{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_74335/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_74335","id":"gutenberg_74335","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/74335","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - American","Category: History - Religious","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Dakota Indians -- Wars, 1890-1891","Ghost dance"],"text":"FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT\n OF THE\n BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY\n TO THE\n SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION\n\n 1892\u201393\n\n BY\n\n J. W. POWELL\n DIRECTOR\n\n PART 2\n\n [Illustration]\n\n WASHINGTON\n GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE\n 1896\n\n\n\n\n THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION\n AND THE\n SIOUX OUTBREAK OF 1890\n\n BY\n\n JAMES MOONEY\n\n\n\n\n Say, shall not I at last attain\n Some height, from whence the Past is clear,\n In whose immortal atmosphere\n I shall behold my dead again?\n _Bayard Taylor._\n\n For the fires grow cold and the dances fail,\n And the songs in their echoes die;\n And what have we left but the graves beneath,\n And, above, the waiting sky?\n _The Song of the Ancient People._\n\n My Father, have pity on me!\n I have nothing to eat,\n I am dying of thirst\u2014\n Everything is gone!\n _Arapaho Ghost Song._\n\n\n\n\n CONTENTS\n\n\n Page\n\nIntroduction 653\n\nThe narrative 657\n\n Chapter I\u2014Paradise lost 657\n\n II\u2014The Delaware prophet and Pontiac 662\n\n III\u2014Tenskwatawa the Shawano prophet 670\n\n IV\u2014Tecumtha and Tippecanoe 681\n\n V\u2014K\u00e4nak\u00fbk and minor prophets 692\n\n K\u00e4nak\u00fbk 692\n\n Pa\u2032th\u0115sk\u0115 700\n\n T\u00e4\u2032vibo 701\n\n Nakai\u2032-dokl\u012d\u2032ni 704\n\n The Potawatomi prophet 705\n\n Cheez-tah-paezh the Sword-bearer 706\n\n VI\u2014The Smohalla religion of the Columbia region 708\n\n Smohalla 708\n\n Joseph and the Nez Perc\u00e9 war 711\n\n VII\u2014Smohalla and his doctrine 716\n\n VIII\u2014The Shakers of Puget sound 746\n\n IX\u2014Wovoka the messiah 764\n\n X\u2014The doctrine of the Ghost dance 777\n\n Appendix:\n\n The Mormons and the Indians 792\n\n Porcupine\u2019s account of the messiah 793\n\n The Ghost dance among the Sioux 796\n\n Selwyn\u2019s interview with Kuwapi 798\n\n XI\u2014The Ghost dance west of the Rockies 802\n\n XII\u2014The Ghost dance east of the Rockies\u2014among the Sioux 816\n\n Appendix: Causes of the outbreak 829\n\n Commissioner Morgan\u2019s statement 829\n\n Ex-Agent McGillycuddy\u2019s statement 831\n\n Statement of General Miles 833\n\n Report of Captain Hurst 836\n\n Statement of American Horse 839\n\n Statement of Bishop Hare 840\n\n XIII\u2014The Sioux outbreak\u2014Sitting Bull and Wounded Knee 843\n\n Appendix: The Indian story of Wounded Knee 884\n\n XIV\u2014Close of the outbreak\u2014The Ghost dance in the south 887\n\n XV\u2014The ceremony of the Ghost dance 915\n\n Among the northern Cheyenne 915\n\n Among the Sioux 915\n\n Song rehearsals 918\n\n Preparations for the dance 918\n\n Giving the feather 919\n\n The painting of the dancers 919\n\n The ceremony 920\n\n The crow dance 921\n\n The hypnotic process 922\n\n The area covered by the dance 926\n\n Present condition of the dance 927\n\n XVI\u2014Parallels in other systems 928\n\n The Biblical period 928\n\n Mohammedanism 930\n\n Joan of Arc 932\n\n Dance of Saint John 935\n\n The Flagellants 935\n\n Ranters, Quakers, and Fifth-Monarchy men 936\n\n French prophets 938\n\n Jumpers 939\n\n Methodists 939\n\n Shakers 941\n\n Kentucky revival 942\n\n Adventists 944\n\n Other parallels 945\n\n Beekmanites 945\n\n Patterson and Brown\u2019s mission 946\n\n Wilderness worshipers 946\n\n Heavenly recruits 947\n\n Appendix: Hypnotism and the dance among the Dervishes 948\n\nThe songs 953\n\n Introductory 953\n\n The Arapaho 953\n\n Tribal synonymy 953\n\n Tribal signs 954\n\n Sketch of the tribe 954\n\n Songs of the Arapaho 958\n\n 1. Opening song: _Eyehe\u2032! n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na_\u2014O, my children! 958\n\n 2. _S\u0115\u2032icha\u2032 hei\u2032ta\u2032wuni\u2032na_\u2014The sacred pipe tells me 959\n\n 3. _Ate\u2032b\u0115 ti\u0103wu\u2032n\u0103nu\u2032_\u2014When at first I liked the whites 961\n\n 4. _A\u2032b\u00e4\u2032ni\u2032hi\u2032_\u2014My partner 962\n\n 5. _A\u2032-nis\u00fbna\u2032a\u2032hu_\u2014My father 962\n\n 6. _E\u2032yehe\u2032! W\u00fb\u2032nayu\u2032uhu\u2032\u2014E\u2032yehe\u2032!_\u2014They are new 963\n\n 7. _Hi\u2032s\u00e4hi\u2032hi_\u2014My partner! My partner 964\n\n 8. _\u00c4\u2032-nani\u2032ni\u2032bi\u2032n\u00e4\u2032si waku\u2032na_\u2014The wind makes the\n head-feathers sing 965\n\n 9. _He\u2032! N\u00e4ne\u2032th bi\u2032shiqa\u2032w\u0103_\u2014When I met him approaching 965\n\n 10. _H\u00e4na\u2032na\u2032wun\u0103nu_\u2014I take pity on those 966\n\n 11. _A-ni\u2032qu wa\u2032wan\u00e4\u2032nib\u00e4\u2032tia\u2032_\u2014Father, now I am singing it 966\n\n 12. _Ha\u2032yana\u2032-usi\u2032ya\u2032_\u2014How bright is the moonlight! 966\n\n 13. _Ha\u2032ti ni\u2032b\u00e4t_\u2014The cottonwood song 967\n\n 14. _Eyehe\u2032! A\u2032nie\u2032sa\u2032na\u2032_\u2014The young Thunderbirds 968\n\n 15. _A\u2032he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini n\u0103ya\u2032q\u00fbti\u2032hi_\u2014Our father, the Whirlwind 970\n\n 16. _A\u2032he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini n\u0103ya\u2032q\u00fbti\u2032_\u2014Our father, the Whirlwind 970\n\n 17. _Nina\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032na_\u2014I circle around 970\n\n 18. _Ha\u2032nahawu\u2032n\u0115n b\u0115ni\u2032ni\u2032na_\u2014The _Hanahawun\u0115n_ gave it to me 971\n\n 19. _Ate\u2032be\u2032 tana\u2032-ise\u2032ti_\u2014When first our father came 971\n\n 20. _A-ni\u2032\u00e4n\u0115\u2032th\u0103hi\u2032nani\u2032na_\u2014My father did not recognize me 972\n\n 21. _Ni\u2032-athu\u2032-a-u\u2032 \u0103\u2032hak\u00e4\u2032nith\u2032i\u012d_\u2014The whites are crazy 972\n\n 22. _Na\u2032ha\u2032ta bi\u2032taa\u2032wu_\u2014The earth is about to move 973\n\n 23. _Ahe\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini \u00e4chiqa\u2032h\u0103\u2032wa-\u016d\u2032_\u2014I am looking at my father 973\n\n 24. _Ha\u2032\u0103nake\u2032i_\u2014The rock 973\n\n 25. _Wa\u2032wa\u2032na\u2032dan\u00e4\u2032di\u0103\u2032_\u2014I am about to hum 974\n\n 26. _A-te\u2032b\u0115 dii\u2032n\u0115tita\u2032ni\u0115g_\u2014At the beginning of existence 975\n\n 27. _Tahu\u2032na\u2032\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032nia\u2032huna_\u2014It is I who make the thunder 976\n\n 28. _Ani\u2032qu ne\u2032chawu\u2032nani\u2032_\u2014Father, have pity on me 977\n\n 29. _A-ni\u2032niha\u2032niahu\u2032na_\u2014I fly around yellow 977\n\n 30. _Niha\u2032nata\u2032yeche\u2032ti_\u2014The yellow hide 978\n\n 31. _A-b\u00e4\u00e4\u2032thina\u2032hu_\u2014The cedar tree 978\n\n 32. _Wa\u2032wa n\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naku\u2032ti_\u2014Now I am waving an eagle feather 979\n\n 33. _A-ni\u2032qana\u2032ga_\u2014There is a solitary bull 980\n\n 34. _A-n\u0115\u00e4\u2032thibiw\u0103\u2032han\u0103_\u2014The place where crying begins 981\n\n 35. _Thi\u2032\u00e4ya\u2032 he\u2032n\u0103\u0103\u2032aw\u0103_\u2014When I see the _thi\u2032\u00e4ya_ 981\n\n 36. _A-hu\u2032hu ha\u2032geni\u2032sti\u2032ti_\u2014The crow is making a road 982\n\n 37. _Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu hu\u2032hu\u2032_\u2014The crow brought the earth 983\n\n 38. _Ni\u2032nini\u2032tubi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032_ (I)\u2014The crow has called me 983\n\n 39. _N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naa\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032_ (I)\u2014The crow is circling\n above me 984\n\n 40. _I\u2032yu h\u00e4\u2032th\u00e4b\u0115\u2032nawa\u2032_\u2014Here it is, I hand it to you 984\n\n 41. _Ha\u2032na\u011b\u2032hi ya\u2032ga\u2032ahi\u2032na_\u2014Little boy, the coyote gun 984\n\n 42. _He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032 na\u2032nahatha\u2032hi_\u2014The father showed me 985\n\n 43. _N\u00e4nisa\u2032t\u0103qu\u2032thi Ch\u012dnachi\u2032chib\u00e4\u2032iha\u2032_\u2014The seven venerable\n priests 986\n\n 44. _N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032t\u0103qi Ch\u012d\u2032n\u0103chi\u2032chib\u00e4\u2032iha\u2032_\u2014The seven venerable\n priests 990\n\n 45. _N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naa\u2032tani\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032_ (II) 990\n\n 46. _Na\u2032t\u0103nu\u2032ya ch\u0115\u2032bi\u2032nh_\u2014The pemmican that I am using 991\n\n 47. _H\u00e4\u012d\u2032nawa\u2032 h\u00e4\u2032ni\u2032ta\u2032quna\u2032ni_\u2014I know, in the pitfall 991\n\n 48. _B\u00e4\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032nina\u2032t\u00e4 ni\u2032tab\u00e4\u2032na_\u2014I hear everything 993\n\n 49. _A-b\u00e4\u2032qati\u2032 h\u00e4\u2032nich\u00e4\u2032bi\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032na_\u2014With the wheel I am\n gambling 994\n\n 50. _Ani\u2032\u00e4sa\u2032kua\u2032na_\u2014I am watching 995\n\n 51. _Ni\u2032ch\u012b\u2032\u0103 i\u2032theti\u2032hi_\u2014(There) is a good river 995\n\n 52. _Ni\u2032nini\u2032tubi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032_ (II) 996\n\n 53. _Anih\u00e4\u2032ya atani\u2032t\u0103\u2032nu\u2032nawa\u2032_\u2014I use the yellow (paint) 997\n\n 54. _Ni\u2032na\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032tawa bi\u2032taa\u2032wu_\u2014I am flying about the earth 997\n\n 55. _I\u2032nita\u2032ta\u2032-us\u00e4\u2032na_\u2014Stand ready 998\n\n 56. _Wa\u2032w\u00e4th\u00e4\u2032bi_\u2014I have given you magpie feathers 998\n\n 57. _Ani\u2032qa h\u0115\u2032tabi\u2032nuhu\u2032ni\u2032na_\u2014My father, I am poor 999\n\n 58. _N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032taqu\u2032thi hu\u2032na_\u2014The seven crows 999\n\n 59. _Ahu\u2032n\u00e4 he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn_\u2014There is our father 1000\n\n 60. _Ga\u2032awa\u2032hu_\u2014The ball, the ball 1000\n\n 61. _Ahu\u2032 ni\u2032higa\u2032hu_\u2014The Crow is running 1000\n\n 62. _Ya\u2032th\u00e4-y\u00fb\u2032na_\u2014He put me in five places 1001\n\n 63. _Ni\u2032na\u00e4\u2032qa\u2032wa chib\u00e4\u2032ti_\u2014I am going around the\n sweat-house 1001\n\n 64. _Hise\u2032hi_\u2014My comrade 1002\n\n 65. _Na\u2032tu\u2032wani\u2032sa_\u2014My top, my top 1005\n\n 66. _He\u2032n\u00e4\u2032ga\u2032nawa\u2032nen_\u2014When we dance until daylight 1006\n\n 67. _Ni\u2032n\u00e4\u2032nina\u2032ti\u2032naku\u2032ni\u2032na_\u2014I wear the morning star 1006\n\n 68. _A-ne\u2032na\u2032 tabi\u2032ni\u2032na_\u2014My mother gave it to me 1007\n\n 69. _Y\u012d\u2032h\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032h\u012d\u2032_\u2014Gambling song (Paiute gambling songs) 1008\n\n 70. _Ni\u2032qa-hu\u2032hu\u2032_\u2014My father, my father 1010\n\n 71. _A\u2032hu\u2032nawu\u2032hu\u2032_\u2014With red paint 1010\n\n 72. _Ani\u2032qa naga\u2032qu_\u2014Father, the Morning Star 1010\n\n 73. _Ahu\u2032yu h\u00e4thi\u2032na_\u2014Closing song 1011\n\n Arapaho glossary 1012\n\n The Cheyenne 1023\n\n Tribal synonymy 1023\n\n Tribal sign 1024\n\n Sketch of the tribe 1024\n\n Songs of the Cheyenne 1028\n\n 1. _O\u2032t\u00e4 n\u00e4\u2032nis\u012d\u2032n\u00e4sists_\u2014Well, my children 1028\n\n 2. _Eh\u00e4\u2032n esho\u2032ini\u2032_\u2014Our father has come 1028\n\n 3. _N\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032n\u00e4s\u012d\u2032stsihi\u2032_\u2014My children 1029\n\n 4. _N\u00e4\u2032see\u2032nehe\u2032 ehe\u2032yowo\u2032mi_\u2014I waded into the yellow river 1030\n\n 5. _Wosi\u2032v\u00e4-\u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032_\u2014The mountain is circling 1030\n\n 6. _Ni\u2032ha-i\u2032hi\u2032hi\u2032_\u2014My father, I come 1031\n\n 7. _Hi\u2032awu\u2032hi_\u2014We have put the devil aside 1031\n\n 8. _Ni\u2032ha e\u2032yehe\u2032!_\u2014My father, my father 1031\n\n 9. _\u00c4\u2032min\u00fb\u2032qi_\u2014My comrade 1032\n\n 10. _He\u2032stutu\u2032ai_\u2014The buffalo head 1032\n\n 11. _N\u00e4\u2032mio\u2032ts_\u2014I am coming in sight 1034\n\n 12. _A\u2032gachi\u2032hi_\u2014The crow is circling 1034\n\n 13. _N\u00e4\u2032nise\u2032n\u00e4s\u0115\u2032stse_\u2014My children, I am now humming 1034\n\n 14. _Ogo\u2032ch ehe\u2032eye\u2032!_\u2014The crow, the crow 1035\n\n 15. _Ts\u012dso\u2032soyo\u2032ts\u012dto\u2032ho_\u2014While I was going about 1035\n\n 16. _Ni\u2032ha e\u2032yehe\u2032e\u2032yeye\u2032!_\u2014My father, my father 1036\n\n 17. _A\u2032ga\u2032ch ehe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\u2014The crow, the crow 1037\n\n 18. _N\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032n\u00e4s\u012d\u2032stsi he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\u2014My children, my children 1037\n\n 19. _A\u2032guga-ihi_\u2014The crow woman 1038\n\n Cheyenne glossary 1039\n\n The Comanche 1043\n\n Tribal synonymy 1043\n\n Tribal sign 1043\n\n Sketch of the tribe 1043\n\n Songs of the Comanche 1046\n\n 1. _Heyo\u2032h\u00e4n\u00e4 h\u00e4e\u2032yo_ 1046\n\n 2. _Ya\u2032hi\u2032y\u00fb\u2032niva\u2032hu_ 1047\n\n 3. _Yani\u2032tsini\u2032hawa\u2032na_ 1047\n\n 4. _Ni\u2032nini\u2032tuwi\u2032na_ 1047\n\n The Paiute, Washo, and Pit River tribes 1048\n\n Paiute tribal synonymy 1048\n\n Sketch of the Paiute 1048\n\n Characteristics 1048\n\n Genesis myth 1050\n\n The Washo 1051\n\n The Pit River Indians 1052\n\n Songs of the Paiute 1052\n\n 1. _N\u00fcv\u00e4 ka ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032_\u2014The snow lies there 1052\n\n 2. _D\u0115na\u2032 gayo\u2032n_\u2014A slender antelope 1053\n\n 3. _Do t\u012d\u2032mbi_\u2014The black rock 1053\n\n 4. _P\u00e4s\u00fc\u2032 w\u012d\u2032nogh\u00e4n_\u2014The wind stirs the willows 1053\n\n 5. _P\u00e4g\u00fc\u2032n\u00e4v\u00e4\u2032_\u2014Fog! Fog! 1054\n\n 6. _W\u00fbmb\u012d\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032n_\u2014The whirlwind 1054\n\n 7. _Kosi\u2032 w\u00fbmbi\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032_\u2014There is dust from the whirlwind 1054\n\n 8. _Dombi\u2032na so\u2032wina\u2032_\u2014The rocks are ringing 1055\n\n 9. _S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4 ro\u2032yonji\u2032_\u2014The cottonwoods are growing tall 1055\n\n Paiute glossary 1056\n\n The Sioux 1057\n\n Tribal synonymy 1057\n\n Tribal sign 1057\n\n Sketch of the tribe 1058\n\n Songs of the Sioux 1061\n\n 1. Opening song: _A\u2032te he\u2032ye e\u2032yayo_\u2014The father says so 1061\n\n 2. _Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi na\u00f1pe_\u2014My son, let me grasp your hand 1061\n\n 3. _He tuwe\u2032cha he_\u2014Who think you comes there? 1064\n\n 4. _Wana\u2032ya\u00f1 ma\u2032niye_\u2014Now he is walking 1064\n\n 5. _Lechel miyo\u2032qa\u00f1-kte_\u2014This is to be my work 1065\n\n 6. _Michinkshi\u2032yi tewa\u2032qila che_\u2014I love my children 1065\n\n 7. _Mila ki\u00f1 hiyu\u2032michi\u2032chiyana_\u2014Give me my knife 1065\n\n 8. _Le he\u2032yahe\u2032_\u2014This one says 1068\n\n 9. _Niya\u2032te-ye\u2032 he\u2032u\u2032we_\u2014It is your father coming 1068\n\n 10. _Miyo\u2032qa\u00f1 ki\u00f1 wa\u00f1la\u2032ki_\u2014You see what I can do 1068\n\n 11. _Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi mita\u2032waye_\u2014It is my own child 1069\n\n 12. _A\u2032te he\u2032 u-we_\u2014There is the father coming 1069\n\n 13. _Wa\u2032sna wa\u2032ti\u00f1-kta_\u2014I shall eat pemmican 1069\n\n 14. _A\u2032te lena ma\u2032qu-we_\u2014The father gave us these 1069\n\n 15. _Ina\u2032 he\u2032kuwo\u2032_\u2014Mother, come home 1070\n\n 16. _Wa\u2032na wanasa\u2032pi-kta_\u2014Now they are about to chase the\n buffalo 1070\n\n 17. _He! kii\u2032\u00f1ya\u00f1ka a\u2032gali\u2032-ye_\u2014He! They have come back\n racing 1071\n\n 18. _M\u012b\u2032ye wa\u00f1ma\u2032ya\u00f1ka-yo!_\u2014Look at me! 1071\n\n 19. _Maka\u2032 sito\u2032maniya\u00f1_\u2014The whole world is coming 1072\n\n 20. _Le\u2032na wa\u2032ka\u00f1_\u2014These sacred things 1072\n\n 21. _Miyo\u2032qa\u00f1 ki\u00f1 chichu\u2032-che_\u2014I have given you my strength 1072\n\n 22. _Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi take\u2032na_\u2014My child, come this way 1073\n\n 23. _Wana wich\u0115\u2032shka_\u2014Now set up the tipi 1073\n\n 24. _A\u2032te mi\u2032chuye_\u2014Father, give them to me 1074\n\n 25. _Ha\u00f1pa wecha\u2032ghe_\u2014I made moccasins for him 1074\n\n 26. _Waka\u2032\u00f1ya\u00f1 i\u00f1ya\u2032\u00f1ki\u00f1-kte_\u2014The holy (hoop) shall run 1075\n\n Sioux glossary 1075\n\n The Kiowa and Kiowa Apache 1078\n\n Kiowa tribal synonymy 1078\n\n Kiowa tribal sign 1078\n\n Sketch of the Kiowa 1078\n\n The Kiowa Apache 1081\n\n Songs of the Kiowa 1081\n\n 1. _Da\u2032ta-i so\u2032da\u2032te_\u2014The father will descend 1081\n\n 2. _Da\u2032k\u0314i\u2032\u00f1ago (\u012dm) z\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal_\u2014The spirit army is\n approaching 1082\n\n 3. _Gu\u2032ato \u00e4d\u00e2\u2032ga_\u2014I scream because I am a bird 1082\n\n 4. _Da\u2032ta-i ny\u00e4\u2032ho\u0103nga\u2032mo_\u2014The father shows me the road 1083\n\n 5. _Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032a bate\u2032y\u00e4_\u2014The spirit (God) is approaching 1083\n\n 6. _Na\u2032da\u2032g \u00e4ka\u2032na_\u2014Because I am poor 1084\n\n 7. _Ze\u2032b\u00e4t-g\u00e2\u2032ga igu\u2032\u0103npa\u2032-ima\u2032_\u2014He makes me dance with\n arrows 1084\n\n 8. _Be\u2032ta! To\u2032ngy\u00e4-gu\u2032ad\u0103l_\u2014Red Tail has been sent 1085\n\n 9. _Da\u2032ta-i \u00e4nka\u2032\u00f1go\u2032na_\u2014My father has much pity for us 1085\n\n 10. _Da\u2032ta-i i\u00f1ka\u2032\u00f1t\u00e4he\u2032dal_\u2014My father has had pity on me 1085\n\n 11. _Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032ago \u00e4ho\u2032\u00e4he\u2032dal_\u2014The spirit host is advancing 1086\n\n 12. _E\u2032hyu\u2032\u00f1i degi\u2032\u0103ta_\u2014I am mashing the berries 1087\n\n 13. _Go\u2032mgy\u00e4-da\u2032ga_\u2014That wind shakes my tipi 1087\n\n 14. _Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032a daka\u2032\u00f1t\u00e4he\u2032dal_\u2014God has had pity on us 1087\n\n 15. _Anso\u2032 gy\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032to_\u2014I shall cut off his feet 1088\n\n Kiowa glossary 1088\n\n The Caddo and associated tribes 1092\n\n Caddo tribal synonymy 1092\n\n Caddo tribal sign 1092\n\n Sketch of the Caddo 1092\n\n The Wichita, Kichai, and Delaware 1095\n\n Songs of the Caddo 1096\n\n 1. _Ha\u2032yo ta\u2032ia\u2032 \u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032_\u2014Our father dwells above 1096\n\n 2. _W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano\u2032 di\u2032witi\u2032a_\u2014All our people are going up 1096\n\n 3. _N\u00fbna \u012d\u2032tsiya\u2032_\u2014I have come 1097\n\n 4. _Na\u2032tsiwa\u2032ya_\u2014I am coming 1097\n\n 5. _Na\u2032-iye\u2032 ino\u2032 ga\u2032nio\u2032s\u012dt_\u2014My sister above 1097\n\n 6. _Na\u2032a ha\u2032yo ha\u2032wano_\u2014Our father above (has) paint 1098\n\n 7. _W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano ka\u2032ka\u2032na\u2032_\u2014All the people cried 1098\n\n 8. _Na\u2032wi i\u2032na_\u2014We have our mother below 1098\n\n 9. _Ni\u2032 ika\u2032 na\u2032a_\u2014Our grandmother and our father above 1099\n\n 10. _Hi\u2032na ha\u2032natobi\u2032na_\u2014The eagle feather headdress 1099\n\n 11. _Na\u2032 aa\u2032 o\u2032wi\u2032ta\u2032_\u2014The father comes from above 1099\n\n 12. _Na\u2032 iwi\u2032 o\u2032wi\u2032ta\u2032_\u2014See! the eagle comes 1100\n\n 13. _A\u2032nana\u2032 hana\u2032nito\u2032_\u2014The feather has come back 1101\n\n 14. _Na\u2032 iwi\u2032 ha\u2032naa\u2032_\u2014There is an eagle above 1101\n\n 15. _Wi\u2032t\u016d\u2032 Ha\u2032sini\u2032_\u2014Come on, Caddo 1101\n\n Caddo glossary 1102\n\nAuthorities cited 1104\n\n\n\n\n ILLUSTRATIONS\n\n\n Page\n\n+Plate+ LXXXV. Map of the Indian reservations of the United States\n showing the approximate area of the Ghost dance 653\n LXXXVI. The prayer-stick 698\n LXXXVII. Chief Joseph 712\n LXXXVIII. Map showing the distribution of the tribes of the\n upper Columbia 716\n LXXXIX. Smohalla and his priests 721\n XC. Smohalla church on Yakima reservation 723\n XCI. Interior of Smohalla church 727\n XCII. Winter view in Mason valley showing snow-covered\n sagebrush 769\n XCIII. Sioux ghost shirts from Wounded Knee battlefield 789\n XCIV. Sioux sweat-house and sacrifice pole 823\n XCV. Map of the country embraced in the campaign against\n the Sioux 850\n XCVI. Map of Standing Rock agency and vicinity 855\n XCVII. Map of Wounded Knee battlefield 869\n XCVIII. After the battle 873\n XCIX. Battlefield of Wounded Knee 875\n C. Burying the dead 877\n CI. Grave of the dead at Wounded Knee 879\n CII. Battlefield after the blizzard 881\n CIII. Arapaho ghost shirt, showing coloring 895\n CIV. Arapaho ghost shirt\u2014reverse 897\n CV. Black Coyote 898\n CVI. Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i, the Kiowa dreamer 908\n CVII. Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i\u2019s vision 910\n CVIII. Kiowa summer shelter 913\n CIX. The Ghost dance (buckskin painting) 915\n CX. Sacred objects from the Sioux Ghost dance 916\n CXI. Sacred objects from the Sioux Ghost dance 918\n CXII. The Ghost dance\u2014small circle 921\n CXIII. The Ghost dance\u2014larger circle 923\n CXIV. The Ghost dance\u2014large circle 925\n CXV. The Ghost dance\u2014praying 927\n CXVI. The Ghost dance\u2014inspiration 929\n CXVII. The Ghost dance\u2014rigid 931\n CXVIII. The Ghost dance\u2014unconscious 933\n CXIX. The crow dance 935\n CXX. Arapaho bed 962\n CXXI. The sweat-lodge: Kiowa camp on the Washita 981\n CXXII. Dog-soldier insignia 988\n\n+Figure+ 56. Tenskwatawa the Shawano prophet, 1808 and 1831 670\n 57. Greenville treaty medal 671\n 58. Tecumtha 682\n 59. Harrison treaty pipe 688\n 60. K\u00e4nak\u00fbk the Kickapoo prophet 693\n 61. K\u00e4nak\u00fbk\u2019s heaven 694\n 62. Onsawkie 698\n 63. Nakai\u2032-dokl\u012d\u2032ni\u2019s dance-wheel 704\n 64. Smohalla\u2019s flag 726\n 65. Charles Ike, Smohalla interpreter 728\n 66. Diagram showing arrangement of worshipers at Smohalla\n service 729\n 67. John Slocum and Louis Yowaluch 746\n 68. Shaker church at Mud bay 758\n 69. Wovoka 764\n 70. Navaho Indians 810\n 71. Vista in the Hopi pueblo of Walpi 812\n 72. A Sioux warrior\u2014Weasel Bear 844\n 73. Red Cloud 846\n 74. Short Bull 851\n 75. Kicking Bear 853\n 76. Red Tomahawk 856\n 77. Sitting Bull the Sioux medicine-man 858\n 78. Sketch of the country of the Sitting Bull fight,\n December 15, 1890 859\n 79. Survivors of Wounded Knee\u2014Blue Whirlwind and children 877\n 80. Survivors of Wounded Knee\u2014Marguerite Zitkala-noni 878\n 81. Survivors of Wounded Knee\u2014Jennie Sword 879\n 82. Survivors of Wounded Knee\u2014Herbert Zitkalazi 880\n 83. Sitting Bull the Arapaho apostle 896\n 84. Two Kiowa prophecies (from a Kiowa calendar) 907\n 85. Poor Buffalo 908\n 86. Sitting Bull comes down (from a Kiowa calendar) 909\n 87. \u0100\u2032piata\u00f1 912\n 88. Arapaho tipi and windbreak 957\n 89. Bed of the prairie tribes 963\n 90. Shinny stick and ball 964\n 91. Wakuna or head-feathers 964\n 92. The Thunderbird 969\n 93. Hummer and bull-roarer 974\n 94. Dog-soldier insignia\u2014rattle and quirt 987\n 95. Diagram of awl game 1002\n 96. Sticks used in awl game 1003\n 97. Trump sticks used in awl game 1003\n 98. Baskets used in dice game 1004\n 99. Dice used in dice game 1005\n 100. Cheyenne camping circle 1026\n 101. Paiute wikiup 1049\n 102. Native drawings of Ghost dance\u2014A, Comanche; B, Sioux 1060\n 103. Jerking beef 1066\n 104. Kiowa camping circle 1080\n\n\n[Illustration: PL. LXXXV\n\n INDIAN RESERVATIONS\n OF THE\n UNITED STATES\n IN 1890\n Showing approximate area\n of the Ghost Dance\n]\n\n\n\n\n THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION\n\n By +James Mooney+\n\n INTRODUCTION\n\nIn the fall of 1890 the author was preparing to go to Indian Territory,\nunder the auspices of the Bureau of Ethnology, to continue researches\namong the Cherokee, when the Ghost dance began to attract attention,\nand permission was asked and received to investigate that subject\nalso among the wilder tribes in the western part of the territory.\nProceeding directly to the Cheyenne and Arapaho, it soon became evident\nthat there was more in the Ghost dance than had been suspected, with\nthe result that the investigation, to which it had been intended to\ndevote only a few weeks, has extended over a period of more than\nthree years, and might be continued indefinitely, as the dance still\nexists (in 1896) and is developing new features at every performance.\nThe uprising among the Sioux in the meantime made necessary also the\nexamination of a mass of documentary material in the files of the\nIndian Office and the War Department bearing on the outbreak, in\naddition to the study in the field of the strictly religious features\nof the dance.\n\nThe first visit of about four months (December, 1890\u2013April, 1891) was\nmade to the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, Caddo, and\nWichita, all living near together in the western part of what was then\nIndian Territory, but is now Oklahoma. These tribes were all more or\nless under the influence of the new religion. The principal study\nwas made among the Arapaho, who were the most active propagators of\nthe \u201cMessiah\u201d doctrine among the southern tribes and are especially\nfriendly and cordial in disposition.\n\nOn returning to Washington, the author received a commission to make\nan ethnologic collection for the World\u2019s Columbian Exposition, and,\nselecting the Kiowa for that purpose as a representative prairie\ntribe, started out again almost immediately to the same field. This\ntrip, lasting three months, gave further opportunity for study of the\nGhost dance among the same tribes. After returning and attending to\nthe labeling and arranging of the collection, a study was made of all\ndocuments bearing on the subject in possession of the Indian Office\nand the War Department. Another trip was then made to the field for\nthe purpose of investigating the dance among the Sioux, where it had\nattracted most attention, and among the Paiute, where it originated.\nOn this journey the author visited the Omaha, Winnebago, Sioux of Pine\nRidge, Paiute, Cheyenne, and Arapaho; met and talked with the messiah\nhimself, and afterward, on the strength of this fact, obtained from the\nCheyenne the original letter containing his message and instructions to\nthe southern tribes. This trip occupied about three months.\n\nA few months later, in the summer of 1892, another journey was made\nto the West, in the course of which the southern tribes and the Sioux\nwere revisited, and some time was spent in Wyoming with the Shoshoni\nand northern Arapaho, the latter of whom were perhaps the most earnest\nfollowers of the messiah in the north. This trip consumed four months.\nAfter some time spent in Washington in elaborating notes already\nobtained, a winter trip (1892\u201393) was made under another commission\nfrom the World\u2019s Fair to the Navaho and the Hopi or Moki, of New Mexico\nand Arizona. Although these tribes were not directly concerned in the\nGhost dance, they had been visited by apostles of the new doctrine, and\nwere able to give some account of the ceremony as it existed among the\nHavasupai or Cohonino and others farther to the west. On the return\njourney another short stay was made among the Kiowa and Arapaho. In\nthe summer of 1893 a final visit, covering a period of five months,\nwas made to the western tribes of Oklahoma, bringing the personal\nobservation and study of the Ghost dance down to the beginning of 1894.\n\nThe field investigation therefore occupied twenty-two months, involving\nnearly 32,000 miles of travel and more or less time spent with about\ntwenty tribes. To obtain exact knowledge of the ceremony, the author\ntook part in the dance among the Arapaho and Cheyenne. He also carried\na kodak and a tripod camera, with which he made photographs of the\ndance and the trance both without and within the circle. Several months\nwere spent in consulting manuscript documents and printed sources\nof information in the departments and libraries at Washington, and\ncorrespondence was carried on with persons in various parts of the\ncountry who might be able to give additional facts. From the beginning\nevery effort was made to get a correct statement of the subject. Beyond\nthis, the work must speak for itself.\n\nAs the Ghost dance doctrine is only the latest of a series of Indian\nreligious revivals, and as the idea on which it is founded is a\nhope common to all humanity, considerable space has been given to a\ndiscussion of the primitive messiah belief and of the teachings of the\nvarious Indian prophets who have preceded Wovoka, together with brief\nsketches of several Indian wars belonging to the same periods.\n\nIn the songs the effort has been to give the spirit and exact\nrendering, without going into analytic details. The main purpose of the\nwork is not linguistic, and as nearly every tribe concerned speaks a\ndifferent language from all the others, any close linguistic study must\nbe left to the philologist who can afford to devote a year or more to\nan individual tribe. The only one of these tribes of which the author\nclaims intimate knowledge is the Kiowa.\n\nAcknowledgments are due the officers and members of the Office of\nIndian Affairs and the War Department for courteous assistance in\nobtaining documentary information and in replying to letters of\ninquiry; to Mr De Lancey W. Gill and Mr J. K. Hillers and their\nassistants of the art and photographic divisions of the United States\nGeological Survey; to Mr A. R. Spofford, Librarian of Congress; to\nMr F. V. Coville, botanist, Agricultural Department; Honorable T. J.\nMorgan, former Commissioner of Indian Affairs; Major J. W. MacMurray,\nfirst artillery, United States Army; Dr Washington Matthews, surgeon,\nUnited States Army; Captain H. L. Scott, seventh cavalry, United States\nArmy; Captain J. M. Lee, ninth infantry, United States Army; Captain E.\nL. Huggins, second cavalry, United States Army, of the staff of General\nMiles; the late Captain J. G. Bourke, third cavalry, United States\nArmy; Captain H. G. Browne, twelfth infantry, United States Army;\nJudge James Wickersham, Tacoma, Washington; Dr George Bird Grinnell,\neditor of \u201cForest and Stream,\u201d New York city; Mr Thomas V. Keam and the\nlate A. M. Stephen, Keams Canyon, Arizona; Rev. H. R. Voth, Oraibi,\nArizona; General L. W. Colby, Washington, District of Columbia; Mr D.\nB. Dyer, Augusta, Georgia; Rev. Myron Eells, Tacoma, Washington; Mr\nEmile Berliner and the Berliner Gramophone Company, for recording,\nand Professors John Philip Sousa and F. W. V. Gaisberg, for arranging\nthe Indian music; W. S. Godbe, Bullionville, Nevada; Miss L. McLain,\nWashington City; Addison Cooper, Nashville, Tennessee; Miss Emma C.\nSickels, Chicago; Professor A. H. Thompson, United States Geological\nSurvey, Washington; Mrs L. B. Arnold, Standing Rock, North Dakota; Mr\nC. H. Bartlett, South Bend, Indiana; Dr T. P. Martin, Taos, New Mexico,\nand to the following Indian informants and interpreters: Philip Wells,\nLouis Menard, Ellis Standing Bear, American Horse, George Sword, and\nFire Thunder, of Pine Ridge, South Dakota; Henry Reid, Rev. Sherman\nCoolidge, Norcok, Sage, and Sharp Nose, of Fort Washakie, Wyoming;\nCharley Sheep of Walker river, Nevada; Black Coyote, Sitting Bull,\nBlack Short Nose, George Bent, Paul Boynton, Robert Burns, Jesse Bent,\nClever Warden, Grant Left-hand, and the Arapaho police at Darlington,\nOklahoma; Andres Martinez, Belo Cozad, Paul Setkopti, Henry Poloi,\nLittle Bow, William Tivis, George Parton, Towakoni Jim, Robert Dunlap,\nKichai, John Wilson, Tama, Igiagyahona, Deo\u00f1, Mary Zotom, and Eliza\nParton of Anadarko, Oklahoma.\n\n\n\n\n THE NARRATIVE\n\n +Chapter I+\n\n PARADISE LOST\n\n There are hours long departed which memory brings\n Like blossoms of Eden to twine round the heart.\n _Moore._\n\n\nThe wise men tell us that the world is growing happier\u2014that we live\nlonger than did our fathers, have more of comfort and less of toil,\nfewer wars and discords, and higher hopes and aspirations. So say the\nwise men; but deep in our own hearts we know they are wrong. For were\nnot we, too, born in Arcadia, and have we not\u2014each one of us\u2014in that\nMay of life when the world was young, started out lightly and airily\nalong the path that led through green meadows to the blue mountains\non the distant horizon, beyond which lay the great world we were to\nconquer? And though others dropped behind, have we not gone on through\nmorning brightness and noonday heat, with eyes always steadily forward,\nuntil the fresh grass began to be parched and withered, and the way\ngrew hard and stony, and the blue mountains resolved into gray rocks\nand thorny cliffs? And when at last we reached the toilsome summits, we\nfound the glory that had lured us onward was only the sunset glow that\nfades into darkness while we look, and leaves us at the very goal to\nsink down, tired in body and sick at heart, with strength and courage\ngone, to close our eyes and dream again, not of the fame and fortune\nthat were to be ours, but only of the old-time happiness that we have\nleft so far behind.\n\nAs with men, so is it with nations. The lost paradise is the world\u2019s\ndreamland of youth. What tribe or people has not had its golden age,\nbefore Pandora\u2019s box was loosed, when women were nymphs and dryads and\nmen were gods and heroes? And when the race lies crushed and groaning\nbeneath an alien yoke, how natural is the dream of a redeemer, an\nArthur, who shall return from exile or awake from some long sleep to\ndrive out the usurper and win back for his people what they have lost.\nThe hope becomes a faith and the faith becomes the creed of priests and\nprophets, until the hero is a god and the dream a religion, looking to\nsome great miracle of nature for its culmination and accomplishment.\nThe doctrines of the Hindu avatar, the Hebrew Messiah, the Christian\nmillennium, and the Hes\u00fbnanin of the Indian Ghost dance are essentially\nthe same, and have their origin in a hope and longing common to all\nhumanity.\n\nProbably every Indian tribe, north and south, had its early hero god,\nthe great doer or teacher of all first things, from the Inskeha and\nManabozho of the rude Iroquoian and Algonquian to the Quetzalcoatl, the\nBochica, and the Viracocha of the more cultivated Aztecs, Muyscas, and\nQuichuas of the milder southland. Among the roving tribes of the north\nthis hero is hardly more than an expert magician, frequently degraded\nto the level of a common trickster, who, after ridding the world of\ngiants and monsters, and teaching his people a few simple arts, retires\nto the upper world to rest and smoke until some urgent necessity again\nrequires his presence below. Under softer southern skies the myth takes\nmore poetic form and the hero becomes a person of dignified presence, a\nfather and teacher of his children, a very Christ, worthy of all love\nand reverence, who gathers together the wandering nomads and leads them\nto their destined country, where he instructs them in agriculture,\nhouse building, and the art of government, regulates authority, and\ninculcates peaceful modes of life. \u201cUnder him, the earth teemed with\nfruits and flowers without the pains of culture. An ear of Indian corn\nwas as much as a single man could carry. The cotton, as it grew, took\nof its own accord the rich dyes of human art. The air was filled with\nintoxicating perfumes and the sweet melody of birds. In short, these\nwere the halcyon days, which find a place in the mythic systems of\nso many nations in the Old World. It was the golden age of Anahuac.\u201d\n(_Prescott, 1._)[1] When at last his work is well accomplished, he bids\nfarewell to his sorrowing subjects, whom he consoles with the sacred\npromise that he will one day return and resume his kingdom, steps into\nhis magic boat by the seashore, and sails away out of their sight to\nthe distant land of sunrise.\n\nSuch was Quetzalcoatl of the Aztecs, and such in all essential respects\nwas the culture god of the more southern semicivilized races. Curiously\nenough, this god, at once a Moses and a messiah, is usually described\nas a white man with flowing beard. From this and other circumstances\nit has been argued that the whole story is only another form of the\ndawn myth, but whether the Indian god be an ancient deified lawgiver of\ntheir own race, or some nameless missionary who found his way across\nthe trackless ocean in the early ages of Christianity, or whether we\nhave here only a veiled parable of the morning light bringing life\nand joy to the world and then vanishing to return again from the east\nwith the dawn, it is sufficient to our purpose that the belief in the\ncoming of a messiah, who should restore them to their original happy\ncondition, was well nigh universal among the American tribes.\n\nThis faith in the return of a white deliverer from the east opened the\ngate to the Spaniards at their first coming alike in Haiti, Mexico,\nYucatan, and Peru. (_Brinton, 1._) The simple native welcomed the white\nstrangers as the children or kindred of their long-lost benefactor,\nimmortal beings whose near advent had been foretold by oracles and\nomens, whose faces borrowed from the brightness of the dawn, whose\nglistening armor seemed woven from the rays of sunlight, and whose\ngod-like weapons were the lightning and the thunderbolt. Their first\noverbearing demands awakened no resentment; for may not the gods claim\ntheir own, and is not resistance to the divine will a crime? Not until\ntheir most sacred things were trampled under foot, and the streets\nof the holy city itself ran red with the blood of their slaughtered\nprinces, did they read aright the awful prophecy by the light of\ntheir blazing temples, and know that instead of the children of an\nincarnate god they had welcomed a horde of incarnate devils. \u201cThe light\nof civilization would be poured on their land. But it would be the\nlight of a consuming fire, before which their barbaric glory, their\ninstitutions, their very existence and name as a nation, would wither\nand become extinct. Their doom was sealed when the white man had set\nhis foot on their soil.\u201d (_Prescott, 2._)\n\nThe great revolt of the Pueblo Indians in August, 1680, was one of the\nfirst determined efforts made by the natives on the northern continent\nto throw off the yoke of a foreign oppressor. The Pueblo tribes along\nthe Rio Grande and farther to the west, a gentle, peaceful race, had\nearly welcomed the coming of the Spaniards, with their soldiers and\npriests, as friends who would protect them against the wild marauding\ntribes about them and teach them the mysteries of a greater \u201cmedicine\u201d\nthan belonged to their own kachinas. The hope soon faded into bitter\ndisappointment. The soldiers, while rough and overbearing toward\ntheir brown-skin allies, were yet unable to protect them from the\ninroads of their enemies. The priests prohibited their dances and\nsimple amusements, yet all their ringing of bells and chanting of\nhymns availed not to bring more rain on the crops or to turn aside the\nvengeful Apache. \u201cWhat have we gained by all this?\u201d said the Pueblos\none to another; \u201cnot peace and not happiness, for these new rulers will\nnot protect us from our enemies, and take from us all the enjoyments we\nonce knew.\u201d\n\nThe pear was ripe. Pop\u00e9, a medicine-man of the Tewa, had come back\nfrom a pilgrimage to the far north, where he claimed to have visited\nthe magic lagoon of Shipapu, whence his people traced their origin and\nto which the souls of their dead returned after leaving this life. By\nthese ancestral spirits he had been endowed with occult powers and\ncommanded to go back and rouse the Pueblos to concerted effort for\ndeliverance from the foreign yoke of the strangers.\n\nWonderful beings were these spirit messengers. Swift as light and\nimpalpable as thought, they passed under the earth from the magic lake\nto the secret subterranean chamber of the oracle and stood before him\nas shapes of fire, and spoke, telling him to prepare the strings of\nyucca knots and send them with the message to all the Pueblos far and\nnear, so that in every village the chiefs might untie one knot from the\nstring each day, and know when they came to the last knot that then was\nthe time to strike.\n\nFrom the Pecos, across the Rio Grande to Zu\u00f1i and the far-distant Hopi\nmesas, every Pueblo village accepted the yucca string and began secret\npreparation for the rising. The time chosen was the new moon of August,\n1680, but, through a partial discovery of the plot, the explosion was\nprecipitated on the 10th. So sudden and complete was the surprise that\nmany Spaniards in the Pueblo country, priests, soldiers, and civilians,\nwere killed, and the survivors, after holding out for a time under\nGovernor Otermin at Santa F\u00e9, fled to El Paso, and in October there\nremained not a single Spaniard in all New Mexico. (_Bandelier, 1a, 1b._)\n\nDespite their bitter disappointment, the southern nations continued to\ncherish the hope of a coming redeemer, who now assumed the character\nof a terrible avenger of their wrongs, and the white-skin conqueror\nhas had bloody occasion to remember that his silent peon, as he toils\nby blue Chapala or sits amid the ruins of his former grandeur in the\ndark forests of Yucatan, yet waits ever and always the coming of the\nday which shall break the power of the alien Spaniard and restore to\ntheir inheritance the children of Anahuac and Mayapan. In Peru the\nnatives refused to believe that the last of the Incas had perished a\nwanderer in the forests of the eastern Cordilleras. For more than two\ncenturies they cherished the tradition that he had only retired to\nanother kingdom beyond the mountains, from which he would return in\nhis own good time to sweep their haughty oppressors from the land. In\n1781 the slumbering hope found expression in a terrible insurrection\nunder the leadership of the mestizo Condorcanqui, a descendant of the\nancient royal family, who boldly proclaimed himself the long lost\nTupac Amaru, child of the sun and Inca of Peru. With mad enthusiasm\nthe Quichua highlanders hailed him as their destined deliverer and\nrightful sovereign, and binding around his forehead the imperial fillet\nof the Incas, he advanced at the head of an immense army to the walls\nof Cuzco, declaring his purpose to blot out the very memory of the\nwhite man and reestablish the Indian empire in the City of the Sun.\nInspired by the hope of vengeance on the conqueror, even boys became\nleaders of their people, and it was only after a bloody struggle of two\nyears\u2019 duration that the Spaniards were able to regain the mastery and\nconsigned the captive Inca, with all his family, to an ignominious and\nbarbarous death. Even then so great was the feeling of veneration which\nhe had inspired in the breasts of the Indians that \u201cnotwithstanding\ntheir fear of the Spaniards, and though they were surrounded by\nsoldiers of the victorious army, they prostrated themselves at the\nsight of the last of the children of the sun, as he passed along the\nstreets to the place of execution.\u201d (_Humboldt, 1._)\n\nIn the New World, as in the Old, the advent of the deliverer was to\nbe heralded by signs and wonders. Thus in Mexico, a mysterious rising\nof the waters of Lake Tezcuco, three comets blazing in the sky, and a\nstrange light in the east, prepared the minds of the people for the\nnear coming of the Spaniards. (_Prescott, 3._) In this connection,\nalso, there was usually a belief in a series of previous destructions\nby flood, fire, famine, or pestilence, followed by a regeneration,\nthrough, the omnipotent might of the savior. The doctrine that the\nworld is old and worn out, and that the time for its renewal is near\nat hand, is an essential part of the teaching of the Ghost dance.\nThe number of these cycles of destruction was variously stated among\ndifferent tribes, but perhaps the most sadly prophetic form of the\nmyth was found among the Winnebago, who forty years ago held that the\ntenth generation of their people was near its close, and that at the\nend of the thirteenth the red race would be destroyed. By prayers and\nceremonies they were then endeavoring to placate their angry gods and\nput farther away the doom that now seems rapidly closing in on them.\n(_Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1._)\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter II+\n\n THE DELAWARE PROPHET AND PONTIAC\n\n Hear what the Great Spirit has ordered me to tell you: Put off\n entirely the customs which you have adopted since the white people\n came among us.\u2014_The Delaware Prophet._\n\n This is our land, and not yours.\u2014_The Confederate Tribes, 1752._\n\n\nThe English advances were slow and halting, for a long period almost\nimperceptible, while the establishment of a few small garrisons and\nisolated trading stations by the French hardly deserved to be called an\noccupancy of the country. As a consequence, the warlike northern tribes\nwere slow to realize that an empire was slipping from their grasp,\nand it was not until the two great nations prepared for the final\nstruggle in the New World that the native proprietors began to read\nthe stars aright. Then it was, in 1752, that the Lenape chiefs sent to\nthe British agent the pointed interrogatory: \u201cThe English claim all on\none side of the river, the French claim all on the other\u2014where is the\nland of the Indians?\u201d (_Bancroft, 1._) Then, as they saw the French\nstrengthening themselves along the lakes, there came a stronger protest\nfrom the council ground of the confederate tribes of the west: \u201cThis is\nour land and not yours. Fathers, both you and the English are white;\nthe land belongs to neither the one nor the other of you, but the Great\nBeing above allotted it to be a dwelling place for us; so, fathers, I\ndesire you to withdraw, as I have desired our brothers, the English.\u201d\nA wampum belt gave weight to the words. (_Bancroft, 2._) The French\ncommander\u2019s reply was blunt, but more practiced diplomats assured\nthe red men that all belonged to the Indian, and that the great king\nof the French desired only to set up a boundary against the further\nencroachments of the English, who would otherwise sweep the red tribes\nfrom the Ohio as they had already driven them from the Atlantic. The\nargument was plausible. In every tribe were French missionaries, whose\nfearless courage and devotion had won the admiration and love of the\nsavage; in every village was domiciliated a hardy voyageur, with his\nIndian wife and family of children, in whose veins commingled the blood\nof the two races and whose ears were attuned alike to the wild songs of\nthe forest and the rondeaus of Normandy or Provence. It was no common\ntie that bound together the Indians and the French, and when a governor\nof Canada and the general of his army stepped into the circle of braves\nto dance the war dance and sing the war song with their red allies,\nthirty-three wild tribes declared on the wampum belt, \u201cThe French are\nour brothers and their king is our father. We will try his hatchet\nupon the English\u201d (_Bancroft, 3_), and through seven years of blood\nand death the lily and the totem were borne abreast until the flag of\nFrance went down forever on the heights of Quebec.\n\nFor some time after the surrender the unrest of the native tribes was\nsoothed into a semblance of quiet by the belief, artfully inculcated\nby their old allies, that the king of France, wearied by his great\nexertions, had fallen asleep for a little while, but would soon awake\nto take vengeance on the English for the wrongs they had inflicted on\nhis red children. Then, as they saw English garrisons occupying the\nabandoned posts and English traders passing up the lakes even to the\nsacred island of the Great Turtle, the despairing warriors said to one\nanother, \u201cWe have been deceived. English and French alike are white men\nand liars. We must turn from both and seek help from our Indian gods.\u201d\n\nIn 1762 a prophet appeared among the Delawares, at Tuscarawas, on the\nMuskingum, who preached a union of all the red tribes and a return\nto the old Indian life, which he declared to be the divine command,\nas revealed to himself in a wonderful vision. From an old French\nmanuscript, written by an anonymous eyewitness of the scene which he\ndescribes, we have the details of this vision, as related by Pontiac\nto his savage auditors at the great council of the tribes held near\nDetroit in April, 1763. Parkman gives the story on the authority of\nthis manuscript, which he refers to as the \u201cPontiac manuscript,\u201d and\nstates that it was long preserved in a Canadian family at Detroit,\nand afterward deposited with the Historical Society of Michigan. It\nbears internal evidence of genuineness, and is supposed to have been\nwritten by a French priest. (_Parkman, 1._) The vision, from the same\nmanuscript, is related at length in Schoolcraft\u2019s Algic Researches.\n\nAccording to the prophet\u2019s story, being anxious to know the \u201cMaster\nof Life,\u201d he determined, without mentioning his desire to anyone, to\nundertake a journey to the spirit world. Ignorant of the way, and\nnot knowing any person who, having been there, could direct him, he\nperformed a mystic rite in the hope of receiving some light as to the\ncourse he should pursue. He then fell into a deep sleep, in which he\ndreamed that it was only necessary to begin his journey and that by\ncontinuing to walk forward he would at last arrive at his destination.\n\nEarly the next morning, taking his gun, ammunition, and kettle,\nhe started off, firmly convinced that by pressing onward without\ndiscouragement he should accomplish his object. Day after day he\nproceeded without incident, until at sunset of the eighth day, while\npreparing to encamp for the night by the side of a small stream in a\nlittle opening in the forest, he noticed, running out from the edge of\nthe prairie, three wide and well-trodden paths. Wondering somewhat that\nthey should be there, he finished his temporary lodging and, lighting\na fire, began to prepare his supper. While thus engaged, he observed\nwith astonishment that the paths became more distinct as the night grew\ndarker. Alarmed at the strange appearance, he was about to abandon his\nencampment and seek another at a safer distance, when he remembered\nhis dream and the purpose of his journey. It seemed to him that one of\nthese roads must lead to the place of which he was in search, and he\ndetermined, therefore, to remain where he was until morning, and then\ntake one of the three and follow it to the end. Accordingly, the next\nmorning, after a hasty meal, he left his encampment, and, burning with\nthe ardor of discovery, took the widest path, which he followed until\nnoon, when he suddenly saw a large fire issuing apparently from the\nearth. His curiosity being aroused, he went toward it, but the fire\nincreased to such a degree that he became frightened and turned back.\n\nHe now took the next widest of the three paths, which he followed\nas before until noon, when a similar fire again drove him back and\ncompelled him to take the third road, which he kept a whole day\nwithout meeting anything unusual, when suddenly he saw a precipitous\nmountain of dazzling brightness directly in his path. Recovering from\nhis wonder, he drew near and examined it, but could see no sign of a\nroad to the summit. He was about to give way to disappointment, when,\nlooking up, he saw seated a short distance up the mountain a woman of\nbright beauty and clad in snow-white garments, who addressed him in his\nown language, telling him that on the summit of the mountain was the\nabode of the Master of Life, whom he had journeyed so far to meet. \u201cBut\nto reach it,\u201d said she, \u201cyou must leave all your cumbersome dress and\nequipments at the foot, then go and wash in the river which I show you,\nand afterward ascend the mountain.\u201d\n\nHe obeyed her instructions, and on asking how he could hope to climb\nthe mountain, which, was steep and slippery as glass, she replied that\nin order to mount he must use only his left hand and foot. This seemed\nto him almost impossible, but, encouraged by the woman, he began to\nclimb, and at length, after much difficulty, reached the top. Here the\nwoman suddenly vanished, and he found himself alone without a guide. On\nlooking about, he saw before him a plain, in the midst of which were\nthree villages, with well-built houses disposed in orderly arrangement.\nHe bent his steps toward the principal one, but after going a short\ndistance he remembered that he was naked, and was about to turn back\nwhen a voice told him that as he had washed himself in the river he\nmight go on without fear. Thus bidden, he advanced without hesitation\nto the gate of the village, where he was admitted and saw approaching\na handsome man in white garments, who offered to lead him into the\npresence of the Master of Life. Admiring the beauty of everything about\nhim, he was then conducted to the Master of Life, who took him by\nthe hand and gave him for a seat a hat bordered with gold. Afraid of\nspoiling the hat, he hesitated to sit down until again told to do so,\nwhen he obeyed, and the Master of Life thus addressed him:\n\n I am the Master of Life, whom you wish to see and with whom you\n wish to speak. Listen to what I shall tell you for yourself and for\n all the Indians.\n\nHe then commanded him to exhort his people to cease from drunkenness,\nwars, polygamy, and the medicine song, and continued:\n\n The land on which you are, I have made for you, not for others.\n Wherefore do you suffer the whites to dwell upon your lands? Can\n you not do without them? I know that those whom you call the\n children of your Great Father [the King of France] supply your\n wants; but were you not wicked as you are you would not need them.\n You might live as you did before you knew them. Before those whom\n you call your brothers [the French] had arrived, did not your bow\n and arrow maintain you? You needed neither gun, powder, nor any\n other object. The flesh of animals was your food; their skins\n your raiment. But when I saw you inclined to evil, I removed the\n animals into the depths of the forest that you might depend on your\n brothers for your necessaries, for your clothing. Again become good\n and do my will and I will send animals for your sustenance. I do\n not, however, forbid suffering among you your Father\u2019s children. I\n love them; they know me; they pray to me. I supply their own wants,\n and give them that which they bring to you. Not so with those who\n are come to trouble your possessions [the English]. Drive them\n away; wage war against them; I love them not; they know me not;\n they are my enemies; they are your brothers\u2019 enemies. Send them\n back to the lands I have made for them. Let them remain there.\n (_Schoolcraft, Alg. Res., 1._)\n\nThe Master of Life then gave him a prayer, carved in Indian\nhieroglyphics upon a wooden stick, which he was told to deliver to his\nchief on returning to earth. (_Parkman, 2._) His instructor continued:\n\n Learn it by heart, and teach it to all the Indians and children. It\n must be repeated morning and evening. Do all that I have told thee,\n and announce it to all the Indians as coming from the Master of\n Life. Let them drink but one draught, or two at most, in one day.\n Let them have but one wife, and discontinue running after other\n people\u2019s wives and daughters. Let them not fight one another. Let\n them not sing the medicine song, for in singing the medicine song\n they speak to the evil spirit. Drive from your lands those dogs\n in red clothing; they are only an injury to you. When you want\n anything, apply to me, as your brothers do, and I will give to\n both. Do not sell to your brothers that which I have placed on the\n earth as food. In short, become good, and you shall want nothing.\n When you meet one another, bow and give one another the [left]\n hand of the heart. Above all, I command thee to repeat morning and\n evening the prayer which I have given thee.\n\nThe Indian received the prayer, promising to do as he had been\ncommanded and to recommend the same course to others. His former\nconductor then came and, leading him to the foot of the mountain, bid\nhim resume his garments and go back to his village. His return excited\nmuch surprise among his friends, who had supposed him lost. They asked\nhim where he had been, but as he had been commanded to speak to no one\nuntil he had seen the chief, he motioned with his hand to signify that\nhe had come from above. On entering the village he went at once to the\nwigwam of the chief, to whom he delivered the prayer and the message\nwhich he had received from the Master of Life. (_Schoolcraft, Alg.\nRes., 2._)\n\nAlthough the story as here given bears plain impress of the white\nman\u2019s ideas, it is essentially aboriginal. While the discrimination\nexpressed by the Master of Life in favor of the French and against\nthe English may have been due to the fact that the author of the\nmanuscript was a Frenchman, it is more probable that we have here set\nforth only the well-known preference of the wild tribes. The occupancy\nof a region by the English always meant the speedy expulsion of the\nnatives. The French, on the contrary, lived side by side with the red\nmen, joining in their dances and simple amusements, and entering with\nfullest sympathy into their wild life, so that they were regarded\nrather as brethren of an allied tribe than as intruders of an alien\nrace. This feeling is well indicated in the prophet\u2019s narrative,\nwhere the Indians, while urged to discard everything that they have\nadopted from the whites, are yet to allow the French to remain among\nthem, though exhorted to relentless war on the English. The difference\nreceived tragic exemplification at Michilimackinac a year later, when\na handful of French traders looked on unarmed and unhurt while a\ncrew of maddened savages were butchering, scalping, and drinking the\nblood of British soldiers. The introduction of the trivial incident\nof the hat is characteristically Indian, and the confounding of\ndreams and visions with actual happenings is a frequent result of\nmental exaltation of common occurrence in the history of religious\nenthusiasts. The Delaware prophet regards the whole experience as an\nactual fact instead of a distempered vision induced by long fasts and\nvigils, and the hieroglyphic prayer\u2014undoubtedly graven by himself while\nunder the ecstasy\u2014is to him a real gift from heaven. The whole story\nis a striking parallel of the miraculous experiences recounted by the\nmodern apostles of the Ghost dance. The prayer-stick also and the\nheavenly map, later described and illustrated, reappear in the account\nof K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, the Kickapoo prophet, seventy years afterward, showing in a\nstriking manner the continuity of aboriginal ideas and methods.\n\nThe celebrated missionary, Heckewelder, who spent fifty years among\nthe Delawares, was personally acquainted with this prophet and gives a\ndetailed account of his teachings and of his symbolic parchments. He\nsays:\n\n In the year 1762 there was a famous preacher of the Delaware\n nation, who resided at Cayahaga, near Lake Erie, and travelled\n about the country, among the Indians, endeavouring to persuade them\n that he had been appointed by the Great Spirit to instruct them in\n those things that were agreeable to him, and point out to them the\n offences by which they had drawn his displeasure on themselves, and\n the means by which they might recover his favour for the future.\n He had drawn, as he pretended, by the direction of the Great\n Spirit, a kind of map on a piece of deerskin, somewhat dressed like\n parchment, which he called \u201cthe great Book or Writing.\u201d This, he\n said, he had been ordered to shew to the Indians, that they might\n see the situation in which the Mannitto had originally placed them,\n the misery which they had brought upon themselves by neglecting\n their duty, and the only way that was now left them to regain\n what they had lost. This map he held before him while preaching,\n frequently pointing to particular marks and spots upon it, and\n giving explanations as he went along.\n\n The size of this map was about fifteen inches square, or, perhaps,\n something more. An inside square was formed by lines drawn within\n it, of about eight inches each way; two of these lines, however,\n were not closed by about half an inch at the corners. Across these\n inside lines, others of about an inch in length were drawn with\n sundry other lines and marks, all which was intended to represent\n a strong inaccessible barrier, to prevent those without from\n entering the space within, otherwise than at the place appointed\n for that purpose. When the map was held as he directed, the corners\n which were not closed lay at the left-hand side, directly opposite\n to each other, the one being at the southeast by south, and the\n nearest at the northeast by north. In explaining or describing the\n particular points on this map, with his fingers always pointing to\n the place he was describing, he called the space within the inside\n lines \u201cthe heavenly regions,\u201d or the place destined by the Great\n Spirit for the habitation of the Indians in future life. The space\n left open at the southeast corner he called the \u201cavenue,\u201d which had\n been intended for the Indians to enter into this heaven, but which\n was now in the possession of the white people; wherefore the Great\n Spirit had since caused another \u201cavenue\u201d to be made on the opposite\n side, at which, however, it was both difficult and dangerous for\n them to enter, there being many impediments in their way, besides a\n large ditch leading to a gulf below, over which they had to leap;\n but the evil spirit kept at this very spot a continual watch for\n Indians, and whoever he laid hold of never could get away from him\n again, but was carried to his regions, where there was nothing but\n extreme poverty; where the ground was parched up by the heat for\n want of rain, no fruit came to perfection, the game was almost\n starved for want of pasture, and where the evil spirit, at his\n pleasure, transformed men into horses and dogs, to be ridden by him\n and follow him in his hunts and wherever he went.\n\n The space on the outside of this interior square was intended to\n represent the country given to the Indians to hunt, fish, and\n dwell in while in this world; the east side of it was called the\n ocean or \u201cgreat salt-water lake.\u201d Then the preacher, drawing the\n attention of his hearers particularly to the southeast avenue,\n would say to them, \u201cLook here! See what we have lost by neglect and\n disobedience; by being remiss in the expression of our gratitude to\n the Great Spirit for what he has bestowed upon us; by neglecting\n to make to him sufficient sacrifices; by looking upon a people\n of a different colour from our own, who had come across a great\n lake, as if they were a part of ourselves; by suffering them to\n sit down by our side, and looking at them with indifference, while\n they were not only taking our country from us, but this (pointing\n to the spot), this, our own avenue, leading into those beautiful\n regions which were destined for us. Such is the sad condition to\n which we are reduced. What is now to be done, and what remedy is\n to be applied? I will tell you, my friends. Hear what the Great\n Spirit has ordered me to tell you! You are to make sacrifices, in\n the manner that I shall direct; to put off entirely from yourselves\n the customs which you have adopted since the white people came\n among us. You are to return to that former happy state, in which we\n lived in peace and plenty, before these strangers came to disturb\n us; and, above all, you must abstain from drinking their deadly\n _beson_, which they have forced upon us, for the sake of increasing\n their gains and diminishing our numbers. Then will the Great Spirit\n give success to our arms; then he will give us strength to conquer\n our enemies, to drive them from hence, and recover the passage to\n the heavenly regions which they have taken from us.\u201d\n\n Such was in general the substance of his discourses. After having\n dilated more or less on the various topics which I have mentioned,\n he commonly concluded in this manner: \u201cAnd now, my friends, in\n order that what I have told you may remain firmly impressed on your\n minds, and to refresh your memories from time to time, I advise\n you to preserve, in every family at least, such a book or writing\n as this, which I will finish off for you, provided you bring me\n the price, which is only one buckskin or two doeskins apiece.\u201d The\n price was of course bought (_sic_), and the book purchased. In some\n of those maps, the figure of a deer or turkey, or both, was placed\n in the heavenly regions, and also in the dreary region of the evil\n spirit. The former, however, appeared fat and plump, while the\n latter seemed to have nothing but skin and bones. (_Heckewelder,\n 1._)\n\nFrom the narrative of John McCullough, who had been taken by the\nIndians when a child of 8 years, and lived for some years as an\nadopted son in a Delaware family in northeastern Ohio, we gather some\nadditional particulars concerning this prophet, whose name seems\nto be lost to history. McCullough himself, who was then but a boy,\nnever met the prophet, but obtained his information from others who\nhad, especially from his Indian brother, who went to Tuscarawas (or\nTuscalaways) to see and hear the new apostle on his first appearance.\n\n It was said by those who went to see him that he had certain\n hieroglyphics marked on a piece of parchment, denoting the\n probation that human beings were subjected to whilst they were\n living on earth, and also denoting something of a future state.\n They informed me that he was almost constantly crying whilst he\n was exhorting them. I saw a copy of his hieroglyphics, as numbers\n of them had got them copied and undertook to preach or instruct\n others. The first or principal doctrine they taught them was to\n purify themselves from sin, which they taught they could do by\n the use of emetics and abstinence from carnal knowledge of the\n different sexes; to quit the use of firearms, and to live entirely\n in the original state that they were in before the white people\n found out their country. Nay, they taught that that fire was not\n pure that was made by steel and flint, but that they should make it\n by rubbing two sticks together.... It was said that their prophet\n taught them, or made them believe, that he had his instructions\n immediately from _Keesh-she-la-mil-lang-up_, or a being that\n _thought_ us into being, and that by following his instructions\n they would, in a few years, be able to drive the white people out\n of their country.\n\n I knew a company of them who had secluded themselves for the\n purpose of purifying from sin, as they thought they could do. I\n believe they made no use of firearms. They had been out more than\n two years before I left them.... It was said that they made use of\n no other weapons than their bows and arrows. They also taught, in\n shaking hands, to give the left hand in token of friendship, as it\n denoted that they gave the heart along with the hand. (_Pritts, 1._)\n\nThe religious ferment produced by the exhortations of the Delaware\nprophet spread rapidly from tribe to tribe, until, under the guidance\nof the master mind of the celebrated chief, Pontiac, it took shape in a\ngrand confederacy of all the northwestern tribes to oppose the further\nprogress of the English. The coast lands were lost to the Indians.\nThe Ohio and the lakes were still theirs, and the Alleghanies marked\na natural boundary between the two sections. Behind this mountain\nbarrier Pontiac determined to make his stand. Though the prospect of a\nrestoration of the French power might enable him to rally a following,\nhe himself knew he could expect no aid from the French, for their\narmies had been defeated and their garrisons were already withdrawn;\nbut, relying on the patriotism of his own red warriors, when told that\nthe English were on their way to take possession of the abandoned\nposts, he sent back the haughty challenge, \u201cI stand in the path.\u201d\n\nTo Pontiac must be ascribed the highest position among the leaders of\nthe Algonquian race. Born the son of a chief, he became in turn the\nchief of his own people, the Ottawa, whom it is said he commanded on\nthe occasion of Braddock\u2019s defeat. For this or other services in behalf\nof the French he had received marks of distinguished consideration\nfrom Montcalm himself. By reason of his natural ability, his influence\nwas felt and respected wherever the name of his tribe was spoken,\nwhile to his dignity as chief he added the sacred character of high\npriest of the powerful secret order of the Mid\u00e9. (_Parkman, 3._) Now,\nin the prime of manhood, he originated and formulated the policy of\na confederation of all the tribes, an idea afterward taken up and\ncarried almost to a successful accomplishment by the great Tecumtha.\nAs principal chief of the lake tribes, he summoned them to the great\ncouncil near Detroit, in April, 1763, and, as high priest and keeper\nof the faith, he there announced to them the will of the Master of\nLife, as revealed to the Delaware prophet, and called on them to unite\nfor the recovery of their ancient territories and the preservation of\ntheir national life. Under the spell of his burning words the chiefs\nlistened as to an oracle, and cried out that he had only to declare\nhis will to be obeyed. (_Parkman, 4._) His project being unanimously\napproved, runners were sent out to secure the cooperation of the more\nremote nations, and in a short time the confederation embraced every\nimportant tribe of Algonquian lineage, together with the Wyandot,\nSeneca, Winnebago, and some of those to the southward. (_Parkman, 5._)\n\nOnly the genius of a Pontiac could have molded into a working unit\nsuch an aggregation of diverse elements of savagery. His executive\nability is sufficiently proven by his creation of a regular commissary\ndepartment based on promissory notes\u2014hieroglyphics graven on birchbark\nand signed with the otter, the totem of his tribe; his diplomatic bent\nappeared in his employment of two secretaries to attend to this unique\ncorrespondence, each of whom he managed to keep in ignorance of the\nbusiness transacted by the other (_Parkman, 6_); while his military\ncapacity was soon to be evinced in the carefully laid plan which\nenabled his warriors to strike simultaneously a crushing blow at every\nBritish post scattered throughout the 500 miles of wilderness from\nPittsburg to the straits of Mackinaw.\n\nThe history of this war, so eloquently told by Parkman, reads like some\nold knightly romance. The warning of the Indian girl; the concerted\nattack on the garrisons; the ball play at Mackinac on the king\u2019s\nbirthday, and the massacre that followed; the siege of Fort Pitt and\nthe heroic defense of Detroit; the bloody battle of Bushy run, where\nthe painted savage recoiled before the kilted Highlander, as brave and\nalmost as wild; Bouquet\u2019s march into the forests of the Ohio, and the\nsubmission of the vanquished tribes\u2014all these things must be passed\nover here. They have already been told by a master of language. But the\ncontest of savagery against civilization has but one ending, and the\nscene closes with the death of Pontiac, a broken-spirited wanderer, cut\ndown at last by a hired assassin of his own race, for whose crime the\nblood of whole tribes was poured out in atonement. (_Parkman, 7._)\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter III+\n\n TENSKWATAWA THE SHAWANO PROPHET\n\n I told all the redskins that the way they were in was not good, and\n that they ought to abandon it.\u2014_Tenskwatawa._\n\n A very shrewd and influential man, but circumstances have destroyed\n him.\u2014_Catlin._\n\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 56+\u2014Tenskwatawa the Shawano prophet, 1808 and\n 1831.]\n\n EXPLANATION OF FIGURE 56\n\n The first portrait is taken from one given in Lossing\u2019s American\n Revolution and War of 1812, +III+ (1875), page 189, and thus\n described: \u201cThe portrait of the Prophet is from a pencil sketch\n made by Pierre Le Dru, a young French trader, at Vincennes, in\n 1808. He made a sketch of Tecumtha at about the same time, both of\n which I found in possession of his son at Quebec in 1848, and by\n whom I was kindly permitted to copy them.\u201d The other is a copy of\n the picture painted by Catlin in 1881, after the tribe had removed\n to Kansas. The artist describes him as blind in his left (?) eye,\n and painted him holding his medicine fire in his right hand and his\n sacred string of beans in the other.\n\nForty years had passed away and changes had come to the western\nterritory. The cross of Saint George, erected in the place of the\nlilies of France, had been supplanted by the flag of the young\nrepublic, which in one generation had extended its sway from the lakes\nto the gulf and from the Atlantic to the Rocky mountains. By treaties\nmade in 1768 with the Iroquois and Cherokee, the two leading Indian\nconfederacies in the east, the Ohio and the Kanawha had been fixed as\nthe boundary between the two races, the Indians renouncing forever\ntheir claims to the seaboard, the Delaware, and the Susquehanna,\nwhile they were confirmed in their possession of the Alleghany, the\nOhio, and the great northwest. But the restless borderer would not be\nlimited, and encroachments on the native domain were constantly being\nmade, resulting in a chronic warfare which kept alive the spirit of\nresentment. The consequence was that in the final struggle of the\nRevolution the Indian tribes ranged themselves on the British side.\nWhen the war ended and a treaty of peace was made between the new\ngovernment and the old, no provision was made for the red allies of the\nking, and they were left to continue the struggle single-handed. The\nIndians claimed the Ohio country as theirs by virtue of the most solemn\ntreaties, but pioneers had already occupied western Pennsylvania,\nwestern Virginia, and Kentucky, and were listening with eager attention\nto the reports brought back by adventurous hunters from the fertile\nlands of the Muskingum and the Scioto. They refused to be bound by the\ntreaties of a government they had repudiated, and the tribes of the\nnorthwest were obliged to fight to defend their territories. Under the\nable leadership of Little Turtle they twice rolled back the tide of\nwhite invasion, defeating two of the finest armies ever sent into the\nwestern country, until, worn out by twenty years of unceasing warfare,\nand crushed and broken by the decisive victory of Wayne at the Fallen\nTimbers, their villages in ashes and their cornfields cut down, the\ndispirited chiefs met their conqueror at Greenville in 1795 and signed\naway the rights for which they had so long contended.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 57+\u2014Greenville treaty medal, obverse and reverse.]\n\nBy this treaty, which marks the beginning of the end with the eastern\ntribes, the Indians renounced their claims to all territory east of a\nline running in a general way from the mouth of the Cuyahoga on Lake\nErie to the mouth of the Kentucky on the Ohio, leaving to the whites\nthe better portion of Ohio valley, including their favorite hunting\nground of Kentucky. The Delaware, the Wyandot, and the Shawano, three\nof the leading tribes, were almost completely shorn of their ancient\ninheritance and driven back as refugees among the Miami.\n\nThe Canadian boundary had been established along the lakes; the Ohio\nwas lost to the Indians; for them there was left only extermination or\nremoval to the west. Their bravest warriors were slain. Their ablest\nchieftain, who had led them to victory against St Clair, had bowed to\nthe inevitable, and was now regarded as one with a white man\u2019s heart\nand a traitor to his race. A brooding dissatisfaction settled down on\nthe tribes. Who shall deliver them from the desolation that has come on\nthem?\n\nNow arose among the Shawano another prophet to point out to his\npeople the \u201copen door\u201d leading to happiness. In November, 1805, a\nyoung man named Laulewasikaw (Lalawe\u2032thika, a rattle or similar\ninstrument\u2014_Gatschet_), then hardly more than 30 years of age, called\naround him his tribesmen and their allies at their ancient capital of\nWapakoneta, within the present limits of Ohio, and there announced\nhimself as the bearer of a new revelation from the Master of Life, who\nhad taken pity on his red children and wished to save them from the\nthreatened destruction. He declared that he had been taken up to the\nspirit world and had been permitted to lift the veil of the past and\nthe future\u2014had seen the misery of evil doers and learned the happiness\nthat awaited those who followed the precepts of the Indian god. He\nthen began an earnest exhortation, denouncing the witchcraft practices\nand medicine juggleries of the tribe, and solemnly warning his hearers\nthat none who had part in such things would ever taste of the future\nhappiness. The firewater of the whites was poison and accursed; and\nthose who continued its use would after death be tormented with all\nthe pains of fire, while flames would continually issue from their\nmouths. This idea may have been derived from some white man\u2019s teaching\nor from the Indian practice of torture by fire. The young must cherish\nand respect the aged and infirm. All property must be in common,\naccording to the ancient law of their ancestors. Indian women must\ncease to intermarry with white men; the two races were distinct and\nmust remain so. The white man\u2019s dress, with his flint-and-steel, must\nbe discarded for the old time buckskin and the firestick. More than\nthis, every tool and every custom derived from the whites must be put\naway, and they must return to the methods which the Master of Life had\ntaught them. When they should do all this, he promised that they would\nagain be taken into the divine favor, and find the happiness which\ntheir fathers had known before the coming of the whites. Finally, in\nproof of his divine mission, he announced that he had received power\nto cure all diseases and to arrest the hand of death in sickness or\non the battlefield. (_Drake_, _Tecumseh, 1._) To avoid repetition, it\nmay be stated that, except when otherwise noted, the principal facts\nconcerning Tecumtha and the prophet are taken from Drake\u2019s work, the\nmost valuable published on the subject. The prophet and his doctrines\nare also spoken of at some length by Tanner, Kendall, Warren, and\nCatlin, as hereafter quoted, while the history of Tecumtha is a part of\nthe history of Ohio valley, to be found in any work treating of that\nsection and period.)\n\nIn an account quoted by Drake, probably from an English writer, it is\nstated that the prophet was noted for his stupidity and intoxication\nuntil his fiftieth (?) year, when one day, while lighting his pipe in\nhis cabin, he suddenly fell back apparently lifeless and remained in\nthat condition until his friends had assembled for the funeral, when\nhe revived from his trance, and after quieting their alarm, announced\nthat he had been to the spirit world and commanded them to call the\npeople together that he might tell them what he had seen. When they had\nassembled, he declared that he had been conducted to the border of the\nspirit world by two young men, who had permitted him to look in upon\nits pleasures, but not to enter, and who, after charging him with the\nmessage to his people already noted, had left him, promising to visit\nhim again at a future time. (_Drake, Ab. Races, 1._)\n\nAlthough the language of this account is somewhat overdrawn, the main\nstatements are probably correct, as it is in complete accordance with\nthe Indian system by which all truth has been revealed in dreams and\ntrances from the first dawn of tradition down to Smohalla and the\nmessiah of the Ghost dance.\n\nHis words aroused an intense excitement among his hearers, and the\nimpression deepened as the tidings of the new gospel were carried from\ncamp to camp. Those who were addicted to drunkenness\u2014the besetting\nsin of the Indians since their acquaintance with the whites\u2014were so\nthoroughly alarmed at the prospect of a fiery punishment in the spirit\nworld that for a long time intoxication became practically unknown\namong the western tribes. Their zeal led also to the inauguration of\na crusade against all who were suspected of dealing in witchcraft or\nmagic arts; but here the prophet took advantage of this feeling to\neffectually rid himself of all who opposed his sacred claims. It was\nonly necessary for him to denounce such a person as a witch to have him\npay the forfeit with reputation, if not with life.\n\n Among the first of his victims were several Delawares\u2014Tatepocoshe\n (more generally known as Teteboxti), Patterson, his nephew,\n Coltos, an old woman, and an aged man called Joshua. These were\n successively marked by the prophet, and doomed to be burnt alive.\n The tragedy was commenced with the old woman. The Indians roasted\n her slowly over a fire for four days, calling upon her frequently\n to deliver up her charm and medicine bag. Just as she was dying,\n she exclaimed that her grandson, who was then out hunting, had it\n in his possession. Messengers were sent in pursuit of him, and when\n found he was tied and brought into camp. He acknowledged that on\n one occasion he had borrowed the charm of his grandmother, by means\n of which he had flown through the air over Kentucky, to the banks\n of the Mississippi, and back again, between twilight and bedtime;\n but he insisted that he had returned the charm to its owner, and,\n after some consultation, he was set at liberty. The following\n day a council was held over the case of the venerable chief\n Tatepocoshe, he being present. His death was decided upon after\n full deliberation; and, arrayed in his finest apparel, he calmly\n assisted in building his own funeral pile, fully aware that there\n was no escape from the judgment that had been passed upon him. The\n respect due to his whitened locks induced his executioners to treat\n him with mercy. He was deliberately tomahawked by a young man, and\n his body was then placed upon the blazing fagots and consumed. The\n next day the old preacher Joshua met a similar fate. The wife of\n Tatepocoshe and his nephew Billy Patterson were then brought into\n the council house and seated side by side. The latter had led an\n irreproachable life, and died like a Christian, singing and praying\n amid the flames which destroyed his body. While preparations were\n making for the immolation of Tatepocoshe\u2019s wife, her brother, a\n youth of 20 years of age, suddenly started up, took her by the\n hand, and, to the amazement of the council, led her out of the\n house. He soon returned, and exclaiming, \u201cThe devil has come among\n us (alluding to the prophet), and we are killing each other,\u201d he\n reseated himself in the midst of the crowd. This bold step checked\n the wild frenzy of the Indians, put an end to these cruel scenes,\n and for a time greatly impaired the impostor\u2019s influence among the\n Delawares. (_Drake, Tecumseh, 2._)\n\nThe prophet now changed his name to Tenskwatawa, \u201cThe Open Door\u201d (from\n_skwa\u2032te_, a door, and _the\u2032nui_, to be open; frequently spelled\nElskwatawa), significant of the new mode of life which he had come to\npoint out to his people, and fixed his headquarters at Greenville,\nOhio, where representatives from the various scattered tribes of\nthe northwest gathered about him to learn the new doctrines. Some,\nespecially the Kickapoo, entered fervently into his spirit, while\nothers were disposed to oppose him. The Miami, who regarded the Shawano\nas intruders, were jealous of his influence, and the chiefs of his\nown tribe were somewhat inclined to consider him in the light of a\nrival. To establish his sacred character and to dispel the doubts of\nthe unbelievers, he continued to dream dreams and announce wonderful\nrevelations from time to time, when an event occurred which effectually\nsilenced opposition and stamped him as one inspired.\n\nBy some means he had learned that an eclipse of the sun was to take\nplace in the summer of 1806. As the time drew near, he called about him\nthe scoffers and boldly announced that on a certain day he would prove\nto them his supernatural authority by causing the sun to become dark.\nWhen the day and hour arrived and the earth at midday was enveloped\nin the gloom of twilight, Tenskwatawa, standing in the midst of the\nterrified Indians, pointed to the sky and cried, \u201cDid I not speak\ntruth? See, the sun is dark!\u201d There were no more doubters now. All\nproclaimed him a true prophet and the messenger of the Master of Life.\nHis fame spread abroad and apostles began to carry his revelations to\nthe remotest tribes.\n\nWe get but fragmentary light in regard to the details of the doctrine\nand ceremonies of this religious revival, as well as of that which\npreceded it. There were then no railroads, no newspaper correspondents\nto gather each day\u2019s proceedings, and no telegraph to flash the news\nacross the continent before nightfall; no reservation system, with its\nattendant army of employees, everyone a spy when an emergency arose;\nand no investigators to go among the tribes and study the matter\nfrom an ethnologic point of view. Our information is derived chiefly\nfrom military officers, who knew these things only as vague rumors\nof Indian unrest fomented by British agents; from the statements of\na few illiterate interpreters or captives among the savages, and\nfrom the misty recollections of old men long after the excitement\nhad passed away. Of the dances which are a part of every important\nIndian ceremony, the songs which they chanted, the peculiar dress or\nadornments which probably distinguished the believers\u2014of all these we\nknow nothing; but we may well surmise that the whole elaborate system\nof Indian mythology and ceremonial was brought into play to give weight\nto the words of the prophet, and enough is known to show that in its\nleading features the movement closely resembled the modern Ghost dance.\n\nIt is impossible to know how far the prophet was responsible for the\nfinal shaping of the doctrine. Like all such movements, it undoubtedly\ngrew and took more definite form under the hands of the apostles who\nwent out from the presence of its originator to preach to the various\ntribes. A religion which found adherents alike in the everglades\nof Florida and on the plains of the Saskatchewan must necessarily\nhave undergone local modifications. From a comparison of the various\naccounts we can arrive at a general statement of the belief.\n\nThe prophet was held to be an incarnation of Manabozho, the great\n\u201cfirst doer\u201d of the Algonquian system. His words were believed to be\nthe direct utterances of a deity. Manabozho had taught his people\ncertain modes of living best suited to their condition and capacity.\nA new race had come upon them, and the Indians had thrown aside their\nprimitive purity of life and adopted the innovations of the whites,\nwhich had now brought them to degradation and misery and threatened\nthem with swift and entire destruction. To punish them for their\ndisobedience and bring them to a sense of their duty, Manabozho had\ncalled the game from the forests and shut it up under the earth, so\nthat the tribes were now on the verge of starvation and obliged to eat\nthe flesh of filthy hogs. They had also lost their old love for one\nanother and become addicted to the secret practices of the poisoner\nand the wizard, together with the abominable ceremonies of the calumet\ndance. They must now put aside all these things, throw away the weapons\nand the dress of the white man, pluck out their hair as in ancient\ntimes, wear the eagle feather on their heads, and clothe themselves\nagain with the breechcloth and the skins of animals slain with the\nbows and arrows which Manabozho had given them. (_Kendall, 1._) They\nmust have done with the white man\u2019s flint-and-steel, and cook their\nfood over a fire made by rubbing together two sticks, and this fire\nmust always be kept burning in their lodges, as it was a symbol of the\neternal life, and their care for it was an evidence of their heed to\nthe divine commands. The firewater must forever be put away, together\nwith the medicine bags and poisons and the wicked juggleries which had\ncorrupted the ancient purity of the Mid\u00e9 rites. Instead of these the\nprophet gave them new songs and new medicines. Their women must cease\nfrom any connection with white men. They were to love one another and\nmake an end of their constant wars, to be kind to their children, to\nkeep but one dog in a family, and to abstain from lying and stealing.\nIf they would listen to his voice and follow his instructions, the\nincarnate Manabozho promised that at the end of four years (i. e., in\n1811) he would bring on two days of darkness, during which he would\ntravel invisibly throughout the land, and cause the animals which he\nhad created to come forth again out of the earth. (_Kendall, 2._) They\nwere also promised that their dead friends would be restored to them.\n\nThe ideas as to the catastrophe that was to usher in the new era seem\nto have varied according to the interpreter of the belief. Among the\nOttawa, and perhaps among the lake tribes generally, there was to be a\nperiod of darkness, as already stated. Among the Cherokee, and probably\nalso among the Creek, it was believed that there would be a terrible\nhailstorm, which would overwhelm with destruction both the whites\nand the unbelievers of the red race, while the elect would be warned\nin time to save themselves by fleeing to the high mountain tops. The\nidea of any hostile combination against the white race seems to have\nbeen no part of the doctrine. In the north, however, there is always a\nplain discrimination against the Americans. The Great Father, through\nhis prophet, is represented as declaring himself to be the common\nparent alike of Indians, English, French, and Spaniards; while the\nAmericans, on the contrary, \u201care not my children, but the children of\nthe evil spirit. They grew from the scum of the great water, when it\nwas troubled by an evil spirit and the froth was driven into the woods\nby a strong east wind. They are numerous, but I hate them. They are\nunjust; they have taken away your lands, which were not made for them.\u201d\n(_Kendall, 3._)\n\nFrom the venerable James Wafford, of the Cherokee nation, the author\nin 1891 obtained some interesting details in regard to the excitement\namong the Cherokee. According to his statement, the doctrine first\ncame to them through the Creek about 1812 or 1813. It was probably\ngiven to the Creek by Tecumtha and his party on their visit to that\ntribe in the fall of 1811, as will be related hereafter. The Creek\nwere taught by their prophets that the old Indian life was soon to\nreturn, when \u201cinstead of beef and bacon they would have venison, and\ninstead of chickens they would have turkeys.\u201d Great sacred dances\nwere inaugurated, and the people were exhorted to be ready for what\nwas to come. From the south the movement spread to the Cherokee, and\none of their priests, living in what is now upper Georgia, began to\npreach that on a day near at hand there would be a terrible storm,\nwith a mighty wind and hailstones as large as hominy mortars, which\nwould destroy from the face of the earth all but the true believers\nwho had previously taken refuge on the highest summits of the Great\nSmoky mountains. Full of this belief, numbers of the tribe in Alabama\nand Georgia abandoned their bees, their orchards, their slaves, and\neverything else that might have come to them through the white man,\nand, in spite of the entreaties and remonstrances of friends who put no\nfaith in the prediction, took up their toilsome march for the mountains\nof Carolina. Wafford, who was then about 10 years of age, lived with\nhis mother and stepfather on Valley river, and vividly remembers the\ntroops of pilgrims, with their packs on their backs, fleeing from the\nlower country to escape from the wrath to come. Many of them stopped\nat the house of his stepfather, who, being a white man, was somewhat\nbetter prepared than his neighbors to entertain travelers, and who took\nthe opportunity to endeavor to persuade them to turn back, telling\nthem that their hopes and fears alike were groundless. Some listened\nto him and returned to their homes, but others went on and climbed the\nmountain, where they waited until the appointed day arrived, only to\nfind themselves disappointed. Slowly and sadly then they took up their\npacks once more and turned their faces homeward, dreading the ridicule\nthey were sure to meet there, but yet believing in their hearts that\nthe glorious coming was only postponed for a time. This excitement\namong the Cherokee is noted at some length in the Cherokee Advocate of\nNovember 16, 1844, published at Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation. Among the\nCreek the excitement, intensified by reports of the struggle now going\non in the north, and fostered and encouraged by the emissaries of Spain\nand England, grew and spread until it culminated in the summer of 1813\nin the terrible Creek war.\n\nEnough is known of the ceremonial of this religion to show that it must\nhave had an elaborate ritual. We learn from Warren that the adherents\nof the prophet were accustomed to perform certain ceremonies in solemn\ncouncils, and that, after he had prohibited the corrupt secret rites,\nhe introduced instead new medicines and songs, and that at the ancient\ncapital of the Ojibwa on Lake Superior the Indians collected in great\nnumbers and performed these dances and ceremonies day and night.\n(_Warren, 1._) They were also instructed to dance naked, with their\nbodies painted and with the warclub in their hands. (_Kendall, 4._) The\nsolemn rite of confirmation, known as \u201cshaking hands with the prophet,\u201d\nwas particularly impressive. From the narrative of John Tanner, a\nwhite man captured when a child from his home in Kentucky and brought\nup among the wild Ojibwa, we get the best contemporary account of the\nadvent of the new doctrine in the north and its effect on the lake\ntribes. He says:\n\n It was while I was living here at Great Wood river that news\n came of a great man among the Shawneese, who had been favoured\n by a revelation of the mind and will of the Great Spirit. I was\n hunting in the prairie, at a great distance from my lodge, when\n I saw a stranger approaching. At first I was apprehensive of\n an enemy, but as he drew nearer, his dress showed him to be an\n Ojibbeway; but when he came up, there was something very strange\n and peculiar in his manner. He signified to me that I must go\n home, but gave no explanation of the cause. He refused to look at\n me or enter into any kind of conversation. I thought he must be\n crazy, but nevertheless accompanied him to my lodge. When we had\n smoked, he remained a long time silent, but at last began to tell\n me he had come with a message from the prophet of the Shawneese.\n \u201cHenceforth,\u201d said he, \u201cthe fire must never be suffered to go out\n in your lodge. Summer and winter, day and night, in the storm,\n or when it is calm, you must remember that the life in your body\n and the fire in your lodge are the same and of the same date.\n If you suffer your fire to be extinguished, at that moment your\n life will be at its end. You must not suffer a dog to live; you\n must never strike either a man, a woman, a child, or a dog. The\n prophet himself is coming to shake hands with you; but I have\n come before, that you may know what is the will of the Great\n Spirit, communicated to us by him, and to inform you that the\n preservation of your life, for a single moment, depends on your\n entire obedience. From this time forward we are neither to be\n drunk, to steal, to lie, or to go against our enemies. While we\n yield an entire obedience to these commands of the Great Spirit,\n the Sioux, even if they come to our country, will not be able to\n see us; we shall be protected and made happy.\u201d I listened to all\n he had to say, but told him, in answer, that I could not believe\n we should all die in case our fire went out; in many instances,\n also, it would be difficult to avoid punishing our children; our\n dogs were useful in aiding us to hunt and take animals, so that I\n could not believe the Great Spirit had any wish to take them from\n us. He continued talking to us until late at night; then he lay\n down to sleep in my lodge. I happened to wake first in the morning,\n and, perceiving the fire had gone out, I called him to get up and\n see how many of us were living and how many dead. He was prepared\n for the ridicule I attempted to throw upon his doctrine, and told\n me that I had not yet shaken hands with the prophet. His visit had\n been to prepare me for this important event, and to make me aware\n of the obligations and risks I should incur, by entering into\n the engagement implied in taking in my hand the message of the\n prophet. I did not rest entirely easy in my unbelief. The Indians,\n generally, received the doctrine of this man with great humility\n and fear. Distress and anxiety was visible in every countenance.\n Many killed their dogs, and endeavored to practice obedience to\n all the commands of this new preacher, who still remained among\n us. But, as was usual with me, in any emergency of this kind, I\n went to the traders, firmly believing that if the Deity had any\n communications to make to men, they would be given, in the first\n instance, to white men. The traders ridiculed and despised the\n idea of a new revelation of the Divine will, and the thought that\n it should be given to a poor Shawnee. Thus was I confirmed in my\n infidelity. Nevertheless, I did not openly avow my unbelief to\n the Indians, only I refused to kill my dogs, and showed no great\n degree of anxiety to comply with his other requirements. As long\n as I remained among the Indians, I made it my business to conform,\n as far as appeared consistent with my immediate convenience and\n comfort, with all their customs. Many of their ideas I have\n adopted, but I always found among them opinions which I could not\n hold. The Ojibbeway whom I have mentioned remained some time among\n the Indians in my neighborhood, and gained the attention of the\n principal men so effectually that a time was appointed and a lodge\n prepared for the solemn and public espousing of the doctrines of\n the prophet. When the people, and I among them, were brought into\n the long lodge, prepared for this solemnity, we saw something\n carefully concealed under a blanket, in figure and dimensions\n bearing some resemblance to the form of a man. This was accompanied\n by two young men, who, it was understood, attended constantly upon\n it, made its bed at night, as for a man, and slept near it. But\n while we remained no one went near it or raised the blanket which\n was spread over its unknown contents. Four strings of mouldy and\n discoloured beans were all the remaining visible insignia of this\n important mission. After a long harangue, in which the prominent\n features of the new revelation were stated and urged upon the\n attention of all, the four strings of beans, which we were told\n were made of the flesh itself of the prophet, were carried with\n much solemnity to each man in the lodge, and he was expected to\n take hold of each string at the top, and draw them gently through\n his hand. This was called shaking hands with the prophet, and was\n considered as solemnly engaging to obey his injunctions, and accept\n his mission as from the Supreme. All the Indians who touched the\n beans had previously killed their dogs; they gave up their medicine\n bags, and showed a disposition to comply with all that should be\n required of them.\n\n We had now been for some time assembled in considerable numbers.\n Much agitation and terror had prevailed among us, and now famine\n began to be felt. The faces of men wore an aspect of unusual\n gloominess; the active became indolent, and the spirits of the\n bravest seemed to be subdued. I started to hunt with my dogs, which\n I had constantly refused to kill or suffer to be killed. By their\n assistance, I found and killed a bear. On returning home, I said to\n some of the Indians, \u201cHas not the Great Spirit given us our dogs to\n aid us in procuring what is needful for the support of our life,\n and can you believe he wishes now to deprive us of their services?\n The prophet, we are told, has forbid us to suffer our fire to be\n extinguished in our lodges, and when we travel or hunt, he will not\n allow us to use a flint and steel, and we are told he requires that\n no man should give fire to another. Can it please the Great Spirit\n that we should lie in our hunting camps without fire, or is it\n more agreeable to him that we should make fire by rubbing together\n two sticks than with a flint and a piece of steel?\u201d But they would\n not listen to me; and the serious enthusiasm which prevailed among\n them so far affected me that I threw away my flint and steel, laid\n aside my medicine bag, and, in many particulars, complied with the\n new doctrines; but I would not kill my dogs. I soon learned to\n kindle a fire by rubbing some dry cedar, which I was careful to\n carry always about me, but the discontinuance of the use of flint\n and steel subjected many of the Indians to much inconvenience and\n suffering. The influence of the Shawnee prophet was very sensibly\n and painfully felt by the remotest Ojibbeways of whom I had any\n knowledge, but it was not the common impression among them that\n his doctrines had any tendency to unite them in the accomplishment\n of any human purpose. For two or three years drunkenness was much\n less frequent than formerly, war was less thought of, and the\n entire aspect of affairs among them was somewhat changed by the\n influence of one man. But gradually the impression was obliterated;\n medicine bags, flints, and steels were resumed; dogs were raised,\n women and children were beaten as before, and the Shawnee prophet\n was despised. At this day he is looked upon by the Indians as an\n impostor and a bad man. (_Tanner, 1._)\n\nTanner\u2019s account is confirmed by Warren, from the statements of old men\namong the Ojibwa who had taken part in the revival. According to their\nstory the ambassadors of the new revelation appeared at the different\nvillages, acting strangely and with their faces painted black\u2014perhaps\nto signify their character as messengers from the world of shades.\nThey told the people that they must light a fire with two dry sticks\nin each of their principal settlements, and that this fire must\nalways be kept sacred and burning. They predicted the speedy return\nof the old Indian life, and asserted that the prophet would cause the\ndead to rise from the grave. The new belief took sudden and complete\npossession of the minds of the Ojibwa and spread \u201clike wildfire\u201d from\nend to end of their widely extended territory, and even to the remote\nnorthern tribes in alliance with the Cree and Asiniboin. The strongest\nevidence of their implicit obedience to the new revelation was given\nby their attention to the command to throw away their medicine bags,\nthe one thing which every Indian holds most sacred. It is said that\nthe shores of Lake Superior, in the vicinity of the great village of\nShagawaumikong (Bayfield, Wisconsin), were strewn with these medicine\nbags, which had been cast into the water. At this ancient capital of\nthe tribe the Ojibwa gathered in great numbers, to dance the dances and\nsing the songs of the new ritual, until a message was received from\nthe prophet inviting them to come to him at Detroit, where he would\nexplain in person the will of the Master of Life. This was in 1808.\nThe excitement was now at fever heat, and it was determined to go in\na body to Detroit. It is said that 150 canoe loads of Ojibwa actually\nstarted on this pilgrimage, and one family even brought with them a\ndead child to be restored to life by the prophet. They had proceeded\na considerable distance when they were met by an influential French\ntrader, who reported, on the word of some who had already visited the\nprophet\u2019s camp and returned, that the devotees there were on the brink\nof starvation\u2014which was true, as the great multitude had consumed their\nentire supply of provisions, and had been so occupied with religious\nceremonies that they had neglected to plant their corn. It was also\nasserted that during the prophet\u2019s frequent periods of absence from\nthe camp, when he would disappear for several days, claiming on his\nreturn that he had been to the spirit world in converse with the Master\nof Life, that he was really concealed in a hollow log in the woods.\nThis is quite probable, and entirely consistent with the Indian theory\nof trances and soul pilgrimages while the body remains unconscious in\none spot. These reports, however, put such a damper on the ardor of\nthe Ojibwa that they returned to their homes and gradually ceased to\nthink about the new revelation. As time went on a reaction set in, and\nthose who had been most active evangelists of the doctrine among the\ntribe became most anxious to efface the remembrance of it. One good,\nhowever, resulted to the Ojibwa from the throwing away of the poisonous\ncompounds formerly in common use by the lower order of doctors, and\nsecret poisoning became almost unknown. (_Warren, 2._)\n\nWhen the celebrated traveler Catlin went among the prairie tribes some\nthirty years later, he found that the prophet\u2019s emissaries\u2014he says the\nprophet himself, which is certainly a mistake\u2014had carried the living\nfire, the sacred image, and the mystic strings (see portrait and\ndescription) even to the Blackfeet on the plains of the Saskatchewan,\ngoing without hindrance among warring tribes where the name of the\nShawano had never been spoken, protected only by the reverence that\nattached to their priestly character. There seems no doubt that by\nthis time they had developed the plan of a confederacy for driving\nback the whites, and Catlin asserts that thousands of warriors among\nthose remote tribes had pledged themselves to fight under the lead of\nTecumtha at the proper time. His account of the prophet\u2019s methods in\nthe extreme northwest agrees with what Tanner has reported from the\nOjibwa country. (_Catlin, 1._) But disaster followed him like a shadow.\nRivals, jealous of his success, came after him to denounce his plans as\nvisionary and himself as an impostor. The ambassadors were obliged to\nturn back to save their lives and retrace their way in haste to the far\ndistant Wabash, where the fatal battle of Tippecanoe and the death of\nhis great brother, Tecumtha, put an end to all his splendid dreams.\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter IV+\n\n TECUMTHA AND TIPPECANOE\n\n These lands are ours. No one has a right to remove us, because we\n were the first owners.\u2014_Tecumtha to Wells, 1807._\n\n The Great Spirit gave this great island to his red children.\n He placed the whites on the other side of the big water. They\n were not contented with their own, but came to take ours from\n us. They have driven us from the sea to the lakes\u2014we can go no\n farther.\u2014_Tecumtha, 1810._\n\n The President may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while\n you and I will have to fight it out.\u2014_Tecumtha to Harrison, 1810._\n\n\nAnd now we begin to hear of the prophet\u2019s brother, Tecumtha, the most\nheroic character in Indian history. Tecumtha, \u201cThe Meteor,\u201d was the\nson of a chief and the worthy scion of a warrior race. His tribe, the\nShawano, made it their proud boast that they of all tribes had opposed\nthe most determined resistance to the encroachments of the whites. His\nfather had fallen under the bullets of the Virginians while leading\nhis warriors at the bloody battle of Point Pleasant, in 1774. His\neldest and dearest brother had lost his life in an attack on a southern\nfrontier post, and another had been killed fighting by his side at\nWayne\u2019s victory in 1794. What wonder that the young Tecumtha declared\nthat his flesh crept at the sight of a white man!\n\nBut his was no mean spirit of personal revenge; his mind was too\nnoble for that. He hated the whites as the destroyers of his race,\nbut prisoners and the defenseless knew well that they could rely on\nhis honor and humanity and were safe under his protection. When only\na boy\u2014for his military career began in childhood\u2014he had witnessed\nthe burning of a prisoner, and the spectacle was so abhorrent to his\nfeelings that by an earnest and eloquent harangue he induced the party\nto give up the practice forever. In later years his name was accepted\nby helpless women and children as a guaranty of protection even in\nthe midst of hostile Indians. Of commanding figure, nearly six feet\nin height and compactly built; of dignified bearing and piercing eye,\nbefore whose lightning even a British general quailed; with the fiery\neloquence of a Clay and the clear-cut logic of a Webster; abstemious in\nhabit, charitable in thought and action, brave as a lion, but humane\nand generous withal\u2014in a word, an aboriginal American knight\u2014his life\nwas given to his people, and he fell at last, like his father and his\nbrothers before him, in battle with the destroyers of his nation, the\nchampion of a lost cause and a dying race.\n\nHis name has been rendered \u201cThe Shooting Star\u201d and \u201cThe Panther\nCrouching, or Lying in Wait.\u201d From a reply to a letter of inquiry\naddressed to Professor A. S. Gatschet, the well-known philologist, I\nextract the following, which throws valuable light on the name system\nand mythology of the Shawano, and shows also that the two renderings,\napparently so dissimilar, have a common origin:\n\n Shawano personal names are nearly all clan names, and by their\n interpretation the clan to which the individual or his father or\n mother belongs may be discovered. Thus, when a man is called \u201ctight\n fitting\u201d or \u201cgood fit,\u201d he is of the _Rabbit_ clan, because the\n fur fits the rabbit very tightly and closely. The name of Tecumtha\n is derived from _nila ni tka\u2032mthka_, \u201cI cross the path or way of\n somebody, or of an animal.\u201d This indicates that the one so named\n belongs to the clan of the round-foot or claw-foot animals, as\n panther, lion, or even raccoon. Tecumtha and his brother belonged\n to the clan of the manetuwi msipessi or \u201cmiraculous panther\u201d\n (_msi_, great, big; _pishiwi_, abbreviated _pessi_, cat, both\n combined meaning the American lion). So the translations \u201cpanther\n lying in wait,\u201d or \u201ccrouching lion,\u201d give only the sense of the\n name, and no animal is named in it. But the _msi-pessi_, when the\n epithet miraculous (_manetuwi_) is added to it, means a \u201ccelestial\n tiger,\u201d i. e., a meteor or shooting star. The _manetuwi msi-pessi_\n lives in water only and is visible not as an animal, but as a\n shooting star, and exceeding in size other shooting stars. This\n monster gave name to a Shawano clan, and this clan, to which\n Tecumtha belonged, was classed among the claw-foot animals also.\n The quick motion of the shooting star was correctly likened to that\n of a tiger or wildcat rushing upon his prey. Shooting stars are\n supposed to be souls of great men all over America. The home of the\n dead is always in the west, where the celestial bodies set, and\n since meteors travel westward they were supposed to return to their\n western home.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 58+\u2014Tecumtha.\n\n One of the finest looking men I ever saw\u2014about 6 feet high,\n straight, with large, fine features, and altogether a daring,\n bold-looking fellow.\u2014_Captain Floyd, 1810._\n\n One of those uncommon geniuses which spring up occasionally\n to produce revolutions and overturn the established order of\n things\u2014_Governor Harrison._]\n\n EXPLANATION OF FIGURE 58\n\n This portrait is a copy of the one given by Lossing in his American\n Revolution and the War of 1812, +III.+ (1875), page 283. He quotes\n a description of Tecumtha\u2019s personal appearance by a British\n officer who saw him in 1812, and then goes on to give the history\n of the portrait. \u201cCaptain J. B. Glegg, Brock\u2019s aid-de-camp, has\n left on record the following description of Tecumtha at that\n interview: \u2018Tecumseh\u2019s appearance was very prepossessing; his\n figure light and finely proportioned; his age I imagined to be\n about five and thirty [he was about forty]; in height, 5 feet 9\n or 10 inches; his complexion light copper; countenance oval, with\n bright hazel eyes, bearing cheerfulness, energy, and decision.\n Three small silver crosses or coronets were suspended from the\n lower cartilage of his aquiline nose, and a large silver medallion\n of George the Third, which I believe his ancestor had received from\n Lord Dorchester when governor-general of Canada, was attached to\n a mixed-colored wampum string and hung round his neck. His dress\n consisted of a plain, neat uniform, tanned deerskin jacket, with\n long trowsers of the same material, the seams of both being covered\n with neatly cut fringe, and he had on his feet leather moccasins,\n much ornamented with work made from the dyed quills of the\n porcupine.\u2019 The portrait of Tecumtha above given is from a pencil\n sketch by Pierre Le Dru.... In this I have given only the head by\n Le Dru. The cap was red, and in front was a single eagle\u2019s feather,\n black, with a white tip. The sketch of his dress (and the medal\n above described), in which he appears as a brigadier-general of\n the British army, is from a rough drawing, which I saw in Montreal\n in the summer of 1858, made at Malden soon after the surrender of\n Detroit, where the Indians celebrated that event by a grand feast.\n It was only on gala occasions that Tecumtha was seen in full dress.\n The sketch did not pretend to give a true likeness of the chief,\n and was valuable only as a delineation of his costume. From the\n two we are enabled to give a pretty faithful picture of the great\n Shawnoese warrior and statesman as he appeared in his best mood.\n When in full dress he wore a cocked hat and plume, but would not\n give up his blue breechcloth, red leggings fringed with buckskin,\n and buckskin moccasins.\u201d\n\nTecumtha was now in the prime of manhood, being about 40 years of\nage, and had already thought out his scheme of uniting all the tribes\nin one grand confederation to resist the further encroachments of\nthe whites, on the principle that the Indians had common interests,\nand that what concerned one tribe concerned all. As the tribes were\nconstantly shifting about, following the game in its migrations, he\nheld that no one tribe had any more than a possessory right to the\nland while in actual occupancy, and that any sale of lands, to be\nvalid, must be sanctioned by all the tribes concerned. His claim was\ncertainly founded in justice, but the government refused to admit the\nprinciple in theory, although repeatedly acting on it in practice,\nfor every important treaty afterward made in Mississippi valley was\na joint treaty, as it was found impossible to assign the ownership\nof any considerable section to any one particular tribe. The Shawano\nthemselves hunted from the Cumberland to the Susquehanna. As a basal\nproposition, Tecumtha claimed that the Greenville treaty, having been\nforced on the Indians, was invalid; that the only true boundary was the\nOhio, as established in 1768, and that all future cessions must have\nthe sanction of all the tribes claiming rights in that region.\n\nBy this time there were assembled at Greenville to listen to the\nteachings of the prophet hundreds of savages, representing all the\nwidely extended tribes of the late region and the great northwest, all\nwrought up to the highest pitch of excitement over the prospect of\na revival of the old Indian life and the perpetuation of aboriginal\nsovereignty. This was Tecumtha\u2019s opportunity, and he was quick to\nimprove it. Even those who doubted the spiritual revelations could see\nthat they were in danger from the continued advances of the whites,\nand were easily convinced that safety required that they should unite\nas one people for the preservation of a common boundary. The pilgrims\ncarried back these ideas to their several tribes, and thus what was at\nfirst a simple religious revival soon became a political agitation.\nThey were equally patriotic from the Indian point of view, and under\nthe circumstances one was almost the natural complement of the other.\nAll the evidence goes to show that the movement in its inception was\npurely religious and peaceable; but the military spirit of Tecumtha\nafterward gave to it a warlike and even aggressive character, and\nhenceforth the apostles of the prophet became also recruiting agents\nfor his brother. Tecumtha himself was too sensible to think that the\nwhites would be destroyed by any interposition of heaven, or that they\ncould be driven out by any combination of the Indians, but he did\nbelieve it possible that the westward advance of the Americans could\nbe stopped at the Ohio, leaving his people in undisturbed possession\nof what lay beyond. In this hope he was encouraged by the British\nofficials in Canada, and it is doubtful if the movement would ever have\nbecome formidable if it had not been incited and assisted from across\nthe line.\n\nIn the spring of 1807 it was estimated that at Fort Wayne fifteen\nhundred Indians had recently passed that post on their way to visit\nthe prophet, while councils were constantly being held and runners\nwere going from tribe to tribe with pipes and belts of wampum. It\nwas plain that some uncommon movement was going on among them, and\nit also was evident that the British agents had a hand in keeping up\nthe excitement. The government became alarmed, and the crisis came\nwhen an order was sent from the President to Tecumtha at Greenville\nto remove his party beyond the boundary of 1795 (the Greenville\ntreaty). Trembling with excitement, Tecumtha rose and addressed his\nfollowers in a passionate speech, dwelling on the wrongs of the Indians\nand the continued encroachments of the whites. Then, turning to the\nmessenger, he said, \u201cThese lands are ours. No one has a right to\nremove us, because we were the first owners. The Great Spirit above\nhas appointed this place for us, on which to light our fires, and\nhere we will remain. As to boundaries, the Great Spirit above knows\nno boundaries nor will his red children acknowledge any.\u201d (_Drake,\nTecumseh, 3._) From this time it was understood that the Indians were\npreparing to make a final stand for the valley of the Ohio. The prophet\ncontinued to arouse their enthusiasm by his inspired utterances, while\nTecumtha became the general and active organizer of the warriors.\nAt a conference with the governor of Ohio in the autumn of 1807 he\nfearlessly denied the validity of the former treaties, and declared his\nintention to resist the further extension of the white settlements on\nIndian lands.\n\nThe next spring great numbers of Indians came down from the lakes to\nvisit Tecumtha and his brother, who, finding their following increasing\nso rapidly, accepted an invitation from the Potawatomi and Kickapoo,\nand removed their headquarters to a more central location on the\nWabash. The Delaware and Miami, who claimed precedence in that region\nand who had all along opposed the prophet and Tecumtha, protested\nagainst this move, but without effect. The new settlement, which was on\nthe western bank of the river, just below the mouth of the Tippecanoe,\nwas known to the Indians as Kehtipaquononk, \u201cthe great clearing,\u201d and\nwas an old and favorite location with them. It had been the site of\na large Shawano village which had been destroyed by the Americans in\n1791, and some years later the Potawatomi had rebuilt upon the same\nplace, to which they now invited the disciples of the new religion.\nThe whites had corrupted the name to Tippecanoe, and it now generally\nbecame known as the Prophet\u2019s town.\n\nNothing else of moment occurred during this year, but it was learned\nthat Tecumtha contemplated visiting the southern tribes in the near\nfuture to enlist them also in his confederacy. In 1809, however,\nrumors of an approaching outbreak began to fill the air, and it was\nevident that the British were instigating the Indians to mischief in\nanticipation of a war between England and the United States. Just at\nthis juncture the anger of Tecumtha\u2019s party was still further inflamed\nby the negotiation of treaties with four tribes by which additional\nlarge tracts were ceded in Indiana and Illinois. The Indians now\nrefused to buy ammunition from the American traders, saying that they\ncould obtain all they wanted for nothing in another quarter. In view of\nthe signs of increasing hostility, Governor Harrison was authorized to\ntake such steps as might be necessary to protect the frontier. Tecumtha\nhad now gained over the Wyandot, the most influential tribe of the Ohio\nregion, the keepers of the great wampum belt of union and the lighters\nof the council fire of the allied tribes. Their example was speedily\nfollowed by the Miami, whose adhesion made the tribes of the Ohio and\nthe lakes practically unanimous. The prophet now declared that he would\nfollow in the steps of Pontiac, and called on the remote tribes to\nassist those on the border to roll back the tide which would otherwise\noverwhelm them all. In return, the Sauk and Fox sent word that they\nwere ready whenever he should say the word.\n\nIn the summer of 1810, according to a previous arrangement, Tecumtha,\nattended by several hundred warriors, descended the river to Vincennes\nto confer with Governor Harrison on the situation. The conference began\non the 15th of August and lasted three days. Tecumtha reiterated his\nformer claims, saying that in uniting the tribes he was endeavoring\nto dam the mighty water that was ready to overflow his people. The\nAmericans had driven the Indians from the sea and threatened to push\nthem into the lakes; and, although he disclaimed any intention of\nmaking war against the United States, he declared his fixed resolution\nto insist on the old boundary and to oppose the further intrusion of\nthe whites on the lands of the Indians, and to resist the survey of\nthe lands recently ceded. He was followed by chiefs of five different\ntribes, each of whom in turn declared that he would support the\nprinciples of Tecumtha. Harrison replied that the government would\nnever admit that any section belonged to all the Indians in common,\nand that, having bought the ceded lands from the tribes who were first\nfound in possession of them, it would defend its title by arms. To this\nTecumtha said that he preferred to be on the side of the Americans,\nand that if his terms were conceded he would bring his forces to the\naid of the United States in the war which he knew was soon to break\nout with England, but that otherwise he would be compelled to join\nthe British. The governor replied that he would state the case to the\nPresident, but that it was altogether unlikely that he would consent to\nthe conditions. Recognizing the inevitable, Tecumtha expressed the hope\nthat, as the President was to determine the matter, the Great Spirit\nwould put sense into his head to induce him to give up the lands,\nadding, \u201cIt is true, he is so far off he will not be injured by the\nwar. He may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I\nwill have to fight it out.\u201d The governor then requested that in the\nevent of an Indian war Tecumtha would use his influence to prevent the\npractice of cruelties on women and children and defenseless prisoners.\nTo this he readily agreed, and the promise was faithfully kept.\n(_Drake, Tecumseh, 4._)\n\nThe conference had ended with a tacit understanding that war must\ncome, and both sides began to prepare for the struggle. Soon after it\nwas learned that the prophet had sent belts to the tribes west of the\nMississippi, inviting them to join in a war against the United States.\nOutrages on the Indians by settlers intensified the hostile feeling,\nand the Delawares refused to deliver up a murderer until some of the\nwhites who had killed their people were first punished. Harrison\nhimself states that the Indians could rarely obtain satisfaction for\nthe most unprovoked wrongs. In another letter he says that Tecumtha\n\u201chas taken for his model the celebrated Pontiac, and I am persuaded he\nwill bear a favorable comparison in every respect with that far-famed\nwarrior.\u201d\n\nIn July, 1811, Tecumtha again, visited Harrison at Vincennes. In the\ncourse of his talk he said that the whites were unnecessarily alarmed,\nas the Indians were only following the example set them by the colonies\nin uniting for the furtherance of common interests. He added that he\nwas now on his way to the southern tribes to obtain their adhesion\nalso to the league, and that on his return in the spring he intended\nto visit the President to explain his purposes fully and to clear away\nall difficulties. In the meantime he expected that a large number of\nIndians would join his colony on the Wabash during the winter, and to\navoid any danger of collision between them and the whites, he requested\nthat no settlements should be made on the disputed lands until he\nshould have an opportunity to see the President. To this Harrison\nreplied that the President would never give up a country which he\nhad bought from its rightful owners, nor would he suffer his people\nto be injured with impunity. This closed the interview, and the next\nday Tecumtha started with his party for the south to visit the Creek\nand Choctaw. About the same time it was learned that the British had\nsent a message to the prophet, telling him that the time had now come\nfor him to take up the hatchet, and inviting him to send a party to\ntheir headquarters at Malden (now Amherstburg, Ontario) to receive the\nnecessary supplies. In view of these things Harrison suggested to the\nWar Department that opportunity be taken of Tecumtha\u2019s absence in the\nsouth to strike a blow against his confederacy. Continuing in the same\nletter, he says of the great Indian leader:\n\n The implicit obedience and respect which the followers of Tecumseh\n pay to him is really astonishing, and more than any other\n circumstance bespeaks him one of those uncommon geniuses which\n spring up occasionally to produce revolutions and overturn the\n established order of things. If it were not for the vicinity of the\n United States, he would perhaps be the founder of an empire that\n would rival in glory Mexico or Peru. No difficulties deter him. For\n four years he has been in constant motion. You see him to-day on\n the Wabash, and in a short time hear of him on the shores of Lake\n Erie or Michigan or on the banks of the Mississippi, and wherever\n he goes he makes an impression favorable to his purposes. He is now\n upon the last round, to put a finishing stroke to his work. I hope,\n however, before his return that that part of the fabric which he\n considered complete will be demolished, and even its foundations\n rooted up. (_Drake, Tecumseh, 5._)\n\nOn this trip Tecumtha went as far as Florida and engaged the Seminole\nfor his confederacy. Then, retracing his steps into Alabama, he came\nto the ancient Creek town of Tukabachi, on the Tallapoosa, near the\npresent site of Montgomery. What happened here is best told in the\nwords of McKenney and Hall, who derived their information from Indians\nat the same town a few years later:\n\n He made his way to the lodge of the chief called the Big Warrior.\n He explained his object, delivered his war talk, presented a bundle\n of sticks, gave a piece of wampum and a war hatchet\u2014all which the\n Big Warrior took\u2014when Tecumth\u00e9, reading the spirit and intentions\n of the Big Warrior, looked him in the eye, and, pointing his finger\n toward his face, said: \u201cYour blood is white. You have taken my\n talk, and the sticks, and the wampum, and the hatchet, but you\n do not mean to fight. I know the reason. You do not believe the\n Great Spirit has sent me. You shall know. I leave Tuckhabatchee\n directly, and shall go straight to Detroit. When I arrive there, I\n will stamp on the ground with my foot and shake down every house\n in Tuckhabatchee.\u201d So saying, he turned and left the Big Warrior\n in utter amazement at both his manner and his threat, and pursued\n his journey. The Indians were struck no less with his conduct than\n was the Big Warrior, and began to dread the arrival of the day\n when the threatened calamity would befall them. They met often and\n talked over this matter, and counted the days carefully to know the\n day when Tecumth\u00e9 would reach Detroit. The morning they had fixed\n upon as the day of his arrival at last came. A mighty rumbling was\n heard\u2014the Indians all ran out of their houses\u2014the earth began to\n shake; when at last, sure enough, every house in Tuckhabatchee was\n shaken down. The exclamation was in every mouth, \u201cTecumth\u00e9 has got\n to Detroit!\u201d The effect was electric. The message he had delivered\n to the Big Warrior was believed, and many of the Indians took their\n rifles and prepared for the war. The reader will not be surprised\n to learn that an earthquake had produced all this; but he will be,\n doubtless, that it should happen on the very day on which Tecumth\u00e9\n arrived at Detroit, and in exact fulfillment of his threat. It was\n the famous earthquake of New Madrid on the Mississippi. (_McKenney\n and Hall, 1._)\n\nThe fire thus kindled among the Creek by Tecumtha was fanned into a\nblaze by the British and Spanish traders until the opening of the war\nof 1812 gave the opportunity for the terrible outbreak known in history\nas the Creek war.\n\nWhile Tecumtha was absent in the south, affairs were rapidly\napproaching a crisis on the Wabash. The border settlers demanded the\nremoval of the prophet\u2019s followers, stating in their memorial to the\nPresident that they were \u201cfully convinced that the formation of this\ncombination headed by the Shawano prophet was a British scheme, and\nthat the agents of that power were constantly exciting the Indians\nto hostility against the United States.\u201d Governor Harrison now\nsent messages to the different tribes earnestly warning them of the\nconsequences of a hostile outbreak, but about the same time the prophet\nhimself announced that he had now taken up the tomahawk against the\nUnited States, and would only lay it down with his life, unless the\nwrongs of the Indians were redressed. It was known also that he was\narousing his followers to a feverish pitch of excitement by the daily\npractice of mystic rites.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 59+\u2014Harrison treaty pipe.]\n\nHarrison now determined to break up the prophet\u2019s camp. Accordingly,\nat the head of about 900 men, including about 250 regulars, he marched\nfrom Vincennes, and on the 5th of November, 1811, encamped within a\nfew miles of the prophet\u2019s town. The Indians had fortified the place\nwith great care and labor. It was sacred to them as the spot where the\nrites of the new religion had been so long enacted, and by these rites\nthey believed it had been rendered impregnable to the attacks of the\nwhite man. The next day he approached still nearer, and was met by\nmessengers from the town, who stated that the prophet was anxious to\navoid hostilities and had already sent a pacific message by several\nchiefs, who had unfortunately gone down on the other side of the river\nand thus had failed to find the general. A truce was accordingly agreed\non until the next day, when terms of peace were to be arranged between\nthe governor and the chiefs. The army encamped on a spot pointed out\nby the Indians, an elevated piece of ground rising out of a marshy\nprairie, within a mile of the town. Although Harrison did not believe\nthat the Indians would make a night attack, yet as a precaution he had\nthe troops sleep on their arms in order of battle.\n\n At 4 o\u2019clock in the morning of the 7th, Governor Harrison,\n according to his practice, had risen preparatory to the calling\n up the troops, and was engaged, while drawing on his boots by\n the fire, in conversation with General Wells, Colonel Owen, and\n Majors Taylor and Hurst. The orderly drum had been roused for the\n purpose of giving the signal for the troops to turn out, when the\n attack of the Indians suddenly commenced upon the left flank of the\n camp. The whole army was instantly on its feet, the campfires were\n extinguished, the governor mounted his horse and proceeded to the\n point of attack. Several of the companies had taken their places in\n the line within forty seconds from the report of the first gun, and\n the whole of the troops were prepared for action in the course of\n two minutes, a fact as creditable to their own activity and bravery\n as to the skill and bravery of their officers. The battle soon\n became general, and was maintained on both sides with signal and\n even desperate valor. The Indians advanced and retreated by the aid\n of a rattling noise, made with deer hoofs, and persevered in their\n treacherous attack with an apparent determination to conquer or\n die upon the spot. The battle raged with unabated fury and mutual\n slaughter until daylight, when a gallant and successful charge by\n our troops drove the enemy into the swamp and put an end to the\n conflict.\n\n Prior to the assault the prophet had given assurances to his\n followers that in the coming contest the Great Spirit would render\n the arms of the Americans unavailing; that their bullets would\n fall harmless at the feet of the Indians; that the latter should\n have light in abundance, while the former would be involved in\n thick darkness. Availing himself of the privilege conferred by his\n peculiar office, and perhaps unwilling in his own person to attest\n at once the rival powers of a sham prophecy and a real American\n bullet, he prudently took a position on an adjacent eminence, and\n when the action began, he entered upon the performance of certain\n mystic rites, at the same time singing a war song. In the course of\n the engagement he was informed that his men were falling. He told\n them to fight on\u2014it would soon be as he had predicted. And then,\n in louder and wilder strains, his inspiring battle song was heard\n commingling with the sharp crack of the rifle and the shrill war\n whoop of his brave but deluded followers. (_Drake, Tecumseh, 6._)\n\nDrake estimates the whole number of Indians engaged in the battle\nat between 800 and 1,000, representing all the principal tribes of\nthe region, and puts the killed at probably not less than 50, with\nan unusually large proportion of wounded. Harrison\u2019s estimate would\nseem to put the numbers much higher. The Americans lost 60 killed\nor mortally wounded, and 188 in all. (_Drake, Tecumseh, 7._) In\ntheir hurried retreat the Indians left a large number of dead on the\nfield. Believing on the word of the prophet that they would receive\nsupernatural aid from above, they had fought with desperate bravery,\nand their defeat completely disheartened them. They at once abandoned\ntheir town and dispersed, each to his own tribe. Tecumtha\u2019s great\nfabric was indeed demolished, and even its foundations rooted up.\n\nThe night before the engagement the prophet had performed some medicine\nrites by virtue of which he had assured his followers that half of the\nsoldiers were already dead and the other half bereft of their senses,\nso that the Indians would have little to do but rush into their camp\nand finish them with the hatchet. The result infuriated the savages.\nThey refused to listen to the excuses which are always ready to the\ntongue of the unsuccessful medicine-man, denounced him as a liar, and\neven threatened him with death. Deserted by all but a few of his own\ntribe, warned away from several villages toward which he turned his\nsteps, he found refuge at last among a small band of Wyandot; but his\ninfluence and his sacred prestige were gone forever, and he lived out\nhis remaining days in the gloom of obscurity.\n\nFrom the south Tecumtha returned through Missouri, Iowa, and Illinois,\neverywhere making accessions to his cause, but reached the Wabash at\nlast, just a few days after the battle, only to find his followers\nscattered to the four winds, his brother a refugee, and the great\nobject of his life\u2014a confederation of all the tribes\u2014brought to\nnothing. His grief and disappointment were bitter. He reproached his\nbrother in unmeasured terms for disobeying his instructions to preserve\npeace in his absence, and when the prophet attempted to reply, it is\nsaid that Tecumtha so far forgot his dignity as to seize his brother by\nthe hair and give him a violent shaking, threatening to take his life.\n\nEarly in 1812 Tecumtha sent a message to Governor Harrison, informing\nhim of his return from the south, and stating that he was now ready to\nmake the proposed visit to the President. To this Harrison replied,\ngiving his permission, but refusing to allow any party to accompany\nhim. This stipulation did not please the great leader, who had been\naccustomed to the attendance of a retinue of warriors wherever he went.\nHe declined the terms, and thus terminated his intercourse with the\ngovernor. In June, 1812, he visited the agent at Fort Wayne, and there\nreiterated the justice of his position in regard to the ownership of\nthe Indian lands, again disclaimed having had any intention of making\nwar against the United States, and reproached Harrison for marching\nagainst his people in his absence. In return, the agent endeavored\nto persuade him now to join forces with the United States in the\napproaching conflict with England. \u201cTecumtha listened with frigid\nindifference, made a few general remarks in reply, and then with a\nhaughty air left the council house and took his departure for Malden,\nwhere he joined the British standard.\u201d (_Drake, Tecumseh, 8._) His\nsubsequent career is a part of the history of the war of 1812.\n\nFormal declaration of war against Great Britain was made by the United\nStates on June 18, 1812. Tecumtha was already at Malden, the British\nheadquarters on the Canadian side, and when invited by some friendly\nIndians to attend a council near Detroit in order to make arrangements\nfor remaining neutral, he sent back word that he had taken sides with\nthe king, and that his bones would bleach on the Canadian shore before\nhe would recross the river to join in any council of neutrality. A few\ndays later he led his Indians into battle on the British side. For his\nservices at Maguaga he was soon afterward regularly commissioned a\nbrigadier general in the British army.\n\nWe pass over the numerous events of this war\u2014Maguaga, the Raisin, Fort\nMeigs, Perry\u2019s victory\u2014as being outside the scope of our narrative,\nand come to the battle of the Thames, October 5, 1813, the last ever\nfought by Tecumtha. After Perry\u2019s decisive victory on the lake, Proctor\nhastily prepared to retreat into the interior, despite the earnest\nprotests of Tecumtha, who charged him with cowardice, an imputation\nwhich the British general did not dare to resent. The retreat was\nbegun with Harrison in close pursuit, until the British and Indians\nreached a spot on the north bank of the Thames, in the vicinity of\nthe present Chatham, Ontario. Here, finding the ground favorable for\ndefense, Tecumtha resolved to retreat no farther, and practically\ncompelled Proctor to make a stand. The Indian leader had no hope of\ntriumph in the issue. His sun had gone down, and he felt himself\nalready standing in the shadow of death. He was done with life and\ndesired only to close it, as became a warrior, striking a last blow\nagainst the hereditary enemy of his race. When he had posted his men,\nhe called his chiefs about him and calmly said, \u201cBrother warriors, we\nare now about to enter into an engagement from which I shall never come\nout\u2014my body will remain on the field of battle.\u201d He then unbuckled his\nsword, and, placing it in the hands of one of them, said, \u201cWhen my son\nbecomes a noted warrior and able to wield a sword, give this to him.\u201d\nHe then laid aside his British military dress and took his place in the\nline, clothed only in the ordinary deerskin hunting shirt. (_Drake,\nTecumseh, 9._) When the battle began, his voice was heard encouraging\nhis men until he fell under the cavalry charge of the Americans, who\nhad already broken the ranks of the British regulars and forced them to\nsurrender. Deprived of their leader and deserted by their white allies,\nthe Indians gave up the unequal contest and fled from the field.\nTecumtha died in his forty-fourth year.\n\nAfter the close of the war the prophet returned from Canada by\npermission of this government and rejoined his tribe in Ohio, with\nwhom he removed to the west in 1827. (_Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 2._)\nCatlin, who met and talked with him in 1832, thus speaks of him:\n\n This, no doubt, has been a very shrewd and influential man, but\n circumstances have destroyed him, as they have many other great men\n before him, and he now lives respected, but silent and melancholy,\n in his tribe. I conversed with him a great deal about his brother\n Tecumseh, of whom he spoke frankly, and seemingly with great\n pleasure; but of himself and his own great schemes he would say\n nothing. He told me that Tecumseh\u2019s plans were to embody all the\n Indian tribes in a grand confederacy, from the province of Mexico\n to the Great Lakes, to unite their forces in an army that would be\n able to meet and drive back the white people, who were continually\n advancing on the Indian tribes and forcing them from their lands\n toward the Rocky mountains; that Tecumseh was a great general,\n and that nothing but his premature death defeated his grand plan.\n (_Catlin, 2._)\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter V+\n\n K\u00c4NAK\u00dbK AND MINOR PROPHETS\n\n K\u00c4NAK\u00dbK\n\n My father, the Great Spirit holds all the world in his hands. I\n pray to him that we may not be removed from our lands.... Take pity\n on us and let us remain where we are.\u2014_K\u00e4nak\u00fbk._\n\n I was singularly struck with the noble efforts of this champion of\n the mere remnant of a poisoned race, so strenuously laboring to\n rescue the remainder of his people from the deadly bane that has\n been brought amongst them by enlightened Christians.\u2014_Catlin._\n\nThe scene now shifts to the west of the Mississippi. With the death of\nTecumtha the confederacy of the northwestern tribes fell to pieces, and\non the closing of the war of 1812 the government inaugurated a series\nof treaties resulting, within twenty years, in the removal of almost\nevery tribe beyond the Mississippi and the appropriation of their\nformer country by the whites. Among others the Kickapoo, by the treaty\nof Edwardsville in 1819, had ceded the whole of their ancient territory\nin Illinois, comprising nearly one-half the area of the state, in\nexchange for a much smaller tract on Osage river in Missouri and $3,000\nin goods. (_Treaties, 1._) The government also agreed to furnish two\nboats to take them up the river to their new home, where \u201cthe United\nStates promise to guarantee to the said tribe the peaceable possession\nof the tract of land hereby ceded to them, and to restrain and prevent\nall white persons from hunting, settling, or otherwise intruding upon\nit.\u201d\n\nFor some reason, however, the Kickapoo manifested no overwhelming\ndesire to remove from their villages and cornfields on the broad\nprairies of Illinois to the rugged hills of Missouri. This may have\nbeen due to the innate perversity of the savage, or possibly to the\nfact that the new country guaranteed to them was already occupied by\ntheir hereditary enemies, the Osage, who outnumbered the Kickapoo\nthree to one. To be sure, these aboriginal proprietors had agreed to\nsurrender the territory to the United States, but they were still at\nhome to all visitors, as the immigrant Cherokee had learned to their\ncost. Be that as it may, several years passed and it began to be\nsuspected that the Kickapoo were not anxious to go west and grow up\nwith the country. Investigation disclosed the fact that, instead of\nremoving to the reservation on Osage river, one-half of the tribe had\ngone southward in a body and crossed over to the Spanish side of Red\nriver (now Texas), where they might reasonably hope to be secure from\nthe further advance of the Americans. Others were preparing to follow,\nand the government agents were instructed to make a strong effort to\neffect the immediate removal of the tribe to Missouri and to prevent\nthe emigration of any more to the south.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 60+\u2014K\u00e4nak\u00fbk the Kickapoo prophet.]\n\nIt now appeared that they were encouraged to hold their ground by a new\nprophet who had sprung up among them, named K\u00e4nak\u00fbk. The name (also\nspelled Kee-an-ne-kuk and Kanacuk), refers to putting the foot upon a\nfallen object, and does not denote \u201cthe foremost man,\u201d as rendered by\nCatlin. In a letter written to General Clark, in February, 1827\u2014a few\ndays after the prophet himself had visited General Clark\u2014the agent, Mr\nGraham, after reporting his failure to induce the tribe to remove,\nstates that the prophet \u201chad no idea of giving up his lands,\u201d and\ncontinues:\n\n This man has acquired an influence over his people through supposed\n revelations from God, which he urges on them with an eloquence,\n mildness, and firmness of manner that carries to their credulous\n ears conviction of his communications with God.\n\n To give a favorable turn to his mind, I apparently gave credence\n to his statements of these revelations, and attempted to put\n a construction on them for him. He listened to me with great\n attention, and, after I had finished, said I might be right;\n that God would talk to him again and he would let me know what\n he said. In the meantime he would use his influence to get his\n people to move, but that he could not himself come over until all\n had removed; that there were many bad men yet among them, whom\n he hoped to convert to the ways of God, and then all would come\n over. He would preach to his men and warn them from taking away or\n injuring the property of the white people, and if any white man\n struck them\u2014to use his own expression\u2014he would bow his head and not\n complain; he would stop any attempt to take revenge. He seems to\n have a wonderful influence over those Indians who accompanied him.\n They neither drank nor painted, were serious, though not gloomy.\n (_Ind. Off., 1._)\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 61+\u2014K\u00e4nak\u00fbk\u2019s heaven.]\n\nIn the same month K\u00e4nak\u00fbk himself visited General Clark at Saint Louis,\nand in the course of a long talk explained the origin of his divine\nmission and the nature of his doctrine, illustrating the subject by\nmeans of a peculiar diagram (figure 61), and closing with an earnest\nappeal in behalf of his people that they should be allowed to remain\nundisturbed. Although it was said by the traders that he had stolen\nhis inspiration from a Methodist preacher, it is plain from an\nexamination of his doctrine that he was the direct spiritual successor\nof Tenskwatawa and the Delaware prophet, who in their generation had\npreached to the same tribe. Like his predecessors, also, he condemned\nthe use of \u201cmedicine bags\u201d and medicine songs, which, although\nuniversal among the tribes, seem to have been regarded by the better\nclass of Indians as witchcraft was in former days among the whites.\n\nAfter the usual preliminary expressions of mutual friendship and good\nwill, K\u00e4nak\u00fbk stated that all his people were united in sentiment, and\nthen proceeded to explain his religious views as follows:\n\n My father, the Great Spirit has placed us all on this earth; he\n has given to our nation a piece of land. Why do you want to take\n it away and give us so much trouble? We ought to live in peace\n and happiness among ourselves and with you. We have heard of some\n trouble about our land. I have come down to see you and have all\n explained.\n\n * * * * *\n\n My father, the Great Spirit appeared to me; he saw my heart was in\n sorrow about our land; he told me not to give up the business, but\n go to my Great Father and he would listen to me. My father, when I\n talked to the Great Spirit, I saw the chiefs holding the land fast.\n He told me the life of our children was short and that the earth\n would sink.\n\n My father, I will explain to you what the Great Spirit said to\n me\u2014to do so, I must make some marks. The Great Spirit says: My\n father, we started from this point (A, figure 61). We are here\n now (B). When we get here (C), the Great Spirit will appear to me\n again. Here (B) the Great Spirit gave his blessings to the Indians\n and told them to tell his people to throw away their medicine bags\n and not to steal, not to tell lies, not to murder, not to quarrel,\n and to burn their medicine bags. If they did not, they could not\n get on the straight way, but would have to go the crooked path of\n the bad here (D); that when we got to this place (the curved line,\n E), we would not be able to cross it unless we were all good. It\n was fire. That we should go to this place (E), where there would be\n collected all the red chiefs and there would be a great preaching.\n That if we had not thrown away all our bad doings, these two points\n would meet (D and E), and then the Great Spirit would destroy\n everything and the world would be turned over. That if we would be\n good and throw away all our bad doings, we would cross this fire,\n when we would [come] to water (second line), which we would cross.\n There we would come to a country where there was nothing but a\n prairie and nothing grew upon it. There the sun would be hid from\n us by four black clouds. When we get here (C), the Great Spirit\n will explain these round marks.\n\n My father, I have now explained as well as I can, with much pains,\n our situation. I wish you to tell me the truth and hide nothing\n from me. I have heard that some of your warriors are going to take\n up the tomahawk. I explained to you last fall our situation. We are\n now here (B), where we are in great trouble. I told you of all our\n troubles. I asked you to reflect on our situation and that we would\n come back to see you.\n\n * * * * *\n\n My father, you call all the redskins your children. When we have\n children, we treat them well. That is the reason I make this long\n talk to get you to take pity on us and let us remain where we are.\n\n My father, I wish after my talk is over you would write to my Great\n Father, the president, that we have a desire to remain a little\n longer where we now are. I have explained to you that we have\n thrown all our badness away and keep the good path. I wish our\n Great Father could hear that. I will now talk to my Great Father,\n the president.\n\n My Great Father, I don\u2019t know if you are the right chief, because\n I have heard some things go wrong. I wish you to reflect on our\n situation and let me know. I want to talk to you mildly and in\n peace, so that we may understand each other. When I saw the Great\n Spirit, he told me to throw all our bad acts away. We did so. Some\n of our chiefs said the land belonged to us, the Kickapoos; but this\n is not what the Great Spirit told me\u2014the lands belong to him. The\n Great Spirit told me that no people owned the lands\u2014that all was\n his, and not to forget to tell the white people that when we went\n into council. When I saw the Great Spirit, he told me, Mention all\n this to your Great Father. He will take pity on your situation and\n let you remain on the lands where you are for some years, when you\n will be able to get through all the bad places (the marks in the\n figure), and where you will get to a clear piece of land where you\n will all live happy. When I talked to the Great Spirit, he told\n me to make my warriors throw their tomahawks in the bad place. I\n did so, and every night and morning I raise my hands to the Great\n Spirit and pray to him to give us success. I expect, my father,\n that God has put me in a good way\u2014that our children shall see their\n sisters and brothers and our women see their children. They will\n grow up and travel and see their totems. The Great Spirit told me,\n \u201cOur old men had totems. They were good and had many totems. Now\n you have scarcely any. If you follow my advice, you will soon have\n totems again.\u201d Say this to my Great Father for me.[2]\n\n * * * * *\n\n My father, since I talked with the Great Spirit, our women and\n children and ourselves, we have not such good clothes, but we don\u2019t\n mind that. We think of praying every day to the Great Spirit to get\n us safe to the good lands, where all will be peace and happiness.\n\n My father, the Great Spirit holds all the world in his hands. I\n pray to him that we may not be removed from our land until we can\n see and talk to all our totems....\n\n My father, when I left my women and children, they told me, \u201cAs you\n are going to see our Great Father, tell him to let us alone and let\n us eat our victuals with a good heart.\u201d\n\n * * * * *\n\n My father, since my talk with the Great Spirit we have nothing\n cooked until the middle of the day. The children get nothing in the\n morning to eat. We collect them all to pray to the Great Spirit to\n make our hearts pure, and then eat. We bring our children up to be\n good.\n\n My father, I will tell you all I know. I will put nothing on my\n back. God told me, Whenever you make a talk, tell everything true.\n Keep nothing behind, and then you will find everything go right.\n\n * * * * *\n\n My father, when I talked with the Great Spirit, he did not tell me\n to sell my lands, because I did not know how much was a dollar\u2019s\n worth, or the game that run on it. If he told me so, I would tell\n you to-day.\n\n My father, you have heard what I have said. I have represented to\n you our situation, and ask you to take pity on us and let us remain\n where we are....\n\n My father, I have shown you in the lines I have made the bad\n places. Our warriors even are afraid of those dark places you see\n there. That is the reason they threw their tomahawks aside and put\n up their hands to the Great Spirit.\n\n * * * * *\n\n My father, every time we eat we raise our hands to the Great Spirit\n to give us success.\n\n My father, we are sitting by each other here to tell the truth. If\n you write anything wrong, the Great Spirit will know it. If I say\n anything not true, the Great Spirit will hear it.\n\n My father, you know how to write and can take down what is said for\n your satisfaction. I can not; all I do is through the Great Spirit\n for the benefit of my women and children.\n\n My father, everything belongs to the Great Spirit. If he chooses\n to make the earth shake, or turn it over, all the skins, white and\n red, can not stop it. I have done. I trust to the Great Spirit.\n (_Ind. Off., 2._)\n\nA few years later, in 1831, Catlin visited K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, who was still\nliving with the remnant of his people in Illinois, and was then\nregarded as their chief. He still preached the same doctrine, which\nthe artist incorrectly supposed was the Christian religion\u2014probably\nfrom the fact that the meetings were held on Sunday in imitation of\nthe whites\u2014and especially was constantly and earnestly exhorting his\ntribesmen to cease from drinking whisky, which threatened to destroy\ntheir race. His influence had extended into Michigan, and many of the\nPotawatomi were counted among his disciples. Catlin, who painted his\nportrait (of which figure 60 is a reproduction), heard him preach, and\nexpressed surprise and admiration at the ease and grace of his manner\nand his evident eloquent command of language. The traveler continues:\n\n I was singularly struck with the noble efforts of this champion\n of the mere remnant of a poisoned race so strenuously laboring to\n rescue the remainder of his people from the deadly bane that has\n been brought amongst them by enlightened Christians. How far the\n efforts of this zealous man have succeeded in Christianizing, I can\n not tell, but it is quite certain that his exemplary and constant\n endeavors have completely abolished the practice of drinking whisky\n in his tribe, which alone is a very praiseworthy achievement, and\n the first and indispensable step toward all other improvements. I\n was some time amongst those people, and was exceedingly pleased\n and surprised also to witness their sobriety and their peaceable\n conduct, not having seen an instance of drunkenness, or seen or\n heard of any use made of spirituous liquors whilst I was amongst\n the tribe. (_Catlin, 3._)\n\nAfter mentioning, although apparently not crediting the assertion of\nthe traders, that the prophet had borrowed his doctrines from a white\nman, Catlin goes on to describe a peculiar prayer-stick which K\u00e4nak\u00fbk\nhad given to his followers, and which reminds us at once of the similar\ndevice of the Delaware prophet of 1764, and is in line with the whole\nsystem of birchbark pictographs among the northern tribes. These sticks\nwere of maple, graven with hieroglyphic prayers and other religious\nsymbols. They were carved by the prophet himself, who distributed them\nto every family in the tribe, deriving quite a revenue from their sale,\nand in this way increasing his influence both as a priest and as a man\nof property. Apparently every man, woman, and child in the tribe was\nat this time in the habit of reciting the prayers from these sticks on\nrising in the morning and before retiring for the night. This was done\nby placing the right index finger first under the upper character while\nrepeating a short prayer which it suggested, then under the next, and\nthe next, and so on to the bottom, the whole prayer, which was sung as\na sort of chant, occupying about ten minutes.\n\nWithout undertaking to pass judgement on the purity of the prophet\u2019s\nmotives, Catlin strongly asserts that his influence and example were\ngood and had effectually turned his people from vice and dissipation\nto temperance and industry, notwithstanding the debasing tendency of\nassociation with a frontier white population.\n\nThe veteran missionary, Allis, also notes the use of this prayer\nstick as he observed it in 1834 among the Kickapoo, then living near\nFort Leavenworth, in Kansas. The prophet\u2019s followers were accustomed\nto meet for worship on Sunday, when K\u00e4nak\u00fbk delivered an exhortation\nin their own language, after which they formed in line and marched\naround several times in single file, reciting the chant from their\nprayer-sticks and shaking hands with the bystanders as they passed.\nAs they departed they continued to chant until they arrived at the\n\u201cfather\u2019s house\u201d or heaven, indicated by the figure of a horn at the\ntop of the prayer-stick. The worshipers met also on Fridays and made\nconfession of their sins, after which certain persons appointed for\nthe purpose gave each penitent several strokes with a rod of hickory,\naccording to the gravity of his offense. (_Allis, 1._)\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 62+\u2014Onsawkie.]\n\nThrough the kindness of Mr C. H. Bartlett, of South Bend, Indiana, the\nUnited States National Museum has recently come into possession of one\nof these prayer-sticks. The stick, of which plate +LXXXVI+ gives a good\nidea, is of maple, a little more than 12 inches in length, 2\u2079\u2044\u2081\u2086 inches\nin its greatest width, and three-eighths of an inch thick. It is said\nto have been painted a bright red on one side and a vivid green on the\nother. The paint has now disappeared, however, leaving bare the\nsurface of the wood, polished from long use. One side is carved with\nthe symbolic figures already mentioned, while the other is smooth. In\nall its details it is a neat specimen of Indian workmanship. According\nto the tradition of the Armstrong family, its former owners, the small\nsquare in the lower left-hand corner represents hell or the final\nabode of the wicked, while the house with the four pine (?) trees, at\nthe top, symbolizes the spiritual home of the devout followers of the\nprophet. As is well known, four is the sacred number of many Indian\ntribes. The significance of several other lines above and below is\nunknown. Along the shaft of the stick from bottom to top are the prayer\ncharacters, arranged in three groups of five each, one group being near\nthe bottom, while the others are along the upper portion of the shaft\nand are separated one from the other by a small circle. The characters\nbear some resemblance to the old black-letter type of a missal, while\nthe peculiar arrangement is strongly suggestive of the Catholic rosary\nwith its fifteen \u201cmysteries\u201d in three groups of five each. It will be\nremembered that the earliest and most constant missionaries among the\nKickapoo and other lake tribes were Catholic, and we may readily see\nthat their teachings and ceremonies influenced this native religion,\nas was afterward the case with the religions of Smohalla and the\nGhost dance. Neither three nor five are commonly known as sacred\nnumbers among the Indians, while three is distinctly Christian in its\nsymbolism. It is perhaps superfluous to state that the ideas of heaven\nand hell are not aboriginal, but were among the first incorporated from\nthe teachings of the white missionaries. The characters resembling\nletters may be from the alphabetic system of sixteen characters which\nit is said the Ojibwa invented for recording their own language, and\ntaught to the Kickapoo and Sauk, and which resembled somewhat the\nletters of the Roman alphabet, from which they apparently were derived.\n(_Hamilton, 1._)\n\n[Illustration: PL. LXXXVI\n\n THE PRAYER-STICK]\n\nThis prayer-stick or \u201cbible,\u201d as it has been called, was obtained by\nMr Bartlett from Mr R.V. Armstrong, of Mill Creek, Indiana, who stated\nthat it was the only remaining one of a large number which had been\nin possession of the family for many years. The story of the manner\nin which it was originally obtained, as told by Mr Armstrong, is\ninteresting. \u201cHis father, Reverend James Armstrong, was a Methodist\nminister and missionary who had been sent to northern Indiana in the\nearly part of this century. In 1830, while living on Shawnee prairie,\n3 miles from the present site of Attica, Indiana, a large band of\nKickapoo Indians came to his house to visit the missionary, and\napparently regarded the interview as of great importance to themselves.\nThey declared that they were from beyond the Mississippi river, that\nthey had heard of Mr Armstrong and his missionary labors, and that they\nbelieved him to be the one for whom their people had long been looking.\nEach Indian held in his hand one of these wooden crosses, and as they\nknelt on the grass in front of the missionary\u2019s house, they went\nthrough their devotions in their own tongue, moving their fingers over\nthe inscription that ascends the shaft of the cross. The missionary\nunderstood them to state that this cross was their \u201cbible,\u201d that they\nknew that it was not the true bible, but that they had been told to use\nit until one should come who would give them in exchange the genuine\nword of God. Thereupon the missionary gathered up their crosses\u2014and\nthere were more than a large basketful of them\u2014and gave in exchange to\neach a copy of the New Testament. The Indians received the books with\nprofuse expressions of gratitude and apparently viewed them at once\nas sacred possessions. These wise men from the west then went away to\ntheir far country.\u201d\n\nK\u00e4nak\u00fbk died of smallpox in 1852, in Kansas, where his people had been\nremoved in spite of his eloquent appeals in their behalf. For many\nyears he had been recognized as the chief of his tribe, and as such\nexerted a most beneficial influence over the Kickapoo in restraining\nthe introduction and use of liquor among them. At the same time he\nstaunchly upheld the old Indian idea and resisted every advance of the\nmissionaries and civilization to the last. He was regarded as possessed\nof supernatural powers, and in his last illness asserted that he would\narise again three days after death. In expectation of the fulfillment\nof the prophecy, a number of his followers remained watching near the\ncorpse until they too contracted the contagion and died likewise.\n(_Comr., 1._) After his death, the decline of his tribe was rapid and\nwithout check. In 1894 there remained only 514, about equally divided\nbetween Kansas and Oklahoma. These few survivors of a large tribe still\nhold in loving reverence the name of their chief and prophet.\n\n\n PA\u2032TH\u0114SK\u0114\n\nRecent personal investigation among the Winnebago failed to develop\nany knowledge of a former doctrine of an approaching destruction of\nthe world, as mentioned in a statement already quoted (see page 661).\nIt appeared, however, that at the time indicated, about 1852 or 1853,\nwhile the tribe was still living on Turkey river, Iowa, a prophet known\nas Pa\u2032th\u0115sk\u0115, or Long Nose, announced that he had been instructed in a\nvision to teach his people a new dance, which he called the friendship\ndance (ch\u00fb\u2032\u2018kor\u0103ki\u2032). This they were to perform at intervals for one\nwhole year, at the end of which time, in the spring, they must take\nthe warpath against their hereditary enemy, the Sioux, and would then\nreap a rich harvest of scalps. The dance, as he taught it to them, he\nclaimed to have seen performed by a band of spirits in the other world,\nwhither he had been taken after a ceremonial fast of several days\u2019\nduration. It differed from their other dances, and, although warlike\nin its ultimate purpose, was not a war dance. It was performed by the\nmen alone, circling around a fire within the lodge. He also designated\na young man named Sara\u2032min\u00fbka, or \u201cIndistinct,\u201d as the proper one\nto lead the expedition at the appointed time. The friendship dance\nwent on all through the summer and winter until spring, when the\nprophet announced that he had received a new revelation forbidding the\nproposed expedition. His disgusted followers at once denounced him as\nan impostor and abandoned the dance. Sara\u2032min\u00fbka was soon afterward\nkilled by an accident, which was considered by the Indians a direct\nretribution for his failure to carry out his part of the program. The\nprophet died a few years later while on a visit to Washington with a\ndelegation of his tribe.\n\nAlthough the old men consulted on the subject seemed to know nothing\nof any predicted destruction of the world in this connection, it is\nprobable that the statement given by Agent Fletcher at the time was\ncorrect, as such cycle myths are very general among the Indian and\nother primitive tribes. The Arapaho informed the author that we are now\nliving in the sixth cycle, and that the final catastrophe will take\nplace at the close of the seventh.\n\n\n T\u00c4\u2032VIBO\n\nAbout 1870 another prophet arose among the Paiute in Nevada. As most\nIndian movements are unknown to the whites at their inception, the date\nis variously put from 1869 to 1872. He is said to have been the father\nof the present \u201cmessiah,\u201d who has unquestionably derived many of his\nideas from him, and lived, as does his son, in Mason valley, about 60\nmiles south of Virginia City, not far from Walker River reservation.\nIn talking with his son, he said that his father\u2019s name was T\u00e4\u2032vibo\nor \u201cWhite man,\u201d and that he was a _capita_ (Spanish, _capitan_) or\npetty chief, but not a prophet or preacher, although he used to have\nvisions and was invulnerable. From concurrent testimony of Indians and\nwhite men, however, there seems to be no doubt that he did preach and\nprophesy and introduce a new religious dance among his people, and\nthat the doctrine which he promulgated and the hopes which he held out\ntwenty years ago were the foundation on which his son has built the\nstructure of the present messiah religion. He was visited by Indians\nfrom Oregon and Idaho, and his teachings made their influence felt\namong the Bannock and Shoshoni, as well as among all the scattered\nbands of the Paiute, to whom he continued to preach until his death a\nyear or two later. (_G. D., 1 and 2; A. G. O., 1; Phister, 1._)\n\nCaptain J. M. Lee, Ninth infantry, formerly on the staff of General\nMiles, was on duty in that neighborhood at the time and gives the\nfollowing account of the prophet and his doctrines in a personal letter\nto the author:\n\n I was on Indian duty in Nevada in 1869, 1870, and 1871. When\n visiting Walker Lake reservation in 1869\u201370, I became acquainted\n with several superstitious beliefs then prevailing among the\n Paiute Indians. It was a rough, mountainous region roundabout, and\n mysterious happenings, according to tradition, always occurred when\n the prophet or medicine-men went up into the mountains and there\n received their revelations from the divine spirits. In the earlier\n part of the sixties the whites began to come in and appropriate\n much of the Indian country in Nevada, and in the usual course it\n turned out that the medicine-men or prophets were looked to for\n relief. The most influential went up alone into the mountain and\n there met the Great Spirit. He brought back with him no tablets of\n stone, but he was a messenger of good tidings to the effect that\n within a few moons there was to be a great upheaval or earthquake.\n All the improvements of the whites\u2014all their houses, their goods,\n stores, etc.\u2014would remain, but the whites would be swallowed up,\n while the Indians would be saved and permitted to enjoy the earth\n and all the fullness thereof, including anything left by the wicked\n whites. This revelation was duly proclaimed by the prophet, and\n attracted a few believers, but the doubting skeptics were too many,\n and they ridiculed the idea that the white men would fall into\n the holes and be swallowed up while the Indians would not. As the\n prophet could not enforce his belief, he went up into the mountain\n again and came back with a second revelation, which was that when\n the great disaster came, all, both Indians and whites, would be\n swallowed up or overwhelmed, but that at the end of three days (or\n a few days) the Indians would be resurrected in the flesh, and\n would live forever to enjoy the earth, with plenty of game, fish,\n and pine nuts, while their enemies, the whites, would be destroyed\n forever. There would thus be a final and eternal separation between\n Indians and whites.\n\n This revelation, which seemed more reasonable, was rather popular\n for awhile, but as time wore along faith seemed to weaken and the\n prophet was without honor even in his own country. After much\n fasting and prayer, he made a third trip to the mountain, where he\n secured a final revelation or message to the people. The divine\n spirit had become so much incensed at the lack of faith in the\n prophecies, that it was revealed to his chosen one that those\n Indians who believed in the prophecy would be resurrected and be\n happy, but those who did not believe in it would stay in the ground\n and be damned forever with the whites.\n\n It was not long after this that the prophet died, and the poor\n miserable Indians worried along for nearly two decades, eating\n grasshoppers, lizards, and fish, and trying to be civilized until\n the appearance of this new prophet Quoit-tsow, who is said to be\n the son, either actual or spiritual, of the first one.\n\nAdditional details are given in the following interesting extract\nfrom a letter addressed to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, under\ndate of November 19, 1890, by Mr Frank Campbell, who has an intimate\nacquaintance with the tribe and was employed in an official capacity\non the reservation at the time when T\u00e4vibo first announced the new\nrevelation. It would appear from Mr Campbell\u2019s statement that under\nthe new dispensation both races were to meet on a common level, and,\nas this agrees with what Professor Thompson, referred to later on,\nafterward found among the eastern Paiute, it is probable that the\noriginal doctrine had been very considerably modified since its first\npromulgation a few years before.\n\n Eighteen years ago I was resident farmer on Walker Lake Indian\n reserve, Nevada. I had previously been connected with the Indian\n service at the reserve for ten years, was familiar with the Paiute\n customs, and personally acquainted with all the Indians in that\n region. In 1872 an Indian commenced preaching a new religion at\n that reserve that caused a profound sensation among the Paiute.\n For several months I was kept in ignorance of the cause of the\n excitement\u2014which was remarkable, considering the confidence they\n had always reposed in me. They no doubt expected me to ridicule the\n sayings of the new messiah, as I had always labored among them to\n break down, their superstitious beliefs. When finally I was made\n acquainted with, the true facts of the case, I told them, the\n preachings of Waugh-zee-waugh-ber were good and no harm could come\n from it. Indian emissaries visited the reserve from Idaho, Oregon,\n and other places, to investigate the new religion. I visited the\n Indian camp while the prophet was in a trance and remained until\n he came to. In accordance with instructions, the Indians gathered\n around him and joined in a song that was to guide the spirit back\n to the body. Upon reanimation he gave a long account of his visit\n in the spirit to the Supreme Ruler, who was then on the way with\n all the spirits of the departed dead to again reside upon this\n earth and change it into a paradise. Life was to be eternal, and no\n distinction was to exist between races.\n\n This morning\u2019s press dispatches contain an account of Porcupine\u2019s\n visit to Walker lake ... that proves to me that the religion\n started at Walker lake eighteen years ago is the same that is now\n agitating the Indian world. There is nothing in it to cause trouble\n between whites and Indians unless the new Messiah is misquoted and\n his doctrine misconstrued. I left Walker Lake reserve in June,\n 1873, and at the time supposed this craze would die out, but have\n several times since been reminded by Nevada papers and letters that\n it was gradually spreading. (_G. D., 3._)\n\nThe name given by Campbell certainly does not much resemble T\u00e4vibo, but\nit is quite possible that the father, like the son, had more than one\nname. It is also possible that \u201cWaughzeewaughber\u201d was not the prophet\ndescribed by Captain Lee, but one of his disciples who had taken up\nand modified the original doctrine. The name T\u00e4vibo refers to the east\n(_t\u00e4v\u00e4nagwat_) or place where the sun (_t\u00e4bi_) rises. By the cognate\nShoshoni and Comanche the whites are called _Taivo_.\n\nFrom oral information of Professor A. H. Thompson, of the United States\nGeological Survey, I learn some particulars of the advent of the new\ndoctrine among the Paiute of southwestern Utah. While his party was\nengaged in that section in the spring of 1875, a great excitement was\ncaused among the Indians by the report that two mysterious beings\nwith white skins (it will be remembered that the father of Wovoka was\nnamed T\u00e4vibo or \u201cwhite man\u201d) had appeared among the Paiute far to the\nwest and announced a speedy resurrection of all the dead Indians, the\nrestoration of the game, and the return of the old-time primitive life.\nUnder the new order of things, moreover, both races alike were to be\nwhite. A number of Indians from Utah went over into Nevada, where they\nmet others who claimed to have seen these mysterious visitors farther\nin the west. On their return to Utah they brought back with them the\nceremonial of the new belief, the chief part of the ritual being a\ndance performed at night in a circle, with no fire in the center, very\nmuch as in the modern Ghost dance.\n\nIt is said that the Mormons, who hold the theory that the Indians are\nthe descendants of the supposititious \u201cten lost tribes,\u201d cherish, as\na part of their faith, the tradition that some of the lost Hebrew\nemigrants are still ice-bound in the frozen north, whence they will one\nday emerge to rejoin their brethren in the south. When the news of this\nIndian revelation came to their ears, the Mormon priests accepted it\nas a prophecy of speedy fulfillment of their own traditions, and Orson\nPratt, one of the most prominent leaders, preached a sermon, which was\nextensively copied and commented on at the time, urging the faithful\nto arrange their affairs and put their houses in order to receive the\nlong-awaited wanderers.\n\nAccording to the statement of the agent then in charge at Fort Hall,\nin Idaho, the Mormons at the same time\u2014the early spring of 1875\u2014sent\nemissaries to the Bannock, urging them to go to Salt Lake City to\nbe baptized into the Mormon religion. A large number accepted the\ninvitation without the knowledge of the agent, went down to Utah, and\nwere there baptized, and then returned to work as missionaries of the\nnew faith among their tribes. As an additional inducement, free rations\nwere furnished by the Mormons to all who would come and be baptized,\nand \u201cthey were told that by being baptized and going to church the old\nmen would all become young, the young men would never be sick, that the\nLord had a work for them to do, and that they were the chosen people of\nGod to establish his kingdom upon the earth,\u201d etc. It is also asserted\nthat they were encouraged to resist the authority of the government.\n(_Comr., 2._) However much of truth there may be in these reports,\nand we must make considerable allowance for local prejudice, it is\nsufficiently evident that the Mormons took an active interest in the\nreligious ferment then existing among the neighboring tribes and helped\nto give shape to the doctrine which crystallized some years later in\nthe Ghost dance.\n\n\n NAKAI\u2032-DOKL\u012c\u2032NI\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 63+\u2014Nakai\u2032-dokl\u012d\u2032ni\u2019s dance-wheel.]\n\nVarious other prophets of more or less local celebrity have arisen from\ntime to time among the tribes, and the resurrection of the dead and the\nreturn of the olden things have usually figured prominently in their\nprophecies. In fact, this idea has probably been the day-dream of every\nIndian medicine-man since the whites first landed in America. Most of\nthese, however, have been unknown to fame outside of their own narrow\ncircles, except where chance or deliberate purpose has given a warlike\nmeaning to their teachings and thus made them the subjects of official\nnotice.\n\nAmong these may be mentioned the Apache medicine-man Nakai\u2032-dokl\u012d\u2032ni,\nwho attracted some attention for a time in southern Arizona in 1881.\n(_Bourke, 1._) In the early part of this year he began to advertise his\nsupernatural powers, claiming to be able to raise the dead and commune\nwith spirits, and predicting that the whites would soon be driven from\nthe land. He taught his followers a new and peculiar dance, in which\nthe performers were ranged like the spokes of a wheel, all facing\ninward, while he, standing in the center, sprinkled them with the\nsacred _hoddentin_[3] as they circled around him.\n\nIn June of 1881 he announced to his people, the White Mountain band\nof Apache on San Carlos reservation, that on condition of receiving\na sufficient number of horses and blankets for his trouble he would\nbring back from the dead two chiefs who had been killed a few months\nbefore. The proposition naturally aroused great excitement among the\nIndians. Eager to have once more with them their beloved chiefs, they\nwillingly produced the required ponies, and when remonstrated with by\nthe agent, replied that they would wait until the specified time for\nthe fulfillment of the prediction, when, if the dead chiefs failed\nto materialize, they would demand the restoration of the property.\n(_Comr., 3._)\n\nAccordingly Nakai\u2032-dokl\u012d\u2032ni began his prayers and ceremonies, and the\ndance was kept up regularly at his camp on Cibicu creek until August,\nwhen it was reported to Colonel E. A. Carr; commanding at Fort Apache,\nthat the medicine-man had announced that the dead chiefs refused to\nreturn because of the presence of the whites, but that when the whites\nleft, the dead would return, and that the whites would be out of the\ncountry when the corn was ripe.\n\nAs matters seemed to be getting serious, the agent now called on the\ncommanding officer to \u201carrest or kill him, or both.\u201d The officer\nprepared to make the arrest when Nakai\u2032-dokl\u012d\u2032ni should come down to\nthe post to lead the dance which had been arranged to take place in\na few days. The prophet failed to put in an appearance, however, and\nmessengers were sent to his camp to ask him to come to the fort the\nnext Sunday. To this message he returned an evasive reply, whereon\nColonel Carr, with 85 white troops and 23 Apache scouts, started for\nhis camp in Cibicu canyon to put him under arrest. They arrived at the\nvillage on August 30. Nakai\u2032-dokl\u012d\u2032ni submitted quietly to arrest, but\nas the troops were making camp for the night, their own scouts, joined\nby others of the Indians, opened fire on them. A sharp skirmish ensued,\nin which several soldiers were killed or wounded, but the Indians were\nrepulsed with considerable loss, including the prophet himself, who was\nkilled at the first fire. The result was another in the long series of\nApache outbreaks. (_Comr., 4; Sec. War, 1; A. G. O., 2._)\n\n\n THE POTAWATOMI PROPHET\n\nIn 1883 a new religion was introduced among the Potawatomi and\nKickapoo, of the Pottawotomie and Great Nemaha agency in northeastern\nKansas, by visiting Potawatomi, Winnebago, and Ojibwa from Wisconsin.\nAs usual, the ritual part consists chiefly of a ceremonial dance. In\ndoctrine it teaches the same code of morality enjoined by the ten\ncommandments, and especially prohibits liquor drinking, gambling, and\nhorse racing, for which, reason the agents generally have not seen fit\nto interfere with it, and in some cases have rather encouraged it as a\ncivilizing influence among that portion of the tribes not yet enrolled\nin Christian denominations. The movement is entirely distinct from\nthe Ghost dance, and may perhaps be a revival of the system preached\nby K\u00e4nak\u00fbk more than fifty years before. In 1891 the majority of the\ntwo tribes, numbering in all 749, were reported as adherents of the\ndoctrine. (_Comr., 5, 6, 7; also reports from the same agency for\n1887 and 1889._) A large number of the Sauk and Fox, Kickapoo, and\nPotawatomi of Oklahoma are also believers in the religion.\n\nIn 1885 Agent Patrick says on this subject:\n\n These Indians are chaste, cleanly, and industrious, and would be\n a valuable acquisition to the Prairie band if it were not for\n their intense devotion to a religious dance started among the\n northern Indians some years since. This dance was introduced to the\n Prairie band about two years ago by the Absentee Pottawatomies and\n Winnebagoes, and has spread throughout the tribes in the agency.\n They seem to have adopted the religion as a means of expressing\n their belief in the justice and mercy of the Great Spirit and of\n their devotion to him, and are so earnest in their convictions\n as to its affording them eternal happiness that I have thought\n it impolitic so far to interfere with it any further than to\n advise as few meetings as possible and to discountenance it in my\n intercourse with the individuals practicing the religion. It is not\n an unmixed evil, as under its teaching drunkenness and gambling\n have been reduced 75 per cent, and a departure from virtue on the\n part of its members meets with the severest condemnation. As some\n tenets of revealed religion are embraced in its doctrines, I do not\n consider it a backward step for the Indians who have not heretofore\n professed belief in any Christian religion, and believe its worst\n features are summed up in the loss of time it occasions and the\n fanatical train of thought involved in the constant contemplation\n of the subject. (_Comr., 6._)\n\n\n CHEEZ-TAH-PAEZH THE SWORD-BEARER\n\nIt is probable that something of the messiah idea entered into\nthe promises held out to his followers by Sword-bearer, a Crow\nmedicine-man, in Montana in 1887. The official records are silent on\nthis point, although it is definitely stated that he asserted his own\ninvulnerability, and that his claims in this respect were implicitly\nbelieved by his people. Cheez-tah-paezh, literally \u201cWraps his tail\u201d\n(also written Cheeschapahdisch, Cheschopah, Chese-cha-pahdish, and\nChese-Topah), was without any special prominence in his tribe until the\nsummer of 1887, when, in company with several other young men of the\nCrows, he participated in the sun dance of the Cheyenne, and showed\nsuch fortitude in enduring the dreadful torture that he was presented\nby the Cheyenne with a medicine saber painted red, in virtue of which\nhe took the title of Sword-bearer. This naturally brought him into\nnotice at home, and he soon aspired to become a chief and medicine-man.\nAmong other things, he asserted that no bullet or weapon had power\nto harm him. What other claims he made are not known, but his words\nproduced such an impression, it is said, that for a time every\nfull-blood and half-blood among the Crows believed in him.\n\nIn a few months he had become one of the most influential leaders\nin the tribe, when, taking advantage of some dissatisfaction toward\nthe agent, he headed a demonstration against the agency on September\n30. Troops under General Ruger were called on to arrest him and the\nothers concerned, and in attempting to do this, on November 5, 1887, a\nskirmish ensued in which Sword-bearer was killed. His death convinced\nhis followers of the falsehood of his pretensions, and the tribe, which\nhitherto had always been loyal to the government, soon resumed its\nfriendly attitude. (_Sec. War, 2; A. G. O., 3; additional details from\na personal letter by Colonel Simon Snyder, Fifteenth infantry._)\n\nThe action is graphically described by Roosevelt on the authority of\none of the officers engaged. When the troops arrived, they found the\nCrow warriors awaiting them on a hill, mounted on their war ponies and\nin full paint and buckskin. In this author\u2019s words\u2014\n\n The Crows on the hilltop showed a sullen and threatening front,\n and the troops advanced slowly toward them, and then halted for a\n parley. Meanwhile a mass of black thunder clouds gathering on the\n horizon threatened one of those cloudbursts of extreme severity and\n suddenness so characteristic of the plains country. While still\n trying to make arrangements for a parley, a horseman started out of\n the Crow ranks and galloped headlong down toward the troops. It was\n the medicine chief Sword-bearer. He was painted and in his battle\n dress, wearing his war bonnet of floating, trailing eagle feathers,\n and with the plumes of the same bird braided in the mane and tail\n of his fiery little horse. On he came at a gallop almost up to the\n troops, and then began to circle around them, calling and singing,\n and throwing his red sword into the air, catching it by the hilt\n as it fell. Twice he rode completely around the troops, who stood\n in uncertainty, not knowing what to make of his performance, and\n expressly forbidden to shoot at him. Then, paying no further heed\n to them, he rode back toward the Crows. It appears that he had\n told the latter that he would ride twice around the hostile force,\n and by his incantations would call down rain from heaven, which\n would make the hearts of the white men like water, so that they\n would go back to their homes. Sure enough, while the arrangements\n for the parley were still going forward, down came the cloudburst,\n drenching the command, and making the ground on the hills in front\n nearly impassable; and before it dried a courier arrived with\n orders to the troops to go back to camp.\n\n This fulfillment of Sword-bearer\u2019s prophecy of course raised his\n reputation to the zenith, and the young men of the tribe prepared\n for war, while the older chiefs, who more fully realized the power\n of the whites, still hung back. When the troops next appeared, they\n came upon the entire Crow force, the women and children with their\n tepees being off to one side beyond a little stream, while almost\n all the warriors of the tribe were gathered in front. Sword-bearer\n started to repeat his former ride, to the intense irritation of the\n soldiers. Luckily, however, this time some of his young men could\n not be restrained. They, too, began to ride near the troops, and\n one of them was unable to refrain from firing on Captain Edwards\u2019s\n troop, which was in the van. This gave the soldiers their chance.\n They instantly responded with a volley, and Edwards\u2019s troop\n charged. The fight lasted only a minute or two, for Sword-bearer\n was struck by a bullet and fell; and as he had boasted himself\n invulnerable and promised that his warriors should be invulnerable\n also if they would follow him, the hearts of the latter became as\n water, and they broke in every direction. (_Roosevelt, 1._)\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter VI+\n\n THE SMOHALLA RELIGION OF THE COLUMBIA REGION\n\n SMOHALLA\n\n I have only one heart. Although you say, Go to another country, my\n heart is not that way. I do not want money for my land. I am here,\n and here is where I am going to be. I will not part with lands, and\n if you come again I will say the same thing. I will not part with\n my lands.\u2014_Umatilla Chief._\n\n We have never made any trade. The earth is part of my body, and I\n never gave up the earth. So long as the earth keeps me I want to be\n let alone.\u2014_Toohulhulsote._\n\n Their only troubles arise from the attempts of white men to\n encroach upon the reservations. I verily believe that were the\n snow-crowned summits of Mount Rainier set apart as an Indian\n reservation, white men would immediately commence jumping\n them.\u2014_Superintendent Ross._\n\nAbout the time that the Paiute were preparing for the millennial\ndawn, we begin to hear of a \u201cdreamer prophet\u201d on the Columbia, called\nSmohalla, who was becoming a thorn in the flesh of the Indian agents\nin that quarter, and was reported to be organizing among the Indians a\nnew religion which taught the destruction of the whites and resistance\nto the government, and made moral virtues of all the crimes in the\ncatalog. One agent, in disregard of grammar if not of veracity,\ngravely reported that \u201cthe main object is to allow a plurality of\nwives, immunity from punishment for lawbreaking, and allowance of all\nthe vices\u2014especially drinking and gambling\u2014are chief virtues in the\nbelievers of this religion.\u201d (_Comr., 8._)\n\nThis was bad enough, but worse was behind it. It appeared that Smohalla\nand his followers, numbering perhaps about 2,000 Indians of various\ntribes along the Columbia in eastern Washington and Oregon, had never\nmade treaties giving up any of their lands, and consequently claimed\nthe right to take salmon in the streams and dig kamas in the prairies\nof their ancestral country undisturbed and unmolested, and stoutly\nobjected to going on any of the neighboring reservations at Yakima,\nUmatilla, or Warmspring. There is no doubt that justice and common\nsense were on the side of the Indians, for by the reports of the agents\nthemselves it is shown that the dwellers on the reservations were\ngenerally neglected, poor, and miserable, and subjected to constant\nencroachments by the whites in spite of treaties and treaty lines,\nwhile at the same time that agents and superintendents were invoking\nthe aid of the military to compel Smohalla\u2019s followers to go on a\nreservation these same men were moving heaven and earth to force the\nIndians already on a reservation to give up their treaty rights and\nremove to another and less valuable location\u2014to begin life anew under\nthe fostering care of the government until such time as the white man\nshould want them to move on again.\n\nThese matters are treated at length in the annual reports of the\nCommissioner of Indian Affairs, with the accompanying reports of\nsuperintendents and agents in charge of the reservations concerned,\nfrom 1870 to 1875. With regard to the Umatilla reservation, to which\nmost strenuous efforts were made to remove the \u201crenegades,\u201d as they\nwere called, Agent Boyle reports in 1870 (_Comr., 9_) that the Indians\nare \u201cdispirited ... in consequence of the oft-repeated theme that their\nfarms are to be taken from them and given to the white settlers.\u201d He\ncontinues, \u201cIt is hardly to be expected that the Indians can retain\nthis reservation much longer unless the strong arm of the government\nprotects them. Daily I am called upon to notify the white settlers that\nthey are encroaching upon the Indian lands.\u201d He advises their removal\nto a permanent reservation, \u201cknowing as I do that they must go sooner\nor later.\u201d Again, \u201cThe agency has been established for the space of\nten years, and I regret exceedingly that I have been most completely\ndisappointed with what I see about me.\u201d In discussing the removal of\nthe Indians to a new reservation, Superintendent Meacham says of a\nconsiderable portion of them that it \u201cwould suit them better to be\nturned loose to look out for themselves.\u201d (_Comr., 10._)\n\nIn 1873 Agent Cornoyer reported that the Indians numbered 837, by the\ncensus of 1870, which he believes was as correct as could then be\ntaken, but \u201cthis number I think is now too high.\u201d He continues:\n\n Of the appropriation of $4,000 per annum for beneficial objects,\n not one single dollar of that fund has been turned over to me since\n September, 1871; and of the appropriation for incidental expenses\n of $40,000 per annum for the Indian service in this state, only\n $200 of that appropriation has been turned over to me during the\n same period of two years.... I would also beg leave to call your\n attention to that portion of my last annual report wherein I called\n the attention of the Department to the unfulfilled stipulations of\n the treaty of June 9, 1855, with these Indians. (_Comr., 11._)\n\nCommissioner Brunot, in 1871, stated that the estimated number of\nIndians coming under the provisions of the treaty at the time it was\nmade in 1855 was 3,500, and \u201cby the census taken in 1870 the number was\n1,622\u201d\u2014a decrease of nearly one-half in fifteen years. Of these only\nabout half were on the reservation, the rest being on Columbia river,\n\u201cnever having partaken of the benefits of the treaty.\u201d On the next page\nhe tells us what some of these benefits are: \u201cMaladministration of\nagents, and the misapplication of funds, the failure of the government\nto perform the promises of the treaty, and the fact that the Indians\nhave been constantly agitated by assertions that the government\nintended their removal, and that their removal was urged for several\nyears in succession in the reports of a former agent, thus taking away\nfrom them all incentives to improve their lands.\u201d (_Comr., 12._)\n\nIn 1871 a commission was sent to Umatilla and other reservations, which\ngave the Indians a chance to speak for themselves. The Cayuse chief,\ndescribed as a Catholic Indian, in dress, personal appearance, and\nbearing superior to the average American farmer, said:\n\n This reservation is marked out for us. We see it with our eyes\n and our hearts. We all hold it with our bodies and our souls.\n Right out here are my father and mother, and brothers and sisters\n and children, all buried. I am guarding their graves. My friend,\n this reservation, this small piece of land, we look upon it as\n our mother, as if she were raising us. You come to ask me for my\n land. It is like as if we who are Indians were to be sent away and\n get lost.... What is the reason you white men who live near the\n reservation like my land and want to get it? You must not think so.\n My friends, you must not talk too strong about getting my land. I\n like my land and will not let it go.\n\nThe Wallawalla chief said:\n\n I have tied all the reservation in my heart and it can not be\n loosened. It is dear as our bodies to us.\n\nThe Umatilla chief said:\n\n Our red people were brought up here.... When my father and mother\n died, I was left here. They gave me rules and gave me their land\n to live upon. They left me to take care of them after they were\n buried. I was to watch over their graves. I do not wish to part\n with my land. I have felt tired working on my land, so tired\n that the sweat dropped off me on the ground. Where is all that\n Governor Stevens or General Palmer said [i. e., that it was to be a\n reservation for the Indians forever]? I am very fond of this land\n that is marked out for me.... Should I take only a small piece of\n ground and a white man sit down beside me, I fear there would be\n trouble all the time.\n\nAn old man said:\n\n I am getting old now, and I want to die where my father and mother\n and children have died. I do not wish to leave this land and go\n off to some other land.... I see where I have sweat and worked in\n trying to get food. I love my church, my mills, my farm, the graves\n of my parents and children. I do not wish to leave my land. That is\n all my heart, and I show it to you.\n\nA young chief said:\n\n I have only one heart, one tongue. Although you say, Go to another\n country, my heart is not that way. I do not wish for any money for\n my land. I am here, and here is where I am going to be.... I will\n not part with lands, and if you come again I will say the same\n thing. I will not part with my lands.