{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_71153/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_71153","id":"gutenberg_71153","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/71153","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Dance -- Religious aspects -- History"],"text":"THE SACRED DANCE\n\nA STUDY IN COMPARATIVE FOLKLORE\n\n[Illustration]\n\n\n\n\n                        CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS\n                           C. F. CLAY, MANAGER\n                       LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4\n\n                              [Illustration]\n\n                NEW YORK:  THE MACMILLAN CO.\n                BOMBAY   }\n                CALCUTTA } MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.\n                MADRAS   }\n                TORONTO:   THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.\n                TOKYO:     MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA\n\n                           ALL RIGHTS RESERVED\n\n\n\n\n                             THE SACRED DANCE\n                     A STUDY IN COMPARATIVE FOLKLORE\n\n                                    By\n                         W. O. E. OESTERLEY, D.D.\n                   Vicar of St Alban\u2019s, Acton Green, W.\n                Examining Chaplain to the Bishop of London\n\n                                CAMBRIDGE\n                         AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS\n                                   1923\n\n                         PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nThe following study is an attempt to estimate the part played by the\nSacred Dance among the peoples of antiquity as well as among the\nuncultured races in modern times; to account for its origin; to note the\noccasions on which it was performed; and to indicate the purposes of its\nperformance.\n\nThe subject is more complicated than would appear at first sight; for\nwhile the fact of its universal prevalence among all races at one time or\nanother of their cultural development shows how essential a rite it was,\nits origin is obviously veiled in obscurity seeing that it developed in\nprehistoric times. So that in seeking to throw light on the question of\nits origin one has to try to get at the back of the mind of the savage,\nand envisage things from his point of view; but that mind represents a\ncomplex of such crass and illogical elements that one may easily be led\nastray.\n\nThe purpose of the Sacred Dance, again, presents us with another set of\nproblems; for while in some cases this is clear enough, in others there\nare alternatives which suggest themselves; and, further, it is probable\nthat a variety of motives not infrequently prompted its performance. To\ndisentangle these is not always easy.\n\nOn the other hand, the interest of the subject from the human point of\nview is great; for, as an indispensable rite at all the crises of life,\nit was evidently a means of emotional outlet. From the psychological\nstandpoint, therefore, its prevalence is not without importance. Indeed,\nit will probably be thought that from the psychological side the subject\nis inadequately treated in the following pages. And this is true, though\nit does receive some attention; but in extenuation it must be said that\nthe writer\u2019s main object has been merely to give some account of the\nSacred Dance as a widespread rite; and he feels that its treatment from\nthe psychological aspect would best be left to one who is an expert in\npsychology.\n\nThat the Old Testament figures somewhat prominently in the following\npages is partly due to the fact that the writer has made a special study\nof this body of literature, and it seemed wise to start from that with\nwhich he was most conversant; but there is the further reason, as is\npointed out in the introductory chapter, that the Old Testament offers,\nin most cases, an exceedingly convenient starting-point from which to\nstudy the various \u201ctypes\u201d of sacred dance.\n\nThe writer desires to express his thanks to Dr Jevons, Dr Lukyn Williams,\nand Dr S. A. Cook for a number of helpful suggestions, to Miss Bevan for\nreading through the proofs, and his warm appreciation of the kindness and\ncourtesy of the Secretary of the University Press.\n\nThe minute care taken in pointing out oversights in the correction of\nproofs, as well as other slips, is most gratefully acknowledged.\n\nFinally, the writer would like to take this opportunity of thanking the\nCurator of the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities in the British\nMuseum for his ready help in arranging for the photographing of the Greek\nVase, representing a Maenad dancing in honour of Dionysos, which is\nreproduced on the cover of this book.\n\n                                                               W. O. E. O.\n\nST ALBAN\u2019S VICARAGE, BEDFORD PARK.\n\n_February 1923._\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n                                                             PAGE\n\n                           CHAPTER I\n\n                          INTRODUCTORY\n\n       I. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE SACRED DANCE                    1\n\n      II. THE MEANING OF THE SACRED DANCE                       5\n\n     III. THE REASON FOR USING THE OLD TESTAMENT AS THE\n            STARTING-POINT IN THE INVESTIGATION                 8\n\n      IV. THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION:                           9\n\n          (1) Inscriptions                                     10\n\n          (2) Pottery, etc.                                    10\n\n          (3) Ancient Literature                               11\n\n          (4) Modern Literature                                11\n\n                           CHAPTER II\n\n          THE ORIGIN AND PURPOSES OF THE SACRED DANCE\n\n       I. THE ORIGIN OF THE SACRED DANCE                       13\n\n      II. THE PURPOSES OF THE SACRED DANCE                     19\n\n                          CHAPTER III\n\n             THE SACRED DANCE AMONG THE ISRAELITES\n\n       I. THE SACRED DANCE AMONG THE ISRAELITES                31\n\n      II. TYPES OF THE SACRED DANCE AMONG THE ISRAELITES:      35\n\n          (1) The sacred processional dance                    36\n\n          (2) The encircling of a sacred object                37\n\n          (3) The ecstatic dance                               37\n\n          (4) Sacred dances at Vintage and Harvest Festivals   39\n\n          (5) Dances in celebration of victory                 40\n\n          (6) The sacred dance as a Circumcision rite          41\n\n          (7) The sacred dance as a Marriage rite              41\n\n          (8) The sacred dance as a Burial or Mourning rite    42\n\n                           CHAPTER IV\n\n             THE OLD TESTAMENT TERMS FOR \u201cDANCING\u201d\n\n       I. CONSIDERATION OF SOME HEBREW ROOTS                   44\n\n      II. THE MUSICAL ACCOMPANIMENT TO DANCING                 51\n\n                           CHAPTER V\n\n          THE SACRED PROCESSIONAL DANCE, AND DANCES IN\n                 HONOUR OF SUPERNATURAL POWERS\n\n       I. THE SACRED PROCESSIONAL DANCE AMONG THE ISRAELITES   54\n\n      II. AMONG THE SYRIANS AND ARABS, AND OTHER SEMITES       56\n\n     III. AMONG THE HITTITES                                   59\n\n      IV. AMONG THE EGYPTIANS                                  60\n\n       V. AMONG THE GREEKS                                     63\n\n      VI. AMONG THE ROMANS                                     73\n\n     VII. AMONG ASIATIC PEOPLES                                76\n\n    VIII. AMONG UNCULTURED RACES                               77\n\n          SUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS                           81\n\n                           CHAPTER VI\n\n             THE RITUAL DANCE ROUND A SACRED OBJECT\n\n       I. AMONG THE ISRAELITES                                 88\n\n      II. AMONG OTHER SEMITES                                  94\n\n     III. AMONG THE GREEKS                                     97\n\n      IV. AMONG THE ROMANS                                    100\n\n       V. AMONG UNCULTURED RACES                              101\n\n          SUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS                          104\n\n                          CHAPTER VII\n\n                       THE ECSTATIC DANCE\n\n       I. AMONG THE ISRAELITES                                107\n\n      II. AMONG OTHER SEMITES                                 115\n\n     III. AMONG THE GREEKS AND ROMANS                         119\n\n      IV. AMONG UNCULTURED RACES                              128\n\n          SUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS                          135\n\n                          CHAPTER VIII\n\n        THE SACRED DANCE AT VINTAGE, HARVEST, AND OTHER\n                           FESTIVALS\n\n       I. THE ISRAELITE FEASTS                                140\n\n      II. CIRCUMCISION FEASTS AMONG THE SEMITES               144\n\n     III. THE SACRED DANCE AT EGYPTIAN FESTIVALS              145\n\n      IV. THE SACRED DANCE AT GREEK FESTIVALS                 146\n\n       V. THE SACRED DANCE AT ROMAN FESTIVALS                 149\n\n      VI. THE SACRED DANCE AT FESTIVALS AMONG UNCULTURED\n            RACES                                             151\n\n          SUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS                          154\n\n                           CHAPTER IX\n\n                DANCES IN CELEBRATION OF VICTORY\n\n       I. AMONG THE ISRAELITES                                159\n\n      II. THE ORIGINAL PURPOSE OF THIS TYPE OF DANCE AMONG\n            UNCULTURED RACES                                  167\n\n          SUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS                          173\n\n                           CHAPTER X\n\n              THE SACRED DANCE AS A MARRIAGE RITE\n\n       I. AMONG THE ISRAELITES, THE \u201cDANCE OF MA\u1e24ANAIM\u201d       177\n\n      II. AMONG SOME UNCULTURED RACES                         184\n\n     III. SOME FURTHER PURPOSES OF THIS TYPE OF DANCE         189\n\n          SUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS                          191\n\n                           CHAPTER XI\n\n             DANCING AS A MOURNING AND BURIAL RITE\n\n       I. THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THIS TYPE OF DANCE            194\n\n      II. THE RITE AMONG MEDI\u00c6VAL AND MODERN JEWS             198\n\n     III. THE RITE AMONG THE EGYPTIANS, ANCIENT AND MODERN    202\n\n      IV. THE RITE AMONG THE GREEKS AND ROMANS                207\n\n       V. THE RITE AMONG UNCULTURED RACES                     209\n\n          SUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS                          219\n\n    INDEX                                                     223\n\n\n\n\nABBREVIATIONS\n\n\n    _DB._ Hastings\u2019 _Dictionary of the Bible_.\n\n    _EB._ Cheyne\u2019s _Encyclopaedia Biblica_.\n\n    _ERE._ Hastings\u2019 _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_.\n\n    _GB._ Frazer\u2019s _The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and\n    Religion_ (3rd edition).\n\n    _JE._ _The Jewish Encyclopaedia._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I\n\nINTRODUCTORY\n\n\nI\n\nOur study is concerned with the \u201csacred\u201d dance; that this epithet applied\nto the dance, at any rate during the earlier phases of its history and as\nstill practised among many uncultured and even some semi-cultured peoples\nto-day, is more than justified, the following pages will, it is hoped,\nshow.\n\nIts extreme importance in the eyes of early man, who regarded it as\nindispensable at all the crises of life\u2014initiation, puberty, marriage,\nburial\u2014who used it as one of the essentials in worship, who saw in\nit a means of propitiating whatever supernatural powers he believed\nin, a means of communion with the deity, a means of obtaining good\ncrops, fruitful marriages, and of communicating with the departed\u2014to\nmention only its more important uses, shows that it is a subject worth\ninvestigating though the domain it occupies is but a modest one in the\ngreat sphere of the history of Religion.\n\nProbably one of the most instructive first-hand pieces of information\nwhich we have on the subject is contained in the answers given to\nChalmers in reply to questions which he addressed to some natives of New\nGuinea. He asked \u201c_What does the dance signify?_\u201d and he got two replies\nfrom the natives of the two most important districts of this big island\nrespectively; the first ran thus:\n\n    When they dance all the spirits rejoice, as do all the people.\n    When dancing, all food grows well; but when not dancing, food\n    grows badly. No drums are beaten uselessly [the drum-beating\n    is the invariable accompaniment to dancing, one implies the\n    other]. When anyone dies drums are beaten to comfort friends.\n\nThe second was this:\n\n    Drum-beating and dancing are a sign of rejoicing and\n    thanksgiving, in order that by so doing there may be a large\n    harvest. If the dancing is not given there will be an end to\n    the good growth; but if it is continued, all will go well.\n    People come in from other villages and will dance all night.\n    There will be several feasts during the time, and each leader\n    of the dance will pray and thank the spirits for the good\n    harvest.\n\nAmong other questions he also asked: \u201c_Is there any useless dancing?_\u201d\nand the two replies were: \u201cNo, the drum is never beaten uselessly\u201d; and:\n\u201cDances are never merely useless[1].\u201d\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe study of the subject brings out without a shadow of doubt that these\nanswers illustrate what were, and still are to a great extent, the\nbeliefs held in regard to the sacred dance by numbers of peoples in an\nundeveloped stage of culture. It is a good illustration of what, within\na circumscribed area, holds good of the wider study of religions in\ngeneral, that, as Farnell has so well put it,\n\n    all through the present societies of savage men there prevails\n    an extraordinary uniformity, in spite of much local variation,\n    in ritual and mythology, a uniformity so striking as to suggest\n    belief in an ultimately identical tradition, or, perhaps more\n    reasonably, the psychologic theory that the human brain-cell in\n    different races at the same stage of development responds with\n    the same religious speech or the same religious act to the\n    same _stimuli_ supplied by its environment[2].\n\nA survey over the whole field produces the conviction that the _stimuli_\nwhich, in its beginnings, induced the sacred dance appear to have been\nwhat we should now describe as the two prime spiritual and material\nneeds, respectively, of man, viz. the response to his \u201cgod,\u201d and the\nobtaining of food. To early savage man it was not, of course, a god as we\nunderstand the word, nor yet even as it would have been understood for\nmillenniums among uncivilized men in remote ages; we merely use the word\nas a convenient term for expressing a supernatural power, or powers, at\nfirst vague, impersonal, \u201cmana[3],\u201d or something of that kind; at any\nrate, some power beyond the ken of man, of whose existence he had no\ndoubt whatsoever, and to which he was impelled to respond to the best of\nhis very feeble powers. Why he should have chosen this form of response\n(we are not contending that it was the only form) is a difficult, perhaps\nan impossible, question to answer, though we shall make the attempt to do\nso (see pp. 15 ff.); but that he did choose this form all the available\nevidence goes to show. That the sacred dance should have been believed to\nbe the means of obtaining food is less difficult to understand when one\nremembers the universal belief in the efficacy of imitative magic among\nuncivilized men. The natives of New Guinea dance as a means of obtaining\na good harvest; but there is evidence for the presumption that early man\ndid the same thing for obtaining food long before harvests existed.\n\nAs a means of response to supernatural powers the dance was obviously\na sacred act; but the epithet may also be applied, though perhaps in a\nmodified way, to the dance as a means of obtaining food; for the belief\nin the existence of supernatural powers once attained, the conviction of\ntheir intrusion into all the affairs of life would naturally follow, as\nindeed we know to have been the case. But this implies that savage man\nbelieved that these supernatural powers were, in some sense, the givers\nof food; and this is hardly compatible with the idea that the dance as an\nact of imitative magic was the means of procuring food\u2014an idea which is\nabundantly proved by the evidence to exist. If an act of imitative magic,\nsuch as the dance, is _ipso facto_ the means of bringing out what it\nimitates, how can it be said that supernatural powers have anything to do\nwith the matter? And how can the dance in this case be called sacred? It\nis a question, however, whether there was not a subconscious intention of\nsetting in motion the \u201cmachinery\u201d which brought about the thing imitated\nevery time an act of imitative magic was performed. By the \u201cmachinery\u201d\nwe mean the active intervention of supernatural powers in an undefined,\nmysterious way. In this case the dance as a means of obtaining food would\nlikewise be, strictly speaking, a sacred act.\n\nHowever this may be, there is a large consensus of opinion that the dance\nin its origin was sacred, and that every other subsequent form of dance\nwas ultimately derived from this. It is true to say that \u201cthe ritual\nor worship dance is the source of all others[4].\u201d One of the earliest\nmodern writers on the subject, de Cahusac, likewise says: \u201cAussi la\ndanse sacr\u00e9e est-elle la plus ancienne, et la source dans laquelle on a\npuis\u00e9 dans les suites toutes les autres[5].\u201d This point is particularly\nemphasized because it is only the dance in its _sacred_ aspect that will\nbe dealt with in the following pages.\n\n\nII\n\nAs soon as one attempts to define what dancing in its essence is one\nrealizes the difficulty of doing so. It can be defined in such a number\nof ways, all of which contain elements of truth; so much depends upon\nthe point of view taken in regard to it. The recording of a number of\ndefinitions would be wearisome, Voss alone gives dozens by different\npeople[6]. But one thing which these various definitions teach must be\nnoted and insisted upon: they show that the term \u201cdancing\u201d connotes a\ngreat deal more than is attached to it now-a-days. When, for example, de\nCahusac rightly defines dancing as \u201cl\u2019art des gestes[7],\u201d it is obvious\nthat these cannot be restricted to the feet or legs. A number of the\nEgyptian inscriptions make it clear that the arms played as important a\npart in the dance as the legs; representations of it on Greek pottery\nshow that the motions of the head, and even more of the whole body, are\nnecessary parts in the movements of the dance; among some savages the\nsacred dance is performed while the legs are more or less still, but the\narms and the body are constantly in motion. To make but one reference\nto modern dancing: in some of the figures of the quadrille the dancers\nsimply advance and recede, and at times they are stationary, merely\nbowing; yet this all belongs to the dance, and comes under the category\nof dancing. Crawley truly says that \u201cdancing is an instinctive mode of\nmuscular expression of feeling[8].\u201d If, then, the feelings are restrained\nthe muscular expression may take the form of a staid procession, as seems\nto be characteristic of the Assyrian sacred dance. We must, therefore,\ninclude under the many forms of the sacred dance such as range from a\nformal procession, stately and measured, to those of the wild orgy in\nthe Dionysiac ritual. As we shall see, the _intention_ which prompts the\ndance will have a great deal to do with its external form; a fact which\ngives point to Giraudet\u2019s phrase that \u201cla danse a \u00e9t\u00e9 l\u2019expression d\u2019un\n\u00e9tat d\u2019\u00e2me[9].\u201d\n\nThe wide connotation which must be accorded to the word \u201cdancing\u201d is\nillustrated by what the Bedouin Arabs understand by it. They are a\nrace which, as is well known, has retained many beliefs, customs, and\npractices which have been handed down from time immemorial; therefore\nthe evidence afforded by them is valuable. By dance, which they call\n_ra\u1e33\u1e63_, they understand every rhythmic movement of hands or feet, whether\nremaining on the same spot or not[10]. Of them as of all other peoples\nrhythm is as inseparable from the movements of the dance \u201cas it is from\nother bodily functions, and therefore belongs to it without saying[11]\u201d;\nbut, as the Arabs show, rhythmic movements can be performed while\nstanding on one spot; emotions can be expressed by the rhythmic movements\nof the arms and of the body and of the head while the legs may be more or\nless motionless.\n\n    \u201cThe human instinct of play,\u201d says Crawley, \u201cis closely\n    connected with the human love of excitement. The dance\n    satisfies both, and its rhythmical character also makes it\n    suitable for the expression of the most solemn and controlled\n    emotions. It is at once the servant of Apollo and of\n    Dionysus[12].\u201d\n\nThe close, one may almost say the inseparable, connexion between the\ndance and music is as marked in its sacred as in its secular character.\nIn the first instance it is the rhythmic instinct which demands this,\nso that among many savages the \u201cmusic\u201d which accompanies the dance is\nthe mere clapping of hands, or the striking together of pieces of wood,\nor the beating of the tom-tom, all in rhythmical time. The same is also\nfound among some peoples more advanced on the path of culture, though\nthey usually add the sound of other instruments, among which the flute\nfigures prominently. Singing is, of course, and always has been, another\nfavourite accompaniment to the dance. The Bedouin Arabs accompany their\ndances by the beating of cymbals or of hand-drums, or by clapping of\nhands; sometimes singing accompanies the dancing[13]. This was also the\ncase among the Israelites.\n\n\nIII\n\nIn the following discussion on the sacred dance we have made the Old\nTestament our starting-point. In spite of some drawbacks which will\nbecome very apparent, this course has its advantages. The Old Testament\noffers, either explicitly or implicitly, as we hope to show, evidence\nof the existence among the ancient Israelites of most of the typical\nsacred dances of antiquity. By \u201ctypical\u201d we do not mean dances in their\noutward form, but in the intention and object for which they were\nperformed. In dealing with sacred dances it is only by considering their\nintention and purpose that a classification of them can be attempted.\nThe Old Testament gives within the compass of its pages certain _points\nd\u2019appui_ which afford convenient starting-points for the consideration\nof these different types of the sacred dance. Then, in each case we go\non to the further investigation of these among various other races. From\nthis we are often able to discern, with tolerable probability, the early\nunderlying ideas which prompted the performance of the type of dance in\nquestion; for, as may well be supposed, it is not from the Israelites\nthat we can expect to discover, excepting in the one case of the ecstatic\ndance, the root motives of the different types of the sacred dance.\nThe most promising sphere for the discernment of these is among the\nuncivilized races; their _na\u00efve_ and unsophisticated naturalness reveals\nthings which a gradually developing civilization obscures. Hence the\ndevoting of a good deal of attention to the sacred dance among savages in\nthe following pages.\n\nAnother advantage of using the Old Testament for our various\nstarting-points is that the Israelites were in that stage of culture\nin which a people still retains many more or less primitive rites and\ncustoms while pushing forward on the path of cultural development; so\nthat among them we are in touch with the past and yet experiencing\nthe upward trend that is taking place. Crawley truly says that \u201cit is\nin the middle stages of culture that dancing is seen at its highest\ndevelopment[14]\u201d; that applies to the Israelites. It is like standing on\nan eminence and looking behind and before. That has its advantages.\n\nAt the same time, we are not blind to the drawbacks involved. For in some\nimportant instances the Old Testament is silent. We give reasons which\nwe believe are sufficient to explain this silence. But when a particular\ntype of the sacred dance is not mentioned in the Old Testament it must\nnot be supposed that it did not exist; indirect evidence is forthcoming\nwhich makes it highly probable that the reverse is the case. For this\nreason we shall often refer to post-biblical Jewish custom and practice.\nSuch a thing as the sacred dance is not likely, from the very nature of\nthings, to have been an innovation of later ages; so that its existence\nin post-biblical times may well be regarded as the continuance of\ntraditional custom; and if so, its existence among the Israelites of Old\nTestament times may be taken for granted.\n\nStill, we realize the precariousness of seeming, in some cases, to build\nupon an apparently non-existing foundation; but the risk must be taken,\nand, as we hope to show, the evidence from subsequent times justifies the\nrisk.\n\n\nIV\n\nA few words must be said about the sources from which information\nregarding the sacred dance is to be gained.\n\n(1) There are a certain number of ancient inscriptions of various kinds\nupon which dancing is represented. On these the dancing is not always\nof a religious character; but it is not difficult to discern when it\nis religious and when secular. For example, there is a very valuable\nfragment of an Egyptian fresco belonging to the 18th dynasty (B.C.\n1600-1450) in the British Museum[15], on which two nude women dancers\nare depicted; the dancing is accompanied by other women, some clapping\ntheir hands, and others playing the flute. But another part of the fresco\nshows clearly enough that the scene represents a banquet during which\nprofessional dancing is being performed for the entertainment of the\nguests. Though it is secular dancing that we have here the inscription\nis important from the present point of view, because the dancing, which\nis so graphically depicted, does not differ greatly from that shown on\nother Egyptian inscriptions, where it is unmistakably sacred. Egyptian\ninscriptions are those which offer most material here; one or two Hittite\nand Assyrian inscriptions are also available, and will be described\nlater; but otherwise there is but little to be obtained from this source.\n\n(2) Very prolific, on the other hand, is the second source, in the main,\nGreek. There are large numbers of vessels of different kinds\u2014vases,\nbowls, cups, dishes, flasks, jugs, bottles, jars, pitchers, etc., on\nwhich dancing is depicted[16]; many of these represent secular dancing;\nsome give dances of a quasi-religious kind, _e.g._ the dances of\nsatyrs; but most of them depict religious dances, sometimes of gods and\ngoddesses, at others of worshippers dancing in their honour; a very\nfavourite subject is the dancing of Maenads. Belonging to this source are\na variety of other kinds of vessels on which sacred dancing is depicted;\nsometimes the vessel itself is in the form of a sacred dance. Excavations\nin Cyprus have yielded some interesting material to which more detailed\nreference will be made below. Some coins have also been found which throw\nlight on the subject. This source is, above all, valuable for showing us\nthe kind of dances in vogue among the ancient Greeks, and bears out the\ntruth of the remark that \u201cthe Greek dances may be divided and subdivided\n_ad infinitum_[17].\u201d\n\n(3) Our third source also offers abundance of material, viz. ancient\nliterature; this source includes Egyptian literature (the Book of the\nDead); the Old Testament and post-biblical Jewish literature; ancient\nArabic literature; some of the ancient Church writers; and, above all,\nGreek and Latin classical authors, quotations from whom would alone fill\na small volume.\n\n(4) Lastly, there is modern literature. This must be divided into two\nclasses. The first is a small and very unsatisfactory class: treatises\nwhich deal specifically with dancing. We have found this class of\nliterature unsatisfactory for two reasons; first, because there is,\ncomparatively, so little information of a tangible character to be gained\nfrom it; and, secondly, because no references are given to authorities,\neven when cited. Nevertheless, it is only fair to the respective authors\nto say that they are mainly concerned with modern dancing. As Crawley\nsays, \u201cthere are no treatises written on any scientifically comprehensive\nlines[18].\u201d With one exception, moreover, we have found the articles on\nthe subject in all the well-known English and German Bible Dictionaries\nof extraordinarily little help. The exception is Hastings\u2019 _ERE_; here\narticles by Crawley, Farnell and Blackman have been of real help, and the\nwriter gratefully acknowledges his indebtedness to them.\n\nAs to the other class of modern literature, it can only be described as\nlimitless; we refer to the vast number of volumes dealing with uncultured\nraces. To mention even a tithe of those which have been used would be out\nof the question; references to a good many will be found in the following\npages. But it is impossible for the present writer not to say how much he\nowes to the works of Sir J. G. Frazer; without their stimulus these pages\nwould never have been written.\n\nThe material contained in this source would fill a number of volumes; we\nhave restricted ourselves to a certain number of more or less typical\nillustrations chosen from a great mass.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nMore than a hundred and fifty years ago de Cahusac wrote in the Preface\nto his _Historical Treatise on Dancing_: \u201cJ\u2019ai trait\u00e9 assez s\u00e9rieusement\nun sujet qu\u2019on ne regardera peut-\u00eatre que comme tr\u00e8s-futile.\u201d The present\nwriter hopes and believes that his effort will not be regarded as\n\u201ctr\u00e8s-futile\u201d; for we in these days have come to realize more fully than\nwas possible in the eighteenth century the significance of the well-known\nwords of Terence:\n\n    _Homo sum; humani nihil a me alienum puto._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II\n\nTHE ORIGIN AND PURPOSES OF THE SACRED DANCE\n\n\nI\n\nIn his thoughtful and very suggestive volume, _The Threshold of\nReligion_, Marett makes the assumption that\n\n    an inductive study of the ideas and customs of savagery will\n    show, firstly, that an awareness of a fundamental aspect of\n    life and of the world, which aspect I shall provisionally term\n    \u201csupernatural,\u201d is so general as to be typical, and, secondly,\n    that such an awareness is no less generally bound up with a\n    specific group of vital reactions (p. 124).\n\nEvery student of such ideas and customs must know how thoroughly\njustified this assumption is. In studying the particular custom, and\nthe ideas connected with it, with which we are here concerned, we find\nthat this \u201cawareness of the supernatural,\u201d together with the \u201cvital\nreactions,\u201d are, at any rate in the earlier stages of its history,\ninvariably present. That much, at all events, we have to go upon in\nseeking a theory as to the origin of the sacred dance. To account for its\norigin is, however, difficult; that is fully realized; and the present\nwriter would desire to lay stress on the fact that as in seeking such\norigin he is largely in the domain of speculation and theory, nothing\nis further from his mind than to be dogmatic. The whole subject of the\nsacred dance has been so little dealt with excepting as a mere rite, that\none is to a great extent on new ground; one must, therefore, be quite\nprepared to be convicted of fallacies.\n\nThat the sacred dance originated in prehistoric times goes without\nsaying; but this means that no _proofs_ can be adduced in support of\nany theory as to its origin; it must be a question of probabilities;\nperhaps only of possibilities. What is, however, certain is that since\nthe sacred dance originated at a time when man was in a very primitive\nstage of culture, what first induced him to perform it must have been\nsomething very _na\u00efve_ and childlike. That, presumably, everyone would\nagree with. Now, there is no sort of doubt that one of the most ingrained\ncharacteristics of human nature is the imitative propensity. This is more\npronounced in the child than in the grown man; and what holds good of the\nindividual applies also to the race; the more uncultured man is, the more\ndoes he, mentally, approximate to the child; so that the further back we\ngo in the history of the race, the more pronounced and childlike will\nbe that imitative propensity. As Crawley has reminded us[19], Aristotle\nmaintained that dancing is imitative; and in all its forms it is an\nartistic imitation of physical movement expressive of emotions or ideas.\nRightly or wrongly, then, we believe that the sacred dance owes its\norigin to this imitative propensity in man.\n\nNow, in the animistic stage what first suggested the presence of life in\nanything was movement. The cause of the movement was neither understood\nnor enquired into. A tree, swayed by the wind, moved; therefore it was\nalive. But it would not strike a more or less primitive savage that it\nwas the wind which caused the movement. What he would instinctively have\nrecognized was that here was something which he did not understand;\nand therefore there was a mystery about it which inspired awe. So,\ntoo, with streams, and rivers, and the sea; they were alive because\nthey had motion. In course of time this would be modified in so far\nthat the belief arose that the tree or stream contained life because\nof an indwelling spirit which caused the movement, thus indicating its\npresence; but even so, it would have been difficult for the savage to\ndraw a distinction between the two at first. Whether the same course of\nsavage \u201creasoning\u201d will apply in regard to the sun, moon, and, later,\nto the stars, in the earlier stages of the period when he first began\nto take \u201creasoning\u201d note of his surroundings, is doubtful; for it is\nprobable that he looked around and downwards before he looked upwards.\nAt any rate, sooner or later he would have realized that they too moved,\nand that therefore they were alive, either themselves, or animated by\nsomething, more probably by somebody. Thus motion, movement, which, on\nthe analogy of man himself, was believed to denote life, was the first\nthing which the savage mind connected with supernatural powers[20].\n\nWe suggest, then, that the origin of the sacred dance was the desire\nof early man to imitate what he conceived to be the characteristic of\nsupernatural powers. Not that this was, in the first instance, a dance\nin the generally accepted sense of the word; but merely a movement,\nwhether in the form of the swaying of the body in imitation of trees,\nor a single-file running in imitation of a stream, or a more boisterous\nmovement in imitation of the waves of the sea or of a storm-swept lake.\nThe innate tendency to rhythmic motion would soon have asserted itself,\nand primitive dance, in the more usual sense, would result. But it would\nbe a _sacred_ dance in so far that it was performed in imitation of some\nsupernatural power, vague and originally impersonal, as it undoubtedly\nwas; to honour such by an imitative dance denotes a religious intention.\n\nThe reasonable objection will be urged that it was not only things which\n\u201cmoved\u201d that early man regarded as living or as indwelt by a spirit, but\nthat stones, for example, were among the very early things which were\ntreated with veneration because they were believed to be the abodes of\nspirits; these did not move, so that the suggested theory of the origin\nof the sacred dance breaks down here. But when one seeks to penetrate\nthe mind of uncultured man and to get behind his mental outlook, and\nespecially when one contemplates the working of the child-mind which\noffers so many analogies with, and illustrations of that of the mentally\nimmature savage, one becomes convinced that this veneration of stones,\nearly as it was in the history of religion, was later than that of things\nwhich move. And the reason of this is simple; a moving thing attracts\nattention before that which does not move; that lies in the nature of\nthings alike with the child and the savage mind. When once the moving\nthings are believed to be the abodes of spirits, and the existence of\nthese is universally recognized, then the further step that they exist in\nother things follows easily and naturally. We are thinking of the time\nwhen as yet early man was only impressed by those things which, because\nof their motion, attracted his attention.\n\nR\u00e9ville says that\n\n    the dance was the first and chief means adopted by prehistoric\n    humanity of entering into active union with the deity adored.\n    The first idea was to imitate the measured movements of the\n    god, or at any rate what were supposed to be such. Afterwards\n    this fundamental motive was forgotten, like so many other\n    religious forms which tradition and habit sustained even when\n    the spirit was gone[21].\n\nWe entirely agree; but the question is whether this does not represent\na later stage in the religion of prehistoric humanity. Must there not\nhave been a prior stage in which a less concrete idea of supernatural\npowers obtained? What induced the supposition that the god performed\n\u201cmeasured movements\u201d? And what would have been thought to be the form\nof these movements? Mr Marett, in the first essay of the volume already\nreferred to, brings forward incontrovertible arguments, as it seems to\nus, for believing that there was a stage in the mental and religious\ndevelopment of man in which he was not yet capable of other than a vague\nsense of the supernatural; in which he had not yet associated definite\nspirits or ghosts with what he conceived to be supernatural phenomena;\nbut in which the sense of mystery and consequently of awe in face of\nthese supernatural phenomena filled his heart. This is also dealt with\nin the fourth essay: \u201cThe Conception of Mana.\u201d It is in this stage that\nwe would locate the origin of the sacred dance, performed in imitation\nof what were the movements of supernatural powers, but powers of the\nvaguest kind; merely a something, unknown, mysterious, and therefore to\nbe feared; but associate yourself with it, and already you are in an\nindefinable way in communion with it; you have in some sense made friends\nwith it, which makes things safer. \u201cGiven the supernatural in any form\nthere are always two things to note about it: firstly, that you are to\nbe heedful in regard to it; secondly, that it has power[22].\u201d So that\nwhat R\u00e9ville says is true, but it must be referred to a later stage of\nreligious development.\n\nAnother consideration in connexion with the origin of the sacred dance\nmust be briefly dealt with. Many savage peoples trace the origin of their\nsacred dances to various animals by which, as they maintain, they were\ntaught to dance; therefore they imitate, in their dances, the movements\nof these animals. Thus, for example, we have kangaroo-dances, dog-dances,\nand cassowary-dances among the Monumbo of New Guinea[23]; bear-dances\namong the Carrier Indians[24], the Gilyaks (in Eastern Siberia), the\nwomen of Kamtchatka[25], and others. It may, therefore, be urged that\nthe sacred dance originated in this way. But apart from other arguments,\nit will suffice to point out that to early man the sight of animals was\nprobably so much in the natural order of things that there was nothing\nabout them to strike him; in any case there was nothing supernatural\nor mysterious about them, nothing to be afraid about in the sense of\nfear inspired by the unknown. Such being the case there would have been\nno reason to imitate their movements, as there was in the case of what\nwere to early man those mysterious powers whose movements he could not\nexplain. The connexion of animals with gods, and the belief in descent\nfrom animals belong to subsequent ages; such conceptions necessitate\nreflexion during long periods of time. Therefore it cannot have been in\nimitation of animals that the sacred dance took its origin.\n\nThe theory as to the origin of the sacred dance suggested may or may\nnot commend itself; but that it took its rise from supernatural powers\nof some sort seems certain; and this is supported by the belief of many\nsavage peoples that their sacred dances were originally taught them by\ntheir gods[26]. The ancient Greeks also held that their sacred dances\nwere performed in imitation of gods and goddesses. The Pyrrhic dance\nwas said to have been the invention of the Dioscuri by some; others\nattributed it to Athena. Again, Artemis, Dionysos, and Zeus himself, were\nall believed to have set men the example of dancing. \u1e24at\u1e25or among the\nEgyptians and Baal-Marq\u00f4d among the Phoenicians are other examples. Is it\nnot quite conceivable that this echoes what obtained in more primitive\ntimes?\n\n\nII\n\nWe come now to consider the purposes of the sacred dance.\n\nThe whole idea and object of dancing, among civilized peoples, has now\nbecome so purely a matter of pastime and enjoyment that it is, at first,\ndifficult to realize its very serious aspect among men in past ages, and\namong uncivilized races to-day. It may be true enough that dancing has\nalways been a means of exercise and pleasure[27]; but from the earliest\nhistorical times\u2014and, judging from what can be gathered from its very\nwidespread practice among all known races of uncivilized men, the same\nis probably true of remote prehistoric times\u2014this purpose has always\nbeen subordinated to religious uses primarily. There are, it is true,\nmany instances among savages at the present day of dances being nothing\nmore than a means of exercise and enjoyment; but it is not too much to\nassert that in every case the elimination of the religious element is due\nto extraneous influences. This is vividly illustrated in Polynesia, for\nexample.\n\n    \u201cPolynesian dancing,\u201d writes Mr Macmillan Brown, \u201chas advanced\n    far on the road to conventionalism. It has shed much of its\n    pantomimic purpose and its religious meaning, and in this it\n    reveals the collision of two or more cultures. In a region\n    marked by so much that is so highly primitive, nothing but the\n    clash of different religious systems could explain its divorce\n    from rites and ceremonies and its appearance as an almost\n    purely secular art, intended to amuse and delight an assembly\n    of spectators.\u201d\n\nThe same writer shows that the character of the dancing among them\npresents the proof of its originally purely religious purpose; for\n\n    it is not like European dancing, a harmony of \u201ctwinkling feet.\u201d\n    It is wholly occupied in posturing, waving the arms and bending\n    the body, as if before a shrine. It is the upper part of the\n    body that is chiefly engaged. Where the feet come in, it is\n    only to effect the occasional advances or retreats, as if to or\n    from the altar, or in the resounding thud of the war-dance. The\n    Polynesian dance is oftenest stationary[28].\n\nAt the same time it would be a mistake to suppose that all religious\ndancing was necessarily of this more or less stationary character; we\nshall refer to examples of a very different kind below; but it is well to\nemphasize the truth that all dancing was originally religious, and was\nperformed for religious purposes.\n\nOf course it often happens that the different objects of the dance\ncoalesce; religious and secular, or religious and utilitarian, or more\nthan one religious purpose, being combined in the same dance; this, as\nwe shall see, is illustrated in Israelite practice. Nevertheless, it is\nvery certain that in numberless instances all feelings of enjoyment had\nceased though the dance continued hour after hour because it was believed\nthat a sacred duty was being performed thereby. The young North American\nDakotahs, for example, did not go on dancing for a couple of days because\nthey were so enamoured of it; nor was it for pastime that the Thyiads\ndanced on madly in honour of Dionysos until they dropped to the ground\nunconscious. The reasons which made this sort of thing necessary are\nabsurd to us, but from the point of view of antique thought it was a very\nserious and solemn matter.\n\nIt is this serious aspect of our subject upon which stress must be laid\nbecause now-a-days we naturally think of dancing as mere enjoyment and\npastime. Some of the dances and their objects, and the ways in which they\nare performed, among savages are so funny that they would, we imagine,\nprovoke a smile on the face of a sphinx, were it capable of doing such a\nthing; but while, at times, we cannot resist a laugh, we shall do well\nto remember that it was far from being a laughing matter to the savage;\nto do him justice we must seek to get to the back of his mind, to enter\ninto his feelings, and to look at things through his eyes; then it\nwill be realized what the sacred dance meant to him, and its essential\nseriousness will become apparent.\n\nWhat the sacred dance meant not only to uncivilized men, but also to the\nmost cultured races of antiquity, will be seen from the purposes for\nwhich it was performed. These we will now briefly enumerate.\n\n(_a_) It was, first and foremost, performed for the purpose of honouring\nwhat were regarded as supernatural powers[29]. In the pre-animistic\nstage these powers were entirely vague and undefined; in the animistic\nstage they developed into spirits, some benevolent, others maleficent,\npowerful for good or evil. Later they became gods and goddesses. _Why_\ndancing was a means of honouring these supernatural, later superhuman,\npowers was for these reasons: It was supposed to be an act of imitation,\nand therefore flattering to the higher power (the imitative propensity\nin man has already been referred to). Secondly, by \u201ctaking it out of\nyourself\u201d in the presence of the power or deity you were offering\nsomething in the nature of a propitiation, whether as a gift or as an\nact of self-sacrifice; in either case it would be honouring the higher\npower. This taking it out of oneself in honour of a spirit or a god is an\ninteresting phenomenon, and in one form or another has asserted itself\nthroughout the history of religion. It is the earliest form of what in\ncourse of time showed itself in such things as self-castigation and\nself-mortification; its extreme form being the love of martyrdom; for to\nwhatever degree the cult of self may have entered into these things, it\nwould be grossly unfair not to recognize that they were believed to be\npleasing in the sight of the deity, and that they were, therefore, done\nwith a view to honouring him.\n\n(_b_) Psychologically connected with the foregoing we have as another\npurpose of the sacred dance that of \u201cshowing-off\u201d before a higher power.\nOne must enter into the child-mind in order to grasp what a real thing\nthis is. The close analogy between the way-of-thinking in the child and\nin the more or less primitive savage has already been referred to, and\nis recognized on all hands. Here are two cases of great interest which\nvividly illustrate the point under consideration. The present writer\nvouches for the literal truth of each. A little girl, not exceeding five\nyears, was dancing before a picture of the Madonna and Child; after her\ndance she turned to her mother and said: \u201cDo you think the Baby Jesus\nliked to see me dance?\u201d It is not quite easy to say in this case in\nhow far the purpose was to please the \u201cBaby Jesus,\u201d and in how far the\nperfectly natural and innocent purpose was to \u201cshow off\u201d before Him;\nprobably both motives were combined. But the second is purely one of\n\u201cshowing off.\u201d A child of about three, a boy this time, kept on jumping\nas high as he could in the fields; presently his father heard him say:\n\u201cSee, God, how high I can jump!\u201d We could hardly have more delightful and\ninstructive illustrations of the innate desire, common to the child and\nto man of immature mental development, to show what they can do in the\nsight of their betters. So that we may justly reckon among the purposes\nof the sacred dance this desire to \u201cshow off\u201d before a superhuman power,\nor what is conceived to be such.\n\n(_c_) Next; the honour done to the higher power by means of imitation\nhad, in the eyes of uncivilized man, some important consequences which\noffer further reasons why the sacred dance was performed. Just as in\nimitative magic the thing imitated was thereby effected, so by imitating\nthe supernatural power the imitator conceived himself to be making\nhimself one with him who was imitated. This purpose of the sacred\ndance would not, however, have belonged to the earliest stage, for it\npresupposes the recognition of personality in the supernatural power,\nand that points to a distinct advance; and the possibility is worth\ncontemplating as to whether, and in how far, the sacred dance may have\ncontributed to this advance. At any rate, this idea that an undefined\nunion was brought about by means of the sacred dance seems to be the\nprecursor of the more developed form of the same idea that union could\nbe brought about by personating a god or a goddess. When, for example,\nmen and women, by disguising themselves as horses, cats, pigs, or hares,\npersonated Demeter and Persephone, and danced in their honour, they\nbelieved that they were, in some inexplicable way, united with these\ngoddesses. In the earlier stage, by imitating what a god _does_, _i.e._\ndancing, union with him is effected; in the later stage, the like result\nis achieved by imitating what he is, and dancing in that guise. At the\nbottom of all this lies the principle which looms so large in savage\nphilosophy that \u201clike produces like,\u201d _i.e._ sympathetic magic which\nassumes that\n\n    things act on each other at a distance through a secret\n    sympathy, the impulse being transmitted from one to the other\n    by means of what we may conceive as a kind of invisible ether,\n    not unlike that which is postulated by modern science for a\n    precisely similar purpose, namely, to explain how things can\n    physically affect each other through a space which appears to\n    be empty[30].\n\nAs is well known, a more pronounced and realistic means of union was\nthat of eating the flesh or drinking the blood of a sacrificial victim\nwhich represented the god; by receiving the god into himself a man became\nidentified with the god. So that we have in the course of the development\nof religious thought and practice, in a materialistically ascending\nscale, three means whereby union with a supernatural power was believed\nto be effected: imitation, personation, and the act which produced\nidentification. But the important point for our present purpose, and it\nis one which needs emphasis, is that over and over again it is found that\nthe two latter rites (_i.e._ those of personation and of absorbing the\ngod) are accompanied by the sacred dance as a necessary adjunct. It may\nbe argued that this is merely done on the principle of making certainty\ndoubly certain; but it is at least possible that we have here a case of\nthe retention of the earliest rite simply because it _is_ the earliest.\nWe are bound to look for great _na\u00efvet\u00e9_ in considering the ideas and\npractices of backward races\u2014and, indeed, not only backward races where\nreligious rites are concerned;\u2014and if, in course of time, new means\nsuggested themselves of uniting oneself with a god or goddess, it is\nquite in accordance with what we know of uncivilized man to suppose that\nhe continued the older method side by side with the newer ones, even\nthough there was not much meaning attached to it.\n\nThis theory that one of the earliest purposes of the sacred dance was\nto imitate what supernatural powers did, and that this imitation was\nbelieved to be the means of union with this supernatural being (as it\ncame to be), receives some support and confirmation from what we know to\nhave been the purpose of the ecstatic dance.\n\n(_d_) Uncultured man believed that by dancing to such an extent that he\nbecame unconscious he was not only doing something that was honouring\nto the deity, not only offering something in the nature of sacrifice,\nbut that, he was, above all, making his body a fit temporary abode\nfor his god. He did not enquire how this came about. Conceivably, the\nearliest idea, though unexpressed, was that by honouring the god to this\nextent the god showed his approval by uniting himself with his dancing\nworshipper. The earlier widespread belief that the deity took up his\nabode at certain times in trees, stones, etc., may well have suggested\nthe possibility of the same thing occurring in men, but more especially\nin those more intimately and directly dedicated to his worship. The\nquestion would have arisen as to the means to be employed whereby this\nend could be achieved in the case of men; and as dancing was the earliest\nform of worship this would have been the most natural means to suggest\nitself. The dance would then proceed; during it the performers would\nbe anxiously awaiting some inner indication of the entrance of the\ndeity; nothing, of course, would happen until the long-continued dance\nwould induce first giddiness, then semi-consciousness, and finally a\nstate of semi-delirium ending not infrequently in total unconsciousness\nfor some time. But it is easy to understand that the first signs of\nsemi-consciousness would have been interpreted as the advent of the\ndeity and the beginnings of the divine overpowering. Given belief in the\npossibility of divine indwelling in a man, the further belief that the\ngod utilized his worshipper as his mouthpiece was a natural and easy\ntransition. Natural, because it could not be supposed that the god would\ntake up his abode in a man without some purpose, and what more obvious\npurpose than that of making his will known? Easy, because the mechanism,\nif one may so call it, of utterance was all ready to hand. Other things\nwould follow, also in the natural course; for if, on the one hand, the\ngod utilized the body of his worshipper as the vehicle for making his\nwill known, the worshipper could, on the other hand, utilize the divine\npower with which he was suffused for other purposes. Thus, for example,\nwe have the Hebrew prophet who, in an ecstatic state, utters the will of\nJahwe, or gives an oracle; or, as illustrating the other side, we have\nthe Bodo-priest \u201cdevil-dancer\u201d of Southern India who utilizes the divine\npower within him for working cures.