted from their Zu\u00f1i name.[100]\nAll who had sufficient knowledge of the idiom spoke Zu\u00f1i, and the\nprocession reached the Sun spring (Taw\u00e1pa) at about sunset. It was\nthere met by two priests, Tal\u00e1hoya and a nephew of Masi\u00famtiwa, who\nwere to act as conductors. All were welcomed and homoya (prayers)\nwere recited and much sacred meal was sprinkled. Headed by the two\nconductors the procession climbed the trail to the top of the mesa,\nand from thence marched into the main court of Sitcomovi by the\nnortheastern entrance, near which the men bearing the four giant\neffigies, together with the mud-heads, halted. The latter were closely\nhuddled together in four groups, drumming with deafening noise on as\nmany drums.\n\nThe Katcina chief, \u00cdntiwa, and a man personifying E\u00f3toto[101] then\ndrew four circles with intersecting lines of meal on the ground at\nthe north side of the court in the positions indicated. This was\nfollowed by a command of Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti, who signaled with an ear of corn\nfor the first (kwin\u00edwi, north) C\u00e1lako effigy to advance. He did so\nwith a short, rapid step, and halted over the first circle of meal.\nThe \u201cbearer\u201d bobbed the effigy up and down so that the feathers which\nhad been fastened to the lower hoop of the crinoline touched the\nground. The bearer then stooped and rested the end of his staff on the\nground, holding it upright. The other three giant impersonators were\nthen brought up, one at a time, by Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti. As each settled to its\nposition the bearer cried \u201cHo!\u201d six times in a shrill falsetto, and\nrapidly snapped the beak of the effigy he bore by means of a string.\nThe C\u00e1lakos were then sprinkled with meal by the chiefs and others,\nafter which the effigies were moved one by one to circles of meal on\nthe southern side of the plaza. Six times this removal was repeated,\neach time attended by ceremonials similar to those mentioned above.\n\nAt the conclusion of this observance in the plaza the four giants were\nconducted by the chiefs of the Lizard, \u00c1sa, Badger, and Water gentes\nto the houses of the elder sisters of the respective clans. The C\u00e1lako\neffigies were suspended by the mask from the rafters of each room, and\nas the length of each was 7 feet 6 inches the tips of the radiating\nfeathers on the head and those on the last hoop of the framework of the\nbody just touched the roof and floor of the chamber. The same ceremony\nlook place in each house and there were prayers by the elders, dancing\nby the effigy bearers, and singing and drumming by the \u201cKoy\u00edmse.\u201d At\nsunrise\u2014for the exhibitions in the houses lasted all night\u2014a final\npresentation in the court similar to that which opened the ceremonies\ntook place, after which the C\u00e1lakos and mud-heads went to the cliff and\nunmasked at the Kachinaki. There they performed purification ceremonies\n(nav\u00f3tciwa) and dismantled the effigies. They donned their ordinary\nhabiliments and smuggled the paraphernalia back into the chamber in\nSitcomovi, where it is ordinarily kept.\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 42\u2014Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi\n in S\u00edoc\u00e1lako.[102]]\n\nOn the 8th and 9th of the month, following the demise of the C\u00e1lakos, a\nmost elaborate W\u00e1wac or Racing Katcina was performed.[103]\n\n\n PAW\u00cdKKATCINA\n\nThe Paw\u00edkkatcina, which I observed at Sitcomovi in 1892, had certain\ndifferences from any abbreviated Katcina dance which I have yet\ndescribed, and illustrated the ceremonial reception of these personages\nafter they had visited another pueblo. A priest of Sitcomovi suggested\nthat his fellow villagers should send a delegation of young men to\nCipaulovi to return a dance with which they had previously been honored\nby the latter pueblo. Accordingly the masks were painted and the\npreliminary ceremonials took place in one of the Sitcomovi kivas, those\nwho were to participate in the ceremonial beginning their work on the\n25th of June. The visitors danced all day of the 27th at Cipaulovi,\nrested on the 28th, and continued their dance on the 29th at Sitcomovi.\nThe ceremonials on their return at the trail approaching Sitcomovi took\nplace on June 28th, an hour before sunset.\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 43\u2014Mask of Paw\u00edkkatcina (front view).]\n\nThis dance differed very little from that of other Katcinas, to which\nattention has hitherto been directed.[104] There were twenty-three\nKatcinas and five[105] Katcinamanas, and the masks of both are\nillustrated in figures 43, 44, and 45, while one of the staffs which\nthey bore is represented in figure 46. They sang five songs called\n\u00d3mow\u00fbh (cloud), Yoiv\u00edkka (swift), Pakwa (frog), Pawykia (duck), and\nPatzro (quail). An interesting feature which I had never before seen in\nTusayan abbreviated Katcinas was the unmasked dance in the kiva.[106]\n\nThe secret ceremonials in the kiva were as follows: The three priests,\nwho had previously bathed their heads in their own houses, made the\np\u00e1hos and nakw\u00e1kwocis. Two of these men made four prayer sticks similar\nto those described in the Walpi ceremonial, and one made a long single\np\u00e1ho. These were deposited in a flat basket tray and smoked upon by\nthose present. Before beginning the manufacture of the p\u00e1hos the makers\nprepared themselves by a ceremonial smoke.[107] At the same time that\nthe p\u00e1hos were made twenty-three nakw\u00e1kwocis for the Katcinas and five\nfor the Katcinamanas were likewise manufactured.\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 44\u2014Mask of Paw\u00edkkatcina (side view).]\n\n[Illustration: PL. CX.\n\n A. HOEN & CO., LITH.\n\n HEAD DRESS OF ALOSAKA.]\n\nAt midday food was passed down into the kiva, but before partaking of\nit one of the priests took a pinch of each kind of food (dun\u00f3pna) and\nwent with it to a cleft in the mesa on the north side of Sitcomovi. He\nthere deposited it with a p\u00e1ho, a pinch of each kind of pigment used in\npainting the paraphernalia, a little tobacco,[108] but no sacred meal.\nThis was an offering, it was said, to the Grand Canyon of the Colorado\ns\u00edpap\u00fb. He then went to the southern side of the mesa and placed in a\nsimilar cleft a nakw\u00e1kwoci, said to be an offering to M\u00e1sauw\u00fbh.\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 45\u2014Mask of Paw\u00edkkatcinamana.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 46\u2014Staff of Paw\u00edkkatcina.]\n\nAt sunrise on the 29th two offerings were deposited, and each of the\ntwenty-three Katcinas placed his nakw\u00e1kwoci in a shrine.\n\nCeremonials attending visits of people from adjacent or remote\npueblos are simple but interesting. The following reception ceremony\nof visitors from a distant pueblo not of their own people was noted:\nIn the progress of the summer dances of Walpi in 1892 I observed the\nceremonial reception of several Zu\u00f1is who came over to assist in the\nH\u00famiskatcina. They were formally \u201creceived\u201d in the Wikwaliobi kiva by\n\u00cdntiwa,[109] K\u00f3peli, H\u00f3\u00f1yi, Pauat\u00edwa, and L\u00e9sma. \u00cdntiwa gave their\nheadman a twig of spruce, to which L\u00e9sma tied four nakw\u00e1kwocis.[110]\n\u00cdntiwa sprinkled it with sacred meal and laid it in front of the\nZu\u00f1is, and finally all smoked together. This was said to be a formal\nact of reception.[111]\n\nThe reception ceremony of the Paw\u00edkkatcinas when they returned from\nCipaulovi was as follows: At 4 p. m. Pauat\u00edwa\u2019s father, a very old man,\nsat on the edge of the mesa looking west and north toward Cipaulovi. He\ncalled my attention to a line of men coming along the trail. When the\nline halted on the last rise before the trail ascends to the top of the\nmesa we went down to welcome them.\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 47\u2014Helmets, ear of corn, and spruce bough arranged\n for reception ceremony.]\n\nEach Katcina placed his helmet in one of two parallel lines arranged\nalong the trail, and in front of the two lines he laid the spruce bough\nwhich he carried. In front of this pile of spruce boughs an ear of corn\nwas placed in the trail not far from the helmets. All the Katcinas then\nmarched around the line in a sinistral circuit, sprinkling sacred meal\nupon the masks, corn, and spruce boughs and throwing a pinch along the\ntrail in advance of the ear of corn. The circuit around the line of\nhelmets was sinistral, as in all Hopi ceremonials.\n\nNine old men then formed a circle at the left of the corn and smoked,\nsitting in a squatting posture.[112] No one was allowed to go up the\ntrail before this ceremony was completed, and one who attempted to\ndo so was warned back. A short address of welcome was spoken by the\npriests to the leader of the Katcinas, and at sunset they put on their\nmasks and marched to the plaza of Sitcomovi. They first danced on the\nsouthern, then on the eastern, and lastly on the western sides of the\nplaza, omitting the northern side. The priests sprinkled the Katcinas\nwith sacred meal, observing the sinistral ceremonial circuit as they\npassed around the line. A small spruce tree, upon which nakw\u00e1kwocis\nwere tied, had been placed near the middle of the plaza.\n\nThe Katcinas and Katcinamanas then adjourned to the kiva, where they\nunmasked, placing their helmets in a row and the spruce boughs in the\nmiddle of the kiva.[113] The two priests seated themselves on the\nuprise, one on each side of the ladder.