\n\nThe commissioner who was conducting the negotiations, after enumerating\nthe promises made to the Indians in return for the lands which they had\nsurrendered under the original treaty of 1855, tells how some of these\npromises have been fulfilled:\n\n ... A miserably inadequate supply of worn-out agricultural\n implements. A group of eight or ten dilapidated shanties used for\n the agency buildings. The physician promised has never resided\n upon the reservation, but lives and practices his profession at\n Pendleton. The hospital promised (fifteen years ago) has not yet\n been erected.\n\nOf their ever-living grievance Colonel Ross, superintendent of the\nWashington agencies, says:\n\n Their only troubles arise from the attempts of white men to\n encroach upon the reservations. A mania prevails among a certain\n class of citizens in this direction. I verily believe that were\n the snow-crowned summits of Mount Rainier set apart as an Indian\n reservation, white men would immediately commence jumping them.\n (_Comr., 14._)\n\n\n JOSEPH AND THE NEZ PERC\u00c9 WAR\n\nWe first hear officially of Smohalla and his people from A. B. Meacham,\nsuperintendent of Indian affairs in Oregon, who states, in September,\n1870, that\u2014\n\n ... One serious drawback [to the adoption of the white man\u2019s road]\n is the existence among the Indians of Oregon of a peculiar religion\n called Smokeller or Dreamers, the chief doctrine of which is that\n the red man is again to rule the country, and this sometimes leads\n to rebellion against lawful authority.\n\nA few pages farther on we learn the nature of this rebellion:\n\n The next largest band (not on a reservation) is Smokeller\u2019s, at\n Priest rapids, Washington territory. They also refused to obey my\n order to come in, made to them during the month of February last,\n of which full report was made. I would also recommend that they be\n removed to Umatilla by the military. (_Comr., 15._)\n\nThree months before this report Congress had passed a bill appointing\ncommissioners to negotiate with the tribes of Umatilla reservation \u201cto\nascertain upon what terms they would be willing to sell their lands and\nremove elsewhere,\u201d and Meacham himself was the principal member of this\ncommission. (_Comr., 15._)\n\nIn 1872 Smohalla\u2019s followers along the Columbia were reported to number\n2,000, and his apostles were represented as constantly traveling from\none reservation to another to win over new converts to his teachings.\nRepeated efforts had been made to induce them to go on the reservations\nin eastern Oregon and Washington, but without success. We are told now\nthat\u2014\n\n They have a new and peculiar religion, by the doctrines of which\n they are taught that a new god is coming to their rescue; that all\n the Indians who have died heretofore, and who shall die hereafter,\n are to be resurrected; that as they will then be very numerous and\n powerful, they will be able to conquer the whites, recover their\n lands, and live as free and unrestrained as their fathers lived\n in olden times. Their model of a man is an Indian. They aspire to\n be Indians and nothing else.... It is thought by those who know\n them best that they can not be made to go upon their reservations\n without at least being intimidated by the presence of a military\n force. (_Comr., 17._)\n\nWe hear but little more of Smohalla and his doctrines for several\nyears, until attention was again attracted to Indian affairs in the\nnorthwest by the growing dissatisfaction which culminated in the Nez\nPerc\u00e9 war of 1877. The Nez Perc\u00e9s, especially those who acknowledged\nthe leadership of Chief Joseph, were largely under the influence of\nthe Dreamer prophets, and there was reason to believe that an uprising\ninaugurated by so prominent a tribe would involve all the smaller\ntribes in sympathy with the general Indian belief. As soon therefore\nas it became evident that matters were approaching a crisis, a\ncommission, of which General O. O. Howard was chief, was appointed to\nmake some peaceable arrangement with the so-called \u201crenegades\u201d on the\nupper Columbia. The commissioners met Smohalla and his principal men\nat Wallula, Washington territory, on April 23, 1877, and as a result\nof the council then held these non-treaty tribes, although insisting\nas strongly as ever on their right to live undisturbed in their own\ncountry, yet refrained from taking part in the war which broke out a\nfew weeks later.\n\nIt is foreign to our purpose to recount the history of the Nez\nPerc\u00e9 war of 1877. As is generally the case with Indian wars, it\noriginated in the unauthorized intrusion of lawless whites on lands\nwhich the Indians claimed as theirs by virtue of occupancy from time\nimmemorial. The Nez Perc\u00e9s, whom all authorities agree in representing\nas a superior tribe of Indians, originally inhabited the valleys of\nClearwater and Salmon rivers in Idaho, with the country extending\nwest of Snake river into Washington and Oregon as far as the Blue\nmountains. They are first officially noticed in the report of the\nIndian Commissioner for 1843, where they are described as \u201cnoble,\nindustrious, sensible,\u201d and well disposed toward the whites, while\n\u201cthough brave as C\u00e6sar, the whites have nothing to dread at their hands\nin case of their dealing out to them what they conceive to be right\nand equitable.\u201d (_Comr., 18._) It being deemed advisable to bring them\ninto more direct relations with the United States, the agent who made\nthe report called the chiefs together in this year and \u201cassured them\nof the kind intentions of our government, and of the sad consequences\nthat would ensue to any white man, from this time, who should invade\ntheir rights.\u201d (_Comr., 19._) On the strength of these fair promises\na portion of the tribe, in 1855, entered into a treaty by which they\nceded a large part of their territory, and were guaranteed possession\nof the rest. In 1860, however, gold was discovered in the country,\nand the usual result followed. \u201cIn defiance of law, and despite the\nprotestations of the Indian agent, a townsite was laid off in October,\n1861, on the reservation, and Lewiston, with a population of 1,200,\nsprung into existence.\u201d (_Comr., 20._) A new treaty was then made\nin 1863, by which the intruders were secured in possession of what\nthey had thus seized, and the Nez Perc\u00e9s were restricted within much\nnarrower limits. By this treaty the Wallowa valley, in northeastern\nOregon, the ancestral home of that part of the tribe under the\nleadership of Chief Joseph, was taken from the Indians. This portion\nof the tribe, however, had refused to have part in the negotiations,\nand \u201cChief Joseph and his band, utterly ignoring the treaty of 1863,\ncontinued to claim the Wallowa valley, where he was tacitly permitted\nto roam without restraint, until the encroachments of white settlers\ninduced the government to take some definite action respecting this\nband of non-treaty Nez Perc\u00e9s.\u201d (_Comr., 21._) At this time the tribe\nnumbered about 2,800, of whom about 500 acknowledged Joseph as their\nchief.\n\n[Illustration: PL. LXXXVII\n\n CHIEF JOSEPH]\n\nCollisions between the whites and Indians in the valley became more\nfrequent, and one of Joseph\u2019s band had been killed, when a commission\nwas appointed in 1876 to induce the Indians to give up the Wallowa\nvalley and remove to Lapwai reservation in Idaho. Joseph still\nrefusing to remove, the matter was turned over to General Howard. On\nMay 3, 1877, he held the first council with Joseph and his followers at\nFort Lapwai. Their ceremonial approach, which was probably in accord\nwith the ritual teachings of the Dreamer religion, is thus described by\nthe general:\n\n A long rank of men, followed by women and children, with\n faces painted, the red paint extending back into the partings\n of the hair\u2014the men\u2019s hair braided and tied up with showy\n strings\u2014ornamented in dress, in hats, in blankets with variegated\n colors, in leggings of buckskin and moccasins beaded and plain;\n women with bright shawls or blankets, and skirts to the ankle and\n top moccasins. All were mounted on Indian ponies as various in\n color as the dress of the riders. These picturesque people, after\n keeping us waiting long enough for effect, came in sight from up\n the valley from the direction of their temporary camp just above\n the company gardens. They drew near to the hollow square of the\n post and in front of the small company to be interviewed. Then\n they struck up their song. They were not armed except with a few\n tomahawk pipes that could be smoked with the peaceful tobacco or\n penetrate the skull bone of an enemy, at the will of the holder.\n Yet somehow this wild sound produced a strange effect. It made one\n feel glad that there were but fifty of them, and not five hundred.\n It was shrill and searching; sad, like a wail, and yet defiant in\n its close. The Indians swept around outside the fence and made\n the entire circuit, still keeping up the song as they rode. The\n buildings broke the refrain into irregular bubblings of sound until\n the ceremony was completed. (_Howard, 1._)\n\nAt this conference Toohulhulsote, the principal Dreamer priest of\nJoseph\u2019s band, acted as spokesman for the Indians, and insisted,\naccording to the Smohalla doctrine, that the earth was his mother, that\nshe should not be disturbed by hoe or plow, that men should subsist by\nthe spontaneous productions of nature, and that the sovereignty of the\nearth could not be sold or given away. Continuing, he asserted, \u201cWe\nnever have made any trade. Part of the Indians gave up their land. I\nnever did. The earth is part of my body, and I never gave up the earth.\nSo long as the earth keeps me I want to be left alone.\u201d General Howard\nfinally ordered him under arrest, after which the Indians at last\nagreed to go on a reservation by June 14. (_Howard, 2._) A few days\nlater, councils were held with Smohalla and his people, and with Moses,\nanother noted \u201crenegade\u201d chief with a considerable following farther\nup the Columbia. Both chiefs, representing at least 500 warriors,\ndisclaimed any hostile intentions and agreed to go on reservations.\nSmohalla said, \u201cYour law is my law. I say to you, yes. I will be on\na reservation by September.\u201d (_Howard, 3._) Parties under Joseph and\nother leading chiefs then went out to select suitable locations for\nreservations, Joseph and his band deciding in favor of Lapwai valley.\nEverything was moving smoothly toward a speedy and peaceful settlement\nof all difficulties, and the commission had already reported the\nsuccessful accomplishment of the work, when a single act of lawless\nviolence undid the labor of weeks and precipitated a bloody war.\n(_Comr., 22._)\n\nOne of Joseph\u2019s band had been murdered by whites some time before,\nbut the Indians had remained quiet. (_Comr., 23._) Now, while the Nez\nPerc\u00e9s were gathering up their stock to remove to the reservation\nselected, a band of white robbers attacked them, ran off the cattle,\nand killed one of the party in charge. Joseph could no longer restrain\nhis warriors, and on June 13, 1877\u2014one day before the date that had\nbeen appointed for going on the reservation\u2014the enraged Nez Perc\u00e9s\nattacked the neighboring settlement on White Bird creek, Idaho, and\nkilled 21 persons.[4] The war was begun. The troops under Howard were\nordered out. The first fight occurred on June 17 at Hangman\u2019s creek\nand resulted in the loss of 34 soldiers. Then came another on July 4\nwith a loss of 13 more. Then on July 12 another encounter by troops\nunder General Howard himself, in which 11 soldiers were killed and 26\nwounded. (_Comr., 24._)\n\nThen began one of the most remarkable exhibitions of generalship in\nthe history of our Indian wars, a retreat worthy to be remembered with\nthat of the storied ten thousand. With hardly a hundred warriors, and\nimpeded by more than 350 helpless women and children\u2014with General\nHoward behind, with Colonel (General) Miles in front, and with Colonel\nSturgis and the Crow scouts coming down upon his flank\u2014Chief Joseph\nled his little band up the Clearwater and across the mountains into\nMontana, turning at Big Hole pass long enough to beat back his pursuers\nwith a loss of 60 men; then on by devious mountain trails southeast\ninto Yellowstone park, where he again turned on Howard and drove him\nback with additional loss of men and horses; then out of Wyoming and\nnorth into Montana again, hoping to find safety on Canadian soil, until\nintercepted in the neighborhood of the Yellowstone by Colonel Sturgis\nin front with fresh troops and a detachment of Crow scouts, with whom\nthey sustained two more encounters, this time with heavy loss of men\nand horses to themselves; then again eluding their pursuers, this\nhandful of starving and worn-out warriors, now reduced to scarcely\nfifty able men, carrying their wounded and their helpless families,\ncrossed the Missouri and entered the Bearpaw mountains. But new enemies\nwere on their trail, and at last, when within 50 miles of the land of\nrefuge, Miles, with a fresh army, cut off their retreat by a decisive\nblow, capturing more than half their horses, killing a number of the\nband, including Joseph\u2019s brother and the noted chief Looking Glass, and\nwounding 40 others. (_Comr., 25._)\n\nForced either to surrender or to abandon the helpless wounded, the\nwomen, and children, Joseph chose to surrender to Colonel Miles, on\nOctober 5, 1877, after a masterly retreat of more than a thousand\nmiles. He claimed that this was \u201ca conditional surrender, with a\ndistinct promise that he should go back to Idaho in the spring.\u201d\n(_Comr., 26._) The statement of General Howard\u2019s aid-de-camp is\nexplicit on this point:\n\n It was promised Joseph that he would be taken to Tongue river\n and kept there till spring, and then be returned to Idaho.\n General Sheridan, ignoring the promises made on the battlefield,\n ostensibly on account of the difficulty of getting supplies there\n from Fort Buford, ordered the hostiles to Leavenworth, ... but\n different treatment was promised them when they held rifles in\n their hands. (_Sutherland, 1._)\n\nSeven years passed before the promise was kept, and in the meantime the\nband had been reduced by disease and death in Indian Territory from\nabout 450 to about 280.\n\nThis strong testimony to the high character of Joseph, and his people\nand the justice of their cause comes from the commissioner at the head\nof Indian affairs during and immediately after the outbreak:\n\n I traveled with him in Kansas and the Indian Territory for nearly\n a week and found him to be one of the most gentlemanly and\n well-behaved Indians that I ever met. He is bright and intelligent,\n and is anxious for the welfare of his people.... The Nez Perc\u00e9s\n are very much superior to the Osages and Pawnees in the Indian\n Territory; they are even brighter than the Poncas, and care should\n be taken to place them where they will thrive.... It will be borne\n in mind that Joseph has never made a treaty with the United States,\n and that he has never surrendered to the government the lands he\n claimed to own in Idaho.... I had occasion in my last annual report\n to say that \u201cJoseph and his followers have shown themselves to\n be brave men and skilled soldiers, who, with one exception, have\n observed the rules of civilized warfare, and have not mutilated\n their dead enemies.\u201d These Indians were encroached upon by white\n settlers on soil they believed to be their own, and when these\n encroachments became intolerable they were compelled, in their own\n estimation, to take up arms. (_Comr., 27a._)\n\nIn all our sad Indian history there is nothing to exceed in pathetic\neloquence the surrender speech of the Nez Perc\u00e9 chief:\n\n I am tired of fighting. Our chiefs are killed. Looking Glass is\n dead. Toohulhulsote is dead. The old men are all dead. It is the\n young men who say yes or no. He who led the young men is dead. It\n is cold and we have no blankets. The little children are freezing\n to death. My people, some of them, have run away to the hills and\n have no blankets, no food. No one knows where they are\u2014perhaps\n freezing to death. I want to have time to look for my children and\n see how many of them I can find. Maybe I shall find them among the\n dead. Hear me, my chiefs. I am tired. My heart is sick and sad.\n From where the sun now stands I will fight no more forever. (_Sec.\n War, 3._)\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter VII+\n\n SMOHALLA AND HIS DOCTRINE\n\n My young men shall never work. Men who work can not dream, and\n wisdom comes to us in dreams.... You ask me to plow the ground.\n Shall I take a knife and tear my mother\u2019s bosom? You ask me to dig\n for stone. Shall I dig under her skin for her bones? You ask me to\n cut grass and make hay and sell it and be rich like white men. But\n how dare I cut off my mother\u2019s hair?\u2014_Smohalla._\n\n\nWe hear little of Smohalla for several years after the Nez Perc\u00e9 war\nuntil the opening of the Northern Pacific railroad in 1883 once more\nbrought to a focus the land grievances of the Indians in that section.\nAlong Yakima valley the railroad \u201cwas located through Indian fields and\norchards, with little respect for individual rights,\u201d while the host\nof prospective settlers who at once swarmed into the country showed\nthe usual white man\u2019s consideration for the native proprietors. Some\nof the Indians, breaking away from their old traditions in order to\nobtain permanent homes before everything should be taken up by the\nwhites, had gone out and selected homesteads under the law, and the\nagent was now using the Indian police to compel them to return to the\nreservation, \u201cand the singular anomaly was presented of the United\nStates Indian agent on the one hand applying for troops to drive the\nIndians from their homestead settlements to the reservation a hundred\nmiles away, and on the other the Indians telegraphing to the military\nauthorities to send troops to protect them from the Indian police.\u201d\n(_MacMurray MS._) In addition to their land troubles the Yakima and\ntheir confederated tribes, among whom were many progressive and even\nprosperous Indians, were restive under constant interference with their\nreligious (Smohalla) ceremonies, to which a large proportion adhered.\n\nIn order to learn the nature of the dissatisfaction of the Indians, and\nif possible to remove the cause, General Miles, then commanding the\nmilitary department of the Columbia, sent Major J. W. MacMurray to the\nscene of the disturbance in June, 1884. He spent about a year in the\nwork, visiting the various villages of the upper Columbia, especially\nP\u02bfn\u00e4 at Priest rapids, where he met Smohalla, the high priest of the\nDreamer theology, and his report on the subject is invaluable.\n\nSmohalla is the chief of the Wa\u2032nap\u00fbm, a small tribe in Washington,\nnumbering probably less than 200 souls, commonly known rather\nindefinitely as \u201cColumbia River Indians,\u201d and roaming along both banks\nof the Columbia from the neighborhood of Priest rapids down to the\nentrance of Snake river. They are of Shahaptian stock and closely\nakin to the Yakima and Nez Perc\u00e9s, and have never made a treaty with\nthe government. Among his own people and his disciples in the\nneighboring tribes he is known as Shm\u00f3q\u00fbla, \u201cThe Preacher.\u201d[5] He is\nalso frequently called Yu\u2032yunip\u012d\u2032tqana, \u201cThe Shouting Mountain,\u201d from\na belief among his followers that a part of his revelation came to\nhim from a mountain which became instinct with life and spoke into\nhis soul while he lay dreaming upon it. Still another name by which\nhe is sometimes known is Waip-shwa, or \u201cRock Carrier,\u201d the reason\nfor which does not appear. The name which belonged to him in youth,\nbefore assuming his priestly function, is now forgotten. For more\nthan forty years he has resided at the Wanap\u00fbm village of P\u02bfn\u00e4 on\nthe west bank of the Columbia, at the foot of Priest rapids, in what\nis now Yakima county, Washington. The name P\u02bfn\u00e4 signifies \u201ca fish\nweir,\u201d this point being a great rendezvous for the neighboring tribes\nduring the salmon-fishing season. These frequent gatherings afford\nabundant opportunity for the teaching and dissemination of his peculiar\ndoctrines, as is sufficiently evident from the fact that, while his own\ntribe numbers hardly two score families, his disciples along the river\nare counted by thousands.\n\n[Illustration: PL. LXXXVIII\n\n DISTRIBUTION OF TRIBES OF THE UPPER COLUMBIA REGION IN WASHINGTON,\n OREGON AND IDAHO INCLUDING ALL THOSE OF THE SMOHALLA AND SHAKER\n RELIGIONS BY JAMES MOONEY 1894]\n\nSmohalla was born about 1815 or 1820, and is consequently now an old\nman, although still well preserved, and with his few scattering locks\nunchanged in color. At the time of the Nez Perc\u00e9 war he was in the\nfull vigor of manhood. His appearance in 1884 is thus described by\nMajor MacMurray: \u201cIn person Smohalla is peculiar. Short, thick-set,\nbald-headed and almost hunch-backed, he is not prepossessing at first\nsight, but he has an almost Websterian head, with a deep brow over\nbright, intelligent eyes. He is a finished orator. His manner is mostly\nof the bland, insinuating, persuasive style, but when aroused he is\nfull of fire and seems to handle invectives effectively. His audience\nseemed spellbound under his magic manner, and it never lost interest\nto me, though he spoke in a language comprehended by few white men and\ntranslated to me at second or third hand.\u201d By another writer who met\nhim a year later he is described as rather undersized and inclining\ntoward obesity, with \u201ca reserved and cunning but not ill-natured\ncountenance, and a large, well-shaped head. His manners were more suave\nand insinuating than is usual with Indians.\u201d He had a comfortable\nappearance, his moccasins and leggings were new, and he rode a good\npinto pony. (_Huggins, 1._)\n\nIn his youth he had frequented the Catholic mission of Atahnam among\nthe Yakima, where he became familiar with the forms of that service\nand also acquired a slight knowledge of French. Whether or not he\nwas a regular member of the mission school is a disputed point, as\nit is asserted by some that he has never worn the white man\u2019s dress\nor had his hair cut. The influence of the Catholic ceremonial is\nplainly visible in his own ritual performance. In his early manhood he\ndistinguished himself as a warrior, and had already come to be regarded\nas a prominent man when he first began to preach his peculiar theology\nabout the year 1850. There can be no question that the rapid spread of\nhis doctrines among the tribes of the Columbia materially facilitated\ntheir confederation in the Yakima war of 1855\u201356. It is said that he\naspired to be the leader in this war, and that, to attain this end, he\ninvited all the neighboring bands to attend a council at his village of\nP\u02bfn\u00e4, but failed to accomplish his object.\n\nShortly after the close of the war, probably about 1860, the incident\noccurred which wrought an entire change in his life, stamping him as\nan oracle and prophet beyond peradventure, and giving to his religious\nsystem the force of authority which it has ever since retained. He had\nalready established a reputation as a medicine-man, and was believed\nto be \u201cmaking medicine\u201d against the life of Moses, the noted chief of\na tribe farther up the river, who was greatly in dread of his occult\npowers, and forced a quarrel in order to rid himself forever of his\nrival. A fight resulted, and Smohalla was nearly killed. It is said\nthat he was left on the ground as dead, but revived sufficiently to\ncrawl away and get into a boat on the bank of the Columbia near by.\nBleeding and disabled, he was carried down at the mercy of the current\nuntil he was finally rescued from his perilous position by some white\nmen, far below. His recovery was slow. When it was completed, unwilling\nto return in disgrace to his own country and probably still dreading\nthe anger of Moses, he determined to become a wanderer.\n\nThen began one of the most remarkable series of journeyings ever\nundertaken by an uncivilized Indian. Going down the Columbia to\nPortland and the coast, he turned south, and, stopping on the way at\nvarious points in Oregon and California, continued beyond San Diego\ninto Mexico. Then, turning again, he came back through Arizona, Utah,\nand Nevada to his former home on the Columbia, where he announced that\nhe had been dead and in the spirit world and had now returned by divine\ncommand to guide his people. As he was thought to have been killed in\nthe encounter with Moses, and as he had disappeared so completely until\nnow, his awe-stricken hearers readily believed that they were actually\nin the presence of one who had been taken bodily into the spirit world,\nwhence he was now sent back as a teacher.\n\nOn the occasion of MacMurray\u2019s visit, says that authority, \u201cSmohalla\nasked me many geographic questions, and I spread out a railroad map,\nmarking the situation of Priest rapids, Portland, and Vancouver\nbarracks, and he traced with a straw down the coast line to below San\nDiego. He asked where San Bernardino was, and paused long over this.\nHe recognized the ocean or \u2018salt chuck,\u2019 with many other geographic\nfeatures and localities, but he would neither admit nor deny having\nbeen at Salt Lake City, although he admitted having been in Utah,\nknew the lake and adjacent mountain chains, and said that he had seen\nMormon priests getting commands direct from heaven. He dwelt long over\nArizona, and remarked, \u2018_bad-a Inchun_.\u2019\u201d\n\nSmohalla now declared to his people that the Sa\u2032ghalee Tyee, the Great\nChief Above, was angry at their apostasy, and commanded them through\nhim to return to their primitive manners, as their present miserable\ncondition in the presence of the intrusive race was due to their\nhaving abandoned their own religion and violated the laws of nature\nand the precepts of their ancestors. He then explained in detail the\nsystem to which they must adhere in future if they would conform to\nthe expressed will of the higher power. It was a system based on the\nprimitive aboriginal mythology and usage, with an elaborate ritual\nwhich combined with the genuine Indian features much of what he had\nseen and remembered of Catholic ceremonial and military parade, with\nperhaps also some additions from Mormon forms.\n\nHis words made a deep impression on his hearers. They had indeed\nabandoned their primitive simplicity to a great extent, and were now\nsuffering the penalty in all the misery that had come to them with the\nadvent of the white-skin race that threatened to blot them out from the\nearth. The voice of the prophet was accepted as a voice from the other\nworld, for they knew that he had been dead and was now alive. What he\nsaid must be true and wise, for he had been everywhere and knew tribes\nand countries they had never heard of. Even the white men confirmed his\nwords in this regard. He could even control the sun and the moon, for\nhe had said when they would be dark, and they were dark.\n\nIf genius be a form of insanity, as has been claimed, intense religious\nenthusiasm would seem to have a close connection with physical as well\nas mental disease. Like Mohammed and Joan of Arc, and like the Shaker\nprophet of Puget sound, Smohalla is subject to cataleptic trances,\nand it is while in this unconscious condition that he is believed to\nreceive his revelations. Says MacMurray:\n\n He falls into trances and lies rigid for considerable periods.\n Unbelievers have experimented by sticking needles through his\n flesh, cutting him with knives, and otherwise testing his\n sensibility to pain, without provoking any responsive action. It\n was asserted that he was surely dead, because blood did not flow\n from the wounds. These trances always excite great interest and\n often alarm, as he threatens to abandon his earthly body altogether\n because of the disobedience of his people, and on each occasion\n they are in a state of suspense as to whether the Saghalee Tyee\n will send his soul back to earth to reoccupy his body, or will, on\n the contrary, abandon and leave them without his guidance. It is\n this going into long trances, out of which he comes as from heavy\n sleep and almost immediately relates his experiences in the spirit\n land, that gave rise to the title of \u201cDreamers,\u201d or believers\n in dreams, commonly given to his followers by the neighboring\n whites. His actions are similar to those of a trance medium, and if\n self-hypnotization be practicable that would seem to explain it. I\n questioned him as to his trances and hoped to have him explain them\n to me, but he avoided the subject and was angered when I pressed\n him. He manifestly believes all he says of what occurs to him in\n this trance state. As we have hundreds of thousands of educated\n white people who believe in similar fallacies, this is not more\n unlikely in an Indian subjected to such influence.\n\nIn studying Smohalla we have to deal with the same curious mixture of\nhonest conviction and cunning deception that runs through the history\nof priestcraft in all the ages. Like some other prophets before him,\nhe seeks to convey the idea that he is in control of the elements and\nthe heavenly bodies, and he has added greatly to his reputation by\npredicting several eclipses. This he was enabled to do by the help\nof an almanac and some little explanation from a party of surveyors.\nIn this matter, however, he was soon made to realize that a little\nknowledge is a dangerous thing. He could not get another almanac, and\nhis astronomic prophecies came to an abrupt termination at the end of\nthe first year. Concerning this, Major MacMurray says:\n\n He showed me an almanac of a preceding year and asked me to\n readjust it for eclipses, as it did not work as it had formerly\n done. I explained that Washington (the Naval Observatory) made new\n ones every year, and that old ones could not be fixed up to date.\n He had probably obtained this one from the station agent at the\n railroad, now superseded by a new one, who had cut off Smohalla\u2019s\n supply of astronomical data. My inability to repair the 1882\n almanac for use in prognosticating in 1884 cost me much of his\n respect as a wise man from the east. (_MacMurray MS._)\n\nSmohalla had also a blank book containing mysterious characters, some\nof which resembled letters of the alphabet, and which he said were\nrecords of events and prophecies. MacMurray was unable to decide\nwhether they were mnemonic or were simply unmeaning marks intended to\nfoster among his followers the impression of his superior wisdom. It is\nprobable that they were genuine mnemonic symbols invented by himself\nfor his own purposes, as such systems, devised and used by single\nindividuals or families, and unintelligible to others, are by no means\nrare among those who may be called the literary men of our aboriginal\ntribes.\n\n[Illustration: PL. LXXXIX\n\n SMOHALLA AND HIS PRIESTS]\n\nAs their principal troubles arose out of the disputed title to their\nlands, Major MacMurray was asked by the Indians to explain the Indian\nhomestead law and how white men divided land. This was carefully done\nwith the aid of a checkerboard, and they were shown how the land was\nmapped out into equal squares arranged on straight lines so that every\nman could find his own. They were then urged by the officer to apply\nfor homesteads and settle upon them so as to avoid further trouble\nwith the new settlers who were pouring into the country. Smohalla\nreplied that he knew all this, but he did not like the new law, as it\nwas against nature. He then went on to expound in detail the Indian\ncosmogony. Said he:\n\n I will tell you about it. Once the world was all water and God\n lived alone. He was lonesome, he had no place to put his foot, so\n he scratched the sand up from the bottom and made the land, and\n he made the rocks, and he made trees, and he made a man; and the\n man had wings and could go anywhere. The man was lonesome, and\n God made a woman. They ate fish from the water, and God made the\n deer and other animals, and he sent the man to hunt and told the\n woman to cook the meat and to dress the skins. Many more men\n and women grew up, and they lived on the banks of the great river\n whose waters were full of salmon. The mountains contained much game\n and there were buffalo on the plains. There were so many people\n that the stronger ones sometimes oppressed the weak and drove them\n from the best fisheries, which they claimed as their own. They\n fought and nearly all were killed, and their bones are to be seen\n in the hills yet. God was very angry at this and he took away their\n wings and commanded that the lands and fisheries should be common\n to all who lived upon them; that they were never to be marked off\n or divided, but that the people should enjoy the fruits that God\n planted in the land, and the animals that lived upon it, and the\n fishes in the water. God said he was the father and the earth was\n the mother of mankind; that nature was the law; that the animals,\n and fish, and plants obeyed nature, and that man only was sinful.\n This is the old law.\n\n I know all kinds of men. First there were my people (the Indians);\n God made them first. Then he made a Frenchman [referring to the\n Canadian voyagers of the Hudson Bay company], and then he made a\n priest [priests accompanied these expeditions of the Hudson Bay\n company]. A long time after that came Boston men [Americans are\n thus called in the Chinook jargon, because the first of our nation\n came into the Columbia river in 1796 in a ship from Boston], and\n then King George men [the English]. Later came black men, and last\n God made a Chinaman with a tail. He is of no account and has to\n work all the time like a woman. All these are new people. Only the\n Indians are of the old stock. After awhile, when God is ready, he\n will drive away all the people except those who have obeyed his\n laws.\n\n Those who cut up the lands or sign papers for lands will be\n defrauded of their rights and will be punished by God\u2019s anger.\n Moses was bad. God did not love him. He sold his people\u2019s houses\n and the graves of their dead. It is a bad word that comes from\n Washington. It is not a good law that would take my people away\n from me to make them sin against the laws of God.\n\n You ask me to plow the ground! Shall I take a knife and tear my\n mother\u2019s bosom? Then when I die she will not take me to her bosom\n to rest.\n\n You ask me to dig for stone! Shall I dig under her skin for her\n bones? Then when I die I can not enter her body to be born again.\n\n You ask me to cut grass and make hay and sell it, and be rich like\n white men! But how dare I cut off my mother\u2019s hair?\n\n It is a bad law, and my people can not obey it. I want my people to\n stay with me here. All the dead men will come to life again. Their\n spirits will come to their bodies again. We must wait here in the\n homes of our fathers and be ready to meet them in the bosom of our\n mother. (_MacMurray MS._)\n\nThe idea that the earth is the mother of all created things lies at\nthe base, not only of the Smohalla religion, but of the theology of\nthe Indian tribes generally and of primitive races all over the world.\nThis explains Tecumtha\u2019s reply to Harrison: \u201cThe sun is my father and\nthe earth is my mother. On her bosom I will rest.\u201d In the Indian mind\nthe corn, fruits, and edible roots are the gifts which the earth-mother\ngives freely to her children. Lakes and ponds are her eyes, hills\nare her breasts, and streams are the milk flowing from her breasts.\nEarthquakes and underground noises are signs of her displeasure at the\nwrongdoing of her children. Especially are the malarial fevers, which\noften follow extensive disturbance of the surface by excavation or\notherwise, held to be direct punishments for the crime of lacerating\nher bosom.\n\nSmohalla\u2019s chief supporter and assistant at the ceremonies was\nKotai\u2032aqan, or Coteea\u2032kun, as MacMurray spells it, of the Yakima\ntribe. The name refers to a brood of young ducks scattering in alarm.\nHe was the son of Kamai\u2032\u00e4kan, the great war chief of the Yakima. He\nalso gave MacMurray the story of the cosmos, which agrees with that\nobtained from Smohalla, but is more in detail:\n\n The world was all water, and Saghalee Tyee was above it. He threw\n up out of the water at shallow places large quantities of mud, and\n that made the land. Some was piled so high that it froze hard,\n and the rains that fell were made into snow and ice. Some of the\n earth was made hard into rocks, and anyone could see that it had\n not changed\u2014it was only harder. We have no records of the past;\n but we have it from our fathers from far back that Saghalee Tyee\n threw down many of the mountains he had made. It is all as our\n fathers told us, and we can see that it is true when we are hunting\n for game or berries in the mountains. I did not see it done. He\n made trees to grow, and he made a man out of a ball of mud and\n instructed him in what he should do. When the man grew lonesome, he\n made a woman as his companion, and taught her to dress skins, and\n to gather berries, and to make baskets of the bark of roots, which\n he taught her how to find.\n\n She was asleep and dreaming of her ignorance of how to please man,\n and she prayed to Saghalee Tyee to help her. He breathed on her\n and gave her something that she could not see, or hear, or smell,\n or touch, and it was preserved in a little basket, and by it all\n the arts of design and skilled handiwork were imparted to her\n descendants.\n\n Notwithstanding all the benefits they enjoyed, there was quarreling\n among the people, and the earth-mother was angry. The mountains\n that overhung the river at the Cascades were thrown down, and\n dammed the stream and destroyed the forests and whole tribes, and\n buried them under the rocks. (_MacMurray MS._)\n\nIn connection with the wonderful little basket, MacMurray states that\nKotai\u2032aqan presented him with a very ancient drum-shape basket, about\n2\u00bd inches in diameter, to give to his wife, in order that she might\nlikewise be inspired. Concerning the catastrophe indicated in the last\nparagraph, he goes on to say:\n\n The Cascade range, where it crosses the Columbia river, exhibits\n enormous cross sections of lava, and at its base are petrified\n trunks of trees, which have been covered and hidden from view\n except where the wash of the mighty stream has exposed them.\n Indians have told me, of their knowledge, that, buried deep under\n these outpours of basalt, or volcanic tufa, are bones of animals\n of _siah_, or the long ago. Traditions of the great landslide at\n the Cascades are many, but vary little in form. According to one\n account, the mountain tops fell together and formed a kind of\n arch, under which the water flowed, until the overhanging rocks\n finally fell into the stream and made a dam or gorge. As the rock\n is columnar basalt, very friable and easily disintegrated, that\n was not impossible, and the landscape suggests some such giant\n avalanche. The submerged trees are plainly visible near this\n locality. Animal remains I have not seen, but these salmon-eating\n Indians have lived on the river\u2019s border through countless\n ages, and know every feature in their surroundings by constant\n association for generations, and naturally ally these facts with\n their religious theories. (_MacMurray MS._)\n\nIn an article on \u201cThe submerged trees of the Columbia river,\u201d in\nScience of February 18, 1887, the geologist, Major Clarence E. Dutton,\nalso notices the peculiar formation at the Cascades and mentions the\nIndian tradition of a natural bridge over the river at this point.\n\n[Illustration: PL. XC\n\n SMOHALLA CHURCH ON YAKIMA RESERVATION]\n\nMacMurray continues:\n\n Coteeakun went on to say that some day Saghalee Tyee would again\n overturn the mountains and so expose these bones, which, having\n been preserved through so long a time, would be reoccupied by\n the spirits which now dwell in the mountain tops, watching their\n descendants on earth and waiting for the resurrection to come. The\n voices of these spirits of the dead can be heard at all times in\n the mountains, and often they answer back when spoken to. Mourners\n who wail for their dead hear spirit voices replying, and know they\n will always remain near them. No man knows when it will come, and\n only those who have observed nature\u2019s laws and adhered to the\n faith of their ancestors will have their bones so preserved and be\n certain of an earthly tenement for their spirits. He wanted me to\n confirm this.\n\n Coteeakun was pacific and gentle. He said all men were as brothers\n to him and he hoped all would dwell together. He had been told\n that white and black and all other kinds of men originally dwelt\n in tents, as the red men always have done, and that God in former\n times came to commune with white men. He thought there could be\n only one Saghalee Tyee, in which case white and red men would live\n on a common plane. We came from one source of life and in time\n would \u201cgrow from one stem again. It would be like a stick that the\n whites held by one end and the Indians by the other until it was\n broken, and it would be made again into one stick.\u201d\n\n Some of the wilder Indians to the north have more truculent ideas\n as to the final cataclysm which is to reoverturn the mountains\n and bring back the halcyon days of the long past. As the whites\n and the others came only within the lifetime of the fathers of\n these Indians, they are not to be included in the benefits of the\n resurrection, but are to be turned over with all that the white\n man\u2019s civilization has put upon the present surface of the land.\n\n Coteeakun was for progress\u2014limited progress, it is true\u2014to the\n extent of fixed homes and agriculture, but he did not want his\n people to go from their villages or to abandon their religious\n faith. They were nearly all disposed to work for wages among the\n farmers, and had orchards and some domestic animals upon whose\n produce they lived, besides the fish from the rivers. Smohalla\n opposed anything that pertained to civilization, and had neither\n cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, nor chickens, and not a tree or\n vegetable was grown anywhere in his vicinage. Kowse (_Peucedanum\n cous_), kamas (_Camassia esculenta_), berries, fish, and the game\n of the mountains alone furnished food to his people, whom he\n advised to resist every advance of civilization as improper for\n a true Indian and in violation of the faith of their ancestors.\n I found, however, that he was willing to advise his people to\n take up lands and adopt the white man\u2019s road, if the government\n would pension him as it had pensioned Chief Moses, so that while I\n thought he believed in his religion as much as other sectarians do\n in theirs, he was tainted by the mercenary desire to live upon his\n followers unless otherwise provided for by the government.\n\nFrom Captain E. L. Huggins, Second cavalry, who visited Smohalla about\nthe same time, we obtain further information concerning the prophet\u2019s\npersonality and doctrines. When Smohalla was urged to follow the\nexample of other Indians who had taken up the white man\u2019s road, he\nreplied, \u201cNo one has any respect for these book Indians. Even the white\nmen like me better and treat me better than they do the book Indians.\nMy young men shall never work. Men who work can not dream, and wisdom\ncomes to us in dreams.\u201d\n\nWhen it was argued that the whites worked and yet knew more than the\nIndians, he replied that the white man\u2019s wisdom was poor and weak and\nof no value to Indians, who must learn the highest wisdom from dreams\nand from participating in the Dreamer ceremonies. Being pressed to\nexplain the nature of this higher knowledge, he replied, \u201cEach one must\nlearn for himself the highest wisdom. It can not be taught. You have\nthe wisdom of your race. Be content.\u201d\n\nWhen the officer contended that even the Indians had to work hard\nduring the fishing season to get food for winter, the prophet answered:\n\n\u201cThis work lasts only for a few weeks. Besides it is natural work and\ndoes them no harm. But the work of the white man hardens soul and body.\nNor is it right to tear up and mutilate the earth as white men do.\u201d\n\nTo the officer\u2019s assertion that the Indians also dug roots and were\neven then digging kamas in the mountains, he replied:\n\n\u201cWe simply take the gifts that are freely offered. We no more harm\nthe earth than would an infant\u2019s fingers harm its mother\u2019s breast.\nBut the white man tears up large tracts of land, runs deep ditches,\ncuts down forests, and changes the whole face of the earth. You know\nvery well this is not right. Every honest man,\u201d said he, looking at me\nsearchingly, \u201cknows in his heart that this is all wrong. But the white\nmen are so greedy they do not consider these things.\u201d\n\nHe asserted that the Indians were now so helpless before the white men\nthat they must cease to exist unless they had assistance from a higher\npower, but that if they heeded the sacred message they would receive\nstrong and sudden help as surely as the spring comes after winter. When\nsome doubt was expressed as to his own faith in these things, he asked\npointedly:\n\n\u201cDo the white teachers believe what they teach?\u201d\n\n\u201cIt is said, Smohalla, that you hate all white men.\u201d\n\n\u201cIt is not true. But the whites have caused us great suffering. Dr\nWhitman many years ago made a long journey to the east to get a bottle\nof poison for us. He was gone about a year, and after he came back\nstrong and terrible diseases broke out among us. The Indians killed Dr\nWhitman, but it was too late. He had uncorked his bottle and all the\nair was poisoned. Before that there was little sickness among us, but\nsince then many of us have died. I have had children and grandchildren,\nbut they are all dead. My last grandchild, a young woman of 16, died\nlast month. If only her infant could have lived\u201d\u2014his voice faltered\nslightly, but with scarcely a pause he continued in his former tone, \u201cI\nlabored hard to save them, but my medicine would not work as it used\nto.\u201d\n\nHe repelled the idea that the Indians had profited by the coming of the\nwhites, and especially denied that they had obtained ponies from this\nsource. His statement on this point may be of interest to those who\nhold that the horse is indigenous to America:\n\n\u201cWhat! The white man gave us ponies? Oh, no; we had ponies long before\nwe ever saw white people. The Great Spirit gave them to us. Our horses\nwere swifter and more enduring, too, in those days, before they were\nmixed with the white man\u2019s horses.\u201d\n\nHe went on to tell how the Indians had befriended the first explorers\nwho came among them and how ungrateful had been their later recompense,\nand said: \u201cWe are now so few and weak that we can offer no resistance,\nand their preachers have persuaded them to let a few of us live, so as\nto claim credit with the Great Spirit for being generous and humane.\nBut they begrudge us what little grass our ponies eat.\u201d At parting he\nrepeated earnestly, \u201cIf they tell you Smohalla hates all white people,\ndo not believe it.\u201d (_Huggins, 2._)\n\n * * * * *\n\nOur knowledge of the Smohalla ritual is derived from the account\ngiven by Major MacMurray and from the statements of Yakima and P\u00e4lus\ninformants. The officer\u2019s account is that of an intelligent observer,\nwho noted ceremonies closely, but without fully comprehending their\nmeaning. The Indian account is that of initiates and true believers,\none of them being the regular interpreter of the Smohalla services on\nYakima reservation.\n\nThe officer had already seen the ceremonial performances at the Indian\nvillages at Celilo and Umatilla in Oregon, at Tumwater and Yakima gap\nin Washington, but found its greatest development at the fountain\nhead, the home of Smohalla at Priest rapids. His account is so full of\ninterest that we give it almost in its entirety.\n\nWhile still several miles away, his party discovered the village,\nthe houses extending along the bank of the river, with several flags\nattached to long poles fluttering in the wind. The trail from the\nmountains was winding and difficult, but at last\u2014\n\n We reached the plain and were met by a procession, headed by\n Smohalla in person, all attired in gorgeous array and mounted on\n their best chargers. We wended our way through sagebrush and sand\n dunes to the village street, not a soul being visible, but from the\n mat-roofed salmon houses there came forth the most indescribable\n chorus of bell ringing, drum beating, and screeching. I noticed\n that the street was neatly swept and well sprinkled\u2014an unusual\n thing in any Indian village. This, Smohalla said, was in my honor\n and to show that his people had cleanly tastes. Our procession\n passed on beyond the village to a new canvas tent, which had a\n brush shade to keep off the sun and was lined and carpeted with\n new and very pretty matting. Smohalla said this had been prepared\n especially for me, and was to be my house as long as I should stay\n with him. To cap the climax, he had constructed a bench for me,\n having sent more than 90 miles for the nails. Fresh salmon, caught\n in a peculiar trap among the rocks and broiled on a plank, were\n regularly furnished my party, and with hard tack and coffee of our\n own supplying we got enough to eat and drink. Our own blankets\n furnished sleeping conveniences. The river was within two yards of\n our tent door and was an ample lavatory.\n\n When I awoke the next morning, the sound of drums was again heard,\n and for days it continued. I do not remember that there was any\n intermission except for a few minutes at a time. Seven bass drums\n were used for the purpose. I was invited to be present, and took\n great interest in the ceremonies, which I shall endeavor to\n describe.\n\n There was a small open space to the north of the larger house,\n which was Smohalla\u2019s residence and the village assembly room as\n well. This space was inclosed by a whitewashed fence made of\n boards which had drifted down the river. In the middle was a\n flagstaff with a rectangular flag, suggesting a target. In the\n center of the flag was a round red patch. The field was yellow,\n representing grass, which is there of a yellow hue in summer. A\n green border indicated the boundary of the world, the hills being\n moist and green near their tops. At the top of the flag was a small\n extension of blue color, with a white star in the center. Smohalla\n explained: \u201cThis is my flag, and it represents the world. God\n told me to look after my people\u2014all are my people. There are four\n ways in the world\u2014north and south and east and west. I have been\n all those ways. This is the center. I live here. The red spot is\n my heart\u2014everybody can see it. The yellow grass grows everywhere\n around this place. The green mountains are far away all around the\n world. There is only water beyond, salt water. The blue [referring\n to the blue cloth strip] is the sky, and the star is the north\n star. That star never changes; it is always in the same place. I\n keep my heart on that star. I never change.\u201d\n\n There are frequent services, a sort of processional around the\n outside of the fence, the prophet and a small boy with a bell\n entering the inclosure, where, after hoisting the flag, he delivers\n a sort of sermon. Captains or class leaders give instructions to\n the people, who are arranged according to stature, the men and\n women in different classes marching in single file to the sound of\n drums. There seems to be a regular system of signals, at command\n of the prophet, by the boy with the bell, upon which the people\n chant loud or low, quick or slow, or remain silent. These outdoor\n services occurred several times each day.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 64+\u2014Smohalla\u2019s flag (heraldic).]\n\n Smohalla invited me to participate in what he considered a grand\n ceremonial service within the larger house. This house was built\n with a framework of stout logs placed upright in the ground and\n roofed over with brush, or with canvas in rainy weather. The sides\n consisted of bark and rush matting. It was about 75 feet long by\n 25 feet wide. Singing and drumming had been going on for some time\n when I arrived. The air resounded with the voices of hundreds of\n Indians, male and female, and the banging of drums. Within, the\n room was dimly lighted. Smoke curled from a fire on the floor at\n the farther end and pervaded the atmosphere. The ceiling was hung\n with hundreds of salmon, split and drying in the smoke.\n\n The scene was a strange one. On either side of the room was a\n row of twelve women standing erect with arms crossed and hands\n extended, with finger tips at the shoulders. They kept time to the\n drums and their voices by balancing on the balls of their feet and\n tapping with their heels on the floor, while they chanted with\n varying pitch and time. The excitement and persistent repetition\n wore them out, and I heard that others than Smohalla had seen\n visions in their trances, but I saw none who would admit it or\n explain anything of it. I fancied they feared their own action, and\n that real death might come to them in this simulated death.\n\n Those on the right hand were dressed in garments of a red color\n with an attempt at uniformity. Those on the left wore costumes of\n white buckskin, said to be very ancient ceremonial costumes, with\n red and blue trimmings. All wore large round silver plates or such\n other glittering ornaments as they possessed. A canvas covered the\n floor and on it knelt the men and boys in lines of seven. Each\n seven, as a rule, had shirts of the same color. The tallest were\n in front, the size diminishing regularly to the rear. Children and\n ancient hags filled in any spare space. In front on a mattress\n knelt Smohalla, his left hand covering his heart. On his right\n was the boy bell ringer in similar posture. Smohalla wore a white\n garment which he was pleased to call a priest\u2019s gown, but it was\n simply a white cloth shirt with a colored stripe down the back.\n\n[Illustration: PL. XCI\n\n INTERIOR OF SMOHALLA CHURCH]\n\n I and my two assistants were seated on a mattress about 10 feet in\n front of the prophet, which fortunately placed us near the door\n and incidentally near fresh air. There were two other witnesses,\n Indians from distant villages, who sat at one side with Smohalla\u2019s\n son looking on.\n\n Smohalla\u2019s son was said to be in training as his successor. He was\n a young man, apparently about 23 years old, tall, slender, and\n active in movement, and commonly kept himself apart from the body\n of the people. He was much darker than his father. His dress was\n brilliant in style and color. He ordinarily wore a short gown or\n surplice, sometimes yellow and at other times sky blue, with ornate\n decorations of stars or moons appliqu\u00e9, cut from bright-colored\n cloths. The sleeves were extravagantly trimmed with beads and\n silver ornaments. He knelt at the right of the group as the place\n of honor. On his left was Coteeakun, the head man of the Indian\n village at Union gap, on the Yakima reservation. The third man was\n Coteeakun\u2019s brother, a most intelligent and progressive Indian.\n (_MacMurray MS._)\n\nFrom Charles Ike, an intelligent half-blood interpreter on Yakima\nreservation, who is also the regular interpreter of the Smohalla\nritual services at the Yakima village of Pa\u02bekiut, we obtain additional\ninteresting details concerning the ceremony as there performed, with\nthe underlying religious teachings.\n\nAs at present taught, the religion finds adherents among probably all\nthe tribes along the Columbia from near the British border down to\nthe Wushq\u00fbm tribe at The Dalles, with the exception, perhaps, of the\nKlikatat, who are nearly all Catholics. The two chief centers are at\nP\u02bfn\u00e4 or Priest rapids, where Smohalla in person regularly preaches to\nabout 120 hearers, and at Pa\u02bekiut, at Union gap on Yakima reservation,\nwhere, until his death a short time ago, Tian\u00e4\u2032ni has regularly\nconducted the services for about 300 of his tribe. At each place is a\nchurch or meeting-house built as already described.\n\nThe former high priest of the doctrine among the Yakima, and the\nright-hand man of Smohalla himself, was Kotai\u2032aqan, already mentioned,\nthe son of the great war chief Kamai\u2032\u00e4kan. It is even asserted that he\nwas the originator of the system. However this may be, it is certain\nthat he had much to do with formulating both the dogmas and the ritual.\nIn temper he was more gentle than Smohalla, and more disposed to meet\ncivilization half-way. On his death, about 1890, he was succeeded by\nhis stepson, T\u012ban\u00e4\u2032ni, or \u201cMany Wounds,\u201d who filled the office until\nabout October, 1892, when he was murdered near his home by two drunken\nIndians. He was succeeded in the chieftainship by a younger son of\nKotai\u2032aqan named Sha\u2032aw\u0115 (or Shaw-wawa Kootiacan), and in his priestly\nfunctions by a man known to the whites as Billy John.\n\nThe regular services take place on Sunday, in the morning, afternoon,\nand evening. Sunday has been held sacred among the Nez Perc\u00e9s and\nneighboring tribes for more than sixty years, as the result of the\nteachings of the Hudson Bay officers. The prairie tribes also, having\nlearned that Sunday is the great \u201cmedicine day\u201d of the whites, now\nselect it by preference for their own religious ceremonies of the\nGhost dance and the mescal. There are also services during the week,\nbesides special periodic observances, such as the \u201clament\u201d for the\ndead, particularly the dead chiefs, in early spring; the salmon dance,\nwhen the salmon begin to run in April, and the berry dance, when the\nwild berries ripen in autumn. The description of the ceremonial of the\nsalmon dance will answer for the others, as it differs chiefly only by\nthe addition of the feast.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 65+\u2014Charles Ike, Smohalla interpreter.]\n\nAs already stated, the house has the door at the eastern end, as is\nthe common rule in all Indian structures. On the roof, at the eastern\nend of the building at Pa\u02bekiut, are the flags, the center one blue,\nrepresenting the sky; another one white, representing the earthly\nlight, and the third yellow, representing the heavenly light of the\nspirit world. Blue, white, and yellow are the sacred colors of this\nsystem, as also of that of the Shakers, to be described later. On\nentering, the worshipers range themselves in two lines along the sides\nof the building, the men and boys standing along the northern wall,\nthe women and girls along the southern wall, and all facing toward the\ncenter. The first man entering takes his place on the north nearest the\ndoor; the next one stands just beyond him, and so on; while the women\nand girls, when their turn comes, make the whole circuit along the\nnorthern side, and then, turning at the farther end, take their places\nin reverse order along the southern wall. In the open space between the\nrows is a floor-walker, whose business it is to see that everyone is in\nthe right place. All are dressed as nearly as possible in the finest\nstyle of the old Indian costume, buckskin and shell ornaments, their\nfaces painted yellow, white, or red with Indian paints, and carrying\neagle feathers in their right hands (plates +XC+, +XCI+; figure 66).\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 66+\u2014Diagram showing arrangement of worshipers at\n Smohalla service.]\n\nAt the farther end, facing the door, sits the high priest, while just\nbehind him stands his \u201cinterpreter,\u201d and on his left are seated on the\nground the three drummers with their large drums in front of them. The\nhigh priest carries a large bell in his left hand and a smaller one in\nhis right.\n\nDishes of fresh-cooked salmon and jars of water, together with a\nplentiful supply of other food, are ranged in front of the devotees.\nAfter a preliminary ceremony in the nature of a litany, in which\nthe principal articles of their theology are recited in the form of\nquestion and answer by the whole body of worshipers, the high priest\ngives the command, \u201cTake water,\u201d when everyone raises a cup of water\nto his lips. Next comes the command, \u201cNow drink,\u201d and each one takes a\nsip. At the words, \u201cNow the salmon,\u201d each takes up a portion of fish,\nwhich he puts into his mouth at the next command, \u201cNow eat.\u201d Last comes\nthe command, \u201cNow help yourselves,\u201d which is the signal for a general\nattack on the provisions.\n\nWhen everyone has satisfied his hunger, the remains of the feast are\ncleared away and the \u201cdance\u201d begins. At a signal given by a single\nstroke of the bell in the left hand of the high priest all stand up\nin line on either side of the building. At another stroke of the bell\nall put their right hands on their breasts. Another tap of the bell\nand the right hand is brought out in front of the body. Another, and\nthey begin to move their right hands backward and forward like fans in\nfront of the breast, and thus continue throughout the dance, keeping\ntime also to the singing by balancing alternately upon their toes and\nheels, as already described, without moving from their places. Ritual\nsongs are sung throughout the remainder of the service, in time with\nthe movements of the dancers and the sounds of the drums, and regulated\nby the strokes of the bell.\n\nBetween songs anyone who wishes to speak steps out into the open\nspace. With a single tap of the bell the high priest then summons his\n\u201cinterpreter,\u201d standing behind him, who comes forward and stands beside\nthe speaker, a few feet in front and at the right of the high priest.\nThe speaker then in a low tone tells his story\u2014usually a trance vision\nof the spirit world\u2014to the interpreter, who repeats it in a loud voice\nto the company. At the end of the recital the high priest gives the\nsignal with the bell, when all raise their right hands with a loud\n\u201cAi!\u201d (Yes!). The high priest himself sometimes discourses also to the\npeople through the interpreter; at other times directly.\n\nEach song is repeated until the high priest gives the signal with the\nbell to stop. Most of the songs consist\u2014in the native language\u2014of seven\nlines. At the end of the first line the high priest taps once with the\nbell; at the end of the second line he taps twice, and so on to the\nend of the song, when he rings the bell hard and continuously, and all\nraise their hands with a loud \u201cAi!\u201d Then the song leader, who stands\nwith a feather fan between the high priest and the drummers, starts the\nnext song.\n\nThe first song is given by all standing motionless, with the right hand\non the breast and with eyes cast downward. It may be rendered:\n\n Verily, verily, Our Brother made the body.\n He gave it a spirit and the body moved.\n Then he counted out the words for us to speak.\n\nAnother begins:\n\n Verily, Our Brother put salmon in the water to be our food.\n\nAnother begins:\n\n O, brothers! O, sisters!\n When first the light struck this world, it lighted the world forever.\n\nOur Brother (_N\u00e4mi Pi\u00e4p_) is the term used in referring to the creating\nspirit, instead of \u201cour father,\u201d as we might expect them to say.\n\nOn leaving, at the close of the ceremony, the man nearest the high\npriest passes around in front of him and down along in front of the\nline of women, and as he reaches the door he turns around and bows to\nthe high priest. Each man in turn thus files around and passes out,\nafter which the women\u2014first the one nearest the high priest and then\nthe others in regular order\u2014pass out in the same manner. While the\nworshipers are thus going out, the high priest, standing up, rings\ncontinuously the small bell in his right hand, while with the larger\nbell in his left he gives a single stroke as each one passes through\nthe door.\n\n\n _Tribes of the Columbia region_\n\nThe following synopsis will give a good general idea of the location\nand numbers of the tribes of the Columbia region from the British\nline down to the Cascades, including all those under the influence\nof the Smohalla religion. Except when derived from such well-known\nauthorities as Lewis and Clark, Stevens, Gibbs, etc., the information\ngiven is the result of personal investigation and work with Yakima\nand P\u00e4lus Indians. The general boundaries of the tribes west of the\nCascade range, including the adherents of the Shaker religion, are\nalso indicated on the accompanying map (plate +LXXXVIII+), but our\ninformation in regard to this region is too meager to be definite.\n\n+Kutenai+ (Kitunahan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Arcs Plats, Cotonn\u00e9, Cottonoi,\nCoutanie, Flatbow, Kitunaha, Kootenai, Koutaine, Kutneha, Skalzi,\nTushepaw (Lewis and Clark, 1805), White-tailed Deer People (Clark,\nIndian Sign Language). The Kutenai, properly Kituna\u2032qa, form a distinct\nlinguistic stock, and live chiefly on the Canadian side, around Kutenai\nriver and lake, but extend across the line into northern Idaho and\nnorthwestern Montana. Their extension southward dates from their treaty\nof peace with the Flatheads about ninety years ago. In company with the\nFlatheads they were accustomed formerly to come down from the mountains\nin the fall to hunt the buffalo on the headwaters of the Missouri. They\nare mentioned by Lewis and Clark in 1805 under the name of Tushepaw,\nwith bands distinguished as Ootlashoot, Micksucksealton (?), and\nHohilpo living in the mountains and on Clark\u2019s fork within United\nStates territory. According to Gatschet, Tu\u2032shipa is a collective term\napplied by the Shoshoni to the tribes living north of them, including\nthe Nez Perc\u00e9s and others, as well as the Kutenai. A part of the\nKutenai joined with the Flatheads and Upper Pend d\u2019Oreilles in a treaty\nwith the government in 1855 and are now on Flathead (Jocko) reservation\nin Montana. They are probably all Catholics. Others, living in northern\nIdaho, have never entered into treaty relations, and may be followers\nof Smohalla. The best estimates for the last fifty years give those\nwithin the United States a population of from 400 to 450.\n\n+Pend d\u2019Oreille+ (Salishan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Calispel, Coospellar\n(Lewis and Clark), Kahlispelm, Kalispelines, Kalispelusses, Kellespem,\nKullas-Palus, Ku\u2032shp\u0115lu (a Yakima or P\u00e4lus form), Papshp\u00fbn-\u02bfl\u0115ma\nor \u201cpeople of the great fir trees\u201d (Yakima name), Pend d\u2019Oreilles\nor \u201cear-rings\u201d (French name), Ponderas. The Pend d\u2019Oreilles held\nthe country along the river and lake of the same name, in Idaho and\nWashington, immediately southwest of the Kutenai. They are commonly\ndistinguished as Upper, on the lake, and Lower, on both banks of the\nriver. They are the Coospellar mentioned by Lewis and Clark in 1805.\nThey formerly crossed the mountains annually to hunt buffalo on the\nMissouri. Since 1844 they and most of the other Salishan tribes of\nthis region have been under the influence of Catholic missionaries.\nThe Upper Pend d\u2019Oreilles joined with the Flatheads and Kutenai in a\ntreaty with the government in 1855, and are now on Flathead reservation\nin Montana. Some of the Lower band joined them there in 1887. Others\nare on the C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane reservation in Idaho, a few are with Moses on\nthe Columbia in Washington, and the rest are still in their original\ncountry, never having entered into treaty stipulations. The whole tribe\nnumbers about 1,000 souls.\n\n+Colville+ (Salishan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Chaudi\u00e8re (French name),\nChualpay, Kettle Falls, Quiarlpi or \u201cbasket people\u201d (Hale),\nSchrooyelpi, Schwogelpi, Schwoyelpi, Swielpee, Wheelpoo (Lewis and\nClark). They originally occupied the country on Colville and Kettle\nrivers and on both sides of the Columbia from Kettle falls down\nto Spokane river, in Washington, and extending north into British\nterritory to about the lower Arrow lake. They are mentioned by Lewis\nand Clark under the name of Wheelpoo. Kettle falls on the Columbia,\nwithin their territory, was the great salmon fishing resort for all the\ntribes of this region, and here, in 1846, was established the Catholic\nmission of Saint Paul. As a result of this missionary work, all of\nthese Salishan tribes, excepting the Sanpoil, Nespelim, Mitaui, and a\npart of the Spokan are now Catholics. In 1854, according to Stevens,\nthe original Shwoyelpi were nearly extinct and their places had been\nfilled by Indians from neighboring tribes. Without ever having entered\ninto any treaty with the government, they were assigned in 1872 to\nColville reservation, Washington, which had been set apart for the\ntribes of that section. They were reported to number 616 in 1870, and\nonly 301 in 1892.\n\n+Lake+ or +Senijextee+ (Salishan stock).\u2014These owned the country on\nboth sides of the Columbia, in Washington, from about Kettle falls\nnorthward into British Columbia to the vicinity of Arrow lake. They are\nnow on Colville reservation in Washington and number about 350, with\nperhaps a few others across the boundary. They may be identical with\nthe Lahannas of Lewis and Clark.\n\n+Spokan+ (Salishan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Lartielo (Lewis and Clark),\nSarlilso (Gibbs), Sinhumanish, Sinkoman (Kutenai name), Spokihnish,\nSpokomish, Zingomenes. They are commonly distinguished as Upper\nSpokan or Sineeguomenah, Middle or Sintootoo, and Lower or\nChekisschee (_Winans, Comr., 1870_). Spokan is the name given them\nby the C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eanes; Sinkoman is their Kutenai name, while the\nLartielo or Sarlilso of Lewis and Clark is simply a bad misprint for\nSintootoo, the name of the middle band. They are closely connected,\nlinguistically and politically, with the Sanpoil and Nespelim. The\nlower Spokan are now Protestants, the rest are Catholics. They formerly\nowned the whole basin of Spokane river in Washington and extending into\nIdaho. They are now on Spokane reservation in Washington and the C\u0153ur\nd\u2019Al\u00eane reservation in Idaho, and number in all about 900 or 1,000.\n\n+C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane+ (Salishan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Pointed Hearts, Q\u02bema\u2032shp\u0103l\nor \u201ckamas people\u201d (so called by the Yakima), Skeechaway, Skeetsomish\n(Lewis and Clark), Skits\u0103m\u016dq (P\u00e4lus name), Skitswish, Stietshoi.\nThey occupied the lake and river bearing their name in Idaho and the\nadjacent headwaters of the Spokane. A part of this territory they\nheld jointly with the Spokan, whose language they speak. In 1892 they\nnumbered 427, on C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane reservation in Idaho.\n\n+Sanpoil+ (Salishan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Hai-ai\u2032n\u012dma (Yakima name),\nHihighenimmo (Lewis and Clark), Ipoilq (another Yakima name), N\u02bepochle\n(Stevens), Sans Puelles, Sinapoils, Sinipouals, Sinpaivelish,\nSinpohellechach, Sinpoilschne, Siur Poils. The name by which this\ntribe is commonly known is sometimes written as a French form Sans\nPoils, meaning \u201cwithout bristles,\u201d or \u201chairless,\u201d but it is more\nprobably an Indian word. They occupy the country on Sanpoil river in\nWashington, now included within Colville reservation, and are closely\nallied with the Nespelim. These two tribes are the most aboriginal in\neastern Washington, and adhere strictly to their primitive customs and\nreligion. The two tribes are thus described by Winans, the government\nfarmer, in 1870:\n\n They have never received any presents from the government, although\n they have been frequently asked to do so. They seem suspicious\n of the whites, are the least civilized and most independent of\n any of the tribes of the territory. They are rich in horses and\n cattle, possessing all the comforts they know how to enjoy, and it\n appears their only fear is that they will be interfered with by the\n government. They are perfectly contented with their condition, and\n would not accept anything from the government if offered, except a\n religious instructor and doctor.\n\nSome years later they were brought under the reservation system and\na change came o\u2019er the spirit of their dream. In 1892 we are told\nofficially that \u201cthe Sanpuell Indians are the worst people that I\nhave anything to do with.... They are surly, ignorant, and filthy,\u201d\nnotwithstanding which they still \u201chave the same religious prejudice as\nthe Nespelims about receiving aid from the government.\u201d Of the Nespelim\nthe same intelligent witness tells us that \u201cthey are a peculiar class\nof Indians, having a religion of their own.\u201d The religion of the\ntwo tribes is aboriginal, and is similar to the Smohalla doctrine\nin principle, although not in ceremonial. In 1892 the Sanpoil were\nestimated at 300.\n\n+Nespelim+ (Salishan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Inspellum, Sinspeelish. On the\nnorth bank of the Columbia, in Washington, along Nespelim river and\ndown to the junction of the Okinagan, and on the opposite side of the\nColumbia down to about Grande Coul\u00e9e. They speak the same language as\nthe Sanpoils, and in aboriginal habit, religion, and organization are\nclosely identified with them. They are within the limits of Colville\nreservation and were reported to number only 62 in 1892.\n\n+Okanagan+ (Salishan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Oakinacken, Okinakane,\nOkiwahkine. They occupy the whole basin of Okanagan river in\nWashington, extending north into British Columbia, and including\nSimilkameen river. The Okanagan were an important tribe or confederacy\ndivided into a number of bands, some of which have also at times been\nconsidered as belonging to the Spokan, while others are commonly\nrecognized as distinct tribes. Ross gives them \u201ctwelve tribes,\u201d\nas follows: Skamoynumach, Kewaughtchenunaugh, Pisscow (Piskwaus),\nIncomecane\u2032took, Tsillane (Chelan), Intie\u2032took (Entiatook),\nBattlelemuleemauch or Meatwho (Mitaui), Inspellum (Nespelim),\nSinpohellechach (Sanpoil), Sinwhoyelppetook (Colville), Samilkanuigh\n(Similkameen), and Oakinacken (Okanagan). They are now included within\nthe Colville agency, and are Catholics. They were estimated at 340 in\n1870 and reported as numbering 405 in 1892.\n\n+Mitaui+ (Salishan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Battlelemuleemauch, Meatwho,\nMeshons, Meteowwee (Lewis and Clark), Methows, Mithouies. They formerly\nlived on the west side of the Columbia, including the basins of the\nMethow, Lake Chelan, and Entiatook river. Lewis and Clark met some\nof them in 1805 below the mouth of the Wallawalla. They are closely\nconnected with the Piskwaus and Isle de Pierres. They now reside in\nNespelim valley on Colville reservation, confederated with the Isle\nde Pierres under Chief Moses. The two tribes were reported at 390 in\n1892. A few others live in the neighborhood of Kittitas near the Yakima\ntribe. See _Piskwaus_.\n\n+Isle de Pierre+ (Salishan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Columbias, Linkinse,\nSinkiuse. They originally occupied the country in Washington from\nthe Columbia eastward to the Grande Coul\u00e9e, extending from about the\nmouth of the Grande Coul\u00e9e down nearly to Crab creek. Isle de Pierre\nis the French name of Rock island in the Columbia at the mouth of the\nWenatchee. For a long time, under their noted chief Moses, they refused\nto recognize the authority of the government or to go on a reservation.\nNow, however, they are settled in Nespelim valley, on Colville\nreservation. They were reported to number 390 in 1892 and are described\nas \u201ctrue, genuine Indians in every sense of the word.\u201d Their chief,\nMoses, the enemy and rival of Smohalla, was thus described in 1870:\n\u201cMoses, the head chief, has been a great warrior. He was foremost in\nthe fights of 1858 with Colonels Steptoe and Wright, and was severely\nwounded a number of times, but not dying, the Indians believe he has a\ncharmed life. He is medium sized, about 45 years old, noble looking,\nstraight as an arrow, and never breaks his word. He has more influence\nthan any other chief east of the Cascade mountains in the territory.\nHe comes nearer being such a chief as we read of than any I have\never met. He is kindly disposed toward the whites and invites them to\ncome and settle in his country.\u201d (_Winans._) Linguistically they are\nprobably nearest related to the Piskwaus.\n\n+Wa\u2032nap\u00fbm+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Columbia River Indians,\nSokulks. This is the tribe of which Smohalla is the chief and high\npriest. They are a small band, numbering probably less than 200 souls,\nand closely connected linguistically and politically with the Yakima,\nP\u00e4lus, and Nez Perc\u00e9s. Wanap\u00fbm is the name by which they are known to\nthese cognate tribes, and signifies \u201criver people;\u201d from _wana_ or\n_wala_, \u201criver\u201d (particularly Columbia river), and _p\u00fbm_ or _pam_,\n\u201cpeople or tribal country.\u201d Together with the other non-treaty tribes\nof this region they are known to the whites under the indefinite name\nof \u201cColumbia River Indians.\u201d They are identical with the Sokulk met by\nLewis and Clark at the mouth of Snake river and described as living\nfarther up on the Columbia. The name Sokulk seems to be entirely\nunknown among the Yakima and P\u00e4lus of today. The Wa\u2032nap\u00fbm range along\nboth banks of the Columbia, in Washington, from above Crab creek down\nto the mouth of Snake river. Their village, where Smohalla resides, is\non the west bank of the Columbia, at the foot of Priest rapids, in the\nYakima country. It is called P\u02bfn\u00e4, signifying \u201ca fish weir,\u201d and is a\ngreat rendezvous for the neighboring tribes during the salmon fishing\nseason. Haying never made a treaty or gone on a reservation, they are\nnot officially recognized by the government.\n\n+P\u00e4\u2032lus+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Palouse, Pelloatpallah\nChopunnish (Lewis and Clark), Peloose, Polonches, Sewatpalla. The P\u00e4lus\nowned the whole basin of Palouse river in Washington and Idaho, and\nextended also along the north bank of Snake river to its junction with\nthe Columbia. They were, and are, closely connected with the Wanap\u00fbm\nand the Nez Perc\u00e9s. P\u00e4lus, the name by which the tribe is commonly\nknown, is properly the name of Standing Rock, at the junction of\nPalouse and Snake rivers. They can not explain the meaning. They have\nfour villages: Almotu, on the north bank of Snake river in Washington,\nabout 30 miles above the mouth of Palouse river; P\u00e4lus, on the north\nbank of Snake river just below the junction of the Palouse; Ta\u2032saw\u012dks,\non the north bank of Snake river about 15 miles above its mouth; and\nKas\u012d\u2032sp\u00e4 or Cosispa (meaning \u201cat the point,\u201d from _k\u0103s\u012d\u2032s_, a point,\nand _p\u00e4_, the locative), at Ainsworth in the junction of the Snake and\nColumbia. This last village has a slight difference in dialect and is\nsometimes regarded as belonging to the Wanap\u00fbm. Although the P\u00e4\u2032lus are\nmentioned as parties to the Yakima treaty of 1855, they have never as\na tribe recognized any treaty limitations or come upon a reservation.\nThey are aboriginal in their ideas and among the most devoted adherents\nof the Smohalla doctrine. They were estimated at 500 in 1854, but, not\nbeing officially recognized, it is impossible to give their present\nnumber.\n\n+P\u012dskwaus+ or +Win\u00e4\u2032tship\u00fbm+ (Salishan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Piscaous,\nPiscous, Pisquose. The name by which this tribe is commonly known\nis properly the name of a fishing place on Wenatchee river, and is\nprobably Salishan, but may be from the Yakima _p\u012dsko_, signifying \u201ca\nbend in the river.\u201d The Yakima call the river Win\u00e4tshi, signifying a\n\u201criver issuing from a ca\u00f1on,\u201d and the tribe Win\u00e4tship\u00fbm. The Piskwaus\nproper, on Wenatchee river, with their connected bands or tribes living\nin the same neighborhood, west of the Columbia in Kittitas and Okanogan\ncounties, Washington, are a southern extension of the Mitaui and speak\nthe same language. Under the name of Piskwaus, Stevens includes \u201cthe\nIndians on the Columbia between the Priests\u2019 and Ross rapids, on the\nPisquose or Winatshapam river; the Enteatkeon, Chelaun lake, and the\nMithaw on Barrier river. The name of Pisquouse, however, properly\nrefers to a single locality on the river known to the Yakamas as\nWinatshapam. The Pisquouse themselves, as has before been remarked, are\nso much intermarried with the Yakamas that they have almost lost their\nnationality. These bands were formerly all united under one principal\nchief, Stalkoosum, who is said to have been a man of great note among\nthem. He was killed a few years since in a fight with the Blackfeet,\nsince which there has been no head of the tribe.\u201d (_Stevens, Comr.\nRept., 1854._) The Piskwaus and smaller connected tribes took part in\nthe Yakima treaty of 1855, but do not live on the reservation. Most\nof them live on the Wenatchee and the north branch of Yakima river in\nKittitas county. They are all Catholics. There is no official statement\nof their number. Smaller tribes or bands connected with the Piskwaus\nproper and speaking the same language are:\n\n1. +K\u0314\u2032t\u0103t\u00e4s+, K\u0314t\u0103t\u00e4s-\u201bl\u0115\u2032ma, Ketetas (Stevens), Pshwa\u2032n\u0103p\u00fbm (Yakima\nname), Shanwappoms (Lewis and Clark). K\u0314\u2032t\u0103t\u00e4s signifies \u201ca shoal,\u201d\n_\u2018l\u0115\u2032ma_ being a tribal suffix, and Pshwan\u0103-p\u00fbm in the Yakima language\nsignifies \u201cshoal people,\u201d the name referring to a shoal in Yakima river\nat Ellensburg.\n\n2. +Ska\u2032ut\u0103l+, or Skaddal (of Lewis and Clark). About Boston creek and\nKahchass lake, at the head of Yakima river.\n\n3. +W\u201bsh\u00e4\u2032n\u0103tu+, or Shallattoos (of Lewis and Clark). The word means\n\u201chuckleberry\u201d in Yakima, and is applied to a site on Yakima river just\nabove Ellensburg.\n\n4. +Skwa\u2032n\u0103n\u0103+, or Squannaroos (of Lewis and Clark). A Yakima word\nmeaning \u201cwhirlpool,\u201d and applied to a point on Yakima river about\nopposite the entrance of Selah creek, the village being on the west\nbank of the river. This band may possibly speak the language of the\n\u00c4tan\u00fbm, a Shahaptian tribe, whose territory adjoins them.\n\n5. +Qam\u012dl-\u2018l\u0115ma+ or Kahmiltpah. The name is Yakima, and signifies\n\u201cpeople of Qam\u012d\u2032lh.\u201d Qam\u012d\u2032lh, or \u201cWatching for Fish,\u201d was a chief who\nformerly lived with his band about Saddle mountain, on the east side of\nthe Columbia, above Priest rapids. They are called Kahmiltpah in the\nYakima treaty of 1855. They now live with the other tribes last named\nin Kittitas county.\n\n6. +Si\u2032\u0103pkat+ or Seapcat. They reside now in Kittitas county, but\nprobably lived originally at a place of the same name on the east bank\nof the Columbia, about Bishop rock and Milk creek, below Wenatchee\nriver. They are called Seapcat in the Yakima treaty of 1855. The word\nis of the Piskwaus language.\n\n+Y\u00e4\u2032k\u012dm\u00e2+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Cutsahnim (Lewis and Clark),\nEyackimah, Pa\u2032\u201bkiut-\u201bl\u0115\u2032ma, Stobshaddat (by Puget sound tribes,\n_Tolmie_), Waptai\u2032lm\u012dm, Yackamans, Yookoomans. The Yakima are the most\nimportant tribe of the Shahaptian stock, excluding the Nez Perc\u00e9s.\nThey occupied the country of Natchess and middle Yakima rivers, in\nthe present Yakima county, Washington, and are now on a reservation\nwithin the same county. Stevens says the name signifies \u201cblack bear\u201d\nin the Wallawalla language, but Yakima informants state that it is a\nnickname signifying \u201ccoward\u201d or \u201crunaway,\u201d and say that the proper\nname of the tribe is Waptai\u2032lm\u012dm, people of the \u201cnarrow river,\u201d or\nPa\u2032\u201bkiut-\u201bl\u0115\u2032ma, \u201cpeople of the gap,\u201d both names referring to the\nnarrows in Yakima river at Union gap, near Yakima bridge. Their old\nvillage was on the west side of the river, just below the gap. They\nare the Cutsahnim of Lewis and Clark. This name may possibly come from\nthe same root as K\u00fb\u2032tsano\u2032t, \u201cLying Alongside,\u201d the name of an old\nYakima chief who died about 1880. In 1854, according to Stevens, they\nwere \u201cdivided into two principal bands, each made up of a number of\nvillages and very closely connected, the one owning the country on the\nNatchess and lower Yakima, the other on the Wenass and its main branch\nabove the forks.\u201d These latter, however, were chiefly of the Piskwaus\nconnection. They had then several chiefs, of whom Kamaiakan was the\nmost important. Like all the other Columbia tribes east of the Cascade\nrange, they formerly crossed the Rocky mountains annually to hunt the\nbuffalo on the waters of the Missouri. In 1855 the government made a\ntreaty with the Yakima, Piskwaus, P\u00e4lus, and other tribes by which\nthey were to cede a territory on both sides of the Columbia, extending\ngenerally from the Cascade range eastward to Palouse and Snake rivers,\nand southward from above Chelan lake to the Columbia, excepting a small\nportion between the Columbia and the lower Yakima. At the same time\nthe Yakima reservation was established and an arrangement was made\nby which all the tribes and bands concerned were to be confederated\nunder the title of the \u201cYakama Nation,\u201d with Kamaiakan as head chief.\nShortly afterward the Yakima war broke out, and the treaty remained\nunratified until 1859. As already stated, the P\u00e4lus and several other\ntribes have never recognized it or come on the reservation, and their\nobjection to such removal has become a religious principle of the\nSmohalla doctrine. In the original treaty of 1855 fourteen tribes are\nnamed as participating, as follows: Yakama (Y\u00e4kima), Palouse (P\u00e4\u2032lus),\nPisquouse (Pi\u2032skwaus), Wenatshapam (another name for Piskwaus),\nKlikatat (Kl\u00fbkat\u00e4t), Klinquit (not identified), Kowwassayee (K\u2032kasawi),\nLiaywas (not identified), Skinpah (Skinp\u00e4), Wish-ham (Wushq\u00fbm), Shyiks\n(not identified), Ochechotes (Uchi\u2032chol), Kahmiltpah (Qamil\u2032l\u0115ma), and\nSeapcat (Si\u2032apkat). Among these were represented at least six languages\nand three linguistic stocks. The majority of these Indians west of the\nColumbia, including the Yakima proper and others on the reservation,\nare Catholics, with also a number of adherents of the Shaker and\nSmohalla doctrines. Those on the reservation numbered 1,200 in 1892,\nwith an estimated 1,500 outside the boundaries. Beside the principal\nband of Yakima, the Waptailm\u012dm already mentioned, there are also the\nS\u0115\u2032t\u0103s-\u201bl\u0115ma, or \u201cpeople of the rye prairie,\u201d on Setass creek, a\nwestern tributary of the Yakima in the eastern part of the reservation,\nand the P\u012dsko, or people of the \u201criver bend,\u201d in a village also on the\nsouth side of the Yakima, between Topinish and Setass creeks. (See\n_Pishquitpah_.) Their dialects are said to differ slightly from that of\nthe Waptailm\u012dm.\n\n+\u00c4\u2032t\u0103n\u00fbm-\u201bl\u0115ma+ (Shahaptian stock) or \u201cpeople (_\u201bl\u0115ma_) of \u00c4tan\u00fbm\ncreek.\u201d\u2014A small tribe on Atahnam creek, in Yakima county, Washington,\non the northern boundary of the reservation. They are said to speak a\nlanguage distinct from Yakima or Kl\u00fbkat\u00e4t, but cognate. They have no\nofficial recognition now or in the treaty of 1855. The name \u00c4\u2032t\u0103n\u00fbm is\nYakima, and refers to a stream \u201cascended\u201d (by salmon).\n\n+Kl\u00fb\u2019k\u0103t\u00e4t+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Clickahut, Clickitat,\nKlikatat, Qw\u00fb\u2032lh-hwai-p\u00fbm, Weyehhoo, Whulwhypum. The name by which\nthis tribe is commonly known is from the Wasko language and signifies\n\u201cbeyond (the mountain)\u201d\u2014that is, east of the Cascade range\u2014with\nreference to the Chinookan tribes on the lower Columbia. The same\nname was also at times extended to the Yakima. They call themselves\nQw\u00fblh-hwai-p\u00fbm, \u201cprairie people;\u201d from _qw\u00fblh-hwai_, \u201cprairie,\u201d and\n_p\u00fbm_, \u201cpeople,\u201d referring particularly to their occupancy of Camass\nprairie. They formerly occupied the southern slopes of Mount Adams\nand Mount Helens, with the country of Klikatat and Lewis rivers, in\nthe present Klickitat and Skamania counties, Washington. East of them\nwere the Yakima and west were the Salishan and Chinookan tribes. At\none time they lived farther east, but were driven west by the Cayuse.\n(_Stevens._) About sixty years ago they crossed the Columbia and\noverran the Willamet country, and even penetrated as far south as the\nUmpqua, but afterward withdrew again to their proper country. Although\nbut a small tribe, they were aggressive and enterprising and were the\ntrade medium between the tribes west of the mountains and those east.\nThey joined in the Yakima treaty of 1855 and are now chiefly on Yakima\nreservation, but a few are still on White Salmon river, in Klickitat\ncounty. Their number is unknown. The Taitinapam and Topinish speak the\nsame language and may be considered as branches of this tribe.\n\n+Qa\u2032pn\u012dsh-\u201bl\u0115ma+ or +Topinish+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014A small tribe\non Topinish river in Yakima county, Washington, within the present\nlimits of the reservation. They speak the Kl\u00fbkat\u00e4t language. The name\nsignifies \u201cpeople (_\u201bl\u0115ma_) of the trail coming from the foot of the\nhill.\u201d\n\n+Taitinapam+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonym_: Tai-kie-a-pain (misprint).\nA small tribe speaking the Kl\u00fbkat\u00e4t language, formerly living on the\nwestern slopes of the Cascade mountains, between the heads of Lewis and\nCowlitz rivers, in Skamania county, Washington, being the westernmost\ntribe of Shahaptian stock. If any are left, they are probably\nincorporated with the Kl\u00fbkat\u00e4t on Yakima reservation. They never had\nofficial recognition.\n\n+Ch\u00e4mn\u00e4\u2032p\u00fbm+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Chimnahpum, Chimnapoos,\nCuimnapum. A tribe which occupied the bend of the Columbia below Yakima\nriver, together with the country on the lower Yakima, chiefly in the\npresent Yakima county, Washington. They are the Chimnahpum of Lewis and\nClark, and speak a dialect of the language of the P\u00e4\u2032lus and Wanap\u00fbm,\nwith which tribes the few survivors are incorporated. A few are also\nstill living on the west side of the Columbia, opposite Pasco. The name\nis of their own language and means \u201cpeople (_p\u00fbm_) of Ch\u00e4mn\u00e4\u2032,\u201d their\nold village about opposite Wallula.\n\n+Pishquitpah+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014This name occurs only in the\nnarrative of Lewis and Clark as that of a tribe in 1805, \u201cresiding\nat the Muscleshell rapid and on the north side of the Columbia to\nthe commencement of the high country, wintering on the borders of\nthe Tapteal.\u201d The Tapteal (properly Waptail or Waptailm\u012dm) is Yakima\nriver. This would locate them in eastern Klickitat and Yakima counties,\nWashington. They are probably identical with the P\u012dsko band of the\nYakima. In the name Pishquitpah the final _pah_ is the Yakima or P\u00e4\u2032lus\nlocative _p\u00e4_, \u201cat.\u201d\n\n+K\u0314ka\u2032s\u0103wi+ or +Kowwassayee+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014A small tribe speaking\nthe Tenino language and formerly occupying a village of the same name,\nK\u0314ka\u2032s\u0103wi, on the north bank of the Columbia, in Klickitat county,\nWashington, about opposite the mouth of the Umatilla. The full name is\nK\u0314ka\u2032s\u0103wi-\u201bl\u0115\u2032ma, \u201cpeople (_\u201bl\u0115ma_) of the arrow-making place,\u201d the\nlocal form being from _k\u0314ka\u2032so_, \u201carrow.\u201d They took part in the Yakima\ntreaty of 1855 under the name of Kowwassayee, and are now on Yakima\nreservation.\n\n+H\u0103hau\u2032p\u00fbm+ or +Wahowpum+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014A small tribe speaking\nthe Tenino language and occupying a village, H\u0103ha\u2032u, on the north bank\nof the Columbia, about the mouth of Olive creek, in Klickitat county,\nWashington. The word means \u201cwillow people,\u201d from _h\u0103ha\u2032u_, a species of\nwillow, and _p\u00fbm_, \u201cpeople.\u201d They are the Wahowpum of Lewis and Clark.\nThey have never had official recognition.\n\n+Uchi\u2032chol+ or +Ochechotes+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014A small tribe speaking\nthe Tenino language, living now, or formerly, on the north bank of\nthe Columbia in Klickitat county, Washington. They are mentioned as\nOchechotes in the Yakima treaty of 1855, and may now be incorporated\nwith other tribes on Yakima reservation. The name, from the Tenino\nlanguage, signifies the \u201chind dorsal-fin\u201d (of a salmon), and is the\nname of a rock on the north side of the Columbia, opposite the upper\nend of the island, at the mouth of the Des Chutes. See _Tap\u00e4n\u00e4sh_.\n\n+Sk\u012d\u2032np\u00e4+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Sawpaw (?), Skien, Skin,\nSkinpah. A small tribe speaking the Tenino language and formerly having\na village on the north bank of the Columbia in Klickitat county,\nWashington, at the falls opposite Celilo. They took part in the Yakima\ntreaty of 1855 under the name of Skinpah, and are now incorporated\nwith the other tribes on Yakima reservation. The name is Tenino, and\nmeans \u201ccradle place,\u201d or \u201cat the cradle,\u201d from _sk\u012dn_, \u201ccradle,\u201d and\n_p\u00e4_, the locative, and refers to a prominent rock at the site of\ntheir former village having some resemblance to an Indian cradle. See\n_Tap\u00e4n\u00e4sh_.\n\n+T\u00e4pan\u00e4\u2032sh+ or +Eneeshur+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014A small tribe speaking\nthe Tenino language, having a village on the north bank of the Columbia\nin Klickitat county, Washington, about opposite the mouth of Des\nChutes river and a little above Celilo. The name is identical with\nthe Eneeshur of Lewis and Clark, these explorers in 1805 having also\nincluded under this name the various bands speaking the Tenino language\non both sides of the Columbia about the mouth of the Des Chutes. The\nTap\u00e4n\u00e4sh have no official recognition. See _Tenino_.\n\n+Tlaqluit+ or +W\u016dshq\u00fbm+ (Chinookan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Echebool,\nEcheloot, Eloot, Helwit, Niculuita, Ouichram, Tchilouit, Tilhulhwit,\nWisham, Wishham, Wishram, Wisswham. The Tlaqluit, with the Wasko, are\nthe easternmost tribes of Chinookan stock on the Columbia, having\nimmediately above them the Shahaptian tribes, speaking the Tenino\nlanguage. The Tlaqluit territory lies along the north bank of the\nColumbia in Klickitat county, Washington, from Tenino, about 6 miles\nabove The Dalles, down to the neighborhood of White Salmon river.\nThey call themselves Tlaqluit (Echeloot of Lewis and Clark), and are\ncalled W\u016dshq\u00fbm\u0103-p\u00fbm, or \u201cW\u016dshq\u00fbm people,\u201d by the tribes speaking the\nTenino language, W\u016dshq\u00fbm being the name of their chief village near\nSouth Side at The Dalles, the great fishing and trading resort for\nthe tribes of this section. The name appears also as Wishram. Both\nTlaqluit and W\u016dshq\u00fbm refer to a species of louse or flea abounding in\nthat neighborhood. They took part in the Yakima treaty of 1855 under\nthe name of Wishham, but most of them have probably never gone on the\nreservation. See _Wasko_.\n\nThere is a tradition in the tribe that long before the coming of the\nwhites to the Columbia a band of Tlaqluit left their people on account\nof a petty quarrel as to whether a goose made a certain noise with its\nbill or with its wings, and went up the Columbia and the Spokane, and\nare supposed to be now about the headwaters of the latter stream and\nstill retaining their language, although under a different tribal name.\n\n+Chil\u00fb\u2032ktkwa+ or +Chilluckittequaws+ (Chinookan stock).\u2014A tribe\nformerly extending along the north bank of the Columbia in Klickitat\nand Skamania counties, Washington, from about White Salmon river down\nto some distance below the Cascades. They are called Chilluckittequaws\nin 1805 by Lewis and Clark, who speak also of a separate band of the\nsame tribe under the name of Smackshop, a name which can not now be\nidentified. The tribe now numbers less than 100. Until recently the\nremnant lived about the mouth of White Salmon river, but removed about\nthirteen years ago to the Cascades. Their language is nearly the same\nas that of the Wasko. They have never had official recognition.\n\n+Kwikw\u00fb\u2032l\u012dt+ or +Dog River+ (Chinookan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Cascade\nIndians, Kigaltwalla, Upper Chinook, Wahclellah, Watlala. A small tribe\nformerly living at the Cascades and about Dog river, a small stream\ncoming into the Columbia about half-way between the Cascades and The\nDalles, in Wasco county, Oregon. They are identical, in part at least,\nwith the Wahclellahs of Lewis and Clark (mentioned as a part of the\n\u201cShahala nation\u201d), and are the \u201cKi-gal-twal-la band of the Wascoes\u201d\nand the \u201cDog River band of the Wascoes\u201d of the Wasco treaty of 1855.\nThe \u201cDog River or Cascade Indians\u201d were reported to number 80 souls in\n1854. In the next year they, with other tribes, entered into the Wasco\ntreaty, by which they agreed to remove to Warmspring reservation, where\nsome of them now are, while the others are still about the Cascades.\nTheir language is nearly the same as that of the Wasko.\n\n+Wasko+ (Chinookan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Dalles Indians, Wascopum. A\ntribe formerly claiming the country about The Dalles, on the south\nbank of the Columbia, in Wasco county, Oregon. They, with the Tlaqluit\non the opposite bank, are the easternmost extension of the Chinookan\nstock, and speak the same language. The name is said to be a Tenino\nword, meaning \u201cgrass,\u201d or \u201cgrass people.\u201d It has sometimes been made\nto include several cognate bands about The Dalles and Cascades, on\nboth sides of the Columbia. Under the name of \u201cThe Dalles band of the\nWascoes,\u201d they entered into the Wasco treaty of 1855, and are now on\nWarmspring reservation in Oregon. They numbered 260 in 1892.\n\n+Wai\u00e4m+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: (Lower) Des Chutes,\nWai\u00e4m-\u201bl\u0115ma, Wayyampa, Wyam. A tribe speaking the Tenino language and\nformerly living about the mouth of Des Chutes river, in the present\nWasco and Sherman counties, Oregon. Their chief village was on the\nColumbia where Celilo now is, and was called Wai\u00e4m, whence their\nname of Wai\u00e4m-\u201bl\u0115ma or \u201cpeople of Wai\u00e4m.\u201d They joined in the Wasco\ntreaty of 1855 under the name of \u201cWyam or Lower Des Chutes band of\nWalla-Wallas,\u201d and are now on Warmspring reservation in Oregon. Their\nnumber is not separately reported.\n\n+Tai\u2032-\u0103q+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Taigh, Ta-ih, Tairtla, Tyich.\nA tribe speaking the Tenino language and formerly occupying the country\nabout Tygh and White rivers, in Wasco county, Oregon. The name Tai\u2032-\u0103q\nrefers to the stream and denotes \u201cmuddy, white water.\u201d They took part\nin the Wasco treaty of 1855 under the name of \u201cTa-ih or Upper Des\nChutes band of Walla-Wallas,\u201d and are now on Warmspring reservation,\nOregon. Their number is not reported.\n\n+T\u012d\u201blq\u00fbni+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014A tribe formerly claiming the country\nbetween Tygh valley and Warmspring river, west of Des Chutes river,\nin the present Wasco county, Oregon. They are now on Warmspring\nreservation, in the same neighborhood. They have never been officially\nmentioned under their Indian name, and may be considered the Warmspring\nproper, although this name is local rather than tribal. They speak the\nTenino language. See _Tenino_.\n\n+Tenino+ or +M\u0115li\u2032-\u201bl\u0115ma+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014The most important\nShahaptian tribe of western Oregon. They formerly occupied middle Des\nChutes river, and conquered the present Warmspring reservation from the\nPaiute or Snake tribes, but never occupied it until put there by the\nWasco treaty of 1855. Since then they have been known indiscriminately\nas Tenino or Warmspring Indians, although this latter designation is\ncommonly used to include other cognate tribes on the same reservation.\nFor this reason it is impossible to give their number definitely. The\nTenino language, in various dialects, is spoken, excepting by the\nLohim, by all the tribes formerly living on both banks of the Columbia\nand on its tributaries from the country of the Wasko about The Dalles\nup to about the mouth of the Umatilla.\n\nMost of this region, on the south or Oregon side of the Columbia,\nwas formerly held by Shoshonean tribes of Paiute connection, which\nhave been dispossessed by the Shahaptian tribes and driven farther\nback to the south. The only Shoshonean tribe which maintained its\nplace on the Columbia was the Lohim, on Willow creek. The Tenino\nthemselves conquered the present Warmspring reservation from the\nSnakes. The expulsion was in full progress when Lewis and Clark went\ndown the Columbia in 1805, but had been practically completed when\nthe first treaties were made with these tribes fifty years later.\nLewis and Clark state that \u201con that (the south) side of the river\nnone of the tribes have any permanent habitations, and on inquiry\nwe were confirmed in our belief that it was from the fear of being\nattacked by the Snake Indians, with whom they are constantly at war.\nThis nation they represent as being very numerous and residing in a\ngreat number of villages on the Towahnahiook (Wanwaui or Des Chutes),\nwhere they live principally on salmon, ... the first villages of the\nSnake Indians being twelve days\u2019 journey on a course about southeast\nof this place.\u201d In the appendix, after mentioning various bands of\nSnakes on Snake and Willamette rivers, they speak of the main body as\n\u201cresiding in the fall and winter on the Multnomah (Willamet) river,\nsouthward of the Southwest mountains, and in spring and summer near the\nheads of the Towahnahiook (Des Chutes), Lepage (John Day), Yaumalolam\n(Umatilla), and Wollawollah rivers, and especially at the falls of the\nTowahnahiook, for the purpose of fishing.\u201d In the Wasco treaty of 1855\nthe Shahaptian tribes were recognized as owners of the whole country\nsouthward to the forty-fourth parallel, from the Cascade range east to\nthe Blue mountains. See _Tap\u00e4n\u00e4sh_.\n\n+T\u00fbksp\u00fb\u2032sh+ or +John Day Indians+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_:\nDock-spus, John Day Rivers, T\u00fbksp\u00fbsh-\u201bl\u0115ma. A tribe speaking the Tenino\nlanguage and formerly living along the lower part of John Day river,\nOregon, having their principal village at the falls about 4 miles above\nthe mouth. They are now on Warmspring reservation, and numbered 59 in\n1892, with perhaps others off the reservation. T\u00fbksp\u00fbsh is the name of\nJohn Day river in the Tenino language.\n\n+Loh\u012dm+ or +Willow Creek Indians+ (Shoshonean stock).\u2014A tribe living\non Willow creek, in Gilliam and Morrow counties, Oregon. They are\nof Shoshonean connection, being the only Indians of this stock who\nhave been able to maintain their position on the Columbia against the\ninroads of the Shahaptian tribes. They have never made a treaty with\nthe government, and are generally spoken of as renegades belonging to\nthe Umatilla reservation. In 1870 they were reported to number 114, but\nare not mentioned in the recent official reports.\n\n+Cayuse+ or +Wail\u0115\u2032tpu+ (Waiilatpuan stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Cailloux,\nKayuse, Shiwanish, Skyuse, Wailetma, Yeletpo Chopunnish (of Lewis and\nClark). The Cayuse are a warlike tribe of distinct stock formerly\noccupying the mountain country on the heads of Wallawalla, Umatilla,\nand Grande Ronde rivers in Oregon and Washington, including the present\nUmatilla reservation. Further investigation may yet establish a\nlinguistic connection with the Shahaptian tribes. The Molala, formerly\non Molalla creek, west of the Cascades, are a separated band, of\nwhose western migration the Cayuse and their neighbors still have a\ntradition. The Cayuse formerly bore a high reputation for intelligence\nand bravery, but on account of their fighting propensities, which led\nthem to make constant war on the Snakes and other tribes to the west,\nthey were never very numerous. In 1838 a Presbyterian mission, called\nWaiilatpu, had been established among the Cayuse, by Dr Whitman, where\nnow is the town of Whitman, in Wallawalla county, Washington. In 1847\nthe smallpox, before unknown among them, carried off a large part of\nthe tribe. The Cayuse, believing that the missionaries were the cause\nof it, attacked the mission on November 29, 1847, killed Dr Whitman and\nthirteen others, and destroyed the mission. As a matter of fact, there\nseems little question that the infection was brought into the country\nin supplies intended for the use of the mission or of emigrants\ntemporarily stopping there. In 1854, according to Stevens, \u201cthe tribe,\nthough still dreaded by their neighbors on account of their courage and\nwarlike spirit, is but a small one, numbering, according to the census\nof 1851, only 126. Of these, individuals of the pure blood are few, the\nmajority being intermixed with the Nez Perc\u00e9s and the Wallah-Wallahs,\nparticularly with the former, to such a degree that their own language\nhas fallen into disuse.\u201d A few years ago only a few individuals, then\nliving on Umatilla reservation, retained their old language. In 1855\nthey joined in the treaty by which Umatilla reservation in Oregon was\nset apart, and most of those remaining are now there, while a few\nothers are with the Nez Perc\u00e9s at Lapwai. Joseph, the noted Nez Perc\u00e9\nchief, is himself the son of a Cayuse father. In 1892 the Cayuse on\nUmatilla reservation were reported to number 391, but it is evident\nthat most of these are mixed-bloods of other tribes, particularly the\nUmatilla. The name Cayuse is from the Nez Perc\u00e9 language. They call\nthemselves Wail\u0115tpu. They are known to the Yakima as Wi\u2032al\u0115t-p\u00fbm or\nWai\u2032l\u0115tma, and to the Tenino as Shiwanish, or \u201cstrangers from up the\nriver,\u201d a name extended also to the Nez Perc\u00e9s.\n\n+Umatilla+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonym_: Utilla. A tribe formerly\noccupying the lower portion of the river of the same name, with the\nadjacent bank of the Columbia, in Oregon. They speak a distinct\nlanguage of the Shahaptian stock. By the treaty of 1855 they agreed to\ngo on Umatilla reservation in Oregon, where in 1892 they were reported\nto number 216. A large proportion of those now called Cayuse on the\nsame reservation are Umatilla mixed-bloods.\n\n+Wallawalla+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Oualla-Oualla, Walawaltz,\nWollawollah, Wollaw-Wollah. A tribe formerly occupying the country\nabout the lower portion of the river of the same name and along the\neast bank of the Columbia from Snake river down nearly to the Umatilla,\nin Washington and Oregon. They take their name from the river, the\nword being said to refer to \u201crushing water.\u201d Their language is said to\nresemble closely that of the Nez Perc\u00e9s. By the treaty of 1855 they\nagreed to go on Umatilla reservation, Oregon, where, in 1892, they were\nreported to number 474.\n\nA small band of the same tribe, known to the Yakima as Walu\u2032la-p\u00fbm,\nformerly lived on the west bank of the Columbia opposite the present\nWallula. Their dialect is said to have been more akin to the P\u00e4\u2032lus\nlanguage.\n\n+Sahaptin+ or +Nez Perc\u00e9s+ (Shahaptian stock).\u2014_Synonyms_: Chohoptins,\nChopunnish (Lewis and Clark), Copunnish, Laaptin (misprint),\n\u00c2\u2032dal-k\u0314ato\u2032igo, \u201cpeople with hair cut across the forehead\u201d (Kiowa\nname), Shi\u2032wan\u012dsh (Tenino name, applied also to the Cayuse),\nWa\u2032pam\u0115t\u0103nt (Yakima name for the language). The Nez Perc\u00e9s are said\nto call themselves Sahaptin, and were named Nez Perc\u00e9s, or \u201cpierced\nnoses,\u201d by the French from their former custom of wearing nose\npendants. They are the most important tribe of the Shahaptian stock,\nand formerly occupied a large territory in eastern Washington and\nOregon and central Idaho, bounded on the east by the main divide of\nthe Bitterroot mountains, and including lower Grande Ronde and Salmon\nrivers, with a large part of the Snake and all of the Clearwater.\nThe Wallowa valley, the disputed title to which led to the Nez Perc\u00e9\nwar, lies on a branch of the Grande Ronde, in Oregon. They had the\nSalishan tribes to the northeast, the Shoshonean tribes to the south,\nand the Cayuse, Wallawalla, and P\u00e4lus, with all of whom they are much\nintermarried, on the west and northwest. Almost all authorities give\nthem a high character for bravery, intelligence, and honorable conduct\ntraits which were strikingly displayed in the Nez Perc\u00e9 war.\n\nLewis and Clark traversed their country in 1805, and speak of them\nand some connected tribes under the name of Chopunnish, distinguished\nas follows: Chopunnish nation (about the present Lapwai reservation),\nPelloatpallah band (the P\u00e4lus), Kimooenim band (on Snake river, between\nthe Salmon and the Clearwater), Yeletpo band (the Cayuse), Willewah\nband (in Wallowa valley, afterward Joseph\u2019s band), Soyennom band (on\nthe north side of the upper Clearwater, in Idaho; these were really a\npart of the P\u00e4lus\u2014the proper form is T\u00e4tqu\u2032nma, whence Thatuna hills,\nreferring to \u201ca fawn\u201d in the P\u00e4lus language, and was the name applied\nto their kamas ground about Camass creek), Chopunnish of Lewis river\n(on Snake river, below the Clearwater). In response to a request from\nthe Nez Perc\u00e9s, who sent a delegation all the way to Saint Louis for\nthat purpose in 1832, the first Protestant mission was established\namong them at Lapwai, Idaho, in 1837. Soon afterward they entered into\nrelations with the government, and made their first treaty with the\nUnited States in 1855. By this treaty they ceded the greater portion of\ntheir territory, and were confirmed in the possession of a reservation\nincluding Wallowa valley. On the discovery of gold in the country,\nhowever, the miners rushed in, and in consequence a new treaty was made\nin 1863, by which they gave up all but the present Lapwai reservation\nin Idaho. Joseph, who occupied Wallowa valley with his band, refused\nto recognize this treaty or remove to Lapwai. This refusal finally led\nto the Nez Perc\u00e9 war in 1877, as already related. The main body of the\ntribe took no part in the war. After the surrender of Joseph his band\nwas removed to Indian Territory, where the mortality among them was so\ngreat that in 1884 they were returned to the northwest. For several\nreasons, however, it was deemed unadvisable to settle them in the\nneighborhood of their old home, and a place was finally found for them\nin 1887 on Colville reservation in northern Washington. In 1892 there\nwere 1,828 on Lapwai reservation and 138 on Colville reservation, a\ntotal population of 1,966.\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter VIII+\n\n THE SHAKERS OF PUGET SOUND\n\n My breath was out and I died. All at once I saw a great shining\n light. Angels told me to look back. I did, and saw my own body\n lying dead. It had no soul. My soul left my body and went up to the\n judgment place of God.... My soul was told that I must come back\n and live on earth. When I came back, I told my friends, \u201cThere is a\n God. My good friends, be Christians. If you all try hard and help\n me, we shall be better men on earth.\u201d\u2014_John Slocum._\n\n\nIn 1881 there originated among the tribes of Puget sound in Washington\na new religion, which, although apparently not founded on any doctrinal\nprophecy, yet deserves special attention for the prominent part which\nhypnotism holds in its ceremonial. Indeed, there is good reason to\nbelieve that the Paiute messiah himself, and through him all the\napostles of the Ghost dance, have obtained their knowledge of hypnotic\nsecrets from the \u201cShakers\u201d of Puget sound.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 67+\u2014John Slocum and Louis Yowaluch.]\n\nThe founder of the religion is Squ-sacht-un, known, to the whites as\nJohn Slocum. He is now (1896) about 58 years of age. His chief high\npriest is Louis Yowaluch, or Ai-y\u00e4l as he is called by the Yakima.\nBoth are of the Squaxin tribe. In 1881 (Eells makes it 1882) he \u201cdied\u201d\nor fell into a trance one morning about daylight and remained in\nthat condition until the middle of the afternoon, when he awoke and\nannounced that he had been to heaven, but had been met at the entrance\nby angels, who forbade him to enter on account of his wickedness, and\ngave him his choice either to go to hell or return to earth and teach\nhis people what they must do to get to heaven. Accordingly, he came\nback to earth and began his divinely appointed mission, introducing\ninto the new doctrine and ritual a great deal of what he had learned\nfrom the white missionaries. From the nervous twitchings which so\npeculiarly distinguished them, his followers soon became known as\n\u201cShakers.\u201d Although strongly opposed by the agent, who arrested and\nimprisoned the leaders and visited various minor penalties on their\nfollowers, the Shaker religion grew and flourished until it now has a\nregular organization with several houses of worship, and has received\nthe official indorsement of the Presbyterian church.\n\nThe following account of the system, in response to a letter of\ninquiry, was obtained from the missionary, Reverend Myron Eells,\nbrother of the agent:\n\n A curious phase of religion sprang up in the fall of 1882 among\n some of the Indians on the southern part of Puget sound. It has\n prevailed mainly among the Squaxon, Nisqually, Skokomish, and\n Chehalis Indians, and has been called by its opponents the \u201cShake\n religion,\u201d and its followers have been called \u201cShakers\u201d on account\n of a large amount of nervous shaking which is a part of the form\n of its observance. It is evidently based upon about the same\n principles of the mind as the jerks and shouting at camp meetings\n among the whites of the southern and western states fifty years\n ago, when they were more ignorant and less acquainted with real\n religion than they are now. When superstition, ignorance, dreams,\n imagination, and religion are all mingled together, either among\n whites, Indians, or people of any other race, they produce a\n strange compound. It has proven so in this case.\n\n In the fall of 1882 an Indian named John Slocum, who was living on\n Skookum bay, in Mason county, apparently died. Some years previous\n he had lived on the Skokomish reservation, where he had attended\n a Protestant church, and had learned something of the white man\u2019s\n religion, God, Jesus Christ, and the morals inculcated. He had\n also learned something in his early life of the Catholic religion\n and its forms and ceremonies. Many Indians were present when he\n was sick and apparently died. They said his neck was broken, and\n that he remained dead for about six hours, when he returned to\n life, jumped up, and ran off a short distance, and soon began to\n converse with the people. Whether or not it was a case of suspended\n animation is a question. A white man, a near neighbor of his, who\n saw him before his apparent death, while he thus lay, and after his\n resuscitation, said he believed the Indian was \u201cplaying possum.\u201d\n But the Indians believed that he really died and rose again.\n\n The Indian stated that he died and attempted to go to heaven, but\n could not enter it because he was so wicked. He was there told,\n however, the way of life, and that he must return to this earth and\n teach his people the way, and induce them to become Christians. He\n gained a small band of followers, a church was built for him, and\n he steadily preached to the people.\n\n Affairs went on this way until the next August. Then, after\n consultation with other Indians who favored him, especially on the\n Skokomish reservation, it was decided to hold a big meeting. The\n Indians of the surrounding region were called to go. They were told\n that they would be lost if they did not; that four women would be\n turned into angels; that persons would die and be raised to life\n again, and that other wonderful things would be done.\n\n Many went, about half of those on the Skokomish reservation being\n among the number, and they did hold a big meeting. Women did go\n around trying to fly like angels; four persons are said to have\n died, and, with the power which was said to have been given them\n from above, others were said to have brought them back to life\n again. This was a mixture of trying to perform miracles, as in\n Bible times, to prove the divinity of their religion, and some\n of the ceremonies of their old black _tomahnous_. This was a\n secret society of their savage days, in which persons went into a\n hypnotic condition, in which they became very rigid, and out of\n which they came in the course of time. The followers of this new\n religion dreamed dreams, saw visions, went through some disgusting\n ceremonies a la mode the black _tomahnous_, and were taken with\n a kind of shaking. With their arms at full length, their hands\n and arms would shake so fast that a common person not under the\n excitement could hardly shake half as fast. Gazing into the\n heavens, their heads would also shake very fast, sometimes for a\n few minutes and sometimes for hours, or half the night. They would\n also brush each other with their hands, as they said, to brush off\n their sins, for they said they were much worse than white people,\n the latter being bad only in their hearts, while the Indians were\n so bad that the badness came to the surface of their bodies and the\n ends of their finger nails, so that it could be picked off. They\n sometimes brushed each other lightly, and sometimes so roughly that\n the person brushed was made black for a week, or even sick.\n\n In connection with this they held church services, prayed to God,\n believed in Christ as a savior, said much about his death, and used\n the cross, their services being a combination of Protestant and\n Catholic services, though at first they almost totally rejected the\n Bible, for they said they had direct revelations from Christ, and\n were more fortunate than the whites, who had an old, antiquated\n book.\n\n After having kept up this meeting for about a week, they disbanded\n and went to their homes, but did not stop their shaking or\n services. They sometimes held meetings from 6 oclock in the evening\n until about midnight, lighting candles and putting them on their\n heads for a long time. They became very peculiar about making the\n sign of the cross many times a day, when they began to eat as they\n asked a blessing, and when they finished their meal and returned\n thanks; when they shook hands with anyone\u2014and they shook hands\n very often\u2014when they went to church and prayer meeting on Thursday\n evening, and at many other times, far more often than the Catholics\n do.\n\n On the Skokomish reservation their indiscretions caused the death\n of a mother and her child, and an additional loss of time and\n property to the amount of $600 or $800 in a few weeks. It also\n became a serious question whether the constant shaking of their\n heads would not make some of them crazy, and from symptoms and\n indications it was the opinion of the agency physician, J. T.\n Martin, that it would do so. Accordingly, on the reservation the\n authority of the agent was brought to bear, and to a great extent\n the shaking was stopped, though they were encouraged to keep on\n in the practice of some good habits which they had begun, of\n ceasing gambling, intemperance, their old style incantations over\n the sick, and the like. Some at first said they could not stop\n shaking, but that at their prayer meetings and church services on\n the Sabbath their hands and heads would continue to shake in spite\n of themselves; but after a short time, when the excitement had died\n away, they found that they could stop.\n\n But about Skookum bay, Mud bay, and Squaxon the shaking continued,\n and it spread to the Nisqually and Chehalis Indians. It seemed\n to be as catching, to use the expression of the Indians, as the\n measles. Many who at first ridiculed it and fought against it,\n and invoked the aid of the agent to stop it, were drawn into it\n after a little, and then they became its strong upholders. This\n was especially true of the medicine-men, or Indian doctors, and\n those who had the strongest faith in them. The Shakers declared\n that all the old Indian religion, and especially the cure of the\n sick by the medicine-men, was from the devil, and they would have\n nothing to do with it, those who at first originated and propagated\n it having been among the more intelligent and progressive of the\n uneducated Indians. Very few of those who had learned to read and\n had been in Sabbath school for a considerable length of time were\n drawn into it. It was the class between the most educated and the\n most superstitious who at first upheld it. They seemed to know\n too much to continue in the old-style religious ceremonies, but\n not to know enough and to be too superstitious to fully believe\n the Bible. Consequently, the medicine-men were at first bitterly\n opposed to it. About this time, however, an order came from the\n Indian department to stop all medicine-men from practicing their\n incantations over the sick. As a respectable number of the Indians\n had declared against the old style of curing the sick, it seemed\n to be a good time to enforce this order, as there was sufficient\n popular opinion in connection with the authority of the agent\n to enforce it. This was done, and then the medicine-men almost\n entirely joined the Shakers, as their style was more nearly in\n accordance with the old style than with the religion of the Bible.\n\n As it spread, one Indian went so far as to declare himself to be\n Christ again come to earth, and rode through the streets of Olympia\n at the head of several scores of his followers with his hands\n outstretched as Christ was when he was crucified. But he was so\n ridiculed by other Indians and by the whites that he gave up this\n idea and simply declared himself to be a prophet who had received\n revelations from heaven.\n\n For several years there has been very little of the shaking or this\n mode of worship among the Indians on the reservation, excepting\n secretly when persons were sick. Still, their native superstition\n and their intercourse with those off the reservation, who sometimes\n hold a special gathering and meeting when their followers grow cold\n and careless, has kept the belief in it as a religion firm in their\n hearts, so that lately, since they have become citizens, and are\n hence more free from the authority of the agent, the practice of it\n has become more common, especially when persons are sick.\n\n In fact, while it is a religion for use at all times, yet it is\n practiced especially over the sick, and in this way takes the\n place of the medicine-men and their methods. Unlike the system\n of the medicine-men, it has no single performer. Though often\n they select for leader one who can pray the best, yet in his\n absence another may take the lead. Like the old system, it has\n much noise. Especially do they use bells, which are rung over the\n person where the sickness is supposed to be. The others present\n use their influence to help in curing the sick one, and so imitate\n the attendants on an Indian doctor, getting down upon their knees\n on the floor and holding up their hands, with a candle in each\n hand, sometimes for an hour. They believe that by so holding up\n their hands the man who is ringing the bell will get the sickness\n out more easily than he otherwise would. They use candles both\n when they attempt to cure the sick and in their general service,\n eschewing lamps for fear of being easily tempted, as they believe\n coal-oil lights to be from Satan.\n\n In another point also this resembles very closely their old\n religion. For a long time before a person is taken sick they\n foretell that his spirit is gone to heaven and profess to be able\n to bring it back and restore it to him, so that he will not die\n as soon as he otherwise would. This was also a part of the old\n _tomahnous_ belief.\n\n They have also prophesied very much. Several times when a person\n has died they have told me that someone had foretold this event,\n but they have never told me this until after the event happened,\n except in one case. They have prophesied much in regard to the end\n of the world and the day of judgment. Generally, the time set has\n been on a Fourth of July, and many have been frightened as the\n time drew near, but, alas, in every instance the prophecy failed.\n Like Christians, they believe in a Supreme Being, in prayer,\n the sabbath, in heaven and hell, in man as a sinner, and Christ\n as a savior, and the system led its followers to stop drinking,\n gambling, betting, horse racing, the use of tobacco, and the\n old-style incantations over the sick. Of late years, however, some\n of them have fallen from grace.\n\n It has been a somewhat strange freak of human nature, a\n combination of morals and immorals, of Protestantism, Catholicism,\n and old Indian practices, of dreams and visions\u2014a study in\n mental philosophy, showing what the mind may do under certain\n circumstances. Yet it is all easily accounted for. These Indians\n have mingled with the whites for a long time, nearly ever since\n most of them were small. All classes of whites have made sport of\n their religion\u2014the infidel, the profane man, the immoral one, the\n moral one, and the Christian\u2014and they have been told that God and\n the Bible were against it, consequently they lost faith in it. But\n the Indian must have some religion. He can not do without one. They\n were not ready to accept the Bible in all its purity. They wanted\n more excitement. Like the Dakota Indians more recently, they saw\n that Christ was the great center of the most powerful religion of\n the most powerful, intelligent, successful, and wisest nations with\n whom they came in contact. Consequently they formulated a system\n for themselves that would fill all their required conditions, and\n when a few leaders had originated it, a large share of the rest\n were ripe to accept it, but having had more Christian teaching\n than the wild Dakotas, it took a somewhat different form, with no\n thought of war and with more of real Christianity.\n\nJames Wickersham, esquire, of Tacoma, Washington, the well-known\nhistorian of that region, is the regular attorney for these people as\na religious organization, and is consequently in a position to speak\nwith authority concerning them. In reply to a letter of inquiry, he\nstates that the Shakers believe in an actual localized heaven and hell,\nand reverence the Bible, but regard John Slocum\u2019s revelations as of\nmore authority. \u201cThey practice the strictest morality, sobriety, and\nhonesty. Their 500 or 600 members are models, and it is beyond question\nthat they do not drink whisky, gamble, or race, and are more free\nfrom vice than any other church. They practice a mixture of Catholic,\nPresbyterian, and old Indian ceremonies, and allow only Indians in the\nchurch. They have five churches, built by themselves, and the sect is\ngrowing quite rapidly.\u201d From all this it would appear that the Shaker\nreligion is a distinct advance as compared with the old Indian system.\n\nUnder date of December 5, 1892, Mr Wickersham wrote again on this\nsubject, as follows:\n\n I read your letter to my Indian friends, and they beg me to\n write you and explain that they are not Ghost dancers, and have\n no sympathy with that ceremony or any other founded on the\n Dreamer religion. That they believe in heaven as do the orthodox\n Christians; also in Christ, and God, the Father of all; that they\n believe in future rewards and punishments, but not in the Bible\n particularly. They do believe in it as a history, but they do not\n value it as a book of revelation. They do not need it, for John\n Slocum personally came back from a conference with the angels at\n the gates of heaven, and has imparted to them the actual facts and\n the angelic words of the means of salvation.\n\n This testimony is even better than the words of Christ contained\n in the Bible, for John Slocum comes 1800 years nearer; he is an\n Indian, and personally appears to them and in Indian language\n reports the facts. These people believe Slocum as firmly as the\n martyr at the stake believed in that for which he offered up his\n life; but it is the Christian religion which they believe, and not\n the Ghost dance or Dreamer religion.\n\n In short, they have a mixture of Catholic, Protestant, and Indian\n ceremonies, with a thorough belief in John Slocum\u2019s personal visit\n to heaven, and his return with a mission to save the Indians and\n so guide them that they, too, shall reach the realms of bliss.\n Personally, I think they are honest, but mistaken; but the belief\n certainly has beneficial effect, and has reduced drinking and crime\n to a minimum among the members of the \u201cShaker\u201d or \u201cTschaddam\u201d\n church.\n\n In conclusion, permit me to say that the general assembly of the\n Presbyterian church in this state has several times examined into\n the religion and character of the Shaker or Slocum church, and\n has highly indorsed its people and their character and actions.\n Yowaluch is their head now, and the strongest man mentally among\n them.\n\nSome months later Mr Wickersham forwarded a circumstantial and\ncarefully written statement of the history and present condition of the\nmovement. In accordance with his request, we publish it as written,\nomitting only some paragraphs which do not bear directly on the general\nsubject. It may be considered as an official statement of the Shaker\ncase by their legally constituted representative. As might have been\nexpected, he takes direct issue with those who have opposed the new\nreligion. The reader will note the recurrence of the Indian sacred\nnumber, four, in Slocum\u2019s speech, as also the fact that his first\ntrance was the culmination of a serious illness.\n\n\n _Tschaddam or Shaker religion_\n\n\u201cOn Christmas day, 1854, a treaty was signed at the mouth of Shenahnam\nor Medicine creek, on the south side of Puget sound, Washington,\nbetween Isaac I. Stevens, governor and ex officio superintendent of\nIndian affairs for the United States, and the chief and headmen of the\nNisqually, Puyallup, and other small tribes of Indians residing around\nthe south shores of Puget sound.\u201d\n\n\u201cOne of these small tribes was the Squaxin, situated on the\nsouthwestern branch or arm of Puget sound, now known as Little Skookum\nbay, in Mason county, Washington, near Olympia. The remaining members\nof this tribe yet live on the old home places, having purchased small\ntracts of their old hunting grounds from the first settlers; and they\nnow make a living by fishing and gathering oysters as in days of old.\nOf the fishy tribe of Squaxin was born John Slocum, as he is known to\nthe \u2018Boston man,\u2019 but to his native friends he is known as Squ-sacht-un.\u201d\n\n\u201cJohn Slocum, Squ-sacht-un, is now (1893) about 51 years of age,\nabout 5 feet 8 inches high, and weighs about 160 pounds; rather stoop\nshouldered, with a scattering beard, a shock of long black hair, a\nflat head (fashionably flat, and produced by pressure while a baby),\nbright eyes, but in all rather a common expression of countenance.\nHe is modest and rather retiring, but has unquestioned confidence in\nhimself and his mission. He is married, and up to the time of his\ntranslation was looked on as a common Indian, with a slight inclination\nto fire-water and pony racing, as well as a known fondness for Indian\ngambling.\u201d\n\n\u201cIn the month of October, 1881, Slocum was unaccountably drawn to think\nof his evil courses. While in the woods he knelt and prayed to God, and\nbegan seriously to think of the error of his ways and of the evil days\nthat had fallen on his few remaining native friends. Whisky, gambling,\nidleness, and general vice had almost exterminated his people. His\neyes were opened to the folly of these facts, and he prayed. He,\nhowever, became sick; and as his sickness increased, these ideas became\nbrighter in his mind and his duty more clear. He grew worse, and one\nday he died. He was pronounced dead by all present, and was laid out\nfor burial. His brother went to Olympia for a coffin, and a grave was\nprepared. He died at 4 oclock in the morning, and late in the afternoon\nhe again resumed life and recovered consciousness.\u201d\n\n\u201cHis recovery was rapid, and immediately he told those present that\nduring his term of death his soul had been to heaven, where it had been\nmet by the angels, who, after a proper inquiry as to his name, etc.,\ntold him that he had been bad on earth, and reminded him very forcibly\nof his shortcomings while there, and finally wound up by informing him\nthat he could not enter heaven, but that he could either go to hell or\ncould go back to the earth and preach to the Indians and tell them the\nway to heaven. He accepted this latter proposition, and the result was\nthat his soul again returned to earth, reentered its old body, and has\nfrom that day to this animated Slocum with the spirit of a crusader\nagainst gambling, whisky drinking, and other \u2018Boston\u2019 vices.\u201d\n\n\u201cAbout a year ago I was employed by these people as their attorney, and\nat their request attended the meetings in Mason county, and had a long\nconference with them. As a practical person would, Slocum undertook\nto demonstrate to me his honesty and the divine character of their\nreligion, and at a large meeting composed only of Indians, members\nof his church, he made to me a long public statement of facts, and\nexplained, through an interpreter, the character of their religion and\nof their belief. I wrote down at the time a synopsis of what was said\nto me, and now quote it at some length as being the exact words of\nSlocum, and as the best explanation of their religion.\u201d\n\n\u201cStanding before all his people, in the most solemn and impressive\nmanner, in their church, he said in substance:\u201d\n\n \u201cThe witnesses have spoken the truth. I was sick about two weeks,\n and had five Indian doctors. I grew very weak and poor. Dr Jim was\n there. He could not cure me. They wanted to save me, but my soul\n would die two or three hours at a time. At night my breath was out,\n and I died. All at once I saw a shining light\u2014great light\u2014trying my\n soul. I looked and saw my body had no soul\u2014looked at my own body\u2014it\n was dead.\u201d\n\n \u201cI came through the first time and told my friends, \u2018When I die,\n don\u2019t cry,\u2019 and then I died again. Before this I shook hands and\n told my friends I was going to die. Angels told me to look back and\n see my body. I did, and saw it lying down. When I saw it, it was\n pretty poor. My soul left body and went up to judgment place of\n God. I do not know about body after 4 oclock.\u201d\n\n \u201cI have seen a great light in my soul from that good land; I have\n understand all Christ wants us to do. Before I came alive I saw I\n was sinner. Angel in heaven said to me, \u2018You must go back and turn\n alive again on earth.\u2019 I learned that I must be good Christian\n man on earth, or will be punished. My soul was told that I must\n come back and live four days on earth. When I came back, I told\n my friends, \u2018There is a God\u2014there is a Christian people. My good\n friends, be Christian.\u2019\u201d\n\n \u201cWhen I came alive, I tell my friends, \u2018Good thing in heaven. God\n is kind to us. If you all try hard and help me we will be better\n men on earth.\u2019 And now we all feel that it is so.\u201d\n\n \u201cA good Christian man prayed with me four days. After four days,\n a voice said to me, \u2018You shall live on earth four weeks.\u2019 My soul\n was told that they must build a church for me in four weeks. I had\n lumber for a house, and my friends built church. Had it all done in\n four weeks but 6 feet of roof, and spread a mat over that. Soon as\n the church was finished the people came and filled the house and\n began to worship God. I felt strong\u2014bigger than today\u2014all these\n men know this. My friends worked hard, and I am here because they\n finished the house in four weeks. My soul was told to remain on\n earth four weeks more. All my friends came, and every Saturday we\n worshiped God. In four weeks more my soul was told that I should\n live on earth four years if I did right and preached for God. All\n felt thankful, and people joined the church\u2014about fifty people. I\n was promised more time if we worshiped God.\u201d\n\n \u201cA bad man can\u2019t reach heaven. I believe in God. I saw how bad I\n used to be. God sends us light to see. They know in heaven what we\n think. When people are sick, we pray to God to cure us. We pray\n that he take the evil away and leave the good. If man don\u2019t be\n Christian, he will suffer and see what is bad. When we remember\n Jesus Christ\u2019s name, we always felt happy in our hearts. This is\n good road for us to travel if we hold on. If we do, God\u2019s angels\n are near to our souls. Power from this to help us. When we pray, it\n helps us lots in our hearts. We don\u2019t do good sometimes, because\n our hearts are not right. When our body and heart feel warm, we do\n good and sing good songs. As Christ said, he sends power to every\n believing soul on earth.\u201d\n\n \u201cWhile one man can try to start religion here on earth, it don\u2019t\n do much good; they won\u2019t believe him much. That\u2019s why we join to\n worship. Now we are preparing ourselves for judgment. For it is\n said, it don\u2019t make any difference if he prays good and does good.\n God gives him help and words to speak. Makes no difference if\n \u2018Boston\u2019 or Indian, if God helps we know it. These things are what\n we learned. We learn good while we pray\u2014voice says, Do good.\u201d\n\n \u201cIt is ten years, now, since we began, and we have good things. We\n all love these things and will follow them all time. We learn to\n help ourselves when sick. When our friend is sick, we kneel and ask\n for help to cure him. We learn something once in a while to cure\n him. Then we do as we know to help him and cure him. If we don\u2019t\n learn to help him, we generally lose him.\u201d\n\n\u201cThis is a pretty accurate synopsis of the speech delivered to me\nby Slocum, and translated by another Indian, who spoke pretty good\nEnglish. But that a more thorough knowledge may be given of their\nreligious belief, I give also a brief synopsis of another speech made\nat the same meeting by Louis Yowaluch, a full-blood Indian, who is the\nlegal head of this church. It is about as follows:\u201d\n\n \u201cWell, my friend, we was about the poorest tribe on earth. We was\n only tribe now full blood and nothing else. We would not believe\n anything. Minister came here, but we laugh at him. We loved bad\n habits\u2014stealing\u2014and John Slocum died. He was not a religious\n man\u2014knew nothing of God\u2014all of us same. We heard there was a God\n from Slocum\u2014we could see it. Same time we heard God, we believe\n it. I was worst of lot. I was drunkard\u2014was half starving\u2014spent\n every cent for whisky. I gambled, raced horses, bet shirt, money,\n blankets\u2014did not know any better.\u201d\n\n \u201cJohn Slocum brought good to us; his words civilized us. We could\n see. We all felt blind those times. We lost by drowning\u2014our friends\n drink whisky and the canoes turn over\u2014we died out in the bay. Today\n who stopped us from these things?\u201d\n\n \u201cJohn Slocum came alive, and I remember God and felt frightened. We\n never heard such a thing as a man dying and bring word that there\n was a God. I became sick for three weeks, four weeks. I hear a\n voice saying to soul, \u2018Tomorrow they will be coming to fix you up.\u2019\n Had just heard about John Slocum, and knew it was punishment for my\n bad habits. My heart was black\u2014it was a bad thing.\u201d\n\n \u201cNow I have quit swearing\u2014my heart is upside down\u2014it is changed.\n After I heard the voice I heard another say: \u2018There it is now\u2014some\n one to fix you up. Have you prepared your heart? If you don\u2019t\n believe in Christ, you will go into a big fire and burn forever.\u2019\n I saw a man\u2019s hand coming to my heart. That day I got up\u2014was\n well\u2014talked to my friends, advising them. I will remain a follower\n of Christ as long as I live.\u201d\n\n \u201cLong ago we knew nothing at all. When Slocum came back from God,\n we found out there was a God. From that time we have prayed for\n anything we want. We follow God\u2019s way. God teaches us if we do bad\n we will go to hell. That\u2019s why we pray and avoid bad habits. If\n we don\u2019t ask grace, bad things come when we eating. When we drink\n water, we think about God before drinking. If we don\u2019t think of\n him, may be we get sick from water. If traveling, may be we die if\n we don\u2019t think of God. We are afraid to do wrong against God. Long\n time ago we worked on Sundays, but no more now. Our brother Christ\n has given us six days to work. On Sunday pray to God. God put\n people here to grow\u2014puts our soul in our body. That\u2019s why we pray\n so much. If we quit, like a man quit his job, he gets no pay. We\n would go to fire in hell. We have no power to put out hell fire.\u201d\n\n\u201cLouis Yowaluch is the strong man of the Shaker church. He is 6 feet\ntall, rawboned, muscular, and rather slow. While he may once have been,\nas he says, a drunkard, he is now a Christian man. His conservativeness\nmakes him a fine leader for the organization, while all the Indians\nrespect him for his humanity and charity, for his honesty and\nuprightness, for his fearlessness and love of right. He fully and\nfreely places John Slocum at the head of the church, as the man who\nascended to heaven and brought back a personal knowledge of the road,\nbut at the same time he takes the lead in laying out work, building\nchurches, and sending out preachers to new tribes.\u201d\n\n\u201cA new feature of this religion is found in Sam Yowaluch, the brother\nof Louis. He is younger than Louis, and has more of the native\nsuperstition in his character. He has by common consent been placed at\nthe head of the faith-cure branch of the church. The following synopsis\nof his \u2018talk\u2019 will be an explanation of his position:\u201d\n\n \u201cAmong the Shakers, John Slocum is first. Louis is next. I take\n power and cure people when they are sick. Long time ago I knew\n nothing\u2014just like an animal. No doctoring, no medicine\u2014no good.\n I was a drunkard, was a thief, and a robber. When I joined this\n religion, I was told to be good. When John Slocum was preaching, I\n heard that if I prayed I would have power and be a medicine-man,\n and could cure the sick. From time John Slocum preached I tried to\n be a good Christian man. I prayed and was sick\u2014my soul was sick. I\n prayed to God and he pays me for that. There is lots of difference\n between this power and old Indian doctoring. This is not old power.\n I can cure people now. I have cured some white men and women, but\n they are ashamed to tell it. I cure without money. One big, rich\n man, Henry Walker, was sick\u2014had great pains in his ear and leg.\n Doctor at Olympia failed to cure him, and he came to John Slocum\n and me. We worked for him, prayed, and he lay down and slept and\n was cured. He offered us twenty dollars\u2014but no, we refused it. God\n will pay us when we die. This is our religion. When we die, we get\n our pay from God.\u201d\n\n \u201cNo, we do not believe the Bible. We believe in God, and in Jesus\n Christ as the Son of God, and we believe in a hell. In these\n matters we believe the same as the Presbyterians. We think fully\n of God today. A good Christian man is a good medicine-man. A good\n Christian man in the dark sees a light toward God. God makes a\n fog\u2014good Christian man goes straight through it to the end, like\n good medicine. I believe this religion. It helps poor people. Bad\n man can\u2019t see good\u2014bad man can\u2019t get to heaven\u2014can\u2019t find his way.\n We were sent to jail for this religion, but we will never give\n up. We all believe that John Slocum died and went to heaven, and\n was sent back to preach to the people. We all talk about that and\n believe it.\u201d\n\n\u201cThe Shakers use candles, bells, crucifixes, Catholic pictures, etc.,\nin their church and other ceremonies. As Mr Ellis says, they use\nparaphernalia of the Catholic, Presbyterian, and even some of the\nIndian religion. They cross themselves as the Catholics do; they say\ngrace before and after meals; they stand and pray and chant in unison;\nthey set candles around the dead as the Catholics do, and believe in\nthe cure of the sick by faith and prayer. In times of excitement many\nof them twitch and shake, but in no instance do they conduct themselves\nin so nervous a manner as I have seen orthodox Christians do at old\nSandy Branch camp-meeting in Illinois. They believe that by praying\nwith a man or woman and rubbing the person they could induce them to\njoin their church, and could rub away their sins; but they have no\nrite, no ceremony, no belief, no policy, no form of religion that is\nnot in use by some one or other of our orthodox people.\u201d\n\n\u201cTheir religion, in brief, is a belief in God as the father and ruler\nof all, and in Jesus Christ as the Son of God and the Savior of\nmankind. They know there is a heaven, for John Slocum was there, and\nbelieve in a hell of fire for the punishment of sinners, because the\nangels in heaven told John Slocum about it. They do not care for the\nBible. It is of no use to them, for they have a distinct revelation\ndirect from heaven. This is the only practical difference between them\nand the orthodox believers, and this they do not care for.\u201d\n\nTwo of their songs, as recorded by Mr Wickersham, are as follows:\n\n\n _Stalib gwuch Kw\u0113 Shuck, or Song of Heaven_\n\n Alkw\u0113 kl\u016b sutlh akw\u0113 schelch huchum akw\u0113 shuck;\n When we get warning from heaven;\n Gwalch clah tl\u014dwch kw\u0113 lehass;\n Then the angels will come;\n Gwalch clah gw\u00e4 t\u00e4 \u00e4dd\u014d kw\u0113 k\u00e4-k\u00e4 t\u0113dt\u0113d;\n Then the wonderful bells will ring;\n Gwalch clah ass kw\u0101-buch kw\u0113 k\u00e4-k\u00e4 tsille;\n Then our souls will be ready;\n Gwalch clah \u014dwhuh tu shuck;\n Then they will go up to heaven;\n Gwalch clah t\u0101lib t\u014dbuch ah sh\u014d-sh\u014d-quille;\n Then we will sing with Jesus;\n Gwalch clah j\u014dil t\u014dbuch ah sh\u014d-sh\u014d-quille.\n Then we will be happy with Jesus.\n\n _Qu\u0101-d\u0101-tsits St\u0101lib, or Preacher\u2019s Song_\n\n Chelch l\u00e4 t\u0101 l\u0101, beuch;\n Then we shall sing;\n Chelch l\u00e4 t\u0101 l\u0101 beuch;\n Then we shall sing;\n Chelch l\u00e4 t\u0101 l\u0101 beuch;\n Then we shall sing;\n Al kwe shuck \u00e4ll\u00e4l.\n Up in heaven\u2019s house.\n\n Chelch l\u0101 j\u014dilla;\n Then we\u2019ll be happy;\n Chelch l\u0101 j\u014dilla;\n Then we\u2019ll be happy;\n Chelch l\u0101 j\u014dilla,\n Then we\u2019ll be happy,\n Al kwe shuck \u00e4ll\u00e4l.\n Up in heaven\u2019s house.\n\n Chelch l\u0101 j\u014dilla;\n Then we\u2019ll be happy;\n Chelch l\u0101 j\u014dilla;\n Then we\u2019ll be happy;\n Chelch l\u0101 j\u014dilla,\n Then we\u2019ll be happy,\n Yuchqu\u0113 sh\u014d-sh\u014d-quille.\n Up with Jesus.\n\nMr Wickersham then gives an account of the persecutions to which\nthe rising sect was for a long time subjected, chiefly at the hands\nof agent Edwin Eells and his brother, Reverend Myron Eells, already\nquoted at length, who was at that time the missionary on the Skokomish\nreservation. As Mr Wickersham\u2019s statements in this regard are mainly\nin the form of extended quotations from Ten Years\u2019 Missionary Work\nat Skokomish, written by the Reverend Mr Eells himself, they may\nbe regarded as conclusive. It is apparent that a part at least of\nthis persecution, which took the shape of banishment, chains, and\nimprisonment, and even the forcible seizure of a dead body from\nthe bereaved relatives, was due to the fact that the Shakers, who\nconsidered themselves a genuine branch of the Christian church,\nwere disposed to lean toward Catholicity rather than toward the\ndenominational form upheld by the agent and his brother.\n\nHowever, religious persecution failed as utterly in its purpose in this\ncase as it has and must in all others. Quoting from Mr Eells, \u201cThe\nchiefs did not care if they were deposed, were about to resign, and did\nnot wish to have anything more to do with the \u2018Boston\u2019 religion or the\nagent. Billy Clams was ready, if need be, to suffer as Christ did. He\nwas willing to be a martyr.\u201d\n\nMr Wickersham continues:\n\n \u201cWhile Billy Clams and some of his people publicly abandoned the\n forms of Shaker religion rather than be banished, yet John Slocum\n and his people refused to so surrender, and the agent sent out\n his police and arrested John Slocum, Louis Yowaluch, and two or\n three more of these people\u2014good, true men\u2014and, loading their limbs\n with chains, confined them for several weeks in the dirty little\n single room of a jail at the Puyallup agency, near Tacoma. Their\n only offense was worship of a different form from that adopted\n by the agent and his brother. They had broken no law, created no\n disorder, and yet they suffered ignominious incarceration in a vile\n dungeon, loaded with chains, at the pleasure of the agent. The\n Shakers believed in God, in Jesus Christ, in heaven and hell, in\n temperance, sobriety, and a virtuous life. They abandoned the old\n Indian religion and all its vices and forms, including the power of\n the doctors or medicine-men. These medicine-men had a great hold\n on the Indian mind, and they joined the minister and the agent in\n their fight on the Shakers, because the Shakers fought them; so\n that there was seen the unique spectacle of the savage shamanism\n of the American Indian and the supposed orthodox religion of\n civilization hand in hand fighting the followers of Jesus Christ.\u201d\n\n \u201cImprisonment, banishment, threats, chains, and the general ill\n will of the agent and all his employees were visited on these\n Shakers who continued to practice their forms of worship, and yet\n they did continue it. In spite of the fact that they occupied a\n place only half-way between slaves and freemen, and were under the\n orders of the agent and subject to be harassed and annoyed all the\n time by him, yet they continued nobly and fearlessly to practice\n their religion and to worship God and Jesus Christ as they saw\n fit. To do it, however, they were forced to stay away from the\n reservations, where the greater number of employees were located,\n and their churches were built on Mud bay and Oyster bay, far away\n from the reservations.\u201d\n\n \u201cBut a brighter day came for these people, a day when they could\n stand up and defy every form or force of persecution. In 1886\n Congress passed the Indian land severalty bill, an act providing\n for dividing lands in severalty to Indians, and providing that\n those who took lands and adopted the habits of civilized life\n should be American citizens, with all the rights, privileges, and\n immunities of any other citizen. In 1892 I was appointed by Judge\n Hanford to defend a prisoner in the United States district court at\n Tacoma. The prisoner was accused of selling liquor to a Puyallup\n Indian, but it appeared on cross-examination that this Indian owned\n land in severalty, voted, paid taxes, and exercised other rights\n of citizenship. The question was then raised by me on motion to\n dismiss, that these land-holding, tax-paying Indians were citizens\n of the United States, free and independent. The United States\n prosecuting attorney appeared to contest the claim, but after an\n extended argument Judge Hanford held with me, and the prisoner was\n discharged.\u201d\n\n \u201cThe effect of this decision was far-reaching. It meant that all\n land-holding Indians were no longer wards of the government, but\n free citizens and not under the control of the Indian agent. The\n Shaker people, hearing this, sent a deputation to see me, and I\n held a long consultation with them, assuring them that they were\n as free as the agent, and could establish their own church, own\n and build houses of worship, and do both in religious and worldly\n matters as other citizens of the United States could. This was\n glorious news to them. It meant freedom, it meant the cessation of\n persecution and annoyance by the agency employees, and they were\n jubilant.\u201d\n\n \u201cAccordingly they met on June 6, 1892, at Mud bay, at Louis\n Yowaluch\u2019s house, and organized their church on a regular business\n basis. The following officers were elected: Headman, Louis\n Yowaluch; elders, John Slocum, Louis Yowaluch, John Smith, James\n Walker, Charles Walker, John W. Simmons, and William James. At\n this meeting the following persons were also appointed ministers\n of this church, and licenses were issued to them, to wit: Louis\n Yowaluch, John Slocum, James Tobin, John Powers, and Richard\n Jackson. Provision was made to establish a church at the Puyallup\n reservation, where the power of the agent had hitherto kept them\n out, and William James, a Puyallup landowner, gave land for a\n church. After much talk about sending out ministers, etc., the\n meeting adjourned, after a two days\u2019 session, and the Shaker\n church, after eleven years\u2019 fighting against persecutions, was an\n established fact, free and independent, with its own officers,\n ministers, and church property.\u201d\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 68+\u2014Shaker church at Mud bay.]\n\n \u201cThe spectacle of an Indian church with Indian officers, preachers,\n and members, and of houses built by the Indians for church\n purposes, was too much for the average citizen of Puget sound, and\n the Shakers were continually disturbed, not only by the whites,\n but by the Indians who could not and did not appreciate the change\n to citizenship, so that I was constantly applied to for protection\n by the ministers and members of the Shaker church. A \u2018paper\u2019 has\n a great effect on the average Indian, and I issued on application\n several papers addressed in general terms to those who might be\n disposed to interfere with them, which had a quieting effect and\n caused evil-disposed persons to respect the Indians and their\n religion, or at least to let them alone. They now feel quite\n confident of their position, and are acting quite like the average\n citizen. Even the persons who persecuted them for eleven years now\n felt obliged to retire from the conflict, and a day of peace is\n reached at last.\u201d\n\n \u201cThe Shaker church now reaches over nearly the whole of western\n Washington. The story of Slocum\u2019s death and visit to heaven, and\n his return to preach to the Indians, is accepted by them as a\n direct revelation of the will of God. They say that they do not\n need to read the Bible, for do they not have better and more\n recent testimony of the existence of heaven and of the way to that\n celestial home than is contained in the Bible? Here is John Slocum,\n alive, and has he not been to heaven? Then, why read the Bible to\n learn the road, when John can so easily tell them all about it?\n The Bible says there are many roads; the Catholics have one, the\n Presbyterians another, and the Congregationalists a third; but John\n Slocum gives them a short, straight road\u2014and they choose that.\u201d\n\n \u201cThe Shaker church now has a building for church purposes at Mud\n bay, at Oyster bay, at Cowlitz, Chehalis, and Puyallup. They have\n about a dozen ministers regularly licensed, and about 500 members.\n Most of the Indians at Skokomish belong, while the Squaxins,\n Chehalis, Nisqually, Cowlitz, and Columbia River Indians, and in\n fact the majority of the Indians of western Washington, either\n belong or are in sympathy with its teachings, so that it is now the\n strongest church among them. They are sending out runners to the\n Yakimas east of the Cascade mountains, and expect before long to\n make an effort to convert that tribe.\u201d\n\n \u201cThe Indian is inclined to be weak, and to adopt the vices of the\n white man, but not his virtues. However, this is not true of the\n Shakers. They do not drink intoxicants of any kind, and make a\n special effort at all times to banish liquor. This is the strong\n element in their faith, and the one for which they fight hardest.\n They feel upon their honor in the matter, and contrast the members\n of their church at every place with those belonging to the other\n denominations\u2014and it is too true that an Indian does not seem at\n all to be restrained from drink by belonging to the other churches\n as he does in the Shaker church. In the others he feels no personal\n interest. The honor of neither himself nor his people is involved,\n and if he disgraces himself it reflects, in his opinion, rather\n on the white man\u2019s church. Not so with the Shakers. No white man\n belongs to their church, and it is their boast that no white\n preacher can keep his Indian members from drink as they can\u2014and it\n is true. After their opposition to liquor, next comes gambling.\n From these two vices flow nearly all troubles to the Indian, and\n the Shakers are certainly successful in extinguishing their spread\n among the Indians. They make special war on drunkenness, gambling,\n and horse racing, and preach honesty, sobriety, temperance, and\n right living.\u201d\n\n \u201cThe Presbyterian church occupies a queer position, with regard to\n these people. The Reverend M. G. Mann has been the missionary to\n the Indians of Puget sound for many years, and has succeeded in\n making a very favorable impression upon them. He has been specially\n attentive to the Shakers, and, to his credit be it said, has never\n tried to coerce them, and has only dealt with them kindly. So far\n has this gone that Louis Yowaluch was long ago taken into the\n Presbyterian church, and is now an accredited elder therein. Louis\n does not know, seemingly, how to escape from his dual position,\n or rather does not seem to think that he needs to escape. It all\n seems to be for the best interest of his people, so he continues to\n occupy the position of elder in the Presbyterian church and headman\n of the Shaker church.\u201d\n\n \u201cAt a recent meeting of the Presbyterian ministers the position of\n these Shaker people was fully discussed, and the strongest language\n was used in saying only good about them, and every effort seems\n to be made by the Presbyterians to claim the Shakers in a body\n as members of the Presbyterian church. If this account were not\n already too long, the reports of the church on the subject would\n be quoted, but the fact speaks volumes for the character of the\n Shakers and their teaching.\u201d\n\n \u201cIn conclusion: I have known the Shaker people now intimately, as\n their attorney, for more than a year, and out of the many drunken\n Indians I have seen in that time not one was a Shaker. Not one\n of their people has been arrested for crime in that time. They\n are good citizens, and are far more temperate and peaceable than\n those Indians belonging to the other churches. I feel that their\n church is a grand success in that it prevents idleness and vice,\n drunkenness and disorder, and tends to produce quiet, peaceable\n citizens, and good Christian people. I think the Presbyterians\n make a mistake in trying to bring the Shakers into their fold\u2014they\n ought rather to protect them and give them every assistance in\n their autonomy. It adds the greatest incentive to their labors, and\n makes them feel as if they were of some account. It lets them labor\n for themselves, instead of feeling, as always heretofore, that\n some one else\u2014they hardly knew who\u2014was responsible. Their forms of\n Christianity are not very unorthodox\u2014their Christianity is quite\n orthodox, not exactly because they take Slocum\u2019s revelation instead\n of the Bible, but the result is the same\u2014a Christian.\u201d\n\n \u201c+James Wickersham.+\u201d\n \u201c+Tacoma, Washington+, _June 25, 1893_.\u201d\n\nFrom competent Indian informants of eastern Washington\u2014Charles Ike,\nhalf-blood Yakima interpreter, and Chief Wolf Necklace of the P\u00e4\u2019lus,\nwe gather additional particulars, from which it would appear that\nthere are more things in the Shaker system than are dreamed of in the\nphilosophy of the Presbyterian general assembly.\n\nAccording to their statements, Yowaluch, or Ai-y\u00e4l, as he is known\neast of the Cascades, was noted as a gambler before he received his\nrevelation. His followers are called _Sh\u00e4pupu-\u201bl\u0115ma_, or \u201cblowers,\u201d\nby the Yakima, from the fact that on meeting a stranger, instead of\nat once shaking hands with him in the usual manner, they first wave\nthe hand gently in front of his face like a fan, and blow on him, in\norder to \u201cblow away the badness\u201d from him. They first appeared among\nthe Yakima and other eastern tribes about six years ago, and are\ngradually gaining adherents, although as yet they have no regular time\nor place of assembly. They are much addicted to making the sign of the\ncross\u2014the cross, it is hardly necessary to state, being as much an\nIndian as a Christian symbol\u2014and are held in great repute as doctors,\ntheir treatment consisting chiefly of hypnotic performances over the\npatient, resulting in the spasmodic shaking already described. In\ndoctoring a patient the \u201cblowers\u201d usually gather around him in a circle\nto the number of about twelve, dressed in a very attractive ceremonial\ncostume, and each wearing on his head a sort of crown of woven cedar\nbark, in which are fixed two lighted candles, while in his right hand\nhe carries a small cloth, and in the left another lighted candle. By\nfastening screens of colored cloth over the candles the light is made\nto appear yellow, white, or blue. The candle upon the forehead is\nyellow, symbolic of the celestial glory; that at the back of the head\nis white, typical of the terrestrial light, while the third is blue,\nthe color of the sky.\n\nFrequently also they carry in their hands or wear on their heads\ngarlands of roses and other flowers of various colors, yellow, white,\nand blue being the favorite, which they say represent the colors of\nobjects in the celestial world. While the leader is going through his\nhypnotic performance over the patient the others are waving the cloths\nand swinging in circles the candles held in their hands. In all this it\nis easy to see the influence of the Catholic ritual, with its censers,\ntapers, and flowers, with which these tribes have been more or less\nfamiliar for the last fifty years.\n\nA single instance will suffice to show the methods of the blower\ndoctors. The story is told from the Indian point of view, as related\nby the half-blood interpreter, who believed it all. About six years\nago two of these doctors from the north, while visiting near Woodland\non the Columbia, were called to the assistance of a woman who was\nseriously ill, and had received no benefit from the treatment of\nthe native doctors. They came and almost immediately on seeing the\npatient announced to the relatives that the sickness had been put into\nher by the evil magic of a neighboring medicine-man, whom they then\nsummoned into their presence. When the messenger arrived for him, the\nmedicine-man refused to go, saying that the doctors were liars and\nthat he had not made the woman ill. By their clairaudient power\u2014or\npossibly by a shrewd anticipation of probabilities\u2014the doctors in the\nother house knew of his refusal and sent another messenger to tell\nhim that concealment or denial would not avail him, and that if he\nrefused to come they would proceed to blow the sickness into his own\nbody. Without further argument he accompanied the messengers to the\nsick woman\u2019s house. As he entered, the chief doctor stepped up to\nhim and looking intently into his face, said, \u201cI can see your heart\nwithin your body, and it is black with evil things. You are not fit\nto live. You are making this woman sick, but we shall take out the\nbadness from her body.\u201d With the cloths and lighted candles the two\ndoctors then approached the sick woman, and commanded her to arise,\nwhich she did, although she had been supposed to be too weak to stand.\nWaving the cloths in front of her with a gentle fanning motion, and\nblowing upon her at the same time, they proceeded to drive the disease\nout of her body, beginning at the feet and working upward until, as\nthey approached the head the principal doctor changed the movement to\na rapid fanning and corresponding blowing, while the assistant stood\nready with his cloth to seize the disease when it should be driven out.\nAll this time the medicine-man standing a few feet away was shaking and\nquivering like one in a fit, and the trembling became more violent and\nspasmodic as the doctors increased the speed of their motions. Finally\nthe leader brought his hands together over the woman\u2019s head, where,\njust as the disease attempted to escape, it was seized and imprisoned\nin the cloth held by his assistant. Then, going up to the medicine-man,\nwith a few rapid passes they fanned the disease into his body and he\nfell down dead. The woman recovered, and with her sister has recently\ncome up to the Yakima country as an apostle of the new religion,\npreaching the doctrines and performing the wonders which she has been\ntaught by the Nisqually doctors.\n\nThis is the Indian story as told by the half-blood, who did not claim\nto have been an eye-witness, but spoke of it as a matter of common\nknowledge and beyond question. It is doubtless substantially correct.\nThe hypnotic action described is the same which the author has\nrepeatedly seen employed in the Ghost dance, resulting successively in\ninvoluntary trembling, violent spasmodic action, rigidity, and final\ndeathlike unconsciousness. The Ghost dancers regard the process not\nonly as a means of bringing them into trance communication with their\ndeparted friends, but also as a preventive and cure of disease, just\nas we have our faith healers and magnetic doctors. With the Indian\u2019s\nimplicit faith in the supernatural ability of the doctor, it is easy\nto suppose that the mental effect on the woman, who was told and\nbelieved that she was to be cured, would aid recovery if recovery was\npossible. It is unlikely that death resulted to the medicine-man. It\nis more probable that under the hypnotic spell of the doctors he fell\nunconscious and apparently lifeless and remained so perhaps for a\nconsiderable time, as frequently happens with sensitive subjects in\nthe Ghost dance. The fact that the same process should produce exactly\nopposite effects in the two subjects is easily explainable. The object\nof the hypnotic performance was simply to bring the mind of the subject\nunder the control of the operator. This accomplished, the mental, and\nultimately the physical, effect on either subject was whatever the\noperator wished it to be. After bringing both under mental control in\nthe manner described, he suggested recovery to the woman and sickness\nor death to the medicine-man, and the result followed.\n\nUntil the advent of these women from beyond the mountains such hypnotic\nperformances seem to have been unknown among the Yakima and other\neastern tribes of the Columbia region, the trance condition in the\nSmohalla devotees being apparently due entirely to the effect of the\nrhythmic dances and songs acting on excited imaginations, without the\naid of blowing or manual passes.\n\nHypnotism and so-called magnetism, however, appear to have been\nemployed by the medicine-men of the Chinook tribes of the lower\nColumbia from ancient times. Especially wonderful in this connection\nare the stories told of one of these men residing at Wushq\u00fbm or Wisham,\nnear The Dalles.\n\nAbout the time the two blower doctors appeared at Woodland, other\napostles of the same doctrine, or it may have been the same two\nmen, went up Willamet river into central Oregon, teaching the same\nsystem and performing the same wonders among the tribes of that\nregion. And here comes in a remarkable coincidence, if it be no more.\nIt is said among the northern Indians that on this journey these\napostles met, somewhere in the south, a young man to whom they taught\ntheir mysteries, in which he became such an apt pupil that he soon\noutstripped his teachers, and is now working even greater wonders\namong his own people. This young man can be no other than Wovoka,\nthe messiah of the Ghost dance, living among the Paiute in western\nNevada. The only question is whether the story told among the Columbia\ntribes is a myth based on vague rumors of the southern messiah and\nhis hypnotic performances, so similar to that of the blower doctors,\nor whether Wovoka actually derived his knowledge of such things from\nthese northern apostles. The latter supposition is entirely within\nthe bounds of possibility. The time corresponds with the date of his\noriginal revelations, as stated by himself to the writer. He is a young\nman, and, although he has never been far from home, the tribe to which\nhe belongs roams in scattered bands over the whole country to the\nWillamet and the watershed of the Columbia, so that communication with\nthe north is by no means difficult. He himself stated that Indians from\nWarmspring reservation, in northern Oregon, have attended his dances\nnear Walker lake.\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter IX+\n\n WOVOKA THE MESSIAH\n\n When the sun died, I went up to heaven and saw God and all the\n people who had died a long time ago. God told me to come back\n and tell my people they must be good and love one another, and\n not fight, or steal, or lie. He gave me this dance to give to my\n people.\u2014_Wovoka._\n\n\nWhen T\u00e4vibo, the prophet of Mason valley, died, about 1870, he left a\nson named Wovoka, \u201cThe Cutter,\u201d about 14 years of age. The prophetic\nclaims and teachings of the father, the reverence with which he was\nregarded by the people, and the mysterious ceremonies which were\ndoubtless of frequent performance in the little tul\u00e9 wikiup at home\nmust have made early and deep impression on the mind of the boy,\nwho seems to have been by nature of a solitary and contemplative\ndisposition, one of those born to see visions and hear still voices.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 69+\u2014Wovoka.]\n\nThe physical environment was favorable to the development of such a\ncharacter. His native valley, from which he has never wandered, is\na narrow strip of level sage prairie some 30 miles in length, walled\nin by the giant sierras, their sides torn and gashed by volcanic\nconvulsions and dark with gloomy forests of pine, their towering\nsummits white with everlasting snows, and roofed over by a cloudless\nsky whose blue infinitude the mind instinctively seeks to penetrate to\nfar-off worlds beyond. Away to the south the view is closed in by the\nsacred mountain of the Paiute, where their Father gave them the first\nfire and taught them their few simple arts before leaving for his home\nin the upper regions of the Sun-land. Like the valley of Rasselas, it\nseems set apart from the great world to be the home of a dreamer.\n\nThe greater portion of Nevada is an arid desert of rugged mountains\nand alkali plains, the little available land being confined to narrow\nmountain valleys and the borders of a few large lakes. These tracts\nare occupied by scattered ranchmen engaged in stock raising, and as\nthe white population is sparse, Indian labor is largely utilized, the\nPaiute being very good workers. The causes which in other parts of\nthe country have conspired to sweep the Indian from the path of the\nwhite man seem inoperative here, where the aboriginal proprietors are\nregarded rather as peons under the protection of the dominant race, and\nare allowed to set up their small camps of tul\u00e9 lodges in convenient\nout-of-the-way places, where they spend the autumn and winter in\nhunting, fishing, and gathering seeds and pi\u00f1on nuts, working at fair\nwages on ranches through spring and summer. In this way young Wovoka\nbecame attached to the family of a ranchman in Mason valley, named\nDavid Wilson, who took an interest in him and bestowed on him the name\nof Jack Wilson, by which he is commonly known among the whites. From\nhis association with this family he gained some knowledge of English,\ntogether with a confused idea of the white man\u2019s theology. On growing\nup he married, and still continued to work for Mr Wilson, earning a\nreputation for industry and reliability, but attracting no special\nnotice until nearly 30 years of age, when he announced the revelation\nthat has made him famous among the tribes of the west.\n\nFollowing are the various forms of his name which I have noticed:\nWo\u2032voka, or W\u00fc\u2032voka, which I have provisionally rendered \u201cCutter,\u201d\nderived from a verb signifying \u201cto cut;\u201d Wevokar, Wopokahte,\nKwohitsauq, Cowejo, Koit-tsow, Kvit-Tsow, Quoitze Ow, Jack Wilson,\nJackson Wilson, Jack Winson, John Johnson. He has also been confounded\nwith Bannock Jim, a Mormon Bannock of Fort Hall reservation, Idaho, and\nwith Johnson Sides, a Paiute living near Reno, Nevada, and bitterly\nopposed to Wovoka. His father\u2019s name, T\u00e4vibo, has been given also as\nWaughzeewaughber. It is not quite certain that the Paiute prophet of\n1870 was the father of Wovoka. This is stated to have been the case\nby one of Captain Lee\u2019s informants (_A. G. O., 4_) and by Lieutenant\nPhister (_Phister, 2_). Wovoka himself says that his father did not\npreach, but was a \u201cdreamer\u201d with supernatural powers. Certain it is\nthat a similar doctrine was taught by an Indian living in the same\nvalley in Wovoka\u2019s boyhood. Possibly the discrepancy might be explained\nby an unwillingness on the part of the messiah to share his spiritual\nhonors.\n\nIn proportion as Wovoka and his doctrines have become subjects of\nwidespread curiosity, so have they become subjects of ignorant\nmisrepresentation and deliberate falsification. Different writers have\nmade him a Paiute, a half-blood, and a Mormon white man. Numberless\nstories have been told of the origin and character of his mission and\nthe day predicted for its final accomplishment. The most mischievous\nand persistent of these stories has been that which represents him as\npreaching a bloody campaign against the whites, whereas his doctrine is\none of peace, and he himself is a mild-tempered member of a weak and\nunwarlike tribe. His own good name has been filched from him and he\nhas been made to appear under a dozen different cognomens, including\nthat of his bitterest enemy, Johnson Sides. He has been denounced as an\nimpostor, ridiculed as a lunatic, and laughed at as a pretended Christ,\nwhile by the Indians he is revered as a direct messenger from the\nOther World, and among many of the remote tribes he is believed to be\nomniscient, to speak all languages, and to be invisible to a white man.\nWe shall give his own story as told by himself, with such additional\ninformation as seems to come from authentic sources.\n\nNotwithstanding all that had been said and written by newspaper\ncorrespondents about the messiah, not one of them had undertaken to\nfind the man himself and to learn from his own lips what he really\ntaught. It is almost equally certain that none of them had even seen\na Ghost dance at close quarters\u2014certainly none of them understood\nits meaning. The messiah was regarded almost as a myth, something\nintangible, to be talked about but not to be seen. The first reliable\ninformation as to his personality was communicated by the scout, Arthur\nChapman, who, under instructions from the War Department, visited\nthe Paiute country in December, 1890, and spent four days at Walker\nlake and Mason valley, and in the course of an interview with Wovoka\nobtained from him a detailed statement similar in all essentials to\nthat which I obtained later on. (_Sec. War, 3._)\n\nAfter having spent seven months in the field, investigating the new\nreligion among the prairie tribes, particularly the Arapaho, and after\nhaving examined all the documents bearing on the subject in the files\nof the Indian Office and War Department, the author left Washington\nin November, 1891, to find and talk with the messiah and to gather\nadditional material concerning the Ghost dance. Before starting, I\nhad written to the agent in charge of the reservation to which he\nwas attached for information in regard to the messiah (Jack Wilson)\nand the dance, and learned in reply, with some surprise, that the\nagent had never seen him. The surprise grew into wonder when I was\nfurther informed that there were \u201cneither Ghost songs, dances, nor\nceremonials\u201d among the Paiute.[6] This was discouraging, but not\nentirely convincing, and I set out once more for the west. After a few\ndays with the Omaha and Winnebago in Nebraska, and a longer stay with\nthe Sioux at Pine Ridge, where traces of the recent conflict were still\nfresh on every hand, I crossed over the mountains and finally arrived\nat Walker Lake reservation in Nevada.\n\nOn inquiry I learned that the messiah lived, not on the reservation,\nbut in Mason valley, about 40 miles to the northwest. His uncle,\nCharley Sheep, lived near the agency, however, so I sought him\nout and made his acquaintance. He spoke tolerable\u2014or rather\nintolerable\u2014English, so that we were able to get along together\nwithout an interpreter, a fact which brought us into closer sympathy,\nas an interpreter is generally at best only a necessary evil. As\nusual, he was very suspicious at first, and inquired minutely as to\nmy purpose. I explained to him that I was sent out by the government\nto the various tribes to study their customs and learn their stories\nand songs; that I had obtained a good deal from other tribes and now\nwanted to learn some songs and stories of the Paiute, in order to write\nthem down so that the white people could read them. In a casual way\nI then offered to show him the pictures of some of my Indian friends\nacross the mountains, and brought out the photos of several Arapaho\nand Cheyenne who I knew had recently come as delegates to the messiah.\nThis convinced him that I was all right, and he became communicative.\nThe result was that we spent about a week together in the wikiups\n(lodges of tul\u00e9 rushes), surrounded always by a crowd of interested\nPaiute, discussing the old stories and games, singing Paiute songs,\nand sampling the seed mush and roasted pi\u00f1on nuts. On one of these\noccasions, at night, a medicine-man was performing his incantations\nover a sick child on one side of the fire while we were talking on\nthe other. When the ice was well thawed, I cautiously approached the\nsubject of the ghost songs and dance, and, as confidence was now\nestablished, I found no difficulty in obtaining a number of the songs,\nwith a description of the ceremonial. I then told Charley that, as I\nhad taken part in the dance, I was anxious to see the messiah and get\nfrom him some medicine-paint to bring back to his friends among the\neastern tribes. He readily agreed to go with me and use his efforts\nwith his nephew to obtain what was wanted.\n\nIt is 20 miles northward by railroad from Walker River agency to\nWabuska, and 12 miles more in a southwesterly direction from there\nto the Mason valley settlement. There we met a young white man named\nDyer, who was well acquainted with Jack Wilson, and who also spoke the\nPaiute language, and learned from him that the messiah was about 12\nmiles farther up the valley, near a place called Pine Grove. Enlisting\nhis services, with a team and driver, making four in all, we started\nup toward the mountain. It was New Year\u2019s day of 1892, and there was\ndeep snow on the ground, a very unusual thing in this part of the\ncountry, and due in this instance, as Charley assured us, to the direct\nagency of Jack Wilson. It is hard to imagine anything more monotonously\nunattractive than a sage prairie under ordinary circumstances unless it\nbe the same prairie when covered by a heavy fall of snow, under which\nthe smaller clumps of sagebrush look like prairie-dog mounds, while\nthe larger ones can hardly be distinguished at a short distance from\nwikiups. However, the mountains were bright in front of us, the sky was\nblue overhead, and the road was good under foot.\n\nSoon after leaving the settlement we passed the dance ground with the\nbrush shelters still standing. We met but few Indians on the way. After\nseveral miles we noticed a man at some distance from the road with\na gun across his shoulder. Dyer looked a moment and then exclaimed,\n\u201cI believe that\u2019s Jack now!\u201d The Indian thought so, too, and pulling\nup our horses he shouted some words in the Paiute language. The man\nreplied, and sure enough it was the messiah, hunting jack rabbits. At\nhis uncle\u2019s call he soon came over.\n\nAs he approached I saw that he was a young man, a dark full-blood,\ncompactly built, and taller than the Paiute generally, being nearly\n6 feet in height. He was well dressed in white man\u2019s clothes, with\nthe broad-brimmed white felt hat common in the west, secured on his\nhead by means of a beaded ribbon under the chin. This, with a blanket\nor a robe of rabbit skins, is now the ordinary Paiute dress. He wore\na good pair of boots. His hair was cut off square on a line below\nthe base of the ears, after the manner of his tribe. His countenance\nwas open and expressive of firmness and decision, but with no marked\nintellectuality. The features were broad and heavy, very different from\nthe thin, clear-cut features of the prairie tribes.\n\n[Illustration: PL. XCII\n\n WINTER VIEW IN MASON VALLEY, SHOWING SNOW-COVERED SAGEBRUSH]\n\nAs he came up he took my hand with a strong, hearty grasp, and\ninquired what was wanted. His uncle explained matters, adding that I\nwas well acquainted with some of his Indian friends who had visited\nhim a short time before, and was going back to the same people. After\nsome deliberation he said that the whites had lied about him and\nhe did not like to talk to them; some of the Indians had disobeyed\nhis instructions and trouble had come of it, but as I was sent by\nWashington and was a friend of his friends, he would talk with me. He\nwas hunting now, but if we would come to his camp that night he would\ntell us about his mission.\n\nWith another hand-shake he left us, and we drove on to the nearest\nranch, arriving about dark. After supper we got ready and started\nacross country through the sagebrush for the Paiute camp, some miles\naway, guided by our Indian. It was already night, with nothing to be\nseen but the clumps of snow-covered sagebrush stretching away in every\ndirection, and after traveling an hour or more without reaching the\ncamp, our guide had to confess that he had lost the trail. It was two\nyears since he had been there, his sight was failing, and, with the\nsnow and the darkness, he was utterly at a loss to know his whereabouts.\n\nTo be lost on a sage plain on a freezing night in January is not a\npleasant experience. There was no road, and no house but the one we had\nleft some miles behind, and it would be almost impossible to find our\nway back to that through the darkness. Excepting for a lantern there\nwas no light but what came from the glare of the snow and a few stars\nin the frosty sky overhead. To add to our difficulty, the snow was cut\nin every direction by cattle trails, which seemed to be Indian trails,\nand kept us doubling and circling to no purpose, while in the uncertain\ngloom every large clump of sagebrush took on the appearance of a\nwikiup, only to disappoint us on a nearer approach. With it all, the\nnight was bitterly cold and we were half frozen. After vainly following\na dozen false trails and shouting repeatedly in hope of hearing an\nanswering cry, we hit on the expedient of leaving the Indian with the\nwagon, he being the oldest man of the party, while the rest of us each\ntook a different direction from the central point, following the cattle\ntracks in the snow and calling to each other at short intervals, in\norder that we might not become lost from one another. After going\nfar enough to know that none of us had yet struck the right trail,\nthe wagon was moved up a short distance and the same performance was\nrepeated. At last a shout from our driver brought us all together. He\ndeclared that he had heard sounds in front, and after listening a few\nminutes in painful suspense we saw a shower of sparks go up into the\ndarkness and knew that we had struck the camp. Going back to the wagon,\nwe got in and drove straight across to the spot, where we found three\nor four little wikiups, in one of which we were told the messiah was\nawaiting our arrival.\n\nOn entering through the low doorway we found ourselves in a circular\nlodge made of bundles of tul\u00e9 rushes laid over a framework of poles,\nafter the fashion of the thatched roofs of Europe, and very similar\nto the grass lodges of the Wichita. The lodge was only about 10 feet\nin diameter and about 8 feet in height, with sloping sides, and was\nalmost entirely open above, like a cone with the top cut off, as in\nthis part of the country rain or snow is of rare occurrence. As already\nremarked, the deep snow at the time was something unusual. In the\ncenter, built directly on the ground, was a blazing fire of sagebrush,\nupon which fresh stalks were thrown from time to time, sending up a\nshower of sparks into the open air. It was by this means that we had\nbeen guided to the camp. Sitting or lying around the fire were half a\ndozen Paiute, including the messiah and his family, consisting of his\nyoung wife, a boy about 4 years of age, of whom he seemed very fond,\nand an infant. It was plain that he was a kind husband and father,\nwhich was in keeping with his reputation among the whites for industry\nand reliability. The only articles in the nature of furniture were a\nfew grass woven bowls and baskets of various sizes and patterns. There\nwere no Indian beds or seats of the kind found in every prairie tipi,\nno rawhide boxes, no toilet pouches, not even a hole dug in the ground\nfor the fire. Although all wore white men\u2019s dress, there were no pots,\npans, or other articles of civilized manufacture, now used by even\nthe most primitive prairie tribes, for, strangely enough, although\nthese Paiute are practically farm laborers and tenants of the whites\nall around them, and earn good wages, they seem to covet nothing of\nthe white man\u2019s, but spend their money for dress, small trinkets,\nand ammunition for hunting, and continue to subsist on seeds, pi\u00f1on\nnuts, and small game, lying down at night on the dusty ground in their\ncramped wikiups, destitute of even the most ordinary conveniences in\nuse among other tribes. It is a curious instance of a people accepting\nthe inevitable while yet resisting innovation.\n\nWovoka received us cordially and then inquired more particularly as to\nmy purpose in seeking an interview. His uncle entered into a detailed\nexplanation, which stretched out to a preposterous length, owing to a\npeculiar conversational method of the Paiute. Each statement by the\nolder man was repeated at its close, word for word and sentence by\nsentence, by the other, with the same monotonous inflection. This\ndone, the first speaker signified by a grunt of approval that it had\nbeen correctly repeated, and then proceeded with the next statement,\nwhich was duly repeated in like manner. The first time I had heard two\nold men conversing together in this fashion on the reservation I had\nsupposed they were reciting some sort of Indian litany, and it required\nseveral such experiences and some degree of patience to become used to\nit.\n\nAt last he signified that he understood and was satisfied, and then in\nanswer to my questions gave an account of himself and his doctrine, a\ngreat part of the interpretation being by Dyer, with whom he seemed\nto be on intimate terms. He said he was about 35 years of age, fixing\nthe date from a noted battle[7] between the Paiute and the whites near\nPyramid lake, in 1860, at which time he said he was about the size\nof his little boy; who appeared to be of about 4 years. His father,\nT\u00e4vibo, \u201cWhite Man,\u201d was not a preacher, but was a _capita_ (from the\nSpanish _capitan_) or petty chief, and was a dreamer and invulnerable.\nHis own proper name from boyhood was Wovoka or W\u00fcvoka, \u201cThe Cutter,\u201d\nbut a few years ago he had assumed the name of his paternal\ngrandfather, Kwohitsauq, or \u201cBig Rumbling Belly.\u201d After the death of\nhis father he had been taken into the family of a white farmer, David\nWilson, who had given him the name of Jack Wilson, by which he is\ncommonly known among the whites. He thus has three distinct names,\nWovoka, Kwohitsauq, and Jack Wilson. He stated positively that he was\na full-blood, a statement borne out by his appearance. The impression\nthat he is a half-blood may have arisen from the fact that his father\u2019s\nname was \u201cWhite Man\u201d and that he has a white man\u2019s name. His followers,\nboth in his own and in all other tribes, commonly refer to him as \u201cour\nfather.\u201d He has never been away from Mason valley and speaks only his\nown Paiute language, with some little knowledge of English. He is not\nacquainted with the sign language, which is hardly known west of the\nmountains.\n\nWhen about 20 years of age, he married, and continued to work for Mr\nWilson. He had given the dance to his people about four years before,\nbut had received his great revelation about two years previously. On\nthis occasion \u201cthe sun died\u201d (was eclipsed) and he fell asleep in the\ndaytime and was taken up to the other world. Here he saw God, with all\nthe people who had died long ago engaged in their oldtime sports and\noccupations, all happy and forever young. It was a pleasant land and\nfull of game. After showing him all, God told him he must go back\nand tell his people they must be good and love one another, have no\nquarreling, and live in peace with the whites; that they must work,\nand not lie or steal; that they must put away all the old practices\nthat savored of war; that if they faithfully obeyed his instructions\nthey would at last be reunited with their friends in this other world,\nwhere there would be no more death or sickness or old age. He was then\ngiven the dance which he was commanded to bring back to his people.\nBy performing this dance at intervals, for five consecutive days each\ntime, they would secure this happiness to themselves and hasten the\nevent. Finally God gave him control over the elements so that he could\nmake it rain or snow or be dry at will, and appointed him his deputy\nto take charge of affairs in the west, while \u201cGovernor Harrison\u201d would\nattend to matters in the east, and he, God, would look after the\nworld above. He then returned to earth and began to preach as he was\ndirected, convincing the people by exercising the wonderful powers that\nhad been given him.\n\nIn 1890 Josephus, a Paiute informant, thus described to the scout\nChapman the occasion of Wovoka\u2019s first inspiration: \u201cAbout three years\nago Jack Wilson took his family and went into the mountains to cut\nwood for Mr Dave Wilson. One day while at work he heard a great noise\nwhich appeared to be above him on the mountain. He laid down his ax\nand started to go in the direction of the noise, when he fell down\ndead, and God came and took him to heaven.\u201d Afterward on one or two\nother occasions \u201cGod came and took him to heaven again.\u201d Wovoka also\ntold Chapman that he had then been preaching to the Indians about\nthree years. In our conversation he said nothing about a mysterious\nnoise, and stated that it was about two years since he had visited\nheaven and received his great revelation, but that it was about four\nyears since he had first taught the dance to his people. The fact that\nhe has different revelations from time to time would account for the\ndiscrepancy of statement.\n\nHe disclaimed all responsibility for the ghost shirt which formed so\nimportant a part of the dance costume among the Sioux; said that there\nwere no trances in the dance as performed among his people\u2014a statement\nconfirmed by eye-witnesses among the neighboring ranchmen\u2014and earnestly\nrepudiated any idea of hostility toward the whites, asserting that his\nreligion was one of universal peace. When questioned directly, he said\nhe believed it was better for the Indians to follow the white man\u2019s\nroad and to adopt the habits of civilization. If appearances are in\nevidence he is sincere in this, for he was dressed in a good suit of\nwhite man\u2019s clothing, and works regularly on a ranch, although living\nin a wikiup. While he repudiated almost everything for which he had\nbeen held responsible in the east, he asserted positively that he had\nbeen to the spirit world and had been given a revelation and message\nfrom God himself, with full control over the elements. From his uncle\nI learned that Wovoka has five songs for making it rain, the first of\nwhich brings on a mist or cloud, the second a snowfall, the third a\nshower, and the fourth a hard rain or storm, while when he sings the\nfifth song the weather again becomes clear.\n\nI knew that he was holding something in reserve, as no Indian would\nunbosom himself on religious matters to a white man with whom he had\nnot had a long and intimate acquaintance. Especially was this true\nin view of the warlike turn affairs had taken across the mountains.\nConsequently I accepted his statements with several grains of salt, but\non the whole he seemed to be honest in his belief and his supernatural\nclaims, although, like others of the priestly function, he occasionally\nresorts to cheap trickery to keep up the impression as to his\nmiraculous powers. From some of the reports he is evidently an expert\nsleight-of-hand performer. He makes no claim to be Christ, the Son of\nGod, as has been so often asserted in print. He does claim to be a\nprophet who has received a divine revelation. I could not help feeling\nthat he was sincere in his repudiation of a number of the wonderful\nthings attributed to him, for the reason that he insisted so strongly\non other things fully as trying to the faith of a white man. He made\nno argument and advanced no proofs, but said simply that he had been\nwith God, as though the statement no more admitted of controversy than\nthe proposition that 2 and 2 are 4. From Mr J. O. Gregory, formerly\nemployed at the agency, and well acquainted with the prophet, I learned\nthat Wovoka had once requested him to draw up and forward to the\nPresident a statement of his supernatural claims, with a proposition\nthat if he could receive a small regular stipend he would take up his\nresidence on the reservation and agree to keep Nevada people informed\nof all the latest news from heaven and to furnish rain whenever wanted.\nThe letter was never forwarded.\n\nFrom a neighboring ranchman, who knew Wovoka well and sometimes\nemployed him in the working season, I obtained a statement which seems\nto explain the whole matter. It appears that a short time before\nthe prophet began to preach he was stricken down by a severe fever,\nduring which illness the ranchman frequently visited and ministered to\nhim. While he was still sick there occurred an eclipse of the sun, a\nphenomenon which always excites great alarm among primitive peoples. In\ntheir system the sun is a living being, of great power and beneficence,\nand the temporary darkness is caused by an attack on him by some\nsupernatural monster which endeavors to devour him, and will succeed,\nand thus plunge the world into eternal night unless driven off by\nincantations and loud noises. On this occasion the Paiute were frantic\nwith excitement and the air was filled with the noise of shouts and\nwailings and the firing of guns, for the purpose of frightening off the\nmonster that threatened the life of their god. It was now, as Wovoka\nstated, \u201cwhen the sun died,\u201d that he went to sleep in the daytime and\nwas taken up to heaven. This means simply that the excitement and alarm\nproduced by the eclipse, acting on a mind and body already enfeebled\nby sickness, resulted in delirium, in which he imagined himself to\nenter the portals of the spirit world. Constant dwelling on the subject\nin thought by day and in dreams by night would effect and perpetuate\nthe exalted mental condition in which visions of the imagination would\nhave all the seeming reality of actual occurrences. To those acquainted\nwith the spiritual nature of Indians and their implicit faith in dreams\nall this is perfectly intelligible. His frequent trances would indicate\nalso that, like so many other religious ecstatics, he is subject to\ncataleptic attacks.