\n\nBut whatever the result might be, the important thing from our present\npoint of view is that the requisite state required for the accomplishment\nof these things was brought about by the performance of the sacred dance.\n\nThe ecstatic dance will receive a good deal of notice below (pp. 107\nff.), so that we need not say more about it here.\n\n(_e_) Another purpose of the sacred dance was to make the crops grow, or\nof helping, or inducing the god to do so. From one point of view here the\nsacred dance was an act of imitative magic. Thus, by a dance in which the\nchief characteristic was high leaps it was believed by many peoples that\nthe corn would grow high. It is probable, as Frazer suggests, that this\nwas at any rate one of the purposes with which the Salii, the priests\nof the old Italian god of vegetation, danced high and leapt. As an act\nof imitative magic, again, the sacred dance had among some peoples the\npurpose of helping the sun to run his course. For example, this was\nprobably at one time of its history the object of \u201cAriadne\u2019s Dance\u201d;\nand the dance known by the name of the \u201cLabyrinth\u201d may well have been\nbelieved to assist the stars in their courses. These, and many other\nexamples, are dealt with in the following pages.\n\n(_f_) Further, there are instances on record of the sacred dance having\nthe purpose of hallowing or consecrating a victim for sacrifice, as in\nthe case of the Arabs performing a processional dance round a camel\ndestined for sacrifice, or of the Israelites making the circuit round the\naltar, or of the Kayans of Sar\u0101wak circling round their sacrificial pigs.\nIn all such cases it is an act of consecration by means of the magic\ncircle.\n\n(_g_) As an adjunct to initiation ceremonies the sacred dance was also\nbelieved to serve some useful purpose. Presumably it was an act of homage\nto the god or goddess who was supposed to be present. This is suggested\nby the dancing at the Brauronian ceremonies of Artemis which, according\nto Farnell, was a kind of initiation ceremony by which young girls were\nconsecrated to the service of this goddess.\n\n(_h_) There are some grounds for the belief that the sacred dance was\nsometimes performed with the purpose of assisting warriors to gain a\nvictory in battle; here, too, it was an act of imitative magic. It had,\nin this connexion, the further purpose of appeasing the spirits of slain\nenemies.\n\n(_i_) As a marriage rite the sacred dance, at any rate during some\ntime of its history, fulfilled, as was believed, one or two important\npurposes. The reference to the \u201cSword-dance\u201d in the Old Testament is in\nall probability a relic of the antique custom of combating the vague\ndangers which were supposed to menace those entering upon the marriage\nstate. These dangers, undefined but nevertheless very real to those who\nbelieved in their existence, arose not only from the fact of the new\nconditions of life that were beginning, but also because of a reciprocal\nfear on the part of the sexes, and a close contact between them\nemphasized this. Another way of combating, or at least averting these\ndangers, was by means of a change of identity; hence the once world-wide\ncustom, still in existence in some countries, of the bridal couple\nassuming \u201croyal\u201d state, and being treated as king and queen during the\nperiod of the wedding festivities.\n\nFurther, there are some reasons for thinking that the sacred dance as\na marriage rite sometimes had the purpose of bringing about a fruitful\nmarriage; there are certain ceremonies during the period of celebration\nin which the dance figures prominently which point to this, and the\nanalogy of the dance for making the crops grow offers some corroboration.\n\n(_j_) There are special purposes for which the sacred dance was performed\nas a mourning or a burial rite. At times these are of a curiously\ncontradictory character. The ghosts of the dead number among them those\nwho are kindly disposed towards the living, and those who are malevolent\nin their attitude towards them; the latter are supposed to be able to\ndo harm. Speaking quite generally, it appears, upon the whole, that the\nless advanced the cultural stage the greater the tendency to regard the\nspirits of the departed as malevolent. Since the various races from which\nillustrations of the sacred dance as a mourning rite are gathered were,\nor are (as the case may be), in different stages of civilization, it\nfollows that the purposes of the rite vary; for the belief regarding the\nattitude of the dead towards the living has a good deal to do with the\npurpose for which the sacred dance was performed. Thus we find that it\nsometimes has the object of driving away the ghost of the departed; or\nelse there will be a dance on the grave for the purpose of preventing the\nghost from roaming. At other times it is the means of scaring away evil\nspirits who are believed to congregate in the vicinity of a corpse. Very\nstrange, but interesting, is the custom among some races of personating\nthe dead in the sacred dance; this is supposed to be a potent means of\nbringing him back, and he is believed to join the survivors in the dance;\nhe is present, but invisible, in the man who personates him. This reminds\none of the union with a supernatural spirit by imitating him in the\ndance, to which reference has been made above; the same idea underlies\neach. But the purpose of the sacred dance as a mourning or burial rite\nwhich appears as the most usual is that of honouring the departed. This\nis doubtless very frequently simply a mark of affection; but at other\ntimes it is in the nature of a propitiatory act whereby the spirit of the\ndeparted is persuaded to refrain from molesting the living.\n\nMany illustrations of these various purposes of the sacred dance will be\noffered in the following pages.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nTHE SACRED DANCE AMONG THE ISRAELITES\n\n\nI\n\nSo far as the Old Testament is concerned this subject of the dance\nin religious ritual illustrates a fact which biblical study, on the\ncomparative basis, is bringing more and more into prominence, and which\nneeds to be recognized both in the interests of truth and in order to\nrealize more fully the evolutionary development of religion as an eternal\nprinciple in the divine economy. The original aims and objects of the\nsacred dance were, as we have seen, \u201cprimitive\u201d; the continuance of\nthe rite throughout the ages, even to comparatively recent times among\npractically all peoples, does not in any way detract from the truth of\nthis, for everyone knows with what persistency religious custom and\nritual continues, not only after the original object and meaning has been\nforgotten, but even when it has no meaning at all. Its existence among\nthe Israelites, therefore, shows them to have been and to have acted\nthroughout their religious history as other races did in this respect\n(and it is only one of many other illustrations that could be given), in\nspite of what we rightly believe to have been special opportunities for\nmore exalted forms of worship.\n\nIt must be confessed that the religious uniqueness of the Israelites, as\na nation, has been, and often still is, exaggerated to an undue extent.\nCertainly there were among them those who may well be described as\nunique, _sui generis_; but they were the great exceptions. The nation as\na whole was for many centuries no better and no worse than others; and\nwhat stronger evidence for this could be afforded than that given in the\nprophetical books of the Old Testament? Its ultimate emergence from the\nreligious norm of the world to a position of isolated superiority was due\nto a mere handful of men who offered the greatest example that the world\nhad hitherto seen of what could be accomplished by subordinating will and\npersonality to the influence and guidance of the Divine Creator.\n\nTrue, it was among some of these very prophets that the most interesting\nkind of sacred dance\u2014the ecstatic dance\u2014was in vogue, with its wildness\nand extravagances; in this they, or at least the earliest of them, did\nnot differ from certain classes of \u201choly men\u201d all the world over; where\nthey did differ was in their development of the conception which underlay\nthe purpose of the ecstatic dance, _i.e._ union with the deity; and it is\njust here that they stand out in such bold relief from all others. The\nearliest prophets believed that this sacred dance was the means whereby\nthe divine spirit came upon them; this belief they shared with others;\nbut they rose to the higher belief that _this_ means was not necessary\nfor achieving the purpose for which it was used. It had served a useful\npurpose; but having served its purpose it was dropped. The prophets came\nto the realization that there were more spiritual means whereby union\nwith the deity was brought about; then the sacred dance found no further\nplace among them. They shed the husk, but retained the kernel. It was\nthe same principle upon which St Paul acted in later days in regard to\nthe Law. The sacred dance, too, was in its way a \u201cschool-master\u201d (Gal.\niii. 24), leading men to better things. When, centuries later, the far\nmore cultured Greeks were still \u201craving\u201d in honour of Dionysos, the\nHebrew prophets had long since learned that it is God Himself Who puts\nHis spirit upon men (cp. Isa. xlii. 1), and that this is not a thing to\nbe effected by the will or act of man. \u201cWho hath directed the Spirit of\nJahwe?\u201d asks one of them in fine irony (Isa. xl. 13).\n\nThus the history of the ecstatic dance among the Hebrew prophets is one\nof many illustrations showing their uniqueness.\n\nIt is not, however, with these extraordinarily gifted prophets that we\nare now concerned. We are thinking of the very ordinary and very human\nIsraelites as a whole who, like innumerable men and women of other races,\nwere endowed with emotions and aspirations which were common to humanity.\nAnd it is a curious but interesting phenomenon that the sacred dance\nwas among the Israelites, as among all other peoples, one of the means\nwhereby these emotions and aspirations were expressed.\n\nThe fact that in the Mosaic legislation no provision is made for ritual\ndancing when so many other minute details of ritual are given might seem\nto suggest that such a thing was discountenanced. Without question it\nis true to say that \u201cthe priestly historians and legislators resolutely\nexcluded, as far as possible, everything that could infer any similarity\nbetween the worship of Jahwe and that of heathen deities[31].\u201d But it\nis doubtful whether the subject of the sacred dance would have come\ninto consideration in such a connexion; it was a practice too deeply\ningrained in human nature as a means of expressing religious emotion to\nsuggest that it implied assimilation to heathen worship. The bringing\nof oblations, the offering of sacrifices, were also common to Israelite\nand heathen worship, but that similarity would never have struck the\nIsraelite legislators as derogatory, because these, too, were means of\nexpressing religious emotion which, in one form or another, were common\nto all races. The Mosaic legislation makes no provision for the posture\nto be assumed in the presence of the deity, nor does it say anything\nabout singing in worship; but it is difficult to believe that there\nwere not fixed modes in regard to these which had been in vogue from\ntime immemorial; and therefore they needed no mention. The same may\nbe postulated in the case of the sacred dance. A thing which all the\nevidence shows to have been a world-wide means of expressing religious\nemotion and of honouring the deity during a long period in the history\nof religious development, was not likely to have been wanting among the\nIsraelites.\n\nIn those passages in the Old Testament in which religious dancing is\nrecorded there is no hint of disapproval, let alone prohibition. It\nis, therefore, evident that it must have been looked upon as a usual\nand integral part of worship. It must also be remembered that the\nsacred dance continued to be an important element in worship on special\noccasions among the Jews in post-biblical times; the evidence will be\nconsidered later. That this could have been an innovation is out of the\nquestion; it was merely the continuation, in some cases quite possibly an\nelaboration, of a rite familiar to the people from time immemorial.\n\nThe comparatively rare mention, therefore, of the sacred dance in\nthe Old Testament must not mislead us; the reasons for that are very\nnatural. And when it is realized what a number of words there are in\nHebrew for dancing (see pp. 44 ff.), and that only once is there a\npossible reference to secular, as distinct from religious, dancing, the\nconclusion will be forced upon us that it played a much larger _r\u00f4le_ in\nthe religious life of the people than first appearances would seem to\nindicate.\n\nAs far as can be gathered, religious dancing among the Israelites was,\nas a general rule, performed by the sexes separately; in the account of\nthe worship of the Golden Calf, however, it must be allowed that the\npossibility of promiscuous dancing is not excluded, see especially Exod.\nxxxii. 2, 3. Among other peoples it is found that, mostly, the sacred\ndance was performed by men and women separately; but there are notable\nexceptions among the Egyptians as well as the Syrians, also among the\nGreeks; and the same applies to the uncultured races.\n\n\nII\n\nWhen all the _data_ in the Old Testament have been gathered it is\npossible to discern certain types of the sacred dance; by this we\ndo not necessarily mean varieties of mode, not but that these also\noccur; the type is indicated rather by the connexion in which the\ndance occurs. Therefore, although it is not to be supposed that there\nwas, generally speaking, any idea of having particular kinds of dance\nreserved for different occasions, it is possible to attempt some kind\nof classification. At any rate, it is a convenient method to adopt in\nreviewing the evidence.\n\nEmphasis must again be laid on the fact that when one is speaking of\nthe \u201csacred dance\u201d in past ages one has to allow to the term a wide\nconnotation. We have come to use the word \u201cdance\u201d in a very restricted\nsense; in antiquity it was different; included in it are modes varying\nfrom a staid, march-like rhythmic step, to the wilder movements of the\necstatic dance.\n\n(1) We draw attention first to the sacred _processional dance_. A cursory\nreference to one or two examples will suffice here as a more detailed\nexamination of each type of dance will be found in the chapters to\nfollow. Judging from the few _data_ offered by the Old Testament, the\nsacred processional dance among the Israelites was always performed in\nhonour of Jahwe. In the well-known instance of David and the Israelites\ndancing in procession before the Ark, it is really in the presence of\nJahwe that it takes place since He is conceived as being present in the\nArk. The dance assumes various forms according to the degree of religious\nexcitement engendered. It is spoken of as being dancing of the ordinary\nkind, _i.e._ the common Hebrew word for dancing is used; but presently\nit takes on the character of a rotating dance, then there is jumping\nfollowed by something in the nature of skipping, and it is also spoken\nof as a whirling movement. It will be noticed that five different words\nare used here to express the different ways in which the dancing was\nperformed. Although the occasion on which this took place was a very\nspecial one, it would be a mistake to suppose that the sacred dance was\nonly reserved for such special occasions. It is rather to be gathered\nfrom the incidental way in which the dancing is mentioned that the rite\nwas usual, and was only of a more elaborate character because of the\nspecial occasion. A single mention of this kind must, it may be safely\nasserted, imply a well-known and usual custom, otherwise it would be\ncommented upon as something out of the ordinary.\n\n(2) The sacred dance also takes the form of _encircling a sacred object_,\neither an idol, or a sacrificial victim, or an altar; in this last case\nthe sacrificial victim would, of course, be included. The form of this\ntype of dance was either a march-like step or a running step or else\nthe worshippers held hands and danced round. This latter is nowhere\nspecifically mentioned in the Old Testament; but it is such an obvious\nform for a dance to take that we can scarcely doubt its having existed\namong the Israelites. Besides, interesting examples of a concrete kind\nhave been found depicting this form of dance round sacred objects which\nquite possibly owe their origin to Semitic inspiration; some of these are\ndescribed in Chapter VI below. This encircling dance was undoubtedly an\nact of worship; it is also possible that in some cases it was intended\nto have a consecrating effect either upon the worshippers or upon the\nsacrificial victim; in the example given by Nilus (see p. 95) the latter\nwould seem to have been the case. The theory of some scholars that\nthe circle dance was a symbolic representation of the movement of the\nheavenly bodies has also a good deal to commend it. As a funeral rite\nthis form of the sacred dance served some other purposes (see below).\n\n(3) The _ecstatic dance_ is that which has received most attention from\nscholars, and deservedly, for it is one of the most curious phenomena in\nthe history of religious ritual. In the exuberance of emotion engendered\nby it the performers experienced what appeared to them to amount, for\nthe time being, almost to a metamorphosis; they believed themselves to\nbe infused and permeated by the influence\u2014perhaps it would be truer to\nsay the essence\u2014of the deity in whose honour they were dancing. Thus came\nabout what was conceived to be in some mystic, but wholly inexplicable\nway, a union with the deity adored. In the Old Testament we have the\nwell-known example of the prophets performing this dance in 1 Sam. x.\n5 ff.; its contagious character is graphically illustrated by the case\nof Saul, whose condition becomes such that the people ask: \u201cIs Saul\nalso among the prophets?\u201d and he is spoken of as having been \u201cturned\ninto another man\u201d because as a result of the ecstatic dance the spirit\nof Jahwe came mightily upon him. The language implies that when once\nthe required condition has been reached it is then Jahwe Who takes the\ninitiative; the body as such remains a passive instrument, but it becomes\na Beth-el, a temporary house of God from which He speaks forth through\nthe medium of the voice of the possessed.\n\nAs in the case of other types of the sacred dance, there cannot be\nanything unique about this even though it is only referred to once or\ntwice in the Old Testament; its incidental mention without further\ncomment stamps it as being nothing out of the ordinary.\n\nAnother form of this ecstatic type of dance is mentioned in the Old\nTestament, also in connexion with prophets, though not Israelite\nprophets. There was a peculiar kind of limping dance performed, as it\nwould appear, on special occasions by the prophets of Baal. This began\nwith a limping step round the altar as though the performers were\nlame, but soon developed into a wild jumping about on the altar, and\nculminated in self-laceration with knives and the like. In how far a\nstate of semi-consciousness or total unconsciousness was attained is not\nindicated; but in the light of analogous cases (referred to in Chapter\nVII) it may be gathered that the loss of the physical sensation of pain\ninflicted by the self-laceration must imply to some extent a loss of\nconsciousness so far as external surroundings were concerned. In writing\nabout the prophetic ecstasy of Syrian as well as Israelite prophets, Dr\nT. H. Robinson well expresses the state in saying that it was\n\n    a peculiar psychic condition in which the subject seemed to be\n    possessed of powers, indeed of a whole sphere of consciousness,\n    which was denied to the ordinary individual, and to the prophet\n    himself in normal states. He did not cease to be conscious\n    of the world as it appeared to others, but he heard and saw\n    things which were beyond their range. There were a number of\n    well-marked physical phenomena connected with the condition of\n    ecstasy, though these were not invariable. The subject might be\n    affected with a certain constriction of the muscles, in which\n    case the state resembled that of a trance. On the other hand,\n    muscular activity might be largely increased. Leaping, bodily\n    contortions, and loud cries resulted, which, as they tended to\n    become regular and rhythmical, developed into dancing and song.\n    The subject frequently experienced a kind of anaesthesia, and\n    would slash wildly at his own body with knife or whip, without\n    showing any signs of physical pain[32].\n\nWe shall find all this illustrated in the examples, to be given in\nChapter VII, of this type of dance among a number of races.\n\nVarious means were employed to bring about this ecstatic state, such as\nalcohol, and other drugs; but there can be little doubt that the most\nfrequent, and certainly the most primitive, means adopted was that of\ndancing.\n\n(4) The kind of sacred dance which was the most common among the\nIsraelites, as among other peoples, was that proper to _Vintage and\nHarvest Festivals_. That it seems, from the scanty references to it\nwhich we have in the Old Testament, as well as from many indications\nin regard to its performance among other races, largely to have lost\nits sacred character will not deceive us as to its originally religious\npurpose. It was a characteristic of Israelite worship that the note of\njoy should sound during its celebration; the command: \u201cYe shall rejoice\nbefore Jahwe your God\u201d sufficiently bears this out. Apart, therefore,\nfrom the original purpose of this kind of sacred dance to which reference\nwill be made in Chapter VIII, there is no reason to doubt that Vintage\nand Harvest dances among the Israelites were essentially of a religious\ncharacter, although the rejoicing, of which dancing was one of the\nmost natural modes of expression, might not always appeal to some of\nthe more austere prophets, see, _e.g._, Amos v. 21-23. The very rare\nspecific mention in the Old Testament of the festival dances is quite\ncomprehensible, for what was obviously proper to the celebration of a\nfeast it would be superfluous to speak about. Moreover, there is ample\nevidence in post-biblical Jewish literature of the existence of the\nsacred dance at festivals.\n\n(5) _Dances in celebration of victory_ in battle are referred to several\ntimes in the Old Testament. Taking the passages in which these are\nmentioned by themselves the custom of which they speak is nothing more\nthan a simple and natural expression of joy and thanksgiving for victory.\nBut all such customs have a long history behind them; and when analogous\ncustoms among other, less civilized, peoples are considered, some points\nof interest and significance emerge which suggest the possibility of the\ncustom being, in its origin, due to a different and more practical cause.\nThere are some grounds for believing that the custom of which the Old\nTestament speaks was a remnant of what was originally a dance performed\nby women which had for its object the helping of the men to gain a\nvictory by means of imitative magic. In the Old Testament there is, of\ncourse, no trace of this beyond the fact that the dance was performed\nby women; and it has become simply an act of joyful thanksgiving to God\nand a tribute to the returning victors. It is necessary to consider\nthe analogous rite in its earlier forms as seen among peoples of lower\ncivilization to estimate what justification there may be for this\nsupposition. If it should be the fact that this type of dance was,\nin its origin, a means of effecting victory by magic, it would be an\ninteresting illustration of magic being, as Marett says, \u201cpart and parcel\nof the \u2018god-stuff\u2019 out of which religion fashions itself.\u201d[33] Indeed,\nwhen dealt with in detail, this subject of the sacred dance in the Old\nTestament receives its chief interest and importance from the fact that\nat all events some of the types there mentioned are illustrations of the\ndevelopment of religion out of magic.\n\n(6) There is some reason to believe that the sacred dance had a part to\nplay during _the rite of circumcision_; late Rabbinic tradition seems to\nimply as much. It had its place among the Arabs on such occasions; and at\ninitiation ceremonies all the world over the sacred dance was essential.\n\n(7) Once more, the sacred dance during the _Wedding ceremony_, though\nonly once implied in the Old Testament, was in all probability a regular\ninstitution; post-biblical Jewish literature offers presumptive evidence\nof its existence in earlier times among the Israelites.\n\n(8) And lastly, we have the sacred dance as a _Burial rite_. As in\nother cases we have to rely, firstly, on the evidence of later Jewish\nliterature, and, secondly, upon the analogous practice among other\npeoples. As we shall show, the emotions of fear, honour, and love, which\naccording to the cultural stages of uncivilized men are felt for the\nspirits of the departed, are such as are common to mankind; and these\nemotions are expressed, among other ways, by means of the sacred dance.\nWhat cultural stage, or stages, are represented in the Old Testament\nas that, or those, through which the Israelites passed may well be a\nmatter of difference of opinion; but that in both thought and practice\nthey were, as a whole, in many respects no more advanced than other\ncontemporary peoples does not admit of doubt. So that when we find\nthis rite in existence at burials or during the mourning period among\nother Semites, and among the Egyptians, not to mention the Greeks, the\npresumption is justified that the Israelites practised it too.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nIn regard to much that has been said we are prepared for the objection\nthat the evidence of the Old Testament does not offer sufficient\njustification for the assumptions made. We agree that this is so if we\nare to rely upon the Old Testament alone. But the object of the whole of\nour investigation will be to show that the beliefs and practices of any\none race of people must, to do them full justice, be studied in the light\nof analogous beliefs and practices of other peoples. Only so can one fill\nup the _lacunae_ which inevitably exist in the records of the races of\nantiquity. We have chosen as our illustration a rite which may, likely\nenough, be regarded as of very secondary importance; yet it is one which\nthe evidence shows was at one time regarded as essential to man. It is\ntherefore a study worth undertaking; for apart from its interest as a\nmere antiquarian investigation, we hope that it may be found to throw\nsome modest side-lights on various other subjects.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\n\nTHE OLD TESTAMENT TERMS FOR \u201cDANCING\u201d\n\n\nI\n\nHow large a _r\u00f4le_ dancing in its various forms must have played among\nthe Israelites is shown by the fact that, either in the restricted or in\nthe more extended sense, no less than eleven Hebrew roots are used to\ndescribe its different characteristics. This in what is a relatively poor\nlanguage is not without significance.\n\nBefore saying something about the meaning of these roots it will be well\nto give a list of them:\n\n    _S\u0101\u1e25aq_ and _tz\u0101\u1e25aq_, used in the intensive _piel_ form.\n    _\u1e24\u016bl_.\n    _K\u0101rar_, used in the _pilpel_ form, also intensive.\n    _P\u0101zaz_, used in the _piel_ form.\n    _R\u0101qad_, used in the _piel_ form.\n    _S\u0101bab_, used in the _hiphil_, causative, form.\n    _Q\u0101phatz_, used in the _piel_ form.\n    _D\u0101lag._\n    _Tz\u0101la\u02bf_, occurs only once.\n    _\u1e24\u0101gag_.\n    _P\u0101sa\u1e25_, used in the _piel_ form.\n\nThe first thing to notice here is that most of these roots, when used in\nreference to dancing, occur only in intensive forms; this is significant\nas pointing to the nature and character of the sacred dance. Of the\nexceptions, _\u1e25\u016bl_ \u201cto whirl\u201d is intensive in its root-meaning; it has\nno _piel_, and its other forms occur only rarely, and almost entirely\nin the later poetical books. The roots _d\u0101lag_ and _tz\u0101la\u02bf_, refer to a\nparticular kind of ritual step; and as to _\u1e25\u0101gag_ more will be said in a\nmoment.\n\nNow as to the meaning of these different words for dancing:\n\nThe root _s\u0101\u1e25aq_, in its intensive form _si\u1e25\u0113q_, means in the first\ninstance \u201cto laugh,\u201d and it is also used in the sense of \u201cplaying\u201d (Job\nxl. 29) and \u201cmerry-making\u201d (Jer. xv. 17, xxx. 19, xxxi. 4, Zech. viii.\n5; cp. also Judg. xvi. 25). In the specific sense of \u201cdancing\u201d it occurs\nin 1 Sam. xviii. 7: \u201c... and the dancing women answered one another\nand said ...\u201d (see also 1 Chron. xv. 29). Equivalent to this root is\n_tz\u0101\u1e25aq_, also used in the intensive form _tzi\u1e25\u0113q_, which occurs, _e.g._,\nin Exod. xxxii. 6: \u201cThe people sat down to eat and drink, and rose up to\ndance.\u201d It is also used of \u201cplaying\u201d or \u201csporting,\u201d _e.g._ Gen. xxi. 9,\nJudg. xvi. 25, but in the second of these passages its obvious meaning\nis \u201cto dance,\u201d for as we shall see later this was the custom at feasts.\nThis root, therefore, presents dancing in the aspect of a pleasant and\nenjoyable pastime. Further, in various passages this root is used as\na parallel to other words for dancing. For example, in 1 Sam. xviii.\n6, 7 just cited, it occurs as a parallel to the root which is the one\nmost frequently used in the Old Testament for dancing, viz. _\u1e25\u016bl_. This\nroot expresses the \u201cwhirl\u201d of the dance (_e.g._ Judg. xxi. 21, 23, Ps.\nlxxxvii. 7). It is the word used of the \u201cwrithing\u201d or \u201ctwisting\u201d of a\nwoman in travail, _e.g._ Isa. xxvi. 17, xlv. 10, or of one in great pain,\nIsa. xiii. 8, xxiii. 5, Jer. li. 29; so that when used in the sense of\ndancing, contortions of the body are thought of, which suggests something\nof a rather wild character.\n\nThe \u201cwhirling\u201d idea is also contained in the root _k\u0101rar_ (in its\nintensive _pilpel_ form, _kirk\u0113r_), \u201cto whirl about,\u201d or \u201crotate.\u201d It\noccurs, in this sense, only once in the Old Testament, 2 Sam. vi. 14-16,\nof David dancing before Jahwe[34]; and in this passage we have another\nroot which does not occur elsewhere in the sense of dancing, viz. _p\u0101zaz_\n(again in the intensive form _pizz\u0113z_); this expresses the idea of agile\nleaping as part of the dance[35], the cognate Arabic root means \u201cto be\nexcited.\u201d The idea of leaping is also contained in another root _r\u0101qad_\n(in its intensive form _riqq\u0113d_) which in its ordinary sense means \u201cto\nskip about[36]\u201d; as applied to dancing it occurs in the passage last\nmentioned, and see further, Isa. xiii. 21, Job xxi. 11, Joel ii. 5,\nEccles. iii. 4, 1 Chron. xv. 29; in Ps. xxix. 6 it is used of a calf\n\u201cskipping.\u201d\n\nThe root _s\u0101bab_, used of \u201cgoing round\u201d the altar, is spoken about below\n(pp. 93 f.), so that we can leave this for the present.\n\nSo far, then, we have briefly touched on words used in reference to\ndancing which either express or suggest the ideas of its being something\nenjoyable, of its involving the bending about of the body, whirling\nabout, leaping, and skipping; as well as that of forming a circle,\nperhaps round the altar, but in any case encircling something, or going\nround about it.\n\nNow we come to some rather special words. In including _d\u0101lag_ in our\ncategory we realize that this is only justified because we are using\nthe word \u201cdancing\u201d in its extended, as well as in its more restricted,\nsense; and we have shown above that this is not only permitted, but\nnecessary in view of the general ideas underlying the whole subject.\nThis word is used of the \u201cleaping\u201d of a hart in Isa. xxxv. 6, just as\nthe word _r\u0101qad_ is used, as we have seen, of the \u201cskipping\u201d of a calf;\nthe latter, as already pointed out, occurs in several passages in the\nsense of \u201cdancing\u201d; _d\u0101lag_ may, therefore, be regarded as in some sense\nparallel to it. In Cant. ii. 8 _d\u0101lag_ certainly seems to refer to some\nform of dancing. But in two other passages the word has a special sense;\nin these, though the reference is not to dancing in the strict meaning\nof the term, it is used of a ritual step of a leaping character, and may\njustifiably be applied to dancing in the more extended sense. Thus, in 1\nSam. v. 5 it is said that no one ever treads on the threshold of Dagon\u2019s\nhouse in Ashdod. This is explained in the Septuagint by the addition\nof the words \u201cleaping over they leap over\u201d; this is probably only an\nexplanatory gloss (though it is conceivable that they represent a text in\nwhich _d\u0101l\u014dg yidl\u014dg\u016b_ occurred), but it witnesses, at any rate, to what\nwas a well-known custom, for in the other passage, Zeph. i. 9, punishment\nis pronounced against \u201call those who leap over the threshold,\u201d without\nfurther explanation, showing that something quite familiar is being\nreferred to. There was a similar Persian custom which forbad stepping\non the threshold, one had to leap over it with the right foot first.\nThe custom was due to the belief that evil spirits crouched down on the\nthreshold, and the leaping over it prevented coming into contact with\nthem, and the consequent risk of harm. The action implied the recognition\nof an alien cult, hence its prohibition[37]. In Cant. ii. 8 the root\n_q\u0101phatz_ is used as a parallel to _d\u0101lag_, and also means \u201cto jump,\u201d or\nthe like; but this is the only passage in which the word is used in this\nsense.\n\nWe come now to two roots of which rather more must be said. The first\nis _\u1e25\u0101gag_. In 1 Sam. xxx. there is the account of David\u2019s attack on an\nAmalekite troop who had carried off all the women from Ziklag, among them\nhis two wives; the Egyptian slave of an Amalekite, who had been abandoned\nby his master because he had fallen sick, is asked by David to lead him\nto the spot where the Amalekites were encamped; this he undertakes to\ndo on condition that no harm comes to him; then we read in verse 16:\n\u201cAnd when he had brought him down, behold, they were sprawling about all\nover the ground, eating and drinking and feasting\u201d (_h\u014dg\u0115gim_); that\nis how the Revised Version renders this last word. To render it thus,\nhowever, is pleonastic, for if they were eating and drinking they were\nquite obviously \u201cfeasting\u201d; the word, therefore, cannot well have this\nmeaning here. The more natural rendering would be \u201cdancing\u201d; and, indeed,\nthis would be the meaning that we should expect, for, as will be shown\nbelow, \u201cdancing\u201d is almost synonymous with \u201cfeasting,\u201d because it was\ncharacteristic of feasts. Driver, in discussing this passage, says in\nreference to the word:\n\n    Whether, however, the sense of _dancing_ is really expressed by\n    the word is very doubtful. Modern lexicographers only defend\n    it by means of the questionable assumption that _\u1e25\u0101gag_ may\n    have had a similar signification to _\u1e25\u016bg_, which, however, by\n    no means itself expresses the sense of _to dance_, but _to\n    make a circle_ (Job xxvi. 10).... It is best to acquiesce\n    in the cautious judgement of N\u00f6ldeke[38], who declares that\n    he cannot with certainty get behind the idea of a _festal\n    gathering_ for the common Semitic _\u1e25ag_. Here then the meaning\n    will be \u201cbehaving as at a _\u1e25ag_ or gathering of pilgrims,\u201d i.e.\n    enjoying themselves merrily[39].\n\nNowack is of a similar opinion; he says that the word here can hardly\nmean more than \u201cto celebrate a feast\u201d; but he adds: \u201cperhaps the word is\noriginally used of the sacred dance[40].\u201d But apart from the question\nof the relationship between _\u1e25\u0101gag_ and _\u1e25\u016bg_, if the Arabic _\u1e24agg_,\n\u201cthe going round in a circle,\u201d is the word from which the Hebrew _\u1e25ag_\nis derived, and presumably there is little doubt about that, then the\nroot-meaning of _\u1e25\u0101gag_ will be \u201cto go round in a circle,\u201d and this was\nthe essence of the sacred dance\u2014or of one type of the sacred dance\u2014among\nthe Semites. Wellhausen points out that the central and most important\npart of the _cultus_ of the ancient Arabs was the circuit round the\nsanctuary, or, when this was offered, round the sacrifice. It is from\nthis fact, he says, that the _\u1e24agg_, which means really \u201cthe sacred\ndance,\u201d is so called. He points out, further, that this original meaning\nof the word has not even yet been entirely lost in Arabic, for the verb\nstill often has as its transitive object the stone or the \u201chouse.\u201d The\nholy stone is itself called _Davar_ \u201cthe object of the encirclement\u201d\nbecause of the custom of performing the sacred dance round it. Evidence\nis forthcoming that this was done not only round the sacred stone, the\n_Kaaba_, but also in all sanctuaries generally[41]. K\u00f6nig gives as the\nprimary meaning of _\u1e25\u0101gag_ \u201cto make dancing movements,\u201d \u201cto turn,\u201d and\nregards the sense of \u201ccelebrating a feast\u201d as secondary[42]. This is\nborne out by the use of the word in Ps. cvii. 27, where it means \u201cto go\nround in a circle,\u201d like a drunken man.\n\n    The chief original Hebrew term for a religious dance was\n    doubtless _\u1e25ag_. The rendering \u201cfeast\u201d or \u201cfestival\u201d will\n    indeed suffice in most cases, but only because religious\n    festivals necessarily included the sacred dance, at least as\n    long as the sacred stones remained in the sanctuaries[43].\n\nThere is thus sufficient justification for reckoning this root among\nthose which are used for \u201cto dance\u201d in the Old Testament.\n\nThen as to the root _p\u0101sa\u1e25_ (in its intensive form _pissea\u1e25_). According\nto Exod. xii. 13, 23 the root-meaning of this word would appear to be \u201cto\nspare,\u201d for we read there: \u201c... and when I see the blood _I will pass\nover_ you, and there shall be no plague upon you\u201d; and again: \u201c... and\nwhen he seeth the blood upon the lintel, and on the two side posts, Jahwe\n_will pass over_ the door, and will not suffer the destroyer to come into\nyour houses to destroy you.\u201d Both Zimmern[44] and Schrader[45] hold that\nthe word is derived from the Assyrian _pas\u00e2\u1e25u_, \u201cto pacify,\u201d which would\nsupport the _Exodus_ interpretation. Robertson Smith, on the other hand,\nthinks it by no means clear that this was the original meaning;\n\n    \u201cthere is,\u201d he says, \u201cno certain occurrence of the name before\n    _Deuteronomy_ (in Exod. xxxiv. 25 it looks like a gloss),\n    and the corresponding verb denotes some kind of religious\n    performance, apparently a dance, in 1 Kings xviii. 26. A\n    nocturnal ceremony at the consecration of a feast is already\n    alluded to in Isa. xxx. 29, who also perhaps alludes to\n    the received derivation of _p\u0101sa\u1e25_ in xxxi. 5[46]. But the\n    Deuteronomic passover was a new thing in the days of Josiah (2\n    Kings xxiii. 21 f.). It underwent further modification in the\n    exile...[47].\u201d\n\nSo that the opinion is worth hazarding as to whether _Pesa\u1e25_, the\nPassover, did not originally get its name from the particular form of\nlimping dance peculiar to it, just as the ordinary feast got its name\nfrom the sacred dance, the _\u1e24agg_, which was characteristic of it. See\nfurther p. 92.\n\nA ritual dance of a somewhat similar character is mentioned in Gen.\nxxxii. 31, 32, where Jacob, as he passed over Penuel, \u201climped upon his\nthigh.\u201d Here the root used is _tz\u0101la\u02bf_, which in this sense occurs here\nonly[48]; but there is the place-name _tz\u0113la\u02bf_, Saul\u2019s ancestral home (2\nSam. xxi. 14), which was possibly an ancient sanctuary where this special\nkind of limping dance was performed.\n\nThese, then, are the words used in the Old Testament for \u201cdancing\u201d in its\nvarious forms; they will come before us again and their meanings will be\nmore fully illustrated when we deal in the following chapters with the\nnature of the sacred dance.\n\n\nII\n\nIt will be appropriate if we add here a word or two about the musical\naccompaniment (if this can in all cases be called \u201cmusical\u201d) to dancing\nso far as can be gathered from the Old Testament.\n\nIn its earliest and simplest form this accompaniment consisted of\nthe rhythmic beating of what is translated \u201ctimbrel\u201d in the Revised\nVersion; the word is _t\u00f4ph_ in Hebrew, and it was probably the most\nprimitive instrument among the Hebrews. It would be better described as\na hand-drum, or \u201ctom-tom,\u201d being made of a circular (though also square\nand sometimes probably three-sided) piece of wood over which the skin of\nan animal, after preparation, was tightly drawn and fastened with a thin\nthong of skin. It was held in one hand and struck with the open palm of\nthe other. In addition to this two other instruments of percussion are\nmentioned as accompanying dancing, namely \u201ccymbals,\u201d _tzeltz\u0115lim_, and\nwhat are called _metziltaim_, evidently also cymbals in some form or\nanother as both words come from the same root; the latter must clearly\nhave been held one in each hand and struck together, the dual form of the\nword shows this. Wind instruments for accompaniment were represented by\nthe _\u1e25al\u00eel_, \u201cflute,\u201d and the _\u02bfug\u00e2b_, perhaps something in the nature of\na Pan\u2019s-pipe, though this is quite uncertain; it is mentioned in Gen. iv.\n21, where the Revised Version renders it \u201cpipe.\u201d Stringed instruments as\nan accompaniment to dancing were a later development, though of course\nused in what are to us early times, among the Israelites; the simplest\nof these were the _kinn\u00f4r_, \u201clyre\u201d and the _n\u0113bel_, \u201charp.\u201d For the\naccompaniment to dancing of all three types of instruments, percussion,\nwind, and string, see Job xxi. 11, 12. We also read of \u201crattles,\u201d\n_m\u0115na\u02bfn\u0115\u02bfim_, probably something equivalent to the _sistrum_ of the\nEgyptians[49].\n\nBesides instrumental, there was also vocal accompaniment, and doubtless\nthe rhythmic clapping of hands, the most primitive form of accompaniment,\nand the beating of the thighs, though neither of these is mentioned in\nthe Old Testament.\n\nIt has been truly said that\n\n    music is rarely divorced from dancing in the early stages of\n    culture, and seldom advances beyond mere rhythm into melody or\n    harmony. To a modern European ear it sounds not much more than\n    rhythmic noise, a mere marking of time for concerted movement\n    of the limbs, monotonous and unattractive, if heard without its\n    origin and inspiration\u2014the dance[50].\n\nBut the writer is mistaken in his mention of harmony here; such a thing\nwas quite unknown in \u201cthe early stages of culture,\u201d if he means by that\n\u201cculture\u201d among uncivilized men[51].\n\nThe normal accompaniment to the sacred dance, then, among the Hebrews was\nthe beating of the drum and the blowing of the flute; this, as will be\nseen in the following chapters, is true of all peoples. The accompaniment\nof stringed instruments is, as we have said, a later development.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V\n\nTHE SACRED PROCESSIONAL DANCE, AND DANCES IN HONOUR OF SUPERHUMAN POWERS\n\n\nI\n\nAn illustration of the processional type of dance among the Israelites\nwhich immediately suggests itself is that of \u201cDavid and all the house of\nIsrael dancing before Jahwe with all their might\u201d (2 Sam. vi. 5)[52].\nThe picture is that of an imposing procession, headed by the king going\nin front of the Ark into Jerusalem. The entire body of those forming\nthe procession is described as dancing, but special attention is drawn\nto David, and the words used in reference to his mode of dancing are\ninstructive; he not only dances in the ordinary sense of the word\n(_s\u0101\u1e25aq_), but he \u201crotates (_k\u0101rar_) with all his might\u201d (verse 14),\nand \u201cjumps\u201d (_p\u0101zaz_, verse 16), and \u201cwhirls round\u201d (_\u1e25\u016bl_); and in\nthe parallel passage 1 Chron. xv. 29, his dancing is described as\n\u201cskipping\u201d (_r\u0101qad_) or the like; it is the word used in Isa. xiii. 21\nof the \u201chopping\u201d of satyrs, and also of \u201cgalloping\u201d horses (Joel ii.\n5) and \u201cjolting\u201d chariots (Nah. iii. 2). The self-abandonment of this\ndancing can be imagined in the light of Michal\u2019s jibe that the king had\nshamelessly uncovered himself. Nevertheless, the religious character\nof the processional dance is obvious, and is emphasized by the phrase\n\u201cbefore Jahwe,\u201d and by the fact that David \u201cwas girded with a linen\nephod\u201d (verse 14), the officiating priest\u2019s dress (see 1 Sam. ii. 18).\n\nIt is probable that the sacred processional dance is again referred to,\nthough one cannot say so positively, in such passages as Ps. cxlix.\n3: \u201cLet them praise His name in the dance; let them sing praises unto\nHim with timbrel (_t\u00f4ph_) and lyre\u201d; cl. 4: \u201cPraise Him with timbrel\nand dance,\u201d etc.; and although in Ps. lxviii. 24, 25 (25, 26 in Hebr.)\nthere is no special mention of the dance, it is clearly implied by the\nreference to the damsels playing on the timbrel, which was the usual\naccompaniment to dancing; the passage runs: \u201cThey see Thy goings forth\n[_i.e._ processions in honour of Jahwe], O God, the goings forth of my\nGod, my King, into the sanctuary; the singers go before, behind (are)\nthose playing stringed instruments, in the midst (are) damsels playing\ntimbrels,\u201d see also Ps. lxxxvii. 7.\n\nFurther quotations are unnecessary, for it is clear that the sacred\nprocessional dance formed a normal adjunct to worship among the\nIsraelites.\n\nIn studying these types of the sacred dance among other peoples we are\nfaced with the same difficulty that meets us in the case of various\npassages where the dance is mentioned in the Old Testament, viz. it is by\nno means always possible to say whether a _processional_ dance is meant\nor not. It is, therefore, inevitable that some uncertainty should exist\nin the case of some of the illustrations to be offered; but if not always\nof the processional type, the examples to be given will all illustrate\nthe sacred dance as an act of honour to some superhuman power.\n\n\nII\n\nAs to those peoples most closely allied to the Israelites, namely\nthe Syrians and Arabs, our _data_, so far as processional dances are\nconcerned, are very scanty, though we are not without information on\nthe general subject of the sacred dance among them. In one of the\ninscriptions found in Deir el-\u1e32ala near Beirut there is a reference\nto \u0398\u03b5\u03c9 \u0392\u03b1\u03bb\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03ba\u03c9\u03b4\u03b9; he is called upon as \u0392\u03b1\u03bb\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03ba\u03c9\u03c2 \u03ba\u03bf\u03af\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u03b5 \u03ba\u03ce\u03bc\u03c9\u03bd; this\nwitnesses to the existence of a Phoenician god known as _Baal-Marq\u00f4d_,\naccording to the Semitic form, _i.e._ the \u201cBaal, or Lord, of\ndancing[53].\u201d He was either thought of as the originator of the sacred\ndance among the Phoenicians, just as the Greeks and others ascribed the\norigin of dancing to certain gods and goddesses; or else he was so called\n\u201cbecause of a bacchanalian dance which was performed in his honour[54]\u201d;\nor because he was the god, _par excellence_, to whom dancing was due\nas an act of homage[55]. The name shows that among the Phoenicians the\nsacred dance had its place.\n\nWe shall come, later on, to other types of the sacred dance among the\nSyrians and Arabs. Here we may, in passing, point to the fact that the\nBedouin Arabs of the Syrian Desert even at the present day perform dances\nin honour of exalted personages; this may confidently be regarded,\nespecially in view of other evidence to be given below, as pointing to\nsimilar dances being performed in earlier times in honour of gods; for\ndivinities were honoured in this way for ages before men were. Thus\nRitter describes the dancing of the Bedouin Arabs which he witnessed,\nadding that the far-travelled sailors who were with him told him that\nthis mode of dancing was strikingly similar to that which they had seen\nperformed by the savage South Sea islanders[56]. Dancing in honour of\nthe newly married couple, regarded as king and queen, is interestingly\ndescribed by Wetzstein[57]. Such dances, though not now strictly sacred,\ndeserve a passing reference, for they have a long history behind them,\nand at one time were certainly connected with religion.\n\nIn many Babylonian psalms and hymns which were sung in procession, and\nwhich have come down to us, there is, it is true, no mention of dancing;\nbut it is difficult to believe that it did not take place, especially in\nview of the evidence to be given below. The silence may well be due to\nthe fact that it was so obvious a part of the ritual that there would\nhave been no point in mentioning it. One can hardly conceive of its\nabsence, knowing what we do of the Semitic religious temperament, during\nsuch a great festival, for example, as that of the re-entry of Marduk\non the 11th Nisan into the temple of E-sagila. On this occasion a great\nprocession of priests and choir was formed, and during the re-entry of\nthe god into his sanctuary they sang the hymn beginning:\n\n    \u201cO Lord, at the entering-in into thy sanctuary...[58].\u201d\n\nAt such a time of solemn religious rejoicing it can hardly be doubted,\njudging from many analogies, that some form of sacred dance formed a\nstriking feature of the ritual. The dance-step may well have been of a\nsedate character, but, as we have seen, the steps and performance of the\nsacred dance range from an almost march-like, though rhythmical, tread to\nantics of the most diverse character. It is important to remember that\nin Assyrian the word for \u201cto dance\u201d (_rak\u00e2du_) means also \u201cto rejoice.\u201d\nAmong all the Semites the religious festivals were special times of\nrejoicing. So that when we read of processions during Babylonian and\nAssyrian festivals it is justifiable to assume that sacred dances were\nperformed as a recognized part of the ritual.\n\nBut we are not without tangible evidence on the subject. On an\ninscription discovered in the palace of Asshurbanipal a procession is\ndepicted which is led by men playing harps; the foremost among these,\neach of whom has one of his legs raised, quite obviously represent\ndancers. They are followed by women with arms uplifted, and also by\nchildren who seem to be clapping their hands, apparently in rhythmical\ntime with the dancers. An illustration of this is given, _e.g._, by\nJeremias[59], who quotes from the inscription the Assyrian account of\nHezekiah\u2019s subjection to Sennacherib. In this inscription, among other\nthings sent by the king of Judah to Nineveh, \u201cplaying men and women\u201d are\nmentioned; the illustration represents these as both dancing and playing\ninstruments. It is, therefore, as Jeremias rightly emphasizes, very\nimportant for the light it throws on the subject of the Temple music and\nworship in pre-exilic times. But it also throws light on Assyrian usage\nsince it is obvious that the inscription reflects Assyrian ideas.\n\nMention may be made here, but very tentatively, of three inscriptions\nfound in Cyprus by Ohnefalsch-Richter. It is conceivable that these bear\nwitness, though indirectly, to early Mesopotamian ritual, for in style\nand representation they are somewhat reminiscent of ancient Babylonian\ncylinder seals. They are numbered cxxviii. 4, 5, 6 and a sacred dance\nis represented on each; they are cylindrical in form, and very ancient,\npre-Homeric and pre-Mycenaean, according to Ohnefalsch-Richter, who\nsays also that they bear a striking similarity to later Olympic\nrepresentations[60]. The dancers wear long dresses rather like those of\npriests on Assyrian cylinder seals.\n\n\nIII\n\nA religious processional dance of great interest is that represented on\nthe well-known Hittite rock-inscription at Boghazkeui, in Cappadocia.\nThe central portion of this inscription represents a company of gods and\ngoddesses; towards them, from either side, the procession moves; the\nfigures on the left hand which form the procession are almost exclusively\nmen, while those on the right are all women. The men all wear the\ncone-shaped Hittite cap and tip-tilted shoes, and they are performing\na running-step dance, the right feet being partly raised and touching\nthe ground only with their toes. The inscription belongs approximately\nto B.C. 1200[61]. That it represents a religious processional dance is\nclear both because of the presence of gods and goddesses, and also from\nthe fact that in front of or over the heads of a number of the figures\nthere are hieroglyphic signs which denote the names of divinities.\n\nA small inscription on a haematite cylinder, from Cyprus, also represents\na Hittite sacred processional dance. As in the previous inscription, the\nprocession, which is preceded and followed by a priest, moves towards\nthe god. Ohnefalsch-Richter thinks that the scene represents a moment at\nwhich the dancers are resting[62].\n\n\nIV\n\nAlthough we find that among the Egyptians the _data_ leave something\nto be desired, yet they are sufficient to suggest that dancing as a\nreligious ceremony formed an important feature among them. As is the case\namong all other peoples the sacred dance has divine sanction.\n\n    \u1e24at\u1e25or, for example, was the goddess of music and dancing, and\n    is often depicted with a small boy rattling a sistrum in front\n    of her.... The king, in the capacity of \u1e24at\u1e25or\u2019s son, similarly\n    rattles a sistrum in front of her and is called \u201cgoodly _I\u1e25y_\n    (the goddess\u2019s child) of the golden one of the gods.