{"collection":"philosophy-ethics","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_75348/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_75348","id":"gutenberg_75348","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/75348","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Essays, Letters & Speeches","Category: Gender & Sexuality Studies","Category: Law & Criminology","Category: Philosophy & Ethics","Communicable diseases -- Control -- Law and legislation","Great Britain. Contagious Diseases Act","Prostitution -- Great Britain","Speeches, addresses, etc., English"],"text":"ADDRESS,\n                              DELIVERED IN\n                        CRAIGIE HALL, EDINBURGH,\n                          FEBRUARY 24TH, 1871.\n\n\n                                    BY\n                           JOSEPHINE E. BUTLER.\n\n\n     PRINTED, BY REQUEST, FOR _PRIVATE CIRCULATION_ AMONG FRIENDS IN\n                                SCOTLAND.\n\n\n                      PRICE ONE SHILLING PER DOZEN.\n To be had at the Central Office, 280, South Hill, Park Road, Liverpool.\n\n\n                               MANCHESTER:\n                  A. IRELAND & CO., PRINTERS, PALL MALL.\n                                  1871.\n\n\n\n\n                                ADDRESS.\n\n\nOnce when I was in Paris, I saw in a gallery a picture, which taught me\na lesson. It was a picture of Saint Marguerite, as the representative of\npurity. She was very frail and youthful-looking, but, nevertheless, was\nseen advancing in the attitude of a conqueror, trampling upon a hideous\ndragon. The contrast between the gentle lady, in her pure white dress,\nand the disgusting creature beneath her feet, was striking. The dragon,\nthe embodiment of some foul impurity, wickedness, and cruelty, was\nenraged at its conqueror, but terrified too, wallowing on the ground,\nbreathing forth fire and venom, as hideous a monster as you can\nconceive. St. Marguerite had no look of fear, nay, not even of disgust,\non her calm face, which was turned straight heavenward; and her fair\nfeet, stepping with a conqueror\u2019s tread on the rough scales of the\nprostrate monster, were not the least soiled by his vileness, but\nremained as white as her heart was pure. This picture carried my\nthoughts away to many a struggle which the world has witnessed between\ngood and evil, and it taught me to remember that when God sends forth\nhis messengers to combat impurity in its most hideous forms, these\nmessengers, weak though they be, need never doubt his power to keep them\nunharmed. There is no evil in the world so great that God cannot raise\nup to meet it a corresponding beauty and glory, which will blaze it out\nof countenance. But mark me, friends, in order to escape unhurt, we must\noppose and tread upon the evil. If we merely look on at this unclean\nmonster, wondering at him, amazed, we shall be the worse for it. It is\nthe very pain and vigour, and humble trust in God, induced by\nopposition, which enable us to rise above hurtful influences. It _is_\npossible to rise above all such hurtful influences, above the horror and\ndisgust, and to attain to a region in which pure and elevating thoughts\nalone prevail. This is of God\u2019s goodness, who gives us armour fitted for\nthe battle.\n\nI was asked this morning when it was that my thoughts were first\ndirected to this subject concerning which we are met together. As I am\nhere among friends and fellow-workers only, I may answer this question,\nwhich is personal to myself. It is many years ago that I first became\nacquainted with this system as it existed in Paris. I was one of those\npersons\u2014they were few, I believe\u2014who read that very brief debate in the\nHouse of Commons in 1866, when Mr. Henley and Mr. Ayrton alone, but\nclearly and boldly, entered their protest. It was in that year that the\nknowledge first broke upon me that this system, which I had so long\nregarded with horror, had actually found a footing in our England. It\nseemed to me as if a dark cloud were hanging on the horizon, threatening\nour land. The depression which took possession of my mind was\noverwhelming. A few days ago I found a record of those days, in an old\nmanuscript book long laid aside. In turning over its leaves, I found a\nnote of that debate in the house, the date, and a written expression,\nwhich I had since forgotten, of a presentiment which at that time filled\nmy mind, that in some way or other I should be called to meet this evil\nthing face to face\u2014a trembling presentiment, which I could not escape\nfrom, that, do what I would, I myself must enter into this cloud. I find\nthere recorded also a brief prayer, beseeching that if I must descend\ninto this darkness, that divine hand, whose touch is health and\nstrength, would hold mine fast in the darkness. I can recollect going\nout into the garden, hoping that the sight of the flowers and blue sky\nmight banish the mental pain, but it clung too fast for a time for any\noutward impression to remove it; and I envied the sparrows upon the\ngarden walk, because they had not minds and souls capable of torment\nlike mine. But _now_, when I look back, I see that that prayer has been\nheard\u2014the divine hand has held mine\u2014often when I knew it not. And,\nfriends, God can give more than power to bear the pain; there is a\npositive _joy_ in His service, and in any warfare in which He who\nconquered sin and death and hell goes before us, and is our reward.