\n\nI have not been able to settle satisfactorily the date of this eclipse.\nFrom inquiry at the Nautical Almanac office I learn that solar eclipses\nvisible in Nevada and the adjacent territory from 1884 to 1890 occurred\nas follows: 1884, October 18, partial; 1885, March 16, partial; 1886,\nMarch 5, partial; 1887, none; 1888, none; 1889, January 1, total or\npartial; 1890, none. The total eclipse of January 1, 1889, agrees best\nwith his statement to me on New Year\u2019s night, 1892, that it was about\ntwo years since he had gone up to heaven when the sun died. It must\nbe noted that Indians generally count years by winters instead of by\nseries of twelve calendar months, a difference which sometimes makes an\napparent discrepancy of nearly a year.\n\nIn subsequent conversations he added a few minor details in regard\nto his vision and his doctrine. He asked many questions in regard to\nthe eastern tribes whose delegates had visited him, and was pleased\nto learn that the delegates from several of these tribes were my\nfriends. He spoke particularly of the large delegation\u2014about twelve in\nnumber\u2014from the Cheyenne and Arapaho, who had visited him the preceding\nsummer and taken part in the dance with his people. Nearly all the\nmembers of this party were personally known to me, and the leader,\nBlack Coyote, whose picture I had with me and showed to him, had been\nmy principal instructor in the Ghost dance among the Arapaho. While\nthis fact put me on a more confidential footing with Wovoka, it also\nproved of great assistance in my further investigation on my return to\nthe prairie tribes, as, when they were satisfied from my statements\nand the specimens which I had brought back that I had indeed seen and\ntalked with the messiah, they were convinced that I was earnestly\ndesirous of understanding their religion aright, and from that time\nspoke freely and without reserve.\n\nI had my camera and was anxious to get Wovoka\u2019s picture. When the\nsubject was mentioned, he replied that his picture had never been made;\nthat a white man had offered him five dollars for permission to take\nhis photograph, but that he had refused. However, as I had been sent\nfrom Washington especially to learn and tell the whites all about him\nand his doctrine, and as he was satisfied from my acquaintance with his\nfriends in the other tribes that I must be a good man, he would allow\nme to take his picture. As usual in dealing with Indians, he wanted\nto make the most of his bargain, and demanded two dollars and a half\nfor the privilege of taking his picture and a like sum for each one\nof his family. I was prepared for this, however, and refused to pay\nany such charges, but agreed to give him my regular price per day for\nhis services as informant and to send him a copy of the picture when\nfinished. After some demur he consented and got ready for the operation\nby knotting a handkerchief about his neck, fastening an eagle feather\nat his right elbow, and taking a wide brim sombrero upon his knee. I\nafterward learned that the feather and sombrero were important parts\nof his spiritual stock in trade. After taking his picture I obtained\nfrom him, as souvenirs to bring back and show to my Indian friends in\nIndian Territory, a blanket of rabbit skins, some pi\u00f1on nuts, some tail\nfeathers of the magpie, highly prized by the Paiute for ornamentation,\nand some of the sacred red paint, endowed with most miraculous powers,\nwhich plays so important a part in the ritual of the Ghost-dance\nreligion. Then, with mutual expressions of good will, we parted, his\nuncle going back to the reservation, while I took the train for Indian\nTerritory.\n\nAs soon as the news of my arrival went abroad among the Cheyenne and\nArapaho on my return, my friends of both tribes came in, eager to\nhear all the details of my visit to the messiah and to get my own\nimpressions of the man. In comparing notes with some of the recent\ndelegates I discovered something of Wovoka\u2019s hypnotic methods, and\nincidentally learned how much of miracle depends on the mental\nreceptivity of the observer.\n\nThe Cheyenne and Arapaho, although for generations associated in the\nmost intimate manner, are of very different characters. In religious\nmatters it may be said briefly that the Arapaho are devotees and\nprophets, continually seeing signs and wonders, while the Cheyenne\nare more skeptical. In talking with Tall Bull, one of the Cheyenne\ndelegates and then captain of the Indian police, he said that\nbefore leaving they had asked Wovoka to give them some proof of his\nsupernatural powers. Accordingly he had ranged them in front of him,\nseated on the ground, he sitting facing them, with his sombrero between\nand his eagle feathers in his hand. Then with a quick movement he\nhad put his hand into the empty hat and drawn out from it \u201csomething\nblack.\u201d Tall Bull would not admit that anything more had happened,\nand did not seem to be very profoundly impressed by the occurrence,\nsaying that he thought there were medicine-men of equal capacity among\nthe Cheyenne. In talking soon afterward with Black Coyote, one of the\nArapaho delegates and also a police officer, the same incident came\nup, but with a very different sequel. Black Coyote told how they had\nseated themselves on the ground in front of Wovoka, as described by\nTall Bull, and went on to tell how the messiah had waved his feathers\nover his hat, and then, when he withdrew his hand, Black Coyote looked\ninto the hat and there \u201csaw the whole world.\u201d The explanation is\nsimple. Tall Bull, who has since been stricken with paralysis, was\na jovial, light-hearted fellow, fond of joking and playing tricks on\nhis associates, but withal a man of good hard sense and disposed to be\ndoubtful in regard to all medicine-men outside of his own tribe. Black\nCoyote, on the contrary, is a man of contemplative disposition, much\ngiven to speculation on the unseen world. His body and arms are covered\nwith the scars of wounds which he has inflicted on himself in obedience\nto commands received in dreams. When the first news of the new religion\ncame to the southern tribes, he had made a long journey, at his own\nexpense, to his kindred in Wyoming, to learn the doctrine and the\nsongs, and since his return had been drilling his people day and night\nin both. Now, on his visit to the fountain head of inspiration, he was\nprepared for great things, and when the messiah performed his hypnotic\npasses with the eagle feather, as I have so often witnessed in the\nGhost dance, Black Coyote saw the whole spirit world where Tall Bull\nsaw only an empty hat. From my knowledge of the men, I believe both\nwere honest in their statements.\n\nAs a result of the confidence established between the Indians and\nmyself in consequence of my visit to the messiah, one of the Cheyenne\ndelegates named Black Sharp Nose, a prominent man in his tribe, soon\nafter voluntarily brought down to me the written statement of the\ndoctrine obtained from the messiah himself, and requested me to take it\nback and show it to Washington, to convince the white people that there\nwas nothing bad or hostile in the new religion. The paper had been\nwritten by a young Arapaho of the same delegation who had learned some\nEnglish at the Carlisle Indian school, and it had been taken down on\nthe spot from the dictation of the messiah as his message to be carried\nto the prairie tribes. On the reverse page of the paper the daughter\nof Black Sharp Nose, a young woman who had also some school education,\nhad written out the same thing in somewhat better English from her\nfather\u2019s dictation on his return. No white man had any part, directly\nor indirectly, in its production, nor was it originally intended to be\nseen by white men. In fact, in one part the messiah himself expressly\nwarns the delegates to tell no white man.\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter X+\n\n THE DOCTRINE OF THE GHOST DANCE\n\n You must not fight. Do no harm to anyone. Do right always.\u2014_Wovoka._\n\n\nThe great underlying principle of the Ghost dance doctrine is that\nthe time will come when the whole Indian race, living and dead, will\nbe reunited upon a regenerated earth, to live a life of aboriginal\nhappiness, forever free from death, disease, and misery. On this\nfoundation each tribe has built a structure from its own mythology, and\neach apostle and believer has filled in the details according to his\nown mental capacity or ideas of happiness, with such additions as come\nto him from the trance. Some changes, also, have undoubtedly resulted\nfrom the transmission of the doctrine through the imperfect medium of\nthe sign language. The differences of interpretation are precisely such\nas we find in Christianity, with its hundreds of sects and innumerable\nshades of individual opinion. The white race, being alien and secondary\nand hardly real, has no part in this scheme of aboriginal regeneration,\nand will be left behind with the other things of earth that have served\ntheir temporary purpose, or else will cease entirely to exist.\n\nAll this is to be brought about by an overruling spiritual power\nthat needs no assistance from human creatures; and though certain\nmedicine-men were disposed to anticipate the Indian millennium by\npreaching resistance to the further encroachments of the whites, such\nteachings form no part of the true doctrine, and it was only where\nchronic dissatisfaction was aggravated by recent grievances, as among\nthe Sioux, that the movement assumed a hostile expression. On the\ncontrary, all believers were exhorted to make themselves worthy of the\npredicted happiness by discarding all things warlike and practicing\nhonesty, peace, and good will, not only among themselves, but also\ntoward the whites, so long as they were together. Some apostles have\neven thought that all race distinctions are to be obliterated, and that\nthe whites are to participate with the Indians in the coming felicity;\nbut it seems unquestionable that this is equally contrary to the\ndoctrine as originally preached.\n\nDifferent dates have been assigned at various times for the fulfillment\nof the prophecy. Whatever the year, it has generally been held, for\nvery natural reasons, that the regeneration of the earth and the\nrenewal of all life would occur in the early spring. In some cases\nJuly, and particularly the 4th of July, was the expected time. This,\nit may be noted, was about the season when the great annual ceremony\nof the sun dance formerly took place among the prairie tribes. The\nmessiah himself has set several dates from time to time, as one\nprediction after another failed to materialize, and in his message to\nthe Cheyenne and Arapaho, in August, 1891, he leaves the whole matter\nan open question. The date universally recognized among all the tribes\nimmediately prior to the Sioux outbreak was the spring of 1891. As\nspringtime came and passed, and summer grew and waned, and autumn faded\nagain into winter without the realization of their hopes and longings,\nthe doctrine gradually assumed its present form\u2014that some time in the\nunknown future the Indian will be united with his friends who have gone\nbefore, to be forever supremely happy, and that this happiness may be\nanticipated in dreams, if not actually hastened in reality, by earnest\nand frequent attendance on the sacred dance.\n\nOn returning to the Cheyenne and Arapaho in Oklahoma, after my visit\nto Wovoka in January, 1892, I was at once sought by my friends of\nboth tribes, anxious to hear the report of my journey and see the\nsacred things that I had brought back from the messiah. The Arapaho\nespecially, who are of more spiritual nature than any of the other\ntribes, showed a deep interest and followed intently every detail of\nthe narrative. As soon as the news of my return was spread abroad, men\nand women, in groups and singly, would come to me, and after grasping\nmy hand would repeat a long and earnest prayer, sometimes aloud,\nsometimes with the lips silently moving, and frequently with tears\nrolling down the cheeks, and the whole body trembling violently from\nstress of emotion. Often before the prayer was ended the condition\nof the devotee bordered on the hysterical, very little less than in\nthe Ghost dance itself. The substance of the prayer was usually an\nappeal to the messiah to hasten the coming of the promised happiness,\nwith a petition that, as the speaker himself was unable to make the\nlong journey, he might, by grasping the hand of one who had seen and\ntalked with the messiah face to face, be enabled in his trance visions\nto catch a glimpse of the coming glory. During all this performance\nthe bystanders awaiting their turn kept reverent silence. In a short\ntime it became very embarrassing, but until the story had been told\nover and over again there was no way of escape without wounding\ntheir feelings. The same thing afterward happened among the northern\nArapaho in Wyoming, one chief even holding out his hands toward me\nwith short exclamations of _h\u016d! h\u016d! h\u016d!_ as is sometimes done by the\ndevotees about a priest in the Ghost dance, in the hope, as he himself\nexplained, that he might thus be enabled to go into a trance then and\nthere. The hope, however, was not realized.\n\nAfter this preliminary ordeal my visitors would ask to see the things\nwhich I had brought back from the messiah\u2014the rabbit-skin robes, the\npi\u00f1on nuts, the gaming sticks, the sacred magpie feathers, and, above\nall, the sacred red paint. This is a bright-red ocher, about the color\nof brick dust, which the Paiute procure from the neighborhood of\ntheir sacred eminence, Mount Grant. It is ground, and by the help of\nwater is made into elliptical cakes about 6 inches in length. It is\nthe principal paint used by the Paiute in the Ghost dance, and small\nportions of it are given by the messiah to all the delegates and are\ncarried back by them to their respective tribes, where it is mixed with\nlarger quantities of their own red paint and used in decorating the\nfaces of the participants in the dance, the painting being solemnly\nperformed for each dancer by the medicine-man himself. It is believed\nto ward off sickness, to contribute to long life, and to assist the\nmental vision in the trance. On the battlefield of Wounded Knee I have\nseen this paint smeared on the posts of the inclosure about the trench\nin which are buried the Indians killed in the fight. I found it very\nhard to refuse the numerous requests for some of the paint, but as\nI had only one cake myself I could not afford to be too liberal. My\nfriends were very anxious to touch it, however, but when I found that\nevery man tried to rub off as much of it as possible on the palms of\nhis hands, afterward smearing this dust on the faces of himself and his\nfamily, I was obliged in self-defense to put it entirely away.\n\nThe pi\u00f1on nuts, although not esteemed so sacred, were also the subject\nof reverent curiosity. One evening, by invitation from Left Hand, the\nprincipal chief of the Arapaho, I went over to his tipi to talk with\nhim about the messiah and his country, and brought with me a quantity\nof the nuts for distribution. On entering I found the chief and a\nnumber of the principal men ranged on one side of the fire, while his\nwife and several other women, with his young grandchildren, completed\nthe circle on the other. Each of the adults in turn took my hand with\na prayer, as before described, varying in length and earnestness\naccording to the devotion of the speaker. This ceremony consumed a\nconsiderable time. I then produced the pi\u00f1on nuts and gave them to Left\nHand, telling him how they were used as food by the Paiute. He handed\na portion to his wife, and before I knew what was coming the two arose\nin their places and stretching out their hands toward the northwest,\nthe country of the messiah, made a long and earnest prayer aloud that\n_Hes\u00fbnanin_, \u201cOur Father,\u201d would bless themselves and their children\nthrough the sacred food, and hasten the time of his coming. The others,\nmen and women, listened with bowed heads, breaking in from time to time\nwith similar appeals to \u201cthe Father.\u201d The scene was deeply affecting.\nIt was another of those impressive exhibitions of natural religion\nwhich it has been my fortune to witness among the Indians, and which\nthrow light on a side of their character of which the ordinary white\nobserver never dreams. After the prayer the nuts were carefully divided\namong those present, down to the youngest infant, that all might taste\nof what to them was the veritable bread of life.\n\nAs I had always shown a sympathy for their ideas and feelings, and had\nnow accomplished a long journey to the messiah himself at the cost of\nconsiderable difficulty and hardship, the Indians were at last fully\nsatisfied that I was really desirous of learning the truth concerning\ntheir new religion. A few days after my visit to Left Hand, several of\nthe delegates who had been sent out in the preceding August came down\nto see me, headed by Black Short Nose, a Cheyenne. After preliminary\ngreetings, he stated that the Cheyenne and Arapaho were now convinced\nthat I would tell the truth about their religion, and as they loved\ntheir religion and were anxious to have the whites know that it was\nall good and contained nothing bad or hostile they would now give me\nthe message which the messiah himself had given to them, that I might\ntake it back to show to Washington. He then took from a beaded pouch\nand gave to me a letter, which proved to be the message or statement of\nthe doctrine delivered by Wovoka to the Cheyenne and Arapaho delegates,\nof whom Black Short Nose was one, on the occasion of their last visit\nto Nevada, in August, 1891, and written down on the spot, in broken\nEnglish, by one of the Arapaho delegates, Casper Edson, a young man who\nhad acquired some English education by several years\u2019 attendance at\nthe government Indian school at Carlisle, Pennsylvania. On the reverse\npage of the paper was a duplicate in somewhat better English, written\nout by a daughter of Black Short Nose, a school girl, as dictated by\nher father on his return. These letters contained the message to be\ndelivered to the two tribes, and as is expressly stated in the text\nwere not intended to be seen by a white man. The daughter of Black\nShort Nose had attempted to erase this clause before her father brought\nthe letter down to me, but the lines were still plainly visible. It is\nthe genuine official statement of the Ghost-dance doctrine as given\nby the messiah himself to his disciples. It is reproduced here in\nduplicate and verbatim, just as received, with a translation for the\nbenefit of those not accustomed to Carlisle English. In accordance\nwith the request of the Indians, I brought the original to Washington,\nwhere it was read by the Indian Commissioner, Honorable T. J. Morgan,\nafter which I had two copies made, giving one to the commissioner and\nretaining the other myself, returning the original to its owner, Black\nShort Nose.\n\n\n _The Messiah Letter_ (_Arapaho version_)\n\n What you get home you make dance, and will give \u02b8\u1d52\u1d58 the same. when\n you dance four days and ^{in night} one day, dance day time, five\n days and then fift, will wash five for every body. He likes you\n \u1da0\u02e1\u1d52\u1d4f you give him good many things, he heart been satting feel\n good. After you get home, will give good cloud, and give you chance\n to make you feel good. and he give you good spirit. and he give you\n \u1d43\u02e1 a good paint.\n\n You folks want you to come in three [months] here, any tribs from\n there. There will \u1d2e\u1d49 good bit snow this year. Sometimes rain\u2019s,\n in fall, this year some rain, never give you any thing like that.\n grandfather said when he die never \u207f\u1d52 cry. no hurt anybody. no\n fight, good behave always, it will give you satisfaction, this\n young man, he is a good Father and mother, dont tell no white man.\n Jueses was on ground, he just like cloud. Every body is alive\n again, I dont know when they will [be] here, may be this fall or in\n spring.\n\n Every body never get sick, be young again,\u2014(if young fellow no sick\n any more,) work for white men never trouble with him until you\n leave, when it shake the earth dont be afraid no harm any body.\n\n You make dance for six \u02b7\u1d49\u1d49\u1d4f\u02e2 night, and put you foot [food?] in\n dance to eat for every body and wash in the water. that is all to\n tell, I am in to you. and you will received a good words from him\n some time, Dont tell lie.\n\n\n _The Messiah Letter_ (_Cheyenne version_)\n\n When you get home you have to make dance. You must dance four\n nights and one day time. You will take bath in the morning before\n you go to yours homes, for every body, and give you all the same\n as this. Jackson Wilson likes you all, he is glad to get good many\n things. His heart satting fully of gladness, after you get home,\n I will give you a good cloud and give you chance to make you feel\n good. I give you a good spirit, and give you all good paint, I want\n you people to come here again, want them in three months any tribs\n of you from there. There will be a good deal snow this year. Some\n time rains, in fall this year some rain, never give you any thing\n like that, grandfather, said, when they were die never cry, no\n hurt any body, do any harm for it, not to fight. Be a good behave\n always. It will give a satisfaction in your life. This young man\n is a good father and mother. Do not tell the white people about\n this, Juses is on the ground, he just like cloud. Every body is a\n live again. I don\u2019t know when he will be here, may be will be this\n fall or in spring. When it happen it may be this. There will be no\n sickness and return to young again. Do not refuse to work for white\n man or do not make any trouble with them until you leave them. When\n the earth shakes do not be afraid it will not hurt you. I want you\n to make dance for six weeks. Eat and wash good clean yourselves\n [The rest of the letter had been erased].\n\n\n _The Messiah Letter_ (_free Rendering_)\n\n When you get home you must make a dance to continue five days.\n Dance four successive nights, and the last night keep up the dance\n until the morning of the fifth day, when all must bathe in the\n river and then disperse to their homes. You must all do in the same\n way.\n\n I, Jack Wilson, love you all, and my heart is full of gladness for\n the gifts you have brought me. When you get home I shall give you a\n good cloud [rain?] which will make you feel good. I give you a good\n spirit and give you all good paint. I want you to come again in\n three months, some from each tribe there [the Indian Territory].\n\n There will be a good deal of snow this year and some rain. In the\n fall there will be such a rain as I have never given you before.\n\n Grandfather [a universal title of reverence among Indians and here\n meaning the messiah] says, when your friends die you must not cry.\n You must not hurt anybody or do harm to anyone. You must not fight.\n Do right always. It will give you satisfaction in life. This young\n man has a good father and mother. [Possibly this refers to Casper\n Edson, the young Arapaho who wrote down this message of Wovoka for\n the delegation].\n\n Do not tell the white people about this. Jesus is now upon the\n earth. He appears like a cloud. The dead are all alive again. I do\n not know when they will be here; maybe this fall or in the spring.\n When the time comes there will be no more sickness and everyone\n will be young again.\n\n Do not refuse to work for the whites and do not make any trouble\n with them until you leave them. When the earth shakes [at the\n coming of the new world] do not be afraid. It will not hurt you.\n\n I want you to dance every six weeks. Make a feast at the dance and\n have food that everybody may eat. Then bathe in the water. That is\n all. You will receive good words again from me some time. Do not\n tell lies.\n\nEvery organized religion has a system of ethics, a system of mythology,\nand a system of ritual observance. In this message from the high priest\nof the Ghost dance we have a synopsis of all three. With regard to\nthe ritual part, ceremonial purification and bathing have formed a\npart in some form or other of every great religion from the beginning\nof history, while the religious dance dates back far beyond the day\nwhen the daughter of Saul \u201clooked through a window and saw King David\nleaping and dancing before the Lord.\u201d The feasting enjoined is a\npart of every Indian ceremonial gathering, religious, political, or\nsocial. The dance is to continue four successive nights, in accord with\nthe regular Indian system, in which _four_ is the sacred number, as\n_three_ is in Christianity. In obedience to this message the southern\nprairie tribes, after the return of the delegation in August, 1891,\nceased to hold frequent one-night dances at irregular intervals as\nformerly without the ceremonial bathing, and adopted instead a system\nof four-night dances at regular periods of six weeks, followed by\nceremonial bathing on the morning of the fifth day.\n\nThe mythology of the doctrine is only briefly indicated, but the\nprincipal articles are given. The dead are all arisen and the spirit\nhosts are advancing and have already arrived at the boundaries of\nthis earth, led forward by the regenerator in shape of cloud-like\nindistinctness. The spirit captain of the dead is always represented\nunder this shadowy semblance. The great change will be ushered in by a\ntrembling of the earth, at which the faithful are exhorted to feel no\nalarm. The hope held out is the same that has inspired the Christian\nfor nineteen centuries\u2014a happy immortality in perpetual youth. As\nto fixing a date, the messiah is as cautious as his predecessor in\nprophecy, who declares that \u201cno man knoweth the time, not even the\nangels of God.\u201d His weather predictions also are about as definite as\nthe inspired utterances of the Delphian oracle.\n\nThe moral code inculcated is as pure and comprehensive in its\nsimplicity as anything found in religious systems from the days of\nGautama Buddha to the time of Jesus Christ. \u201c_Do no harm to any one.\nDo right always._\u201d Could anything be more simple, and yet more exact\nand exacting? It inculcates honesty\u2014\u201c_Do not tell lies._\u201d It preaches\ngood will\u2014\u201c_Do no harm to any one._\u201d It forbids the extravagant\nmourning customs formerly common among the tribes\u2014\u201c_When your friends\ndie, you must not cry_,\u201d which is interpreted by the prairie tribes as\nforbidding the killing of horses, the burning of tipis and destruction\nof property, the cutting off of the hair and the gashing of the body\nwith knives, all of which were formerly the sickening rule at every\ndeath until forbidden by the new doctrine. As an Arapaho said to me\nwhen his little boy died, \u201cI shall not shoot any ponies, and my wife\nwill not gash her arms. We used to do this when our friends died,\nbecause we thought we would never see them again, and it made us feel\nbad. But now we know we shall all be united again.\u201d If the Kiowa had\nheld to the Ghost-dance doctrine instead of abandoning it as they had\ndone, they would have been spared the loss of thousands of dollars in\nhorses, tipis, wagons, and other property destroyed, with much of the\nmental suffering and all of the physical laceration that resulted in\nconsequence of the recent fatal epidemic in the tribe, when for weeks\nand months the sound of wailing went up night and morning, and in every\ncamp men and women could be seen daily, with dress disordered and hair\ncut close to the scalp, with blood hardened in clots upon the skin, or\nstreaming from mutilated fingers and fresh gashes on face, and arms,\nand legs. It preaches peace with the whites and obedience to authority\nuntil the day of deliverance shall come. Above all, it forbids\nwar\u2014\u201c_You must not fight._\u201d It is hardly possible for us to realize the\ntremendous and radical change which this doctrine works in the whole\nspirit of savage life. The career of every Indian has been the warpath.\nHis proudest title has been that of warrior. His conversation by day\nand his dreams by night have been of bloody deeds upon the enemies of\nhis tribe. His highest boast was in the number of his scalp trophies,\nand his chief delight at home was in the war dance and the scalp dance.\nThe thirst for blood and massacre seemed inborn in every man, woman,\nand child of every tribe. Now comes a prophet as a messenger from God\nto forbid not only war, but all that savors of war\u2014the war dance,\nthe scalp dance, and even the bloody torture of the sun dance\u2014and\nhis teaching is accepted and his words obeyed by four-fifths of all\nthe warlike predatory tribes of the mountains and the great plains.\nOnly those who have known the deadly hatred that once animated Ute,\nCheyenne, and Pawnee, one toward another, and are able to contrast\nit with their present spirit of mutual brotherly love, can know what\nthe Ghost-dance religion has accomplished in bringing the savage into\ncivilization. It is such a revolution as comes but once in the life of\na race.\n\nThe beliefs held among the various tribes in regard to the final\ncatastrophe are as fairly probable as some held on the same subject by\nmore orthodox authorities. As to the dance itself, with its scenes of\nintense excitement, spasmodic action, and physical exhaustion even to\nunconsciousness, such manifestations have always accompanied religious\nupheavals among primitive peoples, and are not entirely unknown among\nourselves. In a country which produces magnetic healers, shakers,\ntrance mediums, and the like, all these things may very easily be\nparalleled without going far from home.\n\nIn conclusion, we may say of the prophet and his doctrine what has been\nsaid of one of his apostles by a careful and competent investigator:\n\u201cHe has given these people a better religion than they ever had before,\ntaught them precepts which, if faithfully carried out, will bring them\ninto better accord with their white neighbors, and has prepared the way\nfor their final Christianization.\u201d (_G. D., 4_, and _A. G. O., 5_.)\n\nWe may now consider details of the doctrine as held by different\ntribes, beginning with the Paiute, among whom it originated. The best\naccount of the Paiute belief is contained in a report to the War\nDepartment by Captain J. M. Lee, who was sent out in the autumn of 1890\nto investigate the temper and fighting strength of the Paiute and other\nIndians in the vicinity of Fort Bidwell in northeastern California.\nWe give the statement obtained by him from Captain Dick, a Paiute,\nas delivered one day in a conversational way and apparently without\nreserve, after nearly all the Indians had left the room:\n\n Long time, twenty years ago, Indian medicine-man in Mason\u2019s\n valley at Walker lake talk same way, same as you hear now. In one\n year, maybe, after he begin talk he die. Three years ago another\n medicine-man begin same talk. Heap talk all time. Indians hear\n all about it everywhere. Indians come from long way off to hear\n him. They come from the east; they make signs. Two years ago me\n go to Winnemucca and Pyramid lake, me see Indian Sam, a head man,\n and Johnson Sides. Sam he tell me he just been to see Indian\n medicine-man to hear him talk. Sam say medicine-man talk this way:\n\n \u201cAll Indians must dance, everywhere, keep on dancing. Pretty soon\n in next spring Big Man [Great Spirit] come. He bring back all game\n of every kind. The game be thick everywhere. All dead Indians come\n back and live again. They all be strong just like young men, be\n young again. Old blind Indian see again and get young and have fine\n time. When Old Man [God] comes this way, then all the Indians go\n to mountains, high up away from whites. Whites can\u2019t hurt Indians\n then. Then while Indians way up high, big flood comes like water\n and all white people die, get drowned. After that water go way and\n then nobody but Indians everywhere and game all kinds thick. Then\n medicine-man tell Indians to send word to all Indians to keep up\n dancing and the good time will come. Indians who don\u2019t dance, who\n don\u2019t believe in this word, will grow little, just about a foot\n high, and stay that way. Some of them will be turned into wood and\n be burned in fire.\u201d That\u2019s the way Sam tell me the medicine-man\n talk. (_A. G. O., 6._)\n\nLieutenant N. P. Phister, who gathered a part of the material embodied\nin Captain Lee\u2019s report, confirms this general statement and gives a\nfew additional particulars. The flood is to consist of mingled mud and\nwater, and when the faithful go up into the mountains, the skeptics\nwill be left behind and will be turned to stone. The prophet claims to\nreceive these revelations directly from God and the spirits of the dead\nIndians during his trances. He asserts also that he is invulnerable,\nand that if soldiers should attempt to kill him they would fall down as\nif they had no bones and die, while he would still live, even though\ncut into little pieces. (_Phister, 3._)\n\nOne of the first and most prominent of those who brought the doctrine\nto the prairie tribes was Porcupine, a Cheyenne, who crossed the\nmountains with several companions in the fall of 1889, visited Wovoka,\nand attended the dance near Walker lake, Nevada. In his report of his\nexperiences, made some months later to a military officer, he states\nthat Wovoka claimed to be Christ himself, who had come back again, many\ncenturies after his first rejection, in pity to teach his children. He\nquotes the prophet as saying:\n\n I found my children were bad, so I went back to heaven and left\n them, I told them that in so many hundred years I would come back\n to see my children. At the end of this time I was sent back to try\n to teach them. My father told me the earth was getting old and worn\n out and the people getting bad, and that I was to renew everything\n as it used to be and make it better.\n\n He also told us that all our dead were to be resurrected; that\n they were all to come back to earth, and that, as the earth was\n too small for them and us, he would do away with heaven and make\n the earth itself large enough to contain us all; that we must tell\n all the people we met about these things. He spoke to us about\n fighting, and said that was bad and we must keep from it; that the\n earth was to be all good hereafter, and we must all be friends with\n one another. He said that in the fall of the year the youth of all\n good people would be renewed, so that nobody would be more than\n forty years old, and that if they behaved themselves well after\n this the youth of everyone would be renewed in the spring. He said\n if we were all good he would send people among us who could heal\n all our wounds and sickness by mere touch and that we would live\n forever. He told us not to quarrel or fight or strike each other,\n or shoot one another; that the whites and Indians were to be all\n one people. He said if any man disobeyed what he ordered his tribe\n would be wiped from the face of the earth; that we must believe\n everything he said, and we must not doubt him or say he lied; that\n if we did, he would know it; that he would know our thoughts and\n actions in no matter what part of the world we might be. (_G. D.,\n 5._)\n\nHere we have the statement that both races are to live together as one.\nWe have also the doctrine of healing by touch. Whether or not this is\nan essential part of the system is questionable, but it is certain that\nthe faithful believe that great physical good comes to them, to their\nchildren, and to the sick from the imposition of hands by the priests\nof the dance, apart from the ability thus conferred to see the things\nof the spiritual world.\n\nAnother idea here presented, namely, that the earth becomes old and\ndecrepit, and requires that its youth be renewed at the end of certain\ngreat cycles, is common to a number of tribes, and has an important\nplace in the oldest religions of the world. As an Arapaho who spoke\nEnglish expressed it, \u201cThis earth too old, grass too old, trees too\nold, our lives too old. Then all be new again.\u201d Captain H. L. Scott\nalso found among the southern plains tribes the same belief that the\nrivers, the mountains, and the earth itself are worn out and must be\nrenewed, together with an indefinite idea that both races alike must\ndie at the same time, to be resurrected in new but separate worlds.\n\nThe Washo, Pit River, Bannock, and other tribes adjoining the Paiute\non the north and west hold the doctrine substantially as taught by the\nmessiah himself. We have but little light in regard to the belief as\nheld by the Walapai, Cohonino, Mohave, and Navaho to the southward,\nbeyond the general fact that the resurrection and return of the dead\nformed the principal tenet. As these tribes received their knowledge of\nthe new religion directly from Paiute apostles, it is quite probable\nthat they made but few changes in or additions to the original gospel.\n\nA witness of the dance among the Walapai in 1891 obtained from the\nleaders of the ceremony about the same statement of doctrine already\nmentioned as held by the Paiute, from whom also the Walapai had adopted\nmany of the songs and ceremonial words used in connection with the\ndance. They were then expecting the Indian redeemer to appear on earth\nsome time within three or four years. They were particularly anxious\nto have it understood that their intentions were not hostile toward\nthe whites and that they desired to live in peace with them until the\nredeemer came, but that then they would be unable to prevent their\ndestruction even if they wished. (_J. F. L., 3._)\n\nThe manner of the final change and the destruction of the whites\nhas been variously interpreted as the doctrine was carried from its\noriginal center. East of the mountains it is commonly held that a deep\nsleep will come on the believers, during which the great catastrophe\nwill be accomplished, and the faithful will awake to immortality on a\nnew earth. The Shoshoni of Wyoming say this sleep will continue four\ndays and nights, and that on the morning of the fifth day all will\nopen their eyes in a new world where both races will dwell together\nforever. The Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa, and others, of Oklahoma, say\nthat the new earth, with all the resurrected dead from the beginning,\nand with the buffalo, the elk, and other game upon it, will come from\nthe west and slide over the surface of the present earth, as the right\nhand might slide over the left. As it approaches, the Indians will be\ncarried upward and alight on it by the aid of the sacred dance feathers\nwhich they wear in their hair and which will act as wings to bear them\nup. They will then become unconscious for four days, and on waking out\nof their trance will find themselves with their former friends in the\nmidst of all the oldtime surroundings. By Sitting Bull, the Arapaho\napostle, it is thought that this new earth as it advances will be\npreceded by a wall of fire which will drive the whites across the water\nto their original and proper country, while the Indians will be enabled\nby means of the sacred feathers to surmount the flames and reach the\npromised land. When the expulsion of the whites has been accomplished,\nthe fire will be extinguished by a rain continuing twelve days. By a\nfew it is believed that a hurricane with thunder and lightning will\ncome to destroy the whites alone. This last idea is said to be held\nalso by the Walapai of Arizona, who extend its provisions to include\nthe unbelieving Indians as well. (_G. D., 6._) The doctrine held by\nthe Caddo, Wichita, and Delaware, of Oklahoma, is practically the same\nas is held by the Arapaho and Cheyenne from whom they obtained it. All\nthese tribes believe that the destruction or removal of the whites is\nto be accomplished entirely by supernatural means, and they severely\nblame the Sioux for having provoked a physical conflict by their\nimpatience instead of waiting for their God to deliver them in his own\ngood time.\n\nAmong all the tribes which have accepted the new faith it is held that\nfrequent devout attendance on the dance conduces to ward off disease\nand restore the sick to health, this applying not only to the actual\nparticipants, but also to their children and friends. The idea of\nobtaining temporal blessings as the reward of a faithful performance\nof religious duties is too natural and universal to require comment.\nThe purification by the sweat-bath, which forms an important\npreliminary to the dance among the Sioux, while devotional in its\npurpose, is probably also sanitary in its effect.\n\nAmong the powerful and warlike Sioux of the Dakotas, already restless\nunder both old and recent grievances, and more lately brought to the\nedge of starvation by a reduction of rations, the doctrine speedily\nassumed a hostile meaning and developed some peculiar features, for\nwhich reason it deserves particular notice as concerns this tribe. The\nearliest rumors of the new messiah came to the Sioux from the more\nwestern tribes in the winter of 1888\u201389, but the first definite account\nwas brought by a delegation which crossed the mountains to visit the\nmessiah in the fall of 1889, returning in the spring of 1890. On the\nreport of these delegates the dance was at once inaugurated and spread\nso rapidly that in a few months the new religion had been accepted by\nthe majority of the tribe.\n\nPerhaps the best statement of the Sioux version is given by the veteran\nagent, James McLaughlin, of Standing Rock agency. In an official letter\nof October 17, 1890, he writes that the Sioux, under the influence\nof Sitting Bull, were greatly excited over the near approach of a\npredicted Indian millennium or \u201creturn of the ghosts,\u201d when the white\nman would be annihilated and the Indian again supreme, and which the\nmedicine-men had promised was to occur as soon as the grass was green\nin the spring. They were told that the Great Spirit had sent upon\nthem the dominant race to punish them for their sins, and that their\nsins were now expiated and the time of deliverance was at hand. Their\ndecimated ranks were to be reinforced by all the Indians who had ever\ndied, and these spirits were already on their way to reinhabit the\nearth, which had originally belonged to the Indians, and were driving\nbefore them, as they advanced, immense herds of buffalo and fine\nponies. The Great Spirit, who had so long deserted his red children,\nwas now once more with them and against the whites, and the white man\u2019s\ngunpowder would no longer have power to drive a bullet through the\nskin of an Indian. The whites themselves would soon be overwhelmed and\nsmothered under a deep landslide, held down by sod and timber, and the\nfew who might escape would become small fishes in the rivers. In order\nto bring about this happy result, the Indians must believe and organize\nthe Ghost dance.\n\nThe agent continues:\n\n It would seem impossible that any person, no matter how ignorant,\n could be brought to believe such absurd nonsense, but as a matter\n of fact a great many Indians of this agency actually believe it,\n and since this new doctrine has been ingrafted here from the more\n southern Sioux agencies the infection has been wonderful, and\n so pernicious that it now includes some of the Indians who were\n formerly numbered with the progressive and more intelligent, and\n many of our very best Indians appear dazed and undecided when\n talking of it, their inherent superstition having been thoroughly\n aroused. (_G. D., 7._)\n\nThe following extract is from a translation of a letter dated March\n30, 1891, written in Sioux by an Indian at Pine Ridge to a friend at\nRosebud agency:\n\n And now I will tell another thing. Lately there is a man died and\n come to life again, and he say he has been to Indian nation of\n ghosts, and tells us dead Indian nation all coming home. The Indian\n ghost tell him come after his war bonnet. The Indian (not ghost\n Indian) gave him his war bonnet and he died again. (_G. D., 8._)\n\nThe Sioux, like other tribes, believed that at the moment of the\ncatastrophe the earth would tremble. According to one version the\nlandslide was to be accompanied by a flood of water, which would flow\ninto the mouths of the whites and cause them to choke with mud. Storms\nand whirlwinds were also to assist in their destruction. The Indians\nwere to surmount the avalanche, probably in the manner described in\nspeaking of the southern tribes, and on reaching the surface of the\nnew earth would behold boundless prairies covered with long grass and\nfilled with great herds of buffalo and other game. When the time was\nnear at hand, they must assemble at certain places of rendezvous and\nprepare for the final abandonment of all earthly things by stripping\noff their clothing. In accordance with the general idea of a return to\naboriginal habits, the believers, as far as possible, discarded white\nman\u2019s dress and utensils. Those who could procure buckskin\u2014which is\nnow very scarce in the Sioux country\u2014resumed buckskin dress, while the\ndancers put on \u201cghost shirts\u201d made of cloth, but cut and ornamented\nin Indian fashion. No metal of any kind was allowed in the dance,\nno knives, and not even the earrings or belts of imitation silver\nwhich form such an important part of prairie Indian costume. This was\nat variance with the custom among the Cheyenne and other southern\ntribes, where the women always wear in the dance their finest belts\nstudded with large disks of German silver. The beads used so freely on\nmoccasins and leggings seem to have been regarded as a substitute for\nthe oldtime wampum and porcupine quill work, and were therefore not\nincluded in the prohibition. No weapon of any kind was allowed to be\ncarried in the Ghost dance by any tribe, north or south, a fact which\neffectually disposes of the assertion that this was another variety of\nwar dance. At certain of the Sioux dances, however, sacred arrows and a\nsacred bow, with other things, were tied on the tree in the center of\nthe circle.\n\n[Illustration: PL. XCIII\n\n SIOUX GHOST SHIRTS FROM WOUNDED KNEE BATTLEFIELD]\n\n EXPLANATION OF PLATE XCIII\n\n The originals of these ghost shirts, now in the National Museum,\n were taken, by scouts present during the fight, from the bodies of\n Indians killed at Wounded Knee, and were obtained by the author,\n at Pine Ridge, from Philip Wells and Louis Menard, mixed-blood\n interpreters, the former having also been present as interpreter\n for the Indian scouts during the fight. They are made of coarse\n white cloth, sewn with sinew. One of the shirts is partially\n burned, having probably been taken out of one of the tipis\n overturned and set on fire during the action. Two other ghost\n shirts, said to be from the same battlefield, are also in the\n National Museum.\n\nValuable light in regard to the Sioux version of the doctrine is\nobtained from the sermon delivered at Red Leaf camp, on Pine Ridge\nreservation, October 31, 1890, by Short Bull, one of those who had been\nselected to visit the messiah, and who afterward became one of the\nprime leaders in the dance:\n\n My friends and relations: I will soon start this thing in running\n order. I have told you that this would come to pass in two seasons,\n but since the whites are interfering so much, I will advance the\n time from what my father above told me to do, so the time will be\n shorter. Therefore you must not be afraid of anything. Some of my\n relations have no ears, so I will have them blown away.\n\n Now, there will be a tree sprout up, and there all the members of\n our religion and the tribe must gather together. That will be the\n place where we will see our dead relations. But before this time\n we must dance the balance of this moon, at the end of which time\n the earth will shiver very hard. Whenever this thing occurs, I\n will start the wind to blow. We are the ones who will then see our\n fathers, mothers, and everybody. We, the tribe of Indians, are the\n ones who are living a sacred life. God, our father himself, has\n told and commanded and shown me to do these things.\n\n Our father in heaven has placed a mark at each point of the four\n winds. First, a clay pipe, which lies at the setting of the sun and\n represents the Sioux tribe. Second, there is a holy arrow lying\n at the north, which represents the Cheyenne tribe. Third, at the\n rising of the sun there lies hail, representing the Arapaho tribe.\n Fourth, there lies a pipe and nice feather at the south, which\n represents the Crow tribe. My father has shown me these things,\n therefore we must continue this dance. If the soldiers surround you\n four deep, three of you, on whom I have put holy shirts, will sing\n a song, which I have taught you, around them, when some of them\n will drop dead. Then the rest will start to run, but their horses\n will sink into the earth. The riders will jump from their horses,\n but they will sink into the earth also. Then you can do as you\n desire with them. Now, you must know this, that all the soldiers\n and that race will be dead. There will be only five thousand of\n them left living on the earth. My friends and relations, this is\n straight and true.\n\n Now, we must gather at Pass creek where the tree is sprouting.\n There we will go among our dead relations. You must not take any\n earthly things with you. Then the men must take off all their\n clothing and the women must do the same. No one shall be ashamed of\n exposing their persons. My father above has told us to do this, and\n we must do as he says. You must not be afraid of anything. The guns\n are the only things we are afraid of, but they belong to our father\n in heaven. He will see that they do no harm. Whatever white men may\n tell you, do not listen to them, my relations. This is all. I will\n now raise my hand up to my father and close what he has said to you\n through me. (_Short Bull; War, 4._)\n\nThe pipe here referred to is the most sacred thing in Sioux mythology\nand will be more fully described in treating of the Sioux songs. The\nsacred object of the Cheyenne is the \u201cmedicine arrow,\u201d now in the\nkeeping of the band living near Cantonment, Oklahoma. The Crow and\nArapaho references are not so clear. The Arapaho are called by the\nSioux the \u201cBlue Cloud\u201d people, a name which may possibly have some\nconnection with hail. The sprouting tree at which all the believers\nmust gather refers to the tree or pole which the Sioux planted in the\ncenter of the dance circle. The cardinal directions here assigned to\nthe other tribes may refer to their former locations with regard to the\nSioux. The Cheyenne and Arapaho, who now live far west and south of the\nSioux, originally lived north and east of them, about Red river and the\nSaskatchewan.\n\nThe most noted thing connected with the Ghost dance among the Sioux is\nthe \u201cghost shirt\u201d which was worn by all adherents of the doctrine\u2014men,\nwomen, and children alike. It is described by Captain Sword in his\naccount of the Ghost dance, given in the appendix to this chapter, and\nwill be noticed at length hereafter in treating of the ceremony of the\ndance. During the dance it was worn as an outside garment, but was\nsaid to be worn at other times under the ordinary dress. Although the\nshape, fringing, and feather adornment were practically the same in\nevery case, considerable variation existed in regard to the painting,\nthe designs on some being very simple, while the others were fairly\ncovered with representations of sun, moon, stars, the sacred things of\ntheir mythology, and the visions of the trance. The feathers attached\nto the garment were always those of the eagle, and the thread used in\nthe sewing was always the old-time sinew. In some cases the fringe or\nother portions were painted with the sacred red paint of the messiah.\nThe shirt was firmly believed to be impenetrable to bullets or weapons\nof any sort. When one of the women shot in the Wounded Knee massacre\nwas approached as she lay in the church and told that she must let them\nremove her ghost shirt in order the better to get at her wound, she\nreplied: \u201cYes; take it off. They told me a bullet would not go through.\nNow I don\u2019t want it any more.\u201d\n\nThe protective idea in connection with the ghost shirt does not seem\nto be aboriginal. The Indian warrior habitually went into battle naked\nabove the waist. His protecting \u201cmedicine\u201d was a feather, a tiny bag\nof some sacred powder, the claw of an animal, the head of a bird, or\nsome other small object which could be readily twisted into his hair or\nhidden between the covers of his shield without attracting attention.\nIts virtue depended entirely on the ceremony of the consecration and\nnot on size or texture. The war paint had the same magic power of\nprotection. To cover the body in battle was not in accordance with\nIndian usage, which demanded that the warrior should be as free and\nunincumbered in movement as possible. The so-called \u201cwar shirt\u201d was\nworn chiefly in ceremonial dress parades and only rarely on the warpath.\n\nDreams are but incoherent combinations of waking ideas, and there is a\nhint of recollection even in the wildest visions of sleep. The ghost\nshirt may easily have been an inspiration from a trance, while the\ntrance vision itself was the result of ideas derived from previous\nobservation or report. The author is strongly inclined to the opinion\nthat the idea of an invulnerable sacred garment is not original with\nthe Indians, but, like several other important points pertaining to\nthe Ghost-dance doctrine, is a practical adaptation by them of ideas\nderived from contact with some sectarian body among the whites. It may\nhave been suggested by the \u201cendowment robe\u201d of the Mormons, a seamless\ngarment of white muslin adorned with symbolic figures, which is worn\nby their initiates as the most sacred badge of their faith, and by\nmany of the believers is supposed to render the wearer invulnerable.\nThe Mormons have always manifested a particular interest in the\nIndians, whom they regard as the Lamanites of their sacred writings,\nand hence have made special efforts for their evangelization, with\nthe result that a considerable number of the neighboring tribes of\nUte, Paiute, Bannock, and Shoshoni have been received into the Mormon\nchurch and invested with the endowment robe. (See the appendix to\nthis chapter: \u201cThe Mormons and the Indians;\u201d also \u201cTell It All,\u201d by\nMrs T. B. H. Stenhouse.) The Shoshoni and northern Arapaho occupy the\nsame reservation in Wyoming, and anything which concerns one tribe\nis more or less talked of by the other. As the Sioux, Cheyenne, and\nother eastern tribes make frequent visits to the Arapaho, and as these\nArapaho have been the great apostles of the Ghost dance, it is easy\nto see how an idea borrowed by the Shoshoni from the Mormons could\nfind its way through the Arapaho first to the Sioux and Cheyenne and\nafterward to more remote tribes. Wovoka himself expressly disclaimed\nany responsibility for the ghost shirt, and whites and Indians alike\nagreed that it formed no part of the dance costume in Mason valley.\nWhen I first went among the Cheyenne and neighboring tribes of Oklahoma\nin January, 1891, the ghost shirt had not yet reached them. Soon\nafterward the first one was brought down from the Sioux country by a\nCheyenne named White Buffalo, who had been a Carlisle student, but the\nArapaho and Cheyenne, after debating the matter, refused to allow it\nto be worn in the dance, on the ground that the doctrine of the Ghost\ndance was one of peace, whereas the Sioux had made the ghost shirt an\nauxiliary of war. In consequence of this decision such shirts have\nnever been worn by the dancers among the southern tribes. Instead they\nwear in the dance their finest shirts and dresses of buckskin, covered\nwith painted and beaded figures from the Ghost-dance mythology and the\nvisions of the trance.\n\nThe Ghost dance is variously named among the different tribes. In\nits original home among the Paiute it is called _N\u00e4nig\u00fckwa_, \u201cdance\nin a circle\u201d (_n\u00fcka_, dance), to distinguish it from the other\ndances of the tribe, which have only the ordinary up-and-down step\nwithout the circular movement. The Shoshoni call it _T\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032r\u00e4y\u00fcn_\nor _T\u00e4man\u00e4\u2032ray\u00e4ra_, which may be rendered \u201ceverybody dragging,\u201d in\nallusion to the manner in which the dancers move around the circle\nholding hands, as children do in their ring games. They insist that it\nis a revival of a similar dance which existed among them fifty years\nago. The Comanche call it _A\u2032p-an\u0115ka\u2032ra_, \u201cthe Father\u2019s dance,\u201d or\nsometimes the dance \u201cwith joined hands.\u201d The Kiowa call it _M\u00e2nposo\u2032ti\nguan_, \u201cdance with clasped hands,\u201d and the frenzy, _guan \u00e2\u2032dalka-i_,\n\u201cdance craziness.\u201d The Caddo know it as _\u0102\u2032\u0103 kak\u012d\u2032mbawi\u2032ut_, \u201cthe\nprayer of all to the Father,\u201d or as the _N\u00e4nisana ka-au\u2032-shan_,\n\u201cn\u00e4nisana dance,\u201d from _n\u00e4nisana_, \u201cmy children,\u201d which forms the\nburden of so many of the ghost songs in the language of the Arapaho,\nfrom whom they obtained the dance. By the Sioux, Arapaho, and most\nother prairie tribes it is called the \u201cspirit\u201d or \u201cghost\u201d dance (Sioux,\n_Wana\u2032ghi wa\u2032chipi_; Arapaho, _Thig\u00fb\u2032nawat_), from, the fact that\neverything connected with it relates to the coming of the spirits of\nthe dead from the spirit world, and by this name it has become known\namong the whites.\n\n\n APPENDIX\n\n\n THE MORMONS AND THE INDIANS\n\nWhile the Indian excitement was at its height in 1892, a curious\npamphlet was published anonymously at Salt Lake City in connection\nwith a proposed series of lectures, from which we make some extracts\nfor the light they give on the Mormon attitude toward the Indians. The\npamphlet is headed, \u201cThe Mormons have stepped down and out of Celestial\nGovernment\u2014the American Indians have stepped up and into Celestial\nGovernment.\u201d It begins by stating that the Messiah came to His people\nat the time appointed of the Father\u2014March, 1890\u2014notwithstanding the\nassertion in the Deseret Evening News, made January, 1892: \u201c1890 has\npassed, and no Messiah has come.\u201d It goes on to say:\n\n \u201c1891 has passed, and no pruning of the vineyard.\u201d The vineyard\n of the Lord is the house of Israel.\u2014Isa. 5:7. In the part of\n the vineyard the American Indians, descendants of the righteous\n branch of Joseph, who were led to the Western Continent or\n hemisphere\u2014Zion\u2014we find the vine, the stone-power of the Latter\n Days. Ps. 80.\n\n The celestial prophet, seer, and revelator, Joseph Smith, jr.,\n prophesied on the 2d of April, 1843, that the Messiah would reveal\n himself to man in mortality in 1890. Doctrine and Covenants, 130,\n 15, 17, which reads: \u201cI was once praying very earnestly to know\n the time of the coming of the Son of Man, when I heard a voice\n speak the following: \u2018Joseph, my son, if thou livest until thou art\n eighty-five years old, thou shalt see the face of the Son of Man.\u2019\u201d\n\n * * * * *\n\n Five years later (than 1882) the sign that was to usher in the\n work of the Father was given to the American Indians, while March,\n 1890, witnesses the organization of a church under the restored\n order, where twelve disciples were chosen and ordained, whose first\n allegiance is given irrevocably to the Lord God, whereas that of\n the Celestial Church is given to the government fostering it.\n\n * * * * *\n\n The following seven signs were to precede the fullness of the\n Gentiles upon the land of America; Zion, the time, place, and\n parties given with each. [The first, second, and third \u201csigns\u201d are\n omitted here.]\n\n 4. When the Bible and Book of Mormon become one in the hands of the\n Messiah. Ezk. 37:19; III Nephi, 21:1\u20137. In 1887, sixty years after\n the plates were delivered to Joseph Smith, jr., the Book of Mormon\n in Spanish was delivered to the American Indians, with the promise\n to those who are identified with the Gentiles that if they will not\n harden their hearts, but will repent and know the true points of my\n doctrine they shall be numbered with my covenant people, the Branch\n of Joseph. Doctrine and Covenant, 19:59\u201362; 20:8\u201317; III Nephi,\n 21:1\u20137.\n\n 5. The coming of the Messiah. Three years later, March, 1890,\n the people of God, who were notified by the three Nephites, met\n at Walkers lake, Esmeralda county, Nevada, where a dispensation\n of the Celestial kingdom of God\u2014the gospel in the covenant of\n consecration, a perfect oneness in all things, temporal and\n spiritual\u2014was given unto them. Twelve disciples were ordained, not\n by angels or men, but by the Messiah, in the presence of hundreds,\n representing scores of tribes or nations, who saw his face, heard\n and understood his voice as on the day of pentecost. Acts 2,\n also fulfilling sec. 90:9, 10, 11 of Doctrine and Covenant. Ezk.\n 20:33\u201337.\n\n 6. The Fulness of the Gentiles. In 1492, the Lord God let His\n vineyard to the nations of the Gentiles, to punish His people the\n Branch of Joseph for 400 years (Gen. 15:13), bringing the fulness\n of the Gentiles the end of their rule over the American Indians.\n October, 1892, Rom. II: 25\u201326; Gen. 50:25; New Trans. Matt.\n 21:33\u201341.\n\n 7. The Pruning of the Vineyard. The husbandmen upon this land began\n the last pruning of the vineyard in 1891. Prominent among which\n stands our government in fulfilling Matt. 21:33\u201341, saying, let us\n kill the heirs and hold the inheritance, as shown in the massacre\n of Wounded Knee; the butchery of Sitting Bull; the imprisonment\n of Short Bull and others; the breaking up of reservations, and\n the attempts to destroy the treaty stipulations above mentioned\n by forcing the mark of the Beast, citizenship and statehood, upon\n the American Indians, which will ultimately terminate in a war of\n extermination. Isa. 10:24\u201327; Dan. 2:34; Isa. 14:21.\n\n According to the astronomical, prophetic, and historical evidence\n found in the Bible, Book of Mormon, and Doctrine and Covenants for\n the redemption of Zion and the restoration of Israel, there are\n seven celestial keys of powers to be used which can not be handled\n by apostles, prophets, or angels. They can only be handled by the\n Messiah and his Father.\n\n * * * * *\n\n 2. The key of power that restores the heirs, the American Indians,\n to their own lands consecrating to them the wealth of the Gentiles.\n\n 3. The key of power that turns away ungodliness from Jacob (the\n American Indians) enabling them to build the temple on the spot\n pointed out by the finger of God (Independence, Jackson County,\n Missouri), on which the true sign of Israel is to rest, the glory\n of the living God of the Hebrews, the cloud by day and the pillar\n of fire by night by the close of this generation, 1896.\n\n * * * * *\n\n On and after July 10, 1892, free lectures illustrated by figures,\n will be given weekly, on Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, from 6.30\n to 8.30 p. m. (weather permitting), at the book stand in the\n Nineteenth Ward, opposite Margett\u2019s Brewery, No. 312 North Second\n West.\n\n First. On the coming of the Messiah to the Hebrews, at the\n sacrifice of Esau, near the close of the 400-year bondage of Jacob\n in the morning of the Abrahamic Covenant, B. C. 1491.\n\n Second. On the coming of the Messiah to the Jews, at the Meridian\n sacrifice of Jacob at the close of the last 1921 years of the\n covenant, the year one A. D.\n\n Third. On the coming of the Messiah to the American Indians, the\n remnants, at the evening sacrifice of Esau, near the expiration of\n the evening bondage of Jacob of 400 years, 1892, in the last 430\n years of the covenant.\n\n\n PORCUPINE\u2019S ACCOUNT OF THE MESSIAH\n\nThe following statement was made to Major Carroll, in command of Camp\nCrook, at Tongue River agency, Montana, June 15, 1890, and transmitted\nthrough the War Department to the Indian Office:\n\n In November last [1889] I left the reservation with two other\n Cheyennes. I went through [Fort] Washakie and took the Union\n Pacific railroad at Rawlins. We got on early in the morning about\n breakfast, rode all day on the railroad, and about dark reached a\n fort [Bridger?]. I stayed there two days, and then took a passenger\n train, and the next morning got to Fort Hall. I found some lodges\n of Snakes and Bannocks there. I saw the agent here, and he told me\n I could stay at the agency, but the chief of the Bannocks who was\n there took me to his camp near by. The Bannocks told me they were\n glad to see a Cheyenne and that we ought to make a treaty with the\n Bannocks.\n\n The chief told me he had been to Washington and had seen the\n President, and that we ought all to be friends with the whites\n and live at peace with them and with each other. We talked these\n matters over for ten days. The agent then sent for me and some\n of the Bannocks and Shoshones, and asked me where I was going. I\n told him I was just traveling to meet other Indians and see other\n countries; that my people were at peace with the whites, and I\n thought I could travel anywhere I wished. He asked me why I did\n not have a pass. I said because my agent would not give me one. He\n said he was glad to see me anyhow, and that the whites and Indians\n were all friends. Then he asked me where I wanted a pass to. I\n told him I wanted to go further and some Bannocks and Shoshones\n wanted to go along. He gave passes\u2014five of them\u2014to the chiefs of\n the three parties. We took the railroad to a little town near by,\n and then took a narrow-gauge road. We went on this, riding all\n night at a very fast rate of speed, and came to a town on a big\n lake [Ogden or Salt Lake City]. We stayed there one day, taking\n the cars at night, rode all night, and the next morning about 9\n oclock saw a settlement of Indians. We traveled south, going on\n a narrow-gauge road. We got off at this Indian town. The Indians\n here were different from any Indians I ever saw. The women and men\n were dressed in white people\u2019s clothes, the women having their hair\n banged. These Indians had their faces painted white with black\n spots. We stayed with these people all day. We took the same road\n at night and kept on. We traveled all night, and about daylight\n we saw a lot of houses, and they told us there were a lot more\n Indians there; so we got off, and there is where we saw Indians\n living in huts of grass [tul\u00e9?]. We stopped here and got something\n to eat. There were whites living near by. We got on the cars again\n at night, and during the night we got off among some Indians, who\n were fish-eaters [Paiute]. We stayed among the Fish-eaters till\n morning, and then got into a wagon with the son of the chief of the\n Fish-eaters, and we arrived about noon at an agency on a big river.\n There was also a big lake near the agency.\n\n The agent asked us where we were from and said we were a long ways\n from home, and that he would write to our agent and let him know we\n were all right. From this agency we went back to the station, and\n they told us there were some more Indians to the south. One of the\n chiefs of the Fish-eaters then furnished us with four wagons. We\n traveled all day, and then came to another railroad. We left our\n wagons here and took the railroad, the Fish-eaters telling us there\n were some more Indians along the railroad who wanted to see us. We\n took this railroad about 2 oclock and about sun down got to another\n agency, where there were more Fish-eaters. [From diagrams drawn\n and explanations given of them in addition to the foregoing, there\n seems to be no doubt that the lakes visited are Pyramid and Walker\n lakes, western Nevada, and the agencies those of the same name.]\n\n They told us they had heard from the Shoshone agency that the\n people in this country were all bad people, but that they were\n good people there. All the Indians from the Bannock agency down to\n where I finally stopped danced this dance [referring to the late\n religious dances at the Cheyenne agency], the whites often dancing\n it themselves. [It will be recollected that he traveled constantly\n through the Mormon country.] I knew nothing about this dance before\n going. I happened to run across it, that is all. I will tell you\n about it. [Here all the Indian auditors removed their hats in token\n that the talk to follow was to be on a religious subject.] I want\n you all to listen to this, so that there will be no mistake. There\n is no harm in what I am to say to anyone. I heard this where I met\n my friends in Nevada. It is a wonder you people never heard this\n before. In the dance we had there [Nevada] the whites and Indians\n danced together. I met there a great many kinds of people, but\n they all seemed to know all about this religion. The people there\n seemed all to be good. I never saw any drinking or fighting or bad\n conduct among them. They treated me well on the cars, without pay.\n They gave me food without charge, and I found that this was a habit\n among them toward their neighbors. I thought it strange that the\n people there should have been so good, so different from those here.\n\n What I am going to say is the truth. The two men sitting near me\n were with me, and will bear witness that I speak the truth. I and\n my people have been living in ignorance until I went and found out\n the truth. All the whites and Indians are brothers, I was told\n there. I never knew this before.\n\n The Fish-eaters near Pyramid lake told me that Christ had appeared\n on earth again. They said Christ knew he was coming; that eleven\n of his children were also coming from a far land. It appeared that\n Christ had sent for me to go there, and that was why unconsciously\n I took my journey. It had been foreordained. Christ had summoned\n myself and others from all heathen tribes, from two to three or\n four from each of fifteen or sixteen different tribes. There were\n more different languages than I ever heard before and I did not\n understand any of them. They told me when I got there that my great\n father was there also, but did not know who he was. The people\n assembled called a council, and the chief\u2019s son went to see the\n Great Father [messiah], who sent word to us to remain fourteen days\n in that camp and that he would come to see us. He sent me a small\n package of something white to eat that I did not know the name of.\n There were a great many people in the council, and this white food\n was divided among them. The food was a big white nut. Then I went\n to the agency at Walker lake and they told us Christ would be there\n in two days. At the end of two days, on the third morning, hundreds\n of people gathered at this place. They cleared off a place near the\n agency in the form of a circus ring and we all gathered there. This\n space was perfectly cleared of grass, etc. We waited there till\n late in the evening anxious to see Christ. Just before sundown I\n saw a great many people, mostly Indians, coming dressed in white\n men\u2019s clothes. The Christ was with them. They all formed in this\n ring around it. They put up sheets all around the circle, as they\n had no tents. Just after dark some of the Indians told me that\n the Christ [Father] was arrived. I looked around to find him, and\n finally saw him sitting on one side of the ring. They all started\n toward him to see him. They made a big fire to throw light on him.\n I never looked around, but went forward, and when I saw him I bent\n my head. I had always thought the Great Father was a white man, but\n this man looked like an Indian. He sat there a long time and nobody\n went up to speak to him. He sat with his head bowed all the time.\n After awhile he rose and said he was very glad to see his children.\n \u201cI have sent for you and am glad to see you. I am going to talk to\n you after awhile about your relatives who are dead and gone. My\n children, I want you to listen to all I have to say to you. I will\n teach you, too, how to dance a dance, and I want you to dance it.\n Get ready for your dance and then, when the dance is over, I will\n talk to you.\u201d He was dressed in a white coat with stripes. The rest\n of his dress was a white man\u2019s except that he had on a pair of\n moccasins. Then he commenced our dance, everybody joining in, the\n Christ singing while we danced. We danced till late in the night,\n when he told us we had danced enough.\n\n The next morning, after breakfast was over, we went into the circle\n and spread canvas over it on the ground, the Christ standing in the\n midst of us. He told us he was going away that day, but would be\n back that next morning and talk to us.\n\n In the night when I first saw him I thought he was an Indian, but\n the next day when I could see better he looked different. He was\n not so dark as an Indian, nor so light as a white man. He had no\n beard or whiskers, but very heavy eyebrows. He was a good-looking\n man. We were crowded up very close. We had been told that nobody\n was to talk, and even if we whispered the Christ would know it. I\n had heard that Christ had been crucified, and I looked to see, and\n I saw a scar on his wrist and one on his face, and he seemed to be\n the man. I could not see his feet. He would talk to us all day.\n\n That evening we all assembled again to see him depart. When we were\n assembled, he began to sing, and he commenced to tremble all over,\n violently for a while, and then sat down. We danced all that night,\n the Christ lying down beside us apparently dead.\n\n The next morning when we went to eat breakfast, the Christ was with\n us. After breakfast four heralds went around and called out that\n the Christ was back with us and wanted to talk with us. The circle\n was prepared again. The people assembled, and Christ came among us\n and sat down. He said he wanted to talk to us again and for us to\n listen. He said: \u201cI am the man who made everything you see around\n you. I am not lying to you, my children. I made this earth and\n everything on it. I have been to heaven and seen your dead friends\n and have seen my own father and mother. In the beginning, after God\n made the earth, they sent me back to teach the people, and when\n I came back on earth the people were afraid of me and treated me\n badly. This is what they did to me [showing his scars]. I did not\n try to defend myself. I found my children were bad, so went back to\n heaven and left them. I told them that in so many hundred years I\n would come back to see my children. At the end of this time I was\n sent back to try to teach them. My father told me the earth was\n getting old and worn out, and the people getting bad, and that I\n was to renew everything as it used to be, and make it better.\u201d\n\n He told us also that all our dead were to be resurrected; that they\n were all to come back to earth, and that as the earth was too small\n for them and us, he would do away with heaven, and make the earth\n itself large enough to contain us all; that we must tell all the\n people we meet about these things. He spoke to us about fighting,\n and said that was bad, and we must keep from it; that the earth\n was to be all good hereafter, and we must all be friends with one\n another. He said that in the fall of the year the youth of all the\n good people would be renewed, so that nobody would be more than 40\n years old, and that if they behaved themselves well after this the\n youth of everyone would be renewed in the spring. He said if we\n were all good he would send people among us who could heal all our\n wounds and sickness by mere touch, and that we would live forever.\n He told us not to quarrel, or fight, nor strike each other, nor\n shoot one another; that the whites and Indians were to be all one\n people. He said if any man disobeyed what he ordered, his tribe\n would be wiped from the face of the earth; that we must believe\n everything he said, and that we must not doubt him, or say he lied;\n that if we did, he would know it; that he would know our thoughts\n and actions, in no matter what part of the world we might be.\n\n When I heard this from the Christ, and came back home to tell it to\n my people, I thought they would listen. Where I went to there were\n lots of white people, but I never had one of them say an unkind\n word to me. I thought all of your people knew all of this I have\n told you of, but it seems you do not.\n\n Ever since the Christ I speak of talked to me I have thought what\n he said was good. I see nothing bad in it. When I got back, I knew\n my people were bad, and had heard nothing of all this, so I got\n them together and told them of it and warned them to listen to it\n for their own good. I talked to them for four nights and five days.\n I told them just what I have told you here today. I told them what\n I said were the words of God Almighty, who was looking down on\n them. I wish some of you had been up in our camp here to have heard\n my words to the Cheyennes. The only bad thing that there has been\n in it at all was this: I had just told my people that the Christ\n would visit the sins of any Indian upon the whole tribe, when the\n recent trouble [killing of Ferguson] occurred. If any one of you\n think I am not telling the truth, you can go and see this man I\n speak of for yourselves. I will go with you, and I would like one\n or two of my people who doubt me to go with me.\n\n The Christ talked to us all in our respective tongues. You can see\n this man in your sleep any time you want after you have seen him\n and shaken hands with him once. Through him you can go to heaven\n and meet your friends. Since my return I have seen him often in my\n sleep. About the time the soldiers went up the Rosebud I was lying\n in my lodge asleep, when this man appeared and told me that the\n Indians had gotten into trouble, and I was frightened. The next\n night he appeared to me and told me that everything would come out\n all right.\n\n\n THE GHOST DANCE AMONG THE SIOUX\n\nThe following was written originally in the Teton Dakota dialect by\nGeorge Sword, an Ogalala Sioux Indian, formerly captain of the Indian\npolice at Pine Ridge agency and now judge of the Indian court. It\nwas translated by an Indian for Miss Emma C. Sickels and is published\nby her courtesy. The copy of the original Sioux manuscript is in the\narchives of the Bureau of Ethnology:\n\n In the story of ghost dancing, the Ogalala heard that the Son of\n God was truly on earth in the west from their country. This was in\n the year 1889. The first people knew about the messiah to be on\n earth were the Shoshoni and Arapaho. So in 1889 Good Thunder with\n four or five others visited the place where Son of God said to be.\n These people went there without permission. They said the messiah\n was there at the place, but he was there to help the Indians and\n not the whites; so this made the Indians happy to find out this.\n Good Thunder, Cloud Horse, Yellow Knife, and Short Bull visited the\n place again in 1890 and saw the messiah. Their story of visit to\n the messiah is as follows:\n\n \u201cFrom the country where the Arapaho and Shoshoni we start in the\n direction of northwest in train for five nights and arrived at\n the foot of the Rocky mountains. Here we saw him and also several\n tribes of Indians. The people said that the messiah will come at\n a place in the woods where the place was prepare for him. When we\n went to the place a smoke descended from heaven to the place where\n he was to come. When the smoke disappeared, there was a man of\n about forty, which was the Son of God. The man said:\u201d\n\n \u201c\u2018My grandchildren! I am glad you have come far away to see your\n relatives. This are your people who have come back from your\n country.\u2019 When he said he want us to go with him, we looked and\n we saw a land created across the ocean on which all the nations\n of Indians were coming home, but, as the messiah looked at the\n land which was created and reached across the ocean, again\n disappeared, saying that it was not time for that to take place.\n The messiah then gave to Good Thunder some paints\u2014Indian paint\n and a white paint\u2014a green grass [sagebrush twigs?]; and said, \u2018My\n grandchildren, when you get home, go to farming and send all your\n children to school. And on way home if you kill any buffalo cut the\n head, the tail, and the four feet and leave them, and that buffalo\n will come to live again. When the soldiers of the white people\n chief want to arrest me, I shall stretch out my arms, which will\n knock them to nothingness, or, if not that, the earth will open and\n swallow them in. My father commanded me to visit the Indians on a\n purpose. I have came to the white people first, but they not good.\n They killed me, and you can see the marks of my wounds on my feet,\n my hands, and on my back. My father has given you life\u2014your old\n life\u2014and you have come to see your friends, but you will not take\n me home with you at this time. I want you to tell when you get home\n your people to follow my examples. Any one Indian does not obey me\n and tries to be on white\u2019s side will be covered over by a new land\n that is to come over this old one. You will, all the people, use\n the paints and grass I give you. In the spring when the green grass\n comes, your people who have gone before you will come back, and you\n shall see your friends then, for you have come to my call.\u2019\u201d\n\n The people from every tipi send for us to visit them. They are\n people who died many years ago. Chasing Hawk, who died not long\n ago, was there, and we went to his tipi. He was living with his\n wife, who was killed in war long ago. They live in a buffalo skin\n tipi\u2014a very large one\u2014and he wanted all his friends to go there to\n live. A son of Good Thunder who died in war long ago was one who\n also took us to his tipi so his father saw him. When coming we come\n to a herd of buffaloes. We killed one and took everything except\n the four feet, head, and tail, and when we came a little ways from\n it there was the buffaloes come to life again and went off. This\n was one of the messiah\u2019s word came to truth. The messiah said, \u201cI\n will short your journey when you feel tired of the long ways, if\n you call upon me.\u201d This we did when we were tired. The night came\n upon us, we stopped at a place, and we called upon the messiah to\n help us, because we were tired of long journey. We went to sleep\n and in the morning we found ourselves at a great distance from\n where we stopped.\n\n The people came back here and they got the people loyal to the\n government, and those not favor of the whites held a council. The\n agent\u2019s soldiers were sent after them and brought Good Thunder and\n two others to the agency and they were confined to the prison. They\n were asked by the agent and Captain Sword whether they saw the\n Son of God and whether they hold councils over their return from\n visit, but Good Thunder refused to say \u201cyes.\u201d They were confined\n in the prison for two days, and upon their promising not to hold\n councils about their visit they were released. They went back to\n the people and told them about their trouble with the agent. Then\n they disperse without a council.\n\n In the following spring the people at Pine Ridge agency began to\n gather at the White Clay creek for councils. Just at this time\n Kicking Bear, from Cheyenne River agency, went on a visit to the\n Arapaho and said that the Arapaho there have ghost dancing. He said\n that people partaking in dance would get crazy and die, then the\n messiah is seen and all the ghosts. When they die they see strange\n things, they see their relatives who died long before. They saw\n these things when they died in ghost dance and came to life again.\n The person dancing becomes dizzy and finally drop dead, and the\n first thing they saw is an eagle comes to them and carried them to\n where the messiah is with his ghosts. The man said this:\n\n The persons in the ghost dancing are all joined hands. A man stands\n and then a woman, so in that way forming a very large circle. They\n dance around in the circle in a continuous time until some of them\n become so tired and overtired that they became crazy and finally\n drop as though dead, with foams in mouth all wet by perspiration.\n All the men and women made holy shirts and dresses they wear in\n dance. The persons dropped in dance would all lie in great dust the\n dancing make. They paint the white muslins they made holy shirts\n and dresses out of with blue across the back, and alongside of\n this is a line of yellow paint. They also paint in the front part\n of the shirts and dresses. A picture of an eagle is made on the\n back of all the shirts and dresses. On the shoulders and on the\n sleeves they tied eagle feathers. They said that the bullets will\n not go through these shirts and dresses, so they all have these\n dresses for war. Their enemies weapon will not go through these\n dresses. The ghost dancers all have to wear eagle feather on head.\n With this feather any man would be made crazy if fan with this\n feather. In the ghost dance no person is allow to wear anything\n made of any metal, except the guns made of metal is carry by some\n of the dancers. When they come from ghosts or after recovery from\n craziness, they brought meat from the ghosts or from the supposed\n messiah. They also brought water, fire, and wind with which to kill\n all the whites or Indians who will help the chief of the whites.\n They made sweat house and made holes in the middle of the sweat\n house where they say the water will come out of these holes. Before\n they begin to dance they all raise their hands toward the northwest\n and cry in supplication to the messiah and then begin the dance\n with the song, \u201c_Ate misunkala ceya omani-ye_,\u201d etc.\n\n\n SELWYN\u2019S INTERVIEW WITH KUWAPI\n\nOn November 21, 1890, it was reported to Agent E. W. Foster, in charge\nof Yankton agency, South Dakota, that an Indian named Kuwapi, from\nRosebud agency, was on the reservation teaching the doctrine and\nceremony of the Ghost dance. He at once had the man arrested by a\nforce in charge of William T. Selwyn, a full-blood Yankton Sioux, who\nhad received a fair education under the patronage of a gentleman in\nPhiladelphia, and who had for several years been employed in various\ncapacities at different Sioux agencies. Selwyn had recently come from\nPine Ridge, where he had learned and reported to Agent Gallagher\nsomething of the religious excitement among the western Sioux, and\nhad afterward repeated this information to the agent at Yankton. While\nKuwapi was in his custody Selwyn questioned him at length concerning\nthe new doctrine, and forwarded the following report (_G. D., Document\n36861\u20141890_) of the interview to Agent Foster:\n\n +Yankton Agency, South Dakota+,\n _November 22, 1890_.\n\n Colonel +E. W. Foster+,\n _United States Indian Agent, Yankton Agency, South Dakota_.\n\n +Dear Sir+: It has been reported here a few days ago that there was\n an Indian visitor up at White Swan from Rosebud agency who has been\n telling or teaching the doctrines of the new messiah, and has made\n some agitation among the people up there. According to the request\n of Captain Conrad, United States Army, of Fort Randall, South\n Dakota, and by your order of the 21st instant, I went up to White\n Swan and have arrested the wanted man (Kuwapi, or One they chased\n after). On my way to the agency with the prisoner I have made\n little interview with him on the subject of the new messiah. The\n following are the facts which he corroborated concerning the new\n messiah, his laws and doctrines to the Indians of this continent:\n\n Q. Do you believe in the new messiah?\u2014A. I somewhat believe it.\n\n Q. What made you believe it?\u2014A. Because I ate some of the buffalo\n meat that he (the new messiah) sent to the Rosebud Indians through\n Short Bull.\n\n Q. Did Short Bull say that he saw the living herd of roaming\n buffaloes while he was with the son of the Great Spirit?\u2014A. Short\n Bull told the Indians at Rosebud that the buffalo and other wild\n game will be restored to the Indians at the same time when the\n general resurrection in favor of the Indians takes place.\n\n Q. You said a \u201cgeneral resurrection in favor of the Indians takes\n place;\u201d when or how soon will this be?\u2014A. The father sends word to\n us that he will have all these caused to be so in the spring, when\n the grass is knee high.\n\n Q. You said \u201cfather;\u201d who is this father?\u2014A. It is the new messiah.\n He has ordered his children (Indians) to call him \u201cfather.\u201d\n\n Q. You said the father is not going to send the buffalo until the\n resurrection takes place. Would he be able to send a few buffaloes\n over this way for a sort of a sample, so as to have his children\n (Indians) to have a taste of the meat?\u2014A. The father wishes to do\n things all at once, even in destroying the white race.\n\n Q. You said something about the destroying of the white race.\n Do you mean to say that all mankind except the Indians will be\n killed?\u2014A. Yes.\n\n Q. How, and who is going to kill the white people?\u2014A. The father is\n going to cause a big cyclone or whirlwind, by which he will have\n all the white people to perish.\n\n Q. If it should be a cyclone or whirlwind, what are we going to\n do to protect ourselves?\u2014A. The father will make some kind of\n provisions by which we will be saved.\n\n Q. You said something about the coming destruction on the white\n people by your father. Supposing your father is sick, tired out,\n forget, or some other accidental cause by which he should not be\n able to accomplish his purpose, what would be the case about the\n destroying of the white people?\u2014A. There is no doubt about these\n things, as the miracle performer or the father is going to do just\n as what he said he would do.\n\n Q. What other object could you come to by which you are led to\n believe that there is such a new messiah on earth at present?\u2014A.\n The ghost dancers are fainted whenever the dance goes on.\n\n Q. Do you believe that they are really fainted?\u2014A. Yes.\n\n Q. What makes you believe that the dancers have really fainted?\u2014A.\n Because when they wake or come back to their senses they sometimes\n bring back some news from the unknown world, and some little\n trinkets, such as buffalo tail, buffalo meat, etc.\n\n Q. What did the fainted ones see when they get fainted?\u2014A. They\n visited the happy hunting ground, the camps, multitudes of people,\n and a great many strange people.\n\n Q. What did the ghost or the strange people tell the fainted one\n or ones?\u2014A. When the fainted one goes to the camp, he is welcomed\n by the relatives of the visitor (the fainted one), and he is also\n invited to several feasts.\n\n Q. Were the people at Rosebud agency anxiously waiting or expecting\n to see all of their dead relatives who have died several years\n ago?\u2014A. Yes.\n\n Q. We will have a great many older folks when all the dead people\n come back, would we not?\u2014A. The visitors all say that there is not\n a single old man nor woman in the other world\u2014all changed to young.\n\n Q. Are we going to die when the dead ones come back?\u2014A. No; we will\n be just the same as we are today.\n\n Q. Did the visitor say that there is any white men in the other\n world?\u2014A. No; no white people.\n\n Q. If there is no white people in the other world, where did they\n get their provisions and clothing?\u2014A. In the other world, the\n messenger tells us that they have depended altogether for their\n food on the flesh of buffalo and other wild game; also, they were\n all clad in skins of wild animals.\n\n Q. Did the Rosebud agency Indians believe the new messiah, or the\n son of the Great Spirit?\u2014A. Yes.\n\n Q. How do they show that they have a belief in the new messiah?\u2014A.\n They show themselves by praying to the father by looking up to\n heaven, and call him \u201cfather,\u201d just the same as you would in a\n church.\n\n Q. Have you ever been in a church?\u2014A. No.\n\n Q. Do you faithfully believe in the new messiah?\u2014A. I did not in\n the first place, but as I became more acquainted with the doctrines\n of the new messiah that I really believe in him.\n\n Q. How many people at Rosebud, in your opinion, believe this new\n messiah?\u2014A. Nearly every one.\n\n Q. Did you not the Rosebud people prepare to attack the white\n people this summer? While I was at Pine Ridge agency this summer\n the Oglalla Sioux Indians say they will resist against the\n government if the latter should try to put a stop to the messiah\n question. Did your folks at Rosebud say the same thing?\u2014A. Yes.\n\n Q. Are they still preparing and thinking to attack the white people\n should the government send our soldiers with orders to put a stop\n to your new business of the messiah?\u2014A. I do not know, but I think\n that the Wojaji band at Rosebud agency will do some harm at any\n time.\n\n Q. You do not mean to say that the Rosebud Indians will try and\n cause an outbreak?\u2014A. That seems to be the case.\n\n Q. You said something about the \u201cson of the Great Spirit,\u201d or \u201cthe\n father.\u201d What do you mean by the son of the Great Spirit?\u2014A. This\n father, as he is called, said himself that he is the son of the\n Great Spirit.\n\n Q. Have you talked to or with any Indian at White Swan about\n the new messiah, his laws and doctrines, or have you referred\n this to anyone while there?\u2014A. I have told a few of them. I did\n not voluntarily express my wish for them to know and follow the\n doctrines of the new messiah.\n\n Q. Yes, but you have explained the matter to the Indians, did you\n not?\u2014A. Yes, I have.\n\n Q. Do the Yankton Indians at White Swan believe in your teaching of\n the new messiah?\u2014A. I did not intend to teach them, but as I have\n been questioned on the subject, that I have said something about it.\n\n Q. Did any of them believe in you?\u2014A. Some have already believed\n it, and some of them did not believe it.\n\n Q. Those that have believed in you must be better men than the\n others, are they not?\u2014A. I do not know.\n\n Q. Do you intend to introduce the doctrines of the new messiah from\n Rosebud to this agency as a missionary of the gospel?\u2014A. No, I did\n not.\n\n Q. What brings you here, then?\u2014A. I have some relatives here that I\n wanted to see, and this was the reason why I came here.\n\n Q. Where does this new messiah question originate? I mean from the\n first start of it.\u2014A. This has originated in White mountains.\n\n Q. Where is this White mountain?\u2014A. Close to the big Rocky\n mountains, near the country that belong to the Mexicans.\n\n Q. Do you think that there will be a trouble in the west by next\n spring?\u2014A. Yes.\n\n Q. What makes you think so?\u2014A. Because that is what I have heard\n people talk of.\n\n This is all that I have questioned Kuwapi on the subject of the new\n messiah.\n\n Respectfully, your obedient servant,\n +William T. Selwyn+.\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter XI+\n\n THE GHOST DANCE WEST OF THE ROCKIES\n\n\nThe first Ghost dance on Walker Lake reservation took place in January,\n1889, about a mile above the railroad bridge near the agency. Wovoka\u2019s\npreaching had already been attracting general attention among his own\npeople for some months. It is said that six Apache attended this first\ndance, but the statement is improbable, as this would imply that they\nhad made a journey of 600 miles through a desert country to see a man\nas yet unknown outside of his own tribe. From this time, however,\nhis fame went abroad, and another large dance in the same vicinity\nsoon after was attended by a number of Ute from Utah. The Ute are\nneighbors of the Paiute on the east, as the Bannock are on the north,\nand these tribes were naturally the first to hear of the new prophet\nand to send delegates to attend the dance. The doctrine spread almost\nsimultaneously to all the scattered bands of Paiute in Nevada, Oregon,\nand adjacent sections.\n\nIn its essential features the Ghost dance among the Paiute as conducted\nby the messiah himself was practically the same as among the majority\nof the prairie tribes, as will later be described. The Sioux, Kiowa,\nand perhaps some other tribes, however, danced around a tree or pole\nset up in the center of the ring, differing in this respect from the\nPaiute, as well as from the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Caddo, and others. No\nfire was allowed within the ring by any of the prairie tribes among\nwhom the subject was investigated, but among the Paiute it seems\nthat fires were built either within the circle or close to it. When\nI visited the messiah in January, 1892, deep snow was on the ground,\nwhich had caused the temporary suspension of dancing, so that I had no\nopportunity of seeing the performance there for myself. I saw, however,\nthe place cleared for the dance ground\u2014the same spot where the large\ndelegation from Oklahoma had attended the dance the preceding summer\u2014at\nthe upper end of Mason valley. A large circular space had been cleared\nof sagebrush and leveled over, and around the circumference were the\nremains of the low round structures of willow branches which had\nsheltered those in attendance. At one side, within the circle, was a\nlarger structure of branches, where the messiah gave audience to the\ndelegates from distant tribes, and, according to their statements,\nshowed them the glories of the spirit world through the medium of\nhypnotic trances. The Paiute always dance five nights, or perhaps more\nproperly four nights and the morning of the fifth day, as enjoined,\nby the messiah on the visiting delegates, ending the performance with\na general shaking and waving of blankets, as among the prairie tribes,\nafter which all go down and bathe in the nearest stream. The shaking\nof the blankets dispels all evil influences and drives sickness and\ndisease away from the dancers. There is no previous consecration of the\nground, as among the Arapaho, and no preliminary sweat bath, as among\nthe Sioux. The sweat bath seems to be unknown to the Paiute, who are\npreeminently a dirty people, and I saw no trace of sweat-house frames\nat any of their camps. Nakash, the Arapaho who visited the messiah in\n1889 and first brought the dance to the eastern tribes, confirmed the\nstatements of the Paiute and ranchmen that there were no trances in the\nPaiute Ghost dance.\n\nBesides the dance ground in Mason valley, where the messiah himself\ngenerally presided, there were several others on Walker River\nreservation, although, if we are to believe the agent, no Ghost dances\nwere ever held on either reservation.\n\nThe following extract from Porcupine\u2019s account of his visit to the\nmessiah in the fall of 1889 (see page 793) gives some idea of the\nPaiute Ghost dance and throws light on the cataleptic peculiarities of\nthe messiah:\n\n I went to the agency at Walker lake, and they told us Christ would\n be there in two days. At the end of two days, on the third morning,\n hundreds of people gathered at this place. They cleared off a place\n near the agency in the form of a circus ring and we all gathered\n there. This space was perfectly cleared of grass, etc. We waited\n there till late in the evening, anxious to see Christ. Just before\n sundown I saw a great many people, mostly Indians, coming dressed\n in white men\u2019s clothes. The Christ was with them. They all formed\n in this ring in a circle around him. They put up sheets all around\n the circle, as they had no tents. Just after dark some of the\n Indians told me that the Christ (father) was arrived. I looked\n around to find him, and finally saw him sitting on one side of the\n ring. They all started toward him to see him. They made a big fire\n to throw light on him. I never looked around, but went forward,\n and when I saw him I bent my head.... He sat there a long time and\n nobody went up to speak to him. He sat with his head bowed all the\n time. After awhile he rose and said he was very glad to see his\n children. \u201cI have sent for you and am glad to see you. I am going\n to talk to you after awhile about your relatives who are dead and\n gone. My children, I want you to listen to all I have to say to\n you. I will teach you, too, how to dance a dance, and I want you to\n dance it. Get ready for your dance, and then when the dance is over\n I will talk to you.\u201d He was dressed in a white coat with stripes.\n The rest of his dress was a white man\u2019s, except that he had on a\n pair of moccasins. Then he commenced our dance, everybody joining\n in, the Christ singing while we danced. We danced till late in the\n night; then he told us we had danced enough.\n\n The next morning after breakfast was over, we went into the circle\n and spread canvas over it on the ground, the Christ standing in\n the midst of us. He told us he was going away that day, but would\n be back the next morning and talk to us.... He had no beard or\n whiskers, but very heavy eyebrows. He was a good-looking man. We\n were crowded up very close. We had been told that nobody was to\n talk, and that even if we whispered the Christ would know it.... He\n would talk to us all day.\n\n That evening we all assembled again to see him depart. When we were\n assembled he began to sing, and he commenced to tremble all over\n violently for a while and then sat down. We danced all that night,\n the Christ lying down beside us apparently dead.\n\n The next morning when we went to eat breakfast, the Christ was with\n us. After breakfast four heralds went around and called out that\n the Christ was back with us and wanted to talk with us. The circle\n was prepared again. The people assembled, and Christ came among us\n and sat down. (_G. D., 9._)\n\nWe come now to the other tribes bordering on the Paiute. First in order\nare the Washo, a small band dwelling on the slopes of the sierras in\nthe neighborhood of Carson, Nevada, and speaking a peculiar language\nof unknown affinity. They are completely under the domination of the\nPaiute. They had no separate dance, but joined in with the nearest\ncamps of Paiute and sang the same songs. Occupying practically the same\nterritory as the Paiute, they were among the first to receive the new\ndoctrine.\n\nFarther to the south, in California, about Bridgeport and Mono lake\nand extending across to the westward slope of the sierras, are several\nsmall Shoshonean bands closely akin to the Paiute and known locally as\nthe \u201cDiggers.\u201d The Paiute state that bands of these Indians frequently\ncame up and participated in the dance on the reservation. They\nundoubtedly had their own dances at home also.\n\nAccording to the statement of the agent in charge of the Mission\nIndians in southern California in 1891, the doctrine reached them also,\nand the medicine-men of Potrero began to prophesy the destruction of\nthe whites and the return of Indian supremacy. Few believed their\npredictions, however, until rumors brought the news of the overflow of\nColorado river and the birth of \u201cSalton sea\u201d in the summer of 1891.\nNever doubting that the great change was near at hand, the frightened\nIndians fled to the mountains to await developments, but after having\ngone hungry for several days the millennial dawn seemed still as far\naway as ever, and they returned to their homes with disappointment in\ntheir hearts. Although the agent mentions specifically only the Indians\nof Potrero, there can be no doubt that the inhabitants of the other\nMission rancherias in the vicinity were also affected, and we are thus\nenabled to fix the boundary of the messiah excitement in this direction\nat the Pacific ocean. (_Comr., 27._)\n\nIn northern California the new doctrine was taken up late in 1890\nby the Pit River Indians, a group of tribes constituting a distinct\nlinguistic stock and scattered throughout the whole basin of Pit river,\nfrom Goose lake to the Sacramento, which may have formed the boundary\nof the Ghost-dance movement in this direction. (_A. G. O., 7._) As a\nnumber of these Indians are living also on Round Valley reservation in\nCalifornia, it is possible that the doctrine may have reached there\nalso. Having obtained the dance ritual directly from the Paiute, their\nneighbors on the east, the ceremony and belief were probably the same\nwith both tribes.\n\nSo far as can be learned from the reports of agents, and from the\nstatement of Wovoka himself, the dance was never taken up by the\nIndians of Hoopa Valley reservation in California; of Klamath, Siletz,\nGrande Ronde, or Umatilla reservations in Oregon; by any of the tribes\nin Washington; by those of Lapwai or C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane reservations in\nIdaho; or on Jocko reservation in Montana. Wovoka stated that he had\nbeen visited by delegates from Warmspring agency, in Oregon, who also\nhad taken part in the dance, but these may have been some of the Paiute\nliving on that reservation. The small band of Paiute living with the\nKlamath probably also attended the dance at some time.[8]\n\nA single Nez Perc\u00e9 visited the messiah, but the visit had no effect\non his tribe at home. In a general way it may be stated that the\ndoctrine of the Ghost dance was never taken up by any tribes of the\nSalishan or Shahaptian stocks, occupying practically the whole of the\ngreat Columbia basin. This is probably due to the fact that the more\nimportant of these tribes have been for a long time under the influence\nof Catholic or other Christian missionaries, while most of the others\nare adherents of the Smohalla or the Shaker doctrine.\n\nOf the tribes southward from the Paiute, according to the best\ninformation obtainable, the Ghost dance never reached the Yuma, Pima,\nPapago, Maricopa, or any of the Apache bands in Arizona or New Mexico,\nneither did it affect any of the Pueblo tribes except the Taos, who\nperformed the dance merely as a pastime. As before stated, it is said\nthat six Apache attended the first large dance at Walker lake in 1889.\nThis seems improbable, but if true it produced no effect on any part\nof the tribe at large. Later on the Jicarilla Apache, in northern New\nMexico, may have heard of it through the southern Ute, but, so far as\nis known officially, neither of these tribes ever engaged in the dance.\nThe agent of the Jicarilla states that the tribe knew nothing of the\ndoctrine until informed of it by himself. (_G. D., 10._) It seems never\nto have been taken up by the Mescalero Apache in southern New Mexico,\nalthough they are in the habit of making frequent visits to the Kiowa,\nComanche, Apache, and other Ghost-dancing tribes of Oklahoma. The agent\nof the Mohave states officially that these Indians knew nothing about\nit, but this must be a mistake, as there is constant communication\nbetween the Mohave and the southern Paiute, and, according to Wovoka\u2019s\nstatement, Mohave delegates attended the dance in 1890, while the 700\nWalapai and Chemehuevi associated with the Mohave are known to have\nbeen devoted adherents of the doctrine.\n\nThe dance was taken up nearly simultaneously by the Bannock, Shoshoni,\nGosiute, and Ute in the early part of 1889. All these tribes are\nneighbors (on the east) of the Paiute and closely cognate to them,\nthe Bannock particularly having only a slight dialectal difference of\nlanguage, so that communication between them is an easy matter. The\n\nBannock are chiefly on Fort Hall and Lemhi reservations in Idaho.\nThe Shoshoni are on the Western Shoshone (Duck Valley) reservation\nin Nevada, on Fort Hall and Lemhi reservations in Idaho, and on Wind\nRiver reservation in Wyoming. The Ute are on Uintah and Uncompahgre\nreservations in Utah, and on the Southern Ute reservation in Colorado.\nThere are also a considerable number of Bannock and Shoshoni not on\nreservations. The Ute of Utah sent delegates to the messiah soon after\nthe first Ghost dance in January, 1889, but it is doubtful if the\nsouthern Ute in Colorado were engaged in the dance. Although aware of\nthe doctrine, they ridiculed the idea of the dead returning to earth.\n(_G. D., 11._)\n\nIn regard to the dance among the Shoshoni and Paiute on the Western\nShoshoni reservation, in Nevada and Idaho, their agent writes, under\ndate of November 8, 1890:\n\n The Indians of this reservation and vicinity have just concluded\n their second medicine dance, the previous one having taken place\n in August last. They are looking for the coming of the Indian\n Christ, the resurrection of the dead Indians, and the consequent\n supremacy of the Indian race. Fully one thousand people took part\n in the dance. While the best of order prevailed, the excitement was\n very great as morning approached. When the dancers were worn out\n mentally and physically, the medicine-men would shout that they\n could see the faces of departed friends and relatives moving about\n the circle. No pen can paint the picture of wild excitement that\n ensued. All shouted in a chorus, Christ has come, and then danced\n and sung until they fell in a confused and exhausted mass on the\n ground.... I apprehend no trouble beyond the loss of time and the\n general demoralizing effect of these large gatherings of people.\n Several of the leading men have gone to Walker lake to confer with\n a man who calls himself Christ. Others have gone to Fort Hall to\n meet Indians from Montana and Dakota, to get the news from that\n section. In fact, the astonishing part of the business is the fact\n that all the Indians in the country seem to possess practically the\n same ideas and expect about the same result. (_G. D., 12._)\n\nOn December 6 he writes that another Ghost dance had then been in\nprogress for six days, and that the Indians had announced their\nintention to dance one week in each month until the grass grew, at\nwhich time the medicine-men had told them the messiah would come,\nbringing with him all their dead friends. (_G. D., 13._) This dance,\nhowever, was attended by a much smaller number of Indians, and skeptics\nhad already arisen among them to scoff at the new believers. The leaven\nwas working, and only a little shrewd diplomacy was needed to turn the\nreligious scale, as is shown by an extract from a third letter, dated\nJanuary 10, 1891, from which it would seem that Agent Plumb is a man of\npractical common sense, as likewise that Esau was not the only one who\nwould sell his birthright for a mess of pottage:\n\n Christmas day was the day set for commencing another dance. On\n learning this, I told the Indians that it was my intention to give\n them all a big feast and have a general holiday on Christmas, but\n that I would not give them anything if they intended to dance. I\n told them they could play all of their usual games, in fact, have\n a good time, but that dancing was forbidden. I showed them how\n continued dancing at various Sioux agencies had ended in soldiers\n being sent to stop them. I stated the case as clearly as I could;\n the Indians debated it two days, and then reported that while they\n hoped their dead friends would come back, and believed that dancing\n would help to bring them, yet they were friends of the government,\n and friends of the whites, and my friends, and would not hold any\n more resurrection dances without my consent. Up to this date they\n have kept their word. I have no hope of breaking up their dances\n altogether, but I have strong hopes of controlling them. (_G. D.,\n 14._)\n\nThe Bannock and Shoshoni of Fort Hall reservation in Idaho have served\nas the chief medium of the doctrine between the tribes west of the\nmountains and those of the plains. Situated almost on the summit of the\ngreat divide, they are within easy reach of the Paiute to the west,\namong whom the dance originated, and whose language the Bannock speak,\nwhile at no great distance to the east, on Wind River reservation in\nWyoming, the remaining Shoshoni are confederated with the Arapaho,\nwho have been from the first the great apostles of the doctrine among\nthe prairie tribes. There is constant visiting back and forth between\nthe tribes of these two reservations, while the four railroads coming\nin at Fort Hall, together with the fact of its close proximity to the\nmain line of the Union Pacific, tend still more to make it a focus\nand halting point for Indian travel. Almost every delegation from the\ntribes east of the mountains stopped at this agency to obtain the\nlatest news from the messiah and to procure interpreters from among\nthe Bannock to accompany them to Nevada. In a letter of November 26,\n1890, to the Indian Commissioner, the agent in charge states that\nduring the preceding spring and summer his Indians had been visited\nby representatives from about a dozen different reservations. In\nregard to the dance and the doctrine at Fort Hall, he also says that\nthe extermination and resurrection business was not a new thing with\nhis tribes by any means, but had been quite a craze with them every\nfew years for the last twenty years or more, only varying a little\naccording to the whim of particular medicine-men. (_G. D., 15._) This\nmay have referred to the doctrine already mentioned as having been\ntaught by T\u00e4vibo.\n\nEarly in 1889 a Bannock from Fort Hall visited the Shoshoni and Arapaho\nof Wind River reservation in Wyoming and brought them the first\nknowledge of the new religion. He had just returned from a visit to\nthe Paiute country, where he said he had met messengers who had told\nhim that the dead people were coming back, and who had commanded him\nto go and tell all the tribes. \u201cAnd so,\u201d said the Shoshoni, \u201che came\nhere and told us all about it.\u201d Accordingly, in the summer of that\nyear a delegation of five Shoshoni, headed by T\u00e4binshi, with Nakash\n(\u201cSage\u201d), an Arapaho, visited the messiah of Mason valley, traveling\nmost of the way by railroad and occupying several days in the journey.\nThey attended a Ghost dance, which, according to their accounts, was a\nvery large one, and after dancing all night were told by the messiah\nthat they would meet all their dead in two years from that time at the\nturning of the leaves, i. e., in the autumn of 1891. They were urged\nto dance frequently, \u201cbecause the dance moves the dead.\u201d One of the\nShoshoni delegates understood the Bannock and Paiute language and\ninterpreted for the rest. The information was probably conveyed by the\nShoshoni to the Arapaho through the medium of the sign language.\n\nIn accord with the report of the delegates, on their return home the\nShoshoni and Arapaho at once began to dance. A year later, in the fall\nof 1890, a dense smoke from forest fires in the mountains drifted\ndown and obscured the air in the lower country to such an extent that\nhorses were lost in the haze. This was regarded by the Indians as an\nindication of the approach of the great change, and the dance was\ncontinued with increased fervor, but at last the atmosphere began to\nclear and the phenomenon ended as it had begun\u2014in smoke. The dance\nwas kept up, however, without abatement for another year, until the\npredicted time had come and gone, when the Shoshoni\u2014who seem to share\nthe skeptical nature of their southern kinsmen, the Comanche\u2014concluded\nthat they had been deceived, and abandoned the dance. The Arapaho, who\nhave greater faith in the unseen things of the spirit world, kept it\nup, and were still dancing when I visited them in the summer of 1892. A\npart of the Arapaho, headed by their chief, Black Coal, and encouraged\nby the Catholic missionaries, had steadily opposed the dance from the\nfirst. After considerable discussion of the matter it was decided, on\nBlack Coal\u2019s proposition, to send another delegation to the messiah,\nunder the guidance of Yellow Eagle, a graduate of a government Indian\nschool, to learn as to the truth or falsity of the new doctrine. They\nreturned early in 1891 and reported against the movement. Their report\nconfirmed the doubters in their skepticism, but produced little effect\non the rest of the tribe.\n\nWhen I visited Wind River reservation in Wyoming in June, 1892, the\nagent in charge informed me that there was no Ghost dancing on his\nreservation; that he had explained how foolish it was and had strictly\nforbidden it, and that in consequence the Indians had abandoned\nit. However, he expressed interest in my investigation, and as the\nArapaho, with whom I had most to do, were then camped in a body a\nfew miles up in the mountains cutting wood, he very kindly furnished\na conveyance and camping outfit, with two of the agency employees\u2014a\nclerk and an interpreter\u2014to take me out. It appeared afterward that the\nescort had received instructions of their own before starting. Having\nreached the camp and set up our tent, the Arapaho soon came around to\nget acquainted, over a pipe and a cup of coffee; but, in answer to\nquestions put by one of my companions, a white man, who assumed the\nburden of the conversation, it seemed that the Indians had lost all\ninterest in the dance. In fact, some of them were so ignorant on the\nsubject that they wanted to know what it meant.\n\nAfter trying in vain to convince me that it was useless to waste time\nfurther with the Indians, the clerk started back again after supper,\nsatisfied that that part of the country was safe so far as the Ghost\ndance was concerned. By this time it was dark, and the Indians invited\nthe interpreter and myself to come over to a tipi about half a mile\naway, where we could meet all the old men. We started, and had gone but\na short distance when we heard from a neighboring hill the familiar\nmeasured cadence of the ghost songs. On turning with a questioning\nlook to my interpreter\u2014who was himself a half-blood\u2014he quietly said:\n\u201cYes; they are dancing the Ghost dance. That\u2019s something I have never\nreported, and I never will. It is their religion and they have a right\nto it.\u201d Not wishing to be an accomplice in crime, I did not go over to\nthe dance; but it is needless to state that the old men in the tipi\nthat night, and for several successive nights thereafter, knew all\nabout the songs and ceremonies of the new religion. As already stated,\nthe Shoshoni had really lost faith and abandoned the dance.\n\nAmong the Shoshoni the dance was performed around a small cedar\ntree, planted in the ground for that purpose. Unlike the Sioux, they\nhung nothing on this tree. The men did not clasp each other\u2019s hands,\nbut held on to their blankets instead; but a woman standing between\ntwo men took hold of their hands. There was no preliminary medicine\nceremony. The dance took place usually in the morning, and at its close\nthe performers shook their blankets in the air, as among the Paiute\nand other tribes, before dispersing. However novel may have been the\ndoctrine, the Shoshoni claim that the Ghost dance itself as performed\nby them was a revival of an old dance which they had had fully fifty\nyears before.\n\nThe selection of the cedar in this connection is in agreement with the\ngeneral Indian idea, which has always ascribed a mystic sacredness to\nthat tree, from its never-dying green, which renders it so conspicuous\na feature of the desert landscape; from the aromatic fragrance of its\ntwigs, which are burned as incense in sacred ceremonies; from the\ndurability and fine texture of its wood, which makes it peculiarly\nappropriate for tipi poles and lance shafts; and from the dark-red\ncolor of its heart, which seems as though dyed in blood. In Cherokee\nmyth the cedar was originally a pole, to the top of which they fastened\nthe fresh scalps of their enemies, and the wood was thus stained by the\nblood that trickled slowly down along it to the ground. The Kiowa also\nselected a cedar for the center of their Ghost-dance circle.\n\nWe go back now to the southern tribes west of the mountains. Some time\nin the winter of 1889\u201390 Paiute runners brought to the powerful tribe\nof the Navaho, living in northern New Mexico and Arizona, the news of\nthe near advent of the messiah and the resurrection of the dead. They\npreached and prophesied for a considerable time, but the Navaho were\nskeptical, laughed at the prophets, and paid but little attention to\nthe prophesies. (_Matthews, 1._) According to the official report for\n1892, these Indians, numbering somewhat over 16,000 souls, have, in\nround numbers, 9,000 cattle, 119,000 horses, and 1,600,000 sheep and\ngoats; and, as suggested by Dr Matthews, the authority on that tribe,\nit may be that, being rich in herds and wealth of silver, they felt\nno special need of a redeemer. While with the Navaho in the winter\nof 1892\u201393 I made inquiry in various parts of their wide-extended\nterritory, but could not learn that the Ghost dance had ever been\nperformed among them, and it evident that in their case the doctrinal\nseed had fallen on barren ground.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 70+\u2014Navaho Indians.]\n\nBefore visiting the tribe, I had written for information to Mr A. M.\nStephen, of Keams Ca\u00f1on, Arizona, since deceased, who had studied the\nNavaho and Hopi for years and spoke the Navaho language fluently. I\nquote from him on the subject. It may be noted that Keams Ca\u00f1on is\nabout 125 miles northwest of Fort Wingate, the point from which Dr\nMatthews writes, and nearer by that much to the Paiute, Cohonino, and\nWalapai, all of whom have accepted the new religion. Mr Stephen states\nthat some time in February or March, 1890, he first heard rumors among\nthe Navaho that \u201cthe old men long dead\u201d had returned to some foreign\ntribes in the north or east, the vague far away. The intelligence was\nbrought to the Navaho either by the Ute or Paiute, or both. The rumor\ngrew and the idea became commonly current among the Navaho that the\nmythic heroes were to return and that under their direction they were\nto expel American and Mexican and restrict the Zu\u00f1i and Hopi close to\ntheir villages, and, in fact, to reestablish their old domain from San\nFrancisco mountains to Santa F\u00e9. (_Stephen, 1._) On November 22, 1891,\nhe further writes:\n\n While out this last time I camped over night with some Navajo\n friends, and over a pipe brought up the messiah topic. This family\n belongs to the Bitter-Water gens, and this is the gist of what I\n got from them: A Pah-ute came to a family of their gens living\n near Navajo mountain and told them that _Na\u2032-Keh-tkla-\u012d_ was to\n return from the under world and bring back all the Tinneh (Navajo)\n he had killed. _Na\u2032-keh-tkla-\u012d_ (i. e., \u201cforeigner with white foot\n sole\u201d) in the long ago had a puma and a bear. These were his pets.\n He would call puma from the east and bear from the west, and just\n before dawn they met in the center. Thus they met four times. On\n the fourth meeting puma reached back with his forepaw and plucked\n his mane, tossing the hair aloft, and for every hair a Tinneh died.\n This fatal sorcery continued for a long time, and great numbers\n were killed. Now, the Pah-ute said, this sorcerer was to return,\n and would call his pets, and they would come east and west, and\n following their trail would be all the people whose death they\n had caused. These Navajo said they had heard of other Pah-ute\n prophecies a year or more ago, all to the effect that long dead\n people were to return alive from the under world. These resurrected\n ones were also to bring back the departed game, and the Tinneh\n would again dominate the region. But, said my informant, _datsaigi\n yelti_, \u201cit is worthless talk.\u201d (_Stephen, 2._)\n\nIn connection with hypnotism as seen in the Ghost dance, Dr Matthews\nstates that in one curious Navaho ceremony he has several times seen\nthe patient hypnotized or pretend to be hypnotized by a character\ndressed in evergreens. The occurrence of the hypnotic trance is\nregarded as a sign that the ceremony has been effective. If the trance\ndoes not occur, some other ceremony must be tried. (_Matthews, 2._)\n\nWest of the Navaho in northeastern Arizona live the Hopi, or Moki,\na Pueblo tribe occupying several villages on the tops of nearly\ninaccessible mesas. In July, 1891, four of these Indians, while on\na visit to the Cohonino, living farther to the west, first heard of\nthe new doctrine and witnessed a Ghost dance, as will be described\nhereafter. They brought back the news to their people, but it made\nno impression on them and the matter was soon forgotten. (_Stephen,\n3._) In this connection Mr Stephen states, in response to a letter of\ninquiry, that although he does not recollect any Hopi myth concerning\nrejuvenation of the world and reunion with the resurrected dead on\nthis earth, yet the doctrine of a reunion with the revivified dead in\nthe under world is a commonly accepted belief of the Hopi. They have\nalso a curious myth of a fair-hair god and a fair-skin people who\ncame up from the under world with the Hopi, and who then left them\nwith a promise to return. This suggests the idea of a messiah, but Mr\nStephen has not yet been able to get the myth in its entirety. He does\nnot think it derived from any corrupt source, however, through Spanish\nor other missionaries, as the allusions are all of archaic tendency.\n(_Stephen, 4._)\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 71+\u2014Vista in the Hopi pueblo of Walpi.]\n\nThe Cohonino or Havasupai are a small tribe occupying the canyon of\nCataract creek, an affluent of the Colorado, in northern Arizona,\nabout 120 miles west of the Hopi, with whom they have a considerable\ntrade in buckskins and mesquite bread. They probably obtained the\ndoctrine and the dance directly from the Paiute to the northward.\nOur only knowledge of the Cohonino dance is derived through Hopi\ninformants, and as the two tribes speak languages radically different\nthe ideas conveyed were neither complete nor definite, but it is\nevident that the general doctrine was the same, although the dance\ndiffered in some respects from that of the other tribes.\n\nWe quote again from Stephen\u2019s letter of November 22, 1891:\n\n During a quiet interval, in one of the kivas I found the Hopi who\n brought the tidings of the resurrection to his people. His name\n is P\u00fctci and his story is very meager and confused. He went on a\n customary trading visit to the Cojonino in their home at Cataract\n creek, and I could not determine just when. The chief of the\n Cojonino is named Navajo, and when P\u00fctci got there, Navajo had but\n lately returned from a visit to the westward. He had been with\n the Walapai, the Mohave, and perhaps still farther west, and had\n been gone nearly three months. He told his people a vague mystic\n story that he had heard during his travels, to the effect that the\n long-time dead people of the Antelope, Deer, and Rabbit [Antelope,\n Deer, etc., are probably Cohonino gentes\u2014J. M.] were to come\n back and live in their former haunts; that they had reached to a\n place where were the people of the Puma, the Wolf, and the Bear;\n that this meeting delayed the coming, but eventually all these\n people would appear, and in the sequence here related. P\u00fctci was\n accompanied by three other Hopi, and they said they did not very\n well understand this strange story. While they were stopping in\n Cataract ca\u00f1on a one-night dance was held by the Cojonino, at which\n these Hopi were present. During the night a long pole, having the\n tail of an eagle fastened to the end, was brought out and securely\n planted in the ground, and the dancers were told by their shamans\n that anyone who could climb this pole and put his mouth on the tail\n would see his dead mother (maternal ancestor). One man succeeded\n in climbing it and laid his mouth on the feathers, and then fell\n to the bottom in a state of collapse. They deemed him dead, but\n before dawn he recovered and then said that he had seen his dead\n mother and several other dead ancestors, who told him they were\n all on their way back. The Hopi on their return home related these\n marvels, but apparently it made little impression, and it was only\n with difficulty I could gather the above meager details.\n\nThrough the kindness of Mr Thomas V. Keam, trader for the Hopi and\nNavaho, we get a revision of P\u00fctci\u2019s story. P\u00fctci states that in July,\n1891, he with three other Hopi went on a visit to the Cohonino to\ntrade for buckskins. When they arrived in the vicinity of the Cohonino\ncamp, they were met by one of the tribe, who informed the visitors\nthat all the Indians were engaged in a very important ceremony, and\nthat before they could enter the camp they must wash their bodies and\npaint them with white clay. Accordingly, when this had been done,\nthey were escorted to the camp and introduced to the principal chief\nand headmen, all of whom they found engaged in washing their heads,\ndecorating themselves, and preparing for the ceremony, which took place\non a clear space near the camp late in the afternoon. Here a very tall\nstraight pole had been securely fastened upright in the ground. At the\ntop were tied two eagle-tail feathers. A circle was formed around this\npole by the Indians, and, after dancing around it until almost dark,\none of the men climbed the pole to the top, and remained there until\nexhausted, when he would slide to the ground, clinging insensible to\nthe pole. After remaining in this state for some time, the medicine-men\nresuscitated him. On recovery he stood up and told them he had been\ninto another world, where he saw all the old men who had died long ago,\nand among them his own people. They told him they would all come back\nin time and bring the deer, the antelope, and all other good things\nthey had when they dwelt on this earth. This ceremony lasted four days,\nincluding the cleansing and decorating of the dancers and the climbing\nof the pole, with an account of what had been seen by the Indian during\nthe time he was in an apparently lifeless state. Each day the ceremony\nwas attended by the whole tribe. (_Keam, 1._) Resuscitation by the\nmedicine-men, as here mentioned, is something unknown among the prairie\ntribes, where the unconscious subject is allowed to lie undisturbed on\nthe ground until the senses return in the natural way.\n\nBeyond the Cohonino, and extending for about 200 miles along Colorado\nriver on the Arizona side, are the associated tribes of Mohave,\nWalapai, and Chemehuevi, numbering in all about 2,800 souls, of whom\nonly about one-third are on a reservation. The Chemehuevi, being\na branch of the Paiute and in constant communication with them,\nundoubtedly had the dance and the doctrine. The Mohave also have much\nto do with the Paiute, the two tribes interchanging visits and mutually\nborrowing songs and games. They sent delegates to the messiah and\nin all probability took up the Ghost dance, in spite of the agent\u2019s\nstatement to the contrary. As only 660 of more than 2,000 Mohave are\nreported as being on the reservation, the agent may have a good reason\nfor not keeping fully informed in regard to them.\n\nConcerning the Walapai we have positive information. In September,\n1890, the commanding officer at Fort Whipple was informed that a Paiute\nfrom southern Utah was among the Walapai, inciting them to dance for\nthe purpose of causing hurricanes and storms to destroy the whites and\nsuch Indians as would not participate in the dances. It was stated also\nthat these dances had then been going on for several months and were\nparticipated in by a large portion of the tribe, and that each dance\nlasted four or five nights in succession. On investigation it appeared\nthat this Paiute was one of a party who had come down and inaugurated\nthe Ghost dance among the Walapai the preceding year. (_G. D., 17._)\n\nWe find an account of the Walapai Ghost dance in a local paper a year\nlater. The article states that all the songs were in the language of\nthe Paiute, from whom the doctrine had originally come. The Walapai\nversion of the doctrine has been already noted. The dance itself, and\nthe step, as here described, are essentially the same as among other\ntribes. Each dance lasted five nights, and on the last night was kept\nup until daylight. Just before daylight on the morning of the last\nnight the medicine men ascended a small butte, where they met and\ntalked with the expected god, and on coming down again delivered his\nmessage to the people. The dance was held at irregular intervals,\naccording to the instructions received on the butte by the medicine-men.\n\nThe dance place was a circular piece of ground a hundred feet in\ndiameter, inclosed by a fence of poles and bushes, and surrounded by\nhigh mountain walls of granite, which reflected the light from half a\ndozen fires blazing within the circle. The dancers, to the number of\n200, clad in white robes with fancy trimmings, their faces and hair\npainted white in various decorative designs, moved slowly around in\na circle, keeping time with a wild chant, while 200 more stood or\ncrouched around the fires, awaiting their turn to participate. The\ndancers faced toward the center, each holding the hands of the ones\nnext to him and joining in the chant in unison. The dust issued in\nclouds from beneath their feet, and with the dust and exertion together\nthe performers were soon exhausted and dropped out, when others took\ntheir places. After each circuit they rested a few minutes and then\nstarted round again. At each circuit a different chant was sung, and\nthus the dance continued until midnight, when, with a loud clapping\nof hands, it ended, and the people separated and went to their homes.\nThroughout the performance two or three chiefs or medicine-men were\nconstantly going about on the outside of the circle to preserve order\nand reprimand any merriment, one of them explaining to the visitors\nthat, as this was a religious ceremony, due solemnity must be observed.\n(_J. F. L., 2._)\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter XII+\n\n THE GHOST DANCE EAST OF THE ROCKIES\u2014AMONG THE SIOUX\n\n In 1889 the Ogalala heard that the son of God had come upon earth\n in the west. They said the Messiah was there, but he had come to\n help the Indians and not the whites, and it made the Indians happy\n to hear this.\u2014_George Sword._\n\n They signed away a valuable portion of their reservation, and it\n is now occupied by white people, for which they have received\n nothing. They understood that ample provision would be made for\n their support; instead, their supplies have been reduced and much\n of the time they have been living on half and two-thirds rations.\n Their crops, as well as the crops of white people, for two years\n have been almost a total failure. The disaffection is widespread,\n especially among the Sioux, while the Cheyennes have been on the\n verge of starvation and were forced to commit depredations to\n sustain life. These facts are beyond question, and the evidence is\n positive and sustained by thousands of witnesses.\u2014_General Miles._\n\n\nAmong the tribes east of the mountains and north of Oklahoma, it\nappears from official documents in the Indian Office and from other\nobtainable information that the Ghost dance and the doctrine, if known\nat all, were never accepted by the Blackfeet of Montana; the Ojibwa of\nTurtle mountain and Devils lake in North Dakota, or by the rest of the\ntribe farther to the east in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan; the\nOmaha, Winnebago, and Ponka in Nebraska; the small band of Sauk and\nFox in Iowa; the still smaller band of Sauk and Fox, the Potawatomi,\nKickapoo, Iowa, and Ojibwa in northeastern Kansas; or by the Sioux\nof Devils lake in North Dakota, Lake Traverse (Sisseton agency) and\nFlandreau in South Dakota, and Santee agency in Nebraska. All or most\nof these Sioux belong to the Santee or eastern division of the tribe,\nand have long been under civilizing influences. According to official\nstatements the dance was not taken up by any of the Sioux of Crow Creek\nor Yankton agencies in South Dakota, but they were certainly more or\nless affected by it, as they knew all about it and are in constant\ncommunication with the wilder bands of Sioux which were concerned in\nthe outbreak. I was informed by the Omaha and Winnebago in 1891 that\nthey had been told of the new messiah by visiting Sioux from Pine\nRidge agency in April, 1890, and later on by other Sioux from Yankton\nagency, but had put no faith in the story, and had never organized a\nGhost dance. According to the agent in charge, the Crow of Montana\nwere not affected. This, if true, is remarkable, in view of the fact\nthat the Crow are a large tribe and comparatively primitive, and have\nliving near them the wildest of the Ghost-dancing tribes, the northern\nCheyenne especially occupying practically the same reservation. It is\npossible that their experience in the Sword-bearer affair in 1887,\nalready mentioned, had a tendency to weaken their faith in later\nprophets. Dr George Bird Grinnell, a competent authority, states, in\nreply to a personal letter, that nothing was known about the dance by\nthe Blackfeet of Montana or by the Blackfeet, Sarsi, or Plains Cree on\nthe Canadian side of the boundary line.\n\nWithin the same general region, east of the Rocky mountains and north\nof Oklahoma, the doctrine and the dance were accepted by the Asiniboin\n(Fort Belknap and Fort Peck agencies), Grosventres (Arapaho subtribe,\nFort Belknap agency), northern Cheyenne of Montana; the Arikara,\nGrosventres (Minitari), and Mandan of Fort Berthold agency, North\nDakota; the Shoshoni and northern Arapaho on Wind River reservation in\nWyoming, as already mentioned; and by the great body of the Sioux, at\nFort Peck agency (Yanktonais), Montana, and at Standing Rock, Cheyenne\nRiver, Lower Brul\u00e9, Pine Ridge, and Rosebud agencies in North Dakota\nand South Dakota. The whole number of Sioux concerned was about 20,000,\nof whom 16,000 belonged to the Teton division, among the wildest\nand most warlike of all the western tribes. A few Cheyenne are also\nassociated with the Sioux at Pine Ridge.\n\nThe northern Arapaho and the Shoshoni of Wyoming were the medium by\nwhich the doctrine of the new messiah was originally communicated to\nall these tribes. In the spring of 1889, Nakash, \u201cSage,\u201d the Arapaho\nchief already mentioned, crossed the mountains to investigate the\nreports of the new religion, and brought back a full confirmation of\nall that had been told them from the west. A visiting Grosventre, then\namong the Arapaho, heard the story and brought back the wonderful news\nto the Grosventres and Asiniboin of Fort Belknap, but although his\naccount was received by some with unquestioning faith, the excitement\nhad in it nothing of a dangerous character. (_G. D., 18._)\n\nIn a short time the news spread to the Cheyenne in Montana and the\nSioux of the Dakotas, and in the fall of 1889 delegates from these two\ntribes arrived at Fort Washakie to learn more about the messiah in the\nwest. The principal Cheyenne delegate was Porcupine, while Short Bull\nand Kicking Bear were the leaders of the Sioux party. After hearing the\nstatements of the Arapaho and Shoshoni, it was decided that some of the\nCheyenne should return and report to their tribe, while Porcupine and\none or two others, with the Sioux delegates, several Shoshoni, and the\nArapaho, Sitting Bull, and Friday, should go to Nevada, interview the\nmessiah himself, and learn the whole truth of the matter. Accordingly,\nabout November, 1889, Porcupine and his companions left Fort Washakie\nin Wyoming for Fort Hall reservation in Idaho, where they met the\nShoshoni and Bannock and were well received and entertained by them.\nThe tribes at this place were firm believers in the new doctrine, and\nPorcupine states that from there on to the end of the journey all the\nIndians they met were dancing the Ghost dance. After stopping a few\ndays at Fort Hall, they went on again, accompanied by several Bannock\nand Shoshoni, and going rapidly by railroad soon found themselves in\nthe country of the Paiute, and after stopping at one or two camps\narrived at the agency at Pyramid lake. Here the Paiute furnished them\nconveyances and guides to the other agency farther south at Walker\nriver. Porcupine is our principal authority for the events of the trip,\nand although he claims that he undertook this journey of a thousand\nmiles without any definite purpose or destination in view, it is\nevident enough from his own narrative that he left Wyoming with the\nfixed intention of verifying the rumors of a messiah. He has much to\nsay of the kindness of the whites they met west of the mountains, who,\nit will be remembered, were largely Mormons, who have always manifested\na special interest in the Indians. He also states that many of the\nwhites took part with the Indians in the dance.\n\nThey were now in the messiah\u2019s country. \u201cThe Fisheaters, near Pyramid\nlake, told me that Christ had appeared on earth again. They said Christ\nknew he was coming; that eleven of his children were also coming from a\nfar land. It appeared that Christ had sent for me to go there, and that\nwas why, unconsciously, I took my journey. It had been foreordained.\nChrist had summoned myself and others from all heathen tribes. There\nwere more different languages than I had ever heard before, and I did\nnot understand any of them.\u201d The delegation of which Porcupine was\na member was probably the one mentioned by the agent in charge at\nPyramid lake as having arrived in the spring of 1890, and consisting of\nthirty-four Indians of different tribes. (_G. D., 19._)\n\nIn a few days preparations were made for a great dance near Walker\nlake, with all the delegates from the various tribes and hundreds of\nIndians in attendance. They danced two nights or longer, the messiah\nhimself\u2014Wovoka\u2014coming down from his home in Mason valley to lead the\nceremony. After the dance Wovoka went into a trance, and on awaking\nannounced to those assembled that he had been to the other world and\nhad seen the spirits of their dead friends and of his own father and\nmother, and had been sent back to teach the people. According to\nPorcupine he claimed to be the returned Christ and bore on his body\nthe scars of the crucifixion. He told them that the dead were to be\nresurrected, and that as the earth was old and worn out it would be\nrenewed as it used to be and made better; that when this happened the\nyouth of everyone would be renewed with each return of spring, and that\nthey would live forever; that there would be universal peace, and that\nany tribe that refused his message would be destroyed from the face of\nthe earth.\n\nIt was early in the spring of 1890 when Porcupine and his Cheyenne\ncompanions returned to their tribe at Tongue River agency in Montana\nwith the news of the appearance of the messiah. A council was called\nand Porcupine made a full report of the journey and delivered the\ndivine message, talking five days in succession. The report aroused\nthe wildest excitement among the Cheyenne, and after several long\ndebates on the subject the Ghost dance was inaugurated at the various\ncamps in accordance with the instructions from beyond the mountains.\nIn June the matter came to the attention of the military officer on\nthe reservation, who summoned Porcupine before him and obtained from\nhim a full account of the journey and the doctrine. (See page 793.)\nPorcupine insisted strongly on the sacred character of the messiah and\nhis message, and challenged any doubters to return with him to Nevada\nand investigate for themselves. He claimed also that the messiah could\nspeak all languages. As a matter of fact, Wovoka speaks only his native\nPaiute and a little English, but due allowance must be made for the\nmental exaltation of the narrator.\n\nGrinnell states that the failure of certain things to happen according\nto the predictions of the messiah, in September, 1890, caused a\ntemporary loss of faith on the part of the Cheyenne, but that shortly\nafterward some visiting Shoshoni and Arapaho from Wyoming reported that\nin their journey as they came over they had met a party of Indians who\nhad been dead thirty or forty years, but had been resurrected by the\nmessiah, and were now going about as if they had never died. It is\nuseless to speculate on the mental condition of men who could seriously\nreport or believe such things; but, however that may be, the result was\nthat the Cheyenne returned to the dance with redoubled fervor. (_J. F.\nL., 5._)\n\nThe Sioux first heard of the messiah in 1889. According to the\nstatement of Captain George Sword, of that tribe, the information\ncame to the Ogalala (Sioux of Pine Ridge) in that year, through the\nShoshoni and Arapaho. Later in the same year a delegation consisting\nof Good Thunder and several others started out to the west to find the\nmessiah and to investigate the truth of the rumor. On their return they\nannounced that the messiah had indeed come to help the Indians, but not\nthe whites. Their report aroused a fervor of joyful excitement among\nthe Indians and a second delegation was sent out in 1890, consisting of\nGood Thunder, Cloud Horse, Yellow Knife, and Short Bull. They confirmed\nthe report of the first delegation, and on this assurance the Ghost\ndance was inaugurated among the Sioux at Pine Ridge in the spring of\n1890.\n\nThe matter is stated differently and more correctly by William Selwyn,\nan educated Sioux, at that time employed as postmaster at Pine Ridge.\nHe says there was some talk on the subject by Indians from western\ntribes who visited the agency in the fall of 1888 (?), but that it\ndid not excite much attention until 1889, when numerous letters\nconcerning the new messiah were received by the Indians at Pine Ridge\nfrom tribes in Utah, Wyoming, Montana, Dakota, and Oklahoma. As Selwyn\nwas postmaster, the Indians who could not read usually brought their\nletters to him to read for them, so that he was thus in position to\nget accurate knowledge of the extent and nature of the excitement. It\nmay be remarked here that, under present conditions, when the various\ntribes are isolated upon widely separated reservations, the Ghost dance\ncould never have become so widespread, and would probably have died\nout within a year of its inception, had it not been for the efficient\naid it received from the returned pupils of various eastern government\nschools, who conducted the sacred correspondence for their friends at\nthe different agencies, acted as interpreters for the delegates to the\nmessiah, and in various ways assumed the leadership and conduct of the\ndance.\n\nIn the fall of 1889, at a council held at Pine Ridge by Red Cloud,\nYoung Man Afraid, Little Wound, American Horse, and other Sioux chiefs,\na delegation was appointed to visit the western agencies to learn more\nabout the new messiah. The delegates chosen were Good Thunder, Flat\nIron, Yellow Breast, and Broken Arm, from Pine Ridge; Short Bull and\nanother from Rosebud, and Kicking Bear from Cheyenne River agency.\nThey started on their journey to the west, and soon began to write\nfrom Wyoming, Utah, and beyond the mountains, confirming all that had\nbeen said of the advent of a redeemer. They were gone all winter,\nand their return in the spring of 1890 aroused an intense excitement\namong the Sioux, who had been anxiously awaiting their report. All the\ndelegates agreed that there was a man near the base of the Sierras\nwho said that he was the son of God, who had once been killed by the\nwhites, and who bore on his body the scars of the crucifixion. He had\nnow returned to punish the whites for their wickedness, especially\nfor their injustice toward the Indians. With the coming of the next\nspring (1891) he would wipe the whites from the face of the earth, and\nwould then resurrect all the dead Indians, bring back the buffalo and\nother game, and restore the supremacy of the aboriginal race. He had\nbefore come to the whites, but they had rejected him. He was now the\nGod of the Indians, and they must pray to him and call him \u201cfather,\u201d\nand prepare for his awful coming. Selwyn\u2019s account of this delegation,\nwhich was accompanied by representatives of several other tribes,\nincluding Porcupine the Cheyenne, and Sitting Bull the Arapaho, agrees\nwith the statements of the Arapaho as given in chapter +XIV+. Three of\nthe Sioux delegates found their way to Umatilla reservation in Oregon\nand remained there several days discussing the new doctrine. (_Comr.,\n30_\u2014_Dorchester, 529_.)\n\nThe delegates made their report at Pine Ridge in April, 1890. A council\nwas at once called to discuss the matter, but Selwyn informed the\nagent, Colonel Gallagher, who had Good Thunder and two others arrested\nand imprisoned. They were held in confinement two days, but refused\nto talk when questioned. The intended council was not held, but soon\nafterward Kicking Bear returned from a visit to the northern Arapaho\nin Wyoming with the news that those Indians were already dancing,\nand could see and talk with their dead relatives in the trance. The\nexcitement which the agent had thought to smother by the arrest of the\nleaders broke out again with added strength. Red Cloud himself, the\ngreat chief of the Ogalala, declared his adhesion to the new doctrine\nand said his people must do as the messiah had commanded. Another\ncouncil was called on White Clay creek, a few miles from Pine Ridge\nagency, and the Ghost dance was formally inaugurated among the Sioux,\nthe recent delegates acting as priests and leaders of the ceremony.\n\nAs the result of all he could learn, Selwyn, in November, 1890, warned\nthe agent in charge of Yankton agency that the Indians intended\na general outbreak in the spring. Six months earlier, and before\nPorcupine\u2019s statement had been made to the officer at Camp Crook,\na letter dated May 29, 1890, had been addressed to the Interior\nDepartment from a citizen of Pierre, South Dakota, stating that the\nSioux, or a portion of them, were secretly planning for an outbreak in\nthe near future. This was the first intimation of trouble ahead. (_G.\nD., 20._)\n\nWonderful things were said of the messiah by the returned delegates.\nIt was claimed that he could make animals talk and distant objects\nappear close at hand, and that he came down from heaven in a cloud. He\nconjured up before their eyes a vision of the spirit world, so that\nwhen they looked they beheld an ocean, and beyond it a land upon which\nthey saw \u201call the nations of Indians coming home,\u201d but as they looked\nthe vision faded away, the messiah saying that the time had not yet\ncome. Curiously enough, although he came to restore the old life, he\nadvised his hearers to go to work and to send their children to school.\nShould the soldiers attempt to harm him, he said he need only stretch\nout his arms and his enemies would become powerless, or the ground\nwould open and swallow them. On their way home if they should kill a\nbuffalo\u2014the messiah had evidently not read Allen\u2019s monograph\u2014they must\ncut off its head and tail and feet and leave them on the ground and the\nbuffalo would come to life again. They must tell their people to follow\nhis instructions. Unbelievers and renegade Indians would be buried\nunder the new earth which was to come upon the old. They must use the\nsacred red and white paint and the sacred grass (possibly sagebrush)\nwhich he gave them, and in the spring, when the green grass came, their\npeople who were gone before would return, and they would see their\nfriends again.\n\nNow comes the most remarkable part, quoting from the statement given to\nCaptain Sword:\n\n The people from every tipi send for us to visit them; they are\n people who died many years ago. Chasing Hawk, who died not long\n ago, was there and we went to his tipi. He was living with his\n wife, who was killed in war long ago. They live in a buffalo skin\n tipi\u2014a very large one\u2014and he wanted all his friends to go there\n to live. A son of Good Thunder, who died in war long ago, was one\n who also took us to his tipi, so his father saw him. When coming\n we come to a herd of buffaloes. We killed one and took everything\n except the four feet, head, and tail, and when we came a little\n ways from it there was the buffaloes come to life again and went\n off. This was one of the messiah\u2019s word came to truth. The messiah\n said, \u201cI will short your journey when you feel tired of the long\n ways, if you call upon me.\u201d This we did when we were tired. The\n night came upon us, we stopped at a place and we called upon the\n messiah to help us because we were tired of long journey. We went\n to sleep and in the morning we found ourselves at a great distance\n from where we stopped.\n\nIt is useless to assert that these men, who had been selected by\nthe chiefs of their tribe to investigate and report upon the truth\nor falsity of the messiah rumors, were all liars, and that all the\nCheyenne, Arapaho, and other delegates who reported equally wonderful\nthings were liars likewise. They were simply laboring under some\nstrange psychologic influence as yet unexplained. The story of the\nrevivified buffalo became so widely current as to form the subject of a\nKiowa ghost song.\n\nHaving mentioned some characteristics of the Ghost dance west of the\nRockies, we shall notice here some of the peculiar features of the\ndance as it existed among the Sioux. The ceremony will be described in\ndetail later on.\n\nBefore going into the dance the men, or at least the leaders, fasted\nfor twenty-four hours, and then at sunrise entered the sweat-house for\nthe religious rite of purification preliminary to painting themselves\nfor the dance. The sweat-house is a small circular framework of willow\nbranches driven into the ground and bent over and brought together at\nthe top in such a way that when covered with blankets or buffalo robes\nthe structure forms a diminutive round-top tipi just high enough to\nenable several persons to sit or to stand in a stooping posture inside.\nThe doorway faces the east, as is the rule in Indian structures, and at\nthe distance of a few feet in front of the doorway is a small mound of\nearth, on which is placed a buffalo skull, with the head turned as if\nlooking into the lodge. The earth of which the mound is formed is taken\nfrom a hole dug in the center of the lodge. Near the sweat-house, on\nthe outside, there is frequently a tall sacrifice pole, from the top of\nwhich are hung strips of bright-colored cloth, packages of tobacco, or\nother offerings to the deity invoked by the devotee on any particular\noccasion.\n\nThe sweat bath is in frequent use, both as a religious rite of\npurification and as a hygienic treatment. Like everything else in\nIndian life, even the sanitary application is attended with much detail\nof religious ceremony. Fresh bundles of the fragrant wild sage are\nstrewn upon the ground inside of the sweat-house, and a fire is kindled\noutside a short distance away. In this fire stones are heated by the\nmedicine-men, and when all is ready the patient or devotee, stripped\nto the breechcloth, enters the sweat-house. The stones are then handed\nin to him by the priests by means of two forked sticks, cut especially\nfor the purpose, and with two other forked sticks he puts the stones\ninto the hole already mentioned as having been dug in the center of\nthe lodge. Water is then passed in to him, which he pours over the hot\nstones until the whole interior is filled with steam; the blankets are\npulled tight to close every opening, and he sits in this aboriginal\nTurkish bath until his naked body is dripping with perspiration. During\nthis time the doctors outside are doing their part in the way of\npraying to the gods and keeping up the supply of hot stones and water\nuntil in their estimation he has been sufficiently purified, physically\nor morally, when he emerges and resumes his clothing, sometimes first\nchecking the perspiration and inducing a reaction by a plunge into the\nneighboring stream. The sweat bath in one form or another was common to\nalmost every tribe in the United States, but as an accompaniment to the\nGhost dance it seems to have been used only by the Sioux. It may have\nbeen used in this connection among the Shoshoni or northern Cheyenne,\nbut was not among any of the tribes of the southern plains. The\nGhost-dance sweat-house of the Sioux was frequently made sufficiently\nlarge to accommodate a considerable number of persons standing inside\nat the same time.\n\n[Illustration: PL. XCIV\n\n SIOUX SWEAT-HOUSE AND SACRIFICE POLE]\n\nAfter the sweating ceremony the dancer was painted by the medicine-men\nwho acted as leaders, of whom Sitting Bull was accounted the greatest\namong the Sioux. The design and color varied with the individual, being\nfrequently determined by a previous trance vision of the subject, but\ncircles, crescents, and crosses, representing respectively the sun, the\nmoon, and the morning star, were always favorite figures upon forehead,\nface, and cheeks. As this was not a naked dance, the rest of the body\nwas not usually painted. After the painting the dancer was robed in\nthe sacred ghost shirt already described. This also was painted with,\nsymbolic figures, among which were usually represented sun, moon, or\nstars, the eagle, magpie, crow, or sage-hen, all sacred to the Ghost\ndance among the Sioux. In connection with the painting the face and\nbody were rubbed with the sweet-smelling vernal grass (_Hierochloe_),\nused for this purpose by many of the prairie tribes, and sometimes also\nburned as incense in their sacred ceremonies or carried as a perfume in\nsmall pouches attached to the clothing.\n\nThe painting occupied most of the morning, so that it was about noon\nbefore the participants formed the circle for the dance. Among the\nSioux, unlike the southern and western tribes generally, a small tree\nwas planted in the center of the circle, with an American flag or\ncolored streamers floating from the top. Around the base of this tree\nsat the priests. At a great dance at No Water\u2019s camp on White river\nnear Pine Ridge, shortly before the arrival of the troops, a young\nwoman standing within the circle gave the signal for the performance by\nshooting into the air toward the cardinal points four sacred arrows,\nmade after the old primitive fashion with bone heads, and dipped in\nthe blood of a steer before being brought to the dance. These were\nthen gathered up and tied to the branches of the tree, together with\nthe bow, a gaming wheel and sticks, and a peculiar staff or wand with\nhorns. (See plates +XC+, +XCI+.) Another young woman, or the same one,\nremained standing near the tree throughout the dance, holding a sacred\nredstone pipe stretched out toward the west, the direction from which\nthe messiah was to appear.\n\nAt the beginning the performers, men and women, sat on the ground in a\nlarge circle around the tree. A plaintive chant was then sung, after\nwhich a vessel of some sacred food was passed around the circle until\neveryone had partaken, when, at a signal by the priests, the dancers\nrose to their feet, joined hands, and began to chant the opening song\nand move slowly around the circle from right to left. The rest of the\nperformance, with its frenzies, trances, and recitals of visions, was\nthe same as with the southern tribes, as will be described in detail\nhereafter. Like these tribes also, the Sioux usually selected Sunday,\nthe great medicine day of the white man, for the ceremony.\n\n * * * * *\n\nWe come now to the Sioux outbreak of 1890, but before going into the\nhistory of this short but costly war it is appropriate to state briefly\nthe causes of the outbreak. In the documentary appendix to this chapter\nthese causes are fully set forth by competent authorities\u2014civilian,\nmilitary, missionary, and Indian. They may be summarized as (1) unrest\nof the conservative element under the decay of the old life, (2)\nrepeated neglect of promises made by the government, and (3) hunger.\n\nThe Sioux are the largest and strongest tribe within the United States.\nIn spite of wars, removals, and diminished food supply since the advent\nof the white man, they still number nearly 26,000. In addition to\nthese there are about 600 more residing in Canada. They formerly held\nthe headwaters of the Mississippi, extending eastward almost to Lake\nSuperior, but were driven into the prairie about two centuries ago by\ntheir enemies, the Ojibwa, after the latter had obtained firearms from\nthe French. On coming out on the buffalo plains they became possessed\nof the horse, by means of which reinforcement to their own overpowering\nnumbers the Sioux were soon enabled to assume the offensive, and\nin a short time had made themselves the undisputed masters of an\nimmense territory extending, in a general way, from Minnesota to the\nRocky mountains and from the Yellowstone to the Platte. A few small\ntribes were able to maintain their position within these limits, but\nonly by keeping close to their strongly built permanent villages on\nthe Missouri. Millions of buffalo to furnish unlimited food supply,\nthousands of horses, and hundreds of miles of free range made the\nSioux, up to the year 1868, the richest and most prosperous, the\nproudest, and withal, perhaps, the wildest of all the tribes of the\nplains.\n\nIn that year, in pursuance of a policy inaugurated for bringing all the\nplains tribes under the direct control of the government, a treaty was\nnegotiated with the Sioux living west of the Missouri by which they\nrenounced their claims to a great part of their territory and had \u201cset\napart for their absolute and undisturbed use and occupation\u201d\u2014so the\ntreaty states\u2014a reservation which embraced all of the present state\nof South Dakota west of Missouri river. At the same time agents were\nappointed and agencies established for them; annuities and rations,\ncows, physicians, farmers, teachers, and other good things were\npromised them, and they agreed to allow railroad routes to be surveyed\nand built and military posts to be established in their territory and\nneighborhood. At one stroke they were reduced from a free nation to\ndependent wards of the government. It was stipulated also that they\nshould be allowed to hunt within their old range, outside the limits of\nthe reservation, so long as the buffalo abounded\u2014a proviso which, to\nthe Indians, must have meant forever.\n\nThe reservation thus established was an immense one, and would have\nbeen ample for all the Sioux while being gradually educated toward\ncivilization, could the buffalo have remained and the white man kept\naway. But the times were changing. The building of the railroads\nbrought into the plains swarms of hunters and emigrants, who began\nto exterminate the buffalo at such a rate that in a few years the\nSioux, with all the other hunting tribes of the plains, realized that\ntheir food supply was rapidly going. Then gold was discovered in the\nBlack hills, within the reservation, and at once thousands of miners\nand other thousands of lawless desperadoes rushed into the country\nin defiance of the protests of the Indians and the pledges of the\ngovernment, and the Sioux saw their last remaining hunting ground\ntaken from them. The result was the Custer war and massacre, and a new\nagreement in 1876 by which the Sioux were shorn of one-third of their\nguaranteed reservation, including the Black hills, and this led to deep\nand widespread dissatisfaction throughout the tribe. The conservatives\nbrooded over the past and planned opposition to further changes which\nthey felt themselves unable to meet. The progressives felt that the\nwhite man\u2019s promises meant nothing.\n\nOn this point Commissioner Morgan says, in his statement of the causes\nof the outbreak:\n\n Prior to the agreement of 1876 buffalo and deer were the main\n support of the Sioux. Food, tents, bedding were the direct outcome\n of hunting, and with furs and pelts as articles of barter or\n exchange it was easy for the Sioux to procure whatever constituted\n for them the necessaries, the comforts, or even the luxuries\n of life. Within eight years from the agreement of 1876 the\n buffalo had gone and the Sioux had left to them alkali land and\n government rations. It is hard to overestimate the magnitude of\n the calamity, as they viewed it, which happened to these people by\n the sudden disappearance of the buffalo and the large diminution\n in the numbers of deer and other wild animals. Suddenly, almost\n without warning, they were expected at once and without previous\n training to settle down to the pursuits of agriculture in a land\n largely unfitted for such use. The freedom of the chase was to be\n exchanged for the idleness of the camp. The boundless range was\n to be abandoned for the circumscribed reservation, and abundance\n of plenty to be supplanted by limited and decreasing government\n subsistence and supplies. Under these circumstances it is not in\n human nature not to be discontented and restless, even turbulent\n and violent. (_Comr., 28._)\n\nIt took our own Aryan ancestors untold centuries to develop from\nsavagery into civilization. Was it reasonable to expect that the Sioux\ncould do the same in fourteen years?\n\nThe white population in the Black hills had rapidly increased, and it\nhad become desirable to open communication between eastern and western\nDakota. To accomplish this, it was proposed to cut out the heart of\nthe Sioux reservation, and in 1882, only six years after the Black\nhills had been seized, the Sioux were called on to surrender more\nterritory. A commission was sent out to treat with them, but the price\noffered\u2014only about 8 cents per acre\u2014was so absurdly small, and the\nmethods used so palpably unjust, that friends of the Indians interposed\nand succeeded in defeating the measure in Congress. Another agreement\nwas prepared, but experience had made the Indians suspicious, and it\nwas not until a third commission went out, under the chairmanship of\nGeneral Crook, known to the Indians as a brave soldier and an honorable\nman, that the Sioux consented to treat. (_Welsh, 1._) The result, after\nmuch effort on the part of the commission and determined opposition\nby the conservatives, was another agreement, in 1889, by which the\nSioux surrendered one-half (about 11,000,000 acres) of their remaining\nterritory, and the great reservation was cut up into five smaller ones,\nthe northern and southern reservations being separated by a strip 60\nmiles wide.\n\nThen came a swift accumulation of miseries. Dakota is an arid country\nwith thin soil and short seasons. Although well adapted to grazing it\nis not suited to agriculture, as is sufficiently proven by the fact\nthat the white settlers in that and the adjoining state of Nebraska\nhave several times been obliged to call for state or federal assistance\non account of failure of crops. To wild Indians hardly in from the\nwarpath the problem was much more serious. As General Miles points out\nin his official report, thousands of white settlers after years of\nsuccessive failures had given up the struggle and left the country, but\nthe Indians, confined to reservations, were unable to emigrate, and\nwere also as a rule unable to find employment, as the whites might, by\nwhich they could earn a subsistence. The buffalo was gone. They must\ndepend on their cattle, their crops, and the government rations issued\nin return for the lands they had surrendered. If these failed, they\nmust starve. The highest official authorities concur in the statement\nthat all of these did fail, and that the Indians were driven to\noutbreak by starvation. (See appendix to this chapter.)\n\nIn 1888 their cattle had been diminished by disease. In 1889 their\ncrops were a failure, owing largely to the fact that the Indians had\nbeen called into the agency in the middle of the farming season and\nkept there to treat with the commission, going back afterward to find\ntheir fields trampled and torn up by stock during their absence. Then\nfollowed epidemics of measles, grippe, and whooping cough, in rapid\nsuccession and with terribly fatal results. Anyone who understands\nthe Indian character needs not the testimony of witnesses to know the\nmental effect thus produced. Sullenness and gloom, amounting almost\nto despair, settled down on the Sioux, especially among the wilder\nportion. \u201cThe people said their children were all dying from the face\nof the earth, and they might as well be killed at once.\u201d Then came\nanother entire failure of crops in 1890, and an unexpected reduction\nof rations, and the Indians were brought face to face with starvation.\nThey had been expressly and repeatedly told by the commission that\ntheir rations would not be affected by their signing the treaty, but\nimmediately on the consummation of the agreement Congress cut down\ntheir beef rations by 2,000,000 pounds at Rosebud, 1,000,000 at Pine\nRidge, and in less proportion at other agencies. Earnest protest\nagainst this reduction was made by the commission which had negotiated\nthe treaty, by Commissioner Morgan, and by General Miles, but still\nCongress failed to remedy the matter until the Sioux had actually\nbeen driven to rebellion. As Commissioner Morgan states, \u201cIt was not\nuntil January, 1891, _after the troubles_, that an appropriation of\n$100,000 was made by Congress for additional beef for the Sioux.\u201d The\nprotest of the commission, a full year before the outbreak, as quoted\nby Commissioner Morgan (see page 829), is strong and positive on this\npoint.\n\nCommissioner Morgan, while claiming that the Sioux had before been\nreceiving more rations than they were justly entitled to according\nto their census number, and denying that the reduction was such as\nto cause even extreme suffering, yet states that the reduction was\nespecially unwise at this juncture, as it was in direct violation of\nthe promises made to the Indians, and would be used as an argument\nby those opposed to the treaty to show that the government cared\nnothing for the Indians after it had obtained their lands. It is\nquite possible that the former number of rations was greater than the\nactual number of persons, as it is always a difficult matter to count\nroving Indians, and the difficulties were greater when the old census\nwas made. The census is taken at long intervals and the tendency is\nnearly always toward a decrease. Furthermore, it has usually been the\npolicy with agents to hold their Indians quiet by keeping them as\nwell fed as possible. On the other hand, it must be remembered that\nthe issue is based on the weight of the cattle as delivered at the\nagency in the fall, and that months of exposure to a Dakota winter\nwill reduce this weight by several hundred pounds to the animal. The\nofficial investigation by Captain Hurst at Cheyenne River agency shows\nconclusively that the essential food items of meat, flour, and coffee\nwere far below the amount stipulated by the treaty. (See page 837.)\n\nIn regard to the effect of this food deficiency Bishop Hare says: \u201cThe\npeople were often hungry and, the physicians in many cases said, died,\nwhen taken sick, not so much from disease as for want of food.\u201d General\nMiles says: \u201cThe fact that they had not received sufficient food is\nadmitted by the agents and the officers of the government who have\nhad opportunities of knowing,\u201d and in another place he states that in\nspite of crop failures and other difficulties, after the sale of the\nreservation \u201cinstead of an increase, or even a reasonable supply for\ntheir support, they have been compelled to live on half and two-thirds\nrations and received nothing for the surrender of their lands.\u201d The\ntestimony from every agency is all to the same effect.\n\nThere were other causes of dissatisfaction, some local and others\ngeneral and chronic, which need not be detailed here. Some of these\nare treated in the documents appended to this chapter. Prominent among\nthem were the failure of Congress to make payment of the money due the\nSioux for the lands recently ceded, or to have the new lines surveyed\npromptly so that the Indians might know what was still theirs and\nselect their allotments accordingly; failure to reimburse the friendly\nIndians for horses confiscated fourteen years before; the tardy arrival\nof annuities, consisting largely of winter clothing, which according\nto the treaty were due by the 1st of August, but which seldom arrived\nuntil the middle of winter; the sweeping and frequent changes of agency\nemployees from the agent down, preventing anything like a systematic\nworking out of any consistent policy, and almost always operating\nagainst the good of the service, especially at Pine Ridge, where so\nbrave and efficient a man as McGillycuddy was followed by such a one as\nRoyer\u2014and, finally, the Ghost dance.\n\nThe Ghost dance itself, in the form which it assumed among the\nSioux, was only a symptom and expression of the real causes of\ndissatisfaction, and with such a man as McGillycuddy or McLaughlin\nin charge at Pine Ridge there would have been no outbreak, in spite\nof broken promises and starvation, and the Indians could have been\ncontrolled until Congress had afforded relief. That it was not the\ncause of the outbreak is sufficiently proved by the fact that there\nwas no serious trouble, excepting on the occasion of the attempt to\narrest Sitting Bull, on any other of the Sioux reservations, and none\nat all among any of the other Ghost-dancing tribes from the Missouri to\nthe Sierras, although the doctrine and the dance were held by nearly\nevery tribe within that area and are still held by the more important.\nAmong the Paiute, where the doctrine originated and the messiah has his\nhome, there was never the slightest trouble. It is significant that\nCommissioner Morgan in his official statement of the causes of the\noutbreak places the \u201cmessiah craze\u201d eleventh in a list of twelve, the\ntwelfth being the alarm created by the appearance of troops. The Sioux\noutbreak of 1890 was due entirely to local grievances, recent or long\nstanding. The remedy and preventive for similar trouble in the future\nis sufficiently indicated in the appended statements of competent\nauthorities.\n\n\n APPENDIX\u2014CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK\n\n COMMISSIONER MORGAN\u2019S STATEMENT\n\n [_From the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs\n for 1891, Vol. I, 132\u2013135._]\n\nIn stating the events which led to this outbreak among the Sioux,\nthe endeavor too often has been merely to find some opportunity for\nlocating blame. The causes are complex, and many are obscure and\nremote. Among them may be named the following:\n\nFirst. A feeling of unrest and apprehension in the mind of the Indians\nhas naturally grown out of the rapid advance in civilization and the\ngreat changes which this advance has necessitated in their habits and\nmode of life.\n\nSecond. Prior to the agreement of 1876 buffalo and deer were the main\nsupport of the Sioux. Food, tents, bedding were the direct outcome of\nhunting, and, with furs and pelts as articles of barter or exchange,\nit was easy for the Sioux to procure whatever constituted for them the\nnecessaries, the comforts, or even the luxuries of life. Within eight\nyears from the agreement of 1876 the buffalo had gone, and the Sioux\nhad left to them alkali land and government rations. It is hard to\noverestimate the magnitude of the calamity, as they viewed it, which\nhappened to these people by the sudden disappearance of the buffalo and\nthe large diminution in the numbers of deer and other wild animals.\nSuddenly, almost without warning, they were expected at once and\nwithout previous training to settle down to the pursuits of agriculture\nin a land largely unfitted for such use. The freedom of the chase was\nto be exchanged for the idleness of the camp. The boundless range\nwas to be abandoned for the circumscribed reservation, and abundance\nof plenty to be supplanted by limited and decreasing government\nsubsistence and supplies. Under these circumstances it is not in human\nnature not to be discontented and restless, even turbulent and violent.\n\nThird. During a long series of years, treaties, agreements, cessions\nof land and privileges, and removals of bands and agencies have kept\nmany of the Sioux, particularly those at Pine Ridge and Rosebud, in\nan unsettled condition, especially as some of the promises made them\nwere fulfilled tardily or not at all. (A brief history of negotiations\nwith the Sioux was given in my letter of December 24, 1890, to the\nDepartment, which will be found in the appendix, page 182.)\n\nFourth. The very large reduction of the great Sioux reservation,\nbrought about by the Sioux commission through the consent of the\nlarge majority of the adult males, was bitterly opposed by a large,\ninfluential minority. For various reasons, they regarded the cession\nas unwise, and did all in their power to prevent its consummation, and\nafterwards were constant in their expressions of dissatisfaction and\nin their endeavors to awaken a like feeling in the minds of those who\nsigned the agreement.\n\nFifth. There was diminution and partial failure of the crops for 1889,\nby reason of their neglect by the Indians, who were congregated in\nlarge numbers at the council with the Sioux commission, and a further\ndiminution of ordinary crops by the drought of 1890. Also, in 1888, the\ndisease of black leg appeared among the cattle of the Indians.\n\nSixth. At this time, by delayed and reduced appropriations, the Sioux\nrations were temporarily cut down. Rations were not diminished to\nsuch an extent as to bring the Indians to starvation or even extreme\nsuffering, as has been often reported; but short rations came just\nafter the Sioux commission had negotiated the agreement for the cession\nof lands, and, as a condition of securing the signatures of the\nmajority, had assured the Indians that their rations would be continued\nunchanged. To this matter the Sioux commission called special attention\nin their report dated December 24, 1889, as follows:\n\n\u201cDuring our conference at the different agencies we were repeatedly\nasked whether the acceptance or rejection of the act of Congress\nwould influence the action of the government with reference to\ntheir rations, and in every instance the Indians were assured that\nsubsistence was furnished in accordance with former treaties, and that\nsigning would not affect their rations, and that they would continue\nto receive them as provided in former treaties. Without our assurances\nto this effect it would have been impossible to have secured their\nconsent to the cession of their lands. Since our visit to the agencies\nit appears that large reductions have been made in the amounts of\nbeef furnished for issues, amounting at Rosebud to 2,000,000 pounds\nand at Pine Ridge to 1,000,000 pounds, and lesser amounts at the\nother agencies. This action of the Department, following immediately\nafter the successful issue of our negotiations, can not fail to have\nan injurious effect. It will be impossible to convince the Indians\nthat the reduction is not due to the fact that the government,\nhaving obtained their land, has less concern in looking after their\nmaterial interests than before. It will be looked upon as a breach of\nfaith and especially as a violation of the express statements of the\ncommissioners. Already this action is being used by the Indians opposed\nto the bill, notably at Pine Ridge, as an argument in support of the\nwisdom of their opposition.\u201d\n\nIn forwarding this report to Congress the Department called special\nattention to the above-quoted statements of the commission and said:\n\u201cThe commission further remarks that as to the quality of the rations\nfurnished there seems to be no just cause for complaint, but that it\nwas particularly to be avoided that there should be any diminution of\nthe rations promised under the former treaties at this time, as the\nIndians would attribute it to their assent to the bill. Such diminution\ncertainly should not be allowed, as the government is bound in good\nfaith to carry into effect the former treaties where not directly and\npositively affected by the act, and if under the provisions of the\ntreaty itself the ration is at any time reduced, the commissioners\nrecommend that the Indians should be notified before spring opens, so\nthat crops may be cultivated. It is desirable that the recent reduction\nmade should be restored, as it is now impossible to convince the\nIndians that it was not due to the fact that the government, having\nobtained their lands, had less concern in looking after their material\ninterests.\u201d\n\nNotwithstanding this plea of the commission and of the Department, the\nappropriation made for the subsistence and civilization of the Sioux\nfor 1890 was only $950,000, or $50,000 less than the amount estimated\nand appropriated for 1888 and 1889, and the appropriation not having\nbeen made until August 19, rations had to be temporarily purchased and\nissued in limited quantities pending arrival of new supplies to be\nsecured from that appropriation. It was not until January, 1891, after\nthe troubles, that an appropriation of $100,000 was made by Congress\nfor additional beef for the Sioux.\n\nSeventh. Other promises made by the Sioux commission and the agreement\nwere not promptly fulfilled; among them were increase of appropriations\nfor education, for which this office had asked an appropriation of\n$150,000; the payment of $200,000 in compensation for ponies taken from\nthe Sioux in 1876 and 1877; and the reimbursement of the Crow Creek\nIndians for a reduction made in their per capita allowance of land,\nas compared with the amount allowed other Sioux, which called for an\nappropriation of $187,039. The fulfillment of all these promises except\nthe last named was contained in the act of January 19, 1891.\n\nEighth. In 1889 and 1890 epidemics of la grippe, measles, and whooping\ncough, followed by many deaths, added to the gloom and misfortune which\nseemed to surround the Indians.\n\nNinth. The wording of the agreement changed the boundary line between\nthe Rosebud and Pine Ridge diminished reservations and necessitated a\nremoval of a portion of the Rosebud Indians from the lands which, by\nthe agreement, were included in the Pine Ridge reservation to lands\noffered them in lieu thereof upon the diminished Rosebud reserve. This,\nalthough involving no great hardship to any considerable number, added\nto the discontent.\n\nTenth. Some of the Indians were greatly opposed to the census which\nCongress ordered should be taken. The census at Rosebud, as reported\nby Special Agent Lea and confirmed by a special census taken by\nAgent Wright, revealed the somewhat startling fact that rations had\nbeen issued to Indians very largely in excess of the number actually\npresent, and this diminution of numbers as shown by the census\nnecessitated a diminution of the rations, which was based, of course,\nupon the census.\n\nEleventh. The Messiah craze, which fostered the belief that \u201cghost\nshirts\u201d would be invulnerable to bullets, and that the supremacy of the\nIndian race was assured, added to discontent the fervor of fanaticism\nand brought those who accepted the new faith into the attitude of\nsullen defiance, but defensive rather than aggressive.\n\nTwelfth. The sudden appearance of military upon their reservation\ngave rise to the wildest rumors among the Indians of danger and\ndisaster, which were eagerly circulated by disaffected Indians and\ncorroborated by exaggerated accounts in the newspapers, and these and\nother influences connected with and inseparable from military movements\nfrightened many Indians away from their agencies into the bad lands and\nlargely intensified whatever spirit of opposition to the government\nexisted.\n\n\n EX-AGENT McGILLYCUDDY\u2019S STATEMENT\n\n [_Letter of Dr V. T. McGillycuddy, formerly agent at Pine Ridge,\n written in reply to inquiry from General L. W. Colby, commanding\n Nebraska state troops during the outbreak, and dated January\n 15, 1891. From article on \u201cThe Sioux Indian War of 1890\u201391,\u201d by\n General L. W. Colby, in Transactions and Reports of the Nebraska\n State Historical Society, III, 1892, pages 176\u2013180._]\n\n+Sir+: In answer to your inquiry of a recent date, I would state that\nin my opinion to no one cause can be attributed the recent so-called\noutbreak on the part of the Sioux, but rather to a combination of\ncauses gradually cumulative in their effect and dating back through\nmany years\u2014in fact to the inauguration of our practically demonstrated\nfaulty Indian policy.\n\nThere can be no question but that many of the treaties, agreements, or\nsolemn promises made by our government with these Indians have been\nbroken. Many of them have been kept by us technically, but as far as\nthe Indian is concerned have been misunderstood by him through a lack\nof proper explanation at time of signing, and hence considered by him\nas broken.\n\nIt must also be remembered that in all of the treaties made by the\ngovernment with the Indians, a large portion of them have not agreed to\nor signed the same. Noticeably was this so in the agreement secured by\nus with them the summer before last, by which we secured one-half of\nthe remainder of the Sioux reserve, amounting to about 16,000 square\nmiles. This agreement barely carried with the Sioux nation as a whole,\nbut did not carry at Pine Ridge or Rosebud, where the strong majority\nwere against it; and it must be noted that wherever there was the\nstrongest opposition manifested to the recent treaty, there, during the\npresent trouble, have been found the elements opposed to the government.\n\nThe Sioux nation, which at one time, with the confederated bands of\nCheyennes and Arapahos, controlled a region of country bounded on the\nnorth by the Yellowstone, on the south by the Arkansas, and reaching\nfrom the Missouri river to the Rocky mountains, has seen this large\ndomain, under the various treaties, dwindle down to their now limited\nreserve of less than 16,000 square miles, and with the land has\ndisappeared the buffalo and other game. The memory of this, chargeable\nby them to the white man, necessarily irritates them.\n\nThere is back of all this the natural race antagonism which our\ndealings with the aborigine in connection with the inevitable onward\nmarch of civilization has in no degree lessened. It has been our\nexperience, and the experience of other nations, that defeat in war is\nsoon, not sooner or later, forgotten by the coming generation, and as\na result we have a tendency to a constant recurrence of outbreak on\nthe part of the weaker race. It is now sixteen years since our last\nwar with the Sioux in 1876\u2014a time when our present Sioux warriors were\nmostly children, and therefore have no memory of having felt the power\nof the government. It is but natural that these young warriors, lacking\nin experience, should require but little incentive to induce them to\ntest the bravery of the white man on the war path, where the traditions\nof his people teach him is the only path to glory and a chosen seat\nin the \u201chappy hunting grounds.\u201d For these reasons every precaution\nshould be adopted by the government to guard against trouble with its\ndisastrous results. Have such precautions been adopted? Investigation\nof the present trouble does not so indicate.\n\nSitting Bull and other irreconcilable relics of the campaign of 1876\nwere allowed to remain among their people and foment discord. The\nstaple article of food at Pine Ridge and some of the other agencies\nhad been cut down below the subsisting point, noticeably the beef at\nPine Ridge, which from an annual treaty allowance of 6,250,000 pounds\ngross was cut down to 4,000,000 pounds. The contract on that beef was\nviolated, insomuch as that contract called for northern ranch beef, for\nwhich was substituted through beef from Texas, with an unparalleled\nresulting shrinkage in winter, so that the Indians did not actually\nreceive half ration of this food in winter\u2014the very time the largest\nallowance of food is required. By the fortunes of political war, weak\nagents were placed in charge of some of the agencies at the very time\nthat trouble was known to be brewing. Noticeably was this so at Pine\nRidge, where a notoriously weak and unfit man was placed in charge. His\nflight, abandonment of his agency, and his call for troops have, with\nthe horrible results of the same, become facts in history.\n\nNow, as for facts in connection with Pine Ridge, which agency has\nunfortunately become the theater of the present \u201cwar,\u201d was there\nnecessity for troops? My past experience with those Indians does not so\nindicate. For seven long years, from 1879 to 1886, I, as agent, managed\nthis agency without the presence of a soldier on the reservation,\nand none nearer than 60 miles, and in those times the Indians were\nnaturally much wilder than they are to-day. To be sure, during the\nseven years we occasionally had exciting times, when the only thing\nlacking to cause an outbreak was the calling for troops by the agent\nand the presence of the same. As a matter of fact, however, no matter\nhow much disturbed affairs were, no matter how imminent an outbreak,\nthe progressive chiefs, with their following, came to the front enough\nin the majority, with the fifty Indian policemen, to at once crush out\nall attempts at rebellion against the authority of the agent and the\ngovernment.\n\nWhy was this? Because in those times we believed in placing confidence\nin the Indians; in establishing, as far as possible, a home-rule\ngovernment on the reservation. We established local courts, presided\nover by the Indians, with Indian juries; in fact, we believed in\nhaving the Indians assist in working out their own salvation. We\ncourted and secured the friendship and support of the progressive and\norderly element, as against the mob element. Whether the system thus\ninaugurated was practicable, was successful, comparison with recent\nevents will decide.\n\nWhen my Democratic successor took charge in 1886, he deemed it\nnecessary to make general changes in the system at Pine Ridge, i. e.,\na Republican system. All white men, half-breeds, or Indians who had\nsustained the agent under the former administration were classed as\nRepublicans and had to go. The progressive chiefs, such as Young Man\nAfraid, Little Wound, and White Bird, were ignored, and the backing\nof the element of order and progress was alienated from the agent\nand the government, and in the place of this strong backing that had\nmaintained order for seven years was substituted Red Cloud and other\nnonprogressive chiefs, sustainers of the ancient tribal system.\n\nIf my successor had been other than an amateur, or had had any\nknowledge or experience in the inside Indian politics of an Indian\ntribe, he would have known that if the element he was endeavoring to\nrelegate to the rear had not been the balance of power, I could not for\nseven years have held out against the mob element which he now sought\nto put in power. In other words, he unwittingly threw the balance of\npower at Pine Ridge against the government, as he later on discovered\nto his cost. When still later he endeavored to maintain order and\nsuppress the ghost dance, the attempt resulted in a most dismal failure.\n\nThe Democratic agent was succeeded in October last by the recently\nremoved Republican agent, a gentleman totally ignorant of Indians\nand their peculiarities; a gentleman with not a qualification in his\nmake-up calculated to fit him for the position of agent at one of\nthe largest and most difficult agencies in the service to manage;\na man selected solely as a reward for political services. He might\npossibly have been an average success as an Indian agent at a small,\nwell-regulated agency. He endeavored to strengthen up matters, but the\nchiefs and leaders who could have assisted him in so doing had been\nalienated by the former agent. They virtually said among themselves,\n\u201cWe, after incurring the enmity of the bad element among our people\nby sustaining the government, have been ignored and ill-treated by\nthat government, hence this is not our affair.\u201d Being ignorant of the\nsituation, he had no one to depend on. In his first clash with the mob\nelement he discovered that the Pine Ridge police, formerly the finest\nin the service, were lacking in discipline and courage, and, not being\nwell supplied with those necessary qualities himself, he took the bluff\nof a mob for a declaration of war, abandoned his agency, returned with\ntroops\u2014and you see the result.\n\nAs for the ghost dance, too much attention has been paid to it. It was\nonly the symptom or surface indication of deep-rooted, long-existing\ndifficulty; as well treat the eruption of smallpox as the disease and\nignore the constitutional disease.\n\nAs regards disarming the Sioux, however desirable it may appear, I\nconsider it neither advisable nor practicable. I fear that it will\nresult as the theoretical enforcement of prohibition in Kansas, Iowa,\nand Dakota; you will succeed in disarming the friendly Indians, because\nyou can, and you will not so succeed with the mob element, because you\ncan not. If I were again to be an Indian agent and had my choice, I\nwould take charge of 10,000 armed Sioux in preference to a like number\nof disarmed ones; and, furthermore, agree to handle that number, or the\nwhole Sioux nation, without a white soldier.\n\n Respectfully, etc., +V. T. McGillycuddy+.\n\nP.S.\u2014I neglected to state that up to date there has been neither a\nSioux outbreak nor war. No citizen in Nebraska or Dakota has been\nkilled, molested, or can show the scratch of a pin, and no property has\nbeen destroyed off the reservation.\n\n\n STATEMENT OF GENERAL MILES\n\n [_From the Report of the Secretary of War for 1891, Vol. I, pp.\n 133, 134, and 149. He enumerates specific causes of complaint at\n each of the principal Sioux agencies, all of which causes may be\n summarized as hunger and unfulfilled promises._]\n\n_Cause of Indian dissatisfaction._\u2014The causes that led to the serious\ndisturbance of the peace in the northwest last autumn and winter were\nso remarkable that an explanation of them is necessary in order to\ncomprehend the seriousness of the situation. The Indians assuming the\nmost threatening attitude of hostility were the Cheyennes and Sioux.\nTheir condition may be stated as follows: For several years following\ntheir subjugation in 1877, 1878, and 1879 the most dangerous element\nof the Cheyennes and the Sioux were under military control. Many of\nthem were disarmed and dismounted; their war ponies were sold and the\nproceeds returned to them in domestic stock, farming utensils, wagons,\netc. Many of the Cheyennes, under the charge of military officers, were\nlocated on land in accordance with the laws of Congress, but after they\nwere turned over to civil agents and the vast herds of buffalo and\nlarge game had been destroyed their supplies were insufficient, and\nthey were forced to kill cattle belonging to white people to sustain\nlife.\n\nThe fact that they had not received sufficient food is admitted by the\nagents and the officers of the government who have had opportunities\nof knowing. The majority of the Sioux were under the charge of civil\nagents, frequently changed and often inexperienced. Many of the\ntribes became rearmed and remounted. They claimed that the government\nhad not fulfilled its treaties and had failed to make large enough\nappropriations for their support; that they had suffered for want of\nfood, and the evidence of this is beyond question and sufficient to\nsatisfy any unprejudiced intelligent mind. The statements of officers,\ninspectors, both of the military and the Interior departments, of\nagents, of missionaries, and civilians familiar with their condition,\nleave no room for reasonable doubt that this was one of the principal\ncauses. While statements may be made as to the amount of money that\nhas been expended by the government to feed the different tribes, the\nmanner of distributing those appropriations will furnish one reason for\nthe deficit.\n\nThe unfortunate failure of the crops in the plains country during\nthe years of 1889 and 1890 added to the distress and suffering of\nthe Indians, and it was possible for them to raise but very little\nfrom the ground for self-support; in fact, white settlers have been\nmost unfortunate, and their losses have been serious and universal\nthroughout a large section of that country. They have struggled on from\nyear to year; occasionally they would raise good crops, which they were\ncompelled to sell at low prices, while in the season of drought their\nlabor was almost entirely lost. So serious have been their misfortunes\nthat thousands have left that country within the last few years,\npassing over the mountains to the Pacific slope or returning to the\neast of the Missouri or the Mississippi.\n\nThe Indians, however, could not migrate from one part of the United\nStates to another; neither could they obtain employment as readily as\nwhite people, either upon or beyond the Indian reservations. They must\nremain in comparative idleness and accept the results of the drought\u2014an\ninsufficient supply of food. This created a feeling of discontent even\namong the loyal and well disposed and added to the feeling of hostility\nof the element opposed to every process of civilization.\n\nReports forwarded by Brigadier-General Ruger, commanding Department of\nDakota, contained the following:\n\nThe commanding officer at Fort Yates, North Dakota, under date of\nDecember 7, 1890, at the time the Messiah delusion was approaching a\nclimax, says, in reference to the disaffection of the Sioux Indians at\nStanding Rock agency, that it is due to the following causes:\n\n(1) Failure of the government to establish an equitable southern\nboundary of the Standing Rock agency reservation.\n\n(2) Failure of the government to expend a just proportion of the money\nreceived from the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul railroad company,\nfor right of way privileges, for the benefit of the Indians of said\nagency. Official notice was received October 18, 1881, by the Indian\nagent at the Standing Rock agency, that the said railroad company had\npaid the government under its agreement with the Sioux Indians, for\nright of way privileges, the sum of $13,911. What additional payments,\nif any, have been made by the said railroad company, and what payments\nhave been made by the Dakota Central railroad company, the records of\nthe agency do not show. In 1883, and again in 1885, the agent, upon\ncomplaints made by the Indians, wrote to the Commissioner of Indian\nAffairs, making certain recommendations as regards the expenditure of\nthe money received from the said railroad company, but was in each\ninstance informed that until Congress took action with respect to the\nfunds referred to nothing could be done. No portion of the money had\nbeen expended up to that time (December, 1890) for the benefit of the\nIndians of the agency, and frequent complaints had been made to the\nagent by the Indians because they had received no benefits from their\nconcessions to the said railroad companies.