\u201d\n\nThe name _I\u1e25wy_, a variant form of _I\u1e25y_, is applied to the priests of\n\u1e24at\u1e25or; they are represented as \u201cdancing and clattering castanets[63].\u201d\nAt the festivals held in honour of \u1e24at\u1e25or and Bastet dancing was an\nindispensable feature; so, too, at the Apis festivals[64]. Again,\nB\u0113s, or B\u0113sa, originally a dancing figure of the Sudanese type, is\nrepresented on inscriptions as holding the youthful sun-god Harpokrates\nin his left arm, and offering him food with the right hand; he also\nprovides for the young sun-god\u2019s amusement, and is depicted performing\ngrotesque dances before him, and playing the harp and laughing. Thus he,\ntoo, became in course of time, a god of dance, music, and merriment[65].\n\nIn dancing in honour of their gods and goddesses, therefore, the\nEgyptians were employing a method of honouring which they imitated from\nthe gods themselves; and this seems to have been the case, at one time or\nother, of their religious history, with most, if not all, races, so far\nas the evidence enables us to judge.\n\nAs to processional dances Blackman says that\n\n    there is some reason for supposing that at Thebes and\n    elsewhere, on the occasion of the annual festival of \u1e24at\u1e25or,\n    that goddess\u2019s priestesses, when the temple service and the\n    subsequent procession were ended, paraded the streets, and, in\n    company with the _I\u1e25wy_-priests, stopped at one house after\n    another in order to bestow \u1e24at\u1e25or\u2019s blessing upon the inmates.\n    This they did by dancing and singing and holding out to their\n    audience\u2014perhaps that they might touch them\u2014the emblems of\n    their goddess, the sistra and _mnit_-necklaces[66].\n\nAgain, according to Apuleius, there was a sacred dance in connexion with\nthe worship of Isis. On stated days there was a great procession held in\nhonour of this goddess which went through the streets of the city; the\ncolumn was headed by a band of dancing masqueraders. He describes this\nprocession of the _Isidis Navigium_ minutely; among other details he\nmentions that in one part of it there were musicians, playing on pipes\nand flutes, followed by a chorus of chosen youths, clad in snowy white\ngarments; behind them came more musicians playing on pipes, and many\nother men jingling on bronze, silver, and even golden sistra[67].\n\nAnother kind of procession, namely of barges, in which dancing also took\nplace, is described by Herodotus in speaking of the religious festivals\nof the Egyptians. He says:\n\n    Now, when they are being conveyed to the city of Bubastis, they\n    act as follows,\u2014men and women embark together, great numbers\n    of both sexes in every barge; some of the women have castanets\n    which they play, and the men play on the flute during the whole\n    journey; the rest of the men and women sing and clap their\n    hands together at the same time. When in the course of their\n    passage they come to any town, they lay their barge near to\n    the land and do as follows, some of the women do as I have\n    described ... some dance, and others stand up and pull up their\n    clothes. This they do at every town by the river-side[68].\n\nMention may be here appropriately made of a kind of ritual dance, though\nnot processional in the strict sense, which seems to be represented by\na scene very often portrayed on the doors of Egyptian temples. Here the\nking is seen hastening towards the deity while performing a curious\ndance-like running step in which only the fore-part of the foot touches\nthe ground. Kees has shown that this frequently occurring representation\non Egyptian temple-doors does in fact record a ritual dance in honour of\nthe god which was performed by the king when making his offerings[69].\n\nOther types of the sacred dance among the Egyptians will come before us\nlater. It may be remarked here, however, that, in regard to the sacred\ndance in general, it was, in the more ancient periods, of a staid and\nmeasured character, if we may judge from the inscriptions. From the time\nof the new empire onwards it assumed a form more like that of modern\ntimes. As to the apparel worn for the sacred dance and the mode of its\nperformance, what held good of dancing in general applies also to this,\nas may be gathered, again, from the inscriptions. In most representations\nthe women, like the men, wear quite short tunics, the former being decked\nwith all kinds of ornaments; sometimes long transparent robes are worn,\nbut this is exceptional. The women hold tambourines which they strike\nwith the open palm, others have castanets which they click. Mostly they\nappear whirling about, evidently in quick time. The representations show\nthat there was much bending and other movements of body and limbs[70].\n\n\nV\n\nAmong the Greeks dancing has from the earliest times been associated\nwith gods and goddesses. Thus, for example, Apollo, Ares, Dionysos,\nPan, are all described as dancers. Artemis dances with her companions,\nand even Zeus and Hera do not disdain it. The \u201cPyrrhic Dance[71],\u201d\naccompanied by flute-players, which was performed during the festival\nof _Panathenaia_[72], was said by some to be have been invented by the\nDioscuri[73], according to others it was originated by Athena. The Muses\ndanced on the Helicon around the altar of Zeus[74]. In the train of\nDionysos were the satyrs with their special dance, the _Sicinnis_[75].\n\nThat wherein the gods themselves delighted would, of course, delight\ntheir worshippers; and it is true to say that there was scarcely ever\nworship among the Greeks without song and dance. In his _Peri Orchese\u014ds_\n(XV. 177) Lucian says:\n\n    ... I pass over the fact that you cannot find a single ancient\n    mystery in which there is not dancing.... To prove this I\n    will not mention the secret acts of worship, on account of\n    the uninitiated. But this much all men know, that most people\n    say of those who reveal the mysteries, that they \u201cdance them\n    out[76].\u201d\n\nThere is abundant evidence to show the truth of Farnell\u2019s statement that\n\u201cthe dance and song were indispensable in Greek religious service[77].\u201d\n\nThis fondness of the ancient Greeks for dancing necessitated suitable\nplaces where it could be performed, whether for religious or secular\npurposes. Ready-made plots for this were rarely to be looked for, since\nwhat was wanted was a more or less circular level space. It happened far\nmore frequently that the ground had to be prepared artificially[78] and\na dancing-ground constructed by levelling up the soil which then had\nsand strewn upon it. But wear and tear, as well as the dampness of the\nground, would soon have called for something more solid and abiding, and\ntherefore pavements were laid. By means of patterns formed of differently\ncoloured stones such pavements served also the purpose of facilitating\ndance-formations. Such places for dancing were a source of pride to the\nGreek cities in the time of Homer when there were as yet no open spaces\nof public resort[79].\n\nAt least two inscriptions on which the sacred processional dance is\ndepicted have been found in Cyprus; one is a relief on limestone; it\nrepresents a procession approaching the deity before whom an altar\nstands; underneath on the left a sacred dance is vividly portrayed, and\non the right a sacred feast is taking place[80]. The other, which is of a\nsimpler character, shows the god seated under a tree, the worshippers are\ncoming towards him in solemn procession[81].\n\nA great deal of light is thrown upon our subject by representations on\nancient Greek pottery, etc.; from a wealth of material we select the\nfollowing illustrations. On a vase-painting in the British Museum[82]\na triumphal dance procession is portrayed, it is in all probability\nintended to be taking place in honour of Dionysos; men and women are\ndancing, the latter playing tambourines and lyres; in the centre is\nthe god sitting on a camel. Some of the figures are Greek, others are\nclearly oriental, thus illustrating the alien character of the cult of\nDionysos. The dancing in honour of this god is dealt with in Chapter VII;\nthis example of it is given here because it illustrates the processional\ntype of the sacred dance. Many illustrations can be seen in the British\nMuseum, and excellent reproductions of originals are given in various\nbooks[83].\n\nOur most informing source is, of course, Greek literature. In the\nexamples to be given we shall not restrict ourselves to processional\ndances, for it is not always possible to say what formation a dance took.\n\nSacred dances were performed in honour of Artemis[84] at the feast of\n_Tith\u0113nidia_ which was celebrated in the temple of Artemis Koruthalia by\na stream outside Sparta; on this occasion sucking pigs and loaves were\nsacrificed to the goddess. She was apparently also honoured with sacred\ndance on Parnassos, for Farnell refers to a passage in the _Phoenissae_\naccording to which a maidens\u2019 chorus was danced there \u201cin honour of\nthe \u1f00\u03b8\u03ac\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4o\u03c2 \u0398\u03b5\u03ac, who, from the context, appears to be Artemis[85].\u201d A\npassage in Pausanias runs as follows:\n\n    A third cross-road leads on the right to Caryae, and to the\n    sanctuary of Artemis; for Caryae is sacred to Artemis and the\n    nymphs, and an image of Artemis Caryatis stands here under the\n    open sky. Here every year the Lacedaemonian maidens dance in\n    troops their national dance[86].\n\nFrazer, in his notes on the passage, says that the dancing of the\nLacedaemonian maidens \u201cis said to have been taught the Lacedaemonians by\nCastor and Pollux (Lucian, _De Saltatione_, 10)....\u201d \u201cThe name Caryae,\u201d\nhe says further, \u201cmeans \u2018walnut-trees,\u2019 and may have been given to the\ntown from the walnut-trees which grew there[87].\u201d Further on Pausanias\ntells of the Messenians who \u201cwaylaid by day the maidens who were dancing\nat Caryae in honour of Artemis, and seizing the wealthiest and noblest\nof them, carried them off to a village in Messenia[88].\u201d When dancing in\nhonour of Artemis the maidens were dressed in short _chit\u00f4n_, and carried\na basket-like receptacle on their heads[89].\n\n    The worship of Artemis, as Curtius has observed, was peculiarly\n    associated with low-lying land and reed-covered marshes. The\n    reeds shared with men in the worship of the goddess, and moved\n    to the sound of the music in her festivals, or, as Strabo says,\n    the baskets danced, or in Laconia maidens crowned with reeds\n    danced[90].\n\nAt the Brauronian ceremonies of Artemis it was the custom for young\nmaidens to dance, in honour of the goddess, dressed in saffron robes; in\nthis dance both they and the priestess were called \u201cbears.\u201d The saffron\nrobe, according to Farnell, was \u201cpossibly worn in order to imitate the\ntawny skin of the bear,\u201d but he is doubtful of this; it is, however, very\nprobable, as he says, that in the earliest times of the rite an actual\nbear-skin was worn by the dancers[91]. This dance was known by the name\nof _Arkteia_; quite young girls took part in it, from the ages of five to\nten, and it appears to have been a kind of initiation by which they were\nconsecrated to Artemis before arriving at puberty[92].\n\nOn the dance called _Ork\u0113sis I\u014dnik\u0113_, which was performed in honour of\nArtemis, see _Julii Pollucis Onomasticon_, IV. 193. Mention is also made\nof the dancing in honour of this goddess at Elis, in Pisatid territory,\nPausan. VI. xxii. 1; see also Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_,\nII. 445; and for other dances belonging to her worship see Gruppe, _op.\ncit._ I. pp. 254, 283, 342, II. 842 and especially 1284; Lobeck, _Aglao._\nII. 1085 ff.\n\nThe dancing performed at the festival of _Gymnopaediae_, also in honour\nof Artemis, as well as Apollo and Latona, which was held in Sparta at\nthe beginning of July, is referred to by Pausanias; he says:\n\n    In the market-place at Sparta there are images of Pythaean\n    Apollo, Artemis, and Latona. This whole place is called\n    _Chorus_, because at the festival of _Gymnopaediae_, to which\n    the Lacedaemonians attach the greatest importance, the lads\n    dance choral dances in honour of Apollo[93].\n\nGruppe draws attention to the dancing performed in honour of Apollo\n_Karneios_[94], so also Bekker[95]. Mention may also be made of the\nCretan legend of the birth of Zeus which is represented on coins from\nTralles; they have the inscription \u0394\u03b9\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b3\u03bf\u03bd\u03b1\u03af, with Corybantes dancing in\nhonour of the new-born god, and striking their shields[96].\n\nThere can be no doubt that _every_ type of dance among the Greeks was in\nits origin connected with religion; but in the case of some it is evident\nthat they quite lost their religious character. The \u201cPyrrhic Dance,\u201d\nwhich was at one time purely sacred and later lost this character, is\nan instance[97]. Another is that of the dance called the \u201cLabyrinth,\u201d\nknown also as the \u201cGame of Troy,\u201d and \u201cAriadne\u2019s Dance[98].\u201d R\u00e9ville, in\nreferring to it, says that\n\n    in certain mythologies it has been observed that all the stars\n    move, turning round the earth and following their regular\n    courses. Nothing more is wanted for these movements of the\n    stars to be likened to a rhythmic and complicated dance. The\n    consequence will be a religious dance in honour of the \u201carmy\n    of the heavens.\u201d The dance will develop in a manner apparently\n    entangled, but nevertheless methodical. There were several\n    sacred dances having this character of imitation of the\n    movements of the stars; among others, that of the \u201cLabyrinth,\u201d\n    which was danced in Crete and Delos. The labyrinth itself, with\n    its thousand circuits, was a symbol of the starry heaven, and\n    the dance of the same name must have been a sort of animated\n    representation of it[99].\n\nAn interesting representation of this dance occurs on an Etruscan\nPolledrara vase, painted by an Ionian artist, and found in Cyprus,\nwhere the dance was at one time performed in Amathus in honour of\nAphrodite-Ariadne; according to tradition Theseus led the Attic youths\nand maidens in this dance[100]. The representation is superbly executed.\nThe connexion of the name of Ariadne with this dance is sufficient to\nshow its originally religious character, and probably it remained so\nalways, theoretically; but even as early as the time of Homer, according\nto the following account from the _Iliad_, the religious element does not\nappear prominently:\n\n    Also with cunning art he wrought a dancing-floor; like unto\n    that which erst, in broad Knossos, Daidalos had made for\n    fair-haired Ariadne. Thereon young men and comely damsels were\n    dancing, that clasped each other by the wrist. The damsels were\n    arrayed in vestures of fine linen, and the men in fine-spun\n    tunics, glossy with oil. And the damsels wore fair coronals,\n    while the men carried golden dirks hanging from baldrics of\n    silver. Now they would dance with cunning feet, lightly, as\n    when a potter sitting at his task maketh trial of the wheel\n    that is ready to his hands, to see if it run; now they would\n    dance in long lines, facing one another. And a great company\n    stood around the beauteous dancing-place, rejoicing; and\n    two tumblers, leading the dance, kept whirling through the\n    midst[101].\n\nThis dance was adopted by the Romans from the Greeks. Virgil compares its\ncomplicated evolutions with the windings of the Cretan labyrinth[102]; and\n\n    that the comparison is more than a mere poetical flourish\n    appears from a drawing on a very ancient Etruscan vase found\n    at Tragliatella. The drawing represents a procession of seven\n    beardless warriors dancing, accompanied by two armed riders on\n    horseback, who are also beardless. An inscription proves that\n    the scene depicted is the \u201cGame of Troy\u201d; and attached to the\n    procession is a figure of the Cretan labyrinth, the pattern of\n    which is well known from coins of Cnossus, on which it is often\n    represented. The same pattern, identified by an inscription,\n    _Labyrinthus, hic habitat Minotaurus_, is scratched on a wall\n    at Pompeii, and it is also worked in mosaic on the floor of\n    Roman apartments, with the figures of Theseus and Minotaur in\n    the middle[103].\n\nAfter pointing out the widespread occurrence of this labyrinth pattern,\nboth for the purpose of games as well as of decorations, Frazer continues:\n\n    A dance or game which has thus spread over Europe, and survived\n    in a fashion to modern times must have been very popular, and\n    bearing in mind how often with the decay of old faiths the\n    serious rites and pageants of grown people have degenerated\n    into the sports of children, we may reasonably ask whether\n    \u201cAriadne\u2019s Dance,\u201d or the \u201cGame of Troy,\u201d may not have had its\n    origin in religious ritual. The ancients connected it with\n    Cnossus and the Minotaur. Now we have reason to hold, with many\n    other scholars, that Cnossus was the seat of a great worship\n    of the sun, and that the Minotaur was a representative or\n    embodiment of the sun-god. May not, then, \u201cAriadne\u2019s Dance\u201d\n    have been an imitation of the sun\u2019s course in the sky? And may\n    not its intention have been, by means of sympathetic magic,\n    to aid the luminary to run his race on high?... If there is\n    any truth in this conjecture it would seem to follow that the\n    sinuous lines of the labyrinth which the dancers followed in\n    their evolutions may have represented the ecliptic, the sun\u2019s\n    apparent annual path in the sky. It is some confirmation of\n    this view that on the coins of Cnossus the sun or a star\n    appears in the middle of the labyrinth, the place which on\n    other coins is occupied by the Minotaur[104].\n\nFrazer\u2019s interesting suggestion points to the originally religious\ncharacter of \u201cAriadne\u2019s Dance,\u201d which in course of time it lost. Like\nthe dances at Harvest and Vintage festivals, \u201cAriadne\u2019s Dance\u201d was\none of the mediums whereby the sacred dance developed into a purely\nsecular amusement. The same may be said of the _Geranos_, or \u201cCrane\nDance,\u201d danced at Delos, which was apparently derived from \u201cAriadne\u2019s\nDance[105]\u201d; and also of the _Hormos_, or \u201cChain Dance,\u201d which was\nalso performed by youths and maidens holding their hands in a changing\nline[106].\n\nFinally, reference may be made to a few representations of the sacred\ndance found in Cyprus, in addition to those already mentioned. On a vase,\nnumbered cxxxii. 1 by Ohnefalsch-Richter[107], a dance is represented in\nwhich men and women are taking part, two of the former hold semi-circular\ninstruments with which they accompany the dance; also, three of the men,\none of whom seems to be acting as the leader, carry small swords at\ntheir sides; this illustrates the words of Homer in the quotation given\nabove (lines 597-8). Again, on two bronze vases, numbered cxxix. 2 and\ncxxx. 1, the dance represented shows women only, some of whom are playing\ninstruments, pipe, harp, and drum[108]; a similar representation occurs\non a painted Etruscan vase (cxxxii. 4), while on a thin golden plate from\na grave near Corinth[109] women are portrayed dancing and clothed with\nlong garments; this is numbered xxv. 15.\n\n\nVI\n\nIn turning now to the sacred dance among the Romans we find that there is\nnot nearly the amount of material from which to gather information that\nthere is among the Greeks. Cicero said: \u201cNo man who is in a sober state\nand not demented would dance either privately or in decent company[110].\u201d\nIf, as we may suppose was the case, this reflected the general opinion,\none can well understand why it was that dancing never played such a part\nin the national life of the Romans as it did in that of the Greeks.\nCicero, however, as is clear from the context of this quotation, was\nreferring to dancing as a pastime, which respectable Romans regarded as\ninconsistent with their dignity. The dance in worship was a different\nmatter. Nevertheless, even in this domain it did not play the part, nor\nanything like it, that it did among the Greeks. And what there was of it\nwas, in the main, due to Greek influence[111]. Not altogether, however;\nand the influence of oriental cults must not be overlooked. Reinach,\nin speaking of the effect that eastern religions produced upon that of\nRome, pointedly contrasts the hypocrisy of the sceptical priests in Italy\n(\u201cdeux aruspices, disait Coton, ne peuvent se regarder sans rire\u201d) with\nthe earnestness and sincerity of the oriental priest:\n\n    Quelle diff\u00e9rence avec le pr\u00eatre oriental qui va droit au\n    fid\u00e8le, l\u2019appelle son fr\u00e8re et le traite en cons\u00e9quence,\n    \u00e9veille et nourrit les \u00e9lans de sa d\u00e9votion, lui enseigne\n    l\u2019exstase, l\u2019esp\u00e9rance d\u2019un monde meilleur....\n\nThen he refers to the alien influences on the religion of Rome:\n\n    Juv\u00e9nal se plaint que l\u2019Oronte de Syrie se soit d\u00e9vers\u00e9 dans le\n    Tibre; il aurait pu en dire autant du Nil, du Jourdain, et de\n    l\u2019Halys... L\u2019Empire romain se remplit des adorateurs d\u2019Attis,\n    d\u2019Isis, d\u2019Osiris, de S\u00e9rapis, de Sabazios, de Zeus Dolichenos,\n    de Mithra. Les pratiques les plus \u00e9tranges, empreinte d\u2019un\n    sombre mysticisme, remplac\u00e8rent les froides et s\u00e9v\u00e8res coutumes\n    romaines[112].\n\nBut while giving due weight to the effect of these oriental influences,\nthe fact remains that it is chiefly to Greece that Rome owed the entry of\nnew cults. Within the small domain with which we are specially concerned\nwe have already considered the example of the \u201cGame of Troy,\u201d where it\nwas evident that this was borrowed from Greece. Another example which may\nbe cited is the ritual which accompanied the processions of supplication;\na solemn dance-step was characteristic of these; such, for instance, was\nthat which went from the temple of Apollo before the _Porta Carmentalis_\nto that of _Juno Regina_ on the Aventine; to her an offering of two\nwhite cows was made by the _Decemviri_. These latter formed the centre\nof the procession, and in front of them were twenty-seven virgins who\nhad to sing in honour of Juno. The singing took place during a halt\nin the _forum_; here the maidens sang their song while dancing with a\nmeasured, stately tread. As Wissowa says, the entire ritual was Greek\nfrom beginning to end[113]. It is probable that the dancing priests who\nbelonged to the early Roman _cultus_[114] witness also to Greek influence.\n\nAn interesting case of what may well have been an indirect importation\nfrom Greece, and which records one of the earliest instances of the\nsacred dance among the Romans, is mentioned by Frazer:\n\n    \u201cIn the fourth century before our era,\u201d he writes, \u201cthe city\n    of Rome was desolated by a great plague which raged for three\n    years, carrying off some of the highest dignitaries and a\n    great multitude of common folk. The historian who records\n    the calamity informs us that when a banquet had been offered\n    to the gods in vain, and neither human counsels nor divine\n    help availed to mitigate the violence of the disease, it was\n    resolved for the first time in Roman history to institute\n    dramatical performances as an appropriate means of appeasing\n    the wrath of the celestial powders. Accordingly, actors were\n    fetched from Etruria, who danced certain simple and decorous\n    dances to the music of a flute. But even this novel spectacle\n    failed to amuse or touch, to move to tears or laughter, the\n    sullen gods[115]....\u201d\n\nThe means which were subsequently found to be effective do not concern us\nhere; the point is that the sacred dance was imported from Etruria, and\nit is well known that the Etruscans were largely indebted to Greece for\ntheir religious ideas and ritual.\n\nIt will be unnecessary to offer further illustrations of this type of\nreligious dance among the Romans since it was mainly derived from Greece,\nand we have already devoted a section to the rite among the Greeks. It\nonly remains to be said that there is a marked difference in the mode\nof performing the sacred dance between the two peoples. Due largely\nto national temperament, but also to earlier oriental influences, the\nGreeks in their sacred dances gave freer vent to natural impulse, a\ncharacteristic which was especially pronounced in the ecstatic dance,\nwith which we deal below (pp. 119 ff.). The Romans, on the other hand,\nwere far more restrained and dignified in their performance of them.\nNevertheless, among both peoples the sacred dance was a necessary adjunct\nto worship, and that is the point with which we are specially concerned.\n\n\nVII\n\nWe do not propose to deal, excepting incidentally, with the sacred dance\namong the Asiatic peoples; firstly, because it would greatly increase the\nbulk of this volume; and secondly, because it is doubtful whether our\ndoing so would really throw much further light on the subject than we\ngain from the study of its prevalence among the peoples here considered.\nIt may be said generally, that the Asiatics are like the other peoples\nwith whom we deal in their belief that the sacred dance comes from the\nhigher powers. Among them, too, the sacred dance is an important part\nof the ritual of worship, it has different purposes, and it is very\nwidespread. That much even a superficial knowledge of the religion of the\nAsiatic peoples makes clear.\n\nIn referring to the subject of Vedic and Brahman worship in India Lehmann\nsays that the original character of Vedic sacrifice was a friendly feast\nfor the gods, and among the different ways of showing honour to the\nexalted guests during the sacrifices were offerings of incense, music,\nand dances, which were believed to give them pleasure[116].\n\n\nVIII\n\nLastly, we come to consider a few examples of the sacred dance in general\namong some of the uncultured races.\n\nThe Dakotahs perform a sacred dance in connexion with their worship of\nthe sun; it is executed by two young men \u201cin a very singular attitude,\u201d\nas Schoolcraft says. These two young worshippers perform the dance while\nin a state of almost complete nudity; each has a small whistle in his\nmouth with which he accompanies the dance at intervals, and each faces\nthe sun while dancing, that is, as long as the sun is above the horizon.\nThe mode of dancing is a kind of hitch of first one leg and then the\nother; they do this in a rhythmic manner and keep time by beating on raw\nhides of parchment.... This dance is kept up for two, and occasionally\nthree, days, during which time the worshippers partake of no food[117].\n\nTo take, next, an example from Central America; Lumholtz[118] relates of\nthe Tarahumare Indians of Mexico that they believe that by dancing they\nare able to gain the favour of their gods; their dancing is \u201ca series of\nmonotonous movements, a kind of rhythmical exercise,\u201d which they keep\nup sometimes for two nights. \u201cBy dint of such hard work they think to\nprevail upon the gods to grant their prayers.\u201d According to the same\nwriter, the Tarahumares say that the animals taught them how to dance;\nthat is an interesting point which will come before us again in a moment.\nThey regard dancing as a very serious and ceremonious matter, it is \u201ca\nkind of worship and incantation rather than amusement.\u201d The same is true\nof the ancient Peruvians, to take a South American example; the sacred\ndance was the \u201cgrand form of religious demonstration among them,\u201d and\nthey were very assiduous in this form of devotion[119].\n\nThe belief of the Tarahumares that the animals first taught them how\nto dance is interesting, for although it points to a relatively low\nreligious mentality, it is a stage in advance, for example, of that of\nthe natives of Ponape, one of the Caroline islands, in the Pacific; among\nthese\n\n    the different families suppose themselves to stand in a certain\n    relation to animals, and especially to fishes, and believe\n    in their descent from them. They actually name these animals\n    \u201cmothers\u201d; the creatures are sacred to the family and may not\n    be injured. Great dances, accompanied with the offering of\n    prayers, are performed in their honour[120].\n\nThese animals are their gods whom they honour by dancing; the Tarahumares\nhave separated their gods from the animals, but we may well surmise that\nin an earlier stage among them their gods were the animals who taught\nthem to dance, and in whose honour they danced. R\u00e9ville is certainly\nright in his conjecture that the sacred dance among uncultured races was\nthe earliest form of adoration[121].\n\nA good illustration of the way in which similar forms of worship are in\nvogue among different peoples where there can be no question of borrowing\nis afforded by the worship of the Pleiades. This was practised by the\nancient Peruvians[122], though whether dancing was performed in their\nhonour (which was highly probable) we are not told; but the aborigines of\nAustralia \u201csing and dance to gain the favour of the Pleiades\u201d (whom they\ncall _Mormodellick_), they are worshipped as the givers of rain[123]. The\nBlackfeet Indians of North America likewise worship the Pleiades;\n\n    at the general meeting of the nation there is a dance of\n    warriors, which is supposed to represent the dance of the seven\n    young men who are identified with the Pleiades. For the Indians\n    say that the seven stars of the constellation were seven\n    brothers, who guarded by night the field of sacred seed and\n    danced round it to keep themselves awake during the long hours\n    of darkness[124].\n\nFrazer has collected many instances of the worship of this constellation\nin lands widely separated; in most cases there is no mention of dancing\nin its honour, but it is difficult to believe that this did not take\nplace during the celebration of the Festivals held at its appearance[125].\n\nFinally, one or two examples of the sacred dance in the continent of\nAfrica may be offered. Speaking of the religion of the African aborigines\ngenerally, Schneider says that a living faith in a beneficent god of\nsome kind is one of its characteristics. He is worshipped, on the one\nhand, from fear; but on the other, as a mark of gratitude; and one of\nthe chief ways whereby this gratitude is shown is by songs and dances\naccompanied by music[126]. Again, the Kaffirs perform ceremonious dances\non all sacred occasions; their mimic dances, performed with a view to\nprepare for hunting or war, have also a serious side[127]. The same is\ntrue of the Namaquas; among these when anyone embraces Christianity it is\nsaid that \u201che has given up dancing[128].\u201d The Masai worship the god Engai\nwhom they conceive as embodied in the sky, or at all events as dwelling\nthere; he, too, is worshipped with songs and dances[129].\n\nExamples could, of course, be multiplied to any extent; those given\nare, however, quite sufficient for our purpose; and, as will have been\nnoticed, they represent, apart from Europe, all the continents.\n\n\nSUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS\n\nThe sacred dance among the Israelites was performed in honour of Jahwe,\ntheir national God; and it is evident that the processional form of dance\nwas a normal mode in the ritual of worship. Although the evidence as to\nthe existence of this rite among the Syrians and Arabs is scanty, yet\nits prevalence is sufficiently attested by the mention on an inscription\nof Baal-Marq\u00f4d, \u201cthe lord of dancing\u201d; this name may well point to the\nbelief among the Phoenicians that its divine bearer was the originator\nof the sacred dance; so that in performing it his worshippers did it in\nimitation of him, and therefore in his honour. Dances performed by the\nBedouin Arabs of the Syrian Desert in honour of exalted personages may\nquite reasonably be regarded as an adaptation of the earlier religious\nrite of dancing in honour of a god or spirit.\n\nReligious processions which were common in the worship of Assyrians and\nBabylonians must be regarded as a form of sacred dance in the extended\nuse of the term. In connexion with the well-known joyful character of\nthe religious festivals among the Semites it is worth remembering that\nthe Assyrian word _rak\u00e2du_ means both \u201cto rejoice\u201d and \u201cto dance\u201d; where\nthere was rejoicing, whether of a secular or religious kind, there was\ndancing; from which we may assume that at Assyrian religious festivals\nthe sacred dance had its place. Direct evidence of the processional dance\namong the Assyrians is offered by an inscription found in the palace of\nAsshurbanipal. Some inscriptions found in Cyprus may possibly reflect\nBabylonian and Assyrian usage, but the dance represented on these is of a\nless formal character than the processional dance.\n\nTwo inscriptions, one from Boghazkeui, the other from Cyprus, bear\nunmistakable evidence of the religious processional dance among the\nHittites.\n\nDancing in honour of Egyptian divinities is well attested on\ninscriptions; there is justification for the contention that the\nEgyptians believed that their gods and goddesses danced, and that\ntherefore their worshippers performed the sacred dance in imitation of\nthem. \u1e24at\u1e25or, Bastet, B\u0113s, and Isis are Egyptian divinities in connexion\nwith whom dancing is mentioned. A special ritual dance was performed by\nEgyptian kings in honour of the god when making their offerings.\n\nOf particular interest is the sacred dance among the Greeks. They, too,\nbelieved that gods and goddesses first danced; it was in honour of them,\nand in imitation of what they did, that their worshippers danced. Apollo,\nAres, Pan, Zeus, Hera, the Dioscuri, Athena, and, above all, Dionysos\nand Artemis are the deities especially mentioned in this connexion. The\nevidence, which is abundant, is obtained from representations on pottery\nand inscriptions, as well as from literary sources. Among the Greeks\nthe type of dances here considered was performed primarily in honour\nof gods and goddesses; but there is reason to believe that some dances\nhad originally other purposes. \u201cAriadne\u2019s Dance\u201d is probably the most\nstriking example; for there are distinct indications of its having been\nat one time an imitation of the sun\u2019s course in the sky, and of having,\nby means of imitative magic, the purpose of assisting the sun in running\nits course.\n\nThe Romans were primarily indebted to the Greeks for their sacred dances,\nthough oriental influences were also pronounced.\n\nThe sacred dance was an important element in Vedic and Brahman worship;\nit was, likewise, performed primarily in honour of divinities.\n\nProbably the most instructive area in which to study the sacred dance\nand its objects is that of the uncultured races, for among them it is\nseen in its native simplicity, unaffected, for the most part, by the\nexigencies of a more advanced civilization. The dance in honour of the\nsun, performed, for example, by the Dakotahs in a practically nude state\npoints to the belief of the sun being a person with whom it was possible\nto have a more or less direct contact; the sensation upon the naked body\nof the warmth of its rays would denote this contact. The long-continued\ndance in its honour offers an example of touching, if _na\u00efve_, devotion,\nemphasized by the accompanying fast. The belief that by means of dancing\nin honour of the gods they can be prevailed upon to answer prayers\u2014as\nexemplified by Central American Indians\u2014reveals a mentality so deeply\ningrained in human nature that the underlying idea can be paralleled by\nthe religious exercises of people among the most civilized nations at the\npresent day. That is an interesting phenomenon about which much could be\nsaid, but which would involve our straying far away from the immediate\nsubject in hand. These same Central American Indians say that the\nanimals taught them to dance; this belief is undoubtedly the explanation\nof the form of many dances in vogue among savages; just as more civilized\npeoples, such, for example, as the Greeks, imitated what they believed\nto be the dances of their gods and goddesses, so these savages imitated\nwhat they saw to be the movements of animals[130]. There, however, the\nparallel ceases, for the savages believed they were descended from\nthese animals; it was, thus, their ancestors whom they honoured by\ntheir imitative dances. Could the beliefs of these Mexican Indians have\ndeveloped spontaneously, untouched by extraneous influences\u2014a thing\nwhich is, of course, out of the question now\u2014it is quite possible that\nfrom these animals \u201chigh gods\u201d would have been evolved. Perhaps an\nillustration of this evolutionary process is to be seen in one of the\nforms of the Greek worship of Artemis, viz. in that of the Brauronian\nceremonies. The high probability that in the dance performed during\nthese ceremonies it was at one time customary for the dancers to wear\nbear-skins points to the connexion of Artemis with the bear. The meaning\nof this ritual is clear if we suppose that some remote ancestors of\nthe Greeks danced in honour of the bear in the belief that they were\ndescended from bears. The dance in bear-skins would thus be a personating\nof the goddess, that is to say, a means of union with her[131].\n\nAnother line in the process of religious evolution is seen in the\nwidespread worship of the Pleiades. Australian aborigines dance in\ntheir honour for the purpose of inducing them to give rain, without,\napparently, forming any ideas as to the nature of the Pleiades; but the\nBlackfeet Indians of North America imitate in dance seven young men,\nidentified with the Pleiades, who appear to be the guardians of the crops.\n\nIn the few examples of worship among different African aborigines given\nabove we have seen that dancing was in honour of their gods and an\nessential part of their worship, and we may well believe that the reason\nof this was the belief that the worshippers were imitating their gods in\ndoing so. While the purpose is always honorific, we may be sure that they\nalso had practical ends in view, viz. either the obtaining of food, or\neffecting union with the god. So that it is true to say that the sacred\ndance was the means of satisfying two essential needs of man: natural and\nspiritual sustenance.\n\nIn asking, finally, what is the bearing of this short investigation upon\nthe religion of the Israelites we note first of all that the Israelites\nwere at one with practically all the nations of antiquity, as well as\nwith the uncivilized peoples, in performing the sacred dance in their\nworship. The primary object was, among the Israelites, as among the\nothers, to honour their God. _Why_ this rite should have been thought\nof as pleasing to the deity we have already considered. It is, however,\nimprobable that the question troubled the Israelites; it was sufficient\nthat it had been handed down from time immemorial as an essential\nconstituent in the ritual of worship.\n\nFurther, we have seen that there was a very widespread belief that the\nsacred dance originated with the gods, or, in the case of savages,\nwith animals regarded as ancestors. While there is no hint in the Old\nTestament of any similar belief among the Israelites, we may well ask,\nin view of what has just been said about the ubiquity of the sacred dance\nitself, whether such a belief, or the echo of it, may not actually have\nexisted among them. It can scarcely be without significance that we get\ndefinite traces of it in the later Jewish literature which preserves in\nsuch numberless instances ancient traditions. It is said, for example,\nin the Midrash _Shir ha-Shirim_ to vii. 1 that God Himself will lead the\ndance of the righteous in the world to come. In an exegetical exercise of\na typically Rabbinical type on Ps. xlviii. 13, 14 (14, 15 in Hebr.) we\nare told that the words: \u201cMark well her bulwarks,\u201d should be rendered:\n\u201cDirect your heart to the dance\u201d; for instead of _l\u0115\u1e25\u0113lah_ one must\nread _l\u0115\u1e25\u016blah_ (\u201cto the dance\u201d). It is said, further, that, in that day\nthe righteous shall point with their fingers and say, \u201cThis is our God,\nwho will lead us,\u201d _i.e._ in the dance. Then it is said that the last\nword of the psalm _\u02bfal-muth_ (\u201cunto death\u201d) should be read _\u02bfalam\u00f4th_\n(\u201cmaidens\u201d), _i.e._ God will lead the dance of the righteous in the\nworld to come just as the maidens lead the dance in this world! We are\nnot concerned with the exegesis, but only with the idea put forth. It\nis quite conceivable that some old-world tradition lies behind it. In\nany case, it suggests a parallel to the belief of many other peoples. It\nshows also that we may at times be justified in seeking for side-lights\nupon the religion of Israel from quarters which may not appear promising;\nwe fully realize the pitfalls into which we may stumble in such cases,\nand the consequent need of caution; but one must be venturesome on\noccasion.\n\nWe drew attention just now to the belief of the Central American Indians\nthat their gods could be prevailed upon to answer prayer by means of the\nsacred dance; the \u201climping\u201d dance of the prophets of Baal had a similar\npurpose, though in this case there is a toning down inasmuch as there is\nan appeal to the pity of the god. Not very far removed from this is the\nidea of putting compulsion upon the god; an idea familiar to uncivilized\nman[132]; and it is quite possible that in some cases the sacred dance\nwas believed to have the effect of coercing the god to do what was\nrequired of him. The underlying idea is similar to that expressed in Gen.\nxxviii. 20-22:\n\n    And Jacob vowed a vow, saying, If God will be with me, and will\n    keep me in this way that I go, and will give me bread to eat,\n    and raiment to put on, so that I come again to my father\u2019s\n    house in peace, then shall Jahwe be my God....\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI\n\nTHE RITUAL DANCE ROUND A SACRED OBJECT\n\n\nI\n\nThe ritual encircling dance, whether in procession with measured tread or\nin the form of a dance-step\u2014and both are varieties of what is essentially\nthe same thing\u2014is perhaps the commonest kind of sacred dance. Its\noccurrence is world-wide. The object around which it takes place was in\nmost cases, at any rate originally, a sacred one: an idol, an altar, a\nsacrificial victim, a holy tree, or a well. The encirclement was also\nperformed round other things; but in these cases the dance is of another\ntype to which attention will be drawn later.\n\nOf sacred trees[133] and wells[134] among the Israelites we have abundant\nwitness in the Old Testament; there is also plenty of evidence of their\nexistence among other Semitic peoples, see, for example, Baudissin,\n_Studien zur Semitischen Religionsgeschichte_, II. 154 ff. (1876);\nRobertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, Lecture V. (1894);\nLagrange, _\u00c9tudes sur les religions s\u00e9mitiques_, pp. 158 ff., 162 ff.\n(1903), to mention but three of the foremost authorities. The Old\nTestament nowhere mentions any details of the cult in connexion with\nthese sacred objects, for reasons which have been pointed out[135],\nand therefore there is no allusion to the dance around them; but as we\nknow from so many sources that wherever sacred trees and springs existed\n(which has been all the world over) part of the ritual in connexion with\nthem consisted of the sacred dance, we need not gather from the silence\nof the Old Testament that it did not take place.\n\nAn interesting instance may be given of the way in which we are able to\nsupplement an Old Testament record from other sources. In Num. xxi. 17,\n18, occurs this song to the well:\n\n    Spring up, O well. Sing ye unto it;\n    To the well which the princes digged,\n    Which the nobles of the people delved,\n    With the wand, and with their staves.\n\nHere we have a song to the well, though no mention is made of the sacred\ndance; but in a striking parallel, recorded by Nilus, we are told that\nwhen the nomadic Arabs found a well they danced by it and sang songs to\nit[136]. Both song and dance were sacred, for, as Robertson Smith says:\n\n    Of all inanimate things that which has the best marked\n    supernatural associations among the Semites is flowing (or, as\n    the Hebrews say, \u201cliving\u201d) water ... and sacred wells are among\n    the oldest and most ineradicable objects of reverence among\n    all the Semites, and are credited with oracular powers and a\n    sort of volition by which they receive or reject offerings.\n    Of course these superstitions often take the form of a belief\n    that the sacred spring is the dwelling-place of beings which\n    from time to time emerge from it in human or animal form, but\n    the fundamental idea is that the water itself is the living\n    organism of a demoniac life, not a mere dead organ[137].\n\nKazwini[138] relates that \u201cwhen the water [of the wells of Ilabistan]\nfailed, a feast was held at the source, with music and dancing, to induce\nit to flow again.\u201d\n\nOne thinks of the \u201cWell of Fair Dances\u201d at Eleusis; though not offering a\nparallel to what has just been said, it is in so far an analogy in that\nit was a spring at which sacred dancing took place, in this case by women\nin honour of Demeter[139].\n\nWe have mention of sacred dancing, again, in another connexion, viz.\naround the Golden Calf. The passage is Exod. xxxii. 5, 6, 19:\n\n    And when Aaron saw this, he built an altar before it; and Aaron\n    made proclamation and said, Tomorrow shall be a feast (_\u1e25ag_)\n    to Jahwe. And they rose up early on the morrow, and offered\n    burnt offerings, and brought peace offerings; and the people\n    sat down to eat and drink, and rose up to dance[140].... And it\n    came to pass, as soon as he [_i.e._ Moses] came nigh unto the\n    camp, that he saw the calf and the dancing....\n\nThis definite mention of the sacred dance here justifies the assumption\nthat it was also performed in honour of a similar idol set up in other\nsanctuaries, such as those in Dan and Bethel (1 Kings xii. 28, 29, 2\nKings x. 29; cp. Hos. x. 5), in Samaria (Hos. viii. 5, 6), and possibly\nin Gilgal (Hos. xii. 11 [12], Am. v. 4, 5)[141].\n\nAgain, there are several passages in which the encirclement of the altar\nis mentioned; these merit a little attention. In 1 Sam. xvi. 11, where\nthere is, however, a little uncertainty about the reading, there is some\njustification in translating the Hebrew thus: \u201cAnd Samuel said ... we\nwill not go round, _i.e._ the altar, till he come.\u201d The Revised Version\nfollows the Septuagint and the Vulgate in rendering: \u201cWe will not sit\ndown, _i.e._ to the feast, till he come\u201d; but this use of the word is\notherwise unknown in the Old Testament[142]. Taking it in its natural\nsense the word would here refer to the ceremonial encircling of the altar\nwhich is mentioned elsewhere in the Old Testament, and was a recognized\npart of the ritual in offering sacrifices among other peoples. In Ps.\nxxvi. 6 it is said: \u201cI will wash mine hands in innocency and will go\nround thy altar, Jahwe\u201d; this points clearly to the ritual encircling of\nthe altar, and the incidental mention of it without further comment seems\nto imply that it formed part of the ordinary ritual[143]. A procession on\na larger scale may well be in the mind of the writer of Ps. xlviii. 13\n[12 in R.V.]: \u201cEncompass ye Zion, and go round about her\u201d; the context\npoints to the reference being to some act of ritual worship; and that it\nis a literal, and not a figurative, encirclement that is meant is clear\nboth from the use of _s\u0101bab_, as well as of _n\u0101qaph_, which refers often\nto the surrounding of cities.\n\nAn interesting passage is Ps. cxviii. 27, though there is some\nuncertainty again about the text. The R.V. reads: \u201cBind the sacrifice\nwith cords, even unto the horns of the altar.\u201d The word _\u1e25ag_ is here\ntranslated \u201csacrifice\u201d; but this is not justified (in spite of Mal.\nii. 3), for, as Briggs rightly points out, the procedure \u201cwould not be\nin accord with sacrificial laws and usage[144].\u201d On the other hand, to\ntranslate it by \u201csacred dance\u201d would be to give the word, as we have\nseen, its essential meaning[145]. Then, further, the word rendered \u201cbind\u201d\n(_\u02beasar_) can equally well mean \u201cjoin\u201d; cp. this meaning of the word in 1\nKings xx. 14, \u201cWho will join battle?\u201d The same use is found in 2 Chron.\nxiii. 3, \u201cAnd Abijah joined battle\u201d; in each case this root (_\u02beasar_)\nis used. So that our passage could be rendered quite correctly: \u201cJoin\nthe sacred dance.\u201d As to the word translated \u201ccords,\u201d or \u201cropes,\u201d this\nwould be used quite appropriately in connexion with dancing; it is the\nsame idea as that connected with _\u1e25ebel_ (\u201cchain,\u201d or \u201cband\u201d), used of\nprophets going about in single file (see further below, p. 108). In Hos.\nxi. 4 the two words are used as parallels. So that the reference in the\npsalm may well be to strings of worshippers being called upon to join in\nthe sacred dance. Briggs\u2019 objection to an explanation of this kind on the\nground that this usage of _\u1e25ag_ is rare and early, \u201cnot to be thought\nof in so late a psalm,\u201d is not valid when one remembers the tenacity\nwith which religious customs and expressions are clung to. It is well to\nremember that this psalm belongs to the \u201cHallel\u201d (Pss. cxiii.-cxviii.),\nthe most important of the festival psalms; the \u201cHallel\u201d was sung at all\nthe great feasts. We shall see presently that very clear evidence exists\nfor the performance of the encircling of the altar during the singing\nof this psalm in later days, as well as other dancing during the great\nfestivals. It may be taken for granted that both kinds of dance were not\ninnovations belonging to subsequent ages, but the continuance of what had\nbeen handed down for ages.\n\nFurther, one must take into consideration the idea that underlies the\nritual of the encirclement of a city, such as we read of in Josh. vi.,\nwhere the same root as that for the ritual encompassing of the altar\nis used (_s\u0101bab_). Through the whole account the religious element in\nthe undertaking comes strongly to the fore; the encircling procession\nis a sacred act: the sounding of the rams\u2019 horns by the priests, seven\nin number, the presence of the ark, the sevenfold encirclement on the\nseventh day, all emphasize its religious character which receives its\nhighest stamp in the words which proclaim the presence of Jahwe Himself\nin the procession: \u201cAnd it was so, that when Joshua had spoken unto the\npeople, the seven priests bearing the seven trumpets of rams\u2019 horns\nbefore Jahwe passed on, and blew with the trumpets: and the ark of the\ncovenant of Jahwe followed them.\u201d The God of the nation is conceived as\nbeing either identified with, or present in, the ark. The meaning and\nobject of the encirclement is clear from the words in vi. 17: \u201cAnd the\ncity shall be devoted, even it and all that is therein, to Jahwe.\u201d It\nis, as it were, a magic circle, described around the thing \u201cdevoted\u201d\nin order that nothing shall escape; by the encirclement it becomes\n\u201cconsecrated\u201d; though, of course, in a different sense from that in which\nthe encirclement of the altar consecrates the sacrifice on it.\n\nBefore drawing attention to some instances of this type of dance among\nother peoples, mention may be made of one among the Jews of post-biblical\ntimes. At the Feast of Tabernacles, after the sacrifices had been\noffered, the priests went in procession round the altar singing Ps.\ncxviii. 25 on each of the seven days during which the feast lasted. On\nthe seventh day a sevenfold circuit was made round the altar[146]. A\nceremony of this kind, as will be readily understood, would not have been\nan innovation introduced in post-biblical times; we may confidently take\nfor granted that the usage, in one form or another, had been handed down\nfrom time immemorial.\n\n\nII\n\nWe have already drawn attention to the fact that the central and most\nimportant part of the _cultus_ of the ancient Arabs was the circuit round\nthe sanctuary, or, when this was offered, round the sacrifice; and that\nit was from this fact that the _\u1e24agg_, which really means the \u201csacred\ndance,\u201d got its name. This sacred dance was performed not only round the\n_Kaaba_, but in every sanctuary round the sacred object. The holy stone\nis itself called _Davar_, \u201cthe object of encirclement,\u201d because of the\ncustom of performing the sacred dance round it[147].\n\nAnother illustration of this type of sacred dance is given by Nilus.\nIn speaking of the Arabs of the Sinaitic Peninsula, he says that they\ndid not worship any god or image of a god, but sacrificed to the\nmorning star at its rising. Then he goes on to describe how they took\nfor their sacrifice a white camel which they forced into a kneeling\nposture and \u201cwent circling round it in a circuitous fashion,\u201d the\nreference being clearly to some form of processional dance, which is\nnot, however, further described; but he mentions singing which went on\nat the same time, a very usual accompaniment to the sacred dance. When\nthe third circuit had been made, and while the singing was still going\non, the leader in the procession slaughtered the camel[148]. According\nto Jeremias this ritual perambulation (_\u1e6daw\u00e2f_) round the altar or a\nsacrificial victim among the idolatrous Semites may be explained as\nhaving been a symbolic representation of the movement of the heavenly\nbodies, in which case, as he maintains, the ritual dance would be proved\nto be a product of the ancient oriental world-concept[149]. But the rite\nis susceptible of a different explanation as we have seen[150].