\n\nIn England the aspect of the question before us, which affects most\nstrongly the masses of the working-class electors, is the constitutional\naspect. Even apart from the moral considerations involved, which are by\nfar the most important, the working men will wage war to the death\nagainst this legislation, on account of its unconstitutional character;\nand it is not, you may suppose, as a merely theoretic iniquity which\nthese practical men oppose it. It comes home to them very closely; they\nsee at once the dangers which threaten their own homes first, and the\nwhole commonwealth ultimately, through the admission of a principle into\nour penal legislation which is directly and violently opposed to the\nprinciples of the English constitution. Their instincts on this subject\nare more keen than are those of the upper classes; this keenness of\nperception arises mainly from the fact that they, not being sheltered by\nrank, position, or wealth, have no guarantee of liberty, and of penal\njustice, except what is found in the bulwarks of that constitution which\nthese Acts of Parliament have broken down.\n\nI will presently briefly recount to you the main features of those just\ncriminal laws which Englishmen have lived under hitherto. Scotch laws\ndiffer, I believe, in many respects from English laws; and it may be\nthat there is not among Scotch working men that deep attachment to the\nConstitution which I find in the English, though I believe the Scotchman\nhas quite as strong a passion for freedom, and would be found to be\nstronger on the moral argument. It is well that we should understand\nclearly the illegal character of the Acts we oppose. I have been the\nmore deeply impressed with the importance of this aspect of the matter,\nby reading the almost universal and powerful testimony of our great\nlawyers and historians to the danger of introducing, in any single\ninstance, a lax, vicious, or unjust principle into our criminal code,\nand to the moral and social evils which such an introduction necessarily\ninvolves. Niebuhr, De Tocqueville, Guizot, Hallam, Lieber, Creasy,\nMackintosh, Blackstone, and a host of others, have again and again\npointed out that upon the justice and purity of the penal legislation of\na country the political wellbeing of that country mainly depends. The\nconsideration of this subject has induced in me the deep conviction that\npublic worship and the teaching of the Bible in a country where laws are\ncorrupt, and freedom insecure, will do little more than to keep\nconscience alive in a remnant as it were, a minority of protestors,\nbecoming yearly more saddened and more feeble amidst the corruption of\nsocial life through the sure and subtle teaching of the laws and public\ninstitutions; it will do little more than create an antagonism in the\nwhole of society, between Christianity and the educational influence of\npublic law and custom. The purity of our laws, then, is of the very\nhighest importance in every aspect, political, social and moral. Again,\nif any great purification of our laws is to be brought about, as I trust\nit is to be brought about, at this anxious crisis of our nation\u2019s\nhistory, I, for my part, am deeply convinced, it cannot be achieved\nexcept through a mighty awakening of the conscience of the\npeople\u2014through a baptism into fresh spiritual life\u2014through a great\nstirring up of hearts to prayer and to action. Day by day, as I work in\nthis cause, it is more deeply impressed on my mind that we need a very\ngreat reviving from on high. Since I came to Scotland this thought has\nnever been absent from my mind for a moment, night or day. My soul\ntravails in pain up to this hour, wishing and longing for that\noutpouring of God\u2019s Spirit, that breath of heaven which, my friends, I\ndeclare to you I believe to be our only hope, in this our day, of\npreventing our country from entering upon the first step towards speedy\nnational decline and dissolution; and it is a cause of grief and pain to\nme that I can find no words in which to convey to you the strength of\nthat conviction which is laid upon my heart, and of that motive which\nimpels me forward as by the force of an internal fire which burns\nwithout ceasing. I resolved before coming here this evening that I would\nbe bold, and that, though some here might perhaps think me fanatical, I\nwould tell you frankly out of my heart what I wish for, what I think we\nneed, and more\u2014what I believe God will grant us. There is, to my mind, a\ncloud of blessing hanging over our land, which will not long remain a\n_little_ cloud, but will cover the sky. The enemy we have to contend\nwith is materialism, productive of a despotic absolutism, in one form or\nother. The evil we are combating has its root in a deep scepticism as to\nthe possibility of virtue, and in the denial of eternal principles.