\n\n(3) Failure of the government to issue the certificates of title to\nallotments, as required by article 6 of the treaty of 1868.\n\n(4) Failure of the government to provide the full allowance of seeds\nand agricultural implements to Indians engaged in farming, as required\nin article 8, treaty of 1868.\n\n(5) Failure of the government to issue to such Indians the full number\nof cows and oxen provided in article 10, treaty of 1876.\n\n(7) Failure of the government to issue to the Indians the full ration\nstipulated in article 5, treaty of 1876. (For the fiscal year beginning\nJuly 1, 1890, the following shortages in the rations were found to\nexist: 485,275 pounds of beef [gross], 761,212 pounds of corn, 11,937\npounds of coffee, 281,712 pounds of flour, 26,234 pounds of sugar, and\n39,852 pounds of beans. Although the obligations of the government\nextend no further than furnishing so much of the ration prescribed in\narticle 5 as may be necessary for the support of the Indians, it would\nseem that, owing to the almost total failure of crops upon the Standing\nRock reservation for the past four years, and the absence of game, the\nnecessity for the issue of the full ration to the Indians here was\nnever greater than at the present time\u2014December, 1890.)\n\n(8) Failure of the government to issue to the Indians the full amount\nof annuity supplies to which they were entitled under the provisions of\narticle 10, treaty of 1868.\n\n(9) Failure of the government to have the clothing and other annuity\nsupplies ready for issue on the first day of August of each year. Such\nsupplies have not been ready for issue to the Indians, as a rule,\nuntil the winter season is well advanced. (After careful examination\nat this agency, the commanding officer is convinced that not more than\ntwo-thirds of the supplies provided in article 10 have been issued\nthere, and the government has never complied with that provision of\narticle 10 which requires the supplies enumerated in paragraphs 2,\n3, and 4 of said article to be delivered on or before the first day\nof August of each year. Such supplies for the present fiscal year,\nbeginning July 1, 1890, had not yet reached (December, 1890) the\nnearest railway station, about 60 miles distant, from which point\nthey must, at this season of the year, be freighted to this agency in\nwagons. It is now certain that the winter will be well advanced before\nthe Indians at this agency receive their annual allowance of clothing\nand other annuity supplies.)\n\n(10) Failure of the government to appropriate money for the payment of\nthe Indians for the ponies taken from them, by the authority of the\ngovernment, in 1876.\n\nIn conclusion, the commanding officer says: \u201cIt, however, appears\nfrom the foregoing, that the government has failed to fulfill its\nobligations, and in order to render the Indians law-abiding, peaceful,\ncontented, and prosperous it is strongly recommended that the treaties\nbe promptly and fully carried out, and that the promises made by the\ncommission in 1889 be faithfully kept.\u201d\n\n [_The reports from Pine Ridge, Rosebud, Cheyenne River, and Yankton\n agencies are of similar tenor. Following are two telegrams sent\n from the field by General Miles at the beginning of the trouble._]\n\n +Rapid City, South Dakota+, _December 19, 1890_.\n\nSenator +Dawes+,\n _Washington, District of Columbia_:\n\nYou may be assured of the following facts that can not be gainsaid:\n\nFirst. The forcing process of attempting to make large bodies of\nIndians self-sustaining when the government was cutting down their\nrations and their crops almost a failure, is one cause of the\ndifficulty.\n\nSecond. While the Indians were urged and almost forced to sign a treaty\npresented to them by the commission authorized by Congress, in which\nthey gave up a valuable portion of their reservation which is now\noccupied by white people, the government has failed to fulfill its\npart of the compact, and instead of an increase or even a reasonable\nsupply for their support, they have been compelled to live on half and\ntwo-thirds rations, and received nothing for the surrender of their\nlands, neither has the government given any positive assurance that\nthey intend to do any differently with them in the future.\n\nCongress has been in session several weeks and could, if it were\ndisposed, in a few hours confirm the treaties that its commissioners\nhave made with these Indians and appropriate the necessary funds\nfor its fulfillment, and thereby give an earnest of their good faith\nor intention to fulfill their part of the compact. Such action, in\nmy judgment, is essential to restore confidence with the Indians and\ngive peace and protection to the settlements. If this be done, and the\nPresident authorized to place the turbulent and dangerous tribes of\nIndians under the control of the military, Congress need not enter into\ndetails, but can safely trust the military authorities to subjugate and\ngovern, and in the near future make self-sustaining, any or all of the\nIndian tribes of this country.\n\n +Rapid City, South Dakota+, _December 19, 1890_.\n\n\nGeneral +John M. Schofield+,\n _Commanding the Army, Washington, District of Columbia_:\n\nReplying to your long telegram, one point is of vital importance\u2014the\ndifficult Indian problem can not be solved permanently at this end\nof the line. It requires the fulfillment by Congress of the treaty\nobligations which the Indians were entreated and coerced into signing.\nThey signed away a valuable portion of their reservation, and it is\nnow occupied by white people, for which they have received nothing.\nThey understood that ample provision would be made for their support;\ninstead, their supplies have been reduced, and much of the time they\nhave been living on half and two-thirds rations. Their crops, as well\nas the crops of the white people, for two years have been almost\na total failure. The disaffection is widespread, especially among\nthe Sioux, while the Cheyennes have been on the verge of starvation\nand were forced to commit depredations to sustain life. These facts\nare beyond question, and the evidence is positive and sustained by\nthousands of witnesses. Serious difficulty has been gathering for\nyears. Congress has been in session several weeks and could in a single\nhour confirm the treaties and appropriate the necessary funds for their\nfulfillment, which their commissioners and the highest officials of the\ngovernment have guaranteed to these people, and unless the officers\nof the army can give some positive assurance that the government\nintends to act in good faith with these people, the loyal element will\nbe diminished and the hostile element increased. If the government\nwill give some positive assurance that it will fulfill its part of\nthe understanding with these 20,000 Sioux Indians, they can safely\ntrust the military authorities to subjugate, control, and govern these\nturbulent people, and I hope that you will ask the Secretary of War and\nthe Chief Executive to bring this matter directly to the attention of\nCongress.\n\n\n REPORT OF CAPTAIN HURST\n\n (_A. G. O. Doc. 6266\u20141891._)\n\n +Fort Bennett, South Dakota+, _January 9, 1891_.\n\n+Assistant Adjutant-General+,\n _Department of Dakota, Saint Paul, Minnesota_.\n\n+Sir+: In compliance with instructions of the department commander\u2014copy\nattached marked A\u2014I have the honor to submit the following report as\nthe result of my investigations into the matters referred to therein.\n\nI have been at this post continuously since August 6, 1887, and\ninspector of Indian supplies at the Cheyenne River Indian agency,\nlocated here, during that period, and am at the present time.\n\nThe Indians of this agency have a standing list of grievances which\nthey present at every opportunity, and talk about in council when they\nassemble at every monthly ration issue. The Indians most persistent in\nrecounting and proclaiming their grievances are those least willing to\nhelp in bettering their condition, and who are opposed to any change or\nimprovement of their old habits and customs, and oppose all progress.\nOf this class I cite Big Foot\u2019s band of irreconcilables\u2014who have now\nceased to complain\u2014and those in accord with them. Except in the matter\nof short rations, the story of their wrongs needs no attention. It\ncommences with a recital of the wrong done them by the white race\nsharing the earth with them.\n\nThe other class, comprising a large majority of Indians of the\nreservation, have accepted the situation forced upon them, and have\nbeen for years bravely struggling in the effort to reconcile themselves\nto the ways of civilization and moral progress, with a gratifying\ndegree of success. It is this class whose complaints and grievances\ndemand considerate attention. They complain in true Indian style that\nthey only have kept faith in all treaties made with them, and that\nsomehow the treaties when they appeared in print were not in many\nrespects the treaties which they signed.\n\nThey complain principally\u2014\n\n(1) That the boundaries of the reservation in the treaty of 1877 are\nnot what they agreed to and thought they were signing on the paper,\nand they especially emphasize the point that the line of the western\nboundary should be a _straight line_ at the Black Hills, instead of as\nit appears on the maps.\n\n(2) That they have never received full recompense for the ponies taken\nfrom them in 1876.\n\n(3) That the game has been destroyed and driven out of the country by\nthe white people.\n\n(4) That their children are taken from them to eastern schools and kept\nfor years, instead of being educated among them.\n\n(5) That when these eastern graduates return to them with civilized\nhabits, education, and trades, there is no provision made on the\nreservation for their employment and improvement to the benefit of\nthemselves and their people.\n\n(6) That the agents and employees sent out to them have not all been\n\u201cgood men\u201d and considerate of their (the Indians\u2019) interests and\nwelfare.\n\n(7) That the issue of their annuity goods is delayed so late in the\nwinter as to cause them much suffering.\n\n(8) That they are expected to plow the land and raise grain when the\nclimate will not permit them to reap a crop. They think cattle should\nbe issued to them for breeding purposes instead of farming implements\nfor useless labor.\n\n(9) That the rations issued to them are insufficient in quantity and\nfrequently (beef and flour) very poor in quality.\n\nComplaints 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, and 9 are all well founded and justified\nby the facts in each case, No. 9 especially so, and this through no\nfault or negligence of the agent. The agent makes his annual estimate\nfor sustenance in kind for the number of people borne on his rolls,\nbased on the stipulated ration in treaty of 1877. This estimate is\nmodified or cut down in the Indian Commissioner\u2019s office to meet the\nrequirements of a limited or reduced Congressional appropriation, and\nwhen it returns to the agent\u2019s hands approved, he finds that he has\njust so many pounds of beef and flour, etc, placed to his credit for\nthe year, without regard to whether they constitute the full number\nof treaty rations or not. There is no allowance given him for loss\nby shrinkage, wastage, or other unavoidable loss, and with the very\nbest efforts and care in the distribution throughout the year of this\nusually reduced allowance there can not be issued to each Indian his\ntreaty ration nor enough to properly sustain life. As a general thing\nthe Indians of this reservation have been compelled to purchase food\naccording to their means, between ration issues. Those having no means\nof purchase have suffered.\n\nThe half pound of flour called for by the treaty ration could not be\nissued in full, and the half pound of corn required has never been\nissued nor anything in lieu of it. In the item of beef but 1 pound was\nissued instead of the pound and a half called for in the treaty, and\nduring the early spring months, when the cattle on the range are thin\nand poor, the pound of beef issued to the Indian is but a fraction of\nthe pound issued to him on the agent\u2019s returns, and, under the system\nof purchase in practice until the present fiscal year, must necessarily\nbe so. The agent\u2019s purchase of the beef supply on the hoof for the\nyear, under contract, is closed in the month of November, from which\ntime he has to herd them the balance of the year as best he can. He is\nresponsible for the weight they show on the scales when _fat and in\nprime condition_, so that a steer weighing 1,200 pounds in the fall\nmust represent 1,200 pounds in April, while in fact it may be but\nskin, horns, and bones, and weigh scarcely 600 pounds, while he has\ndone his best to care for them during the severity of a Dakota winter.\nThe Indians do not understand why they should be made to suffer all\nthis shrinkage and loss, and it is a useless and humiliating attempt to\nexplain. The agent is not to blame. The department of Indian affairs\ncan do only the best it can with a limited and tardy appropriation.\nThe remedy in the matter of food supply seems to be: A sufficient and\nearlier appropriation of funds. All contracts for the beef supply\nshould call for delivery when required by the agent. The agent should\nbe allowed a percentage of wastage to cover unavoidable loss in issue\nby shrinkage and wastage. The government should bear this loss and not\nthe Indians.\n\nComplaint 1: No remarks.\n\nComplaint 2: Is before Congress.\n\nComplaint 4: Should be remedied by adequate home schools.\n\nComplaint 5: Suggests its proper remedy.\n\nComplaint 6: No remarks.\n\nComplaint 7: Can be remedied only by earlier appropriations.\n\nComplaint 8: This reservation is not agricultural land. The climate\nmakes it a grazing country. The Indians now can raise cattle\nsuccessfully and care for them in winter. All attempts at general\nfarming must result in failure on account of climatic conditions.\n\nIn connection with complaint 9, I respectfully invite attention to\ntabular statement accompanying this report, marked B, showing rations\nas issued up to December 6 in present fiscal year and amount required\nto make the issues according to article 5, treaty of February 27, 1877,\nand special attention to columns 6 and 7 therein.\n\nAppended to this report, marked C, is an extract copy of treaties of\n1877 and 1868.\n\nIn submitting this report, I desire to commend the administration\nof the affairs of this agency, as it has appeared under my daily\nobservation since August, 1887. So far as this reservation is\nconcerned, the present unrest among the Indians is not attributable\nto any just cause of complaint against the former or present agent or\nemployees; nor is it due entirely or largely to failure on the part of\nthe government to fulfill treaty obligations.\n\n\n Very respectfully, your obedient servant,\n +J. H. Hurst+,\n _Captain, Twelfth Infantry, Commanding Post_.\n\n\n APPENDIX C.\u2014EXTRACT COPY\u2014TREATIES OF 1877 AND 1868\n\n +Treaty of 1877+\n\n +Article 3.+ The said Indians also agree that they will hereafter\n receive all annuities provided by the said treaty of 1868, and all\n subsistence and supplies which may be provided for them under the\n present or any future act of Congress, at such points and places on\n the said reservation and in the vicinity of the Missouri river as\n the President of the United States shall designate.\n\n +Article 5.+ In consideration of the foregoing cession of\n territory and rights, and upon full compliance with each and every\n obligation assumed by the said Indians, the United States agree to\n provide all necessary aid to assist the said Indians in the work\n of civilization; to furnish to them schools and instruction in\n mechanical and agricultural arts, as provided for by the treaty of\n 1868. Also to provide the said Indians with subsistence consisting\n of a ration for each individual of a pound and a half of beef (or\n in lieu thereof, one-half pound of bacon), one-half pound of flour,\n and one-half pound of corn; and for every one hundred rations,\n four pounds of coffee, eight pounds of sugar, and three pounds of\n beans, or in lieu of said articles the equivalent thereof, in the\n discretion of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Such rations, or\n so much thereof as may be necessary, shall be continued until the\n Indians are able to support themselves. Rations shall in all cases\n be issued to the head of each separate family; and whenever schools\n shall have been provided by the government for said Indians, no\n rations shall be issued for children between the ages of six\n and fourteen years (the sick and infirm excepted), unless such\n children shall regularly attend school. Whenever the said Indians\n shall be located upon lands which are suitable for cultivation,\n rations shall be issued only to the persons and families of those\n persons who labor (the aged, sick, and infirm excepted); and as\n an incentive to industrious habits the Commissioner of Indian\n Affairs may provide that persons be furnished in payment for their\n labor such other necessary articles as are requisite for civilized\n life....\n\n +Article 8.+ The provisions of the said treaty of 1868, except as\n herein modified, shall continue in full force....\n\n\n+Treaty of 1868+\n\n+Article 8.+ When the head of a family or lodge shall have selected\nlands in good faith and received a certificate therefor and commenced\nfarming in good faith, he is to receive not to exceed one hundred\ndollars for the first year in seeds and agricultural implements, and\nfor a period of three years more not to exceed twenty-five dollars in\nseeds and implements.\n\n+Article 10.+ In lieu of all sums of money or other annuities provided\nto be paid to the Indians herein named under any treaty or treaties\nheretofore made, the United States agrees to deliver at the agency\nhouse on the reservation herein named on (or before) the first day of\nAugust of each year for thirty years, the following articles, to wit:\n\nFor each male person over fourteen years of age, a suit of good,\nsubstantial woolen clothing, consisting of coat, pantaloons, flannel\nshirt, hat, and a pair of home-made socks.\n\nFor each female over twelve years of age, a flannel skirt or the goods\nnecessary to make it, a pair of woolen hose, twelve yards of calico,\nand twelve yards of cotton domestics.\n\nFor the boys and girls under the ages named, such flannel and cotton\ngoods as may be needed to make each a suit aforesaid, with a pair of\nhose for each. And in addition to the clothing herein named, the sum of\nten dollars for each person entitled to the beneficial effects of this\ntreaty, shall be annually appropriated for a period of thirty years,\nwhile such persons roam and hunt, and twenty dollars for each person\nwho engages in farming, to be used by the Secretary of the Interior in\nthe purchase of such articles as from time to time the condition and\nnecessities of the Indians may indicate to be proper. And if within\nthirty years at any time it shall appear that the amount of money\nneeded for clothing, under this article, can be appropriated to better\nuses for the Indians named herein, Congress may, by law, change the\nappropriation to other purposes, but in no event shall the amount of\nthe appropriation be withdrawn or discontinued for the period named.\n\nArticle 10 further stipulates that each lodge or family who shall\ncommence farming shall receive within sixty days thereafter one good\nAmerican cow and one good well-broken pair of American oxen.\n\n _Extract from tabular statement, showing articles of subsistence\n received or to be received, rations as issued up to date, and\n amount required to make the issues according to Article 5 of\n treaty of February 27, 1877, in fiscal year 1891\u2014At Cheyenne\n River agency, Fort Bennett, South Dakota._\n\n +-----------------------------+----------------+------------+\n | 3 | 5 | 7 |\n +-----------------------------+----------------+------------+\n | |Quantity allowed|Quantity per|\n | | to 100 | 100 rations|\n | Name of articles. | rations up | as allowed |\n | | to date. | per treaty |\n | | | 1877. |\n +-----------------------------+----------------+------------+\n | | _Pounds._ | _Pounds._ |\n |Bacon | 3 | 16\u2154 |\n |Beans | 3 | 3 |\n |Baking powder | 1\u00bd | |\n |Beef, gross | [a]100 | [b]100 |\n |Coffee | 2\u00bd-3 | 4 |\n |Flour | 45 | 50 |\n |Sugar | 4\u00be | 8 |\n |Salt | 1 | |\n |Soap | 2 | |\n |Mess pork | 3 | |\n |Hard bread (in lieu of bacon)| 25 | |\n |Corn (in lieu of flour) | None. | 50 |\n +-----------------------------+----------------+------------+\n [a] Net. [b] Net, or 150 without bacon.\n\n\nRations as fixed by treaty of 1877: 1\u00bd pounds beef or \u00bd pound bacon; \u00bd\npound flour and \u00bd pound corn; 4 pounds coffee, 8 pounds sugar, and 3\npounds beans to every 100 rations; \u201cor, in lieu of said articles, the\nequivalent thereof, in the discretion of the Commissioner of Indian\nAffairs.\u201d\n\n\n STATEMENT OF AMERICAN HORSE\n\n [_Delivered in council at Pine Ridge, agency to Agent Royer, and\n forwarded to the Indian Office, November 27, 1890. G. D. Doc.\n 37002\u20141890._]\n\nAmerican Horse, Fast Thunder, Spotted Horse, Pretty Back, and Good\nLance present, with American Horse as spokesman:\n\n\u201cI think the late Sioux commissioners (General Crook, Major Warner,\nand Governor Foster) had something to do with starting this trouble.\nI was speaker for the whole tribe. In a general council I signed the\nbill (the late Sioux bill) and 580 signed with me. The other members of\nmy band drew out and it divided us, and ever since these two parties\nhave been divided. The nonprogressive started the ghost dance to draw\nfrom us. We were made many promises, but have never heard from them\nsince. The Great Father says if we do what he directs it will be to\nour benefit; but instead of this they are every year cutting down our\nrations, and we do not get enough to keep us from suffering. General\nCrook talked nice to us; and after we signed the bill they took our\nland and cut down our allowance of food. The commission made us believe\nthat we would get full sacks if we signed the bill, but instead of\nthat our sacks are empty. We lost considerable property by being here\nwith the commissioners last year, and have never got anything for it.\nOur chickens were all stolen, our cattle some of them were killed,\nour crops were entirely lost by us being absent here with the Sioux\ncommission, and we have never been benefited one bit by the bill; and,\nin fact, we are worse off than we were before we signed the bill.\nWe are told if we do as white men we will be better off, but we are\ngetting worse off every year.\u201d\n\n\u201cThe commissioners promised the Indians living on Black Pipe and Pass\ncreeks that if they signed the bill they could remain where they were\nand draw their rations at this agency, showing them on the map the\nline, and our people want them here, but they have been ordered to\nmove back to Rosebud agency. This is one of the broken promises. The\ncommission promised to survey the boundary line, and appropriate $1,000\nfor the purpose, but it has not been done. When we were at Washington,\nthe President, the Secretary of the Interior, and the Commissioner all\npromised us that we would get the million pounds of beef that were\ntaken from us, and I heard the bill appropriating the money passed\nCongress, but we never got the beef. The Commissioner refused to give\nit to us. American Horse, Fast Thunder, and Spotted Horse were all\npromised a spring wagon each, but they have never heard anything of it.\nThis is another broken promise.\u201d\n\nIn forwarding the report of the council, the agent says: \u201cAfter\nAmerican Horse was through talking, I asked the other men present if\nhis statement voiced their sentiments and they all answered, Yes.\u201d\n\n\n STATEMENT OF BISHOP HARE\n\n [_Bishop W. H. Hare is the veteran Episcopal missionary bishop\n among the Sioux. The following extracts are from a communication\n by him to Secretary Noble, dated January 7, 1891. G. D. Doc.\n 2440\u20141891._]\n\nThe evidence compels the conclusion that, among the Pine Ridge Indians\nat least, _hunger has been an important element_ in the causes of\n_discontent_ and _insubordination_. In the farming season of 1889\n[July] the Indians were all called into the agency and kept there for a\nmonth by the Sioux commission. During their absence their cattle broke\ninto their fields and trod down, or ate up, their crops. The Indians\nreaped practically nothing. In the year 1890, drought, the worst known\nfor many years, afflicted the western part of South Dakota, and the\nIndian crops were a total failure. There is ample evidence that, during\nthis period, the rations issued lasted, even when carefully used, for\nonly two-thirds the time for which they were intended. To add to their\ndistress, this period, 1889 and 1890, was marked by extraordinary\nmisfortune. The measles prevailed with great virulence in 1889, the\ngrippe in 1890. Whooping cough also attacked the children. The sick\ndied from want. In this statement Inspector Gardiner, Dr McGillycuddy,\nlate agent, Miss Elaine Goodale, who has been in the camps a good deal,\nthe missionary force, and many others whose testimony is of the highest\nvalue because of their character and their knowledge of the situation,\nall agree....\n\nThe time seemed now to have come to take a further step and divide the\nGreat Sioux reservation up into separate reserves for each important\ntribe, and to open the surplus land to settlement. The needs of the\nwhite population, with their business and railroads, and the welfare of\nthe Indians, seemed alike to demand this. Commissioners were therefore\nsent out to treat with the people for the accomplishment of this end,\nand an agreement which, after much debate, had won general approval\nwas committed to them for presentation to the Indians. The objections\nof the Indians to the bill, however, were many and they were ardently\npressed. Some preferred their old life, the more earnestly because\nschools and churches were sapping and undermining it. Some wished\ndelay. All complained that many of the engagements solemnly made with\nthem in former years when they had surrendered valued rights had been\nbroken, and here they were right. They suspected that present promises\nof pay for their lands would prove only old ones in a new shape (when\nmilch cows were promised, cows having been promised in previous\nagreements, the Indians exclaimed, \u201cThere\u2019s that same old cow\u201d), and\ndemanded that no further surrender should be expected until former\npromises had been fulfilled. They were assured that a new era had\ndawned, and that all past promises would be kept. So we all thought.\nThe benefits of the proposed agreement were set before them, and verbal\npromises, over and above the stipulations of the bill, were made, that\nspecial requests of the Indians would be met. The Indians have no\ncompetent representative body. The commissioners had to treat at each\nagency with a crowd, a crowd composed of full-bloods, half-breeds, and\nsquaw men, a crowd among whom all sorts of sinister influences and\nbrute force were at work. Commissioners with such a business in hand\nhave the devil to fight, and can fight him, so it often seems, only\nwith fire, and many friends of the Indians think that in this case the\ncommission, convinced that the acceptance of the bill was essential,\ncarried persuasion to the verge of intimidation. I do not blame them if\nthey sometimes did. The wit and patience of an angel would fail often\nin such a task.\n\nBut the requisite number, three-fourths of the Indians, signed the\nbill, and expectation of rich and prompt rewards ran high. The Indians\nunderstand little of the complex forms and delays of our government.\nSix months passed, and nothing came. Three months more, and nothing\ncame. A bill was drawn up in the Senate under General Crook\u2019s eye\nand passed, providing for the fulfillment of the promises of the\ncommission, but it was pigeon-holed in the House. But in the midst of\nthe winter\u2019s pinching cold the Indians learned that the transaction\nhad been declared complete and half of their land proclaimed as thrown\nopen to the whites. Surveys were not promptly made; perhaps they could\nnot be, and no one knew what land was theirs and what was not. The\nvery earth seemed sliding from beneath their feet. Other misfortunes\nseemed to be crowding on them. On some reserves their rations were\nbeing reduced, and lasted, even when carefully husbanded, but one-half\nthe period for which they were issued. (The amount of beef _bought_\nfor the Indians is not a fair criterion of the amount he _receives_. A\nsteer will lose 200 pounds or more of its flesh during the course of\nthe winter.) In the summer of 1889 all the people on the Pine Ridge\nreserve, men, women, and children, were called in from their farms to\nthe agency to treat with the commissioners and were kept there a whole\nmonth, and, on returning to their homes, found that their cattle had\nbroken into their fields and trampled down or eaten up all their crops.\nThis was true in a degree elsewhere. In 1890 the crops, which promised\nsplendidly early in July, failed entirely later, because of a severe\ndrought. The people were often hungry, and, the physicians in many\ncases said, died when taken sick, not so much from disease as for want\nof food. (This is doubtless true of all the poor\u2014the poor in our cities\nand the poor settlers in the west.)\n\nNo doubt the people could have saved themselves from suffering if\nindustry, economy, and thrift had abounded; but these are just the\nvirtues which a people merging from barbarism lack. The measles\nprevailed in 1889 and were exceedingly fatal. Next year the grippe\nswept over the people with appalling results. Whooping cough followed\namong the children. Sullenness and gloom began to gather, especially\namong the heathen and wilder Indians. A witness of high character told\nme that a marked discontent amounting almost to despair prevailed in\nmany quarters. The people said their children were all dying from\ndiseases brought by the whites, their race was perishing from the face\nof the earth, and they might as well be killed at once. Old chiefs and\nmedicine men were losing their power. Withal new ways were prevailing\nmore and more which did not suit the older people. The old ways which\nthey loved were passing away. In a word, all things were against\nthem, and to add to the calamity, many Indians, especially the wilder\nelement, had nothing to do but to brood over their misfortunes. While\nin this unhappy state, the story of a messiah coming, with its ghost\ndance and strange hallucinations, spread among the heathen part of the\npeople....\n\nBut these things we do want. A profound conviction in the mind not\nonly of a few, but of the _people_, that the Indian problem is worth\nattending to. Next, that the officials placed in charge of the\ndifficult Indian problem should be protected from the importunity of\nhungry politicians, and that the employees in the Indian country,\nagents, teachers, farmers, carpenters, should not be changed with every\nshuffling of the political cards. The abuse here has been shameful.\nNext, that Congress, especially the House of Representatives, shall\nconsider itself bound in honor to make provision for the fulfillment of\npromises made to the Indians by commissioners duly appointed and sent\nto the Indians by another branch of the government. The evils which\nhave arisen from a violation of this comity have been most serious.\nNext, that testimony regarding Indian affairs should not be swallowed\nuntil careful inquiry has been made as to the disinterestedness of the\nwitness. An honest man out here burns with indignation when he reads\nin the papers that so and so, represented as being fully informed on\nthe whole question, affirms that Indians have no grievances and ought\nto receive no quarter, when he knows that the lots which the witness\nowns in a town near the Indian country would no longer be a drug in\nthe market if Indians could be gotten out of the way. Next, let it be\nremembered that the crisis has lifted evils in the Indian country up to\nthe light, and left the good things in the shade. But the good things\nare real and have shown their vigor under trial. There is no reason for\nlosing faith or courage. Let all kind and honest men unite with the\nhigher officials of the government, all of whom, I believe, mean well,\nin a spirit of forbearance toward each other, of willingness to learn,\nand of mutual helpfulness, to accomplish the results which they all\ndesire.\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter XIII+\n\n THE SIOUX OUTBREAK\u2014SITTING BULL AND WOUNDED KNEE\n\n We were made many promises, but have never heard from them\n since.\u2014_American Horse._\n\n Congress has been in session several weeks and could, if it were\n disposed, in a few hours confirm the treaty that its commissioners\n have made with these Indians, and appropriate the necessary funds\n for their fulfillment, and thereby give an earnest of good faith or\n intention to fulfill their part of the compact. Such action in my\n judgment is essential to restore confidence with the Indians and\n give peace and protection to the settlements.\u2014_General Miles._\n\n Approximate cost of outbreak in one month: Forty-nine whites and\n others on the government side, and three hundred Indians, killed;\n $1,200,000 expense to government and individuals.\n\n\nShort Bull and the other Sioux delegates who had gone to see the\nmessiah in the fall of 1889 returned in March, 1890. Short Bull, on\nRosebud reservation, at once began to preach to his people the doctrine\nand advent of the messiah, but desisted on being warned to stop by\nAgent Wright. (_Comr., 29._) The strange hope had taken hold of the\nIndians however, and the infection rapidly, although quietly, spread\namong all the wilder portion of the tribe. The first warning of trouble\nahead came in the shape of a letter addressed to Secretary Noble by\nCharles L. Hyde, a citizen of Pierre, South Dakota, under date of May\n29, 1890, in which he stated that he had trustworthy information that\nthe Sioux, or a part of them, were secretly planning an outbreak in\nthe near future. His informant appears to have been a young half-blood\nfrom Pine Ridge, who was at that time attending school in Pierre, and\nwas in correspondence with his Indian relatives at home. (_G. D.,\n20._) The letter was referred to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,\nwho forwarded a copy of it to the agents of the several western Sioux\nreservations, with a request for further information. They promptly and\nunanimously replied that there was no ground for apprehension, that the\nIndians were peaceably disposed, and that there was no undue excitement\nbeyond that occasioned by the rumors of a messiah in the west. This\nexcitement they thought would continue to increase as the predicted\ntime drew near, and would die a natural death when the prophecy failed\nof its fulfillment.\n\nAll the agents are positive in the opinion that at this time, about\nthe middle of June, 1890, the Indians had no hostile intentions.\nMcLaughlin, the veteran agent of Standing Rock, who probably knew\nthe Sioux better than any other white man having official relations\nwith them, states that among his people there was nothing in word or\naction to justify such a suspicion, and that he did not believe such\nan imprudent step was seriously contemplated by any of the tribe, and\nconcludes by saying that he has every confidence in the good intentions\nof the Sioux as a people, that they would not be the aggressors in any\nhostile act, and that if justice were only done them no uneasiness\nneed be entertained. He complains, however, of the evil influence\nexercised by Sitting Bull and a few other malcontents attached to\nhis agency and advises their removal from among the Indians. Wright,\nat Rosebud, also advised the removal of Crow Dog and some other\nmischief-makers. These men had led the opposition to the late treaty\nand to every advance of civilization, by which they felt their former\ninfluence undermined, and between them and the progressive party there\nwas uncompromising hostility. (_G. D., 21._) Although the trouble did\ncome six months later, it is sufficiently evident that at this time\nthere was no outbreak intended. Certain it is that the Sioux as a\ntribe\u201425,000 strong\u2014did not engage in the outbreak, and in view of all\nthe circumstances it will hardly be claimed that they were deliberate\naggressors.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 72+\u2014A Sioux warrior\u2014Weasel Bear.]\n\nThe first mutterings of dissatisfaction came from Pine Ridge. This is\nthe largest of the Sioux agencies, having 6,000 of the wildest and most\nwarlike of the tribe, largely under the influence of the celebrated\nchief Red Cloud, the twin spirit of Sitting Bull in wily disposition\nand hatred of the white man. It is the most remote from the white\nsettlements along Missouri river, and joins Rosebud reservation, with\n4,000 more Sioux of about the same condition and temper, thus making a\ncompact body of 10,000 of the most warlike Indians of the plains. Above\nall other reservations in the United States this was the very one where\nthere was most urgent and obvious necessity for efficient and vigorous\nadministration and for prompt and honest fulfillment of pledges.\n\nFrom 1879 to 1886 this agency was in charge of Dr V. T. McGillycuddy,\na man of unflinching courage, determined will, and splendid executive\nability. Taking charge of these Indians when they had come in fresh\nfrom the warpath, he managed them, as he himself says, for seven years\nwithout the presence of a soldier on the reservation, and with none\nnearer than 60 miles. Relying on the Indians themselves, he introduced\nthe principle of home rule by organizing a force of 50 Indian police,\ndrilled in regular cavalry and infantry tactics. With these he was able\nto thwart all the mischievous schemes of Red Cloud, maintain authority,\nand start the Indians well on the road to civilization.\n\nThen came a political change of administration, with a resulting train\nof changes all through the service. Out of 58 Indian agents more than\n50 were removed and new men appointed. Some of these appointments were\nfor the better, but the general result was bad, owing mainly to the\ninexperience of the new officials. In the meantime commissioners were\nnegotiating with the Sioux for a further cession of lands, which was\nfinally effected in spite of the opposition of a large part of the\ntribe, especially of those under the influence of Red Cloud and Sitting\nBull at Pine Ridge and Standing Rock. Then rations were reduced and\nthe Indians began to suffer and, consequently, to be restless, their\nunrest being intensified but not caused by the rumors of a messiah soon\nto appear to restore the former conditions. According to the official\nstatement of General Brooke, the beef issue at Pine Ridge was reduced\nfrom 8,125,000 pounds in 1886 to 4,000,000 pounds in 1889, a reduction\nof more than one-half in three years. (_War, 5._) In April, 1890,\nGallagher, the agent then in charge, informed the Department that the\nmonthly beef issue was only 205,000 pounds, whereas the treaty called\nfor 470,400. He was informed that it was better to issue half rations\nall the time than to issue three-fourths or full rations for two months\nand none for the rest of the year. From other sources also the warning\nnow came to the Department that the Sioux of Pine Ridge were becoming\nrestless from hunger. (_G. D., 22._) Repeated representations failed to\nbring more beef, and at last in the summer of 1890 the Indians at Pine\nRidge made the first actual demonstration by refusing to accept the\ndeficient issue and making threats against the agent. They were finally\npersuaded to take the beef, but Agent Gallagher, finding that the\ndissatisfaction was growing and apparently without remedy, resigned,\nand his successor took charge in the beginning of October, 1890.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 73+\u2014Red Cloud.]\n\nBy this time the Ghost dance was in full progress among the western\nSioux and was rapidly spreading throughout the tribe. The principal\ndance ground on Pine Ridge reservation was at No Water\u2019s camp on White\nClay creek, about 20 miles from the agency. At a great Ghost dance\nheld here about the middle of June the ghost shirts were worn probably\nfor the first time. (_Comr., 30._) In August about 2,000 Indians had\nassembled for a dance at the same rendezvous, when Agent Gallagher\nsent out several police with orders to the dancers to quit and go\nhome. They refused to do so, and the agent himself went out with more\npolice to enforce the order. On repeating his demand a number of the\nwarriors leveled their guns toward him and the police, and told him\nthat they were ready to defend their religion with their lives. Under\nthe circumstances the agent, although known to be a brave man, deemed\nit best to withdraw and the dance went on. (_Comr., 31; G. D., 23._)\n\nOn Rosebud reservation, which adjoins Pine Ridge on the east and is\noccupied by the turbulent and warlike Brul\u00e9s, the warning given to\nShort Bull had such an effect that there was no open manifestation\nuntil September, when the Ghost dance was inaugurated at the various\ncamps under the leadership of Short Bull the medicine-man, Crow Dog,\nand Two Strike. Agent Wright, then in charge, went out to the Indians\nand told them the dance must be stopped, which was accordingly done.\nHe expressly states that no violence was contemplated by the Indians,\nand that no arms were carried in the dance, but that he forbade it on\naccount of its physical and mental effect on the participants and its\ntendency to draw them from their homes. In some way a rumor got among\nthe Indians at this time that troops had arrived on the reservation\nto attack them, and in an incredibly short time every Indian had left\nthe neighborhood of the agency and was making preparations to meet\nthe enemy. It was with some difficulty that Agent Wright was able to\nconvince them that the report was false and persuade them to return to\ntheir homes. Soon afterward circumstances obliged him to be temporarily\nabsent, leaving affairs in the meantime in charge of a special agent.\nThe Indians took advantage of his absence to renew the Ghost dance\nand soon defied control. The agent states, however, that no Indians\nleft the agency until the arrival of the troops, when the leaders\nimmediately departed for Pine Ridge, together with 1,800 of their\nfollowers. (_G. D., 24; Comr., 32._)\n\nOn October 9 Kicking Bear of Cheyenne River agency, the chief high\npriest of the Ghost dance among the Sioux, went to Standing Rock\nby invitation of Sitting Bull and inaugurated the dance on that\nreservation at Sitting Bull\u2019s camp on Grand river. The dance had\nbegun on Cheyenne river about the middle of September, chiefly at the\ncamps of Hump and Big Foot. On learning of Kicking Bear\u2019s arrival,\nAgent McLaughlin sent a force of police, including two officers, to\narrest him and put him off the reservation, but they returned without\nexecuting the order, both officers being in a dazed condition and\nfearing the power of Kicking Bear\u2019s \u201cmedicine.\u201d Sitting Bull, however,\nhad promised that his visitors would go back to their own reservation,\nwhich they did a day or two later, but he declared his intention to\ncontinue the dance, as they had received a direct message from the\nspirit world through Kicking Bear that they must do so to live. He\npromised that he would suspend the dance until he could come and talk\nthe matter over with the agent, but this promise he failed to keep.\nConsidering Sitting Bull the leader and instigator of the excitement\non the reservation, McLaughlin again advised his removal, and that of\nseveral other mischief makers, and their confinement in some military\nprison at a distance. (_G. D., 25._)\n\nThe two centers of excitement were now at Standing Rock reservation,\nwhere Sitting Bull was the open and declared leader, and at Pine Ridge,\nwhere Red Cloud was a firm believer in the new doctrine, although\nperhaps not an instigator of direct opposition to authority. At Rosebud\nthe movement had been smothered for the time by the prompt action of\nAgent Wright, as already described. At the first-named reservation\nMcLaughlin met the emergency with bravery and ability reinforced\nby twenty years of experience in dealing with Indians, and, while\nrecommending the removal of Sitting Bull, expressed confidence in\nhis own ability to allay the excitement and suppress the dance. At\nPine Ridge, however, where the crisis demanded a man of most positive\ncharacter\u2014somebody of the McGillycuddy stamp\u2014Gallagher had resigned and\nhad been succeeded in October by D. F. Royer, a person described as\n\u201cdestitute of any of those qualities by which he could justly lay claim\nto the position\u2014experience, force of character, courage, and sound\njudgment.\u201d (_Welsh, 2._) This appears in every letter and telegram\nsent out by him during his short incumbency, and is sufficiently\nevidenced in the name by which the Sioux soon came to know him,\nLakota-Kokipa-Koshkala, \u201cYoung-man-afraid-of-Indians.\u201d Before he had\nbeen in charge a week, he had so far lost control of his Indians as to\nallow a half dozen of them to release and carry off a prisoner named\nLittle, whom the police had arrested and brought to the agency. On\nOctober 12 he reported that more than half of his 6,000 Indians were\ndancing, and that they were entirely beyond the control of the police,\nand suggested that it would be necessary to call out the military. (_G.\nD., 26._)\n\nAbout the same time Agent Palmer at Cheyenne River reported to the\nDepartment that Big Foot\u2019s band (afterward engaged at Wounded Knee)\nwas very much excited over the coming of the messiah, and could not be\nkept by the police from dancing. In reply, both agents were instructed\nto use every prudent measure to stop the dance and were told that\nmilitary assistance would be furnished if immediate need should arise.\n(_L. B., 1._) Instructions were also sent to agents in Nevada to warn\nthe leaders of the dance in that quarter to desist. A few days later\nthe agent at Cheyenne River had a talk with the dancers, and so far\nconvinced them of the falsity of their hopes that he was able to report\nthat the excitement was dying out, but recommended the removal of Hump,\nas a leader of the disaffection. (_G. D., 27._)\n\nBy the advice of the Department, Royer had consulted General Miles,\nat that time passing on his way to the west, as to the necessity for\ntroops, and, after hearing a full statement, the general expressed\nthe opinion that the excitement would die out of itself. The next day\nthe general had a talk with the Indians, who informed him that they\nintended to continue the dance. He gave them some good advice and\ntold them that they must stop. Had the matter rested here until the\nwords of the commanding officer could have been deliberated in their\nminds\u2014for the mental process of an Indian can not well be hurried\u2014all\nmight have been well. Unfortunately, however, the agent, now thoroughly\nfrightened, wrote a long letter to the Department on October 30,\nstating that the only remedy for the matter was the use of military,\nand that about 600 or 700 troops would be necessary. On November 11 he\ntelegraphed for permission to come to Washington to \u201cexplain,\u201d and was\nrefused. Then came other telegraphic requests, at the rate of one every\nday, for the same permission, all of which were refused, with pointed\nintimation that the interests of the service required that the agent\nshould remain at his post of duty. Finally the matter was reported by\nthe Indian Office to the War Department, and on November 15 Royer was\ninstructed to report the condition of affairs to the commander of the\nnearest military post, Port Robinson, Nebraska. On the same day he had\ntelegraphed that the Indians were wild and crazy and that at least a\nthousand soldiers were needed. The agent at Rosebud also now reported\nthat his Indians were beyond control by the police. Special agents were\nsent to both agencies and confirmed the reports as to the alarming\ncondition of affairs. The agent at Crow Creek and Lower Brul\u00e9 agency\nreported at the same time that his Indians were under good control and\nthat the police were sufficient for all purposes. (_G. D., 28; L. B.,\n2._)\n\nOn the last day of October, Short Bull, one of those who had been to\nsee the messiah, made an address to a large gathering of Indians near\nPine Ridge, in which he said that as the whites were interfering so\nmuch in the religious affairs of the Indians he would advance the time\nfor the great change and make it nearer, even within the next month.\nHe urged them all to gather in one place and prepare for the coming\nmessiah, and told them they must dance even though troops should\nsurround them, as the guns of the soldiers would be rendered harmless\nand the white race itself would soon be annihilated. (See his speech,\npage 788.)\n\nSoon afterward, McLaughlin personally visited Sitting Bull at his\ncamp on Grand river and attempted to reason with the Indians on the\nabsurdity of their belief. In reply, Sitting Bull proposed that they\nshould both go with competent attendants to the country of the messiah\nand see and question him for themselves, and rest the truth or falsity\nof the new doctrine on the result. The proposition was not accepted.\n(_G. D., 29._) There can be no question that the leaders of the Ghost\ndance among the Sioux were fully as much deceived as their followers.\n\nAs the local agents had declared the situation beyond their control,\nthe War Department was at last called on and responded. On November 13\nthe President had directed the Secretary of War to assume a military\nresponsibility to prevent an outbreak (_G. D., 30_), and on November\n17 troops, under command of General John R. Brooke, were ordered to\nthe front. The general plan of the campaign was under the direction\nof General Nelson A. Miles, in command of the military department of\nthe Missouri. On November 19 the first troops arrived at Pine Ridge\nfrom Fort Robinson, Nebraska, and were speedily reinforced by others.\nWithin a few days there were at Pine Ridge agency, under immediate\ncommand of General Brooke, eight troops of the Seventh cavalry,\nunder Colonel Forsyth; a battalion of the Ninth cavalry (colored),\nunder Major Henry; a battalion of the Fifth artillery, under Captain\nCapron, and a company of the Eighth infantry and eight companies of\nthe Second infantry, under Colonel Wheaton. At Rosebud were two troops\nof the Ninth cavalry, with portions of the Eighth and Twenty-first\ninfantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Poland. Between Rosebud and Pine\nRidge were stationed seven companies of the First infantry, under\nColonel Shafter. West and north of Pine Ridge were stationed portions\nof the First, Second, and Ninth cavalry, under command of Colonel\nTilford and Lieutenant-Colonel Sanford. Farther west, at Buffalo Gap,\non the railroad, were stationed three troops from the Fifth and Eighth\ncavalry, under Captain Wells. Farther north on the railroad, at Rapid\nCity, was Colonel Carr with six troops of the Sixth cavalry. Along the\nsouth fork of Cheyenne river Lieutenant-Colonel Offley took position\nwith seven companies of the Seventeenth infantry, and east of him was\nstationed Lieutenant-Colonel Sumner with three troops of the Eighth\ncavalry, two companies of the Third infantry, and Lieutenant Robinson\u2019s\ncompany of Crow Indian scouts. Small garrisons were also stationed\nat Forts Meade, Bennett, and Sully. Most of the force was placed in\nposition between the Indians now gathering in the Bad Lands, under\nShort Bull and Kicking Bear, and the scattered settlements nearest\nthem. Seven companies of the Seventh infantry, under Colonel Merriam,\nwere also placed along Cheyenne river to restrain the Indians of\nCheyenne River and Standing Rock reservations. In a short time there\nwere nearly 3,000 troops in the field in the Sioux country. General\nMiles established his headquarters at Rapid City, South Dakota, close\nto the center of disturbance. (_War, 6._) On December 1 the Secretary\nof the Interior directed that the agents be instructed to obey and\ncooperate with the military officers in all matters looking to the\nsuppression of an outbreak. (_G. D., 31._)\n\n[Illustration: PL. XCV\n\n MAP\n OF THE\n COUNTRY EMBRACED IN THE CAMPAIGN\n AGAINST THE\n SIOUX INDIANS\n\n From Report of the SECRETARY OF WAR for 1891, Vol. 1.\n]\n\nUpon the first appearance of the troops a large number of Indians of\nRosebud and Pine Ridge, led by Short Bull, Kicking Bear, and others,\nleft their homes and fled to the rough broken country known as the\nBad Lands, northwest of White river in South Dakota, on the edge\nof Pine Ridge reservation and about 50 miles northwest of the agency.\nIn their flight they destroyed the houses and other property of the\nfriendly Indians in their path and compelled many to go with them.\nThey succeeded also in capturing a large portion of the agency beef\nherd. Others rapidly joined them until soon a formidable body of 3,000\nIndians had gathered in the Bad Lands, where, protected by the natural\nfastnesses and difficulties of the country, their future intentions\nbecame a matter of anxious concern to the settlers and the authorities.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 74+\u2014Short Bull.]\n\nFrom the concurrent testimony of all the witnesses, including Indian\nCommissioner Morgan and the Indians themselves, this flight to the\nBad Lands was not properly a hostile movement, but was a stampede\ncaused by panic at the appearance of the troops. In his official report\nCommissioner Morgan says:\n\n When the troops reached Rosebud, about 1,800 Indians\u2014men, women,\n and children\u2014stampeded toward Pine Ridge and the Bad Lands,\n destroying their own property before leaving and that of others en\n route.\n\nAfter the death of Sitting Bull he says:\n\n Groups of Indians from the different reservations had commenced\n concentrating in the Bad Lands, upon or in the vicinity of the\n Pine Ridge reservation. Killing of cattle and destruction of other\n property by these Indians, almost entirely within the limits of\n Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations, occurred, but no signal fires\n were built, no warlike demonstrations were made, no violence\n was done to any white settlers, nor was there any cohesion or\n organization among the Indians themselves. Many of them were\n friendly Indians who had never participated in the ghost dance,\n but had fled thither from fear of soldiers, in consequence of the\n Sitting Bull affair or through the overpersuasion of friends. The\n military gradually began to close in around them and they offered\n no resistance, and a speedy and quiet capitulation of all was\n confidently expected. (_Comr., 33._)\n\nThe Sioux nation numbers over 25,000, with between 6,000 and 7,000\nwarriors. Hardly more than 700 warriors were concerned altogether,\nincluding those of Big Foot\u2019s band and those who fled to the Bad Lands.\nNone of the Christian Indians took any part in the disturbance.\n\nWhile it is certain that the movement toward the Bad Lands with the\nsubsequent events were the result of panic at the appearance of the\ntroops, it is equally true that the troops were sent only on the\nrequest of the civilian authorities. On this point General Miles\nsays: \u201cNot until the civil agents had lost control of the Indians\nand declared themselves powerless to preserve peace, and the Indians\nwere in armed hostility and defiance of the civil authorities, was a\nsingle soldier moved from his garrison to suppress the general revolt.\u201d\n(_War, 7._) Throughout the whole trouble McGillycuddy at Standing Rock\nconsistently declared his ability to control his Indians without the\npresence of troops.\n\nIn accord with instructions from the Indian Office, the several agents\nin charge among the Sioux had forwarded lists of disturbers whom it\nwould be advisable to arrest and remove from among the Indians, using\nthe military for the purpose if necessary. The agents at the other\nreservations sent in all together the names of about fifteen subjects\nfor removal, while Royer, at Pine Ridge, forwarded as a \u201cconservative\nestimate\u201d the names of sixty-four. Short Bull and Kicking Bear being\nin the Bad Lands, and Red Cloud being now an old man and too politic\nto make much open demonstration, the head and front of the offenders\nwas Sitting Bull, the irreconcilable; but McLaughlin, within whose\njurisdiction he was, in a letter of November 22, advised that the\narrest be not attempted until later in the season, as at the date of\nwriting the weather was warm and pleasant\u2014in other words, favorable to\nthe Indians in case they should make opposition. (_G. D., 32._) The\nworst element had withdrawn to the Bad Lands, where they were making\nno hostile demonstrations, but were apparently badly frightened and\nawaiting developments to know whether to come in and surrender or to\ncontinue to retreat. The dance had generally been discontinued on the\nreservations, excepting at Sitting Bull\u2019s camp on Grand river and Big\nFoot\u2019s camp on Cheyenne river. The presence of troops had stopped the\ndances near the agencies, and the Secretary of the Interior, in order\nto allay the dissatisfaction, had ordered that the full rations due\nunder the treaty should be issued at all the Sioux agencies, which at\nthe same time were placed under the control of the military. (_G. D.,\n33; L. B., 3._) Such were the conditions on the opening of December,\n1890. Everything seemed to be quieting down, and it was now deemed\na favorable time to forestall future disturbance by removing the\nringleaders.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 75+\u2014Kicking Bear.]\n\nAgent McLaughlin at Standing Rock had notified the Department some\nweeks before that it would be necessary to remove Sitting Bull and\nseveral others at no distant day to put an end to their harmful\ninfluence among the Sioux, but stated also that the matter should not\nbe precipitated, and that when the proper time came he could accomplish\nthe undertaking with his Indian police without the aid of troops. As\nsoon as the War Department assumed control of the Sioux agencies, it\nwas determined to make an attempt to secure Sitting Bull by military\npower. Accordingly, orders were given to the noted scout, William\nF. Cody, better known as Buffalo Bill, who was well acquainted with\nSitting Bull and was believed to have influence with him, to proceed\nto Standing Rock agency to induce him to come in, with authority to\nmake such terms as might seem necessary, and, if unsuccessful, to\narrest him and remove him from his camp to the nearest post, Fort\nYates. Cody arrived at Fort Yates on November 28, and was about to\nundertake the arrest, when his orders were countermanded at the urgent\nremonstrance of Agent McLaughlin, who represented that such a step at\nthat particular time was unwise, as military interference was liable\nto provoke a conflict, in which the Indians would have the advantage,\nas the warm weather was in their favor. He insisted that there was no\nimmediate danger from the dancing, and that at the proper time\u2014when\nthe weather grew colder\u2014he could take care of Sitting Bull and the\nother disturbers whose removal he advised with the aid of the Indian\npolice, whom, in all his years of service, he had always found equal to\nthe emergency. The attempt was accordingly postponed. In the meantime\nSitting Bull had promised to come into the agency to talk over the\nsituation with the agent, but failed to keep his engagement. A close\nwatch was kept over his movements and the agent was instructed to make\nno arrests except by authority from the military or the Secretary of\nthe Interior. (_G. D., 34._)\n\nThere is no question that Sitting Bull was plotting mischief. His\nprevious record was one of irreconcilable hostility to the government,\nand in every disturbance on the reservation his camp had been the\ncenter of ferment. It was at his camp and on his invitation that\nKicking Bear had organized the first Ghost dance on the reservation,\nand the dance had been kept up by Sitting Bull ever since in spite of\nthe repeated remonstrance of the agent. At the same time the turbulent\nfollowers of the medicine-man took every opportunity to insult and\nannoy the peaceable and progressive Indians who refused to join them\nuntil these latter were forced to make complaint to the agent. In\nOctober, while the dance was being organized at his camp, Sitting Bull\nhad deliberately broken the \u201cpipe of peace\u201d which he had kept in his\nhouse since his surrender in 1881, and when asked why he had broken\nit, replied that he wanted to die and wanted to fight. From that time\nhe discontinued his regular visits to the agency. It became known that\nhe contemplated leaving the reservation to visit the other leaders of\ndissatisfaction at the southern Sioux agencies, and to frustrate such\nan attempt the agent had gradually increased the number of police in\nthe neighborhood of his camp, and had arranged for speedy information\nand prompt action in case of any sudden move on his part. (_G. D., 35._)\n\n[Illustration: PL. XCVI\n\n STANDING ROCK AGENCY AND VICINITY]\n\nForeseeing from the active movements of the military that the arrest\nof Sitting Bull was liable to be ordered at any moment, and fearing\nthat such action might come at an inopportune time, and thus result in\ntrouble, McLaughlin made arrangements to have him and several other\ndisturbers arrested by the Indian police on the night of December 6,\nthe weather and other things being then, in his opinion, most favorable\nfor the attempt. On telegraphing to the Indian department, however, for\nauthority, he was directed to make no arrests excepting upon order from\nthe military authorities or the Secretary of the Interior. In reply\nto a telegram from General Ruger, McLaughlin stated that there was no\nimmediate need of haste, and that postponement was preferable, as the\nwinter weather was cooling the ardor of the dancers.\n\nOn December 12 the military order came for the arrest of Sitting Bull.\nColonel Drum, in command at Fort Yates, was directed to make it his\npersonal duty to secure him and to call on the agent for assistance and\ncooperation in the matter. On consultation between the commandant and\nthe agent, who were in full accord, it was decided to make the arrest\non the 20th, when most of the Indians would be down at the agency for\nrations, and there would consequently be less danger of a conflict at\nthe camp. On the 14th, however, late Sunday afternoon, a courier came\nfrom Grand river with a message from Mr Carignan, the teacher of the\nIndian school, stating, on information given by the police, that an\ninvitation had just come from Pine Ridge to Sitting Bull asking him\nto go there, as God was about to appear. Sitting Bull was determined\nto go, and sent a request to the agent for permission, but in the\nmeantime had completed his preparations to go anyhow in case permission\nwas refused. With this intention it was further stated that he had\nhis horses already selected for a long and hard ride, and the police\nurgently asked to be allowed to arrest him at once, as it would be a\ndifficult matter to overtake him after he had once started.\n\nIt was necessary to act immediately, and arrangements were made between\nColonel Drum and Agent McLaughlin to attempt the arrest at daylight\nthe next morning, December 15. The arrest was to be made by the Indian\npolice, assisted, if necessary, by a detachment of troops, who were\nto follow within supporting distance. There were already twenty-eight\npolice under command of Lieutenant Bull Head in the immediate vicinity\nof Sitting Bull\u2019s camp on Grand river, about 40 miles southwest of\nthe agency and Fort Yates, and couriers were at once dispatched to\nthese and to others in that direction to concentrate at Sitting Bull\u2019s\nhouse, ready to make the arrest in the morning. It was then sundown,\nbut with loyal promptness the police mounted their ponies and by\nriding all night from one station to another assembled a force of 43\ntrained and determined Indian police, including four volunteers, at the\nrendezvous on Grand river before daylight. In performing this courier\nservice Sergeant Red Tomahawk covered the distance of 40 miles between\nthe agency and the camp, over an unfamiliar road, in four hours and a\nquarter; and another, Hawk Man, made 100 miles, by a roundabout way,\nin twenty-two hours. In the meantime two troops of the Eighth cavalry,\nnumbering 100 men, under command of Captain E. G. Fech\u00e9t, and having\nwith them a Hotchkiss gun, left Fort Yates at midnight, guided by Louis\nPrimeau, and by a rapid night march arrived within supporting distance\nnear Sitting Bull\u2019s camp just before daybreak. It was afterward learned\nthat Sitting Bull, in anticipation of such action, had had a strong\nguard about his house for his protection for several nights previous,\nbut on this particular night the Indians had been dancing until nearly\nmorning, and the house was consequently left unguarded.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 76+\u2014Red Tomahawk.]\n\nAt daybreak on Monday morning, December 15, 1890, the police and\nvolunteers, 43 in number, under command of Lieutenant Bull Head, a\ncool and reliable man, surrounded Sitting Bull\u2019s house. He had two\nlog cabins, a few rods apart, and to make sure of their man, eight of\nthe police entered one house and ten went into the other, while the\nrest remained on guard outside. They found him asleep on the floor\nin the larger house. He was aroused and told that he was a prisoner\nand must go to the agency. He made no objection, but said \u201cAll right;\nI will dress and go with you.\u201d He then sent one of his wives to the\nother house for some clothes he desired to wear, and asked to have his\nfavorite horse saddled for him to ride, which was done by one of the\npolice. On looking about the room two rifles and several knives were\nfound and taken by the police. While dressing, he apparently changed\nhis mind and began abusing the police for disturbing him, to which\nthey made no reply. While this was going on inside, his followers, to\nthe number of perhaps 150, were congregating about the house outside\nand by the time he was dressed an excited crowd of Indians had the\npolice entirely surrounded and were pressing them to the wall. On being\nbrought out, Sitting Bull became greatly excited and refused to go,\nand called on his followers to rescue him. Lieutenant Bull Head and\nSergeant Shave Head were standing on each side of him, with Second\nSergeant Red Tomahawk guarding behind, while the rest of the police\nwere trying to clear the way in front, when one of Sitting Bull\u2019s\nfollowers, Catch-the-Bear, fired and shot Lieutenant Bull Head in the\nside. Bull Head at once turned and sent a bullet into the body of\nSitting Bull, who was also shot through the head at the same moment by\nRed Tomahawk. Sergeant Shave Head was shot by another of the crowd, and\nfell to the ground with Bull Head and Sitting Bull. Catch-the-Bear, who\nfired the first shot, was immediately shot and killed by Alone Man,\none of the police, and it became a desperate hand-to-hand fight of\nless than 43 men against more than a hundred. The trained police soon\ndrove their assailants into the timber near by, and then returned and\ncarried their dead and wounded into the house and held it for about two\nhours, until the arrival of the troops under Captain Fech\u00e9t, about half\npast seven. The troops had been notified of the perilous situation of\nthe police by Hawk Man, who had volunteered to carry the information\nfrom Sitting Bull\u2019s camp. He succeeded in getting away, assisted by\nRed Tomahawk, although so closely pursued that several bullets passed\nthrough his clothing. In spite of the efforts of the hostiles, the\npolice also held possession of the corral, which Sitting Bull had\nfilled with horses in anticipation of his flight. When the cavalry\ncame in sight over a hill, about 1,500 yards distant from the camp,\nthe police at the corral raised a white flag to show where they were,\nbut the troops, mistaking them for hostiles, fired two shells at them\nfrom the Hotchkiss, when Sergeant Red Tomahawk, who had taken command\nafter the wounding of his superior officers, paraded his men in line\nand then rode out alone with a white flag to meet the troops. On the\napproach of the soldiers Sitting Bull\u2019s warriors fled up Grand river a\nshort distance and then turned south across the prairie toward Cherry\ncreek and Cheyenne river. Not wishing to create such a panic among them\nas to drive them into the hostile camp in the Bad Lands, Captain Fech\u00e9t\npursued them only a short distance and then left them to be handled\nby the other detachments in that direction. Their wives and families,\ntheir property and their dead, were left behind in the flight. As soon\nas possible Captain Fech\u00e9t also sent word to them by some Indian women\nto return to their homes and they would not be molested. To further\nreassure them, the troops at once began their march back to the post.\nAs a result of this sensible policy, very few of the Sitting Bull band\njoined the hostiles. They had made no resistance to the troops, but\nfled immediately on their appearance.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 77+\u2014Sitting Bull the Sioux medicine-man.]\n\nThe fight lasted only a few minutes, but with terribly fatal result.\nSix policemen were killed or mortally wounded, including the officers\nBull Head and Shave Head, and one other less seriously wounded. The\nhostiles lost eight killed, including Sitting Bull and his son Crow\nFoot, 17 years of age, with several wounded. During the fight the women\nattacked the police with knives and clubs, but notwithstanding the\nexcitement the police simply disarmed them and put them in one of the\nhouses under guard.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 78+\u2014Sketch of the country where fight took place\n between Sitting Bull\u2019s Indians and the government police, December\n 15, 1890.]\n\nThe warmest praise is given the Indian police for their conduct on this\noccasion by those who are most competent to judge. Some who thus faced\ndeath in obedience to orders had near relatives among those opposed to\nthem. Agent McLaughlin in one official letter says that he can not too\nstrongly commend their splendid courage and ability in the action, and\nin another letter says: \u201cThe details of the battle show that the Indian\npolice behaved nobly and exhibited the best of judgment and bravery,\nand a recognition by the government for their services on this occasion\nis richly deserved.... I respectfully urge that the Interior Department\ncooperate with the War Department in obtaining Congressional action\nwhich will secure to these brave survivors and to the families of the\ndead a full and generous reward.\u201d Colonel Drum, under whose orders the\narrest was made, after stating that Sitting Bull was not hurt until he\nbegan struggling to escape and until one of the police had been shot,\nadds: \u201cIt is also remarkable that no squaws or children were hurt. The\npolice appear to have constantly warned the other Indians to keep away,\nuntil they were forced to fight in self-defense. It is hardly possible\nto praise their conduct too highly.\u201d Notwithstanding the recommendation\nof the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Congress has taken no action in\nrecognition of their services on this occasion.\n\nBefore the action orders had been sent to the police to have with them\na wagon, in order to convey Sitting Bull quickly away from the camp,\nso as to avoid trouble, but in the excitement of preparation this was\noverlooked. The police returned to the agency late in the afternoon,\nbringing with them their dead and wounded, together with two prisoners\nand the body of Sitting Bull, which was turned over to the military\nauthorities at Fort Yates. The four dead policemen were buried at\nthe agency next day with military honors. Bull Head and Shave Head\ndied in the hospital soon afterward, with the consolation of having\ntheir friends around them in their last moments. The agent states\nthat the large majority of the Indians were loyal to the government,\nand expressed satisfaction at what they considered the termination of\nthe disturbance. Couriers were again sent after the fleeing Indians\nby McLaughlin, warning them to return to the agency, where they would\nbe safe, or suffer the consequences if found outside the reservation.\nWithin a few days nearly 250 had come in and surrendered, leaving only\nabout one-third still out. Most of these soon afterward surrendered\nwith Hump on Cherry creek, while the remainder, about 50, joined Big\nFoot or went on to Pine Ridge. (_G. D., 36; War, 8._)\n\nThus died Tata\u2032nka I\u2032yota\u2032nke, Sitting Bull, the great medicine-man of\nthe Sioux, on the morning of December 15, 1890, aged about 56 years.\nHe belonged to the Uncpapa division of the Teton Sioux. Although a\npriest rather than a chief, he had gained a reputation in his early\nyears by organizing and leading war parties, and became prominent by\nhis participation in the battle of Little Bighorn, in Montana, on\nJune 25, 1876, by which Custer\u2019s command was wiped out of existence.\nBeing pursued by General Terry, Sitting Bull and his band made their\nescape northward into Canada, where they remained until 1881, when he\nsurrendered, through the mediation of the Canadian authorities, on a\npromise of pardon. To obtain subsistence while in Canada, his people\nhad been obliged to sell almost all they possessed, including their\nfirearms, so that they returned to their old homes in an impoverished\ncondition. After confinement as a prisoner of war until 1883, Sitting\nBull took up his residence on Grand river, where he remained until he\nmet his death. Here he continued to be the leader of the opposition to\ncivilization and the white man, and his camp became the rallying point\nfor the dissatisfied conservative element that clung to the old order\nof things, and felt that innovation meant destruction to their race.\nFor seven years he had steadily opposed the treaty by which the great\nSioux reservation was at last broken up in 1889. After the treaty had\nbeen signed by the requisite number to make it a law, he was asked by a\nwhite man what the Indians thought about it. With a burst of passionate\nindignation he replied, \u201cIndians! There are no Indians left now but\nme.\u201d However misguided he may have been in thus continuing a losing\nfight against the inevitable, it is possible that from the Indian point\nof view he may have been their patriot as he was their high priest.\nHe has been mercilessly denounced as a bad man and a liar; but there\ncan be no doubt that he was honest in his hatred of the whites, and\nhis breaking of the peace pipe, saying that he \u201cwanted to fight and\nwanted to die,\u201d showed that he was no coward. But he represented the\npast. His influence was incompatible with progress, and his death marks\nan era in the civilization of the Sioux. In the language of General\nMiles, \u201cHis tragic fate was but the ending of a tragic life. Since the\ndays of Pontiac, Tecumseh, and Red Jacket no Indian has had the power\nof drawing to him so large a following of his race and molding and\nwielding it against the authority of the United States, or of inspiring\nit with greater animosity against the white race and civilization.\u201d\n(_War, 9._)\n\nOn December 18 the Indians who had already fled to the Bad Lands\nattacked a small party of men on Spring creek of Cheyenne river. Major\nTupper with 100 men of Carr\u2019s division was sent to their rescue, and\na skirmish ensued with the Indians, who were concealed in the bushes\nalong the creek. The government wagons, while crossing the creek,\nwere also attacked by the hostiles, who were finally driven off by\nreinforcements of cavalry under Captain Wells. On the same date over\na thousand Indians returned to Pine Ridge. News was received that\nthere were still about 1,500 fugitives camped on Cheyenne river in the\nneighborhood of Spring creek. (_Colby, 1._)\n\nThe most dangerous leader of dissatisfaction in the north after the\ndeath of Sitting Bull was considered to be Hump, on Cheyenne River\nreservation. The agent in charge had long before recommended his\nremoval, but it was thought that it would now be next to impossible\nto arrest him. Hump with his band of about 400 persons, and Big Foot\nwith nearly as many, had their camps about the junction of Cherry\ncreek and Cheyenne river. For several weeks they had been dancing\nalmost constantly, and were very sullen and apparently very hostile.\nAfter serious consideration of the matter, the task of securing Hump\nwas assigned to Captain E. P. Ewers of the Fifth infantry, who had had\ncharge of this chief and his band for seven years and had their full\nconfidence and respect. He was then on duty in Texas, but was ordered\nforward and reported soon after at Fort Bennett on the border of the\nreservation. So dangerous was Hump considered to be that the civil\nagents did not think it possible even for the officer to communicate\nwith him. However, Captain Ewers, without troops and attended only by\nLieutenant Hale, at once left the fort and rode out 60 miles to Hump\u2019s\ncamp. \u201cHump at the time was 20 miles away and a runner was sent for\nhim. Immediately upon hearing that Captain Ewers was in the vicinity\nhe came to him and was told that the division commander desired him to\ntake his people away from the hostiles and bring them to the nearest\nmilitary post. He replied that if General Miles sent for him, he would\ndo whatever he desired. He immediately brought his people into Fort\nBennett and complied with all the orders and instructions given him,\nand subsequently rendered valuable service for peace. Thus an element\nregarded as among the most dangerous was removed.\u201d After coming into\nthe fort, Hump enlisted as a scout under Captain Ewers, and soon\nafterward, in connection with the same Lieutenant Hale, proved his\nloyalty by bringing about the surrender of the Sitting Bull fugitives.\nSubsequently Captain Ewers further distinguished himself by conducting\nthe northern Cheyenne\u2014who were considered as particularly dangerous,\nbut who regarded Captain Ewers with absolute affection\u2014from Pine Ridge\nto Tongue river, Montana, a distance of 300 miles, and in the most\nrigorous of the winter season, without an escort of troops and without\nthe loss of a single life or the commission by an Indian of a single\nunlawful act. (_War, 10._)\n\nThe Sitting Bull fugitives who had not come in at once had fled\nsouthward toward their friends and near relatives of Cheyenne River\nreservation, and were camped on Cherry creek a few miles above its\njunction with Cheyenne river at Cheyenne City. As their presence there\ncould serve only to increase the unrest among the other Indians in\nthat vicinity, and as there was great danger that they might attempt\nto join those already in the Bad Lands, Captain Hurst, of the Twelfth\ninfantry, commanding at Fort Bennett, directed Lieutenant H. E. Hale\non December 18 to go out and bring them in. On arriving at Cheyenne\nCity the officer found it deserted, all the citizens excepting one man\nhaving fled in alarm a short time before on the report of a half-blood\nthat the Sitting Bull Indians were coming and had sworn to kill the\nfirst white man they met. Having succeeded in frightening the whole\npopulation, the half-blood himself, Narcisse Narcelle, left at once for\nthe fort.\n\nAfter some difficulty in finding anyone to assist him, Hale sent a\npoliceman to bring back Narcelle and sent out another Indian to learn\nthe situation and condition of the Indian camp. His only interpreter\nfor the purpose was Mr Angell, the single white man who had remained,\nand who had learned some of the Sioux language during his residence\namong them. While thus waiting, a report came that the Indians had\nraided a ranch about 10 miles up the creek. Not hearing from his\nscouts, the lieutenant determined to go alone and find the camp, and\nwas just about to start, when Hump, the late dangerous hostile, but now\nan enlisted scout, rode in with the news that the Sitting Bull Indians\nwere approaching only a short distance away, and armed. Although from\nthe reports there was every reason to believe that they had just\ndestroyed a ranch and were now coming to attack the town, the officer,\nwith rare bravery, kept his determination to go out and meet them,\neven without an interpreter, in the hope of preventing their hostile\npurpose. Hump volunteered to go with him. The two rode out together and\nsoon came up with the Indians, who received them in a friendly manner.\nThere were 46 warriors in the party, besides women and children,\nwagons and ponies. Says the officer: \u201cI appreciated the importance of\nthe situation, but was absolutely powerless to communicate with the\nIndians. I immediately formed the opinion that they could be easily\npersuaded to come into the agency if I could but talk with them.\nWhile I was trying by signs to make them understand what I wanted,\nHenry Angell rode into the circle and took his place at my side. This\ngenerous man had not liked the idea of my going among these Indians,\nand from a true spirit of chivalry had ridden over to \u2018see it out.\u2019\u201d\nVerily, while such men as Ewers, Hale, and Angell live, the day of\nchivalry is not gone by.\n\nWith Angell\u2019s assistance as interpreter, the officer told the Indians\nthat if they would stay where they were for one day, he would go back\nto the agency and return within that time with the chief (Captain J. H.\nHurst) and an interpreter and no soldiers. They replied that they would\nnot move, and, having directed Angell to kill a beef for them, as they\nwere worn-out and well-nigh starving, and leaving Hump with them to\nreassure them, the lieutenant rode back to Fort Bennett, 40 miles away,\nnotified Captain Hurst, and returned with him, Sergeant Gallagher, and\ntwo Indian scouts as interpreters, the next day. Knowing the importance\nof haste, they started out on this winter ride of 40 miles without\nblankets or rations.\n\nOn arriving Captain Hurst told them briefly what he had come for, and\nthen, being exhausted from the rapid ride, and knowing that an Indian\nmust not be hurried, he ordered some beef and a plentiful supply of\ntobacco for them, and said that after he and they had eaten and rested\nthey could talk the matter over. In the evening the principal men met\nhim and told him over a pipe that they had left Standing Rock agency\nforever; that their great chief and friend Sitting Bull had been\nkilled there without cause; that they had come down to talk with their\nfriends on Cherry creek about it, but had found them gone, and were\nconsequently undecided as to what they should do. The captain replied\nthat he had come as a friend; that if they would surrender their arms\nand go back with him to Fort Bennett, they would be provided for and\nwould not be harmed; that he could make no promises as to their future\ndisposition; that if they chose to join Big Foot\u2019s camp, only a few\nmiles up the river, the result would be their certain destruction.\nAfter deliberating among themselves until midnight, they came in a\nbody, delivered a number of guns, and said they would go back to the\nfort. Accordingly they broke camp next morning and arrived at Fort\nBennett on December 24. The entire body numbered 221, including 55\nbelonging on Cherry creek. These last were allowed to join their own\npeople camped near the post. The Sitting Bull Indians, with some\nothers from Standing Rock, numbering 227 in all, were held at Fort\nSully, a few miles below Fort Bennett, until the close of the trouble.\nThirty-eight others of the Sitting Bull band had joined Big Foot and\nafterward fled with him. (_War, 11._)\n\nAfter the death of Sitting Bull and the enlistment of Hump in the\ngovernment service, the only prominent leader outside of the Bad Lands\nwho was considered as possibly dangerous was Sitanka or Big Foot,\nwhose village was at the mouth of Deep creek, a few miles below the\nforks of Cheyenne river. The duty of watching him was assigned to\nLieutenant-Colonel E. V. Sumner of the Eighth cavalry, who had his camp\njust above the forks. Here he was visited by Big Foot and his head men,\nwho assured the officer that they were peaceable and intended to remain\nquietly at home. Friendly relations continued until the middle of\nDecember, when Big Foot came to bid good bye, telling Sumner that his\npeople were all going to the agency to get their annuities. A day or\ntwo later the order came to arrest Big Foot and send him as a prisoner\nto Fort Meade. Believing that the chief was acting in good faith to\ncontrol his warriors, who might easily go beyond control were he taken\nfrom them, Colonel Sumner informed General Miles that the Indians were\nalready on their way to the agency; that if Big Foot should return he\n(Sumner) would try to get him, and that otherwise he could be arrested\nat the agency, if necessary. Soon after, however, the report came that\nBig Foot had stopped at Hump\u2019s camp on the way to the agency, to meet\nthe fugitives coming south from Sitting Bull\u2019s camp.\n\nOn receipt of this information, Sumner at once marched down the\nriver with the intention of stopping Big Foot. When about half way\nto Hump\u2019s camp, Big Foot himself came up to meet him, saying that he\nwas friendly, and that he and his men would obey any orders that the\nofficer might give. He stated that he had with him 100 of his own\nIndians and 38 from Standing Rock (Sitting Bull\u2019s band). When asked why\nhe had received these last, knowing that they were refugees from their\nreservation, he replied that they were his brothers and relations; that\nthey had come to his people hungry, footsore, and almost naked; and\nthat he had taken them in and fed them, and that no one with a heart\ncould do any less.\n\nSumner then directed one of his officers, Captain Hennisee, to go\nto the Indian camp with Big Foot and bring in all the Indians. That\nofficer started and returned the next day, December 21, with 333\nIndians. This large number was a matter of surprise in view of Big\nFoot\u2019s statement shortly before, but it is possible that in speaking\nof his party he intended to refer only to the warriors. They went into\ncamp as directed, turned out their ponies to graze, and were fed, and\non the next morning all started quietly back with the troops. As they\nhad all along appeared perfectly friendly and compliant with every\norder, no attempt was made to disarm them. On arriving near their own\nvillage, however, it became apparent that Big Foot could not control\ntheir desire to go to their homes. The chief came frankly to Sumner and\nsaid that he himself would go wherever wanted, but that there would be\ntrouble to force the women and children, who were cold and hungry, away\nfrom their village. He protested also that they were now at home, where\nthey had been ordered by the government to stay, and that none of them\nhad done anything to justify their removal. As it was evident that they\nwould not go peaceably, Colonel Sumner determined to bring his whole\nforce on the next day to compel them. In the meantime he sent a white\nman named Dunn, who had a friendly acquaintance with Big Foot, to tell\nhim that the Indians must obey the order to remove. Dunn delivered the\nmessage and returned, being followed later by the interpreter, with the\nstatement that the Indians had consented to go to the agency, and would\nstart the next morning, December 23. That evening, however, scouts came\nin with the word that the Indians had left their village and were going\nsouthward. It was at first thought that they intended turning off on\nanother trail to the agency, but instead of doing so they kept on in\nthe direction of Pine Ridge and the refugees in the Bad Lands, taking\nwith them only their ponies and tipi poles.\n\nThe cause of this precipitate flight after the promise given by Big\nFoot is somewhat uncertain. The statement of the interpreter, Felix\nBenoit, would make it appear that the Indians were frightened by Dunn,\nwho told them that the soldiers were coming in the morning to carry\nthem off and to shoot them if they refused to go. While this doubtless\nhad the effect of alarming them, the real cause of their flight was\nprobably the fact that just at this critical juncture Colonel Merriam\nwas ordered to move with his command up Cheyenne river to join forces\nwith Sumner in compelling their surrender. Such is the opinion of\nGeneral Ruger, who states officially that \u201cBig Foot and adherents who\nhad joined him, probably becoming alarmed on the movement of Colonel\nMerriam\u2019s command from Fort Bennett and a rumor that Colonel Sumner\nwould capture them, eluded Colonel Sumner\u2019s command and started for the\nPine Ridge reservation.\u201d This agrees with the statement of several of\nthe survivors that they had been frightened from their homes by the\nnews of Merriam\u2019s approach. Sumner, in his report, calls attention to\nthe fact that they committed no depredations in their flight, although\nthey passed several ranches and at one time even went through a pasture\nfilled with horses and cattle without attempting to appropriate them.\nHe also expresses the opinion that Big Foot was compelled unwillingly\nto go with his people. The whole number of fugitives was at least 340,\nincluding a few from the bands of Sitting Bull and Hump. Immediately\non learning of their flight Colonel Sumner notified General Carr,\ncommanding in the direction of the Bad Lands. (_War, 12._)\n\nThe situation at this crisis is thus summed up by Indian Commissioner\nMorgan:\n\n Groups of Indians from the different reservations had commenced\n concentrating in the Bad Lands upon or in the vicinity of the Pine\n Ridge reservation. Killing of cattle and destruction of other\n property by these Indians, almost entirely within the limits of\n Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations, occurred, but no signal fires\n were built, no warlike demonstrations were made, no violence was\n done to any white settler, nor was there cohesion or organization\n among the Indians themselves. Many of them were friendly Indians,\n who had never participated in the ghost dance, but had fled thither\n from fear of soldiers, in consequence of the Sitting Bull affair\n or through the overpersuasion of friends. The military gradually\n began to close in around them and they offered no resistance, and\n a speedy and quiet capitulation of all was confidently expected.\n (_Comr., 34._)\n\nNearly 3,000 troops were now in the field in the Sioux country. This\nforce was fully sufficient to have engaged the Indians with success,\nbut as such action must inevitably have resulted in wholesale killing\non both sides, with the prospect of precipitating a raiding warfare\nunless the hostiles were completely annihilated, it was thought best to\nbring about a surrender by peaceful means.\n\nThe refugees in the Bad Lands who had fled from Pine Ridge and Rosebud\nhad been surrounded on the west and north by a strong cordon of troops,\noperating under General Brooke, which had the effect of gradually\nforcing them back toward the agency. At the same time that officer\nmade every effort to expedite the process by creating dissensions in\nthe Indian camp, and trying in various ways to induce them to come\nin by small parties at a time. To this end the Indians were promised\nthat if they complied with the orders of the military their rights\nand interests would be protected, so far as it was within the power\nof the military department to accomplish that result. Although they\nhad about lost confidence in the government, these assurances had a\ngood effect, which was emphasized by the news of the death of Sitting\nBull, the arrest of Big Foot, and return of Hump to his agency, and\nthe steady pressure of the troops from behind; and on December 27,\n1890, the entire force broke camp and left their stronghold in the Bad\nLands and began moving in toward the agency at Pine Ridge. The several\ndetachments of troops followed behind, within supporting distance of\none another, and so closely that the fires were still burning in the\nIndian camps when the soldiers moved in to occupy the same ground.\n(_War, 13._)\n\nAs early as December 6 a conference had been brought about at\nPine Ridge, through the efforts of Father Jutz, the priest of the\nCatholic mission, between General Brooke and the leading chiefs of\nboth friendlies and \u201chostiles.\u201d Although no definite conclusion was\nreached, the meeting was a friendly one, ending with a feast and an\nIndian dance. The immediate effect was a division in the hostile camp,\nculminating in a quarrel between the two factions, with the result that\nTwo Strike and his party left the rest and moved in toward the agency,\nwhile Short Bull and Kicking Bear retreated farther into the Bad Lands.\nOn learning of this condition of affairs, General Brooke sent out\nAmerican Horse and Big Road with a large party of warriors to meet Two\nStrike and go back with him to persuade the others, if possible, to\ncome in. At the same time the troops were moved up to intercept the\nflight of the hostiles. (_Colby, 2; G. D., 37._)\n\nOn Christmas day the Cheyenne scouts, camped on Battle creek north of\nthe Bad Lands, were attacked by a party of hostiles led by Kicking Bear\nin person. The fight was kept up until after dark, several being killed\nor wounded on both sides, but the hostiles were finally driven off.\n(_Colby, 3._)\n\nBut the tragedy was near at hand. Orders had been given to intercept\nBig Foot\u2019s party in its flight from Cheyenne river toward the Bad\nLands. This was accomplished on December 28, 1890, by Major Whitside\nof the Seventh cavalry, who came up with him a short distance west of\nthe Bad Lands. Not having succeeded in communicating with the refugees\nwho had fled there and who were already on their way to the agency,\nBig Foot had made no stop, but continued on also toward Pine Ridge.\nOn sighting the troops he raised a white flag, advanced into the open\ncountry, and asked for a parley. This was refused by Major Whitside,\nwho demanded an unconditional surrender, which was at once given, and\nthe Indians moved on with the troops to Wounded Knee creek, about 20\nmiles northeast of Pine Ridge agency, where they camped as directed by\nMajor Whitside. In order to make assurance complete, General Brooke\nsent Colonel Forsyth to join Major Whitside with four additional troops\nof the Seventh cavalry, which, with the scouts under Lieutenant Taylor,\nmade up a force of eight troops of cavalry, one company of scouts, and\nfour pieces of light artillery (Hotchkiss guns), with a total force\nof 470 men, as against a total of 106 warriors then present in Big\nFoot\u2019s band. A scouting party of Big Foot\u2019s band was out looking for\nthe camp under Kicking Bear and Short Bull, but as these chiefs, with\ntheir followers, were already on their way to the agency, the scouting\nparty was returning to rejoin Big Foot when the fight occurred the next\nmorning. It was the intention of General Miles to send Big Foot and his\nfollowers back to their own reservation, or to remove them altogether\nfrom the country until the excitement had subsided. (_War, 14._)\n\nAt this time there were no Indians in the Bad Lands. Two Strike and\nCrow Dog had come in about a week before and were now camped close to\nthe agency. Kicking Bear and Short Bull, with their followers, had\nyielded to the friendly persuasions of American Horse, Little Wound,\nStanding Bear, and others who had gone out to them in the interests of\npeace, and both parties were now coming in together and had arrived at\nthe Catholic mission, 5 miles from the agency, when the battle occurred.\n\nOn the morning of December 29, 1890, preparations were made to disarm\nthe Indians preparatory to taking them to the agency and thence to\nthe railroad. In obedience to instructions the Indians had pitched\ntheir tipis on the open plain a short distance west of the creek and\nsurrounded on all sides by the soldiers. In the center of the camp the\nIndians had hoisted a white flag as a sign of peace and a guarantee of\nsafety. Behind them was a dry ravine running into the creek, and on\na slight rise in the front was posted the battery of four Hotchkiss\nmachine guns, trained directly on the Indian camp. In front, behind,\nand on both flanks of the camp were posted the various troops of\ncavalry, a portion of two troops, together with the Indian scouts,\nbeing dismounted and drawn up in front of the Indians at the distance\nof only a few yards from them. Big Foot himself was ill of pneumonia in\nhis tipi, and Colonel Forsyth, who had taken command as senior officer,\nhad provided a tent warmed with a camp stove for his reception.\n\nShortly after 8 oclock in the morning the warriors were ordered to\ncome out from the tipis and deliver their arms. They came forward and\nseated themselves on the ground in front of the troops. They were\nthen ordered to go by themselves into their tipis and bring out and\nsurrender their guns. The first twenty went and returned in a short\ntime with only two guns. It seemed evident that they were unwilling\nto give them up, and after consultation of the officers part of the\nsoldiers were ordered up to within ten yards of the group of warriors,\nwhile another detachment of troops was ordered to search the tipis.\nAfter a thorough hunt these last returned with about forty rifles,\nmost of which, however, were old and of little value. The search had\nconsumed considerable time and created a good deal of excitement among\nthe women and children, as the soldiers found it necessary in the\nprocess to overturn the beds and other furniture of the tipis and in\nsome instances drove out the inmates. All this had its effect on their\nhusbands and brothers, already wrought up to a high nervous tension\nand not knowing what might come next. While the soldiers had been\nlooking for the guns Yellow Bird, a medicine-man, had been walking\nabout among the warriors, blowing on an eagle-bone whistle, and urging\nthem to resistance, telling them that the soldiers would become weak\nand powerless, and that the bullets would be unavailing against the\nsacred \u201cghost shirts,\u201d which nearly every one of the Indians wore. As\nhe spoke in the Sioux language, the officers did not at once realize\nthe dangerous drift of his talk, and the climax came too quickly for\nthem to interfere. It is said one of the searchers now attempted to\nraise the blanket of a warrior. Suddenly Yellow Bird stooped down and\nthrew a handful of dust into the air, when, as if this were the signal,\na young Indian, said to have been Black Fox from Cheyenne river, drew a\nrifle from under his blanket and fired at the soldiers, who instantly\nreplied with a volley directly into the crowd of warriors and so near\nthat their guns were almost touching. From the number of sticks set up\nby the Indians to mark where the dead fell, as seen by the author a\nyear later, this one volley must have killed nearly half the warriors\n(plate +XCIX+). The survivors sprang to their feet, throwing their\nblankets from their shoulders as they rose, and for a few minutes there\nwas a terrible hand to hand struggle, where every man\u2019s thought was\nto kill. Although many of the warriors had no guns, nearly all had\nrevolvers and knives in their belts under their blankets, together with\nsome of the murderous warclubs still carried by the Sioux. The very\nlack of guns made the fight more bloody, as it brought the combatants\nto closer quarters.\n\n[Illustration: PL. XCVII\n\n WOUNDED KNEE BATTLEFIELD]\n\n EXPLANATION OF PLATE XCVII\n\n Compiled from map by Lieutenant T. Q. Donaldson, Seventh United\n States cavalry, kindly loaned by Dr J. D. Glennan, United States\n Army.\n\n A. and I. Seventy-six men from A and I troops forming dismounted line of sentinels.\n B. Troop B dismounted and in line.\n C. Troop C mounted and in line (sorrel troop).\n D. Troop D mounted and in line (black troop).\n E. Troop E mounted and in line (bay troop).\n G. Troop G mounted and in line (gray troop).\n K. Troop K dismounted and in line.\n S. Indian scouts.\n 1. Tent from which a hostile warrior shot two soldiers.\n 2. Tent occupied by Big Foot and his wife and in front of which the\n former was killed.\n 3. Tents put up for the use of Big Foot\u2019s band.\n 4. Council ring in or near which were General Forsyth, Major\n Whitside, Captain Varnum, Captain Hoff, Captain Wallace, Doctor\n Glennan, Lieutenant Robinson, Lieutenant Nicholson, Lieutenant\n McCormick, and the reporters.\n 5. Officers\u2019 tents, first battalion.\n 6. Enlisted mens\u2019 tents, first battalion.\n 7. Bivouac of second battalion on night of December 28, 1890.\n 8. Four Hotchkiss guns and detachment of First artillery, under\n Captain Capron, First artillery, and Lieutenant Hawthorne,\n Second artillery.\n 9. Indian village.\n 10. Indian ponies.\n 11. Dismounted line of sentinels.\n 12. Captains Ilsley and Moylan.\n 13. Lieutenants Garlington and Waterman.\n 14. Captain Godfrey and Lieutenant Tompkins.\n 15. Captain Jackson and Lieutenant Donaldson.\n 16. Lieutenant Taylor, Ninth cavalry, commanding Indian scouts (S).\n 17. Captain Edgerly and Lieutenant Brewer.\n 18. Captain Nowlan and Lieutenant Gresham.\n 19. Indian houses.\n 20. Lieutenants Sickel and Rice.\n\nJust beyond the limit of the map, toward the west, the ravine forms\na bend, in which a number of hostiles took refuge, and from which\nLieutenant Hawthorne was shot. Captain Wallace was found near the\ncenter of the council ring. Big Foot was killed two or three yards\nin front of his tent. Father Craft was near the center of the ring\nwhen stabbed. The Indians broke to the west through B and K troops.\nWhile in the council ring all the warriors had on blankets, with their\narms, principally Winchester rifles, concealed under them. Most of\nthe warriors, including the medicine-man, were painted and wore ghost\nshirts.\n\nAt the first volley the Hotchkiss guns trained on the camp opened fire\nand sent a storm of shells and bullets among the women and children,\nwho had gathered in front of the tipis to watch the unusual spectacle\nof military display. The guns poured in 2-pound explosive shells at\nthe rate of nearly fifty per minute, mowing down everything alive. The\nterrible effect may be judged from the fact that one woman survivor,\nBlue Whirlwind, with whom the author conversed, received fourteen\nwounds, while each of her two little boys was also wounded by her side.\nIn a few minutes 200 Indian men, women, and children, with 60 soldiers,\nwere lying dead and wounded on the ground, the tipis had been torn down\nby the shells and some of them were burning above the helpless wounded,\nand the surviving handful of Indians were flying in wild panic to the\nshelter of the ravine, pursued by hundreds of maddened soldiers and\nfollowed up by a raking fire from the Hotchkiss guns, which had been\nmoved into position to sweep the ravine.\n\nThere can be no question that the pursuit was simply a massacre,\nwhere fleeing women, with infants in their arms, were shot down after\nresistance had ceased and when almost every warrior was stretched\ndead or dying on the ground. On this point such a careful writer as\nHerbert Welsh says: \u201cFrom the fact that so many women and children\nwere killed, and that their bodies were found far from the scene of\naction, and as though they were shot down while flying, it would look\nas though blind rage had been at work, in striking contrast to the\nmoderation of the Indian police at the Sitting Bull fight when they\nwere assailed by women.\u201d (_Welsh, 3._) The testimony of American Horse\nand other friendlies is strong in the same direction. (See page 839.)\nCommissioner Morgan in his official report says that \u201cMost of the men,\nincluding Big Foot, were killed around his tent, where he lay sick. The\nbodies of the women and children were scattered along a distance of two\nmiles from the scene of the encounter.\u201d (_Comr., 35._)\n\nThis is no reflection on the humanity of the officer in charge. On the\ncontrary, Colonel Forsyth had taken measures to guard against such an\noccurrence by separating the women and children, as already stated, and\nhad also endeavored to make the sick chief, Big Foot, as comfortable as\npossible, even to the extent of sending his own surgeon, Dr Glennan, to\nwait on him on the night of the surrender. Strict orders had also been\nissued to the troops that women and children were not to be hurt. The\nbutchery was the work of infuriated soldiers whose comrades had just\nbeen shot down without cause or warning. In justice to a brave regiment\nit must be said that a number of the men were new recruits fresh from\neastern recruiting stations, who had never before been under fire, were\nnot yet imbued with military discipline, and were probably unable in\nthe confusion to distinguish between men and women by their dress.\n\nAfter examining all the official papers bearing on the subject in the\nfiles of the War Department and the Indian Office, together with the\nofficial reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and of the\nSecretary of War and the several officers engaged; after gathering\nall that might be obtained from unofficial printed sources and from\nconversation with survivors and participants in the engagement on both\nsides, and after going over the battle-ground in company with the\ninterpreter of the scouts engaged, the author arrives at the conclusion\nthat when the sun rose on Wounded Knee on the fatal morning of December\n29, 1890, no trouble was anticipated or premeditated by either Indians\nor troops; that the Indians in good faith desired to surrender and\nbe at peace, and that the officers in the same good faith had made\npreparations to receive their surrender and escort them quietly to\nthe reservation; that in spite of the pacific intent of Big Foot and\nhis band, the medicine-man, Yellow Bird, at the critical moment urged\nthe warriors to resistance and gave the signal for the attack; that\nthe first shot was fired by an Indian, and that the Indians were\nresponsible for the engagement; that the answering volley and attack by\nthe troops was right and justifiable, but that the wholesale slaughter\nof women and children was unnecessary and inexcusable.\n\nAuthorities differ as to the number of Indians present and killed\nat Wounded Knee. General Ruger states that the band numbered about\n340, including about 100 warriors, but Major Whitside, to whom they\nsurrendered, reported them officially as numbering 120 men and 250\nwomen and children, a total of 370. (_War, 15_; _G. D., 38_.) This\nagrees almost exactly with the statement made to the author by Mr\nAsay, a trader who was present at the surrender. General Miles says\nthat there were present 106 warriors, a few others being absent at the\ntime in search of the party under Kicking Bear and Short Bull. (_War,\n16._) Among those who surrendered were about 70 refugees from the\nbands of Sitting Bull and Hump. (_G. D., 39._) No exact account of the\ndead could be made immediately after the fight, on account of a second\nattack by another party of Indians coming up from the agency. Some of\nthe dead and wounded left on the field were undoubtedly carried off by\ntheir friends before the burial party came out three days later, and of\nthose brought in alive a number afterward died of wounds and exposure,\nbut received no notice in the official reports. The Adjutant-General,\nin response to a letter of inquiry, states that 128 Indians were killed\nand 33 wounded. Commissioner Morgan, in his official report, makes the\nnumber killed 146. (_Comr., 36._) Both these estimates are evidently\ntoo low. General Miles, in his final report, states that about 200\nmen, women, and children were killed. (_War, 17._) General Colby, who\ncommanded the Nebraska state troops, says that about 100 men and over\n120 women and children were found dead on the field, a total of about\n220. (_Colby, 4._) Agent Royer telegraphed immediately after the fight\nthat about 300 Indians had been killed, and General Miles, telegraphing\non the same day, says, \u201cI think very few Indians have escaped.\u201d (_G.\nD., 40._) Fifty-one Indians were brought in the same day by the troops,\nand a few others were found still alive by the burial party three days\nlater. A number of these afterward died. No considerable number got\naway, being unable to reach their ponies after the fight began. General\nMiles states that 98 warriors were killed on the field. (_War, 18._)\nThe whole number killed on the field, or who later died from wounds and\nexposure, was probably very nearly 300.\n\nAccording to an official statement from the Adjutant-General, 31\nsoldiers were killed in the battle. About as many more were wounded,\none or two of whom afterward died. All of the killed, excepting\nHospital Steward Pollock and an Indian scout named High Backbone,\nbelonged to the Seventh cavalry, as did probably also nearly all\nof the wounded. The only commissioned officer killed was Captain\nWallace. He received four bullet wounds in his body and finally sank\nunder a hatchet stroke upon the head. Lieutenant E. A. Garlington, of\nthe Seventh cavalry, and Lieutenant H. L. Hawthorne, of the Second\nartillery, were wounded. (_War, 19._) The last-named officer owed his\nlife to his watch, which deflected the bullet that otherwise would have\npassed through his body.\n\nBelow is given a complete list of officers and enlisted men who were\nkilled, or died of wounds or exposure, in connection with the Sioux\ncampaign. The statement is contained in an official letter of reply\nfrom the Adjutant-General\u2019s office dated May 26, 1894. Unless otherwise\nnoted all were of the Seventh cavalry and were killed on December 29,\nthe date of the battle of Wounded Knee. In addition to these, two\nothers, Henry Miller, a herder, and George Wilhauer, of the Nebraska\nmilitia, were killed in the same connection. With the 6 Indian police\nkilled in arresting Sitting Bull, this makes a total of 49 deaths on\nthe government side, including 7 Indians and a negro:\n\n Adams, William.\n Bone, Albert S. (corporal, died of wounds).\n Casey, Edward W. (first lieutenant Twenty-second infantry,\n January 7).\n Coffey, Dora S. (first sergeant).\n Cook, Ralph L.\n Corwine, Richard W. (sergeant major).\n Costello, John.\n Cummings, Pierce.\n De Vreede, Jan.\n Dyer, Arthur C. (sergeant).\n Elliott, George (died of wounds, January 13).\n Francischetti, Dominic (December 30).\n Forrest, Harry R. (corporal).\n Frey, Henry.\n Grauberg, Herman (died of wounds, December 30).\n Haywood, Charles (Ninth cavalry, colored, December 30).\n High Backbone (Indian scout).\n Hodges, William T. (sergeant).\n Howard, Henry (sergeant, died of wounds, January 23).\n Johnson, George P.\n Kelley, James E.\n Kellner, August.\n Korn, Gustav (blacksmith).\n Logan, James.\n McClintock, William F.\n McCue, John M.\n Mann, James D. (first lieutenant, died of wounds, January 15).\n Meil, John W. (killed in railroad accident, January 26).\n Mezo, William S.\n Murphy, Joseph.\n Nettles, Robert H. (sergeant).\n Newell, Charles H. (corporal, died of wounds).\n Pollock, Oscar (hospital steward).\n Regan, Michael.\n Reinecky, Frank T.\n Schartel, Thomas (First artillery, killed in railroad accident,\n January 26).\n Schwenkey, Philip.\n Stone, Harry B. (died of wounds, January 12).\n Twohig, Daniel.\n Wallace, George B. (captain).\n Zehnder, Bernhard (died of wounds).\n\nThe heroic missionary priest, Father Craft, who had given a large\npart of his life to work among the Sioux, by whom he was loved and\nrespected, had endeavored at the beginning of the trouble to persuade\nthe stampeded Indians to come into the agency, but without success,\nthe Indians claiming that no single treaty ever made with them had\nbeen fulfilled in all its stipulations. Many of the soldiers being\nof his own faith, he accompanied the detachment which received the\nsurrender of Big Foot, to render such good offices as might be possible\nto either party. In the desperate encounter he was stabbed through the\nlungs, but yet, with bullets flying about him and hatchets and warclubs\ncircling through the air, he went about his work, administering the\nlast religious consolation to the dying until he fell unconscious\nfrom loss of blood. He was brought back to the agency along with the\nother wounded, and although his life was despaired of for some time,\nhe finally recovered. In talking about Wounded Knee with one of the\nfriendly warriors who had gone into the Bad Lands to urge the hostiles\nto come in, he spoke with warm admiration of Father Craft, and I asked\nwhy it was, then, that the Indians had tried to kill him. He replied,\n\u201cThey did not know him. Father Jutz [the priest at the Drexel Catholic\nmission, previously mentioned] always wears his black robe, but Father\nCraft on that day wore a soldier\u2019s cap and overcoat. If he had worn his\nblack robe, no Indian would have hurt him.\u201d On inquiring afterward\nI learned that this was not correct, as Father Craft did have on his\npriestly robes. From the Indian statement, however, and the well-known\naffection in which he was held by the Sioux, it is probable that the\nIndian who stabbed him was too much excited at the moment to recognize\nhim.\n\n[Illustration: PL. XCVIII\n\n AFTER THE BATTLE]\n\nThe news of the battle was brought to the agency by Lieutenant Guy\nPreston, of the Ninth cavalry, who, in company with a soldier and an\nIndian scout, made the ride of 16 or 18 miles in a little over an hour,\none horse falling dead of exhaustion on the way. There were then at the\nagency, under command of General Brooke, about 300 men of the Second\ninfantry and 50 Indian police.\n\nThe firing at Wounded Knee was plainly heard by the thousands of\nIndians camped about the agency at Pine Ridge, who had come in from\nthe Bad Lands to surrender. They were at once thrown into great\nexcitement, undoubtedly believing that there was a deliberate purpose\non foot to disarm and massacre them all, and when the fugitives\u2014women\nand children, most of them\u2014began to come in, telling the story of the\nterrible slaughter of their friends and showing their bleeding wounds\nin evidence, the camp was divided between panic and desperation.\nA number of warriors mounted in haste and made all speed to the\nbattle-ground, only about two hours distant, where they met the troops,\nwho were now scattered about, hunting down the fugitives who might\nhave escaped the first killing, and picking up the dead and wounded.\nThe soldiers were driven in toward the center, where they threw up\nentrenchments, by means of which they were finally able to repel the\nattacking party. With the assistance of a body of Indian scouts and\npolice, they then gathered up the dead and wounded soldiers, with\nsome of the wounded Indians and a few other prisoners to the number\nof 51, and came into the agency. In the meantime the hostiles under\nTwo Strike had opened fire on the agency from the neighboring hills\nand endeavored to approach, by way of a deep ravine, near enough to\nset fire to the buildings. General Brooke, desiring to avoid a general\nengagement, ordered out the Indian police\u2014a splendidly drilled body\nof 50 brave men\u2014who gallantly took their stand in the center of the\nagency inclosure, in full view of the hostiles, some of whom were their\nown relatives, and kept them off, returning the fire of besiegers with\nsuch good effect as to kill two and wound several others. The attacking\nparty, as well as those who rode out to help their kinsmen at Wounded\nKnee, were not the Pine Ridge Indians (Ogalala) but the Brul\u00e9 from\nRosebud under the lead of Two Strike, Kicking Bear, and Short Bull. On\nthe approach of the detachment returning from Wounded Knee almost the\nentire body that had come in to surrender broke away and fell back to a\nposition on White Clay creek, where the next day found a camp of 4,000\nIndians, and including more than a thousand warriors now thoroughly\nhostile. On the evening of the battle General Miles telegraphed to\nmilitary headquarters, \u201cLast night everything looked favorable for\ngetting all the Indians under control; since report from Forsyth it\nlooks more serious than at any other time.\u201d (_G. D., 41._) It seemed\nthat all the careful work of the last month had been undone.\n\nAt the first indication of coming trouble in November all the outlying\nschools and mission stations on Pine Ridge reservation had been\nabandoned, and teachers, farmers, and missionaries had fled to the\nagency to seek the protection of the troops, all but the members of\nthe Drexel Catholic mission, 5 miles northwest from the agency. Here\nthe two or three priests and five Franciscan sisters remained quietly\nat their post, with a hundred little children around them, safe in the\nassurance of the \u201chostiles\u201d that they would not be molested. While the\nfighting was going on at Wounded Knee and hundreds of furious warriors\nwere firing into the agency, where the handful of whites were shivering\nin spite of the presence of troops and police, these gentle women and\nthe kindly old German priest were looking after the children, feeding\nthe frightened fugitive women, and tenderly caring for the wounded\nIndians who were being brought in from Wounded Knee and the agency.\nThroughout all these weeks of terror they went calmly about the duties\nto which they had consecrated their lives, and kept their little flock\ntogether and their school in operation, without the presence of a\nsingle soldier, completely cut off from the troops and the agency and\nsurrounded by thousands of wild Indians.\n\nSome time afterward, in talking with the Indians about the events\nof the campaign, the warrior who had spoken with such admiration of\nFather Craft referred with the same affectionate enthusiasm to Father\nJutz, and said that when the infuriated Indians attacked the agency\non hearing of the slaughter at Wounded Knee they had sent word to the\nmission that no one there need be afraid. \u201cWe told him to stay where\nhe was and no Indian would disturb him,\u201d said the warrior. He told how\nthe priest and the sisters had fed the starving refugees and bound up\nthe wounds of the survivors who escaped the slaughter, and then after a\npause he said: \u201cHe is a brave man; braver than any Indian.\u201d Curious to\nknow why this man had not joined the hostiles, among whom were several\nof his near relatives, I asked him the question. His reply was simple:\n\u201cI had a little boy at the Drexel mission. He died and Father Jutz put\na white stone over him. That is why I did not join the hostiles.\u201d\n\nWhile visiting Pine Ridge in 1891 I went out to see the Drexel school\nand found Father John Jutz, a simple, kindly old German from the\nTyrol, with one or two other German lay brothers and five Franciscan\nsisters, Americans. Although but a recent establishment, the school\nwas in flourishing condition, bearing in everything the evidences of\norderly industry. Like a true German of the Alps, Father Jutz had\nalready devised a way to make jelly from the wild plums and excellent\nwine from the chokecherry. While talking, the recess hour arrived and\na bevy of small children came trooping in, pushing over one another\nin the effort to get hold of a finger of the good father, or at least\nto hold on to his robe while he led them into another room where one\nof the sisters gave to each a ginger cake, hot from the oven. The room\nwas filled with the shouts and laughter of the children and the father\nexplained, \u201cChildren get hungry, and we always have some cakes for the\nlittle ones at recess. I let the boys be noisy in the playroom as long\nas they don\u2019t fight. It is good for them.\u201d Looking at the happy, noisy\ncrowd around the black-gowned missionary and sister, it was easy to\nsee how they had felt safe in the affection of the Indians through all\nthe days and nights when others were trembling behind breastworks and\nfiles of soldiers. Referring to what the Indians had told me, I asked\nFather Jutz if it was true that the hostiles had sent word to them not\nto be afraid. He replied, \u201cYes; they had sent word that no one in the\nmission need be alarmed,\u201d and then, with a gentle smile, he added, \u201cBut\nit was never our intention to leave.\u201d It was plain enough that beneath\nthe quiet exterior there burned the old missionary fire of Jogues and\nMarquette.\n\n[Illustration: PL. XCIX\n\n BATTLEFIELD OF WOUNDED KNEE]\n\nThe conflict at Wounded Knee bore speedy fruit. On the same day, as\nhas been said, a part of the Indians under Two Strike attacked the\nagency and the whole body of nearly 4,000 who had come in to surrender\nstarted back again to intrench themselves in preparation for renewed\nhostilities. On the morning of December 30, the next day after the\nfight, the wagon train of the Ninth cavalry (colored) was attacked\nwithin 2 miles of the agency while coming in with supplies. One soldier\nwas killed, but the Indians were repulsed with the loss of several of\ntheir number.\n\nOn the same day news came to the agency that the hostiles had attacked\nthe Catholic mission 5 miles out, and Colonel Forsyth with eight\ntroops of the Seventh cavalry and one piece of artillery was ordered\nby General Brooke to go out and drive them off. It proved that the\nhostiles had set fire to several houses between the mission and\nthe agency, but the mission had not been disturbed. As the troops\napproached the hostiles fell back, but Forsyth failed to occupy the\ncommanding hills and was consequently surrounded by the Indians, who\nendeavored to draw him into a canyon and pressed him so closely that he\nwas obliged to send back three times for reinforcements. Major Henry\nhad just arrived at the agency with a detachment of the Ninth cavalry,\nand on hearing the noise of the firing started at once to the relief of\nForsyth with four troops of cavalry and a Hotchkiss gun. On arriving\non the ground he occupied the hills and thus succeeded in driving off\nthe hostiles without further casualty, and rescued the Seventh from its\ndangerous position. In this skirmish, known as the \u201cmission fight,\u201d\nthe Seventh lost one officer, Lieutenant Mann, and a private, Dominic\nFrancischetti, killed, and seven wounded. (_War, 20; G. D., 42._)\n\nThe conduct of the colored troops of the Ninth cavalry on this occasion\ndeserves the highest commendation. At the time of the battle at Wounded\nKnee, the day before, they were in the Bad Lands, about 80 or 90 miles\nout from Pine Ridge, when the order was sent for them to come in to aid\nin repelling the attack on the agency. By riding all night they arrived\nat the agency at daylight, together with two Hotchkiss guns, in charge\nof Lieutenant John Hayden of the First artillery. Hardly had they\ndismounted when word arrived that their wagon train, coming on behind,\nwas attacked, and they were obliged to go out again to its relief,\nas already described. On coming in again they lay down to rest after\ntheir long night ride, when they were once more called out to go to the\naid of the Seventh at the mission. Jumping into the saddle they rode\nat full speed to the mission, 5 miles out, repelled the hostiles and\nsaved the command, and returned to the agency, after having ridden over\n100 miles and fought two engagements within thirty hours. Lieutenant\nHayden, with his Hotchkiss, who had come in with them from the Bad\nLands, took part also with them in the mission fight.\n\nOn the same evening Standing Soldier, an Indian scout, arrived at the\nagency with a party of 65 Indians, including 18 men. These were a part\nof Big Foot\u2019s or Short Bull\u2019s following, who had lost their way during\nthe flight from Cheyenne river and were hunting for the rest of the\nband when captured by the scouts. They were not aware of the death\nof Big Foot and the extermination of his band, but after having been\ndisarmed and put under guard they were informed of it, but only in a\nmild way, in order not to provoke undue excitement. (_G. D., 43._)\n\nImmediately after the battle of Wounded Knee, in consequence of the\npanic among the frontier settlers of Nebraska, the Nebraska state\ntroops were called out under command of General L. W. Colby. They\nwere stationed at the most exposed points between the settlements and\nthe reservation and remained in the field until the surrender of the\nhostiles two weeks later. The only casualty among them was the death\nof private George Wilhauer, who was accidentally shot by a picket.\n(_Colby, 5._)\n\nOn New Year\u2019s day of 1891, three days after the battle, a detachment of\ntroops was sent out to Wounded Knee to gather up and bury the Indian\ndead and to bring in the wounded who might be still alive on the field.\nIn the meantime there had been a heavy snowstorm, culminating in a\nblizzard. The bodies of the slaughtered men, women, and children were\nfound lying about under the snow, frozen stiff and covered with blood\n(plate +XCVIII+). Almost all the dead warriors were found lying near\nwhere the fight began, about Big Foot\u2019s tipi, but the bodies of the\nwomen and children were found scattered along for 2 miles from the\nscene of the encounter, showing that they had been killed while trying\nto escape. (_Comr., 37; Colby, 6._) A number of women and children\nwere found still alive, but all badly wounded or frozen, or both, and\nmost of them died after being brought in. Four babies were found\nalive under the snow, wrapped in shawls and lying beside their dead\nmothers, whose last thought had been of them. They were all badly\nfrozen and only one lived. The tenacity of life so characteristic of\nwild people as well as of wild beasts was strikingly illustrated in\nthe case of these wounded and helpless Indian women and children who\nthus lived three days through a Dakota blizzard, without food, shelter,\nor attention to their wounds. It is a commentary on our boasted\nChristian civilization that although there were two or three salaried\nmissionaries at the agency not one went out to say a prayer over the\npoor mangled bodies of these victims of war. The Catholic priests had\nreasons for not being present, as one of them, Father Craft, was lying\nin the hospital with a dangerous wound received on the battlefield\nwhile bravely administering to the dying wants of the soldiers in the\nheat of the encounter, and the other, Father Jutz, an old man of 70\nyears, was at the mission school 5 miles away, still attending to his\nlittle flock of 100 children as before the trouble began, and unaware\nof what was transpiring at the agency.\n\n[Illustration: PL. C\n\n BURYING THE DEAD]\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 79+\u2014Survivors of Wounded Knee\u2014Blue Whirlwind and\n children (1891).]\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 80+\u2014Survivors of Wounded Knee\u2014Marguerite\n Zitkala-noni (1891).]\n\nA long trench was dug and into it were thrown all the bodies, piled one\nupon another like so much cordwood, until the pit was full, when the\nearth was heaped over them and the funeral was complete (plate +C+).\nMany of the bodies were stripped by the whites, who went out in order\nto get the \u201cghost shirts,\u201d and the frozen bodies were thrown into the\ntrench stiff and naked. They were only dead Indians. As one of the\nburial party said, \u201cIt was a thing to melt the heart of a man, if it\nwas of stone, to see those little children, with their bodies shot\nto pieces, thrown naked into the pit.\u201d The dead soldiers had already\nbeen brought in and buried decently at the agency. When the writer\nvisited the spot the following winter, the Indians had put up a wire\nfence around the trench and smeared the posts with sacred red medicine\npaint (plate +CI+).\n\n[Illustration: PL. CI\n\n GRAVE OF THE DEAD AT WOUNDED KNEE]\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 81+\u2014Survivors of Wounded Knee\u2014Jennie Sword (1891).]\n\nA baby girl of only three or four months was found under the snow,\ncarefully wrapped up in a shawl, beside her dead mother, whose body was\npierced by two bullets. On her head was a little cap of buckskin, upon\nwhich the American flag was embroidered in bright beadwork. She had\nlived through all the exposure, being only slightly frozen, and soon\nrecovered after being brought into the agency. Her mother being killed,\nand, in all probability, her father also, she was adopted by General\nColby, commanding the Nebraska state troops. The Indian women in camp\ngave her the poetic name of Zitkala-noni, \u201cLost Bird,\u201d and by the\nfamily of her adoption she was baptized under the name of Marguerite\n(figure 80). She is now (1896) living in the general\u2019s family at\nWashington, a chubby little girl 6 years of age, as happy with her\ndolls and playthings as a little girl of that age ought to be.\n\nAnother little girl about 5 years of age was picked up on the\nbattlefield and brought in by the Indian police on the afternoon of the\nfight. She was adopted by George Sword, captain of the Indian police,\nand is now living with him under the name of Jennie Sword, a remarkably\npretty little girl, gentle and engaging in her manners (figure 81).\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 82+\u2014Survivors of Wounded Knee\u2014Herbert Zitkalazi\n (1892).]\n\nA little boy of four years, the son of Yellow Bird, the medicine-man,\nwas playing on his pony in front of a tipi when the firing began. As\nhe described it some time ago in lisping English: \u201cMy father ran and\nfell down and the blood came out of his mouth [he was shot through the\nhead], and then a soldier put his gun up to my white pony\u2019s nose and\nshot him, and then I ran and a policeman got me.\u201d As his father was\nthus killed and his mother was already dead, he was adopted by Mrs Lucy\nArnold, who had been a teacher among the Sioux and knew his family\nbefore the trouble began. She had already given him his name, Herbert\nZitkalazi, the last word being the Sioux form of his father\u2019s name,\n\u201cYellow Bird.\u201d She brought him back with her to Washington, where he\nsoon learned English and became a general favorite of all who knew\nhim for his affectionate disposition and unusual intelligence, with\ngenuine boyish enthusiasm in all he undertook. His picture here given\n(figure 82) is from a photograph made in Lafayette park, Washington,\nin 1892. His adopted mother having resumed her school work among his\ntribe, he is now back with her, attending school under her supervision\nat Standing Rock, where, as in Washington, he seems to be a natural\nleader among those of his own age. When we think of these children\nand consider that only by the merest accident they escaped the death\nthat overtook a hundred other children at Wounded Knee, who may all\nhave had in themselves the same possibilities of affection, education,\nand happy usefulness, we can understand the sickening meaning of such\naffairs as the Chivington massacre in Colorado and the Custer fight on\nthe Washita, where the newspaper reports merely that \u201cthe enemy was\nsurprised and the Indian camp destroyed.\u201d\n\n[Illustration: PL. CII\n\n BATTLEFIELD AFTER THE BLIZZARD]\n\nThe Indian scouts at Wounded Knee, like the Indian police at Grand\nriver and Pine Ridge, were brave and loyal, as has been the almost\nuniversal rule with Indians when enlisted in the government service,\neven when called on, as were these, to serve against their own tribe\nand relatives. The prairie Indian is a born soldier, with all the\nsoldier\u2019s pride of loyalty to duty, and may be trusted implicitly after\nhe has once consented to enter the service. The scouts at Wounded Knee\nwere Sioux, with Philip Wells as interpreter. Other Sioux scouts were\nranging the country between the agency and the hostile camp in the Bad\nLands, and acted as mediators in the peace negotiations which led to\nthe final surrender. Fifty Cheyenne and about as many Crow scouts were\nalso employed in the same section of country. Throughout the entire\ncampaign the Indian scouts and police were faithful and received the\nwarmest commendation of their officers.\n\nOn New Year\u2019s day, 1891, Henry Miller, a herder, was killed by Indians\na few miles from the agency. This was the only noncombatant killed by\nthe Indians during the entire campaign, and during the same period\nthere was no depredation committed by them outside of the reservation.\nOn the next day the agent reported that the school buildings and\nEpiscopal church on White Clay creek had been burned by hostiles, who\nwere then camped to the number of about 3,000 on Grass creek, 15 miles\nnortheast of the agency. They had captured the government beef herd\nand were depending on it for food. Red Cloud, Little Wound, and their\npeople were with them and were reported as anxious to return, but\nprevented by the hostile leaders, Two Strike, Short Bull, and Kicking\nBear, who threatened to kill the first one who made a move to come\nin. (_G. D., 44._) A few days later a number of Red Cloud\u2019s men came\nin and surrendered and reported that the old chief was practically\na prisoner and wanted the soldiers to come and rescue him from the\nhostiles, who were trying to force him into the war. They reported\nfurther that there was much suffering from cold and hunger in the\nIndian camp, and that all the Ogalala (Red Cloud\u2019s people of Pine\nRidge) were intending to come in at once in a body.\n\nOn the 3d of January General Miles took up his headquarters at Pine\nRidge and directed General Brooke to assume immediate command of the\ntroops surrounding the hostile camp. Brooke\u2019s men swung out to form the\nwestern and northern part of a circle about the hostiles, cutting them\noff from the Bad Lands, while the troops under General Carr closed in\non the east and northeast in such a way that the Indians were hemmed in\nand unable to make a move in any direction excepting toward the agency.\n\nOn January 3 a party of hostiles attacked a detachment of the Sixth\ncavalry under Captain Kerr on Grass creek, a few miles north of the\nagency, but were quickly repulsed with the loss of four of their\nnumber, the troops having been reinforced by other detachments in the\nvicinity. In this engagement the Indian scouts again distinguished\nthemselves. (_War, 21._) The effect of this repulse was to check the\nwestward movement of the hostiles and hold them in their position along\nWhite Clay creek until their passion had somewhat abated.\n\nOn January 5 there was another encounter on Wounded Knee creek. A small\ndetachment which had been sent out to meet a supply train coming into\nthe agency found the wagons drawn up in a square to resist an attack\nmade by a band of about 50 Indians. The soldiers joined forces with\nthe teamsters, and by firing from behind the protection of the wagons\nsucceeded in driving off the Indians and killing a number of their\nhorses. The hostiles were reinforced, however, and a hard skirmish was\nkept up for several hours until more troops arrived from the agency\nabout dark, having been sent in answer to a courier who managed to\nelude the attacking party. The troops charged on a gallop and the\nIndians retreated, having lost several killed and wounded, besides a\nnumber of their horses. (_Colby, 7._)\n\nAmid all these warlike alarms the gentle muse Calliope hovered over\nthe field and inspired W. H. Prather, a colored private of troop I of\nthe Ninth cavalry, to the production of the ballad given below, one of\nthe few good specimens of American ballad poetry, and worthy of equal\nplace with \u201cCaptain Lovewell\u2019s Fight,\u201d \u201cOld Quebec,\u201d or anything that\noriginated in the late rebellion. It became a favorite among the troops\nin camp and with the scattered frontiersmen of Dakota and Nebraska,\nbeing sung to a simple air with vigor and expression and a particularly\nrousing chorus, and is probably by this time a classic of the barracks.\nIt is here reproduced verbatim from the printed slip published for\ndistribution among the soldiers during the campaign.\n\n\n +The Indian Ghost Dance and War+\n\n The Red Skins left their Agency, the Soldiers left their Post,\n All on the strength of an Indian tale about Messiah\u2019s ghost\n Got up by savage chieftains to lead their tribes astray;\n But Uncle Sam wouldn\u2019t have it so, for he ain\u2019t built that way.\n They swore that this Messiah came to them in visions sleep,\n And promised to restore their game and Buffalos a heap,\n So they must start a big ghost dance, then all would join their band,\n And may be so we lead the way into the great Bad Land.\n _Chorus_:\n They claimed the shirt Messiah gave, no bullet could go through,\n But when the Soldiers fired at them they saw this was not true.\n The Medicine man supplied them with their great Messiah\u2019s grace,\n And he, too, pulled his freight and swore the 7th hard to face.\n\n About their tents the Soldiers stood, awaiting one and all,\n That they might hear the trumpet clear when sounding General call\n Or Boots and Saddles in a\u2019rush, that each and every man\n Might mount in haste, ride soon and fast to stop this devilish band\n But Generals great like Miles and Brooke don\u2019t do things up that way,\n For they know an Indian like a book, and let him have his sway\n Until they think him far enough and then to John they\u2019ll say,\n \u201cYou had better stop your fooling or we\u2019ll bring our guns to play.\u201d\n _Chorus._\u2014They claimed the shirt, etc.\n\n The 9th marched out with splendid cheer the Bad Lands to explo\u2019e\u2014\n With Col. Henry at their head they never fear the foe;\n So on they rode from Xmas eve \u2019till dawn of Xmas day;\n The Red Skins heard the 9th was near and fled in great dismay;\n The 7th is of courage bold both officers and men,\n But bad luck seems to follow them and twice has took them in;\n They came in contact with Big Foot\u2019s warriors in their fierce might\n This chief made sure he had a chance of vantage in the fight.\n _Chorus._\u2014They claimed the shirt, etc.\n\n A fight took place, \u2019twas hand to hand, unwarned by trumpet call,\n While the Sioux were dropping man by man\u2014the 7th killed them all,\n And to that regiment be said \u201cYe noble braves, well done,\n Although you lost some gallant men a glorious fight you\u2019ve won.\u201d\n The 8th was there, the sixth rode miles to swell that great command\n And waited orders night and day to round up Short Bull\u2019s band.\n The Infantry marched up in mass the Cavalry\u2019s support,\n And while the latter rounded up, the former held the fort.\n _Chorus._\u2014They claimed the shirt, etc.\n\n E battery of the 1st stood by and did their duty well,\n For every time the Hotchkiss barked they say a hostile fell.\n Some Indian soldiers chipped in too and helped to quell the fray,\n And now the campaign\u2019s ended and the soldiers marched away.\n So all have done their share, you see, whether it was thick or thin,\n And all helped break the ghost dance up and drive the hostiles in.\n The settlers in that region now can breathe with better grace;\n They only ask and pray to God to make John hold his base.\n _Chorus._\u2014They claimed the shirt, etc.\n (W. H. Prather, I, 9th Cavalry).\n\n\n\n\n APPENDIX\u2014THE INDIAN STORY OF WOUNDED KNEE\n\n\n [_From the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1891,\n volume 1, pages 179\u2013181. Extracts from verbatim stenographic\n report of council held by delegations of Sioux with Commissioner\n of Indian Affairs, at Washington, February 11, 1891._]\n\n+Turning Hawk+, Pine Ridge (Mr Cook, interpreter). Mr Commissioner, my\npurpose to-day is to tell you what I know of the condition of affairs\nat the agency where I live. A certain falsehood came to our agency from\nthe west which had the effect of a fire upon the Indians, and when\nthis certain fire came upon our people those who had farsightedness\nand could see into the matter made up their minds to stand up against\nit and fight it. The reason we took this hostile attitude to this fire\nwas because we believed that you yourself would not be in favor of this\nparticular mischief-making thing; but just as we expected, the people\nin authority did not like this thing and we were quietly told that we\nmust give up or have nothing to do with this certain movement. Though\nthis is the advice from our good friends in the east, there were, of\ncourse, many silly young men who were longing to become identified with\nthe movement, although they knew that there was nothing absolutely bad,\nnor did they know there was anything absolutely good, in connection\nwith the movement.\n\nIn the course of time we heard that the soldiers were moving toward the\nscene of trouble. After awhile some of the soldiers finally reached our\nplace and we heard that a number of them also reached our friends at\nRosebud. Of course, when a large body of soldiers is moving toward a\ncertain direction they inspire a more or less amount of awe, and it is\nnatural that the women and children who see this large moving mass are\nmade afraid of it and be put in a condition to make them run away. At\nfirst we thought that Pine Ridge and Rosebud were the only two agencies\nwhere soldiers were sent, but finally we heard that the other agencies\nfared likewise. We heard and saw that about half our friends at Rosebud\nagency, from fear at seeing the soldiers, began the move of running\naway from their agency toward ours (Pine Ridge), and when they had\ngotten inside of our reservation they there learned that right ahead of\nthem at our agency was another large crowd of soldiers, and while the\nsoldiers were there, there was constantly a great deal of false rumor\nflying back and forth. The special rumor I have in mind is the threat\nthat the soldiers had come there to disarm the Indians entirely and to\ntake away all their horses from them. That was the oft-repeated story.\n\nSo constantly repeated was this story that our friends from Rosebud,\ninstead of going to Pine Ridge, the place of their destination, veered\noff and went to some other direction toward the \u201cBad Lands.\u201d We did not\nknow definitely how many, but understood there were 300 lodges of them,\nabout 1,700 people. Eagle Pipe, Turning Bear, High Hawk, Short Bull,\nLance, No Flesh, Pine Bird, Crow Dog, Two Strike, and White Horse were\nthe leaders.\n\nWell, the people after veering off in this way, many of them who\nbelieve in peace and order at our agency, were very anxious that some\ninfluence should be brought upon these people. In addition to our love\nof peace we remembered that many of these people were related to us by\nblood. So we sent out peace commissioners to the people who were thus\nrunning away from their agency.\n\nI understood at the time that they were simply going away from fear\nbecause of so many soldiers. So constant was the word of these good\nmen from Pine Ridge agency that finally they succeeded in getting\naway half of the party from Rosebud, from the place where they\ntook refuge, and finally were brought to the agency at Pine Ridge.\nYoung-Man-Afraid-of-his-Horses, Little Wound, Fast Thunder, Louis\nShangreau, John Grass, Jack Red Cloud, and myself were some of these\npeace-makers.\n\nThe remnant of the party from Rosebud not taken to the agency finally\nreached the wilds of the Bad Lands. Seeing that we had succeeded\nso well, once more we sent to the same party in the Bad Lands and\nsucceeded in bringing these very Indians out of the depths of the Bad\nLands and were being brought toward the agency. When we were about a\nday\u2019s journey from our agency we heard that a certain party of Indians\n(Big Foot\u2019s band) from the Cheyenne River agency was coming toward Pine\nRidge in flight.\n\n+Captain Sword.+ Those who actually went off of the Cheyenne River\nagency probably number 303, and there were a few from the Standing Rook\nreserve with them, but as to their number I do not know. There were a\nnumber of Ogalallas, old men and several school boys, coming back with\nthat very same party, and one of the very seriously wounded boys was a\nmember of the Ogalalla boarding school at Pine Ridge agency. He was not\non the warpath, but was simply returning home to his agency and to his\nschool after a summer visit to relatives on the Cheyenne river.\n\n+Turning Hawk.+ When we heard that these people were coming toward our\nagency we also heard this. These people were coming toward Pine Ridge\nagency, and when they were almost on the agency they were met by the\nsoldiers and surrounded and finally taken to the Wounded Knee creek,\nand there at a given time their guns were demanded. When they had\ndelivered them up, the men were separated from their families, from\ntheir tipis, and taken to a certain spot. When the guns were thus taken\nand the men thus separated, there was a crazy man, a young man of very\nbad influence and in fact a nobody, among that bunch of Indians fired\nhis gun, and of course the firing of a gun must have been the breaking\nof a military rule of some sort, because immediately the soldiers\nreturned fire and indiscriminate killing followed.\n\n+Spotted Horse.+ This man shot an officer in the army; the first shot\nkilled this officer. I was a voluntary scout at that encounter and I\nsaw exactly what was done, and that was what I noticed; that the first\nshot killed an officer. As soon as this shot was fired the Indians\nimmediately began drawing their knives, and they were exhorted from all\nsides to desist, but this was not obeyed. Consequently the firing began\nimmediately on the part of the soldiers.\n\n+Turning Hawk.+ All the men who were in a bunch were killed right\nthere, and those who escaped that first fire got into the ravine, and\nas they went along up the ravine for a long distance they were pursued\non both sides by the soldiers and shot down, as the dead bodies showed\nafterwards. The women were standing off at a different place from where\nthe men were stationed, and when the firing began, those of the men\nwho escaped the first onslaught went in one direction up the ravine,\nand then the women, who were bunched together at another place, went\nentirely in a different direction through an open field, and the women\nfared the same fate as the men who went up the deep ravine.\n\n+American Horse.+ The men were separated, as has already been said,\nfrom the women, and they were surrounded by the soldiers. Then came\nnext the village of the Indians and that was entirely surrounded by the\nsoldiers also. When the firing began, of course the people who were\nstanding immediately around the young man who fired the first shot were\nkilled right together, and then they turned their guns, Hotchkiss guns,\netc., upon the women who were in the lodges standing there under a flag\nof truce, and of course as soon as they were fired upon they fled, the\nmen fleeing in one direction and the women running in two different\ndirections. So that there were three general directions in which they\ntook flight.\n\nThere was a women with an infant in her arms who was killed as she\nalmost touched the flag of truce, and the women and children of course\nwere strewn all along the circular village until they were dispatched.\nRight near the flag of truce a mother was shot down with her infant;\nthe child not knowing that its mother was dead was still nursing, and\nthat especially was a very sad sight. The women as they were fleeing\nwith their babes were killed together, shot right through, and the\nwomen who were very heavy with child were also killed. All the Indians\nfled in these three directions, and after most all of them had been\nkilled a cry was made that all those who were not killed or wounded\nshould come forth and they would be safe. Little boys who were not\nwounded came out of their places of refuge, and as soon as they came\nin sight a number of soldiers surrounded them and butchered them there.\n\nOf course we all feel very sad about this affair. I stood very loyal\nto the government all through those troublesome days, and believing\nso much in the government and being so loyal to it, my disappointment\nwas very strong, and I have come to Washington with a very great blame\non my heart. Of course it would have been all right if only the men\nwere killed; we would feel almost grateful for it. But the fact of the\nkilling of the women, and more especially the killing of the young boys\nand girls who are to go to make up the future strength of the Indian\npeople, is the saddest part of the whole affair and we feel it very\nsorely.\n\nI was not there at the time before the burial of the bodies, but I did\ngo there with some of the police and the Indian doctor and a great many\nof the people, men from the agency, and we went through the battlefield\nand saw where the bodies were from the track of the blood.\n\n+Turning Hawk.+ I had just reached the point where I said that the\nwomen were killed. We heard, besides the killing of the men, of the\nonslaught also made upon the women and children, and they were treated\nas roughly and indiscriminately as the men and boys were.\n\nOf course this affair brought a great deal of distress upon all the\npeople, but especially upon the minds of those who stood loyal to the\ngovernment and who did all that they were able to do in the matter of\nbringing about peace. They especially have suffered much distress and\nare very much hurt at heart. These peace-makers continued on in their\ngood work, but there were a great many fickle young men who were ready\nto be moved by the change in the events there, and consequently, in\nspite of the great fire that was brought upon all, they were ready\nto assume any hostile attitude. These young men got themselves in\nreadiness and went in the direction of the scene of battle so they\nmight be of service there. They got there and finally exchanged shots\nwith the soldiers. This party of young men was made up from Rosebud,\nOgalalla (Pine Ridge), and members of any other agencies that happened\nto be there at the time. While this was going on in the neighborhood\nof Wounded Knee\u2014the Indians and soldiers exchanging shots\u2014the agency,\nour home, was also fired into by the Indians. Matters went on in this\nstrain until the evening came on, and then the Indians went off down by\nWhite Clay creek. When the agency was fired upon by the Indians from\nthe hillside, of course the shots were returned by the Indian police\nwho were guarding the agency buildings.\n\nAlthough fighting seemed to have been in the air, yet those\nwho believed in peace were still constant at their work.\nYoung-Man-Afraid-of-his-Horses, who had been on a visit to some other\nagency in the north or northwest, returned, and immediately went out\nto the people living about White Clay creek, on the border of the\nBad Lands, and brought his people out. He succeeded in obtaining the\nconsent of the people to come out of their place of refuge and return\nto the agency. Thus the remaining portion of the Indians who started\nfrom Rosebud were brought back into the agency. Mr Commissioner, during\nthe days of the great whirlwind out there, those good men tried to hold\nup a counteracting power, and that was \u201cPeace.\u201d We have now come to\nrealize that peace has prevailed and won the day. While we were engaged\nin bringing about peace our property was left behind, of course, and\nmost of us have lost everything, even down to the matter of guns with\nwhich to kill ducks, rabbits, etc, shotguns, and guns of that order.\nWhen Young-Man-Afraid brought the people in and their guns were asked\nfor, both men who were called hostile and men who stood loyal to the\ngovernment delivered up their guns.\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter XIV+\n\n CLOSE OF THE OUTBREAK\u2014THE GHOST DANCE IN THE SOUTH\n\n\nIn the meantime overtures of peace had been made by General Miles to\nthe hostiles, most of whose leaders he knew personally, having received\ntheir surrender on the Yellowstone ten years before, at the close of\nthe Custer war. On the urgent representations of himself and others\nCongress had also appropriated the necessary funds for carrying out\nthe terms of the late treaty, by the disregard of which most of the\ntrouble had been caused, so that the commander was now able to assure\nthe Indians that their rights and necessities would receive attention.\nThey were urged to come in and surrender, with a guaranty that the\ngeneral himself would represent their case with the government. At\nthe same time they were informed that retreat was cut off and that\nfurther resistance would be unavailing. As an additional step toward\nregaining their confidence, the civilian agents were removed from the\nseveral disturbed agencies, which were then put in charge of military\nofficers well known and respected by the Indians. Cheyenne River agency\nwas assigned to Captain J. H. Hurst, and Rosebud agency to Captain J.\nM. Lee, while Royer, at Pine Ridge, was superseded on January 8 by\nCaptain. F. E. Pierce. The last-named officer was afterward relieved by\nCaptain Charles G. Penney, who is now in charge. (_War, 22; Comr., 38;\nG. D., 45._)\n\nThe friendly overtures made by General Miles, with evidences\nthat the government desired to remedy their grievances, and that\nlonger resistance was hopeless, had their effect on the hostiles.\nLittle Wound, Young-man-afraid-of-his-horses (more properly,\n\u201cYoung-man-of-whose-horses-they-are-afraid\u201d), Big Road, and other\nfriendly chiefs, also used their persuasions with such good effect\nthat by January 12 the whole body of nearly 4,000 Indians had moved\nin to within sight of the agency and expressed their desire for\npeace. The troops closed in around them, and on the 16th of January,\n1891, the hostiles surrendered, and the outbreak was at an end. They\ncomplied with every order and direction given by the commander, and\ngave up nearly 200 rifles, which, with other arms already surrendered,\nmade a total of between 600 and 700 guns, more than had ever before\nbeen surrendered by the Sioux at one time. As a further guaranty of\ngood faith, the commander demanded the surrender of Kicking Bear and\nShort Bull, the principal leaders, with about twenty other prominent\nwarriors, as hostages. The demand was readily complied with, and the\nmen designated came forward voluntarily and gave themselves up as\nsureties for the good conduct of their people. They were sent to Fort\nSheridan, Illinois, near Chicago, where they were kept until there was\nno further apprehension, and were then returned to their homes. (_War,\n23; Colby, 8._) After the surrender the late hostiles pitched their\ncamp, numbering in all 742 tipis, in the bottom along White Clay creek,\njust west of the agency, where General Miles had supplies of beef,\ncoffee, and sugar issued to them from the commissary department, and\nthat night they enjoyed the first full meal they had known in several\nweeks.\n\nThus ended the so-called Sioux outbreak of 1890\u201391. It might be better\ndesignated, however, as a Sioux panic and stampede, for, to quote the\nexpressive letter of McGillycuddy, writing under date of January 15,\n1891, \u201cUp to date there has been neither a Sioux outbreak or war.\nNo citizen in Nebraska or Dakota has been killed, molested, or can\nshow the scratch of a pin, and no property has been destroyed off the\nreservation.\u201d (_Colby, 9._) Only a single noncombatant was killed by\nthe Indians, and that was close to the agency. The entire time occupied\nby the campaign, from the killing of Sitting Bull to the surrender at\nPine Ridge, was only thirty-two days. The late hostiles were returned\nto their homes as speedily as possible. The Brul\u00e9 of Rosebud, regarded\nas the most turbulent of the hostiles, were taken back to the agency\nby Captain Lee, for whom they had respect, founded on an acquaintance\nof several years\u2019 standing, without escort and during the most intense\ncold of winter, but without any trouble or dissatisfaction whatever.\nThe military were returned to their usual stations, and within a few\nweeks after the surrender affairs at the various agencies were moving\nagain in the usual channel.\n\nAn unfortunate event occurred just before the surrender in the killing\nof Lieutenant E. W. Casey of the Twenty-second infantry by Plenty\nHorses, a young Brul\u00e9, on January 7. Lieutenant Casey was in command\nof a troop of Cheyenne scouts, and was stationed at the mouth of White\nClay creek, charged with the special duty of watching the hostile camp,\nwhich was located 8 miles farther up the creek at No Water\u2019s place.\nOn the day before his death several of the hostiles had visited him\nand held a friendly conference. The next morning, in company with two\nscouts, he went out avowedly for the purpose of observing the hostile\ncamp more closely. He rode up to within a short distance of the camp,\nmeeting and talking with several of the Indians on the way, and had\nstopped to talk with a half-blood relative of Red Cloud, when Plenty\nHorses, a short distance away, deliberately shot him through the\nhead, and he fell from his horse dead. His body was not disturbed by\nthe Indians, but was brought in by some of the Cheyenne scouts soon\nafter. Plenty Horses was arraigned before a United States court, but\nwas acquitted on the ground that as the Sioux were then at war and the\nofficer was practically a spy upon the Indian camp, the act was not\nmurder in the legal sense of the word. Lieutenant Casey had been for a\nyear in charge of the Cheyenne scouts and had taken great interest in\ntheir welfare and proficiency, and his death was greatly deplored by\nthe Indians as the insane act of a boy overcome by the excitement of\nthe times. (_War, 24; Comr., 39; Colby, 10; G. D., 46._)\n\nOn January 11 an unprovoked murder was committed on a small party of\npeaceable Indians on Belle Fourche, or North fork of Cheyenne river,\nby which the Indians who had come in to surrender were once more\nthrown into such alarm that for a time it seemed as if serious trouble\nmight result. A party of Ogalala from Pine Ridge, consisting of Few\nTails, a kindly, peaceable old man, with his wife, an old woman, and\nOne Feather, with his wife and two children\u2014one a girl about 13 years\nof age and the other an infant\u2014had been hunting in the Black Hills\nunder a pass from the agency. They had had a successful hunt, and were\nreturning with their two wagons well loaded with meat, when they camped\nfor the night at the mouth of Alkali creek. During the evening they\nwere visited by some soldiers stopping at a ranch a few miles distant,\nwho examined their pass and pronounced it all right. In the morning,\nafter breakfast, the Indians started on again toward the agency, but\nhad gone only a few hundred yards when they were fired upon by a party\nof white men concealed near the road. The leaders of the whites were\nthree brothers named Culbertson, one of whom had but recently returned\nfrom the penitentiary. One of the murderers had visited the Indians in\ntheir camp the night before, and even that very morning. At the first\nfire Few Tails was killed, together with both ponies attached to the\nwagon. His wife jumped out and received two bullets, which brought her\nto the ground. The murderers rode past her, however, to get at the\nother Indian, who was coming up behind in the other wagon with his wife\nand two children. As soon as he saw his companion killed, One Feather\nturned his wagon in the other direction, and, telling his wife, who had\nalso been shot, to drive on as fast as she could to save the children,\nhe jumped upon one of the spare ponies and held off the murderers\nuntil his family had had time to make some distance. He then turned\nand joined his family and drove on for some 8 or 10 miles until the\npursuers came up again, when he again turned and fought them off, while\nhis wife went ahead with the wagon and the children. The wounded woman\nbravely drove on, while the two little children lay down in the wagon\nwith their heads covered up in the blankets. As they drove they passed\nnear a house, from which several other shots were fired at the flying\nmother, when her husband again rode up and kept off the whole party\nuntil the wagon could get ahead. Finally, as the ponies were tired out,\nthis heroic man abandoned the wagon and put the two children on one\nof the spare ponies and his wounded wife and himself upon another and\ncontinued to retreat until the whites gave up the pursuit. He finally\nreached the agency with the wife and children.\n\nThe wife of Few Tails, after falling wounded by two bullets beside\nthe wagon in which was her dead husband, lay helpless and probably\nunconscious upon the ground through all the long winter night until\nmorning, when she revived, and finding one of the horses still alive,\nmounted it and managed by night to reach a settler\u2019s house about 15\nmiles away. Instead of meeting help and sympathy, however, she was\ndriven off by the two men there with loaded rifles, and leaving her\nhorse in her fright, she hurried away as well as she could with a\nbullet in her leg and another in her breast, passing by the trail of\nOne Feather\u2019s wagon with the tracks of his pursuers fresh behind it,\nuntil she came near a trader\u2019s store about 20 miles farther south.\nAfraid to go near it on account of her last experience, the poor woman\ncircled around it, and continued, wounded, cold, and starving as she\nwas, to travel by night and hide by day until she reached the Bad\nLands. The rest may be told in her own words:\n\n After that I traveled every night, resting daytime, until I got\n here at the beef corral. Then I was very tired, and was near the\n military camp, and early in the morning a soldier came out and he\n shouted something back, and in a few minutes fifty men were there,\n and they got a blanket and took me to a tent. I had no blanket and\n my feet were swelled, and I was about ready to die. After I got to\n the tent a doctor came in\u2014a soldier doctor, because he had straps\n on his shoulders\u2014and washed me and treated me well.\n\nA few of the soldiers camped near the scene of the attack had joined\nin the pursuit at the beginning, on the representations of some of\nthe murderers, but abandoned it as soon as they found their mistake.\nAccording to all the testimony, the killing was a wanton, unprovoked,\nand deliberate murder, yet the criminals were acquitted in the local\ncourts. The apathy displayed by the authorities of Meade county,\nSouth Dakota, in which the murder was committed, called forth some\nvigorous protests. Colonel Shafter, in his statement of the case,\nconcludes, referring to the recent killing of Lieutenant Casey: \u201cSo\nlong as Indians are being arrested and held for killing armed men\nunder conditions of war, it seems to me that the white murderers\nof a part of a band of peaceful Indians should not be permitted to\nescape punishment.\u201d The Indians took the same view of the case, and\nwhen General Miles demanded of Young-man-afraid-of-his-horses the\nsurrender of the slayers of Casey and the herder Miller, the old chief\nindignantly replied: \u201cNo; I will not surrender them, but if you will\nbring the white men who killed Few Tails, I will bring the Indians who\nkilled the white soldier and the herder; and right out here in front of\nyour tipi I will have my young men shoot the Indians and you have your\nsoldiers shoot the white men, and then we will be done with the whole\nbusiness.\u201d\n\nIn regard to the heroic conduct of One Feather, the officer then in\ncharge of the agency says: \u201cThe determination and genuine courage, as\nwell as the generalship he manifested in keeping at a distance the\nsix men who were pursuing him, and the devotion he showed toward his\nfamily, risking his life against great odds, designate him as entitled\nto a place on the list of heroes.\u201d (_War, 25; Comr., 40; G. D., 47._)\n\nOn the recommendation of General Miles, a large delegation of the\nprincipal leaders of both friendly and hostile parties among the Sioux\nwas allowed to visit Washington in February, 1891, to present their\ngrievances and suggest remedies for dissatisfaction in the future.\nAmong the principal speakers were: From Pine Ridge, American Horse,\nCaptain George Sword, Big Road, and He Dog; from Rosebud, White Bird\nand Turning Hawk; from Cheyenne River, Little No Heart and Straight\nHead; from Standing Rock, John Grass and Mad Bear. The interpreters\nwere Reverend C. S. Cook, David Zephier, Louis Primeau, Louis Richard,\nClarence Three Stars, and Louis Shangreau. Their visit was eminently\nsatisfactory and resulted in the inauguration of a more efficient\nadministration of Sioux affairs for the future. Steps were taken to\nreimburse those whose ponies had been confiscated at the time of\nthe Custer war in 1876, and additional appropriations were made for\nrations, so that before the end of the year the Indians were receiving\nhalf as much more as before the outbreak. (_War, 26._) On returning to\ntheir homes the Indians of the various Sioux agencies went to work in\ngood faith putting in their crops and caring for their stock, and in a\nshort time all further apprehension was at an end.\n\nThe discussion of Indian affairs in connection with the outbreak led\nto the passage by Congress of a bill which enacted that all future\nvacancies in the office of Indian agent should be filled by military\nofficers selected by the Indian office and detailed for the purpose\nfrom the army. At the same time a plan was originated to enlist Indians\nas a component part of the regular army. Small parties from various\ntribes had long been attached to various posts and commands in an\nirregular capacity as scouts. These bodies of scouts were now reduced\nin number or disbanded altogether, and in their stead were organized\nIndian troops or companies to be regularly attached to the different\ncavalry or infantry regiments. In the spring of 1891 officers were sent\nout to various western reservations, and succeeded in thus recruiting a\nnumber of regular troops from among the most warlike of the tribes, a\nconsiderable part of these coming from the late hostile Sioux.\n\nAlthough the campaign lasted only about a month the destruction of life\nwas great, for an Indian war, and the money loss to the government and\nto individuals was something enormous. Three officers and 28 privates\nwere killed or mortally wounded during the campaign, and 4 officers\nand 38 privates were less seriously wounded, several of these dying\nlater on. (_War, 27._) The Indian loss can not be stated exactly. In\nthe arrest of Sitting Bull there were killed or mortally wounded 8\nof Sitting Bull\u2019s party and 6 police, a total of 14. Those killed in\nthe Wounded Knee fight, or who afterward died of wounds or exposure,\nnumbered, according to the best estimates, at least 250. Those\nafterward killed in the various small skirmishes, including the Few\nTails affair, may have numbered 20 or 30. In all, the campaign cost the\nlives of 49 whites and others on the government side and about 300 or\nmore Indians.\n\nThe direct or incidental expenses of the campaign were as follows:\nExpenses of the Department of Justice for defending Plenty Horses\nand prosecuting the murderers of Few Tails, unknown; appropriation\nby Congress to reimburse Nebraska national guard for expense of\nservice during the campaign, $43,000; paid out under act of Congress\nto reimburse friendly Indians and other legal residents on the\nreservations for property destroyed by hostiles, $97,646.85 (_Comr.,\n41_); extra expense of Commissary department of the army, $37,764.69;\nextra expense of the Medical department of the army, $1,164, besides\nextra supplies purchased by individuals; extra expenses of Ordnance\ndepartment of the army, for ammunition, not accounted for; total\nextra expense of Quartermaster\u2019s department of the army, $915,078.81,\nincluding $120,634.17 for transportation of troops over bonded\nrailroads. (_A. G. O., 8._) The total expense, public or private, was\nprobably but little short of $1,200,000, or nearly $40,000 per day, a\nsignificant commentary on the bad policy of breaking faith with Indians.\n\nAccording to the report of the agency farmer sent out after the trouble\nto learn the extent of property of the friendly Indians destroyed\nby the hostiles on Pine Ridge agency, there were burned 53 Indian\ndwellings, 1 church, 2 schoolhouses, and a bridge, all on White Clay\ncreek, while nearly every remaining house along the creek had the\nwindows broken out. A great deal of farming machinery and nearly\nall of the hay were burned, while stoves were broken to pieces and\nstock killed. A few of the friendly Indians had been so overcome by\nthe excitement that they had burned their own houses and run their\nmachinery down high hills into the river, where it was found frozen in\nthe ice several months later. (_G. D., 48._)\n\nIn view of the fact that only one noncombatant was killed and no\ndepredations were committed off the reservation, the panic among the\nfrontier settlers of both Dakotas, Nebraska, and Iowa was something\nludicrous. The inhabitants worked themselves into such a high panic\nthat ranches and even whole villages were temporarily abandoned and the\npeople flocked into the railroad cities with vivid stories of murder,\nscalping, and desolation that had no foundation whatever in fact. A\nreliable authority who was on the ground shortly after the scare had\nsubsided gives this characteristic instance among others:\n\n In another city, a place of 3,000 inhabitants, 75 miles from any\n Indians and 150 miles from any hostiles, word came about 2 o\u2019clock\n Sunday morning for the militia to be in readiness. The company\n promptly assembled, were instructed and drilled. In an evening\n church service one of the pastors broke out in prayer: \u201cO Lord,\n prepare us for what awaits us. We have just been listening to the\n sweet sounds of praise, but ere the morning sun we may hear the war\n whoop of the red man.\u201d The effect on children and nervous persons\n may be imagined. The legislature was in session and the impression\n upon that body was such as to lead it to make an appropriation for\n the benefit of the state militia at the expense of one to the state\n agricultural fair. (_Comr., 42._)\n\nThe crisis produced the usual crop of patriots, all ready to serve\ntheir country\u2014usually for a consideration. Among these was a lady of\nUtica, New York, claiming to be of the renowned Iroquois blood, and\nstyling herself the \u201cDoctor Princess Viroqua,\u201d who, with her sister\n\u201cWynima,\u201d wrote to the Indian Office for a commission to go out to try\nthe effect of moral suasion on the belligerent Sioux, representing\nthat by virtue of her descent from a long line of aboriginal princes\nshe would be welcomed with enthusiasm and accomplish her mission of\npeace. (_G. D., 49._) As a matter of fact, neither of the names Viroqua\nor Wynima could be pronounced by a genuine Iroquois knowing only his\nown tongue, and the second one, Wynima, is borrowed from Meacham\u2019s\nsensational history of the Modoc war in California.\n\nThe proprietor of a \u201cwild west\u201d show in New York, signing himself Texas\nBen, wrote also volunteering his services and submitting as credentials\nhis museum letter-head, stating that he had served with Quantrell, and\nhad the written indorsement of Cole Younger. An old veteran of the Iowa\nsoldiers\u2019 home wrote to Secretary Noble, with a redundance of capitals\nand much bad spelling, offering his help against the hostiles, saying\nthat he had been \u201cRAZeD\u201d among them and could \u201cToLK The TUN\u201d and was\nready to \u201cDo eneThin FoR mY CuntRY.\u201d (_G. D., 50._)\n\nA band of patriots in Minnesota, whose early education appears to\nhave been somewhat neglected, wrote to the Secretary of the Interior\noffering to organize a company of 50 men to put down the outbreak,\nprovided the government would look after a few items which they\nenumerated: \u201cThe government to Furnish us with Two good Horses Each a\ngood Winchester Rifle, Two good Cotes Revolvers and give us $300.00\nBounty and say a Salary of Fifty Per Month, Each and our own judgment\nand we will settel this Indian question For Ever, and Rations and\nAmmunition. We Should Have in addition to this say Five dollars a\nHead.\u201d (_G. D., 51._)\n\nA man named Albert Hopkins appeared at Pine Ridge in December, 1890,\nwearing a blanket and claiming to be the Indian messiah, and announced\nhis intention of going alone into the Bad Lands to the Indians, who\nwere expecting his arrival, with the \u201cPansy Banner of Peace.\u201d His\nclaims were ridiculed by Red Cloud and others, and he was promptly\narrested and put off the reservation. However, he was not dead, but\nonly sleeping, and on March, 1893, having come to Washington, he\naddressed an urgent letter to Secretary Noble requesting official\nauthority to visit the Sioux reservations and to preach to the Indians,\nstating that \u201cwith the help of the Pansy and its motto and manifest\nteaching, \u2018Union, Culture, and Peace,\u2019 and the star-pansy banner, of\nwhich I inclose an illustration, I hope to establish the permanent\npeace of the border.\u201d He signs himself \u201cAlbert C. Hopkins, Pres. Pro.\ntem. The Pansy Society of America.\u201d\n\nThe letter was referred to the Indian Office, which refused permission.\nThis brought a reply from Hopkins, who this time signs himself \u201cThe\nIndian Messiah,\u201d in which he states that as the Indians were expecting\nthe messiah in the spring, \u201cin accordance with the prophecy of Sitting\nBull,\u201d it was necessary that he should go to them at once, so that they\nmight \u201caccept the teaching of the pansy and its motto, which now they\nonly partially or very doubtfully accept.\u201d\n\nReceiving no answer, he wrote again about the end of March, both to the\nSecretary and to the Indian Commissioner, stating that messiahs, being\nhuman, were subject to human limitations, of which fact the Indians\nwere well aware, but warning these officials that if these limitations\nwere set by the government it would be held responsible for his\nnonappearance to the Indians, as he had promised, \u201cbefore the native\npansies blossom on the prairies.\u201d He ends by stating that he would\nleave on Easter Sunday for the Sioux country, but as nothing was heard\nof him later, it is presumed that he succumbed to the limitations. (_G.\nD., 52._)\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe first direct knowledge of the messiah and the Ghost dance came to\nthe northern Arapaho in Wyoming, through Nakash, \u201cSage,\u201d who, with\nseveral Shoshoni, visited the messiah in the early spring of 1889, and\non his return brought back to his people the first songs of the dance,\nthese being probably some of the original Paiute songs of the messiah\nhimself. The Ghost dance was at once inaugurated among the Shoshoni and\nnorthern Arapaho. In the summer of the same year the first rumors of\nthe new redeemer reached the southern Arapaho and Cheyenne in Oklahoma,\nthrough the medium of letters written by returned pupils of eastern\ngovernment schools.\n\nFresh reports of wonderful things beyond the mountains were constantly\ncoming to the northern prairie tribes, and the excitement grew until\nthe close of the year 1889, when a large delegation, including Sioux,\nnorthern Cheyenne, and northern Arapaho, crossed the mountains to\nthe Paiute country to see and talk with the messiah. Among the\nSioux delegates were Short Bull, Fire Thunder, and Kicking Bear, as\nalready stated. Among the Cheyenne were Porcupine and several others,\nincluding one woman. The Arapaho representatives were Sitting Bull\n(H\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032ch\u00e4-thi\u2032\u0103k) and Friday. The delegates from the different tribes\nmet at Wind River reservation, in Wyoming, which they left about\nChristmas, and after stopping a short time among the Bannock and\nShoshoni at Fort Hall, went on to Walker lake, in Nevada. They were\ngone some time and returned to Wyoming in March of 1890, the Sioux and\nCheyenne continuing on to their homes farther east. According to the\nstatement of Nakash they had a five days\u2019 conference with the messiah,\nwho at one time went into a trance, but his visitors did not.\n\nBefore their return the southern Arapaho, in Oklahoma, had sent up\nWa\u2032t\u00e4n-ga\u2032a, \u201cBlack Coyote,\u201d an officer of the Indian police, and\nWashee, a scout at Fort Reno, to their relatives in Wyoming to learn\ndefinitely as to the truth or falsity of the rumors. Washee went on\nto Fort Hall, where his faith failed him, and he came back with the\nreport that the messiah was only a half-blood. This was not correct,\nbut Washee himself afterward acknowledged that he had based his report\non hearsay. Black Coyote remained until the other delegates returned\nfrom the Paiute country with the announcement that all that had been\nsaid of the messiah and the advent of a new earth was true. He listened\neagerly to all they had to tell, took part with the rest in the dance,\nlearned the songs, and returned in April, 1890, and inaugurated the\nfirst Ghost dance in the south among the Arapaho.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CIII\n\n ARAPAHO GHOST SHIRT SHOWING COLORING]\n\nThe Cheyenne, being skeptical by nature, were unwilling to trust\nentirely to the report of Black Coyote and so sent up two delegates\nof their own, Little Chief and Bark, to investigate the story in the\nnorth. Somewhat later White Shield, another Cheyenne, went up alone on\nthe same errand. Their report being favorable, the Cheyenne also took\nup the Ghost dance in the summer of 1890. They never went into it with\nthe same fervor, however, and although they had their separate dance\nwith songs in their own language, they more commonly danced together\nwith the Arapaho and sang with them the Arapaho songs. For several\nyears the old Indian dances had been nearly obsolete with these tribes,\nbut as the new religion meant a revival of the Indian idea they soon\nbecame common again, with the exception of the war dance and others of\nthat kind which were strictly prohibited by the messiah.\n\nFrom this time the Ghost dance grew in fervor and frequency among the\nArapaho and Cheyenne. In almost every camp the dance would be held two\nor three times a week, beginning about sunset and often continuing\nuntil daylight. The excitement reached fever heat in September, 1890,\nwhen Sitting Bull came down from the northern Arapaho to instruct the\nsouthern tribes in the doctrine and ceremony.\n\nAt a great Ghost dance held on South Canadian river, about 2 miles\nbelow the agency at Darlington, Oklahoma, it was estimated that 3,000\nIndians were present, including nearly all of the Arapaho and Cheyenne,\nwith a number of Caddo, Wichita, Kiowa, and others. The first trances\nof the Ghost dance among the southern tribes occurred at this time\nthrough the medium of Sitting Bull. One informant states that a leader\nnamed Howling Bull had produced trances at a dance on the Washita some\ntime before, but the statement lacks confirmation.\n\nAs Sitting Bull was the great apostle of the Ghost dance among the\nsouthern tribes, being regarded almost in the same light as the messiah\nhimself, he merits special notice. He is now about 42 years of age\nand at the beginning of his apostleship in 1890 was but 36. He is a\nfull-blood Arapaho, although rather light in complexion and color of\neyes, and speaks only his native language, but converses with ease in\nthe universal sign language of the plains. It was chiefly by means of\nthis sign language that he instructed his disciples among the Caddo,\nWichita, and Kiowa. He is about 5 feet 8 inches tall, dignified but\nplain in his bearing, and with a particularly winning smile. His power\nover those with whom he comes in contact is evident from the report\nof Lieutenant (now Captain) Scott, who had been ordered by the War\nDepartment to investigate the Ghost dance, and who for weeks had been\ndenouncing him as a humbug, but who, on finally meeting him for the\nfirst time, declares that the opinion formed before seeing him began to\nchange in his favor almost immediately. (_G. D., 53._) In conversation\nwith the author Sitting Bull stated that he was originally a southern\nArapaho, but went up to live with the northern branch of the tribe, in\nWyoming, about 1876. When a boy in the south he was known as B\u00edt\u00e4ye,\n\u201cCaptor,\u201d but on reaching manhood his name was changed, in conformity\nwith a common Indian custom, to H\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032ch\u00e4-thi\u2032\u0103k, \u201cSitting Bull.\u201d On\nreturning to the south, after having visited the messiah, he found his\nbrother known under the same name, and to avoid confusion the brother\nthen adopted the name of Scabby Bull, by which he is now known. It\nshould be mentioned that an Indian \u201cbrother\u201d may be only a cousin, as\nno distinction is made in the Indian system. On removing to the south\nhe fixed his abode near Cantonment, Oklahoma, where he now resides.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 83+\u2014Sitting Bull the Arapaho apostle.]\n\nWith regard to the reverence in which he was held by his disciples at\nthis time, and of his own sincerity, Captain Scott says:\n\n It was very difficult to get an opportunity to talk with him\n quietly on account of the persistent manner in which he was\n followed about. All sorts of people wanted to touch him, men\n and women would come in, rub their hands on him, and cry, which\n demonstration he received with a patient fortitude that was rather\n ludicrous at times. While he by no means told us everything he\n knew, it was easy to believe that he was not the rank impostor\n that I had before considered him. He makes no demands for presents\n while at these camps. This trip entailed a ride of 200 miles in\n the winter season, at the request of the Wichitas, for which I\n understand they paid him $50 before starting, but everything that\n was given him while at this camp was a voluntary gift, prompted\n entirely by the good wishes of the giver. He took but little\n property away when he left, and I saw but one horse that I thought\n he had not brought down with him.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CIV\n\n ARAPAHO GHOST SHIRT\u2014REVERSE]\n\n Upon being asked concerning his religion, he said that all I had\n heard must not be attributed to him, as some of it was false; that\n he does not believe that he saw the veritable \u201cJesus\u201d alive in\n the north, but he did see a man there whom \u201cJesus\u201d had helped or\n inspired. This person told him that if he persevered in the dance\n it would cause sickness and death to disappear. He avoided some\n of the questions about the coming of the buffalo, etc., and under\n the circumstances it was not possible to draw him out further, and\n the subject of religion was then dropped, with the intention of\n taking it up at a more favorable time, but this time never came. A\n great many of the doings seen at these dances are the afterthoughts\n of all kinds of people. I have seen some of them arise and have\n watched their growth. These are not the teachings of Sitting Bull,\n although he refrains from interfering with them through policy. He\n took no part in the humbuggery going on, but danced and sang like\n the humblest individual there. These things, taken in connection\n with \u00c4piata\u00f1\u2019s letter, would make it seem that Sitting Bull has\n been a dupe himself partly, and there is a possibility that he is\n largely sincere in his teachings. There is this to be said in his\n favor, that he has given these people a better religion than they\n ever had before, taught them precepts which if faithfully carried\n out will bring them into better accord with their white neighbors,\n and has prepared the way for their final Christianization. For this\n he is entitled to no little credit. (_G. D., 54._)\n\nHe made no claim to be a regular medicine-man, and so far as known\nnever went into a trance himself. Since the failure of his predictions,\nespecially with regard to the recovery of the ceded reservation, he\nhas fallen from his high estate. Truth compels us also to state that,\nin spite of his apostolic character, he is about as uncertain in his\nmovements as the average Indian.\n\nAfter Sitting Bull, the principal leader of the Ghost dance among the\nsouthern Arapaho is Wa\u2032t\u00e4n-ga\u2032a or Black Coyote, from whom the town of\nWatonga, in Canadian county, derives its name. Black Coyote is a man of\nconsiderable importance both in his tribe and in his own estimation,\nand aspires to be a leader in anything that concerns his people. With\na natural predisposition to religions things, it is the dream of his\nlife to be a great priest and medicine-man. At the same time he keeps a\nsharp lookout for his temporal affairs, and has managed to accumulate\nconsiderable property in wagons and livestock, including three wives.\nAlthough still a young man, being but little more than 40 years of age,\nhe has had his share of the world\u2019s honors, being not only a leader\nin the Ghost dance and other Indian ceremonies, tribal delegate to\nWashington, and captain of the Indian police, but also, in his new\ncharacter of an American citizen, deputy sheriff of Canadian county.\nHe is a good-natured fellow, and vain of his possessions and titles,\nbut at the same time thoroughly loyal and reliable in the discharge of\nhis duties, and always ready to execute his orders at whatever personal\nrisk. His priestly ambition led him to make the journey to the north,\nin which he brought back the first songs of the Ghost dance, and thus\nbecame a leader, and a year later he headed a delegation from Oklahoma\nto the messiah of Walker lake. He has repeatedly asked me to get for\nhim a permanent license from the government to enable him to visit the\nvarious reservations at will as a general evangel of Indian medicine\nand ceremony. Black Coyote in full uniform, with official badge, a\nHarrison medal, and an immense police overcoat, which he procured in\nWashington, and riding with his three wives in his own double-seated\ncoach, is a spectacle magnificent and impressive. Black Coyote in\nbreechcloth, paint, and feathers, leading the Ghost dance, or sitting\nflat on the ground and beating the earth with his hand in excess of\nreligious fervor, is equally impressive. It was this combination of\nvanity of leadership and sense of duty as a government officer that\nmade him my first and most willing informant on the Ghost dance, and\nenabled me through him to do so much with the Arapaho.\n\nIn his portrait (plate +CV+) a number of scars will be noticed on his\nchest and arms. The full number of these scars is seventy, arranged in\nvarious patterns of lines, circles, crosses, etc., with a long figure\nof the sacred pipe on one arm. According to his own statement they were\nmade in obedience to a dream as a sacrifice to save the lives of his\nchildren. Several of his children had died in rapid succession, and in\naccordance with Indian custom he undertook a fast of four days as an\nexpiation to the overruling spirit. During this time, while lying on\nhis bed, he heard a voice, somewhat resembling the cry of an owl or the\nsubdued bark of a dog. The voice told him that if he wished to save his\nother children he must cut out seventy pieces of skin and offer them to\nthe sun. He at once cut out seven pieces, held them out to the sun and\nprayed, and then buried them. But the sun was not satisfied, and soon\nafter he was warned in a vision that the full number of seventy must\nbe sacrificed if he would save his children. He then did as directed,\ncutting out the pieces of skin in the various patterns indicated,\noffering each in turn to the sun with a prayer for the health of his\nfamily, and then burying them. Since then there has been no death\nin his family. In cutting out the larger pieces, some of which were\nseveral inches long and nearly half an inch wide, the skin was first\nlifted up with an awl and then sliced away with a knife. This had to\nbe done by an assistant, and Black Coyote was particular to show me by\nsigns, sitting very erect and bracing himself firmly, that he had not\nflinched during the process.\n\nAs has been stated, the first trances in the southern Ghost dance\noccurred at the great dance held near the Cheyenne and Arapaho agency\nunder the auspices of Sitting Bull in September, 1890. On this occasion\nCheyenne and Arapaho, Caddo, Wichita, Kiowa, and Apache to the number\nof perhaps 3,000 assembled, and remained together for about two weeks,\ndancing every night until daylight. This was the largest Ghost dance\never held in the south. After dances had been held for two or three\nnights Sitting Bull announced that at the next one he would perform a\ngreat wonder in the sight of all the people, after which they would\nbe able to make songs for themselves. He said no more, but dismissed\nthem to their tipis, wondering what this miracle could be. On the\nnext night he appeared wearing a wide-brim hat with a single eagle\nfeather, the same hat in which he is generally seen. Nearly all of\nthe two tribes of Cheyenne and Arapaho were present, and probably 600\nor 800 were in the dance circle at one time. Nothing unusual occurred\nfor several hours until the dancers had gradually worked themselves\nup to a high state of excitement, when Sitting Bull stepped into the\ncircle, and going up close in front of a young Arapaho woman, he began\nto make hypnotic passes before her face with the eagle feather. In a\nfew seconds she became rigid and then fell to the ground unconscious.\nSitting Bull then turned his attention to another and another, and\nthe same thing happened to each in turn until nearly a hundred were\nstretched out on the ground at once. As usual in the trances some\nlay thus for a long time, and others recovered sooner, but none were\ndisturbed, as Sitting Bull told the dancers that these were now\nbeholding happy visions of the spirit world. When next they came\ntogether those who had been in the trance related their experiences\nin the other world, how they had met and talked with their departed\nfriends and joined in their oldtime amusements. Many of them embodied\ntheir visions in songs, which were sung that night and afterward in the\ndance, and from that time the Ghost dance was naturalized in the south\nand developed rapidly along new lines. Each succeeding dance resulted\nin other visions and new songs, and from time to time other hypnotists\narose, until almost every camp had its own.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CV\n\n BLACK COYOTE]\n\nAbout this time a commission arrived to treat with the Cheyenne and\nArapaho for the sale of their reservation. The Indians were much\ndivided in opinion, the great majority opposing any sale whatsoever,\neven of their claim in the Cherokee strip, which they believed was\nall that the agreement was intended to cover. While the debate was in\nprogress Left Hand, chief of the Arapaho, went to Sitting Bull and\nasked his opinion on the matter. Sitting Bull advised him to sell for\nwhat they could get, as they had need of the money, and in a short time\nthe messiah would come and restore the land to them. On this advice\nLeft Hand signed the agreement, in the face of threats from those\nopposed to it, and his example was followed by nearly all of his tribe.\nThis incident shows how thoroughly Sitting Bull and the other Arapaho\nbelieved in the new doctrine. In view of the misery that has come on\nthese tribes from the sale of their reservation, it is sad to think\nthat they could have so deceived themselves by false hopes of divine\ninterposition. A large party of the Cheyenne refused to have anything\nto do with the sale or to countenance the transaction by accepting\ntheir share of the purchase money, even after the whites had taken\npossession of the lands.\n\nThe troubles in the Sioux country now began to attract public\nattention, and there was suggestion of military interference. The\nnewspaper liar has reached an abnormal development in Oklahoma, and\ndispatches from Guthrie, El Reno, and Oklahoma City were filled with\nvivid accounts of war dances, scalping parties, and imminent outbreaks,\nmingled with frantic appeals for troops. A specimen dispatch stated\nthat a thousand Kickapoo were dancing, whereas in fact the whole tribe\nnumbers only 325, very few of whom were in any way concerned with the\nGhost dance. Indian Commissioner Morgan was at this time (November,\n1890) on a tour of inspection among the western tribes of Oklahoma, and\nsatisfied himself that all such sensational reports were false, and\nthat there was no danger to be apprehended from the dance. (_G. D.,\n55._) At the same time the War Department commissioned Lieutenant (now\nCaptain) H. L. Scott, of the Seventh cavalry, then and now stationed at\nFort Sill, Oklahoma, to investigate the meaning of the excitement and\nthe possibility of an outbreak. Captain Scott was eminently fitted for\nthe work by his intimate acquaintance with the Indians and his perfect\nknowledge of the sign language. In the course of December, 1890, and\nJanuary and February, 1891, he visited the various camps of the western\ntribes of the territory, attended a number of dances, and talked with\nthe leaders. His reports on the Ghost dance are most valuable, and\nconfirmed the War Department in its previous opinion that no danger was\nto be apprehended, and that the true policy was one of noninterference.\n\nThe dance constantly gathered strength among the Arapaho and Cheyenne,\nin spite of the failure of the first prediction, and spread rapidly\nto the neighboring tribes, Sitting Bull himself being the high priest\nand chief propagandist. The adverse report brought back by \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1,\nthe Kiowa, in the spring of 1891 had no effect outside of his own\ntribe. In the early part of that year the Arapaho and Cheyenne sent a\ndelegation, including one woman, to visit the messiah in Nevada and\nbring back the latest news from heaven. They were gone a considerable\ntime and returned with some of the sacred medicine paint given them by\nWovoka, after having taken part with the Paiute in a Ghost dance under\nhis leadership at the regular dance ground near Mason valley. Tall\nBull, captain of the Cheyenne police, was one of this party, and Arnold\nWoolworth, a Carlisle student, acted as interpreter.\n\nIn August, 1891, another delegation went out, consisting of Black\nCoyote, Little Raven, Red Wolf, Grant Left Hand, and Casper Edson\n(Arapaho), and Black Sharp Nose and Standing Bull (Cheyenne). Grant\nLeft Hand and Casper Edson, Carlisle students, acted as interpreters,\nwrote down the words of the messiah, and delivered his message to their\npeople on their return. This message, as written down at the time by\nCasper Edson, is given in the preceding chapter on the doctrine of\nthe Ghost dance. In accord with the messiah\u2019s instructions the two\ntribes now changed their manner of dancing from frequent small dances\nat each camp at irregular intervals to larger dances participated in\nby several camps together at regular intervals of six weeks, each\ndance continuing for five consecutive days. The Caddo and Wichita also\nadopted the new rule in agreement with instructions brought back by\na delegation sent out about the same time. The change was opposed by\nSitting Bull and some others, but the delegates, having the authority\nof the messiah for the innovation, succeeded in carrying their point,\nand thereafter assumed a leadership on equal terms with Sitting Bull,\nwho from that time lost much of his interest in the dance. They were\ngone about two weeks, and brought back with them a quantity of the\nsacred paint and a large number of magpie feathers, the kind commonly\nworn by the Paiute in the Ghost dance. This started a demand for\nmagpie feathers, and the shrewd traders soon turned the fact to their\nown advantage by importing selected crow feathers, which they sold to\nthe unsuspecting Indians for the genuine article at the rate of two\nfeathers for a quarter. While in the land of the Paiute the delegates\ntook part in the Ghost dance at Mason valley, and were thrown into a\ntrance by Wovoka, as related in chapter +IX+.\n\nThe Ghost dance practically superseded all other dances among the\nCheyenne and Arapaho, and constantly developed new features, notably\nthe auxiliary \u201ccrow dance,\u201d which was organized by Grant Left Hand.\nThis was claimed as a dance seen in a trance vision of the spirit\nworld, but is really only a modification of the \u201cOmaha dance,\u201d common\nto the northern prairie tribes. The opening of the reservation and\nthe influx of the whites served to intensify the religious fervor of\nthe Indians, who were now more than ever made to feel their dependent\nand helpless condition. It was impossible, however, that the intense\nmental strain could endure forever, and after the failure of the\npredictions on the appointed dates the wild excitement gradually cooled\nand crystallized into a fixed but tranquil expectation of ultimate\nhappiness under the old conditions in another world.\n\nIn October, 1892, another delegation, consisting of Sitting Bull and\nhis wife, with Washee and two other Arapaho, and Edward Guerrier, a\nhalf-blood Cheyenne, visited the messiah. They brought back a very\ndiscouraging report, which was in substance that the messiah was tired\nof so many visitors and wanted them to go home and tell their tribes\nto stop dancing. Although the Indians generally refused to accept the\nmessage as genuine, the effect was naturally depressing. A year later,\nin October, 1893, Black Coyote and several others dictated through me a\nletter to Wovoka, asking him to send them some of the sacred paint or\nanything else that would make them think of him, with \u201csome good words\nto help us and our children,\u201d and requesting to know whether he had\nbeen truthfully reported by the delegates of the preceding year. To one\nwho knows these people their simple religious faith is too touching to\nbe a subject of amusement.