\n\nOn the following day the dance was continued from sunrise to sunset. In\nthe afternoon there appeared the Tc\u00fakuwympkiya, Mu\u00f1\u2032we (Owl Katcina),\ntwo Tc\u00f3sb\u00fcci, P\u00fc\u2032\u00fcko\u00f1hoya (the Little War God), and a Navaho Katcina.\n\n\n \u00c1\u00d1AKATCINA\n\nThe celebration of the \u00c1\u00f1akatcina at Hano, in the Nim\u00e1n of 1892, gave\nme the following additional data to that already mentioned in the\ndescription[114] of the \u00c1\u00f1a of 1891. These are due in part to the\nvariations in ceremonial customs, and are not regarded as essentials.\n\nThe Hopi \u00c1\u00f1akatcina was invited to Hano by K\u00e1lakwai, and its public\npresentation was identical with that of 1891 and that of the Zu\u00f1i\nK\u00f3kokci. The antics of the gluttons were very much more complicated.\nThis I ascribe to two causes\u2014the rarity with which Katcinas are\ncelebrated in Hano, and the great need of rain at the time.\n\nOne interesting but highly disgusting part of the show of these priests\nwas the slaughter of a huge dog and the use of his entrails and blood\nin distinguishing one of their number as M\u00e1sauw\u00fbh,[115] the Death god.\nThe details of this may be had by consultation with the author.\n\nAbout 4 oclock on the morning of the public dance of the \u00c1\u00f1a the\nparticipants danced in the Hano plaza, destitute of all clothing or\nhelmets and accompanied by the clowns, also without masks. This feature\nI had not previously observed. After this early dance p\u00e1hos were\ndeposited at the shrine situated in the middle of the dance plaza.\n\nAs no account of the ceremonial deposit of offerings to the winds has\never been published, the following observations are given to fill this\ngap in our knowledge. Probably the object of the wind offerings is\npropitiatory, for high wind, it is believed, blows away the rain, to\nproduce which is the main object of the observance. Kw\u00e1lakwa took for\nthis purpose in a blanket the following objects: Nakw\u00e1kwocis, native\ntobacco, paper bread, p\u00edkami (pudding mush), sugar, and peaches. He\ndeposited a packet containing a pinch of each of these in six shrines\nsituated at cardinal points, beginning at the east.[116] The Hopi\nbegin their ceremonial circuit ordinarily at the north, but the Tewa,\nit would seem, place their offerings in the following order: East,\nnorthwest, southwest by south, southwest, southeast by east, southeast.\n\nIn the interval between two of the dances, while the Katcinas were\nunmasked, and had halted under an overhanging rock on the trail a few\nfeet below Hano, I observed a test of endurance which I had never\nbefore seen. K\u00f3peli, the Snake chief, took a bundle of yucca branches,\nand different volunteers from the Katcinas, stepping up to him, first\nheld out one arm, then the other; K\u00f3peli struck the outstretched limb\nwith more or less force, and at the conclusion presented his own arm\nand naked body for this trying ordeal. The \u00c1\u00f1akatcina is illustrated in\nfigure 40.\n\n\n\n\n COMPARATIVE STUDY OF KATCINA DANCES IN CIBOLA AND TUSAYAN\n\n\nThe published material which can be used as a basis of comparison in\nthe study of Katcinas in other villages is meager and insufficient.\nEven of the nearest pueblo, Zu\u00f1i, which has been more studied than many\nof the others, and in which Katcina observances closely akin to those\nof Tusayan are performed, the published accounts are very limited. In\na general way it seems to me that the Tusayan ceremonials are more\nshowy and elaborate than those at Zu\u00f1i. There is, however, one marked\nexception;[117] the powerful war society, called the Priesthood of the\nBow, has more elaborate ceremonials in Zu\u00f1i than in Walpi, where this\norganization is weak. It is not possible from my limited knowledge of\nZu\u00f1i ceremonials to declare that it is less complicated than that of\nTusayan, but I believe that the powerful organization mentioned has had\nmuch to do with many of the differences between the two.\n\nOne source of information in regard to the differences and likenesses\nbetween the Zu\u00f1i and Hopi ceremonials is the testimony of the chiefs\nthemselves. This does not hold in regard to modified ceremonials\nprimarily the same or derived from a common source, and is only\nhearsay, not science.\n\nAll the Hopi priests say that the Siot\u00fc (Zu\u00f1is) have no knowledge of\nthe Tc\u00fctc\u00fcbwimi (Snake-Antelope mysteries). The same chiefs likewise\nclaim that the Zu\u00f1is have no Mamzra\u00fati, L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti,[118] W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti, and\nno societies corresponding to the T\u00e1taukyam\u00fb, \u00c1alt\u00fb, or Kw\u00e1kwant\u00fb.\n\nAlthough they may not reproduce some of these ceremonials in the form\ncelebrated by the Hopi, it is not clear to me that some of those which\nthey observe may not be differentiations of the same ceremony, as I\nhave shown in my accounts of the women\u2019s dances.[119] There is a marked\nsimilarity in many of the myths, which would seem to imply resemblances\nin ritualistic dramatizations of the same.\n\nIt is possible to verify historical data and legendary history by a\nstudy of the same ceremony. For instance, the five oldest Tusayan\npueblos of which we have accounts in the earliest records are Awatobi,\nWalpi, Mico\u00f1inovi, Cu\u00f1opavi, and Oraibi.[120] Awatobi was destroyed in\n1700, so that but four original communities of the time of Vargas still\nremain. It is in these four and at Cipaulovi that the Snake ceremony is\nstill celebrated, and Sitcomovi and Hano are ascribed by Hopi legends\nto a much later time than the first appearance of the Spaniards; their\nnames do not appear in the early descriptions of the province.\n\nIt is a mistaken idea, and one which has led to many misconceptions,\nto suppose that what is true of one group of pueblos is true of all.\nWhile in a general way the mythology and ritual of all may be said to\nhave general resemblances, there is far from an identity between the\nceremonials, for instance, of the Hopi and the Zu\u00f1i, or those of the\nRio Grande pueblos and Tusayan. It is not a question of knowing all by\nan intimate knowledge of one; but each branch, even individual pueblos,\nmust be investigated separately before by comparative knowledge we\ncan obtain an adequate conception of the character of the pueblo\ntype of mythology and ritual. Moreover, there is evidence that this\ndifference existed in ancient times, and while the differentiation of\nthe manners and customs of different pueblos may have been less rapid\nin the past than today they were far from being identical. It does\nnot follow, except in certain limits, that the most primitive pueblos\ntoday show in their survivals a better picture of the character of life\nin another pueblo than the existing state of things in the latter. To\nreconstruct the probable character of the ancient culture we must trace\nsimilarities by comparative studies.\n\nIn a comparative study of the ceremonials of different pueblos, it is\nimportant to decide which are most primitive or nearest the aboriginal\ncondition and which are least affected by foreign influences. The\npurer the present aboriginal culture, the greater worth will it have\nin our approximation to a true conception of the primitive pueblo\nculture. Many of the Pueblos practice a religious system which may\nbe rightly called aboriginal, but in some it has been modified by\noutside influences. I think no one, for instance, would say that the\npresent Zu\u00f1i custom of burial in a churchyard was not due in part to\nthe influence of Catholic priests, for Spanish narratives of three and\na half centuries ago are quite explicit in their statement that the\nZu\u00f1i burned their dead. If one custom has been changed, how are we\nto distinguish the modified from the primitive? It can be shown that\nstrong influences have been used for the direct purpose of destroying\nthe Katcina worship. Take, for instance, Zu\u00f1i, the least changed\nof all the pueblos except those of Tusayan. It is pagan today, and\nprobably never was profoundly modified by Christianity, but Roman\nCatholic fathers, with the avowed determination to Christianize\nit, could not have lived there continuously for over a century and\ncaused the great missions to be built without modifying the religious\ncustoms of the Zu\u00f1ians. It is said that after the priests were driven\nout the Pueblos returned to their ancient practices, but it must be\nadmitted that no one has yet shown how the pure Katcina practices were\npreserved over three generations. They returned to an old worship,\nbut who has evidence to say that it was the same as that of their\ngreat-great-grandfathers?\n\nIn some instances the natives have very willingly adopted Christian\nteachings and the Christian God, believing that by so doing their own\nreligion would necessarily become strengthened by an addition to their\npantheon. Such adoption, however, no matter how regarded by them, made\na permanent impression on their primitive condition by changing their\nmode of thought and life.\n\nThey apparently may have abandoned all that the church taught; but what\nmeans could have been used to restore the pure worship of pre-Columbian\ntimes? The culture which was revived was aboriginal, but could never be\nidentical[121] with that of the times before Coronado.\n\nThe question then resolves itself into a historical one\u2014which pueblos\nwere the home of Catholic priests for the shortest time, and in which\nwere their influences least powerful? The historian will of course\nanswer the Tusayan pueblos, and ethnology contributes her quota of\nfacts to indicate that the purest form of Pueblo ceremonials are now\npracticed by these villagers.