\nTherefore it is that we can only combat it, and its manifestations in\nour laws and institutions, by the power and Spirit of God visiting once\nmore in an unusual degree this vexed land of ours.\n\nBefore pointing out, then, the corrupt tendencies of some of our modern\nlegislation, I will sketch to you, in the words of a great legal writer,\nthe main characteristics of just criminal jurisprudence, begging you\nnever to forget that while the Contagious Diseases Acts have been\nimposed upon us in the name of merely sanitary and economical\nregulations, they are, _in fact_, grave penal enactments\u2014they have\nintroduced a great and serious change into our criminal jurisprudence.\nThis legal writer says\u2014\u201cThe characteristics of a just, fair, and sound\npenal trial (which characteristics are invariable in essence, and hold\ngood for all time) are as follows: No intimidation before the trial, no\nattempt by artifice to induce the prisoner to confess, or criminate\nhimself; the fullest possible realisation of the principle that every\nman must be held innocent until he is _proved_ to be guilty; bail; a\ntotal discarding of the principle, that the more heinous the imputed\ncrime, the less ought to be the protection of the prisoner, but, on the\ncontrary, the adoption of the reverse; a distinct indictment, and the\nacquaintance of the prisoner with it a long enough time beforehand to\ngive him time for preparing the defence: the accusatorial process, with\njury and publicity; counsel and defence for the prisoner; a distinct\ntheory of evidence (such as is defined by our statutes); no _hearsay_\ntestimony: a verdict upon such evidence alone; the accusation not to be\nmade by the _executive_.\u201d Now this definition of a just penal trial has\nhitherto been strictly adhered to in every case of moral and legal guilt\ninvolving severe penalties. I could point out to you\u2014(but you can see it\nfor yourselves)\u2014how in _every one_ of these particulars the Contagious\nDiseases Acts depart from the characteristics of a fair, just, and sound\npenal trial. In the matter of mere economical laws there is no harm in\nthe fact of the accusation being made by the executive, indeed it is\nneedful\u2014as for instance, when the policeman is the person who accuses a\ncab-driver of driving recklessly; but when it comes to a matter of such\nawful seriousness as that of a woman\u2019s honour, involving loss of\ncharacter, which character is often, to a poor woman, her sole earthly\nproperty, her only possession and capital; involving, moreover, the\npenalties of personal assault, of a nature inadmissible hitherto in law\neven in the case of proved outrageous guilt; of imprisonment and of\npublic registration as an infamous person; when it comes to this, I say,\nit is an awful thing to put the accusation in the power of the\nexecutive\u2014that executive being the secret police, paid by the State, for\nthe sole business of detecting and hunting down suspected or unchaste\nwomen. Again, the evil is aggravated by the fact that no other witness\nto the guilt of the woman is required, except the government spy, and\nthat he, by this law, is not required to bring forward any overt act on\nthe part of his prisoner, or one iota of positive proof, but is only\nrequired to believe and swear that the woman has a certain purpose or\nintention.\n\nIf you doubt, read the Act carefully for yourself, and read the accounts\nof proceedings under the Act. Again, and this is all important, the\ndenial of jury trial is cardinal to the very existence of these Acts.\nThus while to male criminals all the safeguards of penal law are\ngranted, as indeed they _ought_ to be, women are deprived of every one\nof these safeguards under these Acts. Now even supposing that none but\nthe most guilty of the outcast class were brought under the Acts, the\nActs still remain an extreme injustice, and an aggression upon our\nconstitution, fraught with danger to the commonwealth; for, as\nChancellor Hobart said, \u201can element of license introduced into our\ncriminal code is the first step towards the destruction of the liberty\nfor _all_.\u201d I will not dwell on other points, as for instance the\nenforced self-crimination of the women, the dispensing, often, with the\nformality even of a Justice, but will pass on.