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe messiah doctrine never gained many converts among the Comanche,\nexcepting those of the Pen\u00e4t\u0115\u2032ka division and a few others living\non the Little Washita and other streams on the northern boundary of\nthe reservation, adjoining the tribes most interested in the Ghost\ndance. These Comanche held a few Ghost dances and made a few songs,\nbut the body of the tribe would have nothing to do with it. This lack\nof interest was due partly to the general skeptical temperament of the\nComanche, evinced in their carelessness in regard to ceremonial forms,\nand partly to their tribal pride, which forbade their following after\nthe strange gods of another people, as they considered their own mescal\nrite sufficient to all their needs. Quanah Parker, their head chief, a\nshrewd half-blood, opposed the new doctrine and prevented its spread\namong his tribe.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe Ghost dance was brought to the Pawnee, Ponca, Oto, Missouri, Kansa,\nIowa, Osage, and other tribes in central Oklahoma by delegates from\nthe Arapaho and Cheyenne in the west. The doctrine made slow progress\nfor some time, but by February, 1892, the majority of the Pawnee were\ndancing in confident expectation of the speedy coming of the messiah\nand the buffalo. Of all these tribes the Pawnee took most interest in\nthe new doctrine, becoming as much devoted to the Ghost dance as the\nArapaho themselves. The leader among the Pawnee was Frank White, and\namong the Oto was Buffalo Black. The agent in charge took stringent\nmeasures against the dance, and had the Oto prophet arrested and\nconfined in the Wichita jail, threatening at the same time to cut\noff supplies from the tribe. As the confederated Oto and Missouri\nnumber only 362 in all, they were easily brought into subjection, and\nthe dance was abandoned. The same method was pursued with the Pawnee\nprophet and his people, but as they are stronger in number than the\nOto, they were proportionately harder to deal with, but the final\nresult was the same. (_Comr., 43._) The Osage gave but little heed\nto the story, perhaps from the fact that, as they are the wealthiest\ntribe in the country, they feel no such urgent need of a redeemer as\ntheir less fortunate brethren. The Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and Potawatomi\nengaged in the dance only to a limited extent, for the reason that a\nnumber of the natives of these tribes, particularly the Potawatomi,\nare under Catholic influences, while most of the others adhere to the\ndoctrine of K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, the Potawatomi prophet mentioned in chapter +V+.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe Ghost dance doctrine was communicated directly to the Caddo,\nWichita, Kichai, Delaware, and Kiowa by the Arapaho and Cheyenne,\ntheir neighbors on the north. We shall speak now of the tribes first\nmentioned, leaving the Kiowa until the last. The Caddo, Wichita,\nKichai, and several remnants of cognate tribes, with a small band\nof the Delaware, numbering in all about a thousand Indians, occupy\na reservation between the Washita and the South Canadian in western\nOklahoma, having the Arapaho and Cheyenne on the north and west, the\nKiowa on the south, and the whites of Oklahoma and the Chickasaw nation\non the east. The Caddo are the leading tribe, numbering more than half\nof the whole body. They were the first of these to take up the dance,\nand have manifested the greatest interest in it from the time it was\nintroduced among them.\n\nA number of Caddo first attended the great Ghost dance held by the\nCheyenne and Arapaho on the South Canadian in the fall of 1890 on the\noccasion when Sitting Bull came down from the north and inaugurated\nthe trances. On returning to their homes they started the Ghost dance,\nwhich they kept up, singing the Arapaho songs as they had heard them\non the Canadian, until Sitting Bull came down about December, 1890, to\ngive them further instruction in the doctrine and to \u201cgive the feather\u201d\nto the seven persons selected to lead the ceremony. From this time\nthe Caddo had songs and trances of their own, the chief priest and\nhypnotist of the dance being N\u012dshk\u00fb\u2032nt\u016d, \u201cMoon Head,\u201d or John Wilson.\nThe Caddo and the Delaware usually danced together on Boggy Creek.\nThe Wichita and the Kichai, who took the doctrine from the Caddo,\nusually danced together on Sugar creek about 15 miles from the agency\nat Anadarko, but manifested less interest in the matter until Sitting\nBull came down about the beginning of February, 1891, and \u201cgave the\nfeather\u201d to the leaders. From this time all these tribes went into the\ndance heart and soul, on some occasions dancing for days and nights\ntogether from the middle of the afternoon until the sun was well up in\nthe morning. The usual custom was to continue until about midnight.\nCold weather had no deterrent effect, and they kept up the dance in the\nsnow, the trance subjects sometimes lying unconscious in the snow for\nhalf an hour at a time. At this time it was confidently expected that\nthe great change would occur in the spring, and as the time drew near\nthe excitement became most intense. The return of the Kiowa delegate,\n\u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1, in the middle of February, 1891, with a report adverse to the\nmessiah, produced no effect on the Caddo and their confederates, who\nrefused to put any faith in his statements, claiming that he had not\nseen the real messiah or else had been bribed by the whites to make a\nfalse report.\n\nAbout the time that Black Coyote and the others went out to see the\nmessiah in the fall of 1891 the Caddo and their confederates sent out\na delegation for the same purpose. The delegates were Billy Wilson and\nSquirrel (Caddo), Nashtowi and Lawrie Tatum (Wichita), and Jack Harry\n(Delaware). Tatum was a schoolboy and acted as interpreter for the\nparty. Like the Arapaho they came back impressed with reverence for the\nmessiah, and at once changed the time and method of the dancing, in\naccordance with his instructions, to periodical dances at intervals of\nsix weeks, continuing for five consecutive days, the dance on the last\nnight being kept up until daylight, when all the participants went down\nto bathe in the stream and then dispersed to their homes. They were\ndancing in this fashion when last visited in the fall of 1893.\n\nThe principal leader of the Ghost dance among the Caddo is N\u012dshk\u00fb\u2032nt\u016d,\n\u201cMoon Head,\u201d known to the whites as John Wilson. Although considered a\nCaddo, and speaking only that language, he is very much of a mixture,\nbeing half Delaware, one-fourth Caddo, and one-fourth French. One\nof his grandfathers was a Frenchman. As the Caddo lived originally\nin Louisiana, there is a considerable mixture of French blood among\nthem, which manifests itself in his case in a fairly heavy beard. He\nis about 50 years of age, rather tall and well built, and wears his\nhair at full length flowing loosely over his shoulders. With a good\nhead and strong, intelligent features, he presents the appearance of\na natural leader. He is also prominent in the mescal rite, which has\nrecently come to his tribe from the Kiowa and Comanche. He was one\nof the first Caddo to go into a trance, the occasion being the great\nGhost dance held by the Arapaho and Cheyenne near Darlington agency,\nat which Sitting Bull presided, in the fall of 1890. On his return to\nconsciousness he had wonderful things to tell of his experiences in the\nspirit world, composed a new song, and from that time became the high\npriest of the Caddo dance. Since then his trances have been frequent,\nboth in and out of the Ghost dance, and in addition to his leadership\nin this connection he assumes the occult powers and authority of a\ngreat medicine-man, all the powers claimed by him being freely conceded\nby his people.\n\nWhen Captain Scott was investigating the Ghost dance among the Caddo\nand other tribes of that section, at the period of greatest excitement,\nin the winter of 1890\u201391, he met Wilson, of whom he has this to say:\n\n John Wilson, a Caddo man of much prominence, was especially\n affected, performing a series of gyrations that were most\n remarkable. At all hours of the day and night his cry could\n be heard all over camp, and when found he would be dancing in\n the ring, possibly upon one foot, with his eyes closed and the\n forefinger of his right hand pointed upward, or in some other\n ridiculous posture. Upon being asked his reasons for assuming these\n attitudes he replied that he could not help it; that it came over\n him just like cramps.\n\nSomewhat later Captain Scott says:\n\n John Wilson had progressed finely, and was now a full-fledged\n doctor, a healer of diseases, and a finder of stolen property\n through supernatural means. One day, while we were in his tent,\n a Wichita woman entered, led by the spirit. It was explained to\n us that she did not even know who lived there, but some force she\n could not account for brought her. Having stated her case to John,\n he went off into a fit of the jerks, in which his spirit went up\n and saw \u201chis father\u201d [i. e., God], who directed him how to cure\n this woman. When he came to, he explained the cure to her, and sent\n her away rejoicing. Soon afterwards a Keechei man came in, who was\n blind of one eye, and who desired to have the vision restored. John\n again consulted his father, who informed him that nothing could be\n done for that eye because that man held aloof from the dance.\n\nWhile the author was visiting the Caddo on Sugar creek in the fall of\n1893, John Wilson came down from his own camp to explain his part in\nthe Ghost dance. He wore a wide-brim hat, with his hair flowing down\nto his shoulders, and on his breast, suspended from a cord about his\nneck, was a curious amulet consisting of the polished end of a buffalo\nhorn, surrounded by a circlet of downy red feathers, within another\ncircle of badger and owl claws. He explained that this was the source\nof his prophetic and clairvoyant inspiration. The buffalo horn was\n\u201cGod\u2019s heart,\u201d the red feathers contained his own heart, and the circle\nof claws represented the world. When he prayed for help, his heart\ncommuned with \u201cGod\u2019s heart,\u201d and he learned what he wished to know. He\nhad much to say also of the moon. Sometimes in his trances he went to\nthe moon and the moon taught him secrets. It must be remembered that\nsun, moon, stars, and almost every other thing in nature are considered\nby the Indians as endowed with life and spirit. He claimed an intimate\nacquaintance with the other world and asserted positively that he could\ntell me \u201cjust what heaven is like.\u201d Another man who accompanied him had\na yellow sun with green rays painted on his forehead, with an elaborate\nrayed crescent in green, red, and yellow on his chin, and wore a\nnecklace from which depended a crucifix and a brass clock-wheel, the\nlatter, as he stated, representing the sun.\n\nOn entering the room where I sat awaiting him, N\u012dshk\u00fb\u2032nt\u016d approached\nand performed mystic passes in front of my face with his hands, after\nthe manner of the hypnotist priests in the Ghost dance, blowing upon me\nthe while, as he afterward explained to blow evil things away from me\nbefore beginning to talk on religious subjects. He was good enough to\nstate also that he had prayed for light before coming, and had found\nthat my heart was good. Laying one hand on my head, and grasping my own\nhand with the other, he prayed silently for some time with bowed head,\nand then lifting his hand from my head, he passed it over my face, down\nmy shoulder and arm to the hand, which he grasped and pressed slightly,\nand then released the fingers with a graceful upward sweep, as in the\nminuet. The first part of this\u2014the laying of the hands upon the head,\nafterward drawing them down along the face and chest or arms\u2014is the\nregular Indian form of blessing, reverential gratitude, or prayerful\nentreaty, and is of frequent occurrence in connection with the Ghost\ndance, when the believers ask help of the priests or beg the prayers\nof the older people. The next day about twenty or more Caddo came\nby on their way to the agency, all dressed and painted for a dance\nthat was to be held that night. They stopped awhile to see us, and on\nentering the room where we were the whole company, men, women, and\nchildren, went through the same ceremony, with each one of the inmates\nin turn, beginning with Wilson and myself, and ending with the members\nof the family. The ceremony occupied a considerable time, and was at\nonce beautiful and impressive. Not a word was said by either party\nduring the while, excepting as someone in excess of devotion would\nutter prayerful exclamations aloud like the undertone of a litany.\nEvery face wore a look of reverent solemnity, from the old men and\nwomen down to little children of 6 and 8 years. Several of them, the\nwomen especially, trembled while praying, as under the excitement of\nthe Ghost dance. The religious greeting being over, the women of the\nfamily, with those of the party, went out to prepare the dinner, while\nthe rest remained to listen to the doctrinal discussion.\n\nThe Kiowa were predisposed to accept the doctrine of the Ghost dance.\nNo tribe had made more desperate resistance to the encroachments of\nthe whites upon their hunting grounds, and even after the failure of\nthe last effort of the confederated tribes in 1874\u201375, the Kiowa were\nslow to accept the verdict of defeat. The result of this unsuccessful\nstruggle was to put an end to the boundless freedom of the prairie,\nwhere they had roamed unquestioned from Dakota almost to central\nMexico, and henceforth the tribes were confined within the narrow\nlimits of reservations. Within five years the great southern buffalo\nherd was extinct and the Indians found themselves at once prisoners and\npaupers. The change was so swift and terrible in its effects that they\ncould not believe it real and final. It seemed to them like a dream of\nsorrow, a supernatural cloud of darkness to punish their derelictions,\nbut which could be lifted from them by prayer and sacrifice. Their old\nmen told of years when the buffalo was scarce or had gone a long way\noff, but never since the beginning of the world of a time when there\nwas no buffalo. The buffalo still lived beyond their horizon or in\ncaves under the earth, and with its return would come back prosperity\nand freedom. Before we wonder at their faith we must remember that the\ndisappearance of these millions of buffalo in the space of a few years\nhas no parallel in the annals of natural history.\n\nIn 1881 a young Kiowa named Da\u2032teka\u00f1, \u201cKeeps-his-name-always,\u201d began to\n\u201cmake medicine\u201d to bring back the buffalo. He set up a sacred tipi, in\nfront of which he erected a pole with a buffalo skin at the top, and\nmade for himself a priestly robe of red color, trimmed with rows of\neagle feathers. Then standing in front of his tipi he called the people\naround him and told them that he had been commanded and empowered in\na dream to bring back the buffalo, and if they observed strictly the\nprayers and ceremonies which he enjoined the great herds would once\nmore cover the prairie. His hearers believed his words, promised strict\nobedience, and gave freely of their blankets and other property to\nreward his efforts in their behalf. Da\u2032teka\u00f1 retired to his sacred\ntipi, where, in his feathered robe of office, he continued to prophesy\nand make buffalo medicine for a year, when he died without seeing the\nrealization of his hopes. The excitement caused by his predictions\ncame to the notice of the agent then in charge, who mentions it in his\nannual report, without understanding the cause. On a Kiowa calendar\nobtained by the author the event is recorded in a pictograph which\nrepresents the medicine-man in his tipi, with his scarlet robe over his\nshoulders and a buffalo beneath his feet (figure 84).\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 84+\u2014Two Kiowa prophecies (from a Kiowa calendar).]\n\nAbout six years later, in 1887, another prophet, named Pa\u2032-i\u00f1gya, \u201cIn\nthe Middle,\u201d revived the prophecy, claiming to be heir to all the\nsupernatural powers of his late predecessor. He amplified the doctrine\nby asserting, logically enough, that as the whites were responsible\nfor the disappearance of the buffalo, the whites themselves would be\ndestroyed by the gods when the time was at hand for the return of\nthe buffalo. He preached also his own invulnerability and claimed the\npower to kill with a look those who might offend him, as far as his\nglance could reach. He fixed his headquarters on Elk creek, near the\nwestern limit of the reservation, where he inaugurated a regular series\nof ritual observances, under the management of ten chosen assistants.\nFinally he announced that the time was at hand when the whites would\nbe removed and the buffalo would return. He ordered all the tribe to\nassemble on Elk creek, where after four days he would bring down fire\nfrom heaven which would destroy the agency, the schools, and the white\nrace, with the Indian unbelievers all together. The faithful need not\nfear pursuit by the troops, for the soldiers who might follow would\nwither before his glance and their bullets would have no effect on\nthe Indians. On the same Kiowa calendar this prediction is recorded\nin another pictograph intended to represent flying bullets. The\nwhole Kiowa tribe caught the infection of his words. Every camp was\nabandoned, parents took their children from the schools, and all fled\nto the rendezvous on Elk creek. Here they waited patiently for their\ndeliverance till the predicted day came and passed without event, when\nthey returned with sadness to their camps and their government rations\nof white man\u2019s beef. Pa\u2032-i\u00f1gya still lives, but the halo of prophecy no\nlonger surrounds him. To account for the disappointment he claimed that\nhis people had violated some of the ordinances and thereby postponed\nthe destined happiness. In this way their minds were kept dwelling on\nthe subject, and when at last the rumor of a messiah came from the\nnorth he hailed it as the fulfillment of the prediction.\n\nEarly in the summer of 1890 the news of the advent of the messiah\nreached the Kiowa, and in June of that year they sent a delegation of\nabout twenty men under the leadership of Pa\u2032tadal, \u201cPoor Buffalo,\u201d\nto Cheyenne and Arapaho agency at Darlington to learn more about the\nmatter. They brought back a favorable report and also a quantity of\nthe sacred red paint procured originally from the country of the\nmessiah. Soon after there was a great gathering of the Kiowa and Apache\nat the agency at Anadarko to receive a payment of \u201cgrass money\u201d due\nfrom the cattlemen for the lease of pasturage on the reservation. On\nthis occasion the Ghost dance was formally inaugurated among the Kiowa,\nPoor Buffalo assuming direction of the ceremony, and painting the\nprincipal participants with the sacred red paint with his own hands.\nThe dance was carried back to their various camps and became a part of\nthe tribal life.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 85+\u2014Poor Buffalo.]\n\nAbout this time a Sioux chief, High Wolf, came down from the north to\nvisit the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa, and other tribes in that section.\nHe remained some time among them, and on his return to the north\ninvited a young Kiowa named \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1, \u201cWooden Lance,\u201d whose grandmother\nhad been a Sioux captive, to come up and visit his relatives at Pine\nRidge. The invitation was accepted by \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1, partly for the pleasure\nof seeing a new tribe and meeting his mother\u2019s kindred, but chiefly\nfor the purpose of investigating for himself and for the Kiowa the\ntruth of the messiah story, \u00c4piata\u00f1, who speaks but little English,\nand who was then about 30 years of age, had recently lost a child to\nwhom he had been very much attached. He brooded over his loss until the\nnew doctrine came with its promise of a reunion with departed friends\nand its possibility of seeing and talking with them in visions of the\ntrance. Moved by parental affection, which is the ruling passion with\nan Indian, he determined on this long journey in search of the messiah,\nwho was vaguely reported to be somewhere in the north, to learn from\nhis own lips the wonderful story, and to see if it were possible to\ntalk again with his child. He discussed the matter with the chiefs,\nwho decided to send him as a delegate to find the messiah and learn\nthe truth or falsity of the reports, in order that the Kiowa might\nbe guided by the result on his return. A sufficient sum of money was\nraised for his expenses, and he left for the north in September, 1890.\nAlmost the whole tribe had assembled at the agency to witness his\ndeparture, and each in turn of the principal men performed over him a\nceremony of blessing, such as has already been described. His going and\nreturn are both recorded on the calendar previously mentioned.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CVI\n\n BI\u2032\u00c4\u00d1K\u0314I, THE KIOWA DREAMER]\n\nIn October, 1890, shortly after \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1\u2019s departure, Sitting Bull,\nthe Arapaho prophet of the Ghost dance, came down from his tribe\nand gave new impetus to the excitement among the Kiowa. This event\nalso is recorded on the same Kiowa calendar in a well-drawn picture\nrepresenting a buffalo standing beside the figure of a man (figure\n86). It is also indicated less definitely on another calendar obtained\nfrom the tribe. Sitting Bull confirmed, as by personal knowledge, all\nthat had been told of the messiah, and predicted that the new earth\nwould arrive in the following spring, 1891. The Kiowa assembled on the\nWashita, at the mouth of Rainy Mountain creek, and here, at the largest\nGhost dance ever held by the tribe, Sitting Bull consecrated seven\nmen and women as leaders of the dance and teachers of the doctrine by\ngiving to each one a sacred feather to be worn in the dance as the\nbadge of priesthood. Until the Ghost dance came to the prairie tribes\ntheir women had never before been raised to such dignity as to be\nallowed to wear feathers in their hair. After \u201cgiving the feather\u201d to\nthe leaders thus chosen, they were taught the songs and ritual of the\ndance. At first the songs were all in the Arapaho language, but after\nthe trances, which now began to be frequent, the Kiowa composed songs\nof their own.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 86+\u2014Sitting Bull comes down (from a Kiowa\n calendar).]\n\nAmong the dreamers and prophets who now came to the front was one who\nmerits more than a passing notice. His original name was Bi\u2032\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i,\n\u201cEater,\u201d but on account of his frequent visits to the spirit world\nhe is now known as \u00c4sa\u2032tito\u2032la, which maybe freely rendered \u201cThe\nMessenger.\u201d For a long time he had been in the habit of going alone\nupon the mountain, there to fast and pray until visions came to\nhim, when he would return and give to his people the message of\ninspiration. Frequently these vigils were undertaken at the request\nof friends of sick people to obtain spiritual knowledge of the proper\nremedies to be applied, or at the request of surviving relatives who\nwished to hear from their departed friends in the other world. He\nis now about 55 years of age, quiet and dignified in manner, with a\nthoughtful cast of countenance which accords well with his character\nas a priest and seer. His intellectual bent is further shown by the\nfact that he has invented a system of ideographic writing which\nis nearly as distinct from the ordinary Indian pictograph system\nas it is from our own alphabet. It is based on the sign language\nof the plains tribes, the primary effort being to convey the idea\nby a pictured representation of the gesture sign; but, as in the\nevolution of the alphabet, a part is frequently put for the whole,\nand numerous arbitrary or auxiliary characters are added, until the\nresult is a well-developed germ of an alphabetic system. He has\ntaught the system to his sons, and by this means was able to keep up\na correspondence with them while they were attending Carlisle school.\nIt is unintelligible to the rest of the tribe. I have specimens of\nthis curious graphic method, obtained from the father and his sons,\nwhich maybe treated at length at some future time. In the picture of\n\u00c4sa\u2032tito\u2032la (plate +CVI+), he holds in one hand a paper on which is\ndepicted one of his visions, while in the other is the pointer with\nwhich he explains its meaning.\n\nPlate +CVII+ herewith represents this vision. On this occasion, after\nreaching the spirit world he found himself on a vast prairie covered\nwith herds of buffalo and ponies, represented respectively in the\npicture by short black and green lines at the top. He went on through\nthe buffalo, the way being indicated by the dotted green lines, until\nhe came to a large Kiowa camp, in which, according to their old\ncustom, nearly every tipi had its distinctive style of painting or\nornamentation to show to what family it belonged, all these families\nbeing still represented in the tribe. He went on to the point indicated\nby the first heavy blue mark, where he met four young women, whom he\nknew as having died years before, returning on horseback with their\nsaddle-pouches filled with wild plums. After some conversation he asked\nthem about two brothers, his relatives, who had died some time ago.\nHe went in the direction pointed out by the young women and soon met\nthe two young men coming into camp with a load of fresh buffalo meat\nhung at their saddles. Their names were Emanki\u2032na, \u201cCan\u2019t-hold-it,\u201d\na policeman, and E\u2032\u201bpea, \u201cAfraid-of-him,\u201d who had died while held as\na prisoner of war in Florida about fifteen years before. It will be\nnoted that they are represented in the picture as armed only with bows\nand arrows, in agreement with the Ghost-dance doctrine of a return to\naboriginal things. After proceeding some distance he retraced his steps\nand met two curious beings, represented in the picture by green figures\nwith crosses instead of heads. These told him to go on, and on\ndoing so he came to an immense circle of Kiowa dancing the Ghost dance\naround a cedar tree, indicated by the black circle with a green figure\nresembling a tree in the center. He stood for a while near the tree,\nshown by another blue mark, when he saw a woman, whom he knew, leave\nthe dance. He hurried after her until she reached her own tipi and went\ninto it\u2014shown by the blue mark beside the red tipi with red flags on\nthe ends of the tipi poles\u2014when he turned around and came back. She\nbelonged to the family of the great chief Sett\u2019ai\u00f1ti, \u201cWhite Bear,\u201d\nas indicated by the red tipi with red flags, no other warrior in the\ntribe having such a tipi. On inquiring for his own relatives he was\ndirected to the other side of the camp, where he met a man\u2014represented\nby the heavy black mark\u2014who told him his own people were inside of the\nnext tipi. On entering he found the whole family, consisting of his\nfather, two brothers, two sisters, and several children, feasting on\nfresh buffalo beef from a kettle hung over the fire. They welcomed him\nand offered him some of the meat, which for some reason he was afraid\nto taste. To convince him that it was good they held it up for him to\nsmell, when he awoke and found himself lying alone upon the mountain.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CVII\n\n BI\u00c4\u00d1KI\u2019S VISION.]\n\n * * * * *\n\n\u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 went on first to Pine Ridge, where he was well received by the\nSioux, who had much to say of the new messiah in the west. He was urged\nto stop and join them in the Ghost dance, but refused and hurried on\nto Fort Washakie, where he met the northern Arapaho and the Shoshoni,\nwhom he called the \u201cnorthern Comanches.\u201d Here the new prophecy was\nthe one topic of conversation, and after stopping only long enough\nto learn the proper route to the Paiute country, he went on over the\nUnion Pacific railroad to Nevada. On arriving at the agency at Pyramid\nlake the Paiute furnished him a wagon and an Indian guide across the\ncountry to the home of Wovoka in the upper end of Mason valley. The\nnext day he was admitted to his presence. The result was a complete\ndisappointment. A single interview convinced him of the utter falsity\nof the pretensions of the messiah and the deceptive character of the\nhopes held out to the believers.\n\nSaddened and disgusted, \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 made no stay, but started at once\non his return home. On his way back he stopped at Bannock agency at\nFort Hall, Idaho, and from there sent a letter to his people, stating\nbriefly that he had seen the messiah and that the messiah was a fraud.\nThis was the first intimation the Kiowa had received from an Indian\nsource that their hopes were not well grounded. The author was present\nwhen the letter was received at Anadarko and read to the assembled\nIndians by \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1\u2019s sister, an educated woman named Laura Dunmoi,\nformerly of Carlisle school. The result was a division of opinion.\nSome of the Indians, feeling that the ground had been taken from under\nthem, at once gave up all hope and accepted the inevitable of despair.\nOthers were disposed to doubt the genuineness of the letter, as it had\ncome through the medium of a white man, and decided to withhold their\ndecision until they could hear directly from the delegate himself.\n\u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 returned in the middle of February, 1891. The agent sent\nnotice to the various camps on the reservation for the Indians to\nassemble at the agency to hear his report, and also sent a request to\nCheyenne and Arapaho agency to have Sitting Bull come down at the same\ntime so that the Indians might hear both sides of the story.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 87+\u2014\u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1.]\n\n[Illustration: PL. CVIII\n\n KIOWA SUMMER SHELTER]\n\nThe council was held at the agency at Anadarko, Oklahoma, on February\n19, 1891, the author being among those present on the occasion. It\nwas a great gathering, representing every tribe on the reservation,\nthere being also in attendance a number of Arapaho who had accompanied\nSitting Bull from the other agency. Everything said was interpreted\nin turn into English, Kiowa, Comanche, Caddo, Wichita, and Arapaho.\nThis was a slow process, and necessitated frequent repetition, so that\nthe talk occupied all day. \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 first made his report, which was\ninterpreted into the various languages. Questions were asked by the\nagent, Mr Adams, and by leading Indians, and after the full details had\nbeen obtained in this manner Sitting Bull, the Arapaho, was called on\nto make his statement. The scene was dramatic in the highest degree.\nAlthough in a certain sense Sitting Bull himself was on trial, it meant\nmore than that to the assembled tribe. Their power, prosperity, and\nhappiness had gone down, their very race was withering away before\nthe white man. The messiah doctrine promised a restoration of the old\nconditions through supernatural assistance. If this hope was without\nfoundation, the Indian had no future and his day was forever past.\n\nAfter some preliminaries \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 arose and told his story. He had gone\non as related until he arrived at the home of Wovoka in Mason valley.\nHere he was told that the messiah could not be seen until the next day.\nOn being finally admitted to his presence he found him lying down,\nhis face covered with a blanket, and singing to himself. When he had\nfinished the song the messiah uncovered his face and asked \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1,\nthrough an interpreter, what he wanted. As \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 had approached with\ngreat reverence under the full belief that the messiah was omniscient,\nable to read his secret thoughts and to speak all languages, this\nquestion was a great surprise to him, and his faith at once began to\nwaver. However, he told who he was and why he had come, and then asked\nthat he be permitted to see some of his dead relatives, particularly\nhis little child. Wovoka replied that this was impossible, and that\nthere were no spirits there to be seen. With their mixture of Christian\nand aboriginal ideas many of the Indians had claimed that this messiah\nwas the veritable Christ and bore upon his hands and feet the scars\nof the crucifixion. Not seeing these scars, \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 expressed some\ndoubt as to whether Wovoka was really the messiah he had come so far to\nsee, to which Wovoka replied that he need go no farther for there was\nno other messiah, and went on to say that he had preached to Sitting\nBull and the others and had given them a new dance, but that some of\nthem, especially the Sioux, had twisted things and made trouble, and\nnow \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 had better go home and tell his people to quit the whole\nbusiness. Discouraged and sick at heart \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 went out from his\npresence, convinced that there was no longer a god in Israel.\n\nAfter the story had been told and interpreted to each of the tribes,\nSitting Bull was called on for his statement. He told how he had\nvisited the messiah a year before and what the messiah had said\nto him. The two versions were widely different, and there can be\nlittle question that Wovoka made claims and prophecies, supported\nby hypnotic performances, from which he afterward receded when he\nfound that the excitement had gone beyond his control and resulted\nin an Indian outbreak. Sitting Bull insisted on the truth of his own\nrepresentations, and when accused by \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 of deceiving the Indians\nin order to obtain their property he replied that he had never asked\nthem for the ponies which they had given him, and that if they did not\nbelieve what he had told them they could come and take their ponies\nagain. \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 replied that that was not the Kiowa road; what had once\nbeen given was not taken back. Sitting Bull spoke in a low musical\nvoice, and the soft Arapaho syllables contrasted pleasantly with the\nchoking sounds of the Kiowa and the boisterous loudness of the Wichita.\nI could not help a feeling of pity for him when at the close of the\ncouncil he drew his blanket around him and went out from the gathering\nto cross the river to the Caddo camp, attended only by his faithful\nArapahos. For his services in reporting against the dance \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1\nreceived a medal from President Harrison.\n\nThis was for some time the end of the Ghost dance among the Kiowa, for\nwhile some few of the tribes were disposed to doubt the honesty or\ncorrectness of the report, the majority accepted it as final, and from\nthat time the dance became a mere amusement for children. The other\ntribes, however\u2014the Caddo, Wichita, and their allies\u2014refused to accept\nthe report, claiming that \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 had been hired by white men to lie\nto the Indians, and that he had never really seen the messiah, as he\nclaimed. Even the Apache, although in close tribal connection with the\nKiowa, continued to hold to the doctrine and the dance.\n\n * * * * *\n\n+Note.+\u2014Since the above was written and while awaiting publication\nthere has been a revival of the Ghost dance among the Kiowa, brought\nabout chiefly through the efforts of Bi\u2032\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i, Pa\u2032tadal, and others\nof its former priests. After several times dispersing the dancers and\nthreatening them with severe penalties if they persisted, the agent\nwas finally obliged to give permission, on the earnest request of a\ndelegation of chiefs and head men of the tribe, with the result that\nin September, 1894, the Kiowa publicly revived the ceremony in a great\ndance on the Washita, which lasted four days and was attended by\nseveral thousand Indians from all the surrounding tribes.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CIX\n\n GHOST DANCE PAINTING ON BUCKSKIN]\n\n EXPLANATION OF PLATE CIX.\n\n The original of this picture was drawn in colored inks on buckskin\n by Yellow Nose, a Ute captive among the Cheyenne, in 1891. It\n was obtained from him by the author and is now deposited in the\n National Museum at Washington. Besides being a particularly fine\n specimen of Indian pictography, it gives an excellent idea of the\n ghost dance as it was at that time among the Cheyenne and Arapaho.\n The dancers are in full costume, with paint and feathers. The women\n of the two tribes are plainly distinguished by the arrangement\n of their hair, the Cheyenne women having the hair braided at the\n side, while the Arapaho women wear it hanging loosely. Two of the\n women carry children on their backs. One of the men carries the\n _b\u00e4\u2032qati_ wheel, another a shinny stick, and a woman holds out\n the sacred crow, while several wave handkerchiefs which aid in\n producing the hypnotic effect. In the center are several persons\n with arms outstretched and rigid, while at one side is seen the\n medicine-man hypnotizing a subject who stretches out toward him\n a blue handkerchief. The spotted object on the ground behind the\n medicine-man is a shawl which has fallen from the shoulders of the\n woman standing near.\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter XV+\n\n THE CEREMONY OF THE GHOST DANCE\n\n\nIn chapter +XI+ we have spoken of the Ghost dance as it existed among\nthe Paiute, Shoshoni, Walapai, and Cohonino, west of the mountains. We\nshall now give a more detailed account of the ceremony and connected\nritual among the prairie tribes.\n\n\n AMONG THE NORTHERN CHEYENNE\n\nAccording to Dr Grinnell the Ghost dance among the northern Cheyenne\nhad several features not found in the south. Four fires were built\noutside of the dance circle and about 20 yards back from it, toward\neach of the cardinal points. These fires were built of long poles set\nup on end, so as to form a rude cone, much as the poles of a tipi are\nerected. The fires were lighted at the bottom, and thus made high\nbonfires, which were kept up as long as the dance continued. (_J. F.\nL., 5._)\n\n\n AMONG THE SIOUX\n\nPerhaps the most important feature in connection with the dance among\nthe Sioux was the \u201cghost shirt,\u201d already noticed and to be described\nmore fully hereafter. On account of the scarcity of buckskin, these\nshirts were almost always made of white cloth cut and figured in the\nIndian fashion. The Sioux wore no metal of any kind in the dance,\ndiffering in this respect from the southern tribes, who wore on such\noccasions all their finery of German silver ornaments. The Sioux also\nbegan the dance sometimes in the morning, as well as in the afternoon\nor evening. Another important feature not found among the southern\ntribes, excepting the Kiowa, was the tree planted in the center of the\ncircle and decorated with feathers, stuffed animals, and strips of\ncloth.\n\nAt a Ghost dance at No Water\u2019s camp, near Pine Ridge, as described by\nJ. F. Asay, formerly a trader at the agency, the dancers first stood\nin line facing the sun, while the leader, standing facing them, made a\nprayer and waved over their heads the \u201cghost stick,\u201d a staff about 6\nfeet long, trimmed with red cloth and feathers of the same color. After\nthus waving the stick over them, he faced the sun and made another\nprayer, after which the line closed up to form a circle around the\ntree and the dance began. During the prayer a woman standing near the\ntree held out a pipe toward the sun, while another beside her held\nout several (four?) arrows from which the points had been removed.\nOn another occasion, at a Ghost dance at the same camp, four arrows,\nheaded with bone in the olden fashion, were shot up into the air from\nthe center of the circle and afterward gathered up and hung upon the\ntree, together with the bow, a gaming wheel and sticks, and a staff\nof peculiar shape (ghost stick?). See plate +CXI+. The ceremonies of\nfasting, painting, and the sweat-bath in connection with the Ghost\ndance among the Sioux have been already described.\n\nThe best account of the dance itself and of the ghost shirt is given by\nMrs Z. A. Parker, at that time a teacher on the Pine Ridge reservation,\nwriting of a Ghost dance observed by her on White Clay creek, on June\n20, 1890. We quote at length from her description:\n\n We drove to this spot about 10.30 oclock on a delightful October\n day. We came upon tents scattered here and there in low, sheltered\n places long before reaching the dance ground. Presently we saw\n over three hundred tents placed in a circle, with a large pine\n tree in the center, which was covered with strips of cloth of\n various colors, eagle feathers, stuffed birds, claws, and horns\u2014all\n offerings to the Great Spirit. The ceremonies had just begun. In\n the center, around the tree, were gathered their medicine-men; also\n those who had been so fortunate as to have had visions and in them\n had seen and talked with friends who had died. A company of fifteen\n had started a chant and were marching abreast, others coming in\n behind as they marched. After marching around the circle of tents\n they turned to the center, where many had gathered and were seated\n on the ground.\n\n I think they wore the ghost shirt or ghost dress for the first\n time that day. I noticed that these were all new and were worn\n by about seventy men and forty women. The wife of a man called\n Return-from-scout had seen in a vision that her friends all wore a\n similar robe, and on reviving from her trance she called the women\n together and they made a great number of the sacred garments. They\n were of white cotton cloth. The women\u2019s dress was cut like their\n ordinary dress, a loose robe with wide, flowing sleeves, painted\n blue in the neck, in the shape of a three-cornered handkerchief,\n with moon, stars, birds, etc, interspersed with real feathers,\n painted on the waist and sleeves. While dancing they wound their\n shawls about their waists, letting them fall to within 3 inches\n of the ground, the fringe at the bottom. In the hair, near the\n crown, a feather was tied. I noticed an absence of any manner of\n bead ornaments, and, as I knew their vanity and fondness for them,\n wondered why it was. Upon making inquiries I found they discarded\n everything they could which was made by white men.\n\n The ghost shirt for the men was made of the same material\u2014shirts\n and leggings painted in red. Some of the leggings were painted\n in stripes running up and down, others running around. The shirt\n was painted blue around the neck, and the whole garment was\n fantastically sprinkled with figures of birds, bows and arrows,\n sun, moon, and stars, and everything they saw in nature. Down the\n outside of the sleeve were rows of feathers tied by the quill ends\n and left to fly in the breeze, and also a row around the neck and\n up and down the outside of the leggings. I noticed that a number\n had stuffed birds, squirrel heads, etc, tied in their long hair.\n The faces of all were painted red with a black half-moon on the\n forehead or on one cheek.\n\n As the crowd gathered about the tree the high priest, or master of\n ceremonies, began his address, giving them directions as to the\n chant and other matters. After he had spoken for about fifteen\n minutes they arose and formed in a circle. As nearly as I could\n count, there were between three and four hundred persons. One stood\n directly behind another, each with his hands on his neighbor\u2019s\n shoulders. After walking about a few times, chanting, \u201cFather, I\n come,\u201d they stopped marching, but remained in the circle, and\n set up the most fearful, heart-piercing wails I ever heard\u2014crying,\n moaning, groaning, and shrieking out their grief, and naming over\n their departed friends and relatives, at the same time taking up\n handfuls of dust at their feet, washing their hands in it, and\n throwing it over their heads. Finally, they raised their eyes to\n heaven, their hands clasped high above their heads, and stood\n straight and perfectly still, invoking the power of the Great\n Spirit to allow them to see and talk with their people who had\n died. This ceremony lasted about fifteen minutes, when they all\n sat down where they were and listened to another address, which I\n did not understand, but which I afterwards learned were words of\n encouragement and assurance of the coming messiah.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CX\n\n SACRED OBJECTS FROM THE SIOUX GHOST DANCE]\n\n When they arose again, they enlarged the circle by facing toward\n the center, taking hold of hands, and moving around in the manner\n of school children in their play of \u201cneedle\u2019s eye.\u201d And now the\n most intense excitement began. They would go as fast as they could,\n their hands moving from side to side, their bodies swaying, their\n arms, with hands gripped tightly in their neighbors\u2019, swinging\n back and forth with all their might. If one, more weak and frail,\n came near falling, he would be jerked up and into position until\n tired nature gave way. The ground had been worked and worn by many\n feet, until the fine, flour-like dust lay light and loose to the\n depth of two or three inches. The wind, which had increased, would\n sometimes take it up, enveloping the dancers and hiding them from\n view. In the ring were men, women, and children; the strong and the\n robust, the weak consumptive, and those near to death\u2019s door. They\n believed those who were sick would be cured by joining in the dance\n and losing consciousness. From the beginning they chanted, to a\n monotonous tune, the words\u2014\n\n Father, I come;\n Mother, I come;\n Brother, I come;\n Father, give us back our arrows.\n\n All of which they would repeat over and over again until first one\n and then another would break from the ring and stagger away and\n fall down. One woman fell a few feet from me. She came toward us,\n her hair flying over her face, which was purple, looking as if\n the blood would burst through; her hands and arms moving wildly;\n every breath a pant and a groan; and she fell on her back, and went\n down like a log. I stepped up to her as she lay there motionless,\n but with every muscle twitching and quivering. She seemed to be\n perfectly unconscious. Some of the men and a few of the women would\n run, stepping high and pawing the air in a frightful manner. Some\n told me afterwards that they had a sensation as if the ground were\n rising toward them and would strike them in the face. Others would\n drop where they stood. One woman fell directly into the ring, and\n her husband stepped out and stood over her to prevent them from\n trampling upon her. No one ever disturbed those who fell or took\n any notice of them except to keep the crowd away.\n\n They kept up dancing until fully 100 persons were lying\n unconscious. Then they stopped and seated themselves in a circle,\n and as each one recovered from his trance he was brought to the\n center of the ring to relate his experience. Each told his story\n to the medicine-man and he shouted it to the crowd. Not one in ten\n claimed that he saw anything. I asked one Indian\u2014a tall, strong\n fellow, straight as an arrow\u2014what his experience was. He said he\n saw an eagle coming toward him. It flew round and round, drawing\n nearer and nearer until he put out his hand to take it, when it was\n gone. I asked him what he thought of it. \u201cBig lie,\u201d he replied. I\n found by talking to them that not one in twenty believed it. After\n resting for a time they would go through the same performance,\n perhaps three times a day. They practiced fasting, and every\n morning those who joined in the dance were obliged to immerse\n themselves in the creek. (_Comr., 44._)\n\n\n SONG REHEARSALS\n\nAs with church choirs, the leaders, both men and women, frequently\nassembled privately in a tipi to rehearse the new or old songs for\nthe next dance. During the first winter spent among the Arapaho I had\nfrequent opportunity of being present at these rehearsals, as for a\nlong time the snow was too deep to permit dancing outside. After having\nobtained their confidence the Arapaho police invited me to come up to\ntheir camp at night to hear them practice the songs in anticipation of\nbetter weather for dancing. Thenceforth rehearsals were held in Black\nCoyote\u2019s tipi almost every night until the snow melted, each session\nusually lasting about three hours.\n\nOn these occasions from eight to twelve persons were present, sitting\nin a circle on the low beds around the fire in the center. Black\nCoyote acted as master of ceremonies and opened proceedings by filling\nand lighting the redstone pipe, offering the first whiff to the sun,\nthen reversing the stem in offering to the earth, next presenting\nthe pipe to the fire, and then to each of the four cardinal points.\nHe then took a few puffs himself, after which he passed the pipe to\nhis next neighbor, who went through the same preliminaries before\nsmoking, and thus the pipe went round the circle, each one taking only\na few puffs before passing it on. The pipe was then put back into its\npouch, and Black Coyote, standing with his face toward the northwest,\nthe messiah\u2019s country, with eyes closed and arms outstretched, made\na fervent prayer for help and prosperity to his tribe, closing with\nan earnest petition to the messiah to hasten his coming. The others\nlistened in silence with bowed heads. The prayer ended, they consulted\nas to the song to be sung first, which Black Coyote then started in a\nclear musical bass, the others joining. From time to time explanations\nwere made where the meaning of the song was not clear. They invited\nme to call for whatever songs I wished to hear, and these songs were\nrepeated over and over again to give me an opportunity to write them\ndown, but they waived extended discussion until another time. Usually\nthe men alone were the singers, but sometimes Black Coyote\u2019s wives or\nother women who were present joined in the songs. It was noticeable\nthat even in these rehearsals the women easily fell under the\nexcitement of the dance. Finally, about 10 oclock, all rose together\nand sang the closing song, _Ni\u2032ninitubi\u2032na Huhu_, \u201cThe Crow has given\nthe signal,\u201d and the rehearsal was at an end. On one occasion, before\nI had obtained this song, I called for it in order that I might write\nit down, but they explained that we must wait awhile, as it was the\nclosing song, and if they sung it then they must quit for the night.\n\n\n PREPARATIONS FOR THE DANCE\n\nOn several occasions the dance ground was consecrated before the\nperformance, one of the leaders going all about the place, sprinkling\nsome kind of sacred powder over the ground and praying the while.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXI\n\n SACRED OBJECTS FROM THE SIOUX GHOST DANCE\n\n _a_, Staff; _b_, _c_, Bow and bone-head arrows; _d_, Gaming wheel\n and sticks]\n\nFrequently in the dance one or more of the leaders while sitting within\nthe circle would beat upon the earth with his extended palm, then lay\nhis hand upon his head, afterward blow into his hand, and then repeat\nthe operation, praying all the time. Sometimes the hypnotist would beat\nthe ground in the same way and then lay his hand on the head of the\nsubject (plate +CXV+). No satisfactory explanation of this ceremony\nwas obtained beyond the general idea that the earth, like the sun, the\nfire, and the water, is sacred.\n\n\n GIVING THE FEATHER\n\nThe ceremony of \u201cgiving the feather\u201d has been already noticed. This was\nan official ordination of the priests in the dance, conferred on them\nby the apostle who first brought the ceremony to the tribe. Among the\nArapaho, Caddo, Kiowa, and adjoining tribes in the south the feather\nwas conferred by Sitting Bull himself. The feather was thus given\nto seven leaders, or sometimes to fourteen, that is, seven men and\nseven women, the number seven being sacred with most tribes and more\nparticularly in the Ghost dance. The feather, which was worn upon the\nhead of the dancers, was either that of the crow, the sacred bird of\nthe Ghost dance, or of the eagle, sacred in all Indian religions. If\nfrom the crow, two feathers were used, being attached at a slight angle\nto a small stick which was thrust into the hair. (See Arapaho song 8.)\nThe feathers were previously consecrated by the priest with prayer and\nceremony. The chosen ones usually reciprocated with presents of ponies,\nblankets, or other property. After having thus received the feather\nthe tribe began to make songs of its own, having previously used those\ntaught them by the apostle from his own language.\n\nBesides the seven leaders who wear the sacred crow feathers as emblems\nof their leadership, nearly all the dancers wear feathers variously\npainted and ornamented, and the preparation of these is a matter of\nmuch concern. The dancer who desires instruction on this point usually\ntakes with him six friends, so as to make up the sacred number of\nseven, and goes with them to one who has been in a trance and has thus\nlearned the exact method in vogue in the spirit world. At their request\nthis man prepares for each one a feather, according to what he has seen\nin some trance vision, for which they return thanks, usually with a\nsmall present. The feathers are painted in several colors, each larger\nfeather usually being tipped with a small down feather painted in a\ndifferent color. On certain occasions a special day is set apart for\npublicly painting and preparing the feathers for all the dancers, the\nwork being done by the appointed leaders of the ceremony.\n\n\n THE PAINTING OF THE DANCERS\n\nThe painting of the dancers is done with the same ceremonial exactness\nof detail, each design being an inspiration from a trance vision.\nUsually the dancer adopts the particular style of painting which,\nwhile in the trance, he has seen worn by some departed relative. If he\nhas not yet been in a trance, the design is suggested by a vision of\none who does the painting. In making the request the dancer lays his\nhands upon the head of the leader and says, \u201cMy father, I have come to\nbe painted, so that I may see my friends; have pity on me and paint\nme,\u201d the sacred paint being held to sharpen the spiritual vision as\nwell as to be conducive to physical health. The painting consists of\nelaborate designs in red, yellow, green, and blue upon the face, with\na red or yellow line along the parting of the hair. Suns, crescents,\nstars, crosses, and birds (crows) are the designs in most common use.\n\n\n THE CEREMONY\n\nThe dance commonly begins about the middle of the afternoon or later,\nafter sundown. When it begins in the afternoon, there is always an\nintermission of an hour or two for supper. The announcement is made\nby the criers, old men who assume this office apparently by tacit\nunderstanding, who go about the camp shouting in a loud voice to the\npeople to prepare for the dance. The preliminary painting and dressing\nis usually a work of about two hours. When all is ready, the leaders\nwalk out to the dance place, and facing inward, join hands so as to\nform a small circle. Then, without moving from their places they sing\nthe opening song, according to previous agreement, in a soft undertone.\nHaving sung it through once they raise their voices to their full\nstrength and repeat it, this time slowly circling around in the dance.\nThe step is different from that of most other Indian dances, but very\nsimple, the dancers moving from right to left, following the course\nof the sun, advancing the left foot and following it with the right,\nhardly lifting the feet from the ground. For this reason it is called\nby the Shoshoni the \u201cdragging dance.\u201d All the songs are adapted to\nthe simple measure of the dance step. As the song rises and swells\nthe people come singly and in groups from the several tipis, and one\nafter another joins the circle until any number from fifty to five\nhundred men, women, and children are in the dance. When the circle is\nsmall, each song is repeated through a number of circuits. If large,\nit is repeated only through one circuit, measured by the return of the\nleaders to the starting point. Each song is started in the same manner,\nfirst in an undertone while the singers stand still in their places,\nand then with full voice as they begin to circle around. At intervals\nbetween the songs, more especially after the trances have begun, the\ndancers unclasp hands and sit down to smoke or talk for a few minutes.\nAt such times the leaders sometimes deliver short addresses or sermons,\nor relate the recent trance experience of the dancer. In holding each\nother\u2019s hands the dancers usually intertwine the fingers instead of\ngrasping the hand as with us. Only an Indian could keep the blanket\nin place as they do under such circumstances. Old people hobbling\nalong with sticks, and little children hardly past the toddling period\nsometimes form a part of the circle, the more vigorous dancers\naccommodating the movement to their weakness. Frequently a woman will\nbe seen to join the circle with an infant upon her back and dance\nwith the others, but should she show the least sign of approaching\nexcitement watchful friends lead her away that no harm may come to the\nchild. Dogs are driven off from the neighborhood of the circle lest\nthey should run against any of those who have fallen into a trance and\nthus awaken them. The dancers themselves are careful not to disturb the\ntrance subjects while their souls are in the spirit world. Full Indian\ndress is worn, with buckskin, paint, and feathers, but among the Sioux\nthe women discarded the belts ornamented with disks of German silver,\nbecause the metal had come from the white man. Among the southern\ntribes, on the contrary, hats were sometimes worn in the dance,\nalthough this was not considered in strict accordance with the doctrine.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXII\n\n THE GHOST DANCE\u2014SMALL CIRCLE]\n\nNo drum, rattle, or other musical instrument is used in the dance,\nexcepting sometimes by an individual dancer in imitation of a trance\nvision. In this respect particularly the Ghost dance differs from every\nother Indian dance. Neither are any fires built within the circle,\nso far as known, with any tribe excepting the Walapai. The northern\nCheyenne, however, built four fires in a peculiar fashion outside\nof the circle, as already described. With most tribes the dance was\nperformed around a tree or pole planted in the center and variously\ndecorated. In the southern plains, however, only the Kiowa seem ever to\nhave followed this method, they sometimes dancing around a cedar tree.\nOn breaking the circle at the end of the dance the performers shook\ntheir blankets or shawls in the air, with the idea of driving away\nall evil influences. On later instructions from the messiah all then\nwent down to bathe in the stream, the men in one place and the women\nin another, before going to their tipis. The idea of washing away evil\nthings, spiritual as well as earthly, by bathing in running water is\ntoo natural and universal to need comment.\n\nThe peculiar ceremonies of prayer and invocation, with the laying on of\nhands and the stroking of the face and body, have several times been\ndescribed and need only be mentioned here. As trance visions became\nfrequent the subjects strove to imitate what they had seen in the\nspirit world, especially where they had taken part with their departed\nfriends in some of the old-time games. In this way gaming wheels,\nshinny sticks, hummers, and other toys or implements would be made and\ncarried in future dances, accompanied with appropriate songs, until\nthe dance sometimes took on the appearance of an exhibition of Indian\ncurios on a small scale.\n\n\n THE CROW DANCE\n\nWithin the last few years the southern Arapaho and Cheyenne have\ndeveloped an auxiliary dance called the \u201ccrow dance,\u201d which is\nperformed in the afternoon as a preliminary to the regular Ghost\ndance at night. As it is no part of the original Ghost dance and is\nconfined to these two tribes, it deserves no extended notice in this\nconnection. Although claimed by its inventors as a direct inspiration\nfrom the other world, where they saw it performed by \u201ccrows,\u201d or\nspirits of departed friends, it is really only a modification of the\npicturesque Omaha dance of the prairie tribes, with the addition\nof religious features borrowed from the new doctrine. The men\nparticipating are stripped to the breechcloth, with their whole\nbodies painted as in the Omaha dance, and wear elaborate pendants of\nvaricolored feathers hanging down behind from the waist. An immense\ndrum is an important feature. Men and women take part, and the songs\nrefer to the general subject of the crow and the messiah, but are set\nto a variety of dance steps and evolutions performed by the dancers.\nAs the leaders, who are chiefly young men, are constantly studying\nnew features, the crow dance has become one of the most attractive\nceremonies among the prairie tribes. Hypnotism and trances form an\nessential feature of this as of the Ghost dance proper. (See plate\n+CXIX+.)\n\n\n THE HYPNOTIC PROCESS\n\nThe most important feature of the Ghost dance, and the secret of the\ntrances, is hypnotism. It has been hastily assumed that hypnotic\nknowledge and ability belong only to an overripe civilization, such\nas that of India and ancient Egypt, or to the most modern period\nof scientific investigation. The fact is, however, that practical\nknowledge, if not understanding, of such things belongs to people who\nlive near to nature, and many of the stories told by reliable travelers\nof the strange performances of savage shamans can be explained only\non this theory. Numerous references in the works of the early Jesuit\nmissionaries, of the Puritan writers of New England, and of English\nexplorers farther to the south, would indicate that hypnotic ability no\nless than sleight-of-hand dexterity formed part of the medicine-man\u2019s\nequipment from the Saint Lawrence to the Gulf. Enough has been said in\nthe chapters on Smoholla and the Shakers to show that hypnotism exists\namong the tribes of the Columbia, and the author has had frequent\nopportunity to observe and study it in the Ghost dance on the plains.\nIt can not be said that the Indian priests understand the phenomenon,\nfor they ascribe it to a supernatural cause, but they know how to\nproduce the effect, as I have witnessed hundreds of times. In treating\nof the subject in connection with the Ghost dance the author must be\nunderstood as speaking from the point of view of an observer and not as\na psychologic expert.\n\nImmediately on coming among the Arapaho and Cheyenne in 1890, I heard\nnumerous stories of wonderful things that occurred in the Ghost\ndance\u2014how people died, went to heaven and came back again, and how\nthey talked with dead friends and brought back messages from the other\nworld. Quite a number who had thus \u201cdied\u201d were mentioned and their\nadventures in the spirit land were related with great particularity\nof detail, but as most of the testimony came from white men, none\nof whom had seen the dance for themselves, I preserved the scientific\nattitude of skepticism. So far as could be ascertained, none of the\nintelligent people of the agency had thought the subject sufficiently\nworthy of serious consideration to learn whether the reports were true\nor false. On talking with the Indians I found them unanimous in their\nstatements as to the visions, until I began to think there might be\nsomething in it.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXIII\n\n THE GHOST DANCE\u2014LARGER CIRCLE]\n\nThe first clue to the explanation came from the statement of his own\nexperience in the trance, given by Paul Boynton, a particularly bright\nCarlisle student, who acted as my interpreter. His brother had died\nsome time before, and as Paul was anxious to see and talk with him,\nwhich the new doctrine taught was possible, he attended the next Ghost\ndance, and putting his hands upon the head of Sitting Bull, according\nto the regular formula, asked him to help him see his dead brother.\nPaul is of an inquiring disposition, and, besides his natural longing\nto meet his brother again, was actuated, as he himself said, by a\ndesire to try \u201cevery Indian trick.\u201d He then told how Sitting Bull had\nhypnotized him with the eagle feather and the motion of his hands,\nuntil he fell unconscious and did really see his brother, but awoke\njust as he was about to speak to him, probably because one of the\ndancers had accidentally brushed against him as he lay on the ground.\nHe embodied his experience in a song which was afterward sung in the\ndance. From his account it seemed almost certain that the secret was\nhypnotism. The explanation might have occurred to me sooner but for\nthe fact that my previous Indian informants, after the manner of some\nother witnesses, had told only about their trance visions, forgetting\nto state how the visions were brought about.\n\nThis was in winter and the ground was covered deeply with snow, which\nstopped the dancing for several weeks. In the meantime I improved the\nopportunity by visiting the tipis every night to learn the songs and\ntalk about the new religion. When the snow melted, the dances were\nrenewed, and as by this time I had gained the confidence of the Indians\nI was invited to be present and thereafter on numerous occasions was\nable to watch the whole process by which the trances were produced.\nFrom the outside hardly anything can be seen of what goes on within\nthe circle, but being a part of the circle myself I was able to see\nall that occurred inside, and by fixing attention on one subject at a\ntime I was able to note all the stages of the phenomenon from the time\nthe subject first attracted the notice of the medicine-man, through\nthe staggering, the rigidity, the unconsciousness, and back again to\nwakefulness. On two occasions my partner in the dance, each time a\nwoman, came under the influence and I was thus enabled to note the\nvery first nervous tremor of her hand and mark it as it increased in\nviolence until she broke away and staggered toward the medicine-man\nwithin the circle.\n\nYoung women are usually the first to be affected, then older women,\nand lastly men. Sometimes, however, a man proves as sensitive as the\naverage woman. In particular I have seen one young Arapaho become\nrigid in the trance night after night. He was a Carlisle student,\nspeaking good English and employed as clerk in a store. He afterward\ntook part in the sun dance, dancing three days and nights without food,\ndrink, or sleep. He is of a quiet, religious disposition, and if of\nwhite parentage would perhaps have become a minister, but being an\nIndian, the same tendency leads him into the Ghost dance and the sun\ndance. The fact that he could endure the terrible ordeal of the sun\ndance would go to show that his physical organization is not frail,\nas is frequently the case with hypnotic or trance subjects. So far as\npersonal observation goes, the hypnotic subjects are usually as strong\nand healthy as the average of their tribe. It seems to be a question\nmore of temperament than of bodily condition or physique. After having\nobserved the Ghost dance among the southern tribes at intervals during\na period of about four years, it is apparent that the hypnotic tendency\nis growing, although the original religious excitement is dying out.\nThe trances are now more numerous among the same number of dancers.\nSome begin to tremble and stagger almost at the beginning of the dance,\nwithout any effort on the part of the medicine-man, while formerly it\nwas usually late in the night before the trances began, although the\nmedicine-men were constantly at work to produce such result. In many\nif not in most cases the medicine-men themselves have been in trances\nproduced in the same fashion, and must thus be considered sensitives as\nwell as those hypnotized by them.\n\nNot every leader in the Ghost dance is able to bring about the hypnotic\nsleep, but anyone may try who feels so inspired. Excepting the seven\nchosen ones who start the songs there is no priesthood in the dance,\nthe authority of such men as Sitting Bull and Black Coyote being due\nto the voluntary recognition of their superior ability or interest in\nthe matter. Any man or woman who has been in a trance, and has thus\nderived inspiration from the other world, is at liberty to go within\nthe circle and endeavor to bring others to the trance. Even when the\nresult is unsatisfactory there is no interference with the performer,\nit being held that he is but the passive instrument of a higher power\nand therefore in no way responsible. A marked instance of this is the\ncase of Cedar Tree, an Arapaho policeman, who took much interest in\nthe dance, attending nearly every performance in his neighborhood,\nconsecrating the ground and working within the circle to hypnotize\nthe dancers. He was in an advanced stage of consumption, nervous and\nexcitable to an extreme degree, and perhaps it was for this reason that\nthose who came under his influence in the trance constantly complained\nthat he led them on the \u201cdevil\u2019s road\u201d instead of the \u201cstraight road;\u201d\nthat he made them see monstrous and horrible shapes, but never the\nfriends whom they wished to see. On this account they all dreaded to\nsee him at work within the circle, but no one commanded him to desist\nas it was held that he was controlled by a stronger power and was to be\npitied rather than blamed for his ill success. A similar idea exists\nin Europe in connection with persons reputed to possess the evil eye.\nCedar Tree himself deplored the result of his efforts and expressed the\nhope that by earnest prayer he might finally be able to overcome the\nevil influence.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXIV\n\n THE GHOST DANCE\u2014LARGE CIRCLE]\n\nWe shall now describe the hypnotic process as used by the operators,\nwith the various stages of the trance. The hypnotist, usually a man,\nstands within the ring, holding in his hand an eagle feather or a\nscarf or handkerchief, white, black, or of any other color. Sometimes\nhe holds the feather in one hand and the scarf in the other. As the\ndancers circle around singing the songs in time with the dance step\nthe excitement increases until the more sensitive ones are visibly\naffected. In order to hasten the result certain songs are sung to\nquicker time, notably the Arapaho song beginning _N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naatani\u2032na\nHu\u2032hu_. We shall assume that the subject is a woman. The first\nindication that she is becoming affected is a slight muscular tremor,\ndistinctly felt by her two partners who hold her hands on either side.\nThe medicine-man is on the watch, and as soon as he notices the woman\u2019s\ncondition he comes over and stands immediately in front of her, looking\nintently into her face and whirling the feather or the handkerchief,\nor both, rapidly in front of her eyes, moving slowly around with the\ndancers at the same time, but constantly facing the woman. All this\ntime he keeps up a series of sharp exclamations, Hu! Hu! Hu! like the\nrapid breathing of an exhausted runner. From time to time he changes\nthe motion of the feather or handkerchief from a whirling to a rapid\nup-and-down movement in front of her eyes. For a while the woman\ncontinues to move around with the circle of dancers, singing the song\nwith the others, but usually before the circuit is completed she loses\ncontrol of herself entirely, and, breaking away from the partners\nwho have hold of her hands on either side, she staggers into the\nring, while the circle at once closes up again behind her. She is now\nstanding before the medicine-man, who gives his whole attention to her,\nwhirling the feather swiftly in front of her eyes, waving his hands\nbefore her face as though fanning her, and drawing his hand slowly from\nthe level of her eyes away to one side or upward into the air, while\nher gaze follows it with a fixed stare. All the time he keeps up the\nHu! Hu! Hu! while the song and the dance go on around them without a\npause. For a few minutes she continues to repeat the words of the song\nand keep time with the step, but in a staggering, drunken fashion. Then\nthe words become unintelligible sounds, and her movements violently\nspasmodic, until at last she becomes rigid, with her eyes shut or\nfixed and staring, and stands thus uttering low pitiful moans (plate\n+CXVII+). If this is in the daytime, the operator tries to stand with\nhis back to the sun, so that the full sunlight shines in the woman\u2019s\nface (plate +CXVI+). The subject may retain this fixed, immovable\nposture for an indefinite time, but at last falls heavily to the\nground, unconscious and motionless (plate +CXVIII+). The dance and the\nsong never stop, but as soon as the woman falls the medicine-man gives\nhis attention to another subject among the dancers. The first one may\nlie unconscious for ten or twenty minutes or sometimes for hours, but\nno one goes near to disturb her, as her soul is now communing with the\nspirit world. At last consciousness gradually returns. A violent tremor\nseizes her body as in the beginning of the fit. A low moan comes from\nher lips, and she sits up and looks about her like one awaking from\nsleep. Her whole form trembles violently, but at last she rises to her\nfeet and staggers away from the dancers, who open the circle to let her\npass. All the phenomena of recovery, except rigidity, occur in direct\nreverse of those which precede unconsciousness.\n\nSometimes before falling the hypnotized subject runs wildly around\nthe circle or out over the prairie, or goes through various crazy\nevolutions like those of a lunatic. On one occasion\u2014but only once\u2014I\nhave seen the medicine-man point his finger almost in the face of the\nhypnotized subject, and then withdrawing his finger describe with it\na large circle about the tipis. The subject followed the direction\nindicated, sometimes being hidden from view by the crowd, and finally\nreturned, with his eyes still fixed and staring, to the place where\nthe medicine-man was standing. There is frequently a good deal of\nhumbug mixed with these performances, some evidently pretending to\nbe hypnotized in order to attract notice or to bring about such\na condition from force of imitation, but the greater portion is\nunquestionably genuine and beyond the control of the subjects. In many\ninstances the hypnotized person spins around for minutes at a time like\na dervish, or whirls the arms with apparently impossible speed, or\nassumes and retains until the final fall most uncomfortable positions\nwhich it would be impossible to keep for any length of time under\nnormal conditions. Frequently a number of persons are within the ring\nat once, in all the various stages of hypnotism. The proportion of\nwomen thus affected is about three times that of men.\n\n\n THE AREA COVERED BY THE DANCE\n\nIt is impossible to give more than an approximate statement as to\nthe area of the Ghost dance and the messiah doctrine and the number\nof Indians involved. According to the latest official report, there\nare about 146,000 Indians west of Missouri river, exclusive of the\nfive civilized nations in Indian Territory. Probably all these tribes\nheard of the new doctrine, but only a part took any active interest\nin it. Generally speaking, it was never taken up by the great tribe\nof the Navaho, by any of the Pueblos except the Taos, or by any of\nthe numerous tribes of the Columbia region. The thirty or thirty-five\ntribes more or less concerned with the dance have an aggregate\npopulation of about 60,000 souls. A number of these were practically\nunanimous in their acceptance of the new doctrine, notably the Paiute,\nShoshoni, Arapaho, Cheyenne, Caddo, and Pawnee, while of others, as\nthe Comanche, only a small minority ever engaged in it. Only about\none-half of the 26,000 Sioux took an active part in it. It may safely\nbe said, however, that the doctrine and ceremony of the Ghost dance\nfound more adherents among our tribes than any similar Indian religious\nmovement within the historic period, with the single possible exception\nof the crusade inaugurated by Tenskwatawa, the Shawano prophet, in\n1805. (See plate +LXXXV+.)\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXV\n\n THE GHOST DANCE\u2014PRAYING]\n\n\n PRESENT CONDITION OF THE DANCE\n\nAmong most of these tribes the movement is already extinct, having\ndied a natural death, excepting in the case of the Sioux. The Shoshoni\nand some others lost faith in it after the failure of the first\npredictions. The Sioux probably discontinued the dance before the final\nsurrender, as the battle of Wounded Knee and the subsequent events\nconvinced even the most fanatic believers that their expectations of\ninvulnerability and supernatural assistance were deceptive. The Paiute\nwere yet dancing a year ago, and as their dream has received no such\nrude awakening as among the Sioux, they are probably still patiently\nawaiting the great deliverance, in spite of repeated postponements,\nalthough the frenzied earnestness of the early period has long ago\nabated. The Kiowa, who discarded the doctrine on the adverse report of\n\u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1, have recently taken up the dance again and are now dancing\nas religiously as ever under the leadership of the old men, although\nthe progressive element in the tribe is strongly opposed to it. Among\nthe other tribes in Oklahoma\u2014especially the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Caddo,\nWichita, Pawnee, and Oto\u2014the Ghost dance has become a part of the\ntribal life and is still performed at frequent intervals, although\nthe feverish expectation of a few years ago has now settled down into\nsomething closely approaching the Christian hope of a reunion with\ndeparted friends in a happier world at some time in the unknown future.\n\nAs for the great messiah himself, when last heard from Wovoka was on\nexhibition as an attraction at the Midwinter fair in San Francisco. By\nthis time he has doubtless retired into his original obscurity.\n\n\n\n\n +Chapter XVI+\n\n PARALLELS IN OTHER SYSTEMS\n\n I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh; and your sons and your\n daughters shall prophesy, your old men shall dream dreams, your\n young men shall see visions.\u2014_Joel._\n\n How is it then, brethren? When ye come together every one of you\n hath a doctrine, hath a revelation.\u2014_I Corinthians._\n\n\n THE BIBLICAL PERIOD\n\nThe remote in time or distance is always strange. The familiar present\nis always natural and a matter of course. Beyond the narrow range of\nour horizon imagination creates a new world, but as we advance in\nany direction, or as we go back over forgotten paths, we find ever\na continuity and a succession. The human race is one in thought and\naction. The systems of our highest modern civilizations have their\ncounterparts among all the nations, and their chain of parallels\nstretches backward link by link until we find their origin and\ninterpretation in the customs and rites of our own barbarian ancestors,\nor of our still existing aboriginal tribes. There is nothing new under\nthe sun.\n\nThe Indian messiah religion is the inspiration of a dream. Its ritual\nis the dance, the ecstasy, and the trance. Its priests are hypnotics\nand cataleptics. All these have formed a part of every great religious\ndevelopment of which we have knowledge from the beginning of history.\n\nIn the ancestors of the Hebrews, as described in the Old Testament, we\nhave a pastoral people, living in tents, acquainted with metal working,\nbut without letters, agriculture, or permanent habitations. They had\nreached about the plane of our own Navaho, but were below that of the\nPueblo. Their mythologic and religious system was closely parallel.\nTheir chiefs were priests who assumed to govern by inspiration from\nGod, communicated through frequent dreams and waking visions. Each of\nthe patriarchs is the familiar confidant of God and his angels, going\nup to heaven in dreams and receiving direct instructions in waking\nvisits, and regulating his family and his tribe, and ordering their\nreligious ritual, in accord with these instructions. Jacob, alone in\nthe desert, sleeps and dreams, and sees a ladder reaching to heaven,\nwith angels going up and down upon it, and God himself, who tells him\nof the future greatness of the Jewish nation. So Wovoka, asleep on\nthe mountain, goes up to the Indian heaven and is told by the Indian\ngod of the coming restoration of his race. Abraham is \u201ctempted\u201d by\nGod and commanded to sacrifice his son, and proceeds to carry out the\nsupernatural injunction. So Black Coyote dreams and is commanded to\nsacrifice himself for the sake of his children.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXVI\n\n THE GHOST DANCE\u2014INSPIRATION]\n\nComing down to a later period we find the Chaldean Job declaring\nthat God speaketh \u201cin a dream, in a vision of the night, when deep\nsleep falleth upon men; then he openeth the ears of men and sealeth\ntheir instruction.\u201d The whole of the prophecies are given as direct\ncommunications from the other world, with the greatest particularity\nof detail, as, for instance, in the beginning of the book of Ezekiel,\nwhere he says that \u201cit came to pass in the thirtieth year, in the\nfourth month, in the fifth day of the month, as I was among the\ncaptives by the river of Chebar, that the heavens were opened and I saw\nvisions of God.\u201d\n\nIn the New Testament, representing the results of six centuries of\ndevelopment beyond the time of the prophets and in intimate contact\nwith more advanced civilizations, we still have the dream as the\ncontrolling influence in religion. In the very beginning of the new\ndispensation we are told that, while Joseph slept, the angel of the\nLord appeared to him in a dream, and as a result \u201cJoseph being raised\nfrom sleep did as the angel of the Lord had bidden him.\u201d The most\nimportant events in the history of the infant redeemer are regulated,\nnot in accordance with the ordinary manner of probabilities, but by\ndreams.\n\nThe four gospels are full of inspirational dreams and trances, such as\nthe vision of Cornelius, and that of Peter, when he went up alone upon\nthe housetop to pray and \u201cfell into a trance and saw heaven opened,\u201d\nand again when \u201ca vision appeared to Paul in the night,\u201d of a man\nwho begged him to come over into Macedonia, so that \u201cimmediately we\nendeavored to go into Macedonia, assuredly gathering that the Lord had\ncalled us.\u201d In another place Paul\u2014the same Paul who had that wonderful\nvision on the road to Damascus\u2014declares that he knew a man who was\ncaught up into paradise and heard unspeakable words. In Paul we have\nthe typical religious evangel, a young enthusiast, a man of sensibility\nand refinement above his fellows, so carried away by devotion to his\nideal that he attaches himself to the most uncompromising sect among\nhis own people, and when it seems to be assailed by an alien force, not\ncontent simply to hold his own belief, he seeks and obtains official\nauthority to root out the heresy. As he goes on this errand, \u201cbreathing\nout threatenings and slaughter,\u201d the mental strain overcomes him.\nHe falls down in the road, hears voices, and sees a strange light.\nHis companions raise him up and lead him by the hand into the city,\nwhere for several days he remains sightless without food or drink.\nFrom this time he is a changed man. Without any previous knowledge or\ninvestigation of the new faith he believes himself called by heaven to\nembrace it, and the same irrepressible enthusiasm which had made him\nits bitterest persecutor leads him now to defend it against all the\nworld and even to cross the sea into a far country in obedience to a\ndream to spread the doctrine. In many respects he reminds us forcibly\nof such later evangelists as Fox and Wesley.\n\nThe cloudy indistinctness which Wovoka and his followers ascribe to\nthe Father as he appears to them in their trance visions has numerous\nparallels in both Testaments. At Sinai the Lord declares to Moses, \u201cI\ncome unto thee in a thick cloud,\u201d and thereafter whenever Moses went\nup the mountain or entered into the tabernacle to receive revelations\n\u201cthe Lord descended upon it in a cloudy pillar.\u201d Job also tells us that\n\u201cthick clouds are a covering to him,\u201d and Isaiah says that he \u201crideth\nupon a swift cloud,\u201d which reminds us of the Ghost song of the Arapaho\nrepresenting the Indian redeemer as coming upon the whirlwind. Moses\ngoes up into a mountain to receive inspiration like Wovoka of the\nPaiute and Bi\u2032\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i of the Kiowa. As Wovoka claims to bring rain or\nsnow at will, so Elijah declares that \u201cthere shall not be dew nor rain\nthese years, but according to my word,\u201d while of the Jewish Messiah\nhimself his wondering disciples say that even the winds and the sea\nobey him.\n\nFasting and solitary contemplation in lonely places were as powerful\nauxiliaries to the trance condition in Bible days as now among the\ntribes of the plains. When Daniel had his great vision by the river\nHiddekel, he tells us that he had been mourning for three full weeks,\nduring which time he \u201cate no pleasant bread, neither came flesh nor\nwine in my mouth, neither did I anoint myself at all.\u201d When the vision\ncomes, all the strength and breath leave his body and he falls down,\nand \u201cthen was I in a deep sleep on my face, and my face toward the\nground.\u201d Six hundred years later, Christ is \u201cled by the spirit into\nthe wilderness, being forty days tempted by the devil, and in those\ndays he did eat nothing.\u201d Another instance occurs at his baptism, when,\nas he was coming out of the water, he saw the heavens opened and the\nspirit like a dove, and heard a voice, and immediately was driven by\nthe spirit into the wilderness. In the transfiguration on the mountain,\nwhen \u201chis face did shine as the sun,\u201d and in the agony of Gethsemane,\nwith its mental anguish and bloody sweat, we see the same phenomena\nthat appear in the lives of religious enthusiasts from Mohammed and\nJoan of Arc down to George Fox and the prophets of the Ghost dance.\n\nDancing, which forms so important a part of primitive rituals, had a\nplace among the forms of the ancient Hebrew and of their neighbors,\nalthough there are but few direct references to it in the Bible. The\nbest example occurs in the account of the transfer of the ark to Zion,\nwhere there were processions and sacrifices, and King David himself\n\u201cdanced before the Lord with all his might.\u201d\n\n\n MOHAMMEDANISM\n\nSix hundred years after the birth of Christianity another great\nreligion, which numbers its adherents by the hundred million, had\nits origin in the same region and among a kindred Semitic race. Its\nprophet and high priest was the cataleptic Mohammed, who was born\nabout the year 570 and died in 642. In infancy and all through life\nhe was afflicted with epileptic attacks and fainting fits, during\nwhich he would lose all appearance of life without always losing\ninner consciousness. It was while in this condition that he received\nthe visions and revelations on which he built his religious system.\nFrequently at such times it was necessary to wrap him up to preserve\nlife in his body, and at other times he was restored by being\ndrenched with cold water. At one time for a period of two years he was\nin such a mental condition\u2014subject to hallucinations\u2014that he doubted\nhis own sanity, believing himself to be possessed by evil spirits, and\ncontemplated suicide. \u201cIt is disputed whether Mohammed was epileptic,\ncataleptic, hysteric, or what not. Sprenger seems to think that the\nanswer to this medical question is the key to the whole problem of\nIslam.\u201d (\u201c_Mohammedanism_,\u201d in _Encyclopedia Britannica_.) To how many\nother systems might such an answer be the key?\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXVII\n\n THE GHOST DANCE\u2014RIGID]\n\nWe are told that ordinarily his body had but little natural warmth, but\nthat whenever the angel appeared to him, as the Mohammedan biographers\nexpress it, the perspiration burst out on his forehead, his eyes became\nred, he trembled violently, and would bellow like a young camel\u2014all the\naccompaniments of the most violent epileptic fit. Usually the fit ended\nin a swoon. There is no question that he was sincere in his claim of\ndivine inspiration. His last hours were serene and peaceful, and there\nis no evidence of the slightest misgiving on his part as to the reality\nof his mission as a prophet sent from God. Some of his inspiration came\nin dreams, and he was accustomed to say that a prophet\u2019s dream is a\nrevelation. At times the revelation came to him without any painful or\nstrange accompaniment.\n\nThe fit during which he received the revelation of his religious\nmission is thus described, as it came to him after a long period of\ndespondency and mental hallucinations: \u201cIn this morbid state of feeling\nhe is said to have heard a voice, and on raising his head, beheld\nGabriel, who assured him he was the prophet of God. Frightened, he\nreturned home, and called for covering. He had a fit, and they poured\ncold water on him, and when he came to himself he heard these words:\n\u2018Oh, thou covered one, arise, and preach, and magnify thy Lord;\u2019 and\nhenceforth, we are told, he received revelations without intermission.\nBefore this supposed revelation he had been medically treated on\naccount of the evil eye, and when the Koran first descended to him he\nfell into fainting fits, when, after violent shudderings, his eyes\nclosed, and his mouth foamed.\u201d (_Gardner, Faiths of the World._)\n\nSolitude also had much to do with his visions, as a great part of his\nearly life was spent in the lonely occupation of a shepherd among\nthe Arabian mountains. Like other prophets he asserted that the\nvarious angels had offered him control over the stars, the sun, the\nmountains, and the sea. Further, it is claimed most positively by all\nhis followers that his great ascent into the seven heavens was made\nbodily and in full wakefulness, and not merely in spirit while asleep,\nand this assertion they supported by \u201cthe declarations of God and his\nprophet, the im\u00e2ms of the truth, the verses of the Koran, and thousands\nof traditions,\u201d as earnestly as religious enthusiasts the world over\nhave ever backed up the impossible.\n\nThe kinship of the late Semitic idea to the old is well exemplified in\nMohammed\u2019s account of this vision, in which he is conducted to Mount\nSinai, where he is directed to alight and pray, because there God\nhad spoken to Moses, after which he is conducted to Bethlehem, where\nagain he is directed to alight and pray, because there Jesus was born,\nafter which again he is brought into the presence of Abraham, Moses,\nEnoch, John the Baptist, and Jesus, by all of whom he was hailed as a\nworthy brother and prophet. The direct descent becomes plainer still\nwhen we learn how Mohammed, on his return from talking with God in the\nseventh heaven, again meets Moses, who persuades him that the religious\nexercises prescribed by God for the faithful are too onerous, and goes\nback with him to plead with the Lord for a reduction of the daily\nprayers from fifty to five as Abraham pleaded for Sodom.\n\nThe spirit world of our Indians is a place where death and old age are\nunknown, and where every one is happy in the simple happiness which\nhe knew on earth\u2014hunting, feasting, and playing the old-time games\nwith former friends, but without war, for there all is peace. The\nideal happiness is material, perhaps, but it is such happiness as the\nworld might long for, with nothing in it gross or beyond reasonable\nprobability. The Semitic ideal, from which our own is derived, is very\ndifferent. We get one conception, in the book of Revelation and the\nlimits of space, whose business is every morning to praise the Lord\nand set all the cocks on earth to crowing after him. There is an angel\nwho bathes daily in a river, after which he flaps his wings, and from\nevery drop that falls from them there is created an angel with 20,000\nfaces and 40,000 tongues, each of which speaks a distinct language,\nunintelligible to the rest. But the masterpiece is the tree _tooba_,\nwhose fruit is the food of the inhabitants of paradise. Every branch\nproduces a hundred thousand different-colored fruits, while from its\nroots run rivers of water, milk, wine, and honey. As if this were not\nenough, the tree produces also ready-made clothing. \u201cOn the tree were\nbaskets filled with garments of the brocade and satin of paradise.\nA million of baskets are allotted to each believer, each basket\ncontaining a hundred thousand garments, all of different class and\nfashion\u201d\u2014and so on ad nauseam. (_Merrick\u2019s Mohammed._) When we reflect\nthat this is accepted by more than 150,000,000 civilized Orientals,\nfrom whom we have derived much of our own culture, we may, perhaps, be\nmore tolerantly disposed toward the American Indian belief.\n\n\n JOAN OF ARC\n\nThe most remarkable, the most heroic and pathetic instance of religious\nhallucination in Europe is that of Joan of Arc, known as the Maid of\nOrleans, born in 1412 and burned at the stake in 1431, and recently\nbeatified as the patron saint of France. Naturally of a contemplative\ndisposition, she was accustomed from earliest childhood to long fasts\nand solitary communings, in which she brooded over the miserable\ncondition of her country, then overrun by English armies. When 13 years\nof age, she had a vision in which a voice spoke to her from out of a\ngreat light, telling her that God had chosen her to restore France.\nShe immediately fell on her knees and made a vow of virginity and\nentire devotion to the cause, and from that day to the time of her\ncruel death she believed herself inspired and guided by supernatural\nvoices to lead her countrymen against the invader. A simple peasant\ngirl, she sought out the royal court and boldly announced to the king\nher divine mission. Her manner made such an impression that she was\nassigned a command, and putting on a soldier\u2019s dress and carrying a\nsword which she claimed had come to her through miraculous means, she\nled the armies of France, performing superhuman feats of courage and\nendurance and winning victory after victory for three years until she\nwas finally captured. After a long and harassing mockery of a trial, in\nwhich the whole machinery of the law and the church was brought into\naction for the destruction of one poor girl barely 19 years of age, she\nwas finally condemned and burned at Rouen, ostensibly as a witch and a\nheretic, but really as the most dangerous enemy of English tyranny in\nFrance.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXVIII\n\n THE GHOST DANCE\u2014UNCONSCIOUS]\n\nShe was forever hearing these spirit voices, which she called \u201cher\nvoices\u201d or \u201cher counsel.\u201d They spoke to her with articulate words\nin the ripple of the village fountain, in the vesper bells, in the\nrustling of the leaves, and in the sighing of the wind. Sometimes it\nwas the warlike archangel Michael, but oftener it was the gentle Saint\nKatherine, who appeared to her as a beautiful woman wearing a crown.\nHer visions must be ascribed to the effect of the troubled times in\nwhich she lived, acting on an enthusiastic, unquestioning religious\ntemperament. She is described as physically robust and intellectually\nkeen, aside from her hallucination, as was proven in her trial, and\nthere is no evidence that she was subject to epilepsy or other abnormal\nconditions such as belonged to Mohammed and most others of the same\nclass. Her long and frequent fasts unquestionably aided the result. She\nclaimed no supernatural powers outside of her peculiar mission, and in\nevery public undertaking relied entirely on the guidance of her voices.\n\nToward the end these voices were accompanied by other hallucinations,\ntogether with presentiments of her coming death. On one occasion, while\nassaulting a garrison, her men fled, leaving her standing on the moat\nwith only four or five soldiers. Seeing her danger, a French officer\ngalloped up to rescue her and impatiently asked her why she stood\nthere alone. Lifting her helmet from her face she looked at him with\nastonishment and replied that she was not alone\u2014that she had 50,000 men\nwith her\u2014and then, despite his entreaties, she turned to her phantom\narmy and shouted out her commands to bring logs to bridge the moat. It\nwas in April, while standing alone on the ramparts of M\u00e9lun, that the\nvoices first told her that she would be taken before midsummer. From\nthat time the warning was constantly repeated, and although she told\nno one and still exposed herself fearlessly, she no longer assumed the\nresponsibility of command. Two months later she was in the hands of her\nenemies.\n\nThroughout the trial every effort was made by her enemies to shake her\nstatement as to the voices, or, failing in that, to prove them from\nthe devil, but to the last she steadfastly maintained that the voices\nwere with her and came from heaven. According to her own statement\nthese voices were three\u2014one remained always with her, another visited\nher at short intervals, while both deliberated with the third. On one\noccasion, when hard pressed by her enemies, she answered solemnly, \u201cI\nbelieve firmly, as firmly as I believe the Christian faith and that God\nhas redeemed us from the pains of hell, that the voice comes from God\nand by his command.\u201d And again she asserted, \u201cI have seen Saint Michael\nand the two saints so well that I know they are saints of paradise. I\nhave seen them with my bodily eyes, and I believe they are saints as\nfirmly as I believe that God exists.\u201d\n\nWhen questioned as to her original inspiration, she stated that the\nvoice had first come to her when she was about 13 years of age. \u201cThe\nfirst time I heard it I was very much afraid. It was in my father\u2019s\ngarden at noon in the summer. I had fasted the day before. The voice\ncame from the right hand by the church, and there was a great light\nwith it. When I came into France, I heard it frequently. I believe it\nwas sent me from God. After I heard it three times, I knew it was the\nvoice of an angel. I understand perfectly what it says. It bade me be\ngood and go to church often, and it told me I must go into France. Two\nor three times a week it said I must go into France, until I could\nno longer rest where I was. It told me I should raise the siege of\nOrleans, and that Robert de Baudricourt would give me people to conduct\nme. Twice he repulsed me, but the third time he received me and sped me\non my way.\u201d\n\nThe examiners were very curious to know by what sign she had recognized\nthe king when she had first seen him in the midst of his courtiers.\nTo this question she said she must first consult with Saint Katherine\nbefore replying, and afterward continued: \u201cThe sign was a crown. The\nfirst time I saw the king he had the sign, and it signified that he\nshould hold the kingdom of France. I neither touched it nor kissed it.\nThe angel came by the command of God and entered by the door of the\nroom. I came with the angel up the steps to the king\u2019s room and the\nangel came before the king and bowed and inclined himself before the\nking, and said: \u2018My lord, here is your sign; take it.\u2019 He departed by\nthe way he had come. There were a number of other angels with him, and\nSaint Katherine and Saint Margaret. In the little chapel he left me. I\nwas neither glad nor afraid, but I was very sorrowful, and I wish he\nhad taken away my soul with him.\u201d\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXIX\n\n THE CROW DANCE]\n\nTo another question she replied emphatically: \u201cIf I were at judgment,\nif I saw the fire kindled and the fagots ablaze and the executioner\nready to stir the fire, and if I were in the fire, I would say no more,\nand to the death I would maintain what I have said in the trial.\u201d\n\nThe end came at last in the market place of Rouen, when this young\ngirl, whose name for years had been a terror to the whole English army,\nwas dragged in her white shroud and bound to the stake, and saw the\nwood heaped up around her and the cruel fire lighted under her feet.\n\u201cBrother Martin, standing almost in the draft of the flames, heard\nher sob with a last sublime effort of faith, bearing her witness to\nGod whom she trusted: \u2018My voices have not deceived me!\u2019 And then came\ndeath.\u201d (_Parr, Jeanne d\u2019Arc._)\n\n\n DANCE OF SAINT JOHN\n\nIn 1374 an epidemic of maniacal religious dancing broke out on the\nlower Rhine and spread rapidly over Germany, the Netherlands, and\ninto France. The victims of the mania claimed to dance in honor of\nSaint John. Men and women went about dancing hand in hand, in pairs,\nor in a circle, on the streets, in the churches, at their homes, or\nwherever they might be, hour after hour without rest until they fell\ninto convulsions. While dancing they sang doggerel verses in honor\nof Saint John and uttered unintelligible cries. Of course they saw\nvisions. At last whole companies of these crazy fanatics, men, women,\nand children, went dancing through the country, along the public roads,\nand into the cities, until the clergy felt compelled to interfere, and\ncured the dancers by exorcising the evil spirits that moved them. In\nthe fifteenth century the epidemic broke out again. The dancers were\nnow formed into divisions by the clergy and sent to the church of Saint\nVitus at Rotestein, where prayers were said for them, and they were led\nin procession around the altar and dismissed cured. Hence the name of\nSaint Vitus\u2019 dance given to one variety of abnormal muscular tremor.\n(_Schaff, Religious Encyclopedia._)\n\n\n THE FLAGELLANTS\n\nAbout the same time another strange religious extravagance spread over\nwestern Europe. Under the name of Flagellants, thousands of enthusiasts\nbanded together with crosses, banners, hymns, and all the paraphernalia\nof religion, and went about in procession, publicly scourging one\nanother as an atonement for their sins and the sins of mankind in\ngeneral. They received their first impetus from the preaching of Saint\nAnthony of Padua in the thirteenth century. About the year 1260 the\nmovement broke out nearly simultaneously in Italy, France, Germany,\nAustria, and Poland, and afterward spread into Denmark and England. It\nwas at its height in the fourteenth century. In Germany in 1261 the\ndevotees, preceded by banner and crosses, marched with faces veiled\nand bodies bared above the waist, and scourged themselves twice a day\nfor thirty-three successive days in memory of the thirty-three years\nof Christ\u2019s life. The strokes of the whip were timed to the music of\nhymns. Men and women together took part in the scourging. The mania\nfinally wore itself out, but reappeared in 1349 with more systematic\norganization. According to Schaff, \u201cWhen they came to towns, the bands\nmarched in regular military order and singing hymns. At the time of\nflagellation they selected a square or churchyard or field. Taking off\ntheir shoes and stockings and forming a circle, they girded themselves\nwith aprons and laid down flat on the ground.... The leader then\nstepped over each one, touched them with the whip, and bade them rise.\nAs each was touched they followed after the leader and imitated him.\nOnce all on their feet the flagellation began. The brethren went two\nby two around the whole circle, striking their backs till the blood\ntrickled down from the wounds. The whip consisted of three thongs, each\nwith four iron teeth. During the flagellation a hymn was sung. After\nall had gone around the circle the whole body again fell on the ground,\nbeating upon their breasts. On arising they flagellated themselves\na second time. While the brethren were putting on their clothes a\ncollection was taken up among the audience. The scene was concluded\nby the reading of a letter from Christ, which an angel had brought\nto earth and which commended the pilgrimages of the Flagellants. The\nfraternities never tarried longer than a single day in a town. They\ngained great popularity, and it was considered an honor to entertain\nthem.\u201d (_Schaff, Religious Encyclopedia._) The society still exists\namong the Latin races, although under the ban of the church. As late\nas 1820 a procession of Flagellants passed through the streets of\nLisbon. Under the name of Penitentes they have several organizations\nin the Mexican towns of our southwest, where they periodically appear\nin processions, inflicting horrible self-torture on themselves, even\nto the extent of binding one of their number upon a cross, which is\nthen set up in the ground, while the blood streams down the body of\nthe victim from the wounds made by a crown of cactus thorns and from\ninnumerable gashes caused by the thorny whips. Such things among people\ncalled civilized enables us to understand the feeling which leads the\nIndian to offer himself a willing sacrifice in the sun dance and other\npropitiatory rites.\n\n\n RANTERS, QUAKERS, AND FIFTH-MONARCHY MEN\n\nThe middle of the seventeenth century was a time of great religious and\npolitical upheaval in England. Hatreds were intense and persecutions\ncruel and bitter, until men\u2019s minds gave way under the strain. \u201cThe\nair was thick with reports of prophecies and miracles, and there were\nmen of all parties who lived on the border land between sanity and\ninsanity.\u201d This was due chiefly to the long-continued mental tension\nwhich bore on the whole population during this troublous period, and\nin particular cases to wholesale confiscations, by which families\nwere ruined, and to confinement in wretched prisons, suffering from\ninsufficient food and brutal treatment. Individuals even in the\nestablished church began to assert supernatural power, while numerous\nnew sects sprang up, with prophecy, miracle working, hypnotism, and\nconvulsive ecstasy as parts of their doctrine or ritual. Chief among\nthese were the Ranters, the Quakers, and the Fifth-Monarchy Men. The\nfirst and last have disappeared with the conditions which produced\nthem; but the Quakers, being based on a principle, have outlasted\npersecution, and, discarding the extravagances which belonged to the\nearly period, are now on a permanent foundation under the name of the\n\u201cSociety of Friends.\u201d One of the Ranter prophets, in 1650, claimed to\nbe the reincarnation of Melchizedek, and even declared his divinity. He\nasserted that certain persons then living were Cain, Judas, Jeremiah,\netc., whom, he had raised from the dead, and the strangest part of\nit was that the persons concerned stoutly affirmed the truth of his\nassertion. Others of them claimed to work miracles and to produce\nlights and apparitions in the dark. In Barclay\u2019s opinion all the\nevidence \u201csupports the view that these persons were mad, and had a\nsingular power of producing a kind of sympathetic madness or temporary\naberration of intellect in others.\u201d\n\nWe are better acquainted with the Quakers (Friends), although it is\nnot generally known that they were originally addicted to similar\npractices. Such, however, is the fact, as is shown by the name itself.\nTheir founder, George Fox, claimed and believed that he had the gift\nof prophecy and clairvoyance, and of healing by a mere word, and his\nbiographer, Janney, of the same denomination, apparently sees no reason\nto doubt that such was the case. As might have been expected, he was\nalso a believer in dreams.\n\nWe are told that on one occasion, on coming into the town of Lichfield,\n\u201ca very remarkable exercise attended his mind, and going through\nthe streets without his shoes he cried, \u2018Woe to the bloody city of\nLichfield.\u2019 His feelings were deeply affected, for there seemed to\nbe a channel of blood running down the streets, and the market place\nappeared like a pool of blood.\u201d On inquiry he learned that a large\nnumber of Christians had been put to death there during the reign\nof the Emperor Diocletian thirteen centuries before. \u201cHe therefore\nattributed the exercise which came upon him to the sense that was given\nhim of the blood of the martyrs.\u201d\n\nWe are also told that he \u201creceived an evidence\u201d of the great fire of\nLondon in 1666, before the event, and Janney narrates at length a\n\u201cstill more remarkable vision\u201d of the same fire by another Friend,\n\u201cwhose prophecy is well attested.\u201d According to the account, this man\nrode into the city, as though having come in haste, and went up and\ndown the streets for two days, prophesying that the city would be\ndestroyed by fire. To others of his own denomination he declared that\nhe had had a vision of the event some time before, but had delayed to\ndeclare it as commanded, until he felt the fire in his own bosom. When\nthe fire did occur as he had predicted, he stood before the flames with\narms outstretched, as if to stay their advance, until forcibly brought\naway by his friends.\n\nIn mental and physical temperament Fox seems to have closely resembled\nMohammed and the Indian prophets of the Ghost dance. We are told that\nhe had much mental suffering and was often under great temptation. \u201cHe\nfasted much, and walked abroad in solitary places. Taking his Bible,\nhe sat in hollow trees or secluded spots, and often at night he walked\nalone in silent meditation.\u201d At one time \u201che fell into such a condition\nthat he looked like a corpse, and many who came to see him supposed him\nto be really dead. In this trance he continued fourteen days, after\nwhich his sorrow began to abate, and with brokenness of heart and tears\nof joy he acknowledged the infinite love of God.\u201d (_Janney, George\nFox._)\n\nThe sect obtained the name of Quakers from the violent tremblings which\novercame the worshipers in the early days, and which they regarded\nas manifestations of divine power on them. So violent were these\nconvulsions that, as their own historian tells us, on one occasion the\nhouse itself seemed to be shaken. According to another authority, men\nand women sometimes fell down and lay upon the ground struggling as if\nfor life. Their ministers, however, seem not to have encouraged such\nexhibitions, but strove to relieve the fit by putting the patient to\nbed and administering soothing medicines. (_\u201cQuakers,\u201d Encyclopedia\nBritannica._)\n\nThe Fifth-Monarchy Men were a small band of religionists who arose\nabout the same time, proclaiming that the \u201cFifth Monarchy\u201d prophesied\nby Daniel was at hand, when Christ would come down from heaven and\nreign visibly upon earth for a thousand years. In 1657 they formed\na plot to kill Cromwell, and in 1661 they broke out in insurrection\nat night, parading the streets with a banner on which was depicted a\nlion, proclaiming that Christ had come and declaring that they were\ninvulnerable and invincible, as \u201cKing Jesus\u201d was their invisible\nleader. Troops were called out against them, but the Fifth-Monarchy\nMen, expecting supernatural assistance, refused to submit, and fought\nuntil they were nearly all shot down. The leaders were afterward\ntried and executed. (_Janney\u2019s George Fox_ and _Schaff\u2019s Religious\nEncyclopedia_.)\n\n\n FRENCH PROPHETS\n\nForty years later, about the end of the seventeenth century, another\nsect of convulsionists, being driven out of France, \u201cfound an asylum in\nProtestant countries [and] carried with them the disease, both of mind\nand body, which their long sufferings had produced.\u201d They spread into\nGermany and Holland, and in 1706 reached England, where they became\nknown as \u201cFrench prophets.\u201d Their meetings were characterized by such\nextravagance of convulsion and trance performance that they became\nthe wonder of the ignorant and the scandal of the more intelligent\nclasses, notwithstanding which the infection spread far and wide.\nWe are told that they \u201cwere wrought upon in a very extraordinary\nmanner, not only in their minds, but also in their physical systems.\nThey had visions and trances and were subject to violent agitations\nof body. Men and women, and even little children, were so exercised\nthat spectators were struck with great wonder and astonishment. Their\npowerful admonitions and prophetic warnings were heard and received\nwith reverence and awe.\u201d\n\nAt one time Charles Wesley had occasion to stop for the night with a\ngentleman who belonged to the sect. Wesley was unaware of the fact\nuntil, as they were about to go to bed, his new friend suddenly fell\ninto a violent fit and began to gobble like a turkey. Wesley was\nfrightened and began exorcising him, so that he soon recovered from the\nfit, when they went to bed, although the evangelist confesses that he\nhimself did not sleep very soundly with Satan so near him.\n\nSome time afterward Wesley with several companions visited a prophetess\nof the sect, as he says, to try whether the spirits came from God.\nShe was a young woman of agreeable speech and manner. \u201cPresently she\nleaned back in her chair and had strong workings in her breast and\nuttered deep sighs. Her head and her hands and by turns every part of\nher body were affected with convulsive motions. This continued about\nten minutes. Then she began to speak with a clear, strong voice, but so\ninterrupted with the workings, sighings, and contortions of her body\nthat she seldom brought forth half a sentence together. What she said\nwas chiefly in spiritual words, and all as in the person of God, as if\nit were the language of immediate inspiration.\u201d (_Southey\u2019s Wesley_,\n_I_, and _Evans\u2019 Shakers_.)\n\n\n JUMPERS\n\nAbout 1740 a similar extravagant sect, known as the Jumpers, arose in\nWales. According to the description given by Wesley, their exercises\nwere a very exact parallel of the Ghost dance. \u201cAfter the preaching\nwas over anyone who pleased gave out a verse of a hymn, and this\nthey sung over and over again, with all their might and main, thirty\nor forty times, till some of them worked themselves into a sort of\ndrunkenness or madness; they were then violently agitated, and leaped\nup and down in all manner of postures frequently for hours together.\u201d A\ncontemporary writer states that he had seen perhaps ten thousand at a\nsingle meeting of the Jumpers shouting out in the midst of the sermon\nand ready to leap for joy. (_Southey\u2019s Wesley_, _II_.)\n\n\n METHODISTS\n\nAbout the same time the Methodists originated in England under Wesley\nand Whitefield, and their assemblies were characterized by all the\nhysteric and convulsive extravagance which they brought with them to\nthis country, and which is not even yet extinct in the south. The\nmost remarkable of these exhibitions took place under the preaching of\nWesley, following him, as we are told, wherever he went. Whitefield,\nalthough more forcible and sensational in his preaching, did not at\nfirst produce the same effect on his hearers, and considered such\nmanifestations as but doubtful signs of the presence of the Lord and\nby no means to be encouraged. On preaching, however, to a congregation\nin which Wesley had already produced such convulsions, and where,\nconsequently, there was a predisposition in this direction, several\npersons were thus seized and sank down upon the floor, and we are told\nby the biographer \u201cthis was a great triumph to Wesley.\u201d\n\nWesley himself describes several instances. At one time, he states,\na physician suspecting fraud attended a meeting during which a woman\nwas thrown into a fit, crying aloud and weeping violently, until great\ndrops of sweat ran down her face and her whole body shook. The doctor\nstood close by, noting every symptom, and not knowing what to think,\nbeing convinced that it was not fraud or any natural disorder. \u201cBut\nwhen both her soul and body were healed in a moment he acknowledged\nthe finger of God.\u201d On another occasion, Wesley tells us, \u201cWhile I\nwas earnestly inviting all men to enter into the Holiest by this new\nand living way, many of those that heard began to call upon God with\nstrong cries and tears. Some sank down, and there remained no strength\nin them. Others exceedingly trembled and quaked. Some were torn with a\nkind of convulsive motion in every part of their bodies, and that so\nviolently that often four or five persons could not hold one of them.\nI have seen many hysterical and epileptic fits, but none of them were\nlike these in many respects. I immediately prayed that God would not\nsuffer those who were weak to be offended; but one woman was greatly,\nbeing sure that they might help it if they would, no one should\npersuade her to the contrary; and she was got three or four yards, when\nshe also dropped down in as violent an agony as the rest.\u201d\n\nAt another time, \u201cwhile he was speaking one of his hearers dropped\ndown, and in the course of half an hour seven others, in violent\nagonies. The pains as of hell, he says, came about them; but\nnotwithstanding his own reasoning neither he nor his auditors called\nin question the divine origin of these emotions, and they went away\nrejoicing and praising God.... Sometimes he scarcely began to speak\nbefore some of his believers, overwrought with expectation, fell into\nthe crisis, for so it may be called in this case, as properly as in\nanimal magnetism. Sometimes his voice could scarcely be heard amid the\ngroans and cries of these suffering and raving enthusiasts. It was\nnot long before men, women, and children began to act the demoniac as\nwell as the convert. Wesley had seen many hysterical fits and many\nfits of epilepsy, but none that were like these, and he confirmed the\npatients in their belief that they were torn of Satan. One or two\nindeed perplexed him a little, for they were tormented in such an\nunaccountable manner that they seemed to be lunatic, he says, as well\nas sore vexed. But suspicions of this kind made little impression\nupon his intoxicated understanding; the fanaticism which he had\nexcited in others was now reacting upon himself. How should it have\nbeen otherwise? A Quaker, who was present at one meeting and inveighed\nagainst what he called the dissimulation of these creatures, caught\nthe contagious emotion himself, and even while he was biting his lips\nand knitting his brows, dropped down as if he had been struck by\nlightning.\u201d (_Southey\u2019s Wesley._)\n\n\n SHAKERS\n\nAbout the year 1750 there originated in England another peculiar body\nof sectarians calling themselves the \u201cUnited Society of Believers in\nChrist\u2019s Second Appearing,\u201d but commonly known, for obvious reasons,\nas Shakers. Their chief prophetess and founder was \u201cMother\u201d Ann Lee,\nwhom they claim as the actual reincarnation of Christ. They claim also\nthe inspiration of prophecy, the gift of healing, and sometimes even\nthe gift of tongues, and believe in the reality of constant intercourse\nwith the spirit world through visions. In consequence of persecution\nin England, on account of their public dancing, shouting, and shaking,\nthey removed to this country about 1780 and settled at New Lebanon, New\nYork, where the society still keeps up its organization.\n\nThe best idea of the Shakers is given in a small volume by Evans,\nwho was himself a member of the sect. Speaking of the convulsive\nmanifestations among them, he says: \u201cSometimes, after sitting awhile\nin silent meditation, they were seized with a mighty trembling, under\nwhich they would often express the indignation of God against all sin.\nAt other times they were exercised with singing, shouting, and leaping\nfor joy at the near prospect of salvation. They were often exercised\nwith great agitation of body and limbs, shaking, running, and walking\nthe floor, with a variety of other operations and signs, swiftly\npassing and repassing each other like clouds agitated with a mighty\nwind. These exercises, so strange in the eyes of the beholders, brought\nupon them the appellation of Shakers, which has been their most common\nname of distinction ever since.\u201d With regard to their dancing, he says:\n\u201cIt is pretty generally known that the Shakers serve God by singing\nand dancing; but why they practice this mode of worship is not so\ngenerally understood.... When sin is fully removed, by confessing and\nforsaking it, the cause of heaviness, gloom, and sorrow is gone, and\njoy and rejoicing, and thanksgiving and praise are then the spontaneous\neffects of a true spirit of devotion. And whatever manner the spirit\nmay dictate, or whatever the form into which the spirit may lead, it\nis acceptable to Him from whom the spirit proceeds.\u201d On one particular\noccasion, \u201cprevious to our coming we called a meeting and there was\n[sic] so many gifts (such as prophecies, revelations, visions, and\ndreams) in confirmation of a former revelation for us to come that\nsome could hardly wait for others to tell their gifts. We had a joyful\nmeeting and danced till morning.\u201d\n\nOf Ann Lee, their founder, he asserts that she saw Jesus Christ in open\nvision and received direct revelations from this source. On a certain\noccasion she herself declared to her followers: \u201cThe room over your\nhead is full of angels of God. I see them, and you could see them if\nyou were redeemed. I look in at the windows of heaven and see what\nthere is in the invisible world. I see the angels of God, and hear them\nsing. I see the glories of God. I see Ezekiel Goodrich flying from one\nheaven to another!\u201d And, turning to the company present, she said, \u201cGo\nin and join his resurrection.\u201d She then began to sing, and they praised\nthe Lord in the dance. On another occasion she said: \u201cThe apostles, in\ntheir day, saw as through a glass darkly, but we see face to face, and\nsee things as they are, and converse with spirits and see their states.\nThe gospel is preached to souls who have left the body. I see thousands\nof the dead rising and coming to judgment, now at this present time.\u201d\nAt another time she declared that she had seen a certain young woman in\nthe spirit world, \u201cpraising God in the dance;\u201d and of a man deceased,\n\u201cHe has appeared to me again, and has arisen from the dead and come\ninto the first heaven and is traveling on to the second and third\nheaven.\u201d\n\nTheir dance is performed regularly at their religious gatherings at the\nNew Lebanon settlement. The two sexes are arranged in ranks opposite\nand facing each other, in which position they listen to a sermon by\none of the elders, after which a hymn is sung. They then form a circle\naround a party of singers, to whose singing they keep time in the\ndance. At times the excitement and fervor of spirit become intense,\nand their bodily evolutions as rapid as those of the dervishes,\nalthough still preserving the order of the dance. (_Evans\u2019 Shakers_ and\nencyclopedia articles on _Shakers_.)\n\n\n KENTUCKY REVIVAL\n\nAbout the year 1800 an epidemic of religious frenzy, known as the\nKentucky Revival, broke out in Kentucky and Tennessee, chiefly among\nthe Methodists and Baptists, with accompaniments that far surpassed the\nwildest excesses of the Ghost dance. Fanatic preachers taught their\ndeluded followers that the spiritual advent of the kingdom was near at\nhand, when Christ would reign on earth and there would be an end of\nall sin. The date generally fixed for the consummation was the summer\nof 1805, and the excitement continued and grew in violence for several\nyears until the time came and passed without extraordinary event,\nwhen the frenzy gradually subsided, leaving the ignorant believers\nin a state of utter collapse. The performances at the meetings of\nthese enthusiasts were of the most exaggerated camp-meeting order,\nsuch as may still be witnessed in many parts of the south, especially\namong the colored people. Evans, the Shaker historian, who is strong\nin the gift of faith, tells us that \u201cthe subjects of this work were\ngreatly exercised in dreams, visions, revelations, and the spirit of\nprophecy. In these gifts of the spirit they saw and testified that the\ngreat day of God was at hand, that Christ was about to set up his\nkingdom on earth, and that this very work would terminate in the full\nmanifestation of the latter day of glory.\u201d\n\nFrom another authority, endowed perhaps with less of fervor but with\nmore of common sense, we get a description of these \u201cexercises\u201d which\nhas a familiar ring that seems to bring it very near home. \u201cThe\npeople remained on the ground day and night, listening to the most\nexciting sermons, and engaging in a mode of worship which consisted in\nalternate crying, laughing, singing, and shouting, accompanied with\ngesticulations of a most extraordinary character. Often there would\nbe an unusual outcry; some bursting forth into loud ejaculations of\nthanksgiving; others exhorting their careless friends to \u2018turn to\nthe Lord;\u2019 some struck with terror, and hastening to escape; others\ntrembling, weeping, and swooning away, till every appearance of life\nwas gone, and the extremities of the body assumed the coldness of a\ncorpse. At one meeting not less than a thousand persons fell to the\nground, apparently without sense or motion. It was common to see them\nshed tears plentifully about an hour before they fell. They were then\nseized with a general tremor, and sometimes they uttered one or two\npiercing shrieks in the moment of falling. This latter phenomenon was\ncommon to both sexes, to all ages, and to all sorts of characters.\u201d\n(_Caswall, The Prophet of the Nineteenth Century_, quoted by _Remy_.)\n\nAfter a time these crazy performances in the sacred name of religion\nbecame so much a matter of course that they were regularly classified\nin categories as the rolls, the jerks, the barks, etc. \u201cThe rolling\nexercise was affected by doubling themselves up, then rolling from one\nside to the other like a hoop, or in extending the body horizontally\nand rolling over and over in the filth like so many swine. The jerk\nconsisted in violent spasms and twistings of every part of the body.\nSometimes the head was twisted round so that the head was turned\nto the back, and the countenance so much distorted that not one of\nits features was to be recognized. When attacked by the jerks, they\nsometimes hopped like frogs, and the face and limbs underwent the most\nhideous contortions. The bark consisted in throwing themselves on all\nfours, growling, showing their teeth, and barking like dogs. Sometimes\na number of people crouching down in front of the minister continued\nto bark as long as he preached. These last were supposed to be more\nespecially endowed with the gifts of prophecy, dreams, rhapsodies, and\nvisions of angels.\u201d (_Remy, Journey to Great Salt Lake City, I._)\n\nTwenty years later the jerking epidemic again broke out in Tennessee,\nand is described in a letter by the famous visionary and revivalist,\nLorenzo Dow, who was then preaching in the same region. His description\nagrees with that given the author by old men who lived at this time\nin eastern Tennessee. We quote from Dow\u2019s letter: \u201cThere commenced a\ntrembling among the wicked. One and a second fell from their seats. I\nthink for eleven hours there was no cessation of the loud cries. Of\nthe people, some who were standing and sitting fell like men shot on\nthe field of battle, and I felt it like a tremor to run through my\nsoul and veins so that it took away my limb power, so that I fell to\nthe floor, and by faith saw a greater blessing than I had hitherto\nexperienced.\u201d At another place he says: \u201cAfter taking a cup of tea, I\nbegan to speak to a vast audience, and I observed about thirty to have\nthe jerks, though they strove to keep as still as they could. These\nemotions were involuntary and irresistible, as any unprejudiced mind\nmight see.\u201d At Marysville \u201cmany appeared to feel the word, but about\nfifty felt the jerks. On Sunday, at Knoxville, the governor being\npresent, about one hundred and fifty had the jerking exercise, among\nthem a circuit preacher, Johnson, who had opposed them a little while\nbefore. Camp meeting commenced at Liberty. Here I saw the jerks, and\nsome danced. The people are taken with jerking irresistibly, and if\nthey strive to resist it it worries them more than hard work. Their\neyes, when dancing, seem to be fixed upward as if upon an invisible\nobject, and they are lost to all below. I passed by a meeting house\nwhere I observed the undergrowth had been cut down for a camp meeting,\nand from fifty to a hundred saplings left breast high, which appeared\nto me so slovenish that I could not but ask my guide the cause, who\nobserved they were topped so high and left for the people to jerk\nby. This so excited my attention that I went over the ground to view\nit, and found where the people had laid hold of them and jerked so\npowerfully that they kicked up the earth as a horse stamping flies.\nPersecutors are more subject to the jerks than others, and they have\ncursed and swore and damned it while jerking.\u201d Then he says: \u201cI have\nseen Presbyterians, Methodists, Quakers, Baptists, Church of England,\nand Independents exercised with the jerks\u2014gentlemen and ladies, black\nand white, rich and poor\u2014without exception. Those naturalists who wish\nto get it to philosophize upon it and the most godly are excepted from\nthe jerks. The wicked are more afraid of it than of the smallpox or\nyellow fever.\u201d\n\nIt is worthy of note that, according to his account, investigators who\nwished to study the phenomenon were unable to come under the influence,\neven though they so desired.\n\n\n ADVENTISTS\n\nAbout 1831 William Miller, a licensed minister, began to preach the\nadvent of Christ and the destruction of the world, fixing the date\nfor the year 1843. Like most others of his kind who have achieved\nnotoriety, he based his prediction on the prophecies of the Bible,\nwhich he figured out with mathematical exactness. He began preaching\nin New York and New England, but afterward traveled southward,\ndelivering, it is said, over three thousand lectures in support of his\ntheory. His predictions led to the formation of a new sect commonly\nknown as Adventists, who are said at one time to have numbered over\nfifty thousand. Carried away by blind enthusiasm they made their\npreparations for the end of all things, which they confidently expected\nin the summer of 1843. As the time drew near the believers made all\npreparations for their final departure from the world, many of them\nselling their property, and arraying themselves in white \u201cascension\nrobes,\u201d which were actually put on sale by the storekeepers for the\noccasion. But the day and the year went by without the fulfillment\nof the prophecy. Miller claimed to have discovered an error in his\ncalculations and fixed one or two other dates later on, but as these\nalso proved false, his followers lost faith and the delusion died out.\nThe Adventists still number fifteen or twenty thousand, the largest\nbody being in southern Michigan, but although they hold the doctrine\nof the near advent of the final end, and endeavor to be at all times\nready, they no longer undertake to fix the date.\n\nIt may be noted here that the idea of a millennium, when the Messiah\nshall come in person upon the earth and reign with the just for a\nthousand years, was so firmly held by many of the early Christians that\nit may almost be said to have formed a part of the doctrinal tradition\nof the church. The belief was an inheritance from the Jews, many of\nwhose sacred writers taught that time was to endure through seven\ngreat \u201cyears\u201d of a thousand years each, the seventh and last being the\nSabbatical year or millennium, when their Messiah would appear and make\ntheir kingdom the mistress of the world. For this materialistic view\nof the millennium the Christian fathers substituted a belief in the\nspiritual triumph of religion, when the armies of antichrist would be\nannihilated, but the expectation of the return of Christ to rule in\nperson over his church before the last days was an essential part of\nthe doctrine, founded on numerous prophecies of both the Old and the\nNew Testament.\n\n\n OTHER PARALLELS\n\n BEEKMANITES\n\nIt would require a volume to treat of the various religious\nabnormalisms, based on hypnotism, trances, and the messiah idea,\nwhich have sprung up and flourished in different parts of our own\ncountry even within the last twenty years. Naturally these delusions\nthrived best among the ignorant classes, but there were some notable\nexceptions, particularly in the case of the Beekmanites or \u201cChurch\nof the Redeemed.\u201d About 1875 Mrs Dora Beekman, the wife of a\nCongregational minister in Rockford, Illinois, began preaching that\nshe was the immortal reincarnation of Jesus Christ. Absurd as this\nclaim may appear, she found those who believed her, and as her converts\nincreased in numbers they established their headquarters, which they\ncalled \u201cheaven,\u201d near Rockford, built a church, and went zealously\nto work to gather proselytes. Beekman refused to believe the new\ndoctrine, but being unable to convince his wife of her folly he was\nfinally driven to insanity. In the meantime the female Christ found an\nable disciple in the Reverend George Schweinfurth, a young Methodist\nminister of considerable cultivation and ability, who was installed as\nbishop and apostle of the new sect. Mrs Beekman dying soon after, in\nspite of her claim to immortality, Schweinfurth at once stepped into\nher place, declaring that the Christly essence had passed from her into\nhimself. His claim was accepted, and when last heard from, about three\nyears ago, he was worshiped by hundreds of followers drawn from the\nmost prominent denominations of the vicinity as the risen Christ, the\nlord of heaven and the immortal maker and ruler of the earth. (_J. F.\nL., 6_, and current newspapers.)\n\n\n PATTERSON AND BROWN\u2019S MISSION\n\nIn 1888 a man named Patterson, in Soddy, a small town in eastern\nTennessee, began preaching that a wonderful thing was about to\nhappen, and after the matter had been talked about sufficiently for\nhis purpose, he announced that Christ had come in the person of A.\nJ. Brown, who had served as Patterson\u2019s assistant. Later on Brown\ndisappeared, and it was announced that he had gone up into the mountain\nto fast for forty days and nights in order to be fittingly prepared for\nhis mission. At the end of this period, on a Sunday morning in June,\nhis followers went out toward the hills, where he suddenly appeared\nbefore them, clothed in white, with his hands uplifted. A great shout\nwent up, and the people rushed toward him, falling upon their knees\nand kissing his feet. Many who were ill declared themselves healed by\nhis touch. So great was the fanaticism of these people that one girl\ndeclared she was ready to die to prove her faith, and the nonbelievers\nbecame so fearful that human life would be sacrificed that they sent\nfor the sheriff at Chattanooga, and it required all his power to compel\nPatterson and Brown to leave the neighborhood that quiet might be\nrestored. (_J. F. L., 6._)\n\n\n WILDERNESS WORSHIPERS\n\nIn 1889 and 1890 a remarkable messianic excitement developed among the\nnegroes along Savannah river in Georgia and South Carolina, where one\nman after another proclaimed himself as Christ, promised miracles,\ndrew crowds of excited men and women from their work, and created a\ngeneral alarm among the white population of the whole section. The\nmost prominent of these Christs was a mulatto named Bell, who went\nabout preaching his divinity and exhorting all who would be saved to\ngive up everything and follow him. Hundreds of negroes abandoned the\ncotton fields, the sawmills, and the turpentine woods to follow him,\nobeying his every word and ready to fall down and worship him. They\nassumed the name of \u201cWilderness Worshipers,\u201d and set up in the woods\na \u201ctemple\u201d consisting of a series of circular seats around an oak. The\nexcitement became so demoralizing and dangerous that Bell was finally\narrested. His frenzied disciples would have resisted the officers, but\nhe commanded them to be patient, declaring that he could not be harmed\nand that an angel would come and open his prison doors by night. As\nno specific charge could be formulated against him, he was released\nafter a short time, and continued his preaching to greater crowds than\nbefore. At last he announced that the world would come to an end on\nAugust 16, 1890; that all the negroes would then turn white and all\nwhite men black, and that all who wished to ascend on the last day\nmust purchase wings from him. (_J. F. L., 6._) He was finally adjudged\ninsane and sent to the asylum. Successors arose in his place, however,\nand kept up the excitement for a year afterward in spite of the efforts\nof the authorities to put a stop to it. One of these claimed to be\nKing Solomon, while another asserted that he was Nebuchadnezzar, and\nemphasized his claim by eating grass on all fours. In addition to\nthe \u201ctemple\u201d in the woods they set up an \u201cark,\u201d and were told by the\nleaders that any persecutors who should sacrilegiously attempt to touch\nit would fall down dead. Notwithstanding this warning, the officers\ndestroyed both ark and temple in their efforts to end the delusion. At\nlast a woman was killed by the enthusiasts, and a series of wholesale\narrests followed. King Solomon, Nebuchadnezzar, and others who were\nclearly insane were sent to join Bell in the asylum, and the others\nwere released from custody after the excitement had waned.\n\n\n HEAVENLY RECRUITS\n\nWithin the last five years various local revivalists have attracted\nattention in different sections of Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri,\nby their extravagances, among which prophecies, visions, trances, and\nfrenzied bodily exercises were all prominent. Particularly at the\nmeetings of the \u201cHeavenly Recruits\u201d in central Indiana, and at other\ngatherings under the direction of Mrs Woodworth, cataleptic trances\nwere of nightly occurrence. The physical and mental demoralization\nat last became so great that the meetings were suppressed by the\nauthorities.\n\nFrom the beginning of history the dance and kindred physical exercises\nhave formed a part of the religious ritual of various oriental sects,\nwhile hypnotic powers and practices have been claimed for their\npriests. This is especially true of the Mohammedan sect or order of\nthe Dervishes, of which some account is given in the appendix to this\nchapter.\n\n\n APPENDIX\u2014HYPNOTISM AND THE DANCE AMONG THE DERVISHES\n\n [From Brown\u2019s Dervishes]\n\n+Hypnotism.+\u2014It is through the performance of the Zikr, by khalvet\n(pious retirement for purposes of deep devotion), by the Tevejjuh\n(or turning the face or mind devoutly toward God in prayer), by\nthe Murakebeh (or fearful contemplation of God), the Tesarruf (or\nself-abandonment to pious reflection and inspiration), and the Tesavvuf\n(or mystical spiritualism), that the fervent Dervish reaches peculiar\nspiritual powers called _Kuvveh i roohee batinee_ (a mystical,\ninternal, spiritual power). The life or biography of every eminent\nsheikh or peer details innumerable evidences of this power exercised\nin a strange and peculiar manner. This exercise is called the Kuvveh\nIradat, or the \u201cPower of the Will,\u201d and, as a theory, may be traced\nhistorically to the Divine Power\u2014the soul of man being connected with\nthe Divine Spirit\u2014from which it emanates, and with which, through\nthe means before mentioned, it commences. Some sheikhs are more\ncelebrated than others for their peculiar and strange powers, and it\nis to their superiority that their reputation and reverence in the\nMussulman world in general, and among Dervishes in particular, is to\nbe attributed. With the supposition that the details given of them\nby their biographers, disciples, or successors are not invented,\nor even exaggerated, their powers are certainly very remarkable.\nWhilst among them an implicit belief in them is firmly sustained,\nsultans and princes have evidently doubted them, and, being alarmed\nwith the influence the possessors acquired and sustained among the\npublic generally, they have often shown a direful exercise of their\nown arbitrary will and power, which resulted in the untimely end of\nthe unfortunate sheikh. Many, on the other hand, have survived the\nfrequent exercise of their \u201cspiritual powers,\u201d and either because they\nacquired a power and influence over the minds of their temporal rulers,\nor whether they used them for their own private purposes, so as to\nconciliate the more religious or fanatic, they succeeded in reaching\nadvanced ages and a peaceful end of their remarkable careers. When the\nruler of the country has not cared to order the execution of the sheikh\nwho declared himself possessed of these spiritual powers, he has simply\nexiled him from his capital or his territory, and permitted him freely\nto exercise his powers and renown in some less objectionable locality.\nThese powers can only be acquired through the long instruction of a\nsuperior spiritual director, or Murshid, or As-h\u00e2b i Yekeen, for whom\nthe disciples ever retain a most grateful remembrance and attachment.\n\nAmong the practices of these powers is the faculty of foreseeing coming\nevents; of predicting their occurrence; of preserving individuals from\nthe harm and evil which would otherwise certainly result for them;\nof assuring to one person success over the machinations of another,\nso that he may freely attack him and prevail over him; of restoring\nharmony of sentiment between those who would otherwise be relentless\nenemies; of knowing when others devised harm against themselves, and\nthrough certain spells of preserving themselves and causing harm to\nbefall the evil minded, and even of causing the death of anyone against\nwhom they wish to proceed. All this is done as well from a distance as\nwhen near.\n\nIn other parts of the world, and among other people, these attainments\nwould have been attributed to sorcery and witchcraft; in modern times\nthey would be ascribed to spiritism, or magnetic influences, either\nof the spirit or of the body; but to the instructed Dervish they all\nderive their origin in the spirit of the holy sheikh\u2014the special gift\nof the great Spirit of God, which commences with the spirit of man,\nfrom which it directly emanated. The condition or disposition necessary\nfor these effects is called the H\u00e2l (state or frame), and is much\nthe same as that required by the magnetized, and the object of his\noperation. The powers of the body are enfeebled by fasting and mental\nfatigue in prayer, and the imagination kept in a fervid state, fully\nimpressed with the conviction that such powers are really possessed by\nthe sheikh, and that he can readily exercise them over the willing\nmind and body of the disciple. How the sheikh can produce such strange\nresults on a distant and unconscious person is left to the admiration\nand imagination of the faithful disciple, as an incentive to exertions\nin the same true path as that of his sheikh.\n\nTo exercise the power of the will, it is necessary to contract the\nthoughts suddenly upon the object designed to be affected so perfectly\nas to leave no room for the mind to dwell, possibly, upon any other.\nThe mind must not doubt for an instant of the success of this effort,\nnor the possibility of failure; it must, in fact, be completely\nabsorbed by the one sole idea of performing the determination strongly\ntaken and firmly relied upon. The persons must, from time to time,\npractice this; and as they proceed, they will be able to see how much\npropinquity exists between themselves and the Hazret i Asm\u00e2 (God?) and\nhow much they are capable of exercising this power.\n\nAs an example, the author of the Reshih\u00e2t narrates the following:\n\n In my youth, I was ever with our Lord Mol\u00e2n\u00e2 Sa\u2019eed ed Deen\n K\u00e2shgharee at Hereed. It happened that we, one day, walked out\n together and fell in with an assembly of the inhabitants of the\n place who were engaged in wrestling. To try our powers we agreed\n to aid with our \u201cpowers of the will\u201d one of the wrestlers, so\n that the other should be overcome by him, and after doing so, to\n change our design in favor of the discomfited individual. So we\n stopped and, turning toward the parties, gave the full influence\n of our united wills to one, and immediately he was able to subdue\n his opponent. As the person we chose, each in turn, conquered the\n other, whichever we willed to prevail became the most powerful of\n the two, the power of our own wills was thus clearly manifested.\n\nOn another occasion two other persons possessed of these same powers\nfell in with an assembly of people at a place occupied by prize\nfighters. \u201cTo prevent any of the crowd from passing between and\nseparating us we joined our hands together. Two persons were engaged\nfighting; one was a powerful man, while the other was a spare and weak\nperson. The former readily overcame the latter; and seeing this I\nproposed to my companion to aid the weak one by the power of our wills.\nSo he bade me aid him in the project, while he concentrated his powers\nupon the weaker person. Immediately a wonderful occurrence took place;\nthe thin, spare man seized his giant-like opponent and threw him on the\nground with surprising force. The crowd cried out with astonishment as\nhe turned him over on his back and held him down with apparent ease. No\none present except ourselves knew the cause. Seeing that my companion\nwas much affected by the effort which he had made, I bade him remark\nhow perfectly successful we had been, and adding that there was no\nlonger any necessity for our remaining there, we walked away.\u201d (Pages\n129\u2013132.)\n\n * * * * *\n\nMany individuals who have seriously wronged and oppressed his friends\nreceived punishments through the powers of the sheikh. Several\ninstances are related wherein some such even fell sick and died, or\nwere only restored to health by open declarations of repentance and\nimploring his prayerful intercession with God. His spirit seems to\nhave accompanied those in whose welfare he took an active interest,\nand enabled them to commune with him, though far distant from him.\nHis power of hearing them was well known to his friends, and several\ninstances are cited to prove the fact. His power of affecting the\nhealth of those who injured him or his friends was greatly increased\nwhile he was excited by anger, and on such occasions his whole frame\nwould be convulsed and his beard move about as if moved by electricity.\nOn learning details of cruelty done to innocent individuals, the sheikh\nwould be strangely affected, so much so that no one dared to address\nhim until the paroxysm was passed; and on such occasions he never\nfailed to commune spiritually with the sovereign or prince in such a\nmysterious manner as to inspire him to deal justly with the guilty\nperson and secure his merited punishment.\n\nThrough his \u201cmystical powers\u201d many persons were impressed with the\nunrighteousness of their course, and, having repented of the same,\nbecame good and pious and firm believers in his spiritual influences.\nThese powers were always connected with his prayers, and it was during\nthese that he was enabled to assure the parties interested of their\nsalutary results and the acceptation of their desires. It scarcely\nneeds to be added, that these prayers were in conformance with\nIslamism, and were offered up to Allah, whom he adored, and to whose\nsupreme will he attributes his powers. He constantly performed the Zikr\nJehree, or \u201caudibly called God\u2019s name,\u201d and the frequent repetition of\nthis practice fitted him for such holy purposes. Sometimes he would\naffect the mind of the individual upon whom he exercised his powers in\nsuch a manner as to throw him into a species of trance, after which he\ncould remember nothing that he had previously known, and continued in\nthis state until the sheikh chose to restore him to the enjoyment of\nhis ordinary faculties. Notwithstanding all of these eminent powers,\nthis great sheikh is reputed to have spent the latter days of his life\nat Herat in extreme indigence, much slighted and neglected by those who\nhad so admired him while in the vigor of his career. All fear of his\nmystical influences seems to have disappeared, and it is narrated that\nthese greatly declined with his ordinary strength of mind and body.\n(Pages 137\u2013139.)\n\n * * * * *\n\n+Dervish dance.+\u2014The exercises which are followed in these halls are\nof various kinds, according to the rules of each institution; but in\nnearly all they commence by the recital, by the sheikh, of the seven\nmysterious words of which we have spoken. He next chants various\npassages of the Koran, and at each pause, the Dervishes, placed in a\ncircle round the hall, respond in chorus by the word \u201cAllah!\u201d or \u201cHoo!\u201d\nIn some of the societies they sit on their heels, the elbows close to\nthose of each other, and all making simultaneously light movements of\nthe head and the body. In others, the movement consists in balancing\nthemselves slowly, from the right to the left, and from the left to the\nright, or inclining the body methodically forward and aft. There are\nother societies in which these motions commence seated, in measured\ncadences, with a staid countenance, the eyes closed or fixed upon\nthe ground, and are continued on foot. These singular exercises are\nconcentrated under the name of Mur\u00e2kebeh (exaltation of the Divine\nglory), and also under that of the Tevheed (celebration of the Divine\nunity), from which comes the name Tevheed Kh\u00e2neh, given to the whole of\nthe halls devoted to these religious exercises.\n\nIn some of these institutions\u2014such as the K\u00e2direes, the Ruf\u00e2\u2032ees,\nthe Khalwettees, the Bair\u00e2mees, the Gulshenees, and the Ush\u00e2kees\u2014the\nexercises are made each holding the other by the hand, putting forward\nalways the right foot and increasing at every step the strength of\nthe movement of the body. This is called the Devr, which may be\ntranslated the \u201cdance\u201d or \u201crotation.\u201d The duration of these dances\nis arbitrary\u2014each one is free to leave when he pleases. Everyone,\nhowever, makes it a point to remain as long as possible. The strongest\nand most robust of the number, and the most enthusiastic, strive to\npersevere longer than the others; they uncover their heads, take off\ntheir turbans, form a second circle within the other, entwine their\narms within those of their brethren, lean their shoulders against\neach other, gradually raise the voice, and without ceasing repeat \u201cY\u00e2\nAllah!\u201d or \u201cY\u00e2 Hoo!\u201d increasing each time the movement of the body, and\nnot stopping until their entire strength is exhausted.\n\nThose of the order of the Ruf\u00e2\u2032ees excel in these exercises. They\nare, moreover, the only ones who use fire in their devotions. Their\npractices embrace nearly all those of the other orders; they are\nordinarily divided into five different scenes, which last more than\nthree hours, and which are preceded, accompanied, and followed by\ncertain ceremonies peculiar to this order. The first commences with\npraises which all the Dervishes offer to their sheikhs, seated before\nthe altar. Four of the more ancient come forward the first, and\napproach their superior, embrace each other as if to give the kiss\nof peace, and next place themselves two to his right and two to his\nleft. The remainder of the Dervishes, in a body, press forward in a\nprocession, all having their arms crossed and their heads inclined.\nEach one, at first, salutes by a profound bow the tablet on which the\nname of his founder is inscribed. Afterwards, putting his two hands\nover his face and his beard, he kneels before the sheikh, kisses his\nhand respectfully, and then they all go on with a grave step to take\ntheir places on the sheepskins, which are spread in a half circle\naround the interior of the hall. So soon as a circle is formed, the\nDervishes together chant the Tekbeer and the F\u00e2tiha. Immediately\nafterwards the sheikh pronounces the words \u201cL\u00e2 il\u00e2ha ill\u2032 Allah!\u201d\nand repeats them incessantly; to which the Dervishes repeat \u201cAllah!\u201d\nbalancing themselves from side to side, and putting their hands over\ntheir faces, on their breasts and their abdomens, and on their knees.\n\nThe second scene is opened by the Hamdee Mohammedee, a hymn in honour\nof the prophet, chanted by one of the elders placed on the right of the\nsheikh. During this chant the Dervishes continue to repeat the word\n\u201cAllah!\u201d moving, however, their bodies forward and aft. A quarter of\nan hour later they all rise up, approach each other, and press their\nelbows against each other, balancing from right to left and afterwards\nin a reverse motion, the right foot always firm, and the left in a\nperiodical movement, the reverse of that of the body, all observing\ngreat precision of measure and cadence. In the midst of this exercise\nthey cry out the words \u201cY\u00e2 Allah!\u201d followed by that of \u201cY\u00e2 Hoo!\u201d Some\nof the performers sigh, others sob, some shed tears, others perspire\ngreat drops, and all have their eyes closed, their faces pale, and the\neyes languishing.\n\nA pause of some minutes is followed by a third scene. It is performed\nin the middle of an Ilahee, chanted by the two elders on the right\nof the sheikh. The Ilahees, as has already been said, are spiritual\ncantiques, composed almost exclusively in Persian, by sheikhs deceased\nin the odor of sanctity. The Dervishes then hasten their movements,\nand, to prevent any relaxation, one of the first among them puts\nhimself in their center, and excites them by his example. If in the\nassembly there be any strange Dervishes, which often happens, they\ngive them, through politeness, this place of honor; and all fill it\nsuccessively, the one after the other, shaking themselves as aforesaid.\nThe only exception made is in favor of the Mevevees; these never\nperform any other dance than that peculiar to their own order, which\nconsists in turning round on each heel in succession.\n\nAfter a new pause commences the fourth scene. Now all the Dervishes\ntake off their turbans, form a circle, bare their arms and shoulders\nagainst each other, and thus make the circuit of the hall at a measured\npace, striking their feet at intervals against the floor, and all\nspringing up at once. This dance continues during the Ilahees chanted\nalternately by the two elders to the left of the sheikh. In the midst\nof this chant the cries of \u201cY\u00e2 Allah!\u201d are increased doubly, as also\nthose of \u201cY\u00e2 Hoo!\u201d with frightful howlings, shrieked by the Dervishes\ntogether in the dance. At the moment that they would seem to stop\nfrom sheer exhaustion the sheikh makes a point of exerting them to\nnew efforts by walking through their midst, making also himself most\nviolent movements. He is next replaced by the two elders, who double\nthe quickness of the step and the agitation of the body; they even\nstraighten themselves up from time to time, and excite the envy or\nemulation of the others in their astonishing efforts to continue the\ndance until their strength is entirely exhausted.\n\nThe fourth scene leads to the last, which is the most frightful of\nall, the wholly prostrated condition of the actors becoming converted\ninto a species of ecstasy which they call Halet. It is in the midst of\nthis abandonment of self, or rather of religious delirium, that they\nmake use of red-hot irons. Several cutlasses and other instruments\nof sharp-pointed iron are suspended in the niches of the hall, and\nupon a part of the wall to the right of the sheikh. Near the close\nof the fourth scene two Dervishes take down eight or nine of these\ninstruments, heat them red hot, and present them to the sheikh. He,\nafter reciting some prayers over them, and invoking the founder of the\norder, Ahmed er Ruf\u00e2\u2032ee, breathes over them, and raising them slightly\nto the mouth, gives them to the Dervishes, who ask for them with the\ngreatest eagerness. Then it is that these fanatics, transported by\nfrenzy, seize upon these irons, gloat upon them tenderly, lick them,\nbite them, hold them between their teeth, and end by cooling them\nin their mouths. Those who are unable to procure any seize upon the\ncutlasses hanging on the wall with fury, and stick them into their\nsides, arms, and legs.\n\nThanks to the fury of their frenzy, and to the amazing boldness which\nthey deem a merit in the eyes of the Divinity, all stoically bear\nup against the pain which they experience with apparent gaiety.\nIf, however, some of them fall under their sufferings, they throw\nthemselves into the arms of their confr\u00e8res, but without a complaint or\nthe least sign of pain. Some minutes after this, the sheikh walks round\nthe hall, visits each one of the performers in turn, breathes upon\ntheir wounds, rubs them with saliva, recites prayers over them, and\npromises them speedy cures. It is said that twenty-four hours afterward\nnothing is to be seen of their wounds. (Pages 218\u2013222.)\n\n * * * * *\n\nThere was no regularity in their dancing, but each seemed to be\nperforming the antics of a madman; now moving his body up and down;\nthe next moment turning round, then using odd gesticulations with his\narms, next jumping, and sometimes screaming; in short, if a stranger\nobserving them was not told that this was the involuntary effect of\nenthusiastic excitement, he would certainly think that these Durweeshes\nwere merely striving to excel one another in playing the buffoon. (Page\n260.)\n\n * * * * *\n\n+The fit.+\u2014After this preface, the performers began the Zikr. Sitting\nin the manner above described, they chanted, in slow measure, _L\u00e1 il\u00e1ha\nilla \u2019ll\u00e1h_ (there is no deity but God), to the following air: _L\u00e1 i-l\u00e1\nhailla-ll\u00e1h. L\u00e1 i-l\u00e1-ha-illa-l-l\u00e1-h. L\u00e1 i-l\u00e1 ha illa-l-l\u00e1h._ Bowing the\nhead twice on each repetition of \u201c_L\u00e1 il\u00e1ha illa \u2019ll\u00e1h_.\u201d Thus they\ncontinued about a quarter of an hour, and then, for about the same\nspace of time, they repeated the same words to the same air, but in a\nquicker measure, and with correspondingly quicker motion....\n\nThey next rose, and, standing in the same order in which they had\nbeen sitting, repeated the same words to another air. During this\nstage of their performance they were joined by a tall, well-dressed,\nblack slave, whose appearance induced me to inquire who he was. I was\ninformed that he was a eunuch, belonging to the basha. The Zikkeers,\nstill standing, next repeated the same words in a very deep and hoarse\ntone, laying the principal emphasis upon the word \u201cL\u00e1,\u201d and the first\nsyllable of the last word, Allah, and uttering, apparently with a\nconsiderable effort. The sound much resembled that which is produced\nby beating the rim of a tambourine. Each Zikkeer turned his head\nalternately to the right and left at each repetition of \u201c_L\u00e1 il\u00e1ha illa\n\u2019ll\u00e1h_.\u201d The eunuch above mentioned, during this part of the Zikr,\nbecame what is termed _melboos_, or \u201cpossessed.\u201d Throwing his arms\nabout, and looking up with a very wild expression of countenance, he\nexclaimed, in a very high tone and with great vehemence and rapidity,\n_Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! la! la! la! la! la! la! la! la! la!\nla! la! la! l\u00e1h! Y\u00e1\u201bammee! Y\u00e1\u201bammee! Y\u00e1\u201bammee! Ashm\u00e1wee! Y\u00e1 Ashm\u00e1wee!\nY\u00e1 Ashm\u00e1wee!_ (_Y\u00e1\u201bammee_ signifies O, my uncle!) His voice gradually\nbecame faint, and when he had uttered those words, though he was held\nby a Durweesh who was next him, he fell on the ground, foaming at the\nmouth, his eyes closed, his limbs convulsed, and his fingers clenched\nover his thumbs. It was an epileptic fit. No one could see it and\nbelieve it to be the effect of feigned emotions; it was undoubtedly the\nresult of a high state of religious excitement. Nobody seemed surprised\nat it, for occurrences of this kind at Zikrs are not uncommon. All the\nperformers now appeared much excited, repeating their ejaculations\nwith greater rapidity, violently turning their heads, and sinking the\nwhole body at the same time, some of them jumping. The eunuch became\n_melboos_ again several times, and I generally remarked that his\nfits happened after one of the Moonshids had sung a line or two, and\nexerted himself more than usually to excite his hearers. The singing\nwas, indeed, to my taste, very pleasing. Toward the close of the Zikr\na private soldier, who had joined through the whole performance, also\nseemed several times to be _melboos_, growling in a horrible manner and\nviolently shaking his head from side to side. The contrast presented\nby the vehement and distressing exertions of the performers at the\nclose of the Zikr, and their calm gravity and solemnity of manner at\nthe commencement, was particularly striking. Money was collected during\nthe performance for the Moonshid. The Zikkeers receive no pay. (Pages\n252\u2013255.)\n\n\n\n\n THE SONGS\n\n\n INTRODUCTORY\n\nThe Ghost-dance songs are of the utmost importance in connection with\nthe study of the messiah religion, as we find embodied in them much\nof the doctrine itself, with more of the special tribal mythologies,\ntogether with such innumerable references to old-time customs,\nceremonies, and modes of life long since obsolete as make up a regular\nsymposium of aboriginal thought and practice. There is no limit to\nthe number of these songs, as every trance at every dance produces a\nnew one, the trance subject after regaining consciousness embodying\nhis experience in the spirit world in the form of a song, which is\nsung at the next dance and succeeding performances until superseded\nby other songs originating in the same way. Thus, a single dance may\neasily result in twenty or thirty new songs. While songs are thus born\nand die, certain ones which appeal especially to the Indian heart, on\naccount of their mythology, pathos, or peculiar sweetness, live and\nare perpetuated. There are also with each tribe certain songs which\nare a regular part of the ceremonial, as the opening song and the\nclosing song, which are repeated at every dance. Of these the closing\nsong is the most important and permanent. In some cases certain songs\nconstitute a regular series, detailing the experiences of the same\nperson in successive trance visions. First in importance, for number,\nrichness of reference, beauty of sentiment, and rhythm of language, are\nthe songs of the Arapaho.\n\n\n THE ARAPAHO\n\n TRIBAL SYNONYMY\n\n _\u00c4hy\u00e4\u2032to_\u2014Kiowa name; meaning unknown; the Kiowa call the wild plum\n by the same name.\n\n _Ano\u2032s-anyotskano_\u2014Kichai name.\n\n _\u00c4r\u00e4\u2032p\u0103ho_\u2014popular name; derivation uncertain; but, perhaps, as\n Dunbar suggests, from the Pawnee word _tirapihu_ or _larap\u012dhu_,\n \u201che buys or trades,\u201d in allusion to the Arapaho having formerly\n been the trading medium between the Pawnee, Osage, and others\n on the north, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the\n southwest (_Grinnell letter_).\n\n _\u00c4r\u00e4p\u0103kata_\u2014Crow name, from word Arapaho.\n\n _B\u0115tid\u0115\u0115_\u2014Kiowa Apache name.\n\n _Detseka\u2032yaa_\u2014Caddo name, \u201cdog eaters.\u201d\n\n _Hit\u00e4niwo\u2032\u012dv_\u2014Cheyenne name, \u201ccloud men.\u201d\n\n _In\u00fbna-ina_\u2014proper tribal name, \u201cour people,\u201d Or \u201cpeople of our\n kind.\u201d\n\n _Kaninahoic_ or _Kanin\u0103\u2032vish_\u2014Ojibwa name; meaning unknown.\n\n _Komse\u2032ka-K\u0314i\u00f1ahyup_\u2014former Kiowa name; \u201cmen of the worn-out\n leggings;\u201d from _komse\u2032_, \u201csmoky, soiled, worn out;\u201d _kati_,\n \u201cleggings;\u201d _k\u0314\u0314i\u00f1ahyup_, \u201cmen.\u201d\n\n _Maqpi\u2032\u0103to_\u2014Sioux name, \u201cblue cloud,\u201d i. e., clear sky; reason\n unknown.\n\n _Ni\u0103\u2032rhar\u012d\u2032s-k\u00fbrikiw\u0103\u2032s-h\u00fbski_\u2014Wichita name.\n\n _Sani\u2032ti\u2032ka_\u2014Pawnee name, from the Comanche name.\n\n _S\u00e4r\u0115t\u012dka_\u2014Comanche and Shoshoni name, \u201cdog eaters,\u201d in allusion to\n their special liking for dog flesh.\n\n _Sar\u0115tika_\u2014Wichita name, from the Comanche name.\n\n\n TRIBAL SIGNS\n\n Southern Arapaho, \u201c_rub noses_;\u201d northern Arapaho, \u201c_mother\n people_;\u201d Gros Ventres of the Prairie, \u201c_belly people_.\u201d\n\n\n SKETCH OF THE TRIBE\n\nThe Arapaho, with their subtribe, the Gros Ventres, are one of the\nwesternmost tribes of the wide-extending Algonquian stock. According to\ntheir oldest traditions they formerly lived in northeastern Minnesota\nand moved westward in company with the Cheyenne, who at that time\nlived on the Cheyenne fork of Red river. From the earliest period the\ntwo tribes have always been closely confederated, so that they have\nno recollection of a time when they were not allies. In the westward\nmigration the Cheyenne took a more southerly direction toward the\ncountry of the Black hills, while the Arapaho continued more nearly\nwestward up the Missouri. The Arapaho proper probably ascended on\nthe southern side of the river, while the Gros Ventres went up the\nnorthern bank and finally drifted off toward the Blackfeet, with whom\nthey have ever since been closely associated, although they have on\nseveral occasions made long visits, extending sometimes over several\nyears, to their southern relatives, by whom they are still regarded\nas a part of the \u201cIn\u00fbna-ina.\u201d The others continued on to the great\ndivide between the waters of the Missouri and those of the Columbia,\nthen turning southward along the mountains, separated finally into two\nmain divisions, the northern Arapaho continuing to occupy the head\nstreams of the Missouri and the Yellowstone, in Montana and Wyoming,\nwhile the southern Arapaho made their camps on the head of the Platte,\nthe Arkansas, and the Canadian, in Colorado and the adjacent states,\nfrequently joining the Comanche and Kiowa in their raids far down into\nMexico. From their earliest recollection, until put on reservations,\nthey have been at war with the Shoshoni, Ute, Pawnee, and Navaho, but\nhave generally been friendly with their other neighbors. The southern\nArapaho and Cheyenne have usually acted in concert with the Comanche,\nKiowa, and Kiowa Apache.\n\nThey recognize among themselves five original divisions, each having a\ndifferent dialect. They are here given in the order of their importance:\n\n1. _Na\u2032kasin\u0115\u2032na_, _Ba\u2032achin\u0115na_ or _Northern Arapaho_. Nakasin\u0115na,\n\u201csagebrush men,\u201d is the original name of this portion of the tribe\nand the divisional name used by themselves. The name Baachin\u0115na, by\nwhich they are commonly known to the rest of the tribe, is more\nmodern and may mean \u201cred willow (i. e., kinikinik) men,\u201d or possibly\n\u201cblood-pudding men,\u201d the latter meaning said to have been an allusion\nto a kind of sausage formerly made by this band. They are commonly\nknown as northern Arapaho, to distinguish them from the other large\ndivision living now in Oklahoma. The Kiowa distinguished them as\nT\u00e4gy\u00e4\u2032ko, \u201csagebrush people,\u201d a translation of their proper name,\nBaachin\u0115na. Although not the largest division, the Baachin\u0115na claim to\nbe the \u201cmother people\u201d of the Arapaho, and have in their keeping the\ngrand medicine of the tribe, the s\u0115icha or sacred pipe.\n\n2. _Na\u2032wun\u0115na_, \u201csouthern men,\u201d or _Southern Arapaho_, called\n_Nawathi\u2032n\u0115ha_, \u201csoutherners,\u201d by the northern Arapaho. This latter\nis said to be the archaic form. The southern Arapaho, living now in\nOklahoma, constitute by far the larger division, although subordinate\nin the tribal sociology to the northern Arapaho. In addition to their\neveryday dialect, they are said to have an archaic dialect, some words\nof which approximate closely to Cheyenne.\n\n3. _A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115na_, _Hitu\u2032n\u0115na_, or _Gros Ventres of the Prairie_. The\nfirst name, said to mean \u201cwhite clay people\u201d (from _a\u00e4ti_, \u201cwhite\nclay\u201d), is that by which they call themselves. Hitun\u0115na or Hitun\u0115nina,\n\u201cbegging men,\u201d \u201cbeggars,\u201d or, more exactly, \u201cspongers,\u201d is the name by\nwhich they are called by the other Arapaho, on account, as these latter\nclaim, of their propensity for filling their stomachs at the expense of\nsomeone else. The same idea is intended to be conveyed by the tribal\nsign, which signifies \u201cbelly people,\u201d not \u201cbig bellies\u201d (Gros Ventres),\nas rendered by the French Canadian trappers. The Kiowa call them\nBot-k\u0314i\u00f1\u2032ago, \u201cbelly men.\u201d By the Shoshoni, also, they are known as\nS\u00e4\u2032pani, \u201cbellies,\u201d while the Blackfeet call them Atsina, \u201cgut people.\u201d\nThe Ojibwa call them Bahwetegow-\u0113ninnewug, \u201cfall people,\u201d according\nto Tanner, whence they have sometimes been called Fall Indians or\nRapid Indians, from their former residence about the rapids of the\nSaskatchewan. To the Sioux they are known as Sku\u2032tani. Lewis and Clark\nimproperly call them \u201cMinnetarees of Fort de Prairie.\u201d The Hidatsa or\nMinitari are sometimes known as Gros Ventres of the Missouri.\n\n4. _B\u00e4\u2032sawun\u0115\u2032na_, \u201cwood lodge men,\u201d or, according to another\nauthority, \u201cbig lodge people.\u201d These were formerly a distinct tribe and\nat war with the other Arapaho. They are represented as having been a\nvery foolish people in the old times, and many absurd stories are told\nof them, in agreement with the general Indian practice of belittling\nconquered or subordinate tribes. They have been incorporated with the\nnorthern Arapaho for at least a hundred and fifty years, according to\nthe statements of the oldest men of that band. Their dialect is said to\nhave differed very considerably from the other Arapaho dialects. There\nare still about one hundred of this lineage among the northern Arapaho,\nand perhaps a few others with the two other main divisions. Weasel\nBear, the present keeper of the sacred pipe, is of the B\u00e4sawun\u0115na.\n\n5. _Ha\u2019nahawun\u0115na_ or _Aan\u00fb\u2019haw\u0103_ (meaning unknown). These, like the\nB\u00e4sawun\u0115na, lived with the northern Arapaho, but are now practically\nextinct.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThere seems to be no possible trace of a clan or gentile system among\nthe Arapaho, and the same remark holds good of the Cheyenne, Kiowa,\nand Comanche. It was once assumed that all Indian tribes had the clan\nsystem, but later research shows that it is lacking over wide areas in\nthe western territory. It is very doubtful if it exists at all among\nthe prairie tribes generally. Mr Ben Clark, who has known and studied\nthe Cheyenne for half a lifetime, states positively that they have no\nclans, as the term is usually understood. This agrees with the result\nof personal investigations and the testimony of George Bent, a Cheyenne\nhalf-blood, and the best living authority on all that relates to his\ntribe. With the eastern tribes, however, and those who have removed\nfrom the east or the timbered country, as the Caddo, the gentile system\nis so much a part of their daily life that it is one of the first\nthings to attract the attention of the observer.\n\nIn regard to the tribal camping circle, common to most of the prairie\ntribes, the Arapaho state that on account of their living in three\nmain divisions they have had no common camping circle within their\nrecollection, but that each of these three divisions constituted a\nsingle circle when encamped in one place.\n\nAmong the northern Arapaho, on the occasion of every grand gathering,\nthe sacred pipe occupied a special large tipi in the center of the\ncircle, and the taking down of this tipi by the medicine keeper was the\nsignal to the rest of the camp to prepare to move. On the occasion of a\nvisit of several hundred Cheyenne and Arapaho to the Kiowa and Comanche\nat Anadarko, in the summer of 1892, each of the visiting tribes camped\nin a separate circle adjacent to the other. The opening of the circle,\nlike the door of each tipi, always faces the east.\n\nUnder the name of Kanen\u0103vish the Arapaho proper are mentioned by Lewis\nand Clark in 1805, as living southwest of the Black hills. As a tribe\nthey have not been at war with the whites since 1868, and took no\npart in the outbreak of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche in 1874. At\npresent they are in three main divisions. First come the Gros Ventres,\nnumbering 718 in 1892, associated with the Asiniboin on Fort Belknap\nreservation in Montana. There are probably others of this band with\nthe Blackfeet on the British side of the line. Next come the northern\nArapaho, numbering 829, associated with the Shoshoni on Wind River\nreservation in Wyoming. They were placed on this reservation in 1876,\nafter having made peace with the Shoshoni, their hereditary enemy,\nin 1869. They are divided into three bands, the \u201cForks of the River\nMen\u201d under Black Coal, the head chief of the whole division; the \u201cBad\nPipes\u201d under Short Nose, and the \u201cGreasy Faces\u201d under Spotted Horse.\nThe third division, the southern Arapaho, associated with the Cheyenne\nin Oklahoma, constitute the main body of the tribe and numbered 1,091\nin 1892. They have five bands: 1, Wa\u2032quithi, \u201cbad faces,\u201d the principal\nband and the one to which the head chief, Left Hand, belongs; 2,\nAqa\u2032thin\u0115\u2032na, \u201cpleasant men;\u201d 3, Gawun\u0115\u2032na or Ga\u2032wun\u0115h\u00e4na (Kawinahan,\n\u201cblack people\u201d\u2014_Hayden_), \u201cBlackfeet,\u201d so called because said to be\nof part Blackfoot blood, the same name being applied to the Blackfoot\ntribe; 4, Ha\u2032qihana, \u201cwolves,\u201d because they had a wolf (not coyote)\nfor medicine; 5, S\u00e4sa\u2032b\u00e4-ithi, \u201clooking up,\u201d or according to another\nauthority, \u201clooking around, i. e., watchers or lookouts.\u201d Under the\ntreaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867, they and the southern Cheyenne were\nplaced on the reservation which they sold in 1890 to take allotments\nand become citizens. Their present chief is Left Hand (Nawat), who\nsucceeded the celebrated Little Raven (Hosa) a few years ago. The whole\nnumber of the Arapaho and Gros Ventres, including a few in eastern\nschools, is about 2,700.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 88+\u2014Arapaho tipi and windbreak.]\n\nUntil very recently the Arapaho have been a typical prairie tribe,\nliving in skin tipis and following the buffalo in its migrations, yet\nthey retain a tradition of a time when they were agricultural. They are\nof a friendly, accommodating disposition, religious and contemplative,\nwithout the truculent, pugnacious character that belongs to their\nconfederates, the Cheyenne, although they have always proven themselves\nbrave warriors. They are also less mercenary and more tractable than\nthe prairie Indians generally, and having now recognized the inevitable\nof civilization have gone to work in good faith to make the best of\nit. Their religious nature has led them to take a more active interest\nin the Ghost dance, which, together with the rhythmic character of\ntheir language, has made the Arapaho songs the favorite among all the\ntribes of Oklahoma. The chief study of the Ghost dance was made among\nthe Arapaho, whom the author visited six times for this purpose. One\nvisit was made to those in Wyoming, the rest of the time being spent\nwith the southern branch of the tribe.\n\n\n SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO\n\n\n 1. +Opening Song\u2014Eyehe\u2032! n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na.+\n\n[Music]\n\n Eyehe\u2032! n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n Eyehe\u2032! n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n Hi\u2032n\u00e4 ch\u00e4\u2032s\u0103\u2032 \u00e4ticha\u2032n\u012d\u2032na He\u2032eye\u2032!\n Hi\u2032n\u00e4 ch\u00e4\u2032s\u0103\u2032 \u00e4ticha\u2032n\u012d\u2032na He\u2032eye\u2032!\n Na\u2032h\u0103ni n\u00e4\u2032nith\u00e4\u2032tuh\u016d\u2032na He\u2032eye\u2032!\n Na\u2032h\u0103ni n\u00e4\u2032nith\u00e4\u2032tuh\u016d\u2032na He\u2032eye\u2032!\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu\u2032 da\u2032naa\u2032b\u00e4na\u2032wa He\u2032eye\u2032!\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu\u2032 da\u2032naa\u2032b\u00e4na\u2032wa He\u2032eye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n O, my children! O, my children!\n Here is another of your pipes\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n Here is another of your pipes\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n Look! thus I shouted\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n Look! thus I shouted\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n When I moved the earth\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n When I moved the earth\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n\nThis opening song of the Arapaho Ghost dance originated among the\nnorthern Arapaho in Wyoming and was brought down to the southern branch\nof the tribe by the first apostles of the new religion. By \u201canother\npipe\u201d is probably meant the newer revelation of the messiah, the pipe\nbeing an important feature of all sacred ceremonies, and all their\nprevious religious tradition, having centered about the s\u0115icha or flat\npipe, to be described hereafter. The pipe, however, was not commonly\ncarried in the dance, as was the case among the Sioux. In this song, as\nin many others of the Ghost dance, the father or messiah, _Hes\u00fbna\u2032nin_,\nis supposed to be addressing \u201cmy children,\u201d _n\u00e4nisa\u2032na_. The tune\nis particularly soft and pleasing, and the song remains a standard\nfavorite. The second reference is to the new earth which is supposed to\nbe already moving rapidly forward to slide over and take the place of\nthis old and worn-out creation.\n\n\n 2. +S\u0115\u2032icha hei\u2032ta\u2032wuni\u2032na+\n\n S\u0115\u2032icha\u2032 hei\u2032ta\u2032wuni\u2032na\u2014E\u2032yahe\u2032eye,\n S\u0115\u2032icha\u2032 hei\u2032ta\u2032wuni\u2032na\u2014E\u2032yahe\u2032eye.\n He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini\u2014Yahe\u2032eye\u2032,\n He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini\u2014Yahe\u2032eye\u2032.\n \u00dbtnitha\u2032wuch\u00e4\u2032wah\u0103n\u00e4nina\u2014E\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032,\n \u00dbtnitha\u2032wuch\u00e4\u2032wah\u0103n\u00e4nina\u2014E\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032.\n He\u2032sana\u2032nini\u2014E\u2032yahe\u2032eye,\n He\u2032sana\u2032nini\u2014E\u2032yahe\u2032eye.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The sacred pipe tells me\u2014_E\u2032yahe\u2032eye!_\n The sacred pipe tells me\u2014_E\u2032yahe\u2032eye!_\n Our father\u2014_Yahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n Our father\u2014_Yahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n We shall surely be put again (with our friends)\u2014_E\u2032yahe\u2032eye!_\n We shall surely be put again (with our friends)\u2014_E\u2032yahe\u2032eye!_\n Our father\u2014_E\u2032yahe\u2032eye!_\n Our father\u2014_E\u2032yahe\u2032eye!_\n\nThe s\u0115icha or flat pipe is the sacred tribal medicine of the Arapaho.\nAccording to the myth it was given to their ancestors at the beginning\nof the world after the Turtle had brought the earth up from under the\nwater. It was delivered to them by the Duck, which was discovered\nswimming about on the top of the water after the emergence of the land.\nAt the same time they were given an ear of corn, from which comes\nall the corn of the world. The Arapaho lost the art of agriculture\nwhen they came out upon the buffalo plains, but the sacred pipe the\nTurtle long since changed to stone, and the first ear of corn, also\ntransformed to stone, they have cherished to this day as their great\nmedicine. The pipe, turtle, and ear of corn are preserved among the\nnorthern Arapaho in Wyoming, who claim to be the \u201cmother people\u201d of the\ntribe. They are handed down in the keeping of a particular family from\ngeneration to generation, the present priestly guardian being Se\u2032hiw\u00fbq,\n\u201cWeasel Bear\u201d (from _sea_, weasel, and _w\u00fbq_, bear; the name has also\nbeen rendered \u201cGray Bear,\u201d from _se_, gray, and _w\u00fbq_, bear), of the\nB\u00e4sawun\u0115\u2032na division.\n\nThe three sacred things are preserved carefully wrapped in deerskins,\nand are exposed only on rare occasions, always within the sacred tipi\nand in the presence of but a small number of witnesses, who take this\nopportunity to smoke the sacred pipe and pray for the things which\nthey most desire. The pipe itself is of stone, and is described as\napparently made in double, one part being laid over the other like\nthe bark of a tree, the outer part of both bowl and stem being of\nthe regular red pipestone, while the inner part of both is of white\nstone. The stem is only about 10 inches long, while the bowl is large\nand heavy, with the characteristic projection for resting the end\nupon the ground. Both bowl and stem are rounded, but with a flange\nof perhaps an inch in width along each side of the stem and up along\nthe bowl. From this comes its name of s\u0115icha, or \u201cflat pipe.\u201d When\nexposed on such occasions, the devotees sit around the fire in a\ncircle, when the bundle is opened upon the ground so that all may see\nthe sacred objects. The medicine keeper then lights the pipe and after\ntaking one or two whiffs passes it to the one next him, who takes a\nsingle whiff and passes it on to the next. It thus goes sunwise (?)\naround the circle. In taking the s\u0115icha the devotees do not grasp the\nstem, as when smoking on other occasions, but receive it upon the\noutstretched palm of the right hand, smoke, and pass it on around the\ncircle. The flanges along the side of the pipe allow it to rest flat\nupon the hand. After all have smoked, the priest recites the genesis\nmyth of the origin of the land, and the manner in which the pipe and\nthe corn were given to their ancestors. The corresponding myth of the\nCheyenne occupies \u201cfour smokes\u201d (i. e., four consecutive nights) in\nthe delivery, but I am unable to state whether or not this is the case\nwith the Arapaho. So sacred is this tradition held that no one but the\npriest of the pipe dares to recite it, for fear of divine punishment\nshould the slightest error be made in the narration. At the close of\nthe recital the devotees send up their prayers for the blessings of\nwhich they stand most in need, after which the priest again carefully\nwraps up the sacred objects in the skins. Before leaving the lodge the\nworshipers cover the bundle with their offerings of blankets or other\nvaluables, which are taken by the medicine keeper as his fee.\n\nWhen encamped in the tribal circle, the sacred pipe and its keeper\noccupied a large tipi, reserved especially for this purpose, which\nwas set up within the circle and near its western line, directly\nopposite the doorway on the east. In the center of the circle, between\nthe doorway and the sacred tipi, was erected the sweat-house of the\n_Chi\u2032nachichin\u0115\u2032na_ or old men of the highest degree of the warrior\norder. The taking down of the sacred tipi by the attendants of the pipe\nkeeper was the signal for moving camp, and no other tipi was allowed to\nbe taken down before it. When on the march, the pipe keeper proceeded\non foot\u2014never on horse\u2014carrying the sacred bundle upon his back and\nattended by a retinue of guards. As a matter of course, the sacred\npipe was not carried by war parties or on other expeditions requiring\ncelerity of movement. Of late years the rules have so far relaxed that\nits present guardian sometimes rides on horseback while carrying the\npipe, but even then he carries the bundle upon his own back instead of\nupon the saddle. He never rides in a wagon with it. Since the tribe is\npermanently divided under the modern reservation system, individuals or\nsmall parties of the southern Arapaho frequently make the long journey\nby railroad and stage to the reservation in Wyoming in order to see and\npray over the s\u0115icha, as it is impossible, on account of the ceremonial\nregulations, for the keeper to bring it down to them in the south.\n\nSo far as known, only one white man, Mr J. Roberts, formerly\nsuperintendent of the Arapaho school in Wyoming, has ever seen the\nsacred pipe, which was shown to him on one occasion by Weasel Bear as\na special mark of gratitude in return for some kindness. After having\nspent several months among the southern Arapaho, from whom I learned\nthe songs of the pipe with much as to its sacred history, I visited the\nmessiah in Nevada and then went to the northern Arapaho in Wyoming,\nwith great hope of seeing the s\u0115icha and hearing the tradition in full.\nOn the strength of my intimate acquaintance with their relatives in the\nsouth and with their great messiah in the west, the chiefs and head-men\nwere favorable to my purpose and encouraged me to hope, but on going\nout to the camp in the mountains, where nearly the whole tribe was\nthen assembled cutting wood, my hopes were dashed to the ground the\nfirst night by hearing the old priest, Weasel Bear, making the public\nannouncement in a loud voice throughout the camp that a white man was\namong them to learn about their sacred things, but that these belonged\nto the religion of the Indian and a white man had no business to ask\nabout them. The chief and those who had been delegates to the messiah\ncame in soon after to the tipi where I was stopping, to express their\ndeep regret, but they were unable to change the resolution of Weasel\nBear, and none of themselves would venture to repeat the tradition.\n\n\n 3. +Ate\u2032b\u0115 ti\u0103wu\u2032n\u0103nu\u2032+\n\n Ate\u2032b\u0115 ti\u0103wu\u2032n\u0103nu\u2032, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032n\u0103,\n Ate\u2032b\u0115 ti\u0103wu\u2032n\u0103nu\u2032, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032n\u0103,\n Ni\u2032athu\u2032\u0103\u2032, Ni\u2032athu\u2032\u0103\u2032,\n Ni\u2032binu\u2032 ga\u2032awa\u2032ti\u2032na,\n Ni\u2032binu\u2032 ga\u2032awa\u2032ti\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, when at first I liked the whites,\n My children, when at first I liked the whites,\n I gave them fruits,\n I gave them fruits.\n\nThis song referring to the whites was composed by Nawat or Left Hand,\nchief of the southern Arapaho, and can hardly be considered dangerous\nor treasonable in character. According to his statement, in his trance\nvision of the other world the father showed him extensive orchards,\ntelling him that in the beginning all these things had been given to\nthe whites, but that hereafter they would be given to his children, the\nIndians. _Nia\u2032tha_, plural _Nia\u2032thu\u0103_, the Arapaho name for the whites,\nsignifies literally, expert, skillful, or wise.\n\n\n 4. +A\u2032b\u00e4\u2032ni\u2032hi\u2032+\n\n A\u2032b\u00e4\u2032ni\u2032hi\u2032,\n A\u2032b\u00e4\u2032ni\u2032hi\u2032,\n \u00c4tich\u00e4\u2032bi\u2032n\u00e4s\u00e4n\u0103,\n \u00c4tich\u00e4\u2032bi\u2032n\u00e4s\u00e4n\u0103,\n Chi\u2032chita\u2032n\u0115,\n Chi\u2032chita\u2032n\u0115.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My partner, my partner,\n Let us go out gambling,\n Let us go out gambling,\n At _chi\u2032chita\u2032n\u0115_, at _chi\u2032chita\u2032n\u0115_.\n\n_Chi\u2032chita\u2032n\u0115_ is a favorite game of contest with the boys, in which\nthe player, while holding in his hands a bow and an arrow ready to\nshoot, keeps in the hand which grasps the string a small wisp of grass\nbound with sinew. He lets this drop and tries to shoot it with the\narrow before it touches the ground. The wisp is about the size of a\nman\u2019s finger.\n\nThe song came from the north, and was suggested by a trance vision in\nwhich the dreamer saw his former boy friends playing this game in the\nspirit world.\n\n\n 5. +A\u2032-nis\u00fbna\u2032a\u2032hu \u00c4ch\u012dshin\u012d\u2032qahi\u2032na+\n\n A\u2032-nis\u00fbna\u2032a\u2032hu\u2032,\n A\u2032-nis\u00fbna\u2032a\u2032hu\u2032,\n \u00c4\u2032ch\u012dshin\u012d\u2032qahi\u2032na,\n \u00c4\u2032ch\u012dshin\u012d\u2032qahi\u2032na,\n E\u2032hih\u00e4\u2032sina\u2032k\u0103wu\u2032hu\u2032n\u012dt,\n E\u2032hih\u00e4\u2032sina\u2032k\u0103wu\u2032hu\u2032n\u012dt.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My father, my father,\n While he was taking me around,\n While he was taking me around,\n He turned into a moose,\n He turned into a moose.\n\nThis song relates the trance experience of Waqui\u2032si or \u201cUgly Face\nWoman.\u201d In his vision of the spirit world he went into a large Arapaho\ncamp, where he met his dead father, who took him around to the various\ntipis to meet others of his departed friends. While they were thus\ngoing about, a change came o\u2019er the spirit of his dream, as so often\nhappens in this fevered mental condition, and instead of his father\nhe found a moose standing by his side. Such transformations are\nfrequently noted in the Ghost-dance songs.\n\n[Illustration: +Pl. CXX+\n\n ARAPAHO BED]\n\n\n 6. +E\u2032yehe\u2032! W\u00fb\u2032nayu\u2032uhu\u2032+\n\n E\u2032yehe\u2032! W\u00fb\u2032nayu\u2032uhu\u2032\u2014\n E\u2032yehe\u2032! W\u00fb\u2032nayu\u2032uhu\u2032\u2014\n A\u2032ga\u2032n\u0103\u2032,\n A\u2032ga\u2032n\u0103\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _E\u2032yehe\u2032!_ they are new\u2014\n _E\u2032yehe\u2032!_ they are new\u2014\n The bed coverings,\n The bed coverings.\n\nThe composer of this song is a woman who, in her trance, was taken to a\nlarge camp where all the tipis were of clean new buffalo skins, and the\nbeds and interior furniture were all in the same condition.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 89+\u2014Bed of the prairie tribes.]\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 90+\u2014Shinny stick and ball.]\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 91+\u2014Wakuna or head-feathers.]\n\nThe bed of the prairie tribes is composed of slender willow rods,\npeeled, straightened with the teeth, laid side by side and fastened\ntogether into a sort of mat by means of buckskin or rawhide strings\npassed through holes at the ends of the rods. The bed is stretched upon\na platform raised about a foot above the ground, and one end of the\nmat is raised up in hammock fashion by means of a tripod and buckskin\nhanger. The rods laid across the platform, forming the bed proper, are\nusually about 3\u00bd or 4 feet long (the width of the bed), while those\nforming the upright part suspended from the tripod are shorter as they\napproach the top, where they are only about half that length. The bed\nis bordered with buckskin binding fringed and beaded, and the exposed\nrods are painted in bright colors. The hanging portion is distinct\nfrom the part resting upon the platform, and in some cases there is a\nhanger at each end of the bed. Over the platform portion are spread\nthe buckskins and blankets, which form a couch by day and a bed by\nnight. A pillow of buckskin, stuffed with buffalo hair and elaborately\nornamented with beads or porcupine quills, is sometimes added. The\nbed is placed close up under the tipi. In the largest tipis there are\nusually three beds, one being opposite the doorway and the others on\neach side, the fire being built in a hole scooped out in the ground in\nthe center of the lodge. They are used as seats during waking hours,\nwhile the ground, with a rawhide spread upon it, constitutes the only\ntable at meal time (plate +CXXI+; figure 89). In going to bed there\nis no undressing, each person as he becomes sleepy simply stretching\nout and drawing a blanket over himself, head and all, while the other\noccupants of the tipi continue their talking, singing, or other\nbusiness until they too lie down to pleasant dreams.\n\n\n 7. +Hi\u2032s\u00e4hi\u2032hi+\n\n Hi\u2032s\u00e4hi\u2032hi, Hi\u2032s\u00e4hi\u2032hi,\n Ha\u2032n\u00e4 ta\u2032w\u016dn\u00e4 ga\u2032aw\u0103\u2032ha,\n Ha\u2032n\u00e4 ta\u2032w\u016dn\u00e4 ga\u2032aw\u0103\u2032ha.\n A\u2032tan\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4hin\u00e4\u2032na,\n A\u2032tan\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4hin\u00e4\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My partner! My partner!\n Strike the ball hard\u2014\n Strike the ball hard.\n I want to win,\n I want to win.\n\nThis song refers to the woman\u2019s game of _g\u00fb\u201bg\u0103\u2032hawa\u2032t_ or \u201cshinny,\u201d\nplayed with curved sticks and a ball like a baseball, called\n_gaaw\u0103\u2032ha_, made of (buffalo) hair and covered with buckskin (figure\n90). Two stakes are set up as goals at either end of the ground, and\nthe object of each party is to drive the ball through the goals of the\nother. Each inning is a game. The song was composed by a woman, who met\nher former girl comrade in the spirit world and played this game with\nher against an opposing party.\n\n\n 8. +\u00c4\u2032-nani\u2032ni\u2032bi\u2032n\u00e4\u2032si waku\u2032na+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n \u00c4\u2032-nani\u2032ni\u2032bi\u2032n\u00e4\u2032si waku\u2032na,\n \u00c4\u2032-nani\u2032ni\u2032bi\u2032n\u00e4\u2032si waku\u2032na.\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n The wind makes the head-feathers sing\u2014\n The wind makes the head-feathers sing.\n My children, my children.\n\nBy the _wakuna_ or head-feathers (figure 91) is meant the two crow\nfeathers mounted on a short stick and worn on the head by the leaders\nof the dance, as already described.\n\n\n 9. +He\u2032! N\u00e4ne\u2032th bi\u2032shiqa\u2032w\u0103+\n\n[Music]\n\n He\u2032! n\u00e4ne\u2032th bi\u2032shiqa\u2032w\u0103,\n He\u2032! n\u00e4ne\u2032th bi\u2032shiqa\u2032w\u0103,\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n N\u00e4\u2032ina\u2032ha\u2032td\u00e4\u2032b\u00e4\u2032naq,\n N\u00e4\u2032ina\u2032ha\u2032td\u00e4\u2032b\u00e4\u2032naq.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _He!_ When I met him approaching\u2014\n _He!_ When I met him approaching\u2014\n My children, my children\u2014\n I then saw the multitude plainly,\n I then saw the multitude plainly.\n\nThis song was brought from the north to the southern Arapaho by Sitting\nBull. It refers to the trance vision of a dancer, who saw the messiah\nadvancing at the head of all the spirit army. It is an old favorite,\nand is sung with vigor and animation.\n\n\n 10. +H\u00e4na\u2032na\u2032wun\u0103nu ni\u2032tawu\u2032na\u2032na\u2032+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n H\u00e4na\u2032na\u2032wun\u0103nu ni\u2032tawu\u2032na\u2032na\u2032,\n H\u00e4na\u2032na\u2032wun\u0103nu ni\u2032tawu\u2032na\u2032na\u2032,\n Di\u2032chin ni\u0103nita\u2032wa\u2032thi,\n Di\u2032chin ni\u0103nita\u2032wa\u2032thi.\n Nithi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn,\n Nithi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n I take pity on those who have been taught,\n I take pity on those who have been taught,\n Because they push on hard,\n Because they push on hard.\n Says our father,\n Says our father.\n\nThis is a message from the messiah to persevere in the dance. In the\nexpressive idiom of the prairie tribes, as also in the sign language,\nthe term for persevering signifies to \u201cpush hard.\u201d\n\n\n 11. +A-ni\u2032qu wa\u2032wan\u00e4\u2032nib\u00e4\u2032tia\u2032+\n\n A-ni\u2032qu wa\u2032wan\u00e4\u2032nib\u00e4\u2032tia\u2032\u2014Hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!\n A-ni\u2032qu wa\u2032wan\u00e4\u2032nib\u00e4\u2032tia\u2032\u2014Hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!\n Hi\u2032niqa\u2032agayetu\u2032sa,\n Hi\u2032niqa\u2032agayetu\u2032sa,\n Hi\u2032ni ni\u2032nitu\u2032sa nib\u00e4\u2032tia\u2014Hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!\n Hi\u2032ni ni\u2032nitu\u2032sa nib\u00e4\u2032tia\u2014Hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n Father, now I am singing it\u2014_Hi\u2032ni\u2032ni!_\n Father, now I am singing it\u2014_Hi\u2032ni\u2032ni!_\n That loudest song of all,\n That loudest song of all\u2014\n That resounding song\u2014_Hi\u2032ni\u2032ni!_\n That resounding song\u2014_Hi\u2032ni\u2032ni!_\n\nThis is another of the old favorites. The rolling effect of the vocalic\nArapaho syllables renders it particularly sonorous when sung by a\nfull chorus. _Ni\u2032qa_ or _a-ni\u2032qu_, \u201cfather,\u201d is a term of reverential\naffection, about equivalent to \u201cour father\u201d in the Lord\u2019s prayer. The\nordinary word is _hes\u00fbna\u2032nin_, from _nis\u00fb\u2032na_, \u201cmy father.\u201d\n\n\n 12. +Ha\u2032yana\u2032-usi\u2032ya\u2032+\n\n Ha\u2032yana\u2032-usi\u2032ya\u2032!\n Ha\u2032yana\u2032-usi\u2032ya\u2032!\n Bi\u2032ga ta\u2032cha\u2032wagu\u2032na,\n Bi\u2032ga ta\u2032cha\u2032wagu\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n How bright is the moonlight!\n How bright is the moonlight!