\n\nAlthough there are several ceremonials which the Hopi claim are not\nperformed at Zu\u00f1i, and conversely others performed at Zu\u00f1i which are\nnot observed in Tusayan, there is a similarity, differing in details,\nbetween the K\u00f3ko and Katcina dances close enough to show their\nidentity. The Hopi recognize this fact, and to prove it I need only\nmention that the \u00c1\u00f1akatcina in 1891 was danced at Zu\u00f1i by some of the\nHopi as a K\u00f3ko. I have already pointed out the identity of the masks,\nparaphernalia, and songs of the K\u00f3kokshi, performed by the Zu\u00f1ians,\nand the \u00c1\u00f1akatcina at Walpi. There is no doubt in my mind that they\nare the same, but I can not accept the dictum that what is observed\nin one is identical with what exists in the other. There are slight\nmodifications which exist likewise in different Hopi villages, as will\nbe seen by a comparison of my descriptions of the two. One marked\ndifference is that several K\u00f3kokshi dances were performed in the summer\nI spent at Zu\u00f1i, and that this identical Katcina (the \u00c1\u00f1a) is performed\nbut once each summer in any one Hopi village.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXI.\n\n A. HOEN & CO., LITH.\n\n A POWAMU MASK.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 48\u2014Symbolism of the helmet of H\u00famiskatcina (tablet\n removed).]\n\nThe only other K\u00f3ko[122] dance which I know of from personal\nobservation is the tablet dance, which is in many respects homologous\nwith the H\u00famiskatcina. The symbolism of the mask and tablet, however,\ndiffers from the H\u00famis, and while in a speculative way I regard them\nthe same we must await more research to prove them identical. The\nsubject is still more complicated by the fact that the Hopi have a\ntablet mask with still a third symbolic character, which they call the\nZu\u00f1i or S\u00edoh\u00famiskatcina.\n\nI think we need have no hesitation in supposing that the so-called S\u00edo\n(Zu\u00f1i) Katcina, which I have elsewhere described, is a Zu\u00f1i celebration\nderived from that pueblo. I do not know whether it is ever performed\nthere in the same way as at Walpi, since it has not been described by\nany of the students of the Zu\u00f1ians.\n\nWe have, however, as before mentioned, a partial description by Cushing\nof the Zu\u00f1i Sh\u00e1lako, and from his account we can gather a few of\nthe main points of difference between it and the S\u00edoc\u00e1lako performed\nat Walpi and described in the preceding pages. The Hopi, however,\nhave a C\u00e1lako of their own. They distinguish it from the S\u00edoc\u00e1lako,\nwhich they not only recognize as of Zu\u00f1i origin, but are also able to\ndesignate the family which brought it from the Zu\u00f1ians. The name of\nthe celebration and the use of Zu\u00f1i words in it both point to this\nconclusion.\n\nThe correspondence between the H\u00e9emashikwi, or last[123] dance\u2014the\ntablet dance described by me elsewhere as occurring at the close of the\nseries of K\u00f3kos\u2014is probably the same as the Nim\u00e1nkatcina. There are\nmany similarities to indicate this fact, and, although as yet we know\nnothing of the secret observances connected with it, I suspect that a\nsimilarity between them and those described in the M\u00f3\u00f1kiva will later\nbe made known.\n\nDolls in imitation of the H\u00e9emashikwi are reported in the catalogue\nof Colonel James Stevenson\u2019s collection from Zu\u00f1i in 1881, and I have\nno doubt it will be found that there formerly was, and possibly still\nsurvives, at the celebration of this dance at Zu\u00f1i the characteristic\nhabit in Tusayan of distributing dolls as presents at the departure of\nthe Katcinas.\n\nMrs Stevenson has given short descriptions of some of the Zu\u00f1i K\u00f3kos\nand figures of the masks of the same. While it is not possible for\nme to use them in a comparison with Katcina celebrations, they are\ninteresting in studies of symbolism. The \u201cflogging K\u00f3kos,\u201d for\ninstance, seem to function the same as T\u00fa\u00f1wup among the Hopi, but as\nthe symbolism of the mask of the floggers, Sai\u0101hlias, is not given by\nMrs Stevenson I am not able to express an opinion whether the same\npersonage is intended or not. The time of year when the flagellation is\ninflicted by the Sai\u0101hlia of Zu\u00f1i would be an interesting observation,\nand the accompanying ceremonials would also be of great interest for\ncomparison with the Pow\u00e1m\u00fb.\n\nI have not been able to find the equivalents of the S\u00e4l\u00e4mobias among\nthe Hopi, but the symbolism of Pooat\u00edwa agrees almost exactly with that\nof the Hopi Pa\u00fatiwa.\n\nThe S\u00e4l\u00e4mobias of the different world-quarters agree in color with\nthose assigned by the Hopi to the same points, with the exception of\nthose for the above and below. In Zu\u00f1i, according to Cushing and Mrs\nStevenson, the above is all colors, the below black. Among the Hopi the\nabove was found to be black and the below all colors. This discrepancy\nin observations is recommended as a good subject for future students,\nboth in Tusayan and Zu\u00f1i.\n\nIn reviewing the Hopi ceremonial personages I have been unable to find\nany homology with the S\u00e4l\u00e4mobias. The views of the masks[124] given\nby Mrs Stevenson afford little information on this subject, but in\nher sand picture, surrounded by the Plumed Snake, I find some of the\nfigures of S\u00e4l\u00e4mobias with indication of a connecting band between the\neyes, which recalls Pa\u00fatiwa\u2019s[125] symbolism. There does not seem to be\na wide difference between the profile views of the masks of Pa\u00fatiwa and\nS\u00e4l\u00e4mobia of the different world-quarters.\n\nThe environment of the pueblos of Tusayan and of Cibola is so similar\nand the rain-cloud worship so imperative in both that, a priori, we\nshould expect the rain-cloud symbol to be as frequent in Zu\u00f1i as in\nWalpi. I am much surprised therefore in studying the description of\nZu\u00f1i ceremonials to find nothing said of the characteristic Hopi\nsymbols of the rain clouds, the semicircles and the parallel lines of\nfalling rain (plate CVIII). If the rain clouds at Zu\u00f1i are limited\nto the terraced[126] figures found on the prayer-meal bowls and the\nsame made in sacred meal we certainly have a significant difference\nbetween the symbolism of these two peoples. In Tusayan there is not\none of the great religious festivals where the semicircular clouds and\nfalling rain do not appear as symbols. Thus far students of the Zu\u00f1i\nceremonials have not figured one instance in which they are used.[127]\n\nThe short account of the effigy of the Plumed Snake (K\u00f3lowisi) with\nattendant ceremonials at Zu\u00f1i, by Mrs Stevenson, shows the existence\nof archaic rites with the Plumed Serpent which have been observed in a\ndifferent form (P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti) at Tusayan. The time of the year when the\nZu\u00f1i effigy is brought to the kivas on a rude altar is not given; nor\nis the special name of the ceremony. The conch shell is similarly used\nto imitate the voice of the Plumed Serpent at Zu\u00f1i, as at Walpi, in the\nSoy\u00e1lu\u00f1a and the P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti. In neither of these ceremonials, however,\nhave the effigies been observed to be carried ceremonially about the\npueblos of the Tusayan mesas. The symbolism of P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti and K\u00f3lowisi\nseems to differ, judging from published accounts and symbolism on Zu\u00f1i\nand Hopi pottery. I find no intimation of the horn on the head of Zu\u00f1i\npictures of the Plumed Snake, and the arrowhead decoration fails on\nthe body. The two crescents which are common on the body of the Zu\u00f1i\nfigures have not been observed in Hopi pictographs or effigies.\n\nIt would seem both from legendary and other reasons that there has not\nbeen the warmest friendship between the inhabitants of Tusayan and\nCibola. This is not to be wondered at, for only on rare occasions has\nthere been good feeling between two pueblos even of the same speech.\nThe massacre of Awatobi at the hands of the other Hopi has been told\nelsewhere, and even at the present day Oraibi is not on the best of\nterms with the other Hopi towns. The legends of the Hopi are full\nof quarrels of one pueblo with another, and bitter hatred sometimes\ndeveloping into bloody wars in which their own kindred were attacked\nand pueblos destroyed.\n\nIn her article, \u201cA chapter of Zu\u00f1i mythology,\u201d[128] Mrs Stevenson\nsays: \u201cThe Ahshiwanni,[129] a priesthood of fourteen men who fast\nand pray for rain; the Kokko, an organization bearing the name of\nanthropomorphic beings (principally ancestral) whom they personate,\nand thirteen esoteric societies are the three fundamental religious\nbodies of Zu\u00f1i.... The society of the Kokko personate anthropomorphic\ngods by wearing masks and other paraphernalia. There are six estufas\nor chambers of the Kokko for the six regions, the north, west, south,\neast, zenith, and nadir, and these rooms present fantastic scenes\nwhen the primitive drama is enacted by the personators of these\nanthropomorphic gods.... The esoteric societies, with but one or two\nexceptions, have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings, this\ncategory of gods being zoomorphic.\u201d\n\nAccepting these statements as a correct idea of the \u201cthree fundamental\nreligious bodies of Zu\u00f1i\u201d I find great difficulty in tracing an\nintimate relation between them and those of the Hopi system. A large\nnumber of the Katcinas are anthropomorphic and likewise ancestral.\nThey bear the names of animals, and in that sense may be called in\nsome instances zoomorphic. Walpi, however, has but five kivas, the\nmembers of each of which in the Pow\u00e1m\u00fb personify different Katcinas.