\n\nMy recent inquiries on these matters have made me very sorrowful, as a\nlover of my country, and not only of womankind. There are other Acts of\nParliament now in force, and several others I fear about to be passed,\nthe tendency of which is in every case more or less unconstitutional,\nand more or less demoralising, using these words in a general sense.\nThis type of legislation seems to me to flow from _one_ source. I\nscarcely know how to designate that source. It is clumsy and despotic;\nand, though I have no doubt wellintentioned, it tends to the steady\nincrease of the criminal class, by the rapid creation of new crimes, new\noffences, followed by new pains and penalties. It tends to bring us back\nto the old pantheistic State worship, to the substitution of the will of\nthe State for individual conscience, and to that cruellest of all\ntyrannies which De Tocqueville shadows forth in his pages on the\ndespotism of the future, the despotism which may exist with democratic\ninstitutions. This species of legislation assumes the right to coerce\nhuman beings to any extent which may seem to minister to a given\nmaterial end, or to be temporarily expedient. It is stringent, punitive,\nand arbitrary. It is unchristian in the sense that it practically denies\nthe possibility of moral renovation, and cuts off the means of rising\nfrom the stage of criminality to that of a reinstated membership of\nsociety. It deals out more and more punishment, more and more penalties,\nmore and more espionage. It, in fact, legislates more and more for\npersons, as if they were \u201cphysical facts,\u201d and not \u201cmoral agents.\u201d It\ndefies the instinct of freedom in man, and ignores the power of renewal\nin human character. The broad principles of our Constitution are so\nglorious in their acknowledgment of the dignity and worth of human\nbeings, that wherever this new legislation takes root, it is obliged to\ndo so outside of the Constitution, so to speak, or in direct violation\nof its principles. To the class of laws of which I speak belongs the\nHabitual Criminals Bill, which even now has begun to bring forth vicious\nfruit, to fill our streets with spies, and to drive men to despair.\n\nAgain, there is the Pedlars Licensing Bill, which forbids a poor man to\nget a license to sell anything who may have been formerly committed for\na legal offence, and which in fact says to a man, \u201cYou have sinned once,\nyou shall not henceforward be allowed to pursue an honest trade.\u201d\nPre-eminent among such legislation stand the Acts against which we are\ncontending, in this particular of branding those once fallen, and\nassigning them to the rank of professional and marked criminals.\n\nBut I must here point out very emphatically that the Contagious Diseases\nActs stand alone in one sense, inasmuch as they embody a far deeper\niniquity than any of these other laws, and directly violate the law of\nGod, by offering protection to a vice which in opposition to that law\nthey pronounce to be necessary, and inasmuch as, while they cruelly\nbrand the class to whom they apply, they at the same time give to the\nawful traffic which this class pursues the dignity of a recognised,\nlegitimate, and even protected industry.\n\nIt should be one of the aims of wise legislation to throw wide open the\ndoor of recovery to the lapsed classes; and motives even of\nself-interest should prompt legislators to endeavour to reinstate every\ncriminal who has endured his legal punishment. The element, which I have\ntried to indicate, embodied in some of our recent legislation, tends to\ncreate a large class of criminals and outlaws, of sullen and despairing\npeople, lost to self-respect, and for ever hunted by a watchful police.\nWe are being hurried into fearful dangers. It has appeared to me at\ntimes as if we were smitten with a curse, a judicial blindness, which is\nleading a Parliament, nominally the most liberal we have ever had, to\ninaugurate a reign of materialism and despotism. We know the effects of\nthe growth of a proletariate class in ancient Rome and in other\ncountries. We are rapidly creating at this moment a proletariate class,\nand the creation of such a class ensures sooner or later the smothering\nof a nation in its own mud. I hold in my hand an Act of Parliament,\ncalled \u201cA Bill for the better protection of infant life,\u201d which to some\nextent illustrates what I have been saying. I do not wish to be\nunderstood to condemn absolutely all such legislation, but it is\nimpossible not to be struck with the fact that this Bill, the \u201cHabitual\nDrunkards Bill,\u201d and others which I have mentioned have not in them one\nparticle of _prevention_. These Acts of Parliament assume that we are to\nacquiesce in the present state of England as its normal state; they\nassume that we are to continue to have so many thousands of paupers, so\nmany thousands of habitual criminals, of outcast women, of drunkards,\n&c., &c. Measures for dealing with these classes as they now exist may\nbe necessary; but, while they are enacted, common sense requires, and\nsurely the country will demand, that measures for _preventing_ these\nenormous evils shall at least keep pace with measures for regulating\nthem. A measure, for instance, is passed for licensing baby-farming, and\nfor punishing infanticide, but nothing is done to increase the\nresponsibility of the fathers of illegitimate children, and the seducers\nof girls who are minors are still left unpunished by law. Little or\nnothing has yet been done to lessen the temptations to drunkenness,\nwhile expensive provision is to be made for those who have become\nconfirmed in that vice.