\n\nAnother instructive example among the Semites, in which it is evident\nthat the perambulation is not a symbolic representation of the movement\nof the heavenly bodies, is that which takes place at the festival of the\nPyre at Heliopolis. Lucian describes this as follows:\n\n    The greatest of the festivals that they celebrate is that held\n    in the opening of the spring; some call this the Pyre, others\n    the Lamp. On this occasion the sacrifice is performed in this\n    way. They cut down tall trees and set them up in the court;\n    then they bring goats and sheep and cattle and hang them living\n    to the trees; they add to these birds and garments, and gold\n    and silver work. After all is finished, they carry the gods\n    around the trees and set fire under; in a moment all is in a\n    blaze. To this solemn rite a great multitude flocks from Syria\n    and all the regions around. Each brings his own god and the\n    statues which each has of his own gods[151].\n\nThis encircling procession of the gods will be referred to again when\nwe review the instances of this type of sacred dance which have been\ngathered.\n\nThe suspending of the animals on trees reminds us\u2014but the object is\ndifferent\u2014of the _Dh\u0101t anw\u0101t_, or \u201ctree to hang things on\u201d; the spirit of\na departed saint is supposed to take up his abode in the tree at certain\ntimes, and his worshippers hang rags and ribbons on its branches as\n\u201cpledges of attachment[152]\u201d; this is still very common at the present\nday[153]. Dancing is, however, never mentioned in connexion with this.\nBut in the case of the holy tree spoken of by the ancient Arabian\nhistorian, Tabari, it is very probable that dancing was performed round\nit, even though it is not specifically mentioned. He tells of a lofty\ndate-palm in N\u0115gr\u0101n which the inhabitants worshipped, and in honour\nof which a festival was celebrated annually; on these occasions they\nbedecked the tree with as many beautiful women\u2019s garments as could be\nprocured, and during a whole day divine honours were paid to it[154].\n\nOnce more, to take a modern example which may well reflect traditional\nusage; among the No\u1e63airis, a Semitic tribe inhabiting the mountainous\ncountry to the south of the Orontes, and among whom many ancient customs\nare preserved, a festival called the feast of St Barbe is observed. At\nthis feast the young men and women, after candles have been lighted,\ndance round the festival board, which is covered with food of various\nkinds, singing and shouting[155]. Apparently there is little religious\nsignificance in this now; but it is safe to say that at some time of\nits history this dance constituted an act of honour to the saint, or a\npredecessor.\n\nWe have been unable to find any further instances of this type of sacred\ndance among Semitic peoples, nor yet among the Egyptians.\n\n\nIII\n\nAmong the Greeks the dance round a sacred object must have been very\nusual, judging from representations of it which have been found in\nCyprus. Thus, a votive offering made of clay, found near the villages\nof Katydata-Linu and now in the Cyprus Museum, is a very interesting\nexample; it consists of three bearded men dancing round another, who is\nalso bearded and who accompanies the dance on a Pan\u2019s-pipe. Aphrodite was\nthe chief goddess worshipped in the locality. The workmanship is very\nrough and belongs, according to Ohnefalsch-Richter, to the 6th century\nB.C. One of the dancing figures is lost, but the three were originally\nclearly represented as dancing round the one in the centre with hands\njoined. \u201cIt shows a dance-group such as was so often formed at festivals\nof the gods by Aryans and Semites, Greeks and Hebrews[156].\u201d Somewhat\nsimilar to this is another group (cxxxv. 6) of three women holding\nhands and dancing round another who is playing a Pan\u2019s-pipe. Another\nrepresents, as Ohnefalsch-Richter says, an Olympian dance (cxxxii. 3);\nin this case seven women are dancing round in a circle; the arms of\neach clasp the neighbour on either side round the waist. An example of\nthe sexes dancing together is cxxxv. 6; this is of terra-cotta from\nLeukosia[157]; six figures are dancing in a semi-circle, two are playing\nthe tympanum; they are alternately men and women (cp. the quotation from\nthe _Iliad_ given above: \u201cYoung men and comely damsels were dancing,\nthat clasped each other by the wrist\u201d). Again, a vessel of stone, which\nOhnefalsch-Richter believes to have been a vessel for incense, forms a\ngroup of three women dancing in a circle with joined hands. It resembles\nmany similar vessels found in the Artemis-Kybele _temenos_ at Achna,\nin Cyprus, as well as in Artemis-Kybele groves; they are not found\nelsewhere; all represent three women, roughly formed in the \u201cEgyptian\nstyle,\u201d and seem to have been a common cult-object in the worship of\nArtemis-Kybele[158].\n\nTwo examples representing a dance round a sacred tree may be mentioned.\nOne is very roughly made of clay; three women holding hands are dancing\nround it (cxxxv. 4). In this case the representation is formed on a\ngolden ring, from Mycenae; it is evidently intended to be a dance round\na sacred tree. This kind of sacred dance, says Ohnefalsch-Richter, often\noccurs on Graeco-Phoenician bronze vases[159].\n\nFinally, just a word may be said of the ceremony called the \u1f00\u03bc\u03c6\u03b9\u03b4\u03c1\u03cc\u03bc\u03b9\u03b1,\n\u201cthe running round\u201d; this was a purificatory rite for new-born\ninfants[160]. The child was carried at a running pace round the domestic\nhearth, the idea being, presumably, that the proximity of the fire acted\nas a lustration; this does not, however, explain the running round for\nwhich there must have been some special reason; is it possible that the\nidea here was that the current of air, produced by the quick running\nround, which played upon the child, also had a purifying effect? Air was\none of the means of lustration; the combination of fire and air would\nhave afforded all that could be desired[161].\n\nWhile this rite cannot be described as magical, it is not, strictly\nspeaking, religious; it seems to be in a sphere between the two; at the\nsame time, judging from certain Roman rites to which we turn now, the\n\u1f00\u03bc\u03c6\u03b9\u03b4\u03c1\u03cc\u03bc\u03b9\u03b1 at any rate approaches the border-line of religion.\n\n\nIV\n\nThe type of sacred dance which we are considering does not seem to\nhave been in vogue among the Romans excepting in the form of the\ncircumambulatory procession; and although the word \u201cdance\u201d can only in an\nextended sense be applied to a procession, yet, as we have seen (pp. 5\nf.), this is justified. The Romans worshipped their gods with sacrifice\nand prayer; the two, so far as is known, were invariably combined. But\n\n    on important occasions, and for particular reasons, these\n    were performed in the course of a procession or circuit round\n    some object\u2014land, city, army, or instruments, such as arms\n    and trumpets\u2014or, again, the whole Roman people, if supposed\n    to be in need of \u2018purification\u2019 from some evil influence; in\n    this extended form the ritual was called _lustratio_; and this\n    ceremonial was perhaps the most characteristic, not only of the\n    Roman, but of all ancient Italian forms of worship[162].\n\nThe object of this rite was, according to Wissowa[163], the purification\nof all that was within the circle formed by the procession; and as the\nsacred victims intended for sacrifice were taken round, the effect was to\nkeep away all evil influences outside the circuit made.\n\nA striking example of this circumambulatory procession was its\nperformance by the _Fratres Arvales_ at the festival of the _Ambarvalia_,\nto which reference is made below (p. 149). Another is that of the course\nof the _Luperci_ round the Palatine Hill at the _Lupercalia_ (see\nfurther, p. 150); this, too, had as its object purification whereby\nfruitfulness was imparted to the fruits of the field, and to the flocks.\n\nAs among the Greeks, so, too, the Romans had a purificatory rite for\ntheir new-born infants on the _dies lustricus_, _i.e._ on the ninth day\nafter birth for boys, on the eighth for girls. Marquardt thinks that\nperhaps the Romans took over the rite from the Greeks[164].\n\n\nV\n\nAmong uncultured races the sacred dance in a circle, or round some sacred\nobject, is widely spread; many illustrations of it could be given, but it\nwill suffice if quite a few examples are offered because, as there is a\ngreat family likeness between them, a few will answer the same purpose as\na large number.\n\nSchoolcraft tells us that among the Dakotahs a feast is held every now\nand then at which a special dance is performed in honour of their god\nHa-o-Kah. He is a giant god, but subordinate to the Great Spirit. This\ndance\n\n    is performed by the men only, within a wigwam, around a fire\n    over which are kettles of meat boiling. They have no clothing\n    except a conical cap made of birch bark with paint to represent\n    lightning, and some strips of the same material around the\n    loins. While hopping and singing around the kettles they\n    will thrust in their bare hands and pull out pieces of meat\n    and eat them while scalding hot. After the meat is all eaten\n    they will splash the hot water over their bare backs, all the\n    time hopping around and singing out, \u201coh, how cold it is!\u201d\n    pretending that the hot water does not scald them, and that the\n    god will not allow any of his clan to be injured by it.\n\nAn illustration is given of the worshippers hopping round the fire[165].\n\nAgain, the Timagani Indians have a \u201cBear Dance\u201d which is performed in the\nform of a circle led by the chief playing a drum and singing the \u201cBear\nDance\u201d song; the circle goes round counter-clockwise.\n\n    The leader sometimes dances backwards, turns round, stoops, and\n    in other ways imitates the bear.... The circling keeps up until\n    the song is finished. The idea of this dance seems to be to\n    honour the bear by imitating him[166].\n\nThe performers in this dance do not encircle any object; it is simply\na dance in the form of a circle; they do not hold hands, but go round\nin a follow-my-leader style. Although the dancing in honour of the bear\nreminds one of the \u1f08\u03c1\u03ba\u03c4\u03b5\u03af\u03b1 performed in honour of Artemis, it differs\nfrom this in that only men take part in it; and the \u1f08\u03c1\u03ba\u03c4\u03b5\u03af\u03b1, in which\nthe performers are only young girls is, as we have seen, an initiation\nceremony. A closer parallel of the dance of the Timagani Indians is the\n\u201cBear Dance\u201d among the Sioux Indians mentioned by R\u00e9ville[167].\n\nAt the New Year festival of the Kayans of Sar\u0101wak, to come to another\npart of the world, there is a great sacrifice of pigs, whose \u201cspiritual\nessence is appropriately offered to the spirits, while their material\nsubstance is consumed by the worshippers.\u201d\n\n    \u201cIn carrying out this highly satisfactory arrangement,\u201d says\n    Frazer, \u201cwhile the live pigs lay tethered in a row on the\n    ground, the priestesses dance solemnly round a sacrificial\n    stage, each of them arrayed in a war-mantle of panther skin,\n    and wearing a war-cap on her head, and on either side two\n    priests armed with swords execute war-dances for the purpose of\n    scaring away evil spirits...[168].\u201d\n\nThis encirclement of the sacrificial victims seems to be a kind of\nconsecrating act prior to the sacrifice similar to the rite of the\nheathen Arabs in encircling their white camel destined for sacrifice to\nthe morning star. The same is probably the case among the Bagobos of\nMindanao, one of the Philippine islands, who\n\n    perform a sacred dance round a human victim prior to his\n    sacrifice, offered for the purpose of making the crops\n    grow[169].\n\nBut the more usual rite for making the crops grow is the sacred dance\nround a tree; the propitiation of the tree-spirit is believed to be a\npotent means for securing this end[170]. Thus the Gallas dance in couples\nround sacred trees, praying for a good harvest. Every couple consists\nof a man and a woman, who are linked together by a stick, of which each\nholds one end. Under their arms they carry green corn or grass[171]. This\nis the underlying idea of the dances of a quasi-religious character round\nthe May-pole, and round the \u201cCorn-Mother[172],\u201d of which there are such\nnumberless instances. It is also supposed to make the cattle thrive; one\ninstance of numbers may be given; the Wends used to attach an iron cock\nto an oak; they danced round this and then drove their cattle round it\nin the belief that by this means their cattle would increase[173].\n\nWe refrain from offering further examples, for everyone knows how common\nthis custom was, and still is.\n\n\nSUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS\n\nThe objects around which dances were performed were various. In the\nOld Testament dancing is not mentioned around trees and wells, but as\nthese were often sacred and as, in consequence, the dance around them\nwas very common among many peoples, it is a reasonable assumption that\nthe Israelites did the same. The song to the well in Num. xxi. 17, 18\nstrengthens this assumption, especially in view of the two parallels\ngiven. The definite mention of dancing in connexion with the Golden\nCalf (it is not specifically stated that the dancing was _round_ it,\nbut this would have been the most obvious form for it to take) suggests\nthe probability that similar idols in other sanctuaries were similarly\nhonoured.\n\nThe ceremonial encirclement of the altar, whatever the form of the\nencircling procession, is sufficiently attested in the Old Testament,\nthough the text is uncertain in three of the passages cited. The usage in\nlater days among the Jews must be regarded as the continuance of ancient\ncustom. The analogy of the encirclement of a city is appropriate in this\nconnexion. The object of the encircling procession round a city seems\nto be that of \u201cdevoting\u201d all that is within it, which thereby becomes\n_taboo_. The encirclement of the altar is an act of consecration, _i.e._\nof the sacrifice upon it. This explanation of the rite is suggested\nby the analogous custom among the Arabs of encircling a sacrificial\nvictim. The contention that the encircling procession was a symbolic\nrepresentation of the movement of the heavenly bodies does not explain\nwhy it should take place round a _sacrificial victim_. The rite seems\nmore likely to have had the object of consecration; and this receives\nconfirmation from the instance recorded by Lucian among the Syrians who\nperambulated their gods round the sacrificial victims; this can scarcely\nhave had any other meaning than that of sanctifying all within the divine\ncircle traced by the gods.\n\nThe dance round a sacred object must have been very common among the\nGreeks, judging by the large number of representations of it which have\ncome down to us; the Cyprus \u201cfinds\u201d are full of interest. Those which\nrepresent the dance round a person who accompanies it on a Pan\u2019s-pipe\nprobably portrays the kind of dancing which took place at festivals\nwhen numbers of such groups were formed. Such dances must often have\ndegenerated into mere \u201cfun\u201d; but that they originally had a serious\nside and were performed with the single purpose of doing something\npleasing in the sight of a god or goddess, does not admit of doubt.\nThe representations may well reflect one form of dancing at Israelite\nfestivals. Among the Greeks we have direct evidence of these \u201cring\u201d\ndances being performed by men and women together; and it is known that\nthis led at times to unseemly licence. What little evidence we have on\nthe subject so far as the Israelites were concerned points to the fact\nthat the sexes danced separately; whether this was always so must be\nleft undetermined. The examples of the dance round the sacred tree are\ninstructive; it was undoubtedly practised by all peoples among whom\ntrees were objects of worship, and therefore in all probability among\nthe Israelites. The \u1f00\u03bc\u03c6\u03b9\u03b4\u03c1\u03cc\u03bc\u03b9\u03b1, or purificatory rite of running round\nnew-born infants, practised by the Greeks and Romans, had no parallel\namong the Israelites, so far as we know. But the ritual _lustratio_ of\nthe Romans may well throw light on the Israelite ritual of encircling the\naltar, referred to above.\n\nThe dance of the Dakotahs round the flesh-pot was performed purely in\nhonour of the god; it partakes in some sense of an act of faith, for\nthe believers persuade themselves that their god will not permit his\nworshippers to be scalded by the boiling water; whether their faith ever\nreached the height of neutralizing sensation is not recorded. The Bear\nDance of the Timagani Indians and of the Sioux North American Indians\nmust have a point of attachment somewhere with the \u1f08\u03c1\u03ba\u03c4\u03b5\u03af\u03b1 danced in\nhonour of Artemis. The dance of the Kayans, as well as the Bagobos,\naround sacrificial victims appears to serve a consecrating purpose.\n\nOne of the original objects of the dance round the sacred tree is seen\nfrom the practice among the Gallas to be to make the crops grow; the\ntree-spirit who looks after these things is propitiated by the dance\nin his honour. It is difficult to resist the surmise that at one time\nthe Israelites did the same thing. Tree-spirits, it is true, have not\nnecessarily anything to do with the crops, and we may be certain that in\nmany cases there was no connexion between sacred trees and the growth of\nthe crops among the Israelites; but they were an agricultural people,\nand the belief in the influence of tree-spirits upon the growth of the\ncrops is so widespread that the probability of its existence among the\nIsraelites must be reckoned with.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII\n\nTHE ECSTATIC DANCE\n\n\nI\n\nAn important department of our subject is that of the type of dance\nperformed by the early prophets of Israel. We say the \u201cearly\u201d prophets\nbecause the one account which the Old Testament gives us of this kind of\ndance refers to it among the early prophets. There is, however, no reason\nfor supposing\u2014rather the contrary[174]\u2014that this type of the sacred dance\nwas confined to the _early_ prophets of Israel. Its purpose was connected\nwith an aspiration deeply seated in human nature; its performance has\nbeen very widespread among peoples of antiquity; and it is found to exist\nat the present day among uncultured races. So that the presumption is\nthat it did not cease abruptly among the Israelites, but continued, at\nany rate, up to the time of the Exile.\n\nThis type of dance is the outcome of strong religious emotion which\nnecessitates some bodily expression. It may be paralleled with the\nexuberance of physical health which demands vigorous exercise. While it\nbegins with moderated movements, held in check by rhythmical restraint,\nyet as the nervous excitement of the performer becomes increasingly\nintense and the physical exertion more exacting, so does the dance\nget wilder and wilder until, as the result of the abandonment of all\nself-control, the dancer ultimately loses consciousness. Its contagious\ncharacter has often been remarked upon.\n\nBut the religious emotion which thus finds expression is engendered by\nan aspiration which is believed to be attained by means of the dance;\nand this aspiration is nothing less than union with the deity. The loss\nof consciousness which eventually takes place is replaced, so it is\nbelieved, by the indwelling of the divine spirit; the body thus becomes\nthe temporary abode of the deity, and is utilized for divine purposes.\n\nThe first passage in the Old Testament with which we are specially\nconcerned is 1 Sam. x. 5 ff.:\n\n    ... and it shall come to pass, when thou art come thither to\n    the city, that thou shalt meet a band (_\u1e25ebel_) of prophets\n    coming down from the high place (_b\u0101m\u0101h_), and in front of\n    them harp and drum and pipe and lyre, and they shall be\n    prophesying...,\n\ncp. xix. 20-24. It is true, no direct mention of the sacred dance is\nmade here, but in view of the enumeration of musical instruments which,\nas we have seen, usually accompanied dancing, it is reasonable to assume\nthat a ritual dance was taking place. That it was a religious exercise\nof some kind is made clear by the fact that they had come down from the\nhigh place (_b\u0101m\u0101h_), _i.e._ a sanctuary. The technical name for such a\nband of prophets, _\u1e25ebel_, \u201crope\u201d or \u201cstring\u201d (cp. Josh. ii. 15), shows\nthat the procession was in single file[175]; with which we may compare\nthe sacred dance in single file depicted on the Hittite inscription at\nBoghazkeui (see p. 59). The account given in the Old Testament of the\n\u201cprophesying\u201d of these early prophets, and of the means employed whereby\nthey reached the pitch of excitement required for the purpose, is so\nsober and restrained that it would be difficult to form a picture of\nthe whole proceeding without the help of analogous performances among\nother peoples. And we are justified in believing that the practice of\nthis type of dance among other peoples does throw light on its mode of\nperformance among these Israelite prophets, because it is a question\nhere of a phenomenon, a curious phenomenon, which appears at a certain\nstage of religious development, with few exceptions, all over the world.\nIts details may, and do, differ; but the essence of the rite is the\nsame. There are innate tendencies in human nature which produce similar\nresults; and this is one of them. So that when the means used for\nproducing such results are given in greater detail in many cases, we are\njustified in believing them to have been similar in a case in which, for\nsome reason or other, the details are only partially described. But if\nthe details of the means used to produce the result are somewhat lacking\nin the Old Testament account, the result itself is stated clearly enough.\nThe object of all that took place was to be \u201cpossessed,\u201d\u2014in this case\nby the spirit of Jahwe; for it was this \u201cpossession,\u201d this indwelling\nof the deity, which enforced the \u201cprophesying.\u201d In the passage before\nus the centre of interest, in the eyes of the writer, is Saul. Of him\nit is said that, as a result of his contact with the \u201crope\u201d of prophets\nprophesying, \u201cthe spirit of Jahwe\u201d would come \u201cmightily\u201d upon him, and\nthat he, too, would prophesy with them, and \u201cbe turned into another man\u201d;\nthe context shows that his contact with the prophets meant joining in\ntheir ecstatic dance, the effect of which is graphically described in\nverses 11, 12:\n\n    And it came to pass, when all that knew him beforetime saw\n    that, behold, he prophesied with the prophets, then the people\n    said one to another, What is this that is come unto the son of\n    Kish? Is Saul also among the prophets?...\n\nThe surprise here expressed was natural enough seeing the extravagances\nto which the ecstatic state led, for in xix. 24 it is said of Saul that\nas one of the results of his \u201cpossession\u201d he \u201cstripped off his clothes\n... and lay down naked all that day and all that night.\u201d\n\nThe point with which we are primarily concerned is the means employed\nto get oneself into the ecstatic state required in order to become\n\u201cpossessed.\u201d As is well known, these were of various kinds; but the one\nmost prevalent in antiquity, as well as among men in a low stage of\nculture at the present day, was, and is, the sacred dance accompanied\nby music. While there is only one other passage (on which see below) in\nthe Old Testament which deals in any detail with this type of sacred\ndance, it would be the greatest mistake to suppose that it was of only\nrare occurrence[176]. In the passage just referred to, there is no hint\nas to its being anything unusual; the only thing unusual was Saul\u2019s\n\u201cpossession,\u201d while the very saying, \u201cIs Saul also among the prophets?\u201d\npoints to the peculiarity of the prophets as something recognized and\nwell known. And from what we gather as to the existence of the ecstatic\ndance among other peoples, the fact of its existence among the Israelites\ndoes not strike one as other than what one would expect.\n\nBut we turn now to another passage in which we read of a sacred dance of\na peculiar kind which seems to develop into an orgiastic form of ecstatic\ndance. This was a ritual limping dance performed at sanctuaries, and\napparently in cases of great emergency. Its object was not the same as\nthat form of it to which we have just referred; however, as it evidently\nmust belong to the category of ecstatic dances, we consider it here. The\npassage is the familiar one, 1 Kings xviii. 26, where it is said that\nthe prophets of Baal executed a special kind of limping dance around\nthe altar: \u201cThey limped about the altar which was made.\u201d This was done\nafter the ineffectual calling upon the name of their god from morning\ntill noon, so that it seems to have been regarded by them as a special\nmeans of appeal to which recourse was had as a last resort. The dance\nconsisted of a step which had the effect of making the dancers look\nlame[177]. This is clear from the use of the root in other connexions.\nThus, Mephibosheth \u201cbecame lame\u201d (2 Sam. iv. 4 and ix. 13), as the result\nof a fall. The same root is used in reference to men who are lame in 2\nSam. v. 6-8, and also in Lev. xxi. 18, where a lame man is not permitted\n\u201cto offer bread to his God.\u201d It is also used in reference to animals not\nregarded as fit to be sacrificed because of lameness (Deut. xv. 21, Mal.\ni. 8-13; cp. also Isa. xxxiii. 23, xxxv. 6, Jer. xxxi. 8, Prov. xxvi. 7,\nJob xxix. 15; and as a proper name it occurs in 1 Chron. iv. 12, Ezra\nii. 49, Neh. iii. 6, vii. 51). In a figurative way, but connoting the\nsame idea, the word occurs in 1 Kings xviii. 21: \u201cHow long will ye limp\nupon two legs?\u201d That the prophet is making a word-play here is obvious;\nbut the passage raises the question as to the kind of step in which\nthe dance was performed. Limping on two legs can hardly mean that the\n\u201climping\u201d was done on both legs at the same time, for a frog-leap of this\nkind would not suggest lameness! The limp must have been done on either\nleg alternately, yet neither leg being raised from the ground; as this\ninvolves the bending of the knees, one can form a fairly clear idea of\nwhat this dance looked like. The word for \u201clegs\u201d is used in Isa. xvii.\n6, xxvii. 10 of the forked branches of a tree, cp. Ezek. xxxi. 6-8; if\none pictures to oneself such a fork, gnarled and bent, it might certainly\nsuggest the position of a man\u2019s legs while performing this dance. The\npurpose of this curious dance-step may well have been that by simulating\nlameness it was thought that the pity of the god would be aroused, and\nthat he would therefore be moved to answer petitions. As Robertson Smith\nsays, \u201cthe limping dance of the priests of Baal in 1 Kings xviii. 26 is\nassociated with forms of mournful supplication, and in Syriac the same\nverb, in different conjugations, means \u2018to dance\u2019 and \u2018to mourn[178].\u2019\u201d\nWhile the dance began in sober style[179] it gradually increased to an\norgiastic frenzy, as is clear from verse 28: \u201cAnd they cried aloud, and\ncut themselves after their manner with knives and lances, till the blood\ngushed out upon them\u201d; cp. Hos. vii. 14[180].\n\nThis dance was performed by the prophets of Baal, and it may therefore be\nobjected that it does not reflect Israelite usage because the worship of\nthese prophets was Phoenician (cp. 1 Kings xvi. 30-33); but to this it\nmust be replied that the Old Testament gives ample evidence to show that\nthe influence of the indigenous cults of the land was very powerful upon\nthe Israelites[181]; the prophet Elijah himself regards practically the\nwhole nation as under this influence (1 Kings xix. 10, 18). Moreover, we\nhave mention of a ritual dance similar to that just referred to in Gen.\nxxxii. 30, 31 (31, 32 in Hebr.), though the word used is a different one\n(_zala\u02bf_):\n\n    And Jacob called the name of the place Peniel; for I have seen\n    God face to face, and my life is preserved. And the sun rose\n    upon him as he passed over Penuel, and he limped upon his thigh.\n\nWe must see here, as Gunkel points out, an aetiological _trait_: \u201cJust\nas, and because, Jacob limped in Penuel, so are we also wont to limp\nin Penuel[182].\u201d The name implies that it was a sanctuary, a name such\nas \u201cthe face of God\u201d proves that here a god was believed to manifest\nhimself[183]; and, whatever may have originally been the reason for it,\nit was the custom at this sanctuary to perform the \u201climping\u201d dance. It\ntook place at sunrise (see verse 31), so that it may at one time have had\nsomething to do with sun-worship.\n\nConceivably another ancient sanctuary where this special kind of\ndance was performed was _Z\u0113la\u02bf_[184], the name of Saul\u2019s ancestral\ndwelling-place (2 Sam. xxi. 14).\n\nAlthough the passages in the Old Testament in which this type of sacred\ndance is referred to are not numerous, they are sufficient to show that\nthe ecstatic dance was not unknown among the Israelites. We have already\nshown reasons to account for the comparative paucity of references in the\nOld Testament to the religious dance generally; what we have said applies\nto this limping dance with special force, since there are grounds for\nbelieving it to have been of Syrian origin; as characteristic of Syrian\nreligion it would have been regarded with special abhorrence by Israelite\nreligious leaders as being the heathen rite of that form of alien cult to\nthe influence of which the Israelites were most exposed.\n\nIt will have been noticed that mention has been made of what are,\nin effect, two distinct forms of what for the want of a better term\nwe have called the ecstatic dance, viz. that which had for its\nobject the bringing about of a state of semi-consciousness, or total\nunconsciousness, during which state the deity was believed to take up\nhis abode in the body of the worshipper, _i.e._ union with the deity;\nand that which had for its purpose the enforcing of the deity to answer\nprayer. They differed in important particulars, to which we shall refer\nagain; but that wherein they were similar was the state of wild frenzy\nwhich both ultimately assumed.\n\nWe shall now draw attention to some examples of both forms of this\necstatic dance among other peoples.\n\n\nII\n\nIt is a significant fact that, with the exception of Syria, there is\nscarcely any evidence of the existence of the ecstatic dance among the\nSemites. In the great mass of Babylonian and Assyrian texts of which\ntranslations have been published[185] many refer to ritual of various\nkinds; in these some incidental references to this type of dance might\nhave been expected to occur had such been in existence. We have sought\nin vain among many of these translated texts for any hint of it; nor\nhave we been able to find in the works of authoritative writers on\nAssyro-Babylonian religion any allusion to it. It may, we believe, be\naccepted as a fact that the ecstatic dance was unknown among these\npeople; and this would accord with what is otherwise known of their\nreligious practices, which were austere and restrained.\n\nWhat has been said applies also to the ancient Egyptians; evidence for\nthe existence of this type of religious dance does not appear on the\ninscriptions, nor yet in Egyptian texts[186]. On the other hand, one\nhas only to think of the Dancing Dervishes to realize that the ecstatic\ndance exists in Egypt at the present day. Tristram compares the dancing\nof the modern dervishes with that of the early Israelite prophets; and\nhe gives an interesting description of Arabi Pasha leading a procession\nwith the sacred carpet for the Kaaba of Mecca out of Cairo on its way to\nthe Prophet\u2019s shrine; \u201cin front,\u201d he says, \u201cwas a vast crowd of ulemas\nand dervishes, leaping, bounding, swaying their arms, and whirling\nround in time to the din of drums, trumpets, and cymbals which followed\nthem[187].\u201d One feels that there must be a long history behind this, and\nthough the evidence is wanting it is difficult to believe that there was\nnot something of the kind in ages long since past.\n\nAgain, as to the ancient Arabs, there is almost as great a dearth of\nevidence, though some slight indications exist of this type of dance\nhaving been performed in days gone by[188]. Thus, a proceeding very\nsimilar to that of Saul is mentioned by Robertson Smith of K\u00fbkub\u00fbry, who\nused \u201cunder the influence of religious music, to become so excited as to\npull off part of his clothes\u201d; like Saul he was what the Arabs would now\ncall _malb\u00fbs_[189]. This type of dance exists at the present day among\nthe Arabs, and it is interesting to note, among other things, that it is\nregarded as a means to mystic experiences[190].\n\nFuller information is forthcoming with regard to the ancient Syrians.\n\nThere is the interesting story of Wen-Amon, an Egyptian official who\ncame to Byblos in Phoenicia in the 11th century B.C. Here we are told of\nhow a noble youth, while he was sacrificing to his gods, was seized by\nthe god who caused him to fall into a state of ecstasy; the hieroglyph\ndepicts a man rushing forward with outstretched arms. While the youth is\nin this state he prophesies, declaring that a certain messenger who had\narrived had indeed brought the image of a god, and must be received, for\nhe had been sent by Amon. This occurs as the messenger with his god is\non the point of being sent away. We are not concerned with the various\ndetails of this story; the point is that a youth is supposed to have been\ncaused by the will of the god to fall into an ecstasy; the hieroglyph\nclearly implies an ecstatic dance; and as a result he reveals the arrival\nof another god brought by the messenger. He speaks while in this state\nof ecstasy words which are divinely put into his mouth, so that he is\nthe mouthpiece of the god[191]. This is precisely the same idea as that\nof the spirit of Jahwe coming mightily upon Saul, he prophesies, and is\nturned into another man.\n\nAnother example is given by Heliodorus (_Aethiopica_, IV. 16 f.), who\ndescribes the sacred dance of the Tyrian seafarers in the worship of the\nTyrian Herakles; he says:\n\n    And I left them there with their flutes and their dances,\n    which they performed after the manner of the Assyrians [_i.e._\n    Syrians], hopping to the accompaniment of the quick music of\n    the Pektides, now jumping up with light leaps, now limping\n    along on the ground, and then turning with the whole body,\n    spinning around like men possessed[192].\n\nThe limping here recalls the dance of the prophets of Baal, or rather of\nits earlier phase, and that of Jacob at Penuel. For the wilder phase of\nthe dance of these prophets we have a very interesting parallel given by\nApuleius of the ecstatic dance of the priests of the Syrian goddess. This\nis well worth giving in full; it occurs in _The Golden Ass_, VIII. 27, 28:\n\n    The day following I saw them apparelled in divers colours, and\n    hideously tricked out, having their faces ruddled with paint,\n    and their eyes tricked out with grease, mitres on their heads,\n    vestments coloured like saffron, surplices of silk and linen;\n    and some ware white tunics painted with purple stripes which\n    pointed every way like spears, girt with belts, and on their\n    feet were yellow shoes. And they attired the goddess in silken\n    robe, and put her upon my back. Then they went forth with their\n    arms naked to their shoulders, bearing with them great swords\n    and mighty axes, shouting and dancing, like mad persons, to\n    the sound of the pipe. After that we had passed many small\n    villages, we fortuned to come to a certain rich man\u2019s house,\n    where, at our first entry, they began to howl all out of tune\n    and hurl themselves hither and thither as though they were mad.\n    They made a thousand gests with their feet and their heads;\n    they would bend down their necks, and spin round so that their\n    hair flew out at a circle; they would bite their own flesh;\n    finally, everyone took his two-edged weapon and wounded his\n    arms in divers places. Meanwhile, there was one more mad than\n    the rest, that fetched many deep sighs from the bottom of his\n    heart, as though he had been ravished in spirit, or replenished\n    with divine power, and he feigned a swoon and frenzy, as if\n    (forsooth) the presence of the gods were not wont to make men\n    better than before, but weak and sickly.... And therewithal he\n    took a whip, such as is naturally borne by these womanish men,\n    with many twisted knots and tassels of wool, and strung with\n    sheep\u2019s knuckle-bones, and with the knotted thongs scourged\n    his own body, very strong to bear the pain of the blows, so\n    that you might see the ground to be wet and defiled with the\n    womanish blood that issued out abundantly with the cutting of\n    the swords and the blows of the scourge...[193].\n\nThe close parallel of this procedure of these Syrian priests with that of\nthe prophets of Baal needs no insisting upon.\n\n\nIII\n\nWe turn now to Greek sources; and here the material is as abundant as\nit is interesting; the examples to be given are therefore restricted in\nnumber, but they will be sufficient to illustrate the important part that\nthis type of dance played in Greek religious ritual.\n\nBy way of introduction the following words of Farnell[194] will be found\ninstructive; he is dealing with the earliest period of Greek religion,\nand in writing about the worship of Dionysos, says he was\n\n    vaguer in outline (than Apollo or Athene), a changeful power\n    conceived more in accordance with daimonistic, later with\n    pantheistic, thought, incarnate in many animal-shapes, and\n    operative in the life-processes of the vegetative world; and an\n    atmosphere of Nature-magic accompanied him;\n\nthen he goes on to say that\n\n    the central motives of this oldest form of ritual were the\n    birth and death of the god\u2014a conception pregnant of ideas that\n    were to develop in the religious future, but alien to the\n    ordinary Hellenic theology, though probably not unfamiliar to\n    the earlier Cretan-Mycenaean creed. But the death of this god\n    was partly a fact of ritual; he was torn to pieces by his mad\n    worshippers and devoured sacramentally, for the bull or the\n    goat or the boy that they rent and devoured was supposed to\n    be his temporary incarnation, so that by this savage, and at\n    times cannibalistic, communion they were filled with his blood\n    and his spirit, and acquired miraculous powers. By such an\n    act, and\u2014we may suppose\u2014by the occasional use of intoxicants\n    and other nervous stimulants, the psychic condition that\n    this worship evoked was frenzy and ecstasy, which might show\n    itself in a wild outburst of mental and physical force, and\n    which wrought up the enthusiastic feeling of self-abandonment,\n    whereby the worshipper escaped the limits of his own nature\n    and achieved a temporary sense of identity with the god, which\n    might avail him even after death. This privilege of ecstasy\n    might be used for the practical purposes of vegetation-magic,\n    yet was desired and proclaimed for its own sake as a more\n    intense mood of life. This religion preached no morality, and\n    could ill adapt itself to civic life; its ideal was supernormal\n    psychic energy.\n\nIt is only one aspect of the ritual of this religion with which we are\nnow concerned, and which is to be illustrated by the examples given,\nnamely, the ecstatic dance which played such an important part in it.\nTherefore we naturally think of the mythic Maenads[195], and more\nespecially of their historical counterpart, the Thyiads, who are much\nthe same as the female Bacchantes. According to the myth concerning the\norigin of the Thyiads, they were so called because the first priestess\nof Dionysos was named Thyia, and she performed orgiastic dances in his\nhonour; hence all women who danced, or \u201cwent mad,\u201d in honour of Dionysos\nwere called Thyiads after her. The Maenads are depicted on many Greek\nvases and bas-reliefs, so that we can form a good idea of the kind of\ndances they were supposed to perform; and these were, of course, the\nactual form of the dances executed by the Thyiads. Thus, for example,\non a vase in the Naples Museum four Maenads are represented dancing;\ntwo, with head thrown back, carry the thyrsus, a staff with vine-leaves,\nat the top of which was a pine-cone. One of them has also a torch; two\nothers, while dancing, play, one a tambourine, the other a pipe[196]. Or\nagain, on a cup in the Athens National Museum a Maenad is represented\nplaying a tambourine, or timbrel, and dancing in wild fashion[197].\nAnother example is the dancing, accompanied by instrumental music,\nwhich is portrayed on the beautiful cylix of Hieron, \u201cperhaps the most\nexquisite that ceramography has left us[198]\u201d; the movements of the\nmaidens are superbly executed. But instances of this kind could be\ngreatly multiplied; they all exhibit one or other phase of orgiastic\ndance, \u201cthe same mad revelry, the utter exhaustion and prostrate\nsleep[199]\u201d; and they represent the kind of dancing which historically\nwas performed by the Thyiads. \u201cMaenad,\u201d as Miss Harrison says, \u201cis the\nMad One, Thyiad the Rushing Distraught One, or something of the kind ...\nMad One, Distraught One, Pure One, are simply ways of describing a woman\nunder the influence of a god, of Dionysos[200]\u201d; and, of course, this\nmadness could be caused by any other orgiastic divinity.\n\nThose who took part in these dances are described as \u201craving and\npossessed\u201d; their over-wrought state caused them to see visions[201]; the\ngod was believed to be present, though invisible; and at the Dionysos\nfestivals the maidens celebrated his presence[202], thus direct contact\nwith him by his worshippers was effected[203].\n\nIn an interesting passage in Pausanias we read:\n\n    But I could not understand why he (_i.e._ Homer, in _Od._ XI.\n    581) spoke of the fair dancing grounds of Panopeus till it was\n    explained to me by the women whom the Athenians call Thyiades.\n    The Thyiads are Attic women who go every other year with the\n    Delphian women to Parnassos, and there hold orgies in honour\n    of Dionysos. It is the custom of these Thyiads to dance at\n    various places on the road from Athens, and one of these places\n    is Panopeus. Thus, the epithet which Homer applies to Panopeus\n    seems to allude to the dance of the Thyiads[204].\n\nThe finest and most graphic description of this ecstatic dance is that\ngiven by Aristophanes in the _Frogs_, 325 ff. which is sung by the chorus\nof the Mystae:\n\n          Thou that dwellest in the shadow\n          Of great glory here beside us,\n          Spirit, Spirit, we have hied us\n          To thy dancing in the meadow!\n          Come, Iacchus; let thy brow\n          Toss its fruited myrtle bough;\n  We are thine, O happy dancer; O our comrade, come and guide us!\n          Let the mystic measure beat:\n          Come in riot fiery feet;\n          Free and holy all before thee,\n      And thy Mystae wait the music of thy feet!\n\n          Spirit, Spirit, lift the shaken\n          Splendour of thy tossing torches!\n          All the meadow flashes, scorches:\n          Up, Iacchus, and awaken!\n          Come, thou star that bringest light\n          To the darkness of our rite,\n  Till thine old men dance as young men, dance with every thought forsaken.\n          Of the dulness and the fear\n          Left by many a circling year:\n          Let thy red light guide the dances\n          Where thy banded youth advances,\n      To be joyous by the blossoms of the mere![205]\n\nIacchus was the name by which Dionysos was known at Eleusis[206].\n\nPindar, in the Pythian Ode, refers to the dancing of the Thyiads at\nthe annual festival celebrated in honour of Pan, when, according to\nHerodotus, VI. 105, sacrifice was offered and a torch procession took\nplace:\n\n    I would pray to the Mother to loose her ban,\n    The holy goddess to whom, and to Pan,\n    Before my gate, all night long,\n    The maids do worship with dance and song[207].\n\nReference may also be made to Pausanias, V. xvi. 5, where we read of the\n\u201cSixteen Women\u201d who get up two choruses, that of Physcoa and that of\nHippodamia; the former was loved by Dionysos, and she is said to have\nbeen the first to pay reverence to him; and therefore \u201camong the honours\nwhich Physcoa receives is a chorus named after her and arranged by the\nSixteen Women.\u201d\n\nThe Thyiads are, as already mentioned, the same as the female Bacchantes\noften spoken of Pausanias, for example, makes a reference to them:\n\n    ... Beyond the theatre is a temple of Dionysos; the image\n    of the god is of gold and ivory, and beside it are female\n    Bacchantes in white marble. They say that these women are\n    sacred, and that they rave in honour of Dionysos[208].\n\nIt is to these that Euripides refers in the _Bacchae_[209]. Diodorus\nspeaks of them thus:\n\n    ... In many towns of Greece every alternate year Bacchanalian\n    assemblies of women gather together, and it is the custom for\n    maidens to carry the thyrsus and to revel together, honouring\n    and glorifying the god; and for the (married) women to worship\n    the god in organized bands, and to revel in every way to\n    celebrate the presence of Dionysos, imitating thereby the\n    Maenads who from of old, it is said, constantly attended the\n    god[210].\n\nThe male correlatives of Maenads, or rather Thyiads, are the Kouretes,\nwho took their part in the Orphic mysteries. They were\n\n    the young population considered as worshipping the young male\n    god, the Kouros; they were \u201cmailed priests\u201d because the young\n    male population were naturally warriors. They danced their\n    local war-dance over the new-born child, and, because in those\n    early days the worship of the Mother and the son was not yet\n    sundered, they were attendants (_prospoloi_) on the Mother also\n    ... they are divine (_theoi_), and their dancing is sacred[211].\n\nClement of Alexandria refers to them thus:\n\n    The mysteries of Dionysos are wholly inhuman; for while he\n    was still a child and the Kouretes were dancing their armed\n    dance about him, the Titans stole upon him, deceived him with\n    childish toys, and tore him to pieces[212].\n\nA typical instance of myth regarded as reality. We are only dealing here,\nhowever, with a _few_ examples of the ecstatic dance among the Greeks.\nThose given will suffice for present purposes.\n\nIt will have been noticed that all these examples present the ecstatic\ndance in its milder form; it is comparable with the dance of the\nIsraelite prophets, not with that of the Syrian prophets of Baal. The\nfact is that this latter form of worship was not popular among the\nGreeks. It is true, the worship of Attis, in which the ecstatic dance\nin its most barbaric form figured prominently, is mentioned in Pausan.\nVII. xvii. 9, XX. 3; but this is quite exceptional, for the rites, of\nSyrian origin, which were performed in honour of Kybele and Attis were\nun-Hellenic and did not appeal to the Greeks.\n\n    \u201cThe barbarous and cruel character of the worship, with its\n    frantic excesses, was doubtless repugnant to the good taste\n    and humanity of the Greeks, who seem to have preferred the\n    kindred but gentler rites of Adonis. Yet,\u201d continues the same\n    writer, \u201cthe same features which shocked and repelled the\n    Greeks may have positively attracted the less refined Romans\n    and barbarians of the West. The ecstatic frenzies, which were\n    mistaken for divine inspiration, the mangling of the body, the\n    theory of a new birth, and the remission of sins through the\n    shedding of blood, have all their origin in savagery, and they\n    naturally appealed to peoples in whom the savage instincts were\n    still strong[213].\u201d\n\nAmong the Romans, under the Empire and onwards, this worship became\nprominent, and was still existent in the 4th century, for Symmachus tells\nof the celebrations of the festivals of Magna Mater[214]. Its special\nfeature was the orgiastic dance of the priests[215], accompanied by\nsong, which culminated in self-laceration. The third day of this festival\nof Kybele and Attis was known as the Day of Blood (_Dies Sanguinis_); the\nArchigallus or high-priest drew blood from his arms and presented it as\nan offering. Nor was he alone in making this bloody sacrifice:\n\n    Stirred by the wild barbaric music of clashing cymbals,\n    rumbling drums, droning horns, and screaming flutes, the\n    inferior clergy whirled about in the dance with waggling heads\n    and streaming hair, until, rapt in a frenzy of excitement, and\n    insensible to pain, they gashed their bodies with potsherds or\n    slashed them with knives in order to bespatter the altar and\n    the sacred tree with their flowing blood[216].\n\nThus, while among the Romans during the early centuries of the Christian\nera, and owing to the influx of oriental cults, the ecstatic dance in\nits most barbaric form was prominent, among the Greeks this form of it\nmade but little appeal, and it is only rarely that reference is made to\nit. But although this extreme and sanguinary form was distasteful to the\nGreeks, the ecstatic dance was with them of a very wild character; and\nit is possible that the _purpose_ of this type of dance among Greeks and\nRomans respectively may have had something to do with its form. Reference\nis made to this point below (see p. 138), but we must first take a brief\nglance at the ecstatic dance as practised among some of the uncultured\nraces.\n\n\nIV\n\nAmong uncultured peoples the ecstatic dance appears both in its milder\nand its more barbaric forms. To take a few examples of the former first.\n\nThe means employed to become \u201cpossessed\u201d are various, but the most usual\nis the dance accompanied by the rhythmic beating of a drum or other\ninstrument; this is persisted in until with the rising excitement it\nbecomes wilder and wilder, and ultimately brings about unconsciousness,\nor at least semi-consciousness, in the dancer. Thus, the Vedda form of\n\u201cpossession\u201d is attained by a dance which began with moderate movements\nin which \u201cthe shaman, while uttering invocations to the spirits, circles\nround the offerings; the dance increases in speed until the seizure\ntakes place[217].\u201d Again, in Southern India we have the example of the\nso-called \u201cdevil-dancers,\u201d who work themselves into paroxysms in order to\ngain inspiration,\n\n    whereby they profess to cure their patients. So, with furious\n    dancing to music and chanting of the attendants the Bodo priest\n    brings on a fit of maniacal inspiration in which the deity\n    fills him and gives oracles through him[218].\n\nAnother instructive instance is that of the Tshi-speaking peoples of the\nGold Coast whose priests and priestesses are believed to be from time to\ntime\n\n    possessed or inspired by the deity whom they serve; and in that\n    state they are consulted as oracles. They work themselves up to\n    the necessary pitch of excitement by dancing to the music of\n    drums; each god has his special hymn, sung to a special beat\n    of the drums, and accompanied by a special dance. It is while\n    thus dancing to the drums that the priest or priestess lets\n    fall the oracular words in a croaking or guttural voice which\n    the hearers take to be the voice of the god. Hence dancing has\n    an important place in the education of priests and priestesses;\n    they are trained in it for months before they may perform\n    in public. These mouth-pieces of the deity are consulted in\n    almost every concern of life, and are handsomely paid for their\n    services[219].\n\nAmong the North American Indians with whom the sacred dance acts as the\nexpression of religious feeling to a greater degree than perhaps among\nany other uncultured races with the exception of the aborigines of\nOceania, dancing to the point of unconsciousness is an act of devotion to\nthe god[220].\n\nThis is further illustrated by the ancient Peruvians; among them the\nreligious dance was \u201cthe grand form of religious demonstration.\u201d The very\nname of their principal festivals, _Raymi_, means \u201cdance.\u201d Their dances\nat these festivals are of such a violent character that the dancers seem\nto be out of their senses. \u201cIt is noteworthy,\u201d says R\u00e9ville, \u201cthat the\nIncas themselves took no part in the violent dances, but had an \u2018Incas\u2019\ndance of their own, which was grave and measured[221].\u201d\n\nAnother example, offered by Skeat, is from a very different centre. In\nwriting about dances among the Malays, which, as he says, are almost all\nreligious in their origin, he goes on to tell of one which \u201cbegan soberly\nlike the others, but grew to a wild revel until the dancers were, or\npretended to be, possessed by the Spirit of Dancing, _hantu m\u0115n\u0101ri_ as\nthey called it ...[222].\u201d\n\nLastly, in Borneo the Kayan medicine-women, in the course of exorcism of\nthe evil spirit for the cure of disease, whirl round until they fall in a\nfaint[223].\n\nA modern European example of this type of dance is that performed\namong some Russian sectaries; in order to produce a state of religious\nexaltation wild, whirling dances, like those of the dancing dervishes,\nare executed[224].\n\nThese are but a very few examples of many which could be given; but they\nare sufficient to answer our purposes.\n\nBefore coming to one or two illustrations of the more barbaric form of\nthis type of dance, one instance may be offered of the ecstatic dance of\nthe milder kind being performed with an object different from those which\nare usually connected with it. Among the Maoris the war-dance, which was\nlooked upon as a religious act, was often performed on the eve of battle\nin order to impart daring and bravery to the warriors; and this dance\noften assumed the form of frenzy when accompanied by the beating of drums\nand the shouting of the dancers. An eye-witness describes it thus:\n\n    The Maoris turned their faces into close imitations of their\n    demonlike carved images. But the thrust-out tongue, the wild\n    rolling eyes standing out of the head, the fierce grimaces, and\n    the quivering hands and fingers, with the accompaniment of the\n    deep-drawn cries and the stamp of feet, had all the advantages\n    of living movement to add to the terrifying effect. It is\n    difficult to efface the deep impression that its massive energy\n    and furious, almost epileptic, passion makes on the mind, when\n    produced by hundreds. It surpassed in fury anything that kava\n    or any other drug or fermented liquor could have given to the\n    harmonious movements of a mass of warriors[225].