\n Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef,\n Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef.\n\nThe author of this song, on meeting his friends in the spirit world,\nfound them preparing to go on a great buffalo hunt, the prairies of the\nnew earth being covered with the countless thousands of buffalo that\nhave been swept from the plains since the advent of the white man. They\nreturned to camp at night, under the full moonlight, with their ponies\nloaded down with fresh beef. There is something peculiarly touching in\nthis dream of the old life\u2014this Indian heaven where\u2014\n\n \u201cIn meadows wet with moistening dews,\n In garments for the chase arrayed,\n The hunter still the deer pursues\u2014\n The hunter and the deer a shade.\u201d\n\n\n 13. +Ha\u2032ti ni\u2032b\u00e4t\u2014E\u2032he\u2032eye\u2032+\n\n Ha\u2032ti ni\u2032b\u00e4t\u2014E\u2032he\u2032eye\u2032!\n Ha\u2032ti ni\u2032b\u00e4t\u2014E\u2032he\u2032eye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032nib\u00e4\u2032tawa\u2032,\n N\u00e4\u2032nib\u00e4\u2032tawa\u2032,\n He\u2032y\u00e4ya\u2032ahe\u2032ye!\n He\u2032y\u00e4ya\u2032ahe\u2032ye!\n\n _Translation_\n\n The cottonwood song\u2014_E\u2032he\u2032eye\u2032!_\n The cottonwood song\u2014_E\u2032he\u2032eye\u2032!_\n I am singing it,\n I am singing it,\n _He\u2032y\u00e4ya\u2032ahe\u2032ye!\n He\u2032y\u00e4ya\u2032ahe\u2032ye!_\n\nThe cottonwood (_Populus monilifera_) is the most characteristic tree\nof the plains and of the arid region between the Rockies and the\nSierras. It is a species of poplar and takes its name from the white\ndowny blossom fronds, resembling cotton, which come out upon it in the\nspring. The cottonwood and a species of stunted oak, with the mesquite\nin the south, are almost the only trees to be found upon the great\nplains extending from the Saskatchewan southward into Texas. As it\nnever grows out upon the open, but always close along the borders of\nthe few streams, it is an unfailing indication of water either on or\nnear the surface, in a region well-nigh waterless. Between the bark\nand the wood there is a sweet milky juice of which the Indians are\nvery fond\u2014as one who had been educated in the east said, \u201cIt is their\nice cream\u201d\u2014and they frequently strip off the bark and scrape the trunk\nin order to procure it. Horses also are fond of this sweet juice, and\nin seasons when the grass has been burned off or is otherwise scarce,\nthe Indian ponies sometimes resort to the small twigs and bark of\nthe cottonwood to sustain life. In extreme cases their owners have\nsometimes been driven to the same shift. In winter the camps of the\nprairie tribes are removed from the open prairie to the shelter of the\ncottonwood timber along the streams. The tree is held almost sacred,\nand the sun-dance lodge is usually or always constructed of cottonwood\nsaplings.\n\n\n 14. +Eyehe\u2032! A\u2032nie\u2032sa\u2032na+\n\n Eyehe\u2032! A\u2032nie\u2032sa\u2032na\u2032,\n Eyehe\u2032! A\u2032nie\u2032sa\u2032na\u2032,\n He\u2032ee\u2032\u00e4\u2032ehe\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!\n He\u2032ee\u2032\u00e4\u2032ehe\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!\n A\u2032-baha\u2032 ni\u2032esa\u2032na\u2032,\n A\u2032-baha\u2032 ni\u2032esa\u2032na\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _Eyehe\u2032!_ The young birds,\n _Eyehe\u2032!_ The young birds,\n _He\u2032ee\u2032\u00e4\u2032ehe\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!\n He\u2032ee\u2032\u00e4\u2032ehe\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!_\n The young Thunderbirds,\n The young Thunderbirds.\n\nAmong the Algonquian tribes of the east, the Sioux, Cheyenne, Arapaho,\nKiowa, Comanche, and prairie tribes generally, as well as among those\nof the northwest coast and some parts of Mexico, thunder and lightning\nare produced by a great bird, whose shadow is the thunder cloud, whose\nflapping wings make the sound of thunder, and whose flashing eyes\nrapidly opening or closing send forth the lightning. Among some tribes\nof the northwest this being is not a bird, but a giant who puts on a\ndress of bird skin with head, wings, and all complete, by means of\nwhich he flies through the air when in search of his prey. The myth is\nnot found among the Iroquois or the Cherokee, or, perhaps, among the\nMuskhogean tribes.\n\nThe Thunderbird usually has his dwelling on some high mountain or\nrocky elevation of difficult access. Within the territory of the myth\nseveral places are thus designated as the Thunder\u2019s Nest. Thunder bay\nof Lake Huron, in lower Michigan, derives its name in this way. Such a\nplace, known to the Sioux as _Waqki\u00f1\u2032a-oye\u2032_, \u201cThe Thunder\u2019s Nest,\u201d is\nwithin the old territory of the Sisseton Sioux in eastern South Dakota\nin the neighborhood of Big Stone lake. At another place, near the\nsummit of the Coteau des Prairies, in eastern South Dakota, a number of\nlarge round bowlders are pointed out as the eggs of the Thunderbird.\nAccording to the Comanche there is a place on upper Red river where\nthe Thunderbird once alighted on the ground, the spot being still\nidentified by the fact that the grass remains burned off over a space\nhaving the outline of a large bird with outstretched wings. The same\npeople tell how a hunter once shot and wounded a large bird which fell\nto the ground. Being afraid to attack it alone on account of its size,\nhe returned to camp for help, but on again approaching the spot the\nhunters heard the thunder rolling and saw flashes of lightning shooting\nout from the ravine where the bird lay wounded. On coming nearer, the\nlightning blinded them so that they could not see the bird, and one\nflash struck and killed a hunter. His frightened companions then fled\nback to camp, for they knew it was the Thunderbird.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 92+\u2014The Thunderbird.]\n\nWith both Cheyenne and Arapaho the thunder (_ba\u2032a\u2032_) is a large bird,\nwith a brood of smaller ones, and carries in its talons a number of\narrows with which it strikes the victim of lightning. For this reason\nthey call the eagle on our coins _baa_. When it thunders, they say\n_ba\u2032a\u2032 n\u00e4nit\u016d\u2032hut_, \u201cthe thunder calls.\u201d In Indian pictography the\nThunderbird is figured with zigzag lines running out from its heart to\nrepresent the lightning. A small figure of it (represented in figure\n92), cut from rawhide and ornamented with beads, is frequently worn on\nthe heads of the dancers.\n\n\n 15. +A\u2032he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini n\u0103ya\u2032q\u00fbti\u2032hi+\n\n A\u2032he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini n\u0103ya\u2032q\u00fbti\u2032hi,\n A\u2032he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini n\u0103ya\u2032q\u00fbti\u2032hi,\n H\u00e4\u2032ni\u2032nihiga\u2032h\u016dna\u2032,\n H\u00e4\u2032ni\u2032nihiga\u2032h\u016dna\u2032,\n He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nin h\u00e4\u2032ni na\u2032ha\u2032wa\u016d\u2032.\n He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nin h\u00e4\u2032ni na\u2032ha\u2032wa\u016d\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Our father, the Whirlwind,\n Our father, the Whirlwind\u2014\n By its aid I am running swiftly,\n By its aid I am running swiftly,\n By which means I saw our father,\n By which means I saw our father.\n\nThe idea expressed in this song is that the dreamer \u201crides the\nwhirlwind\u201d in order sooner to meet the messiah and the spirit hosts.\nFather or grandfather are terms of reverence and affection, applied to\nanything held sacred or awful.\n\n\n 16. +A\u2032he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini n\u0103ya\u2032q\u00fbti\u2032+\n\n A\u2032he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini n\u0103ya\u2032q\u00fbti\u2032,\n A\u2032he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini n\u0103ya\u2032q\u00fbti\u2032,\n Wa\u2032w\u0103 ch\u00e4\u2032ni\u012d\u2032nagu\u2032n\u012dti hu\u2032na,\n Wa\u2032w\u0103 ch\u00e4\u2032ni\u012d\u2032nagu\u2032n\u012dti hu\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Our father, the Whirlwind,\n Our father, the Whirlwind,\n Now wears the headdress of crow feathers,\n Now wears the headdress of crow feathers.\n\nIn this song the Whirlwind, personified, wears on his head the two crow\nfeathers, by which the dancers are to be borne upward to the new spirit\nworld.\n\n\n 17. +Nina\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032na+\n\n Nina\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032na,\n Nina\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032na\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu h\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4i\u2032s\u00e4\u012d,\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu h\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4i\u2032s\u00e4\u012d,\n Hi\u2032n\u0103\u00e4\u2032thi n\u00e4\u2032niwu\u2032hun\u0103,\n Hi\u2032n\u0103\u00e4\u2032thi n\u00e4\u2032niwu\u2032hun\u0103.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I circle around\u2014\n I circle around\n The boundaries of the earth,\n The boundaries of the earth\u2014\n Wearing the long wing feathers as I fly,\n Wearing the long wing feathers as I fly.\n\nThis song probably refers to the Thunderbird. There is an energetic\nswing to the tune that makes it a favorite. In Indian belief the earth\nis a circular disk, usually surrounded on all sides by water, and\nthe sky is a solid concave hemisphere coming down at the horizon to\nthe level of the earth. In Cherokee and other Indian myth the sky is\ncontinually lifting up and coming down again to the earth, like the\nupper blade of the scissors. The sun, which lives upon the outside\nof this hemisphere, comes through from the east in the morning while\nthere is a momentary opening between the earth and the edge of the sky,\nclimbs along upon the underside of the sky from east to west, and goes\nout at the western horizon in the evening, to return during the night\nto its starting point in the east.\n\n\n 18. +Ha\u2032nahawu\u2032n\u0115n b\u0115ni\u2032ni\u2032na+\n\n Ha\u2032nahawu\u2032n\u0115n b\u0115ni\u2032ni\u2032na,\n Ha\u2032nahawu\u2032n\u0115n b\u0115ni\u2032ni\u2032na,\n Hina\u2032w\u00fbn ga\u2032na\u2032ni\u2032na,\n Hina\u2032w\u00fbn ga\u2032na\u2032ni\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The _Hanahawun\u0115n_ gave to me,\n The _Hanahawun\u0115n_ gave to me,\n His paint\u2014He made me clean,\n His paint\u2014He made me clean.\n\nThe author of this song met in the spirit world a man of the now\nextinct Arapaho band of the _Hanahawun\u0115na_, who washed the face of the\nvisitor and then painted him afresh with some of the old-time mineral\npaint of the Indians. In accord with the Indian belief, all the extinct\nand forgotten tribes have now their home in the world of shades.\n\n\n 19. +Ate\u2032be\u2032tana\u2032-ise\u2032ti he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini\u2032+\n\n Ate\u2032be\u2032tana\u2032-ise\u2032ti he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032eye\u2032!\n Ate\u2032be\u2032tana\u2032-ise\u2032ti he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032eye\u2032!\n Na\u2032waa\u2032t\u0103n\u00fb\u2032, Na\u2032waa\u2032t\u0103n\u00fb,\n Danatin\u0115nawa\u016d,\n Nita-isa, nita-isa,\n He\u2032yahe\u2032e\u1ef9e\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n When first our father came\u2014_Ahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n When first our father came\u2014_Ahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n I prayed to him, I prayed to him\u2014\n My relative, my relative\u2014\n _He\u2032yahe\u2032e\u1ef9e\u2032!_\n\nThis song was composed by Paul Boynton (B\u00e4\u00e4ku\u2032ni, \u201cRed Feather\u201d), a\nCarlisle student, after having been in a trance. His brother had died\nsome time before, and being told by the Indians that he might be able\nto see and talk with him by joining the dance, Paul went to Sitting\nBull, the leader of the dance, at the next gathering, and asked him to\nhelp him to see his dead brother. The result was that he was hypnotized\nby Sitting Bull, fell to the ground in a trance, and saw his brother.\nWhile talking with him, however, he suddenly awoke, much to his regret,\nprobably from some one of the dancers having touched against him as he\nlay upon the ground. According to his statement, the words were spoken\nby him in his sleep after coming from the dance and were overheard by\nsome companions who questioned him about it in the morning, when he\ntold his experience and put the words into a song. The \u201cfather\u201d here\nreferred to is Sitting Bull, the great apostle of the Arapaho Ghost\ndance. It was from Paul\u2019s statement, intelligently told in good English\nbefore I had yet seen the dance, that I was first led to suspect that\nhypnotism was the secret of the trances.\n\n\n 20. +A-ni\u2032\u00e4n\u0115\u2032th\u0103hi\u2032nani\u2032na nisa\u2032na+\n\n A-ni\u2032\u00e4n\u0115\u2032th\u0103hi\u2032nani\u2032na nisa\u2032na,\n A-ni\u2032\u00e4n\u0115\u2032th\u0103hi\u2032nani\u2032na nisa\u2032na.\n He\u2032ch\u00e4\u2032 na\u2032h\u0103bi\u2032na,\n He\u2032ch\u00e4\u2032 na\u2032h\u0103bi\u2032na,\n Hewa-u\u2032sa h\u00e4thi\u2032na,\n Hewa-u\u2032sa h\u00e4thi\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My father did not recognize me (at first),\n My father did not recognize me (at first).\n When again he saw me,\n When again he saw me,\n He said, \u201cYou are the offspring of a crow,\u201d\n He said, \u201cYou are the offspring of a crow.\u201d\n\nThis song was composed by Sitting Bull, the Arapaho apostle of the\ndance, and relates his own experience in the trance, in which he met\nhis father, who had died years before. The expression, \u201cYou are the\nchild of a crow,\u201d may refer to his own sacred character as an apostle,\nthe crow being regarded as the messenger from the spirit world.\n\n\n 21. +Ni\u2032-athu\u2032-a-u\u2032 a\u2032hak\u00e4\u2032nith\u2032i\u012d+\n\n I\u2032yehe\u2032! an\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032n\u0103\u2032\u2014Uhi\u2032yeye\u2032heye\u2032!\n I\u2032yehe\u2032! an\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032n\u0103\u2032\u2014Uhi\u2032yeye\u2032heye\u2032!\n I\u2032yehe\u2032! ha\u2032dawn\u2032hana\u2032\u2014Eye\u2032\u0103e\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!\n I\u2032yehe\u2032! ha\u2032dawn\u2032hana\u2032\u2014Eye\u2032\u0103e\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!\n Ni\u2032athu\u2032-a-u\u2032 a\u2032hak\u00e4\u2032nith\u2032i\u012d\u2014Ahe\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!\n\n _Translation_\n\n _I\u2032yehe\u2032!_ my children\u2014_Uhi\u2032yeye\u2032heye\u2032!_\n _I\u2032yehe\u2032!_ my children\u2014_Uhi\u2032yeye\u2032heye\u2032!_\n _I\u2032yehe\u2032!_ we have rendered them desolate\u2014_Eye\u2032\u0103e\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!_\n _I\u2032yehe\u2032!_ we have rendered them desolate\u2014_Eye\u2032\u0103e\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!_\n The whites are crazy\u2014_Ahe\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!_\n\nIn this song the father tells his children of the desolation, in\nconsequence of their folly and injustice, that would come upon the\nwhites when they will be left alone upon the old world, while the\nIndians will be taken up to the new earth to live in happiness forever.\n\n\n 22. +Na\u2032ha\u2032ta bitaa\u2032wu+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032n\u0103, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032n\u0103,\n Na\u2032ha\u2032ta bi\u2032taa\u2032wu h\u00e4tnaa\u2032waa\u2032-u\u2032hu\u2032,\n Na\u2032ha\u2032ta bi\u2032taa\u2032wu h\u00e4tnaa\u2032waa\u2032-u\u2032hu\u2032.\n H\u00e4thi\u2032na hi\u2032nis\u00fb\u2032na-hu\u2032,\n H\u00e4thi\u2032na hi\u2032nis\u00fb\u2032na-hu\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n Look! the earth is about to move,\n Look! the earth is about to move.\n My father tells me so,\n My father tells me so.\n\nIn this song the dreamer tells his friends, on the authority of the\nmessiah, that the predicted spiritual new earth is about to start to\ncome over and cover up this old world. It was also taught, as appears\nfrom the messiah\u2019s letter, that at the moment of contact this world\nwould tremble as in an earthquake.\n\n\n 23. +Ahe\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini \u00c4chiqa\u2032h\u0103\u2032wa-\u00fc\u2032+\n\n Ahe\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini, ahe\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini,\n \u00c4chiqa\u2032h\u0103\u2032wa-\u016d\u2032, \u00c4chiqa\u2032h\u0103\u2032wa-\u016d\u2032,\n E\u2032hih\u00e4\u2032s\u012dni\u2032\u0115hi\u2032n\u012dt,\n E\u2032hih\u00e4\u2032s\u012dni\u2032\u0115hi\u2032n\u012dt.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My father, my father\u2014\n I am looking at him,\n I am looking at him.\n He is beginning to turn into a bird,\n He is beginning to turn into a bird.\n\nIn this, as in the fifth Arapaho song, we have a transformation.\nAccording to the story of the author, his father is transformed into\na bird even while he looks at him. The song is sung in quick time to\nhasten the trance.\n\n\n 24. +Ha\u2032\u0103nake\u2032i+\n\n Ha\u2032\u0103nake\u2032i, ha\u2032\u0103nake\u2032i,\n D\u00e4\u2032nasa\u2032ku\u2032t\u0103wa\u2032,\n D\u00e4\u2032nasa\u2032ku\u2032t\u0103wa\u2032,\n He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nin h\u00e4\u2032ni na\u2032ha\u2032wa\u016d\u2032,\n He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nin h\u00e4\u2032ni na\u2032ha\u2032wa\u016d\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The rock, the rock,\n I am standing upon it,\n I am standing upon it.\n By its means I saw our father,\n By its means I saw our father.\n\nThis is one of the old songs now obsolete, and its meaning is not\nclear. It may mean simply that the author of it climbed a rock in order\nto be able to see farther, but it is more likely that it contains some\nmythic reference.\n\n\n 25. +Wa\u2032wa\u2032na\u2032dan\u00e4\u2032di\u0103\u2032+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na\u0103\u016d\u2032, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na\u0103\u016d\u2032,\n Wa\u2032wa\u2032na\u2032dan\u00e4\u2032di\u0103\u2032.\n Wa\u2032wa\u2032na\u2032dan\u00e4\u2032di\u0103\u2032,\n N\u00e4nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4nisa\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n I am about to hum,\n I am about to hum.\n My children, my children.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 93+\u2014Hummer and bull-roarer.]\n\nThe author of this song saw her children in the other world playing\nwith the _h\u00e4tiku\u2032tha_, or hummer. On going home after awaking from\nher trance, she made the toy and carried it with her to the next dance\nand twirled it in the air while singing the song. The _h\u00e4tiku\u2032tha_,\nor hummer, is used by the boys of the prairie tribes as our boys use\nthe \u201ccut-water,\u201d a circular tin disk, suspended on two strings passed\nthrough holes in the middle, and set in rapid revolution, so as to\nproduce a humming sound, by alternately twisting the strings upon each\nother and allowing them to untwist again. One of these which I examined\nconsists of a bone from a buffalo hoof, painted in different colors,\nwith four buckskin strings tied around the middle and running out on\neach side and fastened at each end to a small peg, so as to be more\nfirmly grasped by the fingers. It was carried in the dance in 1890\nby an old Arapaho named Tall Bear, who had had it in his possession\nfor twenty years. Another specimen, shown in figure 93, _a_, now in\npossession of the National Museum, is similar in construction, but with\nonly one string on each side.\n\nA kindred toy\u2014it can hardly be considered a musical instrument\u2014is that\nknown among the whites as the \u201cbull-roarer.\u201d It is found among most of\nthe western tribes, as well as among our own children and primitive\npeoples all over the world. It is usually a simple flat piece of wood,\nabout 6 inches long, sometimes notched on the edges and fancifully\npainted, attached to a sinew or buckskin string of convenient length.\nIt is held in one hand, and when twirled rapidly in the air produces\na sound not unlike the roaring of a bull or of distant thunder. With\nmost tribes it is simply a child\u2019s toy, but among the Hopi, according\nto Fewkes, and the Apache, according to Bourke, it has a sacred use to\nassist the prayers of the medicine-man in bringing on the storm clouds\nand the rain.\n\n\n 26. +A-te\u2032b\u0115\u2032 dii\u2032n\u0115tita\u2032ni\u0115g+\n\n A-te\u2032b\u0115\u2032 dii\u2032n\u0115tita\u2032ni\u0115g\u2014I\u2032yehe\u2032eye\u2032!\n A-te\u2032b\u0115\u2032 dii\u2032n\u0115tita\u2032ni\u0115g\u2014I\u2032yehe\u2032eye\u2032!\n Nii\u2032te\u2032gu be\u2032na n\u0115\u2032ch\u00e4i\u2032hit\u2014I\u2032yehe\u2032eye\u2032!\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wuu\u2014I\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032!\n Nii\u2032te\u2032gu be\u2032na n\u0115\u2032ch\u00e4i\u2032hit\u2014I\u2032yehe\u2032eye\u2032!\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wuu\u2014I\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032!\n De\u2032tawu\u2032ni\u2032na ni\u2032sa\u2032na\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032eye\u2032-he\u2032eye\u2032!\n De\u2032tawu\u2032ni\u2032na ni\u2032sa\u2032na\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032eye\u2032-he\u2032eye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n At the beginning of human existence\u2014_I\u2032yehe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n At the beginning of human existence\u2014_I\u2032yehe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me\u2014\n The earth\u2014_I\u2032yehe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me\u2014\n The earth\u2014_I\u2032yehe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n (Thus) my father told me\u2014_Ahe\u2032eye\u2032-he\u2032eye\u2032!_\n (Thus) my father told me\u2014_Ahe\u2032eye\u2032-he\u2032eye\u2032!_\n\nIn the mythology of many primitive nations, from the ancient Hindu to\nour own Indian tribes, the turtle or tortoise is the supporter of the\nearth, the Atlas on whose back rests the burden of the whole living\nuniverse. A reason for this is found in the amphibious character of the\nturtle, which renders it equally at home on land and in the water, and\nin its peculiar shape, which was held to be typical of the world, the\nworld itself being conceived as a huge turtle swimming in a limitless\nocean, the dome of the sky being its upper shell, and the flat surface\nof the earth being the bony breastplate of the animal, while inclosed\nbetween them was the living body, the human, animal, and vegetal\ncreation. In Hindu mythology, when the gods are ready to destroy\nmankind, the turtle will grow weary and sink under his load and then\nthe waters will rise and a deluge will overwhelm the earth. (_Fiske._)\n\nThe belief in the turtle as the upholder of the earth was common to\nall the Algonquian tribes, to which belong the Arapaho and Cheyenne,\nand to the northern Iroquoian tribes. Earthquakes were caused by his\nshifting his position from time to time. In their pictographs the\nturtle was frequently the symbol of the earth, and in their prayers it\nwas sometimes addressed as mother. The most honored clan was the Turtle\nclan; the most sacred spot in the Algonquian territory was Mackinaw,\nthe \u201cIsland of the Great Turtle;\u201d the favorite medicine bowl of their\ndoctors is the shell of a turtle; the turtle is pictured on the\nghost shirts of the Arapaho, and farther south in Oklahoma it is the\nrecognized stock brand by which it is known that a horse or cow belongs\nto one of the historic Delaware tribe.\n\n\n 27. +Tahu\u2032na\u2032\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032nia\u2032huna+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n N\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4ni\u2032na ta\u2032hu\u2032na\u2032\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032nia\u2032hun\u0103\u2032,\n Tahu\u2032na\u2032\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032nia\u2032huna,\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n N\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4ni\u2032na ta\u2032h\u0115ti\u2032nia\u2032hun\u0103\u2032,\n Ta\u2032h\u0115ti\u2032nia\u2032hun\u0103\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n It is I who make the thunder as I circle about\u2014\n The thunder as I circle about.\n My children, my children,\n It is I who make the loud thunder as I circle about\u2014\n The loud thunder as I circle about.\n\nThis song evidently refers to the Thunderbird. It is one of the old\nfavorites from the north, and is sung to a sprightly tune in quick\ntime. It differs from the others in having only a part instead of all\nof the line repeated.\n\n\n 28. +Ani\u2032qu ne\u2032chawu\u2032nani\u2032+\n\n[Music]\n\n Ani\u2032qu ne\u2032chawu\u2032nani\u2032,\n Ani\u2032qu ne\u2032chawu\u2032nani\u2032;\n Awa\u2032wa biq\u0103na\u2032kaye\u2032na,\n Awa\u2032wa biq\u0103na\u2032kaye\u2032na;\n Iyahu\u2032h ni\u2032bithi\u2032ti,\n Iyahu\u2032h ni\u2032bithi\u2032ti.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Father, have pity on me,\n Father, have pity on me;\n I am crying for thirst,\n I am crying for thirst;\n All is gone\u2014I have nothing to eat,\n All is gone\u2014I have nothing to eat.\n\nThis is the most pathetic of the Ghost-dance songs. It is sung to a\nplaintive tune, sometimes with tears rolling down the cheeks of the\ndancers as the words would bring up thoughts of their present miserable\nand dependent condition. It may be considered the Indian paraphrase of\nthe Lord\u2019s prayer.\n\n\n 29. +A-ni\u2032niha\u2032niahu\u2032na+\n\n A-ni\u2032niha\u2032niahu\u2032na,\n A-ni\u2032niha\u2032niahu\u2032na,\n Yeni\u2032s-iti\u2032na ku\u2032niahu\u2032na,\n Yeni\u2032s-iti\u2032na ku\u2032niahu\u2032na,\n Hi\u2032ch\u00e4b\u00e4\u2032i\u2014He\u2032e\u2032e\u2032!\n Hi\u2032ch\u00e4b\u00e4\u2032i\u2014He\u2032e\u2032e\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n I fly around yellow,\n I fly around yellow,\n I fly with the wild rose on my head,\n I fly with the wild rose on my head,\n On high\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032e\u2032!_\n On high\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032e\u2032!_\n\nThe meaning of this song is not clear. It may refer to the Thunderbird\nor to the Crow, the sacred bird of the Ghost dance. The _ye\u2032nis_ or\nwild rose is much esteemed among the prairie tribes for its red seed\nberries, which are pounded into a paste and dried for food. It is\nfrequently mentioned in the ghost songs, and is sometimes pictured\non the ghost shirts. Although rather insipid, the berries possess\nnutritive qualities. They are gathered in winter, and are sometimes\neaten raw, but more generally are first boiled and strained to get rid\nof the seeds. This dough-like substance is sometimes mixed with marrow\nfrom broken bones and pasted around sticks and thus roasted before the\nfire. It is never packed away for future use. The Cherokee call the\nsame plant by a name which means \u201crabbit food,\u201d on account of this\nanimal\u2019s fondness for the berries.\n\n\n 30. +Niha\u2032nata\u2032yeche\u2032ti+\n\n He\u2032yoho\u2032ho\u2032! He\u2032yoho\u2032ho\u2032!\n Niha\u2032nata\u2032yeche\u2032ti, na\u2032naga\u2032qan\u0115\u2032tihi,\n Wa\u2032waga\u2032th\u00e4n\u016dhu,\n Wa\u2032waga\u2032th\u00e4n\u016dhu,\n Wa\u2032wa ne\u2032hawa\u2032w\u016dna\u2032nahu\u2032,\n Wa\u2032wa ne\u2032hawa\u2032w\u016dna\u2032nahu\u2032.\n He\u2032yoho\u2032ho\u2032! He\u2032yoho\u2032ho\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n _He\u2032yoho\u2032ho\u2032! He\u2032yoho\u2032ho\u2032!_\n The yellow-hide, the white-skin (man).\n I have now put him aside\u2014\n I have now put him aside\u2014\n I have no more sympathy with him,\n I have no more sympathy with him.\n _He\u2032yoho\u2032ho\u2032! He\u2032yoho\u2032ho\u2032!_\n\nThis is another song about the whites, who are spoken of as \u201cyellow\nhides\u201d or \u201cwhite skins.\u201d The proper Arapaho name for a white man is\n_Nia\u2032tha_, \u201cskillful.\u201d A great many names are applied to the whites by\nthe different Indian tribes. By the Comanche, Shoshoni, and Paiute they\nare called _Tai\u2032vo_, \u201ceasterners;\u201d by the Hopi, of the same stock as\nthe three tribes mentioned, they are known as _Paha\u2032na_, \u201ceastern water\npeople;\u201d by the Kiowa they are called _Be\u2032d\u0103lpago_, \u201chairy mouths,\u201d or\n_Ta\u201bka\u2032-i_, \u201cstanding ears.\u201d It is very doubtful if the \u201cpale face\u201d of\nromance ever existed in the Indian mind.\n\n\n 31. +A-b\u00e4\u00e4\u2032thina\u2032hu+\n\n A-b\u00e4\u00e4\u2032thina\u2032hu, a-b\u00e4\u00e4\u2032thina\u2032hu,\n Ha\u2032tnithi\u2032aku\u2032ta\u2032na,\n Ha\u2032tnithi\u2032aku\u2032ta\u2032na,\n Ha\u2032-b\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032nani\u2032hi,\n Ha\u2032-b\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032nani\u2032hi.\n Ha\u2032tnithi\u2032aku\u2032ta\u2032na,\n Ha\u2032tnithi\u2032aku\u2032ta\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The cedar tree, the cedar tree,\n We have it in the center,\n We have it in the center\n When we dance,\n When we dance.\n We have it in the center,\n We have it in the center.\n\nThe Kiowa, the Sioux, and perhaps some other tribes performed the Ghost\ndance around a tree set up in the center of the circle. With the Kiowa\nthis tree was a cedar, and such was probably the case with the other\ntribes, whenever a cedar could be obtained, as it is always a sacred\ntree in Indian belief and ceremonial. The southern Arapaho and Cheyenne\nnever had a tree in connection with the Ghost dance, so that this song\ncould not have originated among them. The cedar is held sacred for its\nevergreen foliage, its fragrant smell, its red heart wood, and the\ndurable character of its timber. On account of its fine grain, and\nenduring qualities the prairie tribes make their tipi poles of its\nwood, which will not warp through heat or moisture. Their flageolets or\nflutes are also made of cedar, and in the mescal and other ceremonies\nits dried and crumbled foliage is thrown upon the fire as incense. In\nCherokee and Yuchi myth the red color of the wood comes from the blood\nof a wizard who was killed and decapitated by a hero, and whose head\nwas hung in the top of several trees in succession, but continued to\nlive until, by the advice of a medicine-man, the people hung it in the\ntopmost branches of a cedar tree, where it finally died. The blood of\nthe severed head trickled down the trunk of the tree and thus the wood\nwas stained.\n\n\n 32. +Wa\u2032wa n\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naku\u2032ti+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n Wa\u2032wa n\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naku\u2032ti waku\u2032hu,\n Wa\u2032wa n\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naku\u2032ti waku\u2032hu.\n Hi\u2032yu n\u00e4\u2032nii\u2032b\u00e4\u2032-i,\n Hi\u2032yu n\u00e4\u2032nii\u2032b\u00e4\u2032-i.\n H\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4-i\u2032naku\u2032ni h\u00e4thi\u2032na nis\u00fb\u2032nahu,\n H\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4-i\u2032naku\u2032ni h\u00e4thi\u2032na nis\u00fb\u2032nahu.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n Now I am waving an eagle feather,\n Now I am waving an eagle feather.\n Here is a spotted feather for you,\n Here is a spotted feather for you.\n You may have it, said my father,\n You may have it, said my father.\n\nWhile singing this song the author of it waved in his right hand an\neagle feather prepared for wearing in the hair, while he carried a\nspotted hawk feather in the other hand. In his trance vision he had\nreceived such a spotted feather from the messiah.\n\n\n 33. +A-ni\u2032qana\u2032ga+\n\n A-ni\u2032qana\u2032ga,\n A-ni\u2032qana\u2032ga,\n Ha\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032i\u2032na\u2032dan\u0115\u2032na,\n Ha\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032i\u2032na\u2032dan\u0115\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n There is a solitary bull,\n There is a solitary bull\u2014\n I am going to use him to \u201cmake medicine,\u201d\n I am going to use him to \u201cmake medicine.\u201d\n\nFrom the buffalo they had food, fuel, dress, shelter, and domestic\nfurniture, shields for defense, points for their arrows, and strings\nfor their bows. As the old Spanish chronicles of Coronado put it: \u201cTo\nbe short, they make so many things of them as they have need of, or as\nmany as suffice them in the use of this life.\u201d\n\nAmong Indians the professions of medicine and religion are inseparable.\nThe doctor is always a priest, and the priest is always a doctor.\nHence, to the whites in the Indian country the Indian priest-doctor\nhas come to be known as the \u201cmedicine-man,\u201d and anything sacred,\nmysterious, or of wonderful power or efficacy in Indian life or belief\nis designated as \u201cmedicine,\u201d this term being the nearest equivalent of\nthe aboriginal expression in the various languages. To \u201cmake medicine\u201d\nis to perform some sacred ceremony, from the curing of a sick child\nto the consecration of the sun-dance lodge. Among the prairie tribes\nthe great annual tribal ceremony was commonly known as the \u201cmedicine\ndance,\u201d and the special guardian deity of every warrior was spoken of\nas his \u201cmedicine.\u201d\n\nThe buffalo was to the nomad hunters of the plains what corn was to the\nmore sedentary tribes of the east and south\u2014the living, visible symbol\nof their support and existence; the greatest gift of a higher being to\nhis children. Something of the buffalo entered into every important\nceremony. In the medicine dance\u2014or sun dance, as it is frequently\ncalled\u2014the head and skin of a buffalo hung from the center pole of the\nlodge, and in the fearful torture that accompanied this dance among\nsome tribes, the dancers dragged around the circle buffalo skulls\ntied to ropes which were fastened to skewers driven through holes cut\nin their bodies and limbs. A buffalo skull is placed in front of the\nsacred sweat-lodge, and on the battlefield of Wounded Knee I have seen\nbuffalo skulls and plates of dried meat placed at the head of the\ngraves. The buffalo was the sign of the Creator on earth as the sun\nwas his glorious manifestation in the heavens. The hair of the buffalo\nwas an important element in the preparation of \u201cmedicine,\u201d whether for\nwar, hunting, love, or medicine proper, and for such purpose the\nIndian generally selected a tuft taken from the breast close under the\nshoulder of the animal. When the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache delegates\nvisited Washington in the spring of 1894, they made an earnest and\nsuccessful request for some buffalo hair from the animals in the\nZoological Park, together with some branches from the cedars in the\ngrounds of the Agricultural Department, to take home with them for use\nin their sacred ceremonies.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXXI\n\n THE SWEAT-LODGE\u2014KIOWA CAMP ON THE WASHITA]\n\n\n 34. +A-n\u0115\u00e4\u2032thibiw\u0103\u2032han\u0103+\n\n A\u2032-n\u0115\u00e4\u2032thibiw\u0103\u2032han\u0103,\n A\u2032-n\u0115\u00e4\u2032thibiw\u0103\u2032han\u0103\u2014\n Thi\u2032\u00e4ya\u2032n\u0115,\n Thi\u2032\u00e4ya\u2032n\u0115.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The place where crying begins,\n The place where crying begins\u2014\n The _thi\u2032\u00e4ya_,\n The _thi\u2032\u00e4ya_.\n\nThis song refers to the sweat-lodge already described in treating of\nthe Ghost dance among the Sioux. In preparing the sweat-lodge a small\nhole, perhaps a foot deep, is dug out in the center of the floor space,\nto serve as a receptacle for the heated stones over which the water\nis poured to produce the steam. The earth thus dug out is piled in a\nsmall hillock a few feet in front of the entrance to the sweat-lodge,\nwhich always faces the east. This small mound is called _thi\u2032\u00e4ya_ in\nthe Arapaho language, the same name being also applied to a memorial\nstone heap or to a stone monument. It is always surmounted by a buffalo\nskull, or in these days by the skull of a steer, placed so as to face\nthe doorway of the lodge. The _thi\u2032\u00e4ya_ is mentioned in several of the\nGhost-dance songs, and usually, as here, in connection with crying or\nlamentation, as though the sight of these things in the trance vision\nbrings up sad recollections.\n\n\n 35. +Thi\u2032\u00e4ya he\u2032n\u0103\u0103\u2032aw\u0103\u2032+\n\n Thi\u2032\u00e4ya\u2032 he\u2032n\u0103\u0103\u2032aw\u0103\u2032\u2014\n Thi\u2032\u00e4ya\u2032 he\u2032n\u0103\u0103\u2032aw\u0103\u2032,\n N\u00e4\u2032hibiwa\u2032huna\u2032,\n N\u00e4\u2032hibiwa\u2032huna\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n When I see the _thi\u2032\u00e4ya_\u2014\n When I see the _thi\u2032\u00e4ya_,\n Then I begin to lament,\n Then I begin to lament.\n\nThis song refers to a trance vision in which the dreamer saw a\nsweat-lodge, with the _thi\u2032\u00e4ya_, or mound, as described in the\npreceding song.\n\n\n 36. +A-hu\u2032hu ha\u2032geni\u2032sti\u2032ti ba\u2032hu+\n\n A-hu\u2032hu ha\u2032geni\u2032sti\u2032ti ba\u2032hu,\n Ha\u2032geni\u2032sti\u2032ti ba\u2032hu.\n H\u00e4\u2032nisti\u2032ti,\n H\u00e4\u2032nisti\u2032ti.\n Hi\u2032nisa\u2032n\u0103,\n Hi\u2032nisa\u2032n\u0103\u2014\n Ne\u2032a-i\u2032qaha\u2032ti,\n Ne\u2032a-i\u2032qaha\u2032ti.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The crow is making a road,\n He is making a road.\n He has finished it,\n He has finished it.\n His children,\n His children\u2014\n Then he collected them,\n Then he collected them (i. e., on the farther side).\n\nThe crow (_ho_) is the sacred bird of the Ghost dance, being revered\nas the messenger from the spirit world because its color is symbolic\nof death and the shadow land. The raven, which is practically a larger\ncrow, and which lives in the mountains, but occasionally comes down\ninto the plains, is also held sacred and regarded as a bringer of omens\nby the prairie tribes, as well as by the Tlinkit and others of the\nnorthwest coast and by the Cherokee in the east. The crow is depicted\non the shirts, leggings, and moccasins of the Ghost dancers, and its\nfeathers are worn on their heads, and whenever it is possible to kill\none, the skin is stuffed as in life and carried in the dance, as shown\nin the picture of Black Coyote (plate +CV+). At one time the dancers\nin Left Hand\u2019s camp had a crow which it was claimed had the power of\nspeech and prophetic utterance, and its hoarse inarticulate cries were\ninterpreted as inspired messages from the spirit world. Unfortunately\nthe bird did not thrive in confinement, and soon took its departure\nfor the land of spirits, leaving the Arapaho once more dependent on\nthe guidance of the trance revelations. The eagle, the magpie, and\nthe sage-hen are also sacred in the Ghost dance, the first being held\nin veneration by Indians, as well as by other peoples throughout\nthe world, while the magpie and the sage-hen are revered for their\nconnection with the country of the messiah and the mythology of his\ntribe.\n\nThe crow was probably held sacred by all the tribes of the Algonquian\nrace. Roger Williams, speaking of the New England tribes, says that\nalthough the crows sometimes did damage to the corn, yet hardly one\nIndian in a hundred would kill one, because it was their tradition that\nthis bird had brought them their first grain and vegetables, carrying\na grain of corn in one ear and a bean in the other, from the field of\ntheir great god Cautantouwit in Sowwani\u2032u, the southwest, the happy\nspirit world where dwelt the gods and the souls of the great and good.\nThe souls of the wicked were not permitted to enter this elysium after\ndeath, but were doomed to wander without rest or home. (_Williams, Key\ninto the Language of America, 1643._)\n\nIn Arapaho belief, the spirit world is in the west, not on the same\nlevel with this earth of ours, but higher up, and separated also from\nit by a body of water. In their statement of the Ghost-dance mythology\nreferred to in this song, the crow, as the messenger and leader of\nthe spirits who had gone before, collected their armies on the other\nside and advanced at their head to the hither limit of the shadow\nland. Then, looking over, they saw far below them a sea, and far out\nbeyond it toward the east was the boundary of the earth, where lived\nthe friends they were marching to rejoin. Taking up a pebble in his\nbeak, the crow then dropped it into the water and it became a mountain\ntowering up to the land of the dead. Down its rocky slope he brought\nhis army until they halted at the edge of the water. Then, taking some\ndust in his bill, the crow flew out and dropped it into the water as\nhe flew, and it became a solid arm of land stretching from the spirit\nworld to the earth. He returned and flew out again, this time with some\nblades of grass, which he dropped upon the land thus made, and at once\nit was covered with a green sod. Again he returned, and again flew out,\nthis time with some twigs in his bill, and dropping these also upon\nthe new land, at once it was covered with a forest of trees. Again\nhe flew back to the base of the mountain, and is now, for the fourth\ntime, coming on at the head of all the countless spirit host which has\nalready passed over the sea and is marshaling on the western boundary\nof the earth.\n\n\n 37. +Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu hu\u2032hu\u2032+\n\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu hu\u2032hu\u2032\u2014\n N\u00fb\u2032nag\u00fbna\u2032-ua\u2032ti hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n N\u00fb\u2032nag\u00fbna\u2032-ua\u2032ti hu\u2032hu\u2032\u2014\n A\u2032hene\u2032heni\u2032\u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032! A\u2032he\u2032yene\u2032hene\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n The earth\u2014the crow,\n The earth\u2014the crow\u2014\n The crow brought it with him,\n The crow brought it with him\u2014\n _A\u2032hene\u2032heni\u2032\u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032! A\u2032he\u2032yene\u2032hene\u2032!_\n\nThe reference in this song is explained under the song immediately\npreceding.\n\n\n 38. +Ni\u2032nini\u2032tubi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032\u2014I+\n\n Ni\u2032nini\u2032tubi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n Ni\u2032nini\u2032tubi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032.\n Nana\u2032thina\u2032ni hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n Nana\u2032thina\u2032ni hu\u2032hu\u2032.\n Ni\u2032nita\u2032na\u00fb,\n Ni\u2032nita\u2032na\u00fb.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The crow has called me,\n The crow has called me.\n When the crow came for me,\n When the crow came for me,\n I heard him,\n I heard him.\n\nThe reference in this song is explained under number 36. The song is\nsomewhat like the former closing song, number 52.\n\n\n 39. +N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naa\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032\u2014I+\n\n N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naa\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naa\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032.\n Da\u201bchi\u2032nathi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n Da\u201bchi\u2032nathi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The crow is circling above me,\n The crow is circling above me,\n The crow having come for me,\n The crow having come for me.\n\nThe author of this song, in his trance vision, saw circling above his\nhead a crow, the messenger from the spirit world, to conduct him to\nhis friends who had gone before. The song is a favorite one, and is\nsung with a quick forcible tune when the excitement begins to grow\nmore intense, in order to hasten the trances, the idea conveyed to the\ndancers being that their spirit friends are close at hand.\n\n\n 40. +I\u2032yu h\u00e4\u2032th\u00e4b\u0115\u2032nawa\u2032+\n\n \u00c4\u2032n\u00e4ni\u2032sa\u2032na\u2014E\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n \u00c4\u2032n\u00e4ni\u2032sa\u2032na\u2014E\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n I\u2032yu h\u00e4\u2032th\u00e4b\u0115\u2032nawa\u2032.\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu\u2014E\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu\u2014E\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children\u2014_E\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n My children\u2014_E\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Here it is, I hand it to you.\n The earth\u2014_E\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The earth\u2014_E\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\nIn this song the father speaks to his children and gives them the new\nearth.\n\n\n 41. +Ha\u2032na\u0115\u2032hi ya\u2032ga\u2032ahi\u2032na+\n\n Ha\u2032na\u0115\u2032hi ya\u2032ga\u2032ahi\u2032na\u2014\n Ha\u2032na\u0115\u2032hi ya\u2032ga\u2032ahi\u2032na\u2014\n S\u0103\u2032niya\u2032gu\u2032nawa\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n S\u0103\u2032niya\u2032gu\u2032nawa\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032yu h\u00e4\u2032nina\u2032ta i\u2032tha\u2032q,\n N\u00e4\u2032yu h\u00e4\u2032nina\u2032ta i\u2032tha\u2032q.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Little boy, the coyote gun\u2014\n Little boy, the coyote gun\u2014\n I have uncovered it\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n I have uncovered it\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n There is the sheath lying there,\n There is the sheath lying there.\n\nThis song was composed by Nakash, or \u201cSage,\u201d one of the northern\nArapaho delegates to the messiah. It evidently refers to one of\nhis trance experiences in the other world, and has to do with an\ninteresting feature in the sociology of the Arapaho and other prairie\ntribes. The _ga\u2032ahin\u0115\u2032na_ or _gaahi\u2032na_, \u201ccoyote men,\u201d were an order of\nmen of middle age who acted as pickets or lookouts for the camp. When\nthe band encamped in some convenient situation for hunting or other\nbusiness, it was the duty of these men, usually four or six in a band,\nto take their stations on the nearest hills to keep watch and give\ntimely warning in case of the approach of an enemy. It was an office of\ndanger and responsibility, but was held in corresponding respect. When\non duty, the _gaahi\u2032n\u0115n_ wore a white buffalo robe and had his face\npainted with white clay and carried in his hand the _ya\u2032haga\u2032ahi\u2032na_\nor \u201ccoyote gun,\u201d a club decorated with feathers and other ornaments\nand usually covered with a sheath of bear gut (_i\u2032tha\u2032q_). He must\nbe unmarried and remain so while in office, finally choosing his\nown successor and delivering to him the \u201ccoyote gun\u201d as a staff of\nauthority. They were never all off duty at the same time, but at least\nhalf were always on guard, one or more coming down at a time to the\nvillage to eat or sleep. They built no shelter on the hills, but slept\nthere in their buffalo robes, or sometimes came down in turn and slept\nin their own tipis. They usually, however, preferred to sleep alone\nupon the hills in order to receive inspiration in dreams. If attacked\nor surprised by the enemy, they were expected to fight. The watcher\nwas sometimes called _higa\u2032ahi\u2032na-\u012dt_, \u201cthe man with the coyote gun.\u201d\nThe corresponding officer among the Cheyenne carried a bow and arrows\ninstead of a club.\n\n\n 42. +He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032 na\u2032nahatha\u2032hi+\n\n He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032 na\u2032nahatha\u2032hi,\n He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032 na\u2032nahatha\u2032hi.\n Ni\u2032itu\u2032qawig\u00fb\u2032ni\u0115\u2032,\n Ni\u2032itu\u2032qawig\u00fb\u2032ni\u0115\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The father showed me,\n The father showed me.\n Where they were coming down,\n Where they were coming down.\n\nIn his trance vision the author of this song saw the spirit hosts\ndescending from the upper shadow land to the earth, along the mountain\nraised up by the crow, as already described in song number 36. The song\ncomes from the northern Arapaho.\n\n\n 43. +N\u00e4nisa\u2032t\u0103qu\u2032thi Ch\u012dnachi\u2032chib\u00e4\u2032iha\u2032+\n\n N\u00e4nisa\u2032t\u0103qu\u2032thi Ch\u012dnachi\u2032chib\u00e4\u2032iha\u2032,\n N\u00e4nisa\u2032t\u0103qu\u2032thi Ch\u012dnachi\u2032chib\u00e4\u2032iha\u2032\u2014\n Ni\u2032nahawa\u2032na,\n Ni\u2032nahawa\u2032na.\n Nib\u00e4i\u2032naku\u2032nithi\u2014\n Nib\u00e4i\u2032naku\u2032nithi\u2014\n \u00c4-b\u00e4na\u2032\u00e4nahu\u2032u\u2032,\n \u00c4-b\u00e4na\u2032\u00e4nahu\u2032u\u2032.\n N\u00e4\u2032hibi\u2032wahuna\u2032na,\n N\u00e4\u2032hibi\u2032wahuna\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The seven venerable _Ch\u012d\u2032nachichi\u2032b\u00e4t_ priests,\n The seven venerable _Ch\u012d\u2032nachichi\u2032b\u00e4t_ priests\u2014\n We see them,\n We see them.\n They all wear it on their heads\u2014\n They all wear it on their heads\u2014\n The Thunderbird,\n The Thunderbird.\n Then I wept,\n Then I wept.\n\nIn his trance vision the author of this song saw a large camp of\nArapaho, and in the midst of the camp circle, as in the old days, were\nsitting the seven priests of the _Ch\u012d\u2032nachichi\u2032b\u00e4t_, each wearing on\nhis head the Thunderbird headdress, already described and figured under\nsong number 14. This vision of the old life of the tribe brought up\nsorrowful memories and caused him to weep. In the similar song next\ngiven the singer laments for the _Ch\u012d\u2032nachichi\u2032b\u00e4t_ and the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_\ngaming wheel. The priests here referred to were seven in number, and\nconstituted the highest order of the military and social organization\nwhich existed among the Blackfeet, Sioux, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and probably\nall the prairie tribes excepting the Comanche in the south, among whom\nit seems to have been unknown. The society, so far as it has come\nunder the notice of white men, has commonly been designated by them\nas the \u201cDog Soldier\u201d society\u2014a misapprehension of a name belonging\nprobably to only one of the six or eight orders of the organization.\nThe corresponding Blackfoot organization, the _Ikunuhkatsi_ or \u201cAll\nComrades,\u201d is described by Grinnell in his \u201cBlackfoot Lodge Tales.\u201d The\nKiowa organization will be noted later.\n\nAmong the Arapaho the organization was called _B\u0115ni\u2032n\u0115na_, \u201cWarriors,\u201d\nand consisted of eight degrees or orders, including nearly all the\nmen of the tribe above the age of about seventeen. Those who were\nnot enrolled in some one of the eight orders were held in but little\nrespect, and were not allowed to take part in public ceremonies or to\naccompany war expeditions. Each of the first six orders had its own\npeculiar dance, and the members of the principal warrior orders had\nalso their peculiar staff or badge of rank.\n\nFirst and lowest in rank were the _Nuhin\u0115\u2032na_ or Fox men, consisting of\nyoung men up to the age of about 25 years. They had no special duties\nor privileges, but had a dance called the _Nuha\u2032w\u016d_ or fox dance.\n\nNext came the _H\u0103\u2032thahu\u2032ha_ or Star men, consisting of young warriors\nabout 30 years of age. Their dance was called the _Ha\u2032thah\u016d_.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 94+\u2014Dog-soldier insignia\u2014rattle and quirt.]\n\nThe third order was that of the _Hich\u0103\u00e4\u2032quthi_ or Club men. Their dance\nwas called _Hich\u0103\u00e4\u2032qaw\u016d_. They were an important part of the warrior\norganization, and were all men in the prime of life. The four leaders\ncarried wooden clubs, bearing a general resemblance in shape to a gun,\nnotched along the edges and variously ornamented. In an attack on the\nenemy it was the duty of these leaders to dash on ahead and strike the\nenemy with these clubs, then to ride back again and take their places\nin the front of the charge. It hardly need be said that the position\nof leader of the _Hich\u0103\u00e4\u2032quthi_ was a dangerous honor, but the honor\nwas in proportion to the very danger, and there were always candidates\nfor a vacancy. It was one of those offices where the holder sometimes\ndied but never resigned. The other members of the order carried sticks\ncarved at one end in the rude semblance of a horse head and pointed at\nthe other. In desperate encounters they were expected to plant these\nsticks in the ground in line in front of the body of warriors and to\nfight beside them to the death unless a retreat should be ordered by\nthe chief in command.\n\nThe fourth order was called _Bitahi\u2032n\u0115na_ or Spear men, and their dance\nwas called _Bitaha\u2032w\u016d_. This order came originally from the Cheyenne.\nTheir duties and peculiar insignia of office were about the same among\nall the tribes. They performed police duty in camp, when traveling,\nand on the hunt, and were expected to see that the orders of the chief\nwere obeyed by the tribe. For instance, if any person violated the\ntribal code or failed to attend a general dance or council, a party\nof _Bitahi\u2032n\u0115na_ was sent to kill his dogs, destroy his tipi, or in\nextreme cases to shoot his ponies. On hunting expeditions it was their\nbusiness to keep the party together and see that no one killed a\nbuffalo until the proper ceremonies had been performed and the order\nwas given by the chief. They were regarded as the representatives of\nthe law and were never resisted in performing their duty or inflicting\npunishments. In war they were desperate warriors, equaling or\nsurpassing even the _Hich\u0103\u00e4\u2032quthi_. Of the leaders of the order, two\ncarried a sort of shepherd\u2019s crook called _nu\u2032sa-icha\u2032tha_, having a\nlance point at its lower end; two others carried lances wrapped around\nwith otter skin; four carried lances painted black; one carried a\nclub shaped like a baseball bat, and one carried a rattle made of the\nscrotum of a buffalo and ornamented with its hair. In battle, if the\nenemy took shelter behind defenses, it was this man\u2019s duty to lead the\ncharge, throw his rattle among the enemy, and then follow it himself.\n\nThe fifth order was called _Aha\u2032k\u00e4n\u0115\u2032na_ or Crazy men. They were men\nmore than 50 years of age, and were not expected to go to war, but must\nhave graduated from all the lower orders. Their duties were religious\nand ceremonial, and their insignia consisted of a bow and a bundle of\nblunt arrows. Their dance was the _Ahaka\u2032w\u016d_ or crazy dance, which well\ndeserved the name. It will be described in another place.\n\nThe sixth was the order of the _H\u0115th\u0115\u2032hin\u0115\u2032na_ or Dog men. Their\ndance was called _H\u0115th\u0115wa\u2032w\u00fb\u2032_. They had four principal leaders and\ntwo lesser leaders. The four principal leaders were the generals and\ndirectors of the battle. Each carried a rattle and wore about his neck\na buckskin strap (two being yellow, the other two black) which hung\ndown to his feet. On approaching the enemy, they were obliged to go\nforward, shaking their rattles and chanting the war song, until some\nother warriors of the party took the rattles out of their hands. When\nforming for the attack, they dismounted, and, driving their lances\ninto the ground, tied themselves to them by means of the straps,\nthus anchoring themselves in front of the battle. Here they remained\nuntil, if the battle seemed lost, they themselves gave the order\nto retreat. Even then they waited until some of their own society\nreleased them by pulling the lances out of the ground and whipping\nthem away from the place with a peculiar quirt carried only by the\nprivate members of this division. No one was allowed to retreat without\ntheir permission, on penalty of disgrace, nor were they themselves\nallowed to retire until thus released. Should their followers forget\nto release them in the confusion of retreat, they were expected to die\nat their posts. They could not be released excepting by one of their\nown division, and anyone else attempting to pull up the lances from\nthe ground was resisted as an enemy. When pursued on the retreat, they\nmust give up their horses to the women, if necessary, and either find\nother horses or turn and face the enemy alone on foot. They seldom\naccompanied any but large war parties, and, although they did but\nlittle actual fighting, their very presence inspired the warriors with\ndesperate courage, and the driving of their lances into the ground was\nalways understood as the signal for an encounter to the death.\n\n[Illustration: PL. CXXII\n\n DOG-SOLDIER INSIGNIA\u2014LANCE AND SASH]\n\nThe seventh order was that of the _N\u00fbnaha\u2032w\u016d_, a word of which the\nmeaning is now unknown. This was a secret order. They had no dance and\ntheir ceremonies were witnessed only by themselves. They did not fight,\nbut accompanied the war parties, and every night in secret performed\nceremonies and prayers for their success.\n\nThe eighth and highest order was that of the _Ch\u012d\u2032nachin\u0115\u2032na_ or\nWater-pouring men, the \u201cseven venerable priests\u201d to whom the song\nrefers. They were the high priests and instructors of all the other\norders, and were seven in number, from among the oldest warriors of the\ntribe. Their name refers to their pouring the water over the heated\nstones in the sweat-house to produce steam. They had no dance, and\nwere not expected to go to war, although one of the seven was allowed\nto accompany the war party, should he so elect. Their ceremonies were\nperformed in a large sweat-lodge, called _ch\u012dnachichi\u2032b\u00e4t_, which,\nwhen the whole tribe was camped together, occupied the center of the\ncircle, between the entrance and the lodge in which was kept the sacred\nmedicine pipe. Unlike the ordinary sweat-lodge, this one had no mound\nand buffalo skull in front of the entrance.\n\nThe warrior organization of the Kiowa is called _Y\u00e4\u2032p\u00e4he_, \u201cSoldiers,\u201d\nand consisted of six orders, each with its own dance, songs, and\nceremonial dress. 1. _Pol\u00e4\u00f1yup_ or _Ts\u00e4\u00f1\u2032yui_, \u201cRabbits.\u201d These\nwere boys and young men from 8 to 15 years of age. Their dance, in\nwhich they were drilled by certain old men, has a peculiar step, in\nimitation of the jumping movement of a rabbit; 2. _\u00c4dalto\u2032yui_, or\n_Te\u2032\u00f1biyu\u2032i_, \u201cYoung Mountain Sheep,\u201d literally \u201cHerders or Corralers;\u201d\n3. _Tse\u00f1t\u00e4\u2032nmo_, \u201cHorse Head-dress (?) people;\u201d 4. _To\u00f1ko\u00f1\u2032ko_,\n(?) \u201cBlack-leg people;\u201d 5. _T\u2018\u00e4\u00f1pe\u2032ko_, \u201cSkunkberry (?) people;\u201d\n6. _K\u00e2\u2032itse\u00f1\u2032ko_, \u201cPrincipal Dogs or Real Dogs.\u201d These last were\nthe highest warrior order, and also the camp police, combining the\nfunctions of the _Bitahi\u2032n\u0115na_ and the _H\u0115th\u0115\u2032bin\u0115\u2032na_ of the Arapaho\norganization. Their two leaders carried an arrow-shape lance, with\nwhich they anchored themselves in the front of the battle by means of\nbuckskin straps brought over the shoulders. The _To\u00f1ko\u00f1\u2032ko_ captains\ncarried in a similar way a crook-shape lance, called _pabo\u2032n_, similar\nto that of the _Bitahi\u2032n\u0115na_ of the Arapaho.\n\n\n 44. +N\u00e4nisa\u2032t\u0103qi Ch\u012d\u2032n\u0103chi\u2032chib\u00e4\u2032iha\u2032+\n\n[Music]\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032t\u0103qi Ch\u012d\u2032n\u0103chi\u2032chib\u00e4\u2032iha\u2032\u2014\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032t\u0103qi Ch\u012d\u2032n\u0103chi\u2032chib\u00e4\u2032iha\u2032\u2014\n B\u00e4\u2032hibi\u2032w\u0103\u2032h\u012dn\u0103\u2032,\n B\u00e4\u2032hibi\u2032w\u0103\u2032h\u012dn\u0103\u2032.\n B\u00e4\u2032q\u0103ti h\u00e4\u2032nibi\u2032w\u0103\u2032h\u012dn\u0103\u2032,\n B\u00e4\u2032q\u0103ti h\u00e4\u2032nibi\u2032w\u0103\u2032h\u012dn\u0103\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The seven venerable _Ch\u012dnachichi\u2032b\u00e4t_ priests\u2014\n The seven venerable _Ch\u012dnachichi\u2032b\u00e4t_ priests\u2014\n For them I am weeping,\n For them I am weeping.\n For the gaming wheel I am weeping,\n For the gaming wheel I am weeping.\n\nThe first reference in this song is explained under number 43. The\n_b\u00e4\u2032qati_ or gaming wheel will be described later.\n\n\n 45. +N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naatani\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032\u2014II+\n\n[Music]\n\n N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naatani\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naatani\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032.\n Da`chi\u2032bini\u2032na h\u00e4thi\u2032na,\n Da`chi\u2032bini\u2032na h\u00e4thi\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The crow is circling above me,\n The crow is circling above me.\n He says he will give me a hawk feather,\n He says he will give me a hawk feather.\n\nThis song is very similar to number 39, and requires no further\nexplanation. It is sung to the same quick time.\n\n\n 46. +Na\u2032t\u0103nu\u2032ya ch\u0115\u2032bi\u2032nh+\n\n Na\u2032t\u0103nu\u2032ya ch\u0115\u2032bi\u2032nh\u2014\n Na\u2032t\u0103nu\u2032ya ch\u0115\u2032bi\u2032nh,\n Na\u2032chicha\u2032ba\u2032n,\n Na\u2032chicha\u2032ba\u2032n.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The pemmican that I am using\u2014\n The pemmican that I am using,\n They are still making it,\n They are still making it.\n\nThis song refers to the pemmican or preparation of dried and pounded\nmeat, which formerly formed a favorite food of the prairie tribes, and\nwhich the author of the song evidently tasted as it was being prepared\nby the women in the spirit world. (See Sioux song 7.) One must be an\nIndian to know the thrill of joy that would come to the heart of the\ndancers when told that some dreamer had seen their former friends in\nthe spirit world still making and feasting on pemmican. During the\nfirst year or two of the excitement, it several times occurred at Ghost\ndances in the north and south, among Sioux as well as among Arapaho and\nothers, that meat was exhibited and tasted as genuine buffalo beef or\npemmican brought back from the spirit world by one of the dancers. It\nis not necessary to explain how this deception was accomplished or made\nsuccessful. It is sufficient to know that it was done, and that the\ndancers were then in a condition to believe anything.\n\n\n 47. +H\u00e4\u012d\u2032nawa\u2032 h\u00e4\u2032ni\u2032ta\u2032quna\u2032ni+\n\n H\u00e4\u012d\u2032nawa\u2032 h\u00e4\u2032ni\u2032ta\u2032quna\u2032ni\u2014\n H\u00e4\u012d\u2032nawa\u2032 h\u00e4\u2032ni\u2032ta\u2032quna\u2032ni\u2014\n Nin\u0115\u2032n n\u0103n\u00e4\u2032 h\u00e4nita\u2032quna\u2032ni,\n Nin\u0115\u2032n n\u0103n\u00e4\u2032 h\u00e4nita\u2032quna\u2032ni.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I know, in the pitfall\u2014\n I know, in the pitfall\u2014\n It is tallow they use in the pitfall,\n It is tallow they use in the pitfall.\n\nThis song refers to the vision of a northern Arapaho, who found one\nof his friends in the spirit world preparing a pitfall trap to catch\neagles. Wherever found, the eagle was regarded as sacred among the\nIndian tribes both east and west, and its feathers were highly prized\nfor ornamental and \u201cmedicine\u201d purposes, and an elaborately detailed\nritual of prayer and ceremony was the necessary accompaniment to its\ncapture. Among all the tribes the chief purpose of this ritual was\nto obtain the help of the gods in inducing the eagle to approach\nthe hunter, and to turn aside the anger of the eagle spirits at the\nnecessary sacrilege. The feathers most valued were those of the tail\nand wings. These were used to ornament lances and shields, to wear upon\nthe head, and to decorate the magnificent war bonnets, the finest of\nwhich have a pendant or trail of eagle-tail feathers reaching from the\nwarrior\u2019s head to the ground when he stands erect. The whistle used\nin the sun dance and other great ceremonies is made of a bone from\nthe leg or wing of the eagle, and the fans carried by the warriors on\nparade and used also to sprinkle the holy water in the mescal ceremony\nof the southern prairie tribes is commonly made of the entire tail or\nwing of that bird. Hawk feathers are sometimes used for these various\npurposes, but are always considered far inferior to those of the eagle.\nThe smaller feathers are used upon arrows. Eagle feathers and ponies\nwere formerly the standard of value and the medium of exchange among\nthe prairie tribes, as wampum was with those of the Atlantic coast.\nThe standard varied according to place and season, but in a general\nway from two to four eagles were rated as equal to a horse. In these\ndays the eagle-feather war bonnets and eagle-tail fans are the most\nvaluable parts of an Indian\u2019s outfit and the most difficult to purchase\nfrom him. Among the pueblo tribes eagles are sometimes taken from the\nnest when young and kept in cages and regularly stripped of their best\nfeathers. Among the Caddo, Cherokee, and other tribes of the timbered\ncountry in the east they were shot with bow and arrow or with the gun,\nbut always according to certain ritual ceremonies. Among the prairie\ntribes along the whole extent of the plains they were never shot, but\nmust be captured alive in pitfalls and then strangled or crushed to\ndeath, if possible without the shedding of blood. A description of\nthe Arapaho method will answer with slight modifications for all the\nprairie tribes.\n\nThe hunter withdrew with his family away from the main camp to some\nrough hilly country where the eagles were abundant. After some\npreliminary prayers he went alone to the top of the highest hill and\nthere dug a pit large enough to sit or lie down in, being careful to\ncarry the earth taken out of the hole so far away from the place that\nit would not attract the notice of the eagle. The pit was roofed over\nwith a covering of light willow twigs, above which were placed earth\nand grass to give it a natural appearance. The bait was a piece of\nfresh meat, or, as appears from this song, a piece of tallow stripped\nfrom the ribs of the buffalo. This was tied to a rawhide string and\nlaid upon the top of the pit, while the rope was passed down through\nthe roof into the cavity below. A coyote skin, stuffed and set up erect\nas in life, was sometimes placed near the bait to add to the realistic\neffect. Having sat up all night, singing the eagle songs and purifying\nhimself for the ceremony, the hunter started before daylight, without\neating any breakfast or drinking water, and went up the hill to the\npit, which he entered, and, having again closed the opening, he seated\nhimself inside holding the end of the string in his hands, to prevent a\ncoyote or other animal from taking the bait, and waiting for the eagles\nto come.\n\nShould other birds come, he drove them away or paid no attention to\nthem. When at last the eagle came the other birds at once flew away.\nThe eagle swooped down, alighting always at one side and then walking\nover upon the roof of the trap to get at the bait, when the hunter,\nputting up his hand through the framework, seized the eagle by the\nlegs, pulled it down and quickly strangled it or broke its neck. He\nthen rearranged the bait and the roof and sat down to wait for another\neagle. He might be so lucky as to capture several during the day, or\nso unfortunate as to take none at all. At night, but not before, he\nrepaired to his own tipi to eat, drink, and sleep, and was at the pit\nagain before daylight. While in the pit he did not eat, drink, or\nsleep. The eagle hunt, if it may be so called, lasted four days, and\nmust end then, whatever might have been the good or bad fortune of the\nhunter.\n\nAt the expiration of four days he returned to his home with the dead\nbodies of the eagles thus caught. A small lodge was set up outside his\ntipi and in this the eagles were hung up by the neck upon a pole laid\nacross two forked sticks driven into the ground. After some further\nprayers and purifications the feathers were stripped from the bodies as\nthey hung.\n\nThe Blackfoot method, as described by Grinnell, in his Blackfoot Lodge\nTales, was the same in all essentials as that of the Arapaho. He adds\nseveral details, which were probably common to both tribes and to\nothers, but which my Arapaho informants failed to mention. While the\nhunter was away in the pit his wife or daughters at home must not use\nan awl for sewing or for other purposes, as, should they do so, the\neagle might scratch the hunter. He took a human skull with him into the\npit, in order that he might be as invisible to the eagle as the spirit\nof the former owner of the skull. He must not eat the berries of the\nwild rose during this period, or the eagle would not attack the bait,\nand he must put a morsel of pemmican into the mouth of the dead eagle\nin order to gain the good will of its fellows and induce them to come\nin and be caught.\n\nThe eagle-catching ceremony of the Caddo, Cherokee, and other eastern\ntribes will be noticed in treating of the Caddo songs.\n\n\n 48. +B\u00e4\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032nina\u2032t\u00e4 ni\u2032tab\u00e4\u2032na+\n\n B\u00e4\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032nina\u2032t\u00e4 ni\u2032tab\u00e4\u2032na,\n B\u00e4\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032nina\u2032t\u00e4 ni\u2032tab\u00e4\u2032na.\n N\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032nina hu\u2032hu,\n N\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032nina hu\u2032hu.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I hear everything,\n I hear everything.\n I am the crow,\n I am the crow.\n\nThis is another song expressive of the omniscience of the crow, which,\nas their messenger from the spirit world, hears and knows everything,\nboth on this earth and in the shadow land. The tune is one of the\nprettiest of all the ghost songs.\n\n\n 49. +A-b\u00e4\u2032qati\u2032 h\u00e4\u2032nich\u00e4\u2032bi\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032na+\n\n A-b\u00e4\u2032qati\u2032 h\u00e4\u2032nich\u00e4\u2032bi\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032na,\n A-b\u00e4\u2032qati\u2032 h\u00e4\u2032nich\u00e4\u2032bi\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032na.\n A-wa\u2032t\u00e4na\u2032ni ani\u2032\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4h\u012d\u2032n\u00e4na,\n A-wa\u2032t\u00e4na\u2032ni ani\u2032\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4h\u012d\u2032n\u00e4na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n With the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_ wheel I am gambling,\n With the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_ wheel I am gambling.\n With the black mark I win the game,\n With the black mark I win the game.\n\nThis song is from the northern Arapaho. The author of it, in his visit\nto the spirit world, found his former friends playing the old game of\nthe _b\u00e4\u2032qati_ wheel, which was practically obsolete among the prairie\ntribes, but which is being revived since the advent of the Ghost dance.\nAs it was a favorite game with the men in the olden times, a great many\nof the songs founded on these trance visions refer to it, and the wheel\nand sticks are made by the dreamer and carried in the dance as they\nsing.\n\nThe game is played with a wheel (_b\u00e4\u2032qati_, \u201clarge wheel\u201d) and two\npairs of throwing sticks (_qa\u2032qa-u\u2032n\u00fbtha_). The Cheyenne call the wheel\n_\u00e4\u2032ko\u2032yo_ or _\u00e4kwi\u2032u_, and the sticks _hoo\u2032isi\u2032yonots_. It is a man\u2019s\ngame, and there are three players, one rolling the wheel, while the\nother two, each armed with a pair of throwing sticks, run after it and\nthrow the sticks so as to cross the wheel in a certain position. The\ntwo throwers are the contestants, the one who rolls the wheel being\nmerely an assistant. Like most Indian games, it is a means of gambling,\nand high stakes are sometimes wagered on the result. It is common to\nthe Arapaho, Cheyenne, Sioux, and probably to all the northern prairie\ntribes, but is not found among the Kiowa or Comanche in the south.\n\nThe wheel is about 18 inches in diameter, and consists of a flexible\nyoung tree branch, stripped of its bark and painted, with the two ends\nfastened together with sinew or buckskin string. At equal distances\naround the circumference of the wheel are cut four figures, the two\nopposite each other constituting a pair, but being distinguished by\ndifferent colors, usually blue or black and red, and by lines or\nnotches on the face. These figures are designated simply by their\ncolors. Figures of birds, crescents, etc., are sometimes also cut or\npainted upon the wheel, but have nothing to do with the game. (See\nplate +CXI+.)\n\nThe sticks are light rods, about 30 inches long, tied in pairs by a\npeculiar arrangement of buckskin strings, and distinguished from one\nanother by pieces of cloth of different colors fastened to the strings.\nThere is also a pile of tally sticks, usually a hundred in number,\nabout the size of lead pencils and painted green, for keeping count\nof the game. The sticks are held near the center in a peculiar manner\nbetween the fingers of the closed hand. When the wheel is rolled, each\nplayer runs from the same side, and endeavors to throw the sticks so\nas to strike the wheel in such a way that when it falls both sticks of\nhis pair shall be either over or under a certain figure. It requires\ndexterity to do this, as the string has a tendency to strike the wheel\nin such a way as to make one stick fall under and the other over, in\nwhich case the throw counts for nothing. The players assign their own\nvalue to each figure, the usual value being five points for one and ten\nfor the other figure, with double that number for a throw which crosses\nthe two corresponding figures, and one hundred tallies to the game.\n\nThe wheel-and-stick game, in some form or another, was almost universal\namong our Indian tribes. Another game among the prairie tribes is\nplayed with a netted wheel and a single stick or arrow, the effort\nbeing to send the arrow through the netting as nearly as possible\nto the center or bull\u2019s-eye. This game is called _ana\u2032wati\u2032n-hati_,\n\u201cplaying wheel,\u201d by the Arapaho.\n\n\n 50. +Ani\u2032\u00e4sa\u2032kua\u2032na d\u0103\u2032ch\u00e4bi\u2032hati\u2032tani+\n\n Ani\u2032\u00e4sa\u2032kua\u2032na d\u0103\u2032ch\u00e4bi\u2032hati\u2032tani b\u00e4\u2032qati\u2032b\u00e4,\n Ani\u2032\u00e4sa\u2032kua\u2032na d\u0103\u2032ch\u00e4bi\u2032hati\u2032tani b\u00e4\u2032qati\u2032b\u00e4.\n Ni\u2032ati\u2032biku\u2032thahu\u2032 b\u00e4\u2032qatihi,\n Ni\u2032ati\u2032biku\u2032thahu\u2032 b\u00e4\u2032qatihi.\n Di\u2032ch\u00e4bi\u2032h\u00e4ti\u2032ta\u2032ni\u2032,\n Di\u2032ch\u00e4bi\u2032h\u00e4ti\u2032ta\u2032ni\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I am watching where they are gambling with the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_ wheel,\n I am watching where they are gambling with the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_ wheel.\n They are rolling the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_,\n They are rolling the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_.\n While they gamble with it,\n While they gamble with it.\n\nIn this song the dancer tells how he watched a group of his friends\nin the spirit world playing the game of the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_, as has been\nexplained in the song last treated.\n\n\n 51. +Ni\u2032chi\u2032a i\u2032theti\u2032hi+\n\n Ni\u2032chi\u2032\u0103 i\u2032theti\u2032hi,\n Ni\u2032chi\u2032\u0103 i\u2032theti\u2032hi,\n Chana\u2032ha\u2032ti i\u2032n\u012dt\u2014\n Chana\u2032ha\u2032ti i\u2032n\u012dt\u2014\n Gu\u2032n baa\u2032-ni\u2032bin\u0103 thi\u2032aku\u2032-u,\n Gu\u2032n baa\u2032-ni\u2032bin\u0103 thi\u2032aku\u2032-u.\n\n _Translation_\n\n (There) is a good river,\n (There) is a good river,\n Where there is no timber\u2014\n Where there is no timber\u2014\n But thunder-berries are there,\n But thunder-berries are there.\n\nThis song refers to a trance vision in which the dreamer found his\npeople camped by a good, i. e., perennial, river, fringed with abundant\nbushes or small trees of the _baa-ni\u2032bin_ or \u201cthunder-berry,\u201d which\nappears to be the black haw, being described as a sort of wild cherry,\nin size between the chokecherry and the wild plum. It was eaten raw,\nor dried and boiled, the seeds having first been taken out. It is very\nscarce, if found at all, in the southern plains.\n\n\n 52. +Ni\u2032nini\u2032tubi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032+ (former closing song)\n\n[Music]\n\n Ni\u2032nini\u2032tubi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n Ni\u2032nini\u2032tubi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032.\n B\u00e4ta\u2032hina\u2032ni hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n B\u00e4ta\u2032hina\u2032ni hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n N\u0103\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032ni h\u00e4thi\u2032na,\n N\u0103\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032ni h\u00e4thi\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The crow has given me the signal,\n The crow has given me the signal.\n When the crow makes me dance,\n When the crow makes me dance,\n He tells me (when) to stop,\n He tells me (when) to stop.\n\nThis was formerly the closing song of the dance, but is now superseded\nas such by number 73, beginning _Ahu\u2032yu h\u00e4thi\u2032na_. It was also the\nlast song sung when a small party gathered in the tipi at night for a\nprivate rehearsal, and was therefore always held in reserve until the\nsingers were about ready to separate. The tune is one of the best.\nThe special office of the crow as the messenger from the spirit world\nand representative of the messiah has been already explained. He is\nsupposed to direct the dance and to give the signal for its close.\n\n\n 53. +Anih\u00e4\u2032ya atani\u2032t\u0103\u2032nu\u2032nawa\u2032+\n\n Anih\u00e4\u2032ya atani\u2032t\u0103\u2032nu\u2032nawa\u2032,\n Anih\u00e4\u2032ya atani\u2032t\u0103\u2032nu\u2032nawa\u2032,\n H\u00e4thi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn,\n H\u00e4thi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn,\n Da\u201bch\u00e4\u2032-ihi\u2032na he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn,\n Da\u201bch\u00e4\u2032-ihi\u2032na he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn\u2014Ih! Ih!\n\n _Translation_\n\n I use the yellow (paint),\n I use the yellow (paint),\n Says the father,\n Says the father,\n In order to please me, the father,\n In order to please me, the father\u2014_Ih! Ih!_\n\nThe meaning of this song is somewhat obscure. It seems to be a message\nfrom the messiah to the effect that he paints himself with yellow\npaint, because it pleases him, the inference being that it would please\nhim to have his children do the same. Those who take part in the sun\ndance are usually painted yellow, that being the color of the sun. This\nsong is peculiar in having at the end two sharp yelps, in the style of\nthe ordinary songs of the warrior dances.\n\n\n 54. +Ni\u2032na\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032tawa bi\u2032taa\u2032wu+\n\n A\u2032-n\u00e4ni\u2032sa\u2032na, a\u2032-n\u00e4ni\u2032sa\u2032na,\n Ni\u2032na\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032tawa bi\u2032taa\u2032wu,\n Ni\u2032na\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032tawa bi\u2032taa\u2032wu,\n A\u2032-tini\u2032chi\u2032ni\u2032na n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n A\u2032-tini\u2032chi\u2032ni\u2032na n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n H\u00e4thi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn,\n H\u00e4thi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n I am flying about the earth,\n I am flying about the earth.\n I am a bird, my children,\n I am a bird, my children,\n Says the father,\n Says the father.\n\nIn this song the messiah, addressing his children, is represented as a\nbird (crow?) flying about the whole earth, symbolic of his omniscience.\nThe song has one or two variants.\n\n\n 55. +I\u2032nita\u2032ta\u2032-us\u00e4\u2032na+\n\n I\u2032nita\u2032ta\u2032-us\u00e4\u2032na,\n I\u2032nita\u2032ta\u2032-us\u00e4\u2032na.\n H\u00e4\u2032tini\u2032tubib\u00e4\u2032 hu\u2032hu,\n H\u00e4\u2032tini\u2032tubib\u00e4\u2032 hu\u2032hu.\n H\u00e4\u2032tina\u2032ha\u2032wa\u2032b\u00e4 hu\u2032hu,\n H\u00e4\u2032tina\u2032ha\u2032wa\u2032b\u00e4 hu\u2032hu.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Stand ready,\n Stand ready.\n (So that when) the crow calls you,\n (So that when) the crow calls you.\n You will see him,\n You will see him.\n\nThis song was composed by Little Raven, one of the delegation of seven\nfrom the southern Arapaho and Cheyenne which visited the messiah in\nNevada in August, 1891. It is a message to the believers to be ready\nfor the near coming of the new earth. The first line is sometimes sung\n_I\u2032nita\u2032ta-u\u2032s\u00e4-hu\u2032na_.\n\n\n 56. +Wa\u2032w\u00e4th\u00e4\u2032bi+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na-\u016d\u2032, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na-\u016d\u2032,\n Wa\u2032w\u00e4th\u00e4\u2032bich\u00e4\u2032chin\u012d\u2032nab\u00e4\u2032nagu\u2032wa-u\u2032i\u2032naga\u2032thi\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n H\u00e4thi\u2032na ne\u2032nahu\u2032,\n H\u00e4thi\u2032na ne\u2032nahu\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n I have given you magpie feathers again to wear on your heads\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Thus says our mother,\n Thus says our mother.\n\nThis song affords a good specimen of the possibilities of Indian word\nbuilding. The second word might serve as a companion piece to Mark\nTwain\u2019s picture of a complete word in German. It consists of seventeen\nsyllables, all so interwoven to complete the sense of the word sentence\nthat no part can be separated from the rest without destroying the\nwhole. The verbal part proper indicates that \u201cI have given you (plural)\na headdress again.\u201d The final syllables, _wa-u\u2032i-naga\u2032thi_, show that\nthe headdress consists of the tail feathers (_wagathi_) of the magpie\n(_wa-u-i_). The syllable _cha_ implies repetition or return of action,\nthis being probably not the first time that the messiah had given\nmagpie feathers to his visitors.\n\nThe magpie (_Pica hudsonica_ or _mittalii_) of the Rocky mountains\nand Sierra Nevada and the intermediate region of Nevada and Utah is\nperhaps the most conspicuous bird in the Paiute country. It bears a\ngeneral resemblance to a crow or blackbird, being about the size of\nthe latter, and jet black, with the exception of the breast, which\nis white, and a white spot on each wing. In its tail are two long\nfeathers with beautiful changeable metallic luster. It is a home bird,\nfrequenting the neighborhood of the Paiute camps in small flocks. It\nis held sacred among the Paiute, by whom the long tail feathers are\nas highly prized for decorative purposes as eagle feathers are among\nthe tribes of the plains. The standard price for such feathers in 1891\nwas 25 cents a pair. The delegates who crossed the mountains to visit\nthe messiah brought back with them quantities of these feathers, which\nthenceforth filled an important place in the ceremonial of the Ghost\ndance. In fact they were so eagerly sought after that the traders\nundertook to meet the demand, at first by importing genuine magpie\nfeathers from the mountains, but later by fraudulently substituting\nselected crow feathers from the east at the same price.\n\nThe song is also peculiar in referring to the messiah as \u201cmy mother\u201d\n(_nena_) instead of \u201cour father\u201d (_hes\u00fbnanin_), as usual.\n\n\n 57. +Ani\u2032qa h\u0115\u2032tabi\u2032nuhu\u2032ni\u2032na+\n\n Ani\u2032qa h\u0115\u2032tabi\u2032nuhu\u2032ni\u2032na,\n Ani\u2032qa h\u0115\u2032tabi\u2032nuhu\u2032ni\u2032na.\n Hat\u0103na\u2032wun\u0103ni\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn,\n Hat\u0103na\u2032wun\u0103ni\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn.\n Ha\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032ni\u2032ahu\u2032hi\u2032na he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn,\n Ha\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032ni\u2032ahu\u2032hi\u2032na he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My father, I am poor,\n My father, I am poor.\n Our father is about to take pity on me,\n Our father is about to take pity on me.\n Our father is about to make me fly around.\n Our father is about to make me fly around.\n\nThis song refers to the present impoverished condition of the Indians,\nand to their hope that he is now about to take pity on them and remove\nthem from this dying world to the new earth above; the feathers worn\non their heads in the dance being expected to act as wings, as already\nexplained, to enable them to fly to the upper regions.\n\n\n 58. +N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032taqu\u2032thi hu\u2032na+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032taqu\u2032thi hu\u2032na\u2014Hi\u2032\u0103 hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032taqu\u2032thi hu\u2032na\u2014Hi\u2032\u0103 hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!\n Hi\u2032bithi\u2032ni\u2032na gasi\u2032tu\u2014Hi\u2032\u0103 hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!\n Hi\u2032bithi\u2032ni\u2032na gasi\u2032tu\u2014Hi\u2032\u0103 hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n The seven crows\u2014_Hi\u2032\u0103 hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!_\n The seven crows\u2014_Hi\u2032\u0103 hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!_\n They are flying about the carrion\u2014_Hi\u2032\u0103 hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!_\n They are flying about the carrion\u2014_Hi\u2032\u0103 hi\u2032ni\u2032ni\u2032!_\n\nIn this song the dreamer tells of his trance visit to the spirit world,\nwhere he found his friends busily engaged cutting up the meat after\na successful buffalo hunt, while the crows were hovering about the\ncarrion. Four and seven are the constant sacred numbers of the Ghost\ndance, as of Indian ritual and story generally.\n\n\n 59. +Ahu\u2032n\u00e4 he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn+\n\n Ahu\u2032n\u00e4 he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn\u2014\n Ahu\u2032n\u00e4 he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn\u2014\n Ni\u2032tab\u00e4\u2032tani\u2032 b\u00e4ta\u2032hina\u2032ni,\n Ni\u2032tab\u00e4\u2032tani\u2032 b\u00e4ta\u2032hina\u2032ni,\n Ha\u2032k\u0103 h\u00e4\u2032sabini\u2032na he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn,\n Ha\u2032k\u0103 h\u00e4\u2032sabini\u2032na he\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn.\n\n _Translation_\n\n There is our father\u2014\n There is our father\u2014\n We are dancing as he wishes (makes) us to dance,\n We are dancing as he wishes (makes) us to dance,\n Because our father has so commanded us,\n Because our father has so commanded us.\n\nThe literal meaning of the last line is \u201cbecause our father has given\nit to us,\u201d the prairie idiom for directing or commanding being to \u201cgive\na road\u201d or to \u201cmake a road\u201d for the one thus commanded. To disobey is\nto \u201cbreak the road\u201d and to depart from the former custom is to \u201cmake a\nnew road.\u201d The idea is expressed in the same way both in the various\nspoken languages and in the sign language.\n\n\n 60. +Ga\u2032awa\u2032hu+\n\n Ga\u2032awa\u2032hu, ga\u2032awa\u2032hu,\n Ni\u2032hii\u2032n\u00e4 gu\u2032shi\u2032n\u00e4,\n Ni\u2032hii\u2032n\u00e4 gu\u2032shi\u2032n\u00e4.\n A\u2032tan\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4hin\u00e4\u2032na,\n A\u2032tan\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4hin\u00e4\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The ball, the ball\u2014\n You must throw it swiftly,\n You must throw it swiftly.\n I want to win,\n I want to win.\n\nThe author of this song was a woman who in her trance vision saw her\ngirl friends in the other world playing the ball game, as described in\nsong number 7. In this case, however, her partner is urged to _throw_\nthe ball, instead of to strike it.\n\n\n 61. +Ahu\u2032 ni\u2032higa\u2032hu+\n\n Ahu\u2032 ni\u2032higa\u2032hu,\n Ahu\u2032 ni\u2032higa\u2032hu.\n Ha\u2032tani\u2032ni\u2032tani\u2032na,\n Ha\u2032tani\u2032ni\u2032tani\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The Crow is running,\n The Crow is running.\n He will hear me.\n He will hear me.\n\nThis song implies that the Crow (messiah) is quick to hear the prayer\nof the dancer and comes swiftly to listen to his petition.\n\n\n 62. +Ya\u2032th\u00e4-y\u00fb\u2032na ta\u2032na-u\u2032qahe\u2032na+\n\n Ne\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ne\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ya\u2032th\u00e4-y\u00fbna ta\u2032na-u\u2032qahe\u2032na\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ya\u2032th\u00e4-y\u00fbna ta\u2032na-u\u2032qahe\u2032na\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ta\u2032bini\u2032na hi\u2032ticha\u2032ni\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ta\u2032bini\u2032na hi\u2032ticha\u2032ni\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu ta\u2032thi\u2032aku\u2032tawa\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Bi\u2032taa\u2032wu ta\u2032thi\u2032aku\u2032tawa\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n My father\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n My father\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n He put me in five places\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n He put me in five places\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n I stood upon the earth\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n I stood upon the earth\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\nThe author of this song tells how in his trance he went up to the other\nworld, where he stood upon the new earth and saw the messiah, who took\nhim around to five different places and gave him a pipe. The number\nfive may here have some deeper mythic meaning besides that indicated in\nthe bare narrative.\n\n\n 63. +Ni\u2032na\u00e4qa\u2032wa chib\u00e4\u2032ti+\n\n Ni\u2032na\u00e4qa\u2032wa chib\u00e4\u2032ti,\n Ni\u2032na\u00e4qa\u2032wa chib\u00e4\u2032ti.\n Ha\u2032-ina\u2032t\u00e4 be\u2032yi thi\u2032\u00e4ya\u2032na,\n Ha\u2032-ina\u2032t\u00e4 be\u2032yi thi\u2032\u00e4ya\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I am going around the sweat-house,\n I am going around the sweat-house.\n The shell lies upon the mound,\n The shell lies upon the mound.\n\nThe maker of this song saw in his vision a sweat-house with a white\nshell lying upon the mound in front, where a buffalo skull is usually\nplaced. The song evidently refers to some interesting religious\nceremony, but was heard only once, and from a young man who could\ngive no fuller explanation. I have never seen a shell used in this\nconnection. It may be, as suggested by Reverend H. R. Voth, that the\nword shell is really a figurative expression for skull. In the old\ndays the whole buffalo head was used, instead of the mere skull.\n\n\n 64. +Hise\u2032hi, hise\u2032hi+\n\n Hise\u2032hi, hise\u2032hi,\n H\u00e4\u2032tine\u2032b\u00e4ku\u2032tha\u2032na,\n H\u00e4\u2032tine\u2032b\u00e4ku\u2032tha\u2032na,\n H\u00e4ti\u2032ta-u\u2032seta\u2032na,\n H\u00e4ti\u2032ta-u\u2032seta\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My comrade, my comrade,\n Let us play the awl game,\n Let us play the awl game,\n Let us play the dice game,\n Let us play the dice game.\n\nThe woman who composed this song tells how, on waking up in the spirit\nworld, she met there a party of her former girl companions and sat down\nwith them to play the two games universally popular with the women of\nall the prairie tribes.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 95+\u2014Diagram of awl game.]\n\nThe first is called _n\u0115\u2032b\u00e4ku\u2032thana_ by the Arapaho and _tso\u00f1\u00e4_ or\n\u201cawl game\u201d (from _tso\u00f1_, an awl) by the Kiowa, on account of an awl,\nthe Indian woman\u2019s substitute for a needle, being used to keep record\nof the score. The game is becoming obsolete in the north, but is the\neveryday summer amusement of the women among the Kiowa, Comanche, and\nApache in the southern plains. It is very amusing on account of the\nunforeseen \u201crivers\u201d and \u201cwhips\u201d that are constantly turning up to\ndisappoint the expectant winner, and a party of women will frequently\nsit around the blanket for half a day at a time, with a constant ripple\nof laughter and good-humored jokes as they follow the chances of the\nplay. It would make a very pretty picnic game, or could readily be\nadapted to the parlor of civilization.\n\nThe players sit upon the ground around a blanket marked in charcoal\nwith lines and dots, and quadrants in the corners, as shown in figure\n95. In the center is a stone upon which the sticks are thrown. Each\ndot, excepting those between the parallels, counts a point, making\ntwenty-four points for dots. Each of the parallel lines, and each\nend of the curved lines in the corners, also counts a point, making\nsixteen points for the lines or forty points in all. The players start\nfrom the bottom, opposing players moving in opposite directions, and\nwith each throw of the sticks the thrower moves her awl forward and\nsticks it into the blanket at the dot or line to which her throw\ncarries her. The parallels on each of the four sides are called\n\u201crivers,\u201d and the dots within these parallels do not count in the\ngame. The rivers at the top and bottom are \u201cdangerous\u201d and can not be\ncrossed, and when the player is so unlucky as to score a throw which\nbrings her upon the edge of the river (i. e., upon the first line of\neither of these pairs of parallels), she \u201cfalls into the river\u201d and\nmust lose all she has hitherto gained, and begin again at the start.\nIn the same way, when a player moving around in one direction makes\na throw which brings her awl to the place occupied by the awl of her\nopponent coming around from the other side, the said opponent is\n\u201cwhipped back\u201d to the starting point and must begin all over again.\nThus there is a constant succession of unforeseen accidents which\nfurnish endless amusement to the players.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 96+\u2014Sticks used in awl game.]\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 97+\u2014Trump sticks used in awl game.]\n\nThe game is played with four sticks, each from 6 to 10 inches long,\nflat on one side and round on the other (figure 96). One of these is\nthe trump stick and is marked in a distinctive manner in the center on\nboth sides, and is also distinguished by having a green line along the\nflat side (figure 97), while the others have each a red line. The Kiowa\ncall this trump stick _sahe_, \u201cgreen,\u201d on account of the green stripe,\nwhile the others are called _guadal_, \u201cred.\u201d There are also a number of\nsmall green sticks, about the size of lead pencils, for keeping tally.\nEach player in turn takes up the four sticks together in her hand and\nthrows them down on end upon the stone in the center. The number of\npoints depends on the number of flat or round sides which turn up. A\nlucky throw with the green or trump stick generally gives the thrower\nanother trial in addition. The formula is:\n\n One flat side up counts 1\n One flat side (if _sahe_) counts 1 and another throw.\n Two flat sides up, with or without _sahe_, count 2\n Three flat sides up count 3\n Three flat sides up, including _sahe_, count 3 and another throw.\n All four flat sides up count 6 and another throw.\n All four round sides up count 10 and another throw.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 98+\u2014Baskets used in dice game.]\n\nOnly the flat sides count except when all the sticks turn round side\nup. This is the best throw of all, as it counts ten points and another\nthrow. On completing one round of forty points the player takes one\nof the small green tally sticks from the pile and she who first gets\nthe number of tally sticks previously agreed on wins the game. Two,\nfour, or any even number of persons may play the game, half on each\nside. When two or more play on a side, all the partners move up the\nsame number of points at each throw, but only the lucky thrower gets a\nsecond trial in case of a trump throw.\n\nThe other woman\u2019s game mentioned, the dice game, is called\n_ta-u\u2032s\u0115ta\u2032tina_ (literally, \u201cstriking,\u201d or \u201cthrowing against\u201d\nsomething) by the Arapaho, and _mo\u2032nshim\u00fbnh_ by the Cheyenne, the same\nname being now given to the modern card games. It was practically\nuniversal among all the tribes east and west, and under the name of\n\u201chub-bub\u201d is described by a New England writer as far back as 1634,\nalmost precisely as it exists today among the prairie tribes. The only\ndifference seems to have been that in the east it was played also by\nthe men, and to the accompaniment of a song such as is used in the hand\ngames of the western tribes.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 99+\u2014Dice used in dice game.]\n\nThe requisites are a small wicker bowl or basket (_hat\u0115chi\u2032na_), five\ndice made of bone or of plum stones, and a pile of tally sticks such\nas are used in the awl game. The bowl is 6 or 8 inches in diameter\nand about 2 inches deep, and is woven in basket fashion of the tough\nfibers of the yucca (figure 98). The dice may be round, elliptical,\nor diamond-shape and are variously marked on one side with lines and\nfigures, the turtle being a favorite design among the Arapaho (figure\n99). Two of the five must be alike in shape and marking. The other\nthree are marked with another design and may also be of another shape.\nAny number of women or girls may play, each throwing in turn, and\nsometimes one set of partners playing against another. The players toss\nup the dice from the basket, letting them drop again into it, and score\npoints according to the way the dice turn up in the basket. The first\nthrow by each player is made from the hand instead of from the basket.\nOne hundred points usually count a game, and stakes are wagered on the\nresult as in almost every other Indian contest of skill or chance.\nFor the purpose of explanation, we shall designate two of the five as\n\u201crounds\u201d and the other three as \u201cdiamonds,\u201d it being understood that\nonly the marked side counts in the game, excepting when the throw\nhappens to turn up the three diamonds blank while the other two show\nthe marked side, or, as sometimes happens, when all five dice turn up\nblank. In every case all of one kind at least must turn up to score a\npoint. A successful throw entitles the player to another throw, while a\nfailure obliges her to pass the basket to some one else. The formula is:\n\n 1 only of either kind 0\n 2 rounds 3\n 3 diamonds (both rounds with blank side up) 3\n 3 diamonds blank (both rounds with marked side up) 3\n 4 marked sides up 1\n 5 (all) blank sides up 1\n 5 (all) marked sides up 8\n\nA game similar in principle, but played with six dice instead of\nfive, is also played by the Arapaho women, as well as by those of the\nComanche and probably also of other tribes.\n\n\n 65. +Na\u2032tu\u2032wani\u2032sa+\n\n N\u00e4nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4nisa\u2032na,\n Na\u2032tu\u2032wani\u2032sa, na\u2032tu\u2032wani\u2032sa\u2014\n H\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032h\u012d\u2032n\u00e4ti\u2032,\n H\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032h\u012d\u2032n\u00e4ti\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n My top, my top\u2014\n It will win the game,\n It will win the game.\n\nThe man who made this song when he entered the spirit world in his\nvision met there one of his boy friends who had died long years before,\nand once more spun tops with him as in childhood.\n\nTops are used by all Indian boys, and are made of wood or bone. They\nare not thrown or spun with a string, but are kept in motion by\nwhipping with a small quirt or whip of buckskin. In winter they are\nspun upon the ice. The younger children make tops to twirl with the\nfingers by running a stick through a small seed berry.\n\n\n 66. +He\u2032na\u2032ga\u2032nawa\u2032nen+\n\n He\u2032na\u2032ga\u2032nawa\u2032nen n\u00e4a\u2032wu\u2032nani\u2032n\u00e4 bi\u2032gushi\u2032shi He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n He\u2032na\u2032ga\u2032nawa\u2032nen n\u00e4a\u2032wu\u2032nani\u2032n\u00e4 bi\u2032gushi\u2032shi He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032nini\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Nithi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032nini\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Nithi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032nini\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n When we dance until daylight our father, the Moon, takes pity on\n us\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n When we dance until daylight our father, the Moon, takes pity on\n us\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The father says so\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The father says so\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\nWith the Arapaho, as with many other tribes, the moon is masculine,\nand the sun is feminine. In mythology the two are brother and sister.\nThere are various myths to account for the spots on the moon\u2019s surface,\nsome discerning in them a large frog, while to others they bear a\nlikeness to a kettle hung over the fire. The Arapaho name for the moon,\n_bi\u2032gushish_, means literally \u201cnight sun,\u201d the sun itself being called\n_hishinishish_, \u201cday sun.\u201d A similar nomenclature exists among most\nother tribes.\n\n\n 67. +Ni\u2032n\u00e4\u2032nina\u2032ti\u2032naku\u2032ni\u2032na na\u2032ga\u2032qu\u2032+\n\n[Music]\n\n A\u2032n\u00e4ni\u2032sa\u2032na, a\u2032n\u00e4ni\u2032sa\u2032na,\n Ni\u2032n\u00e4\u2032nina\u2032ti\u2032naku\u2032ni\u2032na na\u2032ga\u2032qu\u2032,\n Ni\u2032n\u00e4\u2032nina\u2032ti\u2032naku\u2032ni\u2032na na\u2032ga\u2032qu\u2032;\n Ti\u2032naha\u2032thihu\u2032 n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n Ti\u2032naha\u2032thihu\u2032 n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n H\u00e4thi\u2032na He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn,\n H\u00e4thi\u2032na He\u2032s\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n It is I who wear the morning star on my head.\n It is I who wear the morning star on my head;\n I show it to my children,\n I show it to my children,\n Says the father,\n Says the father.\n\nThis beautiful song originated among the northern Arapaho, and is\na favorite north and south. In it the messiah is supposed to be\naddressing his children. There is a rhythmic swing to the vocalic\nsyllables that makes the tune particularly pleasing, and the imagery of\nthought expressed is poetry itself. The same idea occurs in European\nballad and legend, and has a parallel in the angel of the evangelist,\n\u201cclothed with a cloud, and a rainbow upon his head.\u201d\n\n\n 68. +A\u2032-nena\u2032 tabi\u2032ni\u2032na+\n\n A\u2032-nena\u2032 tabi\u2032ni\u2032na n\u0115\u2032t\u012dqta\u2032wa\u2032hu\u2032,\n A\u2032-nena\u2032 tabi\u2032ni\u2032na n\u0115\u2032t\u012dqta\u2032wa\u2032hu\u2032.\n \u00c4\u2032nii\u2032nahu\u2032gahu\u2032nahu,\n \u00c4\u2032nii\u2032nahu\u2032gahu\u2032nahu.\n Tahu\u2032naha\u2032thihi\u2032na n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n Tahu\u2032naha\u2032thihi\u2032na n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My mother gave me my _t\u012d\u2032qtawa_ stick,\n My mother gave me my _t\u012d\u2032qtawa_ stick.\n I fly around with it,\n I fly around with it,\n To make me see my children,\n To make me see my children.\n\nThis song was composed by a woman of the southern Arapaho. The\nreference is not entirely clear, but it is probable that in her trance\nvision she saw her children in the other world playing the game\nmentioned, and that afterward she made the game sticks and carried them\nin the dance, hoping by this means to obtain another vision of the\nspirit world, where she could again talk with her children who had gone\nbefore her to the shadow land. In one Ghost dance seven different women\ncarried these game sticks.\n\nThe _b\u0103ti\u2032qt\u00fbba_ (abbreviated _ti\u2032qt\u00fbp_) game of the Arapaho and other\nprairie tribes somewhat resembles the Iroquois game of the \u201csnow\nsnake,\u201d and is played by children or grown persons of both sexes. It\nis a very simple game, the contestants merely throwing or sliding the\nsticks along the ground to see who can send them farthest. Two persons\nor two parties play against each other, boys sometimes playing against\ngirls or men against women. It is, however, more especially a girl\u2019s\ngame. The game sticks (_b\u0103t\u012dqta\u2032wa_) are slender willow rods about 4\nfeet long, peeled and painted and tipped with a point of buffalo horn\nto enable them to slide more easily along the ground. In throwing, the\nplayer holds the stick at the upper end with the thumb and fingers,\nand, swinging it like a pendulum, throws it out with a sweeping motion.\nYoung men throw arrows about in the same way, and small boys sometimes\nthrow ordinary reeds or weed stalks. Among the Omaha, according to\nDorsey, bows, unstrung, are made to slide along the ground or ice in\nthe same manner.\n\n\n 69. +Y\u012d\u2032h\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032h\u012d\u2032+\n\n Y\u012d\u2032h\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032h\u012d\u2032, Y\u012d\u2032h\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032h\u012d\u2032,\n H\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032gutha\u2032-u ga\u2032qa\u00e4\u2032-hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n H\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032gutha\u2032-u ga\u2032qa\u00e4\u2032-hu\u2032hu\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _Y\u012d\u2032h\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032h\u012d\u2032, Y\u012d\u2032h\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032h\u012d\u2032_,\n I throw the \u201cbutton,\u201d\n I throw the \u201cbutton.\u201d\n\nIn his trance vision the author of this song entered a tipi and found\nit filled with a circle of his old friends playing the _ga\u2032qutit_,\nor \u201chunt the button\u201d game. This is a favorite winter game with the\nprairie tribes, and was probably more or less general throughout the\ncountry. It is played both by men and women, but never by the two\nsexes together. It is the regular game in the long winter nights after\nthe scattered families have abandoned their exposed summer positions\non the open prairie, and moved down near one another in the shelter\nof the timber along the streams. When hundreds of Indians are thus\ncamped together, the sound of the drum, the rattle, and the gaming song\nresound nightly through the air. To the stranger there is a fascination\nabout such a camp at night, with the conical tipis scattered about\nunder the trees, the firelight from within shining through the white\ncanvas and distinctly outlining upon the cloth the figures of the\noccupants making merry inside with jest and story, while from half a\ndozen different directions comes the measured tap of the Indian drum or\nthe weird chorus of the gaming songs. Frequently there will be a party\nof twenty to thirty men gaming in one tipi, and singing so that their\nvoices can be heard far out from the camp, while from another tipi a\nfew rods away comes a shrill chorus from a group of women engaged in\nanother game of the same kind.\n\nThe players sit in a circle around the tipi fire, those on one side of\nthe fire playing against those on the other. The only requisites are\nthe \u201cbutton\u201d or _ga\u2032qa\u00e4_, usually a small bit of wood, around which is\ntied a piece of string or otter skin, with a pile of tally sticks, as\nhas been already described. Each party has a \u201cbutton,\u201d that of one\nside being painted black, the other being red. The leader of one party\ntakes the button and endeavors to move it from one hand to the other,\nor to pass it on to a partner, while those of the opposing side keep a\nsharp lookout, and try to guess in which hand it is. Those having the\nbutton try to deceive their opponents as to its whereabouts by putting\none hand over the other, by folding their arms, and by putting their\nhands behind them, so as to pass the _ga\u2032qa\u00e4_, on to a partner, all\nthe while keeping time to the rhythm of a gaming chorus sung by the\nwhole party at the top of their voices. The song is very peculiar, and\nwell-nigh indescribable. It is usually, but not always or entirely,\nunmeaning, and jumps, halts, and staggers in a most surprising fashion,\nbut always in perfect time with the movements of the hands and arms\nof the singers. The greatest of good-natured excitement prevails, and\nevery few minutes some more excitable player claps his hands over\nhis mouth or beats the ground with his flat palms, and gives out a\nregular war-whoop. All this time the opposing players are watching the\nhands of the other, or looking straight into their faces to observe\nevery telltale movement of their features, and when one thinks he has\ndiscovered in which hand the button is, he throws out his thumb toward\nthat hand with a loud \u201c_that!_\u201d Should he guess aright, his side scores\na certain number of tallies, and in turn takes the button and begins\nanother song. Should the guess be wrong, the losing side must give up\nan equivalent number of tally sticks. So the play goes on until the\nsmall hours of the night. It is always a gambling game, and the stakes\nare sometimes very large.\n\nThe first line of the song here given is an imitation of one of these\ngambling songs. Among the prairie tribes each song has one or perhaps\ntwo words with meaning bearing on the game, the rest of the song\nbeing a succession of unmeaning syllables. Among some other tribes,\nparticularly among the Navaho, as described by Dr Washington Matthews,\nthe songs have meaning, being prayers to different animal or elemental\ngods to assist the player.\n\nAs specimens of another variety of gambling songs, we give here two\nheard among the Paiute of Nevada when visiting the messiah in the\nwinter of 1891\u201392. They have pretty tunes, very distinct from those of\nthe prairie tribes, and were borrowed by the Paiute from the Mohave, in\nwhose language they may have a meaning, although unintelligible to the\nPaiute.\n\n\n _Paiute gambling song_\n\n[Music]\n\n 1. Yo\u2032ho\u2032 maho\u2032yo owa\u2032na,\n Ha\u2032y\u0103m\u0103 ha\u2032y\u0103m\u0103 k\u0103ni\u2032yow\u012d\u2032. (_Repeat._)\n 2. Ho\u2032ts\u0103ni\u2032\u0103ni tsai\u2032-owi\u2032ani\u2032,\n Iha\u2032ha\u2032 tsima\u2032nimina\u2032 ha\u2032 tsima\u2032nimina\u2032. (_Repeat._)\n\n\n 70. +Ni\u2032qa-hu\u2032hu\u2032+\n\n Ni\u2032qa-hu\u2032hu\u2032, ni\u2032qa-hu\u2032hu\u2032,\n Hu\u2032w\u012d\u2032s\u00e4na\u2032, hu\u2032w\u012d\u2032s\u00e4na\u2032\u2014\n Ga\u2032qa\u2032\u00e4-hu\u2032hu\u2032, ga\u2032qa\u2032\u00e4-hu\u2032hu\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My father, my father,\n I go straight to it, I go straight to it\u2014\n The _ga\u2032qa\u00e4_, the _ga\u2032qa\u00e4_.\n\nThis song also refers to the game of _ga\u2032qutit_, just described. The\n_ga\u2032qa\u00e4_ is the \u201cbutton.\u201d\n\n\n 71. +A\u2032hu\u2032nawu\u2032hu\u2032+\n\n A\u2032hu\u2032nawu\u2032hu\u2032-u\u2032-u\u2032, a\u2032hu\u2032nawu\u2032hu\u2032-u\u2032-u\u2032,\n H\u0103\u2032tani\u2032i\u2032bii\u2032na\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n H\u0103\u2032tani\u2032i\u2032bii\u2032na\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ga\u2032qu\u2032tina\u2032ni,\n Ga\u2032qu\u2032tina\u2032ni,\n Hi\u2032n\u00e4\u2032\u00e4h\u00e4\u2032k ga\u2032qa\u2032\u00e4\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Hi\u2032n\u00e4\u2032\u00e4h\u00e4\u2032k ga\u2032qa\u2032\u00e4\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n With red paint, with red paint,\n I want to paint myself\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n I want to paint myself\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n When I play _ga\u2032qutit_,\n When I play _ga\u2032qutit_.\n It is the \u201cbutton\u201d\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n It is the \u201cbutton\u201d\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\nThis song refers to the same game described under songs 69 and 70, and\nlike them is based on the trance experience of the composer.\n\n\n 72. +Ani\u2032qa naga\u2032qu+\n\n Ani\u2032qa naga\u2032qu!\n Ani\u2032qa naga\u2032qu!\n Ina\u2032habi\u2032\u00e4 nina\u2032g\u0103nawa\u2032ni,\n Ina\u2032habi\u2032\u00e4 nina\u2032g\u0103nawa\u2032ni.\n Awu\u2032n\u0103ni\u2032\u00e4\u2014Hi\u2032i\u2032i\u2032!\n Awu\u2032n\u0103ni\u2032\u00e4\u2014Hi\u2032i\u2032i\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n Father, the Morning Star!\n Father, the Morning Star!\n Look on us, we have danced until daylight,\n Look on us, we have danced until daylight.\n Take pity on us\u2014_Hi\u2032i\u2032i\u2032!_\n Take pity on us\u2014_Hi\u2032i\u2032i\u2032!_\n\nThis song is sung about daylight, just before the closing song,\nafter the dancers have danced all night and are now ready to quit\nand go home. When the new doctrine came among the prairie tribes,\nthe Ghost dance was held at irregular and frequent intervals, almost\nevery other night, in fact\u2014lasting sometimes until about midnight,\nsometimes until daylight, without any rule. As the ceremonial became\ncrystallized, however, the messiah gave instructions that the dance\nshould be held only at intervals of six weeks, and should then continue\nfour consecutive nights, lasting the first three nights until about\nmidnight, but on the fourth night to continue all night until daylight\nof the next morning. The original letter containing these directions is\ngiven in chapter X. For a long time these directions were implicitly\nfollowed, but the tendency now is to the original fashion of one-night\ndances, at short intervals. This song to the morning star was sung just\nbefore daylight on the final morning of the dance.\n\nWith all the prairie tribes the morning star is held in great reverence\nand is the subject of much mythological belief and ceremony. It is\nuniversally represented in their pictographs as a cross, usually of the\nMaltese pattern. In this form it is frequently pictured on the ghost\nshirts. The Arapaho name, _nagaq\u2032_, means literally \u201ca cross.\u201d The\nKiowa know it as _t\u2019ai\u00f1so_, \u201cthe cross,\u201d or sometimes, as _d\u00e4-e\u2032dal_,\n\u201cthe great star.\u201d\n\n\n 73. +Ahu\u2032yu h\u00e4thi\u2032na+ (closing song)\n\n[Music]\n\n Ahu\u2032yu h\u00e4thi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032nini hu\u2032hu,\n Ahu\u2032yu h\u00e4thi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032nini hu\u2032hu,\n Yath\u00fb\u2032n \u00e4ta\u2032-us\u00e4\u2032b\u00e4\u2014\n\n Yath\u00fb\u2032n \u00e4ta\u2032-us\u00e4\u2032b\u00e4\u2014\n Nithi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn,\n Nithi\u2032na hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Thus says our father, the Crow,\n Thus says our father, the Crow.\n Go around five times more\u2014\n Go around five times more\u2014\n Says the father,\n Says the father.\n\nThis is the closing song of the dance since the return of the great\ndelegation of southern Arapaho and Cheyenne who visited the messiah\nin August, 1891. Before that time the closing song had been number\n52, beginning _Ni\u2032nini\u2032tubi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\u2032_. The literal rendering of the\nsecond part is \u201cstop five times,\u201d the meaning and practice being that\nthey must make five circuits singing this song and then stop. As\nalready stated, in accordance with the instructions of the messiah,\nthe Ghost dance is now held (theoretically) at intervals of six weeks\nand continues for four consecutive nights, closing about midnight,\nexcepting on the last night, when the believers dance until daylight.\nAs daylight begins to appear in the east, they sing the song to the\nmorning star, as just given (number 72), and then, after a short rest,\nthe leaders start this, the closing song, which is sung while the\ndancers make five circuits, resting a few moments between circuits.\nThen they unclasp hands, wave their blankets in the air to fan away\nall evil influences, and go down to the river to bathe, the men in\none place and the women in another. After bathing, they resume their\nclothing and disperse to their various camps, and the Ghost dance is\nover.\n\n\n ARAPAHO GLOSSARY\n\nIn this and the other glossaries here given it is intended only to\ngive a concise definition of the meaning of each word without going\ninto details of grammar or etymology. The Ghost dance was studied for\nits mythology, psychology, ritual, and history, and language in this\nconnection was only the means to an end, as it was impossible in a few\nmonths of time to devote close attention to the numerous languages\nspoken by the tribes represented in the dance.\n\nThe Arapaho language, as will be seen from the specimens given, is\neminently vocalic, almost every syllable ending in a vowel, and there\nbeing almost no double consonant sounds. Like the Cheyenne language,\nit lacks _l_ and _r_. The most prominent vowel sounds are _a_, _\u00e4_,\nand _i_, and in some instances there are combinations of several vowel\nsounds without any intervening consonant. The soft _th_ sound is also\nprominent. The _g_ and _d_ frequently approximate to _k_ and _t_,\nrespectively, and _b_ in the standard dialect becomes _v_ among the\nnorthern Arapaho. The only sound of the language (excepting the medial\n_k_ and _t_) not found in English is the gutteral _q_, and the language\nis entirely devoid of the hissing effect of Cheyenne or the choking\nsounds of Kiowa.\n\nIn the songs it is common to prefix _a_, and to add _i_, _hi_, _hu_,\n_huhu_, etc, to the ends of words in order to fill out the meter. In\na few cases changes are made in the body of the word for the same\npurpose. In the glossary these unmeaning syllables are not given where\nthey occur at the end of words. Words beginning with a vowel sound may\nsometimes be written as beginning with the breathing _h_, and _s_ is\nsometimes pronounced _sh_.\n\n _A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115\u2032na_\u2014the name by which the Arapaho Grosventres of the\n Prairie, one of the five principal divisions of the Arapaho,\n call themselves. It is said to signify \u201cwhite clay men,\u201d from\n _a\u00e4ti_, \u201cwhite clay,\u201d and _hin\u0115\u2032na_, \u201cmen.\u201d They are called\n _Hitu\u2032n\u0115na_, or \u201cbeggars,\u201d by the rest of the tribe, and\n are commonly known to the whites under the French name of\n Grosventres, \u201cbig bellies.\u201d\n\n _Aan\u00fb\u2032hawa_\u2014another name for the Ha\u2032nahawun\u0115\u2032na division of the\n Arapaho. The meaning of the word is unknown.\n\n _Ab\u00e4\u00e4\u2032thina\u2032hu_\u2014for _B\u00e4\u00e4thi\u2032na_.\n\n _A\u2032baha\u2032_\u2014for _Ba\u2032haa\u2032_.\n\n _\u00c4b\u00e4na\u2032\u00e4nahu\u2032u\u2032_\u2014for _B\u00e4na\u00e4\u2032na_.\n\n _Ab\u00e4\u2032nihi_\u2014for _B\u00e4\u2032ni_.\n\n _Ab\u00e4\u2032qati_\u2014for _B\u00e4\u2032q\u0103ti_.\n\n _\u00c4chiqa\u2032h\u0103wa_\u2014I am looking at him. Also _Nina\u2032hawa_, I look at\n him. _N\u0103\u2032h\u0103n\u012d_, Here! Look! _nahata_, look at it (imperative\n singular); _ina\u2032habi\u2032\u00e4_, look on us. Compare _H\u00e4tina\u2032hawa\u2032b\u00e4_.\n\n _\u00c4ch\u012dshin\u012d\u2032qahi\u2032na_\u2014he was taking me around.\n\n _A\u2032gan\u0103\u2032_\u2014bed-covers of buffalo skin; singular, _a\u2032g\u0103\u2032_.\n\n _Aha\u2032k\u00e4n\u0115\u2032na_\u2014\u201ccrazy men,\u201d one of the degrees of the Arapaho\n military organization. The word is derived from _aha\u2032ka_,\n crazy, and _hin\u0115na_, men. The \u201cfire moth,\u201d which flies around\n and into the fire, is called _aha\u2032k\u0103a\u2032_, or \u201ccrazy,\u201d and the\n _Aha\u2032k\u00e4n\u0115na_ are supposed to imitate the action of this moth in\n the fire dance. See Arapaho song 43 and Cheyenne song 10.\n\n _Aha\u2032k\u00e4nithi\u2032\u012d_\u2014they are crazy. In the Indian idea \u201cfoolish\u201d and\n \u201ccrazy\u201d are generally synonymous. Compare _Aha\u2032k\u00e4nen\u2032a_ and\n _Ahaka\u2032w\u016d_.\n\n _Ahaka\u2032w\u016d_\u2014the crazy dance. It is called _Psam_ by the Cheyenne,\n from _psa_, crazy. See Arapaho song 43 and Cheyenne song 10.\n\n _Ahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _A\u2032hene\u2032heni\u2032\u0103\u0103!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _A\u2032hes\u00fbna\u2032nini_\u2014for _Hes\u016dna\u2032n\u012dn_.\n\n _A\u2032heye\u2032ne\u2032hene\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Ahe\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Ahu\u2032_\u2014for _Ho_.\n\n _Ahu\u2032hu_\u2014for _Ho_.\n\n _Ahu\u2032n\u00e4_\u2014there it is; there he is.\n\n _Ahu\u2032nawu\u2032hu_\u2014for _H\u012dn\u0103w\u2032_, paint. Compare _H\u012dna\u2032w\u00fbn_.\n\n _Ahu\u2032yu_\u2014thus; in this way.\n\n _\u00c4nani\u2032nibin\u00e4\u2032si_\u2014for _Nani\u2032nibin\u00e4\u2032s\u012d_.\n\n _An\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na_\u2014for _N\u00e4ni\u2032san\u0103\u00fb_.\n\n _Ana\u2032wati\u2032n-hati_\u2014\u201cplaying wheel\u201d (_hati_, wheel); a netted gaming\n wheel. See Arapaho song 50.\n\n _An\u0115\u00e4\u2032thibiw\u0103\u2032hana_\u2014for _N\u0115\u00fc\u2032thibiwa\u2032na_.\n\n _Ane\u2032na_\u2014for _Ne\u2032na_.\n\n _Ani\u2032anethahi\u2032nani\u2032na_\u2014for _Ni\u2032an\u0115\u2032hahi\u2032nani\u2032na_.\n\n _Ani\u00e4sa\u2032kua\u2032na_\u2014for _Ni\u2032\u00e4sa\u2032kua\u2032na_.\n\n _Ani\u2032\u00e4t\u00e4h\u012d\u2032n\u00e4na_\u2014for _H\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4h\u012dn\u00e4\u2032na_.\n\n _A\u2032niesa\u2032na_\u2014for _Niesa\u2032na_.\n\n _Anih\u00e4\u2032ya_\u2014the yellow (paint).\n\n _\u00c4\u2032nii\u2032nahu\u2032gahu\u2032nahu_\u2014for _H\u00e4ni\u2032in\u012dahu\u2032na_.\n\n _Ani\u2032niha\u2032niahu\u2032na_\u2014for _Niniha\u2032niahu\u2032na_.\n\n _Ani\u2032qa_\u2014for _Ni\u2032qa_.\n\n _Ani\u2032qu_\u2014for _Ni\u2032qa_.\n\n _Ani\u2032qana\u2032ga_\u2014for _Ni\u2032qana\u2032ga_.\n\n _A\u2032nis\u00fbna\u2032ahu_\u2014for _Nis\u00fb\u2032na_.\n\n _Aqa\u2032thin\u0115\u2032na_\u2014\u201cpleasant men,\u201d from _aqa\u2032thi_, \u201cpleasant,\u201d and\n _hin\u0115\u2032na_, \u201cmen.\u201d One of the five bands of the southern Arapaho.\n\n +\u00c4r\u00e4\u2032p\u0103ho+\u2014the popular name for the Arapaho tribe. The derivation\n is uncertain, but it may be, as Dunbar suggests, from the\n Pawnee verb _tirapihu_ or _larapihu_, \u201che buys or trades,\u201d in\n allusion to the Arapaho having formerly been the trading medium\n between the Pawnee, Osage, and others in the north, and the\n Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the southwest (_Grinnell_). It\n is worthy of note that old frontiersmen pronounce the name\n Ar\u00e4pihu. It is not the name by which they are called by the\n Cheyenne, Sioux, Shoshoni, Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, Caddo, or\n Wichita.\n\n +\u00c4r\u00e4pa\u2032kata+\u2014the Crow name for the Arapaho, evidently another form\n of the word Arapaho.\n\n _At\u0103n\u00e4t\u00e4h\u012dn\u00e4\u2032na_\u2014I wish to win or beat.\n\n _Atani\u2032tanu\u2032newa_\u2014I use it. _Ati\u2032t\u0103nu\u2032w\u0103_, use it! (imperative\n singular).\n\n _\u00c4ta\u2032-us\u00e4\u2032b\u00e4_\u2014stop _so many_ times (plural imperative). The verb\n applies only to walking, etc; the generic imperative for\n stopping or quitting is _n\u00e4\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032ni_, q. v.; _Hith\u0115ta\u2032-us\u00e4_,\n stop! (singular imperative).\n\n _Ate\u2032be_\u2014for _T\u0115\u2032b\u0115_.\n\n _Ate\u2032betana\u2032-ise\u2032ti_\u2014for _T\u0115\u2032b\u0115\u201btana\u2032-is\u0115t_.\n\n _\u00c4t\u012d\u2032\u201bch\u00e4bi\u2032n\u00e4s\u00e4\u2032n\u0103_\u2014let us go out gambling.\n\n _\u00c4ti\u2032chan\u012d\u2032na_\u2014your pipes. _Hicha_, a pipe; _hiti\u2032cha_, this pipe;\n _s\u0115\u2032icha_, the sacred \u201cflat pipe.\u201d See Arapaho song 2.\n\n _Atini\u2032ehini\u2032na_\u2014for _Th\u0115ni\u2032ehi\u2032nina_.\n\n +Atsi\u2032na+\u2014the Blackfoot name for the _A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115na_ or Arapaho\n Grosventres. The word signifies \u201cgut people.\u201d\n\n _Awawa_\u2014for _Wa\u2032wa_.\n\n _Awat\u00e4nani_\u2014for _Wat\u00e4na\u2032ni_.\n\n _Awu\u2032n\u0103ni\u2032\u00e4_\u2014another form of _ne\u2032chawu\u2032nani_\u2014take pity on us.\n\n _Ba_(_-hu_)\u2014a road or trail.\n\n _Ba\u2032achin\u0115\u2032na_\u2014Another name for the _Nakasin\u0115\u2032na_ (q. v.) or\n northern Arapaho. The word may mean \u201cred willow (i. e.,\n kinikinik) men,\u201d or \u201cblood-pudding men,\u201d the latter etymology\n being derived from _b\u00e4_, blood, and _ch\u012dni\u2032niki_, to put liquid\n into a bladder.\n\n _B\u00e4\u00e4ku\u2032ni_\u2014\u201cRed Feather,\u201d the Arapaho name of Paul Boynton, a\n Carlisle student, and formerly interpreter at Cheyenne and\n Arapaho agency.\n\n _Baa\u2032-ni\u2032bina_\u2014\u201cthunder-berries,\u201d from _b\u0103a\u2032_, thunder, and\n _ni\u2032bin_, berry; a wild fruit, perhaps the black haw. See\n Arapaho song 51.\n\n _B\u00e4\u00e4thi\u2032na_\u2014cedar tree. See Arapaho song 31.\n\n +Bad Pipes+\u2014one of the three bands of the northern Arapaho. Their\n present chief is Sharp Nose.\n\n _B\u0103\u0115\u2032na_\u2014turtle. See Arapaho song 25.\n\n _Ba\u2032haa\u2032_, or _B\u0103a\u2032_\u2014the Thunder. See Arapaho song 14.\n\n _B\u00e4hibiw\u0103\u2032h\u012dna_\u2014on their account I am made to cry (immediate\n present). _B\u00e4niwa\u2032n\u0103_ or _nibiwa\u2032na_, I am crying;\n _h\u00e4\u2032nibiw\u0103h\u012dna_, on its account I am made to cry, for its sake\n I am crying; _n\u00e4hibiwa\u2032huna\u2032na_, then I wept; _n\u00e4hibiwa\u2032huna_,\n then I began to cry or lament; _n\u0115\u00e4 thibiwa\u2032na_, the place\n where crying begins.\n\n _B\u00e4\u2032hin\u00e4nina\u2032t\u00e4_\u2014everything.\n\n +Bahwetegow-eninneway+\u2014the Ojibwa name for the _A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115na_ or\n Arapaho Grosventres (_Tanner_). It signifies \u201cmen, or people\n of the falls,\u201d from _bawitig_, \u201cfalls,\u201d and _ininiw\u016dg_, \u201cmen,\n or people.\u201d They are so called on account of their former\n residence at the rapids of the Saskatchewan.\n\n _B\u00e4na\u00e4\u2032na_\u2014the thunderbirds; singular _Ba\u2032haa\u2032_, or _Ba\u2032awa_.\n\n _B\u00e4\u2032ni_\u2014my (male) comrade. Vocative. Used by a boy or young man\n speaking to his comrade or partner of the same sex. The\n corresponding female term is _his\u00e4_.\n\n _B\u00e4\u2032qati_\u2014\u201cgreat wheel,\u201d from \u2014\u2014 great, and _hati\u2032_, a gaming\n wheel, a wagon. An ordinary wheel is called _ni\u2032nae\u2032g\u00fbti_,\n \u201cturner.\u201d See Arapaho song 49.\n\n _B\u00e4\u2032q\u0103tib\u00e4_\u2014with the _b\u00e4\u2032q\u0103ti_, q. v.\n\n _B\u00e4sawun\u0115\u2032na_\u2014one of the five divisions of the Arapaho, and\n formerly a distinct tribe. The name is variously rendered \u201cwood\n lodge men\u201d or \u201cbig lodge men,\u201d or people, the terminal part\n being derived from _hin\u0115\u2032na_ \u201cmen.\u201d\n\n _B\u00e4ta\u2032hina\u2032ni_\u2014he makes me dance. (In the songs _when_, _where_,\n etc., are sometimes understood with verbs). _B\u00e4ta\u2032t_, a\n dance; _nib\u00e4\u2032tana_, I dance; _nitab\u00e4\u2032tani_, we are dancing;\n _b\u00e4t\u00e4na\u2032ni_, when we dance; _Thi\u2032g\u00fbn\u0103wa\u2032t_, the Ghost dance.\n Compare also _Hena\u2032gana\u2032wan\u0115n_.\n\n _B\u00e4t\u00e4na\u2032ni_\u2014when we dance. Compare _B\u00e4ta\u2032hina\u2032ni_.\n\n _B\u0103t\u012d\u2032qtawa_\u2014the throwing-stick used in the _b\u0103t\u012d\u2032qt\u00fbba_ game. See\n Arapaho song 68.\n\n _B\u0103t\u012d\u2032qt\u00fbba_\u2014the game of the \u201cthrowing-stick\u201d or \u201csnow-snake\u201d among\n the prairie tribes. See Arapaho song 68.\n\n _Bena_\u2014for _B\u0103\u0115\u2032na_.\n\n _B\u0115ni\u2032n\u0115na_\u2014\u201cwarriors,\u201d the military organization of the Arapaho.\n See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _B\u0115ni\u2032nina_\u2014he gave it to me. _B\u0115ni\u2032na_, I gave it to him;\n _b\u0115\u2032nin\u0115\u2032th\u012dn_, I gave it to you; _niibi\u2032nu_, I gave it to\n them; _h\u00e4sa-bini\u2032na_, he has given it to us; _tabini\u2032na_,\n he (she) gave it to me; _da\u2032chi\u2032bini\u2032na_, he will give me a\n hawk-feather.\n\n _B\u0115tid\u0115\u0115_\u2014the Kiowa Apache name for the Arapaho.\n\n _Beyi_\u2014a (white) shell.\n\n _Bi\u2032ga_\u2014night.\n\n _Bi\u2032gushish_\u2014the moon, literally \u201cnight sun,\u201d from _bi\u2032ga_,\n night, and _hishi\u2032sh_, sun, or celestial luminary. The sun is\n distinguished as _hishi-nishi\u2032sh_, or \u201cday sun,\u201d from _hish\u012d_,\n day, and _hishi\u2032sh_. In many Indian languages the sun and\n moon have but one name, with an adjective prefix or suffix to\n distinguish between day and night. See Arapaho song 66. The\n morning star is called _naga\u2032q_, \u201cthe cross;\u201d the milky way is\n _hi\u2032thina\u2032na-ba_, \u201cthe buffalo road,\u201d or _thi\u2032g\u00fbni-ba_, \u201cthe\n spirit or ghost road;\u201d the pleiades are _b\u00e4\u2032nak\u016dth_, \u201cthe group\n (sitting).\u201d\n\n _Biq\u0103na\u2032kaye\u2032na_\u2014I am crying on account of thirst. _Naka\u2032yena_, I\n am thirsty.\n\n _Bishqa\u2032wa_\u2014coming into sight, approaching from a distance. (Third\n person, singular.)\n\n _Bitaa\u2032wu_\u2014the earth.\n\n _Bitaha\u2032w\u016d_\u2014the dance of the _Bita\u2032hin\u0115na_. See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _Bita\u2032hin\u0115na_\u2014\u201cspear men;\u201d one of the degrees of the Arapaho\n military organization. The name comes from the Cheyenne word\n for spear, _bitah\u00e4\u2032na_; the Arapaho word for spear is _qaw\u0103\u2032_.\n See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _Bi\u2032t\u00e4ye_\u2014captor, seizer; the name by which the Arapaho\n _H\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032ch\u00e4thi\u2032\u0103k_, \u201cSitting Bull,\u201d was called when a boy.\n\n _Ch\u0103na\u2032ha\u2032t_\u2014where there is none. _Iyahu\u2032h_, it is all gone.\n\n _Ch\u00e4ni\u012d\u2032nagu\u2032n\u012dt_\u2014he wears them, he is wearing them.\n\n _Cha\u2032qtha_ (singular, _Chaq_)\u2014\u201cenemies,\u201d the Arapaho name for the\n Comanche.\n\n _Ch\u00e4\u2032s\u00e4q_\u2014another, another of them; from _ch\u00e4\u2032saiy\u2019_, one. See\n _Yath\u00fbn_.\n\n _Ch\u0115bi\u2032nk_\u2014greasy, something greasy; figuratively used for\n pemmican. See Arapaho song 46.\n\n _Chi\u2032b\u00e4t_\u2014a sweat-house.\n\n _Ch\u012d\u2032chita\u2032n\u0115_\u2014literally, a target, a mark to shoot at. A boy\u2019s\n game. See Arapaho song 4.\n\n _Ch\u012dnachi\u2032chib\u00e4\u2032iha_\u2014venerable, (memorable or ancient) priests\n of the _Ch\u012d\u2032nachichi\u2032b\u00e4t_, or sacred sweat-lodge, from\n _ch\u012dnachichi\u2032b\u00e4t_, the sacred sweat-lodge, and _b\u00e4i\u00e4_, old man.\n See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _Ch\u012d\u2032nachichi\u2032b\u00e4t_\u2014the sacred large sweat-house; from _chi\u2032b\u00e4t_,\n sweat-house. See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _Ch\u012dn\u0103chi\u2032chib\u00e4\u2032t\u012dna_\u2014immortal, venerable, or never-to-be-forgotten\n priests of the sweat-house; from _chi\u2032b\u00e4t_, sweat-house. See\n Arapaho song 43.\n\n _Ch\u012d\u2032nachin\u0115\u2032na_\u2014water-pouring men; the highest degree of the\n Arapaho military organization. See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _D\u0103\u2032ch\u00e4bi\u2032hati\u2032tani\u012d\u2032_\u2014where there is gambling; where they\n are gambling. In the Arapaho language there is no generic\n term for playing for amusement only. _Ch\u00e4bi\u2032h\u012dn\u00e4\u2032na_, I\n am gambling; _h\u00e4n\u012d\u2032ch\u00e4bih\u012dn\u00e4na_, I am gambling with it;\n _di\u2032ch\u00e4bih\u00e4ti\u2032tani\u2032\u012d_, while or when they are gambling with it.\n\n _Da\u201bch\u00e4\u2032-ihi\u2032na_\u2014in order to please me.\n\n _Da\u201bchi\u2032binina_\u2014he will give me a (chicken-) hawk feather. Compare\n _B\u0115ni\u2032nina_.\n\n _\u201bchinathi\u2032na_\u2014he having come for me (participle). _Nich\u012dn\u00fb\u2032ti\u2032ha_,\n I come for him.\n\n _Da\u2032naa\u2032b\u00e4na\u2032wa_\u2014I moved it (\u201cwhen\u201d is sometimes understood).\n\n _D\u00e4\u2032nasaku\u2032tawa_\u2014I am standing upon it.\n\n _D\u0103na\u2032tin\u0115nawa\u2032\u016d_\u2014because I longed, or wished, to see him; _da_ in\n composition gives the idea of \u201cbecause.\u201d\n\n _De\u2032tawuni\u2032na_\u2014he told me. Compare _H\u00e4thi\u2032na_.\n\n _Di\u2032ch\u00e4bih\u00e4ti\u2032tani\u2032\u012d_\u2014while or when, they are gambling with it.\n Compare _D\u0103\u2032ch\u00e4bi\u2032hati\u2032tani\u012d_.\n\n _Di\u2032chin_\u2014because. _Haka_ is also sometimes used.\n\n _Diin\u0115\u2032tita\u2032ni\u0115g_\u2014living people; human existence.\n\n +Dog soldier+\u2014a popular but incorrect name given by the whites to\n the military organizations of the prairie tribes. See Arapaho\n song 43.\n\n _E\u2032eye\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Ehe\u2032eye\u2032!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _E\u2032hih\u00e4nakuwu\u2032hun\u012dt_\u2014he turned into a moose. _Naku\u2032wu_, moose;\n _iw\u0103\u2032qu_, elk.\n\n _Ehih\u00e4\u2032sina\u2032kawu\u2032hun\u012dt_\u2014for _E\u2032hih\u00e4nakuwu\u2032hun\u012dt_.\n\n _Ehih\u00e4\u2032s\u012dni\u0115hi\u2032n\u012dt_\u2014he is beginning to be a bird, he is turning\n into a bird; _ni\u2032\u0115hi_, a bird.\n\n _E\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Eye\u2032ae\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _E\u2032yehe\u2032!_\u2014ibid.\n\n +Forks-of-the-river Men+\u2014the principal of the three bands of the\n northern Arapaho. Their present chief is Black Coal.\n\n _Gaahi\u2032na_\u2014another form of _Ga\u2032ahin\u0115\u2032na_.\n\n _Ga\u2032ahin\u0115\u2032na_\u2014\u201ccoyote men,\u201d from _ga\u2032a_, coyote, and _hin\u0115\u2032na_,\n men; singular, _ga\u2032ahin\u0115\u2032n_. The camp guards or pickets of the\n Arapaho. See Arapaho song 41.\n\n _Ga\u2032aw\u0103\u2032_, or _ga\u2032aw\u0103ha_\u2014a ball, used in the woman\u2019s game of\n _g\u00fb\u201bga\u2032hawa\u2032t_ or shinny. See Arapaho song 7.\n\n _Ga\u0103wa\u2032tina_\u2014canned goods, canned fruits.\n\n _Ga\u2032n\u0103ni\u2032na_\u2014he wiped me off, he cleaned me. _Gan\u0115\u2032naa_, I wipe him\n off.\n\n _Ga\u2032qa\u00e4_\u2014the \u201cbutton\u201d or small object hidden by the players in the\n _ga\u2032qutit_ game. See Arapaho song 69.\n\n _Ga\u2032qutina\u2032ni_\u2014when I play _ga\u2032qutit_. See Arapaho song 69.\n\n _Ga\u2032qutit_\u2014the \u201chunt the button\u201d game of the western tribes. See\n Arapaho song 69.\n\n _Gasi\u2032tu_\u2014carrion.\n\n _Ga\u2032wun\u0115\u2032h\u00e4na_\u2014another form of _Gawun\u0115\u2032na_.\n\n _Gawun\u0115\u2032na_\u2014one of the five bands of the southern Arapaho. The name\n is the same applied by the Arapaho to the Blackfeet, from whom\n this band is said to be derived. It is also the Arapaho name\n for the Blackfoot band of Sioux. The name is of foreign origin\n and can not be explained by the Arapaho. The Blackfeet are\n sometimes also called by them _Wat\u00e4\u2032nit\u00e4\u2032si_, \u201cblack feet.\u201d\n\n +Greasy Faces+\u2014one of the three bands of the northern Arapaho.\n Their present chief is Spotted Horse.\n\n +Grosventres+ (+of the Prairie+)\u2014the name by which the _A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115\u2032na_\n (Arapaho division) are commonly known to the whites.\n\n The correct French form is Gros Ventres des Prairies, \u201cBig Bellies\n of the Prairie,\u201d to distinguish them from the Minitari\u2032, or\n Hidatsa, who were called Gros Ventres du Missouri. The term\n _Gros Ventres_, as applied to this division of the Arapaho, is\n derived from a misconception of the Indian gesture sign for the\n tribe, which really denotes \u201cbelly people,\u201d i. e. \u201cspongers\u201d or\n \u201cbeggars.\u201d\n\n _G\u00fb\u201bg\u0103\u2032hawa\u2032t_\u2014the woman\u2019s game of shinny. See Arapaho song 7.\n\n _Gun_\u2014but.\n\n _Gushi\u2032n\u00e4_\u2014throw it! (imperative singular). _Aseg\u016d\u2032_, I throw it;\n _cheg\u016d\u2032_, throw it here!\n\n _Ha\u2032\u0103nake\u2032\u012d_\u2014rock, the rock.\n\n _Ha\u2032an\u00fbn\u00e4_\u2014forcibly, violently.\n\n _Hab\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032nani\u2032hi_\u2014for _B\u00e4t\u00e4na\u2032ni_.\n\n _Ha\u2032d\u0103\u2032wuha\u2032na_\u2014we have made them desolate; we have deprived them\n of all happiness.\n\n _Hageni\u2032stit_\u2014he is making it across the water. Compare _Hani\u2032stit_.\n\n _Ha\u2032hat_\u2014the cottonwood tree (_Populus monilifera_).\n\n _Ha-ina\u2032t\u00e4_\u2014it lies there, it lies upon it.\n\n _H\u00e4\u012d\u2032nawa_\u2014I know. _Ni\u2032hawa_, I do not know.\n\n _Ha\u2032ka_\u2014because. _Dichin_ has the same meaning.\n\n _Ha\u2032n\u00e4_\u2014for _Ha\u2032\u0103n\u00fbn\u00e4_.\n\n _H\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032ch\u00e4-thi\u2032\u0103\u2032k_\u2014Sitting Bull, the Arapaho apostle of the ghost\n dance; from _h\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032ch\u00e4_, a buffalo bull, and _thi\u2032\u0103k_, he is\n sitting. In early youth, before going to Wyoming, he was called\n _Bi\u2032t\u00e4ye_, \u201cCaptor.\u201d\n\n _Ha\u2032na\u0115\u2032hi_\u2014little boy (vocative).\n\n _Ha\u2032nahawu\u2032n\u0115n_ (singular).\n\n _Ha\u2032nahawun\u0115\u2032na_\u2014one of the five divisions of the Arapaho, but now\n practically extinct. The meaning of the name is unknown, but\n the final syllables are from _hin\u0115\u2032na_, signifying \u201cmen,\u201d or\n \u201cpeople.\u201d\n\n _H\u00e4n\u00e4i\u2032s\u00e4\u012d_\u2014at the boundaries.\n\n _H\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032higu\u2032tha-u_\u2014for _N\u00e4\u2032higu\u2032tha_.\n\n _H\u00e4na\u2032nawu\u2032n\u0103nu_\u2014those who have been taught (?).\n\n _H\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4h\u012dn\u00e4\u2032na_\u2014I win the game (by means of something).\n\n _H\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032h\u012d\u2032n\u00e4t_\u2014It will win the game. _\u00c4\u2032n\u00e4t\u00e4h\u012d\u2032n\u00e4n\u00e4_, I win.\n\n _H\u00e4n\u012d_\u2014for _H\u00e4ni\u2032\u012dn\u012d_.\n\n _H\u00e4\u2032nibiw\u0103\u2032h\u012dn\u0103_\u2014on its account I am made to cry; for its sake I am\n crying. Compare _B\u00e4hibiw\u0103\u2032h\u012dna_.\n\n _H\u00e4n\u012d\u2032ch\u00e4bih\u012d\u2032n\u00e4na_\u2014I am gambling with it. Compare\n _D\u0103\u2032ch\u00e4bi\u2032hati\u2032tani\u012d_.\n\n _H\u00e4ni\u2032\u012dn\u012d_\u2014by this means, by its means; abbreviated to _h\u00e4ni\u012d_ or\n _h\u00e4ni_.\n\n _H\u00e4ni\u2032in\u012dahu\u2032na_\u2014I fly around with it.\n\n _H\u00e4nina\u2032ta_\u2014it is lying there (inanimate). _S\u00e4sh\u012d\u2032n\u0103na_, I lie down.\n\n _H\u00e4ni\u2032nihiga\u2032huna\u2032_\u2014for _H\u00e4ni\u2032\u012dn\u012d n\u012dhiga\u2032huna_,\u2014by its means I am\n running swiftly.\n\n _Hani\u2032stit_\u2014he has finished it, now he has finished it. Compare\n _Hageni\u2032stit_.\n\n _H\u00e4n\u012dta\u2032quna\u2032n\u012d_\u2014in the pitfall; from _ta\u2032quna_, a pitfall. See\n Arapaho song 47.\n\n _Ha\u2032qihana_\u2014\u201cwolves,\u201d one of the five bands of the southern Arapaho.\n\n _H\u00e4\u2032sabini\u2032na_\u2014he has given it to us. Compare _B\u0115ni\u2032nina_.\n\n _H\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4i\u2032naku\u2032ni_\u2014you may have it. _N\u00e4ni\u2032thana\u2032na_, I have it.\n\n _Hat\u0103na\u2032wun\u0103ni\u2032na_\u2014he is about to take pity on me. _N\u00e4\u2032awu\u2032n\u0103na_,\n I pity him; _awu\u2032nan\u012d_ or _ne\u2032chawu\u2032nani_, have pity on me;\n _nitawu\u2032nana_, I take pity on them. Compare _Ti\u2032awawu\u2032n\u0103nu_.\n\n _H\u0103\u2032tanbii\u2032na_\u2014I wish to paint myself with it. _Bii\u2032nanih\u00e4\u2032ya_, I\n paint myself.\n\n _H\u0103\u2032tani\u2032i\u2032bii\u2032na_\u2014for _Ha\u2032tanbii\u2032na_.\n\n _Hat\u0103ni\u2032ina\u2032dan\u0115\u2032na_\u2014I am about to use him to \u201cmake medicine,\u201d i.\n e., to perform a sacred ceremony (remote future). The immediate\n future is _hat\u0103ni\u2032nadan\u0115\u2032na_; _in\u012d_ is the root of _to use_;\n _nadan\u0115\u2032na_, is to \u201cmake medicine,\u201d from the root _n\u0115\u2032na_,\n to sing. The gesture sign for \u201csong\u201d and \u201cmedicine\u201d are also\n nearly the same. See Arapaho song 33.\n\n _Hat\u0103ni\u2032niahu\u2032hi\u2032na_\u2014he is going to make me fly around.\n _H\u0103ni\u2032niahu\u2032na_, I am flying; _gaya\u2032ahuha_, I make him fly.\n\n _Ha\u2032tani\u2032nitani\u2032na_\u2014for _Hatni\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032na_.\n\n _Hat\u0115chi\u2032na_\u2014the basket bowl used in the dice game. See Arapaho\n song 64.\n\n _H\u00e4\u2032th\u00e4b\u0115\u2032na_ (_-wa_)\u2014I hand it to you.\n\n _Ha\u2032thah\u016d_\u2014star dance; the dance of the _H\u0103\u2032thahu\u2032ha_. See Arapaho\n song 43.\n\n _H\u0103\u2032thahu\u2032ha_\u2014star people, from _h\u0103\u2032tha_, star; one of the degrees\n of the Arapaho military organization. See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _H\u00e4thi\u2032na_\u2014he tells me, he says to me. Present, _h\u00e4thi\u2032na_; future,\n _n\u012dhiithi\u2032na_; perfect, _hatnithi\u2032na_; _he\u2032it\u0103wuni\u2032na_, it\n tells me; _de\u2032tawuni\u2032na_, another form for \u201che told me.\u201d\n\n _Ha\u2032ti_\u2014for _Ha\u2032hat_.\n\n _H\u00e4tiku\u2032tha_\u2014the humming toy used by boys of the prairie tribes.\n See Arapaho song 25.\n\n _H\u00e4tina\u2032hawa\u2032b\u00e4_\u2014you (plural) will see him; _nana\u2032haw\u0103_, I see him;\n _ni\u2032nahawa\u2032na_, we see them; _nah\u0103bi\u2032na_, he saw me; _na\u2032haw\u00fb_,\n I saw him; _he\u2032n\u0103\u0103\u2032aw\u0103_, when I see it; _tahu\u2032naha\u2032thihi\u2032na_,\n to make me see them. _Nina\u2032hawa_, I look at him.\n\n _H\u00e4tin\u0115\u2032b\u00e4ku\u2032thana_\u2014let us play _n\u0115\u2032b\u00e4ku\u2032thana_, the awl game. See\n Arapaho song 64.\n\n _H\u00e4tini\u2032tubi\u2032b\u00e4_\u2014he is calling you (plural); _nini\u2032tuwa_, I call\n him.\n\n _H\u00e4ti\u2032ta-us\u0115ta\u2032na_\u2014let us play _ta\u2032-us\u0115ta\u2032na_. See Arapaho song 64.\n\n _H\u00e4\u2032tnaa\u2032waa\u2032_\u2014it is about to move (immediate future).\n\n _H\u00e4tnaawaa-uhu_\u2014for _H\u00e4\u2032tnaa\u2032waa\u2032_.\n\n _H\u00e4tni\u2032tani\u2032na_\u2014he will hear me. _N\u00e4ni\u2032ta\u2032n\u0103_, I hear him;\n _nitab\u00e4\u2032na_, I hear it; _nini\u2032d\u0103n\u0103\u2032\u00fb_, I heard him. In the form\n in Arapaho song 61, _Hatani\u2032nitani\u2032na_, the syllable _ni_ is\n repeated in the body of the word to fill in the meter.\n\n _Hatni\u2032thi\u2032aka\u2032tana_\u2014we have it in the center. _Nahi\u2032tha\u00e4\u2032ntan\u0103_, I\n am the center; _n\u00e4hi\u2032thi\u0103ni\u2032na\u2032ta_, it is in the center.\n\n _Hayana\u2032-u\u2032si\u2032ya_\u2014for _Ya\u2032\u201bna-u\u2032si\u2032ya_.\n\n _He!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Hech\u00e4\u2032_\u2014when again.\n\n _He\u2032e\u2032e\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _He\u2032ee\u2032\u00e4\u2032ehe\u2032yuhe\u2032yu!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _He\u2032eye\u2032!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _He\u2032it\u0103wuni\u2032na_\u2014it tells me. Compare _H\u00e4thi\u2032na_.\n\n _He\u2032n\u0103\u0103\u2032aw\u0103_\u2014when I see it. Compare _H\u00e4tina\u2032hawa\u2032b\u00e4_.\n\n _He\u2032nagana\u2032\u201bwan\u0115n_\u2014when we dance until daylight. The root\n is _naga\u2032nh_, daylight, or dawn. _Nib\u00e4\u2032tan\u00e4_, I dance;\n _ni\u2032nag\u0103nawa\u2032ni_, we have danced until daylight. Compare\n _B\u00e4ta\u2032hina\u2032ni_.\n\n _Hes\u00fb\u2032na_\u2014the father. _Hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn_, our father; _nis\u00fb\u2032na_, my\n father, whence _hi-nis\u00fb\u2032na-hu_ of the songs.\n\n _Hes\u00fbna\u2032n\u012dn_\u2014our father. Compare _Hes\u00fb\u2032na_.\n\n _H\u0115tabi\u2032nuhu\u2032ni\u2032na_\u2014I am poor; I am needy.\n\n _H\u0115th\u0115\u2032hin\u0115\u2032na_\u2014Dog men, from _h\u0115th_, dog, and _hin\u0115\u2032na_, men;\n one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See\n Arapaho song 43.\n\n _H\u0115th\u0115wa\u2032w\u016d_\u2014The dance of the _H\u0115th\u0115hin\u0115\u2032na_. See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _He\u2032wa-u\u2032sa_\u2014you are a young crow, you are the offspring of the\n crow; _ho_ or _hu_, crow; _hosa_, a young crow, a little crow.\n This was the Indian name of Little Raven, the noted Arapaho\n chief, who died a few years ago.\n\n _He\u2032yahe\u2032eye!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _He\u2032y\u00e4ya\u2032ahe\u2032ye!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _He\u2032yoho\u2032ho!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _Hi\u2032a!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _Hi\u2032bithini\u2032na_\u2014they are flying about it. _Nina\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032tawa_, I am\n flying about it. Compare _N\u00e4nii\u2032ahu\u2032na_.\n\n _Hich\u0103\u00e4\u2032qaw\u016d_\u2014the dance of the _Hich\u0103\u00e4\u2032quthi_. See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _Hich\u0103\u00e4\u2032quthi_\u2014Club men, from _ch\u0103\u00e4\u2032tha_, a club; one of the\n degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See Arapaho song\n 43.\n\n _Hi\u2032ch\u00e4b\u00e4\u2032-i_\u2014high up, on high, i. e., in heaven, in the sky, or in\n a tree top.\n\n _Higa\u2032ahina\u2032-\u012dt_\u2014\u201cThe man with the coyote gun;\u201d from _gaahi\u2032na_,\n the \u201ccoyote men;\u201d a camp guard or picket among the Arapaho. See\n Arapaho song 41.\n\n _Hiii!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Hi\u2032n\u00e4_\u2014here; here it is.\n\n _Hin\u00e4\u2032\u00e4h\u00e4\u2032k_\u2014it is! (strongly affirmative). Compare _Hi\u2032n\u00e4_.\n\n _Hin\u0103\u2032\u00e4thi_\u2014the long wing-feather (referring to the longest wing\n pinion, worn on the head).\n\n _H\u012dna\u2032w\u00fbn_\u2014his paint; _h\u012dn\u0103\u2032w\u2019_, (red) paint, the Indian clay\n paint; _nina\u2032w\u2019_, my paint; _hena\u2032w\u2019_, your paint.\n\n _H\u012d\u2032ni_ or _\u012d\u2032n\u012d_\u2014that, that one.\n\n _Hi\u2032nini\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning song terminal.\n\n _Hi\u2032niqa\u2032aga\u2032yetu\u2032sa_\u2014for _H\u012d\u2032n\u012d niqaga\u2032y\u0103tus\u0103_.\n\n _Hinisa\u2032na_\u2014his children. Compare _N\u00e4nisa\u2032n\u0103\u016d_.\n\n _Hinis\u00fb\u2032nahu_\u2014for _Nis\u00fb\u2032na_.\n\n _H\u012ds\u00e4\u2032_\u2014my female comrade, or companion (vocative).\n\n _Hi\u2032s\u00e4hihi_\u2014for _H\u012ds\u00e4\u2032_.\n\n _Hise\u2032hi_\u2014ibid.\n\n _H\u012dt\u00e4si\u2032na_\u2014(singular, _H\u012d\u2032t\u00e4si_)\u2014\u201cscarred people,\u201d the Arapaho\n name for the Cheyenne. From _h\u012dt\u00e4shi\u2032ni_, scarred or cut.\n\n _Hiti\u2032cha_\u2014this pipe. Compare _\u00c4ti\u2032chan\u012d\u2032na_.\n\n _Hiticha\u2032ni_\u2014for _Hiti\u2032cha_.\n\n _Hitu\u2032nena_\u2014the name by which the _A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115\u2032na_ or Arapaho\n Grosventres of the Prairie are known to the rest of the tribe.\n Another form is _Hitu\u2032n\u0115ni\u2032na_. It signifies \u201cbegging men,\u201d\n or more exactly \u201cspongers,\u201d the terminal part being from\n _hin\u0115\u2032na_, \u201cmen.\u201d The Arapaho call the Sioux _Natni_, and the\n Asiniboin _Tu-natni_, or \u201cbegging Sioux.\u201d\n\n _Hi\u2032yu_\u2014here it is. _N\u00e4yu_, there it is; _h\u00e4yu_, where is it? what\n is it?\n\n _Ho_\u2014crow; usually duplicated as _Huhu_ or _Ahuhu_ in the songs.\n The crow is the sacred bird of the Ghost dance, and is also\n held sacred by the Algonquian tribes generally. See Arapaho\n song 36.\n\n _Ho\u2032sa_\u2014\u201cLittle Crow,\u201d better known as \u201cLittle Raven,\u201d the\n celebrated chief of the southern Arapaho. He died a few years\n ago and was succeeded by the present head chief _Na\u2032wat_ or\n Left Hand. The name is derived from _ho_, \u201ccrow,\u201d and _sa_, the\n diminutive.\n\n _Hu!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation sometimes used by devotees and\n priests in the Ghost dance when under strong excitement, as\n _Hu! Hu! Hu!_\n\n +Hubbub+\u2014the name given by old New England writers to the Indian\n dice game. See Arapaho song 68.\n\n _Huhu_\u2014for _Ho_.\n\n _Hu\u2032n\u0103_\u2014crows; plural of _ho_ or _hu_; figuratively used in the\n songs for crow feathers worn on the head.\n\n _Hu\u2032naku\u2032nithi_\u2014wearers of the crow feathers; the name given to\n the seven leaders of the Ghost dance who wear crow feathers on\n their heads. _Ho_, crow; plural, _hona_ or _huna_.\n\n _Hu\u2032w\u012ds\u00e4\u2032na_\u2014I go straight to it. _Huw\u012d\u2032s\u00e4_, you go, etc;\n _q\u0103nu\u2032w\u012ds\u00e4t_, he goes, etc.\n\n _Huyu_\u2014another form of _Hi\u2032yu_.\n\n _Ih!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n +Ikunuhkatsi+\u2014\u201cAll Comrades,\u201d the military society of the\n Blackfeet. See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _Ina\u2032habi\u2032\u00e4_\u2014Look on us! _Nina\u2032hawa_, I look at him. Compare\n _\u00c4chiqa\u2032h\u0103wa_.\n\n _I\u2032n\u012dt_\u2014timber.\n\n _Inita\u2032ta-us\u00e4\u2032na_\u2014stand ready! (imperative plural)\n _N\u00e4ni\u2032tata\u2032-us\u00e4\u2032na_, I am ready.\n\n _In\u00fb\u2032na-i\u2032na_\u2014the name used by the Arapaho to designate themselves.\n It signifies \u201cour people,\u201d or \u201cpeople of our kind.\u201d\n\n _I\u2032thaq_\u2014a gut; a sheath or case made of bear gut. See Arapaho song\n 41.\n\n _I\u2032thetihi_\u2014good.\n\n _Iyahu\u2032h_\u2014gone, it is all gone.\n\n _Iyehe\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _I\u2032yehe\u2032eye_\u2014ibid.\n\n _Iyu_\u2014another form of _Hi\u2032yu_.\n\n +Kaninahoic+\u2014the Ojibwa name for the Arapaho.\n\n +Kanina\u2032vish+\u2014ibid.\n\n _Kawinahan_\u2014the form used by Hayden for _Gawun\u0115\u2032na_ or\n _Gawun\u0115\u2032h\u00e4na_, q. v.\n\n _Ku\u2032niahu\u2032na_\u2014I fly with it on my head.\n\n +Maqp\u012d\u2032ato+\u2014the Sioux name for the Arapaho. It signifies \u201cblue\n cloud, i. e., a clear sky;\u201d reason unknown.\n\n +Minnetarees of Fort de Prairie+\u2014The name given by Lewis and Clark\n to the _A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115na_ or Arapaho Grosventres. The _A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115na_ are\n known to the French Canadians as Gros Ventres des Prairies,\n while the Minitari are called by them Gros Ventres du Missouri,\n and the American explorers incorrectly compounded the two names.\n\n _N\u00e4a\u2032wunani\u2032n\u00e4_\u2014he takes pity on us. Compare _Hat\u0103na\u2032wun\u0103ni\u2032na_.\n\n _Na\u2032chichaba\u2032n_\u2014they are still making it. _N\u00e4\u2032n\u012dst\u012dn\u0103_, I make it;\n _N\u00e4su\u2032nistin\u0103_, I still make it.\n\n _Naga\u2032q_\u2014the morning star. See Arapaho songs 67 and 72. The word\n literally means \u201ca cross.\u201d\n\n _Nah\u0103bi\u2032na_\u2014he saw me. Compare _H\u00e4tina\u2032hawa\u2032b\u00e4_.\n\n _N\u0103\u2032h\u0103n\u012d_\u2014here! look! Compare _\u00c4chiqa\u2032h\u0103w\u0103_.\n\n _Naha\u2032ta_\u2014look at it! (imperative singular). Compare _\u00c4chiqa\u2032h\u0103w\u0103_.\n\n _Na\u2032hawa\u016d\u2032_\u2014for _Na\u2032haw\u00fb\u2032_.\n\n _Na\u2032haw\u016d\u00fb_\u2014I saw him. Compare _H\u00e4tina\u2032haw\u00e4\u2032b\u00e4_.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032hibiwa\u2032huna_\u2014then I begin to cry or lament. Compare\n _B\u00e4hibiw\u0103\u2032h\u012dna_.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032hibi\u2032wahuna\u2032na_\u2014then I wept. Compare _B\u00e4hibiw\u0103\u2032h\u012dna_.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032higu\u2032tha_\u2014I throw it. _Nina\u2032gu\u2032tha_, I throw it where it can\n not be found.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032hin\u00e4\u2032n_\u2014stop!\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032inaha\u2032td\u00e4b\u00e4\u2032naq_\u2014I then saw the multitude plainly.\n\n _Na\u2032kash_\u2014sage; the wild sage (Artemisia); the name of a prominent\n northern Arapaho.\n\n _Na\u2032kasin\u0115\u2032na_\u2014the name by which the northern Arapaho call\n themselves. It signifies \u201csagebrush men,\u201d from _na\u2032kash_,\n \u201csagebrush,\u201d and _hin\u0115\u2032na_ or _hin\u0115\u2032nina_, the plural of\n _hin\u0115\u2032n_, \u201cman.\u201d They are called _Ba\u2032achin\u0115\u2032na_ by the other\n Arapaho, and _T\u00e4gy\u00e4\u2032ko_ by the Kiowa.\n\n _N\u0103n\u00e4\u2032_\u2014it is that, that is the thing.\n\n _Na\u2032nag\u0103\u2032q\u0103n\u0115t_\u2014white-skinned (singular); from _na\u2032gu\u0103_, white\n (organic) and _wan\u0103\u2032q_, skin. _N\u00fbna\u2032ch\u0103_, white (inorganic);\n either _na\u2032gu\u0103_ or _n\u00fbna\u2032ch\u0103_ may be used in speaking of a\n house. _Na\u2032nag\u0103\u2032q\u0103n\u0115t_ is one of the Arapaho names for the\n whites, the ordinary term being _Nia\u2032thn_, q. v. See also\n _Niha\u2032n\u0103taye\u2032chet_.\n\n _Nanaha\u2032th\u0103hi_\u2014he showed me. _Nanaha\u2032tha_, I show him.\n\n _N\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032nina_\u2014it is I, I am he (emphatic).\n\n _Nana\u2032thina\u2032ni_\u2014he came to take me, he came for me. In the songs\n the adverb \u201cwhen\u201d or \u201cwhere\u201d is sometimes understood with the\n verb. See Arapaho song 38.\n\n _N\u00e4ne\u2032th_\u2014when I met him.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032na_\u2014for _N\u00e4ni\u012d\u2032ahu\u2032na_.\n\n _N\u00e4nib\u00e4\u2032taw\u0103_\u2014I am singing it; _N\u00e4ni\u2032bina_, I sing; _nib\u00e4\u2032t_, a\n song.\n\n _N\u00e4nib\u00e4\u2032tia_\u2014for _N\u00e4nib\u00e4\u2032taw\u0103_.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032\u201bnihith\u00e4tu\u2032h\u016dna_\u2014thus I shouted, or called. _N\u00e4\u2032\u201bni_ in\n composition signifies \u201cthus.\u201d\n\n _N\u00e4ni\u2032ib\u00e4_\u2014it is spotted.\n\n _Nani\u2032nibin\u00e4\u2032s\u012d_\u2014the wind makes them sing. _N\u00e4ni\u2032bina_, I sing.\n Compare _N\u00e4nib\u00e4\u2032taw\u0103_.\n\n _N\u00e4nisa\u2032na_\u2014for _N\u00e4ni\u2032san\u0103\u016d\u2032_.\n\n _N\u00e4ni\u2032san\u0103\u016d\u2032_ or _N\u00e4ni\u2032san\u0103q_\u2014my children. _N\u00e4ni\u2032sa_, my older\n child; _n\u00e4ni\u2032san\u0115\u2032\u0103\u0115\u2032_, my young child.\n\n _N\u00e4nisa\u2032taqi_\u2014for _Ni\u2032sataq_, seven.\n\n _N\u00e4nisa\u2032t\u0103quthi_\u2014for _Ni\u2032sataq_, seven.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032nitha\u2032tuh\u016d\u2032na_\u2014for _N\u00e4\u2032\u201bnihithatu\u2032h\u016dna_.\n\n _N\u00e4niwu\u2032hun\u0103_\u2014I carry it as I fly about in circles. Compare\n _Hi\u2032bithini\u2032na_ with _Tah\u0115ti\u2032niahu\u2032na_.\n\n _Nasu\u2032siyakunawa_\u2014I am stripping it. I am unsheathing it. Compare\n _S\u0103niyagu\u2032nawa\u2032_.\n\n _Na\u2032t\u0103nu\u2032ya_\u2014what I am using. _Tanu\u2032n\u0103wa\u2032_, I use it.\n\n _Na\u2032tenehi\u2032na_\u2014another form of _Natni_ or _Na\u2032tnihi\u2032na_.\n\n _Na\u2032tni_ or _Na\u2032tnihi\u2032na_\u2014the Arapaho name for the Sioux. The\n etymology is unknown, but it may possibly be a form of\n _Na\u2032dowe_, the generic Algonquian name for Indians of a\n different stock.\n\n _Natu\u2032wani\u2032sa_\u2014my top (a toy); from _uwani\u2032sa_, a top. See Arapaho\n song 65.\n\n _Na\u2032waa\u2032t\u0103n\u00fb_\u2014I prayed to him; _ni\u2032aw\u0103aa\u2032tan\u00fb_, I am praying (to\n him).\n\n _Na\u2032wat_\u2014\u201cLeft Hand,\u201d present head chief of the southern Arapaho.\n\n _Na\u2032wathin\u0115\u2032ha_\u2014the name by which the southern Arapaho are known to\n the rest of the tribe. It signifies \u201csoutherners,\u201d and is said\n to be an archaic form for _Nawun\u0115\u2032na_, the name by which the\n southern Arapaho call themselves.\n\n _Na\u2032wun\u0115\u2032na_\u2014the proper name of the southern Arapaho. It signifies\n \u201csouthern men,\u201d from _na\u2032wun_, \u201csouth,\u201d and _hin\u0115\u2032na_, \u201cmen.\u201d\n They are called _Nawa\u2032thin\u0115\u2032ha_, \u201csoutherners,\u201d by the northern\n Arapaho, which is said to be the archaic form.\n\n _N\u0103ya\u2032q\u00fbt_\u2014the whirlwind. The powers and phenomena of nature are\n generally personified in Indian thought and language.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032yu_\u2014there it is. Compare _Iyu_.\n\n _Nea-i\u2032qaha\u2032ti_\u2014for _Ne\u2032ia-i\u2032qahat_.\n\n _Ne\u00e4\u2032thibiwa\u2032na_\u2014the place where crying begins. Compare\n _B\u00e4hibiw\u0103\u2032h\u012dna_.\n\n _N\u0115\u2032b\u00e4ku\u2032thana_\u2014the \u201cawl game\u201d of the women of the prairie tribes.\n See Arapaho song 64.\n\n _N\u0115\u2032ch\u00e4i\u2032hit_\u2014he gave me this grateful gift; he gave me this, for\n which I am thankful.\n\n _N\u0115\u2032ch\u00e4\u2032wu\u2032nani_\u2014have pity on me (imperative singular). Compare\n _Hatana\u2032wunani\u2032na_.\n\n _Nehawa\u2032wun\u0103\u2032na_\u2014I have no sympathy with him. Compare\n _Ti\u2032awawu\u2032n\u0103nu_.\n\n _N\u0115\u2032ia-i\u2032qahat_\u2014now he is collecting them; now he begins to gather\n them.\n\n _Ne\u2032na_(_-hu_)\u2014my mother. _Nes\u00fb\u2032na_, my father.\n\n _Nes\u00fb\u2032na_\u2014another form of _Nis\u00fb\u2032na_.\n\n _N\u0115t\u012d\u2032qtawa_\u2014my _t\u012d\u2032qtawa_ or throwing-stick. The game is called\n _b\u0103t\u012d\u2032qt\u00fbba_, abbreviated to _t\u012d\u2032qt\u00fbp_. The throwing-stick is\n called _b\u0103t\u012d\u2032qtawa_ or _t\u012d\u2032qtawa_. See Arapaho song 68.\n\n _N\u0115\u2032tita\u2032wahu_\u2014for _Net\u012d\u2032qtawa_.\n\n _Ni\u2032\u0103n\u0115\u2032th\u0103hi\u2032nani\u2032na_\u2014he did not recognize me. The negative idea\n is contained in _\u00e4n\u0115\u2032th_; _\u00e4\u2032ninani\u2032na_, he recognized me.\n\n _Ni\u2032\u0103nita\u2032wathi_\u2014they push hard, i. e., they persevere.\n _N\u00e4ni\u2032\u00e4ni\u2032tawana_, I push hard; I do my best; I do right.\n\n _Nia\u2032rhari\u2032s-k\u00fbrikiwa\u2032s-h\u00fbski_\u2014proper Wichita name for the Arapaho.\n\n _Ni\u2032\u00e4sa\u2032kua\u2032na_\u2014I am looking on, or watching. Compare\n _H\u00e4tina\u2032hawa\u2032b\u00e4_ and _\u00c4chiqa\u2032h\u0103wa_.\n\n _Nia\u2032thu_ or _Nia\u2032\u201bthu\u0103_\u2014the white people; singular, _Nia\u2032tha_.\n The word signifies literally expert, skillful, or wise, and is\n also the Arapaho name for the spider. The word for \u201cwhite\u201d is\n _nu\u2032na\u2032cha\u2032\u0103_. Compare _Na\u2032nag\u0103\u2032q\u0103n\u0115t_ and _Niha\u2032n\u0103taye\u2032chet_.\n\n _Niathu\u2032a-u_\u2014for _Niathu\u2032a_.\n\n _Niati\u2032biku\u2032thahu_\u2014for _Niati\u2032biku\u2032thathi_.\n\n _Niati\u2032biku\u2032thathi_\u2014they are rolling it.\n\n _Nib\u00e4i\u2032naku\u2032nithi_\u2014they all wear it on their heads. _Ninaku\u2032na_, I\n wear it on my head.\n\n _Nib\u00e4\u2032t_\u2014song. Compare _N\u00e4nib\u00e4\u2032taw\u0103_.\n\n _Nib\u00e4\u2032tia_\u2014for _Nib\u00e4\u2032t_.\n\n _Ni\u2032binu_\u2014for _Niibi\u2032na_.\n\n _Ni\u2032bithi\u2032t_\u2014I have nothing to eat.\n\n _Ni\u2032chi\u0103_\u2014river.\n\n _Ni\u2032chihin\u0115\u2032na_\u2014\u201criver men,\u201d the Arapaho name for the Kiowa. From\n _ni\u2032chi\u0103_, river, and _hin\u0115\u2032na_, men, so called from the former\n residence of the Kiowa on upper Arkansas river, from which they\n were driven by the Arapaho and Sioux.\n\n _Niesa\u2032na_, or _Ni\u2032chisa\u2032na_\u2014the young birds. _Ni\u0115\u2032h\u0115_, bird;\n _ni\u0115\u2032hisa_, a young bird.\n\n _Niha\u2032n\u0103taye\u2032chet_\u2014yellow-hided (singular); from _niha\u2032ne_, yellow,\n and _nata\u2032yech_, a hide; one of the Arapaho names for the\n whites. The ordinary term is _Nia\u2032thu_, q. v.\n\n _N\u012dhiga\u2032hu_\u2014he is running. _N\u00e4niga\u2032na_, I run; _n\u0103ni\u2032higa_, he\n runs; _n\u012dhiga\u2032huna_, I am running swiftly.\n\n _N\u012dhiga\u2032huna_\u2014I am running swiftly. Compare _N\u012dhiga\u2032hu_.\n\n _Nihii\u2032n\u00e4_\u2014forcibly, swiftly.\n\n _Niibi\u2032na_\u2014I gave it to them. Compare _B\u0115ni\u2032nina_.\n\n _Niitegu_\u2014for _Nii\u2032t\u0115h\u0103g_.\n\n _Nii\u2032t\u0115h\u0103g_\u2014it was he, he was the one.\n\n _Niitu\u2032qawig\u00fb\u2032ni\u0115\u2032_\u2014where they were coming down; where they were\n descending toward us.\n\n _Nina\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032na_\u2014fly in circles (habitual); I am constantly flying\n about in circles. Compare _Hi\u2032bithini\u2032na_ and _Tah\u0115ti\u2032niahu\u2032na_.\n\n _Nina\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032tawa_\u2014I am flying about it. Compare _Hi\u2032bithini\u2032na_.\n\n _Nina\u00e4\u2032q\u0103wa\u2032_\u2014I go around it.\n\n _Ni\u2032nag\u0103nawa\u2032ni_\u2014we have danced until daylight. Compare\n _He\u2032nagana\u2032\u201bwan\u0115n_ and _B\u00e4ta\u2032hina\u2032ni_.\n\n _Ni\u2032nahawa\u2032na_\u2014we see them. Compare _H\u00e4tina\u2032hawa\u2032b\u00e4_.\n\n _Nin\u00e4\u2032ninati\u2032nakuni\u2032na_\u2014It is I who have (wear) it on my head; I am\n the one who ties it on my head.\n\n _Nin\u0115\u2032n_\u2014tallow.\n\n _Niniha\u2032niahu\u2032na_\u2014I fly around yellow. _Niha\u2032ne_, yellow. Compare\n _Hi\u2032bithini\u2032na_ and _N\u00e4nii\u2032ahu\u2032na_.\n\n _Ni\u2032nini\u2032tubi\u2032na_\u2014he has called me.\n\n _Nini\u2032t\u0103n\u0103\u2032\u00fb_\u2014I heard him. Compare _Hatni\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032na_.\n\n _N\u012dnitu\u2032sa_\u2014making a sound, resounding.\n\n _Ni\u2032qa_\u2014father (vocative; no possessive pronoun implied). A more\n reverential or affectionate form than _nis\u00fbna_.\n\n _Niqaga\u2032y\u0103tusa_\u2014the loudest sounding, the loudest of all. The idea\n of \u201cloudest\u201d is contained in _qaga\u2032y\u2019_, and of \u201csounding\u201d in\n _tusa_. See _N\u012dnitu\u2032sa_.\n\n _Ni\u2032qahu\u2032hu\u2032_\u2014for _Ni\u2032qa_.\n\n _Ni\u2032qana\u2032ga_\u2014that one buffalo bull; there is a solitary bull.\n _H\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032ch\u00e4_, a buffalo bull, is changed in the song to\n _qana\u2032ga_. _Ni_ in composition denotes alone, single, from\n _nisi_, only one; _ch\u00e4saiy\u2019_, one.\n\n _Nisa\u2032na_\u2014the same as _nis\u00fb\u2032na_ or _nes\u00fbna_, my father.\n\n _Ni\u2032sataq_\u2014seven. See _Yath\u00fbn_.\n\n _Nis\u00fb\u2032na_\u2014my father. Compare _Hes\u00fb\u2032na_.\n\n _Ni\u2032tab\u00e4\u2032na_\u2014I hear it. Compare _Hatni\u2032tani\u2032na_.\n\n _Nitab\u00e4\u2032tani_\u2014we are dancing. Compare _B\u00e4ta\u2032hina\u2032ni_.\n\n _Nita-i\u2032sa_\u2014my relative.\n\n _Ni\u2032tawuna\u2032na_\u2014I take pity on them. Compare _Hat\u0103na\u2032wunani\u2032na_.\n\n _Nithi\u2032na_\u2014he said it, he has said it (immediate past). Compare\n _H\u00e4thi\u2032na_.\n\n _Nuha\u2032w\u016d_\u2014Fox dance; the dance of the _Nuhin\u0115\u2032na_. See Arapaho song\n 43.\n\n _Nuhin\u0115\u2032na_\u2014Fox men, from _nu_, fox, and _hin\u0115\u2032na_, men; one of the\n degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See Arapaho song\n 43.\n\n _Nu\u2032nag\u00fbna\u2032\u201b-u\u2032\u0103t_\u2014he came with it, he brought it with him.\n\n _N\u00fbnaha\u2032w\u016d_\u2014one of the degrees of the Arapaho military\n organization; the meaning of the word is unknown. See Arapaho\n song 43.\n\n _N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naa\u2032t\u0103ni\u2032na_\u2014he is circling above me. See Arapaho song 39.\n\n _N\u00fb\u2032nan\u00fb\u2032naku\u2032ti_\u2014I am circling it, I am waving it about in circles.\n\n _Nu\u2032sa-icha\u2032tha_\u2014the ceremonial crook or lance carried by the\n leader of the _Bita\u2032hin\u0115na_. See Arapaho song 43.\n\n _Qa\u2032qa-u\u2032n\u00fbtha_\u2014the \u201cthrowing sticks\u201d used in the game of the\n _b\u00e4\u2032qati_. See Arapaho song 49.\n\n +Sani\u2032tika+\u2014Pawnee name for the Arapaho; from the Comanche name\n _S\u00e4\u2032r\u0115t\u012dka_, \u201cdog eaters.\u201d\n\n _S\u0103\u2032niyagu\u2032nawa\u2032_\u2014I have stripped it, I have unsheathed it.\n _Nasu\u2032siyakunawa_, I am stripping it, I am unsheathing it.\n\n +S\u00e4\u2032pani+\u2014the Shoshoni name for the _A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115na_ or Arapaho\n Grosventres. It signifies \u201cbelly people,\u201d from _s\u00e4p_, belly,\n and _ni_, the tribal suffix.\n\n +S\u00e4\u2032r\u0115t\u0115ka+\u2014Comanche and Shoshoni name for the Arapaho. It\n signifies \u201cdog-eaters,\u201d from _s\u00e4\u2032re_, dog, and _t\u0115ka_, a form\n of the verb to eat, in allusion to their special fondness for\n dog flesh. The name is also sometimes used by the Wichita.\n\n _S\u00e4sa\u2032b\u00e4-ithi_\u2014looking around, i. e., watchers or lookouts. One of\n the five bands of the southern Arapaho.\n\n _Se\u2032hiw\u00fbq_\u2014\u201cweasel bear,\u201d from _sea_ weasel, and _w\u00fbq_, bear; also\n rendered as \u201cgray bear,\u201d from _se_, gray, and _w\u00fbq_, bear.\n The name of the keeper of the _s\u0115\u2032icha_ or sacred pipe of the\n Arapaho. See Arapaho song 2.\n\n _S\u0115\u2032icha_\u2014\u201cflat pipe,\u201d from _s\u0115\u012d_, flat, and _hicha_, pipe. The\n sacred pipe and tribal \u201cmedicine\u201d of the Arapaho. See Arapaho\n song 2.\n\n _Ta\u2032\u0103w\u016dn_\u2014strike it (imperative singular).\n\n _Tabini\u2032na_\u2014he (she) gave it to me. Compare _B\u0115ni\u2032n\u0115na_.\n\n _Ta\u2032\u201bchawa\u2032g\u016dna_\u2014while I am carrying a load of (buffalo) beef on a\n horse. _Ha\u2032g\u016d\u2032_, I carry a load of beef on a horse in motion;\n second person, _hag\u016d\u2032n\u012d_; third person, _hag\u016d\u2032t\u012d_; _ta\u201b_,\n prefix in composition with the verb, implies \u201cwhile.\u201d\n\n _Tah\u0115ti\u2032niahu\u2032na_\u2014I make the deep, or loud, thunder as I fly\n about in circles (habitual). Compare _Nina\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032na_ and\n _Tahuna\u2032\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032na_. See Arapaho song 27.\n\n _Ta\u2032huna\u2032\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032na_\u2014I make the thunder (or loud resounding\n noise) as I fly about in circles (habitual). Compare\n _Nina\u00e4\u2032niahu\u2032na_ and _Tah\u0115ti\u2032niahu\u2032na_.\n\n _Tahu\u2032nahathihi\u2032na_\u2014to make me see them. Compare _H\u00e4tina\u2032hawa\u2032b\u00e4_.\n\n _Ta\u2032na-u\u2032qahe\u2032na_\u2014he put me there. _Nita\u2032uqa\u2032_, I put him there\n (present).\n\n _Tani\u2032b\u00e4th\u0103_\u2014\u201cpierced noses,\u201d the Arapaho name for the Caddo;\n _tani_, nose.\n\n _Ta\u2032thiaku\u2032tawa_\u2014I stood upon it (?). The regular form for \u201cI was\n standing upon it\u201d is _N\u012dqt\u00e4\u2032saku\u2032na_.\n\n _Ta\u2032-us\u0115ta\u2032na_ or _Ta\u2032-us\u0115ta\u2032tina_\u2014literally \u201cstriking,\u201d or\n \u201cthrowing against\u201d something; the dice game of the women of the\n prairie tribes. See Arapaho song 64.\n\n _Ta\u2032w\u016dn\u00e4_\u2014for _Ta\u2032\u0103w\u016dn_.\n\n _T\u0115\u2032b\u0115_\u2014at first, the first time, in the beginning.\n\n _T\u0115\u2032b\u0115\u2032tana\u2032-is\u0115t_\u2014when he first came; _t\u0115\u2032b\u0115_, the first time.\n\n _Tha\u201bk\u00fb\u2032hin\u0115na_\u2014\u201cwhetstone men,\u201d or \u201cknife-whetting men,\u201d the\n Arapaho name for the Kiowa Apache (Na-diisha-Dena), and for all\n other southern Athapascan tribes known to them, including the\n Lipan, Mescalero, Jicarilla, and Apache proper. The sign for\n Apache in the sign language of the plains also conveys the same\n idea, being made by briskly rubbing the left forefinger with\n the right, as though whetting a knife. _G\u0103ta\u201bka_, the Pawnee\n name for the Kiowa Apache, seems to have a connection with this\n word.\n\n _Th\u0115ni\u2032ehi\u2032nina_\u2014I am a bird, from _ni\u0115\u2032h\u0115_, bird.\n\n _Thi\u2032aku_\u2014they are there.\n\n _Thi\u2032\u00e4ya_\u2014the sweat-house mound. The name is also applied to a\n stone heap or monument. See Arapaho song 34.\n\n _Thi\u00e4ya\u2032na_\u2014on the _thi\u2032\u00e4ya_ or sweat-house mound.\n\n _Thi\u00e4ya\u2032n\u0115_\u2014at the _thi\u2032\u00e4ya_ or sweat-house mound.\n\n _Thig\u00fbn\u0103wa\u2032t_\u2014the Ghost dance, from _thig_, ghost or spirit of a\n dead person, and _b\u00e4ta\u2032t_, a dance. Compare _B\u00e4ta\u2032hina\u2032ni_.\n\n _Ti\u2032awawu\u2032n\u0103nu_\u2014when I sympathized with them, when I liked them.\n I sympathize with him, _ti\u0103wu\u2032n\u0103n\u0103_. _Ti_ or _tihi_ in\n composition with verbs usually conveys the idea of \u201cwhen.\u201d\n _Nehawa\u2032wun\u0103na_, I have no sympathy with him. Compare\n _Hat\u0103na\u2032wun\u0103ni\u2032na_.\n\n _Ti\u2032naha\u2032thihu_\u2014I show it to them (habitual), or to show it to\n them. _Ni\u2032naha\u2032thihu_, I show it to him.\n\n _Ti\u2032qt\u00fbp_\u2014the common abbreviated form of _B\u0103t\u012d\u2032qt\u00fbb\u0103_, q. v.\n\n _Uhiyeyeheye!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _\u00dbtnitha\u2032wuch\u00e4\u2032wah\u0103n\u00e4ni\u2032na_\u2014we shall surely again be put (with\n something understood). The idea of \u201csurely\u201d is contained in\n _\u00fbtni\u2032thaw\u012d_; _ch\u00e4_ is from _ch\u00e4\u2032i\u2032h\u012di_, \u201cagain.\u201d\n\n _Wa\u2032ku(-hu)_\u2014a feather to wear on the head.\n\n _Wa\u2032ku\u2032na_\u2014feathers worn on the head; a feather headdress. They are\n usually painted and beaded, and sometimes mounted on a small\n stick. A single feather thus worn is called _wa\u2032ku_.\n\n +Waki\u00f1ya\u00f1-oi+\u2014Thunder\u2019s Track. The Sioux name of a locality in\n eastern South Dakota. See Arapaho song 14.\n\n _Waqui\u2032si_\u2014Ugly Face Woman, an Arapaho man. _H\u012d\u2032si_, woman, is\n frequently abbreviated to _si_ in composition.\n\n _Wa\u2032quithi_\u2014Bad faces, or Ugly faces; the principal of the five\n bands of the southern Arapaho. Their chief, Nawat, or Left\n Hand, is also the principal chief of the southern branch of the\n tribe.\n\n _Wat\u00e4na\u2032ni_\u2014a black mark or picture, from _wat\u00e4\u2032y\u00e4_, black. See\n Arapaho song 49.\n\n _Wa\u2032t\u00e4n-ga\u2032a_\u2014Black Coyote, from _wa\u2032t\u00e4n_, black, and _ga\u2032a_,\n coyote. A southern Arapaho, captain of the Indian police, and\n one of the principal leaders of the Ghost dance among the\n Arapaho.\n\n _Wa\u2032wa_\u2014now; it also gives the idea of done, or completed.\n\n _Wa\u2032wagath\u00e4\u2032na_\u2014I have already put him aside, now I have put him\n aside. _Wawa_ or _waw\u2019_, \u201cnow,\u201d in composition, gives the idea\n of \u201calready\u201d or completed action.\n\n _Wa\u2032w\u0103na\u2032dan\u00e4\u2032di\u0103_\u2014I am about to hum (i. e., with the\n _H\u00e4tiku\u2032tha_). See Arapaho song 25.\n\n _Waw\u00e4th\u00e4bich\u00e4\u201bchin\u012dnab\u00e4naguwa-u-inagathi_\u2014I have given you\n (plural) again, a headdress of magpie feathers; from\n _wa\u2032w\u00e4th\u00e4\u2032bich\u00e4\u201bchin\u012d\u2032nab\u00e4\u2032nak_, I have given it back again;\n _wa\u2032-u-i_, magpie; _waga\u2032thi_, a bird\u2019s tail feathers. In the\n verb the root is from _b\u012dni\u2032na_, I give it to him; _waw\u2019_\n denotes completion, as \u201calready\u201d done; _ch\u00e4_ implies repetition\n or return of action. See Arapaho song 56.\n\n _W\u00fbnayu\u2032uhu_\u2014for _W\u00fb\u2032nayu\u2032\u016d_, they are new. _W\u00fb\u2032nay\u0103\u2032_, it is new.\n\n _Ya\u2032gaahi\u2032na_\u2014for _Ya\u2032hagaahi\u2032na_.\n\n _Ya\u2032hagaahi\u2032na_\u2014the \u201ccoyote gun\u201d or ceremonial club of the\n _Ga\u2032ahin\u0115\u2032na_ or \u201cCoyote men.\u201d See Arapaho song 41.\n\n _Yahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Ya\u2032\u201bna-u\u2032si\u2032ya_\u2014how bright the moonlight is! _Na\u201b-u\u2032si\u2032ya_, the\n moonlight is bright.\n\n _Ya\u2032th\u00e4y\u00fb\u2032na_\u2014five places, in five places; from _ya\u2032th\u00fbn_, five,\n and _y\u00fbna_, places.\n\n _Ya\u2032th\u00fbn_\u2014five. Other numerals are: 1, _ch\u00e4\u2032saiy\u2019_; 2, _h\u0115ni\u2032si_;\n 3, _h\u0115n\u00e4\u2032si_; 4, _yen_; 5, _ya\u2032th\u00fb_ or _ya\u2032th\u00fbn_; 6,\n _ni\u2032tataq_; 7, _ni\u2032sataq_; 8, _n\u00e4sataq_; 9, _thi\u2032ataq_; 10,\n _w\u0115t\u00e4taq_; 20, _ni\u2032sa_; 29, _ni\u2032sa-thi\u2032at\u0103qu\u2032n_; 30, _n\u00e4sa_;\n 40, _ye\u2032ya_; 50, _ya\u2032thaiya_; 60, _nitat\u00fb\u2032sa_; 70, _ni\u2032sat\u00fbsa_;\n 80, _n\u00e4\u2032sat\u00fb\u2032sa_; 90, _thi\u2032at\u00fb\u2032sa_; 100, _w\u0115\u2032t\u00e4t\u00fb\u2032sa_.\n\n _Ye\u2032nis_\u2014the wild rose. The rosebush is _ye\u2032nis_; the seed berry is\n _ye\u2032nun_, literally \u201clouse child,\u201d from the resemblance of the\n seeds to nits or lice. See Arapaho song 29.\n\n _Ye\u2032nisiti\u2032na_\u2014with the wild rose; from _ye\u2032nis_, the wild rose,\n and _ti\u2032naq_, with.\n\n _Y\u012d\u2032h\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032h\u012d\u2032_\u2014an unmeaning word combination of syllables used\n in the gambling songs. See Arapaho song 69.\n\n\n THE CHEYENNE\n\n\n TRIBAL SYNONYMY\n\n _Ba\u2032hakos\u012dn_\u2014Caddo name; \u201cstriped arrows,\u201d _b\u0103h_, arrow. The Caddo\n sometimes also call them Si\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4bo, from their Comanche name.\n\n _Cheyenne_\u2014popular name, a French spelling of their Sioux name. It\n has no connection with the French word _chien_, \u201cdog.\u201d\n\n _Dz\u012dts\u012d\u2032st\u00e4s_\u2014proper tribal name; nearly equivalent to \u201cour people.\u201d\n\n _Gatsa\u2032lghi_\u2014Kiowa Apache name.\n\n _H\u012dt\u00e4si\u2032na_ (singular _H\u012d\u2032t\u00e4si_)\u2014Arapaho name, signifying \u201cscarred\n people,\u201d from _h\u012dt\u00e4shi\u2032ni_, \u201cscarred or cut.\u201d According to the\n Arapaho statement the Cheyenne were so called because they\n were more addicted than the other tribes to the practice of\n gashing themselves in religious ceremonies. The name may have\n more special reference to the tribal custom of cutting off the\n fingers and hands of their slain enemies. (See tribal sign,\n page 1024.)\n\n _It\u0103supuzi_\u2014Hidatsa name, \u201cspotted arrow quills\u201d (Matthews).\n\n _Ka\u2032nahe\u0103wasts\u012dk_\u2014Cree name, \u201cpeople with a language somewhat like\n Cree\u201d (Grinnell).\n\n _Niere\u2032rikwats-k\u00fbni\u2032ki_\u2014Wichita name.\n\n _Nanon\u012d\u2032ks-kare\u2032n\u012dki_\u2014Kichai name.\n\n _P\u00e4g\u0103n\u00e4vo_\u2014Shoshoni and Comanche name; \u201cstriped arrows,\u201d from\n _p\u00e4ga_, \u201carrow,\u201d and _n\u00e4vo_, \u201cstriped.\u201d\n\n _S\u00e4k\u0314o\u2032ta_\u2014Kiowa name; seems to refer to \u201cbiting.\u201d\n\n _Sa-sis-e-tas_\u2014proper tribal name according to Clark (Indian Sign\n Language, 99, 1885). The form should be _Dz\u012dts\u012d\u2032st\u00e4s_ as given\n above.\n\n _Shaiela_ or _Shaiena_\u2014Sioux name; \u201cred,\u201d or decorated with red\n paint. According to Riggs, as quoted by Clark, the Sioux call\n an alien language a \u201cred\u201d language, while they designate one\n of their own stock as \u201cwhite,\u201d so that the name would be\n equivalent to \u201caliens.\u201d The Sioux apply the same name also to\n the Cree.\n\n _Shi\u00e4\u2032navo_\u2014another Comanche name, probably a derivative from the\n word _Cheyenne_.\n\n _Shi\u0115\u2032da_\u2014another Wichita name, derived from the word _Cheyenne_.\n\n _Staitan_\u2014unidentified tribal name, given, by Lewis and Clark.\n Identical with the Cheyenne, from their own word _H\u012dst\u00e4\u2032it\u00e4n_,\n \u201cI am a Cheyenne.\u201d\n\n\n TRIBAL SIGN\n\nThe Cheyenne tribal sign, made by drawing the right index finger\nseveral times across the left forefinger, is commonly interpreted\n\u201ccut fingers\u201d or \u201ccut wrists,\u201d and is said to be derived from their\ncustom of cutting off the fingers and hands of slain enemies. Although\nthe same practice was found among other tribes, the Cheyenne were\nparticularly distinguished in this regard. In Mackenzie\u2019s great fight\nwith the Cheyenne in Wyoming, in 1876, two necklaces made of human\nfingers were found in the captured Indian camp, together with a small\nbag filled with hands cut from the bodies of children of the Shoshoni\ntribe, their enemies. One of these necklaces was afterward deposited\nin the National Museum at Washington. (See _Bourke_ in _Ninth Annual\nReport of the Bureau of Ethnology_.) Some competent Indian authorities\nsay, however, that the sign is intended to indicate \u201cstripe people,\u201d or\n\u201cstriped-arrow people,\u201d referring to the fact that the Cheyenne usually\nfeathered their arrows with the striped feathers of the wild turkey.\nThis agrees with the interpretation of the name for the Cheyenne in\nseveral different languages.\n\n\n SKETCH OF THE TRIBE\n\nThe Cheyenne are one of the westernmost tribes of the great Algonquian\nstock. In one of their ghost songs they sing of the \u201cturtle river,\u201d\non which they say they once lived. (_Cheyenne song 3._) From several\nevidences this seems to be identical with the Saint Croix, which forms\nthe boundary between Wisconsin and Minnesota. This statement agrees\nwith the opinion of Clark (_Indian Sign Language_), who locates their\nearliest tradition in the neighborhood of Saint Anthony falls. They\nwere driven out by the Sioux and forced toward the northwest, where\nthey came in contact with the Asiniboin (called by them Hohe\u2032), with\nwhom they were never afterward at peace. At a later period, according\nto Lewis and Clark, they lived on the Cheyenne branch of Red river, in\nnorthern Minnesota, whence they were again driven by the Sioux into the\nprairie.\n\nIn 1805 they wandered about the head of Cheyenne river of Dakota and\nin the Black hills, and were at war with the Sioux, though at peace\nwith most other tribes. Since then they have pushed on to the west\nand south, always in close confederation with the Arapaho. These two\ntribes say they have never known a time when they were not associated.\nAbout forty years ago, in Wyoming, the band since known as the northern\nCheyenne separated from the others (Clark), and have since lived\nchiefly in Montana or with the Sioux, with whom the Cheyenne made\npeace about sixty years ago. The other and larger portion of the tribe\ncontinued to range chiefly on the lands of the Arkansas and Canadian\nin Colorado and the western part of Kansas and Oklahoma. They and the\nArapaho made peace with the Kiowa and Comanche in 1840, and raided in\nconnection with these tribes into Texas and Mexico until assigned in\n1869 to a reservation in what is now western Oklahoma. In 1874 they,\nas well as the Kiowa, Comanche, and Kiowa Apache, again went on the\nwarpath in consequence of the depredations of the buffalo hunters,\nbut the outbreak was speedily suppressed. In 1890 they sold their\nreservation and took allotments in severalty. The northern Cheyenne\njoined the Sioux in the \u201cCuster war\u201d of 1876\u201377. At the surrender\nof the hostiles they were removed to Oklahoma and placed with the\nsouthern Cheyenne, but were much dissatisfied with their location, the\ndissatisfaction culminating in the attempt of a large party, under Dull\nKnife, to escape to the north, in September, 1878. They were pursued,\nand a part of them captured and confined at Fort Robinson, Nebraska,\nwhence they made a desperate attempt to escape on the night of January\n9, 1879, resulting in the killing of nearly all of the prisoners. They\nwere finally assigned a reservation in Montana, where they now are,\nwith the exception of a few among the Sioux. According to the official\nreport for 1892, the southern Cheyenne in Oklahoma numbered 2,119, the\nnorthern Cheyenne in Montana, 1,200, and those with the Sioux at Pine\nEdge, South Dakota, 120, a total of 3,439.\n\nThe Cheyenne have eleven tribal divisions. They have at least two\ndialects, but probably more. The tribal divisions in their order in the\ncamping circle are\u2014\n\n1. _Ev\u012d\u2032sts-un\u012d\u2032pah\u012ds_ (\u201csmoky lodges\u201d\u2014Grinnell, _fide_ Clark).\n\n2. _S\u016dta\u2032ya_ or _S\u016d\u2032tasi\u2032na_. This is one of the most important\ndivisions and formerly constituted a distinct tribe, but was afterward\nincorporated with the Cheyenne. According to concurrent Cheyenne and\nBlackfoot tradition, as given by Grinnell, they seem originally to have\nbeen a part of the Blackfeet, who became separated from the main body\nof their tribe by the sudden breaking up of the ice while crossing\na large river. They drifted to the southward and finally met and\njoined the Cheyenne in the Black hills. Their name, spelled _Suti_ by\nGrinnell, is said to mean \u201cstrange talkers.\u201d They live now on the upper\nWashita in Oklahoma and speak a dialect differing considerably from\nthat of the rest of the tribe.\n\n3. _\u012c\u2032sium-it\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2019_, (\u201cridge-people;\u201d singular,\n_\u012c\u2032siumi-t\u00e4n_\u2014Grinnell, _fide_ Clark).\n\n4. _H\u0115w\u0103-t\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2019_, \u201chairy men.\u201d The name is also sometimes used\ncollectively to designate all of the southern Cheyenne as distinguished\nfrom the northern Cheyenne, called collectively _Hm\u012d\u2032s\u012ds_. The southern\nCheyenne are also designated collectively as _So\u2032w\u0103ni\u0103_, \u201csoutherners.\u201d\n\n5. _\u014e\u2032ivim\u0103\u2032na_, \u201cscabby.\u201d This name is said to have been given them\noriginally on account of an epidemic which once broke out among their\nhorses and rendered them mangy.\n\n6. _Wi\u2032tapi\u2032u_ (\u201chaters\u201d\u2014Grinnell, _\u0192ide_ Clark).\n\n7. _Hot\u0103\u2032mi-t\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2032_, \u201cdog men,\u201d or _M\u012d\u2032st\u00e4vi\u012d\u2032n\u00fbt_, \u201cheavy eyebrows.\u201d\nThis is also the name of one of the divisions of their warrior\norganization.\n\n8. _O\u2032tu\u2032g\u016dn\u016d._\n\n9. _Hm\u012d\u2032s\u012ds_, \u201ceaters.\u201d This is the most important division of the\nnorthern Cheyenne, and the name is also used by those of the south to\ndesignate all the northern Cheyenne collectively.\n\n10. _Anskow\u012d\u2032n\u012ds._\n\n11. _P\u012dn\u00fb\u2032tg\u00fb\u2032._\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 100+\u2014Cheyenne camping circle.]\n\nThese are the names given to the author by the Cheyenne themselves\nas the complete list of their tribal divisions. Grinnell, on the\nauthority of the Clark manuscript, names six of these with two others,\n_Mats\u012d\u2032shkota_, \u201ccorpse from a scaffold,\u201d and _Miay\u016dma_, \u201cred lodges,\u201d\nwhich may be identical with some of the others named above, or may\nperhaps be degrees of their military organization instead of tribal\ndivisions.\n\nIn the great ceremony of the \u201cmedicine arrow,\u201d last enacted on the\nWashita in 1890, the camping circle opened to the south. At all other\ngatherings of the tribe the circle opened to the east, agreeable to\nthe general Indian custom, the several divisions encamping in the\norder shown in figure 100.\n\nThe Cheyenne, like the prairie tribes generally, are, or were until\nwithin a few years past, a nation of nomads, living in skin tipis, and\ndepending almost entirely on the buffalo for food. Yet they have a dim\nmemory of a time when they lived in permanent villages and planted\ncorn, and in their genesis tradition, which occupies four \u201csmokes\u201d or\nnights in the telling, they relate how they \u201clost\u201d the corn a long time\nago before they became wanderers on the plains. They deposit their\ndead on scaffolds in trees, unlike their confederates, the Arapaho,\nwho bury in the ground. Their most sacred possession is the bundle\nof \u201cmedicine arrows,\u201d now in possession of the southern division of\nthe tribe. They have a military organization similar to that existing\namong the Arapaho and other prairie tribes, as described under number\n43 of the Arapaho songs. Above all the tribes of the plains they are\ndistinguished for their desperate courage and pride of bearing, and\nare preeminently warriors among people whose trade is war. They are\nstrongly conservative and have steadily resisted every advance of\ncivilization, here again differing from the Arapaho, who have always\nshown a disposition to meet the white man half-way. In fact, no two\npeoples could well exhibit more marked differences of characteristics\non almost every point than these two confederated tribes. The Cheyenne\nhave quick and strong intelligence, but their fighting temper sometimes\nrenders them rather unmanageable subjects with whom to deal. Their\nconservatism and tribal pride tend to restrain them from following\nafter strange gods, so that in regard to the new messiah they assume a\nrather skeptical position, while they conform to all the requirements\nof the dance code in order to be on the safe side.\n\nClark, in his _Indian Sign Language_, thus sums up the characteristics\nof the Cheyenne:\n\n As a tribe they have been broken and scattered, but in their wild\n and savage way they fought well for their country, and their\n history during the past few years has been written in blood. The\n men of the Cheyenne Indians rank as high in the scale of honesty,\n energy, and tenacity of purpose as those of any other tribe I have\n ever met, and in physique and intellect they are superior to those\n of most tribes and the equal of any. Under the most demoralizing\n and trying circumstances they have preserved in a remarkable degree\n that part of their moral code which relates to chastity, and public\n sentiment has been so strong in them in regard to this matter that\n they have been, and are still, noted among all the tribes which\n surround them, for the virtue of their women.\n\nThe Cheyenne language lacks the liquids _l_ and _r_. It is full of\nhissing sounds and difficult combinations of consonants, so that it\ndoes not lend itself readily to song composition, for which reason,\namong others, the Cheyenne in the south usually join the Arapaho in the\nGhost dance and sing the Arapaho songs.\n\n\n SONGS OF THE CHEYENNE\n\n\n 1. +O\u2032t\u00e4 n\u00e4\u2032nis\u012d\u2032n\u00e4sists+\n\n O\u2032t\u00e4 n\u00e4\u2032nis\u012d\u2032n\u00e4s\u012dsts\u2014Ehe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n O\u2032t\u00e4 n\u00e4\u2032nis\u012d\u2032n\u00e4s\u012dsts\u2014Ehe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n M\u00e4\u2032tesem\u00e4\u2032moest\u00e4\u2032nowe\u2032t\u2014\u00c4he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n M\u00e4\u2032tesem\u00e4\u2032moest\u00e4\u2032nowe\u2032t\u2014\u00c4he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ho\u2032ivitu\u2032simo\u2032mo\u012d\u2032ts\u2014E\u2032\u00e4he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ho\u2032ivitu\u2032simo\u2032mo\u012d\u2032ts\u2014E\u2032\u00e4he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Nu\u2032ka\u2032eshe\u2032v\u00e4o\u2032e\u2032tse\u2032\n Nitu\u2032si\u2032mit\u00e4\u2032nun,\n Nitu\u2032si\u2032mit\u00e4\u2032nun.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Well, my children\u2014_Ehe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Well, my children\u2014_Ehe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n When you meet your friends again\u2014_\u00c4he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n When you meet your friends again\u2014_\u00c4he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The earth will tremble\u2014_E\u2032\u00e4he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The earth will tremble\u2014_E\u2032\u00e4he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The summer cloud (?)\n It will give it to us,\n It will give it to us.\n\nThe interpretation of this song is imperfect and the meaning is not\nclear. It evidently refers to the earthquake which it is supposed will\noccur at the moment of contact of the spirit world with the old earth.\nThe literal meaning of the second line, rendered \u201cwhen you meet your\nfriends again,\u201d is \u201cwhen you are living together again.\u201d\n\n\n 2. +Eh\u00e4\u2032n esho\u2032ini\u2032+\n\n Eh\u00e4\u2032n esho\u2032ini\u2032,\n Eh\u00e4\u2032n esho\u2032ini\u2032,\n Hoi\u2032v esho\u2032ini\u2032,\n Hoi\u2032v esho\u2032ini\u2032,\n I\u2032yoh\u00e4\u2032\u2014Eye\u2032ye\u2032!\n I\u2032yoh\u00e4\u2032\u2014Eye\u2032ye\u2032!\n I\u2032nisto\u2032niwo\u2032ni\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n I\u2032nisto\u2032niwo\u2032ni\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n Our father has come,\n Our father has come,\n The earth has come,\n The earth has come,\n It is rising\u2014_Eye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n It is rising\u2014_Eye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n It is humming\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n It is humming\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\nThis is the song composed by Porcupine, the great leader of the Ghost\ndance among the northern Cheyenne. It refers to the coming of the new\nearth which is to come over this old world and which is represented as\nmaking a humming or rolling noise as it swiftly approaches.\n\n\n 3. +N\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032n\u00e4s\u012d\u2032stsihi\u2032+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032n\u00e4s\u012d\u2032stsihi\u2032,\n N\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032n\u00e4s\u012d\u2032stsihi\u2032,\n Hi\u2032t\u00e4\u00e4\u2032ni m\u00e4\u2032noyu\u2032hii\u2032,\n Hi\u2032t\u00e4\u00e4\u2032ni m\u00e4\u2032noyu\u2032hii\u2032,\n Owa\u2032ni tsi\u2032nitai\u2032-wosi\u2032hi\u2032,\n Owa\u2032ni tsi\u2032nitai\u2032-wosi\u2032hi\u2032,\n Ts\u012d\u2032nitai\u2032-womai\u2032-wosihi\u2032,\n Ts\u012d\u2032nitai\u2032-womai\u2032-wosihi\u2032.\n I\u2032h\u00e4ni\u2032 i\u2032hiwo\u2032uhi\u2032,\n I\u2032h\u00e4ni\u2032 i\u2032hiwo\u2032uhi\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, my children,\n Here is the river of turtles,\n Here is the river of turtles,\n Where the various living things,\n Where the various living things,\n Are painted their different colors,\n Are painted their different colors.\n Our father says so,\n Our father says so.\n\nThis song has a very pretty tune. The Cheyenne claim to have lived\noriginally in the north on a stream known to them as the \u201cRiver of\nTurtles.\u201d Reverend H. R. Voth, former missionary among the Cheyenne\nand Arapaho, states that the Indians say that along the banks of this\nstream were clays of different colors which they used for paint. In\na letter of October 1, 1891, he says: \u201cI have now in my possession\nsome red and some gray or drab paint that Black Coyote brought with\nhim from the north, which he claims came from that ancient Turtle\nriver, and which the Indians are now using to paint themselves. They\nsay there are more than two kinds of color at that river, or at least\nused to be.\u201d According to Clark (_Indian Sign Language_, page 99) the\noldest traditions of the Cheyenne locate their former home on the\nheadwaters of the Mississippi in Minnesota, about where Saint Paul now\nis. Other facts corroborate this testimony, and the traditional \u201cTurtle\nriver\u201d would seem to be identical with the Saint Croix, which is thus\ndescribed by Coxe in 1741:\n\n A little higher up is the river Chabadeda, above which the\n Meschacebe makes a fine lake twenty miles long and eight or ten\n broad. Nine or ten miles above that lake, on the east side, is a\n large fair river, called the river of Tortoises, after you have\n entered a little way, which leads far into the country to the\n northeast, and is navigable by the greatest boats forty miles.\n About the same distance farther up, the Meschacebe is precipitated\n from the rocks about fifty feet, but is so far navigable by\n considerable ships, as also beyond, excepting another fall, eighty\n or ninety miles higher, by large vessels, unto its sources, which\n are in the country of the Sieux, not at a very great distance from\n Hudson\u2019s bay. There are many other smaller rivers which fall into\n the Meschacebe, on both sides of it, but being of little note, and\n the description of them of small consequence, I have passed over\n them in silence. (Coxe, Carolana, 1741, in French\u2019s Hist. Coll. of\n La., part 2, 233, 1850.)\n\n\n 4. +N\u00e4\u2032see\u2032nehe\u2032 ehe\u2032yowo\u2032mi+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032see\u2032nehe\u2032 ehe\u2032yowo\u2032mi,\n N\u00e4\u2032see\u2032nehe\u2032 ehe\u2032yowo\u2032mi,\n E\u2032n\u00e4\u00e4\u2032ne m\u00e4\u2032noyo\u2032h ehe\u2032yowo\u2032mi,\n E\u2032n\u00e4\u00e4\u2032ne m\u00e4\u2032noyo\u2032h ehe\u2032yowo\u2032mi.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I waded into the yellow river,\n I waded into the yellow river,\n This was the Turtle river into which I waded,\n This was the Turtle river into which I waded.\n\nThis song is probably explained by the one immediately preceding.\n\n\n 5. +Wosi\u2032v\u00e4-\u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032+\n\n Wosi\u2032v\u00e4-\u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032,\n Wosi\u2032v\u00e4-\u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032,\n N\u00e4nima-iy\u00e4,\n N\u00e4nima-iy\u00e4,\n \u00c4\u2032hiya\u2032e\u2032yee\u2032heye\u2032!\n \u00c4\u2032hiya\u2032e\u2032yee\u2032heye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n The mountain,\n The mountain,\n It is circling around,\n It is circling around,\n _\u00c4\u2032hiya\u2032e\u2032yee\u2032heye\u2032!\n \u00c4\u2032hiya\u2032e\u2032yee\u2032heye\u2032!_\n\nThe interpretation of this song is not satisfactory. It was explained\nthat by the mountain was meant the new earth, which was represented as\napproaching rapidly with a circular motion.\n\n\n 6. +Ni\u2032ha-i\u2032hi\u2032hi\u2032+\n\n Ni\u2032ha-i\u2032hi\u2032hi\u2032,\n Ni\u2032ha-i\u2032hi\u2032hi\u2032,\n Na\u2032eso\u2032yutu\u2032hi\u2032,\n Na\u2032eso\u2032yutu\u2032hi\u2032,\n U\u2032guchi\u2032hi\u2032hi\u2032,\n U\u2032guchi\u2032hi\u2032hi\u2032,\n Na\u2032nisto\u2032hewu\u2032hi\u2032,\n Na\u2032nisto\u2032hewu\u2032hi\u2032,\n Ga\u2032! Na\u2032hewu\u2032hi,\n Ga\u2032! Na\u2032hewu\u2032hi.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My father,\n My father,\n I come to him,\n I come to him,\n The crow,\n The crow,\n I cry like it,\n I cry like it,\n _Caw!_ I say,\n _Caw!_ I say.\n\nThe connection of the crow with the doctrine of the Ghost dance has\nalready been explained. See Arapaho song 36.\n\n\n 7. +Hi\u2032awu\u2032hi\u2014hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032+\n\n Hi\u2032awu\u2032hi\u2014Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!\n Hi\u2032awu\u2032hi\u2014Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!\n Ni\u2032\u00e4s\u012d\u2032tano\u2032ni\u2014Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!\n Ni\u2032\u00e4s\u012d\u2032tano\u2032ni\u2014Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!\n Hi\u2032\u00e4ma\u2032 wihu\u2032i\u2014Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!\n Hi\u2032\u00e4ma\u2032 wihu\u2032i\u2014Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!\n Ni\u2032hihi\u2032no\u2032ni\u2014Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!\n Ni\u2032hihi\u2032no\u2032ni\u2014Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!\n N\u012d\u2032shib\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4mo\u2032ni\u2014Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!\n N\u012d\u2032shib\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4mo\u2032ni\u2014Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n The devil\u2014_Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!_\n The devil\u2014_Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!_\n We have put him aside\u2014_Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!_\n We have put him aside\u2014_Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!_\n The White Man Above\u2014_Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!_\n The White Man Above\u2014_Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!_\n He is our father\u2014_Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!_\n He is our father\u2014_Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!