\n\nNow the spirit of the teaching of Christ is the very opposite of that\nwhich animates so much of this legislation. It is said of God, \u201cHe\ngiveth liberally and upbraideth not;\u201d but man gives grudgingly,\nupbraiding all the time. The Christian religion teaches that we shall\nforgive a fallen brother not once but many times, and that forgiveness\nshall be practically proved by granting an open path to recovery, that\nit shall not be a forgiveness followed by perpetual espionage,\nsuspicion, and the ban of society fastened upon the once fallen for the\nrest of their lives. I am not insisting that the Christian rule is to be\nfollowed out to the letter in penal legislation, but I maintain that\nlegislation which violently adopts principles the very opposite of\nChristian comes from an evil source, and will be followed by disastrous\nconsequences.\n\nThe principle of arbitrary compulsion embodied in some of our _sanatory_\nActs is fraught with danger. The medical and sanatory measures embodied\nin such Acts may in themselves be excellent, but they are for the most\npart grounded on opinion only\u2014the opinion sometimes of a mere\nclique,\u2014which opinion has none of the authority of those eternal\nprinciples of right and wrong which are written within the human\nconscience. Wherefore, by the creation of a multitude of technical\ncrimes through the multiplication of these compulsory-sanatory and other\nActs, the criminal class is enormously increased, and to some extent the\nmind is demoralised, while the body may or may not be kept in health.\nThe forcible doctoring of the people, whether they will or no, is, as a\nmatter of mere policy, a most dangerous experiment. The magisterial\npowers now granted to State doctors, the amount of domiciliary\nvisitation already legalised for police and medical men, to which the\nfamilies of the poor have to submit, are not likely to make the people\nin love with the laws, or to induce in them a readiness to help their\noperation; and if the people at large do not cheerfully help the action\nof any law, that law must come to end either by dying a natural death or\nby revolution. Much sullenness and revengefulness are even now being\nbred in the minds of large sections of our working men by the action of\nsome of these stringent criminal-making laws; whereas it should be the\npolicy of a wise government to secure the co-operation of this vast and\npowerful portion of our population in the maintenance of law and order.\n\nThere is another evil incidental to the enforcement of these multiplied\nenactments which are now so rapidly following one another. All these\nlaws are administered by the central authority, which, from London,\nstretches its hand over the vast populations of our great cities. This\ngradually increasing centralisation overrides municipal authority,\nrepresses corporate freedom, and tends to deaden and stupefy the\npolitical life and self-governing power of our great provincial\ncapitals. The local self-government of our country has ever been the\nobject of the admiration of thoughtful foreigners, who attribute to it\nmuch of the manly character, the respect for law, and the readiness of\nresource in emergencies which characterise our countrymen. But all these\nthings are struck at by this threatening imperialism, which works the\nruin of corporate freedom as much as that of individual virtue and\nliberty, by treating the subject as a mere child or chattel, and\nimposing a uniform rule upon all alike.\n\nThe new forthcoming Sanatory Bill is one which ought to be jealously\nwatched by the people. It seems likely to involve uniformity of\nprescription in matters where such uniformity is least wise, and where\nthe power of self-regulation is most wholesome, as well as to increase\nthe magisterial powers of State doctors to an extent hitherto unknown.\n\nThe influence of women and their faith in the recoverability of human\nnature are needed in these legislative matters. Our male legislators are\napt to ride rough-shod over us in matters of domestic detail. Their\nheavy-handed legislation is applied now not only to matters of imperial\ninterest, but to everything which most nearly concerns our conscience\nand feelings. It seems to me that we women shall soon have to fight for\nthe last inch of ground left us;\u2014not for our civil rights only, but for\nour hearths, our homes, our beds, our babies, our very persons. The\ncrudeness of intellect of some of our young male legislators needs to be\ncorrected by the wisdom of the thoughtful matrons of England. A young\nM.P. said to me lately, \u201cWe shall do no good at all until we make\npoverty a crime; disease is already made a crime in some cases, and\npoverty ought to be so also.