\n\nStrictly speaking, this hardly belongs to the category of ecstatic\ndances because it is not performed with any idea of communication with\na supernatural power, whether as a means of effecting union with it, or\nhonouring it, or as a form of supplication to it; nevertheless, it is\nworth recording here, if only because it affords an illustration of the\nextended use of a rite for purposes with which originally it had nothing\nto do.\n\nAnd now to give, finally, an example or two of the ecstatic dance in its\nmost extreme and barbaric form. Frazer tells us that\n\n    when game was very scarce, certain Basuto tribes which lived\n    partly by the chase, were wont to assemble and invoke the\n    spirit of a famous dead chief and other ancestral deities.\n    At these ceremonies they cut themselves with knives, rolled\n    in ashes, and uttered piercing cries. They also joined in\n    religious dances, chanted plaintive airs, and gave vent to loud\n    lamentations. After spending a whole day and night in wailing\n    and prayer, they dispersed next morning to scour the country in\n    search of the game which they confidently expected the ghosts\n    or gods would send in answer to their intercession[226].\n\nHe compares this with the frenzied rites of the Canaanite prophets\nof Baal, and refers to another well-known case among the Israelites\nthemselves (Hos. vii. 14), in which they lacerated their bodies by\nway of appealing to the deity on behalf of their corn and vines. The\nnon-mention of the sacred dance in this passage does not imply that it\ndid not take place; analogies suggest that it was an indispensable part\nof the rite.\n\nAnother instructive example is given by Jevons which he takes from Bishop\nCaldwell\u2019s \u201cvery careful observations in Tinnevelly[227].\u201d He says:\n\n    In Tinnevelly evil spirits have no regular priests; but when\n    it becomes necessary, in consequence of some pressing need,\n    to resort to the aid of these spirits, some one is chosen,\n    or offers himself, to be the priest for the occasion, and\n    is dressed up in the insignia of the spirit. As blood is\n    the sacrifice to a god, so in the dance with which the evil\n    spirits, like the tribal god, are worshipped, the dancer in\n    an ecstasy draws his own blood and drinks that of the victim,\n    a goat, say, and thus the spirit passes into him, and he has\n    the power of prophecy. As the sacrifice of the sacred victims\n    was a solemn mystery to be celebrated by night, and terminated\n    before sunrise, so the worship of the evil spirits must be\n    performed by night, and the general opinion is that night is\n    the appropriate time for their worship[228].\n\nHere we have another interesting parallel to the procedure of the priests\nof Baal, though, as the Canaanite worship had reached, in comparison, a\nhigher stage, the parallel does not hold good in all particulars. But we\nhave the pressing need of the Baal-worshippers, the sacrifice to the god,\nthe dance round the altar, the dancers in an ecstasy drawing their own\nblood, and the spirit of prophecy passing into them[229]; the sacrifice\ntakes place after sunset. They do not drink the blood of the sacrificial\nvictim in order to become possessed by the god because this is effected\nby means of the ecstatic dance whereby they prophesy; and probably\nthis points to an advance in religious conception; for the belief that\nunion is effected by the ecstatic dance is certainly not so crass and\nmaterialistic as that which requires the essence of the deity to pass\ninto his worshippers by drinking the blood of the sacrificial victim\noffered to him, and which is supposed to become identified with the god.\nIn other respects the parallel is sufficiently striking. In each case it\nis clear that the ecstatic dance is an essential part of the ritual.\n\nThe pressing needs which this type of sacrifice with its ecstatic\ndance are supposed to supply are various, but there is a curious and\ninstructive similarity in most of the details of the ritual wherever it\nis practised, showing that the underlying ideas are generally the same in\nevery case. Here is one more example. In his book on Serpent-worship in\nIndia Mr C. F. Oldham describes what he saw during the great sacrifice to\n_Kailang N\u0101g_, which was celebrated in the village of the Ravi, and which\nhad for its object the obtaining of fine weather for the sowing,\u2014this\nhad been delayed owing to storms. _Kailang_, a demi-god, is supposed to\ncontrol the weather. The writer says:\n\n    On my arrival I found the people assembled on the open grassy\n    space in front of the temple. The men and the boys sat\n    together, the women and the girls being at a little distance.\n    Soon the music struck up, and some of the men and boys began\n    to dance in a circle, the _chela_[230] dancing in the centre.\n    After a time the music became wilder and the dance more\n    energetic. Some of the men, when tired, sat down, and others\n    took their places. The _chela_ continued dancing, and he\n    applied the _sungal_[231] to his own back and shoulders, and\n    to those of some of the other dancers. Some of the men then\n    applied another similar scourge to their backs, with great\n    effect, amid shouts of _Kailang Mah\u0101r\u0101i ki j\u0101i_ (\u201cVictory to\n    the great king Kailang\u201d). Then, all being ready, a victim (a\n    ram) was led out, and having shown, by shivering, that it was\n    acceptable to the deity, its head was struck off. The body\n    was immediately lifted up by several men, and the _chela_,\n    seizing upon it, drank the blood as it spouted from the neck,\n    amid renewed shouts of _Kailang Mah\u0101r\u0101i ki j\u0101i_. The carcase\n    was thrown down upon the ground, and the head, with a burning\n    coal upon it, placed before the threshold of the temple. The\n    dancing was then renewed, and became more violent, until the\n    _chela_ gasped out _Kailang \u0101ya_ (\u201cKailang has come\u201d). All then\n    became silent, and the prophet announced that the sacrifice was\n    accepted, and that the season would be favourable. This was\n    received with a storm of shouts of _Kailang Mah\u0101r\u0101i ki j\u0101i_,\n    and the _chela_ sank down upon the ground exhausted. Water was\n    poured over him, and he was vigorously fanned till he showed\n    signs of revival. The assembly then began to disperse[232].\n\nThese three examples exhibit essentially the same _traits_ and\nsufficiently illustrate this type of dance in its extreme form among\npeoples of low civilization, so that it is unnecessary to multiply\nillustrations. It must, however, be said that this more barbarous form\nof the ecstatic dance is not nearly so prevalent as the form previously\nmentioned; it seems to be resorted to in times of emergency, and in this\noffers a further parallel to the case of the prophets of Baal.\n\n\nSUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS\n\nThe ecstatic dance is performed as the outcome of strong religious\nemotion; it begins quietly and without any indication of what is to come;\nbut the intention to increase it gradually to an extravagant pitch is\nthere from the commencement, and it continues until semi-consciousness,\nand even total unconsciousness is reached. The excitement caused by the\ndance frequently becomes contagious, so that others join in. The purpose\nof this dance is to effect union with a superhuman spirit; the body,\ntemporarily \u201cemptied\u201d of consciousness, is believed to be entered by the\ngod or spirit in whose honour the dance takes place. Among peoples of low\nculture, among whom belief in the \u201cexternal soul\u201d is common, there can\nbe no doubt that the conviction existed that the soul took its departure\nfrom the body for the time being, thus making room for the higher spirit\nof the god. While thus inhabiting the body, the god utilized it for his\nown purposes. The prime motive of the ecstatic dance was union with the\ndeity; that being once effected other things might or might not follow.\n\nThe ecstatic dance takes, however, a different form, and has a different\npurpose under special circumstances. It acts sometimes as a means of\nforcing the deity (or, rather, it is believed to do so) to answer prayer;\nthen during the ecstatic state self-laceration takes place, apparently\nwith little or no sensation of pain; the loss of consciousness does not\nnecessarily ensue. Both these forms of the ecstatic dance are met with\namong the Israelites. The former was practised by the prophets, and its\ncontagious character is forcibly illustrated; as a result the spirit\nof Jahwe comes upon the performer. The latter is mentioned as a Syrian\nrite practised in time of emergency by the prophets of Baal; but the\ninfluence of Syrian, or Canaanite, practice upon the Israelites here\nis plainly indicated by the prophet Hosea who tells of how the people\n\u201ccut themselves for corn and wine,\u201d thus rebelling against their God.\nThough in this instance the dance is not mentioned we know from the\nparallel case of the prophets of Baal that it was part of the ritual, and\ntherefore took place; and this quite apart from the analogous practice\nelsewhere. It was done with the purpose of forcing the god (in this\ncase some local Baal) to give good crops. It was, so we may believe, an\nemergency rite; the more normal method may have been the dance round\nthe sacred tree (see above, pp. 96, 99, 103). As to the special form of\ndance on these occasions, it is probable, so far as the prophetic dance\nwas concerned, that it began in quite moderate style, and in single file\nformation; as the excitement increased it is obvious that it assumed a\nvery different form, a whirling round with head thrown back, judging\nfrom analogy. In the case of the wilder, Syrian, form, there is reason\nto suppose that it began also quietly, with the \u201climping\u201d step, and\npresently got wilder and wilder, until knives and other sharp instruments\nwere seized, and self-inflicted wounds caused blood to flow from the\nbodies of the performers. The purpose of the \u201climping\u201d step is believed,\nwith good reason, to have been to arouse the pity of the god, or else to\nimitate him and thus induce him to hear the prayers addressed to him; the\nflowing blood may be regarded as having been a means of forcing the god\nto answer prayer.\n\nThe ecstatic dance, at any rate in its more barbarous form, is unknown\namong other Semitic peoples. This holds good also of the Egyptians,\nthough the present day existence of it, in its less barbarous form, among\nthe Dancing Dervishes supports the belief of its having been in vogue in\nearlier times.\n\nWith regard to the Syrians, however, there is the clearest evidence of\nits existence in both forms; for we have the story of Wen-Amon, and the\ndetailed accounts of Heliodorus and Apuleius.\n\nVery full evidence is forthcoming as to the ecstatic dance among the\nGreeks; it is, however, not indigenous, and can be shown to have come to\nthem from the Syrians. It is, in the main, connected with the worship\nof Dionysos, in whose honour the Thyiads danced and raved, often until\nthey became insensible. The god was supposed to be present at the orgies\nwhich took place during his festivals, and those who, by means of\norgiastic dances, lost consciousness, came under his influence and were\n\u201cpossessed\u201d by him. The instances of this dance among the Greeks, of\nwhich some notable ones are recorded above, show to what an extent it was\nin vogue; but we find that, in general, it is the less barbarous form of\nthe ecstatic dance that was performed among them. The more objectionable\nform was rare; it occurred in connexion with the worship of Attis, but\nthis was not popular among the Greeks. On the other hand, strange to\nsay, among the Romans, especially during the later period of the Empire\nand owing to the influx of alien oriental cults, this form of worship\nbecame prominent. National characteristics undoubtedly had much to do\nwith this contrast between Greeks and Romans; but it is probable that\nthe respective purposes of the dance also had something to do with it;\nfor while the main purpose of the ecstatic dance among the Greeks was to\nbring about the union of the god with his worshippers, among the Romans\nit appears to have been that of offering their blood. Among the Greeks,\nthat is to say, it was in the nature of an act of devotion; but among the\nRomans it was to induce the goddess of fertility to give abundant crops.\n\nBoth forms of this dance appear among uncultured peoples. Its purpose is\n\u201cpossession\u201d during which the possessed becomes endowed with supernatural\npowers; he is able to cure diseases, or to give oracles; or else it is\npurely an act of devotion. Among the Maoris it is supposed to have the\neffect of imparting courage, so it is performed on the eve of battle.\n\nIn its more barbaric form it is supposed to induce the higher powers to\nsupply wants, as among the Basutos when game is scarce. An interesting\nexample of the rite is offered by the natives in Tinnevelly in which both\nunion with a supernatural being, and the power of prophecy is attained\nby means of this type of dance; it is true that, among these natives\nthe actual union with the spirit is effected by offering him blood and\ndrinking that of the victim sacrificed to the spirit; but the necessary\nspiritual condition into which the worshipper must be transported for\nthis purpose is brought about through the sacred dance. But in this\ninstance, as invariably among the uncivilized races, there is always some\npractical end in view; a material need of some kind arises which, it is\nbelieved, will be supplied by means of this rite.\n\nIn comparing this type of dance, as practised among many peoples, with\nthe three instances of it given in the Old Testament, it will have been\nseen that there is a striking similarity both in purpose and performance.\nIt is noteworthy, however, that among the Hebrews it is the milder type\nthat is indigenous, and it is essentially an act of devotion; it is\na means of receiving the spirit of Jahwe, and this for the practical\npurpose of divining His will and proclaiming it. The rite as practised\nby the prophets of Baal is Syrian; and there can be little doubt that\nthe custom recorded by Hosea was of Syrian origin. So that, as among the\nGreeks, the milder form of the ecstatic dance was indigenous, while the\nmore barbarous form was due to Syrian influence.\n\nReviewing the subject as a whole, there is no shadow of doubt that Hebrew\nand Greek practice here, though it is but a small item of religious\nritual with which we have been concerned, illustrates their religious\nsuperiority over all the other races. But of these two the Hebrews\nstand on distinctly higher ground; there is not the remotest reason for\nbelieving that the ecstatic dance among them was ever contaminated by\nthe licence which often obtained among the Greeks. Among the Hebrews,\nmoreover, the object of it was purely devotional; and when an oracle\nwas put forth it was only to declare the will of their God. So that it\nis true to say that even in the lower planes of religious thought and\npractice the Hebrews showed that they were in the vanguard of religious\nevolution.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII\n\nTHE SACRED DANCE AT VINTAGE, HARVEST, AND OTHER FESTIVALS\n\n\nI\n\nWe are not concerned here with the history and development of the Hebrew\nfeasts; but a few introductory words regarding them will not be out of\nplace.\n\nThere were three agricultural festivals of first importance among the\nIsraelites:\n\n_Mazz\u00f4th_[233], or the feast of Unleavened Bread; this was a spring\nfeast held when the sickle was first put to the standing corn and the\nfirst-fruits of the new crops were offered (Deut. xvi. 8, 9);\n\n_Shabu\u00f4th_, or the feast of Weeks, celebrated seven weeks later at the\nconclusion of the harvest (Deut. xvi. 10); called also _\u1e32azir_, the feast\nof \u201cHarvest\u201d (Exod. xxiii. 16);\n\n_Sukk\u00f4th_, or the feast of Tabernacles, the autumn feast, called also\n_ha-Asiph_, the feast of \u201cthe ingathering,\u201d when \u201cthou gatherest in thy\nlabours out of the field\u201d (Exod. xxiii. 16).\n\nSince prior to their entry into Canaan the Israelites were nomads, and\ntherefore did not observe harvest festivals, it is extremely probable\nthat, in settling down among the Canaanites, they adopted these festivals\nfrom the people of the land, and celebrated them in honour of Jahwe,\ntheir God.\n\nThese three great feasts were originally, among the Israelites, of equal\nimportance, requiring presence at the sanctuary (Exod. xxxiv. 23); but\nthere are indications that in quite early times the autumn feast of\nTabernacles assumed pre-eminence. It is called \u201cthe feast,\u201d or \u201cthe feast\nof Jahwe[234].\u201d The other feasts were celebrated locally.\n\nFrom the present point of view it is important to note that each of these\nfeasts is called _\u1e25ag_: _\u1e25ag ha-Mazz\u00f4th_, _\u1e25ag ha-\u1e32azir_, _\u1e25ag ha-Asiph_;\nthat is to say, to each is applied the term which originally denoted what\nwas the essence of a festival, viz. the sacred dance round the sanctuary;\nand the same is true of the minor festivals which were celebrated at the\nlocal sanctuaries.\n\nIn view of the fact that the feast was called _\u1e25ag_ because of the\nsacred dance characteristic of it, no surprise can be felt at the\nnon-mention of dancing at these feasts when they are spoken of in the\nOld Testament; it was so obvious and customary that any reference to it,\nexcepting incidental allusions, would have been quite superfluous[235].\nSuch incidental allusions occur in the Psalms, as we have seen, and a\nmore specific mention is met with in Judg. xi. 34: \u201cAnd Jephthah came\nto Mizpah unto his house, and, behold, his daughter came out to meet\nhim with timbrels and with dances\u201d; we are not here concerned with\nthe character of the feast referred to[236]; our point is that it was\ncelebrated with dancing. Another and fuller illustration occurs in Judg.\nxxi. 19 ff., where mention is made of a feast which was held annually at\nShiloh in honour of Jahwe; that it was a vintage feast is implied by the\nreference to the vineyards in which the Benjamites hid themselves[237].\nAt this feast it was the custom for the young girls to come out and\ndance: \u201cWhen the maidens of Shiloh come out to dance in the dances\u201d; and\nsee verse 23. It is worth noticing how the dancing is mentioned as a\nrecognized custom. The spot must have been a familiar one as the feast\ntook place annually: we are reminded of _Abel-me\u1e25olah_, \u201cthe field of\ndancing\u201d (1 Kings xix. 16), which must clearly have got its name from the\nfestival dancing which took place there habitually.\n\nWe know from the later history and ritual of the Jewish festivals\nthat they were marked by dances and processional dances of a sacred\ncharacter[238]; and the analogy of ritual usage among other peoples\nmakes it certain that these religious dances at the Jewish feasts, as\npractised in post-biblical times, were not innovations, but rather the\ntraditional ritual which had been handed down from time immemorial. As\nKrauss points out, the most primitive kind of dancing, a simple form of\nhopping, without rhythmic movement (for which the Talmud uses the word\n_\u1e6daphaz_), was in use in later times both at weddings and during regular\nworship[239].\n\nWe have already, in another connexion, drawn attention to the daily\nprocession round the altar, after the sacrifices had been offered, during\nthe feast of _Sukk\u00f4th_ (\u201cTabernacles\u201d). There was another dancing\nceremony at this feast which must be mentioned, a ceremony of which it\nwas said that whosoever had not seen it had never seen a real feast[240].\nThis was the wonderful Torch-dance which took place in the Court of the\nwomen in the Temple on the second day of the feast. A great multitude of\nmen and women were always present on this occasion to witness the dance\nin which only the most prominent among the Israelites took part. While\nthe dance was going on hymns and psalms were sung[241]. It was because\nof the dances and processions at the feast of Tabernacles, during which\npalms and branches of trees were carried, similar to the _thyrsus_\ncarried by the Bacchanalian assemblies of maidens, that Plutarch was\nbetrayed into the error of regarding this feast as of the same character\nas that celebrated in honour of Dionysos among the Greeks; and into his\nassertion that the cult of this god was in vogue among the Hebrews[242].\n\nThere was, to give another example, a religious dance, though of an\nentirely different character, carried out by Jewish maidens both on the\nfeast-day known as the 15th of Ab, and on the Day of Atonement[243].\nThat the feast of the 15th of Ab was a religious one is clear from the\nevidence given by Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrcanus[244] (1st century A.D.)\nto the effect that it was the great day of the year on which wood was\noffered for the burning of the sacrifices; the supply offered on this\noccasion was supposed to be sufficient to last for the year. The\nfestival is referred to by Josephus, who calls it the Xulophoria[245].\n\nTo mention but one further example, at the feast of _Purim_ there was\na special kind of dance; although this ceased to be of a religious\ncharacter, there can be no doubt that originally it was so[246].\n\n\nII\n\nAmong the ancient Arabs, being nomads, Harvest and Vintage festivals did\nnot, of course, exist. But among their descendants a festival of another\nkind at which a dance of, at any rate, a quasi-religious character is\nperformed may be mentioned here; for there can be no doubt that in these\nthings modern usage represents a custom which has been handed down\nthrough the generations from the distant past. At circumcision festivals\n(_Muzzay\u00een_)[247] they perform what are called _Da\u1e25a_ dances. The young\npeople gather together, being invited by the fathers of the children to\nbe circumcised, and perform these dances, during which they sing over and\nover again:\n\n    We will protect you\n    From him who cuts (\u2018_enda-l-\u1e32atta_\u2019)\n    We will protect you.\n    Cut, oh Cutter!\n    Yet hurt not [here, in turn, the names of those who are to be\n      circumcised are uttered],\n    Cut, oh Cutter!\n    Beware of the reed (_\u02bfala-l-\u1e32a\u1e63ab_),\n    Oh my darling,\n    Beware of the reed![248]\n\nDancing at circumcisions is indispensable among the peasants in\nPalestine[249]; it has been observed also in many other parts of the\nworld, _e.g._ among the Bambaras of Senegambia[250].\n\nIn Gen. xxi. 4, where the circumcision of Isaac is recorded, there is\nno mention of the circumcision feast and the accompanying dance, which,\njudging from later usage, always took place; but in verse 8 it says:\n\u201c... And Abraham made a great feast on the day that Isaac was weaned.\u201d\nThe Rabbis of later times inferred that just as there was a feast at the\nweaning there must also have been a feast at the circumcision, and no\ndoubt they were right. In _Pir\u1e33e de Rabbi Eliezer_ we read in reference\nto this passage (Gen. xxi. 4): \u201cThe sages said: A man is bound to make\nfestivities and a banquet on that day when he has the merit of having\nhis son circumcised, like Abraham our Father, who circumcised his son,\nas it is said...[251].\u201d That dancing formed an indispensable element\nat such feasts, as among other peoples who practised this rite, hardly\nadmits of doubt[252]. In most cases, though not in all, there enters in a\ndistinctly religious note.\n\nThere is also dancing at the festivities attending the performance of\nvows[253].\n\n\nIII\n\nAlthough it is highly probable that at the Harvest and other festivals\nof the Babylonians and Assyrians sacred dancing took place, definite\nevidence in the way of recorded instances does not seem to be\nforthcoming.\n\nAmong the Egyptians, however, we know that every temple had both priests\nand priestesses attached, among whom were dancers and musicians; and\nthese played a very important part at all festivals[254]. Apart from\nofficial celebrations in temples, local feasts at which sacred dances\nwere performed, also took place. Thus, when the Harvest was completed and\nthe peasants offered the first-fruits, they danced in the presence of the\ngod of fertility as an act of thanksgiving[255]. There was also a dance\nof thanksgiving performed in honour of Ptah for the annual overflowing of\nthe Nile. In dancing a small piece of wood was often held in each hand,\nand these were knocked together in rhythmic time[256].\n\nMention should also be made of the great \u201cSed\u201d festival, originally\nperformed only once in thirty years, but later in every third year.\nAt this festival the king was deified as Osiris, and the Crown Prince\nwas appointed, and married to the heiress of the kingdom. At the\nenthronization of the deified king the Crown Prince danced before him as\nan act of honour to the god; this was also done at another part of the\nceremony by all the men, who were present in great numbers[257].\n\n\nIV\n\nA good example among the Greeks is that of the sacred dance performed\nat the celebration of the _Haloa_, which, according to a scholion to\nLucian[258], was\n\n    a feast at Athens containing mysteries of Demeter, and Kore,\n    and Dionysos on the occasion of the cutting of vines and the\n    tasting of wine made from them.... The _Haloa_ gets its name,\n    according to Philochorus, from the fact that people hold sports\n    at the _threshing-floors_; and he says it is celebrated in\n    the month Poseidon[259].... The sports held were, of course,\n    incidental to the business of threshing; but it was these\n    sports that constituted the actual festival. To this day\n    the great round threshing-floor that is found in most Greek\n    villages is the scene of the harvest festival. Near it a booth\n    (_sk\u0113n\u0113_) is to this day erected, and in it the performers\n    rest, and eat and drink in the intervals of their pantomimic\n    dancing[260].\n\nIn connexion with ritual dances in honour of Demeter, Frazer draws\nattention to the remains of \u201cthe magnificent marble drapery which once\nadorned the colossal statue of Demeter and Persephone in the sanctuary of\nthe two goddesses at Lycosura, in Arcadia\u201d; on this are carved rows of\nsemi-human, semi-bestial figures dancing and playing musical instruments;\nthe bodies of these figures are those of women, but their heads, paws and\nfeet are those of a horse, a pig, a cat, or a hare, and apparently an\nass[261].\n\n    \u201cIt is reasonable to suppose,\u201d he says, \u201cthat these dancing\n    figures represent a ritual dance which was actually performed\n    in the rites of Demeter and Persephone by masked men and women,\n    who personated the goddesses in their character of beasts[262].\u201d\n\nThe story of the two daughters of Eteokles who fell into a well while\ndancing in honour of Demeter and Kore, and were turned into cypresses,\nprobably owes its origin to the desire to account for the reason why\nsacred dances were performed under these trees, in which the _numen_ of\none or other of these goddesses was supposed to reside[263]. The story is\ngiven in _Geoponica_, XI. 4:\n\n    The cypresses have two names, and they are indeed called\n    _Charites_ on account of their delectable quality, and\n    _Cypresses_ on account of their bearing and producing branches\n    and seeds in such regular order. They were the daughters of\n    Eteokles; and when dancing in imitation of the goddesses,\n    they fell into a well; and the earth, commiserating their\n    misfortune, produced flourishing plants like damsels[264].\n\nIt is unnecessary to give further examples; generally speaking, among\nthe Greeks dancing at festivals, so far as their religious character is\nconcerned, was performed in honour of some deity. A magical purpose is\nsometimes to be discerned, though rarely[265]; the ecstatic dance seems\nsometimes to have had this object, and this, as one would expect, is\nonly the case in the earliest period of Greek religion[266]. We have\ndealt in Chap. VII. with the ecstatic dance and its objects.\n\n\nV\n\nAs illustrating this type of dance among the Romans we may instance the\nfestival of the _Ambarvalia_; this festival was not celebrated on a\nfixed date, but varied according to the state of the crops. The duties\nat the festival were carried out by _Fratres Arvales_, \u201cthe Brethren\nof the Ploughed Fields.\u201d With solemn prayers, addressed primarily to\nMars[267] to keep away all harm from the crops, these Brethren led round\nin formal procession the victims destined for sacrifice to Mars as the\ngod of vegetation, viz. a pig, a ram, and a bull. The Arval Brothers\nhad a special three-step dance (_tripudium_) which they performed in\nhonour of Mars and the Lares; it was repeated three times, and during\nits performance they sang a hymn of praise to the god[268]. A minute\naccount of their three days\u2019 festival is given in the _Acta_ of the year\n218 (Elagabalus, _CIL_, VI. 2104)[269]; the dance, which took place on\nthe second, and most important, day is described as follows: \u201c... Then\nthe priests, shut up in the temple, girding up their togas, took the\nsong-books and, marking the time, danced the three step singing thus\n...[270].\u201d Again, at the festival of the _Lupercalia_, held in February,\nwhen the sacrificial feast was ended, the _Luperci_, crowned and\nanointed, and, but for an apron of goatskin, entirely naked, ran round\nthe Palatine Hill with thongs cut from the skin of the sacrificed goats\nin their hands[271]. The feast was held in honour of Faunus (the Greek\nPan), who was worshipped under the name of Lupercus, in a grotto in the\nPalatine Mount called the Lupercal. The running round of the _Luperci_\nwith the goats\u2019 thongs had a purificatory object[272] (see p. 101).\n\nThe dances of the _Salii_ may be appropriately mentioned here. Their\nsacred processions took place in March and October, and continued for\nover three weeks[273]. Headed by trumpeters and dressed in full battle\napparel they marched through the city; at all the altars and temples\nthey halted, and, under the conduct of two leaders, solemnly danced\nthe war-dance in three measures in honour of Mars, singing at the same\ntime[274]. The _Salii_, however, also performed dances in honour of\nSaturn, the Roman god of sowing;\n\n    \u201cas the Romans,\u201d says Frazer, \u201csowed the corn both in spring\n    and autumn, and as down to the present time in Europe\n    superstitious rustics are wont to dance and leap high in the\n    spring for the purpose of making the crops grow high, we\n    may conjecture that the leaps and dancing performed by the\n    _Salii_, the priests of the old Italian god of vegetation,\n    were similarly supposed to quicken the growth of the corn by\n    homoeopathic or imitative magic[275].\u201d\n\nIt was not in Rome alone that this type of dancing was performed;\n\n    similar colleges of dancing priests are known to have existed\n    in many towns of ancient Italy, and everywhere, we may\n    conjecture, they were supposed to contribute to the fertility\n    of the earth by their leaps and dances[276].\n\nThis magical purpose of the sacred dance will come before us again.\n\n\nVI\n\nA few examples of this type of the sacred dance among uncultured peoples\nmay now be given[277].\n\nThe sowing festival among the Kayans of Central Borneo, who are\nessentially an agricultural people and of a primitive type, is very\nelaborate; but we are only concerned with that part of it at which the\nsacred dancing takes place. The following is taken from an eye-witness\u2019\naccount:\n\n    The first to appear on the scene were some men wearing wooden\n    masks and helmets and so thickly wrapt in banana leaves that\n    they looked like moving masses of green foliage. They danced\n    silently, keeping time to the beat of the gongs. They were\n    followed by other figures, some of whom executed war-dances;\n    but the weight of their leafy envelope was such that they soon\n    grew tired, and though they leaped high, they uttered none\n    of the wild war-whoops which usually accompany these martial\n    exercises. When darkness fell the dances ceased and were\n    replaced by a little drama representing a boar brought to bay\n    by a pack of hounds.... Later in the evening eight disguised\n    girls danced, one behind the other, with slow steps and waving\n    arms, to the glimmering light of torches and the strains of a\n    sort of jew\u2019s harp[278].\n\nNieuwenhuis, who witnessed this, insists strongly on the religious\ncharacter of all the festivals observed by these people. There can\nbe little doubt that the dancing masked men represent the spirits of\nfertility; the high leaps are a magical rite to make the crops grow high;\nand the row of dancing girls waving their arms is probably in imitation\nof the field of healthy stalks swaying in the wind, and thus also an act\nof imitative magic. It is another form of the rite which is practised by\nthe Kai of New Guinea who swing to and fro on reeds suspended from the\nbranches of trees in order to promote the growth of the crops[279].\n\nAmong the Malays most of the dances seem to be for the purpose of\namusement; but that some of them, at any rate, were originally of a\nreligious character is evident from what Skeat says on the subject:\n\n    ... All these dances, I was told, were symbolical; one of\n    agriculture, with the tilling of the soil, the sowing of the\n    seed, the reaping and winnowing of the grain, might easily have\n    been guessed by the dancers\u2019 movements[280].\n\nSuch dances, as is well known, are always, in some stage of their\ndevelopment, connected with the worship of some god of vegetation[281].\nSkeat says that\n\n    the religious origin of almost all Malay dances is still to be\n    seen in the performance of such ritualistic observances as the\n    burning of incense, the scattering of rice, and the invocation\n    of the Dance-Spirit according to set forms, the spirit being\n    exorcised (or \u201cescorted homewards\u201d as it is called) at the end\n    of the performance[282].\n\nOne other example may be given, this time from Africa, of the dance\nbeing a propitiatory act, and accompanied by prayer; it takes place at\nmoon festivals. The Hottentots (they are moon-worshippers) perform long\nnightly dances in honour of the moon, both at the appearance of the new\nmoon and at full moon. After numberless strange contortions of the body\nwhich characterise these dances, and excruciating yells, the worshippers\nfling themselves to the ground; then they suddenly spring up, stamp about\nwith their feet, and gaze up at the moon, crying: \u201cHail, see that we have\nhoney, and that our flocks get plenty of food, and give us much milk!\u201d\nThen the dancing, accompanied by the clapping of hands, continues. This\ngoes on through the whole night with short pauses. According to some\nauthorities the name Hottentot is derived from the noise made by their\nfeet during these nightly sacred dances at the moon festivals[283].\n\nExamples could be multiplied to almost any extent; those given are\ntypical and they will suffice for present purposes.\n\n\nSUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS\n\nA brief enumeration of the chief festivals among the Israelites is called\nfor in the present connexion because they were agricultural feasts;\nand, as has already been pointed out incidentally, one of the purposes\nof the sacred dance was to ensure good crops. All that we learn as to\nthe character of these festivals in the Old Testament emphasizes the\nelement of rejoicing during their celebration; and this applies with\nspecial force to the feast of Tabernacles. The dancing which took place\nat these feasts would, therefore, seem to have been purely expressions\nof joy. But there are reasons for believing that other elements entered\nin as well. Expressions of thanksgiving to a god are at the same time a\nmeans of honouring him; and this, we may feel certain, figured largely\nat the Israelite feasts; they were thankful to Jahwe for the fruits of\nthe field, and they were joyful for plenty; so that when grateful joy\nexpressed itself in the dance it constituted an act of honouring, and\ntherefore of worshipping, the national God. The rare explicit mention of\nthese dances during the feasts in the Old Testament is easily accounted\nfor.\n\nBut the cultural stage of the bulk of the Israelite people, at the very\nleast up to the time of the Exile, can be proved by many indications in\nthe Old Testament to have been no higher than other races; the extremely\nsignificant fact recorded by one of the prophets that, on occasion,\nthe most barbarous form of the ecstatic dance, with its self-inflicted\nlacerations and blood-flowing, was practised by the people for the\npurpose of ensuring good crops, offers ample justification for the belief\nthat one of the objects of the sacred dance at the spring festival was\nlikewise to ensure good crops. The rite was a world-wide one, which is in\nitself presumptive evidence that it was practised by the Israelites.\n\nThe importance of the sacred dance during the Jewish feasts of later\ntimes, for the existence of which the evidence is ample, must be regarded\nas the observance of traditional custom.\n\nThe ancient Arabs did not cultivate the soil and therefore did not\ncelebrate festivals of this kind. Among some modern Arabs dancing takes\nplace at circumcision festivals, and it is accompanied by song; there are\ngrounds for believing that the Israelites did the same. The dance in this\ncase must be regarded as having been performed in honour of the newly\ninitiated, who, by circumcision, were admitted into the community of the\ntribe[284].\n\nAmong the Egyptians both national and local Harvest festivals were\ncelebrated; during these the sacred dance played an important part. We\nmay take it that, as among the Israelites, the purpose of these dances\nwas to express joyful gratitude to the god of fertility. The \u201cSed\u201d\nfestival was another occasion on which a sacred dance was performed; the\ndeified king was honoured in this way.\n\nThe _Haloa_ among the Greeks seems to have been at once a Harvest and\nVintage festival; the dancing which took place during this feast must\nhave been in honour of the god of fertility. In Greek villages at the\npresent day the harvest festival takes place round the threshing-floor,\nand there is much dancing, but its old significance has now, of course,\ndisappeared.\n\nThere is evidence that dances were performed in honour of the fertility\ngoddess Demeter and Persephone; the dancers personated these goddesses in\ntheir character of beasts,\u2014horses, pigs, etc.; while we have here a dance\nin honour of these divinities, it is possible that it also partook of the\nnature of imitative magic, it being a means of ensuring productivity.\n\nAn interesting case of framing a reason for the sacred dance under trees,\nthe real reason being presumably forgotten, is that of the two daughters\nof Eteokles who were turned into cypresses; these were trees under which\nsacred dances were performed. Festival dances among the Greeks were often\ndoubtless expressions of mirth and joy, but this did not prevent their\nbeing performed in honour of some deity; it was precisely similar among\nthe Israelites to whom the exhortation was constantly given: \u201cYe shall\nrejoice before Jahwe your God,\u201d in connexion with the feasts (Lev. xxiii.\n40, etc.). A magic-religious purpose is at times to be discerned in these\nGreek festival dances.\n\nAmong the Romans a notable instance of this type of sacred dance is\nthat performed by \u201cthe Brethren of the Ploughed Fields\u201d; they circled\nround the victims for sacrifice to Mars. A similar rite was carried out\nby the _Luperci_ in honour of the god Faunus (the Greek Pan); it had a\npurificatory purpose. The dances of the _Salii_ were performed in honour\nof Mars; they also danced in honour of Saturn, the Roman god of sowing;\ntheir high leaps during the latter of these were believed to have the\neffect of making the corn grow high.\n\nAmong the uncultured races the Kayans of Central Borneo danced at their\nfestivals with a purpose similar to that of the Romans; their high leaps\nwere a magical rite to make the crops grow in height. A like result was\nbelieved by the Kai of New Guinea to be effected by swinging to and\nfro on reeds suspended from the branches of trees. The Malays perform\nimitative dances which at one time were believed to make the crops grow.\nFinally, the Hottentots dance in honour of the moon in belief that this\nwill have the effect of prevailing upon their deity, the moon, to supply\nthem and their flocks with sustenance.\n\nWe have no indications in the Old Testament that the sacred dances at\nthe Israelite feasts had any other purpose than that of rejoicing before\ntheir God, and this was, of course, in the nature of honouring Him. But\nthe possibility of the existence of imitative magic in connexion with\nthem at some period of their history cannot be altogether excluded;\nthis is suggested not only because the idea is so widespread, but also\nbecause even in much later times among the Jews we have an example of\nan imitative magical rite during a feast in the Temple. At the Feast\nof Tabernacles it was the custom for water to be drawn ceremonially by\nthe priests from the fountain of Siloam; this was brought through the\nwater-gate, when a long-drawn-out trumpet blast was sounded, into the\nTemple, where it was poured out upon the altar during the further blowing\nof trumpets; the rite was performed daily on the seven days of the Feast.\nThat this was a piece of imitative magic for the purpose of ensuring a\nsufficient rainfall would suggest itself spontaneously; but we have the\ndefinite statement to this effect given by the Rabbis, for the object\nof the rite is explained by the words: \u201cThe Holy One, Blessed be He!\nsaid, Pour out water before me at the Feast, in order that the rains\nof the year may be blessed to you[285].\u201d This clear evidence among the\nJews for the existence of a magical rite to obtain rain is sufficient\njustification for believing that their forefathers may have performed\ndances at Harvest Festivals for the purpose of ensuring good crops.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX\n\nDANCES IN CELEBRATION OF VICTORY\n\n\nI\n\nIt is a natural and obvious thing that there should be expressions of\njoy on the occasion of victory; and, as dancing was one of the ways\nwhereby joy was expressed, it is equally natural that this should have\nbeen performed on such occasions. Furthermore, when we find that in the\nrecords of these celebrations it is the women who do the dancing, this is\nonly what is to be expected since it is done in honour of the victorious\nwarriors. This is all in the natural order of things; and, so far as the\nOld Testament is concerned, it would seem that the simple recording of\nthe fact that the celebration of a victory was one of the occasions on\nwhich dancing was performed is all that is required. However, this custom\nis widespread, and has been, and still is, in vogue among peoples in very\ndifferent stages of culture; and in discussing a widespread custom, such\nas this, it is always possible that one may discern in the performance\nof it among less cultured races elements which suggest that originally\nthere was something more in it than appears upon the surface. In other\nwords, the possibility must be reckoned with that the custom as recorded\nin the Old Testament was in reality the survival of something which was\nbelieved to have a decisive effect in bringing about victory. The dance\nof the Israelite women on these occasions had a threefold purpose; it was\na means of expressing joy; it was also the way in which the victorious\nwarriors were honoured; and, most important, it was an act of praise and\nthanksgiving to Jahwe; so that this type of dance was emphatically a\nreligious one. If, as we hope to offer some grounds for believing, this\ntype of dance was, in its origin, a means of effecting victory by magic,\nit will be an interesting illustration of magic being, as Mr Marett\nsays, \u201cpart and parcel of the \u2018god-stuff\u2019 out of which religion fashions\nitself[286].\u201d\n\nIn passing, it may be said that, in spite of the fact that the absence\nof the able-bodied men would make the women the natural performers in\nthese kind of dances, this public appearance of oriental women witnesses\nto a very different condition of society from that with which we are\nfamiliar as obtaining in the East in later centuries; in other words,\nthe Israelites were in some respects in a less advanced cultural stage\nthan we are sometimes apt to suppose. Not that they were conscious of any\nother objects in this type of dance than those mentioned; we only mean\nthat at this time immemorial custom, however different the reasons given\nfor its existence, was more likely to be tenaciously held to than when\nradical changes in religious belief and social and moral conditions had\ntaken place.\n\nThe type of dancing with which we are just now concerned has nothing to\ndo with the war-dance, the primary aim of which\n\n    seems to be the development of physical excitement, and\n    consequently courage, in the dancing warriors; secondarily, as\n    magical ideas attach themselves, the aim of frightening the\n    enemy by a demonstration of violence is added[287].\n\nIn the Old Testament there is no mention of the war-dance. But there\nwas a solemn preparation for war, for it must be remembered that among\nthe Israelites, as among other Semites, there was a religious element\nconnected with the act of warfare. Warriors \u201cconsecrated\u201d themselves\nbefore entering upon it (Isa. xiii. 3); the phrase for declaring war or\nentering upon a state of warfare is to \u201csanctify, or consecrate, war\u201d\n(Mic. iii. 5, Jer. vi. 4); and battle was prepared for by sacrifice (1\nSam. xiii. 9, 10); moreover, after the battle the spoil, or part of it,\nwas consecrated to Jahwe (1 Sam. xv. 21, 2 Sam. viii. 11, 1 Chron. xviii.\n11).\n\nThe Israelites, thus, entered battle under the protection of Jahwe; the\nreligious element, therefore, was strongly emphasized.\n\nWe proceed now to enumerate the instances in the Old Testament of dancing\nin celebration of victory.\n\nIn Exod. xv. 20, 21 a dance with song accompanied by musical instruments\nis performed by women in celebration of victory:\n\n    And Miriam the prophetess, the sister of Aaron, took a timbrel\n    (_t\u00f4ph_) in her hand; and all the women went out after her with\n    timbrels and with dances. And Miriam chanted[288] to them,\n\n    Sing to Jahwe, for He is greatly exalted,\n    The horse and his rider hath He cast into the sea.\n\nHere the dancing and singing have clearly the single purpose of\nthanksgiving to Jahwe, for the victory is ascribed solely to Him; so\nthat the passage presents the highest development of purpose for which\nthis type of dance was performed. It is the same in Ps. lxviii. 11, 12\n(12, 13 in Hebr.), where there is an obvious reference to the custom:\n\u201cJahwe giveth the word, the women that publish the tidings (_i.e._ of\nvictory) are a great host; kings of armies flee; and she that tarrieth at\nhome divideth the spoil[289].\u201d True, there is no mention of singing and\ndancing here; but if, as we may well believe, it was so well known that\nthe women who celebrated the victory did sing and dance, there was no\nneed to specify it.\n\nIn the example given in Judg. xi. 34 it is different, for the dancing and\nsinging here are in honour of the victorious warrior. Jephthah, on his\nreturn from his victory over the Ammonites, is met by his daughter and\nother maidens (her companions are spoken of in verse 38) \u201cwith timbrels\nand with dances[290].\u201d This is further illustrated by the well-known\npassage 1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7:\n\n    And it came to pass as they came, when David returned from the\n    slaughter of the Philistines, that the women came out of the\n    cities of Israel, singing and dancing, to meet king Saul, with\n    timbrels, with joy and with instruments of music (_Shalishim_,\n    whatever this may mean); and the dancing women sang to one\n    another and said,\n\n    Saul hath slain his thousands,\n    And David his ten thousands.\n\nThe corruptions in the Hebrew text of this passage need not trouble us\nas they do not affect the special point with which we are concerned.\nThe same event is referred to in 1 Sam. xxi. 11, where the way in which\nthe custom is spoken of shows that it was a common one: \u201cDid they not\nsing one to another in the dances...?\u201d See also xxix. 5. In passing, it\nis worth offering an interesting parallel to this, although the actual\ndancing is not mentioned. It is given in Pausanias in reference to the\nvictorious Aristomenes after his defeat of the Lacedaemonians:\n\n    When Aristomenes returned to Andania the women threw ribbons\n    and fresh flowers on him, and recited in his honour a song\n    which is sung to this day,\u2014\n\n    To the midst of the Stenyclerian plain and to the top of the mountain\n    Aristomenes followed the Lacedaemonians[291].\n\nIn the light of these passages we may recall Judg. v. 28-30, where the\nmother of Sisera is vividly depicted looking from the \u201cwindow,\u201d together\nwith her \u201cwise ladies,\u201d in expectation of the return of her victorious\nson with the spoils of battle. It is not an undue stretch of the\nimagination to suppose that if victory instead of defeat had fallen to\nSisera\u2019s lot, we should have had a description of his mother watching the\nwomen going forth with timbrels and dances to welcome home the victorious\nwarriors.\n\nTaking these Old Testament passages by themselves, then, there is no\nreason to suppose that the custom of which they speak is anything more\nthan a simple and natural expression of joy and in one case, at any\nrate, of thankfulness to Jahwe, for victory in battle, together with an\nappropriate tribute to the victorious leader. And the same is true in\nthe case of other civilized peoples of antiquity. But it is unnecessary\nto give illustrations of this type of dance among them because this\nwould throw no light on the original object of it. For this we must go\nto races in a lower stage of culture, among whom we are so often able to\nsee the antecedents of both the nature and the purpose of customs which\namong civilized peoples appear in a developed form, and with a different\npurpose and meaning. If the consideration of a few examples of this type\nof dance among uncivilized peoples appears to lead us away somewhat\nfrom our main point, the digression must be excused on the ground that\nside-lights do inevitably, at times, cast their rays from a distance.\n\nBut before coming to these examples we should like to say a word about\nthe \u201cconsecration\u201d for battle, as it is conceivable that this may have\nhad an indirect bearing on the \u201cprimitive\u201d object of this type of dance.\nThe Old Testament tells us, as we have seen, that warriors consecrated\nthemselves before entering battle by assisting at a sacrifice[292]. The\nsacrifice was a means of propitiation which would induce the national\nGod to look favourably upon the expedition and give His help to those\nwho were about to take part in it. But this is a relatively advanced\nreligious conception; there is a long history behind it, and some of the\nstages in that history are discernible in the preparation for battle\namong uncivilized races. We will give one instance, of many; more are\nunnecessary, for the same idea underlies them all. Schoolcraft, quoted by\nFrazer[293], tells us that\n\n    on extraordinary occasions the bravest warriors of the Dakotahs\n    used to perform a dance at which they devoured the livers of\n    dogs raw and warm in order thereby to acquire the sagacity and\n    bravery of the dog. The animals were thrown to them alive,\n    killed and cut open; then the livers were extracted, cut into\n    strips and hung on a pole. Each dancer grabbed at a piece of\n    liver with his teeth, and chewed and swallowed it as he danced;\n    he might not touch it with his hands, only the medicine-man\n    enjoyed that privilege. Women did not join in the dance.\n\nTo the savage this acquisition of bravery would be an appropriate\npreparation for battle. In the many instances of analogous rites the\nchoice of the animal appears to depend upon some quality characteristic\nof it. But it is possible that there is something more behind this. In\nthe case just cited there are two points which suggest that the choice\nof the dog was not solely due to its qualities of sagacity and bravery;\nthe sacred dance performed during the eating of its liver, and the\nprohibition to touch it, point to something sacrosanct about the animal.\nFrazer points out elsewhere[294] that the custom of killing a god in\nanimal form\n\n    belongs to a very early stage of human culture, and is apt in\n    later times to be misunderstood. The advance of thought tends\n    to strip the old animal and plant gods of their bestial and\n    vegetable husk, and to leave their human attributes (which are\n    always the kernel of the conception) as the final and sole\n    residuum. In other words, animal and plant gods tend to become\n    purely anthropomorphic. When they have become wholly or nearly\n    so, the animals and plants which were at first the deities\n    themselves, still retain a vague and ill-understood connexion\n    with the anthropomorphic gods who have been developed out of\n    them. The origin of the relationship between the deity and the\n    animal or plant having been forgotten, various stories are\n    invented to explain it. These explanations may follow one of\n    two lines according as they are based on the habitual or on the\n    exceptional treatment of the sacred animal or plant. The sacred\n    animal was habitually spared, and only exceptionally slain; and\n    accordingly the myth might be devised to explain either why it\n    was spared or why it was killed.\n\nThe principle here laid down is only in part applicable to the case under\nconsideration; but it suggests that the dog, which was clearly sacred\nto the Dakotahs, was not eaten solely on account of its qualities of\nsagacity and bravery; these happened to be its characteristics which\nwere absorbed by eating it. As a sacred animal it possessed supernatural\npowers, exemplified especially by its characteristic qualities. In a\ndifferent stage of the development of this general conception a sacred\nanimal would be partaken of, divine power being thereby acquired,\nirrespective of any quality that it might possess[295].