_\n He has blest us\u2014_Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!_\n He has blest us\u2014_Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032-yai\u2032!_\n\nIt is hardly necessary to state that the idea of a devil is not\naboriginal, although now embodied in the Indian mythology and language\nfrom contact with the whites. The \u201cWhite Man Above\u201d is understood to\nmean the ruler whose precursor the messiah is, equivalent to our idea\nof God.\n\n\n 8. +Ni\u2032ha\u2014E\u2032yehe\u2032! E\u2032he\u2032eye+\n\n Ni\u2032ha\u2014E\u2032yehe\u2032! E\u2032he\u2032eye\u2032!\n Ni\u2032ha\u2014E\u2032yehe\u2032! E\u2032he\u2032eye\u2032!\n Ts\u012d\u2032stamo\u2032nohyo\u2032t\u2014Ehe\u2032eye\u2032!\n Ts\u012d\u2032stamo\u2032nohyo\u2032t\u2014Ehe\u2032eye\u2032!\n O\u2032t\u00e4ta\u2032wome\u2032m\u00e4pe\u2032w\u00e4\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n O\u2032t\u00e4ta\u2032wome\u2032m\u00e4pe\u2032w\u00e4\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n Ni\u2032mist\u00e4\u2032tuh\u00e4\u2032mi\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n Ni\u2032mist\u00e4\u2032tuh\u00e4\u2032mi\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n E\u2032hiwou\u2032, E\u2032hiwou\u2032\u2014He\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n My father\u2014_E\u2032yehe\u2032! E\u2032he\u2032eye\u2032!_\n My father\u2014_E\u2032yehe\u2032! E\u2032he\u2032eye\u2032!_\n When I first met him\u2014_Ehe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n When I first met him\u2014_Ehe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n \u201cIn the blue-green water\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\u201d\n \u201dIn the blue-green-water\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\u201d\n \u201cYou must take a bath\u201c\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\u201d\n \u201cYou must take a bath\u201d\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\u201d\n Thus he told me, thus he told me\u2014_He\u2032!_\n\nQuite a number of the Cheyenne ghost songs refer to rivers seen in the\nspirit world, these being frequently designated by colors, as yellow,\nblue, etc. It may be that certain rivers play a prominent part in their\nmythology, and as has been said they locate their earliest traditional\nhome on the \u201cTurtle river.\u201d The word here rendered \u201cblue-green\u201d might\nmean either blue or green, as in Cheyenne and in many other Indian\nlanguages the two colors are not differentiated. Compare Cheyenne song\nnumber 16.\n\n\n 9. +\u00c4\u2032min\u00fb\u2032qi+\n\n \u00c4\u2032min\u00fb\u2032qi\u2014I\u2032yahe\u2032yahe\u2032e\u2032!\n \u00c4\u2032min\u00fb\u2032qi\u2014I\u2032yahe\u2032yahe\u2032e\u2032!\n N\u012d\u2032stsishi\u2032hiyo\u2032honi\u2032m\u00e4ni\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n N\u012d\u2032stsishi\u2032hiyo\u2032honi\u2032m\u00e4ni\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n N\u012d\u2032shka\u2032n\u012d n\u012d\u2032stsish\u012d\u2032nutsi\u2032mani\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n N\u012d\u2032shka\u2032n\u012d n\u012d\u2032stsish\u012d\u2032nutsi\u2032mani\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Eh\u00e4\u2032ni ni\u2032n\u012dni\u2032et\u00e4\u2032ni\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Eh\u00e4\u2032ni ni\u2032n\u012dni\u2032et\u00e4\u2032ni\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n My comrade\u2014_I\u2032yahe\u2032yahe\u2032e\u2032!_\n My comrade\u2014_I\u2032yahe\u2032yahe\u2032e\u2032!_\n Let us go and play shinny\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Let us go and play shinny\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Let us look for our mother\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Let us look for our mother\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Our father tells us to do it\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Our father tells us to do it\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\nThis song was composed by Mo ki, \u201cLittle Woman,\u201d the Cheyenne wife of\nGrant Left-hand. Although a young woman, she is regarded as a leader in\nthe Cheyenne Ghost dance, having been in frequent trances and composed\nnumerous songs. In this she relates her experience in one trance,\nduring which she and her girl comrade played together the woman\u2019s game\nof shinny, already described, and then went to look for their mothers,\nwho had gone to the spirit world years before.\n\n\n 10. +He\u2032stutu\u2032ai+\n\n He\u2032stutu\u2032ai\u2014Y\u00e4\u2032h\u00e4\u2032y\u00e4\u2032!\n He\u2032sutu\u2032\u00e4i\u2014\n [_Ad libitum_].\n\n _Translation_\n\n The buffalo head\u2014_Y\u00e4\u2032h\u00e4\u2032y\u00e4\u2032!_\n The half buffalo\u2014\n [_Ad libitum_].\n\nThis song refers to the crazy dance, which the author of the song\nsaw the former warriors of his tribe performing in the spirit world.\nThe crazy dance, called _Psam_ by the Cheyenne and _Ahaka\u2032w\u016d_ by the\nArapaho, belonged to one order of the military organization already\ndescribed in treating of the Arapaho songs. (See Arapaho song 43.)\nThe name in both languages is derived from the word for \u201ccrazy.\u201d Men,\nwomen, and children took part in the ceremony, dressed in skins or\nother costume to represent various animals, as buffaloes, panthers,\ndeer, and birds, with one bear, two foxes, and seven wolves, besides\ntwo \u201cmedicine wolves.\u201d Each strove to imitate the animal personated\nin action as well as in appearance. It was the business of the two\nfoxes to be continually running and stumbling over the others in their\nefforts to escape from the crowd. The dance, whose essential feature\nwas the doing of everything by contraries, had its parallel among many\neastern tribes, particularly among the old Huron and Iroquois. It was\nconsidered the most picturesque and amusing dance among the prairie\ntribes. The \u201chalf buffalo\u201d of the song refers to the robe worn by\ncertain of the dancers, which consisted of the upper half of a buffalo\nskin, the head portion, with the horns attached, coming over the head\nof the dancers. The dance was an exhibition of deliberate craziness in\nwhich the performers strove to outdo one another in nonsensical and\nfrenzied actions, particularly in constantly doing the exact opposite\nof what they were told to do. It was performed only in obedience to\na vow made by some person for the recovery of a sick child, for a\nsuccessful war expedition, or for some other Indian blessing. It lasted\nfour days, the performers dancing naked the first three days and in\nfull dance costume on the fourth. The leaders in the absurdities were\ntwo performers whose bodies and cheeks were painted with white clay,\nand whose ears were filled with hair shed by the buffalo, which was\nbelieved to confer strong \u201cmedicine\u201d powers. They carried whistles,\nand shot at the spectators with blunt arrows. Almost every license was\npermitted to these two, who in consequence were really held in dread\nby the others. Among other things the crazy dancers were accustomed to\ndance through a fire until they extinguished it by their tramping. This\nwas done in imitation of the fire-moth, called _aha\u2032k\u0103a\u2032_, \u201ccrazy,\u201d\nby the Arapaho, which hovers about a flame or fire and finally flies\ninto it. They also handled poisonous snakes, and sometimes, it is\nsaid, would even surround and kill a buffalo by their unaided physical\nstrength. The Cheyenne dance differed somewhat from that of the\nArapaho. It was last performed in the south about ten years ago.\n\n\n 11. +N\u00e4\u2032mio\u2032ts+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032mio\u2032ts\u2014Ehe\u2032ee\u2032ye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032mio\u2032ts\u2014Ehe\u2032ee\u2032ye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032tos\u012d\u2032noe\u2032yots\u012d\u2032nots he\u2032wowi\u2032t\u00e4s\u2014E\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032tos\u012d\u2032noe\u2032yots\u012d\u2032nots he\u2032wowi\u2032t\u00e4s\u2014E\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032!\n N\u012d\u2032ts\u00e4v\u012d\u2032s\u012dwo\u2032m\u00e4ts\u012d\u2032nowa\u2032\u2014\n N\u012d\u2032ts\u00e4v\u012d\u2032s\u012dwo\u2032m\u00e4ts\u012d\u2032nowa\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I am coming in sight\u2014_Ehe\u2032ee\u2032ye\u2032!_\n I am coming in sight\u2014_Ehe\u2032ee\u2032ye\u2032!_\n I bring the whirlwind with me\u2014_E\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n I bring the whirlwind with me\u2014_E\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n That you may see each other\u2014\n That you may see each other.\n\nThe whirlwind is regarded with reverence by all the prairie tribes. In\nthe mythology of the Ghost dance it seems to be an important factor in\nassisting the onward progress of the new world and the spirit army. It\nis mentioned also in several Arapaho ghost songs.\n\n\n 12. +A\u2032gachi\u2032hi+\n\n A\u2032gachi\u2032hi,\n A\u2032gachi\u2032hi,\n I\u2032nim\u00e4\u2032iha\u2032,\n I\u2032nim\u00e4\u2032iha\u2032.\n Hi\u2032tsina\u2032yo,\n Hi\u2032tsina\u2032yo\u2014\n Na\u2032vishi\u2032nima\u2032 yu\u2032suwu\u2032nutu\u2032,\n Na\u2032vishi\u2032nima\u2032 yu\u2032suwu\u2032nutu\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The crow, the crow,\n He is circling around,\n He is circling around,\n His wing, his wing\u2014\n I am dancing with it,\n I am dancing with it.\n\nThis song refers to the sacred crow feathers, which certain of the\ndancers wear upon their heads in the Ghost dance, as explained in the\nArapaho songs.\n\n\n 13. +N\u00e4\u2032nise\u2032n\u00e4s\u0115\u2032stse+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nise\u2032n\u00e4s\u0115\u2032stse n\u00e4\u2032shi\u2032nisto\u2032ni\u2032va\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032nise\u2032n\u00e4s\u0115\u2032stse n\u00e4\u2032shi\u2032nisto\u2032ni\u2032va\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032niwo\u2032, n\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032niwo\u2032,\n I\u2032vot\u00e4\u2032omo\u2032m\u0115st\u00e4\u2032o\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n I\u2032vot\u00e4\u2032omo\u2032m\u0115st\u00e4\u2032o\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032visi\u2032v\u00e4m\u00e4\u2032, n\u00e4\u2032vi\u2032siv\u00e4m\u00e4\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children, I am now humming\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n My children, I am now humming\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n Your children, your children,\n They are crying\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n They are crying\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n They are hurrying me along,\n They are hurrying me along.\n\nThis song is supposed to be addressed by the father or messiah to his\ndisciples. He tells them that their children in the spirit world are\ncrying to be reunited with their friends here, and thus are hastening\ntheir coming. The expression, \u201cI am humming,\u201d may possibly refer to his\nrapid approach.\n\n\n 14. +Ogo\u2032ch\u2014Ehe\u2032eye\u2032+\n\n Ogo\u2032ch\u2014Ehe\u2032eye\u2032!\n Ogo\u2032ch\u2014Ehe\u2032eye\u2032!\n Tse\u00e4\u2032neh\u00e4\u2032s\u012d n\u00e4\u2032viho\u2032m,\n Tse\u00e4\u2032neh\u00e4\u2032s\u012d n\u00e4\u2032viho\u2032m.\n A\u2032ae\u2032v\u00e4, A\u2032ae\u2032v\u00e4,\n N\u012d\u2032stsist\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4\u2032 e\u2032wova\u2032shim\u00e4\u2032n\u012dsts,\n N\u012d\u2032stsist\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4\u2032 e\u2032wova\u2032shim\u00e4\u2032n\u012dsts.\n Ni\u2032shiv\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4m\u00e4\u2032ni,\n Ni\u2032shiv\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4m\u00e4\u2032ni.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The crow\u2014_Ehe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n The crow\u2014_Ehe\u2032eye\u2032!_\n I saw him when he flew down,\n I saw him when he flew down.\n To the earth, to the earth.\n He has renewed our life,\n He has renewed our life.\n He has taken pity on us,\n He has taken pity on us.\n\nThis song was composed by Grant Left-hand\u2019s wife. The Crow is here\nconsidered as the lord of the new spirit world.\n\n\n 15. +Ts\u012dso\u2032soyo\u2032ts\u012dto\u2032ho+\n\n Ts\u012dso\u2032soyo\u2032ts\u012dto\u2032ho,\n Ts\u012dso\u2032soyo\u2032ts\u012dto\u2032ho,\n He\u2032st\u00e4now\u00e4\u2032hehe\u2032,\n He\u2032st\u00e4now\u00e4\u2032hehe\u2032,\n N\u00e4viho\u2032s\u00e4ni\u2032hi,\n N\u00e4viho\u2032s\u00e4ni\u2032hi,\n Tse\u2032novi\u2032t\u00e4tse\u2032stovi,\n Tse\u2032novi\u2032t\u00e4tse\u2032stovi,\n \u00c4\u2032koyoni\u2032v\u00e4he\u2032,\n \u00c4\u2032koyoni\u2032v\u00e4he\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n While I was going about,\n While I was going about,\n Among the people, at my home,\n Among the people, at my home,\n I saw them,\n I saw them,\n Where they gambled,\n Where they gambled,\n With the _\u00e4\u201bko\u2032yo_ wheel,\n With the _\u00e4\u201bko\u2032yo_ wheel.\n\nThis song was also composed by Mo\u2032\u201bki, the wife of Grant Left-hand. The\nexpression here rendered \u201cmy home\u201d is literally \u201cwhere I belonged,\u201d\nas, since the death of her children, she speaks of the spirit world as\nher own proper home. In this song she tells how she found her departed\nfriends playing the game of the _\u00e4\u201bko\u2032yo_ or _b\u00e4\u2032q\u0103ti_ wheel, as\ndescribed in Arapaho song 49.\n\n\n 16. +Ni\u2032ha\u2014E\u2032yehe\u2032e\u2032yeye\u2032+\n\n Ni\u2032ha\u2014E\u2032yehe\u2032e\u2032yeye\u2032!\n Ni\u2032ha\u2014E\u2032yehe\u2032e\u2032yeye\u2032!\n Hi\u2032niso\u2032nihu\u2032\u2014Hi\u2032yeye\u2032!\n Hi\u2032niso\u2032nihu\u2032\u2014Hi\u2032yeye\u2032!\n O\u2032t\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032womi\u2032 m\u00e4\u2032piva\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n O\u2032t\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032womi\u2032 m\u00e4\u2032piva\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n E\u2032t\u00e4tu\u2032hamo\u2032tu\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n E\u2032t\u00e4tu\u2032hamo\u2032tu\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032hisi\u2032maqa\u2032niwo\u2032m\u2014\u00c4he\u2032eye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032hisi\u2032maqa\u2032niwo\u2032m\u2014\u00c4he\u2032eye\u2032!\n E\u2032t\u00e4\u2032wu\u2032hot\u00e4\u2032nu\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n E\u2032t\u00e4\u2032wu\u2032hot\u00e4\u2032nu\u2014He\u2032eye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n My father\u2014_E\u2032yehe\u2032e\u2032yeye\u2032!_\n My father\u2014_E\u2032yehe\u2032e\u2032yeye\u2032!_\n His children\u2014_Hi\u2032yeye\u2032!_\n His children\u2014_Hi\u2032yeye\u2032!_\n In the greenish water\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n In the greenish water\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n He makes them swim\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n He makes them swim\u2014_He\u2032eye\u2032!_\n We are all crying\u2014_\u00c4he\u2032eye\u2032!_\n We are all crying\u2014_\u00c4he\u2032eye\u2032!_\n\n\nThis song conveys nearly the same idea as that of number 8. The\nexpression \u201cWe are all crying\u201d might be rendered \u201cWe are all pleading,\nor praying\u201d to the father, to hasten his coming.\n\n\n 17. +A\u2032ga\u2032ch\u2014Ehe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032+\n\n A\u2032ga\u2032ch\u2014Ehe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n A\u2032ga\u2032ch\u2014Ehe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ve\u2032ta chi\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ve\u2032ta\u2032chi\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n E\u2032hoi\u2032ots\u012d\u2032stu,\n E\u2032hoi\u2032ots\u012d\u2032stu.\n Ma\u2032e\u2032tumu\u2032nu\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ma\u2032e\u2032tumu\u2032nu\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n E\u2032ho\u2032i\u2032o\u2032tso\u2032,\n E\u2032ho\u2032i\u2032o\u2032tso\u2032.\n N\u00e4\u2032vi\u2032siv\u00fb\u2032qewo\u2032n\u012dt,\n N\u00e4\u2032vi\u2032siv\u00fb\u2032qewo\u2032n\u012dt.\n N\u012dst\u00e4\u2032kona\u2032oe\u2032vo,\n N\u012dst\u00e4\u2032kona\u2032oe\u2032vo.\n E\u2032he\u2032vo\u2032o\u2032, E\u2032he\u2032vo\u2032o\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The crow\u2014_Ehe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The crow\u2014_Ehe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The grease paint\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The grease paint\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n He brings it to me,\n He brings it to me.\n The red paint\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The red paint\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n He brings it,\n He brings it.\n I prepare myself with it,\n I prepare myself with it.\n It will make you strong,\n It will make you strong.\n He tells me, He tells me.\n\nRed is a sacred color with all Indians, and is usually symbolic of\nstrength and success, and for this reason is a favorite color in\npainting the face and body for the dance or warpath, and for painting\nthe war pony, the lance, etc. On all important occasions, when painting\nthe face or body, the skin is first anointed with grease to make the\npaint adhere better, so as not to obscure the sharp lines of the design.\n\n\n 18. +N\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032n\u00e4s\u012d\u2032stsi\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032n\u00e4s\u012d\u2032stsi\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n N\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032n\u00e4s\u012d\u2032stsi\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Vi\u2032n\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032tuu\u2032wa o\u2032gochi\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Vi\u2032n\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032tuu\u2032wa o\u2032gochi\u2032\u2014Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n N\u012d\u2032stsiv\u012d\u2032shiwo\u2032m\u00e4ts\u012d\u2032no,\n N\u012d\u2032stsiv\u012d\u2032shiwo\u2032m\u00e4ts\u012d\u2032no.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My children\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n My children\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\n Kill a buffalo (or beef) for the Crow\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Kill a buffalo (or beef) for the Crow\u2014_Ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n By that means I shall see you,\n By that means I shall see you.\n\nThis song refers to the feast which accompanies every dance. The\nimplied meaning is that the people must get ready for a dance in order\nthat they may see the Crow, their father.\n\n\n 19. +A\u2032guga\u2032-ihi+\n\n A\u2032guga\u2032-ihi,\n A\u2032guga\u2032-ihi.\n Tsi\u2032shist\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032sihi\u2032,\n Tsi\u2032shist\u00e4\u2032hi\u2032sihi\u2032.\n I\u2032hoo\u2032\u201btsihi\u2032,\n I\u2032hoo\u2032\u201btsihi\u2032.\n Ts\u012dt\u00e4wo\u2032\u201bt\u00e4hi\u2032,\n Ts\u012dt\u00e4wo\u2032\u201bt\u00e4hi\u2032.\n Hi\u2032nisa\u2032n\u00fbhi\u2032,\n Hi\u2032nisa\u2032n\u00fbhi\u2032.\n Ts\u012dt\u00e4wo\u2032mohu\u2032,\n Ts\u012dt\u00e4wo\u2032mohu\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The crow woman\u2014\n The crow woman\u2014\n To her home,\n To her home,\n She is going,\n She is going.\n She will see it,\n She will see it.\n Her children,\n Her children.\n She will see them,\n She will see them.\n\nThis song was also composed by Mo\u2032\u201bki, \u201cLittle Woman,\u201d the wife of\nGrant Left-hand. On account of her frequent trances and consequent\nleadership in the Cheyenne Ghost dance, she assumes the title of the\nCrow Woman, i. e., the woman messenger from the spirit world. The story\nof her own and her husband\u2019s connection with the Ghost dance is of\ninterest for the light it throws on the working of the Indian mind,\nespecially with regard to religion.\n\nMo\u2032\u201bki is a young Cheyenne woman married to a young Arapaho, Grant\nLeft-hand, about 30 years of age, a former Carlisle student, and\nthe son of Nawat, or Left-hand, the principal chief of the southern\nArapaho. Notwithstanding several years of English education, Grant\nis a firm believer in the doctrine and the dance, and the principal\norganizer and leader of the auxiliary \u201ccrow dance\u201d in his own tribe,\nwhile his wife is as prominent in the Ghost dance among the Cheyenne,\nand has composed a series of a dozen or more songs descriptive of her\nvarious trance experiences in the other world.\n\nHer first child died soon after birth, and the young mother was keenly\naffected by the bereavement. Afterward a boy was born to them, and\nbecame the idol of his parents, especially of the father. He grew up\ninto a bright and active little fellow, but when about 4 years of\nage was suddenly seized with a spasm in the night and died in a few\nminutes, almost before his father could reach his bed. This second loss\nbrought deep sorrow to them both, and the mother brooded over it so\nthat there was serious fear for her own life. Then came the Ghost dance\nand the new doctrine of a reunion with departed friends. The mother\nwent to the dance, fell into a trance, met her children as in life,\nand played with her little boy. On awaking and returning home she told\nher husband. He could hardly believe it at first, but it required but\nlittle persuasion to induce him to attend the next Ghost dance with\nher, because, as he said, \u201cI want to see my little boy.\u201d He himself\nfell into a trance, saw his children, and rode with his little boy\non the horse behind him over the green prairies of the spirit land.\nFrom that time both became devoted adherents and leaders of the Ghost\ndance; their trances have been frequent, and every dance is welcomed as\nanother opportunity of reunion with departed friends. The young man was\ndeeply affected as he spoke of his love for his children, the sudden\ndeath of the little boy, and their second meeting in the other world,\nand as his wife sat by his side looking up into our faces and listening\nintently to every word, although she understood but little English, it\ncould not be doubted that their faith in the reality of the vision was\nreal and earnest. Every Indian parent who has lost a child, every child\nwho has lost a parent, and every young man and woman who has lost a\nbrother, sister, or friend affirms a similar reason for belief in the\nGhost dance.\n\n\n CHEYENNE GLOSSARY\n\n _A\u2032ae\u2032v\u00e4_\u2014for _Ho\u012d\u2032v\u0103_.\n\n _A\u2032gach_\u2014for _O\u2032go\u201bchi_.\n\n _A\u2032gachi\u2032hi_\u2014for _O\u2032go\u201bchi_.\n\n _A\u2032guga\u2032-ihi_\u2014for _Ogo\u2032\u201bga\u0115_.\n\n _Ahe\u2032eye\u2032_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _\u00c4hiya\u2032eyee\u2032heye\u2032_\u2014ibid.\n\n _\u00c4\u2032ko\u2032yo_\u2014the Cheyenne name for the _b\u00e4\u2032q\u0103ti_ gaming wheel. See\n Arapaho song 49.\n\n _\u00c4\u2032\u201bkoyon\u012d\u2032v\u0103_\u2014with the _\u00e4\u201bko\u2032yo_ wheel.\n\n _\u00c4kwi\u2032u_\u2014for _\u00e4\u201bko\u2032yo_, the Cheyenne name of the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_ wheel.\n\n _\u00c4\u2032min\u00fbqi_\u2014my (female) comrade (vocative).\n\n _Anskow\u012d\u2032n\u012ds_\u2014a Cheyenne division. The meaning of the name is\n unknown.\n\n +Cheyenne+\u2014the popular name for the Cheyenne tribe. It is derived\n from their Sioux name _Shaie\u2032na_ or _Shai\u2032ela_, \u201cred,\u201d and\n figuratively \u201calien.\u201d\n\n _Dz\u012dts\u012d\u2032st\u00e4s_\u2014\u201cour people;\u201d the name used by the Cheyenne for\n themselves.\n\n _E\u00e4he\u2032eye\u2032_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Eh\u00e4n_ or _Eh\u00e4ni_\u2014for _\u012ch\u00e4nh_.\n\n _Ehe\u2032ee\u2032ye\u2032_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Ehe\u2032eye\u2032_\u2014ibid.\n\n _E\u2032hevo_\u2014for _\u00cf\u2032hiwo_.\n\n _E\u2032heyowo\u2032mi_\u2014yellowish.\n\n _Ehoi\u2032ots\u012dst_\u2014he brings it. Another form is _Ehoi\u2032otso_.\n _N\u00e4\u2032hoiots\u012d\u2032st_, I bring it.\n\n _Ehoi\u2032otso\u2032_\u2014another form of _Ehoi\u2032ots\u012dst_.\n\n _E\u2032n\u00e4\u00e4\u2032ne_\u2014for _H\u012dn\u00e4\u2032\u00e4n\u012d_.\n\n _E\u2032sho\u012dn_\u2014he has come. _N\u00e4\u2032ho\u012dn_, I come.\n\n _Et\u00e4tu\u2032hamo\u2032tu_\u2014for _\u012ct\u00e4tu\u2032hamo\u2032\u201bt_.\n\n _E\u2032t\u00e4wu\u2032hot\u00e4\u2032nu_\u2014for _\u012ct\u00e4wohw\u012dt\u00e4\u2032nu_.\n\n _Ev\u012d\u2032sts-Un\u012d\u2032\u201bpah\u012ds_\u2014\u201csmoky lodges\u201d (Clark), a Cheyenne division.\n\n _Ewo\u201bva\u2032shim\u00e4\u2032n\u012dsts_\u2014he has renewed it, he has changed it.\n _N\u00e4wova\u2032shim\u00e4\u2032n\u012dsts_, I have renewed it.\n\n _E\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _E\u2032yehe\u2032_\u2014ibid.\n\n _E\u2032yehe\u2032e\u2032yeye\u2032_\u2014ibid.\n\n _Eyeye_\u2014ibid.\n\n _Ga!_\u2014caw! an imitation of the cry of the crow.\n\n +Gatsalghi+\u2014the Kiowa Apache name for the Cheyenne.\n\n _He!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _He\u2032eye\u2032_\u2014ibid.\n\n _Hest\u00e4no\u2032wh_\u2014the people, among the people.\n\n _Hestutu\u2032ai_\u2014for _\u012c\u2032h\u012dstutuai_.\n\n _Hesutu\u2032\u00e4h_\u2014for _I\u2032s-hotu\u2032-ai_.\n\n _He\u2032w\u0103\u2032-T\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2019_\u2014\u201chairy men;\u201d the name of a principal division of\n the southern Cheyenne, and also used to designate all of the\n southern Cheyenne collectively.\n\n _He\u2032wow\u012dt\u00e4\u2032su_\u2014the whirlwind.\n\n _Hi\u2032\u00e4ma-Wihu\u2032i_\u2014for _Hi\u00e4\u2032mh-Wihu_.\n\n _Hi\u00e4\u2032mh-Wihu_\u2014God; literally the \u201cwhite man\u201d (_wihu_) \u201cabove\u201d\n (_hi\u00e4\u2032mh_). See Cheyenne song 7.\n\n _Hia\u2032w\u016dhi_\u2014the devil. See Cheyenne song 7.\n\n _Hi\u2032hi\u2032hai\u2032yai\u2032_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _H\u012dn\u00e4\u2032\u00e4n\u012d_\u2014that is it; it is that one. Compare _H\u012dt\u00e4\u2032\u00e4n\u012d_.\n\n _Hinisa\u2032n\u016dhi_\u2014for _H\u012dn\u012d\u2032sonh_.\n\n _H\u012dn\u012d\u2032sonh_\u2014her (his) children. Compare _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032son\u00e4sts_.\n\n _H\u012dt\u00e4\u2032\u00e4n\u012d_\u2014here it is. Compare _H\u012dn\u00e4\u2032\u00e4n\u012d_.\n\n _Hit\u00e4\u2032niwo\u2032\u012dv_\u2014\u201ccloud men,\u201d the Cheyenne name for the Arapaho. From\n _hit\u00e4n_, man, and _wo\u2032\u012dv_, cloud.\n\n _Hi\u2032tsina\u2032yo_\u2014for _H\u012d\u2032tsino\u2032n_.\n\n _H\u012d\u2032tsino\u2032n_\u2014his wing. There is no word for wing alone.\n\n _Hi\u2032yeye\u2032_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Hm\u012d\u2032s\u012ds_\u2014\u201ceaters,\u201d the name of one of the most important divisions\n of the northern Cheyenne, and also used collectively in the\n south to designate the whole of the northern band.\n\n _Hohe\u2032_\u2014the Cheyenne name for the Asiniboin. The name is originally\n from the Sioux language, and is said to mean \u201crebels.\u201d\n\n _Ho\u012d\u2032v\u0103_\u2014the earth, the ground.\n\n _Hoo\u2032isi\u2032yonots_\u2014the Cheyenne name for the _qaqa-u\u2032n\u00fbtha_, or\n throwing sticks, used in the game of the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_. See Arapaho\n song 49.\n\n _Ho\u201bso\u2032ewo\u2032n\u0103t_\u2014dancing with it, dancing by means of it.\n _N\u00e4\u2032ho\u201bso_, I dance.\n\n _Hot\u0103\u2032m-it\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2019_\u2014\u201cdog men;\u201d the name of a division of the\n Cheyenne and also of one order of their military organization.\n\n _\u012c\u2032h\u00e4nh_\u2014our father. Compare _Ni\u2032h\u00fbw\u2019e_.\n\n _\u012c\u2032h\u012dstutuai_\u2014buffalo head; _hotu\u2032-ai_, buffalo.\n\n _\u012c\u2032hiwo_\u2014he says, he says so. _N\u00e4\u2032h\u012dv_, I say, I say so.\n\n _Ihiwo\u2032uhi_\u2014for _\u012c\u2032hiwo_.\n\n _Ihoo\u2032\u201bts_\u2014she (he) is going there.\n\n _\u012cn\u012d\u2032m\u00e4ih\u0103\u2032_\u2014he is circling around. _N\u00e4v\u012d\u2032shin\u012d\u2032maih_, I am\n circling (going) around; _n\u00e4n\u012d\u2032ma-ia_, it is circling around.\n\n _\u012c\u2032nisto\u2032niwon_\u2014he (she, it) is humming, or making a rolling noise.\n _N\u00e4n\u012dsto\u2032niv\u0103_, _n\u00e4sh\u012dnisto\u2032niva_, I am humming, etc.\n\n _\u012c\u2032s-hotu\u2032-ai_\u2014a half buffalo, i. e., the upper half of a buffalo\n hide, including the head and horns, worn in the Crazy dance.\n See Cheyenne song 10. From _\u012ds_, half, and _hotu\u2032-ai_, buffalo.\n\n _\u012c\u2032sium-it\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2019_\u2014\u201cridge people\u201d (Clark), a Cheyenne division.\n\n +\u012cta\u2032supuzi+\u2014\u201cspotted arrow quills;\u201d the Hidatsa name for the\n Cheyenne (Matthews).\n\n _\u012ct\u00e4tu\u2032hamo\u2032\u201bt_\u2014he causes them to swim. _N\u00e4\u2032tuham_, I swim;\n _n\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4tu\u2032h\u0103m_, let me swim.\n\n _\u012ct\u00e4wohw\u012dt\u00e4\u2032nu_\u2014he makes them better.\n\n _Itu\u2032simo\u2032mo\u012dts_\u2014it will tremble, or shake. _N\u00e4\u2032momo\u012dts_, I tremble.\n\n _I\u2032vot\u00e4omo\u2032m\u0115st\u00e4\u2032o_\u2014they are crying. _N\u00e4-qai\u2032m_, I am crying;\n _n\u00e4h\u012d\u2032simaq\u00e4\u2032niwom_, we are all crying. Compare _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032stohew\u2019_.\n\n _I\u2032yahe\u2032yahe\u2032e_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Iyo\u2032h\u00e4\u012d_\u2014he (she, it) is rising. _N\u00e4\u2032oh\u00e4_, I rise.\n\n _Ma\u2032etu\u2032m\u016dn_\u2014red paint. _Ma\u2032et\u016dmh_, paint.\n\n _M\u00e4\u2032\u012dnoyo\u2032hi_\u2014Turtle river; for _m\u00e4-\u012d\u2032nh_, turtle (plural,\n _m\u00e4\u012dno\u2032nh_), _o\u2032\u201bh\u012d_, river. _M\u00e4p\u012d\u2032v\u0103_, water.\n\n _M\u00e4\u2032noyo\u2032h_\u2014for _M\u00e4\u2032\u012dnoyo\u2032hi_.\n\n _M\u00e4noyu\u2032hii_\u2014for _M\u00e4\u2032\u012dnoyo\u2032h\u012d_.\n\n _M\u00e4p\u012d\u2032v\u0103_\u2014water.\n\n +Maranshobishgo+\u2014\u201ccut-throats;\u201d according to Long, the name applied\n by the Cheyenne to the Sioux. The form is incorrect, as there\n is no _r_ in the Cheyenne language. According to Hayden, the\n Cheyenne call the Sioux _Oo\u2032homoi\u2032o_.\n\n _M\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032s\u012dvam\u00e4mow\u012dst\u00e4\u2032now\u012dt_\u2014when you (plural) are living\n together again. _N\u00e4v\u012dst\u00e4\u2032nowimonh_, I live with him;\n _nama\u2032mow\u012d\u2032st\u00e4\u2032now\u012dn_, we are living together.\n\n _M\u00e4\u2032tesem\u00e4\u2032moest\u00e4\u2032nowet_\u2014for _M\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032s\u012dvam\u00e4mow\u012dst\u00e4\u2032now\u012dt_.\n\n _Mats\u012d\u2032shkota_\u2014\u201ccorpse from the scaffold;\u201d an unidentified Cheyenne\n division, on the authority of Clark (Grinnell).\n\n _Miay\u016dma_\u2014\u201cred lodges,\u201d an unidentified Cheyenne division, on the\n authority of Clark (Grinnell).\n\n _M\u012d\u2032st\u00e4v\u012d\u2032in\u00fbt_\u2014\u201cheavy eyebrows;\u201d another name for the\n _Hot\u0103\u2032m-it\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2019_, q. v.\n\n _Mo\u2032\u201bki_\u2014\u201clittle woman;\u201d a Cheyenne woman prominent in the Ghost\n dance.\n\n _Mo\u2032nshimonh_\u2014The Cheyenne name of the dice game, called\n _ta\u2032-us\u0115ta\u2032na_ by the Arapaho. See Arapaho song 64.\n\n _Na\u2032eso\u2032yutuhi_\u2014for _Na\u2032suyut_.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032hew\u2019_\u2014I say.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032hewu\u2032hi_\u2014for _N\u00e4\u2032hew\u2019_.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032h\u012dsimaq\u00e4\u2032niwom_\u2014we are all crying. Compare _Ivot\u00e4\u2032omom\u0115st\u00e4\u2032o_.\n\n _N\u00e4mi\u2032io\u201bts_\u2014I am coming in sight.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032miots_\u2014for _N\u00e4mi\u2032io\u201bts_.\n\n _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032ma-i\u2032\u0103_\u2014it is circling around. Compare _\u012cm\u012d\u2032m\u00e4ih\u0103\u2032_.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032nise\u2032n\u00e4s\u0115\u2032stse_\u2014for _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032son\u00e4sts_.\n\n _N\u00e4nis\u012d\u2032n\u00e4s\u012dsts_\u2014for _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032son\u00e4sts_.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032niso\u2032n\u00e4s\u012d\u2032stsi_\u2014for _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032son\u00e4sts_.\n\n _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032son\u00e4sts_\u2014my children. Compare Arapaho _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032sana\u00fb_.\n _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032soniwo_, your children; _h\u012dn\u012d\u2032sonh_, his, or her,\n children.\n\n _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032soniwo_\u2014your children. Compare _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032son\u00e4sts_.\n\n _N\u00e4n\u012d\u2032stohew\u2019_\u2014I make the sound, I make a cry. Compare\n _I\u2032vot\u00e4omo\u2032m\u0115st\u00e4\u2032o_.\n\n _N\u00e4see\u2032nehe\u2032_\u2014for _N\u00e4s\u0115\u012dn-hn\u0103_.\n\n _N\u00e4s\u0115\u012dn-hn\u0103_\u2014I waded in.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032sh\u012dnisto\u2032niva_\u2014I am now humming. See _\u012c\u2032nisto\u2032niwon_.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032suyut_\u2014I come to him.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032tos\u012d\u2032noeyots_\u2014I shall have it with me. _N\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4noeyo\u2032ts\u012d\u2032nots_, I\n have it.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032vihomh_\u2014I looked at him, I saw him. The present tense has the\n same form: _N\u00e4viho\u2032t_, I look at it; _n\u00e4viho\u2032s\u00e4nh_, I looked\n on. Compare _Ts\u012dt\u00e4wo\u2032moh_.\n\n _N\u00e4viho\u2032s\u00e4nh_\u2014I looked on (present tense, same form). Compare\n _N\u00e4\u2032vihomh_.\n\n _N\u00e4v\u012d\u2032sev\u00fbqewo\u2032nit_\u2014I prepare myself with it.\n\n _N\u00e4v\u012d\u2032shin\u012d\u2032maih_\u2014I am going (circling) around. Compare\n _\u012cn\u012d\u2032m\u00e4ih\u0103\u2032_.\n\n _N\u00e4v\u012d\u2032siv\u00e4m\u00e4_\u2014they are hurrying me along. _N\u00e4\u2032v\u012dsit\u00e4\u2032n_, I hurry.\n\n _Ni\u00e4s\u0103t\u0103\u2032nonh_\u2014we have put him away, or aside. _N\u00e4\u2032satonh_, I have\n put him aside.\n\n +Niererikwats-k\u00fbni\u2032ki+\u2014the Wichita name for the Cheyenne. See also\n _Shi\u0115da_.\n\n _Ni\u2032ha_\u2014for _Ni\u2032h\u00fbw\u2019e_.\n\n _Ni\u2032ha-i\u2032hihi\u2032_\u2014for _Ni\u2032h\u00fbw\u2019e_.\n\n _Nihi\u2032hininh_\u2014he is our father. Compare _Ni\u2032h\u00fbw\u2019e_.\n\n _Ni\u2032h\u00fbw\u2019e_\u2014my father. _Ni\u2032h\u00fbw\u2019_, father; _Ni\u2032h\u00fbw\u2019e_, my father;\n _nihi\u2032hinonh_, he is our father. Compare _I\u2032h\u00e4nh_ and Arapaho\n _niqa_, father.\n\n _N\u012d\u2032m\u012d\u2032st\u00e4tu\u2032h\u00e4m_\u2014you should take a swim or bath. _N\u00e4tu\u2032ham_, I\n swim or bathe.\n\n _N\u012d\u2032nh-nit\u00e4\u2032n_\u2014he asks, or tells, us to do it. _N\u00e4nh-it\u016d\u2032_, I ask,\n or tell, him to do it.\n\n _Nin\u012dni\u2032et\u00e4ni_\u2014for _N\u012d\u2032nh-nit\u00e4\u2032n_.\n\n _N\u012dshiv\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4m\u00e4\u2032\u012dnh_\u2014he has taken pity on us, he has blest us, he has\n sympathy for us. _N\u00e4shiv\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4mh_, I pity him.\n\n _N\u012d\u2032shiv\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4moni_\u2014for _N\u012dshiv\u00e4\u2032t\u00e4m\u00e4\u2032\u012dnh_.\n\n _N\u012dshk\u0103\u2032nh_ or _N\u201bshk\u0103\u2032nh_\u2014our mother. _Na\u2032\u201bku_, mother; _na\u2032\u201bkui_,\n my mother.\n\n _N\u012dst\u00e4ko\u2032naoe\u2032vo_\u2014it will strengthen you. _N\u00e4\u2032h\u012dko\u2032n\u00e4hi_, I am\n strong; _n\u00e4h\u012dko\u2032n\u0103-m\u00e4ni\u2032hu_, I strengthen him.\n\n _N\u012dsts\u00e4v\u012d\u2032siwom\u00e4ts\u012d\u2032now\u0103_\u2014so that, in order that, you shall see\n each other; _N\u00e4wo\u2032m_, I see him; _n\u00e4wo\u2032t_, I see it.\n\n _N\u012d\u2032stsishihi\u2032yohoni\u2032m\u00e4ni_\u2014for _N\u012dstsishi\u2032yoho\u2032n\u012d\u2032m\u00e4nh_.\n\n _N\u012dstsish\u012d\u2032nuts\u012dm\u0103\u2032nh_\u2014let us seek her, or ask for her.\n _N\u00e4h\u012d\u2032nuts\u012dnh_, I am looking for her.\n\n _N\u012dstsishi\u2032yoho\u2032n\u012d\u2032m\u00e4nh_\u2014let us go and play shinny. _N\u00e4ho\u2032qu_, I am\n playing shinny; _ohon\u012d\u2032stuts_, shinny. See Cheyenne song 9.\n\n _N\u012d\u2032stsist\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4_\u2014for _N\u012d\u2032sts\u012dst\u00e4\u2032now\u00e4n_.\n\n _N\u012d\u2032sts\u012dst\u00e4\u2032now\u00e4n_\u2014our life, or existence. _N\u00e4w\u016d\u2032st\u00e4n\u012d\u2032hiv\u012d\u2032st\u016dts_,\n my existence.\n\n _N\u012d\u2032stsiv\u012d\u2032shiwom\u00e4\u2032ts\u012dnoh_\u2014by that means I shall see you (plural).\n Compare _Ts\u012dt\u00e4wo\u2032moh_.\n\n _N\u012d\u2032tusim\u012d\u2032t\u00e4nun_\u2014he (she, it) will give it to us. _N\u012d\u2032m\u012dt\u00fbts_, I\n give it to you; _n\u00e4\u2032m\u012dt_, I give it to him.\n\n _Nuka\u2032eshe\u2032v\u00e4oe\u2032tse_\u2014This form occurs in Cheyenne song 1. The\n correct form and rendering are uncertain, but it is doubtfully\n rendered \u201cthe summer cloud.\u201d It seems to contain the word\n _\u012dshi\u2032v_, day.\n\n _O\u2032go\u201bch_ or _O\u2032go\u2032\u201bchi_ or _O\u2032go\u201bki_\u2014the crow. In the Ghost dance\n the crow is the messenger of the spirit world. The messiah and\n God are frequently spoken of as \u201cThe Crow.\u201d See Arapaho song 36.\n\n _Ogo\u2032\u201bga\u0115_\u2014\u201cthe crow woman;\u201d from _o\u2032go\u2032\u201bchi_, crow.\n\n _Ohon\u012d\u2032stuts_\u2014the shinny game. See Cheyenne song 9 and Arapaho song\n 7.\n\n _O\u2032ivima\u2032na_\u2014\u201cscabby;\u201d a Cheyenne division.\n\n _Ot\u00e4_\u2014now! well!\n\n _Ot\u00e4\u2032si-T\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2019_\u2014\u201cpierced-nose people:\u201d the Cheyenne name for the\n Caddo.\n\n _O\u2032t\u00e4tawo\u2032m_\u2014greenish.\n\n _O\u2032t\u00e4ta\u2032womem\u00e4pew\u00e4_\u2014for _Ot\u00e4\u2032tawo\u2032m-m\u00e4\u201bp-\u012d\u2032va_. In the greenish\n (bluish) water, or river. _O\u2032t\u00e4tawom_, greenish; _m\u00e4\u201bp_, water.\n\n _O\u201btu\u2032g\u016dn\u016d_\u2014a Cheyenne division. The meaning of the name is unknown.\n\n _Owa\u2032\u201bni_\u2014living things, creatures, animals (including quadrupeds,\n birds, insects, etc).\n\n +P\u00e4g\u0103n\u00e4\u2032vo+\u2014\u201cstriped arrows,\u201d from _p\u00e4ga_, arrow, and _n\u00e4vo_,\n striped; the Shoshoni and Comanche name for the Cheyenne. See\n also _Shi\u00e4\u2032navo_.\n\n _P\u012dn\u00fb\u2032tg\u00fb_\u2014a Cheyenne division. The meaning of the name is unknown.\n\n _Psam_\u2014the \u201ccrazy dance\u201d of the Cheyenne; _psa_, crazy. It is\n somewhat different from the Arapaho crazy dance. See Cheyenne\n song 10 and Arapaho song 43.\n\n _Sa-sis-e-tas_\u2014the name used by the Cheyenne to designate\n themselves, according to Clark. It should be _Dz\u012dts\u012d\u2032st\u00e4s_ q. v.\n\n +Shi\u00e4\u2032navo+\u2014another Comanche name for the Cheyenne, probably a\n derivation from the word Cheyenne.\n\n +Shi\u0115da+\u2014another Wichita name for the Cheyenne, probably\n a derivation from the word Cheyenne. See also\n _Niererikwats-k\u00fbni\u2032ki_.\n\n _Sh\u012dshino\u2032w\u012dts-it\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2019_\u2014\u201csnake people,\u201d the Cheyenne name for the\n Comanche.\n\n _So\u2032w\u0103nia_\u2014\u201csoutherners;\u201d Cheyenne name sometimes used to designate\n the southern portion of the tribe in Oklahoma.\n\n +Staitan+\u2014a name used by Lewis and Clark to designate a tribe\n identical with the Cheyenne. It is a corruption of the Cheyenne\n word _h\u012dst\u00e4\u2032it\u00e4n_, \u201cI am a Cheyenne.\u201d\n\n _S\u016dtasi\u2032na_ or _S\u016dta\u2032ya_\u2014\u201cstrange talkers\u201d (Clark), one of the most\n important Cheyenne divisions and formerly a distinct tribe.\n\n _Tse\u00e4\u2032neh\u00e4\u2032s\u012d_\u2014for _Tsi\u2032\u00e4nu\u2032i\u00e4s_.\n\n _Tsenovi\u2032t\u00e4tse\u2032stovi_\u2014for _Tsenow\u012d\u2032t\u00e4ts\u012d\u2032stow\u012d_.\n\n _Tsenow\u012d\u2032tats\u012d\u2032stow\u012d_\u2014where there was gambling. _N\u00e4\u2032now\u2019sh\u012d_, I\n gamble.\n\n _Tsi\u2032\u00e4nu`i\u00e4s_\u2014(when) he flew down. _N\u00e4\u2032miha\u2032-u_, I fly;\n _n\u00e4`nuiha\u2032-u_, I fly down.\n\n _Ts\u012dnitai\u2032womai\u2032wosihi_\u2014for _Ts\u012d\u2032un\u012dtai\u2032womai\u2032w\u2019s_.\n\n _Tsinitai\u2032wosi\u2032hi_\u2014for _Ts\u012dun\u012d\u2032taiw\u2019s_.\n\n _Tsi\u2032shist\u00e4\u2032hisihi_\u2014for _Ts\u012dsh\u012d\u2032st\u00e4s_.\n\n _Ts\u012dsh\u012d\u2032st\u00e4s_\u2014where she belongs, i. e., her home. Compare\n _Dz\u012dts\u012d\u2032st\u00e4s_, the name given by the Cheyenne to themselves.\n\n _Ts\u012dsoso\u2032yots\u012d\u2032to_\u2014while I was going about. _N\u00e4soso\u2032yots_, I go\n about, I ramble about.\n\n _Ts\u012d\u2032stamo\u2032nohyot_\u2014when I first reached him, when I arrived where\n he was. _N\u00e4ta\u2032hyot_, I shall reach him.\n\n _Ts\u012dst\u00e4wo\u2032moh_\u2014she (he) will see them. _N\u00e4wo\u2032m_, I see him;\n _stawo\u2032mats\u012d\u2032mh_, I see you; _ts\u012dt\u00e4wo\u2032\u201bt_, he (she) will see\n it; _n\u012d\u2032stsiv\u012d\u2032shiwom\u00e4ts\u012dnoh_, by that means I shall see you\n (plural). Compare _N\u00e4\u2032vihomh_.\n\n _Ts\u012dt\u00e4wo\u2032\u201bt_\u2014she (he) will see it. Compare _Ts\u012dst\u00e4wo\u2032moh_.\n\n _Ts\u012d\u2032\u016dn\u012dtai\u2032womai\u2032w\u2019s_\u2014where they are painted in different colors;\n _ts\u012d\u016dn\u012d\u2032taiw\u2019s_, different; _mai\u2032-t\u0103mh_, paint.\n\n _Ts\u012d\u016dn\u012d\u2032taiw\u201bs_\u2014different, various.\n\n _T\u00fb\u2032\u201bgani_\u2014the Cheyenne name for the Wichita; evidently a\n derivative from their Comanche name, _Do\u2032\u201bkana_, tattooed\n people.\n\n _Ugu\u2032chi\u2032hihi_\u2014for _O\u2032go\u2032\u201bchi_.\n\n _Veta\u2032chi_\u2014for _V\u012dchk_.\n\n _V\u012dchk_\u2014grease, used in painting or anointing the face and body.\n\n _V\u012d\u2032n\u00e4n\u00e4tu\u2032uw\u0103_\u2014kill a beef or buffalo for him (imperative).\n _N\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4tun_, I kill it; _n\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4tu\u2032uh_, I kill it for him;\n _hoiwo\u2032\u012dts_, a beef.\n\n _Wit\u0103p\u00e4 h\u00e4t_ or _Wit\u0103p\u00e4\u2032tu_\u2014the Cheyenne name for the Kiowa; from\n their Sioux name _Wi\u2032tap\u00e4h\u00e4\u2032tu_, people of the island butte.\n\n _W\u012d\u2032tapi\u2032u_\u2014\u201chaters\u201d (Clark); a Cheyenne division.\n\n _Wos\u012d\u2032v\u0103_\u2014a mountain.\n\n _Y\u00e4\u2032h\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Yu\u2032suwu\u2032nutu_\u2014for _Ho\u2032so\u2032ewo\u2032n\u0103t_.\n\n\n THE COMANCHE\n\n\n TRIBAL SYNONYMY\n\n _Bo\u2032d\u0103lk\u0314\u2032i\u00f1ago_\u2014common Kiowa name, signifying \u201creptile people\u201d or\n \u201csnake men,\u201d from _bo\u2032dal_, reptile, insect, and _k\u0314i\u00f1ago_,\n people.\n\n _Cha\u201btha_\u2014(singular _Cha\u201b_), Arapaho name, signifying \u201cenemies.\u201d\n\n _Comanche_\u2014popular name; of Mexican-Spanish origin and unknown\n meaning. It occurs as early as 1757, and in the form _Cumanche_\n as early as 1720.\n\n _Gyai\u2032-ko_\u2014the common name given by the Kiowa to the Comanche,\n signifying \u201cenemies.\u201d\n\n _Iatan_\u2014the French spelling of the name applied by several of\n the plains tribes to the Ute Indians, and by extension to\n the cognate Comanche and Shoshoni. It is a derivative from\n the name Yuta or Ute, the final _n_ representing a nasalized\n vowel sound. The nearest approximation is perhaps _I\u00e4t\u00e4-go_,\n the Kiowa (plural) name for the Ute. Variants are _L\u2019Iatan_,\n _Aliatan_, _Halitane_, _Ayutan_, _Tetau_ (for _Ietau_ or\n _Ietan_), _Jetan_, _Yutan_, etc. The form _L\u00e4itanes_ occurs as\n early as 1740 (Margry, +VII+, 457).\n\n _Idahi_\u2014Kiowa Apache name; meaning unknown.\n\n _Ietan_\u2014a name applied by some of the prairie tribes to several\n Shoshonean tribes, particularly the Shoshoni and the\n _Comanche_. It occurs in a number of forms and appears as\n _L\u00e4itanes_ as early as 1740 (Margry, +VII+, 457).\n\n _La Playe_\u2014former French trader\u2019s name, perhaps a corruption of\n _T\u00eate Pele\u2032e_.\n\n _Na\u2032\u201blani_\u2014Navaho name, signifying \u201cmany aliens\u201d or \u201cmany enemies,\u201d\n applied collectively to the southern plains tribes, but more\n especially to the Comanche.\n\n _Na\u2032nita_\u2014Kichai name.\n\n _Na\u2032t\u0103a\u2032_\u2014Wichita name, variously rendered \u201csnakes,\u201d i. e.,\n \u201cenemies\u201d or \u201cdandies.\u201d\n\n _N\u00fcma_\u2014proper tribal name used by themselves, and signifying\n \u201cpeople.\u201d The Shoshoni and Paiute designate themselves by the\n same name.\n\n _Pa\u2032douca_\u2014the name given to the Comanche by the Osage, Quapaw,\n Kansa, Oto, and other Siouan tribes. It has several dialectic\n forms and is used in this form by P\u00e9nicaut as early as 1719. It\n may perhaps be a contraction of _Pe\u2032n\u00e4-t\u0115ka_, the name of the\n principal eastern division of the Comanche.\n\n _S\u00e4nko_\u2014obsolete Kiowa name; it may signify \u201csnakes,\u201d from _s\u00e4ne_,\n snake.\n\n _Sau\u2032hto_\u2014Caddo name.\n\n _Sh\u012dshino\u2032w\u012dts-It\u00e4niuw\u2019_\u2014Cheyenne name, signifying \u201csnake people.\u201d\n\n _T\u00e9te Pele\u2032e_\u2014a name said to have been applied to the Comanche by\n the French traders, signifying \u201cbald heads.\u201d The identification\n seems doubtful, as the Comanche cut their hair only when\n mourning.\n\n _Y\u00e4\u2032mpai-ni_ or _Y\u00e4\u2032mpai-R\u012d\u2032kani_\u2014Shoshoni name, signifying \u201cyampa\n people,\u201d or \u201cyampa eaters.\u201d It is properly the name of only one\n division, but is used collectively for the whole tribe. The\n yampa plant is the _Carum gairdneri_.\n\n\n TRIBAL SIGN\n\nThe tribal sign for the Comanche is \u201csnakes,\u201d the same as that for the\nShoshoni, but with the finger drawn toward the rear instead of thrust\nforward.\n\n\n SKETCH OF THE TRIBE\n\nThe Comanche are one of the southern tribes of the great Shoshonean\nstock, and the only one of that group living entirely on the plains.\nTheir language and traditions show that they are a comparatively\nrecent offshoot from the Shoshoni of Wyoming, both tribes speaking\npractically the same dialect and until very recently keeping up\nconstant and friendly communication. Within the traditionary period\nthe two tribes lived adjacent to each other in southern Wyoming, since\nwhich time the Shoshoni have been beaten back into the mountains by the\nSioux and other prairie tribes, while the Comanche have been driven\nsteadily southward by the same pressure. In this southern migration the\nPe\u2032n\u00e4t\u0115ka seem to have preceded the rest of the tribe. The Kiowa say\nthat when they themselves moved southward from the Black-hills region,\nthe Arkansas was the northern boundary of the Comanche.\n\nIn 1719 the Comanche are mentioned under their Siouan name of Pa\u2032douca\nas living in what now is western Kansas. It must be remembered that\nfrom 500 to 800 miles was an ordinary range for a prairie tribe,\nand that the Comanche were equally at home on the Platte and in the\nBolson de Mapimi of Chihuahua. As late as 1805 the North Platte was\nstill known as Padouca fork. At that time they roamed over the country\nabout the heads of the Arkansas, Red, Trinity, and Brazos rivers, in\nColorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Texas. For nearly two hundred years\nthey were at war with the Spaniards of Mexico and extended their raids\nfar down into Durango. They were friendly to the Americans generally,\nbut became bitter enemies of the Texans, by whom they were dispossessed\nof their best hunting grounds, and carried on a relentless war against\nthem for nearly forty years. They have been close confederates of\nthe Kiowa for perhaps one hundred and fifty years. In 1835 they made\ntheir first treaty with the government, and by the treaty of Medicine\nLodge in 1867 agreed to go on their present reservation, situated\nbetween Washita and Red rivers, in the southwestern part of Oklahoma;\nbut it was not until after the last outbreak of the southern prairie\ntribes in 1874\u201375 that they and their allies, the Kiowa and Apache,\nfinally settled on it. They were probably never a large tribe, although\nsupposed to be populous on account of their wide range. Within the last\nfifty years they have been terribly wasted by war and disease. They\nnumbered 1,512 in 1893.\n\nThe gentile system seems to be unknown among the Comanche. They have,\nor still remember, thirteen recognized divisions or bands, and may\nhave had others in former times. Of these all but five are practically\nextinct. The Kw\u0103\u2032h\u0103ri and Pe\u2032n\u00e4t\u0115ka are the most important. Following\nin alphabetic order is the complete list as given by their leading\nchiefs:\n\n1. _Dets\u0103na\u2032yuka_ or _No\u2032koni_. This band, to which the present\nhead chief Quanah Parker belongs, was formerly called _No\u2032koni_,\n\u201cwanderers,\u201d but on the death of Quanah\u2019s father, whose name was also\nNo\u2032koni, the name was tabued, according to Comanche custom, and the\ndivision took the name of _Dets\u0103na\u2032yuka_, \u201cbad campers,\u201d intended to\nconvey the same idea of wandering.\n\n2. _Dits\u00e4\u2032k\u0103na_, _W\u012d\u2032dyu_, _Y\u00e4p\u00e4_, or _Y\u00e4\u2032mp\u00e4ri\u2032ka_. This division was\nformerly known as _W\u012d\u2032dyu_, \u201cawl,\u201d but for a reason similar to that\njust mentioned the name was changed to _Dits\u00e4\u2032k\u0103na_, \u201csewers,\u201d which\nconveys the same idea, an awl being the substitute for a needle. They\nare equally well known as _Y\u00e4p\u00e4_, the Comanche name of the root of the\n_Carum gairdneri_, known to the Shoshoni and Bannock as _yampa_, or\nsometimes as _Y\u00e4mp\u00e4-ri\u2032ka_, a dialectic form signifying \u201cyampa eaters.\u201d\nThe whole Comanche tribe is known to the Shoshoni under the name of\n_Y\u00e4\u2032mpaini_ or _Y\u00e4mpai-r\u012d\u2032kani_, \u201cyampa people\u201d or \u201cyampa eaters.\u201d\nThe Y\u00e4p\u00e4 are sometimes known also as _Etsit\u00fc\u2032biwat_, \u201cnortherners,\u201d\nor \u201cpeople of the cold country,\u201d from having usually ranged along the\nnorthern frontier of the tribal territory; a fact which may account for\nthe Shoshoni having designated the whole tribe by their name.\n\n3. _Kewa\u2032ts\u0103na._ \u201cNo ribs;\u201d extinct.\n\n4. _Kotsa\u2032i._ Extinct.\n\n5. _Ko\u2032tso-t\u0115\u2032ka._ \u201cBuffalo eaters,\u201d from _ko\u2032tso_, buffalo, and\n_t\u0115\u2032ka_, the root of the verb \u201cto eat.\u201d\n\n6. _Kwa\u2032h\u0103ri_ or _Kwa\u2032h\u0103di_. \u201cAntelopes.\u201d This division was one of the\nmost important of the tribe, and was so called because its members\nfrequented the prairie country and the staked plains, while the\nPe\u2032n\u00e4t\u0115ka and others ranged farther east on the edge of the timber\nregion. They were the last to come in after the surrender in 1874.\nThe Kwa\u2032h\u0103ri, Dits\u00e4\u2032kana, and Dets\u0103na\u2032yuka were sometimes designated\ntogether by the whites as northern Comanche as distinguished from the\nPe\u2032n\u00e4t\u0115ka, who were known as eastern or southern Comanche.\n\n7. _Motsai\u2032._ Perhaps from _p\u00e4-motsan_, \u201ca loop in a stream.\u201d These and\nthe T\u0115na\u2032wa were practically exterminated in a battle with the Mexicans\nabout 1845.\n\n8. _P\u00e4\u2032gats\u00fb._ \u201cHead of the stream\u201d (_p\u00e4_, a stream); extinct.\n\n9. _Pe\u2032n\u00e4t\u0115ka_, or _Pen\u00e4\u2032nde_. \u201cHoney eaters.\u201d These and the Kwa\u2032h\u0103ri\nwere the two most important divisions in the tribe. They lived on the\nedge of the timber country in eastern Texas, and hence were frequently\nknown to the whites as eastern or southern Comanche. They had but a\nloose alliance with their western kinsmen, and sometimes joined the\nTexans against them. Other Comanche names for them are _Te\u2032yuw\u012dt_,\n\u201chospitable;\u201d _T\u0115\u2032\u201bk\u0103pwai_, \u201cno meat,\u201d and _Ku\u2032baratpat_, \u201csteep\nclimbers.\u201d\n\n10. _Po\u2032hoi._ \u201cWild-sage people,\u201d i. e., Shoshoni. This is not properly\nthe name of a Comanche division, but of some immigrant Shoshoni from\nthe north incorporated with the Comanche.\n\n11. _T\u00e4n\u012d\u2032ma._ \u201cLiver eaters,\u201d from _n\u012dm_ or _n\u00fcm_, liver. This band is\nextinct, only one old man being known to survive.\n\n12. _T\u0115na\u2032wa_ or _Te\u2032n\u00e4hw\u012dt_. From _t\u0115\u2032n\u00e4w\u2019_, \u201cdown stream.\u201d Extinct.\nSee _Motsai\u2032_ above.\n\n13. _Wa-ai\u2032h._ \u201cMaggot.\u201d Extinct.\n\nThe Comanche were nomad buffalo hunters, constantly on the move,\ncultivating nothing from the ground, and living in skin tipis.\nExcepting that they are now confined to a reservation and forced to\ndepend on government rations, they are but little changed from their\noriginal condition. They are still for the most part living in tipis\nof canvas, and are dressed in buckskin. They were long noted as the\nfinest horsemen of the plains, and bore a reputation for dash and\ncourage. They have a high sense of honor, and hold themselves superior\nto the other tribes with which they are associated. In person they are\nwell built and rather corpulent. Their language is the trade language\nof the region, and is more or less understood by all the neighboring\ntribes. It is sonorous and flowing, its chief characteristic being a\nrolling _r_. It has no _l_. The language has several dialects, and\nis practically the same as that of the Shoshoni in the north. Their\npresent head chief is Quanah Parker, an able man, whose mother was an\nAmerican captive. His name, _Kw\u00e4na_ or _Kwai\u2032na_, signifies a sweet\nsmell.\n\nHaving taken but little part in the Ghost dance, the Comanche have but\nfew songs in their own language, but these are particularly pleasing\nfor their martial ring or soothing softness. They call the dance\n_A\u2032p-An\u0115\u201bka\u2032ra_, \u201cthe father\u2019s dance\u201d (from _a\u2032p\u0103_, father; _n\u0115\u201bka\u2032ra_,\na dance), or by another name which signifies the \u201cdance with joined\nhands.\u201d\n\n\n SONGS OF THE COMANCHE\n\n\n 1. +Heyo\u2032h\u00e4n\u00e4 H\u00e4e\u2032yo+\n\n[Music]\n\n He\u2032e\u2032yo\u2032!\n Heyo\u2032h\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032 H\u00e4e\u2032yo!\n Heyo\u2032h\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032 H\u00e4e\u2032yo!\n Te\u2032\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 tor\u00e4\u2032bi ai\u2032\u201b-gi\u2032na\u2014He\u2032e\u2032yo\u2032!\n Te\u2032\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 tor\u00e4\u2032bi ai\u2032\u201b-gi\u2032na\u2014He\u2032e\u2032yo\u2032!\n Te\u2032\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 toa\u2032h\u00e4 t\u00e4\u2032bi wo\u2032n\u201bgin\u2014\u0102hi\u2032ni\u2032yo\u2032!\n Te\u2032\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 toa\u2032h\u00e4 t\u00e4\u2032bi wo\u2032n\u201bgin\u2014\u0102hi\u2032ni\u2032yo\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n _He\u2032e\u2032yo\u2032!\n Heyo\u2032h\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032 H\u00e4e\u2032yo!\n Heyo\u2032h\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032 H\u00e4e\u2032yo!_\n The sun\u2019s beams are running out\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032yo\u2032!_\n The sun\u2019s beams are running out\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032yo\u2032!_\n The sun\u2019s yellow rays are running out\u2014_\u00c4hi\u2032ni\u2032yo\u2032!_\n The sun\u2019s yellow rays are running out\u2014_\u00c4hi\u2032ni\u2032yo\u2032!_\n\nThis song was probably sung at daylight, when the first rays of the sun\nshone in the east, after the dancers had been dancing all night. The\nintroductory part is a suggestion from the songs of the mescal rite, to\nwhich the Comanche are so much attached. Although the words convey but\nlittle meaning, the tune is unique and one of the best of all the ghost\nsongs on account of its sprightly measure.\n\n_Te\u2032\u00e4y\u00e4_ refers to the sun\u2019s rays or beams; _tor\u00e4\u2032bi_, a possessive\nform of _t\u00e4\u2032bi_, sun; (_m\u00fb\u2032\u00e4_, moon); _toa\u2032h\u00e4_, from _a\u2032h\u00e4p_, yellow;\n_ai\u2032\u201b-gi\u2032na_ and _wo\u2032n\u201bgin_ or _wa\u2032n\u201bgin_, running out, streaming out.\n\n\n 2. +Ya\u2032hi\u2032y\u00fb\u2032niva\u2032hu+\n\n Ya\u2032hi\u2032y\u00fb\u2032niva\u2032hu\n Hi\u2032y\u00fb\u2032niva\u2032hi\u2032y\u00fb\u2032niva\u2032hu\n Ya\u2032hi\u2032y\u00fb\u2032niva\u2032hi\u2032na\u2032he\u2032ne\u2032na\u2032\n Hi\u2032ya\u2032hi\u2032nahi\u2032ni\u2032na\u2032\n Hi\u2032y\u00fb\u2032niva\u2032hu\n Hi\u2032y\u00fb\u2032niva\u2032hi\u2032y\u00fb\u2032niva\u2032hu\n Ya\u2032hi\u2032y\u00fb\u2032niva\u2032hi\u2032ya\u2032he\u2032ne\u2032na\u2032.\n\nThis song has no meaning, but is of the lullaby order, with a sweet,\nsoothing effect.\n\n\n 3. +Yani\u2032tsini\u2032hawa\u2032na+\n\n Yani\u2032tsini\u2032hawa\u2032na!\n Yani\u2032tsini\u2032hawa\u2032na!\n Hi\u2032niswa\u2032vita\u2032ki\u2032n\u012d,\n Hi\u2032niswa\u2032vita\u2032ki\u2032n\u012d.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _Yani\u2032tsini\u2032hawa\u2032na!\n Yani\u2032tsini\u2032hawa\u2032na!_\n We shall live again,\n We shall live again.\n\nThe term _hi\u2032niswa\u2032vita\u2032ki\u2032n\u012d_ signifies \u201cwe are coming to life again,\u201d\nor \u201cwe shall live again;\u201d from _n\u00fcswa\u2032vitaki\u2032n\u012d_, \u201cI am beginning to be\nalive again.\u201d\n\n\n 4. +Ni\u2032nini\u2032tuwi\u2032na+\n\n Ni\u2032nini\u2032tuwi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\n Ni\u2032nini\u2032tuwi\u2032na hu\u2032hu\n W\u00e4ta\u2032tsina\u2032na hu\u2032hu\n W\u00e4ta\u2032tsina\u2032na hu\u2032hu\n Ni\u2032hima\u2032tsi asi\u2032si\n Ni\u2032hima\u2032tsi asi\u2032si.\n\nThis is the Arapaho closing song (Arapaho song 52), as adopted by the\nComanche, to whom, of course, it has no real meaning. It is given here\nas an example of the change which comes to an Indian song when adopted\nby an alien tribe.\n\n\n THE PAIUTE, WASHO, AND PIT RIVER TRIBES\n\n\n PAIUTE TRIBAL SYNONYMY\n\n _Hog\u0103p\u00e4\u2032goni_\u2014Shoshoni name, \u201crush arrow people\u201d (_hog\u0103p_, a small\n water reed; _p\u00e4g\u0103_, \u201carrow\u201d).\n\n _N\u00fcma_\u2014proper tribal name, signifying \u201cpeople\u201d or \u201cIndians;\u201d the\n same name is also used for themselves by the Shoshoni and\n Comanche.\n\n _Pai-yu\u2032chim\u016d_\u2014Hopi name.\n\n _Pai-yu\u2032ts\u012d_\u2014Navaho name.\n\n _Pal\u016d_\u2014Washo name.\n\n _Paiute_ or _Piute_\u2014popular name, variously rendered \u201ctrue (_pai_)\n Ute\u201d or \u201cwater (_p\u00e4_) Ute\u201d\u2014pronounced among themselves _Paiuti_.\n\n +Note.+\u2014The northern bands of the Paiute are frequently included\n with Shoshoni and others under the name of Snakes, while the others\n are often included with various Californian tribes under the\n collective name of Diggers.\n\n\n SKETCH OF THE PAIUTE\n\n\n CHARACTERISTICS\n\nThe Paiute belong to the great Shoshonean stock and occupy most\nof Nevada, together with adjacent portions of southwestern Utah,\nnorthwestern Arizona, and northwestern and southeastern California.\nThe Pahvant and Gosiute on their eastern border are frequently, but\nimproperly, classed as Paiute, while the Chemehuevi, associated with\nthe Walapai in Arizona, are but a southern offshoot of the Paiute and\nspeak the same language. With regard to the Indians of Walker River\nand Pyramid Lake reservations, who constitute the main body of those\ncommonly known as Paiute, Powell claims that they are not Paiute at\nall, but another tribe which he calls Paviotso. He says: \u201cThe names by\nwhich the tribes are known to white men and the department give no clue\nto the relationship of the Indians. For example, the Indians in the\nvicinity of the reservation on the Muddy and the Indians on the Walker\nRiver and Pyramid Lake reservations are called Pai or Pah Utes, but\nthe Indians know only those on the Muddy by that name, while those on\nthe other two reservations are known as Paviotsoes, and speak a very\ndifferent language, but closely allied to, if not identical with, that\nof the Bannocks.\u201d (_Comr., 45._) The Ghost dance originated among these\nIndians in the neighborhood of Walker river, from whom the songs here\ngiven were obtained, and for convenience of reference we shall speak\nof them under their popular title of Paiute, without asserting its\ncorrectness.\n\nThe different small bands have little political coherence and there\nis no recognized head chief. The most influential chiefs among them\nin modern times have been Winnemucca, who died a few years ago, and\nNatchez. Wovoka\u2019s leadership is spiritual, not political. The Indians\nof Walker river and Pyramid lake claim the Bannock as their cousins,\nand say that they speak the same language. As a rule they have been\npeaceable and friendly toward the whites, although in the early sixties\nthey several times came into collision with miners and emigrants,\nhostility being frequently provoked by the whites themselves. The\nnorthern Paiute are more warlike than those of the south, and a\nconsiderable number of them took part with the Bannock in the war of\n1878. Owing to the fact that the great majority of the Paiute are\nnot on reservations, many of them being attached to the ranches of\nwhite men, it is impossible to get any correct statement of their\npopulation, but they may be safely estimated at from 7,000 to 8,000\nand are thought to be increasing. In 1893 those on reservations, all in\nNevada, were reported to number, at Walker River, 563; at Pyramid Lake,\n494; at Duck Valley (Western Shoshone agency, in connection with the\nShoshoni), 209. Nevada Indians off reservation were estimated to number\n6,815, nearly all of whom were Paiute.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 101+\u2014Paiute wikiup.]\n\nAs a people the Paiute are peaceable, moral, and industrious, and are\nhighly commended for their good qualities by those who have had the\nbest opportunities for judging. While apparently not as bright in\nintellect as the prairie tribes, they appear to possess more solidity\nof character. By their willingness and efficiency as workers, they have\nmade themselves necessary to the white farmers and have been enabled\nto supply themselves with good clothing and many of the comforts of\nlife, while on the other hand they have steadily resisted the vices of\ncivilization, so that they are spoken of by one agent as presenting the\n\u201csingular anomaly\u201d of improvement by contact with the whites. Another\nauthority says: \u201cTo these habits and excellence of character may be\nattributed the fact that they are annually increasing in numbers,\nand that they are strong, healthy, active people. Many of them are\nemployed as laborers on the farms of white men in all seasons, but\nthey are especially serviceable during the time of harvesting and\nhay-making.\u201d (_Comr., 46._) They would be the last Indians in the world\nto preach a crusade of extermination against the whites, such as the\nmessiah religion has been represented to be. Aside from their earnings\namong the whites, they derive their subsistence from the fish of the\nlakes, jack rabbits and small game of the sage plains and mountains,\nand from pi\u00f1on nuts and other seeds which they grind into flour for\nbread. Their ordinary dwelling is the wikiup or small rounded hut of\ntul\u00e9 rushes over a framework of poles, with the ground for a floor and\nthe fire in the center and almost entirely open at the top. Strangely\nenough, although appreciating the advantages of civilization so far as\nrelates to good clothing and such food as they can buy at the stores,\nthey manifest no desire to live in permanent houses or to procure\nthe furniture of civilization, and their wikiups are almost bare of\neverything excepting a few wicker or grass baskets of their own weaving.\n\nThe Paiute ghost songs have a monotonous, halting movement that\nrenders them displeasing to the ear of a white man, and are inferior\nin expression to those of the Arapaho and the Sioux. A number of words\nconsisting only of unmeaning syllables are inserted merely to fill in\nthe meter. Like the cognate Shoshoni and Comanche, the language has a\nstrong rolling _r_.\n\n\n GENESIS MYTH\n\nAt first the world was all water, and remained so a long time. Then the\nwater began to go down and at last Kura\u2032ngwa (Mount Grant) emerged from\nthe water, near the southwest end of Walker lake. There was fire on its\ntop (it may have been a volcano), and when the wind blew hard the water\ndashed over the fire and would have extinguished it, but that the\nsage-hen (_hutsi_\u2014_Centrocercus urophasianus_) nestled down over it and\nfanned away the water with her wings. The heat scorched the feathers on\nthe breast of the sage-hen and they remain black to this day. Afterward\nthe Paiute got their first fire from the mountain through the help of\nthe rabbit, who is a great wonder-worker, \u201csame as a god.\u201d As the water\nsubsided other mountains appeared, until at last the earth was left as\nit is now.\n\nThen the great ancestor of the Paiute, whom they call _N\u00fcmi\u2032na\u0103\u2032_,\n\u201cOur Father,\u201d came from the south in the direction of Mount Grant,\nupon which his footprints can still be seen, and journeyed across to\nthe mountains east of Carson sink and made his home there. A woman,\n_Ibids\u00edi_, \u201cOur Mother,\u201d followed him from the same direction, and\nthey met and she became his wife. They dressed themselves in skins,\nand lived on the meat of deer and mountain sheep, for there was plenty\nof game in those days. They had children\u2014two boys and two girls. Their\nfather made bows and arrows for the boys, and the mother fashioned\nsticks for the girls with which to dig roots. When the children grew\nup, each boy married his sister, but the two families quarreled until\ntheir father told them to separate. So one family went to Walker lake\nand became _Aga\u2032ih-t\u012dka\u2032ra_, \u201cfish eaters\u201d (the Paiute of Walker\nlake), while the other family went farther north into Idaho and became\n_Kotso\u2032-t\u012dk\u0103ra_, \u201cbuffalo eaters\u201d (the Bannock), but both are one\npeople and have the same language. After their children had left them,\nthe parents went on to the mountains farther east, and there _N\u00fcmina\u0103\u2032_\nwent up into the sky and his wife followed him.\n\n\n THE WASHO\n\nAssociated with the Paiute are the Washo, or _W\u00e2\u2032siu_, as they call\nthemselves, a small tribe of about 400 souls, and having no affinity,\nso far as known, with any other Indians. They occupy the mountain\nregion in the extreme western portion of Nevada, about Washo and Tahoe\nlakes and the towns of Carson and Virginia City. They formerly extended\nfarther east and south, but have been driven back by the Paiute, who\nconquered them, reducing them to complete subjection and forbidding\nthem the use of horses, a prohibition which was rigidly enforced until\nwithin a few years. Thus broken in spirit, they became mere hangers-on\nof the white settlements on the opening up of the mines, and are\nnow terribly demoralized. They have been utterly neglected by the\ngovernment, have never been included in any treaty, and have now no\nhome that they can call their own. They are devoted adherents of the\nmessiah, but usually join in the dance with the nearest camp of Paiute,\nwhose songs they sing, and have probably no Ghost songs in their own\nlanguage. We quote a gloomy account of their condition in 1866. The\ndescription will apply equally well today, excepting that their numbers\nhave diminished:\n\n This is a small tribe of about 500 Indians, living in the extreme\n western part of the state. They are usually a harmless people, with\n much less physical and mental development than the Paiutes, and\n more degraded morally. They are indolent, improvident, and much\n addicted to the vices and evil practices common in savage life.\n They manifest an almost uncontrollable appetite for intoxicating\n drinks. They are sensual and filthy, and are annually diminishing\n in numbers from the diseases contracted through their indulgences.\n A few have learned the English language and will do light work\n for a reasonable compensation. They spend the winter months about\n the villages and habitations of white men, from whom they obtain\n tolerable supplies of food and clothing. The spring, summer, and\n autumn months are spent in fishing about Washo and Tahoe lakes and\n the streams which flow through their country. They also gather\n grass seed and pine nuts, hunt rabbits, hares, and ducks. There\n is no suitable place for a reservation in the bounds of their\n territory, and, in view of their rapidly diminishing numbers\n and the diseases to which they are subjected, none is required.\n (_Comr., 47._)\n\n\n THE PIT RIVER INDIANS\n\nAnother group of Indians closely associated with the Paiute on the\nnorthwest consists of a number of small tribes, known collectively to\nthe whites as Pit River or Hot Springs Indians, holding the basin of\nPit river in northeastern California from Goose lake to the junction\nwith the Sacramento. Among their tribes or bands are the Achoma\u2032wi,\nHuma\u2032whi, Estak\u00e9wach, Hant\u00e9wa, Chum\u00e2\u2032wa, Atua\u2032mih or Hamefku\u2032ttelli,\nIlma\u2032wi, and Pa\u2032kamalli. (_Powers_, _Tribes of California_.) They are\nat present supposed to constitute a distinct linguistic group, but it\nis probable that better information will show their affinity with some\nof the neighboring Californian stocks. With the exception of a few at\nRound Valley reservation, California, none of them are on reservations\nor have any official recognition by the government. They probably\nnumber 1,000 to 1,500 souls. The northern bands have suffered much from\nModoc slave raids in former days, and are much inferior in physique\nand intellect to those lower down the river, who were the terror of\nnorthern California thirty years ago, and who are described by recent\nobservers as good workers, intelligent, brave, and warlike. (_A. G. O.,\n9._)\n\n\n SONGS OF THE PAIUTE\n\n\n 1. +N\u00fcv\u00e4\u2032 ka ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032+\n\n N\u00fcv\u00e4\u2032 ka ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032!\n N\u00fcv\u00e4\u2032 ka ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032!\n N\u00fcv\u00e4\u2032 ka ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032!\n N\u00fcv\u00e4\u2032 ka ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032!\n Gosi\u2032pa\u2032 h\u00e4vi\u2032g\u012dn\u00fb\u2032,\n Gosi\u2032pa\u2032 h\u00e4vi\u2032g\u012dn\u00fb\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The snow lies there\u2014_ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032!_\n The snow lies there\u2014_ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032!_\n The snow lies there\u2014_ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032!_\n The snow lies there\u2014_ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032!_\n The Milky Way lies there,\n The Milky Way lies there.\n\nThis is one of the favorite songs of the Paiute Ghost dance. The tune\nhas a plaintive but rather pleasing effect, although inferior to the\ntunes of most of the ghost songs of the prairie tribes. The words as\nthey stand are very simple, but convey a good deal of meaning to the\nIndian. It must be remembered that the dance is held in the open air\nat night, with the stars shining down on the wide-extending plain\nwalled in by the giant sierras, fringed at the base with dark pines,\nand with their peaks white with eternal snows. Under such circumstances\nthis song of the snow lying white upon the mountains, and the Milky\nWay stretching across the clear sky, brings up to the Paiute the same\npatriotic home love that comes from lyrics of singing birds and leafy\ntrees and still waters to the people of more favored regions. In the\nmythology of the Paiute, as of many other tribes, the Milky Way is the\nroad of the dead to the spirit world. _Ro\u2032r\u0103ni\u2032_ serves merely to fill\nin the meter.\n\n\n 2. +D\u0115na\u2032 gayo\u2032n+\n\n D\u0115na\u2032 gayo\u2032n, D\u0115\u2032na ga\u2032yoni\u2032,\n D\u0115na\u2032 gayo\u2032n, D\u0115\u2032na ga\u2032yoni\u2032,\n Baw\u0103\u2032 doro\u2032n, Ba\u2032w\u0103 do\u2032roni\u2032,\n Baw\u0103\u2032 doro\u2032n, Ba\u2032w\u0103 do\u2032roni\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n A slender antelope, a slender antelope,\n A slender antelope, a slender antelope,\n He is wallowing upon the ground,\n He is wallowing upon the ground,\n He is wallowing upon the ground,\n He is wallowing upon the ground.\n\nThis song evidently refers to a trance vision in which the sleeper saw\nan antelope rolling in the dust, after the manner of horses, buffalo,\nand other animals.\n\n\n 3. +Do\u2032 t\u012d\u2032mbi+\n\n Do\u2032 t\u012d\u2032mbi, Do\u2032 t\u012d\u2032mbi-n\u00e4\u2032n,\n Do\u2032 t\u012d\u2032mbi, Do\u2032 t\u012d\u2032mbi-n\u00e4\u2032n,\n T\u012d\u2032mbi bai\u2032-yo, T\u012d\u2032mbi ba\u2032i-yo-\u00e4\u2032n,\n T\u012d\u2032mbi bai\u2032-yo, T\u012d\u2032mbi ba\u2032i-yo-\u00e4\u2032n.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The black rock, the black rock,\n The black rock, the black rock,\n The rock is broken, the rock is broken,\n The rock is broken, the rock is broken.\n\nThis song may refer to something in Paiute mythology. _N\u00e4\u2032n_ and _\u00e4\u2032n_\nare unmeaning syllables added to fill out the measure.\n\n\n 4. +P\u00e4s\u00fc\u2032 w\u012d\u2032nogh\u00e4n+\n\n P\u00e4s\u00fc\u2032 w\u012d\u2032nogh\u00e4n,\n P\u00e4s\u00fc\u2032 w\u012d\u2032nogh\u00e4n,\n P\u00e4s\u00fc\u2032 w\u012d\u2032nogh\u00e4n,\n Wai\u2032-va w\u012d\u2032nogh\u00e4n,\n Wai\u2032-va w\u012d\u2032nogh\u00e4n,\n Wai\u2032-va w\u012d\u2032nogh\u00e4n.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The wind stirs the willows,\n The wind stirs the willows,\n The wind stirs the willows,\n The wind stirs the grasses,\n The wind stirs the grasses,\n The wind stirs the grasses.\n\n_Wai\u2032-va_ (or _wai_ in composition) is the sand grass or wild millet of\nNevada (_Oryzopsis membranacea_), the seeds of which are ground by the\nPaiute and boiled into mush for food.\n\n\n 5. +P\u00e4g\u00fc\u2032n\u00e4v\u00e4\u2032+\n\n P\u00e4g\u00fc\u2032n\u00e4v\u00e4\u2032! P\u00e4g\u00fc\u2032n\u00e4v\u00e4\u2032!\n T\u00fbngw\u00fc\u2032kwiji\u2032! T\u00fbngw\u00fc\u2032kwiji\u2032!\n W\u00fbmbe\u2032doma\u2032! W\u00fbmbe\u2032doma\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n Fog! Fog!\n Lightning! Lightning!\n Whirlwind! Whirlwind!\n\nThis song is an invocation of the elemental forces. It was composed by\nan old woman, who left the circle of dancers and stood in the center of\nthe ring while singing it.\n\n\n 6. +W\u00fbmb\u012d\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032n+\n\n W\u00fbmb\u012d\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032n, W\u00fbmb\u012d\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032n,\n W\u00fbmb\u012d\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032n, W\u00fbmb\u012d\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032n.\n Nuv\u00e4\u2032r\u012d\u2032p noyo\u2032wan\u0103\u2032, Nuv\u00e4\u2032r\u012d\u2032p noyo\u2032wan\u0103\u2032,\n Nuv\u00e4\u2032r\u012d\u2032p noyo\u2032wan\u0103\u2032, Nuv\u00e4\u2032r\u012d\u2032p noyo\u2032wan\u0103\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The whirlwind! The whirlwind!\n The whirlwind! The whirlwind!\n The snowy earth comes gliding, the snowy earth comes gliding;\n The snowy earth comes gliding, the snowy earth comes gliding.\n\nThis song may possibly refer to the doctrine of the new earth, here\nrepresented as white with snow, advancing swiftly, driven by a\nwhirlwind. Such an idea occurs several times in the Arapaho songs.\n\n\n 7. +Kosi\u2032 w\u00fbmbi\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032+\n\n Kosi\u2032 w\u00fbmbi\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032,\n Kosi\u2032 w\u00fbmbi\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032,\n Kosi\u2032 w\u00fbmbi\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032.\n Kai\u2032-va w\u00fbmbi\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032,\n Kai\u2032-va w\u00fbmbi\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032,\n Kai\u2032-va w\u00fbmbi\u2032ndom\u00e4\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n There is dust from the whirlwind,\n There is dust from the whirlwind,\n There is dust from the whirlwind.\n The whirlwind on the mountain,\n The whirlwind on the mountain,\n The whirlwind on the mountain.\n\n\n 8. +Dombi\u2032na so\u2032wina\u2032+\n\n Dombi\u2032na so\u2032wina\u2032,\n Dombi\u2032na so\u2032wina\u2032,\n Dombi\u2032na so\u2032wina\u2032.\n Kai\u2032-va so\u2032wina\u2032,\n Kai\u2032-va so\u2032wina\u2032,\n Kai\u2032-va so\u2032wina\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The rocks are ringing,\n The rocks are ringing,\n The rocks are ringing.\n They are ringing in the mountains,\n They are ringing in the mountains,\n They are ringing in the mountains.\n\nThis song was explained to refer to the roaring of a storm among the\nrocks in the mountains.\n\n\n 9. +S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4 ro\u2032yonji\u2032+\n\n S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4 ro\u2032yonji\u2032, S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4 ro\u2032yon,\n S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4 ro\u2032yonji\u2032, S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4 ro\u2032yon,\n S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4 ro\u2032yonji\u2032, S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4 ro\u2032yon.\n Pu\u2032i do\u2032yonji\u2032, Pu\u2032i do\u2032yon,\n Pu\u2032i do\u2032yonji\u2032, Pu\u2032i do\u2032yon,\n Pu\u2032i do\u2032yonji\u2032, Pu\u2032i do\u2032yon.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The cottonwoods are growing tall,\n The cottonwoods are growing tall,\n The cottonwoods are growing tall.\n They are growing tall and verdant,\n They are growing tall and verdant,\n They are growing tall and verdant.\n\nThis song seems to refer to the return to spring. Throughout the arid\nregion of the west the cottonwood skirting the borders of the streams\nis one of the most conspicuous features of the landscape. See Arapaho\nsong 13.\n\n\n PAIUTE GLOSSARY\n\n _Agai\u2032h-t\u012dka\u2032ra_\u2014\u201cfish eaters;\u201d the distinctive name of the Paiute\n of Walker lake, Nevada.\n\n _Bai\u2032-yo_\u2014it is broken.\n\n _Ba\u2032w\u0103_\u2014going around in a circle.\n\n _D\u0115na_\u2014for _T\u012d\u2032na_.\n\n _Do_\u2014black.\n\n _Dombi\u2032na_\u2014for _T\u012d\u2032mbi_ or _T\u00fcbi_.\n\n _Do\u2032roni_\u2014rolling on the ground, wallowing.\n\n _Do\u2032yon_ or _Do\u2032yonji_\u2014it is growing tall.\n\n _Ga\u2032yon_ or _Ga\u2032yoni_\u2014slender, tall and slender.\n\n _Gosi\u2032pa_\u2014the Milky Way, the road of the dead. See Paiute song 1.\n\n _H\u00e4vi\u2032g\u012dn\u00fb_\u2014it lies there, it lies there asleep; _h\u00e4vi\u2032kw\u0103_, sleep.\n\n _Hog\u0103p\u00e4\u2032goni_\u2014\u201crush-arrow people;\u201d the Shoshoni name for the\n Paiute; from _hog\u0103p_, a small water reed; _p\u00e4g\u0103_, arrow, and\n _ni_, the tribal suffix.\n\n _Hutsi_\u2014the sage-hen (_Centrocercus urophasianus_).\n\n _\u012cbidsi\u2032\u012d_\u2014\u201cour mother;\u201d the mythic maternal ancestor of the Paiute.\n\n +Jack Wilson+\u2014see _Wovoka_.\n\n _Ka_\u2014the root of the verb _sit_; _y\u00e4\u2032nakat\u00fc\u2032_, I am sitting down.\n\n _Kai-va_\u2014mountain.\n\n _Kosi_\u2014for _Kosi\u2032ba_.\n\n _Kosi\u2032ba_\u2014dust.\n\n _Kotso\u2032-t\u012dka\u2032ra_\u2014\u201cbuffalo eaters;\u201d the Paiute name for the Bannock.\n Compare _Ko\u2032tso-t\u0115\u2032ka_, a Comanche division.\n\n _Kura\u2032ngwa_\u2014\u201cvery high peak;\u201d applied to Mount Grant, the sacred\n mountain of the Paiute, west of Hawthorne and near the\n southwestern end of Walker lake, Nevada.\n\n _Kwohi\u2032tsauq_ or _\u040cwijau\u2032h_\u2014\u201cbig rumbling belly,\u201d one of the names\n assumed by Wovoka the messiah. It was originally the name of\n his paternal grandfather.\n\n _N\u00e4nig\u00fc\u2032kwa_\u2014the Paiute name of the Ghost dance. The word signifies\n the \u201cdance in a circle;\u201d _n\u00fcka_, a dance.\n\n _Noyo\u2032\u00e4_\u2014to come gliding or creeping; the verb is applied to the\n movement of a snake or of an object which progresses without\n the aid of feet.\n\n _Noyo\u2032wana_\u2014for _Noyo\u2032\u00e4_.\n\n _N\u00fcm\u00e4_\u2014\u201cpeople,\u201d or \u201cIndians,\u201d the name used to designate\n themselves by the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Comanche.\n\n _N\u00fcm\u012d\u2032-na\u0103\u2032_\u2014\u201cour father;\u201d the mythic ancestor of the Paiute.\n\n _N\u00fcv\u00e4_\u2014for _N\u00fcv\u00e4\u2032bi_.\n\n _N\u00fcv\u00e4\u2032bi_\u2014snow.\n\n _N\u00fcv\u00e4\u2032-ri\u2032p\u0103_\u2014snowy earth, snow-covered earth (compound word); from\n _n\u00fcv\u00e4\u2032bi_, snow, and _ri\u2032p\u0103_ or _ti\u2032p\u0103_, earth.\n\n _P\u00e4g\u00fc\u2032n\u00e4v\u00e4_\u2014fog.\n\n _Paiute_ or _Piu\u2032te_\u2014(_Pai-yu\u2032t_) the name by which the _N\u00fcma_ of\n Nevada and the adjacent region are popularly and officially\n known. It has been rendered as \u201ctrue (_pai_) Ute\u201d or \u201cwater\n (_p\u00e4_) Ute.\u201d They themselves pronounce the word in three\n syllables, _Pai-u\u2032-ti_.\n\n +Pai-yu\u2032chim\u016d+\u2014the Hopi name for the Paiute.\n\n +Pai-yu\u2032ts\u012d+\u2014the Navaho name for the Paiute.\n\n +Pal\u016d+\u2014the Washo name for the Paiute.\n\n _P\u00e4s\u00fc\u2032_\u2014for _P\u00e4s\u00fc\u2032bi_.\n\n _P\u00e4s\u00fc\u2032bi_\u2014willow.\n\n +Pavio\u2032tso+\u2014the proper tribal name of the Indians of Walker River\n and Pyramid Lake reservations in Nevada, according to Powell,\n who considers them distinct from the Paiute.\n\n _Pu\u2032i_\u2014for _Pu\u2032igai\u2032-yu_.\n\n _Pu\u2032igai\u2032-yu_\u2014verdant, green (applied to growing plants).\n\n _Ro\u2032r\u0103ni_\u2014an unmeaning word used to fill out the measure of the\n songs.\n\n _Ro\u2032yon_ or _Ro\u2032yonji_\u2014other forms of _Do\u2032yon_.\n\n +Snake Indians+\u2014a name loosely applied to various northern bands\n or tribes of Shoshonean stock, including Paiute, Bannock,\n Shoshoni, and sometimes even the Comanche.\n\n _Sowi\u2032na_\u2014ringing like a bell, roaring.\n\n _S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4_\u2014for _S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4bi_.\n\n _S\u00fb\u2032ng-\u00e4bi_\u2014cottonwood.\n\n _Taivo_\u2014the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Comanche name for a white man.\n See _T\u00e4\u2032vibo_.\n\n _T\u0103kw\u00fb\u2032kwij_\u2014lightning.\n\n _T\u00e4\u2032vibo_\u2014\u201cwhite man,\u201d the father of Wovoka the messiah. The word\n has a connection with _t\u00e4bi_ or _t\u00e4vi_, the sun; _t\u00e4v\u00e4\u2032n\u0103gw\u0103t_,\n the east or sunrise place, and _tai\u2032-vo_, the Shoshoni and\n Comanche name for a white man.\n\n _T\u012d\u2032mbi_ or _T\u012d\u2032mbin_\u2014a rock; another form is _t\u00fcbi_.\n\n _T\u012d\u2032na_\u2014antelope.\n\n _T\u00fbngw\u00fc\u2032kwiji_\u2014for _T\u0103kw\u00fb\u2032kwij_.\n\n _Wai\u2032va_\u2014the sand grass or wild millet of Nevada (_Oryzopsis\n membranacea_). In composition the word becomes _wai_. See\n Paiute song 4.\n\n +Wa\u2032siu+\u2014the name by which the Washo call themselves.\n\n +W\u012d\u2032kiup+\u2014the popular name of the Paiute dwelling, made in conical\n form, about 8 or 10 feet high, and open at the top, of tul\u00e9\n rushes woven over a framework of poles. The word is of\n uncertain origin.\n\n _W\u012d\u2032nogh\u00e4n_\u2014shaken by the wind, waving in the wind.\n\n _Wo\u2032voka_ or _W\u00fc\u2032voka_\u2014\u201cthe cutter,\u201d the proper name of the Paiute\n messiah, known to the whites as Jack Wilson. A few years ago he\n assumed also the name of _Kwohi\u2032tsauq_, \u201cbig rumbling belly,\u201d\n from his paternal grandfather. See chapter +IX+ _ante_.\n\n _W\u00fbbi\u2032doma_\u2014whirlwind, hurricane. _Hi\u2032gw\u0103_, wind;\n _pit\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4gw\u0103-higw\u0103\u2032_, the south wind.\n\n _W\u00fbmbe\u2032doma_\u2014for _W\u00fbbi\u2032doma_.\n\n _W\u00fbmb\u012d\u2032ndom\u00e4n_\u2014for _W\u00fbbi\u2032doma_.\n\n\n THE SIOUX\n\n\n TRIBAL SYNONYMY\n\n _Chahrarat_\u2014Pawnee name (Grinnell).\n\n _Dakota_, _Nakota_, or _Lakota_\u2014proper tribal name, according\n to dialect, \u201callies, friends;\u201d sometimes also they speak of\n themselves as _Oceti Sakowin_, the \u201cseven council fires,\u201d in\n allusion to their seven great divisions.\n\n _Itahatski_\u2014Hidatsa name, \u201clong arrows\u201d (Matthews).\n\n _K\u0314odalp\u00e4-K\u0314i\u00f1ago_\u2014Kiowa name, \u201cnecklace people,\u201d perhaps a\n misconception of neck-cutting people, i. e., beheaders.\n\n _Maranshobishgo_\u2014Cheyenne name, \u201ccut-throats\u201d (Long). The name is\n plainly incorrect, as the Cheyenne language has no _r_.\n\n _Nadowesi_ or _Nadowesiu_\u2014\u201clittle snakes\u201d or \u201clittle enemies,\u201d\n _Nadowe_, \u201csnake\u201d and figuratively \u201cenemy,\u201d being the common\n Algonquian term for all tribes of alien lineage. The Ojibwa\n and others designated the Iroquois, living east of them,\n as _Nadowe_, while the Sioux, living to the west, were\n distinguished as _Nadowesi_ or _Nadowesiu_, whence come\n Nadouessioux and Sioux.\n\n _Natnihina_ or _Natni_\u2014Arapaho name; Hayden gives the form as\n _Natenehina_, which he renders \u201ccut-throats or beheaders,\u201d but\n it may be derived from _Nadowe_, as explained above.\n\n _Niake\u2032tsik\u00fbtk_\u2014Kichai name.\n\n _Pambizimina_\u2014Shoshoni name, \u201cbeheaders.\u201d\n\n _Papitsinima_\u2014Comanche name, \u201cbeheaders,\u201d from _papitsi_,\n signifying to behead, and _n\u012dma_ or _n\u00fcma_, people.\n\n _Shaha\u00f1_\u2014Osage, Kansa, Oto, etc, name (Dorsey).\n\n _Sioux_\u2014popular name, abbreviated from Nadouessioux, the French\n form of their Ojibwa name.\n\n _Tsaba\u2032kosh_\u2014Caddo name, \u201ccut-throats.\u201d\n\n\n TRIBAL SIGN\n\nA sweeping pass of the right hand in front of the neck, commonly\nrendered \u201ccut-throats\u201d or \u201cbeheaders,\u201d but claimed by the Kiowa to\nrefer to a kind of shell necklace formerly peculiar to the Sioux.\n\n\n SKETCH OF THE TRIBE\n\nThe Sioux constitute the largest tribe in the United States, and are\ntoo well known to need an extended description here. Although now\nthought of chiefly as a prairie tribe, their emergence upon the plains\nis comparatively recent, and within the historic period their range\nextended as far eastward as central Wisconsin, from which, and most of\nMinnesota, they have been driven out by the westward advance of the\nOjibwa. There is ground for believing that the true home of the whole\nSiouan stock is not in the west, or even in the central region, but\nalong the south Atlantic slope. (See the author\u2019s _Siouan Tribes of the\nEast_.)\n\nThe Sioux language has three well-marked dialects\u2014the eastern or\nSantee, the middle or Yankton (including the Asiniboin in the north),\nand the western or Teton. The tribe consists of seven great divisions,\neach of which again has or had subdivisions. Dorsey enumerates over one\nhundred in all. Each grand division had its own camping circle, and\nwhen two or more such divisions camped together they usually camped\nin concentric circles. (_Dorsey._) The seven great divisions are: 1.\n_Mde-waka\u00f1-to\u00f1wa\u00f1_ (Medewacanton), \u201cvillage of the Spirit lake;\u201d 2.\n_Waqpekute_ (Wahpacoota), \u201cleaf shooters;\u201d 3. _Waqpeto\u00f1wa\u00f1_ (Wahpeton),\n\u201cleaf village;\u201d 4. _Sisito\u00f1wa\u00f1_ (Sisseton), variously rendered \u201cslimy\nvillage\u201d or \u201cswamp village;\u201d 5. _Ihankto\u00f1wa\u00f1_ (Yankton), \u201cend village;\u201d\n6. _Ihankto\u00f1wa\u00f1na_ (Yanktonais), \u201cupper end village;\u201d 7. _Tito\u00f1wa\u00f1_\n(Teton), \u201cprairie village.\u201d\n\nThe first four divisions collectively are known as Isa\u00f1ati or Santee\nSioux. The name is supposed to be derived from _isa\u00f1_, the dialectic\nword for \u201cknife.\u201d They formerly held Mississippi, Minnesota, and upper\nRed rivers in Minnesota and were afterward gathered on reservations\nat Devils lake, North Dakota; Lake Traverse (Sisseton agency) and\nFlandreau, South Dakota; and Santee agency, Nebraska. Those at Lake\nTraverse and Flandreau have now taken allotments as citizens.\n\nThe Yankton and Yanktonais, together speaking the middle dialect,\noccupied chiefly the country of James river, east of the Missouri, in\nNorth Dakota and South Dakota and extending into Iowa. They are now\non Yankton and Crow Creek reservations in South Dakota, and Fort Peck\nreservation, Montana.\n\nThe Teton constitute more than two-thirds of the whole Sioux tribe, and\nheld nearly the whole country southwest of the Missouri from Cannonball\nriver to the South Platte, extending westward beyond the Black hills.\nThey are all now on reservations in South and North Dakota. They\nare again subdivided into seven principal divisions: 1. _Sicha\u00f1gu_,\n\u201cburnt thighs\u201d (Brul\u00e9s), now on Rosebud reservation; 2. _Ogalala_,\nreferring to \u201cscattering\u201d of dust in the face (Clark), now on Pine\nRidge reservation, under the celebrated chief Red Cloud (_Maqpe-Luta_);\n3. _Hunkpapa_, \u201cthose who camp at the end (or opening) of the camping\ncircle\u201d (Clark), on Standing Rock reservation; 4. _Minika\u00f1zu_,\n\u201cthose who plant by the water,\u201d on Cheyenne River reservation; 5.\n_Itazipko_, \u201cwithout bows\u201d (Sans Arcs), on Cheyenne River reservation;\n6. _Sihasapa_, \u201cblack feet\u201d (not to be confounded with the Blackfoot\ntribe), on Cheyenne River and Standing Rock reservations; 7.\n_Oheno\u00f1pa_, \u201ctwo kettles,\u201d on Cheyenne River and Rosebud reservations.\nAccording to the official report for 1893, the Sioux within the United\nStates number about 23,410, which, with 600 permanently settled in\nManitoba, make the whole population about 24,000 souls.\n\nThe Sioux, under the name of Nadouessi, are mentioned by the Jesuit\nmissionaries as early as 1632. They made their first treaties with\nour government in 1815. The most prominent events in their history\nsince that date have been the treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1825,\nwhich defined their eastern boundary and stopped the westward advance\nof the Ojibwa; the Minnesota massacre of 1862, which resulted in the\nexpulsion of the Sioux from Minnesota; the Sioux war of 1876\u201377,\nlargely consequent on the unauthorized invasion of the Black hills by\nminers, and the chief incident of which was the defeat and massacre\nof an entire detachment under General Custer; the treaty by which the\ngreat reservation was broken up in 1889, and the outbreak of 1890, with\nthe massacre of Wounded Knee.\n\nBy reason of their superior numbers the Sioux have always assumed,\nif not exercised, the lordship over all the neighboring tribes with\nthe exception of the Ojibwa, who, having acquired firearms before the\nSioux, were enabled to drive the latter from the headwaters of the\nMississippi, and were steadily pressing them westward when stopped by\nthe intervention of the United States government. The Sioux in turn\ndrove the Cheyenne, Crow, Kiowa, and others before them and forced\nthem into the mountains or down into the southern prairies. The\neastern bands were sedentary and largely agricultural, but the Teton\nwere solely and preeminently wandering buffalo hunters. All dwelt in\n_tipis_\u2014the word is from the Sioux language\u2014which were of bark in\nthe timber country and of buffalo skins on the plains. In warlike\ncharacter they are probably second only to the Cheyenne, and have an\nair of proud superiority rather unusual with Indians. Clark says of\nthem, \u201cIn mental, moral, and physical qualities I consider the Sioux\na little lower but still nearly equal to the Cheyenne, and the Teton\nare the superior branch of the family.\u201d (_Indian Sign Language_, 345.)\nThe eastern Sioux are now far advanced toward civilization through the\nefforts of teachers and missionaries for over a generation, and the\nsame is true in a less degree of the Yankton, while the majority of the\nTeton are still nearly in their original condition.\n\nI found the Sioux very difficult to approach on the subject of the\nGhost dance. This was natural, in view of the trouble that had\nresulted to them in consequence of it. When I was first at Pine Ridge,\nthe troops still camped there served as a reminder of the conflict,\nwhile in the little cemetery at the agency were the fresh graves of\nthe slain soldiers, and only a few miles away was the Wounded Knee\nbattlefield and the trench where the bodies of nearly three hundred\nof their people had been thrown. To my questions the answer almost\ninvariably was, \u201cThe dance was our religion, but the government sent\nsoldiers to kill us on account of it. We will not talk any more about\nit.\u201d Another reason for their unwillingness was the fact that most\nof the interpreters were from the eastern or Santee portion of the\ntribe, and looked with contempt on the beliefs and customs of their\nmore primitive western brethren, between whom and themselves there was\nin consequence but little friendly feeling. On one occasion, while\nendeavoring to break the ice with one of the initiates of the dance, I\ntold him how willingly the Arapaho had given me information and even\ninvited me to join in the dance. \u201cThen,\u201d said he, \u201cdon\u2019t you find that\nthe religion of the Ghost dance is better than the religion of the\nchurches?\u201d I could not well say yes, and hesitated a moment to frame an\nanswer. He noticed it at once and said very deliberately, \u201cWell, then,\nif you have not learned that you have not learned anything about it,\u201d\nand refused to continue the conversation.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 102+\u2014Native drawings of Ghost dance\u2014A, Comanche;\n B, Sioux]\n\nThe Sioux ghost songs are all in the dialect of the Teton, who took the\nmost active interest in the dance, which was hardly known among the\nbands east of the Missouri. The vocalic character of the language, and\nthe frequent liquid _l_ of this dialect, renders these songs peculiarly\nmusical, while for beauty of idea and expression they are second only\nto those of the Arapaho.\n\n\n SONGS OF THE SIOUX\n\n\n 1. +A\u2032te he\u2032ye e\u2032yayo+\n\n _Opening song_\n\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye e\u2032yayo!\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye e\u2032yayo!\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n Nitu\u2032\u00f1ka\u00f1shi\u2032la wa\u2032\u00f1yegala\u2032ke\u2014kta\u2032 e\u2032yayo\u2032!\n Nitu\u2032\u00f1ka\u00f1shi\u2032la wa\u2032\u00f1yegala\u2032ke\u2014kta\u2032 e\u2032yayo\u2032!\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n Ni\u2032takuye wa\u00f1ye\u2032g\u0103la\u2032ke\u2014kta e\u2032yayo\u2032!\n Ni\u2032takuye wa\u00f1ye\u2032g\u0103la\u2032ke\u2014kta e\u2032yayo\u2032!\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The father says so\u2014_E\u2032yayo!_\n The father says so\u2014_E\u2032yayo!_\n The father says so,\n The father says so.\n You shall see your grandfather\u2014_E\u2032yayo\u2032!_\n You shall see your grandfather\u2014_E\u2032yayo\u2032!_\n The father says so,\n The father says so.\n You shall see your kindred\u2014_E\u2032yayo\u2032!_\n You shall see your kindred\u2014_E\u2032yayo\u2032!_\n The father says so,\n The father says so.\n\nThis is the opening song of the dance. While singing it, all the\ndancers stand motionless with hands stretched out toward the west, the\ncountry of the messiah and the quarter whence the new spirit world is\nto come. When it is ended, all cry together, after which they join\nhands and begin to circle around to the left. \u201cGrandfather,\u201d as well as\n\u201cfather,\u201d is a reverential term applied to the messiah.\n\n\n 2. +Mi\u2032ch\u012d\u2032nkshi na\u00f1pe+\n\n Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi na\u00f1pe ma\u2032yuzaye,\n Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi na\u00f1pe ma\u2032yuzaye,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n Ini\u2032chaghe-kte,\n Ini\u2032chaghe-kte,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n Ch\u0103no\u2032\u00f1pa wa\u2032\u00f1 chi\u2032cha-u\u2032pi,\n\n Ch\u0103no\u2032\u00f1pa wa\u2032\u00f1 chi\u2032cha-u\u2032pi,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2032,\n A\u2032te he\u2032he lo\u2032.\n Cha\u2032-yani\u2032pi-kta\u2032,\n Cha\u2032-yani\u2032pi-kta\u2032,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2032,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My son, let me grasp your hand,\n My son, let me grasp your hand,\n Says the father,\n Says the father.\n You shall live,\n You shall live,\n Says the father,\n Says the father.\n I bring you a pipe,\n I bring you a pipe,\n Says the father,\n Says the father.\n By means of it you shall live,\n By means of it you shall live,\n Says the father,\n Says the father.\n\nThis song refers to the sacred pipe which, according to the Sioux\ntradition, was brought to them by a mysterious young woman from the\nspirit world. The story, as outlined by Captain J. M. Lee, is as\nfollows: In the old times the Sioux were always at war, not only with\nother tribes, but also among themselves. On one occasion two young men\nwere out hunting when they saw a young woman approaching them with\nfolded arms. Seeing that she was not of their own tribe, one proposed\nto the other that they kill her, but he refused and urged that they\nwait until they learned what she wanted. The first speaker, however,\nwas about to kill her as she drew near, when she suddenly stooped down\nand took from around her ankle something resembling an anklet, which\nshe waved about her head. The motion was so rapid that it seemed as\nthough a cloud encircled her for a few moments, when she ceased, and\nthe snake which she had taken from off her ankle glided away through\nthe grass. But the young warrior who had thought to kill her had\ndisappeared, swept from the face of the earth.\n\nTurning now to his companion, she said, \u201cTo you I come as a friend and\nhelper. Your people have been killing each other. I bring you a pipe,\nwhich is a token of peace,\u201d and she held out a pipe as she spoke. \u201cWhen\nyou smoke it your thoughts will be of peace, and no murderer (i. e., no\none who kills a member of his own tribe) must be allowed to smoke it.\u201d\nShe returned with him to his village, where the women prepared for her\nreception a large tipi, to which the chiefs of the tribe came to listen\nto her instructions. She taught them to be at peace with one another,\nif they would be happy, and when they listened to her words and\naccepted her teachings, she gave them the sacred medicine pipe to smoke\nthenceforth in their councils as a perpetual reminder of the peace\ncovenant of the Lakota. Her mission now ended, she said she must leave\nthem, and although they begged her earnestly to stay with them, she\ncould not tarry longer, but disappeared as suddenly and mysteriously as\nshe had come.\n\nA variant of this legend is given by Colonel Mallery in his paper\nin the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, where it is\nillustrated by a colored plate from a picture by the Indian story\nteller. According to this version, the pipe maiden was the mysterious\nwhite Buffalo Cow, and brought, with the pipe, a package of four\ngrains of maize of different colors. This corn sprang from the milk\nwhich dropped from her udder, and was thus, with the flesh of the\nbuffalo itself, appointed from the beginning to be the food of all\nthe red tribes. The seeming snakes about her waist and ankles were\nreally blades of grass (corn?). She taught the people to call her\n\u201cgrandmother,\u201d a reverential title among Indians, and after leading\nthem to her relatives, the buffalo, she faded from their sight as they\nstood gazing at her.\n\nThe pipe holds an important part in the mythology and ritual of almost\nall our tribes, east and west, and no great ceremony is complete and\nno treaty was ever ratified without it. It is generally symbolic of\npeace and truth. As a peace emblem, it was formerly carried by every\nbearer of a friendly message from one tribe to another and was smoked\nin solemn ratification of treaties, the act of smoking being itself\nin the nature of an oath. Among the prairie tribes an individual\naccused of crime is offered the sacred pipe, and if he accepts it and\nsmokes he is declared innocent, as no Indian would dare to smoke it if\nguilty. The ordinary ceremonial pipe of the prairie tribes is made of\nthe red stone, known as catlinite, from the famous pipestone quarry\nin Minnesota in the old country of the Sioux. The peace pipe of the\nCherokee was made of a white stone, somewhat resembling talc, from a\nquarry near Knoxville, Tennessee. It is said to have had seven stem\nholes, emblematic of the seven clans of the Cherokee, and was smoked\nby seven counselors at the same time. In every case the tribe has a\nlegend to account for the origin of the pipe. A flat pipe is the tribal\n\u201cmedicine\u201d of the Arapaho, and is still preserved with the northern\nband in Wyoming. (See Arapaho songs 1 and 2.) Besides the stone pipe,\nthere are also in use pipes of clay or bone, as well as cigarettes,\nbut as a rule no ceremonial character attaches to these. In ceremonial\nsmoking the pipe is passed around the circle of councilors, each of\nwhom takes only a few whiffs and then hands it to his neighbor. Each\none as he receives the pipe offers it first to the sun, holding the\nbowl up toward the sky and saying, \u201cGrandfather, smoke;\u201d then to the\nearth, the fire, and perhaps also to each of the four cardinal points\nand to one or another of their mythologic heroes. Among the Kiowa I\nhave seen a man hold up the pipe to the sky, saying, \u201cSmoke, Sinti\u201d\n(Sinti being their great mythologic trickster), and then in the same\nway, \u201cSmoke, Jesus.\u201d\n\nIn the Ghost dance at Rosebud and Pine Ridge, as usually performed,\na young woman stood in the center of the circle holding out a pipe\ntoward the messiah in the west, and remained thus throughout the dance.\nAnother young woman usually stood beside her holding out a _b\u00e4qati_\nwheel (see Arapaho song 49) in the same way. This feature of the dance\nis said to have been introduced by Short Bull.\n\n\n 3. +He tuwe\u2032cha he+\n\n He tuwe\u2032cha he u echa\u2032ni hwo?\n He tuwe\u2032cha he u echa\u2032ni hwo?\n Hu\u00f1ku oki\u2032le chaya he u hwo?\n Hu\u00f1ku oki\u2032le chaya he u hwo?\n A\u2032te-ye he\u2032ye lo,\n A\u2032te-ye he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Who think you comes there?\n Who think you comes there?\n Is it someone looking for his mother?\n Is it someone looking for his mother?\n Says the father,\n Says the father.\n\nIn this the singer tells how he was greeted by his former friend upon\nentering the spirit world, to which he had gone in search of his mother.\n\n\n 4. +Wana\u2032ya\u00f1 ma\u2032niye+\n\n Wana\u2032ya\u00f1 ma\u2032niye,\n Wana\u2032ya\u00f1 ma\u2032niye.\n Tata\u2032\u00f1ka wa\u00f1 ma\u2032niye,\n Tata\u2032\u00f1ka wa\u00f1 ma\u2032niye,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Now he is walking,\n Now he is walking.\n There is a buffalo bull walking,\n There is a buffalo bull walking,\n Says the father,\n Says the father.\n\nThe maker of this song, in her vision of the spirit world, evidently\nsaw a herd of buffalo, with a bull walking about near them. The form of\nthe verb shows that a woman is supposed to be talking.\n\n\n 5. +Lechel miyo\u2032qa\u00f1-kte+\n\n Lechel miyo\u2032qa\u00f1-kte lo\u2014Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!\n Lechel miyo\u2032qa\u00f1-kte lo\u2014Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!\n Taku maka\u2032 a-icha\u2032gha hena mita\u2032wa-ye lo\u2014Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!\n Taku maka\u2032 a-icha\u2032gha hena mita\u2032wa-ye lo\u2014Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2014Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2014Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!\n E\u2032ya Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!\n E\u2032ya Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n This is to be my work\u2014_Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!_\n This is to be my work\u2014_Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!_\n All that grows upon the earth is mine\u2014_Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!_\n All that grows upon the earth is mine\u2014_Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!_\n Says the father\u2014_Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!_\n Says the father\u2014_Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!\n E\u2032ya Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!\n E\u2032ya Yo\u2032yoyo\u2032!_\n\n\n 6. +Michinkshi\u2032yi tewa\u2032qila che+\n\n Michinkshi\u2032yi tewa\u2032qila che\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n Michinkshi\u2032yi tewa\u2032qila che\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n Oya\u2032te-ye i\u2032nichagha\u2032pi-kta che\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n Oya\u2032te-ye i\u2032nichagha\u2032pi-kta che\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n A\u2032teye he\u2032ye lo,\n A\u2032teye he\u2032ye lo.\n Haye\u2032ye\u2032 E\u2032yayo\u2032yo\u2032!\n Haye\u2032ye\u2032 E\u2032yayo\u2032yo\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n I love my children\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n I love my children\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n You shall grow to be a nation\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n You shall grow to be a nation\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Says the father, says the father.\n _Haye\u2032ye\u2032 E\u2032yayo\u2032yo\u2032! Haye\u2032ye\u2032 E\u2032yayo\u2032yo\u2032!_\n\n\n 7. +Mila ki\u00f1 hiyu\u2032michi\u2032chiyana+\n\n Mila ki\u00f1 hiyu\u2032michi\u2032chiyana,\n Mila ki\u00f1 hiyu\u2032michi\u2032chiyana.\n Wa\u2032waka\u2032bla-kte\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n Wa\u2032waka\u2032bla-kte\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n O\u00f1chi he\u2032ye lo\u2014Yo\u2032yo\u2032!\n O\u00f1chi he\u2032ye lo\u2014Yo\u2032yo\u2032!\n Puye chi\u00f1yi wa\u2032sna wakaghi\u00f1yi\u00f1-kte,\n Puye chi\u00f1yi wa\u2032sna wakaghi\u00f1yi\u00f1-kte,\n O\u00f1chi heye lo\u2014Yo\u2032yo!\n O\u00f1chi heye lo\u2014Yo\u2032yo!\n\n _Translation_\n\n Give me my knife,\n Give me my knife,\n I shall hang up the meat to dry\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n I shall hang up the meat to dry\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Says grandmother\u2014_Yo\u2032yo\u2032!_\n Says grandmother\u2014_Yo\u2032yo\u2032!_\n When it is dry I shall make pemmican,\n When it is dry I shall make pemmican,\n Says grandmother\u2014_Yo\u2032yo!_\n Says grandmother\u2014_Yo\u2032yo!_\n\nThis song brings up a vivid picture of the old Indian life. In her\ntrance vision the old grandmother whose experience it relates came upon\nher friends in the spirit world just as all the women of the camp were\nengaged in cutting up the meat for drying after a successful buffalo\nhunt. In her joy she calls for her knife to assist in the work, and\nsays that as soon as the meat is dry she will make some pemmican.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 103+\u2014Jerking beef.]\n\nIn the old days an Indian camp during the cutting up of the meat after\na buffalo hunt was a scene of the most joyous activity, some faint\nrecollection of which still lingers about ration day at the agency.\nThirty years ago, when a grand hunt was contemplated, preparations\nwere made for days and weeks ahead. Couriers were sent out to collect\nthe neighboring bands at a common rendezvous, medicine-men began\ntheir prayers and ceremonies to attract the herd, the buffalo songs\nwere sung, and finally when all was ready the confederated bands or\nsometimes the whole tribe\u2014men, women, children, horses, dogs, and\ntravois\u2014moved out into the buffalo grounds. Here the immense camp of\nhundreds of tipis was set up, more ceremonies were performed, and\nthe mounted warriors rode out in a body to surround and slaughter the\nherd. The women followed close after them to strip the hides from\nthe fresh carcasses and cut out the choice portion of the meat and\ntallow and bring it into camp. Here the meat was cut into thin strips\nand hung upon frames of horizontal poles to dry, while the tallow\nwas stripped off in flakes. In the dry prairie atmosphere one day is\nusually sufficient to cure the meat, without the aid of salt or smoke.\nWhen thus dried it is known as \u201cjerked beef.\u201d While the meat is fresh,\nfor the first day or two the camp is a scene of constant feasting, the\njuicy steaks or the sweet ribs being kept broiling over the coals in\none tipi or another until far into the night. It is the harvest home\nof the prairie tribes. As soon as the meat is dry, the tipis are taken\ndown and packed into the wagons along with the meat, and one family\nafter another starts for home until in a short time the great camp is a\nthing of the past.\n\nThe jerked beef or venison is commonly prepared for eating by being\nboiled until reasonably tender. In eating, the Indian takes a strip\nthus cooked, dips one end into a soup made by dissolving some salt in\nwarm water, takes the portion thus salted between his teeth, and saws\noff enough for a mouthful with a knife held in his other hand. Between\nmouthfuls he takes bites from a strip of dried tallow placed in the\ndish with the meat.\n\nFor pemmican the jerked beef or other meat is toasted over a fire until\ncrisp and is then pounded into a hash with a stone hammer. In the\nold times a hole was dug in the ground and a buffalo hide was staked\nover so as to form a skin dish, into which the meat was thrown to be\npounded. The hide was that from the neck of the buffalo, the toughest\npart of the skin, the same used for shields, and the only part which\nwould stand the wear and tear of the hammers. In the meantime the\nmarrow bones are split up and boiled in water until all the grease\nand oil come to the top, when it is skimmed off and poured over the\npounded beef. As soon as the mixture cools, it is sewed up into skin\nbags (not the ordinary painted parfl\u00e9che cases) and laid away until\nneeded. It was sometimes buried or otherwise cached. Pemmican thus\nprepared will keep indefinitely. When prepared for immediate use, it is\nusually sweetened with sugar, mesquite pods, or some wild fruit mixed\nand beaten up with it in the pounding. It is extremely nourishing, and\nhas a very agreeable taste to one accustomed to it. On the march it was\nto the prairie Indian what parched corn was to the hunter of the timber\ntribes, and has been found so valuable as a condensed nutriment that\nit is extensively used by arctic travelers and explorers. A similar\npreparation is in use upon the pampas of South America and in the\ndesert region of South Africa, while the canned beef of commerce is an\nadaptation from the Indian idea. The name comes from the Cree language,\nand indicates something mixed with grease or fat. (_Lacombe._)\n\n\n 8. +Le he\u2032yahe\u2032+\n\n Le he\u2032yahe\u2032\u2014Ye\u2032ye!\n Le he\u2032yahe\u2032\u2014Ye\u2032ye!\n Ka\u00f1ghi-ye oya\u2032te-ye cha-ya wao\u00f1 we lo,\n Ka\u00f1ghi-ye oya\u2032te-ye cha-ya wao\u00f1 we lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n This one says\u2014_Ye\u2032ye!_\n This one says\u2014_Ye\u2032ye!_\n I belong indeed to the nation of Crows,\n I belong indeed to the nation of Crows.\n\nThis song may better be rendered, \u201cI am a Crow nation,\u201d i. e., I\nrepresent the nation of Crows, the Crow nation probably typifying the\nspirits of the dead in the other world, as explained in Arapaho song\n36. In several of the ghost songs there occur such expressions as \u201cI am\na Crow,\u201d \u201cthe Crow woman is going home,\u201d etc. Compare Sioux song 18.\n\n\n 9. +Niya\u2032te-ye\u2032 he\u2032uw\u2032e+\n\n Niya\u2032te-ye\u2032 he\u2032uw\u2032e, niya\u2032te-ye\u2032 he\u2032uw\u2032e,\n Wa\u2032\u00f1b\u0103li g\u0103l\u0115\u2032shka wa\u2032\u00f1-ya\u00f1 nihi\u2032youwe,\n Wa\u2032\u00f1b\u0103li g\u0103l\u0115\u2032shka wa\u2032\u00f1-ya\u00f1 nihi\u2032youwe.\n\n _Translation_\n\n It is your father coming, it is your father coming,\n A spotted eagle is coming for you,\n A spotted eagle is coming for you.\n\nThis song probably refers to a transformation trance vision, such as\nis frequently referred to in the ghost songs, where the spirit friend\nsuddenly assumes the form of a bird, a moose, or some other animal.\n\n\n 10. +Miyo\u2032qa\u00f1 ki\u00f1 wa\u00f1la\u2032ki+\n\n Miyo\u2032qa\u00f1 ki\u00f1 wa\u00f1la\u2032ki\u2014Ye\u2032yeye\u2032!\n Miyo\u2032qa\u00f1 ki\u00f1 wa\u00f1la\u2032ki\u2014Ye\u2032yeye\u2032!\n Hena wa\u2032\u00f1lake,\n Hena wa\u2032\u00f1lake,\n Ha\u2032eye\u2032ya he\u2032yeye\u2032,\n Ha\u2032eye\u2032ya he\u2032yeye\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n You see what I can do\u2014_Ye\u2032yeye\u2032!_\n You see what I can do\u2014_Ye\u2032yeye\u2032!_\n You see them, you see them,\n _Ha\u2032eye\u2032ya he\u2032yeye\u2032! Ha\u2032eye\u2032ya he\u2032yeye\u2032!_\n\nIn this song the Father is probably represented as calling his children\nto witness that he has shown them visions of the spirit world and their\ndeparted friends.\n\n\n 11. +Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi mita\u2032waye+\n\n E\u2032yaye\u2032ye\u2032! E\u2032yaye\u2032ye\u2032!\n Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi mita\u2032waye,\n Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi mita\u2032waye.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _E\u2032yaye\u2032ye\u2032! E\u2032yaye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n It is my own child,\n It is my own child.\n\nThe form of the verb indicates that this song was composed by a woman,\nwho had evidently met her dead child in the spirit world.\n\n\n 12. +A\u2032te he\u2032 u-we+\n\n A\u2032te he\u2032 u-we, A\u2032te he\u2032 u-we,\n A\u2032te eya\u2032ya he\u2032 u-we\u2032 lo,\n A\u2032te eya\u2032ya he\u2032 u-we\u2032 lo,\n Ya\u2032nipi-kta\u2032 e\u2032ya u\u2032-we lo,\n Ya\u2032nipi-kta\u2032 e\u2032ya u\u2032-we lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n There is the father coming,\n There is the father coming.\n The father says this as he comes,\n The father says this as he comes,\n \u201cYou shall live,\u201d he says as he comes,\n \u201cYou shall live,\u201d he says as he comes.\n\nThis is a reiteration of the messiah\u2019s promise of eternal life in the\nnew spirit world.\n\n\n 13. +Wa\u2032sna wa\u2032ti\u00f1-kta\u2032+\n\n Wa\u2032sna wa\u2032ti\u00f1-kta\u2032\u2014E\u2032yeye\u2032yeye\u2032!\n Wa\u2032sna wa\u2032ti\u00f1-kta\u2032\u2014E\u2032yeye\u2032yeye\u2032!\n Le\u2032chiya\u2032-ya eya\u2032pi-lo\u2014E\u2032yeye\u2032yeye\u2032!\n Le\u2032chiya\u2032-ya eya\u2032pi-lo\u2014E\u2032yeye\u2032yeye\u2032!\n E\u2032ya he\u2032-ye lo, E\u2032ya he\u2032-ye lo,\n A\u2032te-ye he\u2032ye lo, A\u2032te-ye he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I shall eat pemmican\u2014_E\u2032yeye\u2032yeye\u2032!_\n I shall eat pemmican\u2014_E\u2032yeye\u2032yeye\u2032!_\n They say so, they say so,\n The father says so, the father says so.\n\nFor the explanation of this song reference, see song number 7.\n\n\n 14. +A\u2032te lena ma\u2032qu-we+\n\n A\u2032te lena ma\u2032qu-we\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n A\u2032te lena ma\u2032qu-we\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n Peta wa\u00f1\u2014ya\u00f1ya\u00f1 ma\u2032qu-we\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n Peta wa\u00f1\u2014ya\u00f1ya\u00f1 ma\u2032qu-we\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n A\u2032te ma\u2032qu-we\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n A\u2032te ma\u2032qu-we\u2014Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n It was the father who gave us these things\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n It was the father who gave us these things\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n It was the father who gave us fire\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n It was the father who gave us fire\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The father gave it to us\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The father gave it to us\u2014_Ye\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\nThis was frequently used as the opening song of the Sioux Ghost\ndance. Fire is held in reverence among all Indian tribes as one of\nthe greatest gifts of the Author of Life, and every tribe has a myth\ntelling how it originated and how it was obtained by the people. In\nmost of these myths the fire is represented as being at first in the\npossession of some giant or malevolent monster, from whom it is finally\nstolen by a hero, after a series of trials and difficulties worthy of\nthe heroes of the Golden Fleece.\n\n\n 15. +Ina\u2032 he\u2032kuwo\u2032+\n\n Ina\u2032 he\u2032kuwo\u2032; ina\u2032 he\u2032kuwo\u2032.\n Misu\u2032nkala che\u2032yaya oma\u2032ni-ye,\n Misu\u2032nkala che\u2032yaya oma\u2032ni-ye.\n I\u2032na he\u2032kuwo\u2032; i\u2032na he\u2032kuwo\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Mother, come home; mother, come home.\n My little brother goes about always crying,\n My little brother goes about always crying.\n Mother, come home; mother, come home.\n\nThis touching song was a favorite among the Sioux. It was composed by a\nyoung woman who saw her dead mother in the other world, and on waking\nout of her trance vision implores the mother to come back to them\nagain, as her little brother is forever crying after her.\n\n\n 16. +Wa\u2032na wanasa\u2032pi-kta+\n\n Wa\u2032na wanasa\u2032pi-kta,\n Wa\u2032na wanasa\u2032pi-kta.\n \u016c\u00f1chi\u2032 ita\u2032zipa michu\u2032-ye,\n \u016c\u00f1chi\u2032 ita\u2032zipa michu\u2032-ye,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo, a\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Now they are about to chase the buffalo,\n Now they are about to chase the buffalo,\n Grandmother, give me back my bow,\n Grandmother, give me back my bow,\n The father says so, the father says so.\n\nThe author of this song, in his trance vision of the spirit world, sees\nhis old-time friends about to start on a buffalo hunt, and calls to his\ngrandmother to give him back his bow, so that he may join them. The\nform, \u201cgive it back to me,\u201d is intended to show how far remote is the\nold life of the Indians, before they used the guns and other things\nof the white man. The last line has no particular connection with the\nrest, except as a common refrain of the ghost songs.\n\n\n 17. +He\u2032! kii\u2032\u00f1ya\u00f1ka a\u2032gali\u2032-ye+\n\n He\u2032! kii\u2032\u00f1ya\u00f1ka a\u2032gali\u2032-ye,\n He\u2032! kii\u2032\u00f1ya\u00f1ka a\u2032gali\u2032-ye,\n Wa\u00f1! le\u2032chiya wanasa\u2032pi-kta\u2032 keya\u2032pi lo,\n Wa\u00f1! le\u2032chiya wanasa\u2032pi-kta\u2032 keya\u2032pi lo,\n Wa\u00f1hi\u2032nkpe ka\u2032gha-yo!\n Wa\u00f1hi\u2032nkpe ka\u2032gha-yo!\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo, A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _He!_ They have come back racing,\n _He!_ They have come back racing,\n Why, they say there is to be a buffalo hunt over here,\n Why, they say there is to be a buffalo hunt over here,\n Make arrows! Make arrows!\n Says the father, says the father.\n\nThis song may be considered supplementary to the last. In the old\ntimes, when going on a buffalo hunt, it was customary among the Sioux\nto send out a small advance party to locate the herd. On finding it,\nthese men at once returned at full gallop to the main body of hunters,\nbut instead of stopping on reaching them they dashed past and then\nturned and fell in behind. It is to this custom that the first line\nrefers. The author of the song, on waking up in the spirit world, sees\nthe scouting party just dashing in with the news of the presence of the\nbuffalo. Everyone at once prepares to join the hunt and \u201cthe father\u201d\ncommands him to make (or get ready) his arrows and go with them.\n\n\n 18. +Mi\u2032ye wa\u00f1ma\u2032ya\u00f1ka-yo+\n\n Mi\u2032ye wa\u00f1ma\u2032ya\u00f1ka-yo!\n Mi\u2032ye wa\u00f1ma\u2032ya\u00f1ka-yo!\n Ka\u2032\u00f1ghi oya\u2032te wa\u00f1 cha\u00f1ku\u2032 waka\u2032ghe lo,\n Ka\u2032\u00f1ghi oya\u2032te wa\u00f1 cha\u00f1ku\u2032 waka\u2032ghe lo,\n Yani\u2032pi-kta\u2032-cha, yani\u2032pi-kta\u2032-cha.\n Kola he\u2032ye lo, kola he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Look at me! Look at me!\n I make a road for one of the Crow nation (?),\n I make a road for one of the Crow nation (?).\n You shall live indeed, you shall live indeed.\n Our friend says so, our friend says so.\n\nThe idea of this song is somewhat similar to that of number 8. It has\nno reference to the Crow Indians. As has been already explained, the\ncrow is symbolic of the spirit world, and when the \u201cfriend\u201d\u2014the father\nor messiah\u2014declares that he makes a road for one of the Crow nation he\nmeans that he has prepared the way for the return of their friends who\nare gone before.\n\n\n 19. +Maka\u2032 sito\u2032maniya\u00f1+\n\n Maka\u2032 sito\u2032maniya\u00f1 ukiye,\n Oya\u2032te uki\u2032ye, oya\u2032te uki\u2032ye,\n Wa\u2032\u00f1bali oya\u2032te wa\u00f1 hoshi\u2032hi-ye lo,\n Ate heye lo, ate heye lo,\n Maka o\u2032wa\u00f1cha\u2032ya uki\u2032ye.\n Pte ki\u00f1 ukiye, pte ki\u00f1 ukiye,\n Ka\u00f1ghi oya\u2032te wa\u00f1 hoshi\u2032hi-ye lo,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo, a\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The whole world is coming,\n A nation is coming, a nation is coming,\n The Eagle has brought the message to the tribe.\n The father says so, the father says so.\n Over the whole earth they are coming.\n The buffalo are coming, the buffalo are coming,\n The Crow has brought the message to the tribe,\n The father says so, the father says so.\n\nThis fine song summarizes the whole hope of the Ghost dance\u2014the return\nof the buffalo and the departed dead, the message being brought to the\npeople by the sacred birds, the Eagle and the Crow. The eagle known as\n_wa\u00f1\u2032bali_ is the war eagle, from which feathers are procured for war\nbonnets.\n\n\n 20. +Le\u2032na wa\u2032ka\u00f1+\n\n Le\u2032na wa\u2032ka\u00f1 waka\u2032gha-che,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo, a\u2032te he\u2032ye lo,\n O\u2032g\u0103le ki\u00f1ha\u00f1 waka\u00f1 waka\u2032gha-che,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo, a\u2032te he\u2032ye lo,\n Ch\u0103no\u00f1\u2032pa ki\u00f1 waka\u2032gha-che,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo, a\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n It is I who make these sacred things,\n Says the father, says the father.\n It is I who make the sacred shirt,\n Says the father, says the father.\n It is I who made the pipe,\n Says the father, says the father.\n\nThis song refers to the sacred pipe (see Sioux song 2 and Arapaho song\n2) and the ghost shirt.\n\n\n 21. +Miyo\u2032qa\u00f1 ki\u00f1 chichu\u2032-che+\n\n Miyo\u2032qa\u00f1 ki\u00f1 chichu\u2032-che,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2032, a\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2032,\n O\u2032g\u0103le ki\u00f1 ni\u2032niye\u2032-kta,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2032, a\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Verily, I have given you my strength,\n Says the father, says the father.\n The shirt will cause you to live,\n Says the father, says the father.\n\nThis song also refers to the ghost shirt, which was supposed to make\nthe wearer invulnerable.\n\n\n 22. +Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi tahe\u2032na+\n\n Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi tahe\u2032na ku\u2032piye,\n Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi tahe\u2032na ku\u2032piye,\n Mako\u2032che wa\u00f1 washte aya\u2032g\u0103li\u2032pi-kte,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2032, a\u2032te he\u2032ye lo\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My child, come this way,\n My child, come this way.\n You will take home with you a good country,\n Says the father, says the father.\n\nThis song may refer to the vision of the new earth, which the messiah\nshowed to the Sioux delegates when they visited him. (See page 797.)\nThe first line means literally \u201creturn in this direction,\u201d the\nimperative form used being between a command and an entreaty.\n\n\n 23. +Wana wich\u0115\u2032shka+\n\n Wana wich\u0115\u2032shka a\u2032ti-ye,\n Wana wich\u0115\u2032shka a\u2032ti-ye.\n Wihu\u2032ta oho\u2032m\u0103ni, wihu\u2032ta oho\u2032m\u0103ni,\n Oka\u2032ta\u00f1na, oka\u2032ta\u00f1na,\n Koya\u00f1 wowa\u2032hi\u00f1-kte,\n Koya\u00f1 wowa\u2032hi\u00f1-kte.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Now set up the tipi,\n Now set up the tipi.\n Around the bottom,\n Around the bottom,\n Drive in the pegs,\n Drive in the pegs.\n In the meantime I shall cook,\n In the meantime I shall cook.\n\nThe form of the verb _oka\u2032ta\u00f1na_ shows that it is a woman speaking,\neven if we did not learn this from the context. To those who know the\nIndian life it brings up a vivid picture of a prairie band on the\nmarch, halting at noon or in the evening. As soon as the halt is called\nby some convenient stream, the women jump down and release the horses\nfrom the wagons (or the travois in the old times, and hobble them to\nprevent them wandering away. Then, while some of the women set up the\ntipi poles, draw the canvas over them, and drive in the pegs around\nthe bottom and the wooden pins up the side, other women take axes and\nbuckets and go down to the creek for wood and water. When they return,\nthey find the tipis set up and the blankets spread out upon the grass,\nand in a few minutes fires are built and the meal is in preparation.\nThe woman who composed the song evidently in her vision accompanied her\nformer friends on such a march.\n\n\n 24. +A\u2032te mi\u2032chuye+\n\n A\u2032te mi\u2032chuye,\n A\u2032te mi\u2032chuye,\n Wa\u00f1hi\u2032nkpe mi\u2032chuye,\n Wa\u00f1hi\u2032nkpe mi\u2032chuye,\n A\u2032hiye, a\u2032hiye.\n Wa\u2032sna wa\u2032ti\u00f1kte,\n Wa\u2032sna wa\u2032ti\u00f1kte.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Father, give them to me,\n Father, give them to me,\n Give me my arrows,\n Give me my arrows.\n They have come, they have come.\n I shall eat pemmican,\n I shall eat pemmican.\n\nThe maker of this song, while in the spirit world, asks and receives\nfrom the Father some of the old-time arrows with which to kill buffalo,\nso that he may once more feast upon pemmican.\n\n\n 25. +Ha\u00f1pa wecha\u2032ghe+\n\n Ha\u00f1pa wecha\u2032ghe,\n Ha\u00f1pa wecha\u2032ghe,\n Tewa\u2032qila-la he,\n Tewa\u2032qila-la he.\n Wa\u2032\u00f1bleni\u2032chala he kaye lo,\n Wa\u2032\u00f1bleni\u2032chala he kaye lo,\n Toke\u2032cha wa\u2032\u00f1wegalaki\u2032\u00f1-kte,\n Toke\u2032cha wa\u2032\u00f1wegalaki\u2032\u00f1-kte,\n Nihu\u2032\u00f1 ko\u00f1 he he\u2032ye lo,\n Nihu\u2032\u00f1 ko\u00f1 he he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I made moccasins for him,\n I made moccasins for him,\n For I love him,\n For I love him.\n To take to the orphan,\n To take to the orphan.\n\n Soon I shall see my child,\n Soon I shall see my child,\n Says your mother,\n Says your mother.\n\nThis song evidently relates the trance vision of a mother who saw her\nchild in the spirit world, and expresses the hope that she may soon be\nreunited with him. In accordance with the custom of the Ghost dance,\nit is probable that she made a pair of moccasins to give him when next\nthey met, and that she carried them in the dance as she sang.\n\n\n 26. +Waka\u2032\u00f1ya\u00f1 i\u00f1ya\u2032\u00f1ki\u00f1-kte+\n\n Waka\u2032\u00f1ya\u00f1 i\u00f1ya\u2032nki\u00f1-kte,\n Waka\u2032\u00f1ya\u00f1 i\u00f1ya\u2032nki\u00f1-kte,\n Cha\u00f1g\u0103le\u2032shka wa\u00f1 luza\u2032ha\u00f1 i\u00f1ya\u2032\u00f1ki\u00f1-kte,\n Cha\u00f1g\u0103le\u2032shka wa\u00f1 luza\u2032ha\u00f1 i\u00f1ya\u2032\u00f1ki\u00f1-kte,\n Wa\u00f1wa\u2032yag upo, wa\u00f1wa\u2032yag upo,\n A\u2032te he\u2032ye lo, a\u2032te he\u2032ye lo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The holy (hoop) shall run,\n The holy (hoop) shall run,\n The swift hoop shall run,\n The swift hoop shall run.\n Come and see it,\n Come and see it,\n Says the father,\n Says the father.\n\nThis song refers to the game wheel and sticks (_b\u00e4\u2032qati_, Arapaho)\nalready described in the Arapaho songs. It is said that the\nmedicine-man of Big Foot\u2019s band carried such a hoop with him in their\nflight from the north, and displayed it in every dance held by the band\nuntil the fatal day of Wounded Knee. A similar hoop was carried and\nhung upon the center tree at the dance at No Water\u2019s camp near Pine\nRidge. To the Indian it symbolizes the revival of the old-time games.\n\n\n SIOUX GLOSSARY\n\n _A\u2032g\u0103li_ (_-ye_)\u2014they have returned; _waku_, I am returning or\n coming home; _wagali\u2032_, I have returned.\n\n _Ahi\u2032_ (_-ye_)\u2014they have come; _wa-u\u2032_, I come; _hi_, he has come.\n\n _A-icha\u2032gha_\u2014growing upon; from _kagha_, to grow or spring up.\n\n _A\u2032te_ or _Ate-ye_\u2014father; _ate ki\u00f1_, the father; _ate-mita_, my\n father; _ni\u2032-ate_, your father; _at-kuku_, his or her father.\n _Ye_ is a syllable sometimes added to fill in the meter.\n\n _Ati\u2032-ye_\u2014set up the tipi; here _ye_ is the imperative suffix.\n\n _Aya\u2032g\u0103li\u2032pi-kte_\u2014you (plural) will take home with you, you will\n bring back with you; from _awa\u2032g\u0103le_, I take it home.\n\n _Cha\u00f1g\u0103le\u2032shka_\u2014a hoop; the _b\u00e4\u2032qati_ hoop. See Sioux song 26, and\n Arapaho songs.\n\n _Cha\u00f1ku\u2032_\u2014road, trail.\n\n _Ch\u0103no\u2032\u00f1pa_\u2014pipe; _o\u2032\u00f1pa_, to smoke; _cha\u2032\u00f1-li_, tobacco.\n\n _Cha-yani\u2032pi-kta_\u2014you (plural) will live; from _ni\u2032wa-u\u00f1_, I live,\n I go about alive; the regular form is _Yanipi-kta_ q. v.\n\n _Cheya\u2032ya_\u2014he is constantly crying. _Wa-che\u2032y\u0103_, I cry; the final\n _ya_ implies repetition or habit.\n\n _Chi\u2032cha-u\u2032pi_\u2014I bring it to you (plural). _Chicha_ implies I to\n thee, or I mean thee; _u_ implies _come_, from _wa-u_, I come;\n _pi_ is the plural participle, and with _chicha_ implies I\n bring it to you, or I come with it to you.\n\n _Chichu\u2032-ch\u0115_\u2014I give it to you, indeed; _waku\u2032_, I give it to him;\n _ch\u0115_ conveys the idea of verily or indeed. Compare _Maqu\u2032-we_.\n\n _Chi\u00f1yi_\u2014for _Ki\u00f1hi\u00f1_, when, when it is so.\n\n _Echani_\u2014you think so about it; _echa\u2032mi_, I think; _echa\u2032ni hwo_,\n who do you think?\n\n _Eya!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Eya_\u2014he says; _epa_, I say. _Eya\u2032ya_, he reiterates, he says\n again; _e\u2032yahe_, _eya\u2032pi_, they say.\n\n _E\u2032yahe_\u2014another form of _eya_, he says, q. v.\n\n _Eya\u2032pi_\u2014they say. Compare _Eya_.\n\n _Eya\u2032ya_\u2014he reiterates, he says again. The final _ya_ implies\n repetition. Compare _Eya_.\n\n _E\u2032yaye\u2032ye!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _E\u2032yayo\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs to fill in\n the measure.\n\n _E\u2032yeye\u2032yeye!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _G\u0103le\u2032shka_\u2014spotted.\n\n _Ha\u2032eye\u2032ya!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Ha\u00f1pa_\u2014moccasin.\n\n _Ha\u2032yeye\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _He_\u2014(1) an exclamation, look! look here! (2) an interrogative\n particle, after the sentence; (3) the demonstrative \u201cthat.\u201d\n\n _H\u0115ku\u2032wo_\u2014come home now, return home at once; _wa-u_, I come; _he_,\n a prefix implying now, or directly.\n\n _He\u2032na_\u2014those, plural of _he_, that.\n\n _He\u2032uw\u0115_\u2014that is he coming; from _he_, that; _u_, coming; and _w\u0115_,\n the feminine particle.\n\n _Heyahe (-ye)_\u2014he says that, he says this; _ye_ is usually the\n female suffix. Compare _He\u2032ye_.\n\n _He\u2032ye_\u2014he says.\n\n _He\u2032yeye\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Hiyumichi\u2032chiya\u2032na_\u2014hand me my own; _na_, the female imperative\n particle.\n\n _Hoshi\u2032hi (-ye)_\u2014he has arrived with a message; he has brought a\n message; from _hoshi\u2032_, to tell news, to carry a message.\n\n _H\u00fb\u00f1ku_\u2014his mother; _in\u00fb\u2032\u00f1_, mother.\n\n _Hwo_\u2014an interrogative sign, used by a man; a woman says _wi_.\n\n _Ina\u2032_\u2014mother; my mother.\n\n _Ini\u2032chaghapi-kte_\u2014you (plural) will grow or live. Compare\n _Inichaghe-kte_.\n\n _Inichaghe-kte_\u2014you (singular) will grow, i. e., you will live;\n _icha\u2032ghehe_, it is growing.\n\n _I\u00f1ya\u00f1ki\u00f1-kte_\u2014it shall run; from _i\u00f1ya\u00f1ka_, to run.\n\n _Ita\u2032zipa_\u2014a bow (to shoot with).\n\n _Ka\u2032gha-yo_\u2014make them; _waka\u2032ghe_, I make it; _yo_, an imperative\n particle.\n\n _Ka\u00f1ghi\u2032_\u2014a crow.\n\n _Kaye_\u2014another form of _kaya_, to take to one.\n\n _Keya\u2032pi_\u2014they say that, they say it; _epa_, to say.\n\n _Kii\u2032\u00f1ya\u00f1ka_\u2014racing; from _i\u00f1ya\u00f1ka_, to run; the prefix _ki_\n implies a contest or emulation.\n\n _Ki\u00f1_\u2014the.\n\n _Ki\u00f1ha\u00f1_\u2014explained as another form of _ki\u00f1_; the ordinary meaning\n is _when_ or _if_.\n\n _Ko\u2032la_\u2014friend.\n\n _Ko\u00f1_\u2014that (demonstrative); it sometimes conveys the idea of\n \u201caforesaid.\u201d\n\n _Ko\u2032ya\u00f1_\u2014in the meantime.\n\n _Ku\u2032pi-ye_\u2014you will return.\n\n _Lechel_\u2014thus, in this way; from _le_, this.\n\n _Lechi\u2032ya_\u2014over here in this place; from _le_, this.\n\n _Lena_\u2014these things; from _le_, this.\n\n _Lo_\u2014an emphatic or euphonic particle used at the end of a phrase\n or sentence; it may be described as an emphatic or euphonic\n period. _Lo_ is used by men, _ye_ by women.\n\n _Lu\u2032zaha\u00f1_\u2014swift.\n\n _Maka\u2032_\u2014earth, the earth.\n\n _Mako\u2032che_\u2014a country.\n\n _Mani\u2032ye_\u2014he walks (habitual); _mawani_, I walk; the suffix _ye_\n usually denotes a female speaker.\n\n _Maq\u2032pe-Luta_\u2014Red Cloud, the noted chief of the Ogalala Teton Sioux\n at Pine Ridge; from _maqpi\u2032ya_, a cloud, and _luta_, red.\n\n _Maqu\u2032-we_\u2014he gave to me, indeed; from _waku\u2032_, I give it; _we_ is\n an emphatic particle. Compare _Chichu\u2032-ch\u0115_.\n\n _Ma\u2032yuza (-ye)_\u2014grasp it with me, let me grasp it.\n\n _Mich\u012d\u2032nkshi (-yi)_\u2014my son, my offspring; _ch\u012dnksh_, son.\n\n _Mi\u2032chu (-ye)_\u2014give it back to me.\n\n _Mila_\u2014knife.\n\n _Misu\u2032\u00f1kala_\u2014my little brother. _Mi_, my; _la_, the diminutive.\n\n _Mita\u2032w\u0103_ or _Mita\u2032waye_\u2014it is mine, from _mi_, I, my, and _taw\u0103_,\n it belongs.\n\n _Mi\u2032ye_\u2014I, myself, me.\n\n _Miyo\u2032qa\u00f1_\u2014my power, my work. Compare _Miyo\u2032qa\u00f1-kte_.\n\n _Miyo\u2032qa\u00f1-kte_\u2014it will be my work, my power, the way I shall do;\n from _mi_, my; _o\u2032qa\u00f1_, action, work, strength, and _kte_, the\n future suffix.\n\n _Na\u00f1pe_\u2014hand; _mi-na\u2032\u00f1pe_, my hand.\n\n _Nihi\u2032youw\u0115_\u2014he is coming for you; from the root _u_, to come; _w\u0115_\n is the feminine particle, which shows that a woman is speaking.\n\n _Nihu\u2032\u00f1_\u2014your (singular) mother.\n\n _Niniye\u2032-kta_\u2014it will cause you to live; _miye\u2032_, to come to live;\n _ni_, in composition, you, your; _kta_, the future suffix.\n\n _Nita\u2032kuye_\u2014your kindred; _mita\u2032kuye_, my relative.\n\n _Nitu\u2032\u00f1ka\u00f1shi\u2032la_\u2014your grandfather; _mitu\u2032\u00f1ka\u00f1shi\u2032la_, my\n grandfather. The final _la_ is a euphonic diminutive.\n\n _Niya\u2032te_\u2014for _Ni-a\u2032te_, your father.\n\n _O\u2032g\u0103le_\u2014shirt, coat.\n\n _Oho\u2032m\u0103ni_\u2014around, round about.\n\n _Oka\u2032ta\u00f1na_\u2014drive it in, drive them in (as nails or tipi pegs);\n _na_ is the female imperative particle.\n\n _Oki\u2032le_\u2014looking for its own; _owa\u2032le_, I look for it; _owa\u2032kile_,\n I look for my own.\n\n _Oma\u2032ni (-ye)_\u2014walking around, going about.\n\n _O\u00f1chi_\u2014grandmother.\n\n _O\u2032wa\u00f1cha\u2032ya_\u2014all over, everywhere.\n\n _Oya\u2032te_\u2014tribe, nation.\n\n _Peta_\u2014fire.\n\n _Pte_\u2014buffalo (generic), buffalo cow.\n\n _Puze_ or _Puza_\u2014dry.\n\n _Shaie\u2032la_ or _Shaie\u2032na_\u2014\u201cred,\u201d i. e., \u201calien;\u201d the Sioux name for\n the Cheyenne. The root of the word is _sha_, red, with _la_ or\n _na_, the diminutive, frequently used merely for euphony.\n\n _Sitom\u0103ni-ya\u00f1_\u2014everybody, all over, everywhere.\n\n _Tahe\u2032na_\u2014on this side, this way, in this direction.\n\n _Ta\u2032ku_\u2014something, whatever.\n\n _Tata\u00f1ka_\u2014a buffalo bull; _pte_, a buffalo cow, or a buffalo\n (generic).\n\n _Tewa\u2032qi\u2032la_ or _Tewa\u2032qila-la_\u2014I love him; the final _la_ is a\n diminutive or endearing particle, sometimes added to verbs as\n well as to nouns.\n\n _Tipi_\u2014a tent, a house; from, _ti_, to dwell or abide.\n\n _Toke\u2032cha_\u2014soon, before long.\n\n _Tuwe\u2032-cha_\u2014who indeed? who can it be? _tu\u2032we_, who?\n\n _U_\u2014coming; _wa-u_, I come.\n\n _Uki\u2032ye_\u2014they are coming; _wa\u2032-u_, I come.\n\n _U\u00f1chi\u2032_\u2014grandmother, my grandmother.\n\n _Upo_\u2014you come (plural imperative); from _wa\u2032-u_, I come.\n\n _U-we_\u2014coming, as he comes; see _u_; _we_ is another form of _ye_,\n an emphatic or euphonic particle.\n\n _Wa\u2032chipi_\u2014a dance.\n\n _Wa\u2032ka\u00f1_\u2014sacred, mysterious, sacred thing.\n\n _Waka\u2032gha-ch\u0115_\u2014it is I who made it, I made it indeed. The particle\n _ch\u0115_ conveys the idea of indeed, verily.\n\n _Waka\u2032ghe_\u2014I make it.\n\n _Wakaghi\u2032\u00f1yi\u00f1-kte_\u2014I shall make it; _waka\u2032ghe_, I make it.\n\n _Waka\u2032\u00f1ya\u00f1_\u2014sacredly, mysteriously; from _wa\u2032ka\u00f1_, sacred,\n mysterious.\n\n _Wa\u00f1_\u2014a.\n\n _Wa\u00f1!_\u2014look! see! why!\n\n _Wana_\u2014now.\n\n _Wana\u2032ghi_\u2014ghost, spirit of the dead.\n\n _Wana\u2032ghi wa\u2032chipi_\u2014Ghost dance, from _wana\u2032ghi_, ghost, or spirit\n of the dead, and _wa\u2032chipi_, a dance.\n\n _Wanasa\u2032pi_\u2014see _Wanasa\u2032pi-kta_.\n\n _Wanasa\u2032pi-kta_\u2014they will chase buffalo, they are about to chase\n buffalo; from _wana\u2032sa_, to hunt game by surrounding and\n shooting it. _Kta_ or _kte_ is the future sign.\n\n _Wa\u00f1bale\u2032nichala_\u2014a little orphan; from _wa\u2032\u00f1b\u0103le\u2032nicha_, an orphan.\n\n _Wa\u2032\u00f1b\u0103li_\u2014eagle, the war eagle.\n\n _Wa\u00f1hi\u2032nkpe_\u2014arrow, arrows.\n\n _Wa\u00f1-la\u2032ki_\u2014you see it; _wa\u00f1b\u0103la\u2032ki_, I see it.\n\n _Wa\u00f1ma\u2032ya\u00f1ka-yo_\u2014look at me! _wa\u00f1b\u0103la\u2032ka_, I see it; _yo_, the\n imperative suffix.\n\n _Wa\u2032o\u00f1 we_\u2014I am in that condition, I am it; _we_ is the feminine\n suffix.\n\n _Wa\u00f1wayag_\u2014to see it. Compare _Wa\u00f1ma\u2032ya\u00f1ka-yo_.\n\n _Wa\u00f1we\u2032gala\u2032ki\u00f1-kte_\u2014I shall see my own. Compare _Wa\u00f1ma\u2032ya\u00f1ka-yo_.\n\n _Wa\u00f1ya\u00f1_\u2014for _wa\u00f1_, a (the article).\n\n _Wa\u00f1yegalake-kta_\u2014you (plural) shall see your own; from\n _wa\u00f1b\u0103la\u2032ki_, I see it. _Kte_ or _kta_ is the future suffix.\n\n _Washte\u2032_\u2014good.\n\n _Wa\u2032sna_\u2014pemmican. See Sioux song 7.\n\n _Wati\u2032\u00f1-kte_\u2014I shall eat; _wawa\u2032te_, I eat.\n\n _Wawa\u2032kabla-kte_\u2014I shall spread out the meat to dry; _ka\u2032bla_, to\n spread out meat for drying.\n\n _Wa\u2032yana_\u2014now; another form of _wana_.\n\n _We_\u2014an emphatic suffix particle equivalent to verily or indeed.\n\n _Wecha\u2032ghe_\u2014I made them for him.\n\n _Wich\u0115\u2032shka_\u2014a tipi; the word literally means only the opening at\n the top of the tipi.\n\n _Wihu\u2032ta_\u2014the bottom of a tipi.\n\n _Wowa\u2032hi\u00f1-kte_\u2014I shall cook; _wowa\u2032ha\u00f1_, I cook (generic).\n\n _Yanipi-kta_\u2014you (plural) will live; from _ni\u2032wa-u\u00f1_, I am alive.\n\n _Ya\u00f1ya\u00f1_\u2014an unmeaning word used in the songs to fill up the measure.\n\n _Ye_\u2014an emphatic, imperative, or precatory particle or suffix,\n usually spoken by a woman. In the songs it seems frequently to\n be used merely for euphony.\n\n _Ye\u2032ye!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Yoyoyo_\u2014ibid.\n\n\n THE KIOWA AND KIOWA APACHE\n\n\n KIOWA TRIBAL SYNONYMY\n\n _Be\u2032sh\u012dltch\u0103_\u2014Kiowa Apache name, meaning unknown.\n\n _Caygua_\u2014Spanish form, from their proper name, _Kaigwu_.\n\n _Gahe\u2032wa_\u2014Wichita and Kichai name; another form of Kiowa.\n\n _K\u00e2\u2032igw\u016d_\u2014\u201creal or principal people,\u201d proper tribal name.\n\n _Kai-w\u0103_\u2014Comanche and Caddo name; from their proper name, _Kaigwu_.\n\n _Kiowa_\u2014popular name, a corruption of the name used by themselves.\n\n _Kw\u016d\u2019da_\u2014\u201cgoing out;\u201d old name formerly used by the Kiowa for\n themselves.\n\n _\u00d1\u012d\u2032chihin\u0115\u2032na_\u2014\u201criver men,\u201d Arapaho name; so called because they\n formerly lived on upper Arkansas river, from which the Arapaho\n claim to have driven them.\n\n _Tepda_\u2014\u201ccoming out,\u201d \u201cissuing;\u201d another old name formerly used by\n the Kiowa for themselves.\n\n _Witap\u00e4\u2032hat_ or _Witap\u00e4\u2032tu_\u2014Cheyenne name, from their Sioux name,\n _Witap\u00e4h\u00e4\u2032tu_.\n\n _Wi\u2032tap\u00e4h\u00e4\u2032tu_\u2014\u201cisland butte people\u201d (?), Sioux name.\n\n\n KIOWA TRIBAL SIGN\n\nThe Kiowa tribal sign indicates \u201chair cut off at right ear,\u201d in\nallusion to a former custom of the warriors. From a careless habit in\nmaking this sign it has sometimes been wrongly interpreted to mean\n\u201cfoolish,\u201d or \u201crattle-brain.\u201d\n\n\n SKETCH OF THE KIOWA\n\nSo far as present knowledge goes, the Kiowa constitute a distinct\nlinguistic stock; but it is probable that more material will enable\nus to prove their connection with some tribes farther north, from\nwhich direction they came. They are noticed in the Spanish records as\nearly at least as 1732. Their oldest tradition, which agrees with the\nconcurrent testimony of the Shoshoni and Arapaho, locates them about\nthe junction of Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin forks, at the extreme\nhead of Missouri river, in the neighborhood of the present Virginia\nCity, Montana. They afterward moved down from the mountains and formed\nan alliance with the Crow, with whom they have since continued on\nfriendly terms. From here they drifted southward along the base of\nthe mountains, driven by the Cheyenne and Arapaho. About 1840 they\nmade peace with the latter tribes, with which they have since commonly\nacted in concert. The Sioux claim to have driven them out of the Black\nhills, and in 1805 they were reported as living upon the North Platte.\nAccording to the Kiowa account, when they first reached Arkansas river\nthey found their passage opposed by the Comanche, who claimed all the\ncountry to the south. A war followed, but peace was finally concluded,\nwhen the Kiowa crossed over to the south side of the Arkansas and\nformed a confederation with the Comanche, which continues to the\npresent day. In connection with the Comanche they carried on a constant\nwar upon the frontier settlements of Mexico and Texas, extending their\nincursions as far south at least as Durango. Among all the prairie\ntribes they were noted as the most predatory and bloodthirsty, and have\nprobably killed more white men in proportion to their numbers than\nany of the others. They made their first treaty with the government\nin 1837, and were put upon their present reservation jointly with the\nComanche and Apache in 1868. Their last outbreak was in 1874\u201375, in\nconnection with the Comanche, Apache, and Cheyenne. While probably\nnever very numerous, they have been greatly reduced by war and disease.\nTheir last terrible blow came in the spring of 1892, when the measles\ndestroyed over 300 of the three confederated tribes. Their present\nchief is _Gu\u2032i-p\u00e4\u2032go_, Lone Wolf. They occupy the same reservation\nwith the Comanche and Apache, between Washita and Red rivers, in\nsouthwestern Oklahoma, and numbered 1,017 in 1893.\n\nThe Kiowa do not have the gentile system, and there is no restriction\nas to intermarriage among the divisions. They have six tribal\ndivisions, including the Apache associated with them, who form a\ncomponent part of the Kiowa camping circle. A seventh division, the\n_K\u0314u\u0103to_, is now extinct. The tribal divisions in the order of the\ncamping circle are:\n\n1. _K\u0314a\u2032ta_\u2014\u201cbiters,\u201d i. e., Arikara or Ree; so called, not because of\nArikara origin, but because they were more intimate with that tribe in\ntrade and otherwise when the Kiowa lived in the north.\n\n2. _Ko\u2032\u201bgu\u2032i_\u2014\u201celks.\u201d\n\n3. _K\u00e2\u2032igw\u016d_\u2014\u201cKiowa proper.\u201d This is the oldest division, to which\nbelongs the keeping of the medicine tipi, in which is the grand\nmedicine of the tribe.\n\n4. _Ki\u00f1ep_\u2014\u201cbig shields.\u201d This is the largest division in the tribe and\nof corresponding importance.\n\n5. _Sem\u00e4t_\u2014\u201cthieves,\u201d the Apache.\n\n6. _Ko\u00f1t\u00e4\u2032lyui_\u2014\u201cblack boys.\u201d Sometimes also called _Si\u2032ndiyu\u2032i_,\n\u201cSindi\u2019s children.\u201d Said to be of darker color than the rest of the\ntribe, which, if true, might indicate a foreign origin. Sindi is the\ngreat mythic hero of the Kiowa.\n\n7. _K\u0314u\u2032ato_\u2014\u201cpulling up from the ground or a hole.\u201d An extinct\ndivision, speaking a slightly different dialect, and exterminated\nby the Sioux in one battle about the year 1780. On this occasion,\naccording to tradition, the Kiowa were attacked by an overwhelming\nforce of Sioux and prepared to retreat, but the chief of the K\u0314uato\nexhorted his people not to run, \u201cbecause, if they did, their relatives\nin the other world would not receive them.\u201d So they stood their ground\nand were killed, while the others escaped. Their place in the tribal\ncamp circle is not known.\n\n[Illustration: +Fig. 104+\u2014Kiowa camping circle.]\n\nIn the annual sun dance and in other great tribal gatherings the\nseveral divisions camped in the order shown in figure 104.\n\nAlthough brave and warlike, the Kiowa are considered inferior in most\nrespects to the Comanche. In person they are dark and heavily built,\nforming a marked contrast to the more slender and brighter-complexioned\nprairie tribes farther north. Their language is full of choking and\nnasal sounds, and is not well adapted to rhythmic composition, for\nwhich reason they frequently used the Arapaho songs in the Ghost\ndance, without any clear idea of the meaning or correct pronunciation,\nalthough they have quite a number of songs of their own.\n\n\n THE KIOWA APACHE\n\nA small tribe of Athapascan stock, calling themselves _Na\u2032-isha_ or\n_Na-di\u2032isha-de\u2032na_, and popularly known as Apache or Kiowa Apache,\nhas been associated with the Kiowa as far back as the traditions of\neither tribe go. While retaining their distinct language, they nearly\nall speak and understand Kiowa and form a component part of the Kiowa\ncamping circle. In dress and general habits of life they are in no way\ndistinguishable. They have come from the north with the Kiowa, and\nare mentioned under the name of Cataka as living in the Black-hills\ncountry in 1805. La Salle speaks of them under the name of Gattacka as\nearly as 1681. There is no reason to suppose that they ever formed a\npart of the Apache proper of Arizona and New Mexico, but are probably,\nlike the Sarsi, a distinct Athapascan people who have always lived\neast of the mountains, and who, having been obliged by weakness of\nnumbers to unite themselves with a stronger tribe, have since shared\ntheir migratory fortunes southward along the plains. The Na-isha are\ncalled _Ga\u2032taqka_ by the Pawnee and sometimes by the Wichita; _Cataka_\nby Lewis and Clark, in 1805; _Kataka_ in their first treaty with the\ngovernment, made jointly with the Kiowa in 1837; _Ta\u2032sh\u012dn_ by the\nComanche; _G\u012dn\u00e4\u2032s_ by the Wichita; _Ka\u2032ntsi_, \u201cdeceivers,\u201d by the\nCaddo; _K\u012dri\u2032n\u0103h\u012ds_ by the Kichais; _Tha\u201bkahin\u0115\u2032na_, \u201cknife-whetting\nmen (?)\u201d by the Arapaho, and _M\u00fbtsi\u0103n\u0103t\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2032_, \u201cwhetstone people,\u201d\nby the Cheyenne. They have several names among the Kiowa, but are\ncommonly known by them as _Sem\u00e4t_, \u201cthieves.\u201d Other Kiowa names for\nthem are _Tagu\u2032i_, of unknown meaning, and _Sa\u2032d\u0103lso\u2032mte-k\u0314i\u00f1ago_,\n\u201cweasel people.\u201d The tribal sign for them, as for the Apache, Lipan,\nand Navaho, conveys the idea of \u201cknife whetters.\u201d In 1891 they numbered\n325. In 1893 they had been reduced, chiefly by an epidemic of measles,\nto 224.\n\nMore extended information in regard to the Kiowa and Kiowa Apache\nwill be given in the author\u2019s memoir, \u201cCalendar History of the Kiowa\nIndians,\u201d now in preparation for the Bureau of Ethnology.\n\n\n SONGS OF THE KIOWA\n\n\n 1. +Da\u2032ta-i so\u2032da\u2032te+\n\n Da\u2032ta-i so\u2032da\u2032te,\n Da\u2032ta-i so\u2032da\u2032te.\n Do\u2032m ez\u00e4\u2032nteda\u2032te,\n Do\u2032m ez\u00e4\u2032nteda\u2032te.\n De\u2032\u012dmh\u00e4\u2032date,\n De\u2032\u012dmh\u00e4\u2032date.\n Be\u2032a\u201bma\u2032nh\u00e4yi\u2032,\n Be\u2032a\u201bma\u2032nh\u00e4yi\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The father will descend,\n The father will descend.\n The earth will tremble,\n The earth will tremble.\n Everybody will arise,\n Everybody will arise.\n Stretch out your hands,\n Stretch out your hands.\n\nThis is a summary of the Ghost dance doctrine, closing with an\ninvocation to all present to stretch out their hands toward the west\nand pray to the Father to hasten his coming.\n\n\n 2. +Da\u2032k\u0314\u2032\u00f1ago (\u012dm) z\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal+\n\n Da\u2032k\u0314i\u2032\u00f1ago (\u012dm) z\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal,\n Da\u2032k\u0314i\u2032\u00f1ago (\u012dm) z\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal,\n De\u2032dom ez\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal,\n De\u2032dom ez\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal.\n De\u2032\u012dmgo (\u00e4-)d\u00e4\u2032tode\u2032yo\u2032,\n De\u2032\u012dmgo (\u00e4-)d\u00e4\u2032tode\u2032yo\u2032.\n De\u2032beko\u2032dats\u00e4\u2032,\n De\u2032beko\u2032dats\u00e4\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The spirit army is approaching,\n The spirit army is approaching,\n The whole world is moving onward,\n The whole world is moving onward.\n See! Everybody is standing watching,\n See! Everybody is standing watching.\n Let us all pray,\n Let us all pray.\n\nIn this song the verb _\u012dmz\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal_ implies that the spirits are\ncoming on like an army or like a great herd of animals. The termination\n_he\u2032dal_ implies that it is a matter of report or common belief and not\nof personal knowledge.\n\n\n 3. +Gu\u2032ato \u00e4d\u00e2\u2032ga+\n\n Gu\u2032ato \u00e4d\u00e2\u2032ga ny\u00e4\u2032ongu\u2032m,\n Gu\u2032ato \u00e4d\u00e2\u2032ga ny\u00e4\u2032ongu\u2032m,\n Go\u2032mt\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 \u00e4tso\u2032dals\u00e2\u2032dal,\n Go\u2032mt\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 \u00e4tso\u2032dals\u00e2\u2032dal.\n \u00c4\u2032ny\u00e4\u201bg\u00e2lo\u2032nte,\n \u00c4\u2032ny\u00e4\u201bg\u00e2lo\u2032nte.\n T\u00e4\u2032lyi \u012dmh\u00e4\u2032go,\n T\u00e4\u2032lyi \u012dmh\u00e4\u2032go.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I scream because I am a bird,\n I scream because I am a bird,\n I bellow like a buffalo,\n I bellow like a buffalo.\n The boy will rise up,\n The boy will rise up.\n\nThis song was composed by Pa-guadal, \u201cRed Buffalo,\u201d at a Ghost dance\nheld on Walnut creek in the summer of 1893, under the direction of\nthe prophet Pa-i\u00f1gya (see page 907), for the purpose of resurrecting\nRed Buffalo\u2019s son, who had recently died. Pa-i\u00f1gya assured the people\nthat if they held the dance as he directed, the dead boy would rise\nup alive from the ground before their eyes. In the dance Red Buffalo\nbecame \u201ccrazy\u201d and composed this song. In his trance he evidently\nimagined himself a bird. His father was one of the \u201cbuffalo doctors,\u201d\nor surgeons of the tribe, who are under the special protection of the\nbuffalo and whose war cry is an imitation of the bellowing of a buffalo\nbull. Red Buffalo claims to have inherited his father\u2019s knowledge;\nhence his assertion that he bellows like a bull. The boy was not\nresurrected.\n\n\n 4. +Da\u2032ta-i ny\u00e4\u2032ho\u0103nga\u2032mo+\n\n \u00c4\u2032h\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032! \u00c4\u2032h\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032!\n E\u2032h\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032! E\u2032h\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032!\n Da\u2032ta-i ny\u00e4\u2032ho\u0103nga\u2032mo,\n Da\u2032ta-i ny\u00e4\u2032ho\u0103nga\u2032mo.\n \u00c4de\u2032tepo\u2032nb\u00e4,\n \u00c4de\u2032tepo\u2032nb\u00e4,\n \u00c4\u2032gu\u0103npo\u2032nb\u00e4,\n \u00c4\u2032gu\u0103npo\u2032nb\u00e4.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _\u00c4\u2032h\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032! \u00c4\u2032h\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032!\n E\u2032h\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032! E\u2032h\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032!_\n The father shows me the road,\n The father shows me the road.\n I went to see my friends,\n I went to see my friends,\n I went to see the dances,\n I went to see the dances.\n\nThe composer of this song went, in her trance, to the other world,\nled by the Father, who pointed out the way, and saw there her former\nfriends and joined them in the dance.\n\n\n 5. +Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032a bate\u2032y\u00e4+\n\n Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032a bate\u2032y\u00e4,\n Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032a bate\u2032y\u00e4.\n Gu\u0103to ton ny\u00e4\u00e2mo,\n Gu\u0103to ton ny\u00e4\u00e2\u2032mo.\n \u00c4hi\u00f1\u2032\u00e4ih ny\u00e4\u00e2\u2032mo,\n \u00c4hi\u00f1\u2032\u00e4ih ny\u00e4\u00e2\u2032mo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The spirit (God) is approaching,\n The spirit (God) is approaching.\n He is going to give me a bird tail,\n He is going to give me a bird tail.\n He will give it to me in the tops of the cottonwoods,\n He will give it to me in the tops of the cottonwoods.\n\nThe \u201cbird tail\u201d refers to the feathers (_wakuna_, Arapaho) worn on the\nheads of the dancers (figure 91). The song is peculiar in implying that\nthe recipient must climb up into the tree tops to obtain it.\n\n\n 6. +Na\u2032da\u2032g \u00e4ka\u2032na+\n\n Hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115\u2032heye\u2032 \u00c4ho\u2032ho\u2032!\n Hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115\u2032heye\u2032 \u00c4ho\u2032ho\u2032!\n Na\u2032da\u2032g \u00e4ka\u2032na,\n Na\u2032da\u2032g \u00e4ka\u2032na,\n De\u2032gy\u00e4go\u2032mga da\u2032ts\u00e4\u2032to,\n De\u2032gy\u00e4go\u2032mga da\u2032ts\u00e4\u2032to.\n \u00c4o\u2032\u00f1yo, \u00c4o\u2032\u00f1yo.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _Hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115\u2032heye\u2032 \u00c4ho\u2032ho\u2032!\n Hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115\u2032heye\u2032 \u00c4ho\u2032ho\u2032!_\n Because I am poor,\n Because I am poor,\n I pray for every living creature,\n I pray for every living creature.\n _\u00c4o\u2032\u00f1yo! \u00c4o\u2032\u00f1yo!_\n\nAlthough the words of this song do not contain much meaning, the tune\nis one of the best among the Kiowa ghost songs. The introductory line\ngives somewhat the effect of Comanche song 1. The last line is supposed\nto be a prayer or entreaty to the messiah, and is an imitation of the\nKiowa funeral wail.\n\n\n 7. +Ze\u2032b\u00e4t-g\u00e2\u2032ga igu\u2032\u0103npa\u2032-ima\u2032+\n\n Ze\u2032b\u00e4t-g\u00e2\u2032ga igu\u2032\u0103npa\u2032-ima\u2032,\n Ze\u2032b\u00e4t-g\u00e2\u2032ga igu\u2032\u0103npa\u2032-ima\u2032.\n B\u00e4l\u00e4\u2032g\u00e2 na\u2032ta\u2032d\u0103lgo\u2032ma,\n B\u00e4l\u00e4\u2032g\u00e2 na\u2032ta\u2032d\u0103lgo\u2032ma.\n T\u00e4\u2032lyi\u0103 be\u2032`pe\u2032te,\n T\u00e4\u2032lyi\u0103 be\u2032`pe\u2032te.\n\n _Translation_\n\n He makes me dance with arrows,\n He makes me dance with arrows.\n He calls the bow my father,\n\n He calls the bow my father.\n Grandmother, persevere,\n Grandmother, persevere.\n\nThis song embodies the Ghost-dance idea of a return to the old Indian\nthings. The expression, \u201cHe calls the bow my father,\u201d is worthy of an\noriental poet. The last line is a general exhortation to the women to\npersevere or \u201cpush hard\u201d in the dance.\n\n\n 8. +Be\u2032ta! To\u2032ngy\u00e4-gu\u2032ad\u0103l+\n\n Be\u2032ta! To\u2032ngy\u00e4-gu\u2032ad\u0103l \u00e4to\u2032tl-e\u2032dal,\n Be\u2032ta! To\u2032ngy\u00e4-gu\u2032ad\u0103l \u00e4to\u2032tl-e\u2032dal.\n B\u00e4\u2032ate\u2032\u00f1yi, B\u00e4\u2032ate\u2032\u00f1yi.\n Da\u2032te gy\u00e4ko\u2032m \u00e4\u2032omhe\u2032d\u0103l,\n Da\u2032te gy\u00e4ko\u2032m \u00e4\u2032omhe\u2032d\u0103l.\n\n _Translation_\n\n Now I understand! Red Tail has been sent,\n Now I understand! Red Tail has been sent.\n We cry and hold fast to him,\n We cry and hold fast to him.\n He was made to live a long time,\n He was made to live a long time.\n\nThis song was made by Mary Zo\u00f1tom, a woman who speaks very fair\nEnglish, and refers to a young man named _To\u2032ngy\u00e4-gu\u2032adal_, Red Tail,\nwho used to go into frequent trances. The expression \u201che was sent\u201d\nimplies that he is a recognized messenger to the spirit world, while\n\u201cwe hold fast to him\u201d is equivalent to \u201cwe have faith in him.\u201d\n\n\n 9. +Da\u2032ta\u2032-i \u00e4nka\u2032\u00f1go\u2032na+\n\n Da\u2032ta\u2032-i \u00e4nka\u2032\u00f1go\u2032na,\n Da\u2032ta\u2032-i \u00e4nka\u2032\u00f1go\u2032na.\n Da\u2032m\u00e2nh\u00e4\u2032go, Da\u2032m\u00e2nh\u00e4\u2032go.\n Ka\u2032ante dam\u00e2nh\u00e4\u2032go,\n Ka\u2032ante dam\u00e2nh\u00e4\u2032go.\n\n _Translation_\n\n My father has much pity for us,\n My father has much pity for us.\n I hold out my hands toward him and cry,\n I hold out my hands toward him and cry.\n In my poverty I hold out my hands toward him and cry,\n In my poverty I hold out my hands toward him and cry.\n\n\n 10. +Da\u2032ta-i i\u00f1ka\u2032\u00f1t\u00e4he\u2032dal+\n\n \u00c4h\u00e4\u2032y\u00e4 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032,\n \u00c4h\u00e4\u2032y\u00e4 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032.\n Da\u2032ta-i i\u00f1ka\u2032\u00f1t\u00e4he\u2032dal.\n A\u201bda\u2032ta\u2032-i d\u00e4\u2032sa,\n \u00c4\u201bda\u2032ta\u2032-i m\u00e2\u2032ns\u00e2\u2032dal,\n \u00c4\u201bda\u2032ta\u2032-i to\u2032\u00f1s\u00e2\u2032dal,\n \u00c4\u201bda\u2032ta\u2032-i o\u2032mda.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _\u00c4h\u00e4\u2032y\u00e4 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032,\n \u00c4h\u00e4\u2032y\u00e4 Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032._\n My father has had pity on me.\n I have eyes like my father\u2019s,\n I have hands like my father\u2019s,\n I have legs like my father\u2019s,\n I have a form like my father\u2019s.\n\n\u201cSo God created man in his own image.\u201d\n\n\n 11. +Dak`i\u00f1\u2032ago \u00e4ho\u2032\u00e4he\u2032dal+\n\n Dak`i\u00f1\u2032ago \u00e4ho\u2032\u00e4he\u2032dal,\n Dak`i\u00f1\u2032ago \u00e4ho\u2032\u00e4he\u2032dal.\n G\u00e2\u2032dal-g\u00e2\u2032ga \u00e4ho\u2032\u00e4he\u2032dal,\n G\u00e2\u2032dal-g\u00e2\u2032ga \u00e4ho\u2032\u00e4he\u2032dal.\n Do\u2032m-g\u00e2\u2032ga \u00e4ho\u2032\u00e4he\u2032dal,\n Do\u2032m-g\u00e2\u2032ga \u00e4ho\u2032\u00e4he\u2032dal.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The spirit host is advancing, they say,\n The spirit host is advancing, they say.\n They are coming with the buffalo, they say,\n They are coming with the buffalo, they say.\n They are coming with the (new) earth, they say,\n They are coming with the (new) earth, they say.\n\n\n 12. +E\u2032hyu\u2032\u00f1i degi\u2032\u0103ta+\n\n[Music]\n\n E\u2032hyu\u00f1\u2032i degi\u2032\u0103ta,\n E\u2032hyu\u00f1\u2032i degi\u2032\u0103ta.\n Ts\u00e4\u2032hop \u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032he\u2032dal,\n Ts\u00e4\u2032hop \u00e4\u2032\u00e4\u2032he\u2032dal.\n Na de\u201bgu\u2032\u0103nta, de\u201bgu\u2032\u0103nta; Na de\u201bgu\u2032\u0103nta, de\u201bgu\u2032\u0103nta;\n G\u00e2\u2032dal-gu\u00f1 t`a\u00f1\u2032gya deo\u2032ta,\n G\u00e2\u2032dal-gu\u00f1 t`a\u00f1\u2032gya deo\u2032ta.\n Go\u2032 dehi\u2032\u00e4ta, dehi\u2032\u00e4ta,\n Go\u2032 dehi\u2032\u00e4ta, dehi\u2032\u00e4ta.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I am mashing the berries,\n I am mashing the berries.\n They say travelers are coming on the march,\n They say travelers are coming on the march.\n I stir (the berries) around, I stir them around;\n I take them up with a spoon of buffalo horn,\n I take them up with a spoon of buffalo horn,\n And I carry them, I carry them (to the strangers),\n And I carry them, I carry them (to the strangers).\n\nThis song gives a pretty picture of the old Indian home life and\nhospitality. In her dream the woman who composed it imagines herself\ncooking fruit, when the word comes that travelers are approaching, the\nverb implying that they are on the march with their children, dogs,\nand household property. She stirs the berries around a few times more,\nlifts them out with a spoon of buffalo horn, and goes to offer them to\nthe strangers. The translation is an exact paraphrase of the rhythmic\nrepetition of the original. The berry called _eyhu\u00f1\u2032i_, \u201cprincipal or\nbest fruit,\u201d is not found in the present country of the Kiowa, but is\nremembered among the pleasant things of their old home in the north. It\nis described as a species of cherry.\n\n\n 13. +Go\u2032mgy\u00e4-da\u2032ga+\n\n Go\u2032mgy\u00e4-da\u2032ga,\n Go\u2032mgy\u00e4-da\u2032ga,\n Do\u2032 ny\u00e4\u2032z\u00e4\u2032ngo,\n Do\u2032 ny\u00e4\u2032z\u00e4\u2032ngo,\n Go\u2032 da\u2032gya i\u00f1h\u00e4\u2032po,\n Go\u2032 da\u2032gya i\u00f1h\u00e4\u2032po.\n\n _Translation_\n\n That wind, that wind\n Shakes my tipi, shakes my tipi,\n And sings a song for me,\n And sings a song for me.\n\nTo the familiar this little song brings up pleasant memories of the\nprairie camp when the wind is whistling through the tipi poles and\nblowing the flaps about, while inside the fire burns bright and the\nsong and the game go round.\n\n\n 14. +Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032a daka\u2032\u00f1t\u00e4he\u2032dal+\n\n Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032a daka\u2032\u00f1t\u00e4he\u2032dal,\n Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032a daka\u2032\u00f1t\u00e4he\u2032dal.\n Tsi\u2032s\u00fbs-\u00e4 daka\u2032\u00f1t\u00e4he\u2032dal,\n Tsi\u2032s\u00fbs-\u00e4 daka\u2032\u00f1t\u00e4he\u2032dal.\n Da\u2032gya ny\u00e4pa\u2032de,\n Da\u2032gya ny\u00e4pa\u2032de.\n Da\u2032gya i\u00f1at\u00e4\u2032gyi,\n Da\u2032gya i\u00f1at\u00e4\u2032gyi.\n\n _Translation_\n\n God has had pity on us,\n God has had pity on us.\n Jesus has taken pity on us,\n Jesus has taken pity on us.\n He teaches me a song,\n He teaches me a song.\n My song is a good one,\n My song is a good one.\n\nIn their confounding of aboriginal and Christian ideas the Kiowa\nfrequently call the Indian messiah \u201cJesus,\u201d having learned the latter\nas a sacred name through the whites.\n\n\n 15. +Anso\u2032 gy\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032to+\n\n[Music]\n\n Anso\u2032 gy\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032to,\n Anso\u2032 gy\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032to;\n \u00c2\u2032dalte\u2032m ga\u2032t\u00e4\u2032dalto\u2032-o\u2032,\n \u00c2\u2032dalte\u2032m ga\u2032t\u00e4\u2032dalto\u2032-o\u2032;\n \u00c4n\u012dmh\u00e4\u2032go, \u00c4n\u012dmh\u00e4\u2032go.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I shall cut off his feet,\n I shall cut off his feet;\n I shall cut off his head,\n I shall cut off his head;\n He gets up again, he gets up again.\n\nThis is one of the favorite Kiowa ghost songs and refers to the\nmiraculous resurrection of the dismembered buffalo, according to the\npromise of the messiah, as related in Sword\u2019s narrative. See page 797.\n\n\n KIOWA GLOSSARY\n\n _\u00c4\u00e4he\u2032dal_\u2014they are coming, it is said (_\u00e4\u00e4\u2032_, I come); the suffix\n _hedal_ implies a report.\n\n _\u00c4d\u00e2\u2032ga_\u2014because I am; the suffix _ga_ gives the idea of because.\n\n _\u00c2\u2032daltem_\u2014head; literally hair bone, i. e., skull; from _\u00e2\u2032dal_,\n hair, and _tem_, bone.\n\n _\u00c4dalto\u2032yui_\u2014\u201cyoung mountain sheep,\u201d literally \u201cherders\u201d or\n \u201ccorralers,\u201d one of the degrees of the Kiowa military\n organization. Also called _Te\u00f1beyu\u2032i_. (See Arapaho song 43.)\n\n _\u00c4\u201b\u2032data\u2032i_\u2014like my father, resembling my father; from _data\u2032-i_,\n father, my father.\n\n _\u00c4d\u00e4\u2032tode\u2032yo\u2032_\u2014he is standing watching it; _\u00e4d\u00e4\u2032tode_, I stand\n watching it.\n\n _\u00c4de\u2032tepo\u2032nb\u00e4_\u2014I went to see my friends; _\u00e4de\u2032teponb\u00e4ta_, I am\n going, etc; _de\u2032te_, friend.\n\n _\u00c4gu\u0103npo\u2032nb\u00e4_\u2014I went to see dancing; _\u00e4gu\u2032anponb\u00e4\u2032ta_, I am going\n to see a dance; _guan_, a dance.\n\n _\u00c4h\u00e4y\u00e4\u2032_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _\u00c4\u2032hi\u00f1-aih_\u2014in the tops of the cottonwood; from _\u00e4\u2032hi\u00f1_,\n cottonwood, and _aih_, in or on the tree tops.\n\n _Aho\u2032\u00e4he\u2032dal_\u2014they are approaching, it is said (as a family on the\n move, or an army on the march, with household goods, etc); the\n suffix _hedal_ implies a report or rumor. _\u00c4ho\u2032\u00e4_, I am coming\n on, with my family and possessions. Compare _Imz\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal_.\n\n _\u00c4ho\u2032ho!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _\u00c4hy\u00e4\u2032to_\u2014the Kiowa name for the Arapaho, meaning unknown. The\n Kiowa call the wild plum by the same name.\n\n _\u00c4ka\u2032na_\u2014for _\u00c4ka\u2032on_, q. v.\n\n _\u00c4ka\u2032on_\u2014I am poor. The words for \u201crich\u201d and \u201cpoor\u201d refer rather\n to reputation and mental and moral qualities than to temporal\n possessions. A man may own many horses, but if he has no war\n record he is accounted poor.\n\n _\u00c4n\u012dmh\u00e4\u2032go_\u2014he gets up again, he rises again. _Deh\u00e4\u2032go_, I rise;\n _beh\u00e4\u2032_, get up; _\u012dmh\u00e4\u2032go_, he will get up.\n\n _Anka\u00f1\u2032gona_\u2014he pities us much; _gy\u00e4ka\u00f1\u2032ti_, it is a pity. Compare\n _I\u00f1ka\u00f1\u2032t\u00e4he\u2032dal_.\n\n _Anso_\u2014feet; _anso\u2032i_, foot.\n\n _\u00c4\u2032ny\u00e4\u2032g\u00e2lo\u2032nte_\u2014I bellow like a buffalo (habitual); _ny\u00e4o\u2032nto_, I\n am bellowing like a buffalo.\n\n _\u00c4omhe\u2032dal_\u2014he was made so; _\u00e4o\u2032mdatso\u2032ha_, I am made so, I am\n rendered thus.\n\n _\u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1_\u2014\u201cwooden stabber, or lance;\u201d the name of a Kiowa sent by\n his tribe as a delegate to the messiah in 1890.\n\n _Asa\u2032tito\u2032la_\u2014\u201che whom we send to work,\u201d i. e., \u201cthe messenger;\u201d\n the name by which the Kiowa prophet, _Bi\u2032\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i_, is now known.\n\n _\u00c4to\u2032tl-e\u2032dal_\u2014he was sent; _gy\u00e4to\u2032_, I send him.\n\n _\u00c4tso\u2032dals\u00e2\u2032dal_\u2014I have wings (attached); from _tsodal_, wing.\n\n _B\u00e4\u2032ate\u00f1\u2032yi_\u2014we cry and hold fast to him; _gy\u00e4te\u00f1\u2032ta_, I cry and\n hold fast to him.\n\n _B\u00e4te\u2032y\u00e4_\u2014he is approaching; _\u00e4ba\u2032tey\u00e4_, I am approaching. Compare\n _Imz\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal_.\n\n _Be\u2032a\u201bm\u00e2\u2032nh\u00e4yi_\u2014stretch out your (plural) hands in entreaty.\n _Dea\u2032\u201bm\u00e2nh\u00e4\u2032go_, I stretch out, etc; _bea\u2032\u201bm\u00e2nh\u00e4_, stretch out\n your (singular vocative), etc.\n\n _Be\u2032d\u0103lgu\u2032at_\u2014another Kiowa name for the Wichita; signifying\n \u201cpainted or tattooed lips;\u201d from _bedal_, lips or mouth, and\n _guat_, painted, tattooed, or written. See _Do\u201bgu\u2032at_.\n\n _Be\u2032d\u0103lpago_\u2014\u201chairy mouths;\u201d one of the Kiowa names for the whites;\n from _bedal_, lips or mouth, _pa_, downy hair or fuzz, and _go_\n or _gua_, the tribal terminal. Compare _Ta\u201bka\u2032-i_.\n\n _Beta!_\u2014an exclamation about equivalent to I see, I understand.\n\n _Bi\u2032\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i_\u2014\u201ceating man,\u201d \u201ceater,\u201d a Kiowa prophet and medicine-man;\n also known as _Asa\u2032tito\u2032la_, \u201cthe messenger.\u201d\n\n _Botk\u0314i\u00f1\u2032ago_\u2014the Kiowa name for the _A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115\u2032na_ or Arapaho\n Grosventres. The name signifies \u201cbelly people;\u201d from _bot_,\n belly or stomach, and _k\u0314i\u00f1ago_, people, from _k\u0314i\u00f1ahi_, \u201cman.\u201d\n\n _D\u00e4-e\u2032dal_\u2014\u201cgreat star;\u201d from _d\u00e4_, star, and _e\u2032dal_, great; one\n of the Kiowa names for the morning star. It is more commonly\n called _T\u2019ai\u00f1so_, \u201cthe cross.\u201d (See Arapaho song 72.)\n\n _Da\u2032gya_\u2014a song.\n\n _Daka\u00f1\u2032\u00e4the\u2032dal_\u2014another form of _I\u00f1ka\u00f1\u2032t\u00e4he\u2032dal_, q. v.\n\n _Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032a_\u2014spirit, God; plural _dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032ago_; from _da-i_, medicine,\n mystery, and _k\u0314i\u00f1a_ or _k\u0314i\u00f1ahi_, man.\n\n _Dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032ago_\u2014spirits, the spirits; spirit, God, _dak\u0314i\u00f1\u2032a_.\n\n _Da\u2032m\u00e2nh\u00e4\u2032go_\u2014for _Dea\u2032\u201bm\u00e2nh\u00e4\u2032go_.\n\n _D\u00e4sa_\u2014I have eyes; _d\u00e4_, _t\u2019\u00e4_, eye.\n\n _Da\u2032ta-i_\u2014father.\n\n _Da\u2032te_\u2014a long time.\n\n _Da\u2032teka\u00f1_\u2014\u201ckeeps his name always,\u201d a Kiowa prophet about 1881, who\n undertook to bring back the buffalo.\n\n _Dats\u00e4\u2032to_\u2014I pray for them; _n\u012d\u2032ndats\u00e4\u2032to_, I pray for him.\n\n _Dea\u2032\u201bm\u00e2nh\u00e4\u2032go_\u2014I hold out my hands toward him in entreaty. Compare\n _Be\u2032a\u201bm\u00e2\u2032nh\u00e4yi_.\n\n _De\u2032beko\u2032dats\u00e4_\u2014let us all pray or worship, we must all pray or\n worship; _deda\u2032ts\u00e4to_, I pray.\n\n _De\u2032dom_\u2014all the world; from _dom_, the earth, and _de_, all,\n complete.\n\n _Degi\u2032\u0103ta_\u2014I am mashing or pounding it.\n\n _De\u201bgu\u2032\u0103nta_\u2014I stir it around.\n\n _De\u2032gy\u00e4go\u2032mga_\u2014every living creature; the prefix _de_ conveys the\n idea of every or all.\n\n _Dehi\u2032\u00e4ta_\u2014I take it.\n\n _De\u2032\u012dmgo_\u2014look, everybody! See, everybody around! The prefix _de_\n gives the idea of everybody or all.\n\n _De\u2032\u012dmh\u00e4\u2032date_\u2014everybody will arise; from _deh\u00e4_, I rose up from\n a reclining position. The prefix _de_ gives the idea of\n everybody, all, or completeness, according to context.\n\n _Deo\u2032ta_\u2014I lift it up, I raise it.\n\n _Do\u2032_\u2014tipi.\n\n _Do\u201bgu\u2032at_\u2014the Kiowa name for the Wichita, signifying \u201cpainted\n or tattooed faces,\u201d from _dob\u00e4_, face, and _gu\u2032at_, painted,\n engraved, or written.\n\n _Dom_\u2014the earth.\n\n _Dom-g\u00e4ga_\u2014with the earth; _g\u00e2ga_, with, in composition.\n\n _Eh\u00e4\u2032eho\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _E\u2032h\u00e4y\u00e4!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _E\u2032hyu\u00f1i_\u2014\u201cprincipal, real, or best fruit;\u201d a berry, probably a\n dwarf cherry, described as a black grape-like fruit growing in\n clusters on bushes from 4 to 6 feet high, in the Sioux country.\n It was eaten raw or mixed with pemmican.\n\n _E\u2032manki\u2032na_\u2014\u201ccan\u2019t hold it,\u201d a Kiowa policeman, now dead, seen by\n Asatitola in a vision.\n\n _E\u2032\u201bpeya_\u2014\u201cafraid of him,\u201d a Kiowa warrior who died while a\n prisoner at Fort Marion, Florida, about 1875.\n\n _Ez\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal_\u2014it is approaching, they say. Compare\n _Imz\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal_.\n\n _Ez\u00e4\u2032nteda\u2032te_\u2014it will shake, or tremble (impersonal).\n\n _G\u00e2\u2032dal-g\u00e2\u2032ga_\u2014with the buffalo; _g\u00e2ga_, with, in composition;\n _g\u00e2dal_, buffalo, generic; _pa_, a buffalo bull.\n\n _G\u00e2\u2032dal-gu\u00f1_\u2014a buffalo horn; from _g\u00e2dal_, buffalo; and _gu\u2032\u00f1ti_,\n horn.\n\n _Gat\u00e4\u2032dalto_\u2014I shall cut it off, I am cutting it off (present and\n future alike).\n\n _Go_\u2014and.\n\n _Go\u2032mgy\u00e4-da\u2032ga_\u2014that wind; from _gomgy\u00e4_, wind, and _daga_, that,\n the, in composition.\n\n _Go\u2032mt\u00e4y\u00e4_\u2014on (my) back; from _gomt\u00e4_ or _gomb\u0103_, back.\n\n _Guadal_\u2014red.\n\n _Gu\u0103n_\u2014a dance.\n\n _Guan-\u00e2\u2032dalka-i_\u2014\u201cdance frenzy;\u201d from _guan_, a dance, and\n _\u00e2\u2032dalka-i_, crazy or foolish; the Kiowa name for the\n Ghost-dance ecstasy.\n\n _Gu\u2032ato_\u2014bird.\n\n _Gy\u00e4ko\u2032m_\u2014life, living; _hita\u2032\u00e4gy\u00e4\u2032komta\u2032y\u00e4_, I am alive.\n\n _Gy\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032to_\u2014I shall cut them off; _gat\u00e4\u2032dalto_, I cut it off.\n\n _H\u00e4o\u00f1\u2032yo_, or _\u00c4o\u00f1\u2032yo_\u2014a cry of grief, especially at funerals.\n\n _Hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115\u2032hey\u0115!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Imh\u00e4\u2032go_\u2014he would get up, he would arise. Compare _\u00c4n\u012dmh\u00e4\u2032go_.\n\n _Imz\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal_\u2014they are approaching, it is said; from\n _dez\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4_, I move about; the termination _hedal_ makes it a\n matter of report or common belief, equivalent to \u201cthey say.\u201d\n Compare _Ez\u00e4\u2032nte\u00e4he\u2032dal_. The verb implies coming on like a\n herd or company or like persons on a march. The simple verb for\n approaching is _\u00e4ba\u2032te\u00e4_. Compare _Bate\u2032y\u00e4_ and _\u00c4ho\u2032\u00e4he\u2032dal_.\n\n _I\u00f1at\u00e4\u2032gyi_\u2014it is a good one; from _t\u00e3gya_ or _gy\u00e4t\u00e4\u2032gya_, good.\n\n _I\u00f1h\u00e4\u2032po_ or _I\u00f1h\u00e4pa\u2032de_\u2014he sings for me (as if to teach me);\n _dagya geh\u00e4po_, I sing a song for him.\n\n _I\u00f1ka\u00f1\u2032t\u00e4he\u2032dal_\u2014he has had pity on me; from _gy\u00e4ka\u00f1\u2032ti_, (it is a)\n pity. Compare _Anka\u00f1\u2032gona_.\n\n _Ka\u2032ante_\u2014another form of _Ka\u2032on_, poor. Compare _\u00c4ka\u2032on_.\n\n _K\u00e2itse\u00f1\u2032ko_\u2014\u201cprincipal, or real dogs;\u201d the highest degree of the\n Kiowa military organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)\n\n _Komse\u2032ka-k\u0314i\u00f1\u2032ahyup_\u2014the former Kiowa name for the Arapaho. It\n signifies \u201cmen of the worn-out leggings;\u201d from _komse_, \u201csmoky,\n soiled, or worn-out,\u201d _kati_, \u201cleggings,\u201d and _k\u0314i\u00f1\u2032ahyup_,\n \u201cmen.\u201d\n\n _M\u00e2ns\u00e2\u2032dal_\u2014I have hands or arms; _m\u00e2nto_, hand, arm.\n\n _Ma\u2032sep_\u2014the Kiowa name for the Caddo, signifying \u201cpierced noses;\u201d\n from _mak\u0314on_, nose, and _sep_, the root of a verb signifying\n to pierce or sew with an awl.\n\n _Na_\u2014I, my; sometimes put before the verb to make it emphatic.\n\n _Na \u00e4d\u00e2\u2032ga_\u2014because I am (emphatic); from _na_, I, my, and _\u00e4d\u00e2\u2032ga_\n (q. v.), because I am.\n\n _Nada\u2032g_\u2014for _Na \u00e4d\u00e2\u2032ga_, q. v.\n\n _Ny\u00e4\u00e2\u2032mo_\u2014he will give it to me; _ny\u00e4n\u00e2\u2032mo_, I shall give it to\n him. There are a number of verbs for _give_, according to the\n nature of the thing given.\n\n _Ny\u00e4\u2032ho\u0103nga\u2032mo_\u2014he shows or tells me the road; _ny\u00e4n\u2032ho\u0103nga\u2032mo_, I\n show him the road; _ho\u0103n_, road.\n\n _Ny\u00e4o\u2032ngum_\u2014I scream; from _\u00e4no\u2032nde_, it screams, or makes\n utterance with the mouth.\n\n _Ny\u00e4pa\u2032de_\u2014for _I\u00f1h\u00e4\u2032po_ or _I\u00f1h\u00e4pa\u2032de_, q. v.\n\n _Ny\u00e4z\u00e4\u2032ngo_\u2014it shakes mine; _\u00e4nz\u00e4\u2032ngo_, it shakes his.\n\n _O\u2032mda_\u2014I have a shape or form (implying a likeness, as _\u00e4\u201bdata\u2032-i\n o\u2032mda_, I have a form like my father\u2019s).\n\n _Pa-gu\u2032adal_\u2014\u201cred buffalo;\u201d from _pa_, a buffalo bull, said\n _gu\u2032adal_, red. A Kiowa man, the author of one of the\n Ghost-dance songs.\n\n _Pa\u2032-i\u00f1gya_\u2014\u201cstanding in the middle;\u201d a Kiowa prophet who, in 1887,\n preached the speedy destruction of the whites and the return of\n the buffalo.\n\n _Pol\u00e4\u00f1\u2032yup_\u2014\u201crabbits;\u201d the lowest degree of the Kiowa military\n organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)\n\n _Sa\u2032he_\u2014green. (See Arapaho song 64.)\n\n _S\u00e4k\u0314o\u2032ta_\u2014the Kiowa name for the Cheyenne; the word seems to refer\n to \u201cbiting.\u201d\n\n _Set-t\u2019ai\u00f1\u2032ti_\u2014\u201cwhite bear,\u201d a noted Kiowa chief, about 1865\u20131875.\n The name comes from _set_, bear, _t\u2019ai\u00f1_, white, and _ti_, the\n personal suffix.\n\n _Soda\u2032te_\u2014he will descend; _\u00e4so\u2032ta_, I descend.\n\n _T\u00e4gy\u00e4\u2032ko_\u2014the Kiowa name for the Na\u2032kasin\u0115\u2032na or northern Arapaho.\n The word has the same meaning, \u201csagebrush people,\u201d from\n _t\u00e4gyi_, \u201csage brush,\u201d and _ko_, the tribal suffix.\n\n _T\u2019ai\u00f1\u2032so_\u2014the morning star; literally \u201cthe cross;\u201d it is sometimes\n also called _D\u00e4-e\u2032dal_, the \u201cgreat star.\u201d (See Arapaho song 43.)\n\n _Ta\u201bka\u2032-i_\u2014one of the Kiowa names for the whites; the word means\n literally \u201cprominent ears, or ears sticking out,\u201d as compared\n with the ears of the Indian, which are partly concealed by his\n long hair. The same name is also applied to a mule or donkey.\n Compare _Be\u2032dal-pa\u2032go_.\n\n _T\u00e4lyi_\u2014a boy.\n\n _T\u201ba\u00f1gya_\u2014a spoon; under certain circumstances the suffix _gy\u0103_ is\n dropped and the word becomes _t\u2019a_.\n\n _T\u201ba\u00f1\u2032peko_\u2014skunkberry (?) people; one of the degrees of the Kiowa\n military organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)\n\n _Te\u00f1\u2032beyui_\u2014\u201cyoung mountain sheep,\u201d another name for the\n _\u00c4dalto\u2032yui_, q. v.\n\n _Ton_\u2014tail; _gu\u2032ato-ton_, bird tail; frequently used to denote a\n fan or headdress made of the tail feathers of an eagle, hawk,\n or other bird.\n\n _Tongy\u00e4-gu\u2032adal_\u2014\u201cred tail;\u201d the name of a Kiowa man; from _ton_ or\n _tongy\u00e4_, tail, and _gu\u2032adal_, red.\n\n _To\u00f1ko\u00f1\u2032go_\u2014\u201cblack legs,\u201d one of the degrees of the Kiowa military\n organization. (See Arapaho song 43).\n\n _To\u2032\u00f1s\u00e2dal_\u2014I have legs; from _to\u00f1ti_, leg.\n\n _Ts\u00e4\u2032hop_\u2014movers, emigrants (moving with household goods, etc). The\n word has no singular form.\n\n _Ts\u00e4\u00f1\u2032yui_\u2014\u201crabbits;\u201d another name for the _Pol\u00e4\u00f1\u2032yup_ degree of\n the Kiowa military organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)\n\n _Tse\u00f1t\u00e4n\u2032mo_\u2014horse headdress people (?), one of the degrees of the\n Kiowa military organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)\n\n _Tsi\u2032s\u00fbs_ (_Tsi\u2032s\u00fbs-\u00e4_)\u2014Jesus.\n\n _Tso\u00f1_\u2014an awl.\n\n _Tso\u00f1\u2032\u00e4_\u2014the awl game. (See Arapaho song 64.)\n\n _Y\u00e4\u2032\u201bp\u00e4he_\u2014soldiers; the military organization of the Kiowa. (See\n Arapaho song 43.)\n\n\n THE CADDO AND ASSOCIATED TRIBES\n\n\n CADDO TRIBAL SYNONYMY\n\n _Asinais_\u2014an old French name, from _Hasinai_.\n\n _Caddo_\u2014popular name, from _K\u00e4\u2032dohad\u00e4\u2032cho_.\n\n _Cadodaquio_\u2014Joutel (1687), another form of _K\u00e4\u2032dohad\u00e4\u2032cho_.\n\n _Cenis_\u2014old French name used by Joutel in 1687; from _Hasinai_.\n\n _D\u00e4\u2032sha-i_\u2014Wichita name.\n\n _D\u0115\u2032sa_\u2014another form of _D\u00e4\u2032sha-i_.\n\n _Hasi\u2032nai_ or _Hasi\u2032ni_\u2014the proper generic term for at least the\n principal Caddo divisions, and perhaps for all of them. It is\n also used by them as synonymous with \u201cIndians.\u201d\n\n _K\u00e4\u2032doh\u0103d\u00e4\u2032cho_\u2014the name of the Caddo proper, as used by themselves.\n\n _Ma\u2032se\u2032p_\u2014Kiowa name; \u201cpierced nose,\u201d from _mak\u0314on_, nose, and\n _sep_, the root of a verb signifying to pierce or sew with an\n awl.\n\n _Na\u2032shon\u012dt_ or _Na\u2032shoni_\u2014Comanche name, frequently used also by\n the neighboring tribes to designate the Caddo; the Nassonite of\n the early French writers on Texas.\n\n _Nez Perc\u00e9_\u2014French traders\u2019 name; \u201cpierced nose.\u201d\n\n _Ni\u2032r\u012ds-h\u0103ri\u2032s-k\u012d\u2032riki_\u2014another Wichita name.\n\n _Ot\u00e4\u2032s-it\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2032_\u2014Cheyenne name; \u201cpierced nose people.\u201d\n\n _Tani\u2032b\u00e4n\u0115n_, _Tani\u2032b\u00e4n\u0115nina_, _Tani\u2032b\u00e4tha_\u2014Arapaho name; \u201cpierced\n nose people,\u201d _tani_, nose.\n\n\n CADDO TRIBAL SIGN\n\n\u201cPierced nose,\u201d in allusion to their former custom of boring the nose\nfor the insertion of a ring.\n\n\n SKETCH OF THE CADDO\n\nThe Caddo are the principal southern representatives of the Caddoan\nstock, which includes also the Wichita, Kichai, Pawnee, and Arikara.\nTheir confederacy consisted of about a dozen tribes or divisions,\nclaiming as their original territory the whole of lower Red river and\nadjacent country in Louisiana, eastern Texas, and southern Arkansas.\nThe names of these twelve divisions, including two of foreign origin,\nhave been preserved as follows:\n\n_K\u00e4\u2032dohad\u00e4\u2032cho_ (Caddo proper).\n\n_N\u00e4d\u00e4\u2032ko_ (Anadarko).\n\n_Hai\u2032-nai_ (Toni).\n\n_N\u00e4\u2032bai-d\u00e4\u2032cho_ (Nabedache).\n\n_N\u00e4\u2032kohodo\u2032tsi_ (Nacogdoches).\n\n_N\u00e4shi\u2032tosh_ (Natchitoches).\n\n_N\u00e4\u2032ka\u201bna\u2032wan._\n\n_H\u0103dai\u2032-i_ (Adai, Adaize).\n\n_Hai\u2032-\u012dsh_ (Eyeish, Aliche, Aes).\n\n_Y\u00e4\u2032t\u0103si._\n\n_I\u2032m\u0103ha_\u2014a band of Omaha, or perhaps more probably Kw\u00e2p\u00e2, who lived\nwith the K\u00e4\u2032dohad\u00e4\u2032cho, but retained their own distinct language.\nThere are still a few living with the Caddo, but they retain only\nthe name. It will be remembered that when the Caddo lived in eastern\nLouisiana the Arkansas or Kw\u00e2p\u00e2 were their nearest neighbors on the\nnorth, and these Imaha may have been a part of the Kw\u00e2p\u00e2 who lived \u201cup\nstream\u201d (_U\u2032ma\u00f1ha\u00f1_) on the Arkansas. The Caddo call the Omaha tribe by\nthe same name.\n\n_Yowa\u2032ni_\u2014originally a band of the Heyowani division of the Choctaw.\nThey joined the Caddo a long time ago, probably about the time the\nChoctaw began to retire across the Mississippi before the whites. Some\nfew are still living with the Caddo and retain their distinct language.\nThere is evidence that some Koasati (Cooshatties) were mixed with them.\n\nThe K\u00e4\u2032dohad\u00e4\u2032cho seem to be recognized as the principal Caddo\ndivision, and the generic term _Hasi\u2032nai_ by which the confederates\ndesignate themselves is sometimes regarded as belonging more properly\nto the three divisions first named. According to their own statements\nsome of the dialects spoken by the several divisions were mutually\nunintelligible. At present the K\u00e4dohad\u00e4cho and N\u00e4d\u00e4ko are the ruling\ndialects, while the N\u00e4baid\u00e4cho, N\u00e4kohodotsi, H\u0103dai\u2032-i, and Hai\u2032-\u012dsh are\npractically extinct. The Kichai, Bidai, and Akokisa, who formerly lived\nnear the Caddo on the eastern border of Texas, did not belong to the\nconfederacy, although at least one of these tribes, the Kichai, is of\nthe same stock and is now on the same reservation.\n\nThe Caddo have ten gentes: _Na\u2032wotsi_, Bear; _Tasha_, Wolf; _Ta\u2032n\u0103h\u0103_,\nBuffalo; _Ta\u2032o_, Beaver; _Iwi_, Eagle; _O\u0103t_, Raccoon; _Ka\u2032g\u201baih_,\nCrow; _Ka\u2032g\u0103h\u0103n\u012dn_, Thunder; _K\u012dshi_, Panther; _S\u00fbko_, Sun. The Bear\ngens is the most numerous. The Buffalo gens is sometimes called also\n_Koho\u2032_ or Alligator, because both animals bellow in the same way.\nThese of a particular gens will not kill the animal from which the gens\ntakes its name, and no Caddo in the old times would kill either an\neagle or a panther, although they were not afraid to kill the bear, as\nare so many of the western tribes. The eagle might be killed, however,\nfor its feathers by a hunter regularly initiated and consecrated for\nthat purpose.\n\nThe original home of the Caddo was on lower Red river in Louisiana.\nAccording to their own tradition, which has parallels among several\nother tribes, they came up from under the ground through the mouth of a\ncave in a hill which they call _Cha\u2032\u201bkan\u012d\u2032n\u0103_, \u201cThe place of crying,\u201d\non a lake close to the south bank of Red river, just at its junction\nwith the Mississippi. In those days men and animals were all brothers\nand all lived together under the ground. But at last they discovered\nthe entrance to the cave leading up to the surface of the earth, and\nso they decided to ascend and come out. First an old man climbed up,\ncarrying in one hand fire and a pipe and in the other a drum. After\nhim came his wife, with corn and pumpkin seeds. Then followed the rest\nof the people and the animals. All intended to come out, but as soon\nas the wolf had climbed up he closed the hole, and shut up the rest\nof the people and animals under the ground, where they still remain.\nThose who had come out sat down and cried a long time for their friends\nbelow, hence the name of the place. Because the Caddo came out of the\nground they call it _in\u0103\u2032_, mother, and go back to it when they die.\nBecause they have had the pipe and the drum and the corn and pumpkins\nsince they have been a people, they hold fast to these things and have\nnever thrown them away.\n\nFrom this place they spread out toward the west, following up the\ncourse of Red river, along which they made their principal settlements.\nFor a long time they lived on Caddo lake, on the boundary between\nLouisiana and Texas, their principal village on the lake being called\nSha\u2032chid\u012d\u2032ni, \u201cTimber hill.\u201d Their acquaintance with the whites began\nat a very early period. One of their tribes, the N\u00e4d\u00e4ko, is mentioned\nunder the name of Nandacao in the narrative of De Soto\u2019s expedition\nas early as 1540. The K\u00e4dohad\u00e4cho were known to the French as early\nas 1687. The relations of the Caddo with the French and Spaniards\nwere intimate and friendly. Catholic missions were established among\nthem, about the year 1700 and continued to exist until 1812, when the\nmissions were suppressed by the Spanish government and the Indians were\nscattered. In the meantime Louisiana had been purchased by the United\nStates, and the Caddo soon began to be pushed away from their ancient\nvillages into the western territory, where they were exposed to the\nconstant inroads of the prairie tribes. From this time their decline\nwas rapid, and the events of the Texan and Mexican wars aided still\nfurther in their demoralization. They made their first treaty with the\nUnited States in 1835, at which time they were chiefly in Louisiana,\nsouthwest of Red river and adjoining Texas. They afterward removed to\nBrazos river in Texas, and to Washita river in Indian Territory in\n1859. When the rebellion broke out, the Caddo, not wishing to take\nup arms against the government, fled north into Kansas and remained\nthere until the close of the war, when they returned to the Washita.\nTheir present reservation, which they hold only by executive order and\njointly with the Wichita, lies between Washita and Canadian rivers in\nwestern Oklahoma, having the Cheyenne and Arapaho on the north and west\nand the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache on the south. In 1893 they numbered\n507.\n\nIn person the Caddo are rather smaller and darker than the neighboring\nprairie tribes, and from their long residence in Louisiana, they have a\nconsiderable admixture of French blood. They are an agricultural tribe,\nraising large crops of corn, pumpkins, and melons, and still retaining\nindustrious habits in spite of their many vicissitudes of fortune. They\nwere never buffalo hunters until they came out on the plains. They\nformerly lived in conical grass houses like the Wichita, but are now in\nlog houses and generally wear citizen\u2019s dress excepting in the dance.\nThe old custom which gave rise to the name and tribal sign of \u201cPierced\nNose\u201d is now obsolete. In 1806 Sibley said of them, \u201cThey are brave,\ndespise danger or death, and boast that they have never shed white\nman\u2019s blood.\u201d Their former enemies, the prairie tribes, bear witness\nto their bravery, and their friendship toward the whites is a part of\ntheir history, but has resulted in no great advantage to themselves, as\nthey have been dispossessed from their own country and are recognized\nonly as tenants at will in their present location.\n\nThey and the Wichita received the new doctrine from the Arapaho, and\nwere soon among its most earnest adherents, notwithstanding the fact\nthat they were regarded as the most advanced of all the tribes in that\npart of the country. It may be that their history had led them to feel\na special need of a messiah. They have been hard and constant dancers,\nat one time even dancing in winter when there was nearly a foot of snow\nupon the ground. Their first songs were those which they had heard\nfrom the Arapaho, and sang in corrupted form, with only a general idea\nof their meaning, but they now have a number of songs in their own\nlanguage, some of which are singularly pleasing in melody and sentiment.\n\n\n THE WICHITA, KICHAI, AND DELAWARE\n\nClosely associated with the Caddo on the same reservation are the\nWichita, with their subtribes, the Tawakoni and Waco, numbering\ntogether 316 in 1893; the Delaware, numbering 94, and the Kichai\n(Keechies), numbering only 52. Of these, all but the Delaware, who\nare Algonquian, belong to the Caddoan stock. The Wichita and their\nsubtribes, although retaining in indistinct form the common Caddoan\ntradition, claim as their proper home the Wichita mountains, near which\nthey still remain. Sixty years ago their principal village was on the\nnorth side of the north fork of Red river, a short distance below the\nmouth of Elm creek, in Oklahoma. They live in conical grass houses\nand, like the other tribes of the stock, are agricultural. They call\nthemselves _K\u012d\u2032tik\u012dti\u2032sh_\u2014they are called _Tawe\u2032hash_ by the Caddo and\nKichai\u2014and are known to most of their other neighbors and in the sign\nlanguage as the \u201cTattooed People\u201d (_Do\u2032k\u0103n\u0103_, Comanche; _Do\u201bgu\u2032at_,\nKiowa), from an old custom now nearly obsolete. For the same reason and\nfrom their resemblance to the Pawnee, with whose language their own has\na close connection, the French called them _Pani Pique\u2032s_.\n\nThe Kichai or Keechie, or _Ki\u2032ts\u00e4sh_, as they call themselves, are a\nsmall tribe of the same stock, and claim to have moved up Red river in\ncompany with the Caddo. Their language is different from that of any of\ntheir neighbors, but approaches the Pawnee.\n\nThe Delaware are a small band of the celebrated tribe of that name.\nThey removed from the east and settled with the main body in Kansas,\nbut drifted south into Texas while it was still Spanish territory.\nAfter a long series of conflicts with the American settlers of Texas,\nbefore and after the Mexican war, they were finally taken under the\nprotection of the United States government and assigned to their\npresent reservation along with other emigrant tribes from that state.\n\n\n SONGS OF THE CADDO\n\n\n 1. +Ha\u2032yo t\u0103\u2032ia\u2019 \u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n Ha\u2032yo t\u0103\u2032ia\u2032 \u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032,\n Ha\u2032yo t\u0103\u2032ia\u2032 \u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032,\n Na\u2032wi h\u0103\u2032i\u0103\u2032 i\u2032n\u0103\u2032,\n Na\u2032wi h\u0103\u2032i\u0103\u2032 i\u2032n\u0103\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na_,\n Our father dwells above,\n Our father dwells above,\n Our mother dwells below,\n Our mother dwells below.\n\n\u201cOur mother\u201d here refers to the earth.\n\n\n 2. +W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano\u2032 di\u2032witi\u2032a+\n\n[Music]\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano\u2032 di\u2032witi\u2032a ha\u2032yo\u2032,\n W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano\u2032 di\u2032witi\u2032a ha\u2032yo\u2032,\n A\u2032\u0103 ko\u2032ia\u2032 ha\u2032yo\u2032,\n A\u2032\u0103 ko\u2032ia\u2032 ha\u2032yo\u2032,\n W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032ya\u2032no ta\u2032-ia\u2032 ha\u2032yo\u2032,\n W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032ya\u2032no ta\u2032-ia\u2032 ha\u2032yo\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na_,\n All our people are going up,\n All our people are going up,\n Above to where the father dwells,\n Above to where the father dwells,\n Above to where our people live,\n Above to where our people live.\n\n\n 3. +N\u00fb\u2032na \u012d\u2032tsiya\u2032+\n\n He\u2032yawe\u2032ya! He\u2032yawe\u2032ya!\n N\u00fb\u2032na \u012d\u2032tsiya\u2032 si\u2032bocha\u2032ha\u2032,\n N\u00fb\u2032na \u012d\u2032tsiya\u2032 si\u2032bocha\u2032ha\u2032,\n W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano\u2032 ha\u2032n\u012dn g\u00fb\u2032kw\u00fb\u2032ts-a\u2032,\n W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano\u2032 ha\u2032n\u012dn g\u00fb\u2032kw\u00fb\u2032ts-a\u2032,\n He\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032! He\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n _He\u2032yawe\u2032ya! He\u2032yawe\u2032ya!_\n I have come because I want to see them,\n I have come because I want to see them,\n The people, all my children,\n The people, all my children.\n _He\u2032yahe\u2032eye! He\u2032yahe\u2032eye!_\n\nThis song was composed by a woman named Nyu\u2032taa. According to her\nstory, she saw in her trance a large company approaching, led by a man\nwho told her he was the Father and that he was coming because he wished\nto see all his children.\n\n\n 4. +Na\u2032tsiwa\u2032ya+\n\n Na\u2032tsiwa\u2032ya, na\u2032tsiwa\u2032ya,\n Na\u2032 ika\u2032\u2014Wi\u2032ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032,\n Na\u2032 ika\u2032\u2014Wi\u2032ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032,\n Wi\u2032ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032yeahe\u2032ye\u2032,\n Wi\u2032ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032yeahe\u2032ye\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n I am coming, I am coming,\n The grandmother from on high, _Wi\u2032ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032_,\n The grandmother from on high, _Wi\u2032ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032_,\n _Wi\u2032ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032yeahe\u2032ye\u2032,\n Wi\u2032ahe\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032ye\u2032yeahe\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\nThis song also was composed by the woman Nyu\u2032taa. In her trance vision\nshe fell asleep and seemed (still in the vision) to be awakened by the\nnoise of a storm, when she looked and saw approaching her the Storm\nSpirit, who said to her, \u201cI come, the grandmother from on high.