\nI have not yet discovered that each of these kivas is associated with\na different cardinal world-quarter, as Mrs Stevenson finds to be the\ncase in Zu\u00f1i. The esoteric societies of the Zu\u00f1i, according to Mrs\nStevenson, \u201cwith but one or two exceptions have nothing to do with\nanthropomorphic beings.\u201d I am not able to harmonize my observations\nof the secret societies in Tusayan with the definition given of the\nesoteric societies in Zu\u00f1i, and must await some clearer insight into\nthe character of the latter before offering any discussion of several\nresemblances which can be detected. From an examination of Cushing\u2019s\narticle in the _Century Magazine_, in which the esoteric societies\nof Zu\u00f1i are briefly defined, I am led to believe that the so-called\nesoteric societies in that pueblo differ a good deal from those in\nWalpi. The Hopi testify that while some of their secret fraternities\nare represented in Zu\u00f1i several of them are not identical.[130]\n\nMrs Stevenson does not make it clear who these fourteen (six) so-called\nAhshiwanni are, but calls them \u201crain priests.\u201d She intimates that they\nappeal directly to the Sun father, their supreme deity, and to the rain\nmakers, while the \u201csocieties\u201d address \u201cthe beast gods of their worship\nto intercede with the Sun father and rain makers.\u201d There is apparently\nno parallelism between these conditions and those at Tusayan, but\nI can readily find truth in the statement when applied to the Hopi\nthat \u201cno society convenes without giving much time to invocations for\nrain.\u201d I am sure that some of the societies at Tusayan do not appeal to\nthe beast gods to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers, but\naddress the latter directly in their prayers. In this particular there\nis certainly a marked difference between the conceptions back of the\nrites in Tusayan and those ascribed to the Cibolans.[131]\n\nThe custom of the Y\u00f3kimo\u00f1wi, or rain chief, retiring alone to a cell\nto pray for rain was practiced in Tusayan. One of these retreats is to\nbe seen at the Middle mesa. Among the foothills there is a block of\nsandstone, 15 feet long, 5 feet wide, and 4 feet thick. Its flat face\nis about horizontal or slightly tilted toward the northeast. Portions\nof a rough wall are still in place under the block, confirming the\nstory that there was here formerly a chamber of which the block was the\nroof. An aperture on the northeastern corner, about 20 inches square,\nis usually closed with loose stones, but the chamber is now filled in\nwith sand to within about 2 feet of the roof or lower surface of the\nslab. The interior of the chamber was about 8 feet long and 4 feet\nwide. On the roof, which was painted white, are figures of yellow,\ngreen, red, and white rain clouds with parallel lines of falling rain\nand zigzag lightning symbols in conventional patterns. To this chamber,\nit is said, the Rain chief of the Water people retired at planting time\nand lived there sixteen days, his food being brought to him by a girl\nduring his vigils. He was able by his prayers to bring the rain. These\nvisits were made long ago, but even now there are p\u00e1hos strewn about\nthe chamber, and devout persons visit the place at the present day\nwith a nakw\u00e1kwoci and pray for rain. Although the Rain chief no longer\npasses the sixteen days there, it is a holy place for the purposes\nmentioned.\n\n\u201cThe earth,\u201d says Mrs Stevenson,[132] \u201cis watered by the deceased Zu\u00f1i\nof both sexes, who are controlled and directed by a council composed of\nancestral gods. These shadow people collect water in vases and gourd\njugs from the six great waters of the world, and pass to and fro over\nthe middle plane, protected from view of the people below by cloud\nmasks.\u201d\n\nI find a different conception from this of the rain-making powers\nof the dead among the Hopi. Among other ceremonials, when certain\npersons die, after the chin has been blackened, the body washed, and\nprescribed feathers placed on different parts of it, a thin wad of raw\ncotton in which is punched holes for the eyes is laid upon the face.\nThis is a mask and is called a rain-cloud or \u201cprayer to the dead to\nbring the rain.\u201d In general, as many writers have said, the use of the\nmask transforms the wearer into a deity designated by the symbolism\nof the same,[133] and as a consequence the dead, we may theoretically\nsuppose, are thereby endowed with supernatural powers to bring rain.\nThe \u00d3mow\u00fbhs, however, are the Rain gods, and so far as I can explain\nthe significance of the symbolic rain-cloud mask on the face of the\ndead and the black color on the chin, it is simply a method of prayer\nthrough the divinized dead to the Rain-cloud deities. Among the Hopi\nthe earth is watered by the Rain-gods, but the dead are ceremonially\nmade intercessors to affect them. In this view of the case the Hopi may\nbe said to believe that the earth is \u201cwatered by the deceased of both\nsexes.\u201d\n\nThe Hopi believe that the breath body of the Zu\u00f1i goes to a sacred\nplace near Saint Johns, called W\u00e9nima. There the dead are supposed to\nbe changed into Katcinas, and the place is reputed to be one of the\nhomes of these personages. It is likewise specially spoken of as the\nhouse of C\u00e1lako, and it is believed that the Zu\u00f1i hold the same views\nof this mysterious place. In lagoons near it turtles are abundant,\nand not far away Mr Hubbell and others discovered sacrificial caverns\nin which were large collections of pottery. T\u00f3tci, a Hopi resident of\nZu\u00f1i, is the authority for the statement that the Cibolans do not use\nthe raw cotton mortuary mask, although they blacken the face of the\ndead chiefs. He says the same idea of divinization of the breath body\ninto a Katcina seems to be current among the Zu\u00f1i as among the Hopi.\n\nAccording to Mrs Stevenson the father of the Kokko is Kaklo (Ky\u00e4klu),\nwhose servants are the S\u00e4l\u00e4mobiyas. The name of their mother is not\nknown to me. The Katcinas are said to be the offspring of an Earth\ngoddess,[134] who figures under many names. Their father\u2019s name on\ncomparative grounds is supposed to be T\u00e1wa, the sun, or T\u00fa\u00f1wup, their\nelder brother.\n\nA study of the group of Katcina ceremonials as compared with the K\u00f3ko\nbrings out in prominence the conclusion that while some of them may be\nidentical, as a rule there is considerable difference in the ritual of\nthe Tusayan people and their nearest neighbor, the Zu\u00f1i. If variations\nexist between these neighbors we are justified in the suspicion,\nwhich observation as far as it has thus far gone supports, that there\nare even wider differences between pueblos more distant from each\nother. The ethnologist fully cognizant with the ritual in one pueblo\nhas a general conception of the character of all, but changes due to\nsuppression of ceremonials, survivals, dying out of societies, and many\nother causes have modified the pueblos in different ways. The character\nof the ancient system is adulterated in all. We can form an idea of\nthis modification in no better way than by a minute study of the\nexisting ritual in every pueblo. Upon such comprehensive study science\nis at the very threshold.\n\nThe foregoing pages open many considerations of a theoretical nature\nwhich I have not attempted to develop. My greatest solicitude has been\nto sketch the outline of the Katcina ceremonials as performed at the\nHopi village of Walpi in Tusayan.\n\n\n FOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] These studies were made while the author was connected with the\nHemenway Expedition from 1890 to 1894, and the memoir, which was\nprepared in 1894, includes the results of the observations of the late\nA. M. Stephen as well as of those of the author.\n\n[2] The letters used in spelling Indian words in this article have the\nfollowing sounds: a, as in far; \u0103, as in what; ai, as i in pine; e, as\na in fate; i, as in pique; \u00ee, as in pin; u, as in rule; \u00fb, as in but;\n\u00fc, as in the French tu; p, b, v, similar in sound; t and d, like the\nsame in tare and dare, almost indistinguishable; tc, as ch in chink:\nc, as sh in shall; \u00f1, as n in syncope; s, sibilant; r, obscure rolling\nsound; l, m, n, k, h, y, z, as in English.\n\n[3] These observations are confined to three villages on the East mesa,\nwhich has been the field more thoroughly cultivated by the members of\nthe Hemenway Expedition.\n\n[4] \u201cSouls\u201d in the broadest conception of the believers in Tylor\u2019s\nanimistic theory.\n\n[5] The distinction between elaborate and abbreviated Katcinas will be\nspoken of later.\n\n[6] It would be interesting to know what relationship exists between\nabbreviated and elaborate Katcinas. Are the former, for instance,\nremnants of more complicated presentations in which the secret\nelements have been dropped in the course of time? Were they formerly\nmore complicated, or are they in lower stages of evolution, gathering\nepisodes which if left alone would finally make them more complex?\nI incline to the belief that the abbreviated Katcinas are remnants,\nand their reduction due to practical reasons. In a general way the\nword Katcina may be translated \u201csoul\u201d or \u201cdeified ancestor,\u201d and\nin this respect affords most valuable data to the upholders of the\nanimistic theory. But there are other elements in Tusayan mythology\nwhich are not animistic. As Mogk has well shown in Teutonic mythology,\nnature elements and the great gods are original, so among the Hopi\nthe nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors, nor is\nthere evidence that their worship was derivative. As Saussaye remarks,\n\u201cAnimism is always and everywhere mixed up with religion; it is never\nand nowhere the whole of religion.