\n\n    \u201cHoly animals,\u201d says Robertson Smith, \u201cand holy things\n    generally, are primarily conceived, not as belonging to the\n    deity, but as being themselves instinct with divine power or\n    life. Thus a holy animal is one which has a divine life; and\n    if it be holy to a particular god, the meaning must be that\n    its life and his are somehow bound up together. From what is\n    known of primitive ways of thought we may infer that this\n    means that the sacred animal is akin to the god, for all valid\n    and permanent relation between individuals is conceived as\n    kinship[296].\u201d\n\nIn a still later stage of development, with an advanced conception of\ndeity, a sacrifice to the god would be regarded as the means of securing\nwhat was desired, _e.g._ in the present case, divine aid to victory, as\nwe find in 1 Sam. xiii. 9, 10.\n\nSo that it is conceivable that in an earlier stage the Semitic forbears\nof the Israelites partook of a sacrifice preparatory to battle in the\nbelief that by this means the strength of the god would be imparted to\nthem.\n\nSo much then for the question of consecration for battle. We turn now to\nconsider the purpose of the sacred dance in connexion with battle among\nsome of the uncivilized races.\n\n\nII\n\nAs far as one can gather from the evidence there seem to be, in regard\nto this type of dance in its more primitive forms, two purposes which\nare apparently quite distinct. The first has for its object the quieting\nor propitiation of the ghosts of those slain in battle; in this case\nthe dance is not the central rite, but none the less indispensable.\nThe following is an example of this among the natives of the Indian\nArchipelago:\n\n    In the island of Timor, when a warlike expedition has returned\n    in triumph bringing the heads of the vanquished foe, the leader\n    of the expedition is forbidden by religion and custom to return\n    at once to his own house. A special hut is prepared for him,\n    in which he has to reside for two months, undergoing bodily\n    and spiritual purification. That these observances are dictated\n    by fear of the ghosts seems certain; for from another account\n    of the ceremonies performed on the return of a successful\n    head-hunter in the same island we learn that the sacrifices are\n    offered on this occasion to appease the soul of the man whose\n    head has been taken off. The people think that some misfortune\n    would befall the victor were such offerings omitted. Moreover,\n    a part of the ceremony consists of a dance accompanied by a\n    song, in which the death of the slain man is lamented and his\n    forgiveness is entreated.\n\nAn argumentative plea, addressed to the slain man, is then pronounced in\nextenuation of the unfortunate necessity of his having had to lose his\nhead[297]. It is evident that in this case the entire ceremony is an act\nof propitiation to the soul of the slain lest his ghost should bring some\nevil on the head of the slayer; the dance is, of course, performed as a\ncompliment to the enraged ghost.\n\nWe take another example from a different part of the world:\n\n    Among the Roro-speaking tribes of British New Guinea homicides\n    were secluded in the warriors\u2019 club-house. They had to pass\n    the night in the building, but during the day they might paint\n    and decorate themselves and dance in front of it.... Finally,\n    those warriors who had never killed a man before assumed a\n    beautiful ornament made of fretted turtle shell, which none\n    but homicides were allowed to flaunt in their head-dresses.\n    Then came a dance, and that same night the men who wore the\n    honourable badge of homicide for the first time were chased\n    about the village; embers were thrown at them and firebrands\n    waved in order, apparently, to drive away the souls of the\n    dead enemies, who seemed to be conceived as immanent in some\n    way in the headgear of their slayers[298].\n\nHere again, while the dance does not form the central part of the\nceremony, it is evidently an essential part of it, performed in honour\nof the slain. The interior of the warriors\u2019 club-house was evidently\nconsidered a place of safety, hence the retirement into it during the\nnight, the time when the ghosts were most to be feared. The dance which\nfollowed next day must be regarded as an act of propitiation; this\nconcerned the veterans. The novices had their special dance, also a\npropitiatory rite, while the firebrands hurled at their heads in the\nevening gave the quietus to the ghosts of the men slain by them.\n\nOnce more, among the Arunta of Central Australia it is likewise the\ncustom to perform a vigorous dance on the return from battle[299]. In\nthis case the dance comprises the whole ceremony, from which one can\ngather the importance of it in the eyes of these people. It is difficult\nto say whether the dance here is an act of propitiation or whether it\nserves to frighten away the ghosts of the slain, who are supposed to\nfollow their slayers; probably, we should say, the former, since the\nfrightening away of ghosts usually takes a different form.\n\nAs a few examples of many these cases of the dance taking place after the\nreturn from victory show that one of its purposes was the propitiation of\nthe ghosts of the slain.\n\nWe turn now to some other instances in which the dance had a different\npurpose. An old historian of Madagascar informs us that\n\n    while the men are at the wars, and until their return, the\n    women and girls cease not day and night to dance, and neither\n    lie down nor take food in their own homes.... They believe\n    that by dancing they impart strength, courage, and good\n    fortune to their husbands; accordingly during such times they\n    give themselves no rest, and this custom they observe very\n    religiously[300].\n\nA similar result is believed to be brought about by dancing, according to\nMr Fitzgerald Marriott, among West African tribes. He says that while the\nAshantee war was raging he\n\n    saw a dance performed by women whose husbands had gone as\n    carriers to the war. They were painted white, and wore nothing\n    but a short petticoat. At their head was a shrivelled old\n    sorceress in a very short white petticoat.... All carried white\n    brushes made of buffalo or horse tails, and as they danced they\n    sang, \u201cOur husbands have gone to Ashanteeland; may they sweep\n    their enemies off the face of the earth[301]!\u201d\n\nAgain, among the Thompson Indians of British Columbia, \u201cwhen the men were\non the war-path, the women performed dances at frequent intervals. These\ndances were believed to ensure the success of the expedition.\u201d The same\nholds good among the Yuki tribe of Indians in California; the women at\nhome danced, believing that this would ensure victory. So, too, among the\nHaida women who danced and sang while their husbands were away fighting;\nalso among the women in the Kafir district of the Hindoo Koosh of whom\nSir George Robertson reports that he\n\n    more than once watched the dancers dancing at midnight and in\n    the early morning, and could see by the fitful glow of the\n    wood-fire how haggard and tired they looked, yet how gravely\n    and earnestly they persisted in what they regarded as a serious\n    duty[302].\n\nIn all these cases the dancing is in the nature of sympathetic magic, and\nhas, therefore, an entirely different purpose from that of the previous\ninstances cited, namely that of ensuring victory. While in the cases of\nghost-propitiation the dancing, though essential, is subordinate, in the\nsympathetic magical, or telepathic, type it is central.\n\nOne other example is worth giving, for it is one in which the dancing\ntakes place as a welcome to the warriors on their return from battle, and\nis, therefore, not of a telepathic nature; on the other hand, it does not\nappear to be undertaken with the idea of propitiating the ghosts of the\nslain, while the frightening of them away is not done by the dancers.\nFrazer, quoting van der Roest[303], gives this example in the following\nwords:\n\n    In Windessi, Dutch New Guinea, when a party of head-hunters\n    has been successful, and they are nearing home, they announce\n    their approach and success by blowing on triton shells. Their\n    canoes are also decked with branches. The faces of the men who\n    have taken a head are blackened with charcoal. If several have\n    taken part in killing the same victim, his head is divided\n    among them. They always time their arrival so as to reach\n    home in the early morning. They come rowing to the village\n    with a great noise, and the women stand ready to dance in the\n    verandahs of the houses.... The day is spent very quietly. Now\n    and then they drum or blow on the conch; at other times they\n    beat the walls of the houses with loud shouts to drive away the\n    ghosts of the slain.\n\nIf, as seems probable, we have here a case of the dance taking place as\na welcome home, and as a mark of honour to the victorious warriors, then\nwe are justified in regarding it as the remains of the fuller form of the\ndance which was performed during the _whole_ period of the absence of\nthe warriors, and with a different object. In any case, such a remnant,\ninvolving a transition from one purpose to another, would be in the\nnatural order of things,\u2014the original purpose of the dance being an act\nof imitative magic to effect victory, the remnant being merely a form\nof welcome home to the victorious warriors; and such a transition could\nbe paralleled by analogies, as every folklorist is well aware[304]. In\ncourse of time the original purpose or purposes of the dance would be\ncompletely forgotten, and when a reason was sought it would be simply and\nsolely that of the welcome to the home-coming victors.\n\nIt is this latter, and this alone, which is the purpose of this type\nof dance in the Old Testament. But that the custom, like all ancient\ncustoms, must have a long history behind it, and that the ostensible\npurpose or purposes of such customs vary according to the cultural stage\nof the people among whom they are in vogue, will be generally allowed.\nWe venture, therefore, to suggest the possibility that in its very much\nearlier phases among the ancestors of the Israelites some such objects as\nthose indicated were connected with this type of dance.\n\n\nSUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS\n\nJoyful expressions for victory in battle lie in the nature of things;\nand since dancing is, and always has been, one of the means of giving\nvent to this feeling, its mention in the Old Testament in this connexion\nis what might be expected. In the few examples of this dance recorded\nin the Old Testament the points to be noted are that it is performed as\nan act of thanksgiving to Jahwe; this stamps it as in the nature of a\nsacred rite. It is also a welcome home to the victorious warriors and\na tribute to their bravery; but in all probability at the back of this\nthere was always the thought of the real author of the victory, the\nnational God; for it was in His name that the warriors had consecrated\nthemselves for the battle, and in His name that they had, therefore, gone\nforth to fight (cp. Deut. xx. 1 ff.). Moreover, it has to be remembered\nthat the nation\u2019s enemies were always regarded as the enemies of the\nnational God. The religious character of the rite is thus emphasized. A\nfurther point is that these dances, together with accompanying music,\nwere performed by women. As it was the men who had gone forth to fight it\nwill be argued that there could be none but women to perform the dances.\nAt the same time, it cannot be supposed that a district would be wholly\ndenuded of men; some, it may reasonably be expected, remained at home for\nvarious reasons; see _e.g._ Deut. xx. 6-8, xxiv. 5. But the performance\nof the rite seems to have been entirely restricted to women. It may be\nthat there was in its early origins some reason for this, for we find a\nsimilar restriction among races of lower civilization.\n\nThis type of dance is quite distinct from the war-dance; whether there\nwas anything in the nature of a war-dance among the Israelites we have no\nmeans of ascertaining; it is never even hinted at in the Old Testament.\nOn the other hand, there was preparation for battle in the form of\nsacrifice to Jahwe.\n\nThere were some other customs regarding preparation and \u201cconsecration\u201d\nfor battle among the Israelites which point to the lingering of very\nold-world conceptions; this fact offers some justification for the\ncontention that this type of sacred dance may possibly be the remains,\nin a developed form, of a rite which originally contained some similar\nold-world conception. By \u201cremains, in a developed form,\u201d we mean a rite\nshorn of its original content, but which continues to be observed, and\nhas a new meaning assigned to it. We have in the Old Testament distinct\nreferences to the taboo on sexual intercourse for warriors previous to\nbattle (Deut. xxiii. 10, 11; 1 Sam. xxi. 4, 5 [5, 6 in Hebr.]; 2 Sam. xi.\n11).\n\n    The extension of this kind of taboo to warriors on an\n    expedition is common among rude peoples, and we know that it\n    had place among the Arabs, and was not wholly obsolete as late\n    as the second century of Isl\u0101m[305].\n\nIn reference to the rule laid down in Deut. xxiii. 10, 11, Frazer rightly\npoints out that\n\n    it suffices to prove that the custom of continence observed in\n    time of war by the Israelites, as by a multitude of savage and\n    barbarous peoples, was based on a superstitious, not a rational\n    motive. To convince us of this it is enough to remark that the\n    rule is often observed by warriors for some time after their\n    victorious return, as also by the persons left at home during\n    the absence of the fighting men. In these cases the observance\n    of the rule evidently does not admit of a rational explanation,\n    which could hardly, indeed, be entertained by anyone conversant\n    with savage modes of thought[306].\n\nThere is ample evidence to show that this custom was not observed\nfrom fear of dissipating physical strength, but simply owing to the\nbelief that any contact whatsoever with women made a man effeminate; it\nextended even to the touching of women\u2019s apparel. We do not maintain\nthat the Israelites were necessarily conscious of the reason why they\nobserved this taboo; it may or may not have been so; but what we contend\nis that the continued existence among them of such an old-world rite,\nwhatever purpose was assigned for its performance, justifies belief in\nthe possibility that the sacred dance in celebration of victory is the\nremains of another old-world custom and conception to which a new meaning\nwas given. The consideration of some analogous examples of this type of\ndance among the uncultured races suggests that in its origin it was a\nmagical rite performed by the women to ensure victory. This was, however,\nonly one of the purposes of this type of dance; another object of it was\nthe quieting or propitiating of the ghosts of those slain in battle.\nThat it ever had this object among the Israelites or their forbears it\nwould be rash to deny, knowing what is recorded in the Old Testament\nregarding the attitude of the living towards the dead[307]; but no _data_\nupon which to go occur in the Old Testament.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X\n\nTHE SACRED DANCE AS A MARRIAGE RITE\n\n\nI\n\nIn the Old Testament there are quite a number of references to\nmarriage[308], but there is very little about the ritual in connexion\nwith or about the festivities which took place at weddings. The wedding\nfeast is mentioned in Judg. xiv. 12, 17, where it is spoken of as lasting\nseven days; in the Apocrypha we also have mention of it in Tobit ix. 1\nff., xii. 1; according to x. 7 it lasts fourteen days. The _Chuppah_,\n_i.e._ the canopy under which the bride and bridegroom stand during the\nwedding-ceremony, is referred to in Ps. xix. 5 (6 in Hebr.), Joel ii. 16;\ncp. Tobit vii. 14, 15. The marriage procession is mentioned in 1 Macc.\nix. 37 ff., in connexion with it \u201ctimbrels and minstrels\u201d are spoken of.\nThe only place in the Old Testament in which the ceremonial dance at a\nwedding is specifically referred to is in Cant. vi. 13 (vii. 1 in Hebr.);\nthis runs, according to the R.V. rendering:\n\n    Return, return, O Shulammite;\n    Return, return, that we may look upon thee.\n    Why will ye look upon the Shulammite,\n    As upon the dance of Ma\u1e25anaim?\n\nThe passage may be explained in this way (the justification for the\ninterpretation will be given afterwards): It is the beginning of the\n\u201cking\u2019s week\u201d; the people are gathered to witness the sword-dance of the\nbride; as she is the \u201cqueen\u201d she is spoken of as the \u201cShulammite\u201d (=\n\u201cShunammite\u201d)[309] because this was the type of a \u201cfair damsel\u201d (see 1\nKings i. 3, 4; cp. Cant. i. 8, v. 9); it is an honorific title conferred\non brides during their \u201cqueenship.\u201d The people cry out to her: \u201cTurn,\nturn,\u201d _i.e._ in her dance; it is a word of encouragement, they wish\nalso to observe all her movements. The bridegroom, who is standing by,\nis pleased at the favourable reception accorded to his bride, and, in\noriental fashion, asks them why they gaze upon this fair damsel who is\ndancing with a sword in her hand? They reply, as he expects them to, with\na song in praise of her beauty: \u201cHow beautiful are thy feet in sandals\n...\u201d (vii. 1 ff.), _i.e._ they begin with a reference to the dance she is\nperforming before them, to her step and other movements of her body. The\nexpression \u201cdance of Ma\u1e25anaim[310]\u201d is applied to the dance because of\nthe sword that is carried and waved about during its performance; there\nis a warlike look about it, hence the name war-dance or \u201cdance of hosts\u201d;\nprobably also the name contains a reference to the purpose for which the\ndance was performed; to this we shall come in a moment.\n\nNow there can be little doubt but that this passage reflects the customs\nat weddings such as are to be seen at the present day among the Syrian\npeasants who, like the dwellers in the Arabian Desert, have preserved\ntheir customs from time immemorial[311]. A most interesting account of\na wedding among the Syrian peasants, which throws a flood of light upon\nthis difficult passage in _Canticles_, is recorded by Wetzstein[312];\nthe points which specially concern us may be briefly mentioned here.\nWhen, among these peasants, the day of a wedding is fixed the neighbours\ngather at the village threshing-floor where the marriage takes place.\nThe bridegroom and bride are proclaimed king[313] and queen, and are\ntreated as such during the seven days after the wedding, which are\ngiven up to dancing and feasting. The throne of the \u201croyal\u201d pair is the\nthreshing-sledge; here they sit and watch the festivities during the\n\u201cking\u2019s week,\u201d as these seven days are called. The threshing-floor is the\ncourt of the king and queen. It is in the evening of the wedding-day that\nthe sword-dance takes place; this is performed by the bride alone before\nthe \u201cking\u201d and the assembled villagers. The sword which the bride carries\nand brandishes during her dance is said to symbolize and proclaim the\nfact that she is prepared to defend herself from all unlawful approach\nfrom other suitors. This explanation is probably not the original one;\nfor it is questionable whether among the Syrian peasants this dance was\nalways performed by the bride. Kremer describes a marriage, for example,\nin the neighbourhood of Beirut, at which during the wedding procession\na sword-dance took place; it was performed by two young men, friends\nof the bridegroom; they were very lightly clad in light-blue _kumb\u00e2z_\nwith white turban. Each held a small round shield made of hide and a\nsword; they fought in rhythmic time, smiting each other\u2019s shields, and\nmoving forward the whole time with the procession[314]. Among the Bedouin\nArabs again, according to Doughty[315], a sword-dance forms one of the\nceremonies at weddings; here, too, it is performed by friends of the\nbridegroom. This is also the case among the Moslems in Palestine[316].\n\nThe object and meaning of this sword-dance, by whomsoever performed, is\ndifficult to ascertain. It is held, and at first sight the contention\nseems partly justified, that we have here a relic of the very ancient\ncustom of marriage by capture; but apart from the fact that the sword\nin the hand of the _bride_ scarcely bears this out, grave doubts exist\nas to whether there ever was such a custom[317]. There are reasons for\nbelieving that this dance may originally have had a different purpose\naltogether. The subject is far too large and intricate to go into here,\nbut Crawley has shown by numerous examples that certain evil influences\nare supposed to be abroad at the time of marriages, and that these\nhave to be warded off by various means[318]. To give but one or two of\nthese examples: \u201cAmongst the Bheels and Bheelalahs the groom touches the\n\u2018marriage shed\u2019 with a sword.\u201d This, like the custom among the Bechuanas\nof the bridegroom throwing an arrow into the hut before he enters to take\nhis bride, is done in order to scare away evil spirits or other harmful\ninfluences; this is also the reason, as Crawley points out, of the old\nRoman custom of a bridegroom combing the bride\u2019s hair with a spear, the\n_coelibaris hasta_. So that it is quite conceivable that the sword-dance\nis a relic of the custom of warding off what are supposed to be invisible\nfoes who gather around at the time of marriages[319].\n\nA dance of another kind, but which may also be a relic of the same\ncustom, is mentioned by Dalman as existing among the Bedouin Arabs.\nWhen the bride comes into the house of the bridegroom she performs a\ndance in slow movement while holding a lighted candle in each hand with\noutstretched arms; she turns in all directions so as to appear like a\nstar[320].\n\nA few details may now be given of the dance as a marriage rite among the\nJews of post-biblical times who have in innumerable ways kept up customs\ndating from time immemorial. We are not thinking here, any more than\nin the preceding examples, of the ordinary dancing at weddings which\ninvariably took place as an expression of festive enjoyment; our concern\nis with ritual dances which, originally at any rate, had a specific and\nserious object, justifying the epithet \u201csacred\u201d being applied to them.\n\nDuring the wedding procession through the streets it was customary for\nall who could do so to join in and dance in front of the bride, who is\nspoken of as the \u201cqueen\u201d; this was done in her honour. Rabbi Tarphon (2nd\ncentury A.D.), we are told, on one such occasion caused the bride to be\nbrought into his house, where she was bathed, anointed, and adorned by\nhis mother and sister. Then he bade his pupils accompany her with songs\nand dances to the house of the bridegroom[321]. Rabbis of high repute\ndanced in front of brides with myrtle-boughs in their hands. It was\nalso part of the marriage ceremony for a dance, in which the dancers\nheld myrtle-boughs in their hands, to be performed in front of the\nbridal pair[322]. The perfume of the myrtle is mystically described as\ndispelling the odour of hell-fire; though why there should be any danger\nof that odour during the marriage ceremony is not stated. Doubtless we\nhave here an echo of the old-world conception mentioned above. We are\nreminded of the same thing when we read that among the Jews of Egypt in\nthe Middle Ages during the wedding procession the bride wore a helmet,\nand, with a sword in her hand, led the procession with a dance[323]. It\nis possible that the same conception lies behind a custom noted among the\nJews of Persia and elsewhere:\n\n    traces of the well-known stepping of the bride into seven\n    circles towards the bridegroom appear in some forms of the\n    Jewish wedding service. The Jewish bridegroom was placed in the\n    centre, and the bride turned round him thrice. Or the bride and\n    bridegroom were seated side by side, and the assembled company\n    danced round them[324].\n\nAn encircling dance had the purpose (one among others, according to\ncircumstances) of keeping off evil influences.\n\nA different purpose lies behind the dance performed among the Jews of the\nCaucasus, though the dancers are probably not conscious of it: some days\nbefore the wedding\n\n    three or four girls, relatives of the bride, put on her clothes\n    and invite other girls to sleep in a special room with her.\n    Toward evening the groom sends meat and rice-flour to the bride\n    and her friends. The latter go out and sprinkle the flour on\n    the young people who dance while the boys and girls clap their\n    hands[325].\n\nThis, in all probability, reflects an ancient rite, in the nature of\nimitative magic, for the purpose of ensuring a fruitful marriage. A\nsimilar purpose may be discerned in another custom at Jewish oriental\nweddings, according to which the newly-married pair leapt thrice over a\nbowl of water in which a fish was swimming about[326].\n\nAmong the Jews of all ages, then, the sacred dance as a wedding ceremony\nhad an important place, and though its purposes may have been entirely\nforgotten, the rite itself continued.\n\n\nII\n\nA brief glance at some rites, analogous to those just referred to, as\nexisting among some other peoples will not be without interest. The idea\nof \u201croyalty\u201d attaching to the bridal pair is seen in Morocco at the\npresent day; the bridegroom is looked upon and treated as a sultan, and\nhis bachelor friends act as his ministers (_wazara_)[327]. Among the\nMalays the bride and bridegroom are called _Raja sari_, \u201cthe sovereigns\nof the day,\u201d and \u201cit is a polite fiction that no command of their\u2019s,\nduring their one day of sovereignty, may be disobeyed[328].\u201d Many similar\nexamples could be given; the underlying idea is that by a change of\nidentity[329],\u2014that it is purely fictitious is no matter\u2014the dangers\nwhich are conceived of, however vaguely, as attending those about to be\njoined in marriage, are mitigated. Westermarck says:\n\n    A very large number of marriage ceremonies spring from the\n    feeling or idea that bride and bridegroom are in a state of\n    danger, and therefore stand in need of purification and of\n    special protection against magical influences and evil spirits;\n\nin this class of customs he includes dancing[330]. _Why_ dancing should\nbe supposed to have this effect is another question to which, presumably,\ndifferent answers will be given. For our own part, we are inclined to\nbelieve that at the bottom of it lies a connexion with the original idea\nand purpose of the sacred dance, viz. the imitation, and therefore the\npleasing, of supernatural powers, as already pointed out (see p. 22);\nnot that there was necessarily any consciousness of this; but from the\nearliest times dancing had had this purpose, and the custom continued\nwithout a reason for it being assigned. Not but what the rite as a\nmarriage ceremony may, and doubtless did, have other purposes as well;\nbut these may either have been superimposed, or what is quite possible,\na different train of ideas gave rise to them. But behind them all lay,\nin the first instance, this propitiatory act performed in honour of some\nsupernatural power. All festive dancing at weddings may be regarded as\nhaving originated from this. To quote Westermarck again:\n\n    Ceremonies which once had a purpose may, in course of time,\n    become entirely meaningless, and yet continue to be practised;\n    and ceremonies may also be direct expressions of emotional\n    states, whether combined with a special purpose or not. Just\n    as funeral rites and mourning observances, even when they\n    are intended to protect the survivors against the dead man\u2019s\n    ghost or the contagion of death, are very largely similar to\n    or identical with natural expressions of sorrow or grief, so\n    the precautions taken at a wedding assume the shape of joyful\n    performances, such as dancing, music, singing...[331].\n\nAmong these ceremonies which have become entirely meaningless, but are\ncontinued as a joyful or picturesque performance, was the sword-dance\nreferred to in the Old Testament. This, as we have already noticed, is\nin all probability the relic of a rite which had the purpose of averting\nevil influences; it was a more aggressive means of combating these, the\nchange of identity being a passive form serving the same purpose. But as\nthe sword-dance had this combative purpose, any other weapon might have\nbeen equally efficacious; indeed, if, as we have reason to suppose, the\nsword-dance is but the latest form of a very ancient rite, we should\nexpect to find that in its more primitive forms other weapons would be\nemployed, for the sword was, comparatively speaking, a modern weapon.\nSo that while, on the one hand, _e.g._ among the Druses of Syria, the\nsword-dance figures as a necessary rite at weddings[332], and among\nthe Moroccans the bridegroom carries a sword as long as the marriage\nceremonies continue[333], we find that in the ancient Indian ritual the\nbride when formally presented to the bridegroom at the wedding ceremony\nplaces a whip or an arrow in his hand[334]. That in some cases the\ncarrying or presenting the weapon is unaccompanied by the dance need\ncause no surprise; they are but exceptions to the general rule, and it is\nmade up for afterwards. An echo of the primitive rite is doubtless to be\ndiscerned among the Malayans; at a royal wedding a performance is given\nby dancing girls and fencers[335]; and at ordinary weddings during the\nmarriage procession there is dancing and fencing to the accompaniment of\nmusic and singing[336].\n\nThere are various other wedding ceremonies, some accompanied by dancing\nand some not, which originally had, and often still have, the purpose\nof counteracting malign influences at the time of marriage; these\ninfluences are, or rather were, partly due to the belief in mysterious,\nvaguely-conceived dangers which the sexes reciprocally ascribed to\neach other[337], and partly to the strangeness of feeling generated by\nthe knowledge that a new state of life was about to be entered upon\nwhich would bring about new experiences as regards oneself, and new\nrelationships as regarded others. As to the former; it is very likely\nthat the \u201cHenna-dance,\u201d which always takes place at weddings among the\nMalays, had the original purpose of counteracting the dangers alluded\nto, _e.g._, the evil eye, possibly; this dance takes its name from the\nceremony of dabbing henna on the centre of the palm of the bride. Skeat,\nin describing the dance, says:\n\n    A picturesque feature of it is a small cake of henna, which is\n    contained in a brazen cup and surrounded by candles. This cup\n    is carried by the dancer who has to keep turning it over and\n    over without letting the candles be extinguished by the wind\n    arising from the rapid motion.\n\nThe step is called the \u201cHenna-dance step,\u201d and the tune accompanying\nit is called the \u201cHenna-staining tune[338].\u201d Doubtless this is an\nelaboration of the original form of the dance, and a further purpose\nhas been superimposed\u2014the turning of the cup without extinguishing the\ncandles may be differently explained, though it must be a magical rite\nof some kind\u2014but the henna on the palms certainly seems to point to a\nmeans of averting the evil eye.\n\nAs to the fears at entering upon a new state, we may be pardoned for\nquoting Westermarck once more, for he is our foremost authority on the\nwhole subject. He writes:\n\n    A marriage implies not only that the parties enter into new\n    relations to each other\u2019s people, but very frequently that\n    one of them, through the change of domicile, is actually\n    transferred to the other one\u2019s family group. And it implies\n    other changes in the social grouping of people: either party\n    passes from one social class into another, the bridegroom from\n    the class of the bachelors to that of the married men, the\n    bride from the class of the girls to that of the married women.\n    This re-grouping also finds expression in the marriage ritual,\n    as when the hair of the bride is arranged in the fashion of\n    married women, or she ceremonially assumes the head-dress worn\n    by them, or when the bride dances first with the unmarried\n    girls and then with the married women, and the bridegroom first\n    with the bachelors and then with the married men[339].\n\nHere the dance is clearly in the nature of an initiatory ceremony into\none class from another, and it has the effect of familiarizing each party\nwith the new status and condition; it may, therefore, be regarded as\nserving a kind of prophylactic purpose.\n\nThis has taken us some way from the sword-dance; but it all really\narises from this; for all that has been said points to the belief in the\nexistence of undefined dangers in marriage, and the means to counteract\nthese; and numberless other examples are available. But our main point\nhere is to show how frequently, for whatever reasons, the dance has a\npart to play in the rites performed.\n\n\nIII\n\nWe take now a brief glance at one or two other wedding ceremonies in\nwhich the dance figures prominently. We have seen that at Harvest\nFestivals dances were performed by some peoples for the purpose of\nmaking the crops grow. Either by leaping high during the dance, or by\nthe dancers personating the spirits of fertility, or by dances of other\nkinds, it was believed that the desired effect could be produced. Two\nideas often coalesce in such dances: that of a propitiatory act in honour\nof the god of fertility, and that of an act of imitative magic; but,\nof course, the two are not always or necessarily combined in the same\ndance. The purpose of this type of dance, however, is not confined to\nthat of ensuring good crops. We are told, for example, that among the\nMandan Indians on the occasion of their great annual festival, a man\nacts the part of a buffalo bull in the buffalo dance, \u201cthe object of\nwhich was to ensure a plentiful supply of buffaloes during the ensuing\nyear[340].\u201d To the same circle of ideas belongs that according to which\na plentiful supply of fish can be procured by dancing[341]. Instances\nneed not be multiplied. It is evident that the belief was, and probably\nstill is, widespread of dancing being the means of ensuring fertility.\nNow if this was so in regard to crops and animals, may it not be possible\nthat the same belief existed in regard to human beings? Even though the\npurpose might have been entirely forgotten the practice might still\nbe continued. It is conceivable that this idea, though forgotten, may\nunderlie the ceremony of \u201cthe cleaning of the wheat\u201d to be used at the\nwedding feast among the Moroccans; this is performed by married women and\ngirls; while some of them are cleaning the wheat others dance and sing,\nkeeping time by clapping their hands; it is so necessary that the dancing\nshould continue during the whole ceremony that when the dancers get tired\nothers take their place[342]. Among the same people the _wazara_ (see\np. 184) perform a ceremonial dance in the house of the bride[343]. This\nmay also have been the original purpose of the _epithalamium_ among the\nGreeks, sung after the wedding feast in the evening before the door of\nthe bridal chamber by a chorus of maidens who danced while they sang;\nTheocritus refers to this in his eighteenth Idyll (\u201cThe Epithalamium of\nHelen\u201d):\n\n    And so in Sparta long ago the maids\n    With blooming hyacinths their locks among,\n    Within the halls of fair-haired Menelaus\n    Before the newly-limn\u00e8d bride chamber\n    Their dances set\u2014twelve girls, the city\u2019s pride,\n    The flower of Lacedemon\u2019s maids,\u2014what time\n    The younger son of Atreus wooed and won\n    Helen, the darling child of Tyndareus,\n    And took her to his bower. In one accord\n    They sang, with measured beat and woven steps,\n    While loud the halls rang with the marriage-lay[344].\n\nOther instances of a similar character could easily be adduced. The idea\nis not so fantastic as, at first sight, it may appear to some. When we\nare dealing with things from the point of view of uncultured man we must\nnot look for the laws of cause and effect to follow the course which\nwould appeal to us. He believes that he can put into motion the working\nof Nature by means of his own devising; and if he induce or assist\nthe spirits of fertility in producing corn and buffaloes, there is no\nreason why he should not by the same means assist them in quickening the\nchild-bearing capacity of a woman.\n\nMany other examples could be given of the dance as a marriage rite, but\nwe must content ourselves with the few following references to it among\npeoples in very different parts of the world:\n\nThe Indians of British Columbia, Westermarck, _The History of Human\nMarriage_, I. 458 f.; the natives of Central Africa, Miss Alice Werner,\n_The Natives of British Central Africa_, p. 131 (1906); the Kayans of\nBorneo, H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and North Borneo_, I. 114\nf. (1896); the aborigines of Australia, Howitt, _The Native Tribes of\nSouth Eastern Australia_, pp. 233 f., 245 (1904); the natives of Tahiti,\nFeatherman, _op. cit._ II. 33 f.; the natives of New Britain, George\nBrown, _Melanesians and Polynesians_, p. 116 (1910).\n\n\nSUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS\n\nOnce only in the Old Testament is there mention of a ceremonial wedding\ndance, though there are frequent references to other marriage customs.\nWe have to look in other directions for the meaning and purpose of this\ntype of sacred dance. From the custom among the Bedouin Arabs it seems\nthat at their weddings the sword-dance forms one of the most important\nceremonies; and from this we may gather that the \u201cdance of Ma\u1e25anaim,\u201d\nmentioned in Canticles, was a similar sword-dance. Various considerations\npoint to the probability of this sword-dance being a relic of the custom\nof warding off what were conceived to be malign influences at the times\nof weddings. Traces of the same old-world idea, though, of course,\nentirely forgotten, are to be discerned in some of the customs among the\nJews of the Middle Ages. It is possible that among them certain other\nceremonies which were performed on these occasions had the object of\nensuring a fruitful marriage.\n\nVery widely spread is the custom of calling the bridegroom and the bride\n\u201cking\u201d and \u201cqueen,\u201d and of treating them as a royal pair during the whole\nperiod of the wedding festivities. The reason for this was originally\nthat, by means of change of identity, the bridal pair might avoid the\nmysterious dangers which were supposed to be present. The idea presumably\nwas that a disguise puzzled the malign visitors so that they did not know\non whom to vent their spleen. It is evident that a similar purpose was\nserved by the custom of substituting a mock bride for the real one, or\nof bride and bridegroom being attended by one or more persons dressed up\nto resemble her or him; Crawley gives interesting illustrations of both\ncustoms[345].\n\nSome other dances in connexion with the marriage ceremony are considered;\nthey have either the purpose of counteracting the evil influences already\nreferred to; or else, as there are some reasons for believing, they were\nsupposed to ensure a fruitful marriage.\n\nIt is not to be expected that we should find any trace of these purposes\nin the Old Testament; but the analogy of Bedouin Arab custom and that of\nthe Jews at later periods offers presumptive evidence that the customs\nexisted among the Israelites, though their original purpose was entirely\nforgotten.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI\n\nDANCING AS A MOURNING AND BURIAL RITE\n\n\nI\n\nThere is no instance to be found in the Old Testament of dancing being\nperformed as a mourning or burial rite; that must be acknowledged; yet\nin spite of this there are strong reasons for believing that the custom\ndid exist among the Israelites. The silence does not imply that the rite\nwas not in vogue; there are, also, sufficient reasons to account for the\nabsence of reference to it. In the first place, excepting incidentally\nwe should not necessarily expect it to be mentioned at all; it was not a\npublic rite; if it had been one might conceivably have looked for some\nreference to it in the records, supposing it to have been performed on\nsome great or special occasion; but as a private rite there was no reason\nfor its being recorded in Hebrew literature. Another reason for its not\nbeing mentioned is because its original significance and importance had,\nit may be confidently asserted, been forgotten; like some other mourning\nand burial customs it would have been kept up for no other reason than\nthat it had been handed down from time immemorial; so that there was no\npoint in speaking of it. Moreover, in the case of some other Israelite\nmourning customs there is only here and there incidental mention in the\nOld Testament, although some of them were certainly very often practised,\n_e.g._ flute-playing, laceration of the body (modified later by the\nrending of the garment), cutting off of the hair, baring the feet,\ncovering the head, the funeral feast; it might easily have happened in\nthe case of any one of these that the incidental mention had not occurred\n(as, indeed, is the case with flute-playing); but that silence would not\nhave justified denial of its existence, provided always that there were\nreasons for believing that it was practised. Now, as we shall see, in\nthe case of dancing as a mourning or burial rite there are reasons for\nbelieving that it was in vogue among the Israelites, and that therefore\nthe silence of the Old Testament is not in itself sufficient reason for\ndenying that it existed among them.\n\nThere is a further potent reason for this custom never being mentioned:\nits practice was incompatible with Jahwe-worship, because of its\nconnexion with Ancestor-worship, and therefore the suppression (supposing\nit had been mentioned) of all reference to it would have been regarded\nas a sacred duty by the later redactors of the sacred text. As is well\nknown, the Old Testament literature was subjected to such redactions\nin times when a full development in the direction of a more rigid\ninsistence upon and a more emphatic declaration of monotheistic worship\nhad taken place; under these circumstances it would have been the most\nnatural thing in the world for any reference to this rite in the sacred\nliterature to have been deleted. So that, on this ground, again, the\nsilence in the Old Testament regarding this mourning rite is no reason\nfor denying that it existed.\n\nBut there are, on the other hand, positive grounds for the belief that it\nwas in existence among the Israelites:\n\nIf analogies count for anything (and in the case of ancient customs,\nand especially burial rites, they are of the greatest importance), then\nthe fact that dancing as a mourning or burial rite either is, or has\nbeen, widespread among all kinds of peoples all over the world would\nsuggest that the Israelites practised it too. There are a number of other\nmourning and burial rites common to the races of antiquity (including\nthe Israelites) and to the uncultured races of the present day[346]; if\ndancing formed an exception to these, being practised by all excepting\nthe Israelites, there would have to be some very special reason assigned\nfor this; but it is evident that such reason is not forthcoming.\n\nAnother reason which suggests the probability of dancing as a mourning\nrite among the Israelites is that it was a natural concomitant to\nflute-playing, which, as we know from the New Testament, was a very usual\nmourning rite; the two belong together, and where the one was in vogue it\nis reasonable to suppose that the other was not wanting. This applies, of\ncourse, to early times; it is always possible that with the development\nof religious ideas an antique custom may be modified, or even fall into\ndisuse; in the present case neither the dancing nor the flute-playing\nfell into disuse until well into the Christian era (indeed, the former is\nstill performed), but a modification of the custom took place in so far\nthat they were not necessarily performed at the same time.\n\nThen we have this further reason: it will be seen, when we come to\nconsider the _objects_ of dancing as a mourning rite, that they involve\nbeliefs which seem to be common to man during some stages in his cultural\nand religious development. It is difficult to suppose that what had been\ncharacteristic of man generally should not have been so in the case of\nthe Israelites. We touch upon this point again later.\n\nBut, finally, the strongest reason for believing that this custom was\nin vogue among the ancient Israelites is that it exists at the present\nday. Such things as mourning and burial customs are never innovations;\nmodifications may arise, as we have just said; a custom may fall into\ndisuse and be discontinued altogether; but when a rite is practised at\nthe present day, it is not a new thing, but has a long history behind\nit. Regarding the particular example to be given presently it is known\nto go back at any rate to the beginning of the Christian era; but it is\nsafe to say that it must be vastly older than that in reality; for of all\ncustoms none are so tenacious as those which have to do with mourning\nand burial, for they touch men at a very sensitive spot. If at _any_\ntime such a custom as we are thinking of is known to have existed, or\nto exist now, it may be taken for granted that, as a matter of fact, it\ngoes back to very much earlier, indeed to prehistoric, times. That much\nmay be safely gathered from what we know of the customs of savage man and\nthe way in which so many of them are still existent in modified forms. So\nthat since, at the least, something corresponding to the sacred dance as\na mourning rite is still in vogue among some of the Jews, it is hardly\ntoo much to say that that _ipso facto_ proves its existence among their\nHebrew ancestors in days gone by.\n\nOne other consideration may be urged. It must be allowed that the number\nof words found in the Old Testament for dancing is significant. When we\nknow that dancing on various religious occasions formed an important\nelement, as shown in the preceding chapters, the presumption is strong\nthat it occurred also during the very solemn period of mourning.\n\nIt may, then, be contended that the cumulative effect of these arguments\njustifies the belief that the sacred dance as a mourning or burial rite\nwas well known to, and practised by, the ancient Israelites, and that the\nsilence of the Old Testament upon the subject is no reason to doubt this.\n\n\nII\n\nAmong the Jews (both Ashkenazic and Sephardic) the sacred dance as a\nburial rite is known to have been in existence during the Christian era.\nDuring the Talmudic period (_i.e._ A.D. 500 and following centuries) it\nwas customary, and is still, on occasion, for a laudatory speech to be\nmade in the case of men either at the burial or afterwards. Such speeches\nwere accompanied by what must be regarded as the remnant of some form of\ndance; while they were being delivered the mourners kept up a monotonous,\nbut rhythmical, stamping of the feet; this was not applause, being too\nregular and incessant; it must be regarded as a means of giving vent to\nthe emotions, just as the dance in the ordinary sense was. Its origin may\nhave been, judging from parallels among other peoples, a sacred dance in\nhonour of the deceased, which in course of time took this stereotyped\nand mechanical form. The word used is _raqa\u02bf_ which occurs also in the\nOld Testament for the stamping of feet (2 Sam. xxii. 43, Ezek. vi. 11),\nthough in neither case is there the slightest suggestion of dancing; but,\nas we have said, it is only to be regarded as a remnant of the earlier\ncustom, not in itself a dance. The fact that it was done collectively\nby the mourners is a point of significance, for from what we know of\nfuneral dances among other peoples such collective action was usual. Not\nbut that individuals expressed their emotions in their own way, too;\nfor we read, for example, of mourners being often carried away by the\nintensity of their feelings and acting in an extravagant way, tearing off\ntheir sandals and beating themselves with them; women were known during\na funeral procession to jump on to the coffin. Compared with such things\na dance in honour of a respected relative deceased would be a decorous\nproceeding. And when we remember that dancing was performed as an act\nof honour to the deity, a similar means of showing respect to a greatly\nloved and honoured person at his funeral is not so out of the question as\nit might seem at first. Krauss says that at funerals, in all probability,\nboth men and women performed dances fitting to the occasion; and they\ncertainly gesticulated with hands and fingers. He gives a concrete\ninstance of a woman dancing before the picture of her dead son; \u201ca\nproceeding not unheard of during funeral processions[347]\u201d; the word used\nis _r\u0101qad_, on which see above, p. 46.\n\nAgain, the Sephardic Jews (_i.e._ Spanish and Portuguese) have\nretained some ancient elements in their worship and ritual which have\ndisappeared among the Ashkenazim, who include the bulk of the Jews. A\nnotable instance of this is the procession round the corpse at burials.\nCircumambulation, a processional march round an object, cannot in its\norigin be distinguished from the encircling dance, for in many cases\nthe purpose of the rite is the same. Nor can it be doubted that all\nsuch circumambulations are modifications of earlier forms, in which\nthe less restrained emotions of men in an earlier and lower stage of\ncivilization required the more exuberant outlet afforded by a dance-step\nof the more literal kind. It is said that \u201cdancing and procession are\nsometimes confused terminologically, a result partly due to the existence\nof processional dances, or the enlivening of a procession by the\ndance[348]\u201d; but whatever may be the case terminologically, there can be\nno confusion between the two essentially, for they present two modes of\nemotional expression, comparable with the ordinary religious dance and\nthe ecstatic dance. Therefore there is justification for regarding the\nSephardic processions round the corpse at funerals as the modification\nor remnant of a ceremony which was originally performed in a less\ncontrolled manner. The original meaning of the rite has of course been\nforgotten long since; but, as so often happens, the rite itself, or some\nmodification of it, is still kept up.\n\nIt is the custom at the burial of Sephardic Jews for the mourners to make\nseven circuits round the bier during which seven short supplications are\nchanted or monotoned, each supplication concluding with the words: \u201cAnd\ncontinually may he walk in the land of life, and may his soul rest in the\nbond of life[349].\u201d It is interesting to note that this Sephardic rite\ncan be paralleled by something similar among other peoples. Its purpose\nwill be considered later.\n\nThe custom seems to have been well-known as early as the time of Homer;\nin the _Iliad_ (XXIII. 13) the circumambulation round the corpse of\nPatroclus is described. Again, we read that five hundred disciples went\nin procession round the funeral pyre of Buddha, in consequence of which\nthe pyre kindled spontaneously[350]. D\u2019Alviella refers to the Latin poet\nStatius\u2019s description of the funeral rites celebrated in honour of the\nson of Lycurgus; among these was included a threefold procession round\nthe funeral pyre[351].\n\nWhen the Argonauts in the poem of Apollonius Rhodius buried their dead\ncomrade Mopsus, they marched round him thrice in their warrior-gear. So\namong the populations of India which practise cremation, the son or other\nrelative who lights the pyre walks thrice round it. The custom of walking\nround the corpse, or the grave, after burial, is recorded of peoples as\nfar apart in space and culture as the Central Eskimo, the Russian Tapps,\nthe Buriats, the Shans, and the Ar\u0101waks of British Guiana[352].\n\nAt Chinese burials, after the body has been placed in the tomb, the\nmourners join hands and perform a sort of merry-go-round about the tomb;\nthey repeat this three days later[353]. The Irish, even at the present\nday, when burying their dead, move in procession, sometimes three times,\nbut at least once, round the grave-yard, accompanying the coffin[354].\nThis must, in all probability, be a modification of an earlier form of\nthe rite in which the mourners went round the coffin itself; unless this\nbe regarded as a continuation of the funeral procession itself; but,\ngenerally speaking, the particular custom of which we are thinking is\nquite distinct from the funeral procession.\n\nFrom these instances of a modification of the sacred dance as a mourning\nrite we turn now to some in which the dancing is performed in the more\nliteral sense.\n\n\nIII\n\nAmong the Arabs at the present day, and doubtless the rite in one form or\nanother goes back to times of antiquity, the women and the young girls,\nwhen on their way to the place of mourning, make two circles by holding\nhands and dance what is called the _Ra\u1e33\u1e63a_ dance; while dancing they sing:\n\n    The Almighty, the Almighty, gives and takes;\n    The path to the place of mourning I desire not for myself...[355].\n\nAlthough other instances among the Arabs exist, they are not numerous.\nBut as to other Semitic peoples we have been unable to discover examples.\n\nOn the other hand, there is a considerable amount of evidence regarding\nits existence among the Egyptians, both ancient and modern. In respect\nof the former this occurs mainly on inscriptions, so that it is graphic\nas well as informing. On one of these there is a representation of the\nceremony of mourning in the chamber of the dead; harp-players, singers,\nand dancers appear as taking part in the ceremonies[356].\n\n    \u201cThe sculptures and paintings of the xviii-xx dynasties,\u201d says\n    Flinders Petrie[357], \u201cshow many scenes of funeral dances;\n    usually one woman held a tambourine aloft and beat out a rhythm\n    on it, while others danced round. Exactly this dance may be\n    seen now when parties of women go up to the cemeteries a\n    fortnight or a month after a funeral; an old negress is often\n    the drummer, and the party stop every few hundred yards along\n    the road for a dance.