\u201d The\nCaddo call thunder the \u201cgrandmother above\u201d and the sun the \u201cuncle\nabove.\u201d\n\n\n 5. +Na\u2032-iye\u2032 ino\u2032 ga\u2032nio\u2032s\u012dt+\n\n Wa\u2032hiya\u2032ne, wa\u2032hiya\u2032ne,\n Na\u2032-iye\u2032 ino\u2032 ga\u2032nio\u2032s\u012dt,\n Na\u2032-iye\u2032 ino\u2032 ga\u2032nio\u2032s\u012dt.\n Wa\u2032hiya\u2032ne, wa\u2032hiya\u2032ne.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _Wa\u2032hiya\u2032ne, wa\u2032hiya\u2032ne_,\n My sister above, she is painted,\n My sister above, she is painted.\n _Wa\u2032hiya\u2032ne, wa\u2032hiya\u2032ne._\n\nThis is another song composed by Nyu\u2032taa, who herself explained it. In\nthis trance vision she saw a spirit woman painted with blue stripes on\nher forehead and a crow on her chin, who told her that she was \u201cher\nsister, the Evening Star.\u201d While singing this song Nyu\u2032taa was sitting\nnear me, when she suddenly cried out and went into a spasm of trembling\nand crying lasting some minutes, lifting up her right hand toward the\nwest at the same time. Such attacks were so common among the women at\nsong rehearsals as frequently to interfere with the work, although the\nbystanders regarded them as a matter of course and took only a passing\nnotice of these incidents.\n\n\n 6. +Na\u2032a ha\u2032yo ha\u2032wano+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n Na\u2032a ha\u2032yo ha\u2032wano,\n Na\u2032a ha\u2032yo ha\u2032wano.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na_,\n Our father above (has) paint,\n Our father above (has) paint.\n\nThis refers to the sacred paint used by the participants in the Ghost\ndance, and which is believed to confer health and the power to see\nvisions.\n\n\n 7. +W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano ka\u2032ka\u2032na\u2032+\n\n N\u00e4nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4nisa\u2032na,\n W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano ka\u2032ka\u2032na\u2032 ni\u2032\u201btsiho\u2032,\n W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano ka\u2032ka\u2032na\u2032 ni\u2032\u201btsiho\u2032,\n Aa\u2032 ko\u2032ia\u2032 ta\u2032-ia\u2032 ha\u2032yo\u2032,\n Aa\u2032 ko\u2032ia\u2032 ta\u2032-ia\u2032 ha\u2032yo\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4nisa\u2032na_,\n All the people cried when I returned,\n All the people cried when I returned,\n Where the father dwells above,\n Where the father dwells above.\n\nThis song was composed by a girl who went up to the spirit world and\nsaw there all her friends, who cried when she started to leave them\nagain.\n\n\n 8. +Na\u2032wi i\u2032na+\n\n N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n E\u2032yahe\u2032ya, e\u2032yahe\u2032ya, he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n E\u2032yahe\u2032ya, e\u2032yahe\u2032ya, he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Na\u2032wi i\u2032na ha\u2032yo \u0103\u2032\u0103\u2014He\u2032yoi\u2032ya, he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Na\u2032wi i\u2032na ha\u2032yo \u0103\u2032\u0103\u2014He\u2032yoi\u2032ya, he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na, n\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n E\u2032yahe\u2032ya, e\u2032yahe\u2032ya, he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n E\u2032yahe\u2032ya, e\u2032yahe\u2032ya, he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n We have our mother below; we have our father above\u2014_He\u2032yoi\u2032ya, he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n We have our mother below; we have our father above\u2014_He\u2032yoi\u2032ya, he\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\nThis song was composed by a woman named Niaha\u201bno\u2032, who used to have\nfrequent trances in which she would talk with departed Caddo and bring\nback messages from them to their friends. \u201cOur mother below\u201d is the\nearth. (See page 1096.)\n\n\n 9. +Ni\u2032 ika\u2032 na\u2032a+\n\n Ni\u2032 ika\u2032 na\u2032a ha\u2032na\u2032,\n Ni\u2032 ika\u2032 na\u2032a ha\u2032na\u2032;\n Na\u2032a-a\u2032 ha\u2032na\u2032,\n Na\u2032a-a\u2032 ha\u2032na\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n There are our grandmother and our father above,\n There are our grandmother and our father above;\n There is our father above,\n There is our father above.\n\nBy \u201cgrandmother\u201d is meant the storm spirit or thunder. (See Caddo song\n4.)\n\n\n 10. +Hi\u2032na ha\u2032natobi\u2032na+\n\n Hi\u2032na ha\u2032natobi\u2032na i\u2032wi-na\u2032,\n Hi\u2032na ha\u2032natobi\u2032na i\u2032wi-na\u2032,\n Na\u2032 iwi\u2032 i\u2032wi-na\u2032,\n Na\u2032 iwi\u2032 i\u2032wi-na\u2032;\n Na\u2032nana\u2032 ha\u2032taha\u2032,\n Na\u2032nana\u2032 ha\u2032taha\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The eagle feather headdress from above,\n The eagle feather headdress from above,\n From the eagle above, from the eagle above;\n It is that feather we wear,\n It is that feather we wear.\n\nThis refers to the eagle feather worn on the heads of the dancers. (See\nsong number 12.) This song is in the Hai-nai dialect.\n\n\n 11. +Na\u2032 \u0103\u0103\u2032 o\u2032wi\u2032ta\u2032+\n\n Na\u2032 \u0103\u0103\u2032 o\u2032wi\u2032ta\u2032,\n Na\u2032 \u0103\u0103\u2032 o\u2032wi\u2032ta\u2032,\n Na\u2032 kiwa\u2032t Hai\u2032-nai\u2032,\n Na\u2032 kiwa\u2032t Hai\u2032-nai\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n The father comes from above,\n The father comes from above,\n From the home of the Hai-nai above,\n From the home of the Hai-nai above.\n\nThis song, like the last, was composed by one of the Hai-nai tribe, and\nrefers to the silent majority of the band in the spirit world.\n\n\n 12. +Na\u2032 iwi\u2032 o\u2032wi\u2032ta\u2032+\n\n[Music]\n\n Na\u2032 iwi\u2032 o\u2032wi\u2032ta\u2032,\n Na\u2032 iwi\u2032 o\u2032wi\u2032ta\u2032;\n Do\u2032hya di\u2032wabo\u2032n na\u2032 na\u2032 iwi\u2032 o\u2032wi\u2032ta\u2032,\n Do\u2032hya di\u2032wabo\u2032n na\u2032 na\u2032 iwi\u2032 o\u2032wi\u2032ta\u2032;\n Na\u2032ha\u2032 na\u2032daka\u2032a\u2032, Na\u2032ha\u2032 na\u2032daka\u2032a\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n See! the eagle comes,\n See! the eagle comes;\n Now at last we see him\u2014look! look! the eagle comes,\n Now at last we see him\u2014look! look! the eagle comes;\n Now we see him with the people,\n Now we see him with the people.\n\nThis refers to what the Caddo call the \u201creturn of the eagle feathers\u201d\nin the Ghost dance. With the Caddo, as with other tribes, the eagle\nis a sacred bird, and in the old times only the few medicine-men who\nknew the sacred formula would dare to kill one for the feathers. Should\nanyone else kill an eagle, his family would die or some other great\nmisfortune would come upon him. The formula consisted of certain secret\nprayers and ritual performances. Among the Cherokee the eagle killer\u2019s\nprayer was a petition to the eagle not to be revenged upon the tribe,\nbecause it was not an Indian, but a Spaniard, who had killed him\u2014an\nindication of the vivid remembrance in which the cruelty of the early\nSpaniards was held among the southern tribes. To further guard against\nthe anger of the eagles, the Cherokee eagle killer, on his return\nto the village, announced that he had killed, not an eagle, but a\nsnowbird, the latter being too small and insignificant to be dreaded.\nThe eagle-killing ceremony among the northern prairie tribes has\nbeen already described under Arapaho song 47. The Caddo eagle killer\nalways took with him a robe or some other valuable offering, and after\nshooting the eagle, making the prayer, and pulling out the tail and\nwing feathers he covered the body with the robe and left it there as\na peace offering to the spirit of the eagle. The dead eagle was never\nbrought home, as among the Cherokee. The last man of the Caddo who\nknew the eagle-killing ritual died some years ago, and since then they\nhave had to go without eagle feathers or buy them from the Kiowa and\nother tribes. Since Sitting Bull came down and \u201cgave the feather\u201d to\nthe leaders of the dance the prohibition is removed, and men and women\nalike are now at liberty to get and wear eagle feathers as they will.\n\n\n 13. +A\u2032nana\u2032 hana\u2032nito\u2032+\n\n A\u2032nana\u2032 hana\u2032nito\u2032 ni\u2032ahu\u2032na\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n A\u2032nana\u2032 hana\u2032nito\u2032 ni\u2032ahu\u2032na\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n A\u2032nana\u2032sa\u2032na\u2032? A\u2032nana\u2032sa\u2032na\u2032?\n Ha\u2032yo ha\u2032nitu\u2032 ni\u2032ahu\u2032na\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Ha\u2032yo ha\u2032nitu\u2032 ni\u2032ahu\u2032na\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n A\u2032nana\u2032sa\u2032na\u2032? A\u2032ana\u2032sa\u2032na\u2032?\n\n _Translation_\n\n The feather has come back from above\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The feather has come back from above\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Is he doing it? Is he doing it?\n The feather has returned from on high\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n The feather has returned from on high\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Is he doing it? Is he doing it?\n\nThis refers to the return of the eagle feathers, as noted in the\npreceding song. The question \u201cIs he doing it?\u201d is equivalent to\nasking, \u201cIs this the work of the father?\u201d\u2014an affirmative answer being\nunderstood.\n\n\n 14. +Na\u2032 iwi\u2032 ha\u2032naa\u2032+\n\n Na\u2032 iwi\u2032 ha\u2032naa\u2032,\n Na\u2032 iwi\u2032 ha\u2032naa\u2032;\n W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano\u2032 na\u2032nia\u2032sana\u2032,\n W\u00fb\u2032nti ha\u2032yano\u2032 na\u2032nia\u2032sana\u2032.\n Na\u2032ha na\u2032ni\u2032asa\u2032,\n Na\u2032ha na\u2032ni\u2032asa\u2032.\n\n _Translation_\n\n There is an eagle above,\n There is an eagle above;\n All the people are using it,\n All the people are using it.\n See! They use it,\n See! They use it.\n\nThis song also refers to the use of eagle feathers in the dance.\n\n\n 15. +Wi\u2032t\u016d\u2032 Ha\u2032sini\u2032+\n\n[Music]\n\n E\u2032yehe\u2032! N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n E\u2032yehe\u2032! N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na.\n Wi\u2032t\u016d\u2032 Ha\u2032sini\u2032 di\u2032witi\u2032a\u2032a\u2032,\n Wi\u2032t\u016d\u2032 Ha\u2032sini\u2032 di\u2032witi\u2032a\u2032a\u2032.\n Ki\u2032wat ha\u2032-ime\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Ki\u2032wat ha\u2032-ime\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n Na\u2032hayo\u2032 na\u2032,\n Na\u2032hayo\u2032 na\u2032\u0103\u2032\u0103\u2032 ko\u2032i\u0103\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n I\u2032na ko\u2032i\u0103\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n I\u2032na ko\u2032i\u0103\u2032\u2014He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!\n\n _Translation_\n\n _E\u2032yehe\u2032! N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na,\n E\u2032yehe\u2032! N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na._\n Come on, Caddo, we are all going up,\n Come on, Caddo, we are all going up.\n To the great village\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n To the great village\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n With our father above,\n With our father above where he dwells on high\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Where our mother dwells\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n Where our mother dwells\u2014_He\u2032e\u2032ye\u2032!_\n\nThe sentiment and swinging tune of this spirited song make it one\nof the favorites. It encourages the dancers in the hope of a speedy\nreunion of the whole Caddo nation, living and dead, in the \u201cgreat\nvillage\u201d of their father above, and needs no further explanation.\n\n\n CADDO GLOSSARY\n\n _\u0102\u0103_\u2014father.\n\n _\u0102\u0103 Kak\u012d\u2032mbawi\u00fbt_\u2014\u201cthe prayer of all to the Father;\u201d from _aa_, the\n Father, i. e., God, and _ts\u012dmba\u2032dik\u00fb_, I pray; the Ghost dance,\n also called _N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na Gao\u2032sh\u0103n_, N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na dance.\n\n _A\u2032nana_\u2014for _N\u0103n\u0103\u2032_.\n\n _A\u2032nanasa\u2032na_\u2014for _Nana\u2032sana_.\n\n _Ba\u2032hakos\u012dn_\u2014\u201cstriped arrows,\u201d from _bah_, arrow; the Caddo name\n for the Cheyenne. They sometimes call them _Si\u00e4\u2032n\u00e4bo_, from\n their Comanche name.\n\n _Cha\u2032\u201bkan\u012d\u2032na_\u2014\u201cthe place of crying;\u201d the traditional first\n settlement of the Caddo tribes, where they came up out of\n the ground, at the mouth of Red river, on the south bank, in\n Louisiana.\n\n _Detse-ka\u2032y\u0103\u0103_\u2014\u201cdog eaters;\u201d the Caddo name for the Arapaho.\n\n _Di\u2032wabon_\u2014we see him; _tsibo\u2032n\u0103_, I see him.\n\n _Di\u2032w\u00efti\u2032\u0103_\u2014we are all going up, we shall all ascend; _tsidi\u00fb\u2032_, I\n ascend.\n\n _Do\u2032hya_\u2014now, at once.\n\n _E\u2032yahe\u2032ya!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _E\u2032yehe\u2032!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _Ganio\u2032s\u012dt_\u2014he (she) is painted; _ats\u012dno\u2032s\u012dt_, I paint myself.\n\n _Gao\u2032sh\u0103n_\u2014a dance; _ga\u2032tsiosh\u0103n_, I dance.\n\n _G\u00fb\u2032kw\u00fbts_\u2014my (plural); _g\u00fbkw\u00fb\u2032nda_, my (singular); _ha\u2032n\u012dn\n g\u00fb\u2032kw\u00fbts_, my children.\n\n _H\u0103\u2032-i\u0103_\u2014he (she) dwells there below. Compare _Ko\u2032i\u0103_.\n\n _Ha\u2032-imi_\u2014large.\n\n _Hai\u2032-nai_\u2014a tribe of the Caddo confederacy.\n\n _H\u0103\u2032na\u0103_ or _H\u0103\u2032n\u0103_\u2014there he is! that is he!\n\n _Ha\u2032nani\u2032to_\u2014this feather, the feather; _ni\u2032toh_, feather;\n _ha\u2032taha_, feather (generic).\n\n _Ha\u2032natobi\u2032na_\u2014a feather headdress; feathers prepared to wear on\n the head.\n\n _Ha\u2032n\u012dn_\u2014children.\n\n _Ha\u2032nitu_\u2014for _Ni\u2032toh_.\n\n _Hasi\u2032ni_ or _Hasi\u2032nai_\u2014the Caddo; the generic name used by\n themselves.\n\n _Ha\u2032taha_\u2014feather (generic); _nitoh_, feather (specific).\n\n _Ha\u2032wano_\u2014paint.\n\n _Ha\u2032yano_\u2014people.\n\n _Ha\u2032yo_\u2014above, on high. Compare _Naha\u2032yo_.\n\n _He\u2032eye\u2032!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _He\u2032yahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _He\u2032yawe\u2032ya!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _He\u2032yoi\u2032ya!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _Hi\u2032na_\u2014eagle feathers.\n\n _Ika_\u2014grandmother; a term sometimes applied to the thunder or storm\n spirit.\n\n _In\u0103\u2032_\u2014mother; _na in\u0103\u2032_, mother above.\n\n _I\u2032tsiya_\u2014I have come; _hatsi\u2032\u00fbs_, I come.\n\n _I\u2032wi_\u2014eagle; also the name of a Caddo gens.\n\n _Ka\u2032g\u0103h\u0103n\u012dn_\u2014thunder; a Caddo gens.\n\n _Ka\u2032g\u201baih_\u2014crow; a Caddo gens.\n\n _Kaka\u2032na_\u2014they cried; _ha\u201btsikaka\u2032s_, I cry.\n\n _Ka\u2032ntsi_\u2014\u201ccheats;\u201d the Caddo name for the Kiowa Apache, Lipan, and\n Mescalero.\n\n _K\u012d\u2032shi_\u2014panther; a Caddo gens.\n\n _Kiwa\u2032t_\u2014village, town, settlement.\n\n _Koho\u2032_\u2014alligator; another name for the Ta\u2032n\u0103h\u0103 or Buffalo gens of\n the Caddo.\n\n _Ko\u2032i\u0103_\u2014where he dwells above; _t\u0103\u2032-i\u0103_, he dwells above;\n _datsii\u2032\u0103_, I dwell above.\n\n _Na_\u2014see! look! now!\u2014also coming down from above, as _iwi-na_, the\n eagle coming down from above.\n\n _N\u0103\u0103\u2032_\u2014father above, i. e., God; from _\u0103\u0103\u2032_, father, and _na_,\n above, on high.\n\n _Na\u2032daka_\u2014with the people.\n\n _Nah\u0103\u2032_\u2014that\u2019s all! now you see! there now!\n\n _Naha\u2032yo_\u2014up, above, the plural of _Ha\u2032yo_. _Hasi\u2032ni diw\u012dti\u2032a\n na\u2032hayo_, all the Caddo are going up, everybody of the Caddo is\n going up.\n\n _Na-iye\u2032_\u2014sister above; from _na_, above, in composition, and\n _iye\u2032_, sister.\n\n _N\u0103n\u0103\u2032_ or _N\u0103\u2032n\u0103n\u0103\u2032_\u2014that one (demonstrative).\n\n _Nana\u2032sana_\u2014is he making it?\n\n _Na\u201bni\u2032asa_\u2014they are using it; _ha\u2032ts\u012dna\u2032sa_, I use it.\n\n _Na\u2032nia\u2032sana_\u2014for _Na`ni\u2032asa_.\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na_\u2014an Arapaho word, adopted by the Caddo in the\n Ghost-dance songs and meaning \u201cmy children.\u201d\n\n _N\u00e4\u2032nisa\u2032na gao\u2032sh\u0103n_\u2014\u201cN\u00e4nisana dance,\u201d one of the Caddo names for\n the Ghost dance, from _gao\u2032sh\u0103n_, a dance, and _n\u00e4nisa\u2032na_ (q.\n v.), an Arapaho word which forms the burden of so many Arapaho\n Ghost-dance songs. It is also called _\u0102\u0103 Kak\u012d\u2032mbawi\u00fbt_, \u201cthe\n prayer of all to the Father.\u201d\n\n _Na\u2032tsiwa\u2032ya_\u2014I am coming.\n\n _Na\u2032wi_\u2014below; _ha\u2032yo_, above.\n\n _Nawotsi_\u2014bear; a Caddo gens.\n\n _Ni_\u2014a syllable prefixed merely to fill in the meter.\n\n _Niahu\u2032na_\u2014for _N\u012d\u2032tah\u016d\u2032nt_.\n\n _N\u012d\u2032tah\u016d\u2032nt_\u2014it has returned. It has come back; _ts\u012dtsih\u016d\u2032n\u0103_, I\n return; _Ni\u2032\u201btsiho_, when I returned.\n\n _Ni\u2032toh_\u2014feather (specific); _ha\u2032taha_, feather (generic).\n\n _Ni\u2032\u201btsiho_\u2014when I returned. Compare _N\u012d\u2032tah\u016d\u2032nt_.\n\n _N\u00fb\u2032na_\u2014because.\n\n _O\u2032\u0103t_\u2014raccoon; a Caddo gens.\n\n _O\u2032wita_\u2014he comes; _a\u2032tsi\u00fbs_, I come.\n\n _Sha\u2032\u201bchid\u012d\u2032ni_\u2014\u201cTimber hill,\u201d a former Caddo settlement on Caddo\n lake, Louisiana.\n\n _Si\u2032bocha\u2032ha_\u2014I want to see them; _hatsi\u2032bos_, I see.\n\n _S\u00fbko_\u2014sun; a Caddo gens.\n\n _T\u0103\u2032-i\u0103_\u2014he dwells above. Compare _Ko\u2032i\u0103_.\n\n _Ta\u2032n\u0103h\u0103_\u2014buffalo; a Caddo gens.\n\n _Ta\u2032o_\u2014beaver; a Caddo gens.\n\n _Tasha_\u2014wolf; a Caddo gens.\n\n _Tsaba\u2032kosh_\u2014cut-throats; the Caddo name for the Sioux.\n\n _Wa\u2032hiya\u2032ne!_\u2014an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.\n\n _Wi\u2032ahe\u2032eye\u2032!_\u2014ibid.\n\n _Wi\u2032t\u016d!_\u2014come on! get ready.\n\n _W\u00fb\u2032nti_\u2014all of them.\n\n\n\n\n AUTHORITIES CITED\n\n\n=Adjutant-General=\u2019s Office [_A. G. O._].\u2014(Documents on file in\n the office of the Adjutant-General, in the War Department at\n Washington, where each is officially designated by its number,\n followed by the initials A. G. O. In response to specific inquiries\n additional information was received in letters from the same office\n and incorporated into the narrative.)\n\n 1\u2014Report of Captain J. M. Lee, on the abandonment of Fort Bidwell,\n California (1890), Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 2\u2014Documents relating to\n the Apache outbreak, 1881; 3\u2014Documents relating to Sword-bearer\n and the Crow outbreak, 1887; 4\u2014Captain J. M. Lee, abandonment of\n Fort Bidwell, Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 5\u2014Report on the Ghost dance,\n by Lieutenant H. L. Scott, February 10, 1891, Doc. \u2014\u2014; 6\u2014Report\n on the abandonment of Fort Bidwell, by Captain J. M. Lee, Doc.\n 16633-1, 1890; 7\u2014Statement of Judge H. L. Spargur in Lee\u2019s report\n on Fort Bidwell, Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 8\u2014Letters of Assistant\n Adjutant-General Corbin and Quartermaster-General Batchelder;\n 9\u2014Affidavits with Lee\u2019s report on the abandonment of Fort Bidwell,\n Doc. 16633-1, 1890.\n\n=Albany Institute.= _See_ =MacMurray=.\n\n=Allis=, _Rev._ =Samuel=. Forty Years Among the Indians and on the\n Eastern Borders of Nebraska. (Transactions and Reports of the\n Nebraska State Historical Society, II. Lincoln, Nebraska, 1887.\n 8^o. 133\u2013166.)\n\n 1\u2014135.\n\n=American Anthropologist.= _See_ Phister.\n\n=American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, Journal of.= _See_ Bandelier.\n\n=Arch\u00e6ological Institute of America, Report of.= _See_ Bandelier.\n\n=Bancroft, G.= History of the United States of America, from the\n discovery of the continent. The author\u2019s last edition. New York,\n 1884. 8^o.\n\n 1\u2014II, 371; 2\u2014II, 378; 3\u2014II, 463.\n\n=Bandelier, A. F.= Documentary history of the Zu\u00f1i tribe. (Journal\n of American Ethnology and Arch\u00e6ology, +III+. Boston and New York,\n 1892. 4^o.)\n\n 1 a\u2014103\u2013115.\n\n\u2014\u2014 Final report of investigations among the Indians of the\n southwestern United States, Part II. (Papers of the Arch\u00e6ological\n Institute of America, American Series, IV. Cambridge, 1892. 8^o.)\n\n 1 b\u201462.\n\n=Barclay, Robert.= The inner life of the religious societies of\n the commonwealth; considered principally with reference to the\n influence of church organization on the spread of Christianity.\n London, 1876. 8^o.\n\n=Bartlett, C. H.= Letter to the Bureau of Ethnology, dated October\n 29, 1895.\n\n=Bible.= The Holy Bible, containing the Old and New Testaments;\n translated out of the original tongues, etc. New York (American\n Bible Society), 1870. 12^o.\n\n=Bourke=, _Capt._ =J. G.= The medicine-men of the Apache. (Ninth\n Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington, 1892. 4^o.\n The description of the dance of the medicine-man, Nakai-doklini, is\n taken from the account in this paper, supplemented by a personal\n letter from the author.)\n\n 1\u2014505.\n\n=Brinton=, _Dr_ =D. G.= Myths of the New World: A treatise on the\n symbolism and mythology of the Red race of America. New York,\n Leypoldt and Holt, 1868. 12^o.\n\n 1\u2014168, passim.\n\n=Brown, John P.= The Dervishes; or oriental spiritualism. By John P.\n Brown, secretary and dragoman of the legation of the United States\n of America at Constantinople, etc. London, 1868. 12^o.\n\n=Bureau of Ethnology, Reports of.= _See_ Bourke and Mallery.\n\n=Catlin, G.= Letters and notes on the manners, customs, and condition\n of the North American Indians. Written during eight years\u2019 travel\n (1832\u20131839) among the wildest tribes of Indians in North America,\n etc. Two volumes. 4th edition. London, 1844. 8^o.\n\n 1\u2014II, 117; 2\u2014II, 118; 3\u2014II, 98; 4\u2014II, 99.\n\n=Century Magazine.= _See_ Roosevelt.\n\n=Clark, Benjamin.= The Cheyenne Indians. (A manuscript history and\n ethnography of the Cheyenne Indians, written at the request of\n General Philip Sheridan by Benjamin Clark, interpreter at Fort\n Reno, Oklahoma.)\n\n Now in possession of Dr George Bird Grinnell of New York city.\n\n=Clark, W. P.= The Indian sign language, with brief explanatory\n notes, etc, and a description of some of the peculiar laws,\n customs, myths, superstitions, ways of living, code of peace and\n war signals of our aborigines. Philadelphia, 1885. 8^o.\n\n=Colby=, _Gen._ =L. W.= The Sioux Indian war of 1890\u201391. By\n Brigadier-General L. W. Colby, commanding the Nebraska National\n Guard. (Transactions and reports of the Nebraska State Historical\n Society, III, 144\u2013190; Fremont, Nebraska, 1892. 8^o.)\n\n 1\u2014153; 2\u2014150; 3\u2014155; 4\u2014157; 5\u2014159\u2013170; 6\u2014159; 7\u2014164; 8\u2014165\u2013170;\n 9\u2014(McGillycuddy) 180; 10\u2014165.\n\n=Commissioner= [_Comr._]. Annual report of the Commissioner of Indian\n Affairs to the Secretary of the Interior. (Sixty-first annual\n report, Washington, 1892. 8^o.)\n\n 1\u2014Report of Agent W. P. Richardson, 1852, 71, and report of Agent\n W. P. Badger, 1859, 144; 2\u2014Agent Danilson, 1875, 258; 3\u2014Agent\n Tiffany, 1881, 10; 4\u2014Commissioner Price, 1881, viii-ix; Agent\n Tiffany, 1881, 10\u201311; 5\u2014Agent Linn, 1884, 102; 6\u2014Agent Patrick,\n 1885, III; 7\u2014Agent Scott, 1891, vol. I, 258; 8\u2014Agent Smith, 1873,\n 319; 9\u2014Agent Boyle, 1870, 58; 10\u2014Superintendent Meacham, 1870,\n 50; 11\u2014Agent Cornoyer, 1873, 317\u201318; 12\u2014Commissioner Brunot,\n 1871, 98; 13\u2014Umatilla council, 1891, 95\u20137; 14\u2014Superintendent\n Colonel Ross, 1870, 30; 15\u2014Superintendent Meacham, 1870, 50\u201354;\n 16\u2014Report, 1871, 95; 17\u2014Superintendent Odeneal, 1872, 362;\n 18\u2014Subagent White, 1843, 451; 19\u2014ibid, 453; 20\u2014Commissioner Hayt,\n 1877, 10; 21\u2014ibid, 10; 22\u2014ibid, 12; 23\u2014ibid, 11; 24\u2014ibid, 12;\n 25\u2014ibid, 12\u201313; 26\u2014Commissioner Hayt, 1878, xxxiv; 27a\u2014ibid, xxxv;\n 27b\u2014Agent Rust, 1891, I, 223; 28\u2014Commissioner Morgan, 1891, I,\n 132\u20133; 29\u2014Agent Wright, ibid, 411\u20132; 30\u2014Dorchester report, ibid,\n 529; 31\u2014Commissioner Morgan, ibid, 124; 32\u2014Agent Wright, ibid,\n 411\u201312; 33\u2014ibid, 128, 130; 34\u2014ibid, 130; 35\u2014ibid, 130; 36\u2014ibid,\n 130; 37\u2014ibid, 130; 38\u2014ibid, 131; 39\u2014ibid, 132; 40\u2014ibid, 132;\n 41\u2014Commissioner Morgan, 1892, 128; 42\u2014Dorchester, 1891, vol.\n I, 532; 43\u2014Agent Wood, 1892, 396, 399; 44\u2014Mrs Z. A. Parker, in\n report of Superintendent Dorchester, vol. I, 1891, 529\u2013531; also\n published in the New York Evening Post of April 18, 1891, and in\n Journal of American Folk-lore, April-June, 1891; 45\u2014Report on the\n Utes, Pai-Utes, etc, by J. W. Powell and G. W. Ingalls, 1873, 45;\n 46\u2014Superintendent Parker, 1866, 115; 47\u2014ibid, 115.\n\n=Dorsey=, _Rev._ =J. O.= _See_ Journal of American Folk-lore.\n\n=Drake, B.= Life of Tecumseh and of his brother the Prophet; with a\n historical sketch of the Shawanoe Indians. Cincinnati, 1852. 12^o.\n\n 1\u201487, passim; 2\u201488; 3\u201493; 4\u2014130; 5\u2014142; 6\u2014151; 7\u2014153; 8\u2014158; 9\u2014193.\n\n=Drake, S. G.= The aboriginal races of North America, comprising\n biographical sketches of eminent individuals and an historical\n account of the different tribes, from the first discovery of the\n continent to the present period, etc, 15th edition, revised with\n valuable additions, by Professor H. L. Williams. New York, 1880\n (?). 8^o.\n\n 1\u2014625.\n\n=Dutton=, _Major_ =C. E.= The submerged trees of the Columbia river.\n (Science, New York, February 18, 1887, page 156.)\n\n=Eells=, _Rev._ =Myron=. (Letter in regard to the Shakers of Puget\n sound, quoted at length in the chapter on that subject. Works\n by the same author, referred to in the same chapter and in the\n tribal synopsis accompanying the chapter on the Nez Perc\u00e9 war, are\n \u201cHistory of Indian Missions on the Pacific Coast,\u201d and \u201cTen Years\n of Missionary Work among the Indians at Skokomish, Washington\n Territory, 1874\u20131884.\u201d\u2014Congregational House, Boston, 1886. 12^o.)\n\n Mr Eells was born in the state of Washington, has been for many\n years engaged in mission work in that section, and is the author of\n valuable works relating to the tribes and languages of the state.\n\n \u2014\u2014 History of Indian missions on the Pacific coast\u2014Oregon,\n Washington, and Idaho. By Reverend Myron Eells, missionary of the\n association. Philadelphia and New York, American Sunday School\n Union, 1882 (?). 12^o.\n\n=Evans, F. W.= Shakers: Compendium of the origin, history,\n principles, rules and regulations, government, and doctrines of\n the United Society of Believers in Christ\u2019s second appearing, with\n biographies of Ann Lee, etc. New York, 1859. 12^o.\n\n=Fletcher, J. E.= _See_ Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes.\n\n=Ghost Dance= [_G. D._]. (Documents relating to the Ghost dance and\n the Sioux outbreak of 1890, on file in the Indian Office in special\n case 188, labeled \u201cGhost Dance and Sioux Trouble.\u201d)\n\n 1\u2014Fisher, Document 37097-1890; 2\u2014Campbell, Document 36274-1890;\n 3\u2014Campbell, Document 20274-1890; 4\u2014Report of Lieutenant H. L. Scott\n (copy from A. G. O.), Document 9234-1891; 5\u2014Statement of Porcupine,\n the Cheyenne, Document 24075-1890; 6\u2014Blakely, September 30, 1890,\n Document 32876-1890; 7\u2014Agent McLaughlin, October 17, 1890, Document\n 32670-1890; 8\u2014Document 17236-1891; 9\u2014Statement of Porcupine,\n Document 24075-1890; 10\u2014Agent Bartholomew, December 15, 1890,\n Document 39419-1890; 11\u2014Clipping from Santa F\u00e9 (New Mexico) News,\n December 11, 1890, Document 39419-1890; 12\u2014Agent Plumb, Document\n 35519-1890; 13\u2014ibid, Document 38743-1890; 14\u2014ibid, Document\n 2178-1891; 15\u2014Agent Fisher, Document 37097-1890; 16\u2014Clipping from\n Omaha (Nebraska) Bee, February 10, 1891, Document 6155-1891;\n 17\u2014Blakely and Captain Bowman, Document 32876-1890; 18\u2014Agent\n Simons, Document 37859-1890; 19\u2014Agent Warner, Document 37260-1890;\n 20\u2014Agent McChesney, Document 18807-1890; Document 17024-1890;\n 21\u2014Gallagher, Document 18482-1890; McChesney, 18807-1890; Wright,\n 18823-1890; McLaughlin, 19200-1890; 22\u2014Cook letter, September 11,\n Document 30628-1890; 23\u2014Special Agent Reynolds, September 25,\n 30046-1890; 24\u2014Wright, December 5, 38608-1890; 25\u2014McLaughlin,\n October 17, 32607-1890; 26\u2014Royer, October 12, 32120-1890;\n 27\u2014Palmer, October 29 and November 4, 34061-1890, 34656-1890;\n 28\u2014Letters and telegrams, October 30 to November 21, from Royer,\n Palmer, Dixon, Belt, et al., 34060-1890; 34807-1890; 34904-1890;\n 34906-1890; 34910-1890; 35104-1890; 35105-1890; 35349-1890;\n 35412-1890; 35413-1890; 35831-1890; 36021-1890; 29\u2014McLaughlin,\n November 19, 36346-1890; 30\u2014President Harrison, November 13,\n 35104-1890; 31\u2014Secretary Noble, December 1, 37003-1890; 32\u2014Palmer,\n 35956-1890; Reynolds, 36011-1890; McLaughlin, 36022-1890; Royer,\n 36569-1890; 33\u2014Noble, 37003-1890; Wright, 37174-1890; Palmer,\n 38688-1890; 34\u2014McLaughlin, 36868-1890; 37465-1890; Cody order,\n 37559-1890; Belt, 39602-1890; 35\u2014McLaughlin, December 24, 1890-26;\n 36\u2014McLaughlin, 38860-1890; 39602-1890; December 24, 1890-26; Miles,\n 39535-1890; 37\u2014General Miles, December 11, 39216-1890; 38\u2014Miles,\n December 28, 1890-415; 39\u2014Miles, December 30, 1890-504; 40\u2014Royer,\n December 29, 40415-1890; Miles, December 29, 1890-414; 41\u2014Miles,\n December 29, 1890-414; 42\u2014Cooper, 40415-1890; 43\u2014Royer, December\n 31, 1890-529; 44\u2014Royer, January 2, 1891-145; 45\u2014Miles order,\n January 12, 6040-1891; 46\u2014Corbin, 7724-1891; military letters, etc,\n 10937-1891; Welsh, etc, 12772-1891; Burns, 12561-1891; 47\u2014Documents\n 3512-1891; 7720-1891; 7976-1891; 10937-1891; 11944-1891; including\n statements of Acting Agent Captain Pierce, of army officers,\n Dr McGillycuddy, Indian survivors, and Deadwood Pioneer;\n 48\u2014Kingsbury, 8217-1891; 49\u2014Viroqua, 38445-1890; 50\u2014Texas Ben,\n 36087-1890; Johnson, November 27, 1890; 51\u2014Herrick, 37440-1890;\n 52\u2014Belt, 8699-1893; Hopkins, 9979-1893; 11305-1893; 13243-1893;\n Browne, 14459-1893; 53\u2014Scott, February 10, 9234-1891; 54\u2014ibid;\n 55\u2014Commissioner Morgan, November 24, 36342-1890; 36467-1890.\n\n=Grinnell=, _Dr_ =G. B.= _See_ Journal of American Folk-lore; also\n article on Early Blackfoot History (American Anthropologist,\n Washington, April, 1892), and personal letters.\n\n Dr Grinnell, editor of Forest and Stream, in New York city, and\n author of Pawnee Hero Stories and Blackfoot Lodge Tales, is one of\n our best authorities on the prairie tribes.\n\n=Hamilton=, _Rev._ =William=. Autobiography. (Transactions and\n Reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society, I, 60\u201373.\n Lincoln, Nebraska, 1885. 8^o.)\n\n 1\u201372.\n\n=Hayden, F. V.= Contributions to the ethnography and philology of\n the Indian tribes of the Missouri valley, etc. Prepared under\n the direction of Captain William F. Reynolds, T. E., U.S.A., and\n published by permission of the War Department. Philadelphia, 1862.\n 4^o.\n\n=Heckewelder, J.= History, manners, and customs of the Indian nations\n who once inhabited Pennsylvania and the neighboring states. New and\n revised edition, with introduction and notes by Reverend William\n C. Reichel. Philadelphia, 1876. 8^o. Originally published in the\n Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. I.\n\n 1\u2014291\u2013293.\n\n=Howard=, _Gen._ =O. O.= Nez Perc\u00e9 Joseph; an account of his\n ancestors, his lands, his confederates, his enemies, his\n murders, his war, his pursuit, and capture. By O. O. Howard,\n brigadier-general, U. S. A. New York, 1881. 12^o.\n\n 1\u201452; 2\u201464\u201372; 3\u201483.\n\n=Huggins, E. L.= Smohalla, the prophet of Priest rapids. (Overland\n Monthly, February, 1891; vol. +XVII+, No. 98; second series, pages\n 208\u2013215.)\n\n Captain Huggins, now of the staff of General Miles, visited\n Smohalla in an official capacity about the same time as Major\n MacMurray. Some additional details were furnished by him in\n personal conversation with the author.\n\n 1\u2014209; 2\u2014209\u2013215.\n\n=Humboldt, A.= Political essay on the kingdom of New Spain, etc.\n Translated from the original French by John Black. London, 1811; 4\n volumes, 8^o.\n\n 1\u2014I, 200\u2013203; IV, 262.\n\n=Indian Informants.= (Among the Paiute in Nevada information and\n songs were obtained directly from Wovoka, the messiah, from\n his uncle, Charley Sheep, and others; among the Shoshoni and\n northern Arapaho in Wyoming, from Norcok, Shoshoni interpreter,\n Henry Reid, half-blood Cheyenne interpreter, Nakash, Sharp Nose,\n and others; at Pine Ridge, among the Sioux, from Fire-thunder,\n American Horse, Edgar Fire-thunder of Carlisle, Louis Menard and\n Philip Wells, mixed-blood interpreters, and others; among the\n Arapaho and Cheyenne in Oklahoma, from Black Coyote, Left-hand,\n Sitting Bull, Black Short Nose, and numerous others, and from the\n Carlisle students, Paul Boynton, Robert Burns, Clever Warden, Grant\n Left-hand, Jesse Bent, and others; among the Comanche, from Quanah,\n William Tivis (Carlisle) and his brother, Mo`tumi; among the Kiowa,\n from Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i, Gunaoi, Tama (a woman), Igiagy\u00e4hona (a woman), Mary\n Zo\u00f1tam, and others, with the Carlisle or Hampton students, Paul\n Setk\u2032opti, Belo Cozad, and Virginia Stumbling Bear, and from\n Andres Martinez, a Mexican captive and interpreter; among the\n Caddo, from George Parton and his daughter Eliza, John Wilson, and\n Robert Dunlap, half-blood interpreter; among the Wichita, from the\n chief Towakoni Jim. Detailed information in regard to the Smohalla\n and Shaker beliefs and rituals among the Columbia river tribes\n was obtained in Washington from Charles Ike, half-blood Yakima\n interpreter, and chief Wolf Necklace of the P\u00e4lus.)\n\n=Indian Office= [_Ind. Off._]. (Documents on file in the Indian\n office, exclusive of those relating directly to the Ghost dance and\n Sioux outbreak of 1890, those being filed in separate cases labeled\n \u201cGhost Dance.\u201d _See_ Commissioner and Ghost Dance.)\n\n 1\u2014Letter of Agent Graham to General Clark, dated February 22, 1827;\n 2\u2014Document indorsed \u201cThe Kickapoo Prophet\u2019s Speech,\u201d dated St.\n Louis, February 10, 1827.\n\n=Jackson, Helen= (\u201c=H. H.=\u201d). A century of dishonor. A sketch of the\n United States government\u2019s dealings with some of the Indian tribes,\n etc. New edition, etc. Boston, 1885. 12^o.\n\n=Janney, S. M.= The life of George Fox; with dissertations on his\n views concerning the doctrine, testimonies, and discipline of the\n Christian church, etc. Philadelphia, 1853. 8^o.\n\n=Journal of American Folk-lore= [_J. F. L._]. (An octavo quarterly\n magazine published at Boston.)\n\n 1\u2014\u201cThe Ghost Dance in Arizona,\u201d an article originally published\n in the Mohave Miner, and reprinted from the Chicago Inter-Ocean\n of June 25, 1891, in V, No. 16, January-March, 1892, pages 65\u201367;\n 2\u2014ibid; 3\u2014ibid; 4\u2014Mrs Z. A. Parker, \u201cThe Ghost Dance at Pine\n Ridge,\u201d from an article in the New York Evening Post of April 18,\n 1891, quoted in IV, No. 13, April-June, 1891, pages 160\u2013162. The\n same number of the journal contains other notices of the messiah\n and the Ghost dance; 5\u2014G. B. Grinnell, \u201cAccount of the Northern\n Cheyennes Concerning the Messiah Superstition,\u201d in IV, No. 12,\n January-March, 1891, pages 61\u201369; 6\u2014\u201cMessianic Excitements among\n the White Americans,\u201d from an article in the New York Times of\n November 30, 1890, in IV, No. 13, April-June, 1891; Rev. J. O.\n Dorsey, The Social Organization of the Siouan Tribes, in IV, No.\n 14, July-September, 1891.\n\n=Keam, Thomas V.= Letters and oral information.\n\n Mr Keam, of Keams Ca\u00f1on, Arizona, has been for a number of years a\n trader among the Navaho and Hopi (Moki), speaks the Navaho language\n fluently, and takes an intelligent interest in everything relating\n to these tribes. He has furnished valuable information orally and\n by letter, together with much kind assistance while the author was\n in that country.\n\n=Kendall, E. A.= Travels through the northern parts of the United\n States in the years 1807 and 1808. In three volumes. New York,\n 1809. 8^o.\n\n 1\u2014II, 290; 2\u2014II, 292 and 296; 3\u2014II, 287; 4\u2014II, 292.\n\n=Lee=, _Captain_ =J. M.= _See_ Adjutant-General\u2019s Office.\n\n Additional information has been furnished by Captain Lee in\n personal letters and in conversation.\n\n=Letter Book= [_L. B._]. (The letter book of the Indian Office\n containing, among other things, letters bearing on the Ghost dance,\n supplementary to the documents in the \u201cGhost dance files.\u201d)\n\n 1\u2014Belt, October 8 and October 20, 205\u2013287; 206\u2013211; 2\u2014Belt,\n November 15, 207\u2013237; 3\u2014Noble, 208\u2013245.\n\n=Lewis and Clark.= Explorations. Washington, 1806. 12^o.\n\n The edition used is the earliest printed account, in the form\n of a message to Congress from the President, Thomas Jefferson,\n communicated February 19, 1806.\n\n=McCullough, J.= _See_ Pritts, J.\n\n=McKenney, T. L.=, and =Hall, J.= History of the Indian tribes of\n North America, with biographical sketches and anecdotes of the\n principal chiefs. Embellished with one hundred and twenty portraits\n from the Indian gallery in the Department of War at Washington. In\n three volumes. Philadelphia, 1858. 8^o.\n\n 1\u2014vol. 1, 64, 65.\n\n=MacMurray=, _Major_ =J. W.= [_MacMurray MS._]. The Dreamers of the\n Columbia River valley in Washington Territory. A revised manuscript\n copy, with notes and other additions of an article originally read\n before the Albany Institute January 19, 1886, and published in the\n Transactions of the Albany Institute, +XI+, Albany, 1887, pages\n 240\u2013248.\n\n Under instructions from General Miles, commanding the Department\n of the Columbia, Major MacMurray, in 1884, made an official\n investigation of the Smohalla religion, with special reference to\n the Indian land grievances in that section, and his report on the\n subject contains a large body of valuable information.\n\n=Mallery=, _Colonel_ =Garrick=. Picture writing of the American\n Indians. (Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (1888\u201389),\n 1\u2013822. Washington, 1893. 8^o.)\n\n 1\u2014290.\n\n=Matthews=, _Dr_ =Washington=. Ethnography and philology of the\n Hidatsa Indians. Washington, 1877. 8^o. (Published as No. 7 of\n Miscellaneous publications of the United States Geological Survey.)\n\n\u2014\u2014 (Personal letters and oral information.)\n\n Dr Matthews, surgeon in the United States Army, lately retired,\n formerly stationed on the upper Missouri and afterward for several\n years at Fort Wingate, New Mexico, is the authority on the Navaho\n and Hidatsa Indians.\n\n 1\u2014Letter of October 23, 1891; 2\u2014ibid.\n\n=Merrick, J. L.= Life and religion of Mohammed, as contained in\n the Sheeah tradition of the Hyat-ul-Kuloob; translated from the\n Persian. Boston, 1850. 8^o.\n\n=Minnesota Historical Collections.= _See_ Warren.\n\n=Mormons.= The Mormons have stepped down and out of celestial\n government; the American Indians have stepped up and into celestial\n government. 8^o. 4 pages. (n. d.)\n\n An anonymous leaflet, published apparently at Salt Lake City,\n Utah, about July, 1892, advertising a series of lectures on the\n fulfillment of Mormon prophecies through the Indian messiah\n movement and the Sioux outbreak.\n\n=Nebraska Historical Society.= _See_ Allis; Colby; Hamilton.\n\n=Overland Monthly.= _See_ Huggins.\n\n=Parker, Z. A.= _See_ Commissioner and Journal of American\n Folk-lore.\n\n=Parkman, Francis.= The conspiracy of Pontiac, and the Indian war\n after the conquest of Canada. Two volumes. Boston, 1886. 8^o.\n\n 1\u2014II, 328; 2\u2014I, 207; 3\u2014I, 183; 4\u2014I, 187; 5\u2014I, 255; 6\u2014II, 311.\n\n=Parr, Harriet.= The life and death of Jeanne d\u2019Arc, called the\n Maid, etc. Two volumes, London, 1866. 12^o.\n\n=Phister=, _Lieut._ =N. P.= The Indian Messiah. (American\n Anthropologist, Washington, +IV+, No. 2, April, 1891.)\n\n A statement by Lieutenant Phister is also appended to the\n report of Captain lee on the abandonment of Fort Bidwell. _See_\n Adjutant-General\u2019s Office.\n\n 1\u2014American Anthropologist, +IV+, No. 2, 105\u20137; 2\u2014ibid; 3\u2014ibid.\n\n=Powers, Stephen.= Tribes of California. (Vol. +III+ of Contributions\n to North American Ethnology; U. S. Geographical and Geological\n Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region.) Washington, 1877. 4^o.\n\n=Prescott, W. H.= History of the Conquest of Mexico. Edited by John\n Foster Kirk. Three volumes. (1873?) Philadelphia. 12^o.\n\n 1\u2014I, 61; 2\u2014I, 346; 3\u2014I, 309.\n\n=Pritts, J.= Incidents of border life, illustrative of the times\n and condition of the first settlements in parts of the middle and\n western states, etc. Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, 1839. 8^o.\n\n 1\u201498 (McCullough\u2019s narrative).\n\n=Remy, J.=, and =Brenchley, J.= A Journey to Great Salt Lake City,\n with a sketch of the history, religion, and customs of the Mormons,\n and an introduction on the religious movement in the United States.\n Two vols., London, 1861. 8^o.\n\n=Roosevelt, T.= In cowboy land. (Century Magazine, +XLVI+, No. 2, New\n York, June, 1893.)\n\n 1\u2014283 (Century).\n\n=Schaff, Philip.= A Religious Encyclopedia; or, dictionary of\n biblical, historical, doctrinal, and practical theology. Based on\n the Real-Encyklop\u00e4die of Herzog, Plitt, and Hauck. Edited by Philip\n Schaff, D. D., LL. D., professor in the Union Theological Seminary,\n New York, etc. Three volumes. Vol. +I+, New York, 1882. Large 8^o.\n\n=Schoolcraft, H. R.= Historical and statistical information\n respecting the history, condition, and prospects of the Indian\n tribes of the United States. Collected and prepared under the\n direction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, etc. Published by\n authority of Congress. Six volumes, 4^o. Philadelphia, 1851\u20131857.\n\n 1\u2014IV, 240 (Fletcher); 2\u2014IV, 259.\n\n=Science.= _See_ Dutton.\n\n=Scott=, _Capt._ =H. L.= The Messiah dance in the Indian Territory.\n Essay for the Fort Sill lyceum, March, 1892 (manuscript).\n\n Additional valuable information has been obtained from Captain\n Scott\u2019s official reports on the Ghost dance (_see_ Ghost Dance\n and Adjutant-General\u2019s Office) and from personal letters and\n conversations.\n\n=Scribner\u2019s Magazine.= _See_ Welsh.\n\n=Shea, J. G.= History of the Catholic missions among the Indian\n tribes of the United States, 1529\u20131854. New York, (1855?). 12^o.\n\n Contains references to the Columbia river missions.\n\n=Short Bull.= Sermon delivered at the Red Leaf camp, October 31,\n 1890. Copy kindly furnished by George Bartlett, formerly of Pine\n Ridge agency, South Dakota. It appears also in the report of\n General Miles, in Report of the Secretary of War, Vol. +I+, 1891,\n 142.\n\n=Sickels=, _Miss_ =E. C.= (Notes and oral information in regard to\n the dance and songs at Pine Ridge.)\n\n The author is also indebted to the kindness of Miss Sickels for the\n manuscript copy of Sword\u2019s account of the Ghost dance.\n\n=Snyder=, _Colonel_ =Simon=. (Personal letter concerning the\n Sword-bearer outbreak of 1887.)\n\n=Southey, Robert.= The life of Wesley and rise and progress of\n Methodism. By Robert Southey. Second American edition with notes,\n etc., by the Reverend David Curry, +A. M.+ Two volumes, New York,\n 1847. 12^o.\n\n=Stenhouse=, _Mrs_ =T. B. H.= Tell it all: The story of a life\u2019s\n experience in Mormonism. Hartford, Connecticut, 1874.\n\n Contains particular reference to the endowment robe.\n\n=Stephen, A. M.= Letters and oral information.\n\n The late Mr Stephen lived and studied for years among the Navaho,\n Hopi (Moki), Cohonino, and other Indians of northern New Mexico\n and Arizona, and was a competent authority on these tribes,\n particularly the Hopi, whose ethnology he was investigating\n in conjunction with Dr J. Walter Fewkes, for the Hemenway\n Archeological Expedition.\n\n 1\u2014Letter of September 17, 1891; 2\u2014Letter of November 22, 1891;\n 3\u2014Oral information; 4\u2014Letter of September 17, 1891.\n\n=Sutherland, T. A.= Howard\u2019s campaign against the Nez Perc\u00e9 Indians.\n By Thomas A. Sutherland, volunteer aid-de-camp on General Howard\u2019s\n staff. Portland, Oregon, 1878. Pamphlet, 8^o.\n\n 1\u201439.\n\n=Tanner, John.= A narrative of the captivity and adventures of John\n Tanner. New York, 1830. 8^o.\n\n 1\u2014155\u2013158.\n\n=Thompson, A. H.= (Of the United States Geological Survey. Oral\n information concerning the religious ferment among the Paiute of\n Utah in 1875.)\n\n=Treaties.= A compilation of all the treaties between the United\n States and the Indian tribes, now in force as laws. Prepared under\n the provisions of the act of Congress approved March 3, 1873, etc.\n Washington, 1873. 8^o.\n\n 1\u2014439.\n\n=Voth=, _Rev._ =H. R.= (Correspondence and notes.)\n\n Mr Voth, now stationed among the Hopi, at Oraibi, Arizona, was\n formerly superintendent of the Mennonite Arapaho Mission, at\n Darlington, Oklahoma. Being interested in the ethnology and\n language of the Arapaho, he gave close attention to the Ghost dance\n during the excitement, and has furnished much valuable information,\n orally and by letter, in regard to the songs and ritual of the\n dance.\n\n=War.= Annual report of the Secretary of War. Washington. 8^o.\n (Volumes quoted: 1877\u2014I; 1881\u2014I; 1888\u2014I; 1891\u2014I.)\n\n 1\u2014Colonel Carr; Brevet Major-General Willcox, department\n commander, and Major-General McDowell, division commander, in\n Report 1881\u2014I, 140\u2013154; 2\u2014Report of Brigadier-General Ruger\n and of Special Agent Howard, with other papers in the same\n connection, 1888\u2014I; 3a\u2014General Howard in Report, 1877, I,\n 630; 3b\u2014(Referred to) Report of scout Arthur Chapman, 1891\u2014I,\n 191\u2013194; 4\u2014Short Bull\u2019s sermon, 1891\u2014I, 142\u2013143; 5\u2014Report of\n General Brooke, ibid, 135\u2013136; 6\u2014Report of General Miles, ibid,\n 147\u2013148; 7\u2014Miles, ibid, 145; 8\u2014Miles, ibid, 146\u2013147; General\n Ruger, 182\u2013183; Lieutenant-Colonel Drum, 194\u2013197; Captain\n Fech\u00e9t, 197\u2013199; 9\u2014Miles, ibid, 147; 10\u2014Miles, ibid, 147 and\n 153; 11\u2014Miles, ibid, 147; Ruger, 184; Lieutenant Hale, 200\u2013201;\n Captain Hurst, 201\u2013202; Lieutenant-Colonel Sumner, 224; 12\u2014Miles,\n ibid, 147; Lieutenant-Colonel Sumner, etc, 209\u2013238; 13\u2014Miles,\n ibid, 150; 14\u2014Miles, ibid, 150; 15\u2014Ruger, ibid, 185; Maus, ibid,\n 214; 16\u2014Miles, ibid, 130; 17\u2014Miles, ibid, 130; 18\u2014Miles, ibid,\n 150; 19\u2014Miles, ibid, 154; 20\u2014Miles, ibid, 151; 21\u2014Miles, ibid,\n 151; 22\u2014Miles, ibid, 152; 23\u2014Miles, ibid, 152\u2013153; 24\u2014Report of\n Lieutenant Getty, ibid, 250\u2013251; 25\u2014Reports of Colonel Merriam,\n Lieutenant Marshall, et al., ibid, 220\u2013223; 26\u2014Miles, ibid, 154;\n 27\u2014Miles, ibid, 154.\n\n=Warren, W. W.= History of the Ojibways, based upon traditions and\n oral statements. (In collections of the Minnesota Historical\n Society, V. St. Paul, 1885.) 8^o.\n\n 1\u2014321\u2013324; 2\u2014321\u2013324.\n\n=Welsh, Herbert.= The meaning of the Dakota outbreak. (Scribner\u2019s\n Magazine, +IX+, No. 4; New York, April, 1891, pages 429\u2013452.)\n\n Mr Welsh is president of the Indian Rights Association, and a close\n and competent observer of Indian affairs.\n\n 1\u2014445; 2\u2014450; 3\u2014452.\n\n=Wickersham, James.= Tschaddam or Shaker religion. (Manuscript\n published almost entire in chapter +VIII+ herein, together with\n extracts from personal letters on the same subject.)\n\n Judge James Wickersham is the historian of the state of Washington\n and the attorney for the Shaker Indian organization. He has devoted\n considerable attention to the Indians of the state, and is now\n engaged in preparing a monograph on the Nisqually tribe.\n\n\n\n\n ERRATUM\n\n\nFrom a letter of Judge James Wickersham, already quoted as an authority\non the Shaker religion of the Columbia River tribes, it appears that\nAiyal is not the same individual as Yowaluch, as was stated by our\nYakima informants, who were doubtless deceived by the resemblance of\nsound. Judge Wickersham writes: \u201cI know this man Aiyal, and he and\nYowaluch, while great friends, are not the same person. Aiyal is a\nCowlitz, and was sent by Yowaluch to the Yakima, together with John W.\nSimmons, to convert that tribe.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n INDEX TO PART 2\n\n\n +\u0102\u2032\u0103 kakimeawi\u2032ut+, Caddo name of ghost dance, 791\n\n +A\u00e4\u2032nin\u0115na+, an Arapaho division, 955\n\n \u2014, an Arapaho synonym, 1013\n\n +Aan\u00fb\u2032haw\u0103+, an Arapaho division, 956\n\n +Achoma\u2032wi+, a Pit river band, 1052\n\n +Adai+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Adaize+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +\u00c2\u2032dal-k\u0314ato\u2032igo+, a Sahaptin synonym, 744\n\n +\u00c4dalto\u2032yui+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Adams, Agent+, at Anadarko council, 913\n\n +Adams, Wm.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Adventists+, account of the, 944\n\n +Aes+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Afraid-of-him+, Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i\u2019s vision of, 910\n\n +Aga\u2032ih-t\u012dka\u2032ra+, _see_ +Fisheaters+.\n\n +Agents+, knowledge of, concerning indians, 767\n\n \u2014, inconsiderateness of, 837\n\n \u2014, placed under military orders, 850\n\n \u2014, policy concerning, 828\n\n \u2014, replacement of, 845, 887\n\n \u2014, Sioux, ghost dance beyond control of, 850\n\n \u2014, Sioux, irresponsibility of, 833\n\n +Agriculture+ of the Caddo, 1094\n\n +Aha\u2032k\u00e4n\u0115\u2032na+, an Arapaho warrior order, 988\n\n +\u00c4hy\u00e4to+, Kiowa name of the Arapaho, 953\n\n +Aiyal+, correction concerning, 1111\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Yowaluch, Louis+.\n\n +Akokisa+, status of the, 1093\n\n +Aliatan+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Aliche+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Allis, Samuel+, on Kickapoo prayer stick, 697\n\n +Almotu+, a P\u00e4lus village, 735\n\n +Alone Man+, Catch-the-Bear killed by, 857\n\n +American Horse+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance council held by, 820\n\n \u2014 on Wounded Knee massacre, 869, 885\n\n \u2014 on the Sioux outbreak, 839, 843\n\n \u2014, emissary to Bad-lands refugees, 867\n\n \u2014, Kicking Bear\u2019s surrender effected by, 868\n\n \u2014, delegate to Washington, 891\n\n +Americans+, indian belief of origin of, 721\n\n \u2014, indian regard for, 676\n\n +Amulet+, Caddo, described, 904\n\n +Anadarko+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n \u2014, Kiowa council at, 913\n\n +Angell, Henry+, in Sioux outbreak, 863\n\n +Anointment+ of body, 1037\n\n +Anos-anyotskano+, Kichai name of the Arapaho, 953\n\n +Anskow\u012d\u2032n\u012ds+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Apache+, absence of ghost dance among, 805\n\n \u2014 in ghost dance, 653, 802, 805, 898\n\n \u2014 and Kiowa early warfare, 1079\n\n \u2014, medicine-man of the, 704\n\n \u2014, refusal of, to accept \u00c4piata\u00f1\u2019s report, 914\n\n \u2014, use of bull-roarer by, 975\n\n +A\u2032p-an\u0115ka\u2032ra+, Comanche name of ghost dance, 791\n\n +\u00c4piata\u00f1+, journey of, to the Sioux, 908\n\n \u2014, Kiowa delegate to Wovoka, 903, 911, 913\n\n \u2014, portrait of, 912\n\n \u2014, result of interview of, 911\n\n \u2014, report of messiah visit of, 913\n\n \u2014, report on messiah doctrine by, 900\n\n \u2014, medal presented to, 914\n\n +Aqa\u2032thin\u0115\u2032na+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +Arapaho+, ceremonial smoking by the, 918\n\n \u2014, cycles of the, 701\n\n \u2014, delegation of, to Wovoka, 900\n\n \u2014, early knowledge of messiah by, 797\n\n \u2014, etymology of, 1013\n\n \u2014, features of ghost dance among, 802\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 653, 786, 807, 817, 820, 895, 926, 927\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance doctrine spread by, 902\n\n \u2014, glossary of the, 1012\n\n \u2014, knowledge of messiah among, 894\n\n \u2014 name of the Caddo, 1092\n\n \u2014 name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of ghost dance, 791\n\n \u2014 name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014 police, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, population of the, 957\n\n \u2014, religion of the, 775\n\n \u2014, sacred pipe of the, 1063\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 954\n\n \u2014, songs of the, 958\n\n \u2014, symbolic representation of, 789\n\n \u2014 tribal signs, 954\n\n \u2014 tribal synonymy, 953\n\n \u2014 visit of \u00c4piata\u00f1 to, 911\n\n \u2014, visit of, to Wovoka, 774, 807, 901\n\n \u2014, visit to the, 778\n\n +\u00c4r\u00e4pa\u2032kata+, Crow name of the Arapaho, 953, 1014\n\n +Arcs Plats+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Arikara+, ghost dance among the, 817\n\n +Arizona+ visited by Smohalla, 719\n\n +Armstrong, James+, visit of Kickapoo delegation to, 699\n\n +Armstrong, R. B.+, prayer stick in possession of, 699\n\n +Arnold, Mrs L. B.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014 adoption of Sioux child by, 880\n\n +Arrow+, medicine, ceremony of, 1026\n\n +Arrow game+ of the Arapaho, 962\n\n +Arrows+ of the Cheyenne, 1024\n\n \u2014, sacred, in Sioux ceremony, 823\n\n \u2014, sacred, in Sioux ghost dance, 788, 915, 916\n\n \u2014, symbolism of, in ghost dance, 789\n\n +\u00c4satitola+, present name of Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i, 909\n\n +Asay, J. F.+, on mortality at Wounded Knee, 870\n\n \u2014, on Sioux ghost dance, 915\n\n +Asinais+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Asiniboin+ and Cheyenne hostility, 1024\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 817\n\n \u2014, Tenskwatawa religion among the, 679\n\n +Atahnam+, a Yakima mission, 717\n\n +\u00c4\u2032t\u00e4n\u00fbm-\u201bl\u0115ma+, sketch of the, 738\n\n +Atsina+, Blackfoot name of Gros Ventres, 955\n\n +Atua\u2032mih+, a Pit river band, 1052\n\n +Authorities cited+, list of, 1104\n\n +Awl game+ of plains tribes, 1002\u20131004\n\n +Ayutan+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Aztecs+, culture of the, 658\n\n\n +Ba\u2032achin\u0115na+, name of northern Arapaho, 954, 1014\n\n +B\u00e4\u00e4ku\u2032ni+, Arapaho name of Paul Boynton, 971\n\n +Bad Faces+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +Bad lands+, flight of Sioux to, 850, 851, 861, 884\n\n \u2014, Sioux in, surrounded by troops, 866\n\n \u2014, return of Sioux from, 868\n\n +Bad Pipes+, an Arapaho division, 956\n\n +Bahakos\u012dn+, Caddo name of the Cheyenne 1023\n\n +Bahwetegow-\u0113ninnewug+, Ojibwa name of Gros Ventres, 955\n\n +Ball+ of the Arapaho, 964\n\n +Bancroft, George+, on French and Indian war, 663\n\n \u2014, on the Lenape, 662\n\n +Bannock+ and Paiute affinity, 1048, 1051\n\n \u2014, early knowledge of messiah by, 802\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among, 785, 805, 807\n\n \u2014, messiah delegates among the, 894\n\n \u2014, Mormon emissaries among the, 704\n\n \u2014, Porcupine\u2019s visit to the, 793\n\n \u2014, present habitat of the, 806\n\n \u2014, reception of, into Mormon church, 790\n\n \u2014, T\u00e4vibo among the, 701\n\n \u2014, visit of \u00c4piata\u00f1 among, 911\n\n \u2014, visit of, to Wovoka, 818\n\n +Bannock Jim+, Wovoka confounded with, 765\n\n +B\u00e4\u2032qati game+ described, 994\n\n \u2014 in ghost song, 1036, 1075\n\n +B\u00e4qati wheel+, use of, in ghost dance, 1064\n\n +Bark+, Cheyenne delegate to Wovoka, 895\n\n +Bark+, cedar, headdress of, in Shaker ceremony, 761\n\n +Bartlett, C. H.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, prayer slick presented by, 698\n\n +B\u00e4\u2032sawun\u0115\u2032na+, an Arapaho division, 955\n\n +Basket+, mystic, in Columbia indian cosmology, 722\n\n +Basket+ used in dice game, 1004\n\n +Bathing+ in ghost-dance ceremony, 921\n\n +B\u00e4ti\u2032qt\u00fbba+ game of the Arapaho, 1007\n\n +Battlelemuleemauch+, a Mitaui synonym, 734\n\n \u2014, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n +Bed+ of prairie tribes, 963\n\n +Be\u2032d\u0103lpago+, Kiowa name of the whites, 978\n\n +Beekman, Dora+, founder of the Beekmanites, 945\n\n +Beekmanites+, account of, 945\n\n +Bell+, \u2014, a wilderness worshiper, 946\n\n +Bells+ used in Shaker ceremony, 749, 755\n\n \u2014 used in Smohalla worship, 730\n\n +B\u0115ni\u2019n\u0115na+, an Arapaho warrior society, 986\n\n +Benoit, Felix+, interpreter in Sioux outbreak, 865\n\n +Bent, George+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on absence of clans among Cheyenne, 956\n\n +Bent, Jesse+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Berliner, Emile+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Berry dance+ of northwestern indians, 728\n\n +Be\u2032shiltch\u0103+, Kiowa synonym, 1078\n\n +B\u0115tid\u0115\u0115+, Kiowa Apache name of the Arapaho, 953\n\n +Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i+, account of, 909\u2013910\n\n \u2014 compared with other prophets, 930\n\n \u2014, influence of, in ghost dance, 914\n\n +Bible+, Shaker regard for the, 750, 755\n\n +Bidai+, status of the, 1093\n\n +Big Foot+, complaints by band of, 836\n\n \u2014, excitement among band of, 848\n\n \u2014, game-wheel carried by band of, 1075\n\n \u2014, ghost dance at camp of, 847, 853\n\n \u2014 joined by Sitting Bull\u2019s warriors, 860\n\n \u2014, participation of, in Sioux outbreak, 861\n\n \u2014, arrest of band of, 876\n\n \u2014, surrender of, 867\n\n \u2014, second flight of, 865\n\n \u2014, military movement against, 864\n\n \u2014, illness of, 868\n\n \u2014 killed at Wounded Knee, 870\n\n +Big Road+ as a peacemaker, 887\n\n \u2014, delegate to Washington, 891\n\n \u2014, emissary to Bad-lands refugees, 867\n\n +Billy John+, _see_ +Sha\u2032aw\u0115+.\n\n +Bird head+, use of, in battle, 790\n\n +Birds+, stuffed, used in ghost dance, 916\n\n +Bitahi\u2032n\u0115na+, an Arapaho warrior order, 988\n\n +Bit\u00e4ye+, another name of Sitting Bull, 896\n\n +Black, Buffalo+, a ghost-dance leader, 902\n\n +Black Coal+, an Arapaho chief, 956\n\n \u2014, opposition of, to ghost dance, 808\n\n +Black Coyote+, an Arapaho ghost-dance leader, 897, 898\n\n \u2014, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, sacred paint obtained by, 1029\n\n \u2014, song rehearsal in tipi of, 819\n\n \u2014, visit of, to Wovoka, 774, 775, 894, 900, 903\n\n +Blackfeet+, a Teton division, 1059\n\n \u2014, absence of ghost dance among, 816, 817\n\n \u2014, dog soldiers of the, 986\n\n \u2014, eagle trapping by the, 993\n\n \u2014, former union of, with Cheyenne, 1025\n\n \u2014, native name of the, 957\n\n \u2014, name of Gros Ventres by, 955\n\n \u2014, Tenskwatawa religion among the, 680\n\n +Black Fox+, firing at Wounded Knee begun by, 869\n\n +Black hills+ formerly occupied by Kiowa, 1079\n\n \u2014 inhabited by Cheyenne, 1024\n\n \u2014, result of settlement of, 825, 826, 1059\n\n +Black-leg people+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Black Short Nose+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, an Arapaho chief, 956\n\n \u2014, Wovoka\u2019s message delivered by, 780\n\n +Blood+, use of, in Sioux arrow ceremony, 823\n\n +Blowing+ in Shaker ceremonial, 761\n\n +Blue Cloud people+, an Arapaho synonym, 789\n\n +Blue Whirlwind+, portrait of, 877\n\n \u2014, wounding of, at Wounded Knee, 869\n\n +Bobbydoklinny+, _see_ +Nakai-dokl\u012d\u2032ni+.\n\n +Bod\u0103lk\u0314i\u00f1ago+, Kiowa name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Bone+, arrowheads of, in Sioux ceremony, 823\n\n +Bone, Albert S.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Boston men+, application of name, 721\n\n +Bot-k\u0314i\u00f1\u2032ago+, Kiowa name of Gros Ventres, 955\n\n +Bourke, J. G.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on Apache medicine-man, 704\n\n \u2014, on Apache use of bull-roarer, 975\n\n \u2014, on necklaces of human fingers, 1024\n\n +Bow, sacred+, in Sioux ceremony, 823\n\n \u2014, in Sioux ghost-dance, 788\n\n +Boynton, Paul+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, ghost song composed by, 971\n\n \u2014, experience of, while in trance, 923\n\n +Braddock+, Pontiac at defeat of, 668\n\n +Brinton, D. G.+, cited on white deliverer among indians, 658\n\n +Broken Arm+, delegate to Wovoka, 820\n\n +Brooke, Gen. J. R.+, troops under, in Sioux outbreak, 850\n\n \u2014, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 875, 882\n\n \u2014, on reduction of Sioux rations, 845\n\n \u2014, conference of, with Sioux chiefs, 867\n\n +Brown, A. J.+, mission of, 946\n\n +Brown, J. P.+, quoted on the Dervishes, 948\n\n +Browne, H. G.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Brul\u00e9s+, a Teton division, 1058\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 847\n\n +Brunot+, \u2014, on Columbia river land reserve, 709\n\n +Buffalo+, ceremony for restoration of, 906\n\n \u2014, effect of extermination of, 825, 829, 831, 833\n\n \u2014 hair used in medicine, 1033\n\n \u2014 hunting by the Sioux, 824\n\n \u2014 hunting, how conducted, 1071\n\n \u2014 in Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i\u2019s vision, 910\n\n \u2014 in ghost-dance doctrine, 821, 1064\n\n \u2014 in Sioux mythology, 1063\n\n \u2014, indian dependence on, 980\n\n \u2014, Kiowa belief concerning, 906\n\n \u2014, belief in restoration of, 799, 907, 1088\n\n \u2014 skull, use of, in Sioux ceremony, 822\n\n \u2014, vision of, 797, 821\n\n +Buffalo Bill+, _see_ +Cody, W. F.+\n\n +Buffalo Black+, _see_ +Black+.\n\n +Buffalo-eaters+, name applied to the Bannock, 1051\n\n +Buffalo gap+, appearance of troops at, 850\n\n +Bull Head+, Sioux police under, 855\n\n \u2014 at arrest of Sitting Bull, 857\n\n \u2014, Sitting Bull shot by, 857\n\n \u2014 shot by Catch-the-Bear, 857\n\n \u2014 killed in Sitting-Bull fight, 858\n\n +Bull-roarer+ of the Arapaho, 974, 975\n\n +Burns, Robert+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n\n +Caddo+, account of the, 1092\n\n \u2014, clan system of the, 956\n\n \u2014, delegation of, to Wovoka, 901, 903\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance among the, 653, 786, 802, 895, 898, 902, 905, 926, 927\n\n \u2014, glossary of the, 1102\n\n \u2014 name of ghost dance, 791\n\n \u2014 name of the Arapaho, 953\n\n \u2014 name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014 name of the Wichita, 1095\n\n \u2014, refusal of, to accept \u00c4piata\u00f1\u2019s report, 914\n\n \u2014, songs of the, 1096\n\n \u2014, synonymy of the, 1092\n\n \u2014, tribal sign of the, 1092\n\n +Caddoan stock+, tribes composing the, 1092\n\n +Cadodaquio+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Cailloux+, a Cayuse synonym, 743\n\n +Calendar+, Kiowa, pictography of, 906, 907, 909\n\n +Calispel+, a synonym of Pend d\u2019Oreille, 731\n\n +Campbell, Frank+, account of T\u00e4viho by, 702\n\n +Camping+ by prairie tribes, 1073\n\n +Camping circle+ of the Arapaho, 956\n\n \u2014 of the Cheyenne, 1026\n\n \u2014 of the Kiowa, 1080\n\n \u2014 of the Sioux, 1058\n\n +Candles+ used in Shaker ceremony, 755, 761, 762\n\n +Can\u2019t-hold-it+, Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i\u2019s vision of, 910\n\n +Capron, Captain+, troops under, at Pine Ridge, 850\n\n +Captain Dick+, account of ghost dance by, 784\n\n +Captor+, another name of Sitting Bull, 896\n\n +Cardinal points+, fires at, in ghost dance, 915\n\n \u2014 in ghost dance, 789\n\n \u2014 in Sioux ceremony, 823\n\n \u2014, smoke offering to, 918, 1063\n\n +Carignan+, \u2014, on movements of Sitting Bull, 855\n\n +Carlisle students+ as messiah delegates, 900\n\n \u2014 in ghost dance, 923, 924, 971, 1038\n\n +Carr, Gen. E. A.+, arrest of Nakai-dokl\u012d\u2032ni by, 705\n\n \u2014, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 882\n\n \u2014, troops under, in Sioux outbreak, 850\n\n +Carroll, Major+, Porcupine\u2019s account made to, 793\n\n +Cascade indians+, a Kwikw\u00fbl\u012dt synonym, 741\n\n +Casey, Lieut. E. W.+, killed in Sioux outbreak, 872, 888\n\n +Caswall+, \u2014, on the Kentucky revival, 943\n\n +Cataka+, a synonym of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Catch-the-Bear+, an adherent of Sitting Bull, 857\n\n \u2014 killed in Sitting Bull fight, 857\n\n +Catlin, George+, on K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, 692, 697\n\n \u2014, on meaning of K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, 693\n\n \u2014, on Shawano prophet, 673\n\n \u2014, on Shawano religion among Blackfeet, 680\n\n \u2014, on Tecumtha, 691\n\n \u2014, visit of, to K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, 696\n\n +Cautantouwit+, an Algonquian god, 982\n\n +Caygua+, a Kiowa synonym, 1078\n\n +Cayuse+ and Kl\u00fbkat\u00e4t hostility, 738\n\n \u2014 opinion of land assignments, 710\n\n \u2014, present habitat of the, 805\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 743\n\n +Cedar+, sacred regard for, 809, 979\n\n \u2014 used in ghost dance, 911, 921\n\n +Cedar Tree+, hypnotism performed by, 924\n\n +Celilo+, Smohalla performances at, 725\n\n +Cenis+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Ceremonial+, _see_ +Ritual+.\n\n +Ceremonial smoking+ by the Arapaho, 918\n\n +Ceremony+ of the ghost dance, 915\n\n +Chahrarat+, Pawnee name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Cha\u2032k\u0314an\u012d\u2032n\u0103+, a Caddo mythic cave, 1093\n\n +Ch\u00e4mn\u00e4\u2032+, location of, 739\n\n +Ch\u00e4mn\u00e4\u2032p\u00fbm+, sketch of the, 739\n\n +Chapman, Arthur+, interview of, with Wovoka, 766\n\n +Chasing Hawk+, vision of, 797, 821\n\n +Cha\u201btha+, Arapaho name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Chaudi\u00e8re+, a Colville synonym, 732\n\n +Cheeschapahdisch+, _see_ +Cheez-tah-paezh+.\n\n +Cheez-tah-paezh+, account of, 706\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Sword-bearer+.\n\n +Chehalis+ membership in Shaker church, 759\n\n \u2014, Shaker religion among the, 747\n\n +Chekisschee+, a Lower Spokan synonym, 732\n\n +Chemehuevi+, a Paiute offshoot, 1048\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 805, 814\n\n +Cherokee+ and Iroquois treaty, 670\n\n \u2014, cedar in mythology of, 809\n\n \u2014 conception of the sun, 971\n\n \u2014 myth of the cedar, 979\n\n \u2014, peace pipe of the, 1063\n\n \u2014, power of Shawano prophet among, 676\n\n \u2014, sacred regard of, for the crow, 982\n\n \u2014, sacred regard of, for the eagle, 1100\n\n +Cheschopah+, _see_ +Cheez-tah-paezh+.\n\n +Chese-cha-pahdish+, _see_ +Cheez-tah-paezh+.\n\n +Chese-Topah+, _see_ +Cheez-tah-paezh+.\n\n +Cheyenne+, absence of clans among, 956\n\n \u2014 and Kiowa early warfare, 1079\n\n \u2014 and Sioux early warfare, 1059\n\n \u2014, Arapaho warrior order derived from, 988\n\n \u2014 delegates, visit of, to Wovoka, 774, 778, 817, 894, 900, 901\n\n \u2014, effect of Porcupine\u2019s visit on the, 819\n\n \u2014, fires built by, in ghost dance, 921\n\n \u2014, former habitat of the, 1029\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 653, 786, 802, 817, 895, 915, 926, 927\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance doctrine spread by, 902\n\n \u2014, glossary of the, 1039\n\n \u2014, knowledge of messiah among, 894\n\n \u2014 name of the Arapaho, 953\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014 notion concerning thunder, 969\n\n \u2014, population of the, 1025\n\n \u2014, religion of the, 775\n\n \u2014, reservation experience of the, 833\n\n \u2014 scouts in Sioux outbreak, 867, 881\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 1024\n\n \u2014, songs of the, 1028\n\n \u2014, Sword-bearer among the, 706\n\n \u2014, symbolic representation of, 789\n\n \u2014, synonymy of the, 1023\n\n \u2014, tribal divisions of the, 1025\n\n +Cheyenne River agency+, delegates from, to Washington, 891\n\n \u2014, delegates from, to Wovoka, 820\n\n \u2014, indians of, in Sioux outbreak, 885\n\n \u2014, table of rations at, 839\n\n \u2014, waning of ghost dance at, 846\n\n +Children+ killed at Wounded Knee, 876, 877, 885\n\n +Chilluckittequaw+, a Chil\u00fb\u2032ktkwa synonym, 741\n\n +Chil\u00fb\u2032ktkwa+, sketch of the, 741\n\n +Chimnahpum+, a Ch\u00e4mn\u00e4\u2032p\u00fbm synonym, 739\n\n +Chimnapoos+, a Ch\u00e4mn\u00e4\u2032p\u00fbm synonym, 739\n\n +Chinachichibat+, native name of Dog soldiers, 986\n\n +Ch\u012d\u2032nachin\u0115\u2032na+, an Arapaho priestly order, 989\n\n +Chinese+, indian belief of origin of, 721\n\n +Chinook+, hypnotism among the, 762\n\n +Chivington+ and Wounded Knee massacres compared, 881\n\n +Chohoptins+, a Sahaptin synonym, 744\n\n +Chopunnish+, a P\u00e4\u2032lus synonym, 735\n\n \u2014, a Sahaptin synonym, 744\n\n +Christianity+, effect of, on indian ceremonials, 718\n\n \u2014, influence of, in indian religion, 699\n\n \u2014, influence of, in Shaker religion, 750, 761\n\n \u2014, influence of, on the Kiowa, 1088\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Civilization+.\n\n +Chualpay+, a Colville synonym, 732\n\n +Chum\u00e2\u2032wa+, a Pit river band, 1052\n\n +Civilization+, effect of, on Arapaho and Cheyenne, 1027\n\n \u2014, effect of, on indians, 675, 829\n\n \u2014, effect of, on savagery, 669\n\n \u2014, effect of, on the Caddo, 1094\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Christianity+.\n\n +Clams, Billy+, a Shaker enthusiast, 756\n\n +Clan system+ unknown to Arapaho, 956\n\n \u2014 unknown to Comanche, 1044\n\n \u2014 unknown to Kiowa, 1079\n\n +Clark, General+, visit to, by K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, 693\u2013694\n\n +Clark, W. P.+, on Cheyenne characteristics, 1027\n\n \u2014, on Cheyenne divisions, 1025\n\n \u2014, on Cheyenne early habitat, 1024, 1029\n\n \u2014, on meaning of Hunkpapa, 1059\n\n \u2014, on meaning of Ogalala, 1058\n\n \u2014, on Sioux characteristics, 1059\n\n +Clarke, Ben+, on absence of clans among Cheyenne, 956\n\n +Claws+, animal, use of, in battle, 790\n\n \u2014 attached to amulet, 904\n\n \u2014 used in ghost dance, 916\n\n +Clickahut+, a Kl\u00fb\u2032k\u0103t\u00e4t synonym, 738\n\n +Clickitat+, a Kl\u00fb\u2032k\u0103t\u00e4t synonym, 738\n\n +Cloud Horse+, visit of, to Wovoka, 797, 819\n\n +Club men+, an Arapaho warrior order, 987\n\n +Cody, W. F.+, ordered to arrest Sitting Bull, 854\n\n +C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eanes+, present habitat of, 805\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 733\n\n +Coffey, Dora S.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Cohonino+, ghost dance among the, 785, 811\n\n +Colby, Gen. L. W.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, in Sioux outbreak, 876\n\n \u2014, letter from McGillycuddy to, 831\n\n \u2014, on close of Sioux outbreak, 888\n\n \u2014, on killing of Lieutenant Casey, 889\n\n \u2014, on mortality at Wounded Knee, 871\n\n \u2014, on second encounter at Wounded Knee, 882\n\n \u2014, on Sioux outbreak, 861, 867\n\n \u2014, Sioux child adopted by, 879\n\n +Color+, differentiation of, by indians, 1032\n\n \u2014, sacred, red as a, 1037\n\n \u2014 symbolism in ghost dance, 919\n\n \u2014 symbolism in Shaker ceremony, 761\n\n \u2014 symbolism in Smohalla ritual, 725, 729\n\n +Columbia region+, tribes of the, 731\n\n +Columbia River indians+ defined, 716\n\n \u2014, a synonym of Wa\u2032nap\u016dm, 735\n\n \u2014 in Shaker church, 759\n\n \u2014, Smohalla doctrine among, 716\n\n +Columbias+, an Isle de Pierre synonym, 734\n\n +Colville+, sketch of the, 732\n\n +Comanche+, absence of clans among, 956\n\n \u2014 and Kiowa early warfare, 1079\n\n \u2014 drawings of the ghost dance, 1060\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 653, 901, 926\u2013927\n\n \u2014, Kiowa inferior to the, 1080\n\n \u2014 myth concerning thunderbird, 968\n\n \u2014 name of the Arapaho, 954\n\n \u2014 name of the Caddo, 1092\n\n \u2014 name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014 name of the ghost dance, 791\n\n \u2014 name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014 name of the whites, 703, 978\n\n \u2014 name of the Wichita, 1095\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 1043\n\n \u2014, songs of the, 1046\n\n \u2014, synonymy of the, 1043\n\n \u2014, tribal sign of the, 1043\n\n +Condorcanqui+, Peruvian insurrection under, 660\n\n +Conrad, Captain+, orders Selwyn to visit Kuwapi, 799\n\n +Consecration+ of dance ground, 918\n\n \u2014 of the earth, 924\n\n \u2014 of feathers, 919\n\n +Cook, R. L.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Cooke, C. S.+, interpreter for Sioux delegation, 891\n\n +Coolidge, Sherman+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Cooper, A.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Cooshatti+, _see_ +Koasati+.\n\n +Coospellar+, a synonym of Pend d\u2019Oreille, 731\n\n +Copunnish+, a Sahaptin synonym, 744\n\n +Corn+, Arapaho mythic origin of, 959\n\n \u2014 in Caddo mythology, 1093\n\n \u2014 in Cheyenne mythology, 1027\n\n \u2014 Sioux mythic origin of, 1063\n\n \u2014 pollen used in Navaho ceremonies, 705\n\n +Coronado+ on indian dependence on buffalo, 980\n\n +Corpse-from-a-scaffold+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Corwine, R. W.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Cos\u012d\u2032sp\u00e4+, _see_ +Kas\u012d\u2032sp\u00e4+.\n\n +Cosmology+ explained by Smohalla, 720\n\n \u2014 of the Arapaho, 959, 983\n\n \u2014 of the Caddo, 1093\n\n \u2014 of the Cherokee, 971\n\n \u2014 of Columbia tribes, 722\n\n \u2014 of the Paiute, 1050\n\n +Costello, John+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Costume+ of ghost dancers, 788, 814, 916\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Ghost shirt+.\n\n +Coteea\u2032kun+, _see_ +Kotai\u2032aqan+.\n\n +Cotonn\u00e9+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Cottonoi+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Cottonwood+ in Paiute ghost song, 1055\n\n \u2014, sacred character of, 968\n\n \u2014, use of, by indians, 967\n\n +Coutanie+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Coville, F. V.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Cowejo+, name applied to Wovoka, 705\n\n +Cowlitz+ membership in Shaker church, 759\n\n +Coxe, D.+, on Turtle river, 1029\n\n +Coyote men+, duties of, 985\n\n +Cozad, Belo+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Craft, Father+, regard of indians for, 874\n\n \u2014, at battle of Wounded Knee, 872\n\n \u2014, wounded at Wounded Knee, 878\n\n +Crazy dance+ of the Arapaho, 988\n\n \u2014, description of the, 1033\n\n +Crazy men+, an Arapaho warrior order, 988\n\n +Cree+, absence of ghost dance among, 817\n\n \u2014 name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014, Tenskwatawa religion among the, 679\n\n +Creek indians+, power of Shawano prophet among, 676\n\n \u2014, Tecumtha among the, 687\n\n \u2014, war of the, 677\n\n +Cremation+ practiced by the Shawano, 674\n\n +Crook, General+, Sioux commissioner, 839\n\n \u2014, Sioux regard for, 826\n\n +Cross+, sign of, in Shaker religion, 748, 761\n\n \u2014, symbolism of the, 1011\n\n +Crow+, personification of the, 1001, 1035, 1038, 1068\n\n \u2014, reference to, in ghost song, 978, 984, 994, 997, 1031\n\n \u2014, sacred regard for the, 919, 982, 1072\n\n \u2014, symbolism of the, 823, 1072\n\n +Crow creek+, control of indians at, 849\n\n +Crow dance+ described, 921\n\n \u2014, organization of, 901\n\n +Crow Dog+, ghost dance led by, 847\n\n \u2014, removal of, advised, 844\n\n \u2014, flight of, to Bad lands, 884\n\n \u2014, surrender of, 868\n\n +Crow feathers+, indians defrauded with, 999\n\n \u2014, sacred regard for, 1034\n\n +Crow Foot+ killed in Sitting Bull fight, 858\u2013859\n\n +Crow indians+, absence of ghost dance among, 816\n\n \u2014, account of medicine-man of, 706\n\n \u2014, and Sioux early warfare, 1059\n\n \u2014, hostility of the, 707\n\n \u2014, name of the Arapaho by, 953, 1013\n\n \u2014, scouts in the Nez Perc\u00e9 war, 714\n\n \u2014, scouts in Sioux outbreak, 850, 881\n\n \u2014, symbolic representation of, 789\n\n +Crow Woman+, name applied to Mo\u2018ki, 1038\n\n +Crucifix+ used in Shaker ceremonies, 755\n\n +Cuimnapum+, a Ch\u00e4mn\u00e4\u2032p\u00fbm synonym, 739\n\n +Culbertson brothers+, outlaws, account of, 889\n\n +Cumanche+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Cummings, Pierce+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Custer massacre+, references to, 825, 860, 1059\n\n \u2014, and Wounded Knee affair compared, 881\n\n +Custer war+, Cheyenne in the, 1025\n\n \u2014, Sioux compensated for losses in, 891\n\n +Cutsahnim+, a Y\u00e4\u2032k\u012dm\u00e1 synonym, 737\n\n +Cycles+ of time among indians, 701\n\n\n +Dakota+, a synonym of Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014, geographic location of, 826\n\n \u2014, nonagricultural character of, 838\n\n +Dalles indians+, a Wasko synonym, 741\n\n +Dance+, berry, of northwestern indians, 728\n\n \u2014, friendship, introduced by Pa\u2032th\u0115sk\u0115, 700\n\n \u2014, mortuary, of northwestern indians, 728\n\n \u2014, salmon, of northeastern indians, 728\n\n \u2014 of Arapaho warrior orders, 987\n\n \u2014 of the Dervishes, 950\n\n \u2014 of Saint John, account of, 935\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Crazy dance+, +Crow dance+, +Ghost dance+, +Omaha dance+.\n\n +Dance wheel+ of the Apache, 704\n\n +D\u00e4\u2032sha-i+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Da\u2032teka\u00f1+, mystic performances of, 906\n\n +Dawes, Senator+, telegram to, on Sioux trouble, 835\n\n +Delaware indians+, account of, 1095\n\n \u2014, delegation of, to Wovoka, 903\n\n \u2014, final defeat of, 672\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance doctrine among, 786, 902\n\n \u2014, opposition of the, to Tecumtha, 684\n\n +Delaware prophet+, account of the, 662\n\n +Deo\u00f1+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Dervishes+, hypnotism among the, 948\n\n +D\u0115\u2032sa+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Des Chutes+ (+Lower+), a Wai\u00e4m synonym, 741\n\n +De Soto+, Caddo encountered by, 1094\n\n +Dets\u0103na\u2032yuka+, a Comanche band, 1044\n\n +Detsekayaa+, Caddo name of the Arapaho, 953\n\n +Devil+, indian idea of the, 1031\n\n +De Vreede, Jan+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Dice game+ of the Arapaho, 1004\u20131005\n\n +Diggers+, application of term, 1048\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 804\n\n +Disease+ cured by ghost dance, 786\n\n \u2014, indian notion of origin of, 721\n\n +Dits\u00e4\u2032k\u0103na+, a Comanche band, 1044\n\n +Dock-spus+, a T\u00fbksp\u00fb\u2032sh synonym, 743\n\n +Doctrine+ of the ghost dance, 777\n\n +Do\u201bgu\u2032at+, Kiowa name of the Wichita, 1095\n\n +Dog men+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n \u2014, an Arapaho warrior order, 988\n\n +Dog River indians+, a Kwikw\u00fbl\u012dt synonym, 741\n\n +Dog soldiers+, insignia of the, 987\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 986\n\n +Do\u2032k\u0314\u0103n\u0103+, Comanche name for Wichita, 1095\n\n +Dorsey, J. O.+, on Omaha game, 1008\n\n \u2014, on Siouan camping circles, 1058\n\n \u2014, on Siouan names of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Dow, Lorenzo+, on the Kentucky revival, 943\n\n +Drake, B.+, on losses at Prophet\u2019s town, 689\n\n \u2014, on Tecumtha, 672, 684, 686, 691\n\n +Dreamer religion+ in the northwest, 713, 719\n\n +Dreams+ as part of Shaker religion, 748\n\n \u2014 confounded by indians, 666\n\n \u2014, divination by, 716, 723\n\n \u2014 in ancient times, 929\n\n \u2014, indian belief in, 673\n\n \u2014, scarification as a result of, 898\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Hypnotism+, +Trance+, +Vision+.\n\n +Drexel mission+ during Wounded Knee trouble, 874\n\n +Drum+ in Caddo mythology, 1093\n\n \u2014 in Crow dance, 922\n\n \u2014 in Smohalla ritual, 725\n\n +Drum, Colonel+, indian police praised by, 860\n\n \u2014, ordered to arrest Sitting Bull, 855\n\n +Duck+ in Arapaho mythology, 959\n\n +Dull Knife+, a Cheyenne leader, 1025\n\n +Dunbar, J. B.+, on etymology of Arapaho, 1013\n\n +Dunlap, Robert+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Dunmoi, Laura+, \u00c4piata\u00f1\u2019s letter read by, 911\n\n +Dunn+, \u2014, in Sioux outbreak, 865\n\n +Dutton, C. E.+, on submerged trees of Columbia river, 722\n\n +Dyer, A. C.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Dyer, D. B.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, guide on visit to Wovoka, 768\n\n \u2014, interpreter on visit to Wovoka, 771\n\n +Dz\u012dts\u012dst\u00e4s+, a synonym of Cheyenne, 1023\n\n\n +Eagle+ represented on ghost shirts, 798, 823\n\n \u2014, sacred regard for the, 919, 982, 992, 1072, 1100\n\n \u2014, vision of, in ghost dance, 917\n\n \u2014, when killed by the Caddo, 1093, 1100\n\n +Eagle-bone+ whistle used by medicine-man, 868\n\n +Eagle feathers+ in Cohonino ceremony, 813\n\n \u2014, on ghost shirts, 798\n\n \u2014, sacred use of, 992\n\n \u2014, song pertaining to, 1100\n\n \u2014, use of, by Wovoka, 776\n\n \u2014 used in ghost dance, 916, 979, 1099, 1101\n\n \u2014 used in hypnotism, 923, 925\n\n +Eagle Pipe+, flight of, to Bad lands, 884\n\n +Eagles+, how trapped by the Arapaho, 992\n\n \u2014 kept by pueblo tribes, 992\n\n +Earth+, personification of the, 1096, 1099\n\n \u2014, regeneration of the, 959, 1051, 1073\n\n \u2014, sacred regard for the, 918\n\n \u2014, turtle as a symbol of, 976\n\n +Earthquake+, effect of, on the Creek, 687\n\n \u2014, myth concerning, 976\n\n \u2014, reference to, in Cheyenne song, 1028\n\n +Eater+, _see_ +Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i+.\n\n +Eaters+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Echebool+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +Echeloot+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +Eclipse+, how regarded by indians, 674\n\n \u2014, Paiute notion of, 773\n\n \u2014 predicted by Smohalla, 720\n\n \u2014, Wovoka entranced during, 771\n\n +Eclipses+, calendar of, in Nevada, 774\n\n +Edson, Casper+, Arapaho delegate to Wovoka, 900\n\n \u2014, Wovoka\u2019s letter written by, 780\n\n +Education+, how regarded by the Sioux, 837\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Christianity+, +Civilization+.\n\n +Edwards, Captain+, in Sword-bearer affair, 707\n\n +Edwardsville+, treaty of, 692\n\n +Eells, Edwin+, attitude of, toward Shaker religion, 756\n\n +Eells, Myron+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, attitude of, toward Shaker religion, 756\n\n \u2014, on Shaker religion, 747\n\n \u2014, on Slocum\u2019s trance, 746\n\n +Elliott, George+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Eloot+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +Emankina+, Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i\u2019s vision of, 910\n\n +Endowment robe+ of the Mormons, 790\n\n +Eneeshur+, a Tap\u00e4n\u00e4sh synonym, 740\n\n +English+, indian belief of origin of, 721\n\n \u2014, indian regard for the, 676\n\n +Enteatkeon+, a tribe mentioned by Stevens, 736\n\n +E\u2019pea+, Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i\u2019s vision of, 910\n\n +Epidemics+ among the Sioux, 830, 840\n\n +Estak\u00e9wach+, a Pit river band, 1052\n\n +Etsit\u00fc\u2032biwat+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Evans+ on French prophets, 939\n\n \u2014 on the Kentucky revival, 942\n\n \u2014 on the Shakers, 942\n\n +Ev\u012d\u2032sts-un\u012d\u2032\u201bpah\u012ds+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +Ewers, Capt. E. P.+, ordered to arrest Hump, 862\n\n \u2014, Sitting Bull\u2019s fugitives surrendered to, 862\n\n +Eyackimah+, a Y\u00e4k\u0314\u012dma synonym, 737\n\n +Eyeish+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n\n +Facial painting+ by the Arapaho, 971\n\n \u2014, ceremonial, 1037\n\n \u2014 in Smohalla ceremony, 729\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Painting+.\n\n +Fall indians+, a synonym of Gros Ventres, 955\n\n +Fast Thunder+, conduct of, in Sioux outbreak, 884\n\n \u2014 on the Sioux outbreak, 839\n\n +Fasting+ as a medium for trances, 700\n\n \u2014 during eagle trapping, 993\n\n \u2014 preliminary to ghost dance, 822\n\n +Feast+, ghost dance accompanied by, 1038\n\n \u2014 in Smohalla ceremony, 729\n\n \u2014, sacred, in Sioux ceremony, 824\n\n +Feather+, ghost-dance ceremony of the, 909, 919\n\n +Feathers+ as medium of exchange, 992\n\n \u2014 as protecting \u201cmedicine\u201d, 790\n\n \u2014 attached to amulet, 904\n\n \u2014, ceremonial use of, 999\n\n \u2014, crow, indians defrauded with, 901\n\n \u2014, crow, sacred regard for, 1034\n\n \u2014, eagle, attached to ghost shirts, 798\n\n \u2014, eagle, Caddo sacred use of, 1093\n\n \u2014, eagle, in Cohonino ceremony, 813\n\n \u2014, eagle, sacred use of, 992\n\n \u2014, eagle, song pertaining to, 1100\n\n \u2014, eagle, used in hypnotism, 923, 925\n\n \u2014, eagle, used in ghost dance, 916, 979, 1099, 1101\n\n \u2014, eagle, used in war bonnets, 1072\n\n \u2014, head, of the Arapaho, 964, 965\n\n \u2014 in Smohalla ceremony, 729\n\n \u2014, Kiowa robe of, 906\n\n \u2014, magpie, ceremonial use of, 999\n\n \u2014, magpie, presented by Wovoka, 901\n\n \u2014, magpie, prized by Paiute, 775\n\n \u2014, sacred use of, by Wovoka, 776\n\n \u2014, symbolism of, in ghost dance, 789\n\n \u2014, turkey, on Cheyenne arrows, 1024\n\n \u2014 used in Crow dance, 922\n\n \u2014, use of, in ghost dance, 786, 919, 1084\n\n +Fech\u00e9t, Capt. E. G.+, at arrest of Sitting Bull, 856, 857\n\n \u2014, pursuit of Sitting Bull\u2019s warriors by, 858\n\n +Fewkes, J. W.+, on Hopi use of bull-roarer, 975\n\n +Few Tails+ affair, account of, 889, 890\n\n +Fifth-monarchy men+, account of, 938\n\n +Fingers+, human, necklace of, 1024\n\n +Fire+, forest, how regarded by indians, 808\n\n \u2014 handling by crazy dancers, 1033\n\n \u2014 in Caddo mythology, 1093\n\n \u2014 in ghost-dance circle, 915, 921\n\n \u2014 in ghost-dance doctrine, 786\n\n \u2014, in Paiute dance circle, 802\n\n \u2014, Paiute mythic origin of, 1051\n\n \u2014, sacred, method of making, 668\n\n \u2014, sacred regard for, 919, 1070\n\n \u2014 tabued, in certain ghost dances, 802\n\n +Fire Thunder+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, visit of, to Wovoka, 894\n\n +Fisheaters+, a Paiute band, 818, 1051\n\n +Fiske, John+, on turtle in primitive mythology, 976\n\n +Flag+, heraldic, of Smohalla, 725, 726\n\n \u2014, use of, in ghost dance, 823\n\n +Flagellants+, account of the, 935\n\n +Flags+ used in Smohalla ceremony, 729\n\n +Flatbow+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Flathead indians+, land treaty with, 731\n\n \u2014, present habitat of, 805\n\n +Fletcher, Agent+, on Winnebago cycles, 701\n\n +Flood+ in ghost-dance doctrine, 788\n\n \u2014 predicted in ghost-dance doctrine, 784\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Cosmology+.\n\n +Fog+ in Paiute ghost song, 1054\n\n +Food+, berries used as, 1087\n\n \u2014, cottonwood pith used as, 967\n\n \u2014, grass seed used as, 1054\n\n \u2014 of Columbia river tribes, 722\n\n \u2014, process of jerking beef for, 1066\n\n \u2014, rose seeds used as, 978\n\n \u2014, thunder-berries used as, 996\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Pemmican+.\n\n +Forks-of-the-river men+, an Arapaho division, 956\n\n +Forrest, H. R.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Forsyth+, +Colonel+, at Wounded Knee massacre, 870\n\n \u2014, at surrender of Big Foot, 867\n\n \u2014, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 875\n\n \u2014, troops under, at Pine Ridge, 850\n\n +Fort Hall+, ghost dance at, 807\n\n +Fort Wayne+, passage of indian delegations through, 684\n\n \u2014, Tecumtha at, 690\n\n +Foster, E. W.+, on Selwyn\u2019s interview with Kuwapi, 798\n\n +Foster, Governor+, Sioux commissioner, 839\n\n +Fox, George+, claims of, 937\n\n +Fox indians+, ghost dance among the, 902\n\n +Fox men+, an Arapaho warrior order, 987\n\n +Francischetti, Dominic+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872, 875\n\n +French and indian war+, reference to, 663\n\n +Frenchmen+, indian belief of origin of, 721\n\n \u2014, indian regard for, 676\n\n \u2014, settlement of, among indians, 662\n\n +French prophets+, account of the, 938\n\n +Frey, Henry+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Friday+, visit of, to Wovoka, 817, 894\n\n +Friendship dance+, introduced by Pa\u2032th\u0115sk\u0115, 700\n\n +Furniture+ of the Arapaho, 964\n\n \u2014, of the Paiute, 770\n\n\n +Gahe\u2032wa+, a Kiowa synonym, 1078\n\n +Gaisberg, F. W. V.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Gallagher, Agent+, arrest of Sioux delegates by, 820\n\n \u2014, ghost dance stopped by, 847\n\n \u2014, on reduction of Sioux rations, 845\n\n \u2014, resignation of, 845\n\n \u2014, Selwyn\u2019s report to, 798, 799\n\n +Gambling song+ of the Paiute, 1009\n\n +Game+, awl, of plains tribes, 1002\u20131004\n\n \u2014, b\u0103ti\u2032qt\u00fbba, of the Arapaho, 994, 1007\n\n \u2014 of hunt-the-button, 1008\u20131009\n\n +Game+, restoration of, predicted by indians, 787, 788, 797\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Buffalo+.\n\n +Games+ of the Arapaho, 962\n\n +Game-sticks+, reference to, in ghost song, 1007\n\n +Game wheel+ in ghost dance, 916\n\n \u2014 in Sioux ceremony, 823\n\n +Gardiner, \u2014+, on causes of Sioux outbreak, 840\n\n +Gardner+ cited on Mohammedanism, 931\n\n +Garlands+ in Shaker ceremony, 761\n\n +Garlington, Lieut. E. A.+, wounded at Wounded Knee, 871\n\n +Ga\u2032taqka+, Pawnee name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Gatsalghi+, Kiowa Apache name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Gatschet, A. S.+, on etymology of Tecumtha, 682\n\n \u2014, on the name Tushipa, 731\n\n +Gattacka+, name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Ga\u2032wun\u0115h\u00e4na+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +Gawun\u0115\u2032na+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +Genesis myth+ of the Paiute, 1050\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Cosmology+.\n\n +Gentile system+, _see_ +Clan+.\n\n +Geologic phenomena+, indian tradition concerning, 722\n\n +Ghost dance+ among the Arapaho, 895\n\n \u2014 among the Caddo, 1095\n\n \u2014 among the Kiowa, 906\n\n \u2014 among the Sioux, 796\n\n \u2014 among southern tribes, 887\n\n \u2014 and Shaker ceremony compared, 762\n\n \u2014, area covered by, 926\n\n \u2014, ceremony of the, 915, 920\n\n \u2014, construction of circle for, 802\n\n \u2014 doctrine compared with other systems, 928\n\n \u2014, doctrine of the, 777\n\n \u2014 doctrine, Sioux belief concerning, 1060\n\n \u2014, features of, among Sioux, 822\n\n \u2014, first, at Walker lake, 802\n\n \u2014, how performed, 796\n\n \u2014, inauguration of, among Sioux, 821\n\n \u2014 introduced among the Arapaho, 894\n\n \u2014 introduced among Cheyenne, 895\n\n \u2014, Kiowa, number of attendants at, 914\n\n \u2014, native drawings of, 1060\n\n \u2014, native names of, 791\n\n \u2014, large number of indians in, 895, 898\n\n \u2014, number of indians influenced by, 926\n\n \u2014 performed at Walker lake, 818\n\n \u2014, preparations for the, 918\n\n \u2014, present condition of the, 927\n\n \u2014, responsibility of, for Sioux outbreak, 833\n\n \u2014, spread of the, 804, 846, 902\n\n \u2014, time for performance of, 1011, 1012\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Messiah, Wovoka+.\n\n +Ghost shirts+, description of, 789\n\n \u2014, first use of, by Sioux, 846, 916\n\n \u2014 gathered after Wounded Knee battle, 878\n\n \u2014, invulnerability of, 798, 831, 869, 1073\n\n \u2014, reference to, in ghost song, 1072, 1073\n\n \u2014, responsibility for, disclaimed by Wovoka, 772, 791\n\n \u2014, symbolic decoration of, 798, 823\n\n \u2014, turtle pictured on, 976\n\n \u2014, use of, among Sioux, 788, 915\n\n \u2014, use of, among various tribes, 791\n\n +Ghost song+, _see_ +Song+.\n\n +Gill, De Lancey W.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +G\u012dn\u00e4\u2032s+, Wichita name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Glennan, Dr J. D.+, at Wounded Knee massacre, 870\n\n +Glossary+ of the Arapaho, 1012\n\n \u2014 of the Caddo, 1102\n\n \u2014 of the Cheyenne, 1039\n\n \u2014 of the Kiowa, 1088\n\n \u2014 of the Paiute, 1056\n\n \u2014 of the Sioux, 1075\n\n +God+, indian idea of, 1031\n\n +Godbe, W. S.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Goodale, Elaine+, on causes of Sioux outbreak, 840\n\n +Good Lance+ on the Sioux outbreak, 839\n\n +Good Thunder+, visit of, to Wovoka, 797, 819, 820\n\n \u2014, vision of son of, 797, 821\n\n +Goose+ in Tlaqluit myth, 740\n\n +Gosiute+ confounded with the Paiute, 1048\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 805\n\n +Grace+ at meals by Shakers, 755\n\n +Graham+, \u2014, quoted on K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, 693\u2013694\n\n +Grass, John+, conduct of, in Sioux outbreak, 884\n\n +Grass seed+ used as food, 1054\n\n +Grauberg, Herman+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Gray Bear+, another name of Weasel Bear, 959\n\n +Greasy Faces+, an Arapaho division, 956\n\n +Great Spirit+, K\u00e4nak\u00fbk\u2019s ideas concerning, 695\n\n +Greenville+, indian assemblage at, 683\n\n \u2014, treaty of, 671\n\n +Greeting+, religious, described, 905\n\n +Gregory, J. O.+, cited concerning Wovoka, 773\n\n +Grinnell, G. B.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on absence of ghost dance among Blackfeet, 817\n\n \u2014, on Blackfoot Dog soldiers, 986\n\n \u2014, on Blackfoot eagle trapping, 993\n\n \u2014, on Cheyenne divisions, 1025, 1026\n\n \u2014, on Cheyenne ghost dance, 915\n\n \u2014, on etymology of Arapaho, 1014\n\n \u2014, on ghost dance among Cheyenne, 819\n\n \u2014, on Pawnee name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014, on the name Arapaho, 953\n\n +Gros Ventres+, an Arapaho subtribe, 954\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 817\n\n +Gros Ventres of the Missouri+, Hidatsa so called, 955\n\n +Gros Ventres of the prairie+, an Arapaho division, 955\n\n +Guerrier, Edward+, visit of, to Wovoka, 901\n\n +Gu\u2032i-p\u00e4\u2032go+, native name of Lone Wolf, 1079\n\n +Gyai-ko+, Kiowa name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n\n +H\u0103dai\u2032i+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +H\u0103hau\u2032+, location of, 739\n\n +H\u0103hau\u2032p\u00fbm+, sketch of the, 739\n\n +Hai-ai\u2032n\u012dma+, a Sanpoil synonym, 733\n\n +Hai\u2032-\u012dsh+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Hail+, symbolism of, in ghost dance, 789\n\n +Hai\u2032-nai+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n \u2014, ghost songs of the, 1099\n\n +Hair+, buffalo, use of, in medicine, 980, 981, 1033\n\n \u2014, cutting of, as mortuary custom, 782\n\n +Hairy men+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +Hale, Lieut. H. E.+, in Sioux outbreak, 862\n\n \u2014, ordered to arrest Sitting Bull fugitives, 862\n\n \u2014, Sitting Bull fugitives arrested by, 863\n\n +Halitane+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Hamefku\u2032ttelli+, a Pit river band, 1052\n\n +Hamilton, William+, on prayer-stick symbolism, 699\n\n +H\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032ch\u00e4-thi\u2032\u0103k+, Arapaho name of Sitting Bull, 894\n\n +Ha\u2032nahawun\u0115na+, an Arapaho division, 956\n\n +Hanford, Judge+, decision of, in land severalty case, 757\n\n +Hant\u00e9wa+, a Pit river band, 1052\n\n +Ha\u2032qihana+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +Hare, Bishop W. H.+, on causes of Sioux outbreak, 840\n\n \u2014, on deficiency of Sioux rations, 827\n\n +Harrison, Gen. W. H.+, conference of Tecumtha with, 685, 686\n\n \u2014, on Tecumtha, 686\n\n \u2014, treaty pipe, 688\n\n +Harry, Jack+, Delaware delegate to Wovoka, 903\n\n +Hasi\u2032nai+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n \u2014, application of term, 1093\n\n +Hasi\u2032ni+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Haters+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +H\u00e4\u2032thahu\u2032ha+, an Arapaho warrior order, 987\n\n +Havasupai+, ghost dance among the, 654\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Cohonino+.\n\n +Hawk feathers+, ceremonial use of, 992\n\n +Hawk Man+ at arrest of Sitting Bull, 856\n\n +Hawthorne, Lieut. H. L.+, wounded at Wounded Knee, 871\n\n +Hayden, F. V.+, on Arapaho name of Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014, on the Blackfeet, 957\n\n +Hayden, Lieut. John+, operations of, at Wounded Knee, 876\n\n +Haywood, Charles+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Head feathers+ of the Arapaho, 964, 965\n\n +Head washing+ in Cohonino, ceremony, 813\n\n +Heavenly map+ of K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, 666, 694\n\n +Heavenly recruits+, account of, 947\n\n +Heavy eyebrows+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Hebrews+, supposed indian descent from, 703\n\n +Heckewelder+ on the Kickapoo prophet, 666\n\n +He Dog+, delegate to Washington, 891\n\n +Helwit+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +Hennisee, Captain+, ordered to arrest Big Foot\u2019s band, 865\n\n +Henry, Major+, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 875\n\n \u2014, troops under, at Pine Ridge, 850\n\n +Hero gods+ of indian tribes, 658\n\n +H\u0115th\u0115\u2032hin\u011b\u2032na+, an Arapaho warrior order, 988\n\n +H\u0115w\u0103-t\u00e4\u2032niuw+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +Hich\u0103\u00e4\u2032quthi+, an Arapaho warrior order, 987\n\n +Hidatsa+ name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +High Backbone+ killed at Wounded Knee, 871, 872\n\n +High Hawk+, flight of, to Bad lands, 884\n\n +High Wolf+, visit of, to southern tribes, 908\n\n +Hihighenimmo+, a Sanpoil synonym, 733\n\n +Hillers, J. K.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Hindu+, turtle in mythology of, 976\n\n +Hit\u00e4niwo\u012dv+, Cheyenne name of the Arapaho, 953\n\n +H\u00eft\u00e4sina+, Arapaho name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Hitu\u2032n\u0115na+, an Arapaho division, 955\n\n +Hm\u012d\u2032s\u012ds+, a Cheyenne division, 1025, 1026\n\n +Hoddentin+, _see_ +Pollen+.\n\n +Hodges, W. T.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Hog\u0103p\u00e4goni+, Shoshoni name of the Paiute, 1048\n\n +Hohe+, Cheyenne name of Asiniboin, 1024\n\n +Hohilpo+, a Kutenai band, 731\n\n +Hopi+, knowledge of ghost dance among, 811\n\n \u2014 name of the Paiute, 1048\n\n \u2014 name of the whites, 978\n\n \u2014, use of bull-roarer by, 975\n\n +Hopkins, Albert+, and the Sioux outbreak, 893\n\n +Horns+ used in ghost dance, 916\n\n +Horse headdress+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Horsemanship+ of Sioux police, 856\n\n \u2014 of the Comanche, 1046\n\n +Horses+ as medium of exchange, 992\n\n \u2014, indian belief as to origin of, 724\n\n \u2014, possession of, by the Sioux, 824\n\n +Hosa+, native name of Little Raven, 957\n\n +Hot\u0103\u2032mi-t\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2019+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Hot Springs indians+, Pit River indians so called, 1052\n\n +Houses+ of the Caddo, 1094\n\n \u2014 of the Paiute, 770\n\n \u2014 of the Wichita, 1095\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Lodge+, +Sweat-lodge+, +Wikiup+.\n\n +Howard, Henry+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Howard, Gen. O. O.+, appointed indian commissioner, 711\n\n \u2014, on the Dreamer religion, 713\n\n +Howling Bull+, hypnotism produced by, 895\n\n +Hubbub+, game of, 1004\n\n +Huggins, Capt. E. L.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, quoted on Smohalla, 717, 723\n\n +Huma\u2032whi+, a Pit river band, 1052\n\n +Hummer+ of the Arapaho, 974, 975\n\n +Hump+, ghost dance at camp of, 847\n\n \u2014 at surrender of Sitting Bull fugitives, 863\n\n \u2014, participation of, in Sioux outbreak, 861\n\n \u2014, removal of, recommended, 848\n\n \u2014, surrender of, 860\n\n \u2014, arrest of, 862\n\n \u2014, surrender of band of, 871\n\n +Hunkpapa+, a Teton division, 1058\n\n +Hurst, Capt. J. H.+, on causes of Sioux trouble, 836\n\n \u2014, on character of Sioux rations, 827\n\n \u2014, arrest of Sitting Bull\u2019s band ordered by, 862\n\n \u2014, at arrest of Sitting Bull\u2019s band, 863\n\n \u2014, appointed indian agent, 887\n\n +Hurst, Major+, at battle of Prophet\u2019s town, 688\n\n +Hyde, Charles L.+, notification by, of Sioux outbreak, 843\n\n +Hypnotism+ among the Caddo, 904\n\n \u2014 among the Cohonino, 813\n\n \u2014 among the Dervishes, 948\n\n \u2014 in the Crow dance, 922\n\n \u2014 in the ghost dance, 799, 800, 895, 899, 916, 917, 919, 922\u2013926, 972, 1039, 1083, 1097, 1098\n\n \u2014 in indian ceremonies, 922\n\n \u2014 in Navaho ceremonies, 811\n\n \u2014 in Shaker ceremony, 762\n\n \u2014 practiced by Wovoka, 775, 818, 901\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Dream+, +Trance+.\n\n\n +I\u00e4t\u00e4-go+, Kiowa name of the Ute, 1043\n\n +Iatan+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +\u012cbids\u00edi+, a Paiute goddess, 1051\n\n +Idahi+, Kiowa Apache name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Ietan+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Ietau+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Igiagy\u00e4hona+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Ihanktu\u00f1wa\u00f1+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n +Ike, Charles+, on Shaker religion, 760\n\n \u2014, on Smohalla ceremony, 727\n\n \u2014, portrait of, 728\n\n +Ilma\u2032wi+, a Pit river band, 1052\n\n +I\u2032m\u0103ha+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Immortality+ in ghost-dance doctrine, 786\n\n +Imohalla+, a Smohalla synonym, 717\n\n +Incense+ in Sioux ceremony, 823\n\n +Incomecane\u2032took+, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n +Indian Office+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Indian Sam+ on ghost-dance doctrine, 784\n\n +Inspellum+, a Nespelim synonym, 733\n\n \u2014, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n +In-the-middle+, _See_ +Pa-i\u00f1gya+.\n\n +Intie\u2032took+, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n +In\u00fbna-ina+, a synonym of Arapaho, 953\n\n +Ioni+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Iowa+, absence of ghost-dance among the, 816\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 902\n\n \u2014, a Sanpoil synonym, 733\n\n +Iroquois+ and Cherokee treaty, 670\n\n +Isa\u00f1ati+, a Santee synonym, 1058\n\n +\u012csium-it\u00e4\u2019niuw\u2019+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +Isle de Pierre+, sketch of, 734\n\n +Itahatski+, Hidatsa name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +It\u0103supuzi+, Hidatsa name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Itazipko+, a Teton division, 1059\n\n\n +Jackson, H. H.+, cited on Nez Perc\u00e9 war, 714\n\n +Jackson, Richard+, appointed minister of Shaker church, 758\n\n +James, William+, elected elder of Shaker church, 758\n\n \u2014, land presented to Shaker church by, 758\n\n +Janney, S. M.+, cited on the Quakers, 937, 938\n\n +Jerked beef+, how prepared, 1066\n\n +Jetan+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Jicarilla+, absence of ghost dance among, 805\n\n +Joan of Arc+ and Smohalla compared, 719\n\n \u2014, hallucination of compared with ghost-dance doctrine, 932\n\n +Jocko reserve+, indians on, 805\n\n +John Day indians+, a T\u00fbksp\u00fb\u2032sh synonym, 743\n\n \u2014, present habitat of, 805\n\n +John Day Rivers+, a T\u00fbksp\u00fb\u2032sh synonym, 743\n\n +Johnson, G. P.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Johnson, John+, name applied to Wovoka, 765\n\n +Joseph, Chief+, and the Nez Perc\u00e9 war, 711\n\n \u2014, of Cayuse blood, 744\n\n \u2014, refusal of, to recognize treaty, 745\n\n +Josephus+, description of Wovoka\u2019s inspiration by, 772\n\n +Jumpers+, account of the, 939\n\n +Jutz, Father John+, interview with, 874\n\n \u2014, at Wounded Knee, 872, 878\n\n \u2014, Sioux conference effected by, 867\n\n\n +K\u00e4\u2032doh\u0103d\u00e4\u2032cho+, a Caddo synonym, 1029\n\n \u2014, account of the, 1093\n\n \u2014 early encountered by French, 1094\n\n +Kahlispelm+, a synonym of Pend d\u2019Oreille, 731\n\n +Kahmiltpah+, a Qam\u012dl-\u201bl\u0115ma synonym, 736, 738\n\n +K\u00e2\u2032igw\u016d+, a Kiowa division, 1079\n\n +K\u00e2\u2032itse\u00f1\u2032ko+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +K\u00e2\u2032igw\u016d+, proper name of the Kiowa, 1078\n\n +Kai-w\u0103+, a Kiowa synonym, 1078\n\n +Kalispelines+, a synonym of Pend d\u2019Oreille, 731\n\n +Kalispelusses+, a synonym of Pend d\u2019Oreille, 731\n\n +Kamai\u2032\u00e4kan+, a Yakima war chief, 722, 737\n\n +Kanahe\u0103wasts\u012dk+, Cree name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +K\u00e4nak\u00fbk+, account of, 666, 692\n\n \u2014, adherents to doctrine of, 902\n\n \u2014, end of, 700\n\n +Kaninahoic+, Ojibwa name of the Arapaho, 953\n\n +Kanin\u0103vish+, Ojibwa name of the Arapaho, 953\n\n +Kansa+, ghost dance among the, 902\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Ka\u2032ntsi+, Caddo name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Kas\u012d\u2032sp\u00e4+, a P\u00e4lus village, 735\n\n +Kataka+, name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Kawinahan+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +Kayuse+, a Cayuse synonym, 743\n\n +Keam, T. V.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on Cohonino ghost dance, 813\n\n +Keechies+, a synonym of Kichai, 1095\n\n +Keeps-his-name-always+, _see_ +Da\u2032teka\u00f1+.\n\n +Kehtipaquononk+, proper form of Tippecanoe, 684\n\n +Kellespem+, a synonym of Pend d\u2019Oreille, 731\n\n +Kelley, James E.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Kellner, August+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Kendall, E. A.+, cited on the Shawano, 673\n\n \u2014, quoted on Shawano prophet, 675\n\n +Kendall, Frank+, account of T\u00e4vibo by, 703\n\n +Kentucky revival+, account of the, 942\n\n +Kerr, Capt.+, attacked by hostile Sioux, 882\n\n +Ketetas+, a \u040c\u2032t\u0103t\u00e4s synonym, 736\n\n +Kettle Falls+, a Colville synonym, 732\n\n +Kewa\u2032ts\u0103na+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Kewaughtchenunaugh+, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n +Kichai+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Kichai indians+, account of the, 1095\n\n \u2014, ghost dance introduced among, 902\n\n \u2014 name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014 name of the Wichita, 1095\n\n \u2014, status of the, 1093\n\n +Kickapoo+, absence of ghost dance among, 816\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 900, 902\n\n \u2014, land cession by the, 692\n\n \u2014, present condition of the, 700\n\n \u2014, Potawatomi prophet among the, 705\n\n \u2014, southern migration of the, 692\n\n \u2014, use of prayer stick by the, 697\n\n +Kickapoo Prophet+, _see_ +K\u00e4nak\u00fbk+.\n\n +Kicking Bear+, a ghost-dance leader, 847\n\n \u2014, portrait of, 853\n\n \u2014, delegate to Wovoka, 820, 894\n\n \u2014, visit of, to the Arapaho, 798, 820\n\n \u2014, ghost dance led by, 854\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance mission of, 817\n\n \u2014, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 881\n\n \u2014, Cheyenne scouts attacked by, 867\n\n \u2014, Pine Ridge agency attacked by, 873\n\n \u2014, flight of, to Bad lands, 850, 852\n\n \u2014, continued retreat of, 867\n\n \u2014, surrender of, demanded, 887\n\n \u2014, surrender of, 868\n\n +Kigaltwalla+, a Kwikw\u00fbl\u012dt synonym, 741\n\n +Kimooenim+, location of the, 745\n\n +Ki\u00f1ep+, a Kiowa division, 1079\n\n +King George men+, application of name, 721\n\n +Kiowa+, absence of clans among, 956\n\n \u2014, account of the, 1078\n\n \u2014 and Sioux early warfare, 1059\n\n \u2014, cedar used in ghost dance of, 809\n\n \u2014, confederation of Comanche with, 1044\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 786, 802, 895, 898, 902, 906, 908\n\n \u2014, present condition of dance among, 914, 927\n\n \u2014, glossary of the, 1088\n\n \u2014, migration of the, 1044\n\n \u2014 name of ghost dance, 791\n\n \u2014 name of the Arapaho, 953, 954\n\n \u2014 name of Arapaho divisions, 955\n\n \u2014 name of the Caddo, 1092\n\n \u2014 name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014 name of the whites, 978\n\n \u2014 name of the Wichita, 1095\n\n \u2014, sacred regard of, for cedar, 979\n\n \u2014, synonymy of the, 1078\n\n \u2014, tribal sign of the, 1078\n\n \u2014, warrior organization of the, 989\n\n +Kiowa Apache+, account of the, 1081\n\n \u2014 name of the Arapaho, 953\n\n \u2014 name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +K\u012dri\u2032n\u0103h\u012ds+, Kichai name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Ki\u2032tik\u012dti\u2032sh+, native name of the Wichita, 1095\n\n +Ki\u2032ts\u00e4sh+, native name of the Kichai, 1095\n\n +Kitunaha+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Kituna\u2032qa+, _see_ +Kutenai+.\n\n +\u040cka\u2032s\u0103wi+, sketch of the, 739\n\n +\u040cka\u2032s\u0103wi-\u201bl\u0115ma+, a \u040cka\u2032s\u0103wi synonym, 739\n\n +Klamath+, present habitat of the, 805\n\n +Klamath reserve+, indians on, 805\n\n +Klikatat+, a Kl\u00fb\u2032k\u016dt\u00e4t synonym, 738\n\n \u2014, absence of Smohalla religion among, 727\n\n +Klinquit+, mention of the, 738\n\n +Kl\u00fb\u2032k\u0103t\u00e4t+, sketch of the, 738\n\n +Koasati+ mixed with the Caddo, 1093\n\n +K\u02bfodalp\u00e4-K\u02bfi\u00f1ago+, Kiowa name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Ko\u201bgu\u2032i+, a Kiowa division, 1079\n\n +Koho\u2032+, a Caddo gens, 1093\n\n +Koit-tsow+, name applied to Wovoka, 765\n\n +Komseka-K\u02bfi\u00f1ahyup+, Kiowa name of the Arapaho, 954\n\n +Ko\u00f1t\u00e4\u2032lyui+, a Kiowa division, 1079\n\n +Kootenai+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Korn, Gustav+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Kotai\u2032aqan+, a supporter of Smohalla, 721\n\n \u2014, Smohalla ceremony conducted by, 727\n\n +Kotsa\u2032i+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Ko\u2032tso-t\u0115\u2032ka+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Kotso\u2032-t\u012dk\u0103ra+, name applied to the Bannock, 1051\n\n +Koutaine+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Ko-wee-jow+, name applied to Wovoka, 767\n\n +Kowwassayee+, a K\u02bfka\u2032s\u0103wi synonym, 738, 739\n\n +K\u02be\u2032t\u0103t\u00e4s+, a Piskwaus band, 736\n\n +K\u02bet\u0103t\u00e4s-l\u0115\u2032ma+, a K\u02be\u2032t\u0103t\u00e4s synonym, 736\n\n +K\u02bfu\u2032ato+, a Kiowa division, 1079, 1080\n\n +Kullas-Palus+, a synonym of Pend d\u2019Oreille, 731\n\n +Ku\u2032shp\u0115lu+, a synonym of Pend d\u2019Oreille, 731\n\n +Kutenai+, account of the, 731\n\n \u2014, present habitat of the, 805\n\n +Kutneha+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +K\u00fb\u2032tsano\u2032t+, a former Yakima chief, 737\n\n +Kuwapi+, account of messiah by, 799\n\n +Kvit-Tsow+, name applied to Wovoka, 765\n\n +Kwa\u2032h\u0103di+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Kwana+, _see_ +Parker, Quanah+.\n\n +Kwikw\u00fb\u2032l\u012bt+, sketch of the, 741\n\n +Kwohitsauq+, name applied to Wovoka, 765, 771\n\n +Kw\u016d\u2019da+, a Kiowa synonym, 1078\n\n\n +Laaptin+, a Sahaptin synonym, 744\n\n +Lacombe, A.+, on etymology of pemmican, 1067\n\n +Lahannas+, probable identification of, 732\n\n +L\u00e4itanes+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Lake indians+, account of the, 732\n\n +Lakota+, a synonym of Sioux, 1057\n\n +Lakota-Kokipa-Koshkala+, Sioux name of Royer, 848\n\n +Lance+, flight of, to Bad lands, 884\n\n +Lance+, use of, by Arapaho warriors, 988, 989\n\n \u2014, use of, by Kiowa warriors, 990\n\n +Land treaty+ with Cheyenne and Arapaho, 899\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Treaty+.\n\n +Land severalty bill+, effect of, on northwestern tribes, 757\n\n +Language+, Arapaho, characteristics of, 1012\n\n \u2014, Cheyenne, characteristics of, 1027\n\n \u2014, Comanche, characteristics of, 1046\n\n \u2014, Kiowa, characteristics of, 1080\u20131081\n\n \u2014, Paiute, characteristics of, 1050\n\n \u2014, Sioux, characteristics of, 1060\n\n \u2014, Sioux, dialects of the, 1058\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Glossary+.\n\n +La Playe+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Lapwai+, mission established at, 745\n\n +Lartielo+, a Spokan synonym, 732\n\n +La Salle+, Kiowa Apache mentioned by, 1081\n\n +Laulewasikaw+, revelation of, 672\n\n +Lea, Agent+, Rosebud census by, 830\n\n +Lee, Ann+, founder of the Shakers, 941\n\n +Lee, Capt. J. M.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, account of T\u00e4vibo by, 701\n\n \u2014, appointed indian agent, 887\n\n \u2014, on Paiute ghost dance, 784\n\n \u2014, on Sioux story of sacred pipe, 1062\n\n \u2014, on Wovoka\u2019s father, 765\n\n \u2014, respect of indians for, 888\n\n +Left-hand+, an Arapaho chief, 779, 957\n\n \u2014, ghost song composed by, 961\n\n \u2014, land treaty signed by, 899\n\n +Left-hand, Grant+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, crow dance organized by, 901\n\n \u2014, delegate to Wovoka, 900\n\n \u2014, in the ghost dance, 1038, 1039\n\n \u2014, song composed by wife of, 1032, 1035, 1036, 1038\n\n +Lepage+, name applied to John Day river, 743\n\n +Letter+ from \u00c4piata\u00f1 to the Kiowa, 911\n\n \u2014 from Wovoka, 776, 780, 781\n\n +Lewis and Clark+ among Columbia river tribes, 742\n\n \u2014, mention of Wheelpoo by, 732\n\n \u2014 on Arapaho habitat, 956\n\n \u2014 on Cheyenne early habitat, 1024\n\n \u2014 on the Coospellar, 732\n\n \u2014 on the Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n \u2014 on the Kutenai, 731\n\n \u2014 on the Sahaptin, 745\n\n \u2014, the Sokulk met by, 735\n\n +L\u2019Iatan+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Liaywas+, mention of the, 738\n\n +Light+ from coal-oil, Shaker idea concerning, 749\n\n +Lightning+, indian notion concerning, 968\n\n \u2014 in Paiute ghost song, 1054\n\n +Linkinse+, an Isle de Pierre synonym, 734\n\n +Little+, a Sioux prisoner, 848\n\n +Little Bow+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Little Chief+, Cheyenne delegate to Wovoka, 895\n\n +Little-no-heart+, delegate to Washington, 891\n\n +Little Raven+, an Arapaho chief, 957\n\n \u2014, delegate to Wovoka, 900\n\n \u2014, song composed by, 998\n\n +Little Woman+, songs composed by, 1032, 1035, 1036, 1038\n\n +Little Wound+, conduct of, in Sioux outbreak, 884\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance council held by, 820\n\n \u2014 ignored in Sioux difficulty, 832\n\n \u2014, Kicking Bear\u2019s surrender effected by, 868\n\n \u2014, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 881\n\n +Lodge+, Smohalla ceremonial, 726\n\n \u2014, _see_ +House+, +Wikiup+, +Sweat-lodge+.\n\n +Logan, James+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Loh\u012dm+, habitat of the, 742\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 743\n\n +Lone Wolf+, a Kiowa chief, 1079\n\n +Long, \u2014+, on Cheyenne name of Sioux, 1057\n\n +Looking-glass+, a Nez Perc\u00e9 chief, 714\n\n +Looking-up+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +Lost Bird+, _see_ +Zitkala-noni+.\n\n +Lower Brul\u00e9 agency+, control of indians at, 849\n\n\n +Mackinaw+, meaning of, 976\n\n +MacMurray, Maj. J. W.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on Columbia indian cosmology, 722\n\n \u2014, on eclipses predicted by Smohalla, 720\n\n \u2014, on indian troubles in the northwest, 716\n\n \u2014, on Smohalla, 717, 718\n\n \u2014, on Smohalla religion, 719, 725\n\n +Magpie+ held sacred in ghost dance, 823, 982\n\n +Magpie feathers+, ceremonial use of, 999\n\n \u2014 presented by Wovoka, 901\n\n \u2014 prized by Paiute, 775\n\n +Mallery, Garrick+, on Sioux pipe legend, 1063\n\n +Mammals+, indian tradition concerning, 722\n\n +Mandan+, ghost dance among the, 817\n\n +Mann, Lieut. James D.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872, 875\n\n +Mann, M. G.+, Puget Sound missionary, 760\n\n +M\u00e2nposo\u2032tiguan+, Kiowa name of ghost dance, 791\n\n +Maqpe-Luta+, native name of Red Cloud, 1058\n\n +Maqpi\u2032\u0103to+, Sioux name of the Arapaho, 954\n\n +Maranshobishgo+, Cheyenne name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Margry, Pierre+, use of term L\u00e4itanes by, 1043\n\n +Marguerite+, survivor of Wounded Knee, 878, 879\n\n +Maricopa+, absence of ghost dance among, 805\n\n +Martin, J. T.+, cited on Shaker ceremony, 748\n\n +Martin, T. P.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Martinez, Andres+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Ma\u2032se\u2032p+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Mason valley+, description of, 765, 769\n\n +Mats\u012d\u2032shkota+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Matthews, Washington+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on etymology of Naka\u012d-dokl\u012d\u2032ni, 705\n\n \u2014, on ghost dance among the Navaho, 809\n\n \u2014, on Hidatsa name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014, on Navaho hypnotism, 811\n\n \u2014, on present condition of the Navaho, 809\n\n \u2014, on significance of Navaho songs, 1009\n\n +McClintock, W. F.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +McCue, J. M.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +McCullough, John+, a Delaware captive, 668\n\n +McGillycuddy, V. T.+, management of indians by, 845, 852\n\n \u2014, on causes of Sioux outbreak, 831, 840\n\n \u2014, on Sioux outbreak, 888\n\n \u2014, relieved as indian agent, 828\n\n +McKenney and Hall+ on Tecumtha among the Creek, 687\n\n +McLain, Miss L.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +McLaughlin, James+, advises against immediate arrest of Sitting Bull, 852, 854\n\n \u2014, advises removal of Sitting Bull, 848\n\n \u2014, effort of, to arrest Sitting Bull\u2019s band, 860\n\n \u2014, effort of, to arrest Kicking Bear, 847\n\n \u2014, indian police praised by, 859\n\n \u2014, interview of, with Sitting Bull, 849\n\n \u2014, on Sioux ghost dance, 787\n\n \u2014, on the Sioux outbreak, 843\n\n \u2014, Sitting Bull\u2019s arrest arranged by, 855\n\n \u2014, Sitting Bull\u2019s removal advised by, 854\n\n +Mde-waka\u00f1-to\u00f1wa\u00f1+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n +Meacham, A. D.+, on Smohalla religion, 711\n\n \u2014, on character of Columbia river tribal lands, 709\n\n +Meatwho+, a Mitani synonym, 734\n\n +Medal+ of Greenville treaty, 671\n\n \u2014, presented to \u00c4piata\u00f1, 914\n\n +Medewacanton+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n +Medicine+, practice of, by Shakers, 761\n\n \u2014, rites of, before battle, 689\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Disease+.\n\n +Medicine-arrow+ ceremony, 1026\n\n +Medicine bags+, destruction of, during Shawano craze, 679\n\n \u2014, use of, condemned by K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, 694\n\n +Medicine Lodge+, treaty of, in 1867, 957\n\n +Medicine-men+ defined, 980\n\n \u2014, position of, in ghost dance, 916\n\n +Meil, J. W.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +M\u0115li\u2032\u201bl\u0115ma+, a Tenino synonym, 742\n\n +Menard, L.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Merriam, Colonel+, operation of, against Big Foot, 865\n\n \u2014, troops under, in Sioux outbreak, 850\n\n +Merrick, J. L.+, cited on Mohammedanism, 932\n\n +Mescalero+, absence of ghost dance among, 805\n\n +Mescal rite+ introduced among the Caddo, 904\n\n +Meshon+, a Mitaui synonym, 734\n\n +Messenger+, another name of Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i, 909\n\n +Messiah+, idea of, among various peoples, 658\n\n \u2014 craze, responsibility of, for Sioux outbreak, 828, 831\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Wovoka+.\n\n +Metal+, tabu of, in ghost dance, 798\n\n +Meteowwee+, a Mitaui synonym, 734\n\n +Methodists+, account of, 939\n\n +Methow+, a Mitaui synonym, 734\n\n +Mezo, Wm. S.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Miami+, opposition of, to Tecumtha, 684\n\n +Miay\u016dma+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Michigan Historical Society+, Pontiac manuscript deposited with, 663\n\n +Micksucksealton+, a Kutenai band, 731\n\n +Miles, Gen. N. A.+, on aspect of Wounded Knee affairs, 874\n\n \u2014, in Nez Perc\u00e9 war, 714\n\n \u2014, on causes of ghost dance, 816\n\n \u2014, on causes of Sioux outbreak, 826, 833, 843\n\n \u2014, on dispatch of troops in Sioux outbreak, 852\n\n \u2014, on mortality at Wounded Knee, 870, 871\n\n \u2014, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 850, 882, 887, 888, 890\n\n \u2014, opinion of, on Sioux excitement, 849\n\n \u2014, on Sitting Bull, 861\n\n \u2014, on reduction of Sioux rations, 827\n\n +Milky way+, indian conception of, 1053\n\n +Miller, Henry+, killed at Wounded Knee, 871, 881\n\n +Miller, William+, an Adventist, 944\n\n +Minika\u00f1zu+, a Teton division, 1059\n\n +Minitari+, ghost dance among the, 817\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Hidatsa+.\n\n +Missionaries+ at Wounded Knee, 874, 875, 878\n\n +Mission fight+, description of the, 875\n\n +Mission indians+, ghost dance among the, 804\n\n +Missions+ among the Caddo, 1094\n\n +Missouri indians+, ghost dance among, 902\n\n +M\u012d\u2032st\u00e4vi\u012d\u2032n\u00fbt+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Mitaui+, sketch of the, 734\n\n +Mithaw+, _see_ +Mitaui+.\n\n +Mithouies+, a Mitani synonym, 734\n\n +Mnemonic+ symbols invented by Smohalla, 720\n\n +Modoc+, Pit river tribes raided by, 1052\n\n \u2014, present habitat of the, 805\n\n +Mohammed+ and Smohalla compared, 719\n\n +Mohammedanism+ and ghost-dance doctrine compared, 930\n\n +Mohave+, attendance of, at ghost dance, 805\n\n \u2014, knowledge of ghost dance by the, 814\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance doctrine among the, 785\n\n +Mo\u2032ki+, account of, 1038\n\n \u2014, song composed by, 1032, 1035, 1036, 1038\n\n +Moki+, _see_ +Hopi+.\n\n +Montcalm+, consideration of, for Pontiac, 669\n\n +Moon+, Arapaho myth, concerning the, 1006\n\n \u2014, symbolism of the, 905\n\n +Moon Head+, a Caddo ghost-dance leader, 903, 904\n\n \u2014, account of, 904\n\n +Morgan, T. J.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on cause of Sioux outbreak, 825, 820\n\n \u2014, on flight of Sioux to Bad lands, 851\n\n \u2014, on mortality at Wounded Knee, 871\n\n \u2014, on reduction of Sioux rations, 827\n\n \u2014, on Wounded Knee massacre, 870\n\n \u2014, tour of inspection by, 900\n\n +Mormons+, conversion of indians by, 790\n\n \u2014, and the ghost dance, 792\n\n \u2014, belief of, regarding the indians, 703\n\n \u2014, endowment robe of the, 790\n\n \u2014, Smohalla among the, 719\n\n \u2014, treatment of indians by, 818\n\n +Mortuary+ custom of the Cheyenne, 1027\n\n \u2014 dance of northwestern indians, 728\n\n \u2014 sacrifice by prairie tribes, 782\n\n \u2014 use of sacred paint, 879\n\n +Moses+, chief of the Isle de Pierre, 734\n\n \u2014, a Nez Perc\u00e9 priest, 713\n\n \u2014, encounter of, with Smohalla, 718\n\n \u2014, Smohalla\u2019s belief concerning, 721\n\n +Motsai\u2032+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Mound+, use of, with sweat-lodge, 822, 981\n\n +Mount Grant+, Paiute name of, 1050\n\n +Murphy, Jos.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Musical instruments+, lack of, in ghost dance, 921\n\n +M\u00fbtsi\u0103n\u0103t\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2032+, Cheyenne name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Myth+, regeneration, of the Hopi, 811\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Cosmology+.\n\n\n +N\u00e4\u2032bai-d\u00e4\u2032cho+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Nabedache+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Nacogdoches+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +N\u00e4d\u00e4\u2032ko+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n \u2014, early mention of the, 1094\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Anadarko+.\n\n +Nadi\u2032isha-de\u2032na+, native name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Nadouessi+, a synonym of Sioux, 1050\n\n +Nadowesi+, a synonym of Sioux, 1057\n\n +Nadowesiu+, a synonym of Sioux, 1057\n\n +Na-isha+, native name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Nakai-dokli\u2032ni+, account of, 704\n\n +N\u00e4\u2032ka`na\u2032wan+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Nakash+, ghost song composed by, 985\n\n \u2014, visit of, to Wovoka, 803, 807, 817, 894\n\n +Na\u2032kasin\u00eb\u2032na+, name of northern Arapaho, 954\n\n +Nakay-doklunni+, _see_ +Nakai-dokl\u012d\u2032ni+.\n\n +N\u00e4\u2032kohodo\u2032tsi+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Nakota+, a synonym of Sioux, 1057\n\n +Na`lani+, Navaho name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +N\u00e4mi Pi\u00e4p+, a Columbia indian god, 730\n\n +Nandacao+, identified with Nadako, 1094\n\n +N\u00e4nig\u00fckwa+, Paiute name of ghost dance, 791\n\n +N\u00e4nisana ka-au\u2032-shan+, Caddo name of ghost dance, 791\n\n +Nanita+, Kichai name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Nanon\u012d\u2032ks-kare\u2032n\u012dki+, Kichai name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Narcelle, Narcisse+, in Sioux outbreak, 862\n\n +N\u00e4shi\u2032tosh+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Na\u2032shoni+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Na\u2032shon\u012dt+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Nashtowi+, Wichita delegate to Wovoka, 903\n\n +Nassonite+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Nat\u0103a+, Wichita name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Natchez+, a Paiute chief, 1048\n\n +Natchitoches+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Natenehina+, Arapaho name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Natni+, Arapaho name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Natnihina+, Arapaho name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Natural phenomena+, indian idea concerning, 721\n\n \u2014, sacred regard for, 919\n\n \u2014, symbolism of, 905\n\n +Navaho+, absence of ghost dance among, 810, 926\n\n \u2014 and Arapaho warfare, 954\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance doctrine among, 785\n\n \u2014, hypnotism in ceremony of, 811\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of the Paiute, 1048\n\n \u2014, pollen used in ceremonies of, 705\n\n \u2014, significance of songs of, 1009\n\n \u2014, statistics concerning the, 809\n\n +Nawat+, native name of Left-hand, 957\n\n +Nawathi\u2032n\u0113ha+, name of southern Arapaho, 955\n\n +Na\u2032wun\u0115na+, name of southern Arapaho, 955\n\n +Nebraska+ troops in Sioux outbreak, 876\n\n +Necklaces+ of human fingers, 1024\n\n +Nespelim+ and Sanpoil affinity, 733\n\n \u2014 and Spokan affinity, 733\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 733\n\n +Nettles, R. H.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Nevada+, geographic character of, 765\n\n +Newell, C. H.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Nez Perc\u00e9+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n \u2014, a Sahaptin synonym, 744\n\n \u2014, affinity of the P\u00e4lus with, 735\n\n \u2014, affinity of Wa\u2032nap\u00fbm with, 735\n\n \u2014 and Cayuse intermarriage, 744\n\n \u2014, cause of war with, 712\n\n \u2014, habitat and population, 805\n\n \u2014, visit of, to Wovoka, 805\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Sahaptin+.\n\n +Niaha\u201bno\u2032+, song composed by, 1099\n\n +Niaketsik\u00fbtk+, Kichai name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Ni\u0103rhar\u012ds-k\u00fbrikiw\u0103s-h\u00fbski+, Wichita name of the Arapaho, 954\n\n +Nia\u2032thu\u0103+, Arapaho name for the whites, 962, 978\n\n +N\u012d\u2032chin\u0115\u2032na+, a Kiowa synonym, 1078\n\n +Niculuita+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +Niererikwats-k\u00fbniki+, Wichita name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Ni\u2032r\u012ds-h\u0103ri\u2032s-k\u012d\u2032riki+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +N\u012dshk\u2032\u00fbnt\u016d+, _see_ +Moon Head+.\n\n +Nisqually+ in treaty of 1854, 751\n\n \u2014 membership in Shaker church, 759\n\n \u2014, Shaker religion among the, 747\n\n +Nockay Delklinne+, _see_ +Nakai-dokl\u012d\u2032ni+.\n\n +No Flesh+, flight of, to Bad lands, 884\n\n +No\u2032koni+, a Comanche band, 1044\n\n +Norcok+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Nose-piercing+ by the Caddo, 1092\n\n +No Water\u2019s camp+, game-wheel at, 1075\n\n \u2014, ghost dance at, 823, 846, 915\n\n +N\u2032pochle+, a Sanpoil synonym, 733\n\n +Nuhin\u0115\u2032na+, an Arapaho warrior order, 987\n\n +N\u00fcma+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014, a synonym of Paiute, 1048\n\n +Number+, sacred, in ghost dance, 782, 919, 1000\n\n \u2014, sacred, in Shaker religion, 751\n\n +N\u00fcmi\u2032na\u0103\u2032+, a Paiute god, 1051\n\n +N\u00fbnaha\u2032w\u016d+, an Arapaho warrior order, 989\n\n +Nyu\u2032taa+, song composed by, 1097\n\n\n +Oakinacken+, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n \u2014, a synonym of Okanagan, 734\n\n +Oceti Sakowin+, a synonym of Sioux, 1057\n\n +Ochechotes+, a synonym of Uchi\u2032chol, 738, 740\n\n +Offering+ of sacred objects, 916\n\n \u2014 to the eagle, 1100\n\n +Offley, Colonel+, troops under, in Sioux outbreak, 850\n\n +Ogalala+, a Teton division, 1058\n\n \u2014 in Sioux outbreak, 882, 885\n\n \u2014 knowledge of the messiah, 819\n\n +Oheno\u00f1pa+, a Teton division, 1059\n\n +\u014e\u2032ivim\u0103\u2032na+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +Ojibwa+, absence of ghost dance among, 816\n\n \u2014, early warfare by the, 1059\n\n \u2014, effect of Shawano religion on the, 680\n\n \u2014 names of the Arapaho, 953\n\n \u2014 name of the Gros Ventres, 955\n\n \u2014, Potawatomi prophet among the, 706\n\n \u2014, Tenskwatawa among the, 677\n\n +Okanagan+, sketch of the, 734\n\n +Okinakane+, an Okanagan synonym, 734\n\n +Okiwahkine+, an Okanagan synonym, 734\n\n +Omaha+, absence of ghost dance among, 816\n\n \u2014, Caddo name of the, 1093\n\n \u2014, study of the, 654\n\n \u2014, visit to the, 767\n\n +Omaha dance+, crow dance a modification of, 901\n\n +One Feather+ in the Few-Tails affair, 889, 890\n\n +Ootlashoot+, a Kutenai band, 731\n\n +Orientation+ of Arapaho tipi, 956\n\n \u2014 of camping circle, 1026\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Cardinal points+.\n\n +Osage+, ghost dance among the, 902\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Ot\u00e4\u2032s-it\u00e4\u2032niuw\u2019+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Otermin, Antonio+, flight of, to El Paso, 660\n\n +Oto+, ghost dance among the, 902\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014, condition of ghost dance among, 927\n\n +O\u201btu\u2032g\u016dn\u016d+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Oualla-Oualla+, a Wallawalla synonym, 744\n\n +Ouichram+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +Owen, Col.+, at Battle of Prophet\u2019s town, 688\n\n\n +Padouca+, application of the name, 1043, 1044\n\n +P\u00e4g\u0103n\u00e4vo+, Shoshoni and Comanche name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +P\u00e4\u2032gats\u00fb+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Pa-guadal+, native name of Red Buffalo, 1083\n\n +Paha\u2032na+, Hopi name of the whites, 978\n\n +Pah Utes+, a synonym of Paiute, 1048\n\n +Pahvant+ confounded with the Paiute, 1048\n\n +Pa-i\u00f1gya+, a Kiowa prophet, 1083\n\n \u2014, reputed powers of, 906, 907\n\n +Paint+, how regarded by Cheyenne and Arapaho, 779\n\n \u2014, mortuary use of, 879\n\n \u2014 obtained from Wovoka, 775, 778\n\n \u2014 on ghost shirts, 790\n\n \u2014 presented by Wovoka, 797, 900, 901\n\n \u2014 used by the Arapaho, 971\n\n \u2014 used by the Cheyenne, 1029\n\n \u2014 used in ghost dance, 798, 814, 821, 823, 919, 922, 997, 1008\n\n +Paiute+, Cohonino knowledge of ghost dance from, 812\n\n \u2014, gambling song of the, 1009\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 654, 784, 802, 806, 926, 927\n\n \u2014, ghost dance introduced among Walapai by, 814\n\n \u2014, glossary of the, 1056\n\n \u2014 method of conversation, 770\n\n \u2014 mode of living, 770\n\n \u2014 name of ghost dance, 791\n\n \u2014 name for the whites, 978\n\n \u2014, Navaho taught about messiah by, 811\n\n \u2014 notion concerning eclipse, 773\n\n \u2014 on Klamath reserve, 805\n\n \u2014 on Warmspring reserve, 805\n\n \u2014, population of the, 1050\n\n \u2014, Porcupine among the, 794\n\n \u2014, reception of, into Mormon church, 790\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 1048\n\n \u2014, songs of the, 1052\n\n \u2014, synonymy of the, 1048\n\n \u2014, T\u00e4vibo among the, 701\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Wovoka+.\n\n +Pai-yuchim\u016d+, Hopi name of the Paiute, 1048\n\n +Pai-yuts\u012d+, Navaho name of the Paiute, 1048\n\n +Pa\u2032kamalli+, a Pit river band, 1052\n\n +Pa`kiut+, Smohalla services at, 727\n\n +Pa\u2032kiut-\u2032l\u0115\u2032ma+, a Y\u00e4\u2032k\u012dma synonym, 737\n\n +Palmer, Agent+, report of, on Sioux excitement, 848\n\n +Palouse+, a P\u00e4\u2032lus synonym, 735, 737\n\n +Pal\u016d+, Washo name of the Paiute, 1048\n\n +P\u00e4lus+ and Wa\u2032nap\u00fbm affinity, 735\n\n \u2014, incorporation of Ch\u00e4mn\u00e4\u2032p\u00fbm with, 739\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 735\n\n +Pambizimina+, Shoshoni name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Pani Piqu\u00e9s+, French name of the Wichita, 1095\n\n +Pansy Society+ and the Sioux outbreak, 893\n\n +Papago+, absence of ghost dance among, 805\n\n +Papitsinima+, Comanche name of Sioux, 1057\n\n +Papshp\u00fbn-\u201bl\u0115ma+, a synonym of Pend d\u2019Oreille, 731\n\n +Parker, Quanah+, a Comanche chief, 1046\n\n \u2014, opposition of, to ghost dance, 902\n\n +Parker, Mrs Z. A.+, on the Sioux ghost dance, 916\n\n +Parkman, Francis+, cited on Pontiac, 665, 669\n\n \u2014, Pontiac manuscript referred to by, 663\n\n +Parr, Harriet+, cited on Joan of Arc, 935\n\n +Parton, Eliza+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Parton, George+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Pa\u2032tadal+, influence of, in ghost dance, 914\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Poor Buffalo+.\n\n +Pa\u2032th\u0115sk\u0115+, account of, 700\n\n +Patrick+, \u2014, quoted on Potawatomi prophets\u2019 dance, 706\n\n +Patterson and Brown\u2019s+ mission, 946\n\n +Paviotso+, application of term, 1048\n\n +Pawnee+ and Arapaho warfare, 954\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 902, 927\n\n \u2014, influence of ghost dance over the, 926\n\n \u2014 name of the Arapaho, 954\n\n \u2014 name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Peace pipe+ of the Sioux, 1062\n\n +Pelloatpallah+, a P\u00e4\u2032lus synonym, 735, 745\n\n +Peloose+, a P\u00e4\u2032lus synonym, 735\n\n +Pemmican+, derivation of, 1067\n\n \u2014, ghost song reference to, 991\n\n \u2014, preparation of, 1067\n\n +Pe\u2032n\u00e4\u2032nde+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Pe\u2032n\u00e4t\u0115ka+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 901\n\n \u2014, migration of the, 1044\n\n +Pend d\u2019Oreille+, account of the, 731\n\n \u2014, land treaty with the, 731\n\n \u2014, present habitat of the, 805\n\n +Penney, Capt. C. G.+, appointed indian agent, 887\n\n +Perfume+, grass used as, 823\n\n +Personal names+, Shawano, note on, 683\n\n +Peruvian+ belief in a messiah, 660\n\n +Phister, N. P.+, on ghost-dance doctrine, 784\n\n \u2014, on Wovoka\u2019s father, 785\n\n +Photographs+ of the ghost dance, 654\n\n +Pictography+ of Kiowa calendar, 906, 907, 909, 910\n\n \u2014 of the ghost dance, 1060\n\n \u2014 on gaming wheel, 994\n\n \u2014 on ghost-dance costume, 982\n\n \u2014 on ghost shirts, 790, 916\n\n \u2014, thunderbird in, 969\n\n +Pierce, F. E.+, appointed indian agent, 887\n\n +Pima+, absence of ghost dance among, 805\n\n +Pine Bird+, flight of, to Bad lands, 884\n\n +Pine Ridge agency+, arrival of troops at, 850\n\n \u2014, attacked by Brul\u00e9s, 873, 875\n\n \u2014 changes in boundaries of, 830\n\n \u2014, delegates from, to Wovoka, 820\n\n \u2014, delegation from, to Washington, 891\n\n \u2014, destruction of property at, 892\n\n \u2014, dissatisfaction of indians at, 844\n\n \u2014, flight of indians of, to Bad lands, 850\n\n \u2014, ghost dance at, 846\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance council held at, 826\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance excitement at, 848\n\n \u2014, indians of, meet commissioners, 841\n\n \u2014, missions on, abandoned, 874\n\n \u2014, reduction of rations at, 832, 845\n\n \u2014, report of Sioux delegates at, 820\n\n \u2014, restlessness of indians at, 845\n\n \u2014, return of Sioux hostiles to, 861\n\n \u2014, visit of \u00c4piata\u00f1 to, 911\n\n +Pinon nuts+, how regarded by Cheyenne and Arapaho, 779\n\n +P\u012dn\u00fbtg\u00fb\u2032+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Pipe+ ceremony in ghost dance, 915\n\n \u2014, in Caddo mythology, 1093\n\n \u2014, peace, broken by Sitting Bull, 854\n\n \u2014, peace, of the Cherokee, 1063\n\n \u2014, sacred, in charge of northern Arapaho, 955\n\n \u2014, sacred, of the Arapaho, 956, 1063\n\n \u2014, sacred, of the Sioux, 823, 1062\n\n \u2014, sacred, referred to in ghost song, 1072\n\n \u2014, sacred regard for, 959, 960, 961\n\n \u2014, symbolism of, in ghost dance, 789\n\n \u2014, treaty, illustrated, 688\n\n \u2014, use of, in ghost dance, 1064\n\n +Pishquitpah+, sketch of the, 739\n\n +Piskwaus+ and Isle de Pierre affinity, 735\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 736\n\n +Pisquouse+, a P\u012dskwaus synonym, 737\u2013738\n\n +Pisscow+, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n +Pit River indians+, account of the, 1052\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among, 785, 804\n\n +Piute+, a synonym of Paiute, 1048\n\n +Pleasant men+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +Plenty Horses+, Lieut. Casey killed by, 888\n\n +Plumb, Agent+, account of ghost dance by, 806\n\n +P\u2018n\u00e4+, a village on Columbia river, 716, 717\n\n \u2014, meaning of, 735\n\n \u2014, Smohalla ceremonial at, 727\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Priest rapids+.\n\n +Po\u2032hoi+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Pointed Hearts+, a C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane synonym, 733\n\n +Poland, Col.+, troops under, at Rosebud, 850\n\n +Pol\u00e4\u00f1yup+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Pole+, sacrifice, in Sioux ceremony, 823\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Tree+.\n\n +Police+, Sioux, arrest of Sitting Bull by, 856\u2013858\n\n \u2014, Sioux, bravery of, 860\n\n \u2014, Sioux, moderation of, 869\n\n +Pollen+, use of, in Apache ceremony, 705\n\n +Pollock, Oscar+, killed at Wounded Knee, 871, 872\n\n +Poloi, Henry+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Polonches+, a P\u00e4\u2032lus synonym, 735\n\n +Ponca+, ghost dance among the, 816, 902\n\n +Ponderas+, _see_ +Pend D\u2019Oreille.+\n\n +Pontiac+, character of, 668\n\n \u2014 manuscript, reference to, 663\n\n +Poor Buffalo+, a ghost-dance leader, 908\n\n \u2014, Kiowa messiah delegation under, 907\n\n \u2014, portrait of, 908\n\n +Porcupine+, account of messiah by, 793\n\n \u2014, effect of messiah visit of, 818\n\n \u2014, ghost song composed by, 1028\n\n \u2014, statement of, concerning messiah, 819\n\n \u2014, visit of, to Wovoka, 703, 781, 803, 817, 894\n\n +Potawatomi+, absence of ghost dance among, 816\n\n \u2014, disciples of K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, 696\u2013697\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 902\n\n \u2014, settlement at Tippecanoe, 684\n\n +Potawatomi prophet+, account of, 705\n\n +Potrero+, prophecy of indians of, 804\n\n +Powder+, sacred, on dance ground, 918\n\n \u2014, sacred, use of, in battle, 790\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Pollen+.\n\n +Powell, J. W.+, quoted on the Paiute, 1084\n\n +Powers, John+, minister of Shaker church, 758\n\n +Powers, Stephen+, on Pit River indians, 1052\n\n +Prather, W. H.+, Sioux campaign song by, 882, 883\n\n +Pratt, Orson+, on the messiah belief, 703\n\n +Prayer, Lord\u2019s+, Arapaho equivalent of, 966, 977\n\n +Prayer stick+, used by K\u00e4nak\u00fbk, 697\n\n +Presbyterians+, attitude of, toward Shaker religion, 760\n\n +Prescott, W. H.+, on effect of civilization in Peru, 659\n\n \u2014, on golden age of Anahuac, 658\n\n +Preston, Lieut. Guy+, at battle of Wounded Knee, 873\n\n +Pretty Back+ on the Sioux outbreak, 839\n\n +Priest Rapids+, Smohalla performances at, 725\n\n \u2014, _see_ +P\u2018n\u00e4+.\n\n +Primeau, Louis+, guide in attack of Sitting Bull, 856\n\n \u2014, interpreter for Sioux delegation, 891\n\n +Principal dogs+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Pritts, J.+, cited on Delaware prophet, 668\n\n +Prophets+, various, compared, 930\n\n +Prophet\u2019s town+, battle of, 688\u2013689\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Tippecanoe+.\n\n +Pshwa\u2032n\u0103p\u00fbm+, a \u040c\u2032t\u0103t\u00e4s synonym, 736\n\n +Pueblos+, absence of ghost dance among, 805, 926\n\n \u2014, revolt of, in 1680, 659\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Hopi+, +Taos+.\n\n +Pumpkin seed+ in Caddo mythology, 1093\n\n +P\u00fctci+, information concerning Cohonino from, 813\n\n +Puyallup+ in treaty of 1854, 751\n\n +Pyramid lake+, battle of, in 1860, 771\n\n\n +Qam\u012d\u2032lh+, a P\u012dskwaus chief, 736\n\n +Qam\u012dl-\u201bl\u0115ma+, a P\u012dskwaus band, 736\n\n +Qa\u2032pn\u012dsh-\u2018l\u0115ma+, sketch of the, 739\n\n +Q\u2019ma\u2032shp\u0103l+, a C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane synonym, 933\n\n +Quakers+, account of the, 936\n\n +Quanah+, former name of father of, 1044\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Parker+, +Quanah+.\n\n +Quapaw+ name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Quiarlpi+, a Colville synonym, 732\n\n +Quirt+ of the Dog soldiers, 987\n\n +Quoit-tsow+, another name for Wovoka, 702\n\n +Quoitze Ow+, name applied to Wovoka, 765\n\n +Qw\u00fb\u2032lh-hwai-p\u00fbm+, a Kl\u00fb\u2032k\u0103t\u00e4t synonym, 738\n\n\n +Rabbits+ in Paiute myth, 1051\n\n \u2014, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Rain+ invoked by the bull-roarer, 975\n\n \u2014 songs of Wovoka, 772\n\n +Ranters+, account of the, 936\n\n +Rapid City+, appearance of troops at, 850\n\n +Rapid indians+, a synonym of Gros Ventres, 955\n\n +Rations+, Sioux, table of, 839\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Sioux outbreak+.\n\n +Rattle+ of the Dog soldiers, 987\n\n \u2014 used by Arapaho warriors, 988\n\n +Raven+, sacred regard for the, 982\n\n +Real-dogs+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Red+ as a sacred color, 1037\n\n +Red Buffalo+, song composed by, 1083\n\n +Red Cloud+, adherent of messiah doctrine, 848\n\n \u2014, an Ogalala chief, 845, 1058\n\n \u2014, confidence in, by agent, 832\n\n \u2014, declaration of for ghost-dance doctrine, 821\n\n \u2014, ghost dance council held by, 820\n\n \u2014, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 881\n\n \u2014, opposition of, to land cession, 845\n\n \u2014, portrait of, 846\n\n \u2014, responsibility of, for Sioux Outbreak, 852\n\n \u2014, surrender of band of, 882\n\n \u2014, thwarted by McGillycuddy, 845\n\n +Red Cloud, Jack+, conduct of, in Sioux outbreak, 884\n\n +Red Feather+, name of Paul Boynton, 971\n\n +Red-lodges+, a Cheyenne division, 1026\n\n +Red Tail+ in the ghost dance, 1085\n\n +Red Tomahawk+, a Sioux policeman, 856\n\n \u2014, portrait of, 856\n\n \u2014, Sitting Bull shot by, 857\n\n +Red Wolf+, delegate to Wovoka, 900\n\n +Regan, Michael+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Regeneration+, idea of, ridiculed by southern Ute, 806\n\n \u2014, indian belief in, 818\n\n \u2014 in ghost-dance doctrine, 785, 796\n\n \u2014 of the earth, 959, 1030, 1054, 1073\n\n \u2014, power of, attributed to Wovoka, 821\n\n +Reid, Henry+, acknowledgments to, 665\n\n +Reinecky, F. T.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Remy, J.+, on the Kentucky revival, 943\n\n +Resurrection+, _see_ +Regeneration+.\n\n +Return-from-scout+, vision of wife of, 916\n\n +Richard, Louis+, interpreter for Sioux delegation, 891\n\n +Ridge people+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +Ritual+ of Smohalla religion, 725\n\n +Rivers+, reference to, in ghost song, 1032\n\n +Roberts, J.+, Arapaho sacred pipe seen by, 961\n\n +Robinson, Lieutenant+, scouts under, in Sioux outbreak, 850\n\n +Roosevelt, Theodore+, quoted on the Sword-bearer affair, 707\n\n +Rose+, wild, use of seeds of, 978\n\n +Rosebud agency+, changes in land boundaries of, 830\n\n \u2014, delegates from, to Washington,, 891\n\n \u2014, delegates from, to Wovoka, 820\n\n \u2014, flight of indians of, to Bad lands, 850\n\n \u2014, ghost dance at, 847\n\n \u2014, number of Sioux at, 845\n\n \u2014, outbreak of indians of, predicted, 800\n\n +Ross+, \u2014, on northwestern indian land troubles, 710\n\n +Royer, D. F.+, agent at Pine Ridge, 828, 848\n\n \u2014, alarm of, 849\n\n \u2014, consultation of, with General Miles, 848\n\n \u2014, on mortality at Wounded Knee, 871\n\n \u2014, removal of Sioux indians recommended by, 852\n\n \u2014, statement to, on Sioux outbreak, 839\n\n +Ruger, General+, on Big Foot\u2019s movements, 865\n\n \u2014, on causes of Sioux outbreak, 834\n\n \u2014, on mortality at Wounded Knee, 870\n\n \u2014, ordered to arrest Sword-bearer, 707\n\n\n +Sacrifice+, mortuary, by prairie tribes, 782\n\n \u2014 pole of the Sioux, 822\n\n \u2014, scarification as a, 898\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Offering+.\n\n +Sa\u2032d\u0103lso\u2032mte-k\u0314i\u00f1ago+, Kiowa name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Sage+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Nakash+.\n\n +Sagebrush+, use of, in sweat-bath, 822\n\n +Sage-hen+ held sacred in ghost dance, 982\n\n \u2014 in Paiute myth, 1051\n\n \u2014 symbol on ghost shirts, 823\n\n +Sa\u2032ghalee Tyee+, a Colombia indian god, 719, 722\n\n +Sahaptin+, sketch of the, 744\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Nez Perc\u00e9+.\n\n +Saint John+, dance of, described, 935\n\n +Saint Paul mission+ among the Colville, 732\n\n +Saint Vitus dance+, origin of, 935\n\n +S\u00e4k\u0314ota+, Kiowa name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Salishan tribes+, absence of ghost dance among, 805\n\n +Salmon+ dance of northwestern indians, 728\n\n \u2014 fishing among Columbia indians, 717\n\n +Salton sea+, indian belief concerning, 804\n\n +Samilkanuigh+, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n +Sanford, Colonel+, troops under, in Sioux outbreak, 850\n\n +Sanitika+, Pawnee name of the Arapaho, 954\n\n +S\u00e4nko+, Kiowa name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Sanpoil+ and Nespelim affinity, 724\n\n \u2014 and Spokan affinity, 733\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 733\n\n +Sans Arcs+, a Teton division, 1059\n\n +Sans Puelles+, a Sanpoil synonym, 733\n\n +Santee+, absence of ghost dance among, 816\n\n \u2014, divisions of the, 1058\n\n +S\u00e4\u2032pani+, Shoshone name of Gros Ventres, 955\n\n +Saraminuka+, a Winnebago leader, 700\n\n +S\u00e4r\u0115t\u012dka+, Comanche and Shoshoni name of Arapaho, 954\n\n +S\u00e4r\u00eatika+, Wichita name of the Arapaho, 954\n\n +Sarlilso+, a Spokan synonym, 732\n\n +Sarsi+, absence of ghost dance among, 817\n\n +S\u00e4sa\u2032b\u00e4-ithi+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +Sa-sis-e-tas+, a synonym of Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Sauhto+, Caddo name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Sauk+, ghost dance among the, 902\n\n +Sauk and Fox+, absence of ghost dance among, 816\n\n \u2014 allied with Tecumtha, 685\n\n \u2014, influence of Potawatomi prophets among, 706\n\n +Sawpaw+, a Sk\u012dnp\u00e4 synonym, 740\n\n +Scabby+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +Scabby Bull+, name adopted by Sitting Bull, 896\n\n +Scaffold burial+ by the Cheyenne, 1027\n\n +Scalps+ in Cherokee myth, 809\n\n +Scarification+ as a mortuary custom, 782\n\n \u2014, sacrificial, 898\n\n +Schaff, Philip+, on dance of Saint John, 935\n\n \u2014, on Fifth-monarchy men, 938\n\n \u2014, on the Flagellants, 936\n\n +Schartel, T.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Schofield, Gen. J. M.+, telegram to, on Sioux trouble, 836\n\n +Schoolcraft, H. R.+, on Pontiac, 665\n\n \u2014, on Pontiac manuscript, 663\n\n \u2014, on Tecumtha, 691\n\n \u2014, on Winnebago prophecy, 661\n\n +Schools+, eastern, objection of Sioux to, 837\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Carlisle+, +Civilization+, +Education+.\n\n +Schrooyelpi+, a Colville synonym, 732\n\n +Schwenkey, P.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Schwogelpi+, a Colville synonym, 732\n\n +Schwoyelpi+, a Colville synonym, 732\n\n +Scott, Capt. H. L.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on ghost-dance doctrine, 785\n\n \u2014, on Moon Head, 904\n\n \u2014, on Sitting Bull, 895\n\n \u2014, on reputed power of Sitting Bull, 896, 897\n\n \u2014, ordered to investigate ghost dance, 900\n\n +Scouts+, loyalty of, at Wounded Knee, 881\n\n +Seapcat+, a Si\u2032\u0103pkat synonym, 737, 738\n\n +S\u0115\u2032hiw\u00fbq+, native name of Weasel Bear, 959\n\n +S\u0115icha+, the Arapaho sacred pipe, 960\n\n +Selwyn, W. T.+, account of Sioux visit to Wovoka by, 820\n\n \u2014, interview of, with Kuwapi, 798\n\n \u2014, inauguration of Sioux ghost dance, 819\n\n \u2014, warning by, of Sioux outbreak, 821\n\n +Sem\u00e4t+, a Kiowa division, 1079\n\n \u2014, Kiowa name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Seminole+ allied with Tecumtha, 687\n\n +Senijextee+, _see_ +Lake indians+.\n\n +S\u0115\u2032t\u0103s-\u201bl\u0115ma+, habitat of the, 738\n\n +Setkopti, Paul+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Sett\u2019ai\u00f1ti+, tipi symbolism of, 911\n\n +Sewatpalla+, a P\u00e4\u2032lus synonym, 735\n\n +Sh\u0103\u2032aw\u0115+, a Yakima chief, 727\n\n +Sha\u2032chid\u012d\u2032ni+, a former Caddo village, 1094\n\n +Shafter, Col.+, on the Few-Tails affair, 890\n\n \u2014, troops under, in Sioux outbreak, 850\n\n +Shagawaumikong+, location of, 679\n\n +Shaha\u00f1+, Osage name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Shahaptian tribes+, absence of ghost dance among, 805\n\n +Shaiela+, Sioux name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Shaiena+, Sioux name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Shakers+, account of the, 746, 941\n\n \u2014, character of the, 760\n\n \u2014, growth of church of, 759\n\n \u2014, organization of church of, 758\n\n \u2014, tenets of religion of, 759\n\n \u2014, Wickersham on religion of, 751\n\n +Shallattoos+, a W\u201bsh\u00e4\u2032n\u0103tu synonym, 736\n\n +Shangreau, Louis+, conduct of, in Sioux outbreak, 884\n\n \u2014, interpreter for Sioux delegation, 891\n\n +Shanw\u0105pappom+, a \u040c\u2032t\u0103t\u00e4s synonym, 736\n\n +Sh\u00e4pupu-\u201bl\u0115ma+, native name of Yowaluch\u2019s followers, 760\n\n +Sharp Nose+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, Cheyenne delegate to Wovoka, 776, 960\n\n +Shave Head+ at arrest of Sitting Bull, 857\n\n \u2014 wounded in Sitting Bull fight, 857\n\n \u2014 killed in Sitting Bull fight, 858\n\n +Shawano+, final defeat of the, 672\n\n \u2014, personal names of the, 683\n\n \u2014, tribal range of the, 683\n\n +Shawano Prophet+, _see_ +Tenskwatawa+.\n\n +Shaw-wawa Kootiacan+, _see_ +Sha\u2032aw\u0115+.\n\n +Sheep, Charley+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, uncle of Wovoka, 767\n\n +Shell+, significance of the, 1001\n\n +Sheridan, Gen. P. H.+, promises of, to Nez Perc\u00e9s, 714\n\n +Shi\u00e4navo+, Comanche name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Shi\u0115da+, Wichita name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Shinny stick+ of the Arapaho, 964\n\n +Shipapu+, a pueblo indian magic lagoon, 659\n\n +Shirt+, _see_ +Ghost shirt+.\n\n +Sh\u012dshinow\u012dts-It\u00e4niuw\u2019+, Cheyenne name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Shiwanish+, a Cayuse synonym, 743\n\n +Shi\u2032wan\u012dsh+, a Sahaptin synonym, 744\n\n +Shm\u00f3q\u00fbla+, _see_ +Smohalla+.\n\n +Short Bull+, arrest of band of, 876\n\n \u2014, continued retreat of, 867\n\n \u2014, delegate to Wovoka, 820\n\n \u2014, flight of, to Bad lands, 850, 852, 884\n\n \u2014, ghost dance led by, 788, 817, 847, 1064\n\n \u2014, indians urged to dance by, 849\n\n \u2014, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 881\n\n \u2014, Pine Ridge agency attacked by, 873\n\n \u2014, portrait of, 851\n\n \u2014, surrender of, demanded, 887\n\n \u2014, surrender of, 868\n\n \u2014, visit of, to Wovoka, 797, 819, 843, 894\n\n +Shoshoni+ and Arapaho warfare, 954\n\n \u2014, and Comanche affinity, 1043\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among, 805, 806, 807, 809, 817, 894\n\n \u2014, early knowledge of the messiah by, 797\n\n \u2014, influence of ghost dance over the, 926\n\n \u2014, messiah delegates among the, 818, 894\n\n \u2014 name for ghost dance, 791, 920\n\n \u2014 name of the Arapaho, 954\n\n \u2014 name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of the Gros Ventres, 955\n\n \u2014 name of the Paiute, 1048\n\n \u2014 name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n \u2014 name for the whites, 703, 978\n\n \u2014, present habitat of the, 806\n\n \u2014, reception of, into Mormon church, 790\n\n \u2014, study of the, 654\n\n \u2014, T\u00e4viho among the, 701\n\n \u2014, visit of \u00c4piata\u00f1 to, 911\n\n \u2014, visit of, to Wovoka, 818, 894\n\n +Shyiks+, mention of the, 738\n\n +Si\u2032\u0103pkat+, a P\u012dskwaus band, 735\n\n +Sibley+, \u2014, quoted, on the Caddo, 1094\n\n +Sicha\u00f1gu+, a Teton division, 1058\n\n +Sickels, Miss E. C.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, Sword\u2019s account of ghost dance presented by, 797\n\n +Sides, Johnson+, visit of Captain Dick to, 784\n\n \u2014, Wovoka confounded with, 765\n\n +Sign, tribal+, of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n \u2014, of the Arapaho, 954\n\n \u2014, of the Caddo, 1092\n\n \u2014, of the Cheyenne, 1024\n\n \u2014, of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014, of the Kiowa, 1078\n\n \u2014, of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Signal, war+, of the Sioux, 869\n\n +Sign language+ as medium of ghost-dance communication, 808\n\n +Sihasapa+, a Teton division, 1059\n\n +Simmons, J. W.+, a delegate to the Yakima, 1111\n\n \u2014, elected elder of Shaker church, 758\n\n +Sinapoils+, a Sanpoil synonym, 733\n\n +Sindi+, a Kiowa hero god, 1064, 1080\n\n +Si\u2032ndiyu\u2032i+, a Kiowa division, 1079\n\n +Sineeguomenah+, an Upper Spokan synonym, 732\n\n +Sinhumanish+, a Spokan synonym, 732\n\n +Sinipouals+, a Sanpoil synonym, 733\n\n +Sinkiuse+, an Isle de Pierre synonym, 734\n\n +Sinkoman+, a Spokan synonym, 732\n\n +Sinpaivelish+, a Sanpoil synonym, 733\n\n +Sinpohellechach+, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n \u2014, a Sanpoil synonym, 733\n\n +Sinpoilschne+, a Sanpoil synonym, 733\n\n +Sinspeelish+, a Nespelim synonym, 733\n\n +Sinti+, a Kiowa hero god, 1064, 1080\n\n +Sintootoo+, a Middle Spokan synonym, 732\n\n +Sinwhoyelppetook+, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n +Sioux+, absence of ghost dance among certain bands of, 816\n\n \u2014, account of the, 1057\n\n \u2014 and Cheyenne hostility, 1024\n\n \u2014 and Kiowa early warfare, 1080\n\n \u2014, delegation of, to Wovoka, 843, 894\n\n \u2014, discontinuance of ghost dance among, 927\n\n \u2014 drawings of the ghost dance, 1060\n\n \u2014, failure of crops among, 826\n\n \u2014, features of ghost dance among, 802, 822\n\n \u2014, first knowledge of messiah among the, 819\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 654, 787, 796, 816, 817, 819, 915\n\n \u2014, glossary of the, 1075\n\n \u2014, how affected by the ghost dance, 927\n\n \u2014 habitat and population, 824\n\n \u2014 name of the Arapaho, 954\n\n \u2014 name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014, number of, in ghost dance, 817\n\n \u2014 name of ghost dance, 791\n\n \u2014 outbreak, account of the, 843\n\n \u2014 outbreak, causes of, 824, 825, 829\n\n \u2014 outbreak, cost of, 843, 891, 892\n\n \u2014 outbreak, effect of, on neighborhood, 892\n\n \u2014 outbreak, end of the, 888\n\n \u2014 outbreak, number killed in, 871, 891\n\n \u2014 outbreak, warning of, 821\n\n \u2014 outbreak, _see_ +Wounded Knee+.\n\n \u2014, population of the, 844\n\n \u2014, reduction of rations among, 827\n\n \u2014 reservation, division of, 840\n\n \u2014, reservation experience of, 833\n\n \u2014, songs of the, 1061\n\n \u2014, symbolic representation of, 789\n\n \u2014, synonymy of the, 1057\n\n \u2014, treatment of, by government, 827\n\n \u2014 treaty of 1868, 824, 889\n\n \u2014 treaty of 1876, 825\n\n \u2014 treaty of 1877, 838\n\n \u2014, tree used by, in ghost dance, 979\n\n \u2014, tribal sign of the, 1057\n\n \u2014, visit to the, 767\n\n +Sisito\u00f1wa\u00f1+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n +Sisseton+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n +Sitanka+, _see_ +Big Foot+.\n\n +Sitting Bull+ (_Arapaho_), acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, belief of, regarding ghost dance, 786\n\n \u2014, decline of interest of, in ghost dance, 901\n\n \u2014, ghost song composed by, 972\n\n \u2014, ghost song introduced by, 965\n\n \u2014, hypnotism performed by, 899, 923, 972\n\n \u2014, instruction in ghost-dance doctrine by, 895\n\n \u2014, portrait of, 896\n\n \u2014, prediction of, 909\n\n \u2014, reputed power of, 896, 897\n\n \u2014, sacred feather conferred by, 919\n\n \u2014, sketch of, 895\n\n \u2014, statement of, at Anadarko council, 913\n\n \u2014, visit of, to Wovoka, 817, 894, 901\n\n +Sitting Bull+ (_Sioux_), account of trouble with, 843\n\n \u2014, arrest of, 857\n\n \u2014, attempt to arrest, 854\n\n \u2014, death of, 857, 860\n\n \u2014, evil influence of, 844\n\n \u2014, flight of warriors of, 858\n\n \u2014, ghost dance at camp of, 853\n\n \u2014, ghost dance continued by, 847\n\n \u2014, ghost dance invited by, 847\n\n \u2014, interview of McLaughlin with, 849\n\n \u2014, map of fight at camp of, 859\n\n \u2014, mischief plotted by, 854\n\n \u2014, number killed in fight with, 891\n\n \u2014, number of followers of, 864\n\n \u2014, opposition of, to land cession, 845\n\n \u2014, order for arrest of, 855\n\n \u2014, peace pipe broken by, 854\n\n \u2014, plan of, to evade arrest, 855\n\n \u2014, portrait of, 858\n\n \u2014, removal of, advised, 848, 854\n\n \u2014, responsibility of, for Sioux outbreak, 832, 852\n\n \u2014, sketch of, 860\n\n \u2014, surrender of warriors of, 860, 862, 871\n\n +Siur Poils+, a synonym of Sanpoil, 733\n\n +Skaddal+, a synonym of Ska\u2032ut\u0103l, 736\n\n +Skalzi+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Skamoynumach+, an Okanagan division, 736\n\n +Ska\u2032Ut\u00e1l+, a P\u012dskwaus band, 734\n\n +Skeechaway+, a C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane synonym, 733\n\n +Skeetsomish+, a C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane synonym, 733\n\n +Skien+, a synonym of Sk\u012dnp\u00e4, 740\n\n +Skin+, a synonym of Sk\u012dnp\u00e4, 740\n\n +Sk\u012dnp\u00e4+, sketch of the, 740\n\n +Skinpah+, a synonym of Sk\u012dnp\u00e4, 738, 740\n\n +Skits\u0103m\u016dq+, a synonym of C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane, 733\n\n +Skitswish+, a synonym of C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane, 733\n\n +Skokomish+, Shaker religion among the, 747\n\n +Skull+, buffalo, figurative reference to, 1002\n\n \u2014, buffalo, use of, in ceremonials, 980\n\n +Skunkberry people+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Sku\u2032tani+, Sioux name of Gros Ventres, 855\n\n +Skwa\u2032n\u0103n\u0103+, a P\u012dskwaus band, 736\n\n +Skyuse+, a Cayuse synonym, 743\n\n +Slocum, John+, account of, 746, 752\n\n \u2014, conversion of, 751\n\n \u2014, elected elder of Shaker church, 758\n\n \u2014, how regarded by the Shakers, 750\n\n +Smallpox+, appearance of, in Columbia region, 743\n\n +Smawhola+, a Smohalla synonym., 717\n\n +Smith, John+, elected elder of Shaker church, 758\n\n +Smohalla+, account of, 708\n\n \u2014 religion, account of the, 708\n\n \u2014 religion, doctrine of, 716\n\n \u2014 religion, tribes under influence of, 731\n\n +Smohaller+, a Smohalla synonym, 717\n\n +Smohallow+, a Smohalla synonym, 717\n\n +Smohanlee+, a Smohalla synonym, 717\n\n +Smohollie+, a Smohalla synonym, 717\n\n +Smokeholer+, a Smohalla synonym, 717\n\n +Smokeller+, a Smohalla synonym, 711, 717\n\n +Smoking+, ceremonial, by Arapaho, 918, 1730\n\n +Smoky lodges+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +Smuxale+, a Smohalla synonym, 717\n\n +Snakes+, handling of, by Crazy dancers, 1033\n\n \u2014 in Sioux mythology, 1063\n\n +Snohollie+, a Smohalla synonym, 717\n\n +Snooholler+, a Smohalla synonym, 717\n\n +Snow-snake+ and Arapaho game compared, 1007\n\n +Snyder, Simon+, cited on Sword-bearer, 707\n\n +Sokulk+, a Wa\u2032nap\u00fbm synonym, 735\n\n +Somahallie+, a Smohalla synonym, 717\n\n +Song+, closing, of the Arapaho, 1012\n\n \u2014, closing, significance of, 918\n\n \u2014, gambling, of the Paiute, 1009\n\n \u2014 of the Sioux campaign, 883\n\n +Songs+, ghost dance, rehearsal of, 918\n\n \u2014 in Smohalla ceremony, 730\n\n \u2014 of the Arapaho, 958\n\n \u2014 of the Caddo, 1096\n\n \u2014 of the Cheyenne, 1028\n\n \u2014 of the Comanche, 1046\n\n \u2014 of the ghost dance, 920, 953\n\n \u2014 of the Paiute, 1052\n\n \u2014 of the Shakers, 755\n\n \u2014 of the Sioux, 917, 1061\n\n \u2014, Paiute, character of, 1050\n\n \u2014, rain, of Wovoka, 772\n\n +Sousa, J. P.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Southey, R.+, cited on French prophets, 939\n\n \u2014, cited on Methodists, 941\n\n +So\u2032w\u0103ni\u0103+, a Cheyenne synonym, 1025\n\n +Sowwani\u2032u+, the Algonquian spirit world, 982\n\n +Soyennom+, mention of, by Lewis and Clark, 745\n\n +Spaniards+, indian regard for the, 676\n\n \u2014, relations of, with the, 1094\n\n +Spear men+, an Arapaho warrior order, 988\n\n +Spirit world+, location of, 982, 983\n\n +Spofford, A. R.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Spokan+, present habitat of the, 805\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 732\n\n +Spokihnish+, a Spokan synonym, 732\n\n +Spokomish+, a Spokan synonym, 732\n\n +Spotted Horse+, an Arapaho chief, 956\n\n \u2014 on the Sioux outbreak, 839\n\n \u2014 on the Wounded Knee massacre, 885\n\n +Squannaroos+, a Skwa\u2032n\u0103n\u0103 synonym, 736\n\n +Squaxin+ in treaty of 1854, 751\n\n \u2014 leaders in Shaker religion, 746\n\n \u2014 membership in Shaker church, 759\n\n +Squirrel+, Caddo delegate to Wovoka, 903\n\n +Squ-sacht-un+, _see_ +Slocum, John+.\n\n +Staitan+, a synonym of Cheyenne, 1023\n\n +Stalkoosum+, a P\u012dskwaus chief, 736\n\n +Standing Bear+, Kicking Bear\u2019s surrender effected by, 868\n\n +Standing Bear, Ellis+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Standing Bull+, Cheyenne delegate to Wovoka, 900\n\n +Standing Rock agency+, delegates from, to Washington, 891\n\n \u2014, disaffection of indians at, 834\n\n \u2014, ghost dance at, 847, 848\n\n +Standing Soldier+, scout at Wounded Knee, 876\n\n +Star+, evening, personification of the, 1098\n\n \u2014, morning, indian reverence for, 1011\n\n +Star men+, an Arapaho warrior order, 987\n\n +Stenhouse, T. B. H.+, cited on Mormonism, 790\n\n +Stephen, A. M.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on Cohonino ghost dance, 812\n\n \u2014, on Hopi regeneration myth, 811\n\n \u2014, on Navaho knowledge of ghost dance, 810, 811\n\n +Steptoe, Col.+, fight of, with Chief Moses, 734\n\n +Stevens, I. I.+, on Cayuse and Kl\u00fbkat\u00e4t hostility, 738\n\n \u2014, on the Cayuse, 744\n\n \u2014, on the meaning of Yakima, 737\n\n \u2014, on the Piskwaus, 736\n\n \u2014, treaty of 1854 by, 751\n\n +Stietshoi+, a C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane synonym, 733\n\n +Stobshaddat+, a Y\u00e4\u2032k\u012dm\u00e2 synonym, 737\n\n +Stone, H. B.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Straight Head+, a delegate to Washington, 891\n\n +Strings+ knotted as message bearer, 659\n\n +Sturgis, Colonel+, in Nez Perc\u00e9 war, 714\n\n +Sumner, Col. E. V.+, ordered to arrest Big Foot, 864\n\n \u2014, troops under, in Sioux outbreak, 850\n\n +Sun+, indian myth concerning, 971\n\n \u2014, Paiute notion concerning the, 773\n\n \u2014, personification of the, 1097\n\n \u2014, prayer to the, 915\n\n \u2014, sacred regard for the, 919\n\n \u2014, symbolism of the, 905\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Eclipse+.\n\n +Sun dance+ among the Cheyenne, 706\n\n \u2014 among the Kiowa, 1080\n\n +Sunday+ selected for the ghost dance, 824\n\n +S\u016dta\u2032si\u2032na+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +S\u016dta\u2032ya+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +Sutherland, T. A.+, on Nez Perc\u00e9 war, 714\n\n +Suti+, a synonym of S\u016dta\u2032ya, 1025\n\n +Sweat-bath+, preliminary to ghost dance, 787, 803, 822\n\n \u2014, use of, described, 822\n\n +Sweat-lodge+, buffalo skull in front of, 980\n\n \u2014, ceremonial, of the Arapaho, 989\n\n \u2014, ghost-song reference to, 981\n\n \u2014, of the Arapaho, 960\n\n \u2014, of the Sioux described, 822\n\n \u2014, use of, in ghost dance, 798\n\n \u2014, use of the, 981\n\n +Swielpee+, a Colville synonym, 732\n\n +Sword, George+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, account of ghost dance by, 796\n\n \u2014, delegate to Washington, 891\n\n \u2014, on advent of the messiah, 816\n\n \u2014, on Sioux knowledge of the messiah, 819\n\n \u2014, vision of, 821\n\n \u2014, on Wounded Knee massacre, 885\n\n +Sword, Jennie+, survivor of Wounded Knee, 879, 880\n\n +Sword-bearer+, account of, 706\n\n \u2014, effect of affair of, on the Crow, 816\n\n \u2014, origin of name, 706\n\n +Symbolism+, ceremonial, in Shaker religion, 761\n\n \u2014, color, in ghost dance, 919\n\n \u2014, color, in Smohalla ritual, 725, 729\n\n \u2014, earth, turtle the representative of, 976\n\n \u2014, mnemonic, invented by Smohalla, 720\n\n \u2014 of an amulet, 905\n\n \u2014 of natural phenomena, 905\n\n \u2014 of the buffalo, 980\n\n \u2014 of cedar, 809, 979\n\n \u2014 of the cross, 1011\n\n \u2014 of the crow, 1072\n\n \u2014 of the ghost dance, 920\n\n \u2014 of the planets, 823\n\n \u2014 on ghost shirts, 823\n\n +Synonymy+ of the Caddo, 1092\n\n \u2014 of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014 of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 of the Kiowa, 1078\n\n \u2014 of the Paiute, 1048\n\n \u2014 of the Sioux, 1057\n\n\n +T\u00e4binshi+, visit of, to Wovoka, 807\n\n +Tabu+ of certain articles in ghost dance, 788, 798, 916, 921\n\n \u2014 of Comanche names, 1044\n\n \u2014 of fire in certain ghost dances, 802\n\n +Tagu\u2032i+, Kiowa name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +T\u0101gy\u00e4\u2032ko+, Kiowa name of northern Arapaho, 955\n\n +Tai\u2032-\u0103q+, sketch of the, 742\n\n +Taigh+, a Tai\u2032-\u0103q synonym, 742\n\n +Ta-ih+, a Tai\u2032-\u0103q synonym, 742\n\n +Tai-kie-a-pain+, a Taitinapam synonym, 739\n\n +Tairtla+, a Tai\u2032-\u0103q synonym, 742\n\n +Taitinapam+ and Kl\u00e2kat\u00e4t affinity, 738\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 739\n\n +Tai\u2032vo+, Shoshonean name for the whites, 978\n\n +Ta\u2032ka-i+, Kiowa name of the whites, 978\n\n +Tall Bear+, hummer used by, 975\n\n +Tall Bull+, Cheyenne delegate to Wovoka, 775, 900\n\n +Tama+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +T\u00e4man\u00e4\u2032ray\u00e4ra+, Shoshoni name of ghost dance, 791\n\n +T\u00e4n\u00e4\u2032r\u00e4y\u00fcn+, Shoshoni name of ghost dance, 791\n\n +Tani\u2032b\u00e4n\u0115n+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +Tani\u2032b\u00e4tha+, a Caddo synonym, 1092\n\n +T\u00e4n\u012d\u2032ma+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Tanner, John+, on Ojibwa name of Gros Ventres, 955\n\n \u2014, on the Shawano prophet, 673\n\n \u2014, on Tenskwatawa among the Ojibwa, 677\n\n +T\u2032\u00e4npe\u2032ko+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Taos+, ghost dance at, 805, 926\n\n +Tap\u00e4n\u00e4sh+, sketch of the, 740\n\n +Ta\u2032pteal+, application of name, 739\n\n +Ta\u2032saw\u012dks+, a P\u00e4lus village, 735\n\n +Ta\u2032sh\u012dn+, Comanche name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Tatanka Iyotanke+, native name of Sitting Bull, 860\n\n +Tatqunma+, the proper form of Thatuna, 745\n\n +Tattooed people+, the Wichita so called, 1095\n\n +Tatum, Lawrie+, Wichita interpreter to Wovoka delegation, 903\n\n +T\u00e4\u2032vibo+, account of, 701, 764\n\n \u2014, Wovoka\u2019s account of, 771\n\n +Tawakoni+, a Wichita subtribe, 1095\n\n +Tawe\u2032hash+, a synonym of Wichita, 1095\n\n +Taylor, Lieut.+, at surrender of Big Foot, 867\n\n +Taylor, Maj.+, at battle of Prophet\u2019s town, 688\n\n +Tchilouit+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +Tecumtha+, account of, 681\n\n \u2014, address of, to Harrison, 721\n\n \u2014, defeat of, 689\n\n \u2014, end of, 691\n\n \u2014, etymology of, 681\n\n \u2014 joins the British army, 690\n\n \u2014, later career of, 690\n\n +Telegrams+ on Sioux trouble, 835, 836\n\n +Te\u2032n\u00e4hw\u012dt+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +T\u0115na\u2032wa+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Te\u2032\u00f1biyu\u2032i+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Tenino+, present habitat of, 805\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 742\n\n +Tenskwatawa+, account of, 670\n\n \u2014, etymology of, 674\n\n \u2014, extent of influence of, 927\n\n +Tepda+, a Kiowa synonym, 1087\n\n +Terry, Gen.+, pursuit of Sitting Bull by, 860\n\n +Tetau+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +T\u00e9te Pele\u2032e+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Teton+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n \u2014, account of the, 1058\n\n \u2014, number of, in ghost dance, 817\n\n +Texas Ben+, offer of services by, 803\n\n +Tha\u201bkahin\u0115\u2032na+, Arapaho name of Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n +Thatuna+, origin of name, 745\n\n +Thig\u00fb\u2032nawat+, Arapaho name of ghost dance, 791\n\n +Thompson, A. H.+, account of T\u00e4vibo by, 703\n\n \u2014, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on the Paiute prophet, 702\n\n +Three Stars, Clarence+, interpreter for Sioux delegation, 891\n\n +Thunder+, indian notion concerning, 968\n\n \u2014, personification of the, 1097, 1099\n\n +Thunder bay+, origin of name, 968\n\n +Thunderberries+ used as food, 996\n\n +Thunderbird+, account of the, 968\n\n \u2014, figure of the, 969\n\n \u2014, reference to, in Arapaho song, 978\n\n \u2014, song of the, 976\n\n +Thunder\u2019s nest+, origin of name, 968\n\n +Tian\u00e4\u2032ni+, death of, 727\n\n \u2014, Smohalla service conducted by, 727\n\n +Tilford, Colonel+, troops under, in Sioux outbreak, 850\n\n +Tilhulhwit+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +T\u012d\u201blq\u00fbni+, sketch of the, 742\n\n +Time+ reckoning among indians, 774\n\n +Tipi+, a Sioux word, 1059\n\n \u2014 of the Arapaho, 957\n\n +Tippecanoe+, account of, 681\n\n \u2014, proper form of, 684\n\n +Tito\u00f1wa\u00f1+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Teton+.\n\n +Tivis, William+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Tlaqluit+, sketch of the, 740\n\n +Tlinkit+, sacred regard of, for the crow, 982\n\n +Tobacco+ offering by the Sioux, 822\n\n +Tobin, James+, appointed minister of Shaker church, 758\n\n +To\u2032ngy\u00e4-gu\u2032adal+, Kiowa name of Red Tail, 1085\n\n +To\u00f1ko\u00f1\u2032ko+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Toohulhulsote+, a Dreamer priest, 713\n\n +Topinish+, a Qa\u2032pn\u012bsh-\u201bl\u0115ma synonym, 739\n\n \u2014 and Kl\u00fbkat\u00e4t affinity, 738\n\n +Tops+ used by Arapaho boys, 1006\n\n +Totem+, significance of, 696\n\n +Towahnahiook+, application of name, 742\n\n +Towakoni Jim+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Trances+ in ancient times, 929\n\n \u2014 in Shaker religion, 746, 751, 752\n\n \u2014 of the Shawano prophet, 673\n\n \u2014 of Smohalla, 719\n\n \u2014 of Wovoka, 771\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Dream+, +Hypnotism+, +Vision+.\n\n +Transformation+ in ghost-dance doctrine, 1068\n\n +Treaty+ between Iroquois and Cherokee, 670\n\n \u2014, Caddo, of 1835, 1094\n\n \u2014, Comanche, of 1835, 1044\n\n \u2014, effect of, on the Sioux, 829\n\n \u2014, failure of government to fulfill, 710\u2013712, 827, 830, 831, 834, 835, 836, 840\n\n \u2014, Kiowa, of 1837, 1081\n\n \u2014 of Edwardsville, 692\n\n \u2014 of Greenville, 671\n\n \u2014 of Medicine Lodge in 1867, 957, 1044\n\n \u2014, Sioux, of 1868, 824, 839\n\n \u2014, Sioux, of 1876, 825\n\n \u2014, Sioux, of 1877, 838\n\n \u2014, Yakima, of 1855, 737\n\n +Treaty pipe+ illustrated, 688\n\n +Tree+, sacred, in ghost-dance symbolism, 789\n\n \u2014 used in Cohonino ceremony, 813\n\n \u2014 used in ghost dance, 802, 823, 916, 979, 1075\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Cedar+, +Cottonwood+, +Pole+.\n\n +Troops+, appearance of, among the Sioux, 847, 850\n\n \u2014, conduct of, at Wounded Knee, 876\n\n \u2014, effect of, on ghost dance, 853\n\n \u2014, effect on Sioux of appearance of, 852\n\n \u2014 formed of indians, 891\n\n \u2014 killed at Wounded Knee, 871\n\n \u2014, necessity for, in Sioux outbreak, 832\n\n \u2014, number of, in Sioux outbreak, 850, 866\n\n +Tsabakosh+, Caddo name of the Sioux, 1057\n\n +Ts\u00e4\u00f1\u2032yui+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Tschaddam religion+, account of, 751\n\n +Tse\u00f1t\u00e4\u2032nmo+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Tsillane+, an Okanagan division, 734\n\n +Tukabachi+, visit of Tecumtha to, 687\n\n +T\u00fbksp\u00fb\u2032sh+, sketch of the, 743\n\n +T\u00fbksp\u00fbsh-\u201bl\u0115ma+, a T\u00fbksp\u00fbsh synonym, 743\n\n +Tule pollen+ used in Navaho ceremony, 705\n\n +Tumwater+, Smohalla performances at, 725\n\n +Tupac Amaru+, a Peruvian hero god, 660\n\n +Tupper, Major+, pursuit of Sioux by, 861\n\n +Turkey feathers+ on Cheyenne arrows, 1024\n\n +Turning Bear+, flight of, to Bad lands, 884\n\n +Turning Hawk+, delegate to Washington, 891\n\n \u2014 on Wounded Knee massacre, 884, 885, 886\n\n +Turtle+ in Arapaho mythology, 959\n\n \u2014 in primitive mythology, 976\n\n +Turtle river+, identification of, 1029\n\n +Tushepaw+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Tu\u2032shipa+, application of the term, 731\n\n +Twohig, Daniel+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Two kettles+, a Teton division, 1059\n\n +Two Strike+ at battle of Wounded Knee, 873\n\n \u2014, flight of, to Bad lands, 884\n\n \u2014, ghost dance led by, 847\n\n \u2014, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 881\n\n \u2014, surrender of, 867, 868\n\n \u2014, Pine Ridge agency attacked by, 873, 875\n\n +Tyich+, a Tai\u2032-\u0103q synonym, 742\n\n\n +Uchi\u2032choi+, sketch of the, 740\n\n +Ugly-face-woman+, trance experience of, 962\n\n +U\u2032ma\u00f1ha\u00f1+, meaning of word, 1093\n\n +Umatilla+ opinion of land assignments, 710\n\n \u2014, present habitat of the, 805\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 744\n\n \u2014, Smohalla performances at, 725\n\n +Umatilla reserve+, indians on, 805\n\n \u2014, visit of Sioux delegates to, 820\n\n +Upper Chinook+, a Kwikw\u00fbl\u012dt synonym, 741\n\n +Ute+ and Arapaho warfare, 954\n\n \u2014, attendance of, at ghost dance, 802\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 805\n\n \u2014, present habitat of, 806\n\n \u2014, reception of, into Mormon church, 790\n\n \u2014, southern, absence of ghost dance among, 805, 806\n\n +Utensils+ of the Paiute, 770\n\n +Utilla+, a Umatilla synonym, 744\n\n\n +Viroqua+, account of, 893\n\n +Vision+ of Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i, 910\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Dream+, +Hypnotism+, +Trance+.\n\n +Vocabulary+, _see_ +Glossary+, +Language+.\n\n +Voth, H. R.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on Cheyenne sacred paint, 1029\n\n \u2014, on figurative use of shell, 1001\n\n\n +Wa-ai\u2032h+, a Comanche band, 1045\n\n +Waco+, a Wichita subtribe, 1095\n\n +Wafford, James+, on Shawano prophet among Cherokees, 676\n\n +Wahclellah+, a Kwikw\u00fbl\u012dt synonym, 741\n\n +Wahowpum+, a H\u0103hau\u2032p\u00fbm synonym, 739\n\n +Wahpacoota+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n +Wahpeton+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n +Wai\u00e4m+, sketch, of the, 741\n\n +Wai\u00e4m-\u201bl\u0115ma+, a Wai\u00e4m synonym, 741\n\n +Wai\u2032l\u0115tma+, a Cayuse synonym, 743, 744\n\n +Wail\u011b\u2032tpu+, a Cayuse synonym, 743\n\n +Waip-shwa+, _see_ +Smohalla+.\n\n +Walapai+, ghost dance among the, 785, 786, 805, 814, 921\n\n +Walawaltz+, a Wallawalla synonym, 744\n\n +Walker, Charles+, elected elder of Shaker church, 758\n\n +Walker, Henry+, cure of, by Shakers, 754\n\n +Walker, James+, elected elder of Shaker church, 758\n\n +Wallace, Capt.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 871\n\n +Wallawalla+ and Cayuse intermarriage, 744\n\n \u2014 opinion of land assignments, 710\n\n \u2014, present habitat of the, 805\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 744\n\n +Walu\u2032la-p\u00fbm+, a Wallawalla band, 744\n\n +Wampum belt+, significance of, 662, 685\n\n +Wana\u2032ghi wa\u2032chipi+, Sioux name of ghost dance, 791\n\n +Wa\u2032nap\u00fbm+ and P\u00e4\u2032lus affinity, 735\n\n \u2014, incorporation of Ch\u00e4mn\u00e4\u2032p\u00fbm with, 739\n\n \u2014, note on the, 716\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 735\n\n +Wand+, use of, in Sioux ceremony, 823\n\n +Wanwauai+, application of name, 742\n\n +Wapakoneta+, an indian settlement in Ohio, 672\n\n +Wa\u2032pam\u0115t\u0103nt+, a Sahaptin synonym, 744\n\n +Waptai\u2032lm\u012dm+, a Y\u00e4\u2032k\u012dm\u00e2 synonym, 737\n\n +Waqpekute+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n +Waqpeto\u00f1wa\u00f1+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n +Waqui\u2032si+, native name of Ugly-face-woman, 962\n\n +Wa\u2032quithi+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +War+ forbidden by ghost-dance doctrine, 783, 796\n\n \u2014 bonnets, eagle feathers used in, 1072\n\n \u2014 Department, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014 signal of the Sioux, 869\n\n +Warden, Clever+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Warmspring indians+, present habitat of, 805\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Tenino+.\n\n +Warmspring reserve+, indians on, 805\n\n +Warner, C. C.+, letter of, on Wovoka, 767\n\n +Warner, Major+, Sioux commissioner, 839\n\n +Warren, W. W.+, on the Shawano prophet, 673\n\n \u2014, on Shawano religion among Ojibwa, 677\n\n +Warrior order+ of the Kiowa, 989\n\n \u2014, society of the Arapaho, 986\n\n +Warriors+, Cheyenne renowned as, 1027\n\n \u2014, Sioux, number of, 852\n\n +Wasco+, present habitat of, 805\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 741\n\n +Wascopum+, a Wasko synonym, 741\n\n +Washee+, a delegate to Wovoka, 894, 901\n\n +Washington+, _see_ +Colombia region+.\n\n +Washo+, account of the, 1051\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 785, 804\n\n \u2014, name of the Paiute, 1048\n\n +W\u00e2\u2032siu+, a Washo synonym, 1051\n\n +Wat\u00e4n-gaa+, _see_ +Black Coyote+.\n\n +Water+, sacred regard for, 919\n\n +Water-pouring men+, an Arapaho priestly order, 989\n\n +Watlala+, a Kwikw\u00fbl\u012dt synonym, 741\n\n +Watonga+, derivation of name, 897\n\n +Waugh-zee-waugh-ber+ among the Paiute, 703\n\n \u2014, name applied to T\u00e4\u2032vibo, 765\n\n +Wayyampa+, a Wai\u00e4m synonym, 741\n\n +Weapons+ of the Arapaho, 987, 988\n\n \u2014 prohibited in ghost dance, 788\n\n +Weasel Bear+, portrait of, 844\n\n \u2014, sacred pipe shown by, 961\n\n \u2014, the sacred pipe keeper, 955, 959\n\n +Wells, Philip+, interpreter at Wounded Knee, 881\n\n \u2014, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n +Wells, Captain+, in Sioux outbreak, 850, 861\n\n +Wells, Gen.+, at battle of Prophet\u2019s town, 688\n\n +Welsh, Herbert+, on indian regard for Crook, 826\n\n \u2014, on Wounded Knee massacre, 869\n\n +Wenatshapam+, a P\u012dskwaus synonym, 738\n\n +Wesley, Charles+, on French prophets, 939\n\n \u2014, on Methodists, 940\n\n \u2014, on the Jumpers, 939\n\n +Wevokar+, name applied to Wovoka, 765\n\n +Weyehhoo+, a Kl\u00fb\u2032k\u0103t\u00e4t synonym, 738\n\n +Wheaton, Col.+, troops under, at Pine Ridge, 850\n\n +Wheel-game+ of plains tribes, 994, 995\n\n +Wheelpoo+, a Colville synonym, 732\n\n +Whirlwind+ in Paiute ghost song, 1054, 1055\n\n \u2014, indian reverence for, 1034\n\n \u2014, song of the, 907\n\n +Whistle+, eagle-bone, used by medicine-man, 868\n\n \u2014, use of, in the sun dance, 992\n\n +White, Frank+, a Pawnee ghost-dance leader, 992\n\n +White Bear+, _see_ +Sett\u2019ai\u00f1ti+.\n\n +White Bird+, delegate to Washington, 891\n\n \u2014 ignored in Sioux difficulty, 832\n\n +White Buffalo+, ghost shirt introduced by, 791\n\n +White Clay creek+, destruction of property on, 881\n\n \u2014, ghost dance on, 846, 916\n\n \u2014, hostile Sioux on, 873, 882\n\n \u2014, Sioux council on, 821\n\n +White Horse+, flight of, to Bad lands, 884\n\n +White Shield+, Cheyenne delegate to Wovoka, 895\n\n +White-tail Deer people+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731\n\n +Whitman, Dr+, accused of witchcraft, 724\n\n \u2014, killed by indians, 743\n\n +Whitside, Major+, Big Foot\u2019s band intercepted by, 867\n\n \u2014, on mortality at Wounded Knee, 870\n\n +Whulwhypum+, a Kl\u00fb\u2032k\u0103t\u00e4t synonym, 738\n\n +Wi\u2032al\u0115t-p\u00fbm+, a Cayuse synonym, 744\n\n +Wichita+, account of the, 1095\n\n \u2014, delegation of, to Wovoka, 901, 903\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 653, 786, 895, 898, 902, 927\n\n \u2014 name of the Arapaho, 954\n\n \u2014 name of the Caddo, 1092\n\n \u2014 name of the Cheyenne, 1023\n\n \u2014 name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n \u2014 name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081\n\n \u2014, refusal of, to accept \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1\u2019s report, 914\n\n +Wickersham, Jas.+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, on Aiyal and Yowaluch, 1111\n\n \u2014, on the Shaker religion, 750, 751\n\n \u2014, Shaker songs recorded by, 755\n\n +W\u012d\u2032dyu+, a Comanche band, 1044\n\n +Wikiup+, Paiute, description of, 1049, 1050\n\n +Wilderness worshipers+, account of, 946\n\n +Wilhauer, George+, killed at Wounded Knee, 871, 876\n\n +Willewah+, mention of, by Lewis and Clark, 745\n\n +Williams, Roger+, on indian regard for crows, 982\n\n +Willow Creek indians+, a Loh\u012dm synonym, 743\n\n +Wilson, Billy+, Caddo delegate to Wovoka, 903\n\n +Wilson, David+, employer of Wovoka, 765\n\n +Wilson, Jack+, name applied to Wovoka, 765\n\n +Wilson, Jackson+, name applied to Wovoka, 765\n\n +Wilson, John+, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Moon Head+.\n\n +Winans+, \u2014, on the Nespelim and Sanpoil, 733\n\n +Win\u00e4\u2032tship\u00fbm+, _see_ +P\u012dskwaus+.\n\n +Windbreak+ of the Arapaho, 957\n\n +Winnebago+, absence of ghost dance among, 816\n\n \u2014, Potawatomi prophet among the, 706\n\n \u2014, prophecy of the, 661\n\n \u2014, prophet among the, 700\n\n \u2014, study of the, 654\n\n \u2014, visit to the, 767\n\n +Winnemucca+, a Paiute chief, 1048\n\n +Winson, Jack+, name applied to Wovoka, 765\n\n +Wisham+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +Wishham+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n \u2014, a Wushq\u00fbm synonym, 738\n\n +Wishram+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +Wisswham+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +Witap\u00e4\u2032hat+, a Kiowa synonym, 1078\n\n +Wi\u2032tap\u00e4h\u00e4\u2032tu+, a Kiowa synonym, 1078\n\n +Witap\u00e4\u2032tu+, a Kiowa synonym, 1078\n\n +W\u012btapi\u2032u+, a Cheyenne division, 1025\n\n +Witchcraft+, indian crusade against, 673\n\n +Wojaji band+, rebellion of, predicted, 800\n\n +Wolf+ in Caddo mythology, 1093\n\n +Wollawollah+, a Wallawalla synonym, 744\n\n +Wollaw-Wollah+, a Wallawalla synonym, 744\n\n +Wolves+, an Arapaho division, 957\n\n +Women+ killed at Wounded Knee, 876, 885\n\n +Wooden Lance+, _see_ +\u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1+.\n\n +Woodworth, Mrs+, a Heavenly Recruit, 947\n\n +Woolworth, Arnold+, interpreter to messiah delegation, 900\n\n +Wopokahte+, name applied to Wovoka, 765\n\n +Word-building+ by the Arapaho, 998\n\n +World\u2019s Columbian Exposition+, collections for the, 653, 654\n\n +Wounded Knee+, account of battle of, 843, 869\n\n \u2014, native account of battle of, 884\n\n \u2014, burial of dead at, 876\n\n \u2014, graves of indians killed at, 1060\n\n \u2014, list of killed at, 872\n\n \u2014, mortality at, 870\n\n \u2014, result of battle of, 873\n\n \u2014, second encounter of, 882\n\n \u2014, survivors of, 877\u2013881\n\n \u2014, use of sacred paint at, 779\n\n \u2014, _see_ +Sioux outbreak+.\n\n +Wovoka+, account of, 764, 769, 771, 927\n\n \u2014, address of, to delegation, 797\n\n \u2014, Arapaho and Cheyenne delegation to, 900\n\n \u2014, Bannock and Shoshoni delegates to, 818\n\n \u2014, Caddo delegation to, 903\n\n \u2014, claims of, renounced, 914\n\n \u2014 compared with other prophets, 930\n\n \u2014, derivation of, 765\n\n \u2014, ghost dance led by, 818\n\n \u2014, how regarded, 766\n\n \u2014, hypnotism practiced by, 818, 901\n\n \u2014, indian letter to, 901\n\n \u2014, letter from, 776, 780, 781\n\n \u2014, Porcupine\u2019s account of, 803\n\n \u2014, photographing of, 774\n\n \u2014, power of, 1048\n\n \u2014, reported to be a half-blood, 894\n\n \u2014, reputed powers of, 773, 821\n\n \u2014, responsibility of ghost shirt disclaimed by, 791\n\n \u2014, Shaker contact with, 763\n\n \u2014, Sioux knowledge concerning, 800\n\n \u2014, speech of, communicated by Porcupine, 784\n\n \u2014, vision of, 773\n\n \u2014, visit of \u00c4\u2032piata\u00f1 to, 911, 913\n\n \u2014, visit of Arapaho to, 894\n\n \u2014, visit of Cheyenne delegates to, 817\n\n \u2014, visit of Nakash to, 803, 817\n\n \u2014, visit of Porcupine to, 794, 803\n\n \u2014, visit of Shoshoni delegation to, 807\n\n \u2014, visit of Sioux delegation to, 819, 820\n\n \u2014, visit of Ute delegates to, 806\n\n \u2014, visits of various delegations to, 797, 894, 901\n\n +Wright, Agent+, advises removal of Crow Dog, 844\n\n \u2014, ghost dance stopped by, 847\n\n \u2014, messiah doctrine discouraged by, 843\n\n \u2014, Rosebud census by, 831\n\n +Wright, Col.+, fight of, with Chief Moses, 734\n\n +Writing+, ideographic, of Bi\u00e4\u00f1k\u0314i, 910\n\n +W\u201bsh\u00e4\u2032n\u0103tu+, a P\u012dskwaus band, 736\n\n +Wushk\u00fbm+, Smohalla ceremonial among, 727\n\n +W\u016dshq\u00fbm+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740\n\n +W\u00fcvoka+, a synonym of Wovoka, 765\n\n +Wyam+, a Wai\u00e4m synonym, 741\n\n +Wyandot+, final defeat of the, 762\n\n \u2014, importance of the, 685\n\n \u2014, Tecumtha among the, 689\n\n +Wynima+, account of, 893\n\n\n +Yackamans+, a Y\u00e4\u2032k\u012dma synonym, 737\n\n +Yakama+, a Y\u00e4\u2032k\u012dma synonym, 737\n\n \u2014 and P\u012dskwaus intermarriage, 736\n\n \u2014 and Wa\u2032nap\u00fbm affinity, 735\n\n \u2014, attempt of Shakers to influence, 759\n\n \u2014, sketch of the, 737\n\n \u2014, Smohalla ceremonial among the, 727\n\n \u2014, war of the, in 1855\u201356, 718\n\n +Yakima Gap+, Smohalla performances at, 725\n\n +Y\u00e4mpai-ni+, Shoshoni name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Y\u00e4mpai-R\u012dkani+, Shoshoni name of the Comanche, 1043\n\n +Y\u00e4\u2032mp\u00e4ri\u2032ka+, a Comanche band, 1044\n\n +Yankton+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n \u2014, former habitat of the, 1058\n\n \u2014, interview with, concerning messiah, 800\n\n +Yanktonais+, a Sioux division, 1058\n\n \u2014, former habitat of the, 1058\n\n \u2014, ghost dance among the, 817\n\n +Y\u00e4p\u00e4+, a Comanche band, 1044\n\n +Y\u00e4\u2032\u201bp\u00e4he+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Y\u00e4\u2032t\u0103si+, a Caddo division, 1092\n\n +Yaumalolam+, name applied to Umatilla river, 743\n\n +Yeletpo+, a Cayuse synonym, 745\n\n +Yeletpo Chopunnish+, a Cayuse synonym, 743\n\n +Yellow Bird+, adoption of child of, 880\n\n \u2014, responsibility of, for Wounded Knee fight, 868\n\n +Yellow Breast+, delegate to Wovoka, 820\n\n +Yellow Eagle+, delegation to Wovoka under, 808\n\n +Yellow Knife+, visit of, to Wovoka, 797, 819\n\n +Yookoomans+, a Y\u00e4\u2032k\u012dma synonym, 737\n\n +Younger, Cole+, Texas Ben indorsed by, 893\n\n +Young-man-afraid+ as a peacemaker, 887\n\n \u2014, conduct of, in Sioux outbreak, 884, 886\n\n \u2014, ghost-dance council held by, 820\n\n \u2014 ignored in Sioux difficulty, 832\n\n \u2014, proper name of, 887\n\n \u2014, speech of, to General Miles, 890\n\n +Young-man-afraid-of-indians+, _see_ +Royer, D. F.+\n\n +Young Mountain Sheep+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989\n\n +Yowaluch, Louis+, account of, 746, 754\n\n \u2014, conversion of, 760\n\n \u2014, correction concerning, 1111\n\n \u2014, enters Presbyterian church, 760\n\n \u2014, headman of Shaker church, 758\n\n \u2014, speech of, 753, 754\n\n +Yowa\u2032ni+, a Caddo division, 1093\n\n +Yuchi+ myth of the cedar, 979\n\n +Yuma+, absence of ghost dance among, 805\n\n +Yutan+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043\n\n +Yu\u2032yunipi\u2032tqana+, _see_ +Smohalla+.\n\n\n +Zehnder, Bernard+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872\n\n +Zephier, David+, interpreter for Sioux delegation, 891\n\n +Zingomenes+, a Spokan synonym, 732\n\n +Zitkala-noni+, survivor of Wounded Knee, 878, 879\n\n +Zitkalazi, Herbert+, survivor of Wounded Knee, 880\n\n +Zo\u00f1tom, Mary+, ghost song composed by, 1085\n\n \u2014, acknowledgments to, 655\n\n\n\n\n FOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Parenthetic references throughout the memoir are to bibliographic\n notes following The Songs.\n\n[2] The totem is the badge of a clan or gens of a tribe. The meaning is\n that by disease and death many of their gentes had become entirely\n extinct, but that by heeding the prophet\u2019s advice they would again\n become a numerous people.\n\n[3] _Hadn-tin_ or _hoddentin_, in Navaho _tadatin_, is a sacred yellow\n powder from the pollen of the tule rush, or, among the Navaho, of\n corn. It enters into every important ceremonial performance of the\n Apache and Navaho. The latter always sprinkle some upon the surface\n of the water before crossing a stream. The name of the medicine-man\n is written also Nakay-doklunni or Nockay Delklinne, and he was\n commonly called Bobbydoklinny by the whites. Dr Washington\n Matthews, the best authority on the closely related dialect of the\n Navaho, thinks the name might mean \u201cspotted or freckled Mexican,\u201d\n _Nakai_, literally \u201cwhite alien,\u201d being the name for Mexican in\n both dialects. The name would not necessarily indicate that the\n medicine-man was of Mexican origin, but might have been given, in\n accordance with the custom of some tribes, to commemorate the fact\n that he had killed a freckled Mexican.\n\n[4] The details of the attack on the cattle guards is given by\n Helen Hunt Jackson (Century of Dishonor, page 131). The Indian\n Commissioner, in his official report, says: \u201cOpen hostilities by\n these Indians began by the murder of 21 white men and women on\n White Bird creek, near Mount Idaho, in revenge for the murder of\n one of their tribe.\u201d (Comr. Rept., 1877, page 12.)\n\n[5] Bureau of Ethnology alphabet. Like most Indian names, it appears\n in a variety of forms. Other spellings are: Imoholla (misprint),\n Smawhola, Smohaller, Smohallow, Smohanlee, Smohollie, Smokeholer,\n Smokeller, Smuxale, Snohollie, Snooholler, Somahallie. As the\n correct pronunciation is difficult to English speakers, I have\n chosen the popular form. In one official report he is mentioned as\n \u201cSmohaller, or Big-talk, or Four Mountains;\u201d in another, probably\n by misprint, as \u201cBig talk on four mountains.\u201d\n\n[6] The letter is given as a sample of the information possessed by\n some agents in regard to the Indians in their charge:\n\n \u201c+United States Indian Service+, _Pyramid Lake, Nevada Agency,\n October 12, 1891_.\u201d\n\n \u201c+James Mooney+, Esq., _Bureau of Ethnology._\u201d\n\n \u201c+My Dear Sir+: Your letter of September 24 in regard to Jack\n Wilson, the \u2018Messiah,\u2019 at hand and duly noted. In reply will say\n that his Indian name is Ko-wee-jow (\u2018Big belly\u2019). I do not know\n as it will be possible to get a photo of him. I never saw him or\n a photo of him. He works among the whites about 40 miles from my\n Walker Lake reserve, and never comes near the agency when I visit\n it. My headquarters are at Pyramid Lake, about 70 miles north of\n Walker. I am pursuing the course with him of nonattention or a\n silent ignoring. He seems to think, so I hear, that I will arrest\n him should he come within my reach. I would give him no such\n notoriety. He, like all other prophets, has but little honor in\n his own country. He has been visited by delegations from various\n and many Indian, tribes, which I think should be discouraged all\n that is possible. Don\u2019t know what the \u2018Smoholler\u2019 religion, you\n speak of, is. He speaks English well, but is not educated. He got\n his doctrine in part from contact, living in and with a religious\n family. There are neither ghost songs, dances, nor ceremonials\n among them about my agencies. Would not be allowed. I think they\n died out with \u2018Sitting Bull.\u2019 This is the extent of the information\n I can give you.\u201d\n\n \u201cVery respectfully, yours, +C. C. Warner+, _United States Indian\n Agent_.\u201d\n\n Here is an agent who has under his special charge and within a few\n miles of his agency the man who has created the greatest religious\n ferment known to the Indians of this generation, a movement which\n had been engrossing the attention of the newspaper and magazine\n press for a year, yet he has never seen him; and while the Indian\n Office, from which he gets his commission, in a praiseworthy\n effort to get at an understanding of the matter, is sending\n circular letters broadcast to the western agencies, calling for all\n procurable information in regard to the messiah and his doctrines,\n he \u201cpursues the course of nonattention.\u201d He has never heard of\n the Smohalla religion of the adjacent northern tribes, although\n the subject is repeatedly mentioned in the volumes of the Indian\n Commissioner\u2019s report from 1870 to 1879, which were, or should have\n been, on a shelf in the office in which the letter was written. He\n asserts that there are no ghost songs, dances, or ceremonies among\n his Indians, although these things were going on constantly and\n had been for at least three years, and only a short time before a\n large delegation from beyond the mountains had attended a Ghost\n dance near Walker lake which lasted four days and nights. Chapman\n in 1890, and the author in 1891, saw the cleared grounds with the\n willow frames where these dances were being held regularly at short\n intervals. I found the ghost songs familiar to all the Indians\n with whom I talked, and had no special trouble to find the messiah\n and obtain his picture. The peaceful character of the movement\n is sufficiently shown by the fact that while the eastern papers\n are teeming with rumors of uprising and massacre, and troops are\n being hurried to the front, the agent at the central point of the\n disturbance seems to be unaware that there is anything special\n going on around him and can \u201csilently ignore\u201d the whole matter.\n\n[7] This battle, probably the most important conflict that ever\n occurred between the Paiute and the whites, was fought in April,\n 1860, near the present agency at Pyramid lake and about 8 miles\n from Wadsworth, Nevada. Some miners having seized and forcibly\n detained a couple of Indian women, their husbands raised a party\n and rescued them, without, however, inflicting any punishment on\n the guilty ones. This was considered an \u201cIndian outrage\u201d and a\n strong body of miners collected and marched toward Pyramid lake\n to wipe out the Indian camp. The Paiute, armed almost entirely\n with bows and arrows, surprised them in a narrow pass at the spot\n indicated, with the result that the whites were defeated and fled\n in disorder, leaving nearly fifty dead on the field. The whole\n affair in its causes and results was most discreditable to the\n whites.\n\n[8] Hoopa Valley, Siletz, and Grande Ronde reservations are occupied by\n the remnants of a number of small tribes. Klamath reservation is\n occupied by the Klamath, Modoc, and Paiute. On Umatilla reservation\n are the Cayuse, Umatilla, and Wallawalla. The Nez Perc\u00e9 are at\n Lapwai to the number of over 1,800. On the C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eane reservation\n are the C\u0153ur d\u2019Al\u00eanes, Kutenai, Pend d\u2019Oreilles, and part of the\n Spokan. On Jocko reservation in Montana are the Flatheads, Kutenai,\n and a part of the Pend d\u2019Oreilles. Warmspring reservation in Oregon\n is occupied by the Warmspring, Wasco, Tenino, Paiute, and John Day\n Indians.\n\n\n Transcriber\u2019s Notes:\n\n - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).\n - Text enclosed by pluses is in small caps (+small caps+).\n - Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.\n - List on page 834 skips #6\n - List on page 838 skips #3","title":"The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890 : $b Fourteenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, part 2.","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":238432}