\u201d\n\n[7] By Gregorian months, which of course the Hopi do not recognize by\nthese names or limits. Their own \u201cmoons\u201d have been given elsewhere.\n\n[8] The months to which the first division roughly corresponds are\nJanuary to July. The second division includes, roughly speaking, August\nand December (inclusive). More accurately defined, the solar year is\nabout equally divided into two parts by the Nim\u00e1n, which is probably\nthe exact dividing celebration of the ceremonial year.\n\n[9] There is a slight _r_ sound in the first two syllables of\nW\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti.\n\n[10] The word m\u00fc\u2032iyaw\u00fb means \u201cmoon,\u201d by which it would seem that our\nsatellite determines the smaller divisions of the year.\n\n[11] From their many stories of the under world I am led to believe\nthat the Hopi consider it a counterpart of the earth\u2019s surface, and a\nregion inhabited by sentient beings. In this under world the seasons\nalternate with those in the upper world, and when it is summer in\nthe above it is winter in the world below, and vice versa. Moreover,\nceremonies are said to be performed there as here, and frequent\nreferences are made to their character. It is believed that these\nceremonies somewhat resemble each other and are complemental. In their\ncultus of the dead the under world is also regarded as the abode of the\n\u201cbreath-body\u201d of the deceased, who enter it through a s\u00edpapu, often\nspoken of as a lake. I have not detected that they differentiate this\nworld into two regions, the abode of the blessed and that of the damned.\n\n[12] The T\u00e1waki of t\u00e1ty\u00fcka is the sun house. There is no sun house at\nh\u00f3poko nor at t\u00e9vyu\u00f1a. The names of the four horizon cardinal points\nare, kwin\u00edwi, northwest; tevy\u00fc\u2032\u00f1a, southwest; taty\u00faka, southeast, and\nhopoky\u00fcka (syncopated h\u00f3poko), northeast.\n\n[13] Note the similarity in sound to the Nahuatl month, Quecholli,\nin which the Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. See \u201cA Central American\nceremony which suggests the Snake dance of the Tusayan villagers,\u201d\nAmerican Anthropologist, Washington, vol. VI, No. 3. Quecholli,\nhowever, according to both Sahagun and Serna, was in November.\nThe Snake dance at Walpi is thus celebrated about six months from\nAtamalqualiztli, or not far from the time when the people of the under\nworld celebrate their Snake-Antelope solemnities. In this connection\nattention may be called to the fact that the Snake-Antelope priests in\nWalpi have a simple gathering in the winter Pa moon (January), when\ntheir sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by them to\nbe performing their unabbreviated snake rites. This is at most only\nabout a month from the time Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. Teotlico,\nthe Nahuatl return of the war god, occurred in November; Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a, the\nwarriors\u2019 return, in December. There are important comparative data\nhearing on the likeness of Hopi and Nahuatl ceremonies hidden in the\nresemblance between Kwetc\u00e1la and Quecholli (Kwetcoli).\n\n[14] M\u00fcyi\u00f1w\u00fbh, the goddess of germs, is preeminently the divinity of\nthe under world, and has some remarkable similarities to the Nahuatl\nMictlantecutli or his female companion Mictlancihuatl. The name is very\nsimilar to that for moon. This was the ruler of the world of shades\nvisited by Tiyo, the snake hero. (See the legend of the Snake Youth in\nJournal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. IV, Boston, 1894.)\n\n[15] The Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a has been called the Katcina\u2019s return, which name is\nnot inaccurate. It is, strictly speaking, a warriors\u2019 celebration, and\nmarks the return of the leader of the Katcinas, as in Teotleco. The\nKatcinas appear in force in the Pa celebration.\n\n[16] I have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between the\ndramatizations of the Snake-Antelope and the Flute societies, but the\nmembers of the former scout the idea that they are related. Evidently\nthe similarity in their ceremonials, which can not be denied, are not\nakin to the relationships which they recognize between brother and\nsister societies.\n\n[17] Strictly speaking, eight active, since the first day is not\nregarded as a ceremonial day. See Journal of American Ethnology and\nArch\u00e6ology, vol. IV, p. 13, 1894.\n\n[18] Clowns, called likewise \u201cmudheads\u201d and \u201cgluttons.\u201d\n\n[19] The t\u00edponi is supposed to be the mother or the palladium, the\nsacred badge of office of the society. It is one of the w\u00edmi or sacred\nobjects in the keeping of a chief, and is the insignium of his official\nstanding. The character of this object varies with different societies,\nand, in a simple form, is an ear of corn surrounded by sticks and\nbright-colored feathers bound by a buckskin string. For the contents of\nthe more elaborate forms, see my description of the L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti t\u00edponi\n(called bundles of p\u00e1hos).\n\n[20] P\u00e1hos or prayer-sticks are prayer-bearers of different forms\nconceived to be male and female when double. Their common form is\nfigured in my memoir on the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi; Jour. Am. Eth.\nand Arch., vol. IV, p. 27. Prescribed forms vary with different deities.\n\n[21] The American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1892.\n\n[22] Ibid., July, 1892.\n\n[23] Erroneously identified as C\u00e1lako in my description and plates of\nthe presentation of the Mamzra\u00fati in 1891.\n\n[24] The four societies who celebrate the W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti are the\nA\u00e1lwympkiya, W\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmwympkiya, Tata\u00fckyam\u00fb, and Kw\u00e1kwant\u00fb.\n\n[25] Chief of the Kw\u00e1kwant\u00fb, a powerful warrior society. Among various\nattributes M\u00e1sa\u00fcw\u00fbh is the Fire God.\n\n[26] The body, save for a kilt, is uncovered. This kilt is white or\ngreen in color, with embroidered rain-cloud symbols. This is tied by a\nsash, with dependent fox-skin behind. Rattles made of a turtle shell\nand sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg back of the knee, and\nmoccasins are ordinarily worn. Spruce twigs are inserted in the girdle,\nand the Katcina carries a rattle in one hand. This rattle is a gourd\nshell with stones within and with a short wooden handle.\n\n[27] The left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and\nnakw\u00e1kwocis, and is spoken of as kyakyau\u012dna, desirable. The right hand\nis called t\u00fcn\u00facmahtu, food hand.\n\n[28] The word Katcina, as already stated, is applied to a ceremonial\ndance and to a personator in the same. The symbolism of each is\nbest expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls, t\u00edhus,\nmany examples of which I have described in my article on \u201cDolls of\nthe Tusayan Indians\u201d in Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie,\n1894. Profitable sources of information in regard to the symbolic\ncharacteristics of the Katcinas are ceramic objects, photographs, clay\ntiles, clay images, pictures on altars, etc. All pictorial or glyptic\nrepresentations of the same Katcina are in the main identical, with\nslight variations in detail, due to technique.\n\n[29] For a description of the \u00c1\u00f1akatcina see Journal of American\nEthnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. II, No. 1.\n\n[30] I have also seen visors of this kind, and an old priest of my\nacquaintance on secular occasions sometimes wore a huge eye shade or\nvisor made of basketware. The helmet of the Hum\u00edskatcina bears a willow\nframework which forms a kind of visor, and if, as I suspect from the\n\u201clarge pasteboard [skin over framework or wooden board] tower,\u201d it was\na tablet or n\u00e1kci, the personification mentioned by Ten Broeck may have\nbeen a Hum\u00edskatcina. In May, 1891, I observed a Hum\u00eds, but there is no\nreason from the theory of the time of abbreviated Katcinas to limit\nit to May. It might have been performed in April equally well. The\nKatcinamanas were not observed by me to wear such visors as Ten Broeck\nobserved.\n\n[31] During that time our knowledge of the Snake dance had been\nenlarged by Stephen, Bourke, and others.\n\n[32] The Katcinas, sometimes spelt Cachinas, are believed to be the\nsame as the Zu\u00f1i K\u00f3kos and possibly the Nahuatl teotls. The derivation\nis obscure; possibly it is from k\u00e1tci, spread out, horizontal, the\nsurface of the earth, n\u00e1a, father, abbreviated na, surface of land,\nfather. The Tusayan Indians say that their Katcinas are the same as\nthe Zu\u00f1i K\u00f3ko, pronouncing the word as here spelled. Cushing insists,\nhowever, that the proper name of the organization is K\u00e2\u2032k\u00e2. I find Mrs\nStevenson, in her valuable article on the Religious Life of a Zu\u00f1i\nChild, has used the spelling Kok\u2032ko, which introduces the o sound which\nthe Tusayan people distinctly use in speaking of the Katcinas of their\nnearest Pueblo neighbors. This variation in spelling of one of the more\ncommon words by conscientious observers shows one of the difficulties\nwhich besets the path of those who attempt etymologic dissection of\nPueblo words. Many Zu\u00f1i words in the mouths of the Hopi suffer strange\nmodifications, so that I am not greatly surprised to find idiomatic\ndifferences between the Hopi dialect of the East mesa and that of\nOraibi. How much may result after years of separation no one can tell,\nbut the linguist must be prepared to find these differences very\nconsiderable.