\u201d I did not answer him, but in my heart I\nsaid, \u201cThou fool!\u201d\n\nSuch are some of the dangers before us. It has lately been suggested by\nseveral gentlemen who are alive to this subject, that it may be\ndesirable and necessary to form some sort of a Covenant or League, of a\nwide and national character, for the protection of freedom and virtue as\nits general object, and in particular to observe vigilantly, and examine\nstrictly, every proposal and act of the legislature, especially such as\nemanate from certain favoured cliques or professions, and to secure that\nnothing passes into law which has not the sanction of the whole nation,\nmarked by open debate in Parliament, and by a majority of votes in a\nHouse where there is more than a mere fraction of members present. It\nhas been suggested that no penal measures, involving extensive\ninterference with the liberty of the subject, or measures sanctioning\nthe erection of new tribunals for the assigning of grave and terrible\npenalties, shall in future be enacted except where two-thirds, or at\nleast some reasonably large proportion of the House are present. It is a\nrule, in many private and public associations, that no grave or\nimportant changes or measures shall be made or enacted except in the\npresence of a very large proportion of the members, constituting a\nquorum. It would surely be a very right and natural demand on the part\nof the people of England (with the warning they have now before their\neyes of the secret passing of the Contagious Diseases Acts) that\nParliament should never again make any great change in our penal code,\nor infringe upon constitutional principles, in the name of sanitary\nimprovements, medical necessities, or any other thing, except by means\nof such a parliamentary quorum as would satisfy the nation.\n\nAny national league, such as has been suggested, for the defence of the\nconstitution, of liberty, and of morality, would of course be composed\nboth of men and women. Women are becoming rapidly educated in all these\nmatters, and their vigilance would naturally exceed even that of men,\nfor most of these threatening tyrannies fall _first_, if not\nexclusively, on women and children.\n\nI know not what work God may have in store for us, dear friends, but\nthis I know, that it is not for any small end that He has called our\nAssociation together, a mighty band throughout the kingdom, united with\none heart in the presence of a common danger. He has not called up all\nthese rapidly-formed and grave friendships, this loving co-operation and\npowerful mutual help, for any end or aim inadequate to so great an\ninstrument. I believe that the repeal of the Contagious Diseases Act,\nwhich is our immediate object, is only a small part of the work He has\ndesigned for us. I know not what that work may be; but this is sure,\nthat God knows and that he is guiding us. I believe that the materialism\nof the day and the principle which opposes that materialism are about to\nmeet and to try their strength in a deadly encounter, and that we have a\ngreat and holy work before us. We must be filled with high courage,\nhope, and stern resolve. Think what a machinery we have now for work!\nOur branch societies, our local secretaries, our power of concentration\non a given point at a given moment, our organisation generally,\nresembles a great telegraphic system which is a swift and formidable\npower. But our power is not in the machinery; it is in the living\nprinciple which runs like lightning through this great telegraphic\nsystem.\n\nI know there is abundant life in Scotland, but I venture to beseech you,\nfriends, on behalf of England, which needs your help, as well as of your\nown country, to pray and seek for a redoubling of that life; for surely\nGod is about to do great things. The power of evil is very awful, but\ngreater is He who is with us than they who are against us. All cannot\nwork actively for the ends we have in view, but all can pray, and\n\n      \u201cMore things are done by prayer than this world dreams of.\u201d\n\n\n               A. Ireland and Co., Printers, Manchester.\n\n------------------------------------------------------------------------\n\n\n\n\n                          TRANSCRIBER\u2019S NOTES\n\n\n \u25cf Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.\n \u25cf Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.","title":"Address, delivered in Craigie Hall, Edinburgh, February 24th, 1871","tradition":"philosophy-ethics","translated_text":null,"word_count":4857}