\u201d\n\nAt the \u201cFeast of Eternity\u201d dancing always took place in honour of the\ndead; dancing men headed the procession in which the statue of the\ndeparted was borne. The step was rhythmic and slow, the arms being raised\nover the head during the dancing and the inside of the hands being\nturned upwards. Another position was that of stretching the right arm\nslantingwise upwards while the left arm was placed on the back. Behind\nthe men three or four women follow, singing[358].\n\nIn an inscription on a tomb at Benihassan there is a representation of\ndances at the funeral festival of the monarch Chnomh\u00f4tep, of the period\nof the twelfth dynasty; the dancing is performed by women very slightly\nclad. Funeral processions were always accompanied by women dancing and\nsinging[359]. In a grave near the royal tombs of Abydos, belonging to the\nfirst dynasty (before 5000 B.C.) Flinders Petrie found a curved wand,\nending in a ram\u2019s horn, used for beating time in dancing[360]. There can\nbe little doubt that this was used during the performance of the funeral\ndance.\n\nAs already pointed out, this rite is still to be seen among the modern\nEgyptians. Lane gives the following interesting description of it:\n\n    It is customary among the peasants of Upper Egypt for the\n    female relations and friends of a person deceased to meet\n    together by his house on each of the first three days after\n    the funeral, and there to perform a lamentation and a strange\n    kind of dance. They daub their faces and bosoms, and part of\n    their dress, with mud; and tie a rope-girdle, generally made\n    of the coarse grass called \u201chalfa,\u201d round the waist[361]. Each\n    flourishes in her hand a palm-stick, or a _nebboot_ (a long\n    staff), or a spear, or a drawn sword, and dances with a slow\n    movement, and in an irregular manner, generally pacing about,\n    and raising and depressing the body. This dance is continued\n    for an hour or more, and is performed twice or three times in\n    the course of the day. After the third day the women visit the\n    tomb, and place upon it their rope-girdles; and usually a lamb,\n    or a goat, is slain there, as an expiatory sacrifice, and a\n    feast is made on this occasion[362].\n\nWhether the performers of this dance know the purpose and meaning of it\nor not now is not stated; but there can be little doubt, knowing what\nwe do of the object of similar dances on similar occasions among other\npeoples, that it had originally a twofold purpose, though these have now\nbeen amalgamated in one rite. In the first place, it was performed as an\nact of honour to the departed; this would have been more appropriately\ndone on the occasion of offering the sacrifice at the tomb; probably\nat one time this was the procedure. But it had the further object of\ncombating the evil spirits which were usually supposed to gather in the\nvicinity of a corpse, hence the palm-stick, etc.; this would be done on\nbehalf of the spirit of the departed as well as of the mourners; the\ndaubing of mud on faces and bosoms was by way of protection against the\nevil spirits, for it acted as a disguise. There are cases on record in\nwhich it is the angry spirit of the deceased himself who is feared and\nagainst whom protective measures are taken; but in the example before us\nthe fact that a lamentation is made rather points to the spirit of the\ndeceased not being feared.\n\nThis custom among the modern Moslems of Egypt may be supplemented by one\nor two examples of something similar among some heathen inhabitants of\nanother part of Egypt. In writing about the Lattuka tribe of negroes in\nthe Egyptian Soudan Frobenius says that dances are performed in honour\nof the dead, and he gives Baker\u2019s description of this mourning rite. The\ndancers are decorated in the most extraordinary manner, doubtless as a\nspecial mark of respect for the departed. About a dozen enormous ostrich\nfeathers were stuck into the head-dress of each dancer; hanging down from\nthe shoulder was either the skin of a leopard, or of a monkey; around\nthe loins of every dancer was a broad piece of leather which concealed a\nlarge bell attached to the waist; these bells sounded during the dancing.\nFurther, each dancer had the horn of an antelope hanging down from his\nneck, and whenever a high pitch of excitement was reached these horns\nwere blown, whereby a sound was produced which might be described as a\ncombination of the \u201chee-haw\u201d of a donkey and the hooting of an owl. This\nwas diversified every now and then by a circle-dance in which the women\njoined in with the men; this part of the performance was done by the\nwhole company following a leader; it is described as a \u201cHell-gallop.\u201d\nThe women, who otherwise danced separated from the men, were led by one\nof their number who was exceedingly fat; but in spite of this physical\nhandicap the brave old lady persevered in the dance right to the end.\nChildren also took part in the rite[363].\n\nThe same custom, though differently carried out, is in vogue among the\nMakarak\u00e2 tribe who also belong to the Egyptian Soudan. Ceremonial dances\nare performed round their slain enemies by the Dinka tribe, inhabiting\nthe same country.\n\nIn the case of the Lattuka tribe it is clear that the rite had again\na dual purpose; they dressed themselves and danced in honour of the\ndeceased, while the bell-ringing and horn-blowing would have effectively\nscared away the evil spirits; the more excited part of the dance may also\nwell have been a means of frightening away unwelcome visitors from the\nspirit-world.\n\nThe dance of the Dinkas round their slain enemies may have one of two\nobjects. Such dances are undoubtedly at times intended to be a coaxing\nof the slain not to be angry at having been killed; the dance is meant\nto soothe them because it is done in their honour, and therefore their\nspirits, it is thought, will not harm the slayers. On the other hand,\nan encircling dance of this kind round enemies may have the purpose of\npreventing the spirits of the slain from getting abroad; the magic circle\nkeeps them in, and thus harm is averted.\n\n\nIV\n\nThe religious dance among the Greeks and Romans played, as we have seen,\na very important part. We should, therefore, naturally expect to find it\nfiguring also among customs connected with mourning and burial. And there\nis clear evidence that this was the case[364]. Among them dancing as a\nmourning or burial rite was included in funeral processions and funeral\ngames[365]. All three, dancing, processions, and games, belong together.\nBut it was during the funeral feast, which formed the conclusion to\nthe mourning ceremonies, that the dance figured most prominently.\nIllustrations of this dance as a mourning rite are given in Daremberg and\nSaglio, II. 848, 1385, who write thus:\n\n    Ces repas fun\u00e8bres \u00e9taient accompagn\u00e9s de danse. Il semble\n    m\u00eame que ces danses \u00e9taient quelquefois ex\u00e9cut\u00e9es \u00e0 part,\n    avec plus de solennit\u00e9 et par un personnel plus nombreux.\n    Dans la _Grotta del Trichinio_ \u00e0 Corneto elles se d\u00e9roulent\n    sur deux parois enti\u00e8res de la tombe; la sc\u00e8ne se passe en\n    plein air, sous les arbres o\u00f9 voltigent des oiseaux; dix\n    danseurs s\u2019y d\u00e9m\u00e8nent en cadence; les hommes alternant aves\n    les femmes, quelques-uns jouant de la lyre, de la fl\u00fbte, ou\n    des castagnettes. Parfois m\u00eame ces danses donnaient bien \u00e0\n    des concours; sur un bas-relief de Chiusi on voit, \u00e0 droite,\n    un groupe de pyrrhichistes et un musicien jouant de la double\n    fl\u00fbte; \u00e0 gauche les juges sur une estrade[366].\n\nThe ancient Roman funeral procession was accompanied by musicians,\nsingers, dancers and pantomimists[367].\n\n    Among funeral processions that of the ancient Roman _nobiles_\n    is remarkable. The dead man was accompanied by all his\n    ancestors, represented by persons resembling them in form and\n    stature and wearing wax portrait masks (_imagines_)[368].\n\nThese _imagines maiorum_ stood in the _alae_ of the _atrium_ of the\nhouses of Roman nobles; they were brought out and carried in the funeral\nprocession. The origin of this strange custom has been explained by O.\nBenndorf. Just as, according to antique belief, the dead lived on in\nthe grave, which was, therefore, made into a kind of dwelling-place for\nthem, so, it was believed, that by producing the likenesses of those who\ninhabited this dwelling-place, it was possible to keep in touch with\ntheir personalities[369]. Hence the setting-up of the _imagines_ in the\n_atrium_. When they were brought out to accompany the recently departed\nin the funeral procession, it meant that his ancestors were actually\nfollowing his body. The descriptions which have come down to us are in\nreference to public funerals, or those of the wealthier classes who could\nafford to pay for sumptuous burials of an ostentatious character; but\nthere is reason to believe that among the less well-to-do the same rites,\nthough on a far more modest scale, were observed; for it has been rightly\nremarked that\n\n    all periods of the history of Roman burial are unified by\n    the belief in the continued existence of the dead, and in\n    his ghostly participation in the life of the family and the\n    community, and by the consequent scrupulous care about proper\n    burial, and the maintenance of right relations with the spirits\n    of dead ancestors. The quick and the dead of ancient Rome were\n    in a more than usually intimate communion[370].\n\nThe sacred dance, as a mark of honour to the deceased, is therefore not\nlikely to have been neglected among the poor any more than among the rich.\n\n\nV\n\nWe come now to consider some examples of dancing as a mourning or burial\nrite among some of the savage and semi-civilized peoples. What will\nstrike us here as strange are the contradictory ideas regarding the\npurpose of the rite; but it is just these opposing ideas that will be\nfound to be so instructive. Various customs in existence at the present\nday among civilized peoples are explained in the light of the ideas and\npractices now to be considered.\n\nThere is no doubt that the object of this rite among uncivilized races\nwhich is most common now is the honouring of the departed; but it\nis probably true to say that this represents the latest development\nregarding its purpose, and that the other reasons for which it was\nperformed take us back to earlier stages of the growth of savage thought\nregarding the departed.\n\nWe will begin by offering examples of this most developed idea and\npurpose of the rite.\n\nIn writing of the Kol tribes of Chota Nagpur who are remarkable for their\npathetic reverence for their dead, Tylor says:\n\n    When a Ho or Munda has been burned on the funeral pile,\n    collected morsels of his bones are carried in procession\n    with a solemn, ghostly, sliding step, keeping time to the\n    deep-sounding drum, and when the old woman who carries the\n    bones in her bamboo tray lowers it from time to time, then\n    girls who carry pitchers and brass vessels mournfully reverse\n    them to show that they are empty; thus the remains are taken\n    to visit every house in the village, and every dwelling of a\n    friend or a relative for miles, and the inmates come out to\n    mourn and praise the goodness of the departed. The bones are\n    carried to all the dead man\u2019s favourite haunts, to the fields\n    he cultivated, to the grove he planted, to the threshing-floor\n    where he worked, to the village dance-room where he made merry.\n    At last they are taken to the grave, and buried in an earthen\n    vase upon a store of food...[371].\n\nIt is clear that the departed spirit is believed in some way to remain\nin the vicinity of the bones, or possibly to be inside them; and\nthis reminds one of the quaint belief of life residing in the bones\nwhich occurs in the Old Testament[372]. In the case before us honour,\naffection, and solicitude are shown, and felt, for the departed: honour,\nin being borne in procession, which is performed rhythmically with a\nparticular kind of step so that it must be regarded as coming under the\ncategory of the sacred dance; affection, because of the kind thought in\ntaking him to the spots he loved; and solicitude, in that he is supplied\nwith food. It is with the first of these that we are particularly\nconcerned just now; and here is another illustration of it, also in\nIndia, but this time among the Musulmans; it is not strictly speaking a\nmourning rite, but it is an honorific ceremony for the departed and may\ntherefore be appropriately given. During the _Muharram_[373] Festival\nin India one of the ceremonies is the parading of the standard of the\nmartyr Q\u0101sim. He is one of the sacred bridegrooms, for at the age of ten\nhe was betrothed to F\u0101tima, daughter of Husain, and was slain in battle.\nHis standard is carried by a man on horseback, who is followed by girls\ndancing in his honour, and singing elegies while beating their breasts.\nDuring another part of this festival there is the dance of _Bharang_, or\n\u201cfoolish chatterer\u201d; his whole body is smeared with red ochre mixed with\nwater; his head is covered with a shawl, and a small flag is attached\nto it. On his legs he carries tinkling bells, and during his dance he\ncries out: \u201cAli, ali, ali, zang[374]!\u201d This is all done in honour of\nthe departed saint. It is not a hazardous surmise to suggest that we\nhave here an example of an adaptation of a rite millenniums older than\nits present form; and its oldest element is, in all probability, the\nsacred dance. The _Bharang_, with bells, paint, and disguise represents a\ndevelopment to which reference will be made again below.\n\nDances in honour of the departed are recorded of the Conibos of the\nUcayali river in Eastern Peru who, on certain occasions, perform them\non the graves of the deceased[375]; also among the Maoris[376]. The\ninhabitants of Dutch New Guinea dance round the images of their departed\non various festal occasions. Again, at the funeral feast among the\nGilbert islanders dancing and singing is performed in honour of the dead;\nwailing is also included in these mourning rites[377]. It is also an\nimportant mourning rite among the Melanesians[378]. Similarly among the\ninhabitants of British New Guinea a high festival is held in honour of\nthe departed at which a great dance takes place;\n\n    all the dancers are arranged in full dancing costume, including\n    heavy head-dresses of feathers, and they carry drums and\n    spears, sometimes also clubs and adzes. The dance lasts the\n    whole night[379].\n\nIn New Britain, too, the Sulka, a tribe dwelling to the south of the\nGazelle Peninsula, dance in honour of their dead at a funeral feast[380].\nAn interesting account, together with an illustration, of the Maquarri\ndance among the Ar\u0101waks, one of the Indian tribes of Guiana, is given by\nW. H. Brett[381]; this is danced in honour of the departed. It is called\nthe Maquarri dance from the \u201cwhip,\u201d more than three feet long, which is\nwaved about during the dance by each dancer; with it the dancers lash\neach other\u2019s legs until the blood flows; the whips have a sort of sacred\ncharacter among the natives. It is the flowing of the blood which is\nnow supposed to be pleasing to the dead; but it is pretty certain that\nthis is a development; at one time the dance would have been considered\nas all-sufficient. Once more, among the North American Indians the\nfuneral dance is performed at the grave when a sacrifice is made for\nthe dead; the dancing is done round the grave and is accompanied by\ndrum-playing and singing[382]. A similar rite is practised by the Bondas\nof Guinea[383], and among the aborigines of Northern Australia[384].\n\nA case of particular interest is that of the dance of the Tami\ninhabitants; for while this is in honour of the dead, a further idea\nregarding the departed appears in connexion with it which leads on to\nanother purpose of this mourning rite. The people of Tami, an island in\nthe Indian archipelago, belong to the Melanesian stock; when they mourn\nfor their dead the whole village takes part in the lamentation; the\nwomen dance death-dances in honour of the dead person while the men make\npreparations for the burial. Now these people, like many others, believe\nthat when anyone has died the ghosts of his dead kinsfolk gather in the\nvillage, and are joined by the ghosts of other dead people; these ghosts\nmay or may not be friendly inclined towards the living; but in case they\nare not, the people of the village take care not to leave the dancing\nmourners alone, they remain close at hand to help in case of need. This\nbelief in the vicinity of the ghosts of the dead is further illustrated\nby these Tami islanders, for they have regular dancing seasons during\nwhich they dance round men disguised as familiar spirits; true, the\ndance \u201cconsists of little more than running round and round in a circle,\nwith an occasional hop[385],\u201d but it is essentially a dance, and its\nessence is more important than its form. This is a case of personating\nthe departed in the dance; and the idea seems to be that by doing so a\nproof is given that the departed are really still living and that their\npersonality is imparted, for the time being, to the dancers. Something\nquite similar is found among the Pulu islanders, in the Torres Straits;\nthe performers dance in pairs, personating the deceased, for this\nceremony is sometimes performed for a number of recently deceased people\nat once; according to Haddon\n\n    the idea evidently was to convey to the mourners the assurance\n    that the ghost was alive, and that in the person of the dancer\n    he visited his friends; the assurance of his life after death\n    comforted the bereaved ones[386].\n\nIf it be asked why this personating of the deceased should be accompanied\nby dancing, the answer probably is that as dancing was the most usual way\nof honouring the departed, it would be thought of as the most efficacious\nmeans of attracting them. The Sioux, another North American Indian tribe,\nalso performed dances at graves as a mourning rite, for they believed\nthat in doing so they were, in some undefined way, joined by the\ndeparted in this dance[387]. It is very likely that the common custom\nof dances at funeral feasts originally had a similar object. Among the\nEsquimaux, for example, there are always dances at the funeral feasts,\nthe dead are invited in song to come to the feast; offerings of food are\nmade to them, and they feast and dance together with the living. At their\ngreat festival of the dead, which is held every few years, the dances are\nan important feature. The dancers dance on the graves, and on the ice\nif the deceased met their death by drowning[388]. Here we seem to have\nthe purposes separately; the dancing at the funeral feasts is a joining\ntogether with the departed, the dancing on the graves is in their honour.\n\nA very different purpose of the dance as a mourning rite next claims\nattention. That it sometimes has the object of appeasing the wrath of the\ndeparted, _i.e._ of their ghosts, is shown, for instance, by the fact\nthat when among the inhabitants of Timor, an island in the East Indies,\na head-hunter returns home after a successful expedition, sacrifices\nare offered to the man who has lost his head; and part of the ceremony\nconsists of a dance accompanied by a song in which the death of the slain\nman is lamented and his forgiveness is entreated.\n\n    \u201cBe not angry,\u201d they say, \u201cbecause your head is here with us;\n    had we been less lucky our heads might now have been exposed\n    in your village. We have offered the sacrifice to appease you.\n    Your spirit may now rest and leave us at peace[389].\u201d\n\nBut even among friends there are cases in which the ghost of the deceased\nis annoyed and has to be kept in the grave so that the surviving\nrelatives may not be molested by it; and the dance figures as part of the\nceremony. Thus, among the Arunta of Central Australia as a finale to the\nmourning period the people gather on the spot where the deceased died,\nviz. the site where he once lived and which is now burnt and deserted.\nHere the men and women dance round the charred remains, the men beating\nthe air with their spears, the women doing likewise with the palms of\ntheir hands and all shouting _Wah! Wah! Wah! wa-a-ah!_ This, we take it,\nis done to drive off both the ghost of the deceased and any evil spirits\nwhich may be lurking about the unhallowed spot. When the dancing, the\ndescription continues,\n\n    which lasted about ten minutes, was over, the party proceeded\n    to the grave at a run, the leader making a circuit from the\n    main party, shouting wildly with a very prolonged intonation,\n    _Ba-au! Ba-au!_ The idea of the leading man making a circuit\n    was, perhaps, though the natives could give no explanation, to\n    prevent the spirit from doubling back to the camp from which\n    they were supposed to be driving him.\n\nWhen he reached the grave, into which the spirit of the dead man was\nsupposed to have fled, he began dancing wildly upon it. He was soon\njoined by the rest of the party who began\n\n    to dance backwards and forwards on and around the grave,\n    shouting _Wah! Wah!_ and beating the air downwards as if to\n    drive the spirit down, while with their feet they stamped upon\n    and broke the twigs with which a newly made grave is always\n    covered. When these were thoroughly broken up the dancing\n    ceased[390].\n\nIt must be confessed that the dancing here seems quite out of place,\nand yet there can be no doubt that it forms an integral part of the\nceremonies. There seems to be something so entirely incongruous in\nscaring the ghost away by shouting at it and beating him down into\nhis grave, and yet dancing on and around the grave which is so very\nfrequently a mark of honour to the dead. The explanation is probably\nto be sought in the fact of the retention of a traditional custom\nconcurrently with a later one which arose in consequence of the birth\nof new ideas regarding the activity of the spirits of the departed. We\nget a similar intermingling of rites among the Tarahumares of Mexico\nwhose funeral ceremonies include the dance, though the object of the\ndance, in what is presumably a new form as compared with the original\nand traditional one, is the driving away of the ghost of the deceased.\nThey have three funeral feasts; the first takes place a fortnight after\nthe death, the second six months, and the last some months after that.\nAt each of these feasts an important element is the ceremony of the\n_hikuli_ dance. The _hikuli_ is the sacred cactus, which is soaked in\nwater and this is sprinkled over the dancers. The _hikuli_ is supposed\nto drive away the ghost of the departed[391]. Here again the original\ncustom of the dance performed in honour of the departed is retained,\nand there is added to it a further rite because in course of time new\nbeliefs regarding the activity of the spirits of the departed had arisen;\nthese beliefs were in reference to the possibility of anger on the part\nof the spirits because of their being cut off from their usual mode of\nlife and taken away from their familiar haunts; they might be envious of\nthose who were left, and might show their envy by harming the living.\nIt became necessary, therefore, to devise means to counter these evil\nintentions by driving away the ghost of the departed. What these means\nwere we know in many cases, but why particular means were chosen, such\nas the _hikuli_, or why they should be supposed to drive the spirit away\nis a matter of savage philosophy, and not always possible to penetrate.\nIt must be evident, however, that the idea of driving away a ghost,\ntogether with the rite whereby this is effected, is subsequent in time\nto the simple rite of dancing in honour of the departed, because while\nthis latter does not involve any theory as to the activity of spirits,\nthe former obviously points to speculations on the subject. And as we\nhave already said, the explanation of the incongruity of the two rites,\nas seen in the examples given, is to be sought in the retention of the\nearlier traditional rite concurrently with a later one which arose in\nconsequence of the birth of new ideas regarding the activity of the\nspirits of the departed.\n\nIt is probable that a further step in the development of ideas regarding\nthis activity is to be discerned in the belief that the spirit of the\ndeparted is joined by others who share with him his resentment against\nthe living; and for safety the mourners disguise themselves, and,\npossibly, the dance then assumes a different purpose, namely, that of\nfrightening the spirits away. This is said to be the purpose with which\nsome of the tribes of Northern India dance at burials[392]; and the dance\nof the _Bharang_, disguised, to which reference was made above, points,\nperhaps, to the same thing; so also the custom of the inhabitants of the\nAaru archipelago. Among them, when a member of the family dies, all the\nwomen leave the house with their hair hanging loose, to wail upon the\nshore; they tumble over one another head over heels in a strange kind of\ndance, and smear their bodies with dirt and mud[393].\n\n\nSUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS\n\nAlthough in the Old Testament there is no mention of dancing as a\nmourning or burial rite, there are strong grounds for believing that\nit was practised. No customs are more tenacious than those which are\nconcerned with the dead, and since some other mourning customs, known\nto have been in existence among the Hebrews, are not referred to in the\nOld Testament, the non-mention of this one is no reason for supposing\nthat it was not practised. That the religious leaders looked upon this,\nas well as various other rites performed in connexion with the dead, as\nheathenish and superstitious, would of itself account for the silence of\nthe Old Testament on the subject. The positive grounds for believing in\nits existence among the Israelites are: its very widespread vogue among\ndifferent races all over the world; the object, or objects, for which it\nwas performed, which involved beliefs regarding the departed common to\nall races during some stages of their cultural and religious development;\nand most important of all, its existence, though in a modified form, at\nthe present day. Evidence is forthcoming of the rite among the Jews in\npost-Christian times.\n\nCircumambulation round a corpse, which is in the nature of the sacred\ndance, was known and practised among the Greeks as early as the time of\nHomer, who mentions it; other examples are also recorded.\n\nThe rite is in vogue among the Arabs to this day who dance in circles on\ntheir way to the place of mourning; it is performed by women and young\ngirls.\n\nMuch evidence is forthcoming as to its practice among the Egyptians, both\nancient and modern, of which various examples are given above.\n\nAmong the Greeks and Romans dancing as a mourning or burial rite was\nincluded in funeral processions and funeral games; one of the most\ncurious customs being that of the presence of the _imagines maiorum_, or\nimages of ancestors, in the Roman funeral processions of the nobility,\nwho were thus believed to follow the dead body of their descendant to the\ngrave. That a meeting between the recently deceased and his ancestors\nwas believed to take place in the tomb we may well conceive; it would be\nprecisely parallel to the Israelite belief expressed by the phrase of\nbeing gathered to one\u2019s fathers[394]. It was, however, during the funeral\nfeast that dancing, in the more literal sense of the word, figured most\nprominently.\n\nThe sacred dance as a mourning or as a burial rite among uncivilized\npeoples plays an important part. Among them the objects of the rite are\nnot only various, but contradictory; chief among these is, however, that\nof giving honour to the departed. A few examples, of very many, have\nbeen considered. They are taken from peoples in lands as widely spread\nas India, North America, South America, Central America, Australia, New\nZealand, New Guinea, Guiana, the Indian archipelago, and the Torres\nStraits; and it would be easy to offer further instances from many other\ncountries.\n\nTaking these as a whole, they point indubitably to the fact that this\nrite was, and is, usually performed as an act of honour to the deceased.\nThis represents, we believe, its final development, so far as intention\nis concerned; there are cases of its continuance in which probably\nno purpose could be assigned for its performance other than that of\ntraditional use. From this point of view we shall not be far wrong in\nregarding the rite as a remnant of ancestor-worship; the Roman custom\nof carrying the _imagines maiorum_ in the funeral procession is clear\nevidence of this. The other purposes for which it was performed betray\na far less developed outlook; and the fact that they exist side by side\nwith that of the more rational object of honouring the dead offers but\nanother illustration of a world-wide phenomenon, to be observed even\namong the most civilized peoples, viz. that more or less primitive ideas\ncan be held on some things in conjunction with advanced thought on others.\n\nBy personating the deceased in the mourning dance it is believed by some\nthat he can be induced to return to his friends and dance with them,\ngreatly to the comfort of the relatives. The idea is about on a level\nwith the Roman belief in the presence of a man\u2019s ancestors, when their\nimages are carried in the funeral procession. But the same rite can,\namong others, have the purpose of protecting the survivors from the\nspirit of the deceased; he is sometimes supposed to be annoyed at having\nbeen forcibly taken away from his familiar haunts, and lest he should\nvent his angry feelings on his relatives, they either dance to scare him\naway, or else propitiate him by various means. Another purpose of the\nrite is for the survivors to protect both themselves and their departed\nfriend from the malice of other departed spirits who are believed to\ncongregate in the vicinity of a corpse; in this case the dance is\naccompanied by sundry noises.\n\nA variation of this is the dance round the corpse, whether by way of\nperambulation or dancing in the more literal sense. The magic circle thus\nformed keeps away unwelcome spirit-visitors. But this may have another\npurpose; it may possibly be a means of \u201ckeeping in\u201d the spirit of the\ndeceased, and thus preventing him from getting abroad and doing mischief.\nWhen the dance is performed round slain enemies the object of it seems to\nbe that of propitiation.\n\nIf it be asked which of these purposes may be supposed to have been that\nfor which the Israelites performed this rite, we imagine the reply would\nbe: any or all of them, according to the stage of culture in which they\nfound themselves. Two of them: that of honouring the dead, and that of\nforming the magic circle round the corpse (probably for keeping it safe),\ncan be vouched for.\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n\n[1] _Pioneering in New Guinea_, pp. 181 f. (1887); see further, J. E.\nHarrison, _Ancient Art and Ritual_, pp. 31 ff. (1913).\n\n[2] _The Evolution of Religion_, p. 9 (1905); cp. the same author\u2019s\n_Greece and Babylon_, p. 37 (1911).\n\n[3] See Marett, _The Threshold of Religion_, pp. 128 ff. (1909).\n\n[4] Mrs Lilly Grove (now Lady Frazer) and other writers, _Dancing_, p. 8\n(1895); elsewhere in the same volume the writers say: \u201cThere must have\nbeen a period of the world\u2019s history when every action in life, every\ngame, every banquet, every dance, was a game, a repast, a dance, in\nhonour of the gods,\u201d p. 15. The evidence entirely bears this out if we\ntake \u201cgods\u201d as meaning supernatural powers in general.\n\n[5] _La danse ancienne et moderne, ou Trait\u00e9 Historique de la Danse_, p.\n19 (1754). For a different opinion see Irving King, _The Development of\nReligion_, p. 58 (1910).\n\n[6] _Der Tanz und seine Geschichte_, pp. 3-15 (1869).\n\n[7] He says: \u201cLes diff\u00e9rentes affections de l\u2019\u00e2me sont donc l\u2019origine des\ngestes, et la danse qui en est compos\u00e9e, est par cons\u00e9quent l\u2019art de les\nfaire avec gr\u00e2ce et mesure relativement aux affections qu\u2019ils doivent\nexprimer,\u201d _op. cit._ p. 17.\n\n[8] _ERE_, X. 358 _a_.\n\n[9] _Trait\u00e9 de la Danse_, p. 8 (1891). Jevons (in a private\ncommunication) lays much stress on the sacred dance being, like every\nrite, \u201can expression of will.\u201d\n\n[10] See Dalman, _Palestinischer Diwan_, p. 254 (1901); cp. Harrison,\n_op. cit._ p. 31.\n\n[11] Crawley, _ERE_, X. 358 _a_.\n\n[12] _Ibid._ See further Toy, _Intr. to the Hist. of Religions_, p. 50\n(1913).\n\n[13] Dalman, _op. cit._ pp. 254 f.\n\n[14] _ERE_, X. 358 _a_.\n\n[15] Numbered 37984.\n\n[16] In the British Museum, _e.g._ see the specimens numbered B 36, B\n167, B 625, B 643, E 20, E 35, E 137.\n\n[17] Lilly Grove, _op. cit._ p. 41.\n\n[18] _ERE_, X. 362 _b_.\n\n[19] In _ERE_, X. 358 _a_; cp. Harrison, _op. cit._ p. 44; Leuba, _A\nPsychological Study of Religion_, pp. 62 f. (1912).\n\n[20] Prof. J. Y. Simpson, _Man and the Attainment of Immortality_, p. 115\n(1922).\n\n[21] _Lectures on the origin and growth of Religion, as illustrated by\nthe native religions of Mexico and Peru_, p. 224 (1895).\n\n[22] Marett, _op. cit._ p. 127.\n\n[23] Vormann, \u201cT\u00e4nze und Tanzfestlichkeiten der Monumbo-Papua,\u201d in\n_Anthropos_, VI. 415 ff. (1911).\n\n[24] Frazer, _GB_, _Balder the Beautiful_, II. 274 (1913).\n\n[25] _GB_, _The Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, II. 190 f., 195\n(1912).\n\n[26] See, _e.g._, Toy, _op. cit._ p. 491.\n\n[27] Stow, _The Native Races of South Africa_, pp. 111 f.\n\n[28] _Maori and Polynesian, their origin, history, and culture_, p. 203\n(1907).\n\n[29] Cp. de Cahusac, _op. cit._ p. 38.\n\n[30] Frazer, _GB_, _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, I. 54\n(1911).\n\n[31] Millar in Hastings\u2019 _DB_, I. 550 _b_.\n\n[32] _The Classical Quarterly_, October 1907, pp. 202 f.\n\n[33] _Op. cit._ p. 66, the expression is Hartland\u2019s.\n\n[34] In the Targum of Isa. lxvi. 20, however, we have the noun _kirker\u0101n_\n(fem. plur.) meaning \u201cdances.\u201d\n\n[35] In Neo-Hebrew the word means \u201cto dance.\u201d\n\n[36] In the Midrash _Bemidbar Rabba_ to xx. 11 it is said: \u201cWhen a man\nplans a sin Satan dances before him....\u201d\n\n[37] The underlying idea regarding the threshold has continued through\nthe ages in many localities, witches having taken the place frequently of\nevil spirits. Walpurgis Night (the eve of May Day) is the special time\nfor their activity, and leaping over the threshold is then a necessary\nprecaution.\n\n[38] _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl\u00e4ndischen Gesellschaft_, 1887, p.\n719.\n\n[39] _Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel_, p. 173 (1890).\n\n[40] In \u201cHandkommentar zum A.T.,\u201d _Die B\u00fccher Samuelis_, p. 143 (1902).\n\n[41] _Reste Arabischen Heidenthums_, pp. 109 f. (1897).\n\n[42] _Hebr\u00e4isches und Aram\u00e4isches W\u00f6rterbuch_, p. 98 (1910).\n\n[43] _Encycl. Biblica_, I. 999.\n\n[44] _Beitr\u00e4ge_ ..., p. 92.\n\n[45] _Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek des A.T._, p. 610 (3rd ed.).\n\n[46] \u201cHe will protect and deliver it, _he will pass over_ and preserve\nit.\u201d\n\n[47] _Encycl. Britannica_, XVIII. 343 _b_ (9th ed.).\n\n[48] But see Mic. iv. 6 f., Zeph. iii. 19, Jer. xx. 10, Ps. xxxv. 15,\nxxxviii. 18, Job xviii. 12, from which a clear meaning of the root is\ngained.\n\n[49] Cp. Nowack, _Hebr\u00e4ische Arch\u00e4ologie_, I. 273 (1894), where an\nillustration of the Egyptian instrument is given.\n\n[50] J. M. Brown, _Maori and Polynesian, their origin, history and\nculture_, p. 202 (1907).\n\n[51] See the present writer\u2019s _The Psalms in the Jewish Church_, pp. 5\nff. (1910).\n\n[52] The text is clearly corrupt, but the above seems to be the best\nreconstruction; see Nowack, _Die B\u00fccher Samuelis_, p. 172 (1902); the\nSeptuagint reads lit. \u201cwith strength\u201d (cp. 1 Chron. xiii. 8).\n\n[53] See Renan, _Mission de Ph\u00e9nice_, pp. 355 f. (1864);\nClermont-Ganneau, _Rec. d\u2019Arch. Or._ I. 95, 103 (1896).\n\n[54] De la Saussaye, _Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte_, I. 372, 380 (3rd\ned.).\n\n[55] Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_, p. 95 (1894); Lagrange,\n_\u00c9tudes sur les religions S\u00e9mitiques_, p. 84 (1903).\n\n[56] _Die Erdkunde im Verh\u00e4ltniss zur Natur und zur Geschichte des\nMenschen_, XV. 729 (1850).\n\n[57] _Zeitschrift der Deutschen morgenl\u00e4ndischen Gesellschaft_, XXII. 105\nff. (1868); on this see further below, p. 179.\n\n[58] See M. Jastrow, _Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens_, I. 503\n(1905).\n\n[59] _Das alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients_, p. 307 (1904); see\nalso Schrader, _Die Keilinschriften und das alte Testament_, pp. 45 ff.\n(1883).\n\n[60] _Kypros, die Bibel, und Homer_, I. 445, and the above numbered\ninscriptions in vol. II. (1893).\n\n[61] A full illustration is given in Hommel\u2019s _Geschichte Babyloniens und\nAssyriens_, between pp. 270-271 (1888). A good description will also be\nfound in Messerschmidt\u2019s \u201cDie Hettiter,\u201d in _Der alte Orient_, IV. 23 f.;\nGarstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 220 ff. (1910).\n\n[62] _Op. cit._ I. 446; the inscription is numbered cxxvii. 1, in vol. II.\n\n[63] A. M. Blackman, in Hastings\u2019 _ERE_, X. 294 _b_; see also the same\nwriter\u2019s _The Rock Tombs of Meir_, I. 22 ff., plate II (1914-15).\n\n[64] Erman, _Aegypten and aegyptisches Leben im Alterthum_, I. 335 f.\n(1885).\n\n[65] Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_, p. 87 (1890).\n\n[66] _ERE_, XII. 780 _a_, 781 _b_; see also the same writer in the\n_Journal of Egyptian Archaeology_, VII. 22.\n\n[67] _The Golden Ass_, XI. 8-17 (the date of Apuleius is the second half\nof the second century A.D.); see also Herodotus, II. 61 ff.\n\n[68] II. 58-60.\n\n[69] _Der Opfertanz des \u00e4gyptischen K\u00f6nigs_, pp. 105 ff. (1912); that the\nrunning step was really a ritual dance is shown on pp. 109-119.\n\n[70] Erman, _op. cit._ I. 299-337; and see further generally,\nChampollion, _Monuments de l\u2019\u00c9gypte_ (1844); Lepsius, _Denkm\u00e4ler_ ...\n(1897 ...); cp. Reinach, _Orpheus_, p. 42 (1909). As to the sacred\ndancing among the _Therapeutae_, of later times, see Philo, _De Vita\nContemplativa_, pp. 127-129 in F. C. Conybeare\u2019s edition (1895).\n\n[71] Its home was Sparta; it was introduced into Athens in the sixth\ncentury B.C. in the time of Pisistratus; ultimately it became a mere war\ngame.\n\n[72] See A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen_, pp. 98 ff. (1898), where\ndetails will be found; an interesting account of the great procession\nis given on pp. 131 ff.; see also the same author\u2019s _Heortologie_, pp.\n116-205 (1864).\n\n[73] Cp. Gruppe, _Griechische Mythologie_, I. 165, 167, II. 1198 f., etc.\n(1906).\n\n[74] Hesiod, _Theog._ 259; Thucydides, IV. 3; Livy, XXVI. 9; Virgil,\n_Aeneid_ VIII. 285; Plutarch, _Thes._ 21 (_EB_, I. 998); and see\nespecially Emmanuel, _La Danse Grecque antique_, pp. 285 ff. (1896).\n\n[75] On the whole subject of the worship of Dionysos see Foucart, _Le\nculte de Dionysos en Attique_ (1906). For the dances in connexion with\nhis worship see below, pp. 121 ff.\n\n[76] Quoted by Andrew Lang, _Myth, Ritual and Religion_, I. 272 (1901).\nSee also de la Saussaye, _op. cit._ II. 246.\n\n[77] _The Cults of the Greek States_, II. 472 (1909).\n\n[78] See the first line in the quotation from the _Iliad_ on p. 70.\n\n[79] These details are from Sittl, _Arch\u00e4ologie der Kunst_, pp. 378 f.\n(1895), where much further information will be found.\n\n[80] Ohnefalsch-Richter, _op. cit._ vol. II., No. cxxvii. 2.\n\n[81] _Ibid._ No. cxxviii. 3.\n\n[82] Cat. E, 695\n\n[83] Such as M\u00fcller und Wieseler, _Denkm\u00e4ler der alten Kunst_, see _e.g._\nI. plate XLIV (1854 ...); Jane E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of\nGreek Religion_ (1903), who gives a number of illustrations.\n\n[84] These were sometimes of a lascivious character.\n\n[85] _Op. cit._ II. 472; see also p. 463.\n\n[86] III. x. 7 (Frazer\u2019s ed.). See further, the interesting notes in\nHitzig et Bluemner\u2019s _Pausaniae Graeciae Descriptio_, I. 766 (1896).\n\n[87] III. p. 320; see also Hitzig et Bluemner, _in loc._; Farnell, _op.\ncit._ II. 472.\n\n[88] IV. xvi. 9. It recalls the episode of the maidens of Shiloh dancing\nin honour of Jahwe, Judg. xxi. 19 ff.\n\n[89] Cp. Emmanuel, _La Danse Grecque antique_ (1896); for illustrations\nsee M\u00fcller und Wieseler, _op. cit._ II. 17188 ff.\n\n[90] Ramsay, in the _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, IV. 36 (1883).\n\n[91] Cp. Reinach, _Orpheus_, p. 123 (1909): \u201cLes jeunes filles\nath\u00e9niennes, qui c\u00e9l\u00e8brent le culte de l\u2019Art\u00e9mis-ourse, s\u2019habillent en\nourses et se disent des ourses.\u201d\n\n[92] _Op. cit._ II. 436 f.; see further Gruppe, _op. cit._ II. 1284,\n1293; Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, 1086 (1829); Bekker, _Anecdota Graeca_,\nI. 445 (1814-21); L\u00fcbker, _Real-Lex. des Klassischen Altertums_, s.v.\nArtemis (1914); Hesychius, s.v. \u0392\u03c1\u03b1\u03c5\u03c1\u03c9\u03bd\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2; Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt\nAthen_, pp. 456 ff.; _Heortologie_, pp. 406 ff.; and see also Pausan. I.\nxxiii. 7. Cp. the custom among the Azimba of east-central Africa, when\nmaidens attain puberty they celebrate the occasion by a dance in which\nonly women take part: see Hartland in _Anthropological Essays presented\nto E. B. Tylor_, p. 197 (1907).\n\n[93] III. xi. 7.\n\n[94] _Op. cit._ I. 162. Herodotus refers to the Carneian festival in VII.\n206.\n\n[95] _Op. cit._ I. 234.\n\n[96] Gruppe, _op. cit._ I. 271.\n\n[97] For its religious character see Mommsen, _Heortologie_, pp. 163 ff.\n\n[98] See further, p. 71, and W. H. Matthews, _Mazes and Labyrinths_, pp.\n19 ff., 156 ff. (1922).\n\n[99] _Prolegomena of the History of Religions_, p. 123 (1884).\n\n[100] Ohnefalsch-Richter, _op. cit._ I. 446, 448, and numbered cxxxii. 2.\n\n[101] XVIII. 590-606 (Blakeney\u2019s translation).\n\n[102] _Aen._ V. 545-603.\n\n[103] Frazer, _GB_, _The Dying God_, pp. 76 f. (1911).\n\n[104] _GB_, _The Dying God_, p. 77.\n\n[105] See Plutarch, _Theseus_, XXI.\n\n[106] Cp. the \u201cLadies\u2019 Chain\u201d in modern dancing.\n\n[107] _Op. cit._, and see also vol. I. 446.\n\n[108] Ohnefalsch-Richter, _op. cit._ I. 448.\n\n[109] Now in the Berl. Mus. Antiquarium.\n\n[110] _Pro Murena_, VI. 13, quoted by Bender, _Rom und r\u00f6misches Leben im\nAlterthum_, p. 452 (1880).\n\n[111] Cp. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_, I. 382 (1902).\n\n[112] _Op. cit._ pp. 154 f.; cp. Warde Fowler, _ERE_, X. 820 _a_;\nMarquardt, _Das Privatleben der R\u00f6mer_, p. 118 (1886); Dill, _Roman\nSociety in the last century of the Roman Empire_, pp. 76 ff. (1910).\n\n[113] _Op. cit._ I. 360.\n\n[114] Cp. Marquardt, _Das Privatleben der R\u00f6mer_, p. 118, and the reff.\nthere given (1886).\n\n[115] _GB_, _The Scapegoat_, p. 65 (1913), from Liv. vii. 1-3.\n\n[116] In de la Saussaye, _Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte_, II. 33, cp.\n149 (1905), and Reinach, _Orpheus_, p. 89. A great deal of information\nwill be found scattered about in various volumes of the _Sacred Books of\nthe East_ series, _e.g._ I, XV (Upanishads); XII, XXVI, XLI, XLIII, XLIV\n(Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana); XXXIV, XXXVIII, XLVIII (the Ved\u00e2nta-S\u00fbtras); XLIX\n(Buddhist Mah\u00e2y\u00e2na Texts); XXIII, XXXI (the Zend-Avesta); XXVII, XXVIII,\nXL (the Sacred Books of China). Also the relevant articles, which are\nmany, in _ERE_, where special literature in abundance will be found.\n\n[117] Schoolcraft, _The Indian Tribes of the United States_, I. 191 (ed.\nby F. S. Drake, 1891); there is an illustration given of this dance.\n\n[118] _Unknown Mexico_, I. 330 f. (1903).\n\n[119] For the religious dance among the ancient Peruvians see R\u00e9ville,\n_Hibbert Lectures_, pp. 224 ff. (1895); J. G. M\u00fcller, _Amerikanische\nUrreligion_, p. 385 (1867); Reinach, _Orpheus_, p. 230 (1909).\n\n[120] Hahl, _Mittheilungen \u00fcber Sitten und rechtliche Verh\u00e4ltnisse\nauf Ponape_, in \u201cEthnologisches Notizblatt,\u201d II. ii. 1 (1901), quoted\nby Frazer, _Folk-lore in the Old Testament_, I. 40 (1918). The Maoris\nattributed the origin of dancing to two goddesses, Raukata-uri and\nRaukata-mea, J. Macmillan Brown, _Maori and Polynesian_, p. 208 (1907);\nsee also the interesting illustrations in Caillot, _Les Polyn\u00e9siens\norientaux..._, Pls. XLVII, XLIX-LII (1909).\n\n[121] _Les religions des peuples non-civilis\u00e9s_, pp. 251 f. (1883).\n\n[122] R\u00e9ville, _Hibbert Lectures_, p. 194.\n\n[123] Frazer, _GB_, _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, I. 307, 309\nff. (1912). The supremely important _r\u00f4le_ assigned to the sacred dance\namong the natives of Australia is well known; see Spencer, _Native Tribes\nof the Northern Territory of Australia_, pp. 32, 106, 139 ff., 173,\nand the illustrations on p. 186 (1914); Howitt, _The Native Tribes of\nSouth-east Australia_, pp. 330, 416 (1904); Brough Smith, _The Aborigines\nof Victoria_, I. 166 ff. (1878), cp. Reinach, _Orpheus_, pp. 228 f.\n\n[124] _GB_, _Spirits of the Corn ..._, I. 311.\n\n[125] See the whole of the Note on \u201cThe Pleiades in Primitive Calendars,\u201d\n_GB_, _Spirits of the Corn ..._, I. 307-319.\n\n[126] W. Schneider, _Die Religion der Afrikanischen Naturv\u00f6lker_, p. 100\n(1891).\n\n[127] Fritsch, _Die Eingeborenen S\u00fcd-Afrika\u2019s_, p. 91 (1872).\n\n[128] Fritsch, _op. cit._ p. 352.\n\n[129] W. Schneider, _op. cit._ pp. 89 f.\n\n[130] For other dances in imitation of animals, see Ling Roth, _The\nAborigines of Tasmania_, pp. 138 ff. (1899).\n\n[131] Cp. the personating of spirits or legendary animals among the N.\nAmerican Indians, Frazer, _GB_, _The Scapegoat_, p. 375.\n\n[132] See, _e.g._, _GB_, _The Magic Art_, I. 302 ff.\n\n[133] _E.g._ Gen. xii. 6 f., xiii. 18, xiv. 13, xxxv. 4, 8; Josh. xxiv.\n26; Judg. ix. 37; Jer. ii. 20, iii. 6, 13, xvii. 2; Ezek. vi. 13; Hos.\niv. 13; cp. Isa. i. 29.\n\n[134] _E.g._ Gen. xiv. 7, xvi. 14; cp. xxi. 19, 33; Josh. xv. 7, xviii.\n17, xix. 8.\n\n[135] See above, pp. 33 ff.\n\n[136] _Patrol. Graec._ (Migne), LXXIX. Col. 648.\n\n[137] _Rel. of the Semites_, pp. 135 f.\n\n[138] I. 189. Quoted by Buchanan Gray, _Numbers_ (Intern. Crit. Com.),\npp. 288 f. (1903).\n\n[139] Cp. Jane E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_,\np. 127 (1903).\n\n[140] A reading based on the Samaritan and the Septuagint.\n\n[141] The name \u201ccalf,\u201d _\u02bf\u0113gel_, instead of \u201cbull\u201d or \u201ccow,\u201d refers to its\nsmallness (perhaps in irony). Such images could not have been large as\nthey were made of precious metal. But even when made of other materials,\nsuch as clay, they were small, to judge from the specimens found on the\nsite of ancient Gezer.\n\n[142] It is true that the word is used of \u201csurrounding\u201d a table in the\nHebrew of Ecclus. xxxv. 1 (xxxii. 1 in Greek), but it would be precarious\nto cite this late Hebrew meaning of it in support of the R.V. rendering\nof the word in 1 Sam. xvi. 11. In Ecclus. ix. 9 it is used of \u201cmingling\u201d\nstrong drink.\n\n[143] Cp. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, p. 340, note 2:\n\u201cThe festal song of praise (_tahlil_) properly goes with the dance round\nthe altar (cp. Ps. xxvi. 6 sq.), for in primitive times song and dance\nare inseparable.\u201d\n\n[144] _Psalms_ (Intern. Crit. Com.), II. 408 (1907).\n\n[145] Cp. Job xxvi. 10: \u201cHe hath worked out a circle (_\u1e25\u00f4q \u1e25\u0101g_) upon\nthe face of the waters\u201d; or perhaps better: \u201cHe hath circumscribed a\nboundary....\u201d This illustrates the root meaning of _\u1e25ag_, \u201ca circle\u201d; and\nthis is the formation of the festival dance. See, further, Driver and\nGray, _Job_, Part II., Philological Notes, pp. 154, 180 (1921); Budde,\n_Hiob_, p. 146 (1896); Ball, _The Book of Job_, p. 322 (1922). See also\nProv. viii. 27, and cp. Isa. xix. 17: \u201cAnd the land of Judah shall be for\na reeling (_\u1e25agga\u2019_) to Egypt,\u201d _i.e._ Egypt will become giddy through\nfear at the sight of Judah, and will thus \u201creel.\u201d _\u1e24agga\u2019_ \u201cmay either\nbe from an original sense of _\u1e25\u0101gag_, or it may be equivalent to being\nexcited as at a _\u1e25ag_\u201d (Oxf. Hebr. Lex.). More probably it is simply\na derivative from _\u1e25ag_, giddiness as a result of going round at the\nfestival dance; it is used in Isa. xix. 17 in a metaphorical way.\n\n[146] Mishnah, _Sukkah_, iv. 2.\n\n[147] See above, pp. 48 ff. The prince-poet Imra-al-Kais refers in one of\nhis poems to girls, gown-clad, going swiftly round the _Davar_ (_EB_, I.\n998).\n\n[148] _Nili Opera_, Narrat. III. 8 (in Migne, _Patrol. Graec._ LXXIX. 612\nf.) \u201cIn later Arabia, the _\u1e6daw\u00e2f_, or act of circling the sacred stone,\nwas still a principal part of religion; but even before Mohammed\u2019s time\nit had begun to be dissociated from sacrifice, and became a meaningless\nceremony,\u201d Robertson Smith, _op. cit._ p. 340.\n\n[149] \u201cDamit w\u00e4re dann der kultische Tanz als Produkt der\naltorientalischen Vorstellungswelt erwiesen\u201d (de la Saussaye,\n_Religionsgeschichte_, I. 380 [1905]).\n\n[150] See p. 94.\n\n[151] _De Dea Syria_, XLIX.; see Strong and Garstang, _The Syrian\nGoddess_, and Garstang\u2019s notes on pp. 83 f. (1913).\n\n[152] Robertson Smith, _op. cit._ pp. 185, 335.\n\n[153] See Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_, p. 91, where a\ngood photograph of one of these trees is given.\n\n[154] N\u00f6ldeke, _Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden_.\nAus der arabischen Chronik des Tabari, p. 181 (1879). I am indebted to\nthe kindness of Prof. Bevan, of Cambridge, for this reference.\n\n[155] See Dussaud, _Histoire et Religion des Nosairis_, pp. 149 f. (1900).\n\n[156] Ohnefalsch-Richter, _op. cit._ I. 360; it is numbered xvii. 5 in\nvol. II.\n\n[157] Now in the Berlin Mus. Antiq., T.C. 668238.\n\n[158] Ohnefalsch-Richter, _op. cit._ I. 360; numbered xvii. 6 in vol. II.\n\n[159] _Op. cit._ I. 445; numbered cxxvii. 3 in vol. II.\n\n[160] Cp. Suidas, s.v. \u1f08\u03bc\u03c6\u03b9\u03b4\u03c1\u03cc\u03bc\u03b9\u03b1.\n\n[161] See Lobeck, _Aglao._, 237 ff., 639 ff., 695 (1829); Bekker,\n_Anecdota Graeca_, p. 207 (1814-1821); Pauly, _Realencycl. der\nclassischen Alterthumswissenschaft_, IV. 1240 ff. (1862).\n\n[162] Warde Fowler in _ERE_, X. 827 _b_.\n\n[163] _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_, p. 390 (1912).\n\n[164] _Das Privatleben der R\u00f6mer_, p. 83 and the notes (1886).\n\n[165] _The Indian Tribes of the United States_, I. 146 ff.; ed. by F. S.\nDrake (1891).\n\n[166] Speck, _Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians_, p. 28 (1909).\n\n[167] _Les Religions des Peuples Non-civilis\u00e9s_, I. 269 (1883).\n\n[168] _GB_, _Spirits of the Corn_..., I. 97.\n\n[169] Frazer, _GB_, _Spirits of the Corn_..., I. 240 ff., II. 326 ff.;\n_The Scapegoat_, 232 ff., 251 ff., 315.\n\n[170] Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 190 ff. (1875-1877); _Wald- und\nFeldkulte_, I. 244 (1904-1905).\n\n[171] Frazer, _GB_, _The Magic Art_, II. 47 ff.; see also the instances\nmentioned above, p. 98.\n\n[172] Frazer, _GB_, _Spirits of the Corn_..., I. 136 ff.\n\n[173] Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 174; Frazer, _The Magic Art_, II. 58 ff.\n\n[174] On the subject generally see H\u00f6lscher, _Die Profeten:\nUntersuchungen zur Religionsgeschichte Israels_, pp. 129-158 (1914).\n\n[175] In speaking of the exercises of the early prophetical bands\nRobertson Smith says that \u201cthey were sometimes gone through in sacred\nprocessions, sometimes at a fixed place, as at the Naioth at Ramah,\nwhich ought probably to be rendered \u2018dwellings\u2019\u2014a sort of coenobium.\nThey were accompanied by music of a somewhat noisy character, in which\nthe hand-drum and the pipe played a part, as was otherwise the case in\nfestal processions to the sanctuary (2 Sam. vi. 5; Isa. xxx. 29). Thus\nthe religious exercises of the prophets seem to be a development in a\npeculiar direction of the ordinary forms of Hebrew worship at the time,\nand the fact that the \u2018prophesying\u2019 was contagious establishes its\nanalogy to other contagious forms of religious excitement\u201d (_The Prophets\nof Israel_, p. 392 [1897]). See further, Gressmann, _Palestinas Erdgeruch\nin der Israelitischen Religion_, pp. 34 ff. (1909).\n\n[176] Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, p. 432.\n\n[177] See, for interesting parallels, S. A. Cook, in _Essays and Studies\npresented to William Ridgeway_, p. 397 (1913).\n\n[178] _The Religion of the Semites_, p. 432. But see S. A. Cook in the\nwork just cited.\n\n[179] The R.V. rendering of 1 Kings xviii. 26, \u201cAnd they leaped about the\naltar,\u201d is misleading.\n\n[180] The text emendation here is obvious, it should be _yithg\u00f4d\u00e2du_\n(\u201cthey cut themselves\u201d) for _yithg\u00f4r\u00e2ru_ (\u201cthey assemble themselves\u201d).\n\n[181] This has been illustrated by the excavations on the site of ancient\nGezer undertaken by the Palestine Exploration Fund.\n\n[182] _Genesis_, p. 329 (1901).\n\n[183] See, further, von Gall, _Altisraelitische Kultst\u00e4tten_, pp. 148 ff.\n(1898).\n\n[184] The word is also used for limping, or stumbling, in a figurative\nsense (Jer. xx. 10 and elsewhere; in Job xviii. 12, Ball would read\n_bala\u02bf_). According to Driver the cognate Arabic word means \u201cto curve\u201d\n(_Oxford Hebr. Lex._); one thinks of the bent or curved position of the\nbody during the performance of the \u201climping\u201d dance.\n\n[185] See the various works of Schrader, Winckler, Zimmern, Jensen, O.\nWeber, Jastrow, etc.\n\n[186] See, _e.g._, Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten Aegypter_, pp.\n85-87 (1890); Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_, pp. 61 f., 90 (1909), and\nthe works of other authorities mentioned in previous chapters.\n\n[187] _Eastern Customs in Bible Lands_, pp. 207-210 (1894); a good\naccount of the Dancing Dervishes is given in W. Tyndale\u2019s _An Artist\nin Egypt_, pp. 26-30 (1912); and see especially Gressmann, _Palestinas\nErdgeruch in der Israelitischen Religion_, pp. 34 ff. (1909).\n\n[188] See Herodotus, II. 133.\n\n[189] _The Prophets of Israel_, p. 392 (1897); cp. Stade, _Geschichte des\nVolkes Israel_, I. 477 (1886).