\n\n[33] This person is said to have been the mother of the Katcinas. She\nalso was the mother of the monsters, the slaughter of whom by the\ncultus hero, P\u00fc\u2032\u00fcko\u00f1hoya, and his twin brother is a constant theme in\nTusayan folklore.\n\n[34] Stevenson, Navaho Sand Paintings, in Eighth Annual Report of the\nBureau of Ethnology.\n\n[35] Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. II, No. 1.\n\n[36] The Hopi report that the Zu\u00f1i believe that the dead are changed\ninto Katcinas and go to a S\u00edpap\u00fb, which they descend and tell the\n\u201cchiefs\u201d to send the rain. The Hopi believe that the dead become\ndivinized (Katcinas in a loose meaning) and intercede for rain. (See\ndiscussion of Mrs Stevenson\u2019s statement that the dead send rain.) It\nseems to me that students of primitive myth and ritual have hardly\nbegun to realize the important part which orientation plays in early\nreligions. As research progresses it will be found to be of primary\nimportance. The idea of world-quarter deities sprang from astronomical\nconceptions and was derived from a primitive sun worship in which the\nlesser deities naturally came to be associated with the four horizon\npoints of solstitial sunrise and sunset.\n\n[37] I have elsewhere pointed out that the t\u00edponi is called the\nmother, and this usage seems to hold among the other Pueblos. As a\nbadge of chieftaincy it is carried by the chiefs on certain occasions\nof initiation and public exhibitions, as can be seen by consulting my\nmemoir of the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi. C\u00edmo, the old Flute chief\n(obit 1893), once made the following remark about his t\u00edponi: \u201cThis is\nmy mother; the outer wrapping is her garment; the string of shells is\nher necklace; the feathers typify the birds, and within it are all the\ndesirable seeds. When I go to sleep she watches over me, and when I die\none of the feathers will be placed upon my heart, and I hope the t\u00edponi\nwill take care of me.\u201d From these words we learn how much the t\u00edponi is\nvenerated, and it is not remarkable, considering the benefits which are\nthought to come from it, that it is designated \u201cthe mother.\u201d\n\n[38] I mention this fact since, following Bandolier\u2019s studios among the\nRio Grande Pueblos, we have something different. The Koshare, which\nappear to correspond with a group of the Tcuk\u00fawympkiya, the Paiakyam\u00fb,\nare regarded by him as the summer and autumn men, while the Cuirana are\nthe spring men. During the late summer and autumn the Tcuk\u00fawympkiya\ntake no part in the ceremonials at the East mesa of Tusayan. No\nTcuk\u00fawympkiyas appear in the Snake, Flute, L\u00e1lako\u00f1ti, Mamzra\u00fati,\nW\u00fcw\u00fctc\u00edmti, or in certain minor festivals. They appear to be almost\nuniversal accompaniments of the Katcina observances.\n\n[39] The elaboration is of course along different lines of growth,\nand its characteristics are treated in the several already published\narticles devoted to these subjects. In none of the abbreviated Katcinas\ndescribed was there an altar or complicated kiva performance, but on\nthe other hand, in the elaborate Katcinas such secret observances\nalways existed. S\u00edocalako, described in this article, affords an\ninteresting abbreviated ceremonial with kiva rites.\n\n[40] This might better be called a composite, abbreviated Katcina.\n\n[41] The late Mr Stephen made extended studies of this presentation\nin 1892, but his fatal illness prevented his being in the kiva the\nfollowing winter. It is necessary that a continued study of this\ndramatization be made before a complete account of the ceremonial\ncalendar can be attempted.\n\nThe following men are distinctly called chiefs: Mo\u00f1\u2032mowit\u00fb of Soy\u00e1lu\u00f1a,\nKw\u00e1tcakwa, Sakw\u00edstiwa Anaw\u00edta, Nas\u00edmoki, Kw\u00e1a, Siky\u00e1ustiwa, and S\u00fapela.\n\n[42] See figures of this effigy in my account of the P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti,\nJournal of American Folk-lore, Oct.-Dec., 1893.\n\n[43] Here evidently we have a prayer to the deity symbolized by the\neffigy and not an invocation to the effigy itself.\n\n[44] The dance with the sun-shield remotely resembles certain so-called\n\u201csun dances,\u201d which have been described among the nomads, in which\nphysical exhaustion and suffering are common features. This dance,\nit must be borne in mind, took place when the sun was at the winter\nsolstice, and the dramatization of attack and defense may have some\nmeaning in connection with this fact.\n\n[45] On the authority of Cyrus Thomas, \u201cAre the Maya hieroglyphs\nphonetic?\u201d American Anthropologist, Washington, July, 1893, p. 266.\nHis reasoning that the scribe of the codex intended to represent this\nastronomical event is plausible but not conclusive.\n\n[46] There are members of the American race living where the sun\ndisappears at the winter solstice or succumbs to evil powers. Have the\nPueblos inherited this rite from people who once lived far to the north?\n\n[47] The fact that the Snake dance follows the Nim\u00e1n may be explained\nas follows: The sun begins to be affected by the Plumed Snake at\nthe Farewell dance, and the growing influence of this divinity is\nrecognized, hence his children (reptiles) are gathered from the fields\nand intrusted with the prayers of men to cease his malign influence.\n\n[48] At the Nim\u00e1n in the preceding July.\n\n[49] With Tatc\u00fc\u2032kti (Mud-heads).\n\n[50] Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. IV.\n\n[51] Numbers 1, 2, 7, 9 and 10 of this list have been described as\nabbreviated Katcinas. The symbolism of 3 and 8 is shown in my figures\nof dolls; of the remainder my information is as yet very limited.\n\n[52] Comparable with the Nahuatl Ochpanitzli. The points of similarity\nbetween the two are the predominance of the Earth goddess and the\nceremonial renovation of the sacred gathering places.\n\n[53] American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1894.\n\n[54] The accompanying observations on the Pow\u00e1m\u00fb were made by the late\nA. M. Stephen in his work for the Hemenway Expedition.\n\n[55] These men were from the \u00c1lkiva. They wore the knob-head helmets\nand their bodies were stained red. Each carried a rattle in the right\nand an eagle feather in the left hand, and had a pouch of skin or other\nmaterial slung over the right shoulder. This held corn, beans, and\nother seeds, which they gave to the women and elders.\n\n[56] With the coiled stone, which resembles the cast of some large\nfossil shell. I venture to suggest that the reason we find petrified\nwood in some shrines can be explained in the following manner: In times\nlong past trees were believed by the Hopi to have souls and these\nbreath bodies were powerful agents in obtaining blessings or answering\nprayers. The fossilized logs now put in shrines date back to the times\nof which I speak, consequently they are efficacious in the prayers of\nthe present people. This is but the expression of an animistic belief\nin the souls of trees.\n\n[57] She has the Bear t\u00edponi and other fetiches.\n\n[58] The name given for this marking by Ah\u00fc\u2032l is \u00f3mow\u00fbh mo\u00f1wit\u00fbpeadta.\nIt is an appeal to all the gods of the six regions to bless these Kivas\nand houses.\n\n[59] The performances with the clowns were not unlike others in which\nthey appear.\n\n[60] The mound from which it was obtained is close to the base of the\nfoothills eastward from Walpi, and all the sand for all the kivas was\nobtained from this particular mound.\n\n[61] During the festival the women clip the hair of their children. The\nhair is cut over the entire cranium of the little boys, but in the case\nof the girls a fringe is left around the base of the head, especially\non each side, for the characteristic whorls worn by maidens.\n\n[62] The gap in the East mesa, known as Wala, whence the name of the\npueblo of Walpi at the western end of the same height.\n\n[63] Woman\u2019s blanket without decoration.\n\n[64] At the tip of the lowest tail feather on each side a nakw\u00e1kwoci\nstained with c\u00fata was hung.\n\n[65] Nat\u00e1cka carried a handsaw in the left hand.\n\n[66] Bandoleer.\n\n[67] Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti did not enter any of the houses, but merely went up the\nladder two or three rungs and stood there just high enough to bring\nher helmet on a level with the first terrace. She then gave her shrill\nhoot, and when the women had brought out their children spoke to them\nin high falsetto.\n\n[68] A figure of Tu\u00f1w\u00fapkachina with his pet (p\u00f3kema) appears on the\nreredos of the altar of the Nim\u00e1nkatcina. (See Journal of American\nEthnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. II, No. 1.) The sprig which he is\ndepicted as bearing in the hand was supposed to represent a cornstalk,\nbut from the new observations of the personification of Tu\u00f1wup there is\nno doubt that a yucca whip was intended.\n\n[69] As I have already pointed out, the youth who dons the mask of a\nKatcina is believed to be for the time transformed into a deity (soul).\n\n[70] Mo\u00f1, chief; kohu, wood\u2014a chieftain\u2019s badge.\n\n[71] E\u00f3toto (\u201cAiw\u00f3toto\u201d), has been described in my account of the\ndaybreak ceremonials of the Farewell Katcina (Journal of American\nEthnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. II, No. 1). Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti has been figured\nand described in my article on Certain Personages who Appear in a\nTusayan Ceremony (American Anthropologist, January, 1894).\n\n[72] A society comparable with the \u201cPriesthood of the Bow\u201d at Zu\u00f1i.\nThis society is a priesthood apparently with much less power than that\nof the neighboring Cibolan pueblo, but its chief Pauwat\u00edwa is powerful,\nand, it may be said, en passant, a most genial and highly valuable\nfriend to have in ethnologic work at Walpi.\n\n[73] His fiddle was a notched stick which he scraped with a sheep\nscapula.\n\n[74] Kawa\u00edkakatcinas. Kawa\u00edka is a Hopi name for the Laguna people of\nKeresan stock.\n\n[75] See figure in Na\u00e1cnaiya, Journal of American Folk-lore,\nJuly\u2013September, 1892.\n\n[76] The signification of the bundle of straw may be that here we have\nthe symbolic broom of the purification ceremony, if I am right in\nmy interpretation that the Pow\u00e1m\u00fa is a lustral ceremony. In Nubuatl\nceremonial, Ochpanitzli, the mother, Toci, carries the broom, which is\nher symbol in this celebration, as shown in Seler's interpretation of\nthe Humboldt manuscripts. In this connection the reader is referred to\nthe facts mentioned elsewhere in this article that all the kivas are\nreplastered in the course of the Pow\u00e1m\u00fa.\n\n[77] Elision of the syllable ka in this and similar compounds is common.\n\n[78] The symbolism of their masks and their dance is described in the\nJournal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. II, No. 1.\n\n[79] See Nim\u00e1nkatcina altar, called nananivo po\u00f1ya, six-directions\naltar. The whole ceremony is an invocation to the six world-quarter\ndeities.\n\n[80] It is generally the custom to anoint the feet, hands, etc, with\nhoney when a person is sent out with offerings to shrines. (See \u201cSnake\ndance,\u201d Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. IV.)\n\n[81] See cloud-charm altar in other ceremonials. It is redundant\nin this place to repeat these accounts, as the variations are not\nimportant. (See Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. II,\nNo. 1.) The Pow\u00e1m\u00fa altars are the same as the Niman, q. v.\n\n[82] As the number of these personages was large in this presentation,\nthis summary mention of their names may be of interest.\n\n[83] Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893.\n\n[84] It will thus be seen that the details of this ceremony vary\nin different years, but the variation depends simply on the kiva\npresenting it. It is commonly said that the original w\u00edmi of the\nP\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1ti (Great Plumed Snake) were brought to Tusayan by the Water\npeople from the far south. Other observations support that statement.\n\n[85] To these must be added the constant accompanying priests in all\nceremonials, who are unmasked and do not personate supernatural beings.\n\n[86] Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. II, No. 1.\n\n[87] Ibid. The following abbreviated Katcinas have been described and\nfigured: (1) Hum\u00edskatcina, Corn Flower; (2) \u00c1\u00f1akatcina, Long Beard;\n(3) Coy\u00f3himkatcina, All; (4) Heh\u00e9akatcina; (5) Siokatcina, Zu\u00f1i;\n(6) M\u00e1lokatcina. The symbolic characters of the different Katcinas\nare best shown in my article on \u201cDolls of the Tusayan Indians.\u201d The\nNim\u00e1nkatcina is likewise outlined in the Journal of American Ethnology\nand Arch\u00e6ology, op. cit., and some of these abbreviated Katcinas are\naccompaniments of the Nim\u00e1n.\n\n[88] The participants of course frequent the kiva to prepare their\nmasks and costume for one or more days previous to the public dance,\nand certain simple ceremonial objects, as p\u00e1hos and nakw\u00e1kwocis are\nmade there, but in none of those Katcinas which are included in this\ngroup have I as yet observed any altar or the like. The very name\n\u201cabbreviated\u201d eliminates naturally these complex proceedings and\nparaphernalia.\n\n[89] Op. cit. The spruce tree of the Katcinas is commonly set up in the\nplaza.\n\n[90] Dolls of the Tusayan Indians, op. cit.\n\n[91] The food is brought to each by wives, daughters, or other women of\nhis household. This feast takes place in the open air, not as at Zu\u00f1i\nin the kivas.\n\n[92] This is the only plaza large enough for a long line of dancers,\nand hence is ordinarily used.\n\n[93] To these prayers he alone responds \u201cAntcai,\u201d right.\n\n[94] The configuration of the mesa and the fact that the house walls\nrise almost continuously with the side of the cliff prevent the\nKatcinas dancing on the different sides of the pueblo, but in Zu\u00f1i the\nopen spaces outside the village, in addition to the plaza in the heart\nof the pueblo, are used for dances as I have elsewhere described.\n\n[95] See also Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. IV, p.\n66.\n\n[96] \u201cAdventures in Zu\u00f1i,\u201d Century Magazine, vol. XXV, p. 507 et seq.\n\n[97] Several ceremonials are derived from Zu\u00f1i, while others are\npeculiar to Tusayan. The symbolism of the S\u00edoc\u00e1lako and the Hopi C\u00e1lako\nis different. No girls (m\u00e1nas) were represented in the S\u00edoc\u00e1lako.\n\n[98] All the women and children of this family had been moved to the\nmesa a few days before.\n\n[99] Compare the crinoline hoops of the effigies of P\u00e1l\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1\u00fbh\n(Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893).\n\n[100] Koyeamashe (see Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology,\nvol. I).\n\n[101] The association of E\u00f3toto with \u00cdntiwa has already been described\nin my account of the Nim\u00e1nkatcina (Journal of American Ethnology and\nArch\u00e6ology, vol. II, No. 1).\n\n[102] Explanation of the diagram: _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_ and _a\u2032_, _b\u2032_,\n_c\u2032_ _d\u2032_, successive positions of the effigy bearers on the northern\nand southern sides of the plaza; _e_, E\u00f3toto; _h_, Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti; _i_,\n\u00cdntiwa; _k_, Koy\u00edmise; _m_, accompanying celebrants. The figures\n_a_\u2013_d_ and _a\u2032_\u2013_d\u2032_ represent the circles of meal, with cross lines,\nover which the effigy bearers stand in the course of the ceremonials.\n\n[103] The general character of the W\u00e1wac described in my article in\nthe Bulletin of the Essex Institute, where certain of the masks made\nuse of in it are figured. The Racing Katcina performed at this time\nwas, however, much more complicated, and a description of it would be a\ndigression from the subject of this article.\n\n[104] Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. II, No. 1.\n\n[105] It was said that there ought to have been six (possibly one for\neach cardinal point) of these, who are called Ciw\u00e1ata, sisters of the\nPaw\u00edkkatcinas.\n\n[106] I have not been permitted to see the unmasked dance of the K\u00f3ko\nin the Zu\u00f1i kivas, where it is common, and was glad to supplement my\nobservations by the same in one of the Tusayan kivas. In the Katcinas\nwhich I saw in 1891 at Walpi there was no dance in the kivas.\n\n[107] The pipe was passed ceremonially after having been lit with a\ncoal (burning corncob) brought by a woman from a house in Sitcomovi. In\nmost ceremonials it is also prescribed that the makers of p\u00e1hos shall\nwash their heads before beginning their duties, but this takes place in\ntheir own dwellings.\n\n[108] The first reference which I have found to the use of tobacco\nin the ceremonial smoke by the American Indians is by Monardes. This\ninteresting description of tobacco and its uses, accompanied with a\nfigure of the plant, is one of the most complete for its date (1590)\nwhich I have seen.\n\n[109] \u00cdntiwa is Katcina m\u00f3\u00f1wi, chief of the Katcinas; K\u00f3peli, chief of\nthe Snakes; H\u00f3\u00f1yi, hereditary Snake-Antelope chief; W\u00edki, chief of the\nSnake-Antelopes; Pauat\u00edwa, chief of warriors; L\u00e9sma, Bear chief.\n\n[110] See Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. II, No. 1.\n\n[111] When the inhabitants of another pueblo visit that in which\na sacred dance is taking place, it is customary for the hosts to\nentertain by setting before them food, and it is no uncommon thing to\nsee visitors passing from house to house partaking of the p\u00edkami (mush)\nand other delicacies. It is not unusual for the headmen of one pueblo\nto send official thanks to the people of another for their sacred\ndances and other efforts for rain. In a memoir on the Snake dance I\nmention an instance where even the distant Havasupai Indians brought\nofferings from their home to Walpi (Journal of American Ethnology and\nArch\u00e6ology, vol. IV).\n\n[112] I need not describe their actions, as I have already done so for\nother Katcina dances (Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology,\nvol. II, No. 1.)\n\n[113] One marked difference between Katcina and K\u00f3ko, or Hopi and Zu\u00f1i,\ndancers is that in the latter the unmasked dance occurs in the kiva and\nthe feast is held in the same place. At Tusayan the feast is open, and\ngenerally there is no unmasked dance. The feast in the kiva at Zu\u00f1i is\npossibly a secondary modification for effecting secrecy.\n\n[114] Journal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. II, No. 1.\n\n[115] This is only time I have seen the Death god personified. The\nPaiaka\u00edam\u00fb rushed up to me and demanded a knife, and when I refused to\ngive it, not aware of their intention, they sought other ways to kill\nthe poor brute. It was an exhibition of extreme savagery, but of course\nwith no danger to any of the spectators. Later in their antics the\ngluttons themselves were lightly struck with a cactus branch, and the\nperson who performed this painful act went from housetop to housetop\ntouching the arm or neck of every spectator\u2014man, woman, and child.\nDuring this dance these Tcukuwympkiyas performed the disgusting act\nof drinking human urine. Mr Cushing, in the Century Magazine, records\nthe slaughter of a dog in a similar manner, except that he says that\nhis life was threatened before the dog was killed, and it was by his\ndefiant attitude that he was not seized by the performers.\n\n[116] The direction of the ceremonial circuit of the Tewa is sinistral.\nIn this instance it began at the east. I believe this is the prescribed\ncircuit of all the Pueblos. Some of the Tewa have told me that in their\nfolktales their people did not emerge from the same s\u00edpap\u00fb as the Hopi,\nbut from a s\u00edpap\u00fb to the east. Although some of the priests say that\nall people came from the middle of the earth, from one s\u00edpap\u00fb, others\nbelieve that each pueblo has its own ancestral geographical opening.\nThe idea has been localized by environment, as is so often the case\nwith modified legends.\n\n[117] There are certainly more evidences of white man\u2019s influences in\ndance paraphernalia in Zu\u00f1i than at Tusayan, such, for instance, as the\nuse of hats and calico shirts in dances, American chairs, rifles, etc,\netc.\n\n[118] Notwithstanding this statement, I have already pointed out\nsimilarities between both these women\u2019s celebrations and certain Zu\u00f1i\ndances (see American Anthropologist, vol. V, p. 236, note).\n\n[119] H\u00f3wina (Zu\u00f1i, \u00d3winahe), a kind of thanksgiving dance, is\ndistinctly a Zu\u00f1i dance and is so recognized by the Hopi. I have\nseen photographs of the celebration at Zu\u00f1i which bear such a close\nresemblance to that called by the Hopi the H\u00f3wina that in all\nprobability the two are identical. The elaborate war dances celebrated\nat Zu\u00f1i and the observances of the Priesthood of the Bow at that pueblo\nare very much abbreviated in Tusayan (East mesa) where the organization\nhas not the same power as with the Cibolans.\n\n[120] Cipaulovi, or the \u201cPlace of Peaches,\u201d would necessarily have\nreceived its name after those who brought peaches came among the Hopi.\nIt is known that Sitcomovi was a late colony of Asa people from the Rio\nGrande, united with others from Walpi, while Hano was founded about\n1700. The Cipaulovi people, however celebrate the Flute ceremony, and\nthe Flute people came to Tusayan shortly after the Snake. It would thus\nappear that we have a date to determine that the Flute people came to\nTusayan after Vargas (1692). Morfi, in 1782, says that the people of\nXipaulovi (Cipaulovi) came from Xongopabi (Cu\u00f1opavi).\n\n[121] I do not for a moment doubt that even when nominally\nChristianized the succession of the chiefs in the several sacerdotal\nsocieties has not been broken up to our time.\n\n[122] Coco in Spanish signifies a bogy. In compounds it can be detected\nin Cocomaricopa, where it may mean fool, possibly referring to the\ninferiority of this stem. The derivation of K\u00f3ko or K\u00e2\u2032k\u00e2 is not known\nto me. The word Katcina has the advantage of K\u00f3ko or K\u00e2\u2032k\u00e2 as a general\ndesignation.\n\n[123] That is, the last Katcina before their departure in Cibola, as\nin Tusayan. In Walpi it is not an autumn dance, but occurs at about\nthe same time that I witnessed it at Zu\u00f1i, near the end of July (see\nJournal of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, vol. I, No. 1).\n\n[124] It is recommended that in illustrating Zu\u00f1i masks a full face\nview be given, for in that way the symbolism is much better expressed\nthan by profile views.\n\n[125] Pooat\u00edwa is considered by Mrs Stevenson the \u201cSun Father.\u201d I\nhave not gone far enough in my studies to accept this relationship\nfor Pa\u00fatiwa. There are some reasons for considering Pa\u00fatiwa the Mist\nFather, which speculation has led me to interpret the S\u00e4l\u00e4mobias as\nPa\u00fatiwa forms of the rain-clouds of the six world-quarters, but such an\nopinion is highly theoretical.\n\n[126] The terraced elevations are common on the Zu\u00f1i n\u00e1kwipis and\nhandled prayer-meal bowls, as can be seen in any large collection of\nZu\u00f1i ceramics; but the semicircular rain-cloud figures are very rare,\nindeed wanting, in all I have seen. The frog, tadpole, snake, and\nsimilar symbols appear, however, to be present in both. The question of\nthe characteristic symbolism of Zu\u00f1i and Hopi pottery is a complicated\none, which can not be considered in this article, but the two types can\nreadily be distinguished by a student of this subject.\n\n[127] It would be a remarkable fact if accounts of this symbolism are\nnot later described.\n\n[128] Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago,\n1894, p. 315.\n\n[129] On page 314 she mentions six Ahshiwanni as \u201crain priests.\u201d I\nam not able to definitely decide from the text whether these six are\nthe same as the fourteen mentioned above. It is not clear to me in\nwhich group Mrs Stevenson places the \u201cMud-heads\u201d and \u201cGluttons,\u201d well\ndescribed by Ten Broeck in 1852 from Tusayan, and later by herself and\nCushing from Zu\u00f1i, and by other writers from the Rio Grande pueblos.\n\n[130] If these statements are true one sees that they tell in favor of\nthe theory which the ritual emphasized, and that while in a general way\nthere is a similarity between the ceremonial system of the two people,\nit is absurd to say that \u201cwhat is written of one is true also of the\nother.\u201d Long ago their systems may have been identical; at present they\nhave more or less differentiated one from the other. In Zu\u00f1i, according\nto Mrs Stevenson, \u201cat the winter and summer solstices synchronal\nmeetings of most of these societies are held, and also at other times.\u201d\nAfter having carefully studied the ceremonials at the time of the\nsummer solstice at Tusayan, I have not found any synchronal meetings\nof the societies which correspond with those mentioned as occurring at\nZu\u00f1i at that time.\n\n[131] It is desirable that the names of the priests who officiate\nin ceremonials be given in extended accounts of them in order that\nthe intimate character of this sacerdotal organization may be made\nout. Until the names of the members of the different societies are\ncomplete we are more or less hampered in our studies. The Zu\u00f1i\nequivalent of wympkia appears to be kyalikwe (Tcihkyalikwe, Snake\npriests from tcihtola, snake, and kyalikwe, wympkia). I am unable to\ntell to what priests in Tusayan the \u201cAhshiwanni\u201d correspond. The Tawa\n(Sun) wympkia or Sun priests have certain points in common with them,\nbut this is as truly an esoteric society as any in Tusayan. I have\nelsewhere described the Tewa ceremony in which the Sun priests make\nthe p\u00e1hos and their chief, K\u00e1lacai, appeals directly to the rising\nsun. In that same ceremony p\u00e1hos are likewise made to the Rain gods\ndirectly. In the Katcina celebrations some of the same Sun priests,\nhowever, appeal to the leader of the Katcinas to bring them rain, and\nthis personage replies that he will. In this case, supposing, as I\nthink we justly can, that the Katcinas are intercessors between men\nand gods of highest rank, we have in Tusayan the possible equivalent\nof the \u201cAhshiwanni (rain priests)\u201d intrusting their prayers to a\nzoomorphic and anthropomorphic supernatural personage. The prayer of a\nsingle chief for rain for the people, showing something similar to the\nso-called Ahshiwanni at Zu\u00f1i, are not uncommon in Tusayan. In Tusayan\nan organization of rain priests is not differentiated at the present\nday from the other societies. All holders of w\u00edmis are Rain priests, as\nwell as the organization called the Sun priests, and all at times make\nspecial prayers to the Rain gods.\n\n[132] Op. cit., p. 314. I believe many facts might be marshaled to\nprove that ancestor worship is a most vital part of the Tusayan\nreligious system.\n\n[133] See \u201cThe Graff collection of Greek portraits,\u201d New England\nMagazine, January, 1894. Mr J. G. Frazier (Jour. Anth. Inst. of Great\nBritain and Ireland, vol. XV, p. 73) from comparative studies of burial\ncustoms suggests that the habit of masking the dead is \u201cto keep the way\nto the grave a secret from the dead man.\u201d This explanation seems to me\nmuch more labored than that given above.\n\n[134] Haha\u00edw\u00fcqti. I have elsewhere shown reasons to suspect that\nseveral personages may be the same \u201cEarth goddess.\u201d K\u00f3kyanw\u00fcqti, the\nSpider woman, is also an \u201cEarth goddess.\u201d As everything, even man\nhimself, came from the womb of the earth, symbolized by the spider, it\nis not surprising that an Indian should call the spider the creator. It\nis a very different thing, however, to interpret such information by\nour philosophic ideas. That the primitive should consider the earth as\nthe mother of everything, its creator in one sense, is natural; that\nthe Pueblo Indian should symbolize that mother by the Spider woman is\nprobable, for other races have done likewise; but that he associates\nwith mother earth the spiritual idea which we have of the Creator is\nabsurd. His cosmogony bears no evidence that he rose, in pre-Columbian\ntimes, to the belief in a Great Spirit who created the universe.\n\n\n Transcriber\u2019s Notes:\n\n - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).\n - Blank pages have been removed.\n - Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.","title":"Tusayan katcinas","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":31706}