\n\n[190] Snouck-Hurgronje, _Mekka_, II. 281 (1888-1889). And see, further,\nDoughty, _Arabia Deserta_, II. 119 (orig. ed.); Robinson Lees mentions\nthis dancing as taking place at holy places in Palestine, _Village Life\nin Palestine_, pp. 27, 28 (1897).\n\n[191] See Gol\u00e9nischeff, _Recueil de Travaux_, XXI. 22 f.; Gressmann,\n_Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum A.T._, I. 225 ff. (1909).\n\n[192] Regarding the musical accompaniment to such ecstatic dances,\nIamblichus propounds the extraordinary theory that the reason why certain\nsounds and melodies produce an ecstatic state is because before the\nsoul entered the body it was \u201can auditor of divine harmony,\u201d and when,\nbeing in the body, it hears these, it recollects the divine harmony and\nparticipates in it; hence the cause of the ecstatic state and the faculty\nof divination (_De Mysteriis_, III. 9 end).\n\n[193] Die sequenti variis coloribus indusiati et deformiter quisque\nformati, facie caenoso pigmento delita et oculis obunctis graphice\nprodeunt, mitellis et crocotis et carbasinis et bambycinis iniecti,\nquidam tunicas albas in modum lanciolarum quoquoversum fluente purpura\ndepictas cingulo subligati, pedes luteis induti calceis; deamque serico\ncontectam amicuio mihi gerendam imponunt brachiisque suis humero tenus\nrenundatis, attollentes immanes gladios ac secures, evantes exsiliunt\nincitante tibiae cantu lymphaticum tripudium. Nec paucis pererratis\ncasulis ad quandam villam possessoris beati perveniunt et ab ingressu\nprimo statim absonis ululatibus constrepentes fanatice pervolant, diuque\ncapite demisso cervices lubricis intorquentes motibus crinesque pendulos\nin circulum rotantes, et nonnunquam morsibus suos incursantes musculos,\nad postremum ancipiti ferro quod gerebant sua quisque brachia dissicant.\nInter haec unus ex illis bacchatur effusius ac de imis praecordiis\nanhelitus crebros referens, velut numinis divino spiritu repletus,\nsimulabat sauciam vecordiam, prorus quasi deum praesentia soleant homines\nnon sui fieri meliores sed debiles effici vel aegroti.... Arrepto denique\nflagro, quod semiviris illis proprium gestamen est, contortis taeniis\nlanosi velleris prolixe fimbriatum et multiiugis talis ovium tesseratum,\nindidem sese multinodis commulcat ictibus, mire contra plagarum dolores\npraesumptione munitus. Cerneres prosectu gladiorum ictuque flagrorum\nsolum spurcitia sanguinis effeminati madescere.... The translation is\nthat of S. Gaselee in \u201cLoeb Classical Library\u201d (1915).\n\n[194] In _ERE_, VI. 403 _a_; we give the quotation in full as this large\nEncyclopaedia is not, for many, easily accessible.\n\n[195] On the Korybantes, the mythical attendants on Kybele, who were\nsupposed to dance in wild fashion with the goddess on the mountains, see\nRohde, _Psyche_..., II. 48 ff. (1907); the name was also given to the\neunuch priests of the goddess in Phrygia.\n\n[196] Panofka, _Dionysos und Thyiden_, pl. I. 2 (1853).\n\n[197] Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, p. 453\n(1903).\n\n[198] The treasure is in the Berlin Museum, Cat. 2290; Harrison, _op.\ncit._, p. 428.\n\n[199] Harrison, _op. cit._ p. 393; see also Gruppe, _Griechische\nMythologie und Religionsgeschichte_, I. 162, II. 840, 1293; Lobeck,\n_Aglao._, II. 1085 ff.; Bekker, _Anecdota Graeca_, I. 234.\n\n[200] Harrison, _op. cit._ p. 397; Gruppe, _op. cit._ II. 748, 1293;\nReinach, _Orpheus_, p. 123.\n\n[201] Philo, _De Vita Contempl._ II.\n\n[202] Diodorus, IV. iii. 2.\n\n[203] Rohde, _Psyche_, II. 11 ff.; Roscher, _Ausf\u00fchrliches Lexikon_...,\nII. 2243-2283 (1894-1897).\n\n[204] Pausan. X. iv. 1, 2.\n\n[205] Harrison, _op. cit._ p. 540 (omitting the interjected words of\nXanthias and Dionysos).\n\n[206] See Mommsen, _op. cit._ p. 224; cp. Foucart, _Les grands myst\u00e8res\nd\u2019Eleusis_, pp. 121 f.; and for the dancing at the celebration of the\nmysteries, see p. 142 (1904).\n\n[207] Quoted by Harrison, _Pyth._ III. 77.\n\n[208] Pausan. II. vii. 6. Cp. also Lobeck, _Aglao._, II. 1088; Reinach,\n_Orpheus_, pp. 153 ff.\n\n[209] Lines 680-691.\n\n[210] IV. 3.\n\n[211] Harrison, _op. cit._ p. 500; and the same author\u2019s _Themis_, pp. 23\nff. (1912). Rohde, _Psyche_, I. 272.\n\n[212] _Protr._ II. 12. Concerning them Gruppe says: \u201cDie Kureten, nach\ndenen ein Magistratskollegium hiess, das unter dem _proto-koures_\nmystische Opfer feierte, sollten durch den L\u00e4rm der Waffen Hera\nvertrieben haben; eine Sagenbildung, die auf eine Angleichung an die\nRiten die zwar ebenfalls euboisch-boiotischen, aber vielleicht erst hier\nmit dem Artemis-dienst in Verbindung gesetzten Kultus der grossen G\u00f6ttin\nhinweist\u201d (_Griech. Myth._ I. 284; see also II. 820, 898, 1106, 1198).\n\n[213] Frazer, _GB_, _Adonis, Attis, and Osiris_, pp. 250 f. (1907). See\nfurther, Hepding, _Attis, seine Mythen und sein Kult_, pp. 128 ff. (1903).\n\n[214] Ep. I. 49, II. 34, VI. 40; Dill, _Roman Society in the last century\nof the Western Empire_, p. 16 (1910).\n\n[215] On the Galli see Lucian, _De Dea Syria_, XLIII, L-LX.\n\n[216] Frazer, _op. cit._ p. 223. See further Cicero, _De Divinatione_,\nII. 50; Catullus, _Carm._ LXIII.; Lucretius, II. 598 ff.; Hepding, _op.\ncit._, pp. 142 ff.; Glover, _The Conflict of Religions in the early Roman\nEmpire_, pp. 20 f. (1909).\n\n[217] Fallaize, in _ERE_, X. 124 _b_.\n\n[218] Tylor, _Primitive Culture_, II. 133 f. (1920); he also mentions\nthis type of dance among the Patagonians, Fijians and others, pp. 419 ff.\n\n[219] Frazer, _GB_, _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, p. 61.\n\n[220] R\u00e9ville, _Les Religions des peuples non-civilis\u00e9s_, p. 267 (1883);\nSchoolcraft, _op. cit._ I. 286.\n\n[221] _Native Religions of Mexico and Peru_ (Hibbert Lectures, 1884), p.\n225.\n\n[222] _Malay Magic_, p. 463 (1900).\n\n[223] Fallaize, in _ERE_, X. 124 _b_.\n\n[224] Frazer, _GB_, _The Magic Art_, I. 408; N. Tsaki, _La Russie\nSectaire_, pp. 66 ff. The Shakers of New Lebanon attempt in the dance to\nobtain the Holy Spirit, Lilly Grove, _op. cit._ p. 7.\n\n[225] J. Macmillan Brown, _Maori and Polynesian_, p. 204 (1907).\n\n[226] _Folk-lore in the Old Testament_, III. 277 (1918).\n\n[227] In _Allerlei_, I. 164-168.\n\n[228] _Introduction to the Study of Religion_, p. 174 (1904).\n\n[229] \u201cThey prophesied until the time of the evening oblation\u201d\n(\u200e\u200f\u05e2\u05b2\u05dc\u05d5\u05b9\u05ea \u05d4\u05b7\u05de\u05b4\u05bc\u05e0\u05b0\u05d7\u05b8\u05d4\u200f\u200e), 1 Kings xviii. 29.\n\n[230] An inspired prophet.\n\n[231] A five-thonged scourge, with iron at the extremity of each thong.\n\n[232] _The Sun and the Serpent_, pp. 99 f. (1905).\n\n[233] The feast of _Pesach_ (\u201cPassover\u201d) coincided with this; it was\nalso a spring festival at which the firstlings of the herds were offered\n(Exod. xxxiv. 25).\n\n[234] _E.g._ 1 Kings viii. 2, xii. 32; Judg. xxi. 19; Lev. xxiii. 39, 41.\n\n[235] This is also true of the Targums, where an allusion to the dance\nis sometimes strikingly obvious, _e.g._ in the Targ. of _Onkelos_ to\nDeut. xvi. 14; the people are bidden to rejoice at their feasts with the\nplaying of flutes; this was one of the most usual accompaniments to the\nsacred dance all the world over.\n\n[236] See Moore, _Judges_, pp. 304 f. (1903).\n\n[237] Cp. Judges ix. 27.\n\n[238] See _e.g._ Reinach, _Orpheus_, p. 273 (1909); Carl Rathjens, _Die\nJuden in Abessinien_, p. 78 (1921).\n\n[239] _Talmudische Arch\u00e4ologie_, III. 101, and the references on p. 285.\n\n[240] Mishnah, _Sukkah_, V. 1.\n\n[241] _Sukkah_, IV. 1-4.\n\n[242] Cp. Reinach, _op. cit._ p. 271.\n\n[243] See _Megillath Taanith_, IV. 8-10; this was before the Day of\nAtonement had become a Fast-day; one sees, therefore, how ancient the\ncustom was.\n\n[244] _Megillath Taanith_, V.\n\n[245] _Bell. Jud_. II. xvii. 6.\n\n[246] See further on this, Krauss, _op. cit._ III. 102, 285.\n\n[247] On these see further Doughty, _Travels in Arabia Deserta_, I. 340\nff., 391 f. (1921).\n\n[248] Alois Musil, _Arabia Petraea_, III. 200 ff. (1908).\n\n[249] Dalman, _Palestinischer Diwan_, p. 254 (1901).\n\n[250] Featherman, _Social History of Mankind_, I. 334 f. (1881).\n\n[251] See G. Friedlander\u2019s edition of this work, p. 208 (1916).\n\n[252] Cp. Enclow, _JE_, IV. 425 _b_, and Jacobs, _JE_, IV. 96 ff.\n\n[253] See Curtiss, _op. cit._ pp. 164 ff.\n\n[254] Kees, _Der Opfertanz des \u00e4gyptischen K\u00f6nigs_, pp. 105-226 (1912);\nMaspero, _\u00c9tudes de mythologie et de l\u2019arch\u00e9ologie \u00e9gyptiennes_, VIII.\n313 (1893-1916); Blackman, _Rock Tombs of Meir_, I. 23 f., II. 25, and\nthe same writer in the _Journal of Egyptian Archaeology_, VII. 21 f.\n\n[255] Erman, _Aegypten_ ..., I. 336.\n\n[256] Erman, _op. cit._ I. 340; see also Voss, _Der Tanz und seine\nGeschichte_, p. 20 (1869), who unfortunately omits references to\nauthorities.\n\n[257] See further, Flinders Petrie, _Stud. Hist._ III. 69 (1904), and for\nfestivals generally the same author\u2019s _Egyptian Festivals_ ... (1908).\n\n[258] _Schol. in Luc. Dialog. Meretr._ VII. 4 (ed. Rabe, 1906), referred\nto by Harrison, _op. cit._ p. 146; see also L\u00fcbker, _op. cit._ 298 _b_.\n\n[259] Mommsen, _Feste_ ..., pp. 359 ff.; Harpocration, _s.v._ \u1f09\u03bb\u1ff7\u03b1, I.\n24 (ed. Dindorf [1853]). For Vintage Festivals see, further, Mommsen,\n_Heortologie_, pp. 66 ff.\n\n[260] Harrison, _op. cit._ pp. 146 f. On this festival see also Bekker,\n_op. cit._ I. 384 f.; Farnell, _Cults_ ..., III. 315 f.; Frazer, _GB_,\n_The Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, I. 60 ff.\n\n[261] The author refers to his note on Pausanias, VIII. xxxvii. 3 in vol.\nIV. pp. 375 ff. of his _Pausanias_.\n\n[262] _GB_, _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, II. 339.\n\n[263] Gruppe, _op. cit._ II. 783; Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_, pp.\n618 ff. (1872).\n\n[264] Cp. Pausan. VIII. xxv. 1 ff.; Ovid, _Metam._ V. 106; Pliny, XVI.\n33; and for the _Charites_ see Gruppe, _op. cit._ I. 81, II. 1073, 1083,\n1189, 1284; Lobeck, _op. cit._ II. 1085 ff.; _Julii Pol. Onom._ IV. 95.\nFor the Thesmophoria see Frazer, _GB_, _Spirits of the Corn_ ..., II. 16\nff.; Farnell, _Cults_ ..., III. 85-93; and for the Thargelia, _GB_, _The\nScapegoat_, pp. 254 ff.; Farnell, _Cults_ ..., IV. 268 ff.\n\n[265] _E.g._ in the cult of \u1f0c\u03c1\u03c4\u03b5\u03bc\u03b9\u03c2 \u039a\u03bf\u03c1\u03b4\u03ac\u03ba\u03b1, see Lobeck, _De myst.\npriv._ II. 959; Farnell, _Cults_ ..., II. 445; Pausan. VI. xxii. 1. The\nprocession called \u03c6\u03b1\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c6\u03bf\u03c1\u03af\u03b1 was especially associated with Dionysos and\nHermes, see Farnell in _ERE_, VI. 417 _a_.\n\n[266] See Farnell in _ERE_, VI. 403 _b_; he says: \u201cthis privilege of\necstasy might be used for the practical purposes of vegetation-magic.\u201d\n\n[267] Mars was originally a god of vegetation; he appears subsequently as\nthe god of war.\n\n[268] See Aust, _Die Religion der R\u00f6mer_, p. 171 (1899).\n\n[269] A translation in full is given by Carter in _ERE_, II. 10 _b_, 11\n_a_.\n\n[270] See further on the whole subject Pauly-Wissowa, _Realencycl. der\nklassischen Altertumswissenschaft_, II. 1463 ff. (1896).\n\n[271] See Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, III. 444 (1885).\n\n[272] Cp. the name of the month in which the festival was held, February,\nwhich gets its name from _februare_ \u201cto purify.\u201d\n\n[273] March 19 was a special day as being the birthday of Minerva (Ovid,\n_Fasti_, III. 812; see Mommsen, _Feste_ ..., p. 59).\n\n[274] \u201c... per urbem ire canentes carmina cum tripudiis solemnique\nsaltatu,\u201d Liv. I. 20. 4. See, further, Wissowa, _op. cit._ I. 482, who\nrefers to Dion. Hal. II. 70. 2. Cp. de la Saussaye, _op. cit._ II. 441\nff.; and see Seneca, _Epp._ XV.; Quintilian, I. 2. 18.\n\n[275] _GB_, _The Scapegoat_, p. 232.\n\n[276] Frazer, _ibid._; Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, III.\n427 f. (1885); Aust, _op. cit._ p. 130; Cirilli, _Les Pr\u00eatres Danseurs\nde Rome_, pp. 97 ff. (1913); for Harvest Festivals generally among the\nRomans see Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_, pp. 191 ff., for\nthe _Hilaria_, pp. 321 ff. (1912); Roscher, _Ausf\u00fchrliches Lexikon der\ngriechischen und r\u00f6mischen Mythologie_, s.v. Attis, I. 715 ff. (1884);\nfor the _Vinalia_, Aust, _op. cit._ p. 173. Cp. Farnell, _The Evolution\nof Religion_, p. 145 (1905).\n\n[277] See, for illustrations not mentioned here, Lilly Grove, _op. cit._\npp. 65-92.\n\n[278] This is given by Frazer, _GB_, _Spirits of the Corn_ ..., I. 95 f.,\nfrom A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, I. 167-169 (1904 ...).\n\n[279] Frazer, _op. cit._ p. 107. See also Chalmers, _Pioneering in New\nGuinea_, pp. 323 ff. H. L. Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British\nNorth Borneo_, I. 262 (1896), says: \u201cThe Dyaks really seem to consider\ndancing as a part of divine service, attributing to it some mysterious\nand wholesome efficacy\u201d;\u2014they do not enquire why; it is taken for granted\nthat it is so.\n\n[280] _Malay Magic_, p. 462 (1900).\n\n[281] Cp. R\u00e9ville, _Les Religions des peuples non-civilis\u00e9s_, p. 269,\nwho tells of how the imitative magic dance develops into a specifically\nreligious act.\n\n[282] _Op. cit._ p. 464; see, further, pp. 465 ff., and also Skeat\nand Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, I. 364 f., II. 119\nff., 126 ff., 137 with the illustration on p. 138; and for the negro\nBaris, whose country is situated on either bank of the White Nile, see\nFeatherman, _Social History of the Races of Mankind_, I. 74 (1881).\n\n[283] W. Schneider, _Die Religion der Afrikanischen Naturv\u00f6lker_, pp.\n52-58 (1891); Fritsch, _Die Eingeborenen S\u00fcd-Afrika\u2019s_, p. 327 (1872).\n\n[284] On initiation dances see Harrison, _Themis_, pp. 24 f.\n\n[285] Bab. Talm. _Rosh Ha-shanah_ 16 _a_, Mishnah, _Sukkah_, IV. 9; cp.\nMishnah, _Berak\u00f4th_, V. 2; see also the curious story in Lucian, _De Dea\nSyria_, XIII.; and for numbers of examples of rain-charms see Frazer,\n_GB_, _The Magic Art_, I. 247-329.\n\n[286] _The Threshold of Religion_, p. 76 (1909).\n\n[287] _ERE_, X. 359 _b_.\n\n[288] The root meaning of _\u02bfanah_ is \u201cto sing,\u201d see Isa. xxvi. 2, Exod.\nxxxii. 18, Ps. cxix. 172; and cp. the cognate Arabic root _ghanna_; in\nneo-Hebrew it is often used of singing in chorus.\n\n[289] A different interpretation of the passage is given by a few\ncommentators, _e.g._ Briggs in the _Intern. Crit. Com._, but the natural\nmeaning seems to be as above.\n\n[290] We have referred to this in another connexion, see p. 141. It is\nprobable that we have in this episode a combination of an historical fact\nand some form of the Adonis myth.\n\n[291] Pausan. IV. xvi. 4. See, further, Hermann, _Gottesdienstliche\nAlterth\u00fcmer_, \u00a7\u00a7 24, 50.\n\n[292] Reference is made in 1 Sam. xxi. 5, 2 Sam. xi. 11 to an act of\nself-control which was also part of the consecration for battle; but\nthis, which is found among many other races, had its special reason and\ndoes not come into consideration here.\n\n[293] _GB_, _Spirits of the Corn_ ..., II. 145, where other examples are\ngiven.\n\n[294] _GB_, _Spirits of the Corn_ ..., I. 22.\n\n[295] The possibility is not excluded that in all cases of animals being\neaten in order to absorb their qualities, their sacredness may have been\nthe real reason at one time in the history of the rite. When this reason\nwas forgotten and its qualities became the sole reason for eating an\nanimal, the extension of the idea in other ways would be natural.\n\n[296] _Religion of the Semites_, p. 288.\n\n[297] _GB_, _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 165 f. (1911);\nthe account is taken from S. M\u00fcller, _Reizen en Ondergoekingen in den\nIndischen Archipel._, II. 252 (1857). For another example see Chalmers,\n_op. cit._ p. 182.\n\n[298] C. G. Seligmann, _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 298\n(1910), quoted by Frazer, _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, p. 168.\n\n[299] Spencer and Gillen, _The Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n493 f. (1899).\n\n[300] De Flacourt, _Histoire de la Grande Isle Madagascar_, pp. 97 f.\n(1658), quoted by Frazer, _GB_, _The Magic Art_, I. 131 (1911).\n\n[301] _The Secret Tribal Societies of West Africa_, p. 17, quoted by\nFrazer, _op. cit._ I. 132.\n\n[302] Frazer, _op. cit._ I. 133 f.\n\n[303] _Uit het leven der Bevolking van Windessi_, in the \u201cTijdschrift\nvoor Indische Taal-Landen Volkenkunde,\u201d XL. 157 f. (1898); _GB_, _Taboo\nand the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 169 f.\n\n[304] _E.g._ in such cases as the May-pole dance, and the dances round\nthe Midsummer fires.\n\n[305] Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, p. 455, where\nreferences to original authorities are given. See also Stade, _Biblische\nTheologie des Alten Testaments_, i. 148.\n\n[306] _GB_, _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, p. 158; for further\nexamples see pp. 161 ff., and _The Magic Art_, I. 125 ff. Conceivably\nthe taboo on the persons left at home during the absence of the fighting\nmen may have originally had something to do with the victory dance being\nperformed by women alone.\n\n[307] See the present writer\u2019s _Immortality and the Unseen World_, chaps.\nVIII-X.\n\n[308] _E.g._ Gen. xxiv. 49 ff., xxix. 27; Judg. xiv. 7; Isa. lxi. 10;\nJer. ii. 32, vii. 34, xxv. 10; Ps. xlv. 10 ff.; Cant. iii. 6-11; cp. 3\nMacc. iv. 8. In the New Testament we have more details, _e.g._ Matth.\nxxii. 2, xxv. 1 ff.; Lk. xii. 36; John ii. 1 ff.\n\n[309] See K\u00f6nig, _Hebr. und Aram. W\u00f6rterbuch_, p. 505, and cp. the Sept.\n\u03c4\u1fc7 \u03a3\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03b1\u03bd\u03b5\u03af\u03c4\u03b9\u03b4\u03b9 (Cod. B).\n\n[310] _Kim\u0115h\u00f4lath hamma\u1e25anaim._ Cp. the Septuagint rendering: \u1f61\u03c2 \u03c7\u03bf\u03c1\u03bf\u1f76\n\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03bc\u03b2\u03bf\u03bb\u1ff6\u03bd.\n\n[311] Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_, p. 52, says, \u201cThe\ntenacity with which the Oriental mind, if left to itself, holds that\nwhich has always been, and turns to it as unerringly as the needle to\nthe pole, has often been observed, and is our guaranty that we may find\nprimitive religious conditions among people with whom, if we approach\nthem in the right way, we may hold intercourse to-day.\u201d This may\ncertainly apply to the present instance.\n\n[312] In the _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, pp. 287 ff. (1873).\n\n[313] Cp. the reference to the king in Cant. i. 4.\n\n[314] _Mittel-Syrien und Damascus_, p. 123 (1853).\n\n[315] _Arabia Deserta_, II. 118 (1921).\n\n[316] See Rothstein\u2019s article, \u201cMoslemische Hochzeitsgebr\u00e4uche in Lifta\nbei Jerusalem,\u201d in Dalman\u2019s _Pal\u00e4stinajahrbuch_, 1910, pp. 102-123,\nespecially 110-114; a photographic illustration of a sword-dance is given\non p. 102; and Klein in the _Zeitschrift des Deutschen Pal\u00e4stinischen\nVereins_, VI. 94 ff. (1883).\n\n[317] \u201cIts general unscientific nature has been demonstrated by Mr Fison\nand Dr Westermarck.... The theory, then, that mankind in general, or\neven a particular section of mankind, even in normal circumstances were\naccustomed to obtain their wives by capture from other tribes, may be\nregarded as exploded. There have been, of course, and still are, sporadic\ncases of capture of wives from hostile tribes or others, but such cannot\nprove a rule.\u201d Crawley, _The Mystic Rose: A Study of Primitive Marriage_,\np. 367 (1902).\n\n[318] _Op. cit._ pp. 323 ff.\n\n[319] For the reasons why these maleficent influences should be believed\nto be present on such occasions see Crawley\u2019s work, chaps, XIII, XIV.\n\n[320] _Palestinischer Diwan_, p. 254 (1901). For the custom among the\nArabs of the Hedjaz see Featherman, _op. cit._ V. 402.\n\n[321] Krauss, _Talmudische Arch\u00e4ologie_, II. 39 (1911).\n\n[322] Bacher, _Aggada der Palestinischen Amoraim_, III. 36 (1897); _JE_,\nVIII. 341 f.\n\n[323] Abrahams, _Jewish Life in the Middle Ages_, p. 193 (1896).\n\n[324] Abrahams, _op. cit._ pp. 195 f.; cp. with this the rite in the\nancient Indian ritual, in which the bride takes seven steps towards\nthe bridegroom; at the seventh he seizes her by the foot, Winternitz,\n_Das altindische Hochzeitsrituell_, in \u201cDenkschriften der Kaiserlichen\nAkademie der Wissenschaften,\u201d XL. 51 (1892).\n\n[325] Grunwald, in _JE_, VIII. 346 _a_, quoting from Chorny, _Sefer\nha-Massa\u02bfot_, p. 298.\n\n[326] Abrahams, _op. cit._ p. 196. For marriage rites among Jews and\nMohammedans in Palestine to-day see Baldensperger in the _Quarterly\nStatement_ of the Pal. Exploration Fund, 1899, pp. 140 ff., 1900, pp. 181\nff., 1901, pp. 173 ff.\n\n[327] Westermarck, _Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco_, p. 144 (1914).\n\n[328] Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 388 (1910).\n\n[329] On this, see further Crawley, _op. cit._ pp. 327 ff., 335 ff.\n\n[330] _Op. cit._ p. 321.\n\n[331] _Op. cit._ p. 344.\n\n[332] Featherman, _Social History of the Races of Mankind_, V. 480 (1881).\n\n[333] Westermarck, _op. cit._ p. 251.\n\n[334] Winternitz, _Das altindische Hochzeitsrituell_, XL. 30.\n\n[335] Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 374.\n\n[336] Skeat, _op. cit._ p. 381.\n\n[337] \u201cFor practical purposes, as is hardly necessary to premise,\nthe complex fears of men and women are often subconscious, or are\nonly expressed as a feeling of diffidence with regard to the novel\nproceedings, and also are not always focussed on the personality of\neither party with its inherent dangerous properties nor stimulated by\nconscious realisation of particular dangers.... We have, however, seen\ncases where the individual in marriage is consciously aware that it is\nhis human partner who is to be feared\u201d (Crawley, _op. cit._ p. 323).\n\n[338] Skeat, _op. cit._ p. 377, and for other dances at weddings see pp.\n388 f., 392.\n\n[339] _The History of Human Marriage_, II. 584 (1921); see also\nFeatherman, _op. cit._ I. 208.\n\n[340] Frazer, _GB_, _The Scapegoat_, p. 171.\n\n[341] Frazer, _GB_, _The Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, II. 255.\n\n[342] Westermarck, _Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco_, p. 90.\n\n[343] Westermarck, _op. cit._ p. 144.\n\n[344] H. A. Metcalf\u2019s translation, _The Idylls and Epigrams of Theocritus\n..._ (1905).\n\n[345] _The Mystic Rose_, pp. 337 ff.\n\n[346] For these, see the present writer\u2019s book, _Immortality and the\nUnseen World: a Study in Old Testament Religion_, pp. 141 ff. (1921).\n\n[347] _Talmudische Arch\u00e4ologie_, II. 67 f., 483 (1911); cp. also Thomson,\n_The Land and the Book_: Lebanon, Damascus, and beyond Jordan, pp. 401\nff. (1886).\n\n[348] Crawley, in _ERE_, X. 358 _a_.\n\n[349] The mystic number, seven, in connexion with the rite will not\nescape notice. The whole service will be found in Gaster\u2019s _Daily and\nOccasional Prayers_, vol. I. (1901). The supplications, though not in\nprecisely the same form in which they now appear, are known to go back\nto pre-Christian times; the antiquity of the ritual by which they are\naccompanied, especially when its nature is considered, will obviously be\nat least as great, let alone the long history behind it.\n\n[350] _Sacred Books of the East_, XI. 129 (1879-1910).\n\n[351] In _ERE_, III. 658 _b_.\n\n[352] Hartland, in _ERE_, IV. 426 _b_.\n\n[353] Walse, in _ERE_, IV. 453 _b_.\n\n[354] Joyce, _Social History of Ancient Ireland_, I. 301 (1903).\n\n[355] Alois Musil, _Arabia Petraea_, III. 203 (1908).\n\n[356] For illustrations of this kind see, _e.g._, Rosellini, _Les\nMonuments de l\u2019\u00c9gypte et de la Nubie_, Pl. CXIV. fig. 2, Pl. CXVI. fig. 6\n(1831); Lepsius, _Denkm\u00e4ler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien_, Div. II, Pls.\n52, 53 (1849); Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019art dans l\u2019antiquit\u00e9:\nl\u2019\u00c9gypte_, p. 701 (1882).\n\n[357] In _ERE_, V. 238 _a_.\n\n[358] Erman, _Aegypten ..._, I. 336.\n\n[359] Erman, _op. cit._ I. 338, II. 434.\n\n[360] Reported in the _Times_, 29th June, 1922.\n\n[361] Cp. Herodotus, II. 85.\n\n[362] _An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_,\nII. 272 (1871).\n\n[363] _Op. cit._ pp. 344, 408 f., 452.\n\n[364] Among the Romans, during the earliest periods, funerals always took\nplace at night; for the evidence see Marquardt, _Das Privatleben der\nR\u00f6mer_, pp. 343 f. (1886).\n\n[365] As to funeral games see Daremberg et Saglio, _Dictionnaire des\nantiquit\u00e9s Greques et Romaines_, II. 1376 (1896 ...): \u201cLa pr\u00e9sence de\nnombreux chars sur les vases peints du Dipylon fait croire qu\u2019on continua\n\u00e0 c\u00e9l\u00e9brer des jeux fun\u00e8bres en l\u2019honneur du mort, et cet usage persista\nlongtemps encore, comme semble l\u2019indiquer une peinture o\u00f9 un char de\ncourse est repr\u00e9sent\u00e9 \u00e0 c\u00f4t\u00e9 d\u2019une st\u00e8le qu\u2019on ach\u00e8ve de d\u00e9corer.\u201d Cp.\nRohde, _Psyche ..._, I. 224 f. As Hartland points out (_ERE_, IV. 437\n_a_), \u201cfuneral games, familiar to us in classical literature, are of very\nwide distribution. They cannot be separated from dances, for there is no\nhard and fast line between the two.\u201d\n\n[366] See also Rohde, _Psyche ..._, I. 221.\n\n[367] In Dionys. VII. 72 there is a description of such a procession in\nwhich troops danced in the dress of Sileni and Satyrs. Suet. _Caes._ 84\n(Marquardt, _Das Privatleben der R\u00f6mer_, pp. 352 f.).\n\n[368] Crawley, in _ERE_, X. 356 _a_.\n\n[369] _Antike Gesichtshelme und Sepulcralmasken_, p. 4 (1878), referred\nto by Marquardt, _Privatleben der R\u00f6mer_, p. 241, and see further, pp.\n353 ff.\n\n[370] Showerman in _ERE_, IV. 505 _b_, 507 _b_. Cp. Daremberg et Saglio,\n_op. cit._ s.v. _Funus_.\n\n[371] _Op. cit._ II. 32.\n\n[372] See the present writer\u2019s _Immortality and the Unseen World_, pp. 9,\n21 f.\n\n[373] _I.e._ \u201csacred,\u201d the first month of the Musulman year.\n\n[374] Ja\u02bffar Sharif, _Islam in India, or the Q\u0101n\u016bn-i-Islam: The Customs\nof the Musulmans of India_, translated by G. A. Herklots, pp. 161-174\n(1921).\n\n[375] Frazer, _GB_, _The Magic Art_, II. 183.\n\n[376] J. M. Brown, _Maori and Polynesian_, p. 203. \u201cFuneral dances and\ndeath-bed dances are a world-wide custom. We hear of them in Patagonia,\nin Abyssinia, in North America, in the East Indian isles and in the\nHighlands of Scotland; we read about them in ancient Egypt, and we can\nsee them to-day in Spain, in Ireland, and in the centre of France,\u201d Lilly\nGrove, _op. cit._ p. 4.\n\n[377] _ERE_, IV. 434 _b_.\n\n[378] Seligmann, _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_, pp. 358 ff.,\n716 (1910).\n\n[379] Frazer, _The Belief in Immortality_, I. 200 (1913).\n\n[380] Frazer, _op. cit._ I. 399.\n\n[381] _The Indian Tribes of Guiana_, pp. 154 f. (1868).\n\n[382] Schoolcraft, _op. cit._ I. 198, 234.\n\n[383] Featherman, _Social History of the Races of Mankind_, I. 413 (1881).\n\n[384] Baldwin Spencer, _The Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of\nAustralia_, pp. 234 ff. (1914).\n\n[385] Frazer, _op. cit._ I. 293 f.\n\n[386] _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to the Torres Straits_, V.\n256.\n\n[387] _Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart_, V. 1070.\n\n[388] Nelson, _The Eskimo about Bering Strait_, Eighteenth Annual Report\nof the Bureau of Ethnology, Pt. I. 363 (1899).\n\n[389] Frazer, _GB_, _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, p. 166.\n\n[390] Spencer and Gillen, _The Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n505 ff. (1899).\n\n[391] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, I. pp. 384 ff. (1903).\n\n[392] _ERE_, IV. 481 _a_.\n\n[393] _ERE_, IV. 416 _b_.\n\n[394] See on this the present writer\u2019s _Immortality and the Unseen\nWorld_, p. 180.\n\n\n\n\nINDEX\n\n\n  Aaron, 161\n\n  Ab, feast of, 143\n\n  _Abel-me\u1e25olah_, 142\n\n  Abijah, 92\n\n  Absorbing the god, 25\n\n  Abydos, royal tombs at, 203\n\n  Achna, Kybele _temenos_ at, 99\n\n  Air a means of lustration, 99\n\n  Altar, dance round, 91 f.\n    procession round, 94\n\n  Amalekites, David\u2019s attack on the, 48\n\n  Amathus, 70\n\n  _Ambarvalia_, 100, 149\n\n  Ancestor-worship, 131\n    dancing connected with, 195\n\n  Animals, belief in descent from, 18, 78\n    holy, 166\n    imitated in dance, 18\n    sacred, 166\n\n  Animistic stage, 14\n\n  Aphrodite, 98\n\n  Aphrodite-Ariadne, 70\n\n  Apis festivals, 60\n\n  Apollo, 7, 63, 68, 74, 120\n\n  Apollo Karneios, 69\n\n  Apollo, Pythaean, 69\n\n  Apollonius Rhodius, 201\n\n  Apuleius, 118\n\n  Apuleius\u2019 account of sacred dance, 61 f.\n\n  Arabi Pasha, 115\n\n  Arabs, 193\n    ancient, 116\n    _cultus_ of the, 49, 94\n    wedding dance among the, 181\n    mourning rite among the, 202\n    song round well of, 89\n\n  Ar\u0101waks, funeral dance among the, 212 f.\n    procession round corpse of, 201\n\n  Archigallus, 127\n\n  Ares, 63\n\n  Argonauts, 201\n\n  Ariadne, 70\n\n  Ariadne\u2019s Dance, 27, 69, 71 f.\n\n  Aristomenes, 163\n\n  Aristophanes, _Frogs_ quoted, 123\n\n  Aristotle, 14\n\n  Ark, 36, 54, 94\n\n  _Arkteia_, 68, 102\n\n  Artemis, 19, 63, 66, 102\n    Brauronian ceremonies of, 68\n    Caryatis, 67\n    Koruthalia, 66\n    worship of, 67\n\n  Artemis-Kybele, groves of, 99\n\n  Arunta of Central Australia, 169\n    funeral dance among the, 216\n\n  Arval Brothers, 149\n\n  Ashantees, 170\n\n  Ashdod, 47\n\n  Ashkenazic Jews, 198\n\n  Asiatic peoples, sacred dance among, 76\n\n  _Asiph_, 140\n\n  Asshurbanipal, inscription of, 58\n\n  Assyrian festivals, 58\n    procession, 58\n    sacred dance, 6\n\n  Athena, 19, 64, 120\n\n  Athens, 123\n\n  Atonement, day of, 143\n\n  _Atrium_, 208\n\n  Attic women dancing in honour of Dionysos, 123\n\n  Attis, worship of, 126, 127\n\n\n  Baal, 38\n    Marq\u00f4d, 19, 56\n    of dancing, 56\n    prophets of, 111, 113, 131 f.\n\n  \u201cBaby Jesus\u201d, 23\n\n  Babylonian festivals, 57\n    hymns, 58\n\n  Bacchanalian assemblies, 124\n\n  Bacchantes, 121, 124\n\n  Bagobos of Mindanao, 103\n\n  _B\u0101m\u0101h_, 108\n\n  Bambaras of Senegambia, 145\n\n  Barges, procession of, 62\n\n  Basket, 60\n\n  Baskets dancing, 67\n\n  Bear dance, 68, 102\n\n  Bechuanas, marriage dance among the, 181\n\n  Bedouin Arabs, 193\n    dance among the, 56 f.\n\n  Benihassan, inscription on tomb at, 203\n\n  Benjamites, 142\n\n  B\u0113s, 60\n\n  B\u0113sa, 61\n\n  Bethel, 38\n\n  _Bharang_, 211\n\n  Bheels, marriage dance among the, 181\n\n  Blood, flowing of during dance, 213\n\n  Bodo-priest, 27, 128\n\n  Boghazkeui, rock-inscription at, 59, 109\n\n  Bond of life, 200\n\n  Bondas, funeral dance among, 213\n\n  Bones venerated, 210\n\n  Book of the Dead, the, 11\n\n  Brahman worship, 77\n\n  Brauronian ceremonies, 68, 84\n\n  Brethren of the Ploughed Fields, 149\n\n  Bridal couples, royal state of, 29\n\n  Bride and bridegroom in a state of danger, 184\n\n  Buddha, pyre of, 201\n\n  Burial rite, dancing as a, 29 f., 42\n    customs not an innovation, 197\n    tenacity of, 197\n\n  Burials, Chinese, 201\n\n  Buriats, procession round corpse of, 201\n\n  Byblos, 116\n\n\n  Cactus, 217\n\n  Camel, processional dance round, 28, 95\n\n  Caryae, 67\n\n  Cassowary-dances, 18\n\n  Castor and Pollux, 67\n\n  Cattle increased by sacred dance, 103\n\n  _Charites_, 148\n\n  _Chela_, 133\n\n  Child mind, the, 22\n\n  Chinese burials, 201\n\n  _Chit\u00f4n_, 67\n\n  Chnomh\u00f4tep, 203\n\n  Choruses of Physcoa and Hippodamia, 124\n\n  _Chuppah_, 177\n\n  Cicero, 78\n\n  Circle-dance of men and women, 205 f.\n\n  Circle, magic, 28, 94\n\n  Circuit round sanctuary, 94\n    sacrifice, 94\n    sevenfold, 93, 94\n\n  Circuits round a corpse, 200\n\n  Circumambulation, 199\n\n  Circumambulatory procession, 100\n\n  Circumcision festivals, dancing at, 144 f.\n    of Isaac, 145\n\n  City, encirclement of, 94\n\n  Clapping of hands, 7, 52\n\n  Clement of Alexandria, 125\n\n  _Coelibaris hasta_, 181\n\n  Coins from Tralles, 69\n\n  Conibos, funeral dances among the, 212\n\n  \u201cConsecrated\u201d, 94\n\n  Consecration of warriors, 161\n\n  Corinth, golden plate from grave near, 73\n\n  Corn-Mother, 103\n\n  Corneto, 207\n\n  Corybantes, 69\n\n  Crane dance, 72\n\n  Cremation in India, 201\n\n  Cretan labyrinth, 71\n\n  Cretan legend of birth of Zeus, 69\n\n  Cretan-Mycenaean creed, 120\n\n  Crete, 70\n\n  Crops made to grow by dancing, 27, 29\n\n  _Cultus_ of ancient Arabs, 94\n\n  Custom, traditional, retained, 217\n\n  Cylinder seals, 59\n\n  Cylix of Hieron, 122\n\n  Cymbals, 7, 52\n\n  _Cypresses_, 148\n\n  Cyprus, 70\n    excavations in, 11, 98\n    inscriptions from, 59 f., 72 f., 98 f.\n\n\n  Dagon, 47\n\n  _Da\u1e25a_ dances, 144\n\n  Dakotahs, 21, 77, 83, 101, 165 f.\n    sun worship among the, 77\n\n  _D\u0101lag_, 44, 46, 47, 48\n\n  Dance accompanied by cymbals, 7\n    by hand-drums, 7\n    by singing, 7\n    by tambourine, 121, 203\n    among the Greeks, 11\n      the Israelites, 7\n      the natives of New Guinea, 1 f.\n      the uncivilized races, 8\n    and music, 7\n    and religion, 69\n    applied to processions, 100\n    as a mourning rite among the Greeks and Romans, 207 ff.\n    at funeral feasts, 207\n    at weddings as an initiatory ceremony, 188\n    ecstatic, 37 ff.\n    encircling, 37, 183, 199, 205\n    funeral, 204 ff.\n    funeral, purposes of, 204 ff.\n    Hebrew terms for, 44 ff.\n    _Hikuli_, 217 f.\n    imitative, 14\n    in honour of the army of the heavens, 69\n      of the Egyptian gods, 61\n    in semi-circle, 98\n    limping, 87, 111\n    musical accompaniment to, 51 ff.\n    never useless, 2\n    of Jewish maidens, 143\n    of maidens in the _forum_, 75\n    on graves, 29\n    orgiastic, 122\n    processional, 36\n    represented on Greek pottery, 5\n    round a sacred object, 88 ff.\n      altar, 91 f.\n      golden calf, 90\n      men disguised as familiar spirits, 214\n      slain enemies, 206\n      trees, 88\n      wells, 88\n    scaring away evil spirits, 30\n    the dead brought back by, 30\n    the dead personated in, 30\n\n  Dance-spirit, the, 153\n\n  Dancers sprinkled, 217\n\n  Dances and funeral games, 207\n    at Egyptian funerals, 203\n    at festivals among the Romans, 149 ff.\n    in celebration of victory, 40 f., 159 ff.\n    in honour of superhuman powers, 54 ff.\n      of the dead, 205 f.\n    of gods, 17\n    of the _Salii_, 150\n    performed under trees, 148\n\n  Dancing accompanied by instrumental music, 122\n    as an act of devotion, 129\n    as an expression of will, 6\n    as a mourning rite among savages, 209 ff.\n    at celebration of Eleusinian mysteries, 124\n    at circumcision festivals, 144 f.\n    at Egyptian festivals, 146\n    at feasts, 140 ff.\n    at festivals among the Baris, 153\n      Hottentots, 153 f.\n      Kai, 152\n      Kayans, 151 f.\n    at Greek festivals, 146 ff.\n    at the feast of Purim, 144\n    connected with ancestor-worship, 195\n    definitions of, 5\n    Dervishes, 115, 130, 137\n    during the making of vows, 145\n    field of, 142\n    Hebrew words for, 35 ff., 197\n    highest development of, 9\n    in honour of the dead, 203 f.\n    in honour of the moon, 153\n    magical, 171\n    modern, 6\n    modes of, 5 f.\n    of masked men and women, 148\n    priests, 150\n    religious in origin, 129\n    serious for savages, 21\n    spirit of, 130\n    to ensure a fruitful marriage, 191\n    to the point of unconsciousness, 129\n\n  Dancing-floor in Knossos, 70\n\n  Dancing-grounds, Greek, 65\n    [_See also_ Ecstatic Dance, Funeral Dance, Sacred Dance]\n\n  _Davar_, 49, 95\n\n  David, 36, 54, 162\n\n  Day of Atonement, 143\n    of Blood, 127\n\n  Dead, continued existence of the, 209\n    imitated in dance, 30\n    sacrifice for the, 213\n    the, brought back by dance, 30\n\n  _Decemviri_, 75\n\n  _Deir el-\u1e32ala_, 56\n\n  Delos, 70, 72\n\n  Delphian women dancing in honour of Dionysos, 123\n\n  Demeter, 24\n    dance in honour of, 90\n    mysteries of, 147\n\n  Departed, dance in honour of the, 198 f.\n    personating the, 214\n    spirit of, feared, 205 f.\n    wrath of, appeased by dance, 215\n\n  Dervishes, dancing, 115, 130, 137\n\n  Descent from animals, 18, 78\n\n  Development of ideas, 218\n\n  Devil dancers, 27, 128\n\n  _Dh\u0101t anw\u0101t_, 96\n\n  _Dies Sanguinis_, 127\n\n  Dinka, negro tribe in Soudan, 206\n\n  Diodorus, 124\n\n  Dionysiac ritual, 6\n\n  Dionysos, 7, 19, 21, 63, 64, 66, 120, 143, 147, 148\n    contact with through dance, 122\n    festivals, 122\n    orgies in honour of, 123\n    raving in honour of, 38\n    temple of, 124\n    under the influence of, 122\n    worship of, 120\n\n  Dioscuri, 19\n\n  Disguise of mourners, 205, 211\n\n  Divine indwelling, 26\n\n  Dog-dances, 18\n\n  Drum-beating, 2\n\n  Dutch New Guinea, funeral dance among inhabitants of, 212\n\n\n  Ecstatic dance, 32, 107 ff.\n    a means of mystic experiences, 116\n    among Greeks, 119 ff.\n      Israelite prophets, 109 ff.\n      Romans, 126\n      Syrians, 116 ff.\n      uncultured races, 128 ff.\n    contagious, 108\n    means of divine indwelling, 32\n    means of union with the deity, 108\n    not confined to early Israelite prophets, 107\n    outcome of strong religious emotion, 107\n    two forms of, 114\n\n  Ecstatic state, 27\n    means of inducing an, 39, 120\n    voice of the god during, 129\n\n  Egyptian fresco, dancing depicted on, 10\n    inscriptions, 5\n    funeral dances, 203, 204\n      procession, 203\n    temples, sacred dance depicted on doors of, 62 f.\n\n  Egyptians, mourning rite among the, 202 f.\n\n  Eleusinian mysteries, dancing at the celebration of, 124\n\n  Eleusis, 90, 124\n\n  Elagabalus, 149\n\n  Eliezer ben Hyrcanus, 143\n\n  Elijah, 113\n\n  Elis, 68\n\n  Encirclement of city, 94\n\n  Encircling dance, 199, 206\n    procession of gods, 96\n\n  _Epithalamium_, 190\n\n  E-sagila, temple of, 57\n\n  Eskimo, procession round corpse of, 201\n\n  Esquimaux, funeral dances among, 215\n\n  Eteokles, the daughters of, 148\n\n  Eternity, Feast of, 203\n\n  Etruria, sacred dance introduced from, 75\n\n  Etruscan vase, 71\n\n  Etruscans influenced by Greeks, 76\n\n  Euripides, _Bacchae_ quoted, 124\n\n  Evil eye, 188\n\n  Evil spirits, 47, 132\n    combated in dance, 204 f.\n    in vicinity of corpses, 205\n    protection against, 205\n    scared away by dance, 30\n\n  Excavations in Cyprus, 11, 70\n\n  Exegesis, Rabbinical type of, 86\n\n\n  Familiar spirits, men disguised as, 214\n\n  F\u0101tima, 211\n\n  Faunus, 150\n\n  Fear of departed spirit, 205\n\n  Feast of Eternity, 203\n    of Tabernacles, dancing during, 94\n\n  Feet, stamping of, 198\n\n  Festival, funeral, 203\n\n  Field of dancing, 142\n\n  Figures, semi-human, 147\n\n  Fire as a lustration, 99\n\n  Flute-playing as a mourning rite, 196\n\n  _Forum_, dance of maidens in the, 75\n\n  _Fratres Arvales_, 149\n\n  Funeral dance among Aaru archipelago natives, 218\n    Aborigines of N. Australia, 213\n    Ar\u0101waks, 212 f.\n    Arunta, 216\n    Bondas, 213\n    Conibos, 212\n    Dutch New Guinea natives, 212\n    Esquimaux, 215\n    Gilbert islanders, 212\n    Indian tribes of Guiana, 212\n    Maoris, 212\n    Melanesians, 212\n    N. American Indians, 213\n    Pulu islanders, 214\n    Sioux, 214\n    Sulka, 212\n    Tami islanders, 213 f.\n    Tarahumares of Mexico, 217\n    Timor islanders, 215\n\n  Funeral dances collective, 199\n    purposes of, 204 f.\n\n  Funeral festival, 203\n\n  Funeral games cannot be separated from dances, 207\n\n  Funeral procession, scenes at, 199\n\n  Funerals at night, 207\n\n\n  Gallas\u2019 dance round sacred tree, 103\n\n  Game of Troy, 69, 71, 74\n\n  Games at funerals, 207\n\n  _Geranos_, 72\n\n  Ghosts of the dead, 29\n    propitiation of, 167 ff.\n\n  Gilbert islanders, funeral dance among, 212\n\n  Gilyaks, 18\n\n  Goddesses personated, 148\n\n  Golden calf, dance round the, 90\n\n  Grave a dwelling-place, the, 208\n\n  Greek influence on the Romans, 73 f.\n    pottery, 66\n      dances represented on, 5\n    vases, 10\n\n  Greeks, dancing of the, 65\n    funeral processions among the, 207\n    national temperament of the, 76\n\n  Grotta del Trichinio, 207\n\n  _Gymnopaediae_, 68 f.\n\n\n  _\u1e24\u0101gag_, 44, 48 ff., 92\n\n  _\u1e24agg_, 49, 51, 94, 141\n\n  Halfa, 204\n\n  _\u1e24al\u00eel_, 52\n\n  Hallel, 93\n\n  _Haloa_, 147\n\n  Hand-drums, 7\n\n  _Hantu m\u0115n\u0101ri_, 130\n\n  Harmony, 53\n\n  Harp-players, 202\n\n  Harpokrates, 61\n\n  Harvest festivals, 39 f.\n    dancing at, 140 ff.\n\n  \u1e24at\u1e25or, 19, 60 f.\n\n  Head-hunters in Dutch New Guinea, 171 f.\n\n  Heavenly bodies, symbolic representation of movements of, 95\n\n  _\u1e24ebel_, 92, 108\n\n  Hebrew prophets, 33\n    terms for dancing, 44 ff., 197\n\n  Hebrews, festivals among the, 139 ff.\n    religious superiority of the, 139\n\n  Heliodorus, 117\n\n  Hell-gallop, 206\n\n  Henna-dance, 187 f.\n\n  Hera, 64\n\n  Herakles, Tyrian, 117\n\n  Hermes, 148\n\n  Herodotus, 124\n\n  Herodotus\u2019 account of Egyptian worship, 62\n\n  Hezekiah, 58\n\n  Hieron, cylix of, 122\n\n  _Hikuli_ dance, 217 f.\n\n  Hindoo Koosh, natives of, 171\n\n  Hippodamia, Chorus of, 124\n\n  Hittite inscriptions, 10, 59 f., 109\n\n  Homer, 122\n\n  Honouring the departed by dance, 30, 203 f., 209, 211\n\n  Hosea, 136\n\n  _\u1e24\u016bl_, 44\n\n  Human victim, dance round to make crops grow, 103\n\n  Husain, 211\n\n\n  Iacchus, 124\n\n  Iamblichus, theory of, 117\n\n  Ideas, development of, 218\n\n  Identification, 25\n\n  Identity, change of, 29\n\n  _I\u1e25wy_, 60\n\n  Ilabistan, wells of, 90\n\n  _Imagines_, 208\n\n  Imitation, 25\n\n  Imitative magic, 3, 4, 23, 183\n    propensity in man, 14\n\n  Indian, ancient ritual at weddings, 186\n\n  Initiation rite, 68\n\n  Inscription on tomb at Benihassan, 203\n\n  Inscriptions, dancing depicted on, 10\n    Egyptian, 5\n    from Cyprus, 65, 98 f.\n    Hittite, 10\n\n  Inspiration gained by dancing, 128\n\n  Instinct of play, 7\n\n  Irish, procession round corpse, 201\n\n  Isaac, circumcision of, 145\n\n  _Isidis Navigium_, 62\n\n  Isis, worship of, 61\n\n  Israelite prophets, 38\n\n  Israelites and the nations of antiquity, 85\n    dancing, 7\n    religious uniqueness of, sometimes exaggerated, 31 f.\n    sacred dance among the, 31 ff.\n    stage of culture of the, 8 f.\n\n  Italian god of vegetation, 27\n\n\n  Jacob, 113, 118\n\n  Jahwe, 33, 36, 38, 54, 93, 94\n    possession by spirit of, 109\n\n  Jephthah, 141, 162\n\n  Jewish custom, post-biblical, 9\n    maidens, dance of, 143\n\n  Jews, Ashkenazic, 198\n    of post-biblical times, marriage dance among the, 181 f.\n    of the Caucasus, marriage dance among the, 183\n    Sephardic, 198\n\n  _Juno Regina_, 74\n\n\n  _Kaaba_, 49, 95, 115\n\n  _Kailang N\u0101g_, 133\n\n  Kamtchatka, 18\n\n  Kangaroo-dances, 18\n\n  Kayans of Sar\u0101wak, 28, 102, 106\n\n  _\u1e32azir_, 140\n\n  Kazwini, 90\n\n  Killing a god in animal form, 165\n\n  King\u2019s week, 178\n\n  _Kinn\u00f4r_, 52\n\n  Knossos, dancing-floor in, 70\n\n  Kol tribes of Chota Nagpur, 210\n\n  Kore, 147\n\n  Korybantes, 121\n\n  Kouretes, 125\n\n  K\u00fbkub\u00fbry, 116\n\n  _Kumb\u00e2z_, 180\n\n  Kybele, 121, 126, 127\n\n  Kybele-_temenos_, 99\n\n\n  Labyrinth, 27, 69 f.\n\n  Lacedaemonians, 67, 163\n\n  Laconia, 67\n\n  Lameness simulated in dance, 111 f.\n\n  Lares, 149\n\n  Latona, 68, 69\n\n  Lattuka, negro tribe in Soudan, 205 f.\n\n  Law, the, 32\n\n  Leaping high to make crops grow, 150\n    over threshold, 47\n\n  Leukosia, 98\n\n  Limping dance, 87\n    at sunrise, 113\n    of Syrian origin, 114\n    step, 38, 51\n\n  Lucian, 96, 147\n    on dancing, 64\n\n  _Lupercalia_, 101, 149 f.\n\n  _Luperci_, 101\n\n  Lustration by air, 99\n    by fire, 99\n\n  Lycosura, 147\n\n  Lycurgus, the son of, 201\n\n\n  Madagascar, ancient natives of, 170\n\n  Madonna and Child, 23\n\n  Maenads, 11, 121 ff., 125\n\n  Magic and religion, 41\n    circle, 28, 94\n      to keep in angry spirits, 206\n    dance, 160, 171\n    imitative, 3, 23, 28, 183\n    sympathetic, 24, 28\n    vegetation, 149\n\n  Magna Mater, 126\n\n  Maidens\u2019 chorus, 66\n\n  Makarak\u00e2, negro tribe in Soudan, 206\n\n  Malayans, wedding dance among the, 186\n\n  _Malb\u00fbs_, 116\n\n  Mana, conception of, 3, 17\n\n  Mandan Indians, dancing among the, 189\n\n  Maoris, funeral dance among the, 212\n    war dance among the, 130\n\n  Maquarri dance, 212\n\n  Marduk, 57\n\n  Marq\u00f4d, Baal, 81\n\n  Marriage by capture, 180\n    fruitful, by means of dance, 1, 191\n    procession, 178, 186\n    rite, 28\n    state, dangers on entering, 28 f.\n\n  Mars, 149\n\n  Masked men and women, dancing, 148\n\n  Masks, 151 f., 208\n\n  May day, 47\n\n  May-pole, 103, 172\n\n  _Mazz\u00f4th_, 140\n\n  Medicine women, 130\n\n  Melanesians of British New Guinea, funeral dance among, 212\n\n  Mephibosheth, 111\n\n  Messenians, 67\n\n  Mexican Indians, beliefs of, 84\n\n  Michal, 54\n\n  Mindanao, 103\n\n  Minerva, 150\n\n  Minotaur, 71 f.\n\n  Miriam, 161\n\n  Mizpah, 141\n\n  Moon-worshippers, 153\n\n  Mopsus, 201\n\n  _Mormodellick_, 79\n\n  Morning Star, worship of, 95\n\n  Moroccans, wedding rite among the, 184, 186, 190\n\n  Mosaic legislation, 34\n\n  Mother and son, 125\n\n  Mourners disguised, 205\n\n  Mourning rite, dancing as a, why not mentioned in O.T., 194 f.\n\n  Mouth-pieces of the deity, 129\n\n  Movement, 14\n\n  _Muharram_ festival, 211\n\n  Music and dance, 7\n\n  Musical accompaniment to dancing, 51 ff.\n\n  _Muzzay\u00een_, 144 f.\n\n  Mycenae, 99\n\n  Myrtle-boughs, 182\n\n  _Mystae_, 123\n\n  Mysteries of Demeter, 147\n\n  Mystery, 14, 17\n\n\n  Naioth, 108\n\n  Nature-magic, 120\n\n  _Nebboot_, 204\n\n  _N\u0113bel_, 52\n\n  N\u0115gr\u0101n, date-palm at, worshipped annually, 97\n\n  New Guinea, belief of natives of, 1 f.\n\n  Nilus, 89, 95\n\n  _Nobiles_, Roman, funeral procession of, 208\n\n  North American Indians, dancing among the, 129\n\n  No\u1e63airis, festival of St Barbe among the, 97\n\n\n  Oak, dance round sacred, 103\n\n  Objects of dance coalesce, 20 f.\n\n  Oceania, aborigines of, 129\n\n  Old Testament, dancing spoken of in, 8 f.\n\n  Olympian dance, 98\n\n  Onkelos, Targum of, 141\n\n  Orgiastic dance, 122\n    dance of priests, 126 f.\n    frenzy, 112\n\n  Oriental influence on the Romans, 74\n\n  Origin of sacred dance, 13 ff.\n\n  Original object of wedding dances, 185\n\n  _Ork\u0113sis I\u014dnik\u0113_, 68\n\n  Orphic mysteries, 125\n\n  Osiris, king deified as, 146\n\n\n  Palatine hill, running round, 150\n\n  Palestine, peasants of, 145\n\n  Pan, 63, 124, 150\n\n  Pan\u2019s-pipe, 52\n\n  _Panathenaia_, 64\n\n  Panopeus, 122\n\n  Parnassos, 66, 123\n\n  _P\u0101sa\u1e25_, 44, 50 f.\n\n  _Pas\u00e2\u1e25u_, 50\n\n  Patroclus, 201\n\n  Pausanias quoted, 67, 69, 122, 123, 124, 163\n\n  Pektides, 117\n\n  Peniel, 113, 118\n\n  Perambulation, ritual, 95\n\n  Persephone, 24, 147\n\n  Persian custom of leaping over threshold, 47\n\n  Personating the dead, 30, 214\n\n  Personation, 25, 148\n\n  Philochorus, 147\n\n  Philosophy, savage, 218\n\n  Phrygia, goddess of, 121\n\n  Physcoa, chorus of, 124\n\n  Pigs, sacrifice of, 102\n\n  Pindar, Pythian Ode quoted, 124\n\n  Pine-cone, 121\n\n  Pisistratus, 64\n\n  Play, human instinct of, 7\n\n  Pleiades, worship of, 79\n\n  Plutarch, 143\n\n  Polynesian dancing, 20\n\n  Pompeii, mosaic at, 71\n\n  _Porta Carmentalis_, 74\n\n  Poseidon, month of, 147\n\n  Possession, 122, 128\n    by spirit of Jahwe, 109\n\n  Pottery, Greek, 68\n\n  Powers, supernatural, 3\n\n  Priests, dancing, 150\n    orgiastic dance of, 126\n\n  Procession, circumambulatory, among the Romans, 100\n    form of dance, 100\n    funeral, 199, 202\n    round altar, 94\n      corpse, 199\n    sacred, 150\n\n  Processional dance, 36, 54 ff.\n    a normal mode of worship, 81\n    round camel, 28\n\n  Prophets, band of, 108\n    Hebrew, 33, 38\n    Israelite, ecstatic dance among the, 109 ff.\n    of Baal, 38\n    Syrian, 39\n    the, 32\n\n  Propitiation of ghosts, 167 ff.\n\n  Ptah, 146\n\n  Pulu islanders, funeral dance among, 214\n\n  Purim, feast of, dancing at the, 144\n\n  Pyre, festival of the, 96\n    threefold procession round, 201\n\n  Pyrrhic Dance, 19, 64, 69\n\n  Pythaean Apollo, 69\n\n  Pythian Ode quoted, 124\n\n\n  Q\u0101sim, 211\n\n\n  Rain charm, 157 f.\n\n  _Rak\u00e2du_, 81\n\n  _Ra\u1e33\u1e63_, 6\n\n  _Ra\u1e33\u1e63a_ dance, 202\n\n  Ramah, 108\n\n  _Raqa\u02bf_, 198\n\n  _R\u0101qad_, 199\n\n  Raving in honour of Dionysos, 33\n\n  _Raymi_, 129\n\n  Reasoning of savages, 15\n\n  Religion and magic, 41\n    connexion of dance with, 69\n\n  Religious customs, persistency of, 31\n    ideas, modification of, 196\n    uniqueness of Israelites exaggerated, 31 f.\n\n  Rhythm, 6 f.\n\n  Rhythmic instinct, 7\n\n  Rite, original meaning of forgotten, 200\n\n  Rites, intermingling of, 217\n\n  Romans, ecstatic dance among, 126\n    funeral processions among, 207 f.\n    influenced by oriental cults, 127\n    national temperament of the, 76\n    sacred dancing among the, 73 ff.\n\n  Roro-speaking tribes of New Guinea, 168 f.\n\n  Royal state of bridal couples, 29\n\n  Royalty of bridal pair, 184\n\n  Running round newly born infants, 99\n\n  Russian Tapps, procession round corpse of, 201\n\n\n  _S\u0101bab_, 44, 46, 92, 93\n\n  Sacred Dance a means of bringing back the dead, 214\n    a means of a fruitful marriage, 29\n      of obtaining food, 1, 4, 29, 103, 131\n    aiding the sun to run his course, 27\n    among Assyrians, 6\n      Bedouin Arabs, 6 f., 144\n      Greeks, 63 ff., 97 ff., 119 ff., 146 ff., 207 ff.\n      Jews of all periods, 184\n      Romans, 73 ff., 100 f., 119 ff., 149 ff.\n      Semites, 31 ff., 54 ff., 88 ff., 107 ff., 140 ff., 159 ff.\n      uncultured races, 77 ff., 101 ff., 128 ff., 151 ff., 167 ff., 184\n        ff., 209 ff.\n    appeasing wrath of departed, 214 f.\n    as a marriage rite, 1, 28 f., 41 f., 177 ff.\n    as a mourning and burial rite, 29 f., 42, 194 ff.\n    assisting warriors in battle, 28, 167 ff.\n    contagious, 38\n    departed personated in, 214\n    for magical purposes, 103, 148, 151\n    ghost of deceased driven away by, 217 f.\n    in honour of supernatural powers, 22, 209, 218\n    in the Old Testament, 8 f., 33 ff., 89, 107 ff., 140 ff.\n    introduced in Rome from Etruria, 75\n    led by Theseus, 70\n    many forms included under, 6, 35 f.\n    objects of the, 3, 19 ff.\n    origin of the, 13 ff.\n    round tree, 99\n    sources of information regarding the, 9 ff.\n    taught by animals, 18\n    unconsciousness brought about by the, 25\n    union brought about with god by the, 24, 32\n\n  Sacrifice, circuit round, 94\n    of pigs, 102\n\n  Sacrificial victim, 24\n\n  St Barbe, 97\n\n  St Paul, 32\n\n  _Salii_, the, 27, 150\n\n  Sanctuaries, limping dance performed at, 111\n\n  Sanctuary, circuit round, 94\n\n  Sar\u0101wak, Kayans of, 28, 102\n\n  Satan dancing, 46\n\n  Saturn, 150\n\n  Satyrs, 64, 208\n\n  Saul among the prophets, 109 f.\n\n  _Sed_ festival, 146\n\n  Self-laceration, 38\n\n  Sennacherib, 58\n\n  Sephardic Jews, 198, 199 f.\n    burial of, 200\n\n  Serpent worship, 133\n\n  Seven circuits round a corpse, 200\n\n  Sevenfold circuit, 93 f.\n\n  _Shabu\u00f4th_, 140\n\n  Shaman, 128\n\n  Shiloh, 142\n\n  \u201cShowing off\u201d, 22 f.\n\n  _Sicinnis_, 64\n\n  _Sileni_, 208\n\n  Siloam, 157\n\n  Sinaitic Peninsula, Arabs of the, 95\n\n  Singers and dancers at funerals, 202\n\n  Sioux, funeral dances among, 214\n    Indians, 102\n\n  Sisera, 163\n\n  _Sistrum_, 52, 60\n\n  \u201cSixteen Women,\u201d the, 124\n\n  _Sk\u0113n\u0113_, 147\n\n  Speech, laudatory at burials, 198\n\n  Spirit of dancing, possessed by, 130\n    of the departed kept in grave, 216\n    indwelling, 16\n\n  Spirits of fertility represented by masked men, 152\n\n  Stamping of feet, 198\n\n  Statius, 201\n\n  Statue of the departed, 203\n\n  Step, limping, 38, 51\n\n  Stringed instruments, 52\n\n  _Sukkah_, reference to, 94\n\n  _Sukk\u00f4th_, 140\n\n  Sulka, of New Britain, funeral dance among, 212\n\n  Sun aided to run its course by dancing, 27\n\n  _Sungal_, 134\n\n  Supernatural powers, 3\n    imitated in dance, 15\n    sense of the, 17\n    the, 13\n\n  Sword dance, 28, 180, 186, 188\n\n  Symmachus, 126\n\n  Sympathetic magic, 24, 28\n\n  Syrian goddess, 118\n    desert, Bedouin Arabs of the, 81\n    peasants, weddings among the, 178 ff.\n    prophets, 39\n\n  Syrians, ecstatic dance among, 116 ff.\n\n\n  Tabari, ancient Arabian historian, 97\n\n  Tabernacles, feast of, 94, 141, 143, 157 f.\n\n  Taboo, 104, 174 f.\n\n  Talmudic period, 198\n\n  Tambourine accompanying dance, 121, 203\n\n  Tami islanders, funeral dance among, 213 f.\n\n  _\u1e6caphaz_, 142\n\n  Tarahumares, funeral dance among, 217\n\n  Targum, 46\n\n  Targum of Onkelos, 141\n\n  Tarphon, Rabbi, 182\n\n  _\u1e6caw\u00e2f_, 95\n\n  Temple worship, 58\n\n  Terence quoted, 12\n\n  _Thargelia_, 148\n\n  _The Golden Ass_ quoted, 118 f.\n\n  Theocritus, 190\n\n  Theseus leading the sacred dance, 70\n\n  _Thesmophoria_, 148\n\n  Thompson Indians of British Columbia, 170\n\n  Threefold procession round pyre, 201\n\n  Threshing-floor, 147, 179\n\n  Threshold, 47\n\n  Thyia, first priestess of Dionysos, 121\n\n  Thyiads, 21, 121 ff.\n\n  _Thyrsus_, 121, 143\n\n  Timagani Indians, 102\n\n  Timor, inhabitants of, 167 f.\n    island, inhabitants of, funeral dances among, 215\n\n  Tinnevelly, 132\n\n  Titans, 125\n\n  _Tith\u0113nidia_, 66\n\n  Tom-tom, 7, 52\n\n  _T\u00f4ph_, 52, 55\n\n  Torch dance, 143\n\n  Torres Straits, 214\n\n  Tragliatella, 71\n\n  Tree, dance round to make crops grow, 103\n    for hanging things on, 96\n\n  Tree-spirits, 106\n\n  Trees, dance round, 88, 99\n    dancing performed under, 148\n\n  Troy, game of, 69, 71, 74\n\n  Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast, 128\n\n\n  _\u02bfUg\u00e2b_, 52\n\n  Unconsciousness brought about by dance, 25\n    dancing to the point of, 129\n\n  Uniformity in mythology, 2\n    in ritual, 2\n\n  Union brought about by dance, 24\n\n\n  Vedda, 128\n\n  Vedic worship, 77\n\n  Vegetation magic, 120, 149\n\n  Victory dances, 40 f.\n\n  Vine-leaves, 121\n\n  Vintage festivals, 39 f.\n    dancing at, 140 ff.\n\n  Visions due to over-wrought state, 122\n\n  Vows, dancing during performance of making, 145\n\n\n  Walpurgis night, 47\n\n  Wand, curved, used during funeral dance, 203\n\n  Warriors dancing, 71\n\n  _Wazara_, 184\n\n  Wedding ceremony, dancing at, 41 f.\n\n  Wedding-feast, 177\n\n  Well of Fair Dances, 90\n\n  Well, song of the, 89\n\n  Wells, dance round, 88\n\n  Wen-Amon, 116\n\n  Wends\u2019 dance round sacred oak, 103\n\n  Women under the influence of Dionysos, 122\n\n  Women, Bacchanalian assemblies of, 124\n\n\n  Xanthias, 123\n\n  _Xulophoria_, 144\n\n\n  Yuki tribes of California, 170 f.\n\n\n  _Z\u0113la\u02bf_, 114\n\n  Zeus, 19, 64, 69\n\n  Ziklag, 48\n\n\n         CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY W. LEWIS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS","title":"